nrtste 
 
 ndom\. 
 
 Ui vtst ons 
 
|fe (lolditim |mith Jibiprg 
 
 P relented to 
 The Cornell UiTlversity, 1869, 
 
 Goldwin-Smith, M. A. Oxon., 
 
 Regius Profeffor of Hiftory in the 
 Univerfity of Oxford. 
 
cornel. UnlversilV Library 
 
 arV16l00 
 
 ■IBii!!.. 
 
 olin.anx 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924031453073 
 
DIVISIONS OF THE CHEISTIAN FAMILY 
 
 IN EAST AND WEST. 
 
XOTTDON 
 INTBD BY SPOXTISWOODB AHD 00. 
 BEW-STHEET SQITABB 
 
 i i 
 
CHRISTENDOI'S DIVISIONS. 
 
 BEINa A PHILOSOPHICAX SKETCH OP THE DIVISIONS OF 
 
 THE CHEISTIM FAMILY IN EAST AND WEST. 
 
 TO BE POI.I.O'WED BY A HISTORY 
 
 OF THE DIFrBBENT EE-UNIONS 'WHICH HATE BEEN PEOJECTED IN 
 
 BOTH IIP TO THE PBESENT TIME. 
 
 BY ,vj' ' 
 
 EDMUND S.^JFOULKES 
 
 FORMERLY FELLOW AND TUTOR OF JESUS COLLEGE, OXFORD. 
 
 * Christianas som : Christiani nihil a me alienmn puto.' 
 
 Cheemes renatds. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, ROBERT^, & GREEN. 
 1865. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Two TEAES AGO ai book was put into my hands by my old friend 
 Mr. Lumley, of New Oxford Street, apropos of the subject 
 which we were then discussing, as haying been mentioned in 
 high terms of approval by that genuine Churchman, and 
 genuine Englishman equally, the late Mr. Charles Butler. Its 
 title was ' Histoire Critique des Projets formes depuis Trois 
 Cents Ans pour la Keunipn des Communions Chretiennes.' 
 It had been written by M. Tabaraud, priest of the French 
 Oratory ; its contents betokened great research and discrimi- 
 nation ; and it had passed through two editions, of which this, 
 the second, came out in a.d. 1824. 
 
 This work it was which induced me to set about throwing 
 my thoughts and materials into shape like the present. At 
 one time I thought of merely translating M. Tabaraud ; at 
 another time, of adding to him as well ; and, at length, de- 
 cided upon recasting his materials with additions. His facts 
 were in many cases new to me, and seemed exhaustive ; but 
 when I came to enquire whether any further materials were 
 to be had, I obtained access to such quantities of curious 
 tracts and manuscripts having ecclesiastical negotiations for 
 their subject, in the libraries of Lambeth, Bodley, Jesus, and 
 Christ Church, Oxford, alone — through the kindness of their 
 respective authorities — that it never would have done to have 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 adhered, too rigidly to any preconceived plan. Then, when I 
 reflected that, as for the last 300 years there had been all the 
 different overtures between Catholics and Protestants, de- 
 scribed by M. Tabaraud: so, likewise, for the 300 or 400 years 
 preceding, there had been at least as many negotiations of a 
 similar kind, and for a similar purpose, between Greeks and 
 Latins : it seemed to me that neither should be disconnected 
 or considered apart from the other ; and that from both com- 
 bined a powerful moral might be elicited on the general 
 tendency of Christianity to draw men together, in spite of 
 their worst differences, proving it to be quite as abhorrent of 
 divisions in itself as nature ever was of a vacuum. The 
 divisions of Christendom, notorious and interminable as they 
 may have become, would, at all events, have been met by 
 another fact as broad, could it be shown that, ever since they 
 commenced, a series of attempts had been made in every 
 succeeding age, by Christians so widely differing from each 
 other in general temperament, or acquired habits of thought, 
 as Easterns and Westerns, Catholics and Protestants, for 
 restoring visible intercommunion amongst themselves. 
 
 Again, it appeared to be no less true that the thing had 
 been so often attempted, than that it had as often failed. 
 What, therefore, were the grounds for both ? Men do not 
 usually, with their eyes open, persist in attempting what is 
 absolutely hopeless ; neither ai-e they apt to fail again and 
 again in any one project for no assignable cause. Hence, 
 besides bringing out the fact itself, I felt called upon to 
 enquire into these two points connected with it — namely, its 
 constant recurrence, and as constant failure. By inquiring 
 into the grounds upon which Christians are divided, first — in 
 their widest possible aspect — I may hope to show how far 
 their differences may be supposed really capable of any adjust- 
 
PEEFACE. VU 
 
 ment. Then, secondly, while going into the historical details 
 of every successive scheme for reunion that has been set on 
 foot, I may be able to determine whether its failure was due 
 to adventitious or accidental causes, or to the general hope- 
 lessness of the thing attempted. 
 
 By way of preface to the divisions of Christendom, there 
 are two or three separate appeals which I cannot forbear 
 making, both for the purpose of bespeaking interest in the 
 abstract subject, and of getting that subject considered as it 
 should be. 
 
 1. What would be thought of the scholarship of that man 
 who professed to lecture on the speeches in Thucydides, the 
 choruses of jEschylus and Euripides, the satires of Persius, or 
 the annals of Tacitus, while betraying every now and then 
 his inability to construe and parse plain easy sentences in 
 Latin and Greek Delectus ? But this is surely just what Chris- 
 tendom has been doing, for some time past, by its inspired 
 classics. It has been disputing and expending a vast amount 
 of apparent learning upon some passages of acknowledged 
 intricacy, respecting the Infallibility of the Church, the Supre- 
 macy of the Pope, Apostolical Succession, Inherent or Imputed 
 Eighteousness, Original Sin, Baptismal Eegeneration, and the 
 Eeal Presence — in all which, undoubtedly, there is a right 
 interpretation to be upheld, and a wrong interpretation to be 
 condemned ; one view which is true, and another view which 
 is false ; one line of action which is in harmony with the 
 commands of Christ, and another line which is not. Still, as 
 undeniably, when all those passages have been brought toge- 
 ther, and enumerated and contrasted, they will be seen to be 
 either few in number, or recondite in meaning ; our conclu- 
 sions will be found in each case to be based either upon the 
 literal sense of two or three isolated texts, or upon deductions 
 
VUl PEEFACE. 
 
 from a number of texts mutually supporting or balanced 
 against each other. They are, on the whole, like the obscure 
 passages, or unique constructions, or terms of rare occurrence, 
 to be met with in Thucydides, ^schylus, Persius, and other 
 classical authors. Meanwhile, there are some simple sentences 
 for beginners occurring over and over again in the New Testa- 
 ment which it would seem from our practice we are unable 
 to parse or construe ; though, with the help of grammar and 
 dictionary, there must be few incapable of penetrating to 
 their full meaning. ' A new commandment I give unto you, 
 that ye love one another, as I have loved you, that ye also 
 love one another,' .... If ye love me, keep my command- 
 ments.^ .... This is my commandment, that ye love one 
 another.' .... Owe no man anything, but to love one 
 another.* . . . Love is the fulfilling of the law ' ^ . . . and 
 so forth. Is not the grammar of these sentences sufficiently 
 clear? Is there one word in them which is ambiguous? 
 ' Good Master,' said one, ' what shall I do that I may have 
 eternal life ? ' And Jesus answered — first repeating the ques- 
 tion, that there might be no mistake about it — ' If thou wilt 
 enter into life' — and then employing, in His reply, the very 
 terms in which He afterwards laid down the true criterion 
 of our love to Him — 'Keep the commandments.'^ 
 
 In all other cases, common-sense forbids our ever indulging 
 in the sophistry that by keeping one commandment we may 
 break another, and not incur punishment. Those who steal 
 are not let off because they do not commit murder as well ; 
 those who give way to their lusts, without violating truth, are 
 
 ' S. John xiii. 34. « S. Math. xix. 17. Tiipwoy tiJs 
 
 ^ Ibid. xiv. 15. cttoAiij. as S. John xiv. 15, above 
 
 Ibid. XV. 12. cited, 'Ecir ayawuTi ^e, tAs eVroAas -rots 
 
 * Horn. xiii. 8. e/iAj Tjjp^ffoTe. 
 ' Ibid. V. 10. 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 not supposed to escape -with impunity. Therefore, when I 
 contemplate Christendom obstinately quarrelling over its 
 more recondite obligations from age to age, and yet so noto- 
 riously unmindful of this primary and most undoubted one, 
 I can only suppose that we are all of us bad scholars (vapr 
 airofiovaoi), unable to construe and parse those plain and 
 easy sentences which recur so often in the course of the New 
 Testament, and whose construction and whose terms are so 
 trite that they can have but one meaning. 
 
 2. Bad scholars ! and can we call ourselves any better 
 philosophers ? One of the first axioms in Moral Philosophy 
 is, that the end is of more value than the means. "WTien the 
 end has been attained, the value of the means comes out, and 
 is acknowledged ; but when the end has been sacrificed to 
 the means, the means is apt to be regarded with prejudice, 
 and even aversion, as having been inadequate, or otherwise 
 in fault. Now the hierarchy is a means to the Sacraments, 
 and the Sacraments a means to unite men to Christ as their 
 Head, and to each other as His members. ' By one Spirit,' 
 says the Apostle, ' are we all baptized into one Body."' Just 
 two chapters before, he had said, in reference to the Holy 
 Eucharist, ' We being many are one Bread and one Body ; 
 for we are all partakers of that one Bread.'* Thus union 
 with Christ, and with each other, is unequivocally stated to 
 be the joint end of both Sacraments ; and those Sacraments 
 are only instrumental to that union, as the hierarchy is instru- 
 mental to those Sacraments. To quarrel about the Sacra- 
 ments, therefore, is to frustrate their appointed purpose, and 
 to sacrifice the integrity of the end to the means ; to quarrel 
 about the hierarchy is to quarrel about a means to a means. 
 It may be bold language, but I am persuaded in my own 
 
 ' 1 Cor. xii. 13. " Ibid. x. 17. 
 
X PKEFACE. 
 
 mind that half of the discredit which has attached to the 
 Sacraments and to the hierarchy, in modern days, is to be 
 traced to the fact that they have come to divide Christendom, 
 instead of uniting it, with whomsoever the fault may rest. 
 If they continue to unite Christians to Christ, they have long 
 ceased to unite Christians to each other. As long as con- 
 troversy turned principally upon those articles of the creed 
 which relate to God, Christendom, on the whole, maintaiaed 
 its unity ; its breaches commenced, and have gone on widen- 
 ing, ever since it engaged in questions relating to man. Its 
 anthropology, not its theology, has divided it ; and the ' New 
 Commandment ' of Christ has been set aside, forsooth, that 
 His Sacraments and hierarchy may be better honoured or 
 understood — undermined or explained away. 
 
 3. My third appeal is to my countrymen. Englishmen, of 
 all others, should know by this time that there is no one 
 form of government that is perfect or incapable of abuses, 
 and that there is no one form under which it is not possible 
 to live in comparative security and independence, so long as 
 men are true to themselves, and act in concert for the main- 
 tenance of their just rights. Monarchy may, as in our own 
 case, be combined with the greatest possible amount of per- 
 sonal liberty and respect for law. Democracy may end in no 
 law at all but the variable will of the multitude. When men 
 are oppressed, or have lost their liberty, it is apt to be through 
 their own fault, or the fault of their forefathers, and not only 
 their misfortune. Look at the history of our own country. 
 There was a time when it was a common doctrine among theo- 
 logians and statesmen that kings reigned by divine right ! Is 
 it to be wondered that our own monarchs, hearing their pre- 
 rogatives BO magnified by those who had studied them most, 
 should have tried occasionally to substitute their own will for 
 
PBEFACE. XX 
 
 law ? The country resisted them, and they were undeceived. 
 Monarchy was not abolished amongst us ; but it assented to 
 become constitutional. It set that example of obedience to 
 law which has been so universally followed. It is not possible 
 for all classes of society to enjoy greater freedom of thought, 
 speech, and action on earth than they have with us ; yet of 
 what priceless value is that tie which, under the name of 
 constitutional monarchy, links us together as one people, and 
 keeps the peace between us all ! What innumerable shades 
 and varieties of opinions are content to look up to it as their 
 supreme arbiter ! Suppose it gone — suppose all titles and 
 distinctions, of which it is the fountain, gone with it; no 
 more dukes or earls, no more judges or bishops, no more lord- 
 lieutenants of counties or magistrates ; but all of us suddenly 
 transformed into plain citizens, with our indomitable spirit of 
 independence, our exuberant population, our highly-wrought 
 civilisation unchanged. Is there any one form of government 
 on which we should be likely to agree, or which could be set 
 up without incalculable sacrifice of liberty and loss of life ? 
 All our industrial employments would be suspended, our pro- 
 gress, as a nation, might be thrown back for centuries while 
 we were getting into shape once more ; and after all, under 
 the most favourable circumstances, could we but hope to come 
 back to the some point again from which we started ? 
 
 Why should it be thought otherwise with the constitution 
 of the Church? With the exception of its Apostolical or 
 Divine origin, its superior length of days, and extent and 
 variety of subjects and territory, its whole history is word for 
 word with our own. If it be a monarchy, certainly we ought 
 to be the last people in the world to quarrel with it on that 
 score. Were England and the whole Christian world syno- 
 nymous, that form of government which has been continued 
 
XU PEEFACB. 
 
 in the Church of England would only require to be adminis- 
 tered with greater freedom to be perfection, and Christendom 
 would then be one, as the Church of England is one now. It 
 is because England is only one of many countries professing 
 Christianity that a more comprehensive system, not in prin- 
 ciple but ia details, is necessary; culminating in one who is 
 Archbishop, not of Canterbury, nor Paris, nor Vienna, nor 
 Constantinople, but of the whole body. If Englishmen had 
 no concern in any Christianity but their own, their retirement 
 from the Amphictyonic league of Christian nations might be 
 excusable; as it is, their exclusiveness is as difficult to 
 reconcile with the first principles of Christianity as with the 
 most Divine form of patriotism. 
 
 Haee dini immota Catonis 
 Secta fttit . . . patriseque impendere vitam : 
 Nee sibi, sed toti genitum se credere mimdo. ' 
 
 That line, one would imagine, should embody both the prin- 
 ciple and practice of every Christian nation. It must be read 
 backwards to be made applicable to Christian — I do not say 
 commercial — England for the last three centuries. It is a 
 favourite charge made by Englishmen against the Church, 
 with which they once rejoiced to be in communion, that it is 
 opposed to progress. This is, emphatically, to add insult to 
 injury. Be the charge ever so true, with whom does the 
 principal blame rest but with those who are making it ? 
 They withdrew themselves from it three centuries ago, and 
 they now complain that it wants one of those features which 
 would have been sure to have been conspicuous in it had 
 they remained. The secession of the entire North from the 
 Church cannot have been without effect upon it, so far as any 
 one of those characteristics is concerned, in which the North 
 
 • Lucan, Civ. \>. ii. 380. 
 
PREFACE. XIU 
 
 excels. To be stationary, belongs to the East and South ; to 
 be moving, to the North and West. France and Belgium are 
 the only two nations of progress remaining in communion 
 ■with it ; and, naturally enough, there are bounds to their 
 influence. What might not the career of that Church be — I 
 am speaking of it in its earthly relations — were France and 
 England allied, as in diplomacy, so upon each ecclesiastical 
 question, as it came up, and fully resolved to make their joint 
 influence felt in its settlement ? He that would deny progress 
 to have been a law of the Church in the Middle Ages, is shut- 
 ting his eyes to the civilisation of Europe by means of the 
 Church : he who persists in afi&rming the action of the Church 
 to be still all that it used to be, before the North had been de- 
 catholicised, is simply shutting his eyes to things as they are. 
 What, therefore, has been the object of my appeals ? Is it 
 a plea for Eome ? Certainly not, in the ordinary or exclusive 
 sense. It is a plea for Christianity. During the early part of 
 my life, I was taught to reverence bishops and archbishops — 
 and for the last ten years, I have not learned to reverence Pope 
 and cardinals otherwise than — as instrumental to the main- 
 tenance of the faith of Christ crucified upon earth, and the pro- 
 pagation of the saving effects of His holy religion, from gene- 
 ration to generation, in the heart of man. Where they have 
 discharged that task faithfully and efficiently, there is no class 
 of men entitled to more respect and honour at our hands — for 
 they act the part of the best and truest philanthropists. Where 
 they have discharged that task ill, or made it subservient to 
 their own interests oj aggrandisement, there can be no greater 
 enemies of the whole human race. For they have poisoned 
 the wells from which only living waters should flow ; they 
 have alienated man from those heavenly prescriptions that 
 would have effected his cure. 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 It would be unjust, and contrary to fact, to insinuate that 
 nothing else but their rivalries and backslidinp;s their sub- 
 tleties and fine-drawn distinctions, have caused our divisions ; 
 nevertheless, I must certainly think that it will always depend 
 upon the clergy, mainly, whether they shall be healed or not. 
 There is no constitution in the world that is so comprehensive, 
 or so liberal, so favourable to peace, so abhorrent of any dis- 
 tinctions of race or caste, as that of the Church, if it is only 
 carried out in its integrity, without allowing any one part of 
 it to domineer over the rest. There never was any religion, 
 as that of Christ, so congenial to our highest instincts, so per- 
 suasive, so ennobling, so universally acceptable to rich and 
 poor, so worthy of the intellect, so consistent and uncompro- 
 mising in its rules for advancing moral excellence. Men 
 could not, would not, turn from it, if it was properly brought 
 home to them ; if it was not tendered to them with some 
 admixture of earth about it, exciting their suspicions, and 
 robbing it of its heavenly fragrance. Even bread and wine 
 may be so adulterated as to disagree with us. But, with what 
 hope can we look forward to the future of mankind, should 
 Christianity ever cease to be the spiritual food of man ? We 
 are surrounded by wrecks of former civilisations that have 
 passed away, because they had nothing in them but what was 
 of man. We are surrounded by pictures of man in his lowest 
 and most degraded state still. We know what our own fore- 
 fathers were before they had received the Gospel. We know 
 what we have gradually become ourselves, since it has been; 
 our rule of life. But is not the continuance of that Gospel 
 imperilled on all sides by the divisions of those who profess 
 it ? Instead of drawing men together by it, we seem employ- 
 ing it everywhere as a means of alienating them more and 
 more from each other. Not only have the old landmarks of 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 divisions been perpetuated with obstinacy, but bodies, sepa- 
 rated from each other, have come to quarrel amongst them- 
 selves. And the principle of elimination adopted by all 
 appears to be, not the casting out of their evildoers and 
 immoral livers, but rather the casting out of active, serious, 
 and devoted Christians, who may have published or expressed 
 opinions, obnoxious indeed to the majority, or the dominant 
 party, but not therefore necessarily opposed to any one article 
 of their respective creeds. People are never more sensitive' 
 than when they are conscious of having quarrelled with some- 
 body. There have been many such eliminations in the Epis- 
 copal Church of England, in the Presbyterian Churches of 
 Scotland and Switzerland, among Wesleyans, Baptists, and 
 other minor communities — and in the Eoman Catholic Church 
 as well' — within memory, and they are still going on. It may 
 be, therefore, that things will become still more paradoxical 
 than they are. According to the ancient creeds, there is but 
 one Holy Catholic Church upon earth — that is, according to 
 the Eoman Catholic theory, that body which is in communion 
 with the Pope JSFor, indeed, according to facts, is there any 
 other body capable of having the epithets 'one' and 'catholic' 
 both applied to it with any truth. But it is part of that 
 theory likewise that heretical baptism is valid. In that case, 
 therefore, there are about half as many baptized Christians 
 outside the Church as there are in it. According to the Greek 
 theory, baptism, to be valid, must have been administered in 
 the Greek Church. In that case, both Catholics and Protest- 
 ants can belbng to no Church at all, and are not even Chris- 
 tians. According to the Protestant theory, there are as many 
 Churches as there are Christian communities. In that case, 
 there can be no Catholic Church at all upon earth that is one. 
 For destructive purposes, it is curious to observe how all three 
 
 a 
 
XVI PREFACE. 
 
 theories act in harmony. The Protestant subverts the notion 
 of any Catholic Church at all ; the Greek, the notion that 
 Catholics or Protestants in the West have any part in it ; the 
 Eoman Catholic, the notion that Greeks or Protestants have 
 any part in it. How humiliating, how utterly unworthy of 
 the name of Christians, whichever way we look at it ; almost 
 enough, of itself, to have the effect of making men infidels ! 
 In what amiable relief to it aU stands out that practice, 
 universally current throughout Christendom even now, of 
 administering communion to all persons presenting them- 
 selves for it, not having been actually excommunicated ! The 
 large-heartedness which prevailed when Christendom was one, 
 peeps out now and then unawares even in its divided state. 
 The spirit of Christianity says still, as it did 2,500 years ago, 
 ' Ho ! everyone that thirsteth, come ye to the waters,' &c. ; 
 and the spirit of man shrinks from saying, in so many words, 
 ' They have become private property' — even while putting 
 forward views calculated to beget that impression. 
 
 Once more to revert to facts — If it be true that there are 
 as many Christians in the world as there are persons who have 
 received Christian baptism, the Eoman Catholic Church num- 
 bers about 200,000,000 souls, and all other Christian com- 
 munities together about half that number. Were those 
 numbers reversed, which they may easily become, should the 
 process of elimination proceed as briskly as is sometimes 
 threatened, that body claiming to be the Catholic Church 
 would be less numerous by half than the rest of Christendom, 
 on its own showing ; it might go on eliminating till it became 
 as a part to the whole. Even now, as applied to the Eoman 
 Catholic Church, those words of St. Augustine, 'securus judicat 
 orbis terrarum,' of which we have heard so much of late, 
 whatever they may retain in principle, have long ceased to 
 
PREFACE. XVll 
 
 express a fact : North America in the West, Eussia and 
 Grreece in the East, England and Scotland, Sweden, Norway, 
 and Denmark in the North of Europe, being Christian nations, 
 and yet exceptions to it. Evidently there is cause for alarm 
 in the course which things are taking, no matter to which side 
 we belong. 
 
 The moral of my book will be, that there have been secret 
 misgivings in the mind of Christendom that all was not right, 
 ever since its divisions commenced: and who that reflects 
 upon them can think them unfounded? There is little in 
 the present attitude of Christians towards each other which 
 any one of us can be proud of; and there is a vast deal, surely, 
 which all who love Christ and His holy religion must feel it 
 to be their duty to take to heart, and labour to do all in their 
 power to remedy ! Here, then, is my mite towards it — 
 
 'Doctor Gentium, era pro nobis.' 
 
 Feast of the Conversion of S, Pavl, 1865. 
 
 86 SLCtNE Street, S.W. 
 
 a2 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 SECT. 
 
 1. Ecclesiastical History — Compare i -witli other Histories 
 
 2. Historical Continuities — Jewish and Church History . 
 
 3. Sustained Parallelism in the Annals of Both Eevelations — 
 
 Providence and Freewill Harmonised 
 
 4. Israel and Judah under Kings ..... 
 fl. Origin of Church Government — Synods pecuhar to the 
 Church — Centralisation in the Empire 
 
 6. Christianity First Preached in Capitals— Eise of Metropo- 
 
 litans ....'.... 
 
 7. Origin of Patriarchs ....... 
 
 8. Power of Emperors over the Church — Emperors Originated 
 
 General Councils — A New Species of Eepresentation — 
 Universal Monarchy thereby Suggested — Appeals Carried 
 before Emperors — How their Power ceased 
 
 9. Early Prerogatives of Rome — Founded by the Two Greatest 
 
 Apostles — Were its Eights based on Divine Law ? . 
 
 10. Characteristics of the See of Eome — Seat of Empire removed 
 
 from Eome ......... 
 
 11. Eival to Eome in Constantinople — Questions affecting the 
 
 Papacy .......... 
 
 12. Theocracy and Christocraey — Ideal PoHty .... 
 
 13. Argument for the Actual Form — Practical View of the Case 
 
 14. Two Alternatives for the Church — Arguments for a Supreme 
 
 Head — Witness of National Churches — General Assent to 
 the Principle ......... 
 
 15. The Ideal more fit for the Cloister — The Actual sanctioned 
 
 in the Synagogue and in the Church .... 
 
 PASB 
 
 2 to 3 
 
 6 — 
 9 
 
 10 — 12 
 
 13 — 14 
 15 
 
 16 — 21 
 
 21 — 24 
 
 24 — 26 
 
 26 —'28 
 28 — 30 
 30 — 32 
 
 32 — 36 
 36 — 37 
 
XX CONTENTS. 
 
 aBcr. pA&ic 
 
 16. Eastern and Western Peculiarities compatible with Inter- 
 
 communion . . . . . . . . . 37 to 39 
 
 17. Causes of Rupture between East and West reducible to 
 
 Three Heads 39 — 40 
 
 18. Sin the Principal Cause — Horrors of the Ninth and Tenth 
 
 Centuries — Instances at Rome and Constantinople — Com- 
 plaint of Ratherius — Complaint of Canute — ^Forebodings 
 of Peter of Antioch ..... 40'' — 45 
 
 19. Second Cause — Rise of the Temporal Power — The Whole 
 
 West a Party to it — ^Moral Power against Brute Force 45 to 48 
 
 20. Temporal Pretensions and Possessions of the Roman See — 
 
 Popes Discrown before they Crown — Temporalities of the 
 
 Popes — Donation of Pepin and Others to them . . 48 — 52 
 
 21. Rome and Constantinople in their Altered Relations . . 62 — 53 
 
 22. Principle of Centralisation — Its Merits and Natural Results 
 
 — Temporal Sovereignty of the Popes favorable to its De- 
 velopment ..... ... 53 — 57 
 
 23. Just Rights of the Pope, and of his Subjects — General Posi- 
 
 tion of the East and West — ^Possible Changes . 57 — 59 
 
 24. Third Cause — Addition to the Creed, simultaneous with its 
 
 PubHc XJse-^Spain and France the First, Rome the Last 
 
 to adopt it — ^Instincts of East and West . . . 59 — 64 
 
 25. Doctrine Involved in that Addition — Works of East and 
 
 West — Curious Paradoxes . . . . .64 — 66 
 
 26. Plagiarisms from Africa — S. Athanasius and S. Austin 66 — 67 
 
 27. Christian Theology in the East — Few Theologians in the 
 
 West .... ... .67 — 68 
 
 28. Early Western Instincts — Specimens of their Manifestation 68 — 69 
 
 29. Creed Interpolated by the Westj as it commenced its Work — 
 
 The Double Procession its Motto — Regarded from Two 
 
 Different Aspects — Kindred Doctrine of Greeks and Latins 69 — 72 
 
 30. Western Plagiarisms and Originalities — Application of the 
 
 Incarnation to Man — Theory of the Sacraments — Regene- 
 ration of Society 72 75 
 
 31. Specimens of Greek Treatises — S. Cyril and S. John Damas- 
 
 cene .75—76 
 
 32. Latin Treatises — The Book of the Sentences — The Great 
 
 Work of S. Thomas — ^Art and Science Regenerated . 76 — 79 
 
 33. Councils of East and West — Digests of their Canons con- 
 
 trasted ... 79 — 80 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 XXI 
 
 34. Subject-matter of Eastern Canons — Attention besto'wed on 
 
 the Creed ...... . . 
 
 35. Topics handled in Western Councils — Creed and Canons of 
 
 Innocent III. — Emperors and Popes deposed 
 
 36. Penitential System due to the West — Originated by Nova- 
 
 tianism — Office of Penitentiary — Eisaof Penitentials 
 
 37. Heresies passing from West to East propagate no Theological 
 
 Errors — Pelagius and Novatus in the East 
 
 38. Heresies passing from East to West affect Manners as well as 
 
 Doctrine — Montanism and Manichseism — Capital Punish- 
 ments decreed against both — Gnostics and Catharists — . 
 Developments of the Latter ... 
 
 39. Heresies of the West essentially Anthropological —Punished 
 
 as against Society . . .... 
 
 40. Christian Anthropology : Objective and Subjective — The First 
 
 the Work of the Middle Ages . 
 
 41. Subjective Anthropology not studied by the Schoolmen 
 
 42. The Point reaUy raised by Luther^Eelevancy of his Appeal 
 
 — Personal Experiences — Individuals and the Inductive 
 Method 
 
 43. The Council of Trent,— The Subjects Ruled by it— What it 
 
 only Confirmed— Summary of its Teaching 
 
 44. Christian Anthropology recapitulated — Office of the Holy 
 
 Ghost 
 
 45. The Immaculate Conception — How a CoroUary to the whole 
 
 Subject — Parallel of S. John Baptist 
 
 46. Teaching of the West accepted practically by the East 
 
 47. Heresies of the East contrasted with Mohammedanism — The 
 
 Cross supplanted by the Crescent 
 
 48. Inconsistency of the iEoran — Christ how Dethroned by it- 
 
 Mohammed in what sense Antichrist — ^His Appeal to the 
 Law and the Gospel 
 
 49. Mohammed as a Civiliser and a De-civiliser — Literature 
 
 amongst Mohammedans — Christian Janissaries and Pashas 
 — The Crescent never passed to America .... 
 
 50. Excuse for Mohammedanism — Christian Sects in the East — 
 
 Schisms amongst Mohammedans — Form of renouncing 
 Christianity . . . . . • 
 
 51. Mohammed and Luther compared — Their Points of Resem- 
 
 blance — Mohammedan and Lutheran Chiefs 
 
 PAGE 
 
 80 to 81 
 
 81 — 83 
 83 — 8S 
 86 — 87 
 
 87- 
 
 -91 
 
 91- 
 
 -92 
 
 93- 
 
 -9+ 
 
 94- 
 
 -95 
 
 95 to 98 
 
 98- 
 
 -101 
 
 101- 
 
 -102 
 
 103- 
 
 -105 
 
 105- 
 
 -106 
 
 106- 
 
 -108 
 
 108—111 
 
 111- 
 
 -115 
 
 115- 
 
 -118 
 
 118- 
 
 -120 
 
XXn CONTENTS. 
 
 SECT. PAOB 
 
 62. Grand Difference between Mohammed and Luther — ^Luther 
 Anti-ehureh, not Antichrist — Faith and Baptism as Prin- 
 ciples — Characteristics of Baptism ..... 120tol22 
 
 fi3. Subject continued — ^Faith the First of Subjective Dispositions 
 — Appeal to the Plain Text of the Bible — ^Luther's real 
 Heterodoxy — Moehler on Lutheranisn .... 122 — 126 
 
 54. Errors of Luther weighed against Corruptions in the Church 
 
 — Things were mending as Luther appeared . . . 126 — 128 
 
 65. Difficulties in the Way of Reform everywhere — ^Especially 
 
 in the Church — Ordinary Fate of Eeformers . . . 128 — 130 
 
 66. Corruptions of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries — 
 
 Extenuating Circumstances — Kesidence of the Popes at 
 
 Avignon ... ... . . 130 — 132 
 
 57. Councils of Pisa and Constance — Reformation of the Whole 
 Church demanded — Martin's Letter to Henry VL — Re- 
 form Commission appointed ...... 132 — 135 
 
 68. Councils of Basle and Florence — Nicholas V. on Papal Juris- 
 diction — Danger from the Turks 135 — 137 
 
 59. Dark Period of Forty Years. — Creations of Cardinals — 
 
 Indulgences 137 — 138 
 
 60. Julius IL and Leo X. — Fifth Lateran Council — Speech of the 
 
 Bishop of Modruseh — Speech of Leo X. . . . 138 — 141 
 
 61. 'Bulla Eeformationis Curiae ' — Mild Measures against Nepo- 
 
 tism — Two Remarkable Speeches — Golden Opportunity 
 
 lost 141_14i 
 
 62. Adrian VL — His Instructions to Chieregato — Remarks upon 
 
 Alexander VI. — The Disease Deep-seated . . . 144 — ]46 
 
 63. Clement VIL : his Ill-starred Pontificate — Letters of Cardi- 
 
 nal Sadolet — Replies to Archbishops John and Hermann — 
 Letters of Contarini to Pole and to Paul III. — Erroneous 
 Doctrine on the Papal Power — Candour of the Cardinal in 
 opposing it 146—161 
 
 64. 'Consilium Delectorum Cardinalium' — Authorship ascribed 
 
 to Pole — Remarkable Appeal to the Pope . . . X61 156 
 
 60. Bishops who turned Protestants — Bishop Hosius and John 
 
 Sturmius — Plea for Seceders ..,.., 154 igg 
 
 .66. Opening of the Council of Trent — Different Treatment of 
 Luther and Arius — ^Acts of the Council only became Law 
 in A. D. 1564 156—158 
 
CONTENTS. XXlll 
 
 SEOT. PASE 
 
 67. Eeforms of the Council of Trent — No Authentic Copy of the 
 
 Acts yet Published - Fatal Policy of Paul IV. . . . 158 to 160 
 
 68. Excellent Measures of Pius IV. — BuUs for Eeforming the 
 
 Curia — Measures against Pluralism . .... 160 — 162 
 
 69. Questors of Alms abolished — Traffic in Indulgences forbid- 
 
 den — Tone of the Decrees on Eeformation — Speeches made 
 towards the Close of the Council — Impassioned Words of 
 Perrerius 162—166 
 
 70. Eeforms of the Council of Trent continued— Sentiments of 
 
 Pius IV. —Hurried Eeforms of the last Month — Pacts not 
 
 to be Passed Over 166—169 
 
 71. Sequel of Events — Catholic Corruptions and Protestant 
 
 Doctrines — Successes and Eeyerses on Both Sides — Some 
 
 Promised Eeforms never Carried Out .... 169 — 172 
 
 72. Gradual Eelapse — Praiseworthy Efforts of Innocent XI. — 
 
 Lateran Council of A. d. 1725 — Aspirations of Bene- 
 dict Xin 172—175 
 
 73. Striking Letter of S. Alphonso Liguori — Advice to the Suc- 
 
 cessor of Clement XIV 175—176 
 
 74. State of the Church of France under Louis XV.— Letter of 
 
 Aymon to Archbishop Wake — Letter of Fenelon to Clement 
 
 XI. — Ferment created by the Bull ' Unigenitus ' . . 176 — 179 
 
 75. Ecclesiastical Intrigues — How Dubois became Cardinal — 
 
 Prophecy about Monks in France — Eeflections from Sis- 
 
 mondi— Bright Side of the Picture .... 179—182 
 
 76. Excellent Character of the Popes since the Eeformation— 
 
 Saintly Men and Women — Justice for the Jesuits— Fatal 
 Bull of Clement XIV.— Jesuits restored by Pius VII.— 
 Noble Deeds of the Society of Jesus — Spiritual Exercises 
 of S. Ignatius • 182—188 
 
 77. Victories achieved by the Church in the Age following the 
 
 Council of Trent— Weak Points of Protestantism— Vicis- 
 situdes of Protestantism 188 — 190 
 
 78. Protestantism and its Works — ^Biblical and General Criti- 
 
 cism — Protestants Fellow- workers with Catholics . . 191 — 193 
 
 79. Eise of the Inductive Sciences— Deductive Science worked 
 
 out in the Middle Ages 193—194 
 
 80. Collision between the Deductive and Inductive Methods— 
 
 The Inductive Method when Necessary— Writers upon 
 
 Christian Evidences 1^* l^*' 
 
XXIV CONTElirTS. 
 
 KECT. PAGE 
 
 8i. Eefatation of Deism by the Church of England — Syllogistie 
 Form of the ControTersy — Eome and England in the same 
 Cause 196tol98 
 
 82. Unique Position of the Church of England — Church Reve- 
 
 nues in England and elsewhere — De JVTaistre on the 
 
 Anglican Church — Apostolical Succession claimed . . 198 — 201 
 
 83. Lingard on Psrker's Consecration — Consecrators of the Old 
 
 and New Rite — Archbishop of Dublin might have been 
 
 had — Relations of Dublin to Canterbury of old . . 201 — 204 
 
 84. Church of England never doubtful of, or indifferent to, its 
 
 Episcopal Succession — Speculations on the Visit of the 
 Archbishop of Spalato — Eather Courayer on Anglican 
 Orders — Chiirch of England in respect of Dogma . . 204 — 207 
 
 85. Of the Book of Common Prayer and the Thirty-nine Arti- 
 
 cles — Old Service-books why abandoned — Cardinal Quig- 
 non's Breviary — Ambiguities of the Common Prayer- 
 Book—Contrast of the Old Sarum Missal . . . 207— 21 1 
 
 86. Missal and Breviary of Pius V. — ^Antiphons to the Blessed 
 
 Virgin — Origin of Invoking Saints — Conservative Charac- 
 ter of the New Breviary — Assumptions of the Common 
 Prayer-Book — Saints of the Mediaeval Church true Saints 211 — 216 
 
 87. Character of the Thirty-nine Articles — Grave Breach with 
 
 the Past — Law of the Church of England for 1200 years 
 — Teaching of General Councils abandoned — Un-EngHsh 
 Policy . . . • 216—220 
 
 88. Present Position of the Church of England no mere Quarrel 
 
 ■Bith Eome— Consecration of the Eucharist in Schism . 221 — 223 
 
 89. Examination continued on d posteriori Grounds — Peculiar- 
 
 ities of the Church of England — AngHcan Writers and 
 their Merits — Questions discussed or to be discussed — 
 Unity of the Church— Christian Lives in the Church of 
 England 223 — 228 
 
 90. Schism and its Extenuating Circumstances. — Conscientious- 
 
 ness on Both Sides — Remarkable Words of Urban VIII. — 
 Quarrels between Seculars and Regulars — Unedifying 
 Intrigues — Father Conn on the Revolution of A. d. 1688 
 — The Church in England overborne by the State — Good 
 Deeds of England to Catholicism ..... 228 236 
 
 91. Hidden Sympathy between England and Eome — Catholics 
 
 and Protestants Brethren by Baptism — The Whole Truth 
 
 stiU to be Told 236 — 238 
 
CONTENTS. XXV 
 
 SECT. PAGE 
 
 92. Unearthly Side of Cliiircli History — Authentic History Due 
 
 to Revelation — Greece and Rome wanted for Christianity — 
 History under the Law and under the Gospel — Jewish 
 and Church History 238 to 242 
 
 93. Same Subject continued — Interdependence of Jewish and 
 
 Church History . .... . 243—244 
 
 94. One History, but not the History of One People — Testimony 
 
 of the Jews to Christianity . . . 244 — 246 
 
 95. Divisions in the Hand of God — Testimonies to the Truth of 
 
 the Gospel . . . ■ 245—246 
 
 96. Benefits of Christianity — Reply of Miramolin to King John 
 
 —What Christianity would do with Free Scope . 246^-248 
 
 97. The Church as an Instrument for Good - The more Nations 
 
 in the Church the better . . . 249—250 
 
 98. Christianity has not divided Christians — Unity still dear to 
 
 the Jews — Cliristian Cravings for Unity .... 250 — 262 
 
 99. Hidden Purpose of the Crusades — Councils for the Reunion 
 
 of Greeks and Latins — ^East and West after the Fall of 
 Constantinople — The Uniate Church in Russia . 252 — 256 
 
 100. Projected Reunions in the West — ^Failures ever followed 
 by Fresh Attempts — Grotius, Bossuet, Leibnitz as Peace- 
 maters . . . ... 266—258 
 
CHEISTENDOM'S DIVISIONS. 
 
 § 1. Ecclesiastical History compared with other Histories. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Histoet contains a good deal that is common 
 to all other histories, but it has likewise some special features 
 of its own, which other histories either exhibit in a less degree 
 or not at all. It is just the difiference that exists between the 
 Bible and all other books, and prevents our ever attaining to 
 the full meaning of the former by the ordinary rules in use 
 for interpreting the latter. That human agents in all ages 
 have not merely worked out their own ends, but, in so doing, 
 have advanced a plan and purpose not their own, must be 
 obvious to every dispassionate student of history.' That there 
 are marks of design and Providence in the conduct of the 
 affairs of men, in the rise and fall of empires, in the spread 
 and progress of some races, in the extinction of others, in 
 the uniform march of civilisation from east to west, in the 
 particular events that have been productive of what is called 
 
 ' Bossuet's Discours sur VHistoire our own reflections we learn that there 
 TJniverselle, says the Saturday Ee- is a God possessed of certain attri- 
 vieijo (Aug. 27, 1864, p. 273), ' was the butes, and ruling over the world, 
 first great attempt ever made to view Though this Being has chosen to leave 
 the whole course of history as a whole, us free, He has secret ways of con- 
 traversed and sustained by one great trolling and disposing our free-will in 
 design.' According to the same E.e- such a manner as to work out His 
 view, they are 'the dealings of God designs. The history of the world 
 with man, in fact, as displayed in must, and does, show specifically how 
 universal history,' which form the He has directed human affairs, and 
 subject of that splendid work. ' From what is their great general lesson.' 
 
2 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY 
 
 European civilisation; in the late discovery of the New World, 
 and the extraordinary rapidity with which it is becoming 
 super-peopled and super- civilised ; can no more be doubted 
 than the existence of final causes in the order of nature.^ 
 Each successive age has been engaged in working out results 
 for its own ends, and according to its ability ; but in process 
 of time it has seemed as though each age had been,but elabo- 
 rating some part or parts of a preconceived plan, so har- 
 moniously have they contributed to some general purpose, to 
 which their own was related as one of its many preliminary 
 stages — one age, as it were, extracting, and another roasting 
 the raw ore ; another smelting it ; another refining it ; another 
 casting it into various shapes ; which another subsequently 
 burnished, and fitted for extensive use. 
 
 Yet the annals of mankind are likewise full of chasms and 
 irregularities, night and day, deaths and births, risings and 
 fallings, progress and relapse. Sometimes there is a general 
 stagnation, sometimes all interest is concentrated upon a single 
 nation. Sometimes two rival nations dispute preeminence. 
 In the end both conquered and conqueror disappear from 
 history, and new races take their place. Civilisation was 
 kindled — who can say how ? — in Africa and in Asia, while all 
 was darkness in Europe. Then it waned in Asia, but was lit 
 in Europe with such increased brilliancy, that even the clouds 
 which had accumulated over Asia and Africa were illumined. 
 It goes out in Europe — it glimmers but as a rushlight at 
 Constantinople ; still, before it has gone quite out, from that 
 solitary rushlight the many lamps of modern Europe are 
 rekindled, and burn again to the revelation of a new world. 
 
 So likewise has it fared — in its earthly relations at all 
 events — with Ecclesiastical History. Eeligion has shifted 
 about, changed places, thriven, faded, and thriven once more; 
 commenced in a corner, and ended by expanding far and wide 
 
 2 ' Nam quibiis lUe, turn ad earn rem, solita casibus humanis varietas : quae 
 
 tauquam Sibi destinatam, instrumen- tanta eventuum similitudo, et ad cer- 
 
 tis utitur ... his omnia, etiam quse tum finem quasi eonspiratio, indicium 
 
 ab bumand pnidenti4 non pendent, est Provide Directionis. . . .' Gro- 
 
 fluunt supra Totum magis quam fert tins, De Vcrit. Bel. Chr. lib. i. u. 12, 
 
COMPARED WITH OTDEE HISTORIES. 3 
 
 no less than civilisation. The Jews have been cast off, and 
 the Gentiles taken into covenant in their place. But, again, 
 some countries are still pagan; and some countries have 
 Objured that Christianity that was once their boast. Then 
 there have been ages which produced martyrs, and ages which 
 produced fathers and doctors ; ages of conversions, ages of 
 heresies, ages of corruptions, ages of revolutions, ages of 
 revival and unprecedented activity. In all these vicissitudes 
 the history of the people of Grod does not differ materially 
 from that of nations generally ; but it has this one marked 
 feature, to which no parallel — unless in faintest outline — can 
 be traced elsewhere ; namely, that it presents the spectacle of 
 one continuous and consistent whole, and can be examined 
 exhaustively in no other way. 
 
 § 2. Historical Continuities. — Jewish and Church-history. 
 
 Everybody must know what is meant when we say that a 
 history is continuous. Its continuity belongs either to its 
 subject-matter, or else to the relation in which it is viewed. 
 The history of England is one thing ; the history of France 
 another. We cannot intermix them without confusing them; 
 neither can we understand either of them properly unless we 
 study both of them from their commencement. We cannot 
 begin the history of England at the Eeformation, the 
 Eestoration, or the Eevolution, for this simple reason, that 
 some of the most essential parts of its constitution date from 
 a more remote age. On the other hand, as we begin from, 
 or go back to, its earliest times, we note the causes one by one 
 which have led to our present arrangements in Church and 
 State, and observe how very gradually they have effected 
 these results ; and yet without them we feel that we should 
 never have come to be what we are. Trial by jury, here- 
 ditary succession to the Crown, representative Parliaments, 
 Magna Charta, the Premunire Statute, the Habeas Cor- 
 pus Act — how little could the authors or promoters of them 
 have foreseen what would grow out of them all ; and yet, 
 when we look back to them, we gratefully admit that we are 
 
 B 2 
 
4 HISTORICAL CONTINUITIES. 
 
 their legitimate oifspring, and that the absence of any one of 
 them might have stunted our growth. 
 
 Meanwhile we are limited by our subject-matter to the 
 history of England. Its continuity would be disturbed if, in 
 commencing it, we digressed into Roman ; or, in going on with 
 it, we digressed into French or Italian history. Nevertheless, 
 a history of the civilisation of mankind might borrow its facts 
 from all histories, ancient and modern, without at all in- 
 fringing upon its continuity, provided only that those facts 
 were subservient to its leading idea.^ Thus we might com- 
 pare many of our social and domestic usages with the laws of 
 ancient Greece and Eome, and recognise more or less affinity 
 in the spirit that dictated them ; still, we could not say that 
 there was any real continuity between modern civilisation 
 and that of Greece and Eome ; or, at all events, to the same 
 degree that there is between England under Edward I. and 
 England under Queen Victoria. Yet what is even this latter 
 continuity in comparison with that which is no less indisput- 
 able between the dispensations of the Law and of the Gospel? 
 It is as impossible to study the history of the second apart from 
 the first, as to study the history of England from any point 
 short of its earliest commencement. What account can we give 
 of Christian baptism without going back to Circumcision ; of 
 the Holy Eucharist without going back to the Passover ? For 
 the origin of our moral code, for the Ten Commandments 
 themselves, we are thrown back upon the books of Moses ; 
 and would we reply to the question, 'What think ye of 
 Christ ? whose Son is He ? ' we must be content to refer to the 
 genealogies of the tribe of Judah. Is there any other history 
 that has its commencement in Adam, and its unbroken issues 
 in our own days? Elsewhere, too, the march of empire has 
 been followed by the extinction or amalgamation of races, 
 analogous to that of species amid the revolutions of nature. 
 No nationality now claims to be lineally descended from the 
 Eomans under Augustus, or from the Greeks under Alex- 
 
 * On this see some excellent remarks by Mr. Dyer, Pref. to the Sist. of 
 Modern Europe, p. vii. et seq. 
 
JEWISH AND CHURCH-HISTORY. 5 
 
 ander, or from the Medes and Persians under Darius. Still 
 less are there to be found any true representatives of the 
 Grermans under Arminius, of the Britons under Boadicea, 
 or of the Gauls under Brennus. What we notice in our 
 own days of Australian aborigines, or of the Eed Indians of 
 North America, has been the fate of all those who once in- 
 habited our own island. And is it not in exact antithesis 
 to all these, that a much older people than any of them — the 
 first, in short, to have had a written history — should have 
 survived for nearly nineteen centuries ; cast off, trampled 
 under foot, dispersed into all lands, still maintaining their 
 nationality, still testifying to the religion that has in fact out- 
 grown them, still yearning for the day that shall see them 
 resettled in their own land as one people ? Their world-wide 
 dispersion, and their continuance, notwithstanding it, as a 
 nation, is alike without precedent. And are not their annals, 
 long previously to their dispersion, at least as unique ? In 
 some respects they lived and fared, to be sure, neither better 
 nor worse than their neighbours ; but in all that made up 
 their distinctive character, surely their whole career has been 
 altogether unexampled.* Their ceremonial, whether they 
 knew it or not, was all confessedly typical of something 
 beyond it; the promises upon which they leaned had a 
 wider meaning for others than for themselves exclusively ; 
 their land of Canaan, their city of Zion, were but shadows 
 that could not satisfy even their own cravings. Nor was this 
 all. It is impossible to study the history of the Jews and 
 that of the Church without being struck with the sustained 
 character of the parallelism that exists between them. 
 
 § 3. Sustained Parallelism in the Annals of both Revelations. 
 Providence and Free-will harmonised. 
 
 Parallelism of some kind or other there must, of course, 
 always be between ancient and modern characters and events. 
 
 * ' Truly it is not the tongue ex- public a great Prophet, in that it pro- 
 
 clusively of those men, but their very phesied of a great Personage.' — S. 
 
 life, that I affirm to have been a pro- Aug., Cont. Faust, lib. xxii. 24. 
 phecy — I call the whole Hebrew re- 
 
6 SUSTAINED PARALLELISM 
 
 In the fortunes of Athens, Carthage, and Eome, we are 
 continually reminded of some similar occurrence in our own 
 country, or in our own age : we know what is meant by a 
 modern Pericles, a modern Alcibiades, a modem Catiline, 
 a modern Cicero, a modern Julius or Augustus Csesar. We 
 flatter ourselves that we have inherited the spirit of the old 
 Eomans, and we are not loth to recognise very much resem- 
 blance between the genius of our polished neighbours and 
 that of Athens in her palmiest days. Some of these parallels 
 are singularly apposite, and may be very closely pushed : 
 still they belong to no system ; they are selected at random 
 from the chronicles of the past ; and if they do not approve 
 themselves, we go elsewhere for our illustrations with the 
 greatest ease. In no case do we expect our parallel to hold 
 good beyond a certain point ; nor, in the case of the best of 
 them, can we assign any precise reason why they should have 
 held good thus far. In the history of the Jews all is paral- 
 lel. It is the history of one people foreshadowing in its 
 successive stages the destinies of another people, and in a 
 manner too consistent and too consecutive to be the effect of 
 accident. It had a religion of which the Christian is the 
 matured expression ; it had a ceremonial on which has been 
 engrafted another, its avowed spiritual antitype; it had a 
 ministry, to which the Christian exhibits just the very points 
 of contrast and correspondence to be expected from their 
 respective systems. Its Bible — the Old Testament — is indis- 
 pensable to the Christian Bible. We may exchange the 
 study of Grreek and Latin for that of living languages in 
 our schools and colleges ; we may abandon the classics them- 
 selves for modern authors and modern science ; but to the 
 Old Testament, whether in its ceremonial or its historical 
 aspect, we are bound for ever as members of the Church of 
 Christ. We are thrown back upon it alike for the claims of our 
 Founder, and in justification of the system which Christians 
 themselves are carrying out. It is our collection of prece- 
 dents both for acting and thinking as we do — perhaps more 
 so than we imagine. From the very nature of the case there 
 can be no analogy between Christianity and any other sys- 
 
IX THE ANNALS OP BOTH KEVELATIONS. 7 
 
 tern than that of the Jews under the Law. There have been 
 no other revelations, positive declarations of the will of Grod, 
 but these two. There are no antecedent or a priori con- 
 siderations for enabling man to decide what a revelation 
 should be ; what amount or what kind of truths it should 
 disclose. He can take the facts of one as he finds them, and 
 argue from earlier to later facts in it, when there has been 
 but one revelation ; when there have been more than one, 
 he can advance a step further, and argue from the analogy 
 of the first to the second. There have been more monarchies 
 in the world than our own : when, therefore, we discuss con- 
 stitutional forms as Englishmen, we can refer to the histories 
 of France, Spain, Italy, Eome, Grreece, for cases in point. 
 When we discuss matters as Christians, as Churchmen, we 
 have but the history of the Jews to refer to for any distinctive 
 argument or illustration, and a close one indeed it is. Look 
 at the mere career of the Jews as one people, and that of the 
 Church as another ; see how consistently, both the parallel 
 and the contrast between them has been maintained through- 
 out, exactly as in the case of their respective ceremonies. 
 Compare the victories which assured Canaan to the Israelites 
 with those which assured the Gentile world to the Church — 
 here matter struggling against matter ; there mind against 
 mind. In either case there is profuse shedding of blood. 
 In either case the people of God are victorious, and yet their 
 enemies, though borne down, are by no means extirpated. 
 Similar institutions originate in the same needs on both sides, 
 and in the same order : first, Judges and Fathers ; then 
 Kings and Popes. The last with similar consequences in both 
 cases — a fatal schism. Who can pronounce these coinci- 
 dences, so marked and apposite, to have been undesigned ? 
 Is there not the same family likeness, the same analogy, 
 between them that there is between Jewish ordinances and 
 Christian sacrainents ; its sole distinction consisting in the 
 kind of instrumentality which it implies on the part of man ? 
 For men observe or violate God's ordinances with their eyes 
 open, knowing them to be His ; they carry out His economy 
 with their eyes shut, or in ignorance of what they are accom- 
 
8 PEOVIDENCE AND PEEE-WILL HARMONISED. 
 
 plishing; that is, while giving effect to their own designs, 
 they are unconsciously fulfilling His likewise ; so that from 
 their isolated and successive actions there gradually results 
 a well-ordered combination, a magnificently contrived effect 
 or scheme. We are all of us free agents — so much is indis- 
 putable ; but we are all of us shaped and acted upon by 
 circumstances notwithstanding. Our lot is cast in the age in 
 which we live. The veriest accident might have prevented 
 our parents from coming together, or ourselves from ever 
 seeing the light. We are creatures of our birth, parentage, 
 nationality, bringing up, and other contingencies equally 
 independent of our choice and beyond our control. Events 
 are sometimes submitted to us for our participation, and 
 sometimes we rule them ; but far more frequently we have to 
 accommodate ourselves to them, as having been ruled by 
 others. Trivial occurrences are constantly the making or 
 unmaking of our whole career; and how often it happens 
 that our worthiest achievements are not appreciated till long 
 after we are dead and gone. What is true of individuals is 
 true of nations and epochs no less. Professor Creasy has 
 bequeathed to us a most instructive book upon decisive bat- 
 tles: he might have written as felicitously upon decisive 
 emigrations, and even marriages ; upon decisive inventions 
 or discoveries. All of them are brought about by natural 
 causes— by men working out what was before them, as they 
 felt inclined ; but the times and seasons of them all were 
 evolved at His bidding, who prearranged all the scenes of the 
 great drama that had to be played out upon earth. In the 
 history of His own people it would be strange if the actors 
 appeared in secondary characters only, or if the parts and 
 events in which they figured were not fraught with design, 
 coherence, and significance above all others. Call them by 
 what name you will — types, precedents, examples, illustrations 
 — there is a series of events under the Old Dispensation which 
 have their regular counterparts in Church history, so that 
 one forms a kind of running commentary upon the other, 
 elucidating both the causes which led to it and its results. 
 Accordingly, the first thing which I observe of the schism 
 
PEOVIDENCE AND FEEE-WILL HARMONISED. 9 
 
 between East and West — the Greek and Latin Churches — is 
 its close resemblance to the division of Israel and Judah into 
 two kingdoms, both in its origin and in its effects. This at 
 once invests it with a character and significance which ordi- 
 nary events have not. God has put His own mark upon it 
 emphatically, as well as man ! He speaks to us in the paral- 
 lel as in a parable.* 
 
 § 4. Israel and Judah under Kings. 
 
 The Israelites, in asking for a king, had evidently that 
 form of government in view which they saw around them, 
 and appeared the best adapted both for the administration of 
 justice and for self-defence.^ The height of their aspirations 
 was to live under a local monarchy. Their request was stig- 
 matised by Jehovah as a breach of confidence in Him, but 
 it was granted. It had been all along foreseen. Not only 
 did their divine statute-book contain a set of express rules 
 for the election and conduct of their monarch that was to be,' 
 but prophecy had already designated Judah as the tribe' in 
 which the royal line was to be perpetuated, down to the very 
 birth of Him whose kingdom was to be foreshadowed in their 
 own. They would have done better to have depended upon 
 Jehovah exclusively ; nevertheless He had foreseen and rati- 
 fied their choice. He Himself appointed their first kings 
 successively; He designated the tribe, the house,' in which 
 the kingly office was to be made permanent. He inspired 
 the race of prophets by whom its glories were apostrophised 
 as those of the kingdom of Heaven in efiigy. He emphati- 
 
 " I went over all this ground in would be in keeping with my present 
 
 a small work called the ' Counter- subject. 
 
 Theory,' published anonymously by " ' That we also may be like all the 
 
 me as many as twelve years back ; it nations ; and that our king may judge 
 
 having come out in a.d. 1853. (See us, and go out before us, and fight our 
 
 p. 62 et seq.) What follows, however, battles.' — 1 Sam. viii. 20. 
 
 is not a bare repetition of it by any ' Deut. xvii. 14-20. 
 
 means ; though I must still refer to ' Gen. xHx. 8-12. 
 
 that work for the general principle, on ° 2 Sam. vii. 16, 19. 
 which far more was said there than 
 
10 ISEAEL AND JUDAH UNDER KINGS. 
 
 cally declared that the breach betweea Israel and Judah, not- 
 withstanding the human <?auses and instruments that had 
 been engaged in forwarding it, was ' from Him.' ^° There were 
 many other ways of punishing the great king of Judah for his 
 sins ; but the establishment of a rival kingdom irremediably 
 divided the twelve tribes as long as it lasted : all which is a 
 living commentary upon what has occurred in the Church. 
 
 § 5. Origin of Church-government. — Synods peculiar to the 
 Church. — Centralisation im. the Empire. 
 
 The form of government that met its gaze — under which 
 the first Christians themselves lived either as citizens or as 
 subjects — was not that of a kingdom, but of a world-wide 
 empire, the best representative of law and order on so grand a 
 scale that had as yet been seen. It united nations the most 
 dissimilar and most dissociated by more than mere force of 
 arms ; it assured protection of life and property to its citizens ; 
 it was a centre of unity for all. It reposed upon a finely- 
 drawn scale of graduating magistracies, culminating in a 
 supreme Head. His will alone was above law. So long as 
 Christianity was persecuted, and the empire its persecutor, 
 there could be but little sympathy between them ; and with 
 its hopes concentrated upon the unseen world, Christianity 
 could have been in no need of any principle of cohesion over 
 and above its faith. It entered upon a new phase when its 
 struggles for existence ceased, and it was taken into favour by 
 the empire. It could not well have remained what it had 
 been, under its altered circumstances. It was not that any 
 change was needed, or was thought of, in the recesses of the 
 sanctuary. There nothing more was wanted but what had 
 been provided from the first — deacons to collect alms and to 
 minister, priests to offer the Christian sacrifice, bishops to 
 ordain and preside over all. It was simply that its machinery 
 for self-government required extension, now that all obstacles 
 to its free progress had been removed, that its unity might 
 not be impaired by its ubiquity. Hitherto its government 
 
 '° 1 Kings sii. 15. 
 
SYNODS PECULIAR TO THE CHUECH. 11 
 
 had been peculiar, and based upon its own model — a kind of 
 confederation of local churches, all possessing the same organ- 
 isation, the same discipline, the same doctrine ; all meeting 
 together, upon emergencies, in representative synods — the only 
 type of collective action that had been inaugurated by the 
 Apostles themselves." Each synod was the supreme execu- 
 tive as well as legislative authority for all the local churches 
 composing it ; and though its actual jurisdiction went no 
 farther, its decisions were communicated to, and received 
 with deference by, all others, as proceeding from brethren of 
 the same household of faith.'^ In all this they had nothing 
 in common with the empire, nor the empire with them. In 
 the empire were to be found no representative assemblies ; in 
 the Church no centralised authority. The empire perished 
 notwithstanding its centralisation ; the Church, whatever else 
 she may have adopted, retained her synods, and still lives. 
 
 This is a great fact, and one which has utterly been over- 
 looked by those who, with Cave, Spanheim, and others, assert 
 that in the age upon which we are entering 'the external polity 
 of the Church was conformed, as near as might be, to the mode 
 that obtained in the civil state.' '^ Here there never was, and 
 never could be, but marked contrast between the Church and 
 the empire. Synods, as they were the earliest, so they have 
 been the most universally received type of Church govern- 
 ment in all ages ; even the fact that they have undergone so " 
 many modifications only serving to bring out more promi- 
 nently the unanimity with which they have been upheld on 
 all sides, in the midst of so much discordancy respecting 
 almost every other question connected with ecclesiastical 
 polity. The Greek Church, glorying in its agreement with 
 antiquity, will decide nothing of consequence without them 
 » 
 
 " Acts XV. 1-29 ; xxi. 18-25. 1 Patres solius meminere provineialis 
 
 Cor. T. 3-5. synodi, ubi et controversias omnes 
 
 '^ 'Ad Concilii Nicseni nsqne tem- finiri sanxere ' — Thomassin, Vet. 
 
 pora, causffi omnes ecclesiastiese in et Nov. Eccles. SiseipL, part i. Kb. i. 
 
 concOio cujusque provincise ddinitEe c. 3, § 8. 
 
 fuerant : paucissimaeque incun-erant " Cave's Antient Church Govern- 
 
 lites, quas plurium provinciarum jud- ment, p. 30, ed. 1683. 
 
 icio sopiri necessum fuisset, Kicseni 
 
12 CENTEALISATIOlf IN THE EMPIRE. 
 
 still ; ia the Latin Church it has never ceased to be customary 
 to appeal to them from the Pope ; the Church of England 
 which upholds, and the Church of Greneva which has abjured, 
 episcopacy, have made them part and parcel of their respec- 
 tive ideals ; in Eussia it is the Holy Governing Synod by which 
 its national Church affects to- be ruled. More than this, 
 they were ecclesiastical synods that introduced the principle 
 of representative government to mediaeval Europe '* — that 
 fairest and freest of all forms of earthly legislature, to which 
 Englishmen, of all others, have for so many centuries lain 
 under so many obligations. 
 
 So much, therefore, for what the Church originated and did 
 not copy ; for that part of her polity which, however much 
 she may have modified, she never abandoned, even when she 
 copied most; for that part of her polity which has lasted 
 longest, and been as yet the least adversely criticised of any. 
 It is another question whether synods were all that the 
 Church needed in her enlarged sphere, or whether her unity 
 would have been endangered had not the principle of central- 
 isation been adopted into her executive. How should we have 
 acted ourselves, had we lived in those days ? With no pre- 
 cedent in past history to guide her, with the magnificent pre- 
 cedent of her all-powerful ally before her eyes — realising, in 
 fact, the universal dominion to which, as far as consciences 
 were concerned, ^he aspired in theory — there were some 
 specious groimds, at all events, for deciding as she did. Nay, 
 practically, she was already more than half way on the road 
 to her decision. 
 
 § 6. Christianity first preached in Capitals. Rise of 
 Metropolitans. 
 
 For just as in our own days any person having some new 
 invention to bring out, or discovery to proclaim, or opinions 
 
 " As far back as the age of Ter- quae et altiora quasque in commune 
 
 tuUian this was their distinctive cha- tractantur, et ipsa reprcesentatio totius 
 
 racter. He says of them : ' Aguntur nominis Christiani magni veneratione 
 
 praeterea per Grsecias ilia certis in loeis celebratur.' — De Jejun. adv. Psych., 
 
 concOia, ex universis ecclesiis, per c 13. 
 
CHEISTIANITT FIRST PREACHED IN CAPITALS. 13 
 
 to propagate, would betake themselves to Paris, London, or 
 Vienna, or at all events to the capitals of their own country-j 
 so the Apostles, naturally enough, commenced preaching and 
 founding churches, not in hamlets or highways, hut in the 
 metropoles or chief cities of the empire. First, Jerusalem,'* 
 then Antioch, '^ became the centre from which Christian 
 missions issued. S. Paul addressed his epistles to the Chris- 
 tians of Eome, Corinth, Ephesus, Philippi, Colosse or Lao- 
 dicea, Thessalonica. S. John his apocalypse to the seven 
 churches in the seven principal cities of Asia Minor. S. 
 Mark made the closing scene of his preaching Alexandria ; 
 S. John, Ephesus ; S. Peter and S. Paul, Eome. This is one 
 fact ; another is, that in the single instance where S. Paul 
 has written to more churches than one, he has designated 
 them by the name of the Eoman province in which they 
 existed, or 'churches of G-alatia;' just as S. Peter has 
 specified those for whom he intends the first of his epistles, 
 as ' the strangers scattered throughout Pontus, Gralatia, Cap- 
 padocia, Asia, and Bithynia — all of them Eoman provinces. 
 From these two facts together we may readily guess the 
 course that things would very naturally take. While churches 
 were few and isolated, confined to chief towns, or scattered up 
 and down some remote province, there could have been very 
 little definite intercommunion between them ; but when from 
 the capital, Christianity had taken possession of the towns 
 and villages of the same province, or from towns and vil- 
 lages had made its way to the capital, every local church 
 became a link of connection between its neighbours on each 
 side of it, and its neighbours with others, till at length one 
 chain was formed, embracing, in the first instance indeed, no 
 more than the churches of a single province, but eventually 
 the churches of the entire known world. 
 
 Thus brought into comparative proximity and easy relation 
 with each other, their intercourse, which had been previously 
 irregular and unsystematic, began to be regarded as allr 
 important to the common weal, and to be conducted on fixed 
 
 " Acts ii. & Tiii. 4. '* Acts xiii. 1-3. 
 
14 EISE OF METEOPOLITANS. 
 
 principles. The churclies of a single province, desirous of 
 communicating, would depute certain of their members, at 
 the head of whom was always their bishop, to confer upon 
 their mutual interests. As citizens of the empire, and as 
 followers of the Apostles, they would be induced to make the 
 capital their rendezvous, and constitute the bishop of the 
 capital, when assembled in it, their president.'^ Gradually 
 such meetings were appointed to be held regularly twice a 
 year^^ under such presidency ;^ and gradually, to distinguish 
 him from his brother bishops, the prelate of the capital 
 acquired the title of metropolitan. He had scarce assumed a 
 new name before new powers were delegated to him likewise. 
 The synod retained the power of making laws in its own 
 hands, but entrusted him generally with their execution. In 
 all this there was assuredly nothing that was extraordinary or 
 unreasonable, and yet the clear result of it all was, that every 
 Eoman province became the scene of a veritable constitutional 
 kingdom in miniature, styling itself the Church, with the 
 bishop of each metropolis — the metropolitan— for its regu- 
 larly acknowledged head.'^ 
 
 " TertuUian, Be Prtescript. Seer. sententia haberetur, cui metropolitanse 
 
 c. 36 : ' Percnrre eeclesias apostolicas, urbis episcopatus coucreditus fuisset, 
 
 apud quas ipsse adhuo cathedrae Apo- absque uUo negotio probari potest 
 
 stolorum suis loeis prsBsidentux : apud ..." So Thomassin, Vit. et Nov. 
 
 quas ipsae authenticae literse eoruni re- Eccl. Discipl. part i. lib. i. c. 3, § 1. 
 
 citantur, sonantes Tocem, et repraesen- Beveridge, In Can. Apost. xxxiv. 
 
 tantes faciem uniuscnjusque. Proxima {Pandect. yo\. ii. Annot. ^. 26.) 
 est tibi Achaia, babes Corinthum. Si '* Can. Apost. xxx. 
 
 uon longe es a Macedonid, babes " Can. Apost. xxvii. As yet the 
 
 Philippos, habes Thessalonicenses. Si name had not come into use, though 
 
 potes in Asiam tendere, habes Ephe- it is the power of metropolitans clearly 
 
 sum. Si autem Italiae adjaces, habes which is here treated of, and this is 
 
 Eomam, nnde nobis qnoque auctoritas the canon appealed to by the Synod 
 
 praesto est.' Hence De Marca, Be of Antioeh (a.d. 341) in the words 
 
 Concord, Sac. et Imp. lib. i. c. 3 : ' according to the ancient canon which 
 
 ' Eeclesias ad exemplum Eomani Ini- was in force in the age of our fathers.' 
 
 peril ab Apostolis ita distributas fuisse, See Beveridge on Can. Concil. Antioeh, 
 
 ut Later fratres, ejus episcopi prima ix. {Pandect, vol. ii. Annot. p. 190.) 
 
OEIGIN OF PATEIAKCHS. 15 
 
 § 7. Origin of Patriarchs. 
 
 And as the circle extended, it was the same principle that 
 obtained, though on a larger scale. The provinces of the 
 empire were subordinate, as were their magistrates, to its 
 dioceses and vicars, and these dioceses and vicars themselves 
 to its prefectures and prefects, ' the more immediate repre- 
 sentatives of the imperial majesty,' as Gibbon says.^" Here 
 again the Church copied from the empire, but by no means 
 with that minute servility which has been sometimes insinu- 
 ated. The number of dioceses and vicars, or exarchs as they 
 are called occasionally, was thirteen ; but when or where do 
 we read of as many ecclesiastical exarchates ?^' The number 
 of prefectures, including that of Eome, was originally five ; 
 but the number of patriarchates was originally no more than 
 three; and of the two that were added subsequently — not 
 however till the civil prefectures had become six — Jerusalem 
 had never been the metropolis of any civil prefecture. Still, 
 in principle, these gradations were adopted by degrees into 
 the Church. There were bishops of certain sees who became 
 to the metropolitans of a number of provinces what each of 
 these metropolitans had long been to the churches of his 
 own province. It would appear from the language of the 
 sixth Mcene canon, that up to that time there'had been but 
 three sees^^ so distinguished,^^ but it is implied likewise that 
 
 ™ Decline and Fall, c. xvii. § 2. Apost. xxvii. (see above), though the 
 
 '^ The term ' exarch ' never, in fact, word ' metropolitan ' had not then eome 
 
 became common in reference to church into use. Just so here : patriarchal 
 
 dignitaries. Hence some have con- rights are intended, though the word 
 
 sidered it a mere synonyme for ' pa- was as yet unknown. What those 
 
 triarch,' which it was not. See Can. ix. rights were, we may learn from Beve- 
 
 Concil. Chalced. ridge, who has classed them under 
 
 ^ See Gieseler, E H. per. i. div. iii. four heads : — 
 
 § 68; Davidson's Trans. ' 1. Ut unusquisque ex iis habeat 
 
 ^ De Marca, J)e Concord. Sac. et dicecesim. (He should have perhaps 
 Imp. lib. i. c. iii. § 7. Beveridge, rather said 'prsefecturam.') 
 Cave, Thomassin, and others, who con- 2. ' Ut omnes diceeesis suae metro- 
 tend that no more than metropolitan politanos ordinet. 
 lights are here meant, forget that these ' 3. Ut eosdem ad synodos convocet. 
 had been already laid down, Can, ' 4. Ut ,in omnibus ecclesiasticis re- 
 
16 ORIGIN OF PATEIAECHS. 
 
 * ancient custom ' had assigned thein that order and those 
 prerogatives which are there confirmed. Each of these sees 
 boasted of its Apostolic origin: still, in the mind of the 
 Nicene Fathers, there can be but little question but that 
 Eome ranked first, Alexandria second, and Antioch third, ^* 
 and this was again, in point of fact, the civil precedence 
 which attached to those cities. 
 
 Thus the second stage towards monarchy had been actually 
 attained before the conversion of Constantine ; and both 
 of them through the medium of the episcopate. In the 
 concerns of the sanctuary still, as formerly, one bishop was 
 as good as another : as governors of the Church, a principle 
 of subordination was being carried out among them delibe- 
 rately, that could but end one way ; and the whole Church 
 was a consenting party to it— all which had been foreseen 
 and arranged for by the same Providence that had approved 
 of a king for Israel. 
 
 § 8. Power of Emperors over the Church. 
 
 At first, it certainly seemed as though the supreme govern- 
 orship of the Church had been entrusted to the converted 
 emperors. Constantine assumed it, immediately after his 
 victory over Maxentius, as a trust committed to him.^* The 
 First Council of Aries, which, Sirmondus says, was inferior 
 only to a general council, and was attended by three British 
 bishops, met A. D. 314, at his summons, to decide the ques- 
 
 bus, quae magni sunt momenti, tilti- had a much wider sense anciently 
 
 mum judidum ferat, si ad eum appel- than it has now. 
 
 letur.' (Ibid. ^n«o<. p. 53.) " See the discussion that took place 
 
 It was bnt one step from this to the on the 28th Canon of the Council of 
 
 Popedom, i. e. a power having the Chalcedon (a.d. 451); also, Canons 2 
 
 same jurisdiction over patriarchs that and 36 of the Trullan Council of a.d. 
 
 patriarchs had over metropolitans. It 683 — unexceptionable evidence cer- 
 
 should be observed the word ' metro- tainly, as far as Rome is concerned 
 
 poHs ' has three different senses, as — ^with the ancient notitia printed by 
 
 being used to denote the chief town Beveridge, Annot. p. 135. 
 
 of (1) a province, (2) a diocese, (3) a ^ See his own sentiments thereon, 
 
 prefecture. Again, the word 'diocese' Euseb. Vit. Const, ii. %i~&H. 
 
BMPEEOES ORIGINATED 6ENEBAL COUNCILS. 17 
 
 tion between Caecilian, bishop of Carthage, and the Donatists. 
 He had previously referred it to Melchiades, bishop of Eome, 
 and three other bishops of his own selection, but their sen- 
 tence had been impugned. He had written to Melchiades^ 
 ' You must be well aware that such is my veneration for the 
 Holy Catholic Church, that I would have you leave neither 
 schism nor division of any kind any where.' ^° In summon- 
 ing Chrestus, bishop of Syracuse, to the Synod of Aries, he 
 says, ' It is incumbent on me to provide that what ought to 
 have been stayed by voluntary agreement, after the decision 
 which has just been given, should now by the presence of 
 many be finally settled.' ^'' On tidings of the rupture between 
 Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, and Arius reaching him, 
 he despatched a joint letter to them both, in which one is 
 censured for having raised imprudent questions, and the 
 other for having returned rash answers.^* Unable to bring 
 them to terms by his remonstrances, it was he who conceived 
 and carried out the plan of calling all the bishops of Chris- 
 tendom together to pronounce upon their case.^^ Here is a fact 
 of prime importance in ecclesiastical history, comparatively 
 unnoticed. It should be written down in the largest charac^ 
 ters, that what are called oecumenical councils originated, 
 not with the Apostles or their successors, but with the first 
 Christian emperor and his successors ; so much so that there 
 is not one of them, at least of those designated ' oecumenical' 
 by East and West, that was not convened by imperial 
 mandate.'" There are some features in their constitution, 
 
 '^ Eiiseb. F. H. x. c. 5, § 6. " Ibid. lib. iii. 6. "n^irep iirurTpa. 
 
 " Ibid. § 7. The whole story is reiwv avrlf &fov (pdxayya, aivoSov 
 
 very circumstantially told by St. Au- oiKovixevM^v a-vviicp6Ter a-ireiSetv mav- 
 
 gustine, Ep. xliii. (Ed. Ben.) § 5, who raxi^iv robs eincrK6irovs ypinixaai ri^T)- 
 
 defends Melchiades against the charge tikoTj TrpoKaXoifj-fvos. Socrates, E. H. 
 
 of usurping cognisance of a cause i. 8, expresses all this much more 
 
 already adjudicated by seventy bishops literally. ^ 
 
 of Africa, with their metropolitan at '° Gedren. ap. Suicer. in Symh. Nic. 
 
 their head, on the ground that it had p. 3. 'ExXfidrio-av Si oiKovixemKul, 5iot1 
 
 been referred to him, and the bishops 4k Ke\€iia-iav fia<nKiKS>v ot Karh jraaav 
 
 selected to be his assessors, by the -rijv 'Voifi-cduv iroXireiav apx'epe'S ficre- 
 
 Emperor. K\TiOria-av. 
 
 =» Euseb. nt. Const, ii. 69. 
 
18 A NEW SPECIES OF REPEESENTATIOJf. 
 
 likewise, that deserve to be pointed out : first, the representa- 
 tive principle was restricted in them', on the clerical side, to 
 the episcopate ; on the lay side to the emperor or his delegates 
 — in other words, to the heads of church and state. For what 
 were bishops but the highest spiritual authority in their 
 respective sees ? and what were emperors but the supreme 
 civil authority, to which even bishops themselves were sub- 
 ject? This was a new species of representation on either 
 side, to say the least, and associated clergy and laity together 
 upon widely diflferent terms from what had hitherto prevailed. 
 The rule professed by the emperors, indeed, was ' Quotiens 
 de religione agitur, episcopos convenit judicare;'^' but the 
 acts of the 4tli Greneral CounciP^ exhibit a true picture of 
 its practical workings, even under the most favourable 
 circumstances. 
 
 Another notable feature in their constitution was, that they 
 directly involved the notion of universal monarchy. Who 
 could have called the bishops of Christendom together unless 
 one to whom they all owed allegiance ? And when they were 
 met together, was it not necessary that some one bishop 
 should sit and act as president, and subscribe first ? Already 
 provincial bishops had accorded precedence to their metropo- 
 litans, and metropolitans themselves, as shown above, to the 
 three sees of Antioch, Alexandria, and Eome. The only ques- 
 
 " Cod, Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 11. — the city invchich it had met — with 
 
 "2 The seven judges and eleven a salvo to the rights of the metropoli- 
 
 senators, -who represented the em- tan of Nicomedia. — See Mausi, Condi. 
 
 peror, sat in the centre of the church, tom. vii. It was of such councils (he 
 
 immediately before the chancel, the is more particularly referring to the 
 
 bishops being ranged on the right and second of them) that S. Gregory 
 
 left. In the fifth action they are re Nazianzen said, 'Exa jiiv oBtws, ei Set 
 
 quested to preside over a special epis- toXtjAm tpi<pcw, Sittc itivra avTO^oyov 
 
 copal committee respecting doctrine. ^iiyeiv iwurKSirav, on uriSefuas arvvoSov 
 
 In the sixth action Marcian (and with Te\oi iiSov xp^^rov, /iiiSk Kia-iv kokSv, 
 
 him Pulcheria) appears in person to im\Kov l&xvKvtav t] irpocr6iiKTiP. 'Ael yap 
 
 confirm the acts of the. Council. Ee- <pi\ovemiai koI (piXapxla-i, k.t.k — En, 
 
 ference had been made to him con- ad Procop. (Prefect of Constantinople) 
 
 tinually during its progress. And, in (130 ed. CaiUau) written early in a.d. 
 
 conclusion, he conferred the privileges 382. 
 of a metropolitan see upon Chalcedou 
 
UNIVEESAL MONARCHY THEEEBT SUGGESTED. 19 
 
 tion that remained, therefore, was which of these three, when 
 the Chnrch met in oecumenical synod, should preside and 
 occupy the first place ? Each might, of course, have done so 
 by rotation, or the presidency might have been made elective, 
 but in point of fact it was decided otherwise. For whether 
 emperors presided, or appointed presidents in some sense over 
 every general council convened by them or not, it is quite 
 certain that the bishop of Rome, or his vicegerents, occupied 
 the first place amongst bishops ^^ when present, ^^ and had the 
 honour of subscribing first to its decrees. Gradually, then, as 
 the whole Church assembled in oecumenical synod, it not only 
 felt conscious of having been convened by one sovereign 
 potentate, but it likewise saw the bishop of one see sitting at 
 the head of its collective episcopate. Could it have been 
 otherwise than a mere question of time to delegate to him the 
 same executive powers over Christendom generally that had 
 been already delegated to metropolitans over provincial, and 
 to patriarchs over diocesan churches ? '* Could it have been 
 otherwise regarded than as a carrying out of received princi- 
 ples to their legitimate results; a logical consequence of 
 assimilating ecclesiastical jurisdiction to that of the empire, 
 the universal Church to the universal state? Let us sup- 
 pose that the emperors, instead of originating oecumenical 
 councils, had interdicted every other larger assembly in 
 
 '^ 'Hosius of CordoTa, if, as some time had elapsed before the bishops 
 
 accounts state, he presided, did so as of Rome acquired the supremacy. 
 
 the faTourite of the emperor : if it . . ' Then, after pointing out its 
 
 may be so expressed, the Court divine.' Apostolic origin as a see, and its civU 
 
 —Latin Christianity, h. i. c. ii. p. 60. . pre-eminence as a city, as having con- 
 
 " Which they were not at that of tributed to this result, he proceeds, 
 
 Constantinople. ' In addition to all this, the emperors 
 
 '' Eanke is consequently more just now found it advisable to favour the 
 
 than Cave, when he says : ' It was im- advancement of a great patriarchal 
 
 perative on the ecclesiastical body to authority. . . . Had there been but 
 
 form their constitution on the model one emperor, a universal primacy 
 
 of that of the empire : and accordingly might also have established itself, but 
 
 the hierarchy of the bishops, metro- this was prevented by the partition of 
 
 politan and patriarchs, was formed in the empire.' — Lives of the Popes, vol. i. 
 
 dose correspondence with the grada- pp. 7, 8, Forster's Trans. 
 tions of the civil power. No long 
 
 C 2 
 
£0 APPEALS CAEEIED BEFORE EMPEEOES. 
 
 Christendom than that of presbyters under their own bishop, 
 and we shall not fail to perceive that all those ' ancient cus- 
 toms ' to which the sixth Nicene canon alludes would have 
 been overridden. Councils had been becoming more aiid 
 more general for some time past, when through the instru- 
 mentality of Constantine they reached their climax. 
 
 In the matter of appeals, likewise, there can be no doubt 
 but that Constantine and his successors received them from 
 all parts of Christendom, and appointed judges to hear them, 
 whose sentence they confirmed and executed. Previously 
 there had been no one supreme court of appeal in the Church ; 
 now there was not only one, but it vested in one supreme 
 potentate. There is not a heresy from that of Paul of Samo- 
 sata, nor a schism from that of Donatus, of any consequence 
 for the first six centuries, in which their intervention is not 
 recorded in some form or other. The very first sentence of 
 death for heterodoxy ever executed was decreed by Maximus, 
 in A.D. 385, against Priscillian. The earliest ecclesiastical 
 historian had styled Constantine ' a common bishop ;'^^ the 
 next in order, far from disputing it, expresses himself as 
 follows, in a studied preface : — ' We include the emperors in 
 our history, because from the time that they became Christian, 
 ecclesiastical affairs have depended on them, and the greatest 
 councils have been and are held by their decree.' ^^ Any one 
 who will be at the pains of examining the sixteenth book of 
 the Theodosian Code, the novels of Justinian, the letters that 
 passed between emperors and councils, emperors and bishops, 
 emperors and heretics and schismatics, emperors and their 
 ofiicers upon matters ecclesiastical, will see to what extent 
 they then legislated on behalf of the Church. It is not less 
 true that their power over the collective Church at length 
 wholly ceased. Indeed, almost from the first, their acts were 
 calculated to excite misgivings in the minds of most, and to 
 kindle instinctive yearnings for some ultimate appeal of a 
 
 ^° Vit. Const, i. 44. So Constan- are witliout the Church.' 
 tine elsewhere (ibid. iv. 24) styles ^" Pref. to E. S. lib. v. 
 
 himself ' a bishop in the things that 
 
HOW THEIB POWER CEASED. 21 
 
 more congenial nature. Constantine deposed and banished 
 S. Athanasius and his adherents, as well as Arius. Under his 
 son Constantius^' assembled that notoriously packed synod, 
 of which S. Jerome was describing the issue when he wrote, 
 'Ingemuit totus orbis, et Arianum se esse miratus est.''' To 
 Theodosius II., in the next century, belongs the credit of 
 another synod, to which the disreputable name of ' Latroci- 
 nium ' has ever since been applied. And when Zeno published 
 his Henoticon in a.d. 482, it was evident that he assumed the 
 power of legislating in matters of faith, and of overruling 
 what had been settled in full oecumenical council. 
 
 § 9. Early Prerogatives of Rome. — Founded by the two 
 greatest Apostles. — Were its Rights based on Divine Law ? 
 
 There were very early symptoms of the recoil which ensued, 
 and there were still earlier indications of the authority by 
 which that of the emperors was to be superseded. The em- 
 perors themselves in fact cooperated to their own displace- 
 ment. First, in the very hearing of Constantine, and in his 
 own stronghold — the East — the Council of Antioch, a.d. 341, 
 passed a series of canons against appealing to the emperor 
 from the judgment of synods and metropolitans.^" Six years 
 afterwards, the West, represented by the Council of Sardica, 
 passed three canons in favour of appealing to the see of Eome, 
 and enacted that no bishop, so appealing, should have a suc- 
 cessor appointed over his head, till his cause had been heard 
 there.^' Socrates, himself a. Greek, attests the existence of 
 
 ^' His reply to the Western bishops larly enough these canons were directed 
 
 was quite enough to inspire just mis- against S. Athanasius, whom Con- 
 
 gi-Nnngs. "Oirep iyui $oi\oi^m, tovto stantine, the brother of Constantius, 
 
 KODiiv, lAeTe, voixt^e(r6u ■ o'lirm ydp liau had recalled from exile. 
 KeyovTosdvexoi'Tmol rfis'Sipias^eyd/ie- 'i Can. 4. The set-off to these 
 
 vol eiria-Kowoi. — S. Athan. Sist. Arian. canons on the part of the East is to 
 
 ad Monach. § 33. The power of the be found in Concil. Constant. Can. 6 
 
 emperors was never loved in the West, (Canon 5 had directly alluded to the 
 
 but as yet the West was in its infancy Sardiean decrees), and Concil. Chal- 
 
 corapared with the East. — V. Gieseler, ced. Canon 9, both, however, equally 
 
 E. B.. per. ii. div. 1, § 94. against appeals to the civil power. 
 
 2' Adv. Lucif. p. 300, Ed. Bened. The theory that the Sardiean canons 
 
 " Can. 11, 12, 14, 15,. 20. Singu- conferred a mere personal privilege. 
 
22 
 
 EARLY PREROGATIVES OF EOME. 
 
 some still earlier canon than this, when he says of the Council 
 of Antioch, just mentioned, that there was an ecclesiastical 
 canon declaring it unlawful for local churches to make any 
 canons of their own against the will of the bishop of Rome,'''^ 
 which it had set aside. Eusebius, himself a semi-Arian, and 
 bishop of Constantinople, exhorts Julius, bishop of Rome, to 
 become judge in the matter of S. Athanasius, and to summon 
 the cause thither for his cognisance/^ That the see of Rome 
 was supposed to possess some inherent prerogatives, from the 
 earliest age downwards, no student of ecclesiastical history 
 will now deny ; and the most hostile explanation that can be 
 given of them is, that they attached to it as the seat of empire. 
 This may or may not be the fair inference to be drawn from 
 those well-known canons of the 2nd'''' and 4th'" Greneral 
 Councils, in which rank ' next after Rome ' is given to the see 
 of Constantinople ; but it is certainly fair to call attention to 
 what they suppress, as well as express. Constantinople had. 
 
 upon Julius, is as sound as that which 
 interprets S. Matt. xvi. 18, of a 
 personal privilege conferred upon S. 
 Peter. As well might it be said that 
 Eomans xii. was a collection of pre- 
 cepts binding only on the ' brethren' 
 at Rome of that date. 
 
 *' E. H. ii. 8. K6\6i5oi/Tor /^^ Serf 
 Trapa. ttJv ypioixrjv tov iiriffKoirov 'P^fiTjs 
 
 ■" Ibid. ii. 11. Aiirhv (tpirV ''■"'' 
 Karh ^Adavdaiof yeveaBat TrapaKa\ai/f 
 Kal trphs ^avrhv Ka\uv t^v SIktiv. "^Tiat 
 partisan of Rome could have used 
 stronger language in those days f 
 Does it not fully bear out what Julius 
 himself says, in a letter which, by in- 
 serting it as he has, S. Athanasius 
 must likewise be understood to en- 
 dorse, "^H ayi/oeTre, on rovTO edos 
 ^Pj Trpirepov ypdipctrOai tj/aTv^ Kal oihus 
 €v6ev dpi^eaBat refe SUaia . , . These 
 then are the words of a bishop of 
 Rome to a bishop of Constantinople, 
 among others (who had already en- 
 couraged the idea himself) reported 
 
 approvingly by the greatest of all 
 bishops of Alexandria, then the second 
 see in Christendom. A delicious no- 
 tice of S. Athanasius and his case, 
 by Ammianus Marcellinus, speaks 
 volumes for the current opinions of 
 those days : ' Athanasium episcopum 
 eo tempore apud Alexandriam . . . 
 coetus in unum qusesitus ejusdem loci 
 multorum (synodus, ut appellant) re- 
 movit a Sacramento, quod obtinebat 
 . . . (i. e. his see). Hunc per sub- 
 scriptionem, abjicere sede sacerdo- 
 tali, paria sentiens cseteris, jubente 
 Principe, Liberius monitus, perseve- 
 ranter reuitebatur : nee visum homi- 
 nem, nee auditum, damnare, nefas ul- 
 timum ssepe exclaraans, aperte scilicet 
 recalcitrans imperatoris arbitrio. Id 
 enim Ule, Athanasio semper infestus, 
 licet sciret impletum, tamen auctori- 
 tate quoque, quS, potiores mterrm TJrhis 
 episcopi, firmari desiderio nitebatur 
 ardenti . . . .' — Lib. xv. c. 7. 
 
 « Can. 3. 
 
 « Can. 28. 
 
FOUNDED BY THE TWO GEEATEST APOSTLES. 23 
 
 in fact, no other title to put forward but that of its imperial 
 importance. Eome, on the other hand, in addition to any 
 mere imperial privileges, had another that had infinitely 
 more charms for Christendom, namely, the preeminence of 
 its apostolic origin. As it was the only see in the West which 
 could boast of that distinction, so it was the only see in all the 
 world that had been founded, not by one Apostle, but by two, 
 and those two the greatest of all the Apostles. This — incom- 
 parably more than the other — is the fact so glowingly dwelt 
 upon by SS. Ireneeus,^"^ Cyprian,*^ Tertullian,^' SS. Athanasius,^^ 
 Augustine,*" and others, who have testified to the prerogatives 
 of the see of Eome ; and if they have nowhere defined these 
 prerogatives, it is quite certain that both fathers and councils 
 continually acted as recognising in them a good deal more 
 than mere words. It was likewise in deference to the memory 
 of S. Peter that the Sardican Fathers encouraged appeals to 
 that see :*' it was to the faith given to the Romans by S. Peter, 
 and professed by their pontiff Damasus, and by Peter, bishop 
 of Alexandria, that Theodosius appealed in his celebrated law 
 of A.D. 380, a year, that is, before the council of Constantinople 
 had met.^^ And in A.d. 445, Valentinian III. summed up all 
 
 *" Adv. Mcer. iii. 3. ' Gloriosissimis Spoms ■pUfaSria-av, oS6' on foiTpSiroMs 
 
 duobus Apostolis Petro et Paulo fun- v 'Piiiairiis 'Pwfiavias iariv.' 
 
 datse et constitute ecclesiae . . ad '° In qu4 semper Apostolicse cathe- 
 
 hanc enim ecclesiam, propter potiorem drse Tiguit prineipatus.' — Ep. iZ, §7 
 
 principalitatem, neeesse est omnem (Ed. Ben.) Comp. the list of titles 
 
 convenire ecclesiam, hoc est, eos qui quoted from St. Francis of Sales, as 
 
 sunt undique fideles, in qu4 semper ab attributed by the Fathers to the see 
 
 his, qui sunt undique, conservata est ab of Eome, by De Maistre, Du Fwpe, 
 
 Apostolis traditio.' lib. i. c. 6. 
 
 ■" Ef. 65 (Ed. Ben.). ' Ad Petri " Can. 3. If it be asked whether 
 
 cathedram, atqne ad ecclesiam prin- Eome was so distinguished in sole 
 
 cipalem unde imitas sacerdotalis ex- virtue of her apostolic origin, it cannot 
 
 orta est.' (p. 56.) be denied that other churches, apos- 
 
 ^ De Fries. Hcsr. c. 36. 'Eomam, tolic likewise in their origin, but not 
 
 unde nobis quoque auotoritas est of equal rank as cities, never came to 
 
 prsesto. Ista quam felix ecclesia, cui be so honoured. However, this would 
 
 totam doctrinam Apostoli cum san- not prove that Eome would never 
 
 guine suo profuderunt.' ' have been so honoured had she been 
 
 *» Hist. Arian. ad Mon. § 35 (Ed. but a second-rate city. 
 
 Ben.). OuK 0T( 'tLiroaro\iKis 4<rn " Cod. Thmdos. tit. 1, lib. xvi.. 
 
24 WEEE ITS EIGHTS BASED Olf DIVINE LAW? 
 
 that had been done by his predecessors for 'the apostolic 
 chair,' in language that could never have been ventured on, 
 had it not been backed by public opinion.^^ As is usual in 
 such eases, there never ceased to be some that opposed its 
 prerogatives, either when pressed against themselves, or when 
 first attempted to be sharply defined. Eastern bishops were 
 prone to depreciate, and Western to magnify, them. As a 
 general rule, they could not fail to produce, when acted upon 
 extensively, the same amount of controversy that metropoli- 
 tans, from time to time, encountered from their suffragans in 
 the province, and patriarchs in the diocese. But the rights 
 of patriarchs and of metropolitans were completely the result 
 of ecclesiastical ordinances, every one of them liable to be 
 repealed or modified at any time, and not based upon any 
 divine law at all.'* Was it so with the prerogatives of the 
 see of Eome ? There are two facts which are of prime signi- 
 fieancy in connection with them. 
 
 § 10. Characteristics of the See of Rome. — Seat of Empire 
 removed from Rome, 
 
 First, its bishops from the very earliest age always imagined 
 themselves possessed of some peculiar rights of their own, and 
 never would take their place upon terms of equality with any 
 other bishops. 1. They never would attend in person any 
 one of the general councils convened by the emperors at a 
 
 Three principal sees had been named that if any bishop, when summoned, 
 
 by the Nicene Fathers — only two here sho"uld have neglected to come to the 
 
 — which shows the process of ehmina- judgment^seat of the Roman prelate, 
 
 tion that was going on. Only Eome is he shonld be compelled to present 
 
 mentioned in those canons which place himself there by the governor of the 
 
 ConstantinoplenextinrankafterEome. province; the privileges which our 
 
 *' Novell. Theodos. tit. xxiv. 'We forefathers of happy memory have ac- 
 
 ordain by a perpetual sanction that corded to the Eoman see being pre- 
 
 nothing shall be attempted by the served inviolate.' Yalentinian ruled, 
 
 bishops of Gaul, or by the other pro- of course, only over the West, 
 vinces, against ancient custom, with- ** Leo AUat. Se Eccl. Oc. et Or. 
 
 out the authority of the venerable Perp. Cons. lib. i. c. 8, § 1. ' Cum 
 
 Pope of the eternal city : hut that to patriarchse et primates nullam divino 
 
 them, and to all, whatever the au- jure certam et constantem jurisdicti- 
 
 thority of the apostolic chair has or onemhabeant,sedeamvarientprotem- 
 
 shall have .ordained, shall be. law : so porum etoccasionum diversitate,' &c. 
 
CHARACTBEISTICS OF THE SEE OP EOME. 25 
 
 distance from Eome.'* 2. There were plainly other churches 
 besides Eome — and some of them more ancient than Eome — ■ 
 of apostolic origin ; still, no Eoman bishop ever spoke of Eome 
 but as the apostolic chair, or see, 'par excellence.'' 3. Other 
 prelates called themselves metropolitans, archbishops, or patri- 
 archs, as soon as ever those titles had been accorded to them 
 by the canons ; the bishop of Eome never once styled himself 
 metropolitan, archbishop, or patriarch,^^ or let others do so 
 uncorrected; successor, or vicar, of S. Peter, pope, pontiff, or, 
 apostolic prelate, were the titles which, though no one canon 
 had ever assigned to him, he gradually assumed, as if by in- 
 heritance, and impressed upon the Christian world as his own ; 
 nor, certainly, was it by force of arms that he brought about 
 their recognition. Whatever one may think of the validity 
 of his claims in themselves, it is quite certain that they never 
 could have prevailed over the whole Christian world, to the 
 extent they did, had they not been allowed. 
 
 Secondly, it was precisely as it ceased to be the metropolis 
 of the empire, that Eome came to be the metropolis of 
 Christendom ; and, in proportion as the power of the emper- 
 ors over the Church waned, that its own spiritual powers 
 increased. This, certainly, does not look as if its ecclesiastical 
 prerogatives had grown out of, or depended upon, its civil 
 preeminence ; rather, it would appear, that the emperors 
 themselves had been determined, by some hidden influence 
 or other, to make way for the popes. Constantino declared 
 that he was acting in obedience to a command from heaven 
 in founding Constantinople.'^ He could have scarcely 
 ventured to break with the traditions of more than 1000 
 years upon lighter grounds. Peter the Great was not 
 
 '^ This was the real reason why lasse, etiamsi ab aliis ita appelletiir : 
 
 Vigilius, though present at the time reliqui autem quatuor, non tantiim ah 
 
 in Constantinople, would not attend aliis ita vocantur, sed et se patriarchas 
 
 the 5th General Council assembled sape vacant . . . .' — Pandect, vol. ii. 
 
 (a.d. 553) there. There was no pre- Annot. p. 53. 
 cedent for it. " ' Jubente Deo,' quoted by Gibbon 
 
 =« ' Observandum est,' says Beve- in a note, cxvii. Comp. Sozom. E. H. 
 
 ridge very frankly, ' Eomanum episco- ii. 3. 
 pum ee nunquam patriarcham appel- ' 
 
26 SEAT OF EMPIEE EEMOVED FROM ROME. 
 
 changing the seat of empire (for what empire had Eussia 
 known previous to his ?) when he founded S. Petersburg. 
 Napoleon I. in the plenitude of his power, would have 
 shrunk from attempting to impose a new capital upon France, 
 instead of Paris. Constantine alleged motives which the 
 public opinion of those days accepted ; and so effectually did 
 he carry his point, that though the empire was afterwards 
 divided into east and west^ Rome never again became the 
 capital of his western successors, 
 
 § 11. Rival to Rome in Constantinople. — Questions 
 affecting*ihe Papacy. 
 
 But then, if he left Rome free for the popes,^' he, by the 
 same act, enabled the bishops of Constantinople to become 
 their rivals. Here is another fact that wants bringing out. 
 There was not one bishop capable of making head against 
 Eome before Constantinople was founded ; and had Constan- 
 tine and his successors never left Rome, its bishop, though 
 he might have been now and then overborne by the em- 
 perors themselves, would certainly never have met with any 
 opposition to his prerogatives amongst bishops, and Chris- 
 tendom might have remained for ages under his spiritual 
 headship.^^ 
 
 What account is to be given of this phenomenon, in 
 appearance so self-conflicting? If it was a special provi- 
 dence that gave Rome to the popes, it was a special provi- 
 dence no less (for it formed part of the same transaction) 
 that gave them a rival in the Constantinopolitan patriarch, 
 
 ^ 'ThefonndatlonofConstantinople c. 2, p. 58. ' The removal of the seat 
 marks one of the great periods of of empire to Constantinople consum- 
 change in the annals of the world . . . mated the separation of Greek and 
 The absence of a secular competitor Latin Christianity ; one took the do- 
 allowed the papal authority to grow minion of the East, the other of the 
 up and develope its secret strength,' West,' &c. This, however, is over- 
 &c. — Latin Christianity, b. iii. c. 3, stated; East and West constituted but 
 p. 400. one Church for more than six centuries 
 
 ™ See Eanke before quoted, and after ' the removal of the seat of em- 
 Dean Milman, Lat. Christian, b. i. pire.' 
 
KIVAL TO HOME IN CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 27 
 
 and ranged east and west under two spiritual heads.*"" Or, 
 again, what account is to be given of these ecclesiastical pre- 
 rogatives which the bishops of Eome clainxed gradually; and 
 neither orthodox nor heretics really disputed, except in their 
 exercise ? If they were based on divine right, why were 
 they dormant sO long, and only gradually brought out? 
 What other ordinance of the gospel is there that did not 
 come into force at once, as soon as instituted ? Baptism 
 and the breaking of bread commenced on the very day of 
 Pentecost. Deacons, priests, and bishops assuredly did not 
 enter upon some of their respective functions in the first, 
 and others in the third or fourth century ; nor were there 
 any essential articles of the law, or the doctrine of Christ, 
 from which the first converts were dispensed. If the primacy 
 
 <" That is, after the schism. It is 
 certain that till then Constantinople 
 never claimed to be more than ' next 
 after Kome ; ' in the words of her own 
 special synod (Concil. Constant, i. 
 Can. 2), and that the primacy which 
 Home then exercised over her, was 
 more than nominaL See particularly 
 the acts of the Council of Constanti- 
 nople in A.D. 869, by the Latins and 
 part of the Greek Church called ' the 
 eighth ' general, which are fairly com- 
 mented upon by Gieseler, E. H. per. 
 iii. div. ii. § 41, note 15, and on which 
 great light is thrown by the two fol- 
 lowing statements of contemporaries. 
 
 1. Glaber Eadulphus, Hist. iv. 1 : — 
 'Circa annum D. Mxxrv. Constanti- 
 nopolitanus Praesul cum suo Principe 
 Basilio, aliique nonnulli Grsecorum 
 consilium iniere, quatenus cmii con- 
 sensu Eomani Pontificis liceret eccle- 
 siam Constantinopolitanam in suo orbe, 
 sicuii Roma in universe^ universalem 
 dici et haberi,' &c. The whole pas- 
 sage, as well as the letter from Wil- 
 lelm to John XIX. (the then pope) 
 which follows, should be carefully 
 studied. Why should the pope hare 
 been thus approached with bribes, had 
 
 he no power at all then over the Church 
 of Constantinople ? 
 
 2. The other passage was penned 
 at Constantinople itself by one who 
 was then there as ambassador : — ■ 
 'Scimus, immo videmus, Constantino- 
 poHtanum episcopum paUio non uti, 
 nisi Sancti Patris nostri permissu. 
 Venmi cum impiissimus Albericus, 
 quem non stiUatim cupiditas, sed velut 
 torrens impleverat, Eomanam civita- 
 tem sibi usurparet, dominumque Apos- 
 tolieum quasi serviun proprium in 
 conclavi teneret, Eomanus (i. e. the 
 Greek) Imperator filium suum Theo- 
 phylactum eunuchum Patriarcham 
 constituit : cumque eum Alberici cu- 
 piditas non lateret, missis ei mune- 
 ribus satis magnis, effecit ut ex Papse 
 nomine Theophylacto Patriarchse Ut- 
 terse mitterentur, quarum auctoritate 
 cum ipse, turn successores ejus, absque 
 Paparum permissu, palliis uterentur. 
 Ex quo turpi commercio vituperandus 
 mos inolevit, ut non solum Patriarchse, 
 sed etiam episcopi totius GrseciEe, pal- 
 liis utantur .... This was in A. d. 
 971.— Luitprand, Legat. C. P. § 62; 
 ap. Migne, Patrol. C. C. vol. cxxxvi. 
 p. 934. 
 
•28 QUESTIONS AFFECTING THE PAPACY. 
 
 of the see of Eome was a fundamental part of tlie polity of 
 the Church, why were the rights of metropolitans and patri- 
 archs defined first, and when the Church was one, while 
 those of the papacy remained in suspense till there was a 
 rival in readiness to contest them ? Above all, how has it 
 happened that the unity of the Church -was never im- 
 paired, while its destinies were under the control of the 
 emperors, but rent almost immediately, from the time that 
 they began to be more exclusively controlled by the popes ? 
 Obviously enough, it is not every theory of development that 
 will reconcile these contradictions. On the other hand, he 
 that would ascribe the origin of the preeminence of the see 
 of Eome to the decrees of councils, or the laws of emperors, 
 is simply closing his eyes to that part of history which pre- 
 cedes them ; and he that will see nothing but the hand of 
 man in its undying sway, must acknowledge that history 
 contains no other instance of a sovereignty so powerless in 
 arms, yet so unfaltering in its moral claims ; so circum- 
 scribed in territory, yet so absolutely irrepressible in its 
 dominion over religious thought and conscience all over the 
 world. 
 
 § 12. Theocracy and Christocracy. — Ideal Polity. 
 
 As it appears to me, if we would but calmly examine these 
 ecclesiastical phenomena by the light which Jewish history 
 supplies, we shall neither contravene principles, nor outrun 
 facts, nor be forced into any deductions but what are strictly 
 consistent with both. The whole case may be stated in a 
 very few words. If the constitution which Grod originally 
 intended for Israel was a Theocracy, we may argue from 
 analogy that the constitution which Grod intended originally 
 for Christendom was a Christocracy. Faith in the invisible 
 Would thus have been the polar-star of both systems : the 
 first, a local monarchy, consisting of the members of a single 
 family, under the Grod of their fathers, governed according 
 to that code which we call ' the Law : ' the second, a world- 
 wide empire, consisting of all the families of earth, under. 
 
THEOCRACY AND OHEISTOCEACY. 29 
 
 their common Saviour, governed according to that code 
 which we call ' the Grospel.' 
 
 Practically speaking, of course, both these governments 
 must have had their earthly side as well as their hea- 
 venly ; they could never have subsisted without magis- 
 trates of some -kind or other, and by them would their 
 respective codes have been administered, and the details of 
 order and discipline carried out. So far, therefore, as appear- 
 ances went, one might have been scarce distinguishable from 
 the republic of Athens, and the other from the great repub- 
 lic of modern days, the United States. 
 
 But they would have differed from these, and from all 
 others, so fundamentally in one respect, that any comparisons 
 between them and any other form of government that has 
 ever existed upon earth, would only have the effect of 
 obscuring their real nature ; for where is the state, modern 
 or ancient, pagan or Christian, that has not reposed its 
 supreme authority, its final appeal, in man (be he one or 
 many), with all his mixed motives, with all his acquired 
 prejudices, with all his innate imperfections? Let the 
 supreme tribunal, so constituted, be supposed ever so incor- 
 ruptible, as long as it is of man, we must always know thei 
 arguments by which it will be approached and influenced. 
 It cannot, if it strove ever so, reach forward into futurity, 
 or decipher hearts. Inferior judges themselves, in giving 
 their decisions, may feel comparatively secure, when the 
 appeal lies merely to their fellow-men ; and how much is it 
 not thought to import when ecclesiastical causes are brought 
 for final settlement before the civil power, or the reverse ? 
 But take away the idea of any sovereign power upon earth at 
 all : impress magistrates habitually, that they are all of them 
 fallible, and never can be but subordinates ; that the final 
 appeal from them, in each case, lies not to one or more of 
 their fellow-men, but to One to whom all hearts are open, 
 and from whom no secrets are hid. Eefer to God collectively,. 
 and in behalf of the whole nation, all those questions which 
 every good Christian is individually in the habit of referring 
 to Him for his own well-being and conduct through life, and 
 
30 IDEAL POLITT. 
 
 surely one canaot but see that justice would be very differ- 
 ently administered, and the work of legislation very differently 
 carried on in a state whose fundamental idea was this — that 
 every matter of supreme moment, whether to individuals or 
 to the body politic, should be carried before God, in that 
 language and with those feelings that we creatures are 
 accustomed to embody when we approach Him, and designate 
 by the name of prayer. It may be, it is doubtless, the custom 
 of some supreme potentates to pray for guidance before 
 coming to their decisions ; but which of them, on the whole, 
 can have the least doubt of his own competency, or be with- 
 out the consciousness of his own importance ? How different 
 is the idea when we picture to ourselves a state where, though 
 there may be many subordinates, there is no sovereign power 
 at all acknowledged, either in theory or practice, but God or 
 Christ alone ; where nothing is ever finally settled by any one 
 man, or body of men, claiming to be supreme ; and where, 
 though some inequalities of rank may exist, there are no 
 inequalities authorised between persons of the same rank. 
 Such would appear to have been the ideal (TroXiTsia Kar' 
 siiXvv^^) intended both for the twelve tribes and for the 
 Christian world. 
 
 § 13. Arguments for the actual Form. — Practical View 
 of the Case. 
 
 What has been allowed and sanctioned has been allowed 
 and sanctioned from condescension to human exigencies and 
 infirmities (Kara tov BsvTspov (paai, "TrXow)^^ in either case; 
 though we are not therefore bound to regard the realisation 
 of the ideal upon earth as a moral impossibility. There seems 
 no reason at all to conclude, for instance, that the world 
 might not have been Christianised and yet Christendom have 
 remained as essentially detached, in organisation as well as 
 in spirit, from the world as it certainly was in its three first 
 centuries. It might, perhaps, have thus never known metro- 
 politans, patriarchs, or pope, but it would likewise have never 
 
 " Arist. Pol. ii. 1. «2 Arist. Eth. ii. 9. 
 
ARGUMENTS FOE THE ACTUAL FORM. 31 
 
 known kings and emperors. It might have remained a mere 
 aggregate of local churches in communion with each other, 
 but it would never have taken the shape of national churches 
 — churches interwoven with states, and independent of each 
 other. As emergencies arose, their invisible Head would 
 have raised up champions equal to deal with them, in all 
 ages, as were the Fathers ; and one fertile cause of dissension 
 and disunion would certainly have never occurred at all, 
 namely, questions between the chiefs of the sanctuary, ' which 
 of them ' should be ' greatest ' outside it. Is it not a remark- 
 able fact, and one which speaks volumes for the ideal, that 
 the questions which have arisen in the hierarchy on their re- 
 spective ministrations before Grod, are as nothing compared 
 with those which have been raised in respect of their prece- 
 dence before man ; indeed, most probably would never have 
 been raised at all but for these last. As far as the sanctuary 
 is concerned, one bishop, one priest, one deacon is as good as 
 another. Christ placed them all, in their several degrees, 
 upon terms of absolute equality as regards His service. Was 
 there any such grave necessity that they should have intro- 
 duced inequalities amongst themselves, whom even the rite of 
 consecration had left equals ? 
 
 i Against all this, the circumstances in which the lot of the 
 primitive Church was cast remain to be set. It may be 
 doubted whether ages of persecution, such as the three first 
 centuries, did not in reality supply motives for union and de- 
 tachment from the world that were practically stronger than 
 any others of a more recondite nature while they continued in 
 force, and therefore so much the more calculated to occasion 
 a reaction of feeling when they were withdrawn. Must we, 
 therefore, expect or desire that Christendom should never 
 cease to be persecuted by the powers that be, but have its ' era 
 of martyrs ' in every age ? After the conversion of Constan- 
 tine, they were no longer only those who would have died for 
 Christ, that enrolled themselves in His Church. Was it 
 desirable that the many should be for ever excluded from it? 
 And when the civil powers, in gratitude for the countless 
 ameliorations which they saw introduced into public and 
 
32 PEACTICAL VIEW OF THE CASE. 
 
 private life by the religion of Christ, extended the right hand 
 of fellowship to it, accepted its obligations, seated it upon 
 seats of honour and of social influence, was Christendom pre- 
 cluded by any law of the Grospel from making alliances with 
 those who had hasted to lay their crowns at its feet ? Could 
 it not rather see the fulfilment of many a striking prophecy 
 relating to itself in these overtures ? This, then, is the real 
 point for consideration. Could Christianity have ever be- 
 come the religion of the world through human instrumen- 
 tality, without mixing itself up with the world, or being 
 advanced to honour in the world ; especially when amongst 
 its professing members there were many — perhaps the 
 majority of them — only too glad to combine temporal 
 interests with spiritual, their worldly prospects with their 
 Christian calling ? How long would the ideal have survived 
 these disturbing influences had it been enforced, and a lower, 
 but very possibly a more working polity not been sanctioned 
 in its stead? 
 
 § 14. Two Alternatives for the Church. 
 
 Here, therefore, in the next place, I say I cannot imagine 
 but that the 'practicable course lay between these two alter- 
 natives: — 1. Universal Christendom, tmited under a single 
 earthly head : — or, 2. As many churches as there were already, 
 or might be, nations; as independent of each other, or as 
 united to each other, in regard to their common faith and 
 discipline,*^ as nations are independent, or united, in view of 
 those common ties which they have by nature. Now, had 
 Christianity been thus split up into national churches — ■ 
 
 i^' As has been forcibly said in the trines of the XXXIX. Articles .... 
 
 case of the esdsting Church of Eng- or whether theywere content that focA 
 
 land, ' What were their ideas as to Christian nation should continue to 
 
 the relations of the State Church of have its own national religion, and 
 
 England to the other Churches of conseguently its own national God, 
 
 Christendom, whether they expected after the fashion of polythdstic anti- 
 
 that the whole Christian world would guiti/,' &c. — Professor G. Smith's Plea 
 
 in the end he converted to the doc- for the Abolition of Tests, p. 27. 
 
ARGUMENTS FOK A SUPREME HEAD, 
 
 33 
 
 churches taken into partnership with states — 1,500 years ago, 
 who can dispute but that, in all human probability, it would 
 have been extinct now, with most of the blessings which have 
 been derived from what we call European civilisation, un- 
 realised ? ^^ I draw my inference from what the British Church' 
 
 " It is curious to note the grada- 
 tions on this point — which may he 
 distinguished as true, more true, most 
 true — between three standard writers, 
 each in point of time succeeding the 
 other, and, as it were, profiting hy the 
 juster views that had since dawned. 
 I mean Mr. Hallam, M, Guizot, and 
 Dean Milman. 
 
 Mr. Hallam says (^Middle Ages, e. ix. 
 part i. circa med.) : ' Religion alone 
 made a hridge, as it were, across the 
 chaos, and has linked the two periods 
 of ancient and modern civilisation.' 
 
 M. Guizot [Hist, of Civilisation, 
 vol. i. p. 34) : ' I say the Christian 
 Church, and not Christianity. Had it 
 not been a Church, I cannot say what 
 might have happened to it amid the 
 fall of the Roman Empire. . . . Had 
 Christianity been, as in the earher 
 times, no more than a behef, a senti- 
 ment, an individual conviction, we may 
 believe that it would have sunk amidst 
 the dissolution of the empire and the 
 invasion of the barbarians. ..." 
 
 Dean Milman {Lat. Christianity, 
 vol. i. p. 429): 'Now was the crisis 
 in which the Papacy, the only power 
 which lay not entirely and absolutely 
 prostrate before the disasters of the 
 times — ^whiehhadan inherentstrength, 
 and might resume its majesty — the 
 power which was most imperatively 
 required to preserve that which was 
 to survive out of the crumbling wreck 
 of Roman civilisation, must reawaken 
 its obscured and suspended life. To 
 Western Christianity was absolutely 
 necessary, a centre standing alone, 
 strong in traditionary reverence, and 
 in acknowledged claims to sitp-emacy. 
 
 . . . On the rise of a power, both con- 
 trolhng and conservative, hung, hu- 
 manly speaking, the life and death of 
 Christianity; of Christianity as a per- 
 manent, aggressive, expansive, and, to 
 a certain extent, uniform system. 
 There must be a counterbalance to 
 barbaric force, to the unavoidable an- 
 archy of Teutonism, with its tribal, or, 
 at the utmost, national independence, 
 forming a host of small, conflicting, 
 antagonistic kingdoms. . . . ' Such is 
 the deliberate conclusion, based upon 
 historical facts, of one of the most in- 
 tellectual and accomphshed of modem 
 historians, with the experience of such 
 men as Messrs. Guizot and Hallam 
 before him. Some successor of his 
 may perchance discover that there are 
 similar reasons for the continuance of 
 the Papacy even in these days. Per- 
 haps they may be found in our own 
 time-honoured constitution. 
 
 ' The parliament of Great Britain,' 
 says Mr. Burke, ' sits at the head of 
 her extensive empire in two capaci- 
 ties ; one as the local legislature of 
 this island, providing for all things at 
 home, immediately, and by no other 
 instrument than the executive power. 
 The other, and I think her nobler 
 capacity, is what I call her imperial 
 character; in which, as from the 
 throne of Heaven, she superintends 
 all the several inferior legislatures, 
 and guides and controls them all 
 without annihilating any. As all 
 these provincial legislatures are only 
 coordinate to each other, they ought 
 all to be subordinate to her ; else 
 they can neither preserve mutual 
 peace, nor hope for mutual justice, nor 
 
34 WITNESS OF NATIONAL CHURCHES. 
 
 had come tx) be — ^lost to history — till S. Augustine arrived; 
 from what national churches have become within 300 years, 
 with all the manifold advantages of a high state of civilisation 
 on their side, and, what is still more to the point, a great 
 compact body, like that of the Eoman Catholic communion, 
 everywhere meeting and keeping them in check. Look at 
 Eussia and Greece in the East ; look at Sweden, Norway, and 
 Denmark in the West; look at the Protestant churches of 
 Germany, Switzerland, and Scotland in their divided state. 
 The Church of England alone, and the bodies that sprang 
 from it, have any real coherence or vitality : and they are 
 exceptions— destined, perhaps, to play an important part in 
 any futiire schemes for reunion of the whole Church. Still, 
 even so, national churches themselves witness to the need 
 experienced by Christendom of old, and which ended in the 
 Pope ; for they themselves have substituted for him a supreme 
 head in church or state, with whom the final decision of their 
 affairs rests, only it is not reputed infallible. Is there not a Pope 
 of the Greek Church in the Patriarch of Constantinople, or 
 possibly the Sultan ; of the Eussian Church in the Holy Synod, 
 or rather the Czar ; of the Church of England in the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, or, it may be, the Crown or the Prime 
 Minister ? All these, surely, are so many supreme earthly 
 heads ? I say, therefore, lastly, that Christendom, divided and 
 split up into factions as it now is, was never more united than 
 it now is upon this one point — namely, that it cannot do with- 
 out a supreme head upon earth of some kind or other. 
 What has rent Christendom in effect is, that some Christian 
 communities have insisted upon having separate heads of 
 
 effectually afford mutual assistance. boundless. The gentlemen who think 
 
 It is necessary to coerce the negligent, the powers of parliament limited, may 
 
 to restrain the Tiolent, and to aid the please themselves to talk of requisi- 
 
 weak and deficient by the overruling tions. But suppose the requsitions are 
 
 plenitude of her power. She is never not obeyed ? Shall there be no re- 
 
 to intrude into the place of the others, served power in the empire to supply 
 
 whil.st they are equal to the common adeficiencywhichmay weaken, divide 
 
 ends of their institution. But in order and dissipate the whole ? ' — Speech on 
 
 ti enable parliament to answer all ATnerican Ta:ration ot A^^nW. \Q 1774 
 
 these ends of provident and beneficent near the end. 
 superintendence, her powers must be 
 
GENERAL ASSENT TO THE PRINCIPLE. 35 
 
 their own choosing — in some cases not even ecclesiastical ; 
 while the major part, by far, of Christendom has remained one 
 undivided Church all over the world to this day, by adhering 
 to the ecclesiastical centre that was of old, and is still by it 
 regarded as of Divine appointment — a plain practical proof on 
 all hands, as I conceive, that Christendom, to exist in all 
 lands, and be maintained in corporate unity, must of 
 necessity be constituted under a single head.*' In its very 
 divided state, it attests the want both of a supreme head upon 
 earth, and of one head, to be one again. 
 
 § 15. The Ideal more fit for the Cloister. — The Actual 
 sanctioned in the Synagogue and in the Church. 
 
 I am recording a fact, not advocating a principle, in making 
 this statement. I sincerely believe myself, that a church 
 without endowments, without civil privileges, perfectly de- 
 tached from the world, hotly persecuted from time to time, 
 without any distinctions of precedence amongst its ministers 
 outside the sanctuary, without any supreme head in or oiit of 
 the sanctuary but One, who is there worshipped in faith as 
 ever present, is the loftiest and most evangelical idea of a 
 church by far ; and that, to a certain extent, this was actually 
 exhibited in the Church of the Fathers — at least of the three 
 first centuries. But I greatly doubt whether this is not a 
 church more fit for the cloister, and one to which the world 
 at large would never have been drawn or belonged. I can 
 see that, even during that brief period of its existence as such, 
 the germs of another constitution, having possibly more of 
 earth in it, but for that very reason more generally popular and 
 attractive, were beginning to show themselves on all sides, as 
 
 "^ The headship of emperors is a Anglican Church, which is but a single 
 
 thing that has been tried and laid point, how would it not be necessary 
 
 aside. AVTiat, therefore, remains but in order to maintain unity in the 
 
 that of the Pope? Count de Maistre universal Church?" I don't believe 
 
 with good reason considered the fol- an Anglican could reply to this in a 
 
 lowing argument, addressed to the way to satisfy his conscience.' — Lettre 
 
 Church of England, unan.swerable : — a une Dame Busse, vol. ii. p. 285; 
 
 ' " If you believe the hierarchy necrs- Lettres ei Opus, inedit. 
 sary in order to maintain unity in the 
 
 D 2 
 
36 THE ACTUAL SANCTIONED 
 
 though sown broadcast. And I find all explained when I 
 compare the corresponding epochs of the Old and New Testa- 
 ment with each other ; for I find that supreme earthly heads 
 were sought and obtained under both dispensations — each 
 suitable for each, in a manner very analogous. Then Israel 
 was united under Saul: Christendom under the emperors. 
 But a change of dynasty had been foreseen, foretold, and 
 provided for in both cases ; not that in either case the princi- 
 ple of a supreme earthly potentate had been conceded without 
 reproof. ' That ye may perceive and see that your wicked- 
 ness is great, which ye have done in the sight of the Lord 
 in asking you a king,'^^ says Samuel, soon after Saul had been 
 proclaimed king. ' Get thee behind me, Satan, thou art an 
 offence to me ; for thou savourest not the things that be of 
 God, but those that be of men,'^' said our Lord to that very 
 S. Peter, whom He had but just before designated as 'the 
 rock on which He would build His Church;' neither can one 
 passage be applied to his successors ever without the other. 
 To the disciples generally He twice''* read similar rebukes 
 when they disputed amongst themselves which of them should 
 be 'the greatest.' 
 
 On the other hand, compare those glowing words of old 
 Israel, on his deathbed, to his son Judah, with those glowing 
 words of our Lord, on the eve of His transfiguration,^^ to 
 S. Peter.'" Compare the rise of the tribe of Judah as de- 
 tailed in the annals of the Old Testament,^' with the rise of 
 the see of Eome as detailed'^ in ecclesiastical history; the 
 preference shown for the house of David over the house of 
 Saul in the mind of the Synagogue, with the preference shown 
 
 " 1 Sam. xii. 17. One begins, 'Thou art Judah, i. e. a 
 «' S. Matt. xri. 23. thanksgiving;' the other, 'Thou art 
 '° S. Luke ix. 46, and xxii. 24. Peter, i. e. a rock.' — Comp. Corn, a 
 '" In point of time, of course, six Lap. in Gen. 1. c. ; and see Dean Stan- 
 days previously; but as regards re- ley's Univ. Sermons, p. 117. 
 corded events, immediately preceding " F! Num. vii. 12, x. 14; Judges 
 it. i. 2 ; 1 Chron. v. 2, and xxviii. 4 ; 
 '" Gen. xlix. 8, and S. Matt. xvi. Comp. Joseph. Ant. v. 4, and xvii. 
 18. The very form of expression is 14, 9. 
 
 identical in both cases — a play upon " See the instances above given, 
 
 names — as Bishop Horsley has ob- which might be added to considerably, 
 served, Serm. xiii., on S. Matt. v. 
 
m THE SYNAGOGUE AND IN THE CHURCH. 37 
 
 in the mind of the Church for the ecclesiastical headship of 
 the see of Eome over that of the emperors. Note, finally, 
 that as the kingdom was scarce fully established in the house 
 of David, before Israel and Judah were divided : so likewise 
 that the prerogatives of the see of Home were scarce fully 
 recognised, before East and West became two separate 
 churches. Who can fail to be struck with the strangeness of 
 coincidence throughout? And, if so, who will dispute that 
 those memorable words of our Lord to S. Peter are to be 
 construed literally? Not, indeed, as though it had been His 
 primary will and pleasure that it should be so, as we may 
 gather from His own words immediately following ; but that 
 if His Church was to have a supreme head at all upon earth. 
 He vested that dignity in S. Peter and his successors. Not, 
 indeed, that there was not to be a rent in the Church, as there 
 had been in the Synagogue, as one contingent effect of their 
 sovereignty. Not that their history was not destined to be a 
 chequered one, like that of the kings of Judah. But that 
 through their instrumentality, one part of His Church, if not 
 the largest in extent, the most thriving in numbers, the most 
 active, and the most eventful in destiny, might be bound 
 together in one compact mass, and be maintained in all its 
 integrity, comparatively, against all assaults from whatsoever 
 quarter, till His second Advent ; and that, like Judah of old, 
 it might exhibit a constant foreshadowing upon earth of the 
 glories of His own future kingdom in heaven. 
 
 § 16. Eastern and Western Peculiarities compatible with 
 Intercommunion. 
 
 All this, however, was to be carried out by and through 
 the cooperation of human instruments and events ; many of 
 them unconscious or undesigned contributors to the results 
 in question, the influence of which I would not be for a 
 moment understood to undervalue or deny. Had Christianity 
 never encountered a world-wide empire at its birth, but only 
 a number of insignificant and detached kingdoms or repub- 
 lics, it is quite possible that the idea of a supreme earthly 
 head of the Church would never have occurred at all to its 
 professing members. Without some general acceptance on 
 
38 EASTERN AND "WESTEBN PECULIARITIES 
 
 the part of Christendom, the see of Rome -would never have 
 seen its prerogatives become law. Had the empire never been 
 divided, the churches of East and West might have never 
 parted company. 
 
 Beyond doubt, there were many points on which the 
 genius of East and West differed materially ; some of them 
 in themselves calculated to produce estrangement. But, on 
 the other hand, almost all these existed comparatively in full 
 force before, as well as after, their separation. We must 
 beware of falling into that same shortsightedness which has 
 assigned mere geographical or ethnological causes for the 
 origin and progress of the Reformation. Latin, Teutonic, 
 and Scandinavian races formed one household of faith for 
 more than 600 years, whatever they may have done for 300. 
 East and West, similarly, bad given vent to their idiosyncra- 
 sies," even when they were most united. The Quartodeciman 
 controversy, towards the end of the second, and that about 
 the re-baptism of heretics, towards the middle of the third 
 century, rose to the height of excommunication in each case, 
 but subsided without any schism. The decretal of Siricius,'* 
 interdicting for ever even the marriage of priests and dea- 
 cons in the West, was addressed to Himerius, bishop of 
 Tarragona, in a. d. 385, or four years before the death of 
 S. Gregory Nazianzen, who had been born to his father while 
 bishop of that city;'' but it did not occasion so much as a 
 remark from the East. The West repudiated the twenty-eighth 
 canon of the Council of Chalcedon, and the TruUan canons 
 one and all ; but its non-recognition of them involved no 
 rupture ; '^ and when, in A.D. 767, the Council of Frankfort 
 
 " By far the most graphic account " ' The first authentic Decretal.' — ■ 
 
 of these that I know of is to be found Lat. Christianity, b. i. e. 2. 
 
 in Dean Stanley's Lectures on the His- " As his father's own words to him 
 
 tory of the Eastern Church, particu- testify — 
 
 larly Lecture I., on 'The Characteristics OBirw too-oBtox iKfiffierpriKas Plor, 
 
 of the Eastern Church.' Consciously, "Oiros SiflXfle Biktiuv i/ioi xp^vos. 
 
 I haye not borrowed from it, though (De : Vit. sud, v. 612, Op. vol. ii. p. 
 
 it is highly satisfactory to find my own 701, Ed. Ben. See the discussion of 
 
 views shared by such distinguished them, ToL i. p. bcxxi., by the learned 
 
 men as the Deans of Westminster and editor.) 
 
 S. Paul's. " So far from it that the very Pope 
 
COMPATIBLE WITH INTEECOMMUNIOlf. 39 
 
 rejected the decrees of the second Nicene Council, in the 
 matter of images, the Eoman pontiffs actually upheld them 
 against the West, till they became law there too. Leo III., 
 in A.D. 809, decided against interpolating the creed of the 
 East, though he pronounced in favour of the doctrine sought 
 to be inserted in it ; '^ and even Photius, in his celebrated 
 encyclic^' of A.d. 867, restricts his denunciations^' to those 
 ' bishops ' who had been tampering with the faith of the 
 Bulgarians. All that he had said or done against Rome did 
 not prevent him from negotiating, on the death of Ignatius 
 in A.D. 878, for his own acknowledgment as patriarch, with 
 John VIII. ; or six years subsequently, for the repeal of his 
 condemnation by Marinus, with Adrian III. 
 
 § 17. Causes of Rupture between East and West; reducible 
 to three Heads. 
 
 What, therefore, was it that caused communion to be 
 broken off definitively between East and West, and made the 
 breach between Michael Cerularius and Leo IX. in a.d. 1054 
 irreparable ? The act of excommunication, of which Michael 
 complained so bitterly,'" was no new thing on either side, 
 though, possibly, the writ containing it had never been before 
 published with so much solemnity.*' It was scarce two cen- 
 turies since anathemas had been exchanged between Adrian 
 I. and Photius — between Photius and Nicholas I. The 6th 
 
 who rejected them, Sergius I., was a charges, Dr. DoUinger six, Dean Mil- 
 Syrian by birth ; being one of seven man eight, others ten. 
 successiye pontiffe who were either "" Ep. ii. § 4, ad Pet. Antioch. apttd 
 Greeks or Syrians, between a.d. 685 Coieler.Eccl. Gr.Monum.Y6l.Ji.Tp. 165. 
 and 715. " 'Hori iii'* die sabbati, ehartam 
 
 " See the curious account of this excommunicationis super principalo al- 
 
 negotiation given at length by Mr. tare posuerunt (ecelesise S. Sophise) 
 
 Neale, Eastern Church, Gen. Introd., sub oculis cleri et populi. Inde mox 
 
 vol. ii p. 1155-1167. egressi, etiam pulverem pedum suorum 
 
 " Addressed to ' the archiepiseopal excussere in testimonium illis, dictum 
 
 thrones of the East.' — Ej>. 2 Ed. Evangeliiproclamantes, "VideatDeus 
 
 Montacute. et judieet." ' — See the Brevis Com- 
 
 '• Counting them would appear to menwratio, &o., Cam's. Led. Ant. ed. 
 
 be as hopeless as the cedars on Mount Basnage, vol. iii. part i. p. 325. The 
 
 Lebanon. Mosheim reckons up five writ of excommunication follows in fuJL 
 
40 CAUSES OF KUPTUEE REDUCIBLE TO THREE HEADS. 
 
 General Council had even formally anathematised Honorius 
 I.'^ by name. There had been great violence of language in 
 the sixth century between S. Gregory the Great and John 
 the Faster ; not many years previously to which the name of 
 Vigilius had been deliberately erased''* from every one of the 
 eastern diptychs. 
 
 History records no other causes of disunion between East 
 and West in a.d. 1054, but what had been discussed, as much 
 as two centuries back, with warmth, but without involving 
 any lasting breach; and even now, the preeminently sen- 
 sible patriarch of Antioch, Peter, replied to his colleague of 
 Constantinople, by exculpating the Latins upon all grounds 
 but one, namely, their addition to the creed.** 
 
 That this was their one ostensible cause for separating, I 
 shall proceed to show presently; but that there were two 
 other causes at work, one which even we at this day can 
 scarce be brought to admit ; the other gathering strength so 
 insensibly that it was never easy, even for Easterns, to grapple 
 with and unmask, yet both of them operating far more 
 practically than the alleged cause, no one can doubt, who 
 has bestowed any thought upon them. 
 
 § 18. Sin the principal Cause. — Hwrors of the ninth and 
 tenth Centuries. — Instances at Home and Constantinople. 
 
 First, then, if there has been any truth at all in the 
 analogy which has been drawn between the events of the 
 
 '^ Action xii., Mansi, torn. xi. p. in his letter to the emperor, says no- 
 
 872. 'Praster hos autem, ex sanctA thing for or against, or even about, 
 
 quoque Dei Eeelesi4 ejici, et anathe- Honorius; of whose correspondence 
 
 mate feriri, censemus Honorium, quon- with Sergius he could not be ignorant, 
 
 dam Papam Eomae veteris.' Sergius, ^^ Mjchael, Ep. i. ,ad Pet. Antioch. 
 
 Pyrrhus, Paul, and Peter, patriarchs § 9 is of course incorrect ; but Peter, 
 
 of Constantinople, and Cyrus of Alex- in § 4 of his reply, probably uuder- 
 
 andria, shared the same fate. Soph- states rather than overstates the fact, 
 
 ronius of Jerusalem was pronounced — Ap. Cotel. as before, 
 
 orthodox. The legates of Agatho, " Ap. Coteler. Eccl. Gr. Monvm. 
 
 who were present, raised no objection vol. ii. p. 161 (§ 22). 'fis iyuye rtt" 
 
 to this even-handed justice ; and it is iii^tv yvtiiiiiv tpavepu, el t'Jjj/ t^ aytai 
 
 not a little curious that Agatho, when avfi.$6\ii! irpoirfl^m)!/ SiopBiiaaivro ouSev 
 
 enumerating the Monothelite leaders civ eTepov eVef^Tow. 
 
HORBORS OF THE NINTH AND TENTH CENTURIES. 41 
 
 Jewish and Christian dispensations, it will appear that 
 schism in each case had been foreordained as a judgment 
 for sin. ' Thus saith the Lord,'^ . . . this thing is from me : 
 Because they have forsaken me, and have worshipped 
 Ashtoreth the goddess of the Zidonians, Chemosh the god 
 of the Moabites, and Milcom the god of the children of 
 Ammon, and have not walked in my ways . . .' Such was 
 the authoritative explanation of the ' rent ' between Israel 
 and Judah. Can any one deny but that a truer description 
 could not have been given of Christendom between the 
 age of Photius and of Michael ? Was there ever a period 
 when civilisation had sunk to a lower ebb amongst civilised 
 nations, or Christianity been in greater danger of extinction 
 from the vices of its own clergy and laity ? What ! are sins 
 to be kept out of sight in estimating the sequences between 
 cause and effect in any history of the people of God ? As 
 well might secular histories attempt to ignore the freedom of 
 the will, or take no account of the prudence and folly of 
 individuals, or of nations, as directly bringing about events of 
 a prosperous or disastrous character. The ecclesiastical 
 historian is bound to go for his model to the inspired penmen 
 of the Books of Kings and of Chronicles, and not to gloss 
 over, in the smallest degree, the worst sins even of his 
 Davids and Solomons, any more than those of collective 
 Judah and Israel. Imagine, then, Photius, that champion of 
 Greek orthodoxy, boasting that he had drunk sixty cups of 
 wine to his emperor's fifty, and had not been intoxicated.^^ 
 Conceive the patriarch who could be indifferent when the 
 holiest rites of religion were lampooned in his presence,*^ and 
 when the corpse of one of his own predecessors was disin- 
 terred, publicly stripped, scourged, and burnt, by order of 
 his brutal patron, Michael III.'^ Worse deeds than even 
 
 " 1 Kings xii. 24, and xi. 33. Hist. Byz. Script, p. Theophan, § 19 
 
 " "A/iiWav . . . {mip toS t(s i.v irXeov (Michael and Theodora). 
 
 irUi 4i'(TT7]a'dfi€voSy 56«a Kfidaiaiv ainhv *' Ibid, 
 
 v7rep4$a}Aev • rov yhp Wixdri\ iv Toh " Ibid. § 45. John may not hare 
 
 i/ ■ imrKiipufifvoUj oStos & -^drrios roits been "without his faults, but he had 
 
 {'■ imreTTUK&s, ivmavxaro ws /ii; fif/jLe- been tutor of Theophilus, Michael's 
 
 BuKtis. — Symeon Mag. Annal. ap. own father. Gibbon, c. 48, dwells 
 
42 INSTANCES AT EOME AND CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 this bad been perpetrated at Rome by tbe first of Christian 
 bishops before that century closed. Stephen VI.,'^ assisted 
 by one who afterwards became Pope, had the body of his own 
 predecessor and consecrator, Formosns, exhumed, arrayed in 
 pontificals, and carried before a mock synod. Sentence of 
 degradation having been pronounced, it was stripped and put 
 into secular clothing, and the fingers that had given benedic- 
 tion having been cut off, it was ignominiously thrown into 
 the Tiber. The see of Eome was now virtually in the hands 
 of Theodora and Merozia ; and to have been one of their sons, 
 or paramours, the surest title to it. Yet, fifty years hence, 
 and the picture both of Eome and of Constantinople is un- 
 changed. Theophylact had been elected patriarch at the age 
 of sixteen, and even for some time, as patriarch, retained his 
 tutors.'" John XII. was but two years older when elected 
 Pope. The only anecdote told of the first is,"' that one day 
 as he was engaged in officiating at the church of S. Sophia, 
 his groom, who was in attendance, came up and whispered to 
 him that one of his favourite mares had foaled. Theophylact 
 broke off the service abruptly, visited his stud, inspected the 
 new-comer, and then returned back to church to finish hia 
 ministrations. Such was the story bruited about his own 
 diocese of the patriarch of the second see of Christendom. 
 
 upon Michael's crimes ; and c. 60, work of Sergius III. The author of the 
 
 upon the purity of Photius' morals : life of Formosus is probably right in 
 
 but nowhere notices this connection making them joint actors in it — ' per 
 
 between the latter and the former. ignorantiam facti (!), Yelper summum 
 
 " Sigeberti, Gembl. Chron. ad A.D. saerilegium' — and in placing it under 
 
 902, speaking of Stephen: 'Hie pri- the pontificate of Stephen, A..D. 896 
 
 mum a Formoso Papi episcopus Ana- (ap. Mansi, torn, xviii. pp. 99, 174, 
 
 guinee ecclesise ordinatus, ipsum For- and 250). On the other hand, see 
 
 mosum prosequitur, et ordinationes Morinus ad Auxilium — 'De ordin. a 
 
 ejus omnes irritas esse debere decemit Formoso factis,' ap. Max. Bibl. Vet. 
 
 .... Ipse, et nou Sergius, corpus Fat. torn. xvii. p. 1 et seq. 
 
 Formosi a sepulchro in concilio pro- •" '2.^Kai5fKaii.ev4Ta>viTfi.KavovlaTais 
 
 tractum, et papali veste exutum, laicali to6$ tijj iKK\i]irlas vfpiii\i\<\>^v otaxai, 
 
 induit, et abscissis duobus digitis dex- imh iraiSoyorcofis (^eO ^oi) i apxtepius 
 
 terse man^s ejus, in Tiberim praecipi- /iEXP'TiKisSioTcXeo-ar- — Georg. Cedxen. 
 
 tari fecit ..." All which Luitprand, Hist. Compend. pars ii. p. 638 (ed. 
 
 Antapod. lib. i. 30 (ap. Migne, Patrol. Fabrot). 
 
 C. C. ToL cxxxvi.) describes as the " Ibid. 
 
COMPLAINT OF EATHEEIUS. 43 
 
 The Greek historian who records it very pertinently remarks, 
 that the patriarchs of Constantinople and of Eome — men- 
 tioning John by name — were well matched. Imagine our 
 intrepid and high-souled S. Dunstan making a journey to 
 Eome ^^ to receive his pall from one whose evil report had 
 spread so far and wide that even at Constantinople men 
 described him as ' Trpos iracrav d<T^\r/siav koI xaKiav virdp^mv 
 sinppsinjs,'^^ and whose own cardinals and bishops, clergy and 
 people,^* demanded his deposition, at the end of nine years, 
 for crimes which Otho well stigmatised as, ' tam obscoena, ut 
 si de histrionibus dicerentur, verecundiam nobis ingererent 
 . . . ' His death was as disgraceful as his life had been ; not, 
 however, till he had directed the affairs of the Church for ten 
 years as Pope. A letter to him from the austere Bishop of 
 Verona, Eatherius, may illustrate how matters were managed 
 in those days. Eatherius complains that he was forcibly kept 
 out of his see by the boy Milo,'° to whom it had been sold by 
 Manasses, the pluralist Archbishop of Milan, then the unlaw- 
 ful occupant of no less than five sees — Aries, Verona, Mantua, 
 Trent, and Milan ;'^ but the worst part of it all was, that 
 ' the abettors of this outrage boasted that it had been sanc- 
 tioned by the Apostolic see.'^ His appeal lay unheeded till 
 
 " A.D. 960. See Florence of Worces- made oath of these charges, and were 
 
 ter, p. 103 (Forester's Tr.), Hoveden, prepared to substantiate them. — De 
 
 vol. i. p. 73 (Riley's Tr.); and yet, Eeb. Otton. M. § 11; ap. Migne, 
 
 in point of fact, the story told of Patrol. C. O. vol. exxxTi. p. 904 ; and 
 
 EMsine, S. Dunstan's own immediate Sigebert, Gemh. Chron. ed. a.d. 963. 
 predecessor, almost equals, in brutahty " ' Nepotulum, eum auctor appellat, 
 
 and depravity, that of Stephen VI. quia erat adolescentulus annorum eir- 
 
 Still it is the only one of the kind citer 18.' — Ballerin ad 1. John could 
 
 occurring in the history of the seventy therefore sympathise with him. 
 archbishops of Canterbury, between °° Comp. Luitprand, Antapod. iv. 6. 
 
 S. Augustine and Warham ; and there Manasses defended himself by saying 
 
 is a far greater percentage of such that S. Peter had been a pluralist too ; 
 
 stories in the history of the 220 popes having held Alexandria, Eome, An- 
 
 between S. Peter and Leo X. — V. tioch, and Aquileia at the same time. 
 Osbern in Vit. Odon. ad f. ; and " This, his editor thinks, had been 
 
 Wharton's note; and Lingard's .dw^Zo- rather the decision of Agapetus IL 
 
 Saxon Ch. vol. ii. p. 282, note. than of John; the words are 'Fautores 
 
 "' Cedrenus, ibid. p. 640. hujusmodi ordinationis licentiam ae- 
 
 "* As stated by Luitprand, bishop cepisse gleriantur ab apostolatu vestrae 
 
 of Cremona, who was present. They domiuationis.'^Eather. Ef. v. 6-8 ; 
 
44 COMPLAIIfT OF CANUTE. 
 
 Otho procured his restitution in a.d. 961. Facts, indeed, 
 these for his celebrated work, 'De Contemptu Canonum,'^* 
 addressed to a brother bishop. John XIX. was a layman 
 when his brother Benedict died, but was elected to succeed 
 him in a.d. 1024, by dint of bribery ; and such was his venal 
 character all over the world, that on the one hand an embassy 
 was despatched to him from Constantinople to purchase 
 privileges for that see, which he was very near selling;''^ and 
 on the other hand, our own Canute expressed to him in 
 person, and in terms not to be trifled with, ' his high dis- 
 pleasure, that his archbishops were sorely aggrieved by the 
 demand of immense sums of money, when, according to 
 custom, they resorted to the Apostolic see to obtain the 
 pall.'""* The royal complainant assures Archbishop Ethel- 
 noth, and others to whom he is writing, that ' it had been 
 decreed this should be no longer done.' Two years later, and 
 what redress could even Canute have obtained ? John had 
 then been succeeded by his nephew, Theophylact, a boy of 
 ten or twelve years old — for in this alone accounts vary — who 
 for eleven or twelve years sat as Pope, under the name of 
 Benedict IX., and for many years longer kept Eome in a state 
 of schism and turmoil, by struggling against his repeated 
 ejectments. ' His life,' says a contemporary, who subse- 
 quently became Pope, ' was so base, foul, and execrable, even 
 after obtaining the priesthood, that I shudder to tell of it.' "" 
 It is only fair to add that he repented of his crimes, which 
 John XII. did not ; but, luckily for Christendom, and for the 
 world at large, long before his death, which only took place 
 in A.D. 1065, the mighty master-mind of Hildebrand had 
 conceived and organised a revolution, which rescued religion 
 from its state of degradation in Europe, though it came too 
 late to save the East. There, at all events, the scourge, 
 
 ap. Migne, Fatrol. C. G. vol. cxxxvi. 1031 ; comp. Wilkins, Condi, vol. i. 
 
 p. 660-2 ; also Vit. Rather, ibid. § 13. p. 297. 
 
 •» Ibid. p. 486-522. '»' Dcsider. Dialog, lib. iii. c. 1 ; 
 
 *» Glaber Eadulphus, Hist. iv. c. 1, ap. MabiU. Act. Ben. vol. vi. p. 460. 
 
 quoted at length in a former note to He became pope in a.d. 1086, under 
 
 rp. 39. the name ofVictor III. — Comp. Glab. 
 
 ; ^^ Florence of Worcester Chron. L.'D. Kad. ffiii. iv. 5. 
 
FOREBODINGS OF PETEK OP ANTIOCH. 45 
 
 which union with the West might have averted, descended 
 with full force, amply bearing out the prophetic words of that 
 Peter who has been already cited : ' Consider '"^ whether it be 
 not clearly from hence, namely, from this our long-continued 
 division and separation, the severance of this great and Apos- 
 tolic throne from our Holy Church, that every social evil has 
 come to be multiplied, and the whole world to be in a bad 
 plight, so that all the kingdoms of the earth are in confusion; 
 and that there is wailing and woe, famine and pestilence, in 
 town and in country, without end, everywhere ; so that in no 
 quarter do our hosts at all prosper.' In less than twenty-five 
 years after that schism commenced, the Turks had become 
 masters of Palestine; in less than half that time after its 
 accommodation by the Council of Florence had been rejected, 
 they had become masters of Constantinople. 
 
 § 19. Second Cause. — Rise of the Temporal Potver. — The 
 whole West a party to it. — Moral Power against brute Force. 
 
 And, now, that other cause, which had long been working 
 estrangement between East and West, but had from time to 
 time been thrown back, and, but for sin, might have been 
 ovei^uled in its effects, began to assume proportions under 
 Gregory VII. and his successors, that must, in the eyes of 
 the Greeks, those obstinate pleaders for antiquity, have gone 
 far to reconcile them to their isolation. Honorary prece- 
 dence they had even themselves claimed for Eome, especially 
 when vindicating for their own pet see the next place : its 
 jurisdiction they had likewise admitted in exceptional or 
 extreme cases, or when in conformity with their interests, and 
 they were perfectly content that it should always exercise 
 any amount of summary jurisdiction over the West. But 
 for the supremacy, which, backed by temporal possessions and 
 temporal pretensions, threatened to make and unmake kings 
 and emperors, as well as bishops and archbishops, and pros- 
 trate all Christendom at its feet as suppliants, they were 
 
 ">2 Ep. ad Mich. C. P. § 21, as before. 
 
46 RISE OF THE TEMPOEAL POWER. 
 
 ■wholly unprepared. They looked on in amaze ; they could 
 find no sort of precedent for it in their ancient canons ; and 
 in. their inmost soiils they must have congratulated them- 
 selves both in church and state, that their present attitude, 
 at all events, secured them against any such startling encroach- 
 ments upon their primeval rights. The language of the 
 Popedom had undoubtedly become, to all who came into con- 
 tact with it, more and more that of the young men, which 
 the son of Solomon adopted as his own : '"^ ' My little finger 
 shall be thicker than my father's loins . . . Whereas my father 
 did lade you with a heavy yoke, I will add to your yoke : my 
 father hath chastised you with whips, but I vill chastise you 
 with scorpions.' Temporal prerogatives were set up, that 
 threw ecclesiastical prerogatives, at their highest, into the 
 shade : not only were heretics and evildoers excommunicated, 
 but interdicts began to be laid upon whole kingdoms. Still, 
 what may have been oppression in Judah, was very necessary 
 discipline for feudal and uncivilised Europe. Hard times 
 justified hard measures. As long as the spiritual power 
 fought exclusively for the interests of religion and morality, 
 public opinion responded to its loftiest claims, nor even 
 now is it intolerant of them in a just cause. Some principles 
 there are whose nature is best appreciated in their fruits. 
 The modern historian of the Italian republics dwells eloquently 
 on the fact that Italy recivilised Europe. As little can it be 
 denied that Eome recivilised Italy. Above all, it should 
 never be forgotten that the '180,000 chosen men'"* who 
 were warriors,' whom Rehoboam could muster in support of 
 his claims, have been wholly wanting to the Papacy, except, 
 indeed, in the sense in which Napoleon I. apostrophised it,'"^ 
 
 '"' 1 Kings xii. 10, 11. Sir James each other, but immediately, as tenants 
 
 Stephen expresses the then current "in capite," from the one legitimate 
 
 doctrine thus: — 'A Di-vine right to representative of the great Apostle .. .' 
 
 ■uniyersal obedience was the inalien- Essays, p. 17 (Hildebrand). 
 
 able attribute of the Roman pontiffs, '"' Ibid. t. 21. 
 
 of whom, as supreme earthly Suzerain, '°^ ' Traitez le Pape, comme s'il 
 
 emperors and kings held their crowns, avait deux cent mille hommes.' — 
 
 patriarchs and bishops their mitres ; Speech of the First Consul to Cacault. 
 
 and held them not mediately, through Rohrbacher, E. H. voL 27, p. 637. 
 
THE WHOLE WEST A PARTY TO IT. 47 
 
 when, to all appearance, it lay at his feet. The most super- 
 ficial reader of history cannot fail to have perceived that the 
 Popes were staters, and not makers, of the power that came to 
 them, in church and in state, day by day. They had no 
 means, on the whole, of obtaining, or of adding to it, by 
 force of arms, whether by land or sea. Either they claimed 
 no more than what others were disposed to accord, or else 
 they accepted what others bestowed of their own free will. 
 Much of their medieval ascendency has been ascribed to the 
 false Decretals ; as if those Decretals had supplied them with 
 the equivalent of a standing army ! There does not appear 
 to be the smallest probability that any pope had a hand in 
 forging them. Their birthplace, like that of the interpolated 
 creed, was either Spain or France — the westernmost of the 
 West — and they only expressed the received opinions of those 
 days ; namely, of the eighth and ninth centuries. It cer- 
 tainly was no pope who compiled the ' Decretum ' of Grratian, 
 or the ' Summa Theologica ' of S. Thomas Aquinas. Pope 
 after pope unquestionably insisted upon the spiritual claims 
 of his see, but bishops and archbishops accepted them, 
 councils ratified them, monks and friars invoked them, 
 canonists and schoolmen consolidated them as the basis of 
 their respective systems, and fortified them by all the argu- 
 ments which at that date were thought most cogent and un- 
 answerable.'"* Its cause was looked upon during the influx 
 
 Dean Milman expresses himself no themselves. — On which see DeMaistre, 
 less eloquently than faithfully on the Du Pape, lib. ii. u. 6. 
 oeeasion of the deposition of Henry "° For this whole subject see 
 IV. of Germany, thus: 'When the Gieseler, E. H. per. iii. div. i. §§ 7, 
 Senate or the Emperors of Eome is- 20, with the notes, Eng. Tr., whose 
 sued their mandates to the extremity admissions are considerable ; and 
 of the world, they were known to be Alzog. E. H. § 186, French Tr., who 
 supported by vast and innumerable is no less unbiassed on the other side, 
 armies. The mandates of Hildebrand As Sir James Stephen has very truth- 
 were to promulgate, to execute them- fully said, ' It was a conflict of mental 
 selves' — Lat. Christianity, b. vii. c. with physical power, of literature with 
 2, circa med. Kings and nations, of ignorance, of religion with injustice 
 course, frequently sided with popes, and debauchery. To the popes of the 
 and fought for them. It rarely hap- Middle Ages was assigned a province, 
 pened that popes ever fought for the abandonment of which would have 
 
48 MORAL POWER AGAINST BRUTE FORCE. 
 
 of barbarism, and in the days of feudalism, as that of moral 
 power and of law against brute force, as the one tie that 
 bound together the disjointed nationalities of Europe as one 
 family ; and the vitality which it revealed in recovering itself 
 from its worst periods of oppression and degradation, fully 
 bore out the current idea that the hand of Grod was upon it, 
 and that it rested upon mightier and more durable founda- 
 tions than any other earthly potentate. ' Ex uno disce omnes.' 
 A great deal has been written on the subjugation of British 
 Christianity to the see of Rome. How was it accomplished? 
 By the teaching and preaching of two unarmed monks and 
 those who accompanied them, SS. Augustine and Theodore. 
 What was the nature of the force employed to compel 
 Plegmund, Odo, Dunstan, Ethelnoth, the most celebrated of 
 their Anglo-Saxon successors, to go to Eome for their palls 
 in those dark ages, when travelling was so perilous, and when 
 the personal character of the bishops of Eome must have 
 filled them with so much abhorrence ? Two of our greatest 
 archbishops, SS. Anselm and Thomas of Canterbury, may be 
 said to have pleaded the cause of the Papacy at the risk of 
 their lives, against the popes themselves, so little assistance 
 or encouragement did they receive from Eome. 
 
 § 20. Temporal Pretensions and Possessions of the 
 Roman See. 
 
 The temporal pretensions and possessions of the see of 
 Eome, similarly, originated with free-gifts in the first instance, 
 and not — till these had been accepted and held for some time — 
 claims. The first temporal cause in which a pope was ever 
 asked to interfere — in which his judgment brought about a 
 national revolution by becoming law — was the deposition of a 
 king, of whose hereditary rights there had never been any 
 question at all. Zachariah adjudicated upon the case as it 
 had been laid before him. Childeric III. ended his days in a 
 
 plunged the Church and the world his successors to the level of that high 
 
 into hopeless slavery. To Pope vocation.' — Essays, ibid. p. 55. He 
 
 Gregory VII. were given the genius modifies this, indeed, by what he adds 
 
 and the courage to raise himself and about spiritual despotism. 
 
POPES DISCROWN BEFOEE THEY CROWN. 49 
 
 monastery ; and Pepin, who had been crowned previously by 
 S. Boniface, Zachariah's legate, received his crown a second 
 time, A.D. 753, in the abbey-church of S. Denis, at the hands 
 of Stephen III., who had come the whole way from Eome to 
 place it on his head.'"' 
 
 Singularly enough, therefore, the act of 'discrowning' came 
 first, and that of crowning afterwards, in the history of the 
 popes. And they performed both equally by invitation.'"' 
 And, as they began by crowning kings in the eighth century, 
 so in the ninth they commenced crowning emperors — a prac- 
 tice which, in spite of all the depositions that have been its 
 inseparable correlatives, they have not only been never allowed 
 to drop during the whole 1,000 years intervening between 
 Charlemagne and Napoleon I., but have even within these 
 last ten years, if report says true, been again and again im- 
 portuned, in more than one quarter, to resume. Nor can 
 modern Europe be so uncandid as to deny that the credit of 
 having first taught that, even under the Gospel, kings and 
 emperors oppressing their subjects unlawfully, may be resisted 
 lawfully, belongs to the Papacy. 
 
 I must be limited in these references; but there is one 
 case too interesting for us, as Englishmen, to be left any 
 longer, as it has been, comparatively unnoticed. Our own 
 William the Conqueror was not so sure of his title to the 
 crown of England, but he must get it confirmed by Alex- 
 ander II. '"^ his own elevation of course involving the deposition 
 of Harold, then reigning, with full consent of the English 
 
 "" On this event, and its conse- aftenvards maintained, he who could 
 
 quences, see Mr. Hallam's Middle elevate coidd degrade ; he who could 
 
 Ages, c. 1, part 1, and Gieseler, E. H. crown, could discrown, the emperor.' 
 
 per. iii. div. i. § 5. — Lat. Christian, b. v. e. 1. Hilde- 
 
 '"' Hence the following passage is hrand had not far to look for prece- 
 scaroely accurate as to facts: 'The dents. He had himself, in fact, ad- 
 part taken by the pope in the oifer of judged the crown of England to 
 the empire to Charlemagne, his corona- Wilham I. which involved the ex- 
 tion by the hands of the pope in the elusion of Harold, 
 same manner, gave a vague notion, a '"'' Wm. of Malmesbury, p. 273, 
 notion to be matured by time, that it G-iles' Tr. and Math. Par. ad a.d. 1066 : 
 was a papal grant. He who could 'TTt susceptum negotium auetoritate 
 bestow could withhold ; and, as it was Apostolio4 firmaretur.' 
 
50 TEMPOEALITIES OF THE POPES. 
 
 people. That the pope sent him a standard as a presage of 
 ■victory, and that he conquered, is well-known. What is 
 less generally known is, the deposition of archbishop Stigand, 
 and all the Saxon bishops and abbots who refused allegiance 
 to William, through the medium of the legates of Alexander, 
 in the synod of Winchester, a.d. 1070; '"' just as, some 730 
 years afterwards, the French episcopate was reconstituted by 
 the joint action of Pius VII. and Napoleon I. It is curious 
 that the precedent of the ejected Saxon bishops of the eleventh, 
 should never have been pressed against the 'Petite Eglise' of 
 the nineteenth century, while the precedents of Pepin and of 
 Charlemagne were on the lips of everybody in France on the. 
 memorable event of December 2, 1804."' 
 
 Once more, the same age that invited temporal pretensions 
 on the part of the pope constituted him by the best right in 
 the world — by free gift of territory — temporal sovereign. 
 Astolph had yielded it ; ambassadors from Constantinople 
 claimed it ; Pepin, who might have kept it for his own, 
 solemnly bestowed it upon the see of Eome. In the words 
 of Dean Milman : "^ 
 
 ' Pepin declared that his sole object in the war was to show 
 his veneration for S. Peter ; and he bestowed — as it seems — ■ 
 by the right of conquest, the whole upon the pope. The 
 representatives of the pope, who, however, always speak of 
 the republic of Eome, passed through the land receiving the 
 
 "" In the summons issued by the loeo suas gentis personas subrogaret. 
 
 legates it is said, ' Licet Eomana ec- ... Hinc et nonnullos tarn Episcopos, 
 
 clesia circa correctionem omnium quam Abbates, quos nullA e-yidenti 
 
 Christianorum invigilare debeat, spe- caus4, nee ConciUa, nee leges seculi 
 
 ciahus tamen ei conversationis vestrse damnabant, suis honoribus privavit.' 
 
 mores convenit inquirere, et Chris- — Wilkins, Condi, vol. i. p. 322, 3. 
 
 tianam religionem, qu4 vos primitus Oomp. Lat. Christianity, b. vii. e. 1, 
 
 instruxit, diligentii suae visitationis ad f., and for the modern parallel, 
 
 reparare . . . ut concilium vobiscum Eohrbacker, E.H. vol. xxvii. pp. 636- 
 
 celebraturi, qu« in vined Domini 41. 
 
 Sabaoth male pullulant reseeemus et '" Dwelt upon in all the speeches 
 
 animarum et corporum utihtati pro- and addresses made to Pius VII. 
 
 futura plantemus.' We get at the Eohrbacker, vol. xxviii. p. 39 et seq., 
 
 true grounds from Hoveden : ' Operara as if it had been the birth of a new 
 
 dante Eege, ut quamplures ex Anglis, "phoenix at the end of 1000 years. 
 
 Buis honoribus privarentur, in quorum '" Lat. Christianity, b. iv. c. H. 
 
DONATION OF PEPIN AND OTHERS TO THEM. 51 
 
 homage of the authorities, and the keys of the cities. The 
 district comprehended Eavenna, Eimini, Pesaro, Fano, Cesena, 
 Sinigaglia, lesi, Forlimpopoli, Forli, with the castle Sussibio, 
 Montefeltro, Acerra, Monti di Lucano, Serra, San Martino, 
 Bobbio, Urbino, Cagli, Luciolo, Gubbio, Comachio, and Narni, 
 ■which was severed from the dukedom of Spoleto. Thus the 
 successor, as he was declared, of the fisherman of the Galilean 
 lake, the apostle of Him whose kingdom was not of this world, 
 became a temporal sovereign. By the gift of a foreign poten- 
 tate, this large part of Italy became the kingdom of the bishop 
 of Eome.' 
 
 It would certainly be hard, amongst ' the kingdoms of this 
 world,' to point out one that had been similarly acquired. 
 Neither the fact nor the lawfulness of this donation has ever 
 therefore been disputed ; and it so happens that, in point of 
 time, it preceded, by nearly 100 years, the forgery of the 
 charter of donation by Constantine ; which last, accordingly, 
 was mere fiction founded upon fact."' It was formally re- 
 newed, if not amplified, by Charlemagne; "* then, it remained 
 in comparative abeyance during that fierce period when the 
 counts of Tusculum and of Tuscany reigned paramount ; and 
 then came the deed of the great countess, who bestowed all 
 her allodial possessions in perpetuity upon the see of Eome,"* 
 which, for a^ time, had but the effect of adding fuel to the 
 conflict that was now raging between popes and emperors. 
 At length, Lothair III., in ^.d. 1 133, formally recognised the 
 grant of Matilda, by receiving her lands in fee from Inno- 
 cent II. ;"^ and, later still, the unimpeachable founder of the 
 House of Hapsburg, Eodolph, in a.d. 1278, ' absolutely re- 
 leased the imperial supremacy over all the dominions already 
 granted to the Holy See.'"' 
 
 "' Gieseler, E. H. per. iii. div. ii. '" Hallam, Middle Ages, c. iii. part 
 
 § 20, note 20 (and § 5, note 18). The ii. Comp. Gieseler, per. iii. div. iii. 
 
 way in whicli he would account for the § 58, note 10. But the proper place 
 
 forgery is far from improbable. to study all these documents now 
 
 '" Lat. Christianity, b. iv. e. 12. is the magnificent work of Father 
 
 "' Ibid. per. iii. div. iii. § 49, note 23. A. Theiner, entitled Codex Diplo- 
 
 "° Gieseler, E. H. per. iii. div. iii. maticus Dominii Temporalis 8. Sedis, 
 
 § 51. 3 vols. fol. Eome, 1862, estending 
 
 ■E 2 
 
52 ROME AND CONSTANTINOPLE 
 
 § 21. Rome and Constantinople m their altered Relations. 
 
 We have nothing to do, therefore, but contrast Eome and 
 Constantinople under their altered circumstances, in order to 
 see why the breach between them in the eleventh century- 
 proved so much more fatal in its effects than any that had 
 occurred before. From the days of Pepin and of Charle- 
 magne, a vast revolution had been impending between the 
 relative positions of the two sees ; it had been thrown back 
 by their mutual degradation and prostration in the ninth and 
 tenth centuries ; but, under the popes who succeeded Gregory 
 VII. in the West, and under the sultans who succeeded Alp 
 Arslan in the East, it made great progress on both sides, till 
 at length there was scarcely any comparison left, but in name, 
 between them ; and every succeeding event only increased 
 their disparity. The one had gone up as steadily as the other 
 had gone down ; the one had become the acknowledged head 
 of Christianised Europe, both in church and state ; the other, 
 the most trampled-on institution of a debased empire, nine- 
 tenths of which had been torn away by violence, unchristian- 
 ised, and forced to embrace a rival creed. Could Eome 
 exercise unqualified supremacy over the strong, and stirring, 
 
 from A.D. 756 to a.d. 1793. In his nourel^ les confirmations de cette 
 
 preface to voL i. the Editor, appealing meme donation faites par les em- 
 
 to them, says : ' Tons les empereurs pereurs ses prM^cesseurs. Dans ces 
 
 d'Occident qui succMferent a Charle- confirmations, les empereurs ne recon- 
 
 magne avaient confirm^ aux papes la naissaient pas seulement la donation 
 
 donation de Pepin. Apr&s ee roi, et de Pepin, mais ils juraient aussi de 
 
 surtout aprJs la translation de la dig- eonserver aux papes leurs ^tats, et de 
 
 mt6 imp&iale de la maison de France les d&fendre dans la possession legitime 
 
 a ceUe d'Allemagne, il s'itait formi et pacifique de leurs droits, centre tons 
 
 entre le Saint SiAge et les empereurs ceux qui tenteraient de les contester.' 
 
 des rapports intimes, dont la premiere In his preface to vol. ii. he adds : ' Les 
 
 condition 4tait, qu'ancun empereur documents contenus dans ee second et 
 
 d'Allemagne, en prenant en meme troisiJme volume r^futeront de nou- 
 
 temps le titre d' empereur remain, ne veau, d'une maniere vietorieuse I'er- 
 
 put toe reconnu comme tel, et rece- reur de ceux qui s'obstinent ... a 
 
 voir du pape la couronne imp^riale, soutenir que les papes n'ont gufere 
 
 e'il n'avait pas, avant son couronne- avant le 16'°"' siiole, exerci la souve- 
 
 igoent, confirmi par serment au Saint raineti temporeUe sur les sujets de 
 
 Si^ge la donation de Pepin, et re- leurs itata.' 
 
IN THEIE ALTERED BELATONS. 63 
 
 and many-peopled West, and be content with honorary pre- 
 cedence, or even appellate jurisdiction, over the imprisoned 
 East ? Besides, had she wished it ever so, could she possibly 
 have excepted the East from the effect of those centralising 
 influences that were abroad, and at work, so much to her own 
 manifest advantage, that she could hardly be expected to take 
 any active part in stemming or disowning them ? When 
 canonists and schoolmen were telling the pope that he was 
 above law, and the supreme arbiter upon earth o^ all law, 
 human or divine,'" was it to be expected that he should step 
 in, and assert his own subordination to the canons of the 
 Greek church ; when all Western archbishops were content 
 to look upon the pope as their lawful suzerain, and themselves 
 as his vicars,"' was it to be expected that he should tell the 
 powerless patriarchs of the East that they alone owed him no 
 such allegiance ? We in England are not over-enamoured of 
 the principle of centralisation, and in some respects are dis- 
 posed to view it as so much unmixed evil. Yet how much 
 better, on the whole, do we think it that all causes of import- 
 ance should be tried in London than in the provinces ; and, 
 even if we were not of that opinion ourselves, how could we 
 inveigh against it as a relic of barbarism, seeing that it com- 
 menced with imperial Eome, and has been clung to under 
 every possible form of government, by our polite neighbours, 
 ever since their great social revolution of A.D. 1789. 
 
 § 22. Fnncvple of Centralisation. — Its Merits and 
 natural Results. 
 
 The business of Christendom in the West came to be as 
 regularly transacted at Eome as the business of England in 
 
 "' The natural inference from the personam . . . Haee Eententia est 
 
 position, ' a niiUo judicatur.' — See verissima, et, teste Cajetano, omnium 
 
 Gratian Dec. part i. dist. xl. c. 6 ; part theologornm et doctorum Cathohe- 
 
 ii. cause ix. quaest. 3, e. 10 et seq.; orum testimonio comprobata.' Azor. 
 
 also cause xvii. quaest. 4, c. 30, ■with Inst. Mor pars ii. lib. iii. c. 30. The 
 
 the glosses. Spanish bishops, indeed, attacked this 
 
 "' ' Omnem jurisdiefionem episco- position at the Council of Trent (SesB. 
 
 porum non esse proximi a Deo, sed xxiii. See Waterworth, p. ceii. ci scj.), 
 
 per interpositam Eomani pontificis but -were overruled. 
 
Si THE PRINCIPLE OF CENTKALISATION. 
 
 London, and, still more, of France in Paris. The episcopal or 
 archiepiscopal courts throughout Europe became as the local 
 courts of judicature, the assizes or county-courts, in our own 
 country, but every cause of importance was sent to Eome by 
 common consent. There was naturally more general expe- 
 rience, and a greater array of authorities upon canon law, to 
 be found in the metropolis than in any provincial town. For 
 the same reason, there was likely to be less of local prejudice, 
 and not necessarily, let us hope — otherwise what protection 
 can we look for, or bid our posterity look for, against it in 
 London and Paris ? — more bribery and corruption. Suitors 
 and judges reacted upon each other ; the greater number 
 there were of suitors, the better the judge was paid, and the 
 more considerable came to be his functions. As one court 
 got more to do than it could perform, another was organised ; 
 as suits became more complicate, courts of revision and of 
 appeal had to be formed. Hence, the origin of that elaborate 
 system of tribunals and congregations for ecclesiastical suits 
 and affairs with which Eome abounds, of which that of the 
 Segnatura, the Dateria, and Rota, on the one hand, and of 
 the Index, Inquisition, and Propaganda, on the other, are 
 specimens.'^" 
 
 •" 'Aboutthe twelfth century,' says Eugenius, S. Bernard, in his work Se 
 
 MoToni {JDizion. vol. xvii. p. 296, but Consideratione, e. g. hb. i. c. 4 ; Ub. ii. 
 
 the whole passage is borrowed from c. 2 ;' hb. iii. e. 4. Comp. John of 
 
 liUnadoro), ' a distinction began to be Sahsbury, Be Nugis Cur. lib. vi. c. 23, 
 
 made between the Court of Eome and and Mathew of Cracow, De Squal. 
 
 the Holy or Apostolic See. Thus Bom. Curim, in Brown's Fasaic. app. 
 
 Geroo writes to Eugenius III. (elected p. 585. 
 
 A.D. 1145) : "Neque enim vel hoe Under the head 'Famiglia Ponti- 
 
 ipsum carere macule -videtur, quod ficia' (Moroni, vol. xxiii. p. 73), we 
 
 nunc dicitur Curia Eomana, quse ante- hare the roll, amongst others, of Paul 
 
 hac dicebatur Ecclesia Komana. Nam IV. drawn up in a.d. 1555, containing 
 
 si revolvantur antiqua Romanorum a total as follows '.- — 
 
 pontificum scripta, nusquam in vis re- ' Pamigliari .... 421 
 peritur hoc nomen, quod est curia, in Servi di Palazzo pei Medesimi 313 
 
 designatione sacrosanctse Romanse ec- 
 
 clesise, quae rectius ecclesia, quam I quali riuniti formano . 734 
 
 curia, nominatur." The ground of individui, che diconsi mantenuti a tutto 
 
 this distinction is unfortunately made vitto.' And there were others who 
 
 too plain by the friend and master of were but partially maintained. The 
 
ITS MEEITS AND NATURAL RESULTS. 
 
 55 
 
 The influx of applicants brougiit about their establishment 
 in the first instance : once established, they would naturally 
 
 roll of Pius VI., drawn up in A. d. 
 1778, differs considerably from the 
 preceding. — Ibid. 
 
 Now for the court, as such. Luna- 
 do]'o,' in his HelazioTie della Gorte di 
 Soma (ed. 1824, Rome, part i. p. 7), 
 says : ' Cardinali, Prelati, Ministri, 
 formano la Corte di Roma. II capo e 
 principe porta i] nome di Papa . 
 Li Cardinali sono suoi consiglieri : 
 gli ambasciatori di lui ordinari diconsi 
 Nuntzi; Legati vengono detti gli am- 
 basciatori estraordinari, e gOTernatori 
 delle provincie. li consigh tanto in- 
 torno agli aifari della religions, quanto 
 que' che si tengono per gl' interessi di 
 stato, si chiamano Congregazioni : le 
 jurisdizioni Rote : h tribunah per le 
 spedizioni delle bolle Dataria,' &c. 
 
 Then in Part II. we have the fol- 
 lowing' ' Congregations ' treated of: — 
 
 1. Conc'storiale. 
 
 2. De' Capi d'Ordini. 
 
 3. Deir immunita Eeclesiastica. 
 
 4. Delia sagra Inquisizione. 
 
 5. DeU' Indice. 
 
 6. Del Concilio. 
 
 7. De' Veseovi e de' Regolari. 
 
 8. Per I'Elezione, per TEsame, per 
 
 la residenza de' Veseovi, 
 S. Delia Disciplina Religiosa. 
 
 10. De' Sacri Riti. 
 
 11. Del Cerimoniale. 
 
 12. Deir indulgenze e deUe Sacre Re- 
 
 liquie. 
 
 13. De Propaganda Fide. 
 
 14. Delia Sagra Consulta. 
 
 15. Del Buon Govemo. 
 
 16. De' Baroni. 
 
 17. Della reverenda Pabrica di S. 
 
 Pietro. 
 
 18. Delia Visita Apostolica. 
 
 19. Delli Revisioni delle Messe. 
 
 20. Delia Visita delle Careeri. 
 
 21. Criminale. 
 
 To which Moroni (vol. xvi. p. 152) 
 adds — 
 
 1. Del censo. 
 
 2. Sopra la Correzione de' libri della 
 
 Chiesa Orientale. 
 
 3. Delle Acque. 
 
 4. Economica. 
 
 5. Lauretana. 
 
 6. Revisione de' Conti. 
 
 7. Delia Segnatura di Grrazia. 
 
 8. Sanitaria. 
 
 9. DeghStudi. 
 
 10. Affari ecclesiastic! straordinari. 
 
 11. Per la riedificazione di S. Paolo. 
 
 And the Roman Almanac for 1857 
 adds — 
 
 1. Araldica. 
 
 2. S. Ivo. 
 
 Finally, Moroni (vol. Ixxx. p. 164) 
 enumerates its existing tribunals, as 
 follows : — 
 
 1. Penitenzieria Apostolica. 
 
 2. Cancelleria Apostolica. 
 
 3. Dateria ApostoHca. 
 
 4. Rota Romana. 
 
 5. Camera Apostolica. 
 
 6. Segnatura di Giustizia. 
 
 7. Del Vieario di Roma. 
 
 8. Civile di Roma. 
 
 9. Di Commercio. 
 
 10. Criminale di Roma. 
 
 The list given in the Soman Almanac 
 for 1857 is slightly different. The 
 ablest sketch that I know of in a small 
 compass, and for days gone by, is 
 entitled Liscours Politique de I'Estat 
 de Borne, dedicated 'Au Roy trfes- 
 Chr(5tien,' dated ' 1604 a Paris,' and 
 signed 'I. B. D. S.' But it was not 
 actually printed tiU 1626. It is a 
 small octavo vol. ; and it appears from 
 its preface that its author had often 
 been at Rome, and for a considerable 
 time together, during a period of 
 
56 TEMPORAL SOVEREIGNTY OF THE POPES 
 
 cast about for employment, and those causes which had been 
 already decided in them would serve as precedents. They 
 would only be doing what all other courts have done before 
 or since, if they contended that all such causes, all over 
 Christendom, fell within their jurisdiction, and were to be 
 brought under their cognisance. Any country lawyer in 
 England is capable of saying not only what cases cannot be 
 tried in county-courts or at the assizes, but into which of the 
 courts in London, Queen's Bench or Chancery, Common Pleas 
 or Exchequer, they should be taken ; and, the maintenance of 
 all courts depending to some extent upon fees, it is in very 
 self-support that they grasp at all business for which they can 
 show any legal title. Shall we say that the ecclesiastical 
 courts of Rome have been graspers above all other courts ? 
 It is the most, at all events, that can be laid to their charge. 
 But, grasp as they might, they would have long since 
 dwindled away into nothingness, had not two things concurred 
 for their maintenance — 1. A general disposition on the part 
 of Christendom in the "West to resort to them ; and — 2. The 
 temporal sovereigntj of the pope over that city, at any rate, 
 in which they had their existence. Christendom might be 
 ever so willing to refer all its causes of importance to the see 
 of Eome ; but, certainly, were the king of Italy, and not the 
 pope, master of Eome, it may well be doubted whether a 
 single cause would ever find its way there. Let those who 
 think so bring forward a single precedent in point, in the 
 known world, where persons are in the habit of submitting 
 their highest interests to be determined by the tribunals of 
 one who is himself the subject of some potentate not their 
 own. It can scarce require to be stated, to be pronounced 
 absurd. And, therefore, for all those who are in favour of 
 that position which Eome has for so many centuries occupied, 
 as the centre of ecclesiastical jurisdiction for all churches in 
 
 twenty-eight years, in the service of government of the Popes, and the mode 
 the then king of France (Henri IV.) of their election, and so forth. Its 
 and his predecessor. It is a very author is scarcely behind M. de Ray- 
 careful historical resumi of the origin neval in any one respect, 
 and actual condition of the temporal 
 
FAVOURABLE TO ITS DEVELOPMENT. 57 
 
 communion with the pope, it can never but be matter of the 
 first necessity that Rome should belong to no one but to him. 
 On the other hand, as long as the pope remains temporal 
 sovereign of such extensive dominions as the states of the 
 church, it is easy to see that the keeping up of his ecclesiastical 
 tribunals is never likely to depend altogether upon their fees, 
 being, in fact, part and parcel of his dignity. Hence, should 
 Christendom in the West ever wax weary of resorting to its 
 spiritual metropolis, it is quite certain that his government 
 would speedily commence catering for work for it, and take 
 energetic steps, as it has often done in time past, for remind- 
 ing bishops and archbishops of their incompetency to decide 
 points specially reserved to the Holy See. 
 
 § 23. Just Rights of the Pope, and of his Subjects. — General 
 Position of the East and West. 
 
 Should the Pope, therefore, be deprived of his temporal 
 dominions? I reply, unhesitatingly,'^' it could only be by 
 such defiance of all law for any foreign power or potentate to 
 attempt or move in it as would imperil every just right and 
 title, public or private, throughout the world. But I assert 
 as unhesitatingly that the temporal subjects of the Pope have 
 the same rights, in respect of their sovereign, that every 
 other nation has, or has had ever since society commenced, 
 
 '^' I entirely concur in the view of is based the security of princes and 
 
 the address signed by 268 bishops and the liberty of peoples. . . What 
 
 archbishops of all parts of Europe, monarchy or commonwealth, either in 
 
 America, and Australia, and of the ancient or modern times, can boast of 
 
 East, and presented to his Holiness rights so august and of such long 
 
 Pius IX., June 9, 1862 : ' We recog- prescription and of such undoubted 
 
 nise the temporal power of the holy authority? If all these should be once 
 
 see, as a necessary and manifestly contemned and trampled upon, what 
 
 Providential institution; and we hesi- prince can be sure of his realms, 
 
 tate not to declare that, in the present what commonwealth of its territory?' 
 
 state of human affairs, the temporal Battersby's Cath. Director)/ for 1863, 
 
 power is quite reqm'site for the good pp. 26.5-66. Only these considera- 
 
 and free government of the church tions should never lead us to look on 
 
 and of souls . . . What other power the subjects of the states of the ehurch 
 
 can be compared with it, if only in re- as mere chattels, 
 gard of its human right, on which 
 
38 GENERAL POSITION OF THE EAST AND WEST. 
 
 besides any other rights that may have been secured to them 
 by any laws of their own. 
 
 The long and short of it all is, that should the East ever be 
 disposed to make terms with Eome, it must take Rome as it 
 finds her, and as compared with its own actual state. The 
 terms of the Council of Florence I cannot consider excessive, 
 judged by this rule ; for what was then the condition of the 
 Grreeks as compared with that of the Latins ? Neither can I 
 see that their relative conditions should warrant the Grreeks 
 in pressing for more favourable terms now. Had Peter the 
 Great never suppressed the patriarchate of Moscow, the 
 spiritual head of the Church of all the Eussias in the nine- 
 teenth century would certainly have been a far more 
 important personage to deal with than the patriarch of Con- 
 stantinople, even in its palmiest days. 
 
 That office was abolished actually with full consent of the 
 East ; and yet, as late as a.d. 1848, we have answers from the 
 East to a letter of the present pope,'^^ in which the very 
 same relative positions are asserted for Rome and Constanti- 
 nople that existed when both pope and patriarch were subjects 
 of one master — the master of the known world — when Rome 
 had all the air of a deserted and used-up capital, and Con- 
 stantinople all the prestige of imperial favour and preference. 
 The 'lack-land' patriarchs of the East, who purchase their 
 elevation for a sum of money from a sovereign not even 
 Christian, cannot get over their objections to that form of 
 church-government which the archbishops of Paris, Vienna, 
 and New York continue to regard deliberately both as their 
 rallying-point and boast. Nobody but one of these Greeks 
 can fail to perceive that as long as Rome continues to be the 
 seat of a prince-bishop, it will have and maintain its tribunals, 
 its congregations, its world-encircling agencies, and insist on 
 carrying on the work of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in all lands. 
 Should the pope ever be shorn of his temporalities, all these 
 must sufifer diminution for want of revenues ; should he cease 
 to be master of Rome, they would become extinct, except so 
 
 '^^ See the Christian Semembrancer for July 1851, which gives some ac- 
 count of them. 
 
POSSIBLE CHANGES. 59 
 
 far, possibly, as might subserve him as arbiter of Christen- 
 dom, a character ascribed to him by the whole church. East 
 and West, long before he became a temporal prince. Then, 
 and not before, unless Providence should have ordained 
 otherwise — whether by some extraordinary concession on his 
 part, or by some extraordinary combination on the part of 
 both Protestant and Grreek churches, offering reunion with 
 him on the same terms, or else through some hidden instru- 
 mentality that we cannot predict — then, and not before, may 
 we expect to see, in the ordinary course of events, a general 
 return to primitive practice, and Eome sinking back gradually 
 to the level of her ancient prerogatives of first place in the legis- 
 lative, and of last appeal in the executive, government of the 
 church. I am by no means, indeed, asserting that such a state 
 of things would be any improvement for the times in which we 
 live, without corresponding changes elsewhere. 
 
 § 24. Third Cause. — Addition to the Greed — simultaneous 
 with its ■public Use. 
 
 But for the two causes, which have been discussed hitherto, 
 who can maintain seriously that East and West must have 
 been rent asunder by that other question affecting doctrine, on 
 which so much stress has been laid on both sides — it may well 
 be thought, far more for the sake of drawing off attention from 
 underlying facts, than from any true sense of its own import- 
 ance ? It had been in agitation for centuries, at all events, 
 before the schism took place. It was from the first a twofold 
 question, and in neither point of view has it ever had justice 
 done to it. There is, 1. The addition to the creed of those 
 words ' Filioque.' There is, 2. The doctrine implied in those 
 words of the double procession of the Holy Ghost. 
 
 On the addition to the Creed, as it is called, great mis- 
 conception prevails. What creed ? And under what circum- 
 stances ? Why is it said ' the ' creed, as if there had never 
 been but one ? Let me state, by way of preface to the 
 subject of creeds in general, that historically it would be 
 much more appropriate to call them confessions of heresy 
 
60 THIRD CAUSE ADDITION TO THE CREED — 
 
 than of faith. * By the law is the knowledge of sin,' says S, 
 Paul ; by creeds is the knowledge of heresy, says the eccle- 
 siastical historian. Everybody knows that the first creed 
 framed by the church in council was in the nature of a 
 protest against Arius. Germs of a rule of faith there had 
 been antecedently, both in East and West ; indeed, it seems 
 highly probable that in the Nicene creed has been preserved 
 that form previously current in the East; that of the West, 
 in that of the Apostles. But, as they stand, the alterations 
 or additions in both have been considerable. The difference 
 between the Niceno-Constantinopolitan, or the one now in 
 use, and the Nicene Creed, consists in four omissions, and as 
 many as thirteen additions on the part of the former, '^^ all of 
 them, indeed, introduced by authority of the second, and 
 confirmed by authority of the third General Council ; yet, 
 for that very reason, incomparably more the work of the 
 Eastern than of the Western church. Between the old 
 Western creed, and that of the Apostles in its present shape, 
 the difference is held to consist in the addition of three 
 articles — that of the descent of our Lord into hell, that of 
 the Holy Catholic Church, and that of the Communion of 
 Saints — unknown to the former. It is not stated^ — perhaps it 
 cannot be discovered — when, or by whose authority, these 
 articles were appended to it. What is known is that the creed 
 called that of the Apostles was never adopted by the East, in 
 any shape,'^* modern or ancient, public or private ; whereas 
 the creed of the East — the Nicene, possibly, first ; the Niceno- 
 Constantinopolitan subsequently — was by degrees incorporated 
 into every Western Liturgy. Still, in point of fact, the 
 cause was the same, and but gradual in its effects, whether 
 in East or West, that led to their public use. ' Peter the 
 Fuller,' says Bingham, ' who was bishop of Antioch about 
 A.D. 471, was the first that ordered the creed to be repeated 
 in that church iv irdar) avvd^si' — celebration of the Lord's 
 Supper, I take it, rather than ' church-assembly.' He was 
 founder of the sect called ' Theopaschites.' ' Timotheus, 
 
 '^' Suieer, Symb. Nic. c. i. ad f. 
 
 '" Voss, De trib. Symb. §§ 24, 46, ct segi. 
 
SIMULTANEOUS WITH ITS PUBLIC USE. 61 
 
 bishop of Constantinople, A. d. 511,' continues Bingham, 
 ' was the first that brought in this custom into that church, 
 which he did in hatred to his predecessor Macedonius, with 
 intent to represent him as disaffected to the Nicene Creed.' 
 Till then, it had never been recited in that church but upon 
 Maundy-Thursday in each year.'^^ 'From the oriental 
 churches, the custom was brought into the West: iirst in 
 Spain and Grallicia,'^'' at the petition of king Eeccaredus, 
 by order of the third Council of Toledo, about A.D. 589, when, 
 those churches being newly recovered from the inundation 
 of the Arian heresy, this practice was then thought a proper 
 antidote to preserve them from relapsing into their ancient 
 error.' Durantus '^' and Gravanti '^' are both of opinion that 
 the Apostles' Creed used to be recited during mass in the 
 Boman church, but they produce no very conclusive testimony 
 for their statement. It is not found in the Sacramentaries 
 of either Gelasius or S. Grregory.^-^' Durantus adds, on the 
 authority of Berno, a writer of the eleventh century, that S. 
 Mark, who was pope in a.d. 336, ordered the creed of Nicsea to 
 be substituted for it, on account of the Arian heresy. Then 
 Eupert is quoted as saying that Pope Damasus ordered the use 
 of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan creed at mass upon certain 
 high festivals, thirty-eight in all. All this, however, is incom- 
 patible with the counsel given by Leo III. to the churches of 
 France, in the following words : '^° ' Let the custom of sing- 
 ing that creed cease in the palace, since it is not sung in our 
 holy church, and thus it will follow that . . . what is given 
 up by you will be given up by all.' In short, all seem agreed 
 that it was Benedict VIIL, about a.d. 1014, who first 
 ordered its recital to form part of the mass. ' The reason 
 why it had not been recited there previously,' says Gravanti,'^' 
 ' and Berno says he had it from the Eomans themselves, was, 
 that the church of Eome had never been infected . with 
 
 '^' Bingham, Antiq. h. x. c. iv. 965 of the Ben. Ed. ; also Bona Rer. 
 
 § 17 ; Suicer, ibid. c. i. § 4. Liturg. ii. c. viii. § 3, ad f. 
 
 '26 Bingham, ibid. ''" Neale's Eastern Ch. yol. ii. p. 
 
 ™ De Bit. ii. c. 24. 1166. 
 
 123 Thesaur. S. Bit. pars i. tit. xi. '" Thesaur. S. Bit. ibid. 
 
 '2' S. Greg. Op. vol. iii. p. 562, note 
 
62 SPAIN AND FKANCE THE FIEST, 
 
 heresy.' Curiously enough, therefore, we find that the inter- 
 polation of it complained of by the Grreeks was contempo- 
 raneous, or nearly so, with its adoption for public use by 
 the Latius. The Greeks themselves had been some time 
 before they introduced it into their liturgies : the first to do 
 so had been heterodox in his tenets ; the second had done so 
 by way of protest against the heterodoxy of one of his pre- 
 decessors. It held no place in the public offices of the West 
 for between 200 and 300 years, and then, when first intro- 
 duced, it was designed as a safeguard against heresy, then 
 and there prevalent. Authentic copies of it may or may not 
 have been plentiful under these circumstances ; still, its use, 
 and the addition made to it, seem to have been authorised 
 simultaneously by a succession of councils held in the same 
 metropolis, almost the most westerly of the West — Toledo. 
 And as in Spain, so elsewhere, its use, and the addition made 
 to it, went hand in hand ; in the first instance passing into 
 France and Germany, then prevailing in the West generally: 
 at length, forced upon Eome in the eleventh century. ' In 
 the words of Lupus,' says Bingham,'^^ ' since the Eoman 
 church did not bring over the French and Spanish churches 
 to her own way, she resolved at last to comply with their 
 custom, that there might be no disagreement among them, 
 and so the Nicene Creed (he should have said the Niceno- 
 Constantinopolitan, and that, as interpolated in the West) 
 ca,me to be universally read throughout the whole church.' 
 Let us now review our position as regards Greeks and Latins. 
 The Latins had a creed of their own, to which they seem to 
 have added at different times — when or how it is not easy to 
 state — and for this they were never taken to task at all by 
 the Greeks, as in fact the Greeks never adopted it. The 
 Greeks had their creed likewise, which was put into definite 
 shape by the Nicene fathers, but had no less than seventeen 
 different alterations made in it at the Council of Constanti- 
 nople, where, by the way, the West was not represented at 
 all, and, so altered, had been adopted as final by the third 
 
 "^ Antiq. h. i.. iliid. 
 
ROME THE LAST, TO ADOPT IT, 63 
 
 Greneral Council. As a rule of faith it had been forthwith 
 accepted unanimously by East and West; but even in the 
 East its public recital was only introduced very gradually, 
 and as a set-off against heresy. There is great doubt whether 
 it was ever publicly recited in any church of the West in the 
 shape in which the third General Council had left it. Heresy 
 first caused its introduction into public worship in the West, 
 as in the East ; but before the West adopted it formally as its 
 own, it was interpolated, for some reason or other, by one 
 local church — ^we cannot say in consequence of any fresh 
 heresy on that subject in particular— and, as interpolated, 
 was adopted by all the other local churches of the West in 
 succession. Even the church of Eome, which had grappled 
 with and overcome Western prejudices against the decrees of 
 the second Nicene Council, had to give in to this universal 
 instinct, that refused to be stifled, of the Latin mind, on the 
 subject of the procession of the Holy Grhost. 
 
 I call it an instinct, because it seems to have been spon- 
 taneous in its origin, unsuggested by any heresy on that 
 particular point of doctrine that we know of. I call it a 
 fatal instinct, because it sought expression in the creed of the 
 East. Had it taken the shape of a new article to the Apos- 
 tles' Creed, it would probably have caused as little controversy, 
 as that other addition of the descent of our Lord into hell. 
 Had the descent of our Lord into hell been thrust into the 
 creed of the East, instead of those words 'Filioque,' it is 
 equally probable that East and West would have quarrelled — 
 not about the procession of the Holy Ghost from Him, but 
 about His own descent into hell. That there was therefore 
 some strange fatality about it all is undeniable. The West 
 could not repress its convictions ; the East could not allow any 
 change to be made in that creed which had been fixed, once for 
 all, by one of the greatest of its oecumenical councils, still less 
 that article to be interpolated which was couched in the very 
 words of our Lord Himself.^'* The West had never any 
 
 "' S. John XV. 26. ' Even the Spirit Scripture itself rather than the Creed 
 of Truth, which proceedeth from the that the West had interpolated. 
 Father,' &e. So that, in fact, it was 
 
64 INSTINCTS OF EAST AND WEST. 
 
 satisfactory reply to make to the charge of adding to that 
 creed, or to those words. The East could never really gain- 
 say the doctrine which that addition involved. 
 
 § 25. Boctnne vnvolved in that Addition. 
 
 Why that doctrine was of so much more intrinsic moment 
 to the West than it was to the East, I must now gather up all 
 my strength to explain. Its hearings have never been 
 sounded before that I can discover, nor can they be given in 
 a few words. They form what may be called, in some sense, 
 ' the missing link.' By way of preface to them, let me state 
 that I am about to draw attention to a phenomenon of the 
 same kind with those previously noticed, as especially belong- 
 ing to, if not exclusively found in, church history. No other 
 history, whether of religions or of nations, afifords any parallel 
 to it but that of the Jews, of which it forms, so to speak, but 
 the logical continuation. It attests a superhuman agency 
 throughout, both in design and execution ; it exhibits a per- 
 fect system of intellectual truth, worked out in strict logical 
 sequence by successive generations, but without any collusion. 
 Let infidels explain this coincidence if they can. It is, in 
 effect, as though there had been a vast premeditated con- 
 spiracy handed down from father to son, to be matured and 
 carried out ; materials collected from all quarters, brought 
 together, shaped, and arranged for the avowed purpose of 
 building up a tower of undying truth that should reach to 
 heaven. The would-be hinderers of that work have perhaps 
 helped it forward most of all ; and those who have been most 
 careful to keep to the beaten track of their predecessors have 
 been the last to divine what new turn or interpretation would 
 be given by posterity to their own labours ; irresistible 
 evidence, on all sides, of a Divine purpose, that it is wholly 
 beyond the best as well as the worst of men to arrest or divert 
 from its own appointed issues."^ 
 
 131 "The role of tlie thinker, like vided for him by some mightier orer- 
 that of the statesman, seems to be pro- ruling than mere human agencies. 
 
WOEKS OF THE EAST AND WEST. 65 
 
 I say, therefore, that as the general work which Grod laid 
 upon the collective church was to baptize and to save souls 
 through Christ, so the special work committed by Him to the 
 churches of East and West has been that of eliciting and 
 interpreting revealed truth in its two great branches of 
 theology and anthropology; not, however, in the order of 
 nature, but of grace. Natural theology and natural anthro- 
 pology did not enter into their task, as such, except so far as 
 to form their starting-poiat or basis. Here Jew and Grentile 
 had been already employed. Instinct, tradition, or the Old 
 Testament had done the work to their hands thus far. ' The 
 lands of the heathen ' and ' the labours of the people ' were 
 to be 'taken into possession' indeed; but it was the new 
 soil to be upturned by them which formed their own special, 
 province. Christian theology and Christian anthropology,'^' 
 revealed Divinity, redeemed humanity — or the redeeming 
 God, and the redeemed man — were the subjects assigned 
 respectively to the churches of East and West to work 
 out. I say, emphatically, assigned to them ; because it can 
 be proved from history that this has been their one consistent, 
 yet mutually distinct and not even contemporaneous, occupa- 
 tion since they became churches to the present day. 
 
 All this is no less easy to substantiate than to assert, and 
 it will involve some very curious paradoxes. In the first 
 place, it seems strange that the East, which gave birth to 
 Aristotle and Plato, those arch-anatomists of the natural man, 
 should have so little to say on the subject of the redeemed 
 man — on the action of grace upon the heart of man, on the 
 nature and effects of the Sacraments designed to be the 
 aliment of his spiritual life, and so forth. One might have 
 thought, antecedently, that this would have formed the very 
 
 His ideas, and the words which con- cause diviner, materials . . . .' — Mr. 
 
 vey them, fall on the minds of his Espius' Critical Essays, ii. p. 30. 
 generation like sparks on the tinder, "* Moshler, with his usual sagacity, 
 
 and light up a flame which searches had noticed this incidentally ; but he 
 
 through and through existing systems does not pursue the idea any further 
 
 and institutions ; consuming the wood, in its collective aspect. — Symbolism, 
 
 the hay, and the stubble, leaving im- Introd. p. 3, Robertson's translation, 
 scathed only what is of durable, be- 
 
66 CUEIOUS PAEADOXES. 
 
 first outburst of Oriental speculativeness ; that it would have 
 exhausted the topic of humanity under its new conditions, so 
 manifold and ennobling, before it approached that of Divinity: 
 standing, as Divinity does, confessedly last in the order of 
 logic, as well as of the joint systems of Aristotle and Plato. 
 Still further, one might have thought antecedently that the 
 East would have exhausted theory on both subjects before 
 parting with either of them, and left it only to the West to 
 discuss their practical bearings ; or, finally, who could have 
 anticipated beforehand that these two subjects would have 
 been so equally parcelled out between East and West as they 
 have been, and as will be shown presently beyond dispute? 
 
 § 26. Plagiai^ms from, Afi^a. — S. Atkanasius and 
 S. Austin. 
 
 Curious too is, and scarce fortuitous can be, the paradox, 
 that in point of actual fact the churches of both East and 
 West have been little more than plagiarists, and that any 
 merit of originality in either case belongs to a third church, 
 a third country, distinct from both. Egypt, or Eastern 
 Africa, in S. Athanasius, laid down unerringly the science of 
 what may be called Christian divinity ; Algeria, or Western 
 Africa, in the person of S. Augustine, laid down unerringly 
 the science of what may be called Christian humanity for the 
 universal church of all ages and lands. All that East and 
 West have done since, in either department, has been to draw 
 out and systematise the transcendentally magnificent, and 
 almost mathematically exact, theories of those two most illus- 
 trious of Christian doctors ; alike reverenced and appealed to 
 in East and West, alike belonging to neither of them in 
 point of fact. S. Athanasius may be said to have anticipated 
 in his writings the decision of the sixth Greneral Council that 
 condemned the Monothelites, the last dogmatic enunciation 
 of the assembled East on the subject of the redeeming God ; 
 S. Augustine, the decrees of the Council of Trent upon Justifi- 
 cation, the last dogmatic enunciation of the assembled West 
 on the subject of redeemed man. The only difi'erence be- 
 tween the discharge of their respective functions is one of 
 
S. ATHANASIUS AND S. AUSTIN. 67 
 
 time. East set about its task at once, finished it, and became 
 lost in barbarism ; West had to be lost in bai-barism, and to 
 emerge from it, before it could set about and achieve its work. 
 But I must not anticipate. 
 
 § 27. Christian Theology in the East. — Few Theologians 
 in the West. 
 
 Let me proceed to show that Christian theology, as such, 
 has been the work of the East. In order to do so, will it be 
 necessary to do more than to refer to those heresies in con- 
 tradistinction to which orthodox doctrine was defined ? Our 
 Lord enjoined the Sacrament of Baptism to be adminis- 
 tered in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Grhost. 
 What were the relations of these Divine Persons to each 
 other, and what have They done for man ? 
 
 The Council of Niceea, by declaring the Son to be ' of one 
 substance with the Father,' vindicated His complete Divinity 
 against all those who had previously opposed it. The Council 
 of Constantinople condemned alike those who had denied the 
 Divinity of the Holy Grhost, as Macedonius ; or, as Sabellius, 
 any proper distinction of persons in the Grodhead. The 
 Council of Ephesus condemned Nestorius, who had asserted 
 that there were two persons ; and the Council of Calcedcn 
 condemned Eutyches, who had denied that there were two 
 natures in the Incarnate Word. The fifth Greneral Council 
 found little more to do than to reiterate and confirm what 
 had been already ruled in reference to the doctrine of the 
 Trinity and of the Incarnation ; but the sixth General 
 Council found one more error to condemn in reference to the 
 latter of these, that of those who would admit the existence 
 of but one will in Grod-made-Man. 
 
 Here, for all purposes of fundamental doctrine, the Greneral 
 Councils of the East end. The West adopted and embodied 
 all that had been laid down in them in its own Athanasian 
 Creed, with true legal acumen. If we except the great 
 bishop of Eome, S. Leo, there was no Western writer who can 
 be said to have contributed in any degree to these dogmatic 
 statements. SS. Ambrose, Hilary, and Jerome were great 
 
 F 2 
 
68 FEW THEOLOGIANS IN THE WEST. 
 
 theologians, but they did not originate, nor in fact assist in, 
 the resolution of any one of the foregoing points. SS. Hilary 
 and Jerome, moreover, drew most of their inspiration from 
 the East, where they were long resident. S. Irenteus, the 
 earliest of all Western opponents of heresy, was a native of 
 Asia Minor. Tertullian, SS. Cyprian and Augustine, though 
 they wrote in the language of the West, were Africans. 
 
 § 28. Early Western Instincts. — Specimens of their 
 Manifestation. 
 
 To the East, therefore, belongs almost exclusively the 
 glory of having extracted from Holy Scripture, and epito- 
 mized, that sum of Christian theology which has ever since 
 obtained and been accounted orthodoxy by the whole church. 
 S. Athanasius himself thought and wrote as a Greek. With 
 the single exception of the papacy, it might be added, 
 that the whole system of gradations in church-government, 
 culminating in general councils and patriarchs, took its rise 
 in the East ; nor would it be unfair at all to the West to 
 affirm that, for the first six centuries or so, the scene both of 
 the life and action of the whole church was laid in the East. 
 Yet, even in its infancy, it is curious to observe how the West 
 instinctively grasped at what may be called its own special 
 questions ' in the paulo-post future,' and likewise succeeded, 
 even then, in ruling them. Against rebaptism it ruled in the 
 very teeth of the Africans, and of a great part of the East. 
 The keeping of Easter it ruled against the Quartodecimans, 
 and with so much acknowledged superiority, that the bishop 
 of Alexandria was ordered by the Nicene fathers to make a 
 formal report every year, to the Roman see, of the exact day 
 on which Easter would fall, according to the calculation of 
 his astronomers. Against the expressed sentiments of the 
 Nicene fathers, it commenced legislating, before the fourth 
 century had closed, upon clerical celibacy. Pelagius scarce 
 made a convert, scarce encountered an antagonist in the East. 
 The West claimed the exclusive task of refuting his tenets, 
 where alone, in fact, they were taken up. The third General 
 Council condemned Celestius far more as a partisan of Nes- 
 
SPECIMENS OP THEIE MANIFESTATION'. 69 
 
 torius than as a disseminator of Pelagianism.''^ In short, 
 Pelagianism was altogether the case of a heresy ' born out of 
 due time ; ' and S. Augustine wrote far more for generations 
 as yet in embryo than for his own. 
 
 § 29. Greed interpolated by the West as it commenced its 
 Worh- — The Double Procession its Motto. 
 
 For there was a long lifeless interval of many centuries 
 elapsing between the completion of its task by the East, and 
 the entrance of the West in earnest upon its' own appointed 
 mission. The Eastern mind had been literally used up in 
 combating all those theological heresies with which for 
 upwards of three centuries all its fathers and councils had 
 been hotly engaged. But it had to sink from sheer exhaus- 
 tion before it would resign its lead in the torch-race to the 
 resuscitated and onward-impelled West. Now it was pre- 
 cisely during this interval that the West adopted the creed 
 of the East as its own, by formally inserting it into its public 
 liturgies, but interpolated with a single new profession of its 
 own. About to become actively militant, it would be known 
 by its own badge, its own motto. That motto was the double 
 procession of the Holy Grhost. Why so ? For this simple 
 reason, that it was, in fact, the corner-stone of Christian 
 anthropology. Did Christ merely redeem man by dying upon 
 the Cross once for all, or was the communication of the 
 benefits of His Incarnation to all men, in every age. His own 
 work likewise ? Was it the Spirit of Christ that was work- 
 ing in the hearts of His regenerate people, or was the gift of 
 the Holy Grhost not Christ's to give ? This was a point of 
 cardinal importance, both in its retrospective and prospective 
 bearings.''^ It must have reopened the question of the 
 
 "* Can. 1 and i. the Humanity of Christ, is the result, 
 
 '^' This is excellently expressed — therefore, of His cooperating in that 
 
 though without any reference to the mediatorial function which the Eter- 
 
 dispute between Grreeks and Latins — nal Son became Incarnate to under- 
 
 in one of the most profound of modern take. To regard the actings of the 
 
 dogmatic treatises, as foUows : ' That Holy Ghost as directed into any other 
 
 it should be the office of the Holy channel, would be to suppose that 
 
 Ghost to unite men in this manner to there was some other name than that 
 
VO THE DOUBLE PKOCESSION ITS MOTTO. 
 
 Divinity of our Lord, it must have halved the obligations of 
 man to Him, could it ever have been taught and maintained 
 that His mediatorial office terminated with His Ascension, and 
 that the Holy Ghost had been sent by the Father to carry 
 out, apply, and complete that work which the Son had only 
 achieved in its objective parts. It was absolutely necessary 
 for the West to start with a right apprehension and unequi- 
 vocal assertion of this fundamental truth. Nobody doubted 
 but that the Holy Grhost operated upon the souls of believers, 
 in, and apart from, the Sacraments ; or that He had been 
 sent by the Father. The question was. Had He been sent by 
 the Son likewise ? This question, could it have been simply 
 put, must have been answered by the whole Christian world 
 with one consent in the affirmative. But the Greeks, ever 
 sensitive where the integrity of their creeds and canons was 
 concerned, ever instinctively carried off into the regions 
 of pure theology, saw directly that there was another and a 
 still deeper question involved in it ; namely, the eternal pro- 
 cession of the Holy Ghost, as distinct from what was after- 
 wards called His temporal mission.''^ But had not the 
 former of these two questions been long since settled, both 
 
 of Christ given under heaven, where- sum and substance of his meaning ap- 
 by we might be saved. Its real pears to be, that ' to proceed /rom the 
 tendency would be to substitute the Son ' is merely another way of ex- 
 Holy Grhost in place of the Son ; or pressing 'to proceed through the Son' 
 rather to maintain, that whereas the {Op. vol. ii. p. 69, et seq.; and 
 work of men's government and salva- Combef. ad L Paris 1675), as John 
 tion was at one time discharged by Veccus [Urat. ii. t. 2, Gracim Ortho- 
 God under the name of Christ, at a dox(S, p. 63, et seq.) interprets him. 
 later period there was a new title • "tiTiv ■yh.p obic ayairTiThv Tif iieydx<f 
 adopted, and the same Being re- Ma^ifitf) KaraKoXovdeiv vnefyrryopovvri 
 appeared under the name of the Holy 'Pwfxaiuv, i(p^ oTs Koi TtJre iK Uarphs koX 
 Ghost. And thus we should be led Ttov ri nceC/ta eXeyev ixTropeifaSat, 
 back into the same system of Sabel- kuI ouSkv dtcupepeiv rh e« Uarphs Si Tfou, 
 lianism which has been before ex- -rrphs rb ^| a^ut^oTi/, iKSiddaKovrt — Si^ wv 
 hibited . , . .' — Wilberforce on the ij cTriffToA^ 7h eK ttov iniropeveaBai^ els 
 Incarnation, c. x. p. 292-3. rb 5i' T ov irpoUvm, aaipas eKKa/iffdve- 
 '" See S. Thom. Summa Theol. part tki . . .' The confession of the Latin 
 i. q. 43. Compare the letter of S. faith sent by Pope Gregory to Ger- 
 Maximns to Marinus, presbyter of manus, patriarch of Constantinople, 
 Cyprus, written from Eome about the contains similar doctrine, 
 middle of the seventh century. The 
 
REGARDED FROM TWO DIFFERENT ASPECTS. 71 
 
 by the language of Scripture and that of their own creed ? 
 From their own transcendental point of view there could 
 be little doubt but that it had ; accordingly, it was upon 
 the former of these two questions that East and West joined 
 issue ; yet, curiously enough, as I have before observed, the 
 more accurately we analyse their points of contact and diver- 
 gence thereupon, the more certainly do we obtain possession 
 of the missing link or clue to their respective missions. The 
 East, with its gaze fixed upon the Grodhead, in Its triplicity 
 of Persons, coeternal and coequal, Their relations and order 
 of precedence amongst Themselves, held intuitively to the 
 idea that the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father alone,'^^ 
 a proposition which was perfectly true in the order of nature ; 
 nor could it be denied, by the Latins, but that His eternal 
 procession from the Son had come to the latter by gift.^'"' 
 The West, with its gaze fixed upon the Grodhead in Its relations 
 to redeemed man, argued on behalf of the double proces- 
 sion; but, when called upon for scriptural "proofs of it, they 
 took their stand upon the undoubted fact that, in connection 
 with the scheme of redemption, the Holy Grhost is spoken of 
 in Holy Writ as belonging to, given, and sent by the Son.'^' 
 
 139 < Tjjg explanation of S. Maximus, prineipivun, solus tamen Pater est 
 of the Latin doctrine, was : that the prineipiiim sine principio : Filius au- 
 Latins, by affirming that the Holy tem principiiun ex principio. Item 
 Spirit proceeds from the Son, do not propria Spiritus Sanetus a Patre pro- 
 pretend that the Son was the cause of cedit, quia Pater ab aho non accipit 
 the Spirit ; and they know very well ut ex Ipso procedat Spiritus Sanetus ; 
 that the Father is the sole cause of the Filius autem hoc accipit a Patre . . .' 
 Son and of the Holy Spirit; of the '" See the passages enumerated, 
 Son by generation, of the Holy Ghost lUd. dist. xi. § 1. S. Anselm's treatise, 
 by procession .... And the Latins Se Froccssione Sp. S., is by far the 
 themselTes affirmed at the Council of ablest on the Latin side. Its argu- 
 Florence, " We assert and believe that mentative part is done full justice to 
 the Holy Spirit proceeds from the by Mr. Palmer in his masterly c. x. 
 Father and the Son as one sole prin- on the subject, in Dissertations on the 
 ciple, and by one sole production."' Orthodox Co7nmunion. By way of 
 — Dupin's Eccl. Hist. cent. xiv. c. 3, specimen, in reply to the argument of 
 Eng. Tr. the Greeks that the Holy Ghost is 
 
 "° Estius in Sent. lib. i. dist. xii. more from the Father than the Son, 
 
 § 3. ' Principaliter Spiritus Sanetus because proceeding from the latter by 
 
 a solo Patre procedit, quia h'cM Pater gift of the former, S. Anselm urges 
 
 et Filius sint ambo Spiritus Sancti with great force that the Father is not 
 
72 KINDEED DOCTEINE OF GBEEKS AJSTD LATIN'S. 
 
 The Greeks had already shown 'the union of Godhead with 
 Manhood in Christ to be a real, perfect, and lasting union.' 
 It became the business of the Latins to apply themselves 
 to the elucidation of 'its appointed effect, the union of 
 Christ with men.' "^ The Greeks had taught how Christ had 
 been conceived by the Holy Ghost when He was made Man ; 
 the Latins had to teach how men were made members of 
 Christ in every age, partakers of His Humanity and Divinity, 
 through the same Spirit. The Eternal Son was the actor, 
 the Eternal Spirit His instrument in either case. 
 
 § 30. Western Plagiarisms and Originalities. — Application 
 of the Incarnation to Man. 
 
 It will be shown, in its proper place, to what extent, sub- 
 sequently to the Council of Trent, the East has synodically 
 adopted Western ideas and Western language on various 
 points essentially bound up with Christian anthropolog3% 
 But the West, with that vigour and comprehensiveness which 
 distinguishes it, has been far more of a plagiarist from the 
 East, by incorporating into its own system, with its own 
 striking additions and interpretations, all that was worth 
 borrowing from the East, Pagan as well as Christian. It was 
 not that theology was not to enter at all into Western en- 
 quiries and elucubrations ; far otherwise. But what the West 
 really did in that department was to systematise, to put into 
 logical shape, to draw logical deductions from those sublime 
 truths which Easterns had, with subtler, more concentrated, 
 and more piercing gaze, discovered in the starry firmament 
 of the Word of God. It did not seek to add to them. It 
 invented nothing absolutely new of its own. It took the 
 doctrine of the Trinity and of the Incarnation as S. Athanasius 
 and other great Eastern luminaries had thought them out, 
 drawing consequences from them, indeed, at once bold and 
 
 more God than the Son, though the mission from the Son. 
 
 Son owes his existence to the Father. "' I willingly borrow these felicitous 
 
 But when S. Anselm comes to quote expressions from The Doctrine of the 
 
 Scriptiire, it is very doubtful whether Incarnation, already cited, p. 325. 
 he can prove more than temporal 
 
APPLICATION OF THE INCARNATION TO MAN. 
 
 73 
 
 original,'"'^ and arraying them in philosophical form and lan- 
 guage. But it addressed itself in a kindred spirit of originality 
 to questions which no Eastern mind had ever aspired to in- 
 vestigate in their full length and breadth. It assumed, for 
 its own special province, to enquire into the precise way in 
 which the benefits of the Incarnation were brought home to 
 men; how the merits of Christ were appropriated by each one 
 of us in this life, and through what channels saving grace was 
 conveyed. To elucidate, and then unfold, what has been well 
 called the Sacramental System ; '''* yet to show that Grod has 
 by no means restricted the outpourings of His grace to the 
 Sacraments themselves. '*° To point out the distinctive cha- 
 racter of each one of those Sacraments ; the wider and inde- 
 finitely more-thrown-open ordinance of Baptism ; the closer 
 and more esoteric ordinance of the blessed Eucharist ; the 
 
 "^ E. g. tlie dogma ' Inseparabilia 
 esse Trinitatis opera ... id est, quse- 
 cunque Deus ad extra operatur.' Estius 
 ad Sent. Kb. i. dist. 20, § 3, the full 
 expression of which is to be found in 
 S. Aug. Serm. LII., Be verbis Evang. 
 Matt. iii. Ed. Ben. § 5, and still more 
 in Serm. XXXVIIL (in append.), ' De 
 Trinitate et Columbi.' Still more bold 
 is the dogma ' Spiritus Sanctus non ab 
 getemo principium est, sed esse ccepit, 
 quia non dicitur principium nisi ad 
 creatiiras ' . . . Peter Lombard, Sent. 
 lib. i. dist. xxix., and Estius, ad 1. 
 
 '■" 'If man had never fallen, to in- 
 herit the nature of the first Adam had 
 been a sufficient means of communion 
 with God. But because the natural 
 means of communication have been 
 cut off, that supernatural union is re- 
 quisite, which we obtain by participat- 
 ing the nature of the second Adam. 
 Now it is for the diffusion of this re- 
 newed and renewing manhood that 
 those media have been provided, where- 
 by the Son of Man communicates Him- 
 self to His brethren. All the ordinances 
 of the Church, its hallowed things, 
 
 places, and persons, its worship and 
 sacraments, are a series of instru- 
 ments whereby the sanctified Manhood 
 of the Mediator diffuses itself as a 
 life-giving seed through the mass of 
 humanity.' Doctrine of the Incarna- 
 tion, c. xi. p. 327. 
 
 '" Peter Lombard, Sent. Hb. iv. dist. 
 i. § 4. ' Quibus non alligavit potentiam 
 suam Deus. Comp. dist. iv. § 5, circa 
 med. and S. Thomas on each of them. 
 On the first he says, q. 2, art. 6 : 
 ' Quantum ad adultos in lege naturse 
 sufficiebat sola fides ; cim etiam modo 
 sufBciat ei, qui non ex eontemptu sa- 
 cramenta dimittit.' On the second, 
 q. 3, art. 3: 'Articulus necessitatis 
 sacramentum excludit.' Akin to this, 
 in more modern times, was the con- 
 demnation by Clement XL, as heretical, 
 of that proposition of Quesnel (on S. 
 Lukex. 35, 36), ' nulla extra eeclesiam 
 conceditur gratia,' the 29th of those 
 101 propositions condemned in the 
 BuU ' Unigenitus.' See Mr. Buckley's 
 Translation of the Canons and Decrees 
 of Trent, p. 350. 
 
74 THEORY OF THE SACEAMENTS. 
 
 power of the keys ; the graces aad gifts of the Holy Ghost in 
 each of these, and in the rest ; His internal ■workings in the 
 individual Christian, and in the collective Church. In one 
 vs^ordj as it may be said to have been the business of the East 
 to dogmatise upon the Person of Christ, so it may be said to 
 have been the business of the West to dogmatise upon the 
 Church, His mystical Body ; and that not merely in her office 
 of guardian and dispenser of the Sacraments, but in her other 
 and more comprehensive province of remodeller and regene- 
 rator of society, in all its manifold relations throughout the 
 world, by means of the principle of npw life derived from 
 Him. Christian ethics, and Christian politics; the systems of 
 Aristotle and Plato, purified froni error and harmonised vnth 
 the Gospel ; original sin ; the supernatural virtues of faith, 
 hope, and charity ; the moral virtues in what may be called 
 their revised code ; the duties of one Christian nation to 
 another ; of Christians to their fellow-men ; states and con- 
 ditions of all men in every Christian community ; slavery, 
 marriage, celibacy ; the relations of Church and State ; of the 
 clergy to the temporal power ; the duties of rulers to their 
 subjects, of subjects to their rulers ; the claims of authority, 
 the rights of private judgment, religious tolerance and intole- 
 rance; the provinces of faith and reason; the notes of the 
 Church ; the evidences of Christianity ; the authenticity of 
 the Scriptures — all these are questions which Western Chris- 
 tendom has plunged into, sooner or later, instinctively, as 
 falling within its ovni appointed sphere, as needing to be dis- 
 cussed or revised ; to be decided, once for all, or to be left 
 , open questions ; and has pronounced upon, in some shape or 
 other, whether by its authoritative organs in formal decrees, 
 or else by public opinion, gradually, but surely, making itself 
 heard and felt. Sometimes there has been a conflict of pro- 
 tracted duration between these two final appeals, and the issue 
 has been left doubtful for centuries, and at length settled by 
 compromise, as was the case with investitures. Sometimes 
 public opinion has overborne authority, as when the creed, as 
 interpolated in Spain and France, was forced upon Eome ; 
 sometimes authority has overborne public opinion, as when 
 
EEGENEEATION OF SOCIETY. 75 
 
 the decrees of the Synod of Frankfort were overruled by 
 Eome ; sometimes authority and public opinion have gone 
 together by acclamation, as when the 'treuga,' or truce of 
 Grod, was proclaimed. Who can deny but that it is to West- 
 ern intellects and Western energy that the thanks of the 
 world are due for the solution of most of these questions — 
 for the practical or argumentative discussion of them all — in 
 that new aspect which they assumed on blending with the 
 faith of Christ ? "•■ There is not one of them on which any 
 Easterns have so written as to be considered original authori- 
 ties. On the other hand, what question of high Christian 
 theology is there, on which the teaching of the East has not 
 been received ? 
 
 § 31. Specimens of Greek Treatises. — S. Cyril and 
 S. John Damascene. 
 
 We may illustrate what is advanced a little more fully by 
 tracing the character of what may be called their respective 
 ' sjrmbolisms ' ^■'^ in some of their principal writers and 
 councils. For instance : S. Cyril's ' Catechetical Lectures,' 
 and the 'Orthodox Faith' of S. John Damascene, may be taken 
 as specimens of the dogmatic teaching of the East, budding 
 and fullblown. Now, on what points do they treat? 
 S. Cyril's are little more than plain homilies on sin, on bap- 
 tism, on the principal heads of Christian doctrine, on each of 
 the articles of the old Creed of Jerusalem and some of the 
 heresies opposed to it, on the duties of baptized Christians, 
 on the Lord's Supper, and on the Lord's Prayer. This is his 
 body of Christian doctrine. There is much piety, yet but 
 little method or argument about them all. They are just 
 what primitive Christians of ordinary capacity might be sup- 
 posed to have listened to with attention and profit. S. John 
 Damascene is much more terse and argumentative. On the 
 
 "° Here let me refer generally to repay translation, 
 such works as M. Guizot's Sist. of '" On the use of this word see Mr. 
 
 Civilisation, Hazlitt's Tr., and the late Eobertson's Introductory Notice, p. 
 
 Professor Ozanam's Civilisation au vi., to his translation of Moehler's 
 
 6"° Sikle, a work that would equally Symbolism. 
 
76 S. CTKIL AND S. JOHN DAMASCENE. 
 
 Grodhead, which forms the subject of his first book, he is 
 intellectual and profound ; in his second book, while treating 
 of created elements and intelligences, he shows that he has 
 studied the different schools of philosophy of ancient Grreece 
 side by side with the Old Testament, and with the Fathers 
 who have expounded it. The chapters on man, his parts and 
 passions, on freewill and providence, foreknowledge and pre- 
 destination, are still worth our careful perusal ; but it is on 
 the Incarnation, which is treated of throughout the whole 
 third, and part of the fourth book, that he rises to the full 
 height of a master, and is not to be outshone by any future 
 seraphic or angelic doctor amongst Latins, and exhibits Grreek 
 theology in its most striking aspect. How marked, by com- 
 parison, his brevity, when treating of faith and baptism, of 
 the Saints, and of Holy Scripture, as if they were subjects 
 that did not belong to him. If he is more eloquent upon the 
 Holy Eucharist, it is because it brings him back to the Incar- 
 nation. In short, he cannot abstain from plunging into 
 theology again more than once, before he brings his fourth 
 book to a close, in. defiance of all method. 
 
 § 32. Latin Treatises. — The Booh of the 'Sentences.^ — 
 The great Work of 8. Thomas. 
 
 Turn straight from these to the four books of the 'Sentences ' 
 of Peter Lombard, and the ' Theological Sum ' of S. Thomas 
 Aquinas, and we get into another world directly. Peter Lom- 
 bard has evidently borrowed the idea of his work from S. John 
 Damascene ; but in point of arrangement he is much more 
 logical, and even in theological details more full. There is more 
 of revealed and less of natural theology, in his first book, than 
 in that of S. John ; while that of S. John is also very much 
 shorter than his. In his second book, avoiding all those mere 
 physical, astronomical, and even geographical speculations into 
 which S. John has diverged at great length, and only treating 
 of the Scriptural account of the creation very compendiously, 
 he becomes copious and enquiring at once on reaching his own 
 proper province, man. How man was created ; how he be- 
 came a living soul ; how woman was formed out of his side ; 
 
THE BOOK OF THE ' SENTENCES.' 77 
 
 their state before and after the fall ; original righteousness 
 and original sin ; grace and concupiscence ; freewill and 
 actual sin ; its causes, its punishments ; the seven principal 
 sins. All these take the place of those discussions upon pain 
 and pleasure ; the passions and the senses ; imagination, 
 thought, and memory ; moral actions and their constituents, 
 which occur in S. John as belonging to the natural man, 
 almost as we find them treated in Aristotle, and quite inde- 
 pendently of the fall — of its disastrous effects or cure. Then, 
 instead of a book and a half upon the Incarnation, Peter has 
 contrived to do justice to that august subject in the first half 
 of his third book ; yet, with true practical instinct, he retains 
 it steadily in view whilst apportioning the subject-matter of 
 faith, hope, and charity, those supernatural virtues which 
 come to us through Christ alone ; of those moral virtues into 
 which He has infused new life; of the seven gifts of that 
 Spirit which He has shed abroad in our hearts ; and of the 
 Ten Commandments, which He has supplied us with power to 
 keep. There is scarcely a word upon all this in S. John 
 Damascene. Finally, in devoting the greater part of his 
 fourth book to the general consideration of the Sacraments, 
 and of each one of them in particular, he may claim the credit 
 of having attracted the thoughts of SS. Thomas Aquinas and 
 Bonaventure, of Albert the Great and Dun Scotus, of Eichard 
 Middleton, ^gidius, Durandus, Alanus, and others, his 
 gigantic commentators, to a field where literally no Greek 
 had ever trod; to a field destined, in their hands, and through 
 their industry, to yield a magnificent harvest of thought on 
 the subject of mankind Christianised, and prepared for heaven, 
 by a series of Divinely-appointed means. Let any one dis- 
 posed to doubt this only turn to what is called the ' Secunda 
 Secundse ' of S., Thomas Aquinas — that work to which one of 
 the greatest of English divines and casuists did not hesitate 
 to refer as a principal source of all his acquirements."^ It is, 
 
 "' He 'said they were cHiefly three: offices.' Walton's Life of Sanderson, 
 Aristotle's Ehetorio, Aqiiinaa' Secunda ad f. 
 Secundee, and Tully, but chiefly his 
 
78 THE GREAT WORK OF S. THOMAS. 
 
 indeed, a mirror of Christian life in all its complex relations, 
 of the duties which are required of us all in our several call- 
 ings, and of the obstacles which beset our paths. Happiness 
 in the abstract, virtue and vice resolved into their com- 
 ponent elements, had been discussed in the first portioQ of the 
 second part; here they are discussed as they are found in 
 men of every sort and grade. Look at the fulness with which 
 each particular question is handled; look at the exquisite 
 method with which each question comes up for investigation 
 just where it ought, and how it paves the way for what 
 follows. Examine the sacramental system of Part III. Ee- 
 flect how beautifully the Incarnation stands at the head of it, 
 as being the one thing designed to be perpetuated and applied 
 through the Sacraments. Then pause to survey the whole 
 colossal work in all its parts — four closely-printed folios,"^ 
 and yet unfinished ; a fate common to most of the gorgeous 
 architectural piles of the middle ages, its contemporaries — 
 yet, even so, furnishing life-long occupation to men of the 
 intellectual grasp of Vasquez and Suarez to comment upon 
 it ; and shall we not recognise in it one of the grandest pic- 
 tures of man in his state of grace ever achieved by man ? one 
 to which Western Christendom can never cease to look back 
 with just pride, as being, in a peculiar sense, its own ; as one 
 of the vastest and most imperishable monuments ever reared 
 to truth on the deepest of all earthly subjects. 
 
 And may I not assert, too, that Dante, Giotto, and Michael- 
 Angelo, with their respective schools, drew their inspiration, 
 at least in its ultimate sources, from this great work of 
 S. Thomas ? Undoubtedly it supplied them with their ideal 
 — with their working drawings — though it was itself no more 
 than the perfect expression and setting forth of a great sub- 
 jective fact. In point of originality, beyond dispute, the 
 parentage of art, poetry, and philosophy belonged to the 
 East ; but when the time came for them to be baptized, the 
 East seemed to have parted with all control over them, and 
 the West assumed their exclusive sponsorship and Christian 
 
 '« Ed. Abbe Migne. 
 
ART AND SCIENCE EEGENERATED. 79 
 
 training. Christianity did for them all, when they had 
 reached maturity, what Ocean had been held to do by Homer 
 for the autumnal planet : 
 
 8s Te fidKiffTa 
 AafJLTTpov TTafj.(paiinjai \€\oufj.4vos *O.Keavo7o. 
 
 All that was high and chivalrous, heroic and self-denying, 
 artistic and intellectual, in the middle ages, owed its origin 
 to the union of the Human with the Divine, accomplished by 
 our Lord, perpetuated in His Church. S. Thomas, of all 
 men, had expressed this in adequate words ; his contemporaries 
 and their successors thought and worked by the light of his 
 teaching. 
 
 § 33. Councils of East and West. — Digests of their 
 Canons contrasted. 
 
 But again we may illustrate what has been done by East 
 and West from their respective councils. What is, in the 
 first place, the kind of literature to which they have given 
 rise ? We may fairly take, as specimens of ecclesiastical 
 jurisprudence on the part of the Greeks, the 'Nomocanon' of 
 Photius, and the code of the Grreek church interpreted by 
 the joint labours of Theodore Balsamon, John Zonaras, and 
 Alexius Aristeas. Now, the former of these is a kind of 
 digest of imperial laws and ecclesiastical canons for the regu- 
 lation of Church discipline. Photius, with all his learning, 
 cannot swell his subject beyond the limits of a very moderate 
 folio ; and, but for the very learned and diffuse notes of the 
 EngUsh Bishop Beveridge, the united commentaries of Balsa- 
 mon, Zonaras, and Aristeas would only form another, perhaps 
 a trifle more bulky. Place side by side with these two mode- 
 rate volumes the 'Decretum' of Gratian, the Decretals in all 
 their parts, and but a tithe of what has been written upon 
 both. Their comparison can serve but to provoke a smile. 
 Whatever objections some persons may have to the old Canon 
 Law, there can be no denying its vast grasp of materials, and 
 logical perfection in their arrangement. The Greeks have 
 nothing whatever to set against it of an ecclesiastical character: 
 
80 DIGESTS OF THEIK CANONS CONTRASTED. 
 
 its only true rivals are the Pandects and Code of Justinian ; 
 but, surely, the glory of these belongs to the empire, not the 
 church — to the West more than the East.'^° Again, who 
 could think of comparing the canons and acts of those coun- 
 cils forming the code of the Greek Church as settled in the 
 Trullan Synod of a.d. 683, and as exhibited by Bishop Beve- 
 ridge,'*' with the canons and acts of those councils of Italy, 
 Spain, France, Great Britain, Germany, which fill so many 
 ponderous tomes, and bear largely upon almost every social 
 question contemporaneous with them in church and state ? 
 Who can fail to be struck with the difference of subject-matter 
 between the one and the other, even where both affect to be 
 legislating upon church discipline ? I shall perhaps best 
 explain what I mean by dwelling upon some of the most 
 remarkable points of contrast between the general councils 
 of East and West.^^^ 
 
 § 34. Subject-matter of Eastern Canons. 
 
 Looking then at the subject of church-discipline from the 
 point of view in which it is set forth in the Nicene, Constan- 
 tinopolitan, Ephesine, and Chalcedonian canons, we cannot 
 fail to perceive what a very narrow range it embraces. Privi- 
 leges of metropolitans and patriarchs, meetings of provincial 
 synods, dealings with the heretics of those days, general regu- 
 lations for the clergy — these are the heads treated of; in the 
 Quini-sext or Trullan canons, besides the foregoing, which are 
 all reiterated, we find some few that are ceremonial, and some 
 few relating to life and manners in the world; straggling 
 protests, in general, against Western usages ; or confirmations, 
 incidentally, of some older canons. The last, or 102nd, alone 
 glances at a subject — that of penance — on which doubtless 
 the ante-Nicene fathers in East and West had legislated 
 
 '=° I say this because of the Novels affords Bome useful information. See 
 
 principally, which are of Eastern ori- vol. ii. 
 
 gin and ecclesiastic bearings. '*^ For what follows, see generally 
 
 "' Or more compendiously in John- Catalani Condi. CEcum. torn, i.-iv. 
 son's Vade Mecum, whose Preface 
 
ATTENTION BESTOWED ON THE CREED. 81 
 
 more extensively and systematically than upon any other; 
 but here again, curiously enough, both the initiative and final 
 completion of that code belongs to the West, as will be shown 
 in its proper place. 
 
 The special attention bestowed on the creed is the cha- 
 racteristic of all Eastern Councils. Nicsea, Constantinople,' 
 Ephesus outdid each other in its settlement ; even in the 
 Trullan and Second Nicene Councils, it comes up for recapitu- 
 lation and confirmation before anything else is taken in hand. 
 
 § 35. Topics handled in Western Counoils. — Creed and 
 Canons of Innocent III, 
 
 Look at the difference in the West: there is no sort of 
 allusion to it in the canons of the 1st Lateran, or 9th Greneral 
 Council, in a.d. 1123; of the 2nd Lateran, or 10th Greneral,' 
 in A.D. 1139; of the 3rd Lateran, or 11th Greneral, in a.d.' 
 1179. Discipline, in its widest sense, begiiming with simo- 
 niacal ordinations and lay-investitures, is their avowed work. 
 Canon xxiii. of the second of these is, significantly enough, 
 directed against Peter de Bruis, Arnold of Brescia, and others, ' 
 who maligned the sacraments. I shall have a good deal to 
 say on these heresies presently. Then the 'truce of Grod,' 
 as it is called, is published under pain of excommunication. 
 Christians are forbidden to supply Saracens with any com- 
 modities, especially munitions of war : those who do so may 
 be made slaves. Wreckers and pirates are excommunicated. 
 Usurers are to be denied communion, and, if they die impeni- 
 tent, the rites of Christian sepulture. Christians are not' 
 allowed to be servants of Jews or Saracens, or even to live 
 ■with them. Heretics and their abettors are not merely ana- 
 thematised, but their goods may be confiscated, and them- 
 selves made slaves. Those who take up arms against them 
 are to be let off all penance for two years ; those who refuse 
 to do so are to be excluded from communion. Milder mea- ' 
 sures might have failed, where the taming of so many savage 
 natures had to be achieved, Christendom had to fight its 
 way in the West against feudalism and lawlessness, and in ' 
 doing so to deal some hard blows. Its assertions of moral 
 
 G 
 
82 CEEED AND CANONS OF INNOCENT III. 
 
 power needed to be both absolute and unwavering to be 
 effective. It rose more and more loftily to its work at each 
 successive stage, till it gave laws to mind as well as matter in 
 the same breath. It commenced with a discipline of its own ; 
 it speedily put forth a creed of its own. The absence of any 
 creed from the three Lateran Councils of the twelfth century 
 is not more conspicuous than the promulgation of a creed — 
 autocratic, original, and independent — by the lordly president 
 of the 4th Lateran Council, in A.D. 1215, at the head of those 
 seventy canons alike stamped with the impress of his master- 
 spirit, appealing to no councils of the East for its confirma- 
 tion, nor taking any creed of the East for its model. 
 
 It would not have been Western, if in its theological portion 
 had not been included the double Procession of the Holy 
 Ghost; but these are parts of the creed equally: — 1. The 
 existence of good and bad angels. 2. ' Una est fidelium 
 universalis ecclesia, extra quam nuUus omnino salvatur.' 3. 
 Transubstantiation of the elements in the Holy Eucharist. 
 4. Necessity of a priest to consecrate them. 5. The validity 
 of baptism by whomsoever administered in due form. 6. The 
 remission of post-baptismal sin through true penance. 7. 
 Heaven attainable by all, married and celibate alike, through 
 right faith and good works. 
 
 Of the other canons — for the creed itself is couched in the 
 form of a canon — the 21st has proved to be the all-impor- 
 tant one. It enjoins the faithful of both sexes and mature 
 age to make their confession once a year to their own priest, 
 and communion at Easter at least. Its pendant is to be 
 found in the 13th Session of the Council of Constance, where 
 communion is ordered to be given to laymen only when 
 fasting, and in one kind. With this single exception, the 
 doctrine and discipline of the West may be said to have been 
 complete from the passing of these Lateran Canons to the 
 Council of Trent — from the Creed of Innocent to the Creed 
 of Pius. What schoolmen, canonists, and councils did in the 
 interim was, in fact, in the way of complement : by either 
 elucidating, expanding, or building upon them. The double 
 Procession was more fully set forth and vindicated at the 2nd 
 
EMPERORS AND POPES DEPOSED. 83 
 
 Council of Lyons, and at the Council of Florence. The doc- 
 trine of Transubstantiation derived immense support from the 
 observance of the festival of ' Corpus Christi,' which the 
 Council of Vienne enjoined. The heresies condemned in the 
 3rd and 4th Lateran Councils recur, and are condemned 
 again and again by succeeding councils. The princes of 
 Europe are stirred up again and again to draw the sword 
 against heretics and infidels, as so many social pests. Bald- 
 win II., the Latin emperor of Constantinople, was present at 
 the 1st Council of Lyons, in A.d. 1245, and heard Frederic 
 II. solemnly deposed. The Emperor Sigismund, who was 
 present at the Council of Constance, in A.d. 1414, heard three 
 popes deposed : and one, who was neither priest nor bishop,''^ 
 elected unanimously to the highest post in the Church— a 
 grand moral lesson to all earthly potentates in either case, the 
 benefits of which are still felt. 
 
 § 36. Penitential System due to the West. — Originated 
 by Novatianism. 
 
 Before attempting to define the exact relation of the 
 Council of Trent to those of the West which preceded it, 
 I think some glimmerings of light will be thrown upon it 
 by briefly considering what may be called Western or Mediae- 
 val heresies, inasmuch as heresies and dogmatism mutually 
 react upon each other ; and in doing so, I propose starting 
 from a subject which has been already touched upon inciden- 
 tally — or the Penitential System. Because there are Grreek as 
 well as Latin terms for the stations of ' mourners, hearers, 
 prostrate, and bystanders,' it is apt to be concluded that these 
 distinctions are of Eastern origin, and that the whole system 
 which is implied by them passed from East to West, rather 
 than the converse. That it had been in vogue there some 
 time before the Nicene Council is clear from several canons 
 
 '^' ' Otton Colonne . . . qui prit le mitre en tete, quoiqu'il ne flit encore ni 
 
 nom de Martin V on yoyait pretre, ni ^veque. . . . Le lendemain il 
 
 ensuite le Pape, mont6 sur nn clieval fut ordonn6 diacre, le jour suivant 
 Wane capara9onn4 d'^carlate: il ^tait pretre, et le troisifeme jour ^Teque.' 
 revetu des habits pontificane, avec la Rohrb^cker, B.S'.Tol.sxi pp. 169, 170. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 ORIGINATED BY NOVATIANISM. 
 
 of that council, and from the Canons of Ancyra and Neo- 
 ceesarea, passed some ten years previously. It is still more fully 
 brought out in the Canons of S. Gregory Thaumaturgus and 
 of S. Basil."* The question is, when and where did it 
 originate ? And I think the answer must be, with the schism 
 of Novatus and Novatian at Carthage, or more strictly Eome. 
 Then it was that the question of post-baptismal sin came up 
 for the first time, and that penance began to be recognised 
 as ' the second plank for shipwrecked man.' '" ' Velit;, nolit, 
 Novatius hsBreticus, omni tempore Dei gratia recipit poeni- 
 tentes,' says the author of the treatise ' De Ccena Domini.''*^ 
 This was the principle on which it reposed : but it was at 
 Rome, not Carthage, that Novatus in reality established his 
 sect, and gave effect to his opinions, by forming a coalition 
 there with Novatian, and procuring his own consecration by 
 three Italian bishops, a very full account of all which was fur-, 
 nished by Cornelius to Fabius bishop of Antioch, and so became 
 known in the East.'*' Let us hear now from Socrates and 
 Sozomen in what way their errors were met, and where prin- 
 cipally. Socrates, himself charged with Novatianism, says: 
 ' Upon the separation of Novatus and his party from the 
 Church, because they were unwilling to hold communion with 
 such as had lapsed in the Deeian persecution, from that period 
 of time the bishops had added to the ecclesiastical roll a 
 presbyter, whose peculiar office it should be to manage the 
 concerns of penitents, who, having fallen into sin after bap- 
 tism, were thenceforward to confess their crimes to the pres- 
 byter so appointed.' 
 
 ' As to the Novatians,' proceeds Sozomen, ' they indeed, 
 
 '" Can. II. of the first; and the Jms; now supposed to have heen the 
 
 third Canonical Epistle to Amphiloehius work of a friend and contemporary of 
 
 of the second. See Johnson's Vade S. Bernard : Arnold, abbot of Bona 
 
 Mecum, vol. ii. pp. 222 and 242-46. ValHe, in the diocese of Chartres. 
 
 '^^ 'Secunda tabula post naufra- (Cave, IS'si. ie'i. s. v.) If so, it points to 
 
 gium,' V. Eatium in Sent. Kb. iv. dist. a revival of Novatian errors in the 
 
 xiv. § 1, and Condi. Trid. sess. vi. u. twelfth century. 
 14. '" Euseb. E. H. vi. 43, and S. Cypr. 
 
 "' Formerly attributed to S. Cy- Ep. xHx. That their names should 
 
 prian, being the sixth of a collection have been confused is natm-al enough, 
 of tracts, jDe Operibus Christi cardinal!- 
 
OFFICE OF PENITENTIARY. 83 
 
 making no account of the penitential discipline, could have 
 no occasion either for this office itself, or for the officer 
 entrusted with it ; but all other sects retain them both to 
 this day. The Western Churches, and especially the Eoman, 
 have them in frequent use, and in great esteem : for there a 
 public station is appointed for penitents, where they stand 
 under great appearances of sorrow, and when so much of the 
 Liturgy is finished, as to the dismission of the catechumens, 
 without partaking of the holy mysteries with the faithful, 
 they, the penitents, prostrate themselves with sighs and 
 groans upon the ground; the bishop meets them in this 
 posture with tears, and prostrates himself with them; the whole 
 congregation joins with them in their mourning ; then the 
 bishop first rises, and raises those who are as yet prostrate ; and 
 after putting up proper prayers to Grod for penitent sinners, 
 he dismisses them. So much for the public : but then every 
 man of them, for himself in private, mortifies himself with 
 all manner of austerities, as he is directed by the bishop, 
 whose appointments he punctually observes, and waits con- 
 tentedly the time which is thus allotted him for his continu- 
 ance under the forementioned rigours. Then when the period 
 assigned him is finished, and the debt as it were cancelled, 
 his sin is remitted, and he associates as before with the rest 
 of the faithful. This hath been the usage of the Roman 
 Church from the very beginning to our present age.'^^^ A 
 touching picture, truly, this of the earnestness and simplicity 
 of those thorough-going days ! It contains strong gi-ounds, 
 surely, for asserting that the penitential system originated in 
 the West, though it was eagerly caught up, and probably 
 enlarged upon, in the East. At all events, it flourished there 
 for some time in great exuberance ; but then we are told, by 
 the same authorities, that this office of penitentiary was 
 abolished at Constantinople by Nectarius, about A. d. 390, 
 and that ' the bishops of the churches all round about him 
 followed his example.' Contrariwise not only was that office 
 continued in the West, but it gained in importance ; so much 
 
 "= Soe. E. K T. 19; Soz. E. K vii. from Marshall's Penit. Discipl. App. 
 17. I lave borrowed these translations 2 and 3. 
 
86 KISE OF PElSaTENTIALS.. 
 
 so that 'Penitentials,' or its official textbooks, became quite 
 as voluminous, and as much of a study as the Sentences 
 themselves, or works upon Canon Law, resulting in a gigantic 
 code of casuistry. Our own Archbishop Theodore was author 
 of one of the first of these treatises, just as it was our own 
 S. Anselm who was the founder of scholastic theology ; and 
 it was he apparently, Greek though he was, who introduced 
 into the West ' the substitution of secret penance for secret 
 offences:' in a word, private for public confession. '^^ 
 
 § 37. Heresies passing from. West to East propagate 
 no Theological Errors. 
 
 And this brings me to one of the most curious phenomena 
 that I know of in ecclesiastical history, greatly confirmatory 
 of the view which I have been expounding all along. Here- 
 sies passing from East to West seem to forget their theological 
 errors — at least if they continue to exist at all- — and occupy 
 themselves exclusively with anthropology. Heresies passing 
 from West to East keep to their own special subject, and 
 never obtrude upon theology. 
 
 Both Novatus and Pelagius, to some extent, imported their 
 errors into the East ; but so far from troubling the theological 
 world, they managed to recommend themselves to some of 
 the most orthodox theologians. Celestius was indeed repro- 
 bated, under the idea that he supported Nestorius ; but no 
 condemnation was ever pronounced in the East of what we 
 understand by Pelagianism. On the contrary, one of thfe 
 greatest of Eastern Doctors, S. John Chrysostom, not only 
 ' mourned over the monk Pelagius,' '^^ but showed some de- 
 cided leanings towards semi-pelagianism, at least, himself in 
 connection with freewill. Modern Greeks find it still more 
 difficult to exculpate Cyril Lucar from the charge of Calvin- 
 ism. And if it be true that the office of penitentiary had 
 been originally instituted as a practical counterpoise to Nova- 
 
 "' Marshall, c. iii. § 1 ; and for a re- et seq. 
 cent account of the Pcmitentiale, vide ""' Ep. ad Olymp. Op. torn. iii. p. 
 
 Mr. Maskell's Diss, on Service Books, 577, ed. Ben, 
 Monum. Bit. Eccl. Angl. toI. i. p. civ. 
 
PELAGIUS AND KOVATOS IN THE EAST. 87 
 
 iian errors, there can be little doubt but that S. Chrysostom, 
 who succeeded Nectarius in the patriarchate of Constantinople, 
 was far from advocating any revival of that office,'^' though 
 there could have been no lack of Novatians in his own diocese. 
 Constantino had bantered their bishop, Acesius, in terms that 
 half betokened admiration.*''' Theodosius the Great, we are 
 told, encouraged them to have their churches within the 
 cities of his dominions, including Constantinople."'^ There is 
 not the least hint that their teaching involved any theological 
 heresy ; there is positive reason for supposing that, in the 
 East at least, it was never held to do so. 
 
 § 38. Heresies passing from East to West affect Manners 
 as well as Doctrine. 
 
 But now look at the theological heresies that passed from 
 East to West. First, it is worthy of notice how few of them 
 ever passed over at all. Grnosticism and Sabellianism, Nes- 
 torianism and Eutychianism, we may well imagine to have 
 been too subtle for Western intellects. Arianism made more 
 progress, but in its coarsest forms, especially in Spain, where 
 however it was extinguished in a.d. 585. Montanism and 
 Manichseism ^^^ had a much longer reign ; but they diffused 
 
 "' His words are these : ' I do not '" On the Manicheans, S. Aug., 
 
 desire to expose you upon the public epitomising "what he says elsewhere : 
 
 stage, before your fellow-servants ; nor 'Electi Manichseorum, relut sanctius et 
 
 do I compel you to discover your sins excellentius auditoribus suis. Nam his 
 
 in the presence of men, but to unfold duobus professionibus, hoc est, Electo- 
 
 your conscience to Grod, to show Him rumet Auditorum, ecclesiam suam con- 
 
 your ail and malady, and to seek relief stare voluerunt.' Further on of the 
 
 from Him.' Homil. v., quoted by Elect : ' unde etiam Catkaristce appel- 
 
 Marshall, c. ii. p. 1, § 1. lantur, quasi purgatores.' Again: 'Pro- 
 
 ^^2 On his saying, * 'EAtt/Sb rris a.<pe- missionem D. N. Jesu Christi de Para- 
 trews /i^ Trapa, Tbiv Upiotv, aWoL irapA rod cleto . . in suo hseresiarchA Manichseo 
 &eov, ivSe^eadai^ toO dufufj-evov Kal dicunt esse completam.' Heer. c. 46 
 e|oi«n'ai'ex"''TOS (ri/7Xwpe"'a;napT7J;uaTa,' (comp. S. Epiphan. Zfer. Ixvi. § 19). 
 — which is the very position of Pro- Exactly what he had said of the 
 testants, — the reply of Constantine Montanists, Hmr. o. 2fi : ' Quorum 
 was terse enough; '0es, & 'A/ceffif, auctores fuerunt Montanus tanquam 
 KXlfiaKa, Kal fidvos otvd$T]6i eis Ttiv ovpa- Paracletus . . , adventum Spiritus 
 coV.' Soo. E. H. i. 10. Sancti a Domino promissum in se 
 
 '™ Soc. E. H. V. 20. ' ws Sii6<ppoi'tts potius, quam in Apostolis, fuisse red' 
 
 Tj auToi TtidTei.' Comp. c. 21. ditum.' 
 
88 MONTANISM AND MANICH^ISM. 
 
 anthropological or sacramental, rather than theological, errors. 
 The West cared not for their theological vagaries, but it 
 snapped up greedily what they had to say against the sacra- 
 ments, against the hierarchy, against church discipline. It 
 sympathised with the claims to inspiration by the one, and 
 with the agitation of the problem ' irodsv to Kaxov,' '^^ by the 
 other. Montanism, in fact, preceded Novatianism in the 
 West, and outlived it. One of its most remarkable conquests 
 was Tertullian ; but it affected his notions of discipline, his 
 practice, much more than his theology. Witness his four 
 works,'^^ written expressly against the Church, into which 
 theology does not enter. On the other hand, his work against 
 Praxeas is in defence of orthodoxy. Montanism seems to have 
 turned the heads likewise of the African martyrs, Felicitas 
 and Perpetua ; '*^ and, if we may believe the statements of 
 Tertullian, Eome itself had at one time listened to its pro- 
 phecies with approval.'^* 
 
 Manichseism for a time enthralled S. Augustine by his own 
 confession. At a later period, it was charged upon him by 
 the Pelagians for asserting the existence of concupiscence in 
 fallen man, though regenerate. ^^^ It was the crime alleged 
 against Priscillian, who was the first to suffer capital punish- 
 ment for heresy. But it was clearly much more for setting 
 the laws of society at defiance, and for his sinister practices, 
 that he suffered, than for any theological unsoundness, though 
 I by no means dispute the fact of the latter.'™ Vagaries of 
 
 "' ' Cum a me qusererent, imde ma- et, ex e^ agnitione, pacem ecdesiis 
 
 lum,' &e. S. Aug. Confess, iii, 7. Asiae et Phiygiae inferentem.' 
 
 Comp. his Disput. contra Fortunat. "' Occasioning his work De Nwpt. 
 
 '" 1. De Pudicitid. 2. De Fugd in et Concupiso. v. lib. ii. 22. 
 
 Fersecutione. 3. De Jejuniis. 4. De '™ V. Forbes Instruct. Historico- 
 
 Monogamia. S. Epiph. Hcer. xlriii. Tkeol. lib. xii. 9, 5. ' Hi etiam verbum 
 
 § 11 says of the Montanists generally : perfectionis et scientise sibi temerA 
 
 ' Hep! narpds, Koi Tlov (to! 'Aytou Tlvei- Tindicabant, ut loquitur de iis Hieron. 
 
 fiaros, dfiotats <j>pumua-i -rg 'Ayiif Ka0o- Ep. ad Ctesiph.' (Ep. cxxxiii. § 3, ed. 
 
 A1K5 'E)cKA7)iriif.' Migne.) Gibbon's remarks (c. xxvii.) 
 
 '" Gieseler E. H. per. i. div. iii. on the edicts of Theodosius against 
 
 § 59, note 9. heretics, and on the execution of Pris- 
 
 i«» Adv. Vrax. c. i. ' Eomanum ciUian, may be compared with what 
 
 episcopum, agnoscentem jam pro- follows, 
 phetias Montani, Priscse, Maximillas; 
 
CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS DECREED AGAINST BOTH. 89 
 
 the intellect, as such, are comparatively harmless to society ; 
 not so vagaries of the heart and of the passions. It is on this 
 ground evidently that the epithet ' noxious * is applied to one 
 of the few sects threatened with capital punishment in the 
 Theodosian Code. Godfrey shows that capital punishment 
 was never decreed against heretics generally by the laws of 
 the empire, and that its infliction was only threatened in 
 some special cases.''' When, therefore, we find it denounced 
 against Encratites,''^ Montanists,"' and Manichseans,"'* we 
 are driven to the conclusion that these sects must have made 
 themselves more than ordinarily obnoxious to the civil power, 
 by some teaching or practice which they maintained in com- 
 mon, and thus we are led to the root of the evil at once."'* 
 They had doubtless, each one of them, some peculiar tenets 
 of their own ; what they all held to was the condemnation of 
 marriage, abstinence from meats as unclean, affectation of 
 superior purity — too commonly degenerating into promis- 
 cuous crime. It is but a step from undisciplined austerity to 
 unbridled licentiousness ; and religious enthusiasts, who set 
 themselves above law, are generally found to violate law the 
 most. Eastern heretics had a name which embraced many 
 
 '" Paratitl. ad Cod. Theodos. lib. character and career have been grossly 
 
 xvi. tit. T. Se Hmret. (vol. vi. p. 109). misrepresented, he "was the most in- 
 
 '" Law 9, promulgated in a.d. 382, famous of the many impostors who 
 
 two years before Priscillian was exe- have so often disgraced the cause of 
 
 cuted. For the peculiarities of the rehgious reformation. By more than 
 
 Encratites see Euseh. B. H. iv. 29. four centuries he anticipated the licen- 
 
 '" Law 34 of Arcadius, promulgated tiousness and greediness manifested 
 
 in A.D. 398. by a series of false prophets, and was 
 
 "* Law 35 of Arcadius, promul- the first to turn both the stupidity of 
 
 gated in a.d. 399. a populace and the viciousness of a 
 
 '" Mr. Motley has spoken of one of priesthood to his own advancement : 
 
 the most notorious of these heresiaichs an ambition which afterwards reached 
 
 thus (She of the Butch Eep. vol. i. its most signal expression in the cele- 
 
 introd. p. 60): 'As early as the be- brated John of Leyden.' Horrible as 
 
 ginning of the twelfth century the his excesses may have been, however 
 
 notorious Tauchelyn preached at Ant- (lb. p. 71), they cannot for a moment 
 
 werp, attacking the authority of the be held to excuse the inhuman pe- 
 
 Pope and of all other ecclesiastics; nalties of the edict of a.d. 1550 (lb. 
 
 scoffing at the ceremonies and sacra- p. 228). 
 ments of the Church. Unless his 
 
so GNOSTICS AND CATHAEISTS. 
 
 Tarietiesof them,aiid implied superior intellectual excellence—^ 
 or Gnostics : Western heretics affected another common name, 
 and it was a Greek one likewise, though its formal adoption 
 belongs to a Western sect, and it has its well-known modern, 
 equivalent amongst ourselves,''^ betokening superior moral 
 excellence — or Catharists.''' In the ages of theological heresy, 
 that term had been appropriated by the Novatians, who had 
 separated themselves from the Church solely upon the score 
 of discipline; by a later age, it was appropriated to the 
 Manichaeans, who then began to spread themselves over the 
 West, much more as preachers of a new morality than of a 
 new creed. Judicial astrology was the only speculative error 
 propagated by the Manichaeans that seems to have taken any 
 deep root in the West ; on the other hand, as Catharists, they 
 may be looked upon as the parents of every Western, or 
 anthropological, heresy. Gibbon has a masterly chapter on 
 their revival and subsequent career, and sums up their vicissi- 
 tudes in the following pregnant sentence : — 'About the middle 
 of the seventh century ' — that is, in the very age in which the 
 last theological heresy, Monothelism, was condemned — ' a 
 branch of the Manichseans was selected as the victims of 
 spiritual tyranny ; their patience was at length exasperated 
 to despair and rebellion, and their exile has scattered over 
 the West the seeds of reformation.' ''* In other words, their 
 exile did for error what the taking of Constantinople by 
 Mahomet II. did for art and science in Europe — so true is 
 it that all our good and evil in life came from the East. ' Of 
 the Catharists,' says Eeinerius,''' the Inquisitor-General of 
 the thirteenth century, who had himself been seventeen years 
 
 1" Puritans. Novatians. Yet Moreri and Hofiinan 
 
 '" There can be little doutt about s. v. show that both Eneratites and 
 
 the origin of this word, though it has Montanists laid claim to it likewise. 
 
 been variously derived. See S. Aug. It is curious to compare the little at- 
 
 HiBr. c. 46, before cited ; and compare traction which the term ' Gnostics,' as 
 
 Euseb. E. H. vi. 43 ad init. ; Can. well as the sect, had for the West. 
 
 NiccBn. viii. ; Can. Constant, vii. ; and "° Decline and Fall, c. liv. 
 
 S. Basil's \st Can. Ep. to Amphil.; '" Contra Wald. ap. Max. Bibl. 
 
 Can. 1 ap. Johnson, VadeMecum, vol. Pat. torn. xxv. p. 262. 
 
 ii. p. 225, for its appropriation by the 
 
PEVELOPMENTS OF THE LATTEK. 91 
 
 one of them, 'there were three principal branches: Albanenses, 
 Concorezenses, and Bagnolenses, all of whom inhabited Lom- 
 bardy.' Afterwards, he reckons no less than sixteen different 
 communities of them westwards of Constantinople. Switzer- 
 land, France, and Italy then abounded with them, under 
 various names. They were undoubtedly not the same ; but 
 they became gradually mixed up with the poor men of Lyons, 
 the followers of Peter of Bruis, and of the monk Henry, till 
 they disappear, one and all, under the more modern terms 
 Albigenses and Waldenses, to make common cause with the 
 disciples of Wickliff and of John Huss.''" 
 
 § 39. Heresies of the West essentially Anthropological. 
 
 Now what I assert of these sects from first to last is, not 
 that their theology was always wholly erroneous, nor again 
 that it was ever free from error of some kind or other, but 
 that they cannot be charged with having invented any new 
 theological heresy. What they advocated prominently, con- 
 currently, and persistently was ecclesiastical revolt ; in other 
 words, a system of antagonism to church ordinances and 
 church discipline ; teaching that was opposed to any hypothesis 
 of divine grace in the Sacraments ; of any special prerogatives 
 in the clergy; of any inherent authority in the Church to 
 make laws binding on the conscience, for social order or 
 public worship amongst nations ; for edification or correction 
 of individuals. Here, therefore, lay the trufe difference 
 between them and the old heresiarchs of the East. Their 
 offences were against man rather than God ; against the laws 
 of Christian society rather than the laws of Christian ortho- 
 doxy. Not but that they aifected to have rites, sacraments, and 
 teachers of their own, while they rejected those of the Church. 
 Their plea was, that the immoral lives of the clergy alienated 
 them from the Church. Giving them the full benefit of that 
 plea, we cannot deny that the lawfully-constituted authorities 
 of Christendom had their plea likewise for retaliation ; nor 
 
 ""' For the general subject see and Bossuet's masterly sketch, Hist. 
 Gieseler E. H. par. iii. div. iii. § 87, des Variat. liv. xi. 
 
92 PUNISHED AS AGAINST SOCIETY. 
 
 are the names of such men as S. Bernard and Peter the 
 Venerable, who took strong part indeed with authority, but 
 never with vice, to be forgotten in adjusting the scale. 
 Strongly as I am averse to capital punishment for any crime 
 but murder, entirely as I sympathise with those burning 
 words of Count de Montalembert,'*^ on a late occasion : ' Je 
 le declare done, j'eprouve une invincible horreur pour tons 
 les supplices et toutes les violences faites a I'humanite, sous 
 pretexte de servir, ou. de defendre la religion,' I am constrained 
 to observe that Christian society, no less than any other, has 
 its rights of self-defence, and that treasonable practices 
 against authorities lawfully constituted, be they Christian or 
 not, are rightly punished. On the mode and measure of pim- 
 ishment to be administered, each age will always claim to be 
 the best judge. Our own statute-book has been but recently 
 purged of the cruel criminal code of our own immediate 
 ancestors ; and we ourselves of the nineteenth century, with 
 all our fondness for freedom and toleration, have not yet 
 learnt^ — and should we ever learn? — to pardon those who 
 plot against our Constitution and our Queen. Speculative 
 errors neither do we visit with capital punishment now, nor 
 did the Greeks formerly. Not one of the theological heresi- 
 archs is recorded to have perished on the scaffold or at the 
 stake. '"^ 
 
 '*' L'Eglise Libre, ^c, au Congris diversis temporibns, et quidem gravis- 
 Catholique de Malines, p. 134. He Bimse, quae jugulumChristianismi pete- 
 adds, grandly : ' Le Millon enfonci bant, imprimis Arianorum Ula — Ula 
 dans la bouche de quieonque parle teterrima. . . . Nunquid autem ma- 
 aTee un cceur pur, pour preeher sa jores nostri, ut illam extinguerent, 
 foi, je le sens entre mea propres livres, sanguine baptizatorum se polluerunt, 
 et j'en fr^mis de douleur. . . . L'in- ut nunc in Papatu fit ' (he is speaking 
 quisitor Espagnol disant a I'h&Mque : more particularly of the Inquisition) 
 "la T&it6 ou la mort," m'est aussi 'aliquando etiam ob esum camium 
 odieux que le terroriste Fran^ais di- duntaxat.'— Epist. Gerardi Basdragi 
 sant k men grand-pAre, " la liberie, la Episcop. ArgoKc. ad Cardm. Fisanum, 
 fraternity, ou la mort." ' Padu4, Dee. 15, 1548, ap. Miscell. 
 
 "2 'Neque dici potest, quod olim Groning.xoLi.-^. 319. 
 nullae faerint hsereses ; fuerunt enim 
 
CHRISTIAIir ANTHEOPOLOGT. 93, 
 
 § 40. Christian Anthropology. — Objective and Subjective. — 
 The first, the Work of the Middle Ages. 
 
 Christian anthropology readily ranges itself under two 
 heads — objective and subjective. By the former is meant the, 
 sacraments and ordinances of the Church, as such ; by the 
 latter, the progress of grace in the heart of each one of us. 
 Here we get at the true clue, both to the dogmatism of the Me- 
 dieeval Church, and to the heresies bv which it was elicited or 
 opposed. It was the objective part of Christian anthropology 
 that came first in the order of logic, and was accordingly so 
 brought out. The nature and effects of the sacraments, in 
 themselves, and as distinguished from each other ; the pre- 
 rogatives of chtirch-councils ; of the hierarchy; the laws of 
 Christian society; married and celibate, secular and religious 
 life under the Gospel ; Christian education ; Christian bene- 
 volence to the poor ; the relations of Church and State : all 
 these questions were discussed with a vigour, and a freedom, 
 and a fulness that the world had never known before, and 
 compared with which the speculations of the G-reek schools 
 of philosophy were but shadowy outline. The progress of 
 rites and ceremonies was attended by a corresponding 
 development in Christian art — gorgeous achievements in 
 painting, sculpture, architecture, that may be left to speak 
 for themselves; universities and colleges that have never 
 been rivalled; industrial activity in town and country.'*' 
 We may have discarded nine-tenths of the doctrine and prac- 
 tice of the Middle Ages ; but should we have possessed any of 
 our own existing doctrine or practice upon any one of these sub- 
 jects, had they not previously ventilated them, one and all, and 
 in many cases suggested to us the true path, even while falling 
 short of it, or swerving beside it, themselves? Thus, what may 
 be called the school of medicine for humanity was thoroughly 
 equipped and set in order ; the drugs were purveyed, analysed, 
 
 '*' Por the general subject see the nocent III. ; and his Institutions and 
 
 Histories of Civilisation, by MM. Manners of the Church in the Middle 
 
 Guizot and Ozanam ; Christian Art, Ages : all in French except the first, 
 
 by M. Bio ; Hurter's Eistory of In- which has been translated. < 
 
94 THE "WORK OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 weighed, mixed in their proper proportions, labelled, and 
 placed ready for use. The case of the patient had only to be 
 studied, his dietary to be regulated, his constitution examined. 
 The best medicine could not effect his cure without some, 
 concurrent action of his own. 
 
 § 41. Subjective Anthropology not studied by the 
 Schoolmen. 
 
 Now on the second, or subjective, part of Christian anthro- 
 pology, the Mediaeval Church threw out many pregnant hints, 
 and contributed a fund of elaborate matter for enquiry, but, in 
 point of fact, ruled nothing. There had been no definite system 
 of error started as yet on that head since the days of Pelagius ; 
 and Pelagianism had already received its coup-de-grace 
 from S. Augustine. It was not from the Manichseans either 
 that any revival of Pelagianism was to be apprehended ; for 
 these two systems were diametrically opposed. Pelagius had 
 exalted the natural powers of man to that extent that he 
 had left no room for grace ; the disciples of Manes, on the 
 contrary, considered the natural man so depraved that, 
 according to their teaching, ordinary grace was not suflBcient 
 for effecting his cure. Hence their fierce denunciations of 
 the sacraments of the Church more especially, as assuming 
 to effect that which they held to be impossible through the 
 medium of material elements, which they held to be radically 
 corrupt. To attempt to cure the evil in man through any 
 application to it of the evil in matter was, from their point of 
 view, hopelessly absurd. Still, while they reviled the church 
 system, they never met it by any direct counter-statement of 
 their own. They had no system but what was made up of 
 negations and contradictions, of irregular practices and wild 
 schemes ; their only basis of agreement was antagonism to all 
 that the Church of that day enjoined. On the other hand, 
 in the Church itself, the subject of personal holiness, apart 
 from the Sacraments, had been but little studied. Men were, 
 rather indoctrinated with the idea that the sacraments of the 
 Church would do all for them, procure them heaven, with but 
 
NOT STUDIED BY THE SCHOOLMEN. 95 
 
 very little cooperation of their own : so that they took their 
 medicine, whose life-giving properties had been proved be- 
 yond dispute, it did not so much matter how they lived. Their 
 attention had been called off powerfully to what was without 
 them, to the wonders of grace that were operating around 
 them, till they had ceased to attend to what was within them. 
 S. Thomas, indeed, had written, and numbers had commented 
 on what he had written, on that charmed theme 'justifica- 
 tion ;' ''* but what a mere corner is given to it in his immortal 
 work, and in the 'Book of the Sentences* it does not occur 
 at all. Little more was, in fact, attempted by the schoolmen 
 in this department than to extract and epitomise all that had 
 been laid down by S. Augustine in his controversy with 
 Pelagius on original sin, freewill, predestination, prevenient 
 and cooperating grace, and final perseverance. 
 
 There was a theory still to be constructed out of these 
 materials, and the time for drawing it out was gradually 
 approaching. Facts proclaimed aloud that ordinances were 
 powerless without due cooperation on the part of their 
 recipients, in whose proper dispositions and corresponding 
 lives was to be found a necessary complement to the sacra- 
 ments themselves. All this may have been self-evident, but 
 it had not been brought out, or at least formally adopted as 
 part of the system.'*' 
 
 § 42. The point really raised by Luther. — Relevancy 
 of his Appeal. 
 Throughout the whole of the fifteenth century'*^ there 
 went up a cry, from one nation after another, for the refor- 
 
 "' Sum. Theol. Prima Secundcs, q. compelled to enact penalties against 
 
 exiii. art. 1-10. her children who did not comnmni- 
 
 "* In illustration of what is here cate once a year, and to limit her corn- 
 advanced let me refer to the whole of mands to an Easter communion, be- 
 that earnest and instructive chapter, caiise she durst not require Tnore* 
 headed ' The History of Communion,' "" ' Then came two terrible cen- 
 in the work on Communion, by Father turies, most difficult to characterise, 
 Dalgairns, particularly from p. 170; the fourteenth and the fifteenth. The 
 where, speaking of the great Lateran world had lost, in » great measure. 
 Council of A.D. 1215, he says: 'It the supernatural principles of the 
 was precisely then,, when the world Middle Ages, and had not attained to 
 was at her . feet, that the Church was the Pelagian virtues of modern times. 
 
96 EELKVAKCT OF LUTHER S APPEAL. 
 
 mation of maimers. In the confusion which then reigned, 
 obstacles were again and again thrown in the way of attend- 
 ing to it, till it was gradually hushed into silence, and. 
 thought to have died away. At length Luther arose, and, in 
 direct contrast to all the mere reformers and declaimers 
 against abuses in Church and State that had preceded him, 
 raised the critical question: 'How am I — the living, intelli- 
 gent, responsible, indivisible agent— justified ? How do I 
 participate personally in the redemption that has been 
 wrought for man ? ' 
 
 What answer he returned to it himself is matter of 
 secondary importance. The eagerness with which his 
 writings that contained it were printed and dissemi- 
 nated'*^ amongst all classes in Germany is a decisive proof 
 of their worldwide relevancy. It was like starting the idea 
 of manhood-suffrage in a vast community, till then living 
 under a close oligarchy. His appeal was to the masses what 
 the application of a lighted match is to the heap of innu- 
 merable dark grains collectively called gunpowder. Millions 
 of subjectivities flashed into self-consciousness simultaneously, 
 Every serf was reminded that he was a man — popes and em- 
 perors that they were no more than men. Individuals felt 
 themselves addressed, not as members of a society, but as 
 possessors of a conscience. Every soul was preoccupied with 
 the account that it would have one day to give, naked and 
 disembodied, before God. Every living ' I,' — man, woman, 
 
 I should caE them the most unprin- thing lent more powerful assistance to 
 cipled centuries of the Christian era.' Luther than the zeal manifested by the 
 —Father Dalgaims on the Holy Com- printers and booksellers in favour of 
 munion, o. vi. p. 173. the new ideas. The books in support 
 "' ' The excitement was immense. of Luther, says a contemporary,' 
 The nobles and the people, the castles (Cochlseus) ' were printed by the ty- 
 and the free towns, rivalled each other pographers with minute care, often at 
 in zeal and enthusiasm for Luther. their own expense, and vast numbers 
 At Kuremburg and at Strasburg, even of copies were thrown off. There was 
 at Mayence, there was a constant a complete body of ex-monks who, re- 
 struggle for his least pamphlets. The turned to the world, lived by vending 
 sheet, yet wet, was brought from the the books of Luther throughout Ger- 
 press under some one's coat, and many.' — 'iS..'M.\Qhe\et' a Life of Luther, 
 passed from shop to shop . . . No- Hazlitt's Tr. p. 70. 
 
PBKSONAL EXPERIENCES. 97 
 
 and child — throughout Europe was set thinking about ' my- 
 self,' with a vehemence unknown before, and as obstinately 
 bent upon telling ' my own ' experiences. Doctors of the 
 Church might well decide upon questions of pure theology, 
 or of objective anthropology — on all that related to the fact 
 or mode of the Incarnation, to the nature of the Sacraments, 
 or to the discipline of the Church. On this one question all 
 were doctors, all were cognisant of the phenomena that went 
 on within them ; and no solution of it that each one could 
 not accept as a true description of his own case could be 
 tolerated. Each individual had his own secret locked up 
 in his own bosom, solely between him and his Maker ; and 
 even when men came to compare their experiences, there were 
 scarcely any two souls whose history was found to be precisely 
 similar. , Personal privilege and personal responsibility were 
 the two facts thus brought into prominence, and on these 
 points Latin and Teutonic subjectivities were only too ready 
 to join issue. Not only, therefore, was it a question that 
 would admit of no shelving, but its very discussion was 
 certain to entail more perplexity and diversity of opinion 
 than had ever been experienced before since the Church was 
 founded.^*' Never since the days of Arius had been heard 
 such a strife of tongues, or seen such a multitude of creeds, 
 every one of them a ' Makrostio ' "^ on the subject of justifi- 
 cation, and not one of them destined to be considered as 
 final. The confusion which their unphilosophioal language 
 engendered gave fresh impulse to the mental movement that 
 had been kindled. Individuals roused to reflect for them- 
 selves upon themselves, began to think for themselves upon 
 all other subjects much more intensely than they had ever 
 done before, till as completely a new era dawned upon Chris- 
 tendom as a new world upon Europe. One after another. 
 
 "^ This is the true key to those duality it is always a case of ' Quot 
 facts, of which Bossuet has made such homines tot sententiae.' 
 eloquent use in his Histoire des Varia- '*" For the last of the five Arian 
 
 tions des Eglises Protestantes. Where creeds, so called on account of its 
 men are thrown upon their indivi- length, see Soc. £ fl". ii. 18. 'neplriis 
 
 fiaxpocnlxov eKfleVeais.' 
 
98 INDIVIDUALS AND THE INDUCTIVE METHOD. 
 
 men betook themselves to the study of those inductive 
 sciences which undoubtedly may have confirmed them in 
 their individuality, but which since the days of Thales and 
 Anaxagoras had lain dormant and forgotten. They, no less 
 than the sublime theories of Aristotle and Plato, and the 
 traditionary arts of Zeuxis and Phidias, required to be Chris- 
 tianised, and made to do homage to the Gospel. Those 
 sciences that reposed upon authority had monopolised atten- 
 tion during the middle ages, while the problem of objective 
 anthropology was being worked out ; and those sciences that 
 depended upon experiment and free enquiry now came up 
 for investigation, when man, woman, and child had been set 
 thinking on their personal responsibilities and inward gifts. 
 The middle ages had been the reign of authority and of the 
 body politic ; now was about to commence, by comparison, 
 the reign of experiment and of individuals. 
 
 § 43. Council of Trent. — The subjects ruled by it. — What 
 it only conjlrmed. — Summary of its teaching. 
 
 It was while society was thus seething and fermenting, and 
 passing rapidly into a new phase of existence, that the 
 Council of Trent met, to answer that question which Luther 
 had started so many years before, and which he and so many 
 others had already answered for themselves. Loud and 
 general as had been the cry for Keform, that subject might 
 have been staved off, as it had been again and again pre- 
 viously, but for this unique problem that had been appended 
 to it, challenging a declaration of doctrine on the part of 
 the Church. Without abdicating her functions, she could 
 not but reply to it, and that forthwith, or as soon as possible. 
 Luther's own answer to it, dictated by the circumstances of 
 his own times, shall be considered separately. The true 
 theory of our justification before God through Christ had 
 nothing whatever to do with the sta.te of morals in the 
 Church at that particular time, or any other. In the purest 
 ages of the Church ever known, its discussion must have 
 
SUBJECTS RULED BY THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 99 
 
 produced the same mental excitement throughout Christen- 
 dom — the same thrill amongst individuals. Whether Luther 
 would have found advocates for his own special theory in a 
 purer age may well be doubted. As it was, the Council of 
 Trent met, and laid down, with a precision that has never 
 been surpassed, the second or subjective part of Christian an- 
 thropology; then strove to give effect to it in a series of 
 decrees for reformation of manners ; then finally recapitu- 
 lated and confirmed all that had been ruled in the West 
 previously respecting the sacraments and church-discipline, 
 thereby completing its dogmatic code. But its own proper 
 work lay in what was decreed in its sixth session. It took a 
 comprehensive survey of Christianity in its most practical or 
 moral aspects ; brought it home to the individual in his in- 
 most life ; revealed its workings and effects — its commence- 
 ments, conflicts, and final issues. It showed what man had 
 been before the Fall, and what he had become through the 
 Fall; not dead, but wounded — with his freewill impaired, 
 not extinguished. It showed that he never could have 
 regained his equilibrium, or done for himself what Christ had 
 done for him ; how his regeneration or new birth in Christ 
 was effected, the grace of God by no means excluding the co- 
 operation of man. It showed, finally, how the sacraments bore 
 upon his new existence, and in what temper or frame of mind 
 theywereto be approached. On their formal character it had po- 
 sitively nothing to say, but to reiterate what had been said and 
 taught before."" There was one subject alone where it ventured 
 
 "" For this general riew of the variance viith the known facts of eccle- 
 
 Council of Trent I need go no further siastical history, that we cannot bnt 
 
 than the late Mr. Hallam {Lit. of admire the facility with which it has 
 
 , part ii. c. 2, note 5), whose been taken up. It will appear 
 
 remarks deserve to be recorded at full that even in certain points, such as 
 
 length : ' A strange notion has been justification, which had not been clearly 
 
 started of late years in England, that laid down before, the Tridentine de- 
 
 the Council of Trent made important crees were mostly conformable with 
 
 innovations in the previously esta- the sense of the majority of those 
 
 blished doctrines of the Western doctors who had obtained the highest 
 
 Church : an hypothesis bo paradoxical reputation ; and that upon what are 
 
 in respect to public opinion, and, it more usually reckoned the distinctive 
 
 must be added, so prodigiously at characteristics of the Church of Eome, 
 
 H 2 
 
100 WHAT IT ONLY COKFIKMED. 
 
 upon any original dogmatism — that subject on which it could 
 no longer be silent — Justification. And what the assembled 
 Fathers of Trent laid down in connection with it has been 
 considered a masterpiece by some of the most learned of 
 their opponents. Here, therefore, Western Christendom had 
 come to the end of Christian anthropology, as the East of 
 Christian theology, in the days of the 6th Greneral Council — 
 in the age that produced Mohammed. Summarily condensed, 
 its dogmatic teaching will be found to be that Christian an- 
 thropology, subjective as well as objective, is a system of 
 realities, as opposed to the figures of things, or tropes of 
 speech — a system of inward causation from without, producing 
 inward effects. It enlaa-ged on the reality of the sacraments ; 
 on the reality of our justification, or change from unrighteous- 
 ness to righteousness, that is designed to be effected through, 
 or in connection with them ; on the reality of our graces and 
 good works. By reality was implied the action of Grod the 
 Holy Ghost : and, as the effect of that action, union with 
 God the Son. These were positive realities : but there were 
 some negative realities on which it insisted no less, particu- 
 
 namely, transubstantiation, purgatory, uess, temper, and desire of tmth. The 
 
 and the invocation of the Saints and early councils, unless they are greatly 
 
 the Virgin, tkei/ assert nothing hwt helied, woyld not bear comparison in 
 
 what had been so ingrafted into the these characteristics. . . . They (the 
 
 faith of this part of Europe, as to have Fathers of Trent) had only one lead- 
 
 heen rejected by no one without sus- ing prejudice, that of determining 
 
 picion or imputation of heresy.' Yet theological faith according to the 
 
 this notion, unfair and contrary to tradition of the Catholic Church, as 
 
 fact as it is, was originally put for- handed down to their own age.' 
 
 ward by Leibnitz, to be as strongly Splendid praise this, the last sentence 
 
 contradicted by Bossuet in several of included. Speaking of the dogmatical 
 
 his replies to that distinguished man. portion of the sixth session, the de- 
 
 — liet. vii. bearing date Jan. 10, 1692, cree on Justification, Mr. Waterworth 
 
 and xl. dated Aug. 12, 1701; Hist. says (Hist, part ii. p. 105): 'If it be 
 
 des Var. vol. ii. pp. 391 and 571, ed. permitted to draw a comparison be- 
 
 12mo., Paris, 1845. HaUam pro- tween one division of the labours of 
 
 ceeds : ' No general council ever con- the council and another, it will pro- 
 
 tained so many persons of eminent bably be thought that this session of 
 
 learning as that of Trent ; nor is there the Council of Trent surpasses that of 
 
 any ground for believing that any any other session, and is not excelled 
 
 other ever investigated the questions by any other council of any other age.' 
 
 before it with so much patience, acute- — Comp. p. 101. 
 
SUMMARY OF ITS TEACHING. 101 
 
 larly these two : — 1. The existence of original sin in all 
 men before regeneration, and the continuance of concupis- 
 cence in all men after regeneration ; 2. The freedom of 
 the will throughout, to resist .grace offered, and reject grace 
 received. These great truths have been growing upon the 
 mind of Christendom ever since; and the value of the 
 positions laid down by the Council of Trent was never better 
 appreciated than about the time of its tercentenary. Moehler 
 succeeded to demonstration in establishing and elucidating' 
 its negative realities : and nowhere are its positive realities 
 more brilliantly set forth than in the work of Dr. Newman 
 upon Justification,'*' and the works of the late Mr. E. 
 Wilberforce on the Incarnation and the Holy Eucharist. 
 
 § 44. Christian Anthropology recapitulated. — Office of 
 the Holy Ghost. 
 
 The whole subject of Christian anthropology, therefore, as 
 taught by the West, may be resumed as follows — The Incar- 
 nate Word sent that same Holy Grhost to unite man, in, and 
 out of the sacraments, to His Humanity, by Whose operation 
 He had in His Own Person assumed that Humanity in the 
 womb of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Here is, in a few words, 
 the true connecting link between imputative and inherent 
 righteousness in the first place ; between objective and sub- 
 jective anthropology, as taught by the West, in the second ; 
 and between Western and Eastern theology in the third. The 
 Procession of the Holy Grhost, on which East and West are 
 divided, and the justification and sanctification of man, on 
 
 "' I instance the following pas- fied.' — Lect. fiii. ad 1, and ix. througli- 
 
 sages : ' Justification is the application out. More generally, Lect. sii. : ' Justi- 
 
 of Christ's merits to the individual fication conies tlirough the sacra- 
 
 ... a real and actual communication ments ; is received hy faith ; consists 
 
 to the soul of the Atonement, through in God's inward presence, and lives in 
 
 the ministration of the Spirit . . . the obedience.' Mr. Wilberforce's divine 
 
 habitation in us of God the Father, works may be viewed as sermons 
 
 and the Word Incarnate, through the preached on this text, particularly the 
 
 Holy Ghost.' -Lect. vi. § 4. 'The third part. 
 indweUing of Christ risen and glori- 
 
102 OFFICE OF THE HOLT GHOST. 
 
 which Western Christendom is divided, are correlatives — 
 neither more nor less — and one is not complete without the 
 other. It is the Blessed Paraclete on whom controversy 
 turns in either case ; on His relation, first to Christ, and then 
 to Christians. Does He proceed from the Son as well as the 
 Father ? is, in practical language, Was He Christ's to give ? 
 Then, if it be asked further, for what purpose ? the practical 
 answer is, for effecting our justification and sanctification. 
 He was sent by Christ to unite mankind with Christ ; to in- 
 corporate each one of us into the Humanity of the Word made 
 Flesh ; to make each one of us all partaker, in a true, real, 
 and not figurative sense, of all the life-giving benefits of the 
 Incarnation — of the all-sufficient merits of the Atonement. 
 This is one reason, at all events, why He was given to Christ — 
 to bestow upon man ; and this is what He effects in every 
 redeemed man, woman, and child. Whether through faith 
 alone, or through faith made perfect by works, as there is 
 opportunity for them — for both are His gifts — whether through 
 the sacraments, where they can be had, or without the sacra- 
 ments, where they cannot be had : God the Holy Grhost is the 
 efficient cause both of our justification and of our sanctifica- 
 tion, by making us one with Christ — by bringing each one of 
 ITS into corporate union with God made Man. As the Books 
 of the Old and New Testament were written by His inspira- 
 tion — as the Son of God became Man by His operation- — so 
 the Church was constituted the Spouse of Christ by His in- 
 dwelling ; and every one of us, to be admitted into fellowship 
 with Christ, has to be made His Temple. Hence it is that 
 sin against the Holy Ghost is stigmatised in the New Testa- 
 ment as the worst of sins ; hence it is that those who deny 
 the Inspiration of the Scriptures are precisely those who re- 
 fuse to admit any Divine agency in the collective Church, or 
 within themselves. In each case, they are parts of the same 
 truth which are attacked or believed. Men cannot but believe 
 all three, or else they must inevitably end in believing in 
 none. 
 
fHE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION. 103 
 
 § 45. The Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin — 
 how a Corollary to the whole subject. 
 
 Now, it is this view of the office of the Holy Ghost, ia con- 
 nection with our justification and sanctification, which is the 
 true key to the interest which has from the earliest ages, by 
 East and West alike, been attached to the Conception of the 
 Blessed Virgin. Who can deny the immense light thrown 
 upon it by the coincidence, that what the West has ruled on 
 that subject, within memory, should have been first suggested 
 by the Pelagian heresy — ^that heresy which evoked some of 
 the earliest decisions of the West on Christian anthropology — 
 that heresy to which incidental allusion was made in that 
 general council which declared the title of ' &sot6kos,^ or 
 ' Mother of God,' applicable to the Blessed Virgin ? Mean- 
 while, it was the seventh canon of that same council which the 
 East afterwards alleged against the addition of those words 
 'Filioque' to their creed by the West — How true to their 
 respective provinces have West and East been throughout ; 
 the East to its creed, the West to what may be called its 
 moral code : the East ruling, in primitive times, of S. Mary, 
 that she was the Mother of God — the West, in modern times, 
 that she was conceived without sin ! How characteristic of 
 the Western mind, to be pronouncing upon questions in the 
 nineteenth century, which had been originally started in the 
 fifth : and on which all along it had been gazing with un- 
 wearied pertinacity ! And here I feel compelled to digress 
 briefly, and to confess myself to have completely misunder- 
 stood this exquisitely delicate subject in former days, and to 
 have argued against the received view of it on a totally false 
 hypothesis.''^ I argued against it, on the ground that those 
 rapturous expressions (on which so much stress is laid by the 
 advocates of the received dogma) in the Song of Solomon 
 could but apply to the Church or Spouse of Christ, and that 
 what was addressed to His Bride could not, without impro- 
 
 "■ See Appendix C. to the Counter Theory, p. 265 et aeq. 
 
104 HOW A COROLLARY TO THE WHOLE "SUBJECT. 
 
 priety and manifest strain of the text, be applied to His 
 Mother. A simple dedication over the door of the Certosa, or 
 Carthusian convent of Pavia, not far from Milan, dispelled 
 my illusions some years back. It runs as follows : — 
 
 ' Mari« Virgini — 
 Filise, Matri, Sponsae, Dei.' 
 
 I had been reciting, from infancy, words in the Creed to the 
 effect that Our Lord had been ' conceived by the Holy Ghost, 
 and born of the Virgin Mary ; ' but I had never so mastered 
 the idea previously, as to regard the Blessed Virgin as Spouse 
 of the Holy Grhost. I now studied the Book of Canticles 
 from a very different point of view. If it stood on the same 
 footing with the rest of the Scriptures, it must have been 
 inspired or dictated by the Holy Ghost, whose Spouse was, in 
 reality, S. Mary, not the Church. Therefore, in its primary 
 meaning, it was prophetic, not of the union between Our Lord 
 and His Church, but between the Holy Ghost — the real Author 
 of that Song of Songs — and His Mother. Looking therefore 
 at the doctrine of her Immaculate Conception, in part through 
 the medium of these considerations, in part through the 
 medium of our own justification and sanctifi cation, one may 
 surely regard it as the true complement of both, and the 
 natural corollary to the whole subject? All that is really 
 implied by it is, that the Holy Ghost operated in the Blessed 
 Virgin, from the first moment of her Conception, and through- 
 out her Life, that which He has, ever since the Day of Pente- 
 cost, operated in every man, woman, and child at the moment 
 of their reception of Christian baptism. He took away from 
 the act of her Conception all that He takes away from each 
 one of us at the instant of our Baptism; and that grace which, 
 unfortunately, we are too apt to commence declining from the 
 next moment afterwards. He by extraordinary privilege pre- 
 served ever afterwards intact through life in her alone, for 
 whom alone was reserved the extraordinary honour of becom- 
 ing His Spouse, and Mother of the Incarnate Word. For 
 those who believe thoroughly in the Divine gift bestowed in 
 Baptism, there can be no diflSculty in believing in the Imma- 
 
PARALLEL OF S. JOHN BAPTIST. 105 
 
 culate Conception of the Mother of Grod. It was but the 
 anticipation of what is accomplished in our own persons by 
 the same Divine Agent, only carried out and perpetuated to 
 perfection in her case. There is one instance recorded of a 
 grade which is intermediate between her case and our own, 
 upon indisputable testimony. It is that of S. John the Bap- 
 tist : ' He shall be iilled with the Holy Grhost,' said the Angel 
 Gabriel, ' even from his mother's womb.'"* Even this dis- 
 tinction has not been lost on the Church. Of all Saints, 
 S. John Baptist stands alone as commemorated on the day 
 of his birth, as the Mother of Grod on the day of her Concep- 
 tion — both as without sir. I will add, before I quit the sub- 
 ject, that there is no one fact more certain, or more unique, 
 in the annals of church-history, than that, amidst the count- 
 less discoveries which have been reported of relics of saints in 
 every age, there never has been so much as a breath of any 
 discovery of any portion of that sacred body in which, and 
 out of which, the Word was made Flesh. The Assumption of 
 S. Mary would, at least, be one intelligible explanation of that 
 extraordinary fact ; it would be likewise but the natural con- 
 sequence of her Immaculate Conception. 
 
 § 46. Teaching of the West accepted 'practically by the 
 East. 
 
 All that remains to be said, in conclusion, is that the East 
 has practically subscribed to the anthropological teaching of 
 the West, as the West has ever accepted the theological teach- 
 ing of the East. At one time, indeed, it seemed that pre- 
 judice against the See of Eome would have outweighed all 
 other considerations, and procured for the false tenets of 
 Luther and Calvin a favourable reception there. It undoubt- 
 edly produced that effect upon the greatest Eastern patriarch 
 of modern days, Cyril Lucar ; and, for a time, the weight of 
 his name, added to his ' Confession,' paralysed the defenders of 
 orthodoxy."'' At length the synods of Constantinople (a. d. 
 
 "^ S. Luke i. 15. given by Mr. Neale, Patriarch, of 
 
 "' A full account of all wtioh is Alex. vol. ii. pp. 411-55. 
 
106 TEACHING OF THE WEST ACCEPTED BY THE EAST. 
 
 1638) and of Jassy (a.d. 1642) formally condemned his 
 errors ;'^^ and if the synod of Bethlehem, in a.d. 1672, 
 attempted to dispute the authenticity of his ' Confession,' and 
 to clear his memory, it still more unequivocally vindicated 
 the Eastern Church from any complicity with Western, 
 errors : ^'^ for in its Eighteen Articles almost every position 
 advanced by Luther or Calvin is expressly condemned, and 
 the teaching of the Council of Trent upheld against them, 
 even to the sanction of the term ' transubstantiation,' of the 
 invocation of the saints, and of a belief in purgatory. Fifty 
 years afterwards — when, on the occasion of Arsenius, Arch- 
 bishop of Thebes, coming into England on a begging mission, 
 overtures for intercommunion had been despatched from Eng- 
 land to Constantinople — ^'the Eastern patriarchs sent the Book 
 of the Eighteen Articles as their ultimatum, to be received 
 without further question or conference, in details no less than 
 in substance, by all who would obtain their communion.' '^^ Of 
 the same character were the 'Answers of the Patriarch Jere- 
 miah to the Lutherans,' and the ' Orthodox Confession of the 
 Faith of the Catholic and Apostolic Church of the East.'/^* 
 If they do not establish perfect identity upon all points 
 between East and West, they establish perfect identity be- 
 tween them, at all events, in respect of that system of error 
 which culminated in Luther, and to which the general name 
 of Protestantism has since been applied. 
 
 § 47. Heresies of the East contrasted with 
 Mohammedanism. 
 
 Now what was that system, and what have been its effects? 
 In other words, how did Luther answer that question, which 
 
 "' Neale, Patriarch. of Alex.yol. ii. wish that it should be — as will be 
 
 pp. 457-63. shown in its proper place. Meanwhile 
 
 'M Ibid. pp. 464-72. compare Monravieif' s Hist, of the 
 
 >" See Mr. Blackmore's Doctrine of Sitssian Ch. (Mr. B.'s translation), pp. 
 
 the Biissian Ch. Introd. pp. xxt.- 286-88, and the notes. This was the 
 
 xxyiii. He is of opinion that the final reply of the Easterns, and is 
 
 Bussian synod was inclined to be more dated Sept. 1723. 
 
 lenient. It was Peter the Great's "' Ibid. pp. xvi.-xxr. 
 
MOHAMMEDANISM. 107 
 
 lie raised with so mncli moment and significance, 'Ho-w, am I 
 justified ? ' In my humble opinion, it has still to be placed 
 and considered iu its proper light. East and West require to 
 be brought into juxtaposition once more. Looking at the 
 long list of Oriental heresies of the first six centuries or there- 
 abouts, it is impossible to be more struck with their number 
 and multiformity than with their abrupt close. Up to the 
 seventh century they sprang up one after another, and fructi- 
 fied in all manner of shapes and hues. Infinitesimal were 
 the complications into which the Monophysites twisted and 
 interlaced themselves — infinitesimal the intellectual subtleties 
 to which they gave rise. All at once they ceased to be pro- 
 lific, and their number was never really added to from that 
 time forth. There was a lull, in fact, in their activity, just as 
 Monothelism was receiving its condemnation, just as the last 
 coping-stone was being laid upon the theological arch ; biit 
 it was the treacherous lull that precedes a storm. And what 
 was that hurricane ? It was not heresy ; it was not any new- 
 fangled teaching, wilful, erroneous, and persistent, upon any 
 one branch of Christian theology, as all other heresies had 
 been. It was the antithesis of all Christian theology ; as 
 though its founder had been holding unseen intercourse with 
 every teacher of false doctrine that had preceded him, and 
 distilled the essential oils of all their errors into his own 
 system. Mohammed was no heresiarch in the ordinary sense 
 of the word ; '^^ he was Antichrist, neither more nor less ; 
 if not the first, the greatest of any that had yet appeared. 
 What, in short, had been the antagonism of Eutyches, or 
 Nestorius, or even of Paul of Samosata, to the Creed of 
 Mcsea, compared with his — ' There is no Grod but one Grod, 
 and Mohammed is the prophet of God'? In this short sen- 
 tence was contained the contradictory to every Christian 
 dogma. 
 
 This is so true, practically, that it stands out as one of the 
 great landmarks of history. Christianity, since its establish- 
 ment, has never given ground to any rival creed but one, that 
 
 '" See Christian Semembrancer for strongest proofs is that he was never 
 January, 1855, p. 143. One of the condemned by any cecumenical council. 
 
108 
 
 THE CROSS SUPPLANTED BY THE CRESCENT. 
 
 of the Koran, aad by the Koran it has been rudely dis- 
 possessed of half its fairest conquests. It may have its 
 ultimate triumph in store still. Its prospects seem bright- 
 ening, its adversaries are wasting away for certain ; yet for 
 many centuries the Cross has been in undoubted bondage to 
 the Crescent ^'"' on two continents: extirpated in some places, 
 condemned to exist on sufferance in others ; the religion of 
 slaves or subordinates, revered in secret, reviled in public; 
 doomed to connive in silence at wholesale apostasies from 
 its own faith, precluded from making reprisals or aggression 
 of any kind on that faith which it believes to be false. 
 
 § 48. Inconsistency of the Koran.- 
 
 in it. 
 
 'Christ how dethroned 
 
 It would be of small use quoting the letter of the Koran 
 against facts like these, were the Koran more consistent with 
 itself than it really is.^"' There are passages in it where 
 
 ^'"' On the Crescent as an emWem, 
 see a remark in Dean Stanley's Me- 
 morials of Canterbury, app. p. 278, 
 note g., ' On the Crescent in the roof 
 of Canterbury Cathedral.' 
 
 ^°' For what foDows I rely upon the 
 following passages principally : — 
 
 1. Sura iii. v. 78. 'We believe in 
 God; and in what hath been sent 
 down to Abraham, and Ismael, and 
 Isaac, and Jacob, and the tribes ; and 
 in what was given to Moses, and Jesus, 
 and the Prophets, from their Lord. 
 We make no difiference between them, 
 and to Him are we resigned.' — p. 506. 
 
 2. Sura ii. v. 253. ' One of the 
 sent ones art Thou.' — p. 467. 
 
 3. Ibid. V. 254. ' Some of the 
 Apostles we have endowed more 
 highly than others; those to whom 
 God hath spoken He hath raised to 
 the loftiest grade; and to Jesus the 
 Son of Mary we gave manifest signs, 
 and we strengthened Him with the 
 Holy Spirit. And if God had pleased, 
 
 they who came after them would not 
 have wrangled (elsewhere, ' split up 
 their rehgion into parties'), after the 
 clear signs had reached them. But 
 into disputes they fell ; some of them 
 beUeved, and some were infidels : yet 
 if God had pleased they would not 
 have thus wrangled; but God doth 
 what He will. 
 
 i. Sura Ixi. v. 6. ' Remember when 
 Jesus the Son of Mary said, " 
 children of Israel ! Of a truth I am 
 God's Apostle to you, to confirm the 
 law which was given before me, and to 
 announce an apostle that shall come 
 after me, whose name shall be 
 Ahmed ! But when he (Ahmed) 
 presented himself, with clear proofs of 
 his mission, they said, " This is mani- 
 fest sorcery." ' — p. 522. Mr. Rod- 
 well's Tr. (London, 1861), with his 
 note on the last extract; and comp. 
 Mr. Meyrick's Tr. of the Life and 
 Beligion of Mohammed, c. xviii. p. 308. 
 Moehler's Eelatimi of Islam to the Gos- 
 
CHRIST HOW DETHRONED IN THE KORAN. 109 
 
 Christ is spoken'of as a prophet froni Grod — as the greatest of 
 all prophets before Mohammed ; He is never, in fact, men- 
 tioned but with honour. His miraculous birth and life upon 
 earth is not denied ; even the immaculate conception of His 
 mother seems allowed ; His final victory over Antichrist is 
 predicted. Can the man be properly called Antichrist who 
 so wrote ? Decidedly he can ; and it is for that very reason 
 that I have so designated him. Mohammed used Christ as 
 his own stepping-stone ; he made Christ his tool. He allowed 
 him as much honour as would redound to his own glory, and 
 no more. He admitted all in the history of our Blessed Loi'd 
 that he could turn to account in building up his own system ; 
 he rejected all that was incompatible with, or adverse to it. 
 He is content, he is desirous, that Our Lord should be con- 
 sidered the greatest of all previous prophets, that his own 
 eclat in superseding Him might come out the more ; he is 
 not above seeking authority for his own claims in His pro- 
 phetic words. Naturally enough, he cannot admit Him to 
 have been the Son of Grod, or to have died for man. This is 
 the sum and substance of his antagonism ; yet what more was 
 necessary ? To have acknowledged either of these two facts 
 would have been fatal to his own mission ; but by rejecting 
 them, he effectually dethroned Christ. Who would have 
 listened to one claiming to supersede Grod, or to regenerate man 
 already redeemed ? Yet take away the Divinity of Our Lord 
 and His atonement from Christianity, and what remains ? 
 Mohammed, as many had done before him,^"^ asserted that 
 the Scriptures had been interpolated, and that it was one part 
 of his mission to restore them to their original purity. He 
 assumed to be acting the part of a true friend to Christ while 
 divesting Him of His Divine Sonship, and reducing Him to 
 the level of a mere holy man. Paul of Samosata, and others, 
 had gone thus far, but it was their extreme point. Mo- 
 hammed walked over His head deliberately, and appealed to 
 His witness, as to an inferior, much in the same way that Our 
 
 pel (Mr. Menge's TV., Calcutta, 1847) ^°^ Beginning with Artemon. Seo 
 
 has suggested many of my remarks Euseb. E. H. v. 28. 
 and assertions. 
 
110 MOHAMMED IN "WHAT SENSE ANTICHRIST. 
 
 Lord liad done to that of S. John Baptist. Here, again, he 
 may be said to have borrowed a page from Montanus, who 
 professed to be the promised Paraclete; but then Montanus 
 never assumed to supersede Christ, as did Mohammed. 
 
 Mohammed, therefore, honoured Christ to supersede Him, 
 and superseded Christ by degrading Him. This is his cha- 
 racteristic feature, as distinguished from all other heresiarchs ; 
 and by these means he certainly achieved a greater success 
 than all combined. It might have been a less offence to 
 have denied Him outright, but it would have by no means 
 answered his own purpose equally well. Antichrist too as 
 he was, he does not come up to the full Antichrist described 
 by S. Paul. If he hated Christ in his heart, he has dis- 
 sembled it. As far as I can make out, there are no traces 
 of overt malignant antipathy for Him in the Koran ; and if 
 he denied His Divinity, it was not to set up himself instead, 
 as God. For any hatred of Christ, I am inclined to think he 
 may have been outstripped by some of our own infidels, at 
 home and abroad, of the last century ; and even for any hatred 
 of Christianity, it is quite possible that he never quite con- 
 templated being the Antichrist which he has been in his 
 descendants the Turks. As far as the letter of the Koran 
 goes, it might be maintained that he designed his creed to be 
 merely dominant, but not therefore intolerant. It has been 
 suggested that he may have grown more intolerant as his 
 prospects brightened, and his own notions of his prophetic 
 ofi&ce intensified. On the other hand, it was the keystone of 
 his position to keep up appearances with Christianity, and to 
 trace his own pedigree, as it were, through Christ, till it had 
 a history of its own. There can be no greater proof of his 
 sagacity than his having realised and acted upon this prin- 
 ciple as he has done. Every ' parvenu ' that would rise to 
 importance must have ancestors. Every nation of antiquity, 
 from the Egyptians downwards, affected to trace its origin 
 to the gods. It was not enough even for the Divine Founder 
 of Christianity to appeal to the witness of His own miracles, 
 or His own prophecies ; it was of the essence of His system 
 that its lineage could be deduced regularly from the Old 
 
HIS APPEAL TO THE LAW AND THE GOSPEL. Ill 
 
 Testament, as its legitimate offspring or fulfilment. Moham- 
 med could not have failed to see that this was the strong 
 point of the Christian Church; the one brandished aloft 
 immemorially by its champions in their conflicts with heretics ; 
 the one which heretics could never get over, or arrogate for 
 themselves. Accordingly, to the Law, and to the Gospel, he 
 went boldly for his own credentials ; how then can we expect 
 to hear him speak ill of either the one or the other ? He gets 
 all that he can out of them ; he glosses over all that he finds 
 inconvenient in either of them, just as a man does flaws in 
 his pedigree. While he rejects the Divinity of our Lord, he 
 does not set up his own ; it is enough to have represented 
 Christ as his own immediate forerunner ; he may well leave 
 his hearers to draw their own conclusions on the transcenden- 
 tal character of his mission. 
 
 § 49. Mohammed as a Civiliser and a De-civiliser. 
 
 Of his system, as propounded in the Koran, it is not 
 necessary to say much, after what has been observed by way 
 of preface. It could never have succeeded so well, or been 
 adopted so extensively, had it not contained many noble 
 precepts, appealing to some of the deepest instincts in the 
 heart of man ; cherishing and feeding his aspirations, even 
 though not always opposing his passions. The oracles of 
 Ancient Grreece themselves could never have maintained their 
 popularity, had they not preached virtue to the extent they 
 did. On the subject of slavery and polygamy, and in con- 
 nection with the law of retaliation, it is far more in harmony 
 with Oriental debasement than with Christian civilisation, 
 especially in the West. But let us look at its effects upon 
 mankind historically. Mohammed may have been a civiliser 
 of the uncivilised, but he has been much more successful as 
 an unciviliser of the civilised, especially where the teaching 
 of the Koran has superseded that of the Grospel. He has, 
 certainly, proved more of a scourge than a regenerator ; and 
 to have improved the condition of Hindoos or Negroes is 
 
112 MOHAMMED AS A DE-CIVILISER. 
 
 but small compensation for having extinguished the last em- 
 bers of civilisation in the Grreek Empire. It may not, perhaps, 
 be fair to charge Mohammed with the barbarities and inhumani- 
 ties of the Turkish Empire, but that empire was founded, and 
 still exists, on his principles. The Turks can have been, 
 originally, no worse barbarians than the Groths and Vandals, 
 Franks and Sclavonians, whom Christianity converted, and 
 out of them formed the unsurpassed nationalities of Modern 
 Europe. We hear a great deal of the benefits conferred upon 
 science by the Moors and Arabs. Did they do more than 
 steal the sacred fire from others whom they displaced in 
 Egypt and North-western Africa, to let it go out again, when 
 it wanted feeding and cherishing, because there was nothing 
 in their religion that it could feed upon ? Or was it inter- 
 course with Christians that really caused Moors and Arabs to 
 cultivate science, and take to letters ? Or, again, how many 
 Moors and Arabs may not have been Christians, professed 
 or in disguise ? It seems to me that neither of these con- 
 siderations has hitherto been sufficiently weighed, or looked 
 into. The Saracens, it is well known, overran "Western Asia 
 and Northern Africa; but what became of the Christian 
 populations of those lands? It by no means appears that 
 they were extirpated, or even made to abjure their religion. 
 'The articles of the surrender of Jerusalem ^"^ were drawn 
 up in writing by Omar,' says Mr. W. Irving, ' and served 
 
 ™' Life of Mahomet,^. 121, Taiich- dress, either caps, slippers, or turbans ; 
 
 nitz Ed. They were these : — ' The nor part their hair like Moslems, but 
 
 Christians were to build no new should be always distinguished by 
 
 churches in the surrendered territory. girdles. They should not use the 
 
 The church-doors were to be set open Arabian language in inscriptions on 
 
 to travellers, and free egress permitted their signets, nor salute after the 
 
 to Mohammedans by day and night. Moslem fashion, nor be called by 
 
 The bells should only toU, and not Moslem surnames. They should rise 
 
 ring ; and no crosses should be erected on the entrance of a Moslem, and re- 
 
 on the churches, nor publicly shown in main standing until he should be 
 
 the streets. The Christians should seated. They should entertain every 
 
 not teach the Koran to their cliildren, Moslem traveller three days gratis, 
 
 nor speat openly of their religion, nor They should sell no wine, bear no 
 
 attempt to make proselytes, nor hinder arms, and use no saddle in riding; 
 
 their kinsfolk from embracing Islam. neither should they have any domestic 
 
 They should not assume the Moslem who had been in Moslem service.' 
 
LITERATURE AMONGST MOHAMMEDANS. 113 
 
 afterwards as a model for the Moslem leaders in other con- 
 quests.' They imply degradation, but not extirpation, or 
 even apostasy. How, in short, could their Moslem con- 
 querors have done without them? They wanted wives, 
 servants, traders, artificers, tillers of the ground. They were 
 a mere army themselves. Besides, they were by no means 
 as intolerant at first as they became afterwards, or as the 
 Turks have since proved. What they ambitionated was to 
 make their creed the dominant one, and to uproot idolatry. 
 Against Christianity they harboured no such spite, till the 
 first crusade had embittered their relations. Yet, in the 
 midst of bloodshed, Saladin can be courteous and conciliatory 
 to our own Hubert bishop of Salisbury,^""' and Meledin to S. 
 Francis.^"* Where is the proof, therefore, that Moors or 
 Arabs owed their refinement or advance in science to their 
 religion as such ? Aggrandised by conquests, and become 
 rich and powerful, they would naturally draw the talent of 
 all nations towards them ; and how often is it, in the annals 
 of literature, that, under cover of an Arab name, we find 
 a concealed or unsuspected Christian ! Said-ben-Batrik, the 
 annalist, better known to us as Eutychius, was Christian patri- 
 arch of Alexandria in the tenth century. Greorge Elmacin 
 lived amongst Mohammedans in Syria, but was a Christian 
 both by birth and profession ; and his History of the Saracens, 
 from the death of Mohammed to the twelfth century, is 
 among the best. The well-known author of the ' History of 
 Dynasties,' Abulfarajus, began life as a Jew, and ended as a 
 Christian primate. Al-Wassan-al Fasi, better known as Leo 
 Africanus, author of ' Lives of the Arabian Philosophers,' ab- 
 jured Mohammedanism in the sixteenth century. That Ebn 
 Eoshd (Averroes) and Jhu Sina (Avicenna) never turned Chris- 
 tians may be true enough, but was their philosophy due to or 
 compatible with Mohammedanism ; ^"^ and were they not 
 
 ^°* Hook's Archbishops of Canter- heresy, to Islam than to Medieval 
 ToL ii. p. 594. Christianity.' — Latin Christianity/, h. 
 
 ^^ Butler's Lives of the Saints — • xir. c. iii. p. 441. Chapters 1 and 2 
 
 Life of S. Francis, Oct. 4. of b. iv., On Mohammed, Ms Creed, and 
 
 goB < Philosophy was, in truth, more Successors, do not strike me as con- 
 implacably oppngnant, a more flagrant taining any new ideas. 
 
114 CHRISTIAN JANISSARIES AND PASHAS. 
 
 themselves created by the intellectual outburst of Christian 
 Europe in the twelfth century ? ^°'' We may take a glance at 
 the Turkish Empire, and be still more strengthened in our 
 conclusions. Who compose the mind and intelligence of 
 that vast territory but its Christian subjects ? At the present 
 day they are Christians undisguisedly, because Europe has 
 now got the upper hand. Nine-tenths of the pashas, how- 
 ever, are still compelled to dissemble or disown their Chris- 
 tianity. But from the days of Mohammed II. downwards, 
 how often has the grand-vizier or prime minister been a 
 Christian slave, and the viziers of the cupola proselytised 
 Christians of humble birth ? For how long a time were not 
 the janissaries or household troops exclusively Christian 
 youths or renegades, recruited from every fifth male child of 
 the Christian jpopulation ? ^°' Finally, what better account 
 can be given of it now that it has no janissaries? Has it not 
 existed entirely for the last century or more upon Christian 
 sufferance, protected by Christian diplomacy and Christian 
 arms against Christian domination ? In a.d. 1721, Jeremiah, 
 Patriarch of Constantinople,^"" from his slough-of-despond in 
 that city, delegated high privileges and independence to the 
 Church of all the Eussias. In it, or rather the mighty 
 nationality composing it, the Nemesis of Oriental Christendom 
 is assuming more and more colossal proportions every day, 
 preparatory to its final swoop. The successor of Mohammed 
 IL, in the opinion of all men, may look forward to the fate 
 of Constantine Palajologus on the first convenient opportu- 
 nity. Meanwhile civilisation, impelled by Christianity, has 
 been steadily running away from Mohammedanism in the 
 West ; the nations of Europe combined against it as their 
 worst foe, and effectually stemmed its course. It never 
 
 "' There are doubts abont the age "" Mr. Dyer's Modern Europe, vol. 
 
 of Avicenna ; but there can be no doubt i. introd. p. 10; Hallam's Middle 
 
 but that both Arabian philosophy and -dges, c. vi. ad f. • 
 
 literature owed its chief merits to the ™' Sec his encyclic, authorising the 
 
 various schools of aucieut Greece. recognition, by the whole CEcumenical 
 
 Arabs and Europeans ran a race in Church, of ' the most Holy Governing 
 
 the study of the classics — can there Synod.' — Mouravieff's Hist. p. 287, 
 
 be a shadow of a doubt which has won ? Mr. Blackmore's 2V. 
 
THE CRESCENT NEVER PASSED TO AMERICA. 115 
 
 could make proselytes there at any time ; it has been com- 
 pelled to disgorge its conquests there, one by one. Across 
 the Atlantic it has never presumed to venture, either in the 
 character of belligerent or missionary. The Cross has had 
 its own way all along in America. 
 
 With these facts before us, how can any one hesitate to 
 limit the civilising influences of Mohammedanism to those 
 Qountries where no better civilisation had been known pre- 
 viously, and to maintain its anti-civilising influences wher- 
 ever it has displaced or enslaved Christianity ? In attempting 
 to supplant Christianity, it has either signally failed, or 
 superinduced barbarism ; for attempting to supplant idolatry, 
 which it has done more successfully, it may merit some 
 thanks even from Christians. 'Never was Mohammed 
 greater ^'^ than on that memorable day when he rode on his 
 camel seven times round the Caba, and had the 360 idols 
 overthrown and crushed beneath his feet, saying, " The truth 
 has come, let falsehood disappear !"' Never was integrity of 
 purpose more deservedly rewarded than when the idol of 
 Somnaut^" yielded its 'magnificent outpourings of diamonds, 
 and pearls, and rubies beyond number,' ,to its destroyer 
 Mahmood ! 
 
 § 50. Excuse for Mohammedanism. — Christian Sects in the 
 
 East. 
 
 We have but one more point to examine — the plea so often 
 put forward in the Koran, in self-justification, — the divisions 
 of Christendom : ' Into disputes they fell ; some of them 
 believed, and some were infidels.' Here it would be impossi- 
 ble to assert that Mohammed belied facts. Nothing can be 
 more sickening than the aspect of the Eastern Church in the 
 fifth and sixth centuries, or subsequently to the Fourth Greneral 
 Council. S. Gregory Nazianzenus had given no very flatter- 
 ing account of the Eastern bishops of his own day.^'^ 
 
 2'° Christian Bemembrancer for ^'^ See the passages from his works 
 
 January, 1855, p. 124. collected by Gieseler, E. H. per. ii. 
 
 '" Ibid. Comp. Gribbon, c. Ivii. div. i. § 103, in the notes. 
 
 12 
 
116 CHRISTIAN SECTS EST THE EAST. 
 
 S. Hilary had spoken of their gross ignorance and unworthy 
 feuds in Asia Minor, the place of his exile,*'' But look at 
 the horrible excesses that were attendant upon the elevation 
 of Timothy ^lurus to the see of Alexandria, of Peter the 
 Fuller to the see of Antioch, and of Acaeius to the see of 
 Constantinople! What a world of discord and profanity is 
 disclosed in those fell names of Theopaschites, Acephali, 
 Julianists, Apthartodocetse, Docetas, Gajanists, Phantasiastse, 
 Severians, Pthartola^irae, JCtistolatree, Corrupticolas, Theodo- 
 sians, Agnoetse, Mopsuestians, Origenists, Monotheiites — all 
 of whom sprang into existence almost simultaneously, anathe- 
 matising each other, persecuting each other, murdering each 
 other ! ^'^ Had Mohamnjed lived on into the iconoclastic con- 
 troversy, he would have found, on both sides, even stronger 
 proofs than these of the utter prostration and degradation of 
 the Eastern mind. So many centuries of intricate theological 
 controversies had fairly exhausted it. Had he lived till then, 
 however, he would have seen equally the division of his own 
 votaries into Sheeahs and Siianees, opposing each other with 
 no less viriilejiGe :and deadly hate than either Jews or Chris- 
 tians had done before them : the Sheeahs, who regarded Ali 
 as the vicar of God, and execrated those who had stepped in 
 between him and his inheritance ; and the Siinnees, who 
 revered the memories of Abubekr, Omar, and Othman, his 
 supplanters. Other divisions ensued as time went on, and 
 fresh conquests were made. By A. d. 710 the whole of North 
 Africa had been gained, and Spain invaded ; within fourteen 
 months, Tarik had established Saracen ascendency in the latter 
 country, from the columns of Hercules to the Pyrenees. But 
 
 ^'^ De 8ynod. e. 63 ; ' Non peregpina ' Yereor, fraties, Orientis haereses, in 
 
 loquor, neque ignorata scribo ; aiidivi tenipora singiila puUidantes.' 
 
 ac vidi vitia praeseutium, non laicornnj, ^" As Dean Milman graphically 
 
 sed episcoporum. Nam absqije epi» says : ' Throughout Asiatic Christeu- 
 
 Bcopo Eleusio ' (and he was a Semi- dom it was the same wild struggle. 
 
 Arian) ' et paucis cum eo, ex majorf Bishops deposed quietly ; or, where 
 
 parte Asianse decem provinoise, intra resistance was made, the two factions 
 
 quas consisto, verfe Deum nesciunt. fighting in the streets, in the churches ; 
 
 Atque utinam penitiis nescirent ; cum cities, even the holiest places, ran 
 
 proeliviore enim venii ignorarent, with Christian blood.' — Latin Ckristi- 
 
 quam obtrectarent.' Again, c. 90 : anity, b. iii. c. i. p. 230, 2nd ed. 
 
SCHISMS AMONGST MOHAMMEDANS. 117 
 
 all these advantages were counterbalanced by the fierce 
 rivalry of the Ommiades, Abbassides, and Fatimites, or white, 
 black, and green factions: caliphate was arrayed against 
 caliphate, till ultimately no less than seventy-two different 
 sects of Mohammedans could be counted up. 
 
 It was for this reason more than any other ^'* that the tide 
 of conquest was so often checked, rolled back, or otherwise 
 diverted, till the Saracens themselves had to make way for a 
 new race, who domineered over them as well as over Chris- 
 tians, and for whom the glory of the capture of Constantinople 
 and subjugation of the whole Greek Empire, was reserved in 
 their most warlike tribe, the Ottoman Turks. But even their 
 conquests had wellnigh melted away before the Mogul. '"^ 
 ' Into disputes they fell ; some of them believed, and some 
 were infidels,' is a charge, therefore, to which the followers of 
 Mohammed must plead guilty, and not the followers of 
 Christ only. The Koran, no less than the Bible, has its rival 
 schools of interpretation, its orthodox, and its heretics ; 
 neither can Mohammed be said to have proved, historically, 
 a greater benefactor to mankind than Christ. Historically, 
 there can be no comparison between the humanising influ- 
 ences of the two religions ; just as, personally, there can be 
 no comparison between the lives of Jesus Christ and Mo- 
 hammed. If the Gospels are true, the precepts of Christ are 
 seen ideally embodied in His own perfect life ; the Koran 
 would be very different even from what it is, if it affected to 
 be a mirror of the life of its prophet.^" I have called Mo- 
 hammed Antichrist, not as in any true sense rivalling Christ, 
 but as having set himself above Christ, and plotted to sup- 
 
 ^" See Gibbon, Decline and Fall, c. in the matter of polygamy and con- 
 
 lii., from A. D. 841 to 960, and c. Mi., eubinage. Nor could the law of re- 
 
 on the invasion of the lioman Empire taliation, as practised by him, have 
 
 by the Turks. well been more savage or more extor- 
 
 2" Gibbon, ibid. e. Ixv. tionate.— Ibid. pp. 133, 138-9, 146, 
 
 ^" Mohammed, five times or more, 178. Even the cold-blooded massacre 
 
 added to the Koran to justify or pal- of the Koraidites must have had his 
 
 liate his own acts. — See Irving's Life, countenance. — Ibid. p. 163. Imagine 
 
 pp. 121, 149, 151, 181, 238. He far what the Gospels would be did such 
 
 exceeded the license of his own laws cases occur in them ! 
 
118 FOEM OF EENOUNCING CHEISTIAIflTT. 
 
 plant Him. On his mode of doing it I have dwelt sufficiently.' 
 In illustration of his claim to that title, let me conclude by 
 quoting one of the earliest abjurations on record in his 
 behalf: — 
 
 ' I renounce your society,' said Eomanus (to the Christians 
 of Bosra), 'both in this world, and in the world to come. 
 And I deny Him that was crucified, and whosoever worships 
 Him ; and I choose God for my Lord, Islam for my faith, 
 Mecca for my temple, the Moslems for my brethren, and 
 Mohammed for my prophet, who was sent to lead us into the 
 right way, and to exalt the true religion in spite of those who 
 join partners with Grod.'^'^ These were terms of communion 
 that no previous heresiarch would have countenanced or 
 exacted. Still, as I have said before, even these words show 
 that Mohammed had not set up himself as Grod. 
 
 § 51. Mohammed and Luther compared. — Their Points 
 of Resemblance. 
 
 Passing immediately from Mohammed to Luther, nobody 
 can, I think, fail to be struck with the strange resemblance 
 that there is of one to the other, both as individuals, and in 
 their relations to the age of the Church in which they lived. 
 Luther did not set up as antichrist — far from it — nor Mo- 
 , hammed as antichurch, at least in intention (et /jltj xar^ crv/j,- 
 ^s^rjKos) ; but as decidedly as Mohammed played the part of 
 antichrist in the East, Luther played the part of antichurch 
 in the West. Even in character, in nationality, in time and 
 mode of appearance, they exhibit some striking parallelisms. 
 Both were remarkable for their keen practical knowledge of 
 mankind in general, and of Western and Eastern idiosyncrasies 
 still more. They knew exactly what line to advocate ; how 
 
 2" Glbton, Decline and Fall, c. li., he -writes : ' The Divinity of Christ 
 
 in his account of the siege of Bosra, was denied and derided in the sartie 
 
 A.D. 632-3. Further on, c. Ivii., temple in which it had been pronounced 
 
 speaking of the selection of Nice by by the first general synod of the' 
 
 Soliman for his palace and fortress, Catholics' 
 the historian, as . it were, exults while 
 
MOHAMMED AND LUTHEE, COMPARED. 119 
 
 far to go ; and beyond what point they would not be followed. 
 Both were remarkable for their earnest temperament and in- 
 domitable resolution and simplicity of life ; yet both had 
 strong sensual passions likewise. Their origin, and in some 
 respects their progress, was in marked contrast. Mohammed 
 sprang from the most intellectual and subtle of Eastern races ; 
 Luther from the most plodding and practical amongst West- 
 erns. All the theological heresies of the East were symbolised 
 in Mohammed — all the anthropological heresies of the West 
 in Luther. As no European nationality ever embraced Mo- 
 hammedanism, so neither has any Eastern church, up to the 
 present time, done otherwise than protest against Protestant- 
 ism. Both Mohammed and Luther affected to have converse 
 with spirits; to be fighting for the integrity of the Scriptures; 
 to be waging a war, the one for G-od, the other for Christ 
 alone. Both affected to be inculcating a purer and holier 
 standard than that of their own age. Mohammed began lif6 
 as a " Hanyf,' — a 'reformed,' or 'puritan;' it was that very 
 title which was appropriated by Luther, and by his predeces- 
 sors, and by his followers, from the first. But it was not long 
 before Mohammed had carried polygamy in his own case to a 
 point beyond what even Eastern manners would tolerate ; 
 and Luther, Melancthon, and Bucer disgraced themselves for 
 ever in the eyes of Europe by permitting the Landgrave of 
 Hesse to take a second wife.^'^ Similarly, both purported to 
 be setting humanity free from bondage, while both advanced 
 theories annihilative both of the freedom of the will, and of 
 all moral responsibility. To be sure, fatalism in the West 
 has been always much more speculated upon than acted upon : 
 in the East, so much more prone to speculate than to prac- 
 tise, it has become the rule of life. Finally, as Mohammed 
 had his rivals and opponents in the fanatics Al-Aswad and 
 Moseilma, so Luther saw himself surpassed in violence by 
 Munzer, John of Leyden, and the Anabaptists. As Moham- 
 med had for his lieutenants Ali, Abubekr, Omar, and 
 
 ^'^ See the ' Traduction des Pieces,' DiTorces, moreover, came in with 
 &c., at the end of the sixth book of Protestantism. 
 Bossuet's Histoire des Variations. 
 
120 MOHAMMEDAN AND LUTHERAN CHIEFS. 
 
 Othman ; so Luther had for his fellow-reformers Zwinglius 
 and Bucer, Melancthon and Calvin, But the same animosi- 
 ties exhibited themselves, sooner or later, in both camps ; and 
 in the feuds between Sheeahs and Sunnees, we may read a 
 very counterpart to those disputes which arose between the 
 Lutherans proper and the Reformed. 
 
 § 52. Grand difference between Mohammed and Luther. — 
 Luther Antichurch, not Antichrist. 
 
 In one fundamental respect alone were the Arab seer and 
 the German reformer diametrically opposed : the one repu- 
 diating, the other — with all his enmity to the Church — with 
 all his might supporting, the Divine claims of its Founder. 
 Behold, in this undeniable contrast between Protestantism and 
 Mohammedanism, an irresistible argument of the intrinsic 
 excellence of that noble religion which so many shortsighted 
 empirics would make men believe that they can do without, 
 and not fare the worse ! Humanity has become stagnant 
 under Mohammedanism based upon the Koran ; under Pro- 
 testantism, based upon the Bible, it has only progressed too 
 fast — become too civilised, too self-confident. The strength 
 of Protestantism has been its adherence to the religion of 
 Christ ; the bane of Protestantism has been its antagonism to 
 that institution of Christ by which He designed His religion 
 to be maintained and extended upon earth — without which it 
 had become long since extinct. Luther stands out in as 
 glorious contrast to Mohammed in the former respect, as the 
 history of Protestant Europe and America since his day to 
 that of the Turkish Empire. 
 
 I am far from asserting that, even in the latter respect, he 
 is to be charged with all the excesses and aberrations of 
 Modern Protestantism. I have said that Luther was no anti- 
 christ, though he was antichurch, every bit of him. Let me 
 explain in what. First, Luther did not assail any one of the 
 theological articles of the creed ; nor, in fact, have any of the 
 Luthero-Calvinistic churches, as such, ever done so to the 
 present day. Thus much is as expressly acknowledged by 
 
FAITH AND BAPTISM AS PRINCIPLES. 121 
 
 Moehler ^^^ as it was by Bossuet. More than this, Luther's 
 principle of justification by faith is founded upon Christ com- 
 pletely, and upon Christ alone. It is faith in Christ, neither 
 more nor less, and no other — not even in Grod, not even in 
 Christ divested of His mediatorial ofBce — that he represents 
 as assuring our justification. Thirdly, faith, according to 
 Luther, is the gift of God, and not a mere virtue to be ac- 
 quired by our own efforts. This, again, has perhaps been 
 acknowledged by his opponents. Fourthly, it is only one 
 who has been made a Christian that can have such justifying 
 faith in his estimate. It is this part of his system which has 
 not been generally acknowledged and placed to his credit. 
 Christian baptism appears to be necessarily presupposed in 
 his idea of justifying faith ; he would not have allowed that 
 it could be possessed by a Pagan or Mohammedan ; that it 
 could make him a Christian who was not one before ; that it 
 could be attained to, as such, by any but the baptized Christian. 
 He was as hostile to Anabaptists as any Catholic could have 
 been.''^' Neither, indeed, had he any reason for disparaging 
 
 2™ Introd. to the Symbolism. In the Ibid. Summaria Confess, p. 106 : 
 
 preface to its first edition, p. xvi., he ' In baptismo aqua signum est, et res 
 
 goes so far as to say that the contest ipsa regeneratio, adoptioque in popu- 
 
 between Catholics and Protestants lum Dei.' 
 
 'sprang out of the most earnest en- Augustan. (a.d. 1531) p. 126: 'De 
 
 deaTOurs of both parties to uphold the baptismo decent, quod sit necessarius 
 
 truth — the pure and genuine Christi- ad salutem, quodque per baptismum 
 
 anity — in all its integrity.' And this is offeratux gratia Dei.' 
 
 certainly the moral to be drawn from Ibid. (a..d. 1540) p. 171: 'De bap- 
 
 his own great work. tismo decent, quod necessarius sit ad 
 
 ^■' On this one point the language salutem, tanquam ceremonia a Christo 
 
 of all the Eeformed Confessions is the instituta. Et quod per baptismum 
 
 same. See Sylloge Confess. Oxon. offeratur gratia Dei.' 
 
 1828, 8yo. : — Confess. Saxon, p. 278 : ' Dooemus 
 
 Confess. Helvet. p. 80 : ' TJnus est igitur necessarium esse baptismum, et 
 
 baptismus in Ecclesi^ Dei, et satis est semel tantimi baptizamus singulos. 
 
 semel baptizari vel initiari Deo Eetinemus et infantium baptis- 
 
 Etenim baptizari in nomine Christi est mum. . . nee judicamus hunc morem 
 
 inscribi, initiari, et reeipi in fcsdus at- tantum otiosam ceremoniam esse ; sed 
 
 que familiam adeoque in haereditatem verj tune a Deo reeipi et sanctificari 
 
 filionmi Dei . . . purgari item a sordi- infantes, quia tunc insenmtur eccle- 
 
 bus peccatorum, et donari yari4 Dei siee, et ad tales promissio pertinet' 
 
 gratia ad Titam novam et inuocentem.' Confess. Belgic. p. 348: 'Hia de 
 
122 CHAKACTEEISTICS OF BAPTISM. 
 
 baptism in order to push his theory to its utmost limits. For 
 of all Christian ordinances baptism is the one that has fewest 
 conditions attached to it. It may be administered by women 
 as well as men, laymen as well as clerics, heretics as well as 
 orthodox. Any water will serve for it ; any form of words, so 
 that it be in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, 
 is held sufficient. Any age, any sex, is capable of receiviag 
 it. Its recipients need not be conscious of any dispositions 
 at all, provided that they are not conscious of any adverse 
 dispositions. There is next to nothing of church in all this ; 
 it conducts to Christ as immediately as faith itself — which it 
 must often precede ; for, though a sacrament, it requires no 
 active cooperation on the part of the Church whatever for its 
 valid administration. One who has been cast out of the 
 Church may administer it, so that it cannot be cancelled even 
 by the Supreme Head of the Church.^^^ 
 
 § 53. Subject continued. — Faith the first of Subjective 
 Dispositions. 
 
 Luther, therefore, had no cause for quarrelling with Chris- 
 tian baptism in order to be as antichurch as he pleased ; and 
 they must have cold hearts indeed that can refuse their sym- 
 pathies to that magnificent burst of his,^''' in which Almighty 
 
 causis credimits omnem hominem qui uniciim sacramentum servayit in Ec- 
 
 vitam seternam consequi cupiat, debere elesiA su4 illibatum et incontaminatum 
 
 unico baptismo, id est, semel tantum a constitutiouibus bominum, liberum- 
 
 itizari. que fecit omnibus gentibus, omninm- 
 
 "* Council of Trent, sess. vii. can. que hominum ordinibus. Nee passus 
 
 iv. : ' If any one saith that the baptism est et ipsum teterrimis qusestus et im- 
 
 which is even given by heretics ia the purissimis euperstitionum portentis 
 
 name of the Father, and of the Son, opprimi : eo scilicet consilio usus, 
 
 and of the Holy Ghost, ■with the in- quod parvulos qui avaritise et super- 
 
 tention of doing what the Church stitionis capaces non aunt, eo voluit 
 
 doth, is not true baptism, ^et him be initiari, et simplicissimS, fide Verbi' 
 
 anathema.' It said this while con- Sui sanctificari, quibus et potissimum 
 
 demning the Protestant party as here- hodi& prodest baptismus.' Further on 
 
 tics. he quotes, approvingly, those who 
 
 22» ' Benedictus Deus et Pater hold, ' Baptismum esse primum et 
 
 Domini nostri Jesu Christi, qui eeeun- fundamentum omnium saeramento- 
 
 dum divitias misericordiae suae hoa rum, sine quo nullum queat aliorum 
 
FAITH THE FIRST OF SUBJECTIVE DISPOSITIONS. 12.1 
 
 Grod is solemnly blessed for having caused this one sacrament 
 to be perpetuated in its pristine simplicity, from tenderness 
 to the innocent babes that are its most frequent recipients. 
 From the principle that it could never be repeated, Luther 
 deduced that its effects could never be lost — that it must be 
 held to, or returned to, through life. That is, he considered 
 penance, which had been called ' a second plank after ship- 
 wreck,' to be no more than a return to the first, or baptism. 
 Nothing can more clearly illustrate the logical basis of his 
 whole theory than this position of his. The sacrament of 
 baptism could be administered without any hierarchy at all ; 
 the sacrament of penance, as such, involved a hierarchy. He 
 took his stand upon the first of objective ordinances, and the 
 first of subjective dispositions: on the former, because he 
 could do so without incurring any direct obligations to the 
 visible Church ; on the latter, because it was the principle 
 that brought him at once to Christ. Evidently, the same 
 considerations that recommended to him baptism among rites, 
 recommended faith to him among subjective dispositions. It 
 went direct to Christ as its object, without any reference to 
 the Church. Eepentance was part of the sacrament of pen- 
 ance, and in a manner presupposed it. Hope was vague 
 without faith; charity was dead without works. Of works 
 there were literally none — at least of good works — but what 
 the Church had laid her hands on and appropriated. Prayer, 
 fasting, almsgiving, the corporal works of mercy, pilgrimages, 
 austerities, vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience; — all 
 these the Church had dogmatised, both on the manner of 
 
 obtineri.' Further on : ' Ita Tides ipsa sequentur opera, tantum ne Tilem 
 
 quam dives sit homo Christiamis, sive habeas fidem, quse opus est omnium 
 
 baptizatns, qui etiam Tolens non po- excellentissimum et arduissimum ; quo 
 
 test perdere salutem suam quantis- solo, etiam si oseteris omnibus carere 
 
 cunque peccatis, nisi nolit credere. cogereris, servaberis. Est enim opus 
 
 Nulla enim peccata eum possunt dam- Dei, non hominis, sicut Paulus docet ; 
 
 nare, nisi sola incredulitas.' Still caetera nobiseum et per nos operatur ; 
 
 baptism is presupposed in all this. hoc unicum in nobis, et sine nobis 
 
 Further on : ' A fide sacramentorum operatur.' . . . StiU we must have 
 
 tibi incipiendum est, sine uUis operi- been baptised first. — De Captiv. Babyl, 
 
 bus, ei salvus fieri velis ; fidem autem and Be Sacram. Bapt. 
 
124 APPEAL TO THE PLAIN TEXT OF THE BIBLE. 
 
 doing, and on the merit which attached to them when done. 
 Grood works, in short, had become ceremonial ; like those of 
 the law, so interwoven with the ecclesiastical way of viewing 
 them, that it was hopeless to attempt their disentanglement. 
 It was easier to cut the knot, and be quit of them all, than to 
 unravel it. On the other hand, faith stood out against the 
 clear sky, as at the first, in its pristine simplicity, and reposed 
 upon Grod, not man. Without it nobody could be saved; 
 with it who need despair ? Eepentance, hope, charity, obe- 
 dience could make no man acceptable before Grod who was 
 not a believer in Christ ; but he who sincerely beHeved in 
 Christ, though he never performed a single good work but 
 that one, might be saved. Good works therefore, as prac- 
 tised and understood in those days, were buried beneath the 
 same encumbrances that the other sacraments were, from his 
 point of view, and were accordingly discarded by Luther 
 equally with those sacraments ; while faith was seized by him 
 as possessing the same simplicity, the same independence, as 
 baptism, and with baptism made the keystone of his system. 
 And he appealed to the plain text of the Bible, interpreted 
 by the inner sense of baptized Christians,^^'' in proof of it. 
 Baptism was the one indispensable ordinance for making men 
 Christians, and faith the one indispensable principle that 
 could never be laid aside through life. All the other virtues 
 were useless, unless rooted in faith ; all the other sacraments 
 inoperative, unless baptism had preceded them. Nobody can 
 deny that this was a position that might have been maintained 
 with perfect orthodoxy, had it not been assumed for a sinister 
 end — namely, that of unchurching the Church. Had Luther, 
 
 ^' ' Those are far from duly appre- selves the knowledge of Dmne things, 
 
 elating Luther's -views and spirit who he held to he the acme of ungodliness 
 
 imagine that he ahsolutely believed ... In his writings to the Bohemians 
 
 that he could discover the true sense ... he expressly declares, that the 
 
 of Scripture by an historico-gram- believer is the freest judge of all his 
 
 matical interpretation. Nothing was teachers, since Tie is inwardly in- 
 
 more alien to him — nothing more at structed by God alone' — ^Moehler's 
 
 variance with his whole system. The Symb. vol. ii. pp. 89, 86, Eobertson's 
 
 very notion that, by human exertions, Tr. 
 we can win and appropriate to our- 
 
LUTHER S REAL HETERODOXY. 125 
 
 instead of rending Christendom, withdrawn from it; had he 
 organised a gigantic emigi-ation, and, grieved and indignant 
 at the corruptions which he saw around him, crossed the 
 ocean, Bible in hand, with 20,000 followers, men, women, and 
 children, a mixed multitude, and settled in some distant and 
 unoccupied continent — Australia, for instance — his descend- 
 ants might have lived on in perfect good faith there till now, 
 not only without ceasing to be Christians, but without devia- 
 ting in the slightest degree from the most rigid orthodoxy. 
 According to the supposition, they would have had no priests, 
 and therefore no sacraments but one — no authoritative teach- 
 ing, no obligatory ceremonial. But, through the instrumen- 
 tality of lay-baptism, every successive generation might have 
 been made Christian, and all individuals among them might 
 have lived and died in the faith of Christ, keeping His com- 
 mandments, as far as could be collected from the Sacred Text, 
 and as best they were able. Suppose Luther, instead of 
 preaching revolt, to have done this, and no real intercourse to 
 have taken place between Europe and Australia till the nine- 
 teenth century, would the Catholic world have saluted his 
 descendants as heretics or schismatics ? Or would not rather 
 the maxim of St, Thomas — ' Articulus necessitatis sacramen- 
 tum excludit ' — have vindicated them against either designa- 
 tion, even though their administration of baptism had come 
 to be somewhat rude, and their definition of faith somewhat 
 vague? Had the Pitcairn Islanders not been children of 
 mutineers, and the New-England pilgrims implicated in no 
 previous revolt against authority, their histories would have 
 attracted sympathy much more widely than they have, and 
 been so many cases in point. Now the above was, more or 
 less, the actual position assumed by Protestantism in presence 
 — in open defiance — of the Catholic Church. It deliberately 
 walked out of the choir, and took up a position in the nave. 
 I say more or less, because some distinction must be made 
 further on between Protestant bodies themselves. It was this 
 revolutionary determination that involved Luther and his 
 theory — not necessarily heterodox in its origin — in a world of 
 errors and contradictions, respecting sin, respecting freewill. 
 
126 MOEHLER ON LUTHEKANISM. 
 
 respecting faith and baptism themselves — the inner as well as 
 the outer man, subjective as well as objective anthropology. 
 To specify them would be to rewrite Moehler, who has sub- 
 jected them, one by one, to the analysis of philosophy, and 
 exposed their unsoundness. 
 
 § 54. Errors of Luther weighed against Corruptions 
 in the Church. 
 
 The only question, therefore, that can be raised is — Had the 
 Church become so hopelessly corrupt in the days of Luther 
 as to justify his fundamental position, that there was no 
 Church at all to belong to but what could be reconstructed, 
 with baptism for its determining ordinance, and faith for its 
 exclusive principle ? This is the true question at issue : and it 
 will readily be seen, after the experience of 300 years, that 
 it must be given against Luther, and for the Church, though 
 it is not by any means one that is free from difficulty. Had 
 Luther had the right wholly on his side, it is inconceivable 
 that he should have fallen into those gross aberrations and 
 bewilderments of which it is impossible to acquit him and his 
 followers. Had the Church been wholly unimpeachable, it is 
 inconceivable that Protestantism should have been so long 
 and so often, even providentially, upheld as it has been. 
 A.D. 1588 saw the defeat of the Spanish Armada; a.d. 1688 
 the expulsion of James II., just as Catholicism had been all 
 but restored in England ; A.D. 1788 the commencement of 
 the French Eevolution, which had weUnigh swept not merely 
 Catholicism, but Christianity, from every country in Europe 
 but England. America was discovered by Catholics, but at the 
 end of 300 years they are found there in a vast minority. 
 
 We must beware of arguing on these topics as though 
 we had a simple question to deal with. As I have said before, 
 there was the problem of subjective anthropology to be 
 resolved by the Church; and there were the inductive sciences 
 to be recast, as the deductive sciences had been previously, 
 for redeemed man, by the light of the Grospel. Both were, 
 from the nature of the case, disintegrating processes : men 
 
CORRUPTIONS IN THE CHURCH. 127 
 
 were thrown back by both upon their individuality. In- 
 ductive science could not advance but by experiment and 
 observation, involving far greater freedom from authority 
 than had as yet been known ; and as for subjective qualifi- 
 cations and responsibilities, as soon as ever attention could 
 be concentrated upon them, it is easy to see how not merely 
 personal, but national, susceptibilities would be set ferment- 
 ing. The Spaniard or Italian, with his uncontrollable imagi- 
 nation, would far sooner part with his individuality than with 
 his splendid ceremonial : the phlegmatic Englishman would 
 sooner pray with his hands over his eyes, or his eyes closed, 
 all his life, than surrender his independence of thought and 
 action, or be tied to any theory that his own conscience could 
 not accept honestly. Behind, and besides all this, there was 
 the undeniable fact of immense corruption in the Church, so 
 great and manifold as to shake the belief of men in her 
 Divine credentials. Luther both saw and felt it. We, hap- 
 pily, can only go back to it in thought, and by means of 
 books. Yet even Luther might have taken a much more 
 philosophical view of it all, even then, had he been more of 
 a thinker. He might have learned from Our Lord that Jeru- 
 salem had not ceased to be the holy city because Scribes and 
 Pharisees had gotten the upper hand there. He might have 
 learned from Eusebius that even the Primitive Church 
 required to be reminded by persecutions of its heavenward 
 aim. He might have learnt, by comparing the ninth and 
 tenth centuries with the thirteenth, that the Church had been 
 buried under, had risen up from, and shaken off far greater 
 horrors and enormities than any that he saw around him. 
 Eome might have presented a picture the reverse of austerity 
 and faith unfeigned under Leo X. ; but, compared with 
 what it had been under the Counts of Tusculum, it surely 
 might deserve to be called the centre of civilisation and of 
 high Christian art? When Luther visited Eome, in a.d. 1510, 
 Bramanti was laying the foundations of that marvel of Chris- 
 tendom which Lord Byron has so finely apostrophised,^^' as — 
 
 ™ Childe Harold, canto iv. oIIt. 
 
128 THINGS WERE MENDING AS LUTHEE APPEARED. 
 
 Standing alone — ^with nothing like to thee — 
 Worthiest of God, the holy and the true — 
 Since Zion's desolation, when that He 
 Forsook his former city, what could be, 
 Of earthly structures, in his honour piled, 
 Of a sublimer aspect 1 Majesty, 
 Power, glory, strength, and beauty, all are aisled 
 In this eternal ark of worship undefiled ! 
 
 In A.D. 1520, while Luther was procuring his own excommu- 
 nication by the most indulgent of popes, Eaphael was ex- 
 piring in that city, and bequeathing to universal Christendom 
 his immortal picture of the Transfiguration. 
 
 In point of fact, things had seen their worst, and were 
 beginning to mend, when Luther appeared on the stage ; and 
 even among those who opposed him, there were many who 
 both acknowledged and mourned over the corruptions which 
 they could not eradicate, as sincerely as he did. 
 
 § 55. Difficulties in the way of Reform everywhere. — 
 Especially in the Church. 
 
 How then did it happen that the remedy was not applied 
 more promptly and more effectually to the disease ? Because 
 there is always, in every society, and not by any means 
 exclusively in the Church, a party that is interested and bent 
 upon keeping things as they are, be they ever so reprehen- 
 sible, and opposed to making any change, be it ever so bene- 
 ficial. No system — not even the Church, not even the Cloister 
 — can go on for long without requiring to be recast, reformed, 
 or modified according to its altered circumstances. The 
 business is, what alterations are to be made, and who is to 
 make them? Happy those institutions that can or will 
 reform themselves, or, in the opposite case, can be compelled 
 to do so by constituted authority from without — in the way in 
 which our universities, our public schools, our various cor- 
 porate bodies in England have been of late years, by dint of 
 pressure through the Crown ! From the nature of the case, 
 the universal church can only be reformed from within, now 
 that there is no universal empire ; and when one part of it 
 
ESPECIALLY IN THE CHUECH. 129 
 
 is both willing and anxious to be reformed, another part of 
 it may step in and deprecate and prevent change of any kind. 
 From the very nature of the case, too, the argument against 
 change is stronger in the Church than elsewhere ; not merely 
 because some of its institutions, and all its articles of faith, 
 assume to be from Grod, but because, in most cases, its worst 
 abuses are found entwined round some of its holiest rites. 
 In the Church, as elsewhere, reformers have their persecutions 
 to go through, and all real successes are achieved by patience 
 and perseverance — not revolt. It is so no less in the Cloister. 
 S. Benedict had his life attempted by the monks of Vicovara, 
 who had elected him for their abbot ; Savonarola was burnt in 
 the city where he had for so many years preached Christ 
 crucified. The reforms of S. Teresa involved her in undying 
 enmity from one branch of the Carmelites ; S. Charles Bor- 
 romeo was fired upon and wounded by one of those ' Humili- 
 ati' whose excesses he had determined to check; S. Philip 
 Neri, the apostle of Eome, as he is justly styled, was threat- 
 ened with imprisonment by the papal vicar of that city, ' if 
 he did not leave his new ways of proceeding.'^'® He it was, 
 above all others, who had been advocating the practice of 
 frequent communions. The sternest and most zealous of the 
 reforming popes experienced no better treatment at the 
 hands of their degenerate subjects. Adrian VI.'^' was thought 
 to have died through the wilfulness or negligence of his own 
 physician. On news of his death the house of Macerata was 
 decorated with garlands, and with this vile inscription, 
 'Liberator! urbis et or bis.' Buried in the very Church of 
 
 '^^ Butler's Lives of the Saints, May Pape era morto pii presto per la poca 
 
 26. cura ed ignorantia del detto medico. 
 
 ^^' ' La Corte di Eoma prese incre- Perchfe essendo egli messo in S. Pietro 
 
 diHle allegrezza della sua morte, ne in un sepolchro aposticcio tra Pio II. 
 
 fu tralasciata sorte alcuna di male- et Pio III. yi era state seritto in letters 
 
 dieenza, la quale posse machiare la sua di un palmo " Impius inter pios." II 
 
 memoria . . . Purono ancora com- che da tutti era letto con grandissima 
 
 posti molti versi in lode del medico risa.' Conclave nel quale fu create 
 
 Macerata, ed adomata la porta della Papa Clemente VII. — Eawl. MSS. 
 
 casa sua con i rami degli arboscelli. con Ital. vol. xv. fol. 1, in the Bodleian 
 
 questo elogio " Liberatori orbis et ur- Library, 
 bis ;" perch^ si sapeva per certo, che il 
 
130 OEDINART FATE OF REFORMERS. 
 
 St. Peter, between Pius II. and III., his tomb was lampooned, 
 in large letters, ' Impius inter pios.' All Eaynaldus can hear 
 of him^'^s is, that his character was irreproachable, and that 
 his election was reported to have been by Divine choice. 
 Paul IV., who 'lived and moved in his reforms and his 
 inquisition,' as Eanke says of him, was an object of maledic- 
 tion through life, and at his death his statue was thrown 
 down and broken in pieces by the infuriated mob.^^' Between 
 reactionary subordinates, and sovereigns of such equivocal 
 characters and conflicting aims as Henry VII. and VIII., 
 Francis I. and Henri II., Charles V. and Philip II., it is easy 
 to see that the most thorough-going popes of that date, with 
 all their infallibility, were never omnipotent ; while their very 
 office tended to make strong conservatives of them, one and 
 all, especially when the faith was assailed. Let facts tell 
 their own tale. 
 
 § 56. Corruptions of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth 
 Centuries. — Extenuating Circumstances. 
 
 As little can it be denied that the glories of the thirteenth 
 century were due to the vigorous reforms inaugurated by 
 S. Gregory VII. and his successors, as that the fourteenth and 
 fifteenth centuries witnessed a very extensive declension of 
 manners and discipline, though by no means of civilisation. 
 Even on the former head, were I writing a church-history, 
 there would be some extenuating circumstances to be produced 
 in behalf of a period during which upwards of fifty univer- 
 sities were founded in all parts of Europe. ^^° Gorgeous 
 cathedrals of the stamp of Orvieto, Sienna, Milan, Strasburg, 
 
 ^^' Annul. A.D. 1523, "So.Wi et seq. nuper erectam, exeitato tumultu . . , 
 
 '^^ ' Quanquam religionis tuendae debacchatur,' &o.— Ciaconius. Hist, 
 
 et conservandse studio, clarus super Fontif. vol. iii. p. 813, who adds 6ig- 
 
 omnes retro Pontiflees haberetur, mul- nifieantly, ' Tanti. refert, in quae tem- 
 
 torum tamen sermonibus ejus eximia pore vel optimi cujusque yirtus in- 
 
 ■pirtus, quae improbis severa nimis cidat.' 
 
 videbatur, lacerata fuit. Ac tune ^° Alzog. Hist, de VEglise, § 251, 
 
 maxirae, quum post ejus obitum, note ; where they are all enumerated. . 
 Bomani popuH furor in ejus statuam 
 
EXTENUATING CIRCUMSTANCES. 131 
 
 Winchester (as restored by William of Wykeham), Toledo> 
 and Seville erected; professorial chairs for the study of 
 Hebrew and Chaldee, Grreek and Arabic, ordained by a 
 General CounciP'' for Eome, Paris, Oxford, Bologna, and 
 Salamanca. No less than twenty printed editions of the Bible 
 were brought out, in High or Low Grerman alone, between 
 A.D. 1460 and the age of Luther; "^ upwards of 1,200 books 
 issued, from the printing-presses of Italy alone, between a. d. 
 1471-80.^^^ For commentators on the Bible it could boast 
 of Tostatus, and Nicolas of Lyra ; for masters of the inner 
 life, John Tauler and Thomas a Kempis ; for ideal artistsj 
 Fra Angelico and Fra Bartolomeo. It was not behindhand in 
 men and women of the saintly graces of S. Catherine of 
 Sienna, S. Bridget, S. Elizabeth of Portugal, S. Vincent Fer- 
 rier, and S. John Cantius; of the ardent philanthropy of 
 Bartholomew de las Casas ; of the splendid abilities of Car- 
 dinal Ximenes, or the splendid munificence of William of 
 Wykeham and Wainflete. I am solely concerned with the 
 causes that procured for Luther such wide sympathy — for his 
 theory so favourable a hearing, and so long a reign.'^^'' 
 
 It could not but be disastrous in the extreme for Christen- 
 dom when Clement V. fixed upon Avignon as his abode. It 
 was as though the Queen of England should transfer her resi- 
 dence to Gibraltar or Heligoland, without abdicating her 
 functions. Non-resident themselves, how could the Popes 
 order absentee bishops and archbishops back to their respec- 
 
 ^" That of Vienna, a.d. 1312 : see still less obtained such wide diffusion, 
 
 ap. Koch. Sanct. Fragm. German, had individual teachers and priests 
 
 illust. ed. 1789; Argum. &mci. P™^»i. been faithful to the duties of their 
 
 c. ii. § 8. calling. Truly the ignorance could 
 
 . ^" Alzog. ibid. § 286, note; where not have been slight, on which a 
 
 they are all enumerated. system of faith like that of the Ee- 
 
 ^*' Hallam, Hist, of Lit. from A. d. formers was imposed as worthy of ac- 
 
 1400, c. ii. § 49. ' ceptance!— and thus Protestants may 
 
 '^^ ' The Protestants themselves fur- learn to estimate the magnitude of the 
 
 nish an irrefragable proof of the state evil which then oppressed the Chmrch 
 
 of manifold neglect into which the by the magnitude of the errors into 
 
 people had fallen during the fifteenth which they themselves have fallen.' 
 
 century. Never would a system of — Moehler's Symbol, vol. ii. p. 31, 
 
 doctrine like theirs have sprung up, Eobertson's Tr. 
 
 h 2 
 
132 RESIDENCE OP THE POPES AT AVIGNON. 
 
 tive sees? And when bishops and archbishops might live 
 with impunity where they pleased, what was to become, and 
 what actually did become, of the inferior clergy ? Of their 
 own independence, as sovereigns, can any more satisfactory 
 account be given during their sojourn in that ill-omened 
 city ? By what melancholy means was their stay there pro- 
 longed ? — ^by what fatal schism their return signalised ? To 
 what scandals did that meeting, which was to have come off 
 between Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII., at Savona, give 
 rise — so humiliating to their mutual supporters, that the 
 cardinals of both obediences combined in holding the Council 
 of Pisa to get rid of them both ? What a phenomenon was 
 that Council, assembled without a head ; and to this day 
 neither approved nor reprobated, as Bellarmine says, though 
 Alexander V. was indebted to it for his election! Evils of 
 that magnitude could not possibly befall society singly. At 
 that council,^'* and from that council downwards, men called 
 for a reformation of the whole Church, head and members 
 alike ; and for upwards of a century and a half they called in 
 vain. Its urgent necessity was disputed by nobody, yet 
 unquestionably there was that delay in attending to it. When 
 it came, was it in time to be accepted generally, or compre- 
 hensive enough to be complete ? These are points which I 
 shall hope to clear up, exclusively from authorities that none 
 can dispute. 
 
 '" A.D. li09, .Tune 10, the Arch- members. And Alexander V. declared, 
 bishop of Pisa read, before the fathers in its last session, that his design had 
 there assembled, a declaration by been to reform the Church there and 
 which the cardinals promised that then, in its head and members; but 
 whoever among them should be chosen as so many had left, he now delayed 
 pope should continue the council, and it t<3 the council which he had sum- 
 not dissolve it, nor suffer it to be dis- moned for April, a.d. 1412 (Bacherii 
 persed, till it had made a reformation Spidleg. vol. i. pp. 763-853, ed. de la 
 of the Universal Church and of its Barre). 
 present state, both in the head and 
 
COUNCILS OF PISA AND CONSTANCE. 133 
 
 § 57. Councils of Pisa and Constance. — Reformation of 
 tlie whole Church demanded. 
 
 The Council of Pisa was convened, as I have said, by no 
 pope at all ; the Council of Constance deposed the pope by 
 whom it was convened, as well as his rivals. Martin V., who 
 in his first Bull speaks of ' the canonical deposition of his 
 predecessor by the definitive sentence of that council,' was- 
 himself elected conditionally ; for in its third session (March 
 25, A.D. 1415), the assembled fathers had declared that they 
 would not separate till not only the schism had been healed, 
 but the whole Church, head and members, reformed in faith 
 and manners. ^'^ Then, in its fortieth session, immediately 
 preceding the conclave in which Martin was elected, it was 
 decreed that the future Pope should join with the council, or 
 with those who should be deputed by the nations, in their 
 endeavours to reform the Church, in its head and members 
 - — among whom is especially mentioned the Court of Eome — 
 according to the Eighteen Articles which had been presented 
 by the nations, before that council should be dissolved.^^' 
 What was meant by faith is not so clear from these Articles 
 as from the fourth section of that report which was presented 
 to the council about this time by the celebrated Cardinal 
 d'Ailly.^'* 'De reformandis circa Eeligiones et Eeligiosos;'-^' 
 in other words, ecclesiastical ordinances and observances. 
 
 ''' Mansi, torn, xxvii. p. 580. anorum (Faseic. Em. Expet. et Fug,. 
 
 '"' Got. 30, A.D. 1417, Mansi, ibid. ed. Brown, vol. i. p. 406 et seq.). 
 p. 1164. ^^^ His words in one place are: 'So 
 
 ^" Libellus de Emendatione Eccle- with many other like things, concern- 
 
 suB. It is in six parts, as follows: — • ing which it would be well to declare 
 
 1. De reformandis circa totum corpus that tbey are not precepts but coun- 
 
 Ecclesiae. 2. De reformandis circa sels. So with regard to the fast of 
 
 ejus caput ; sc. circa statum Papse et Lent, moderation should be observed 
 
 Eomanae curiae. 3. De reformatione in respect of certain persons and cer- 
 
 principaliumEeclesisepartium, sc.Prse- tain circumstances. And because to 
 
 latorum. 4. De reformandis circa Ee- prelates belong the special care of 
 
 ligiones et Eeligiosos. 5. De refor- divine worship, they should see — with 
 
 mandis circa cseteros Ecelesiastieos. regard to the reformation therein 
 
 6. De refonnatione Laicorum Christi- necessary — that there should be lesa 
 
134 .• MARTIN S LETTER TO HENRY VI. . 
 
 Ma,rtin -was consecrated and crowned Nov. 21, a.d. 1417. 
 Within four months from that date, he had published no less 
 than fifteen reformatory constitutions, to be incorporated 
 into separate concordats for each nation. By the first of 
 these, the number of cardinals is limited to twenty-four, none 
 of whom are to be brothers or nephews, and only when the 
 interests of the nations require it, may there be one or two 
 more ; while the fourteenth contains this memorable proviso 
 for restricting indulgences : ' Cavebit Dominus noster Papa 
 in futurum nimiam indulgentiarum eflfusionem ne vUes- 
 eant.' ^'"' Is it too much to say that Luther might have never 
 separated from the Church had neither of these constitutions 
 been ever infringed ? 
 
 Martin was far from satisfied even with these reforms. He 
 held another council, that of Pavia, five years afterwards, 
 which, in consequence of a fever, was transferred to Sienna,, 
 and then broke up without effecting its object. He informs 
 our own Henry VI.,^*' with deep regret, that even the Council, 
 of Sienna had separated without achieving that complete re- 
 formation that he had been so desirous of carrying out ; and 
 that he had appointed a commission of cardinals in his own 
 dominions, and contemplated appointing separate commissions 
 in each kingdom elsewRere, for 'the consummation of a refor- 
 mation of that kind.' In his encyclic of that same year, he 
 informs the world generally that, lest by the breaking-up of 
 that council the reformation of the Universal Church and of the 
 
 of tedious repetition in dirine service That on such festivals, apocryphal 
 
 that the variety of pictures and scriptures, new hymns and discourses, 
 
 images should not be allowed to grow and the like gratuitous novelties 
 
 any further ; that so many new festi- should not he read to the disuse of 
 
 vals should not be solemnised . . . what is old and customary in the 
 
 that, except on the Lord's Day and churches. And that generally all 
 
 the greater festivals instituted by the novelty, and variety, and diversity of 
 
 Church, it should be permitted to work uses at the canonical hours, and other 
 
 after hearing the office, both because divine services, should be as far as 
 
 on festivals there is a great increase possible avoided.' — ^Fascic. Eev. Expet. 
 
 of sins in taverns, in dances, and the et Fug. ed. Brown, vol. i. p. 406 et seq. 
 like revels, which idleness begets; ''" AfoKSJ, torn, xxvii. pp. 1177-84. 
 
 and because the number of working '" In a.d. 1224. Mansi, torn, xxviii. 
 
 days is scarce sufficient for the poor p. 1076. 
 to procure the necessaries of Hfe. 
 
BEFQRM-COMMISSION APPOINTED BY MAETIN. 135 
 
 Court of Rome should be delayed or impeded — whicli it was 
 his intention to prosecute and carry out in all its parts — he 
 had appointed Antonius bishop of Ostia, and two others, to 
 receive memorials and suggestions, from any who might be 
 disposed to come forward with them, in the interests of that 
 reformation which he deemed so necessary. ^''^ 
 
 Was Martin a downright hypocrite ? Or, is it not clear from 
 his strong language that there was still a thorough reform 
 wanting, and for which the promulgation of his own constitu- 
 tions in the Council of Constance had proved inadequate ? 
 
 § 58. Councils of Basil and Florence. — Nicholas V. on 
 Papal Jurisdiction. 
 
 I pass by the Council of Basil (or Bale), because, though it 
 decreed some salutary reforms, owing to its unfortunate mis- 
 understandings with Eugenius IV., they never really became 
 law. I pass by the Council of Florence for the present, 
 because, though it made a vigorous effort to save the East, 
 it decreed no reforms at all for the West. The schisms of the 
 last seventy years had brought out a number of eminent and 
 enlightened men — Grerson, Cardinal d'Ailly, Nicholas of Cle- 
 mengis, Nicholas of Cusa, Cardinals Julian Cesarini and 
 Piccolomini, for instance — who had worked ardently an€ 
 honestly for reform likewise, but by some strange fatality all 
 their efforts had been unavailing ; and with the close of the 
 schism, no further efforts were made in that direction. 
 Nicholas V., indeed, did wonders for literature ; and perhaps 
 no Pope ever defined his position with more truthfulness, or 
 greater equity, than he did in reply to the Grerman electors, 
 who had sent to compliment him on his accession. 
 
 ' The Roman pontiffs,' he said, ' have extended their skirts 
 too far. They have finished by robbing the other bishops of 
 all their authority. On the other hand, the Fathers of Basil 
 have tied up the hands of the popes too much. Yet, after 
 all, how could it have been otherwise ? Whoever begins by 
 
 '" Mansi, torn, xsviii. p. 1077. 
 
136 NICHOLAS V. ON PAPAL JUEISDICTION. 
 
 doing things unworthy of him is sure to have to put up -with 
 injustice. The man who wants to straighten a tree has often 
 to bend it in a contrary direction. For my own part, I am 
 firmly resolved not to encroach upon the rights of bishops, 
 whose mission it is to have some share in the government of the 
 Church, There is but one way by which I can hope to main- 
 tain inviolate the authority of the Pope ; it is by respecting 
 in each one the ecclesiastical power that belongs to him.' ^*' 
 Piccolomini passed much more from one extreme to another 
 on becoming Pius II. Till a.d. 1445 he had been one of the 
 most active opponents of Eugenius IV. among the Basil 
 fathers. In that year he made his submission. Eighteen 
 years afterwards, in the midst of his pontificate, he gave to 
 the world that most remarkable document ever issued by a 
 pope — his bull of his own ' retractations.' We may well pause 
 for a moment over these memorable expressions. ' We never 
 erred willingly,' ^^^ says the now infallible pontiff. It was this 
 reasoniug of his friend, and deeper thinker. Cardinal Julian, 
 that had convinced him. ' You are plying me, ^neas, with 
 deeds signed and sealed ; and because 1 once thought as you 
 say, you therefore suppose that I must always think so, and 
 consider me bound by my former opinions. But it is just 
 for this reason that we are free agents — namely, by beiug 
 ^le to change our opinions till death. How should it not 
 be lawful at all times to abandon error and embrace truth ? 
 I admit not only that I spoke and wrote what you say, but 
 that I was wandering away from the truth in so doing. Now 
 if, as you say, you followed me in my errors, and pinned your 
 faith to the Basil fathers through my instrumentality, why do 
 you not now follow me .when I give you really good advice ? ' 
 Truly we seem to be listening to a talker of our own times : 
 but could any words more forcibly explain the perplexities 
 under which men laboured then, or how natural it was for 
 reactionary tendencies to succeed to so much mental excite- 
 rs Ap. Koch. Fragm. Germ, illust «« Concil. torn. ix. ed. Eeg. p. 1449, 
 ed. 1789; Hist. Sanct. Pragm. u. ii. et seq. It is dated April 26, 1463. 
 § 15. 
 
DANGER FROM THE TURKS. 137 
 
 ment ? Besides, now, the one preoccupation of Europe was be- 
 ginning to be to resist the Turk, all-powerful with the spoils 
 of Constantinople, and threatening to make the first see in 
 Christendom his capital in the West, as he had already done 
 by its second see in the East. Pius II. devoted the entire 
 energies of his old age to avert that contingency. Had his 
 immediate successors merely thrown themselves into his 
 defensive schemes, they might have claimed the thanks of 
 humanity, ' even though they had done nothing for church- 
 reform. 
 
 § 59. Bark Period of Forty Years. — Creations of 
 Cardinals. — Indulgences. 
 
 As it was, what more should I say of that dark period of 
 forty years between the death of Pius II., a.d. 1464, and the 
 accession of Julius II., a.d. 1503, than that it was consum- 
 mated by the burning of Savonarola ? Even then, possibly, 
 had he been heeded, no Luther might have been needed. Or, 
 perhaps, had but two of the constitutions of Martin V. been 
 maintained in their integrity, even Savonarola might not 
 have died, nor Luther, as Luther, lived. By the first of 
 them, as I have observed already, the ordinary number of 
 cardinals was never to have exceeded twenty-four. Now let 
 anybody consult Ciaconius — surely one of the most standard 
 authorities — and he will see that the number of cardinals, 
 when the following popes were elected, stood thus — 
 
 When Pius II. was elected 
 
 24 
 
 „ Paul II. 
 
 26 
 
 „ SixtusIV.2« 
 
 26 
 
 „ Innocent VIIL2« „ 
 
 31 
 
 „ Alexander VI. „ 
 
 27 
 
 „ Pius III. „ 
 
 45 
 
 '*^ Of him Ciaeonius says ( Vit. Notariatus apostoliei, Protonotariatfts 
 
 Pontif. s. T.) : ' Nora collegia primus Capitolii, Notariatus Gymnasii, meti- 
 
 omnium Eomanorum pontificum, gue endi saHs, et Cameriatiis Urbis.' 
 
 venirent, excogitavit. . . . Hie primus "' Onuph. in Vit. : ' Alexander, 
 
 Tendidit officia Procuratoris Cameras, aliorum _^pontificum^ exemplo, novum 
 
1,38 CKEATIQNS OF CARDINALS.^— INDULGENCES. 
 
 He will see, further, that Sixtus IV. sat thirteen years, and 
 created thirty-five cardinals ; Innocent VIII. eight years, and 
 created thirteen; Alexander VI. eleven years, and created 
 either forty-three or forty-five. Then, pursuing the subject, 
 he would find that Julius II. sat ten years, and created twenty- 
 seven ; while Leo X. sat but eight years, and created forty-five,^'" 
 of whom thirty-one were created in one day — namely, on 
 July 1, A.D. 1517.^^' There were thirty-three cardinals alive 
 when Leo was elected, A.d. 1513 ; but on the election of 
 Adrian VL, a.d. 1522, there were no less than forty-eight 
 alive, the exact double of what that constitution of Martin 
 V. — reaffirmed in the separate concordats that followed it — 
 had prescribed in a General Council but 100 years previously. 
 And what apology can be made, both for the number and 
 nature of those indulgences which the 14th constitution of 
 Martin V. had so solemnly declared it to be the duty of the 
 Pope to restrict, ' lest they should become vile,' when Luther 
 levelled his ninety-five theses against them in A.D. 1517 ? 
 
 § 60. Julius II. and Leo X. — Fifth Lateran Council. — 
 Speeches of the Bishop of Modrusch and of Leo X. 
 
 Still, Julius II. and Leo X. were very different, both as 
 men and as popes, from their immediate predecessors. They 
 
 LXXX. Scriptorum BreTium collegmm count of the murmurs excited in the 
 
 instituit, quorum loca singula DCCL. Consistory of June 26 when Leo only 
 
 aureie veniere . . . Cardinales multos proposed creating twenty-seven. It 
 
 pretio creavit . . . et in his aliquot should be stated, however, that this 
 
 cardinales cseteris ditiores veneno tol- act of his was in part by way of self- 
 
 lendos constituit, ut eorum opibus in defence after the discovery of the plot 
 
 fiscum redactis potitus, profusissimS of Cardinal Petrucci to poison him, 
 
 largiretur, inexplebilemque tilii cupi- and of the number of cardinals in- 
 
 ditatem expleret.' I need say no more volved in it (Eoscoe'a Leo X. vol. iii. 
 
 of Alexander than what his own sue- p. 124, 4to ed.). ' On that same day 
 
 cessors have said of him (see below). a storm overthrew the angel that 
 
 ^'i' Onuph. in Vit. Leon. X. ' Peeu- stood on the top of the Castel di S. 
 
 niae quaerendse causi . . . pretio car- Angelo, struck an infant Jesus in a 
 
 dinales aliquot legit : et offieia quaedam church, and knocked the keys out of 
 
 venalia excogitavit, ut cubicularios, the hands of a statue of S. Peter.' — 
 
 Bcutiferos milites, sancti Patri et liipae Note to Hazhtt's TV. of Miehelet's 
 
 portionarios.' Life of Luther, p. 20, from Euehat. i. 
 
 **" Ciaconius in Vit. gives an ac- ?6. 
 
PIFTH LATEKAN COUNCIL. 139 
 
 were distinguished by many qualities great and generous in 
 themselves, but in the matter of reform far too indifferent to the 
 emergencies of the times in which they lived. Julius II. 
 had sworn at his election, in A.d. 1503, to convene a Greneral 
 Council. After waiting for it for eight years, a number of 
 cardinals at length assembled at Pisa for a whole year, and 
 only separated on the meeting of the 5th Lateran Council of 
 A.D. 1512. Luther had quitted Eome in disgust two years, 
 previously ; but it wanted five years still to that preaching 
 of Tetzel which elicited his first public protest. Bearing 
 this last fact uppermost in our mind, let us listen to what was 
 actually said at that Lateran Council. First, to what Julius 
 himself says in his Bull of Indiction :-^ 
 
 ' Nothing for the last eleven years, in which we discharged 
 the ofiice of cardinal, would have been more to our heart 
 than to see celebrated a General Council, and the Church of 
 Eome reformed for the better. What, indeed, was it that 
 made us so obnoxious to Alexander VI., the Eoman pontiff of 
 happy memory, our predecessor, than our wish and study of 
 celebrating a General Council ? What was it that made us 
 a wanderer by land and sea, when the same Alexander our 
 predecessor was enraged with us ? What was it that com- 
 pelled us so often to cross the Alps, to wander about Trans- 
 alpine France, in the heats, amidst snow and frost, but because 
 we were striving to get a council convened, assembled, and 
 celebrated by the Eoman pontiff ?' ^""^ 
 
 Julius died during the fifth session, in A.n. 1513. In the 
 course of the sixth session, Simon Begnius, bishop of Modrusch 
 in Croatia, having passed in review all tl»e trials which the 
 Church had gone through since the return of the popes from 
 Avignon, wound up his admirable speech as follows : — 
 
 ' I have always deemed it a matter of the first necessity, 
 that the head of our faith, the Eoman Church, should, before 
 all things, be settled, renewed, and reformed. For as that 
 disease is the gravest which is spread down from the head, so 
 that health is the best, which from a head perfectly sound, 
 
 '" Condi, torn. is. reg. ed. p. 1686 et seq. 
 
140 SPEECH OP THE BISHOP OP MODEUSCH. 
 
 as from a most pure fountain, is derived and communicated 
 among the other members. "We have now seen what passed 
 in the age of our ancestors as well as our own ; and almost 
 all these results, or, at least, the greater number of them, 
 have befallen us through our own instrumentality — our own 
 faults. It is a weary as well as a painful matter to see piety, 
 faith, and religion grown so lukewarm in our times, I had 
 almost said so decayed, that scarcely any vestiges of them 
 remain. And just when the Church is at rest from heretical 
 persecutions, and is enjoying the greatest possible peace and 
 freedom, the faith and fervour which we have inherited from 
 our ancestors and engrafted in our own minds has grown so 
 cold, that we may truly say with Jeremiah, "From the 
 daughter of Sion all her beauty is departed," — her innocence 
 and chastity, that is. " Her princes have become as rams : 
 enemies have entered into her sanctuaries." Is this that 
 daughter of Sion, that bride of Christ, that ought to be one; 
 but which our people have, like that lying woman who 
 wanted the child cleft in twain, so often divided, rent, and torn 
 asunder ? Is this that daughter of Sion, and sister of Christ, 
 which our ancestors handed down to us, defended with all 
 their might, maintained inviolate with the shedding of their 
 own blood, propagated by their fasts, and tears, and prayers? 
 We, on the other hand, have lost the greater part of it 
 already — I forbear to say by what means. And what shall I 
 say of the small portion which remains to us, fathers ? I 
 will lay my hand upon my mouth, and let each one judge 
 himself. What I have said in my sorrow, and for the truth, 
 do you hear and receive impartially, and consider, with your 
 eyes open, as it is said, what will be for the common interest 
 ofusall?'25o 
 
 Bold words these to have been uttered at Eome, in the 
 Lateran, in full council, face to face with the Pope ! Yet 
 Leo heard many more like words said before it was over; and 
 even what he said ^himself, in opening the eighth session, 
 respecting the Bull of Eeformation which he was about to 
 issue, involved no small admissions : — 
 
 "» Condi, torn. ix. reg. ed. p. 1686. 
 
SPEECH OF LEO X. 141 
 
 ' Since therefore Julius II., our predecessor of happy 
 memory, such was his zeal for the interest and protection of 
 the faithful, for many other reasons, and because frequent 
 complaints had been made of the officials of the Eoman Court, 
 thought good to convene a Greneral Lateran Council, and 
 appointed various congregations of our venerable brethren, 
 cardinals of the Holy Eoman Church (of which number we 
 were then), and of other prelates, to inquire carefully into 
 those complaints ; and lest members of that Court, and others 
 coming to it for graces, should be overburdened with charges, 
 and likewise in order that the infamy under which its officials 
 laboured should be speedily remedied, he published a Bull of 
 Eeformation, by which those officials should be further bound 
 under heavy penalties to keep the statutes ; yet, owing to his 
 untimely death, he was unable to issue any special decree 
 respecting those excesses, or terminate that Council. "We, 
 successors of his cares as well as his office, have never, from 
 the first hour of our pontificate, ceased to make it our busi- 
 ness, both to continue the Council, and to promote peace 
 amongst Christian princes ; still more, since it is in our mind 
 to effect a universal reformation, to support by new measures, 
 and carry out by means of increased deputations, all that had 
 been provided by our predecessor from the first respecting 
 offices. For there is no care that we have more at heart than 
 to pluck up all thorns and briars from the Lord's vineyard, 
 and take up by the roots and extirpate whatever militates 
 against its perfect culture.' ^^' 
 
 § 61. Bulla Reformationis Curiae. — Mild Measures against 
 NepotisTTh.^Two Remarkable Speeches. 
 
 The Bull in question follows this speech at full length ; but 
 its title, ' Bulla Eeformationis Cmise,' shows it to have been 
 only partial in intention, and but a small instalment of that 
 'universal reformation' which Leo, no less than Martin V., 
 had spoken of as next his heart to effect. If we look into 
 
 "' Condi, torn. ix. reg. ed. p. 1747, ei seq. 
 
14^ MILD MEASURES AGAINST NEPOTISM. 
 
 details, it is mild enough and indulgent in tone. Nepotism 
 having been the acknowledged bane of that court for centu- 
 ries, was this the language to have been expected in dealing 
 withit?252_ 
 
 ' Whereas, it is by no means becoming to neglect kindred 
 and relatives, especially when deserving and badly off for 
 means ; but, on the contrary, it is just and praiseworthy to 
 provide for them, still we do not think it proper that they 
 should he so replenished, either with a multitude of benefices 
 or ivith ecclesiastical revenues, that others should suffer loss 
 from such intemperate bountifulness, or that scandal should 
 be thereby caused.'^'* 
 
 Surely, there must have been a keen touch of irony in these 
 words of Antonius Puccius, clerk of the Apostolic Camera, 
 spoken later on the same day, during the ninth session 
 ,(May 5, 1514), and reflecting both upon the well-known tastes 
 of the Pontiff, and the lenient tenor of that Bull which had 
 just been read ! — • 
 
 ' How much responsibility and official solicitude therefore 
 rests with your Holiness, that you may govern, elevate, and 
 adorn that Spouse ; though I imagine what I have already 
 touched upon in my speech must make clear to you, never- 
 theless, each of those causes having been duly considered — 
 as I proposed doing under my second head — by which you 
 are bound with all your heart to study the government, the 
 honour, and the wellbeing of that same Divine Spouse, it will 
 be still more evident that, as much time as is spent by others 
 in obtaining honours and emoluments, ease and luxuries — as 
 
 ^" Compare the stern language of seedplot of many evils in the Church.' 
 
 the Council of Trent, Session xxv., ("Waterworth, p. 254.) 
 
 Decree on Eeformation, § 1: 'It ^'''Underthehead'DeCardinaliBus,' 
 
 wholly forbids them to strive to enrich CoKCT7.tom.ix.reg. ed.p. 1751. Further 
 
 their own kindred or domestics out of on, the provisions against ' blasphemy' 
 
 the revenues of the Church. . . . Yea, both among clergy and laity ('quae su- 
 
 the Holy Synod, with the utmost ear- pra modum iuvaluit ') are not a little 
 
 nestness, admonishes them com- remarkable, p. 1774. How much more 
 
 pletely to lay aside all this human summary is the treatment of ' iucon- 
 
 and carnal affection towards brothers, tinence' and 'simony,' p. 1756; of 
 
 nephews, and kindred: which ia the 'witchcraft' and 'Heresy,' p. 1767! 
 
TWO EEMAEKABLE SPEECHES. 143 
 
 much time as is spent by most people upon human studies 
 and pleasures, or allowed for rest of body and mind — so much 
 you should think it your duty to bestow on elaborating, en- 
 forcing, and perfecting a reformation of the whole Church and 
 ■Christian commonwealth. Holy Father, let me state two 
 priucipal reasons which occur to me : the one inviting you to 
 prosecute this reformation of the Church, already commenced 
 with all alacrity — the other threatening all Christians with 
 Divine vengeance should you hold back.'^'^ .... 
 
 The strongest language of all, however, had yet to come. 
 It is to be found in the peroration of Stephen, Archbishop of 
 Patras and Bishop of Torcello, who spoke thus, in the tenth 
 session, uncontradicted : — 
 
 ' Alas me ! what do I hear ? Woe, I say, is me, that I have 
 been so long silent, and thereby become a man of polluted 
 lips ! Yet I have kept silence, fathers, my lords, my 
 superiors, because of those words of the Prophet : " There- 
 fore the prudent shall keep silence in that time ; for it is an 
 evil time." . . . And because love has become extinct, there 
 are no more loving admonitions, and the very name of con- 
 cord is even now unknown. times ! when there is trans- 
 gression from the highest to the lowest, and probity has given 
 place to improbity, poverty to afiiuence, humility to pride, 
 and love to avarice ! What wonder, if from causes so different 
 as is only natural, different effects are in time produced ! 
 The Holy Apostles, and those who built our Church with their 
 own blood, had heavenly and unearthly aims — ours are perish- 
 able and transitory. . . . Now indeed is the day of vengeance 
 at hand, unless by unequivocal ordinance of the Lateran 
 Council, at your command, Holy Father, in whom is the 
 plenitude of power, penance for sins omitted or committed 
 is preached amongst Christians, and a true reformation, both 
 in spirituals and temporals, is all over the world made obli- 
 gatory by your decree.' ^'^ . . . 
 
 Prophetic words indeed ! But would they have come well 
 from the lips of so high a dignitary, a fall year from the pub- 
 
 «* Condi, torn. is. reg. ed. p. 1762. ^^ May i, a.d. 1515, ibid. p. 1790. 
 
144 GOLDEN OPPORTUNITY LOST. 
 
 lication of that bull of the Pontiff, had it either effected, or 
 had it been thought likely to have effected, any real change 
 for the better ? 
 
 The two remaining sessions were plainly those which had 
 most interest for Leo, being taken up in receiving the sub- 
 mission of the Maronite patriarch, in publishing the agree- 
 ment come to with the King of France for abolishing the 
 Pragmatic Sanction, and in discussing a letter of Maximilian I. 
 respecting measures to be taken against the Turks. Not a 
 word more was breathed about reform. On the contrary, 
 the Pope must have been sending off that other fatal bull 
 into Germany, which set Tetzel in motion, just as he closed 
 the council (March 16, A.d. 1517). Here, therefore, was a 
 golden opportunity not merely lost but abused. It was not 
 so easy to get together another council, as we shall see ; but, 
 had only what was afterwards done in the Council of Trent 
 been done now, Christendom might never have been rent, or 
 needed another. 
 
 § 62. Adrian VI. — His Instructions to Chieregato. 
 
 Had honest Adrian VI. succeeded to the leadership of that 
 Lateran Council, instead of Leo, it is more than probable that 
 Tetzel would have never preached, or Luther protested : had 
 those celebrated instructions which were addressed to Chiere- 
 gato in A.D. 1522 — two years after Luther had been set writh- 
 ing under excommunication — then guided the deliberations of 
 those assembled fathers, it is quite possible that Luther might 
 have been peacefully engaged in carrying out the reforms of 
 that council in his own fatherland, at the very time when 
 even the equitable remonstrances of that excellent pope were 
 thrown away upon him. 
 
 ' Almost all those points,' Chieregato was instructed, ' on 
 which Luther differs from others, are such as have been con- 
 demned by various councils long since ; nor ought that which 
 has been clearly assented to by general councils, and by the 
 Church universal, as matter of faith, to be called in question 
 
EEMAEES UPON ALEXANDER VI. 145 
 
 again, since it is treating the synod of the Church with injus- 
 tice, to endeavour to throw doubt upon what has been duly 
 ordained.' . . . Puttiag aside the one point of justification, 
 which as yet had not been defined by the Church, it would 
 be difficult, even in these days, to compress the argument 
 against Luther as regards doctrine into terser or more telling 
 form : and who can rise up from that noble message to the 
 German potentates which follows, and not feel that now, if 
 ever, they had a fair prospect afforded to them of that 
 thorough reform of the whole Church, under lawful authority, 
 which had been so long desired and so often hindered ? 
 
 ' You will also say,' continues the high-souled Pontiff, 
 ' that we frankly admit that God permits this persecution to 
 fall upon His Church for the sins of men, chiefly priests and 
 prelates of the Church. For it is certain that the hand of 
 the Lord is not shortened that He cannot save ; but our sins 
 separate between us and Him, and hide His face from us, 
 that He should not hear. The Scriptures proclaim aloud 
 that the sins of the people are derived from the sins of the 
 priests ; wherefore, as says Chrysostom, " Our Saviour, about 
 to heal the diseased city of Jerusalem, went first into the 
 Temple, that He might chastise the sins of the priests in the 
 first place, like the good physician who performs a radical 
 cure." We know that in this holy seat there have been many 
 enormities now for some years : abuses in spiritual things, 
 excesses in what has been ordained — all things, in short, per- 
 verted. The very things alluded to by that blessed pontiff 
 (Chrysostom) are those which we have mourned over in 
 Alexander VL ; nor is it surprising, if disease should have 
 found its way from the head to the members — from supreme 
 pontiffs to other prelates of inferior grade. AH of us pre- 
 lates, that is ecclesiastics, have turned aside every one to 
 his own way ; nor has there been now for a long while any 
 that would do good — no, not one. Wherefore, it is necessary 
 that we should all give glory to God, and humble our souls 
 before Him, and see each one of us from whence he hath 
 fallen. And let each one rather judge himself, than be judged 
 by God with the rod of His fury. In all which, as far as 
 
 L 
 
146 THE DISEASE DEEP-SEATED. 
 
 concerns us, we promise ttat we will use every effort that this 
 Court, in the first place, from which perchance this whole 
 mischief has proceeded, may be reformed; that, as from 
 hence corruption has passed down to all that are subordinate, 
 so from the same quarter health and reformation may go 
 forth to all. To procure which results we deem ourselves so 
 much the more straightly bound, by how much we see a 
 reformation of this kind eagerly desired by the whole world. 
 As we have often, we believe, told you previously, we never 
 solicited this pontificate; indeed, as far as lay in us, we should 
 have much preferred leading a quiet life, and serving God in 
 holy retirement. And we should have certainly declined the 
 office itself, had not the fear of Grod, and the genuine mode 
 of our election, and the dread of schism, in case we refused 
 it, compelled us to accept it. We therefore bend our neck 
 to this high post, not for the lust of ruling, not for the pur- 
 pose of enriching our near of kin, but, in obedience to the 
 will of God, for the purpose of reforming His Spouse the 
 Catholic Church, that has been defiled ; of assisting the op- 
 pressed ; of raising and honouring those learned and virtuous 
 men who have for so long been neglected and ignored ; of 
 carrying out all other things which it becomes a good pontiff 
 and lawful successor of blessed Peter to do. Still, let no one 
 wonder if he should not see every defect or abuse removed by 
 us at once: for the disease is too deep-seated — not simple, but 
 manifold and complicate — whose cure can only be attempted 
 step by step ; and what is most serious and dangerous must 
 be taken in hand first, lest, wishing to reform all things 
 simultaneously, we throw all things into confusion. All 
 sudden changes, says Aristotle, are fraught with peril to a 
 republic, and he who rubs too hard draws blood.' ^^^ . . . 
 
 § 63. Clement VII. — His ill-starred Pontificate, 
 
 Unfortunately, it was now too late for words, however 
 rational, candid, or friendly, to arrest events. And it must 
 
 25" Signed, 'Hadrianus Papa VI.,' ap. Eaynald. Contin. ad Baron. a.d. 
 1522, § 70. 
 
LETTERS OF CAEDINAL SADOLET, 147 
 
 have been patent to those whom they were meant to conci- 
 liate, that Adrian was more powerless for action in his own 
 capital than even in G-ermany. His death, which took place 
 there the year following, was celebrated with rejoicings ; his 
 memory was avenged by the election of another De Medicis, 
 of another sesthetic. ' Without doubt,' ^^^ says Eanke, ' the 
 most iU-fated pontiff that ever sat on the papal throne was 
 Clement VII.' By way of mending matters, he provoked 
 Charles V. into seizing .Eome, and Henry VIII. into breaking 
 with Eome. Protestants acquired their distinctive name at 
 the Diet of Spires, a.d. 1529; and promulgated their dis- 
 tinctive creed at the Diet of Augsburg, a.d. 1530. Few pon- 
 tificates ever witnessed so many ill-starred occurrences in ten 
 years, or did less to remedy them. When Paul III. assumed 
 the tiara, in a.d. 1534, he found the door of the fold open, 
 and half his flock stolen. He bent all his energies to close 
 the door and retain the rest ; but he had to spend ten years 
 in achieving it. Thus twenty years might have been saved, 
 had he, and not Clement, succeeded Adrian. He summoned 
 a councU to meet at Mantua, during the month of May a.d. 
 1537. It never met ; but it was so near meeting, and the 
 objects for which it was to have met had been so clearly 
 traced out, that ecclesiastics were set thinking more seriously 
 than ever of the times in which they lived. A year before 
 it was to have met, we have Cardinal Sadolet, bishop of Car- 
 pentras, in the department of Vaucluse, writing to his friend 
 and associate Cardinal Contarini,^'* a Venetian : 
 
 ' Believe me, the vices and corrupt pursuits of these times 
 do not reciprocate that wisdom and probity. We have, 
 I trust, an admirably upright head; that.';: is, a pontiff who 
 both means and desires those things which are worthy of 
 him. But his power is limited by the perversity of the 
 times ; for the whole body-politic is diseased, and the dis- 
 ease is one that for the present rejects medicine. It will take 
 some time to be restored to some degree of health, just as it 
 
 2" Hist. oftU Popes, Forster'sT''. ^^' Epist. lib. ix. 10. It is dated 
 
 vol. i. p. 97. March 13, a.d. 1636. 
 
 I. 2 
 
148 REPLIES TO AKCHBISHOPS JOHN AND HEEMATW. 
 
 took some time to be brought to the diseased state in which 
 
 it now is,' 
 
 With John archbishop of Upsal, he mourns sincerely over 
 
 its adjournment: 
 
 ' As to what you write of the danger that is likely to ensue 
 to the Catholic faith from not holding the council, and of the 
 increased insolence of our adversaries on that account, you cer- 
 tainly report nothing new. I always foresaw it would be so, 
 and after it had actually come to pass that all hope of holding a 
 council was at an end, I learnt, from numerous letters and 
 communications, how the spirits of those who attack the 
 Church of Eome had risen in consequence. Every day brings 
 intelligence to me of some fresh wickedness against Grod, 
 arising from the tenets of those men, and become perilous 
 from the multitude of those who agree with them ; nor do 
 I, in short, see what hope there can be left to us of better 
 things. Albeit, I had the means of knowing at the time that 
 the sovereign pontiff was not suspending the council of his 
 own accord, but in deference to the judgment of two crowned 
 heads, who affirmed that the time was inopportune for trans- 
 acting a matter of that consequence, which required a more 
 peaceable state of things in the Christian republic, and free- 
 dom from war with the Turks and unbelievers.'^'' 
 
 To Hermann archbishop of Cologne, who turned Protestant 
 about five years afterwards, he wrote (Nov. 29, 1841), com- 
 plimenting him, by the way, for having revived diocesan 
 synods in his province : 
 
 'Many were the impediments, in truth, that I saw brought 
 forward when I was in Eome, discussing in our conclave this 
 scheme of holding a general council of bishops, calculated 
 to obstruct the zeal of the pontiff. Nevertheless, I then 
 thotight, and still think, this plan of assembling a lawful 
 council to be the sole remedy against the daily ills and in- 
 juries which are wearing Christendom to death; or else, 
 should this prove inefiScacious, that no other human device 
 could prevent its utter ruin. Assuredly, should a regularly- 
 
 =^ Epist. Ub. xi. 18, without date. 
 
LETTERS OF CONTAEINI TO POLE AKD TO PAUL III. 149 
 
 convened council be of no avail, there is no other cure that 
 we can look for ; but we must needs all of us suppose that 
 Grod, angry with us for our sins, and determined to punish us 
 for them, on attaining their full complement, had decreed 
 our destruction.'^^" 
 
 Cardinal Contarini^^' is a thousand times more explicit, 
 whether in speaking of the Pope, or to the Pope. To Car- 
 dinal Pole he wrote from Eome (a.d. 1537, May 12) : 
 
 .' The pontiff has taken in hand the work of reformation — 
 commencing with himself. He has chosen four cardinals — Si- 
 moneta, Grinnuchius, Theatinus, and myself — and has enjoined 
 us to examine carefully and correct all that passes through 
 the Dateria. We will not fail in our office as Christian prelates. 
 Almost all the most reverend cardinals are favourable to a 
 reformation. The face of the Consistory is beginning to 
 alter. Things that are proposed are beginning to be not so 
 readily granted. Canons are brought forward. It is made 
 matter of consideration what ought to be done, and what ought 
 not : so much so, that I — since I have never despaired — I won't 
 say have conceived, but cherish great hopes that our affairs 
 are daily taking a turn for the better. Above all things, I 
 desire that you and the most reverend of Carpi should be 
 with us, that by the joint efforts of many, the Christian 
 republic may be restored with more ease.' ^^^ 
 
 To Paul III. he addressed two letters, of which the full 
 import will be brought out presently, no less remarkable for 
 their subject than for the uncompromising yet respectful 
 tone in which it is handled. In the first of these, he says 
 he is taking the liberty of offering some suggestions on ' that 
 matter of reformation in which His Holiness had engaged ; ' 
 while submitting them all to his examination and revision, 
 and to the sounder judgment of others. In the second of 
 them, after acknowledging the power of the Pope to the 
 fullest extent, even in its abuse, he proceeds : — 
 
 '*" Episi. lib. xiT. 14. from his writings occur. 
 
 '" His character is admirably drawn ''^^ Inter Poli Epist. vol. ii. p. 32, 
 
 by Eanke, b. ii. c. 1 (Mrs. Austin's ed. Brixise, a.d. 1745, 
 Tr.), where other important extracts 
 
150 EREONEOUS DOCTKIKE ON THE PAPAL ''POWEB. 
 
 ' Certain jurisconsults have laid down that it is lawful for 
 the Pope to do what he will, inasmuch as he is bound by no 
 rule but that of his own will. Such they conceive to be the ple- 
 nitude of the papal power. Now, this position is so thoroughly 
 false, repugnant to common sense, contrary to Christian doc- 
 trine, demoralising to the good government of the whole 
 Christian world, that scarcely anything cotdd be devised more 
 deadly . . . Moreover, what could possibly be excogitated 
 in greater opposition to the law of Christ, which is the law 
 of liberty, than that Christians should be subjected to and 
 have to obey the Pope, let him be supposed to have from Christ 
 the power of making and unmaking laws, and of dispensing 
 with them at option, without any other rule for guidance than 
 that of his own freewill ? Heaven defend Christian men, I 
 say, from this wicked doctrine ! Let not the Pope impose, 
 cancel, or dispense from any laws arbitrarily ; but let him 
 follow the rule of natural reason, the rule of God's com- 
 mandments, the rule of love, which refers all things to God ; 
 to the common good, as the divinest of all aims ; and to the 
 good of each one, in conformity with His appointment . . . 
 This, I say, is its true nature, and not the law of the will, 
 as those jurisconsults maintain whose opinion is simply based 
 on their ignorance of the foundations of true Christian doc- 
 trine and philosophy. . . . 
 
 'Holy Father, for the doctrine, and for the experience 
 of affairs in which you excel, and for the natural wisdom for 
 which you are so conspicuous, do but reflect whether it be 
 not this rash doctrine that has given the Lutherans a handle 
 for composing those books of theirs entitled " The Babylonish 
 Captivity." For, I take God to witness, is there any greater 
 captivity or slavery that could be palmed upon Christen- 
 dom than this which is implied in the doctrine of those 
 jurisconsults of whom I speak? . . . 
 
 ' Far be it from us therefore to excuse our avarice, our am- 
 bition, our other misdeeds, by coining a false doctrine to suit 
 our appetites. The prophet forbids the making of any ex- 
 cuses for sins that interfere with our hearty confession of 
 them. . . . And here we are willing not merely to excuse 
 
CANDOUR OF THE CARDINAL IN OPPOSING IT. 151 
 
 our sins by words, but actually to propound a doctrine, under 
 cover of which we may call evil good, and good evil — in the 
 very teeth of the Prophet Isaiah, or rather of the Lord who 
 spake by him.' ^^^ . . . 
 
 This was going to the root of the evil with a vengeance ; 
 yet Contarini remained in undiminished favour with his chief. 
 I much question whether Tribonian ever ventured to be as 
 explicit with Justinian; or Cecil, Clarendon, or Sunderland 
 with the Houses of Tudor or Stuart, acting on the received 
 principle that kings reigned by divine right, and could do no 
 wrong. Can any correspondence like this be produced be- 
 tween Colbert and the Grand Monarque? Whatever may 
 be the faults of the clergy, as a body of men, in all ages, I 
 know of no other profession in which manly avowals like 
 these have been as common, or in which good men have 
 struggled harder against difBculties, not always of their own 
 making, for the sake of improving society, or with less heed 
 of their own vested interests. 
 
 § 64. ' Consilium Delectorum Cardinalium)''- Authorship 
 ascribed to Pole. 
 
 I pass to a more remarkable instance of plain-speaking 
 than even the preceding, though both are closely connected. 
 
 On the 22nd of December 1536 Eeginald Pole, having been 
 summoned to Eome, was made cardinal, and pledged to the 
 work of reform amongst others. It appears from his epistles 
 that he visited Eome again towards the end of October 1538, 
 and remained there for above two months. About that time 
 came out the celebrated report, made to Paul III. by a select 
 committee of nine of his own appointment, and bearing the 
 signatures of Cardinals Contarini, Caraffa (afterwards Paul IV.), 
 Sadolet, and Pole.^^'* Two editions of it appear to have been 
 printed simultaneously — one by Antonius Blada, printer to 
 
 ^'* Cologne, A. D. 1638, ed. Melchior, are those of the Ajchbishops of Salerno 
 
 Novesian. aud Brindisi, the Bishop of Verona, 
 
 ^°* ' Consilium delectorum cardina- the Abbot of S. George, and the master 
 
 lium et aliorum prselatorum de emen- of the Sacred Palace. 
 dand4 ecclesi4.' The other signatures 
 
152 AUTHOESHIP ASCKIBED TO POM. 
 
 the Apostolic Camera; the other by G-otardus de Ponte, bear- 
 ing the arms of Paul III. on its titlepage. It can scarcely 
 have been published in either case without his authority; and 
 another cardinal of great name — Cardinal Quirini ^^^ — thinks 
 it may .be considered as having been drawn up by Pole.^^® 
 Could this be proved, it should have a double interest for us 
 all, as showing that Englishmen then, as now, were foremost 
 in denouncing abuses and advocating reforms, even to the 
 unsparing extent of this report. It was probably printed as 
 a state-paper, rather than for general circulation ; but copies 
 of it having found their way into Grermany,^^^ it was exten- 
 sively reproduced there, with comments by John Sturmius. 
 In this shape it became matter of fierce controversy between 
 him and Cochlseus ; till at length his edition of it, as well as 
 its defence by Cochlaeus, were placed upon the ' Index ' by 
 Paul IV. That it was ever placed on the ' Index ' as a separate 
 work is considered highly improbable by the eminent editor 
 of Pole's Letters ; while there can be little doubt, from the 
 extracts cited from the work of Cochlseus by Eaynaldus,^^* 
 that its authenticity, in the shape in which we have it, was 
 never questioned. Let nobody condemn Luther, on the one 
 hand, who has not studied its appalling statements: let nobody 
 who has studied them, on the other hand, forget that it was 
 drawn up and published by men who held it to be their duty, 
 notwithstanding, to remain faithful to the cause of the Church 
 against Luther. I shall quote but one passage from it, and 
 I do so to show that there were some fundamental principles, 
 besides practice, to be amended in the deliberate opinion of 
 
 '"' See various dissertatioDS by Mm means of sending them, as the story 
 
 in his edition of Cardinal Pole's Epis- goes, and with the privity of the Pope 
 
 ties, Brixiffi, a. d. 1745, 'Superiorum himself. Possibly Paul may have had 
 
 approbatione.' The first of these is the precedent of Adrian before his 
 
 entitled 'Auimad. in Epist. Schelhorn' eyes, who made public his instructions 
 
 (vol. i. p. xhii. ei seq.); the second and to Chieregato. Vergerius continued a 
 
 third, 'Diatrib. ad Epist. Eeg. Poll' legate of Paul up to a.d. 1640; so 
 
 (vol. i. p. 366 et seq., and vol. ii. that as yet he had not written on it. 
 
 p. clxxxv. ei seq.). (See Wolfii, Led. Memorab. et Ee- 
 
 ^0 'Utique post adeptum cardina- condit. torn. ii. p. 691.) 
 
 latum.'— Ibid. 2«8 Annal. a.d. 1539, No. 22. 
 
 "" Cardinal Schomberg was the 
 
EEMAEKABLE APPEAL TO THE POPE. 153 
 
 these grave men, on which one of them had already ventured 
 to write privately ; but on which, speaking collectively, they 
 did not hesitate to be still more outspoken. I look in vain 
 for any decree passed by the Council of Trent in condemna- 
 tion of the erroneous teaching to which they ascribe so much 
 mischief. Can it be that they had no cause for what they 
 said? 
 
 ' Your Holiness, instructed by the Spirit of Grod — who, in 
 the words of Augustine, communes noiselessly with the heart — 
 well knows the origin of these evils to have been from hence ; 
 namely, that certain of your predecessors having itching ears, 
 as the Apostle Paul says, heaped to themselves masters accord- 
 ing to their own desires, not for the purpose of learning from 
 them what they ought to do, but that through their zeal and 
 subtlety might be discovered for them a ground for doing 
 what they liked. Thus it came to pass — and all the more 
 because flattery ever attends power as a shadow the body, and 
 truth can seldom penetrate into the ears of princes — that a 
 school of doctors arose forthwith, who taught that the Pope 
 was sovereign lord of benefices ; and that therefore, when the 
 lord sold, as he had a right to do, what belonged to him, no 
 charge of simony, necessarily, could lie against him. And 
 so the will of the Pope, whatever it might be, would be made 
 the rule by which his acts and deeds should be measured — 
 and the end of it all would be that he would be free to do 
 what he liked. From this source . . . Holy Father, it is, that 
 so many grave evils and abuses have poured into the Church 
 of God, till we see it wellnigh borne down by desperation ; 
 and infidels, hearing of them, mock at the religion of Christ, 
 as we can aver to your Holiness of our own certain know- 
 ledge.' ^^^ . . . 
 
 '^ Cologne, A.D. 1538, ed. Melchior, lished in a.d. 1535, with some eneou- 
 
 Novesian ; or, Brown's Append, ad ragement from authority, hy Orthui- 
 
 Fascic. Eev. Expet. et Fug. (p. 23), nus Gratius, in which shape it too 
 
 the original edition of 'which was pub- was placed on the ' Index.' 
 
154 BISHOPS WHO TURNED PEOTESTANTS. 
 
 § 65. Bishops who turned Protestants. — Bishop Hosius 
 and John Sturmius. 
 
 After the publication of a report like this, who could have 
 supposed that jthe meeting of a council would have been 
 staved off for seven years more, as staved off it was ? To a 
 certain extent society had got so used to the evils of which it 
 complained that every description or enumeration of them 
 would be read far more phlegmatically then than now, when, 
 happily, such horrors no longer exist. That its publication 
 should have proved a signal for the reactionary party to be 
 up and at its old work again, we may well imagine. Who 
 were, in reality, most responsible for the delay — the Pope, 
 the Emperor, Francis I., or his Protestant or Mohammedan 
 allies — it might be hard to determine. Facts testify to its 
 disastrous results. In our own days, had but one bishop of 
 the Church of England quitted it for communion with Rome, 
 how great would have been the sensation on both sides! 
 About the middle of the sixteenth century, how many pre- 
 lates of the highest rank and consequence turned Protestants? 
 Hermann archbishop of Cologne, and Paul Vergerius bishop 
 of Capo d'Istria, and papal legate, went over about this time, 
 forfeiting their respective sees. England had already gone 
 over, bishops and all, except Fisher. The metropolitan sees 
 of Drontheim, Upsal, and Grnesen contributed their Cran- 
 mers, and the churches of Hungary, Silesia, and Transylvania, 
 generally,^'" their Eidleys and Latimers, as well as. Fishers. 
 The dissolution of monasteries was in the process of execution 
 in England ; the secularisation of church endowments was 
 making terrible progress elsewhere. On one side we have 
 Hosius bishop of Ermland, afterwards one of the cardinal- 
 presidents of the Council of Trent, confessing to his metro- 
 politan and primate of Poland : 
 
 "» See Akog. Hist, de VE. § 323- ' in the year 1688, reckons that only 
 
 28 ; French Tr. vol. iii. pp. 95-126. one-tenth of the inhabitants of Ger- 
 
 More in Eanke, Hist, of the Popes, vol. many had remained faithful to the 
 
 ii. p. 5 et seq., Mrs. Austin's ZV. 'A old religion.' 
 Venetian amhassador,' he says (p. 12), 
 
BISHOP HOSIUS AND JOHN STUEMIUS. 155 
 
 ' We owe it to our own vices that we see schemes enter- 
 tained respecting the abrogation of our rights, the repeal of 
 our privileges and immunities, the overthrow of our fortunes, 
 by those very persons whom we are in the habit of treating 
 kindly, bound to us by the closest ties. For when they note 
 how much we have declined from our religious duties ; when 
 they behold us thinking of no one thing so much as amassing 
 wealth, spiritual only in name, thoroughly carnal and secular 
 in practice ; when they see our lives and manners to be such 
 as cause the name of Grod to be blasphemed among unbe- 
 lievers, they not only judge us worthy of contempt and hatred, 
 but they begin to have doubts about faith, religion, and even 
 God : nor can they easily be persuaded to believe that there 
 is any punishment for the bad or happiness for the good. 
 
 ' For they reason thus — Did any such things really exist 
 as our priests preach about, they would be the first themselves 
 to avoid evil and do good, for fear of punishment or hope of 
 reward. Hence it is that we perceive all consciences to be 
 in a flutter : some embracing one sect, some another ; many 
 quitting Christianity itself on account of our unholy ways, 
 and passing over to Judaism. For all which nobody is to be 
 blamed but ourselves, who have gone astray, and given scandal 
 to that extent that it can be no wonder if God should have 
 made us contemptible in the eyes of men.' ^^' 
 
 On the opposite side we have John Sturmius, iu reply to 
 the remonstrances of his friend. Cardinal Sadolet, appealing 
 to the very same facts for his excuse, which Bishop Hosius, 
 far from denying, had mourned over as but only too true: 
 
 ' It has not been, so much of our own free choice that we 
 have been alienated from you, as from your unjustifiable con- 
 duct. But why do I class myself with such ? I was a mere 
 boy when Luther began to write, and now, just because I have 
 not since then seen any abuses corrected, but only cruelty 
 practised, I have passed over to those men who, from pressure 
 put upon them by your party, have at length seceded. What 
 
 ^" Op. torn. ii. p. 156, e3. Beacius, Col. a.d. 1584, Ep. x. ad NicoL D. 
 Archiep. Gnesen. 
 
156 PLEA FOE SECEDERS. 
 
 else, indeed, could they have done? At first, when they 
 beheld doctrine, discipline, ceremonies all corrupted, they 
 demanded a reformation of them at the hands of the existing 
 hierarchy. Those who granted it have remained to them in 
 all respects as brethren : those who resisted it have been 
 superseded in their functions, rather than in their revenues, 
 by the civil magistrate.' ^^^ 
 
 § 66. Opening of the Council of Trent. — Different 
 Treatment of Luther and Arius. 
 
 At length (Dec. 13, a.d. 1545) the long-expected Council 
 was formally opened at Trent, but even then amidst difficul- 
 ties, and with what different feelings on the part of the 
 Pontiff! Contarini, the master-mind of the party of pro- 
 gress, had passed away. He had almost succeeded in recon- 
 ciling Catholics and Protestants at the Diet of Eatisbonne, 
 A.D. 1541 ; but, in his absence from Eome, other spirits had 
 gained the ascendant, and his proceedings were disowned, if 
 not censured. And now, that very Pope who had placed him 
 first on that memorable commission in behalf of reform, and 
 had listened both to his and to its strong language with 
 equanimity, was wellnigh breaking with the Council of his 
 own summoning, and with his own legates, because they had 
 decided on discussing the subject of reformation concurrently 
 with that of faith.^'^ It was indeed but too palpable that 
 some declaration of doctrine was imperatively needed. Never 
 perhaps previously in all past history had the Church been 
 known to hesitate so long. How differently, for instance, had 
 Arius and Luther been dealt with ! Their career had in either 
 
 "^ The date of Sadolet's letter is pline, the Pontiff was highly indig- 
 
 ' Carpentras, July 1539 ;' of the reply nant, reproved the legates, and 
 
 to it ' Strasburg, July 18,' of thesame insisted on their withdrawing their 
 
 year. They are published together, concurrence,' says a writer as partial 
 
 with a third letter from Sturmius to as Mr. Waterworth (p. Ixxx.), whose 
 
 ' certain cardinals and chosen prelates,' remarks on the compromise that was 
 
 before alluded to. ■ subsequently effected are by no means 
 
 "" 'On being informed of the de- convincing, 
 termination to unite faith and disci- 
 
DIFFERENT TREATMENT OF LUTHEE AND AEIUS. 157 
 
 case spread over about twenty-five years, '^* and Lutter may 
 have been as promptly condemned by the Pope, as Arius by 
 his own bishop. But, then, Arius had not taught heresy 
 as much as seven years before the true doctrine opposed to it 
 was set forth by the Nicene Fathers ; and for the remaining 
 years of his life — nearly twelve in number — Arius must have 
 heard the decisive word ' consubstantial ' quoted against him 
 wherever he went. He had the true doctrine set before him 
 all that time ; but for twenty-five long years Luther had been 
 teaching his peculiar doctrine of Justification by Faith, uncon- 
 fronted by any specific declaration of the Church at all on 
 that head;''^ and he died at least six months before any had 
 been promulgated or even arrived at. It had been put off so 
 long that one of the cardinal-presidents of that council — no 
 less a personage than our own Eeginald Pole — now shrank 
 from attending the session ^'^ in which it was defitaed, the 
 reason, possibly, for which he was afterwards stripped of his 
 legatine powers by Paul IV. ; while another, of scarcely less 
 interest for England, who had been one of the greatest orna- 
 ments of that council — Carranza, archbishop of Toledo — was 
 doomed to 'finish his course' in the prisons of the Inquisi- 
 tion, on the charge of having taught doctrine which these 
 Tridentine Decrees so tardily stamped as unsound.^^' Of 
 
 '" Taking Arius to have commenced rence, as he does at p. cxi. It was in- 
 as a schismatic in a. d. 310, when he deed singular that Pole and the Arch- 
 was condemned as such by Peter ; and hishop of Sienna, whose opinions were 
 Luther in a.d. 1520, though, in reality, known to coincide, should have been 
 Luther's was a longer career. both taken ill just at that precise 
 
 ™ See the preface to the decree on moment. Was Carranza, too, taken 
 
 Justification by the Council of Trent, iU afterwards ? 
 
 session vi., January 13, a.d. 1547. "' He had accompanied Philip II. 
 
 The decree on Original Sin had gone intoEngland on the marriage of the lat- 
 
 forth, June 17, a.d. 1546, and Luther ter with Queen Mary; became confessor 
 
 haddied February 18 of that year. tothequeen; andwas made Archbishop 
 
 *" i. e. that of January 13, a. d. of Toledo by Philip on the abdication 
 
 1547. See the note to Eanke's Hist. of Charles V., whose deathbed he at- 
 
 of the Fopes, Mrs. Austin's Tr., vol. tended, and for whose dying profession 
 
 i. p. 209, ed. 1840, which Mr. Water- of faith his own was called in question, 
 
 worth, whose history came out eight After having been in prison for ten 
 
 years afterwards, had better have years he was discharged, but sentenced 
 
 noticed, than glossed over the occur- to remain five years suspended from 
 
158 ACTS OF THE COUNCIL ONLY BECAME LAW A.D. i;64. 
 
 their dogmatic value I have previously spoken in the highest 
 terms : the greater the pity that they came out so late. It 
 was not really till A.D. 1564, when the Acts of the Council, 
 from first to last, were confirmed by Pius IV., that they 
 became law in the fullest sense. 
 
 § 67. Reforms of the Council of Trent. — No Authentic Gofy 
 of the Acts yet 'published. 
 
 Meanwhile, it is to the reforms of that council, as distinct 
 from its doctrinal enactments, that I wish to direct special 
 attention. And here I must begin by deploring a fact, which 
 it seems to me that honesty should forbid disguising. For 
 some reason or other, though 300 years have elapsed, and 
 though they have been in safe keeping all that time, we are 
 still without the authentic acts of that council.^^' It is as im- 
 possible that this should be the effect of accident, as that it 
 should not lead people very generally to the conclusion that 
 all cannot be right. The History of the Council by Pallavi- 
 cino may be a masterly reply to the work of Fra Paolo, 
 which it is, but it does not supply still all that is needed. 
 Extracts from documents ever so authentic must always be 
 unsatisfactory when access to the documents themselves is 
 denied. Ten years ago I was assured that they were being pre- 
 pared for the press. Ten years or more previously to that 
 
 his episcopal functions. He died king, in Italy for the pope ! — Comp. 
 
 seventeen days after his release. Eanke, ibid. p. 379. 
 {Souv. Biog. Gen. s. v.) Moroni, who "" Mr. Waterworth, as far as I can 
 
 held office under Gregory XVI., says discover, does not throw out a hint of 
 
 of him(Dizion, s. v.): ' Eaecontasi, che this fact. Possibly he may have done 
 
 nello entrare in prigione dicesse, " lo so in one of those notes that have been 
 
 mi trovo sempre tra il mio piu. grande suppressed. (Pref. p. vii.) He no- 
 
 amico, ed il mio pii grande nemico ; where notices Mr. Mendham's publi- 
 
 il primo e la mia innocenza; il se- cation of Cardinal Paleotto's MS., 
 
 eondo, il mio arcivescovato di Toledo," ' though it had been out six years 
 
 and then adds ingenuously : ' Infatti le before his own work. No disparage- 
 
 pingui rendite di quella sede furono il ment is intended here to the great 
 
 motive per cui divenne il bersaglio di work of Le Plat, Monument, ad Hist. 
 
 suoi nemici.' What a, reflection do Cone. Trid. lllustr. Collectio, which 
 
 these words convey upon the Inquisi- contains all that could be got at on 
 
 tion — ^too strong, in Spain for the that bead. 
 
NO AUTHENTIC COPT OF THE ACTS YET PUBLISHED. 159 
 
 date a valuable MS. had been obtained and given to the world 
 in its entirety by a member of the Church of England, Mr. 
 Joseph Mendham,^^^ which revealed, for the first time, the 
 proceedings of the last two years of the council, in their 
 naked simplicity ; being a compendious narrative of its acts 
 by Paleotto, then present as ' Auditor of the Eota,' and after- 
 wards made cardinal by Pius IV. for his services there. I 
 shall have occasion to extract one most unique passage from 
 it before I have done. 
 
 But first of those sessions between June 17 a.d. 1546 and 
 April 28 A.D. 1552. For all practical purposes we may con- 
 sider the decrees on Eeformation that were passed during that 
 interval as evidencing rather what was aspired to than what 
 was done. Otherwise we should scarcely have Paul IV. saying, 
 in full consistory, on his accession (a.d. 1556), that he was 
 most ' anxious to proceed to a reformation, which so many 
 pontiffs had already promised, but in which, as yet, nothing 
 whatever had been done ;'^'° or instructing his legates to the 
 effect that ' manners had become so depraved and corrupt, 
 generally, that it was scarcely possible to discover a man of 
 ' Christian mien or type : while laws and observances had 
 fallen into that desuetude which is a sure sign of the break- 
 up of a republic.^^' . . . Amidst all which are heard, from all 
 parts of Christendom, reiterated cries for a reformation of the 
 Church, which, unless granted speedily, must gradually under- 
 mine the Christian commonwealth ; but which hitherto, 
 through wars and other obstacles, had been only desired, and 
 not achieved.' ^'^ 
 
 Very little, notwithstanding, beyond words or initiatory 
 
 2" • Acta Condi. Trld. A. d. 1562 et '"• Eaynald. Annal. a.d. 1556, No. 1. 
 
 1563, usque in finem concilii,' edited ''^ Instruct, ad Cardmal. de Pisis, 
 
 with notes by Mr. J. Mendham, 8to. in the Bodleian Library, Kawl. MSS. 
 
 London, 1842. Unfortunately, his Ital. vol. xxi. fol. 120. He was sent, 
 
 notes are those of a violent partisan. a.d. 1556, to the Emperor and King 
 
 He published likewise Memoirs of the Philip. 
 
 Council of Trent, in the preface to "'^ Instruct, ad Cardinal. Caraffam, 
 
 which he gives some account of his ibid. fol. 141. Sent to King Philip, 
 
 various MSS. documents, including then at Brussels, the year following 
 
 that of Paleotto. (P. siii.) (Eaynald. A.D. 1557, No. 23). 
 
160 FATAL POLICY OF PAUL IV. 
 
 measures at most, was done by Paul IV., except in the 
 matter of the Inquisition. He was occupied with under- 
 takings against the Spaniards till within a year of his death ; 
 insensible, by some strange fatality, to the rare opportunity 
 of enlisting England into the deliberations of the Council of 
 Trent, as may be gathered from its suspension during the 
 entire reign of Queen Mary. Could he even have died without 
 mortally offending Elizabeth, it is quite possible that the 
 conciliatory attitude of Pius IV. might have induced her to 
 permit England to be represented there, as Wales was,^'^ to 
 some extent, against her will. 
 
 § 68. Excellent Measures of Pius IV. — Bulls for 
 Reforming the ' Curia.^ 
 
 Pius IV., as he was more discreet and condescending, so he 
 proved the more practical reformer of the two by far. 
 Between December 27 A.d. 1561 and July 1 of the year 
 following, he had issued as many as seven bulls ^^^ for reform- 
 ing different branches of his Court, in all which its abuses 
 are set forth unsparingly. When, therefore, the ambassadors 
 of Ferdinand exhibited the draft of their reforms to the re- 
 assembled council, in June A.d. 1562, of which the first was 
 couched in these astounding words — - His Holiness is 
 requested first of all to reform himself and his Court!' 
 his legates could reply, with dignity and with perfect 
 sincerity, that ' they wished His Majesty to be apprised that 
 the Holy Father was so intent upon reforming his Court, 
 and so seriously engaged in giving effect to his intentions, 
 that His Majesty and all others would soon be of opinion, 
 
 28' That is, by Thomas GodweU, May27, 1562, 'TribimaL Rev. Camer. 
 
 Bishop of S. Asaph, who arrived Apost. ;' June 4, 1562, 'Audit. Caus. 
 
 thither A.. D. 1561. Cur. Eev. Cam. Apost. ; June 31, 1562, 
 
 "-'* Dee. 27, 1561, 'Pro Eeform. ' Tribunal. Ordtnar. ; ' July 1, 1562, 
 
 Eotae Eomanse;' May i, 1562, 'Pro ' Eeferent. Signat. Justit.' — See Coc- 
 
 Reform. Offic. Poenitent. Apost. ;' May queline's Bull. Eom. torn. iv. part ii. 
 
 27, 1562, 'Correct. Caneellar. Apoet.;' pp. 116-37. 
 
BULLS FOR REFORMING THE CURIA. 161 
 
 that in ordering and carrying out that reformation. His 
 Holiness would spare no one, not even his own person ex- 
 cepted.^^^ 
 
 And as with the Pope, so with the Council. At its first 
 real sitting for business — namely, the nineteenth session — one 
 of the assistant-presidents, Seripando, came forward with a 
 scheme of reformation, which was entrusted to a second, 
 Simonetta, to be put into more definite shape, to be submit- 
 ted afterwards for consideration. And it is observable, that 
 while Seripando urged that the reformation should begin 
 with the tribunals of Eome, in conformity with the declared 
 assent of the Pope, the Council preferred dealing with re- 
 forms more especially affecting its own members, and leaving 
 its head alone.^"^ The decree on residence, which entailed 
 some intricate discussions, may suffice as a sample, striking 
 as it did at the root of pluralities. Some had denied in 
 previous sittings that the cardinals themselves could need any 
 reform. ' I,' said the Archbishop of Braga, primate of Por- 
 tugal, * am of opinion that their illustrious eminences would 
 be all the better for some very illustrious reforms indeed ; 
 for it seems to me, that the reverence which I have for them 
 would savour more of earth than heaven — would be more 
 apparent than real, if I did not desire that their conduct 
 and reputation should be as unassailable, as is their station 
 exalted.'^*'' And the Pope afterwards observed with a 
 smile,^^* when France pressed for still stronger declara- 
 tions against pluralities : ' Truly there could be no, better 
 advocate for this kind of reform than the Cardinal of 
 Lorraine, who is at once archbishop of Rheims, bishop of 
 Metz, abbot of Fecamp, and holder of benefices to the 
 annual value of more than 100,000 crowns !' It should be 
 observed, in fairness, that some of the greatest pluralists 
 were not the highest born. If, some fifty years back, the 
 future Leo X. ' was, in the space of some years, successively 
 named canon of the cathedral of Florence, of Fiesole, and 
 
 28= Eaynald. a.d. 1562, No. 58 etseq: xxiv. p. 320. 
 
 ^' "Waterworth, p. clxi. ^ ^«= Ibid. p. 369. 
 
 *»' Eohrbacker, Rist. de VEg. toI. 
 
 M 
 
.102 MEASURES AGAINST PLUKALISM. 
 
 of Arezzo ; rector of Carmignano, of G-iogoli, of San Casci- 
 ano, of San G-iovanDi in Val d' Arno, of S. Pietro di Casale, 
 of San Marcellino di Caccliiano ; prior of Monte Varchi, 
 precentor of S. Antonio at Florence, provost of Prato, ab- 
 bot of Monte Cassino, of San Giovanni di Passignano, of 
 Santa Maria di Morimondo, of S. Martin de Font-Douce, of 
 S. Salvadore di Vajano, of S. Bartolomeo d' Anghiari, of S. 
 Lorenzo di Coltibuono, of Santa Maria di Monte Piano, of S. 
 Julien de Tours, of S. Griusto and S. Clemente at Volterra, 
 of S. Stephano at Bologna, of S. Michaele at Arezzo, of Chia- 
 ravalle ne'ar Milan, of Pin in Poitou, of Chaise-Dieu near 
 Clermont,' ^^'— two hundred years back, William of Wyke- 
 bam, who commenced life as a poor boy, had, in spite of the 
 remonstrances of the papal consistory, been appointed to 
 benefices by letters-patent, ' the mere enumeration of which 
 occupied several pages,' and ' included sev:enteen prebendal 
 stalls, three rectories, and the deanery of S. Martin-le-Grrand,' 
 before he had been so much as ordained priest. ^^^ 
 
 § 69. Questors .of Alms abolished. — Traffic in Indulgences 
 forbidden. — Tone of the Decrees on Reformation. 
 
 Here therefore was one class of evils, the accumulation of 
 centuries, sought to be removed, though it took till the 
 twenty-third session^'' to settle how far. Another decree 
 abolished, much more summarily, for ever the office of Questor 
 of Alms, that had caused so mu^h scandal.^*^ By another, 
 'all evil gains for the obtaining of indulgences — whence a 
 most prolific cause of abuses amongst Christian people has 
 been derived' — were swept away.'^'^ By another, certain 
 privileges and exemptions are restrained or cancelled.^^^ By 
 
 ^^ ChuHSh's Essays, ,p. 2,91, from self. — Watepworth, p. elxxxiii. Com- 
 
 Audin. pare the mild language of Sess. v. c. 
 
 "0 Ufe, p. 1,3. Burna and Lambert, 2, ad f, 
 ■without date. ^'' Sess. xxv., ' Decree concerning 
 
 ^" Sess. xxiii. c. 1. It had heen Indulgences.' 
 originally proposed in the nineteenth. ^^ Sess. xxiv. e. 11. The exemp- 
 
 2°2 Sess. xxi. c. 9 — ^mainly through tion from payment of tithes did not, 
 
 the resolute attitude of Pius IV. him- however, form one of these ; and for 
 
TRAFFIC IK INDULGENCES FORBIDDEN. 
 
 163 
 
 another, the establishment of diocesan seminaries;^''* by an- 
 other, the celebration of diocesan synods ^'^ is provided for. 
 By another, the practice of duelling is prohibited under the 
 severest penalties. ^'^ Elsewhere, various immoralities and 
 crimes are condemned ; elsewhere, salutary regulations are 
 passed for the restoration of holy living and strict discipline. 
 In themselves, these decrees on reformation are one and all 
 of them excellent. It is not for what they contain so much 
 as for what they do not contain, that any reasonable exception 
 to them can be made. Compared with the acknowledged 
 abuses ^^^ which they were designed to remedy, their tone 
 
 the practical effects at Venice of that 
 one exemption, see Ranke, toI. ii. p. 
 340-1, Mrs. Austin's TV. — though, as 
 translated, the last sentence does not 
 square with the note. 
 
 '" Sess. xxiii. c. 18. 
 
 *'* Sess. xxiv. c, 2. 
 
 «' Sess. XXV. e. 19 (p. 275, "Water- 
 worth). 
 
 ^' Let me illustrate this by a sin- 
 gle instance. It is now pretty well 
 ascertained that the marriage of the 
 clergy in Germany was not conceded 
 by Pius IV., owing to the remon- 
 strances, mainly, of the King of Spain. 
 The instructions given by Philip to 
 his envoy, Don Pedro d'Avila, on that 
 head are to be seen, vol. ix. p. 361 ei 
 seq. of Cardinal GranveUe's Papers. 
 (ed. Weiss. Paris, 1849, 4to.). "While 
 Pius therefore granted the adminis- 
 tration of communion in both kinds 
 (ibid. vol. vii. p. 473) in a special 
 buU, he was deaf to all entreaties on 
 that other head, for the reason above 
 given {Miscell. Leibnit. Lipsiae, 1719, 
 p. 365) ; though Paul III. had, as far 
 back as Aug. 31, a. d. 1548 (the date 
 of his bull — to be seen at full length, 
 with the instructions relating to it, 
 and two others issued at the same 
 time, Rawl. NSS. Itcd. tom. viii. fol. 
 62, in the Bodleian Library), gone 
 
 some lengths in that direction. Fer- 
 dinand I. reopened the question in 
 Pebr]iary 1564 (see Raynald, a.d. 
 1564, Nos. 28-32) ; and on his de- 
 cease, Maximilian II., indignant that 
 it should have been withheld through 
 Philip, re-enforced his demand by this 
 appeal to facts : ' Quis enim non videt 
 et deplorat, inter Catholicos etiam sa- 
 cerdotes per Germaniam regnaque et 
 dominia CsesareES majestatis, ac sere- 
 nissimi Principis Caroli, Archiducis 
 Austrite, nullum ^ropi aut certk inter 
 multos vix unum reperiri, qui verfe 
 coelibatum agat : sed omnes fere, neg- 
 lectis et spretis saluberrimis sacro- 
 rum concihorum et canonum veterum 
 et novorum eonstitutionibus, quarum 
 plane nuUus amodo usus nee cura est, 
 notorios esse concubinaribs, vel tacitos 
 etiam maritos ; quinimo plerosque non 
 unA coneubind contentari, sed plures 
 simul alere ; multos etiam propter 
 solius ccelibatus necessitatem ad alte- 
 ram partem deficere ; nonnuUos etiam 
 semel ductam repudiare, et toties 
 quoties aliam subduoere solere, cuin 
 maximo animarum suarum diserimi- 
 ne, et laicorum scandalo.' {Granvelle 
 Fapers, vol. ix. p. 426 et seq.) Now 
 let us hear Cochlseus on the other 
 side : ' Habent illi qiiidem gravem 
 adversus nos objeotionem, quod tot 
 
 M 2 
 
164 TONE OF THE DECREES ON EEFOEMATIOIS'. 
 
 is much more deprecatory than threatening. Against the 
 teachers of false doctrine the number of anathemas pronounced 
 by the Council is upwards of 130; against evildoers and mal- 
 practices of all sorts it is under 12. "Was it that false doc- 
 trine had produced those widespread corruptions ; or that 
 those widespread corruptions had produced false doctrine ? 
 
 Or again, compare the smooth tenor of these decrees with 
 that of some of the speeches delivered close upon the time 
 of their enactment : — 
 
 ' The eyes of the whole Church — of the whole world — are 
 upon us, expecting the long and universally-desired remedy 
 for these accumulated evils from this holy council ' — said 
 one.^^' 
 
 ' Our best way of providing for the safety of the Christian 
 commonwealth, and for the salvation of those who have fallen 
 away from it, is earnestly to endeavour to put away all those 
 things from the Church which the enemies of Christ have just 
 cause to reproach us for, and which deservedly offend pious 
 men' — said another.^"" 
 
 ' When I consider the miserable condition of these times, 
 and the calamitous state of our affairs, I seem to see the Lord, 
 angered and indignant, pursuiug His Spouse with drawn sword 
 for the wickedness of her children, and threatening her with 
 slavery and desolation. Our only remedy lies in humiliating 
 ourselves before God' — said a third.^"' 
 
 ' In the visitation which has just been made, the wicked- 
 ness of all kinds that has been brought to light in the lives 
 of the clergy, and the supineness and negligence of certain 
 
 presbyter! cum impudicis (proh dolor) nium inire. Sicut enim maritus vovet 
 
 muKeribua se coinquinant, et eastita- uxori, ita ecclesiasticus Tovet Domino 
 
 tern non servant. Attamen non debet Deo.' (Ap. Eaynald. A. d. 1540, No. 
 
 propterea status coelibatus . . . dam- 49.) Excellently and unanswerably, 
 
 nari aut aboleri. . . . Nemo enim ad to my mind at least, as he argues, he 
 
 ejusmodi statum suscipiendiim com- cannot deny the facts, 
 pellitur aut cogitur. . . . Jam eeimus ^°° Fonseca, theologian of the Aroh- 
 
 omnes non lieere uxorato conjugium bishop of Granada, March 27, 1562. 
 snnm relinquere, et in alium statum se ^°° Didacus de Payra, a Portuguese, 
 
 coaferre ; sic et eeclesiastico presbytero April 12. 
 
 aut monacho non debet hcere, statum *" Fontidonius, theologian of the 
 
 contdnentise relinquere, et matrimo- Bishop of Salamanca, May 24. 
 
SPEECHES MADE TOWAEDS THE CLOSE OF THE COUNCIL. 165 
 
 prelates amongst them, is beyond what I could state' — says a 
 fourth.3°2 
 
 ' Such wealth, such luxury, such pride in the successors of 
 the Apostles, the vicars of Christ, the mediators between God 
 and man, I am greatly afraid the longsuffering and endur- 
 ance of Grod cannot allow to pass any longer unpunished' — 
 said a fifth.^os 
 
 'What excuse do the adversaries of religion allege for their 
 secession but that the clergy are wanting to their duties, and 
 do not feed their flocks with the Word of Grod; while by 
 squandering their revenues, and by alienating the masses from 
 true religion by the spectacle of their unholy lives, they 
 create scruples in the mind of every well-disposed and good 
 man. By restoring purity to the Church we shall get rid of 
 all these evils, as well as of the pretext which they supply' — 
 said a sixth.^"^ 
 
 A seventh argues, with the farseeing instincts of a true 
 diplomatist i^"* 
 
 ' Christians do not live and think now as they did fifty 
 years ago. Most of us Catholics are affected with the same 
 disease — if disease it can be called — that the Samaritans were 
 long since, who, on the woman returning from the well and 
 telling them that Christ had come — that she had seen, heard, 
 and conversed with Him — would not believe till they had gone 
 out and made enquiry themselves; and then believed, as they 
 said, not because of the words of the woman, but because they 
 themselves had known Him. Take my word for it, venerable 
 Fathers, a vast number of Christians, forsaking all other kinds 
 of knowledge, are devoting themselves to the study of the 
 Holy Scriptures.' . . . 
 
 This was that same orator who, some six months afterwards, 
 in the absence of his chief, but probably not without his com- 
 plicity, three months or more before the closing of the council, 
 burst forth into that impassioned philippic which caused so 
 
 '"^ Paumgarten. orator &om the "" Belcarius.BishopofMetz, Jan. 12. 
 
 Duke of Bavaria, June 27. '" Ferrerius, orator from the King 
 
 ™^ Farmer, Canon of Amiens, Jan. of France, Feb. H. All these speeches 
 
 1, 1663. are published separately. 
 
166 IMPASSIONED WOEDS OF FEKRERIUS. 
 
 much excitement and agitation among the assembled Fathers, 
 and which, beyond doubt, does not exhibit any marks of 
 diplomatic reserve; 
 
 ' In pleading before you, we are but iising those same words 
 with which the Prophet Malachi and the other priests assem- 
 bled at Jerusalem pleaded. Upwards of 140 years have 
 elapsed since our Most Christian kings have demanded the 
 restoration of ecclesiastical discipline, and sent deputations 
 for that purpose to the Councils of Constance, Basil, the 
 Lateran, and first and second of Trent. What their demands 
 were was expressed in writing by John Grerson, D.D. of Paris, 
 in the Council of Constance ; by the most reverend Danesius, 
 in the first Council of Trent ; by the eloquent orators, my 
 colleagues, and his most illustrious Eminence of Lorraine in 
 the second. Yet here we are, weeping and fasting still ! 
 Some may say that abundant satisfaction has been afforded 
 us in the decrees of former sessions. Very possibly, if one 
 thing may be paid for another against the will of the creditor, 
 we may be said to have had justice done to us. I invoke, as 
 witnesses, the spirits of those who have departed this life, the 
 Cardinal of Mantua and Seripando, of their survivors Hosius 
 and Simonetta, of the most illustrious ambassadors of the 
 Emperor : in fine, that dogmatic definitions, doctrinal discus- 
 sions, and the like, have never been our request, but a 
 thorough-going reformation. ... It is well-known to you, 
 from our written report, what we have asked for.' ^"^ 
 
 § 70. Reforms of the Council of Trent continued. — 
 Sentiments of Pius IV. 
 
 Were there not some grounds for his thus complaining ? 
 How many of the reforms demanded by France and Grermany 
 
 '»= This extract is made from pp. (vol. Ti. p. 233), and ty Eaynaldus 
 
 '606-7 of Cardinal Paleotto's Acta, (a.d. 1663, No. 170), who gives an 
 
 ed. Mendham, where it appears that aecount of the scene produced by it, 
 
 the Cardinal of Lorraine had discreetly and of the reply made by Cardinal 
 
 left for Kome a few days before, viz. Morone to it. Mr. Waterworth has 
 
 on Sept. 18, while this speech was de- taken no notice of it at all that I can 
 
 livered on Sept. 22, 1S63. It is some- discover, 
 what differently reported by Le Plat 
 
SENTIMENTS OF PIUS IV. 167 
 
 had beea conceded ? The Pope had done what he could for 
 the reform of his own court ; but had the writings of those 
 jurisconsults who had overstated his prerogatives been con- 
 demned? And why had the Council shrunk from the task, 
 of decreeing reforms for his court, which had been proposed 
 to it with his own concurrence ? The number of cardinals 
 had been limited by Martin V., in the Council of Constance, 
 to twenty-four, when all Europe was in communion with the 
 Pope. It had risen to three times that number, and by what 
 means was well-known : yet how reduced now the number 
 of nations to choose from, as compared with what it had been 
 then ! Did the Council so much as attempt to revive that 
 constitution of Martin V. ? 
 
 There are some grounds for thinking that the assembled 
 Fathers themselves must have been of opinion that they had 
 not done enough : there is no room for doubting that their 
 zealous head thought so too. 
 
 On the 17th of April, 1562, the legates had despatched Pen- 
 dasioto the pontiff, to inform him how matters were going; ^"^ 
 and they had 'represented that the reforms made in the pre- 
 vious sessions were regarded as unequal to the requirements 
 of the times and of the Church.' They had ' noticed that the 
 reforms recommended under Paul III., by a congregation of 
 cardinals, were much desired ; and they further sent a list of 
 ninety-five articles, recommended by various prelates to the 
 consideration of the Council.' All these subsequently,^"* with 
 the exception of eleven immediately affecting his own tri- 
 bunals, and which he therefore reserved for further considera- 
 tion, the Pope left to be decided by it.'"' In his opinion 
 could that have been done? In October 1563, letters were 
 brought to the Council from the Cardinal of Lorraine, who 
 was then at Eome, in high favour and intimacy with the 
 Pope, which reported His Holiness as saying, in the course of 
 
 '"' I quote from Mr. Waterworth, A year and five months lad elapsed 
 
 p. elxix. and viii. from that date when the Pope ex- 
 
 '"' Ibid. p. elxxii. pressed himself dissatisfied with what 
 
 *"' His answer reached the Council had been done, 
 about the middle of May, a. d. 1562. 
 
168 HURRIED REFORMS OF THE LAST MONTH. 
 
 their conversations on that subject, 'that he wanted a 
 thorough reformation carried out in the head and members 
 alike; for that these were times demanding a still more 
 rigorous reformation than. had, as yet, been proposed to the 
 Council. In particular he desired that it should decree what 
 was necessary respecting cardinals; which if it omitted to do, 
 he would himself ordain some stringent measure, beginning 
 with his own nephews, whom he entirely wished to see resi- 
 dent and serving their churches in person.'^'" These letters 
 reached the Council, as I have said, Oct. 16, 1563. On 
 Nov. 2, the Archtishop of Braga, who had just come fr.orn 
 Eome, reported similar conversations that he had himself had 
 with PiuS ; and on Nov. 5, the Cardinal of Lorraine arrived at 
 Trent, to confirm all that he had said in his letters.^" The 
 twenty-fourth session was held six days afterwards, or Nov. 1 1 : 
 the twenty-fifth and last session, Dec. 3 : terminating the 
 next day, on which day the Council closed. Either, therefore, 
 all that should have been done between Dec. 13 a.d. 1545 
 and April 28 A.d. 1552, and again between Jan. 18 A.d. 1562 
 and Dec 4 A.d. 1563, must have been done during that 
 short month, or not at all. Now, there were certainly seventy- 
 four chapters on Reformation passed in the twenty-fourth and 
 twenty-fifth sessions, against eighty-one in all the other 
 twenty-three sessions put together, and their tone is also 
 stricter and more uncompromising : in particular, there are 
 some solemn words addressed to His Holiness on the creation 
 of cardinals :^'^ and to patriarchs, primates, and bishops, on 
 the subject of their visitations.'" Still, while they contrast 
 most favourably, both in quantity and quality, with all that 
 
 '" Paleot. p. 618, ed, Mendham: tuantur. Immo si niliil de L^c re 
 
 ' Cum de Eeformatione cum eo ageret concilium decreverit, tamen se rigidius 
 
 Sanctissimus, dicitur ei vald^ con- aliquid etiam statarum ; atque a ne- 
 
 stanter affirmasae, se veUe Reforma- potibug suis initium sumpturum, quos 
 
 tionem omnino in capite et membris residere et in ecclesiis suis servire 
 
 perfiei, hsecque tempora ejusmodi esse, omnino volebat.' 
 
 ut aeveriore etiam indigeant reforma- °" Ibid. p. 662. 
 
 tione, quam qum hactmus in concilio '" Sess. xxiv. d. ii. c. 1. 
 
 proposita est. De Cardinalibus placere °" Ibid. c. 3. 
 sibi etiam, ut quse necessaria sunt sta- 
 
PACTS NOT TO BE PASSED OVEE. 169 
 
 had been enacted in the sittings of the whole eight years pre- 
 vious, it can scarce be maintained that they embody all that 
 the Pope had desired ; the truth being, that on one of the 
 subjects named by him, they expressly disclaimed legislating 
 at all;^'* and on a second, namely that of the cardinalate,^'* 
 they offered advice without making corrections. To be sure, 
 weighty reasons for terminating the Council had arisen, which 
 prevailed with the Cardinal of Lorraine and those who sup- 
 ported him, and of which probably they were the best judges. 
 I do not in the least question their sincerity ; nevertheless, in 
 fairness to all, what is fact cannot be passed over. Almost 
 all the Protestant creeds, including that of the Church of 
 England, had been in existence for years before that of the 
 Council of Trent was drawn up ; almost all the seceding com- 
 munities had been for years isolated from the Church, before 
 remedies of any real kind for so much as one of the manifold 
 abuses, which nobody denied to exist, had been authoritatively 
 decreed. I can as little palliate the atrocities committed or 
 the errors embraced by each one of those separated bodies in 
 turn, as gloss over those abuses, or the dilatory nervous 
 action of the authorities of the Church in correcting them. 
 
 § 71. Sequel of Events. — Catholic Corruptions and Pro- 
 testant Doctrines. — Successes and Reverses on both Sides. 
 
 From the course of events which followed, it would seem 
 as though the Sovereign Judge of all men was alternately dis- 
 pleased with both sides, and almost in the same degree. 
 Seldom has more suffering been entailed upon humanity than 
 in the wars of the Huguenots in France, the thirty-years' war 
 in Grermany,''^ the campaigns of Alya and of Don John in 
 the Netherlands, and the rebellions of A.d. 1642-60, and even 
 of 1688, in Great Britain and Ireland ;'^^ and each one of 
 
 '•■' Sess. xxT. c. 21. Christina, vol. i. pp. 247-9), by way of 
 
 "= See sup., p. 161. specimen. 
 
 "° See this, as described by Mr. '" See another specimen at the end 
 
 Dyer {Modern Europe, vol. ii. p. 597), of Lord Macaulay's xvii. o. on the 
 
 or Mr. Woodhead {Life of Queen ' State of Ireland after the War.' There 
 
170 CATHOLIC COEEUPTIONS AND PROTESTANT DOCTRINES, 
 
 these had a religious bearing and character. One of the funda- 
 mental principles of the Eeformation, Erastianism, or, in its 
 most seductive form, the Divine Eight of Kings, was expiated 
 by the execution of two of the most virtuous of monarchs — 
 Charles I. and Louis XVI. ; ^'^ and may it not be said equally, 
 that the Nemesis of all those corruptions, for which the 
 Church had never really done penance, descended on the 
 sainted heads of Pius VI. and VII. ? Catholic corruptions and 
 Protestant doctrines contributed equally to their joint issue ; 
 and the French Eevolution purified all parts of Christendom 
 with terrible evenhandedness. 
 
 In the interval, each side seems to have fared according to 
 the activity and inherent life which it exhibited. Doctrines 
 were put to the test, and judged of by their practical results. 
 Crimes on neither side advanced the cause which they were 
 intended to subserve. For any advantages which may have 
 accrued to the Catholic cause elsewhere, during the latter 
 part of the sixteenth century, the defeat of the Spanish 
 Armada and the expulsion of the Stuarts from England 
 abundantly compensated the Protestant. The fall of La 
 Eochelle was redeemed by the battles of Leipsic and Lutzen. 
 The Inquisitions in Spain and Italy were retaliated upon by 
 the penal enactments of our own statute-book. Christians 
 tortured each other like savages,''' and died with the con- 
 stancy of martyrs on both sides. The New World offered a 
 common asylum to all wten expelled from the old. If South 
 
 is a curious Kttle MS. in the Raw- James IV s Life, yoI. ii. app. iv. ) 
 
 linson collection (Bodleian Library), '"' ' Luther, Calvin, Cranmer, Knox, 
 
 headed ' Livre du Massacre d'Irlande,' the founders of the Reformed Church 
 
 and containing a letter, ' De Mr. ... in their respective countries, inflicted, 
 
 missionaire apostoHque en Angleterre, as far as they had the power and 
 
 d. Mr. Fore, docteur de Sorbonne,' well opportunity, the same punishments 
 
 worth perusal on this head. which were denounced against their 
 
 ^" Both in England and France a own disciples by the Church of Rome, 
 
 special religious service was appointed, on such as called in question any 
 
 by way of atonement, on their respective article in their creeds.' — Robertson's 
 
 anniversaries. It was a ciu-ious coin- Hist, of Charles V. b. ii., quoted by 
 
 cidence by which the corpse of Charles Eoscoe, and cited in the Append, to 
 
 I. was consigned to the vault contain- Mr. Hazhtt's translation of Michelet's 
 
 ing the remains of Henry VIII. (See Life of Luther, p. 464. 
 
SUCCESSES AND REVERSES ON BOTH SIDES. 171 
 
 America remained in Catholic hands exclusively, North 
 America became much more, in point of numbers and influ- 
 ence, Protestant. If conversions to Catholicism were numerous 
 in the seventeenth century, secessions to Protestantism had 
 been far more numerous in the preceding, and secessions to 
 Deism were fully as numerous in the succeeding age. Even 
 the decisions of the Council of Trent failed to put down con- 
 troversy upon points of detail which it had left open — no 
 less than the Confession of Augsburg. There were Molinists 
 and Jansenists, Grallicans and Ultramontanes, amongst Catho- 
 lics : to be set against Arminians and Contra-Eemonstrants, 
 Puritans and High-Churchmen, amongst Protestants. Finally, 
 from the desolating wars to which the French Revolution 
 gave rise, the two Powers that came out the most unharmed 
 and aggrandised, and did most for the resettlement of Chris- 
 tendom and of society, were Christian — but, unhappily, not 
 therefore Catholic — England and Eussia. 
 
 Now, had a prompt and thorough reformation — such as so 
 many popes had desired and some of the most enlightened 
 cardinals had sketched out — been effected early in the sixteenth 
 century, it is impossible to say how many of these evils might 
 have been averted ; especially had it then been laid down as 
 a principle, that reformations, in the true sense of the word, 
 were needed from age to age, and that not one of them was 
 to be regarded as sufficing for all time, or as superseding the 
 necessity of ulterior measures of a more stringent character 
 against uncorrected abuses. 
 
 The Council of Trent certainly came better late than never ; 
 and it may be urged with considerable force, that the reforms 
 there made purified so much of the Church as then remained 
 entire, and prevented any further secessions. But there are 
 limitations even to this assertion, in the long run. In the 
 first place, the disciplinary decrees of that Council never met 
 with that complete acceptance in France which alone could 
 make them effective : in the second place, those decrees pro- 
 fessedly left the Court of Eome untouched. Whether a 
 General Council could have devised remedies that would have 
 proved more effectual than the repeated bulls of the popes 
 
172 SOME PROMISED EEFOEMS NEVER CARRIED OUT. 
 
 themselves, is perhaps doubtful ; but had it tried and failed, 
 it would have done its best, and established that point beyond 
 dispute. As it is, the council attempted nothing of the kind. 
 The promised reform of the head, as well as the members — 
 a solemn engagement, dating from the Councils of Pisa and 
 Constance downwards — ^was never carried out. Was it by- 
 way of retribution for this omission that its disciplinary 
 decrees, such as they were, could never bind France ? 
 
 § 72. Gradual Relapse. — Praiseiuorthy Efforts of Innocent 
 XL — Lateran Council of a.d. 1725. 
 
 Be that as it may, what were the clear facts which ensued ? 
 In spite of all the excellent popes that reigned between the 
 Council of Trent and the French Eevolution, it is undeniable 
 that the Court of Eome had, before the end of the seventeenth 
 century, and within a hundred years of that Council, become 
 once more but too like what it had been of old. There is 
 authority for that assertion which cannot be set aside. Inno- 
 cent XI. desired a reformation even more ardently than 
 Paul III., and sought to bring it about much in the same 
 way. ' He only consented to become pope,' says Sir Paul 
 Eycaut,^'''' ' on condition that his electors would assent unto, 
 and subscribe certain articles for, the reformation of the eccle- 
 siastical government, which he then proposed to them, which, 
 the cardinals approving, a great part of them subscribed that 
 night, and swore to maintain them, as did the others, in like 
 manner, the day following. . . . The Pope confirmed the 
 seventeen articles which were signed in the conclave by all 
 the cardinals, being such as for the most part tended to a 
 reformation of manners, and to an amendment of those abuses 
 
 '^° Continuation of the Lives of the Clemente X. nel quale fu create Papa 
 Popes, p. 380 ; ' collected,' he says, il Signer Cardinale Benedetto Odes- 
 ' from several Latin, French, and chalehi di Como — Innocentio XI. — con 
 Italian authors,' introd. p. 1. He bad instruttioni sopra il modo di rifor- 
 teen consul at Smyrna ; and was author mare gl' abusi della Corte Ro- 
 of the State of the Greek and Arme- mana.' — Colonia, Presso Grio. Nicolao. 
 nian Churches in a.d. 1678. Com- MDCLXXVII. 
 pare ' Conclaye per la morte di 
 
PEAISEWORTHY EFFORTS OF INNOCENT XI. 
 
 173 
 
 which were crept into the Church. . . . And, in regard that, 
 in times of preceding popes, many unworthy persons were 
 arisen to episcopal dignities, the Pope appointed four cardinals 
 and four other clergymen, to examine the lives and manners 
 of such who aspired to the degree of bishop, ordering them 
 to admit none thereto suspected, or the least blemished with 
 an ill-fame, or taxed of ignorance as well as a debauched con- 
 versation. And, in order to a thorough reformation, the Pope 
 
 drove out from Eome all persons openly scandalous 
 
 and dissolute in their manners.' ^^' 
 
 There had been therefore some truth in the pasquins that 
 had been circulated all over Europe about Donna Olympia ;'2^ 
 and there had been, it is much to be feared, no little founda- 
 tion for those scurrilous publications that kept emanating 
 from Eome about that time, under the very nose of the 
 Inquisition.'^^ 
 
 ^" So Burnet, to his credit he it 
 said: ' His life hath "been certainly very 
 innocentj and free from all those pub- 
 lic scandals that make a, noise in the 
 world. And there is at present a re- 
 gularity at Rome that deserveth great 
 commendation; for public vices are 
 not to be seen there.' — Letter from 
 Eome, dated Dec. 8, A. D. 1685 (p. 248 
 of his Letters from the Continent). 
 
 ^'^ ' The greediness of the Barberini 
 in amassing money was the most ex- 
 orbitant that had ever been known 
 before in Rome ; but when this woman 
 came, she swept with both hands, 
 making the rapine and extortion which 
 had been used before seem to be at- 
 tempered with some qualifications of 
 modesty and mercy. . . . Whilst Olym- 
 pia thus governed at Rome, the Court 
 of Eome became scandalous : nothing 
 but libeDous jests, to the disparage- 
 ment of the Pope, were daily put into 
 the hands of Pasquin at Rome.' — 
 Rycaut, Innocent X. p. 298. 
 
 '^ I shall instance but three out of 
 many, all strictly anonymous : — 
 
 1. 11 Mpotismo di Eoma (in two 
 
 parts), A.D. MDCLXVII. 12mo. It 
 was translated into English by W. A., 
 Fellow of the Royal Society, London, 
 1673, as The History of the Pope's 
 Nephews from Sixtus IV. to Alexander 
 VII 'The Author to the Reader' 
 says: ' To tell thee that this book 
 comes from Rome is in vain, because 
 the very title of it discovers the place 
 of its birth. I give thee warning to 
 read it in private, and keep it to thy- 
 self; for if the news of thy reading 
 came to the Inquisitor's ears, without 
 doubt thou ruunest the hazard of 
 an excommunication ; for they have 
 sworn to endure no books in Italy but 
 those that shall flatter the Court of 
 Rome. ... I promise thee another 
 work more worthy thy curiosity . . . 
 which is n Cardinalismo ... in 
 reality the eldest, because first con- 
 ceived by me.' 
 
 2. II Cardinalismo di Santa Chiesa 
 (in three parts), a.d. MDCLXVIII. 
 12mo. In preface to Part II. we 
 read : ' Posso dire in buona conscien- 
 za, d' avere stampato piii manuscript! 
 concernenti lo stato di Roma, eonsegna- 
 
174 LATEEAN COUNCIL OF A.D. 1725. 
 
 It was the system that was corrupt : and its corruptions 
 were too deep-seated for the best and holiest of men — sove- 
 reign pontiffs though they were, or were supposed to be, over 
 and above — to stem. It defied alike the zeal of Innocent XL, 
 the spotless character of Innocent XII., the pious aspirations 
 of Benedict XIIL, and the colossal erudition and indefatigable 
 exertions of perhaps the wisest pope that ever sat — Bene- 
 dict XIV. From the acts of the Lateran Council of A.D. 1725 
 alone, we may judge of the low level to which matters had 
 fallen. Their principal aim was to enforce the observance of 
 the decrees of the Council of Trent, not by Grallican France 
 but by Ultramontane Italy. It would appear from their lan- 
 guage that even the profession of the creed of Pius IV. had 
 very generally ceased to be exacted from ecclesiastics of high 
 and low degree, on their admission to benefices ; and that, in 
 many quarters, no diocesan seminaries had been established, 
 or diocesan synods held, in conformity with what Trent had 
 ordained. Altogether, it pleads for their observance rather 
 than for any stronger measures — what antiquity called em- 
 phatically. 
 
 Soph. JJ. 583. 
 
 — the real fact'^^ being that all the energy of a Hildebrand 
 would have scarce suflSced now. Benedict XIII. had expressly, 
 
 timi d' Autori Catolici et Protestanti, Eomana, vorrei che la gettassi nel 
 
 ma certo che mi sono ecandaliaato fuoco prima di leggerla. Ma non va 
 
 molto piii deir opere de' Catoliei, ehe eosi, insegnandoti solo a biasimar 
 
 de' Protestanti ; havendomi fatto licito quelli, che indegnamente guidano, o 
 
 da me stesso, contro la yolunta deU' pure che hanno guidato la diiesa 
 
 autor Catobeo, di levar aloune parole Eomana.' 
 
 injuriose e lascive ; perohi li Catolici "^^ See particularly the evidence of 
 qiiando scriTono contro Eoma, scrivono one ' who had practised for twenty- 
 satire ; et i Protestanti historic. E eight years of his life in the Court of 
 pero amerei meglio di stampar opere the Eota,' and the letter of Cardinal 
 di Protesta,nti, che di Catolici.' Saoohetti to Alexander VII. in a.d. 
 3. II ikndicato di Alesandro VII. 1663, from which extracts are given 
 con il SIM Tiaggio nelV altro Mondo,' by Eanke, vol. iii. pp. 121-3, Mrs. 
 A.D. MDCLXVII. 12mo. In preface Austin's Tr. The whole chapter (b. 
 we read : ' Si questa opera te inseg- viii. u. 10) is well worth readiig, but 
 nasse a biasimare i riti deUa Chiesa it does not state all. 
 
ASPIRATIONS OF BENEDICT XIII. 175 
 
 convened that Lateran Council as a precedent which he wished 
 all primates and metropolitans to follow in their respective 
 provinces. It elicited but one response ia all Europe, and 
 that one was, curiously enough — Avignon.'^^ 
 
 § 73. Striking Letter of 8. Alphonso Liguori. — Advice to 
 the Successor of Clement XIV. 
 
 ' Do please send me a letter,' wrote Cardinal Castelli, just 
 fifty years afterwards, to S. Alphonso Liguori, ' which may be 
 read in conclave before we proceed to elect a successor to 
 Clement XIV., on the abuses which there are to reform in all 
 ranks of the ecclesiastical hierarchy.' And the venerable 
 Bishop of S. Agatha of the Goths wrote back accordingly : 
 
 ' All that it is permitted to me to say is, that it behoves us 
 to pray, and pray fervently : for, in the confusion and laxity 
 into which all ranks have fallen, it is not human wisdom or 
 prudence that can suffice to reestablish all things in their 
 proper and normal position. The Omnipotent arm of Grod is 
 indispensable. Among pastors there is a very small number 
 indeed animated with a real zeal for the salvation of souls. 
 Eeligious establishments are all of them more or less relaxed : 
 there is little or no observance of rules or of obedience to be 
 found among them. The state of the secular clergy is some- 
 thing deplorable. On every ground there should be a general 
 reform amongst ecclesiastics, in order that hereafter some 
 check may be opposed to the immense corruption of manners 
 that one sees amongst laymen.' 
 
 Then he proceeds to lay down four rules that he would like 
 to see carried out above all things by the new pope : — 
 
 ' 1. That he would never raise any but really worthy men — ■ 
 and would intimate to all princes never to recommend to him 
 as candidates any who were not such — to the cardinalate. 
 
 ' 2. That he would refuse benefices to all already provided 
 with any, and accord none to those who had done no good 
 work for the Church. 
 
 "^ See Coneil. Horn, in S. Basil, Lateran. Celeb. A. d. 1725, el. Augustsa 
 Viad. A.D. 1726, 4to. 
 
176 ADVICE TO THE SUCCESSOR OF CLEMENT XIV. 
 
 ' 3. That, he would be very severe in the choice of bishops. 
 
 '4. That he would not grant any favours prejudicial to 
 strict discipline — for instance : permission to any religious to 
 go out of their convents to see the world, or to become secu- 
 larised, or to mitigate their rule.' ^^^ 
 
 Here we see the future pope solemnly cautioned by a living 
 saint, in a.d. 1774, against those very abuses which, according 
 to Sir Paul Eycaut, Innocent XI. had, on his election in a.d. 
 1676, set his face to amend — of the continuance of which the 
 elevation of such men as De Noailles and Dubois, De Eohan 
 and De Bissy, to the rank of cardinal alone in France, affords 
 mournful but irrefragable evidence — to which, notwithstand- 
 ing, the personal character of the popes themselves during 
 all that intervening century stands out in such marked con- 
 trast, that we cannot but ascribe them to a system never 
 thoroughly purged — in particular, to the never thoroughly 
 reformed Curia. What had produced Protestantism in the 
 sixteenth century, was now combining with Protestantism — 
 superficially regarded as its professed foe, but in principle its 
 intellectual ally — to produce Deism ! 
 
 § 74. State of the Church of France under 
 Louis XV. 
 
 Travelling back in history from Eome to France, was there 
 ever a Church more hopelessly corrupt than that of France 
 had become under Louis XV. ? '^^ I do not, indeed, say for a 
 moment more corrupt than the State. Its glories expired, 
 with Mabillon and Malebranche, Huet and Bourdaloue, 
 Bossuet and Fenelon — men insuflSciently qualified by their 
 
 326 This remarkable letter I can Europe, c. ii. § 4 — ^who says in a note : 
 
 find nowhere but in the extracts given, ' The total revenues of the Chuich' 
 
 torn. xi. pp. 273-5, Hist, de VEglise de (in France) ' derived from tithes were 
 
 BerauU-Bercastel, par M. le Baron 130,000,000 francs, of which only 
 
 Henrion — ^where it is said that a good 42,000,000 were in the hands of the 
 
 deal of it has been suppressed from parochial clergy : the number of ee- 
 
 delicacy. clesiastics was 80,000 !' Its territorial 
 
 '^' For a sketch of its actual condi- possessions ' embraced nearly one half 
 
 tion, see Mr. Dyer's Modern Europe, of the whole land of France.' 
 vol. ii. p. 396 etseq.; Alison's Hist, of 
 
LETTER OP ATMON TO AECHBISHOP WAKE. 177 
 
 learning and piety to be made cardinals in those fastidious 
 days. That dignity was reserved for a new race, of the stamp 
 of De Noailles and Dubois, in whom were portrayed all the 
 characteristics of the Gallican Church in its last stage of 
 decay, in its expiring struggles for life ; making convulsive 
 efforts to compensate for its own heterodoxy by increased 
 intolerance, for its manifold abused by its still more disgrace- 
 ful intrigues. 
 
 'I can assure you,' writes Mr. Aymon,^^* in A.d. 1712 — a 
 second Paul Vergerius to be sure, but a man of intelligence, 
 and till a.d. 1707 in the employment of Cardinal de 
 Noailles *^ — ' when I was in Paris four years ago, on some 
 most imporiant business of a religious character, about the 
 time when several prelates of the Courts of France and of 
 Home were engaged in drawing up a project of reformation, 
 afterwards presented to the papal congregation of the Propa- 
 gation of the Faith at Eome, and to the directors of the Eoyal 
 Seminary for Foreign Missions in Paris, I learnt for certain, 
 during the conferences which I had with those gentlemen in 
 the course of the three or four months that I was lodging 
 with them, that there were numbers of prelates in France, 
 especially under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Paris, 
 who would willingly lend their bands to a reunion with Pro- 
 testants, on the basis of the reformation of the Anglican 
 Church ; and that they would be well pleased to shake off 
 the yoke of the Pope, and establish a patriarch in France 
 to manage their churches at home, as do the bishops of 
 your flourishing country. I could mention to you by name 
 many bishops, abbes, cures, canons, theologians, doctors of 
 
 ™ Arch. W. Epist. 28, endorsed in occasion to refer largely hereafter, and 
 
 Wake's own hand ' 1712, State of Ee- from which I shall hereafter prove at 
 
 ligion in France.' The letter is dated, length several facts that I can now 
 
 ' La Haye, 23 Aotit, 1712.' I take only allude to cursorily, 
 this earliest opportunity of expressing ^^ See Biograph. Univ. s. v. (vol. 
 
 my deep obligations to the Dean and iii. p. 137), where a list of his works 
 
 Canons of Christchurch, Oxford, who is given. He was holding a pension 
 
 gave me access, in the most handsome at the Missions fitrang^res from the 
 
 manner, to this valuable collection of Cardinal in a.d. 1706. 
 MSS. letters, to which I shall have 
 
178 LETTEE OP FENELOIf TO CLEMENT XI. 
 
 the Sorbonne, lawyers, philosophers, and other persons of 
 distinction and merit, who have made very explicit overtures 
 to me on that head : and who are only waiting for a more 
 favourable conjuncture than the present one is, to take in 
 hand the great work of a Christian reformation,^^" such as 
 has been achieved in your episcopal churches. But not to 
 abuse the confidences which have been reposed in me, I will 
 tell you by word of mouth, at our first interview, all the 
 details which you request me to communicate to you for that 
 purpose.' 
 
 Just while Mr. Aymon was holding these conferences in 
 Paris, we find Fenelou addressing a secret memoir to Clement 
 XI.,^'' with whom he was continually corresponding, in which 
 three French cardinals, two archbishops, twelve bishops, all 
 the Dominicans, all the Benedictines in France, the discalced 
 Carmelites, the French branch of the Oratory, learned men 
 among the Capuchins and elsewhere, are charged with secret 
 or avowed Jansenism. ' There are some good bishops left, to 
 be sure,' he adds ; ' but the greater number, hesitating and 
 uncertain, range themselves blindly on whichever side the 
 king may take ; and no wonder, for whom do they in effect 
 know but the king, to whose favour they owe aU the dignity, 
 wealth, and authority that they have.' 
 
 So matters went on, getting worse and worse, till under 
 the Regency they had grown incorrigible. ' On the very day 
 of the death of Louis XIV.' says M. Picot,332 < Cardinal de 
 Noailles reappeared at court, and had a long interview with 
 the Duke of Orleans. That choice alone showed what course 
 things would take.' The Bull ' Unigenitus ' added to the 
 
 "° Mr. Beauvoir's second letter from not published with them. I can only, 
 
 Paris to Archbishop Wake (ibid.), therefore, get at its substance as given 
 
 dated 18th Sept. 1717 (n.s)., speaks of by M. Eohrbacher, Hist, de I'E., vol. 
 
 the same party as stillin existence. xxvi. pp. 462-3. It was sent a.d. 
 
 ^" I cannot find this in any of the 170S according to him. 
 
 correspondences of Fenelou that have ^'^ See that most useful work, Me- 
 
 as yet been pubhshed; but in some moires pour seruir a VHistoire Eccl. 
 
 short letters from him to Clement XI. pendant le XVIII" Siiole, par M. 
 
 I find occasional mention of memoirs Picot, Paris, 8vo. 1863, vol. i. p. 377. 
 as having been sent with them, though 
 
FERMENT CEEATED BY THE BULL ' UNIGENITUS.' 179 
 
 ferment which it was designed to put down. Five years from 
 its publication in France, the Gallican Church had all but 
 separated from Eome, possibly to form a coalition against 
 Eome with England.'^* 
 
 ' It appears,' says M. Picot once more, ' that, besides a 
 thousand intrigues, shameful methods of seduction were em- 
 ployed to swell the number of appellants, and that large 
 sums of money were distributed to that end. Thus the Arch- 
 bishop of Eheims, De Mailly, in a letter addressed to the 
 cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, publicly declared that 
 the nefarious traffic of appeals had become a constant prac- 
 tice, proving it by what had taken place in his own diocese."^'* 
 
 § 75. Ecclesiastical Intrigues. How Dubois became 
 Cardinal. 
 
 But of all intrigues, that by which Cardinal Dubois 
 obtained his hat caused most scandal, even in that corrupt 
 age. He owed it in part to his elevation to the see of Cam- 
 bray, on the death ef Fenelon, which, notwithstanding his 
 iniquitous life as a layman — and he was no priest even then 
 — he had extorted from the Eegent but a short time before ; 
 in part to the vast sums of public money which he was able 
 to employ for that end ; in part to the good offices of the 
 Protestant king of England, Greorge I., to whom he addressed 
 a letter of thanks subsequently ; ^^' but, above all, to his having 
 been the one to apprise Eome of the correspondence going 
 on between the archbishop of that monarch and some divines 
 of the Sorbonne, with the full knowledge and approbation 
 of his own metropolitan.^'^ 
 
 ''^ See below, on the subject of Memoires, toI. ii. p. 112 et seq. Must 
 
 Cardinal Dubois. On the threatened it be added, that Massillon assisted at 
 
 rupture, M. Picot's Memoires, Yol. ii. his consecration as archbishop, June 
 
 pp. 39-40; and for a similar crisis, 9, 1720? 
 
 thirty years before, see Eanke, toI. Hi. '" Arch. W. Epist. 29 : Mr. Beau- 
 
 p. 179, Mrs. Austin's Tr. voir to Abp. Wake, Paris, April 13, 
 
 =2' Ibid. vol. ii. p. 19. 1719 (o.s.) : ' Abbot Dubois having se- 
 
 "* Sismondi, Eist. des Frangais, cured the letters, &c., says not one 
 
 vol. xxvii. pp. 420-1, and M. Picot's word about them; so that his design 
 
 N 2 
 
180 
 
 PROPHECY ABOUT MONKS IN PRANCE. 
 
 For the state of the monastic orders in France, we need 
 only refer to the disorders occasioning the appointment of 
 a commission by Louis XV. (July 31, 1766),^" for their 
 amendment. ' Monks in general are greatly despised in 
 France ; and all the world, great and small, is only thinking 
 how to get rid of them. This will not be in our days ; but 
 it will sooner or later come to pass. The monks themselves 
 are persuaded of it,' had been the prophetic remarks of a 
 doctor of the Sorbonne to Archbishop Wake in A.». 1727.^^' 
 
 ' Faut-il s'etonner,' says the great historian of France — I 
 forbear translating his inimitable language — 'si la plupart 
 des hommes pensans, au lieu de s'occuper de ee qu'avait ete 
 cette religion, de ce qu'elle pouvait etre, ne voyaient en elle 
 que ce qu'elle etait alors,, un fleau dont ils auraient voulu Stre 
 delivres ? C'etait I'Eglise qui avajt detruit le sentiment reli- 
 
 is to keep ;then;i from publie view.' 
 Mr. Mills, in the dedication of his 
 Essay on Generosity to Abp. W., 
 London, 1732, p. xxxiv. et seg., details 
 the whole story still further : ' AU the 
 letters were immediately sent to Eoipe, 
 as so many trophies gained on the 
 enemies of, the Church. This gceat 
 minister, Ablpot du Bois, was at this 
 time pursuing a cardinal's cap, which 
 met with some stops at Rome. His 
 discoTery of what was endeavouring in 
 France, and by whom, is supposed to 
 contribute not a little to remove all 
 the difficulties out of the way, and 
 procure the dignity . . . which he 
 wijB pursuing, and soon after obtained. 
 H(^ever, this change of affairs con- 
 tributed to the good reputation of youi 
 Grace, since your letters were admired 
 even by Clement XI., then pope, who 
 declared it was pity the author of such 
 profound letters was not a member of 
 their church.' 
 
 '" Picot, ibid. torn. iv. pp. 213-19; 
 or, more fully, Sist. de VJS. de Berault- 
 Bercastel, par M. Henrion, 4"" ed. 
 tom. xi. p. 157 et seq. 
 
 ==» This is in the Bodleian Library, 
 
 Ra;Wl...4. 27.5, No. 72, dated 27 Aoiit. 
 1727. I must here remark that, as in 
 England under Henry VIII., so now 
 the dissolution of monasteries com- 
 menced with the Pope. 'This year' 
 (a.d. 1528), says Collier (£ H. vol. 
 iv. p. 87, ed. Straker), 'the Pope, at 
 the King's instance, granted a bull for 
 , dissolving as many monasteries as 
 amounted to the yearly revenue of 
 8,000 ducats.' Two more bulls for 
 further dissolutions follow : 'Still more 
 important,' says Ranke (vol, iii. p, 128, 
 Mrs, A.'s Tr.), ' was a bull .of Oct. 
 15, 1662, wherein the Pope complains 
 that thpr« were so many small con- 
 ,vents. ... He suppressed them all at 
 a, single blow, for the tares must, he 
 said, be separated from the wheat. 
 Men abeady began to think, and in 
 Rome itself first of all, of alleviating 
 the financial difficulties even of foreign 
 states by the confiscation not of con- 
 vents only, but of entire monastic in- 
 stitutions.' It was a precedent only 
 too readily followed. For the com- 
 mission of Louis XV. see M. Picot's 
 Memoires, vol. ii. pp. 503-4. 
 
REFLECTIONS FBOM SISMONDI. 181 
 
 gieux; c'etait le gouvernement qui avait detruit le patrio- 
 tisme. Dans les deux si^cles precedens, Tesperauce demeurait, 
 parcequ'on avait entrepris du moins de reformer et I'Eglise 
 et I'Etat. Desormais, au confcraire, on etait detrompe de tout; 
 on meprisait tout ; on riait des abus et des vices, pour ne se 
 pas fatiguer par une indignation inutile. On n'attendait plus 
 ni du clerge, ni du gouvernement, une meilleure morale, ou 
 de meilleurs exemples ; et le scandale des abus etait souvent 
 depasse par le scandale de ceux memes qui les denonpaient 
 au public' ^^ , . . 
 
 How fearful are tbe calamities which ensue from perverse- 
 ness or supineness on the part of those with whom, whether 
 in Church or State, the duty rests of reforming systems, great 
 or small, ecclesiastical or political ! That purification so tardily 
 commenced — so superficially carried out — in the sixteenth 
 century, when it might have been accomplished by fair means, 
 had to be consummated by a deluge of blood in the eighteenth 
 century. And still, in spite of that dread judgment, there 
 are those whose very watchword is, ' No more reform ! ' As if 
 the vine did not require to be dressed and pruned extensively 
 year after year to bear its full amount of fruit ! Were we in 
 the habit of dealing with ourselves- as too many still hold that 
 systems are to be dealt with, what sinks af iniquity should we 
 not all of us be lo-ng before we had attained to threescore 
 and ten years ! The thought that each one of us must one 
 day stand before the judgment-seat of Christ prevents any 
 such delusion on tbe absolute necessity of reform in our own 
 case. Would that there could be the same salutary appre- 
 hension of a judgment to come for every system likewise ! 
 To that salutary apprehension, amongst other motives, we owe 
 it that there is a bright side — and a very bright one, thank 
 Grod! — to the ecclesiastical picture on which we have been 
 engaged, and to which it is a real relief to turn. On two 
 points — and two points only that I can discover — has Luther 
 proved a benefactor to mankind. The first is that he did 
 not, like Mohammed, break with Christianity, or seek to 
 
 "" Eist. vol. xxviii. p. 177. 
 
182 BKIGHT SIDE OF THE PICTDKB. 
 
 interpose between redeemed man and his Eedeemer. The 
 second is, that he woke up subjectivities. That question, 
 ' How am I justified ?' roused to life and action thousands of 
 spiritual agencies, with infinitely more of heaven in them 
 than his own; and personal holiness, by its immense exu- 
 berance from that time forth, has gone far to make up for 
 any past obliquities, any present shortcomings, of the col- 
 lective body. 
 
 § 76. Excellent Character of the Popes since the Refoimation. 
 ■ — Saintly Men and Women. 
 
 Ever since the Eeformation, what a succession of exemplary 
 good men has there not been, without any exception, in the 
 chief see of the Church ! The Protestant historian, who has 
 dived deeper into their secret history than perhaps any other 
 historian into that of an equally long line of kings, bears 
 irrefragable testimony to their general merit, while the cha- 
 racters of some of them, according to him, are beyond all 
 praise. Even Burnet^*" is edified by the spectacle of a living 
 pope limiting the daily expenses of his table to ' a crown,' 
 and admits that there was another pope — Sixtus V. — whose 
 frugality refused to exceed one third that sum. What a noble 
 specimen of a thorough-going ruler was not that Sixtus V. ! 
 What a splendid compound of learning and ability. Christian 
 holiness and discretion, was not Benedict XIV. ! The five 
 who have since the Eeformation borne that name, and the 
 sixth who bears it now, of which the abstract is ' Pietas,' have 
 they not one and all proved themselves well worthy of it, and, 
 as the Greeks would say, ' Kapr sirdw/xoi, ' ? Measure the 
 emperors of Germany, the kings of England, Spain, or France, 
 from the Eeformation downwards, for personal character with 
 those representatives of the Papacy, and on which side lies 
 the advantage ? 
 
 Or, again, measure any Christians, of any age, with those 
 great and good men and women who, from the sixteenth 
 
 '" Letter from Eome, as above. 
 
SAINTLY MEN AND WOMEN. 183 
 
 century downwards, have arisen in the Catholic Church to 
 elevate and purify society, and minister to its needs. Ee- 
 formers they were all of them in the truest sense, first of 
 themselves, then of the age — to some extent, even of the 
 system — in which they lived. How beautiful must have been 
 the spectacle of a whole city regenerated, as Eome was, by 
 the persuasive graces and winning words that all the world 
 testified to in a simple priest, undistinguished by any other 
 prestige from his fellows than that of his unaffected devotion 
 for Christ and for Christ's flock — S. Philip Neri ! How edify- 
 ing must have been the spectacle of the great Baronius, at 
 one time engaged upon his immortal annals — at another time 
 seen discharging, equally with the lowliest, the daily round 
 of menial offices in that infant Oratory ! His friend and con- 
 temporary, Bellarmine, that prince of controversialists, led 
 the life of a saint while battling for the integrity of his creed. 
 In the midst of his fiercest polemics he would often say, ' One 
 ounce of peace is worth' a pound of victory.'^'" And 'what 
 shall I more say' — in the words of the Apostle — 'for the 
 time would fail me ' to tell of that ardent reformer of abuses — 
 that pattern of a Christian archbishop — S. Charles Borromeo; 
 of SS. Theresa, John of the Cross, and Peter of Alcantara, 
 those regenerators of the cloister and of the inner life ; of 
 SS. Ignatius Loyola, Francis Xavier, and Francis Borgia, 
 those grand firstfruits of a Christian institute destined to 
 eclipse all others ; of S. Francis of Sales, who, could he have 
 been ubiquitous, would have certainly brought back to the 
 Church all who had left it; of S.Vincent of Paul — that founder 
 of the noble order of Lazarists for Foreign Missions, and of 
 the even more sublime order of Sisters of Charity, for the 
 assuagement of every kind of social evil at home ? Who can 
 survey unmoved those splendid monuments of erudition and 
 indefatigable industry, which those reformed monasteries of 
 S. Benedict in France, known as the Congregation of S. Maur, 
 reared pile upon pile — with such men as Mabillon, Mont- 
 faucon, Euinart, Martene, D'Achery, Calmet, for their archi- 
 
 "' Eohrbacker, E.. H. vol. xxiv. p. 560. 
 
184 JUSTICE FOK THE JESUITS. 
 
 tects — labours as precious as ever in our own days ? Or, who 
 that is not eaten up by prejudices can now refuse to see in 
 the results achieved by the Jesuits — whether at home in their 
 schools,^*^ or abroad in their missions ; '^' at home and abroad 
 in their victories gained for the Church ; throughout every 
 department of science and literature, in their numberless and 
 undying publications — one of the most striking pages in the 
 history of religious reactions that the world has ever seen ? 
 Friends of culture, both of the mind and body — friends of 
 civilization, refinement, and humanity — their very successes 
 in behalf of the Church secured for them a host of calum- 
 niators, not merely among their foes but their allies. Against 
 some charges indeed they have been always proof. They are 
 perhaps the sole religious order that has ever existed for 300 
 years without so much as a breath against their morality. As 
 little can it be said that their zeal has ever made them cruel 
 persecutors. They have never, as a body, advocated capital 
 punishment for heterodox belief or schismatical conduct. 
 They have never held or taught any theories adverse to the 
 perfect freedom of the will, or in support of tyranny of any 
 kind. The right of resistance they have always claimed for 
 the governed. And certainly, while they have vindicated for 
 the authorities of the Church the hold upon individual con- 
 sciences which is due to them in the strongest terms, no 
 theologians have ever attributed a wider range to the opera- 
 tions of Redeeming Grace, or enlarged upon invincible igno- 
 rance more, by way of excuse for those whom, from their point 
 ■of view, they are compelled to regard as aliens from the pale 
 of the visible Church. That they had their failings as indi- 
 viduals ; that they may have pushed some of their specula- 
 tions too far, even in their palmiest days, is only what the 
 primitive fathers of the Church themselves were not free 
 from ; that they interfered now and then too much in politics 
 was, in a great measure, due to the circumstances in which 
 their life was cast, or duty called them to move. That system 
 
 '" For these eee Alzog, and the vol. ji. pp. 25-37, Mrs. Austin's Tr. 
 authorities quoted by him, E. H. '" Alzog, ibid. § 349 ; Eanke, ibid. 
 
 I 347 ; EsJike, Eist. of tU Po^es^ pp. 503-16. 
 
FATAL BULL OF CLEMENT XIV. 185 
 
 which, they stepped iilto the lists to comhat, or Protestantism, 
 was essentially the religion of States as distinct from the 
 Church : in opposing it, therefore, they were brought into 
 direct collision and constant relations with all those political 
 factions into which every state is divided. It would be simple 
 presumption in me to aspire to come forward as the apologist 
 of so many great, pious, and learned men ; yet such are the 
 benefits which I have derived personally from their writings, 
 their sermons, their conversations — always, as far as my expe- 
 rience goes, tending to elevate man in the social scale, by 
 impressing him with a keen sense of his true dignity and 
 responsibilities, and never the contrary by any means — that 
 I should ill requite them if I seemed to shrink, in a work 
 like this, from bearing explicit testimony — ' valeat quantum ' — 
 to them as a body of men unsurpassed by any other for their 
 devotion to the service of God, and to the highest interests of 
 all souls alike, rich or poor. And therefore it is that I mourn 
 sincerely over the causes which led to their suppression, by 
 the fatal Bull of June 21 a.d. 1776, originating in part, pos- 
 sibly, with themselves ^** — in the acts of some of their own 
 body — but much more in the general decay '*^ which, as it 
 was beyond their power to arrest elsewhere, so they could not 
 quite keep out of their own establishments — out of their own 
 thoughts and ways.'*^ Some mixed themselves up with 
 
 '" Possibly the cabal against their »« See the very candid riisumi given 
 
 general, Goswiu Nickel, in a.d. 1661, by Alzog, E. H. § 372, and the bril- 
 
 and the transfer of all his power to liant one by Lord Macanlay, Hist. 
 
 their pleasure-loving vicar Ohva, did c. vi. There are three conspicuous 
 
 them full as much harm as the ap- instances noticed by the late P4re de 
 
 ip6a.TS.nai oi Gie. Provincial Letters ix& Eavignan, in his noble defence of 
 
 years before. See Eanlie, Rist. of the ' Clement XIII et Clement XIV,' and 
 
 Popes, vol. iii. p. 134 et seq., Mrs. of his own order : — 1. The condemna- 
 
 Austin's Tr. tion by Clement XIII. of L'Histoire 
 
 '" I quite beheve in the excuse du Peuple de Dieu, by Pfee Berruyer, 
 given at length in the sixth of the p. 54. 2. Les malheuretcses Affaires 
 Provincial Letters, among others : 'Si du Pere Lavalette, -p. 101. S. La De- 
 nous soufifrons quelque reUchement claration signee en 1761 par le Pere 
 dans les autres, c'est plut6t par con- de la Croix, provincial, et par les 
 descendance que par dessein. Nous Jesuites de Paris, aw sujet des qwatre 
 y sommes forces. Les hommes sont articles de 1682, concernant les li- 
 aujourd'hiu tellement corrompus,' &c. hertes de I'ilglise Gallicane. He adds. 
 
186 THE JESUITS BESTORED BY PIUS VII. 
 
 commercial schemes ; some propounded views in theology and 
 casuistry, which they would probably to a man condemn now. 
 All the world was enchanted with their vagaries, because all 
 the world was intent upon their ruin. The 'Provincial Letters,' 
 which dealt them the first home-thrust — the ships of England, 
 which completed their overthrow in France,^*^ were retaliatory 
 blows, not by any means wholly unmerited. But the Bene- 
 dictines, who allowed themselves to be dragged into the plot 
 against them; the Bourbons, who demanded their suppression; 
 and the Supreme Head of the Church, by whom it was con- 
 ceded,'^* all paid the penalty of that deed to the full in its 
 consequences. Assailed on all sides, they fell magnanimously, 
 proving themselves to have been one of the chiefest of the 
 columns of that Church, which came down with a crash so 
 soon afterwards, and destined, as such, to be one of the very 
 first restorations thought of in reconstructing its fabric.'*' 
 
 For it had been due to them, and to their labours prin- 
 cipally, that so large a portion of Germany, Poland, and 
 Hungary was won back to the Church in the latter part of the 
 sixteenth century, and that such a profusion of zeal and 
 activity was likewise resuscitated in the Church itself. In 
 Lainez and Salmeron they had contributed mainly to the 
 
 ' Je le dia avec le sentiment le work, pp. 11, 12, cites Sohoell, Cours 
 
 plug p^nible ; rien n'exeuse a mes d'Histoire dcs Etats Europeens (t. xliv. 
 
 yeux eet acta de faiblesse. Je le p. 71), as saying: 'Pour reuverser 
 
 deplore et le condanine.' — P. 135, la puissance eccl^siastique, il fallait 
 
 Tol. i. I'isoler, en lui enlevant I'appui de cette 
 
 ^" 'La Valette, procureiit-g&ifoal phalange sacr^e, qui s'^tait divouee a, 
 
 des J^suites k la Martinique, que son la defense du tr6ne pontifical, c'est a 
 
 ginie commercial avait rendue flo- dire, les J^suites. Telle fut.lavra,ie 
 
 rissante, s'etait ou oblige de suspen- cause de la haine qu'on voua a eette 
 
 dre ses payements, apr^s la perte de soei^t^. Les imprudences que com- 
 
 quelques navires charges, pour son mirent quelques-uns de ses membres 
 
 compte, de plusieurs millions de mar- fournirent des armes pour combattre 
 
 chandises captur^es par les Anglais. I'ordre ; et la guerre centre les J^suites 
 
 . . . Alors il s'^levauue elameur uni- devint populaire.' D'Alembert, Vol- 
 
 verselle.' — Alzog, ibid. taire, Frederic II., S. Alphonso Li- 
 
 '■" See the account given byRanke, guori, Schlosser, and others, are then 
 
 ibid. Tol. iii. pp. 197-217. P^re de cited to the same effect. — pp. 13-20. 
 Bavignan, in his Tableau de I'Epoqtie, '" By Pius VII., iu A.D. 1801 and 
 
 by way of preface to the above-named 1814. 
 
NOBLE DEEDS OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. 187 
 
 ruling of the critical subject of Justification by the Tridentine 
 Fathers; in S. Francis Xavier and Eicci that missionary ardour 
 was rekindled, which afterwards found coherence and expres- 
 sion in the establishment by Gregory XV. of the Propaganda, 
 with its countless appliances for overcoming difficulties of all 
 kinds, caused by diversities of tongues, and the like.^^" By 
 Suarez and Petavius patristic and scholastic theology was re- 
 cast with refined precision in modern moulds. By Bellarmine, 
 Maimbourg, and Becan, modern errors were triumphantly 
 proved untenable from facts, as well as upon abstract grounds. 
 By the BoUandists a memorial was erected to the saints of 
 the Old Church, destined to be scarcely less immortal than 
 they were, and radiant with their virtues. Maldonatus and 
 Cornelius a Lapide devoted their lives to the cause of 
 Biblical interpretation. Possevin and Canisius, Tursellinus 
 and Viger, advanced the cause of education, or of classical 
 literature generally.'" High above them all, as a benefactor 
 to subjective religion, is enshrined the memory of their noble 
 founder, S. Ignatius, in his ' Spiritual Exercises,' to this day 
 
 S50 c fjijg body,' says even the in professing and defending the Eomish 
 phlegmatic Mosheim, 'has for its ob- religion has drawn on them banish- 
 ject the support and the propagation ment or other calamities, and plana 
 of the Romish religion in all parts of and aocomphshes various objects al- 
 the world. . Hence it sends out most beyond belief in those not ac- 
 numerous missionaries to the most quainted with their affairs. The in- 
 remote nations, publishes boobs of stitutiou has a very splendid and 
 various kinds necessary for learning extensive palace devoted to its use, 
 foreign, and some of them barbarous, the delightful situation of which gives 
 languages ; causes instructions in it exquisite charms.' — Cent, xvii. c. X, 
 Christianity, and other works designed § 1. ' It is needless,' says Eanke, 'to 
 to enkindle piety or confute error, to enlarge on its achievements. Who 
 be drawn up in the languages, and does not know what the Propaganda 
 printed in the appropriate characters, has done for philosophical learning?' — 
 of the several nations; maintains and Ibid. vol. ii. p. 471. There is nothing 
 educates a vast number of selected like it elsewhere still, though it dates 
 youth designed for missionaries; li- from June 22, a.d. 1622. 
 berally educates and supports young ==' Mr. HaUam shows in more than 
 men, who are annually sent to Rome one passage how the Jesuits ' took the 
 from foreign countries in order to be- lead in polite letters.' — Hist, of Idt. 
 come instructors of their countrymen part ii. c. 1, § 25 ; also c. 2, § 19-23 ; 
 on their return home; takes up and and part iv. e. 1, § 5. 
 provides for persons whose constancy 
 
188 SPIRITUAL EXERCISKS OF S. IGNATIUS. 
 
 regarded as the best textbook of anatomy for individual 
 minds : tracing out for them the full measure of their respon- 
 sibilities before Grod and man in unerring outline, and sub- 
 mitting them almost, by anticipation, to all the rigours of 
 that final examination which is in store for us all beyond the 
 grave. As it came out first, so it has kept its place ever since, 
 in a long series of devotional works on personal holiness by 
 S. Theresa, S. John of the Cross, S. Francis of Sales, Scupoli, 
 Louis of Grranada, Eodriguez, Baker, Fenelon, Columbiere, 
 Nouet, Avrillon, and many more — second only to the 'Imita- 
 tion of Christ' in point of time and general scope — of more 
 intrinsic utility, as a mirror of conscience, for individuals. 
 
 § 77. Victories achieved by the Church in the Age following 
 the Council of Trent. 
 
 From the history of the Jesuits alone we get the real clue 
 to the march of victory achieved by the Church for the cen- 
 tury or more following the Council of Trent. Starting into 
 existence from that council, it was indebted for the steadiness 
 of its advance to new orders, such as the Theatines, the 
 Jesuits, the Oratorians, the Lazarists ; to new creations, as 
 the colleges founded at Eome by Grregory XIII. for various 
 nationalities, and still more to the Propaganda ; to old orders 
 reformed, such as the Capuchins, Carmelites, and Benedic- 
 tines : but, in reality, personal holiness and individual energy 
 was at the bottom of them all. By striking out new lines of 
 thought and action, it propped up the system. ; as long as it 
 remained in full vigour all went on well ; as soon as it decayed, 
 even the best and most successful of the new orders tottered, 
 and was at length overborne. ■ Protestantism was victorious 
 enough as long as it had but the old system to attack ; but as 
 soon as ever subj ective holiness came in force to the rescue, it was 
 beat back into corners, with all its nakedness exposed to view. 
 What men had it to compare for a moment with the saints of 
 the Church, as followers of Christ, as patterns of that angelic 
 life upon earth of which Christians are capable ? Luther was 
 actuated by no prospect of emolument or advancement in 
 what he did : he led a temperate and moral life, but he pro- 
 
"WEAK POINTS OF PROTESTANTISM, 189 
 
 fessed no strictness at all. Because he wished to see monastic 
 vows abolished, was he absolved from his own? Melanchthon 
 was pure and amiable, but he was infinitely more admired 
 than followed.^^^ Calvin attempted to bind his disciples to a 
 system of austere discipline, but it was more than once rebelled 
 against during his lifetime, and may be said to have died out 
 with him. Zuinglius, who preceded,'^^ and Beza, who suc- 
 ceeded him,^''' had been notorious profligates. Osiander was 
 another whose character did not stand high even among his 
 friends.''^ Cranmer, his nephew by unlawful means, accepted 
 the archiepiscopal pall with a lie in his mouth.^^^ Laurent 
 Petersen, archbishop of Upsal, bemoaned the licentiousness 
 of his own party, which he could not check.^^^ Neither 
 Bullinger nor Bucer, (Ecolampadius nor Peter Martyr, led 
 lives of more than average respectability. I am not now 
 speaking of them as writers, but as teachers and preachers of 
 the Gospel, which they assumed to be ; yet it is notorious 
 that men did not become better Christians, or even more 
 moral, than they had been previously, nor creeds more simple 
 and intelligible than heretofore, under their auspices. There 
 was no burning enthusiasm on their part to carry the Gros- 
 pel to the heathen, where Christ had never been preached 
 at all. The greater part of their time was spent in the inves- 
 tigation of negations or contradictions, and their whole force 
 was paralysed by seeking to impose new professions of faith 
 upon each other. Isolated, or divided amongst themselves, 
 their learning, great as it was, offered no effectual resistance 
 to the compact mass of learning, zeal, and piety combined by 
 which it was assailed. Practice, as usual, was the criterion 
 by which the multitude judged : and hence no wonder that it 
 should have come to pass, as Lord Macaulay, with the pages of 
 Eanke open before him, has observed pointedly,^^^ that, though 
 
 ''^ See Bossuet, Hist, des Varia- ^'' Hist, des Var. Ht. tiu. § 42-5. 
 
 fe'ons, Ut. Y. § 43, witii the quotations ''=" Ibid. Kv. vii. § 9-H ; Collier, 
 
 from Erasmus. E. H. vol. iv. p. 211, ed. Straker. 
 
 sss By his own confession. See =" Alzog, E. H. § 327. 
 
 Akog, E.H.% 313. "■' Essay on Eanke, pp. 122, 132, 
 
 '" Ibid. § 321. Tauchnitz ed. 
 
190 VICISSITUDES OF PROTESTANTISM. 
 
 ' at first the chances seemed to be decidedly in favour of Pro- 
 testantism, the victory remained with the Church of Eome. 
 On every point she was successful. If we overleap another 
 .half-century, we find her victorious and dominant in France, 
 Belgium, Bavaria, Bohemia, Austria, Poland, and Hungary. 
 Protestantism had at first driven back Catholicism to the Alps 
 and the Pyrenees ; Catholicism had rallied, and had driven 
 back Protestantism even to the German Ocean. Nor has 
 Protestantism, in the course of 200 years, been able to 
 reconquer any portion of what was then lost.' 
 
 He is here speaking of the Continent only. In England, 
 what had been lost under Edward VI. was regained under 
 Mary ; what had been lost under Elizabeth was wellnigh re- 
 gained under the Stuarts, when through some strange fatuity, 
 or fatality, it was swept away more rudely than ever. Strictly 
 speaking, there are two reactions in favour of Catholicism to 
 be noticed, at home and abroad. That of the sixteenth cen- 
 tury was one of nations ; and this it is on which Lord 
 Macaulay and Professor Eanke have bestowed so much space. 
 That of the seventeenth century was one of individuals ; which, 
 though it has escaped them, has not escaped Mosheim, in 
 whose pages a long list of proselytes, of the highest rank and 
 acquirements, commencing with Queen Christina, may be 
 seen, and for whose conduct, with his usual unfairness, he 
 endeavours to find corrupt motives.'^^ His list would have 
 gained in importance had it been extended to England : for 
 though neither Charles II. nor James II., nor even Dryden nor 
 Sunderland, can be regarded as models, there were numbers 
 of the stamp of Father Baker,'^" Sir John and Lady Warner,^^' 
 Abraham Woodhead,^^'* and Anderton 'the Golden-mouth- 
 ed,' ^^' whose works are still as much prized as their unsullied 
 lives are revered. 
 
 =™ Cent. rvii. pp. 749-50, ed. Eeid. 1691, 12mo. 
 
 '" Wood's Ath. Oxon. vol. iii. p. 7. ^''- Wood, ibid. p. 1158. 
 
 '"' lAfe of Lady W. London, a. d. ^" Wood, yol. ii. p. 514. 
 
PEOTESTANTISM AND ITS WORKS. 191 
 
 § 78. Protestantism and its Works. — Biblical and 
 General Criticism. 
 
 Still, in spite of its many serious reverses, Protestantism 
 held on ; and was in some measure indemnified for its 
 losses elsewhere by its assured position in England, from 
 whence it passed over to North America, where it has become 
 dominant once more beyond dispute. As little can it be 
 denied that it has conferred some benefits — considerable 
 benefits on the whole, and in part due to its own fundamental 
 principles — upon Christendom. Not by any means, indeed, 
 that it has succeeded in making men better Christians than 
 they had been of old: on the contrary, it has reconciled 
 them to a dwarfed and hybrid profession of faith : to practice 
 rarely rising above mediocrity ; and so far it has defrauded 
 a large portion of mankind of untold blessings, which, from 
 never having experienced, they hold cheap, but which those 
 who have returned to the communion of the Catholic Church, 
 and have experienced, may claim to be allowed to estimate 
 at their proper value. 
 
 What services it has rendered are much more negative than 
 positive in their general aspect, and may be classed under 
 three heads : 
 
 1. It has produced some good critics and Biblical inter- 
 preters. I do not find Eoman Catholic writers half so scorn- 
 ful of their services as they were of the services of all their 
 predecessors in that department. ' Luther,' says Dr. Alzog, 
 ' expounded with great intelligence some parts of the Book 
 of Genesis, of the Psalms, and of the Epistle to the Grala- 
 tians : he has often translated and developed the words of 
 the Holy Spirit, in language at once simple, popular, and 
 attractive. Melanchthon, occupied betimes with the study of 
 the Bible, applied his vast knowledge of Hebrew to the 
 explanation of the literal sense of the Old Testament ; and, 
 true to that principle of S. Augustine, that the New Testa- 
 ment alone completely unfolds the meaning of the Old, he 
 illustrated it by commentaries, dogmatic and allegorical. . . . 
 
192 BIBLICAL AND GENERAL CEITICISM. 
 
 In the Eeformed Church, Calvin, treading on the steps of 
 Leo Juda, the Grerman translator of the Bible, of Zuinglius, 
 CEcolampadius, and Bucer, all of them subtle commentators 
 on Holy Scripture, penetrated with profound religious sen- 
 timent into the Sacred Text, and developed its sublime mean- 
 ing with marvellous ability, especially in his ' Commentaries 
 on the Epistles of S. Paul,' where, however, he has frequently 
 done violence to the text, in order to attribute to that Apostle 
 
 his own rigid and austere system Exegetical philology 
 
 likewise owed its original development to Conrad Pelican ; 
 and afterwards it was still more indebted to the admirable 
 labours of the two Buxtorfs, father and son, professors of 
 Oriental languages at Basle, assisted by their knowledge of 
 Talmudic and Eabbinical literature. Thomas Erpenius, and 
 his famous pupil James Grolius, did much to facilitate the 
 study of Arabic ; while Samuel Bochart explained both the 
 
 geography and natural history of the Bible Infinitely 
 
 more free from prejudice than his predecessors, Hugo Grrotius, 
 the finest scholar of his age, commented upon the Old and 
 New Testament with rare impartiality and immense philo- 
 logical erudition.'^'"'' 
 
 Another service rendered by them as critics was the 
 detection of a vast number of spurious works and records 
 hitherto regarded as genuine. The Magdeburg Centuriators, 
 so far, inaugurated a new era in ecclesiastical history, not- 
 withstanding their prejudices. Casaubon, Hottinger, Basnage, 
 Mosheim, Spanheim, Neander, Gieseler, Milman, Eanke 
 have been their successors, and, must it not be gladly 
 acknowledged, with steadily increasing impartiality ? As De 
 Maistre said long since,'^* as De Ravignon re-echoed that 
 saying but yesterday,^^^ ' Les Papes n'ont besoin, que de la 
 verite.' Scaliger, Usser, Pearson, Voss, Grabe, Dodwell, 
 Blondell, Daille, Fabricius, Bingham, Beveridge, Routh, 
 Palmer, Maskell, Neale are names inseparable from the 
 study of ecclesiastical antiquities, and of the Fathers ; nor 
 
 '" E. H. § 338. =«6 On the titlepage of Clement 
 
 s« 0« I'ape, liv. ii. u. 13. XIII. and Clement XIV., 
 
PEOTESTANT FELLOW-WOEEEES WITH CATHOLICS. 193 
 
 can it be denied, witi any justice, that, so far as they have 
 contributed to separate facts from fiction, truth from error, 
 in the annals of the past, they have been, to that extent at 
 least, fellow-labourers with the Benedictines of S. Maur, and 
 others of equal learning and industry amongst Catholics. 
 
 § 79. Rise of the Inductive Sciences. — Deductive Science 
 worked out in the Middle Ages. 
 
 2. As I have already noticed, there are two branches into 
 which all sciences are divided — inductive and deductive. 
 Now, Christianity had to make its conquest of both. It made 
 its conquest of the last in the Middle Ages, when it appro- 
 priated and fixed its own sense upon the works of Aristotle 
 and Plato, and consolidated its own dogmatic code. It has 
 made or has been making its conquest of the first from the 
 Eeformation downwards, and principally, as might be ex- 
 pected, through Protestants. On the philosophical account 
 of it all I shall dwell presently. Should it be objected that 
 the study of inductive science has encouraged infidelity, it 
 should be remembered how often scholastic philosophy ad- 
 vanced to the very edge of the precipice in the thirteenth 
 and fourteenth centm-ies, even though it was working under 
 the eye of the Church. How much more perilous the task, 
 naturally, when men have worked as individuals, independent 
 of any control but that of their subject-matter, or of their 
 own sense of duty and responsibility ? Nevertheless, it can- 
 not for a moment be asserted that Lord Bacon, the founder 
 of inductive science as applied to matter, or Locke the 
 founder of inductive science as applied to mind, or Grrotius 
 the illustrious exponent of international law, or Newton the 
 impersonation of natural philosophy, or Leibnitz the diviner 
 of the science of language, and of how many others, or 
 Adam Smith the philanthropic explorer of the science of 
 political economy, were either infidels, or the friends of 
 infidels. Quite the reverse ! All of them were pious and well- 
 meaning Christians, intent on the discovery of truth in their 
 own sphere and for its own sake, and no less jealous of the 
 
 
 
194 DEDUCTIVE SCIENCE "WOKKED OUT IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 honour of revealed truth — some of them its ablest and best 
 vindicators, in the spirit of that method according to which 
 they worked. To say that they worked apart from authority, 
 is simply to say that they were committed to those studies 
 in which authority can be no guide at all — in which experi- 
 ment and observation necessarily take the place of authority. 
 And what is true of inductive science in general, is equally 
 true of all its different ramifications — ethnology, archaeology, 
 chemistry, geology, the whole range of physics. But who 
 can say that these are studies unbefitting a Christian man, 
 even though the habit of mind engendered by them should 
 tend to the elevation of private judgment, and habitual reli- 
 ance upoa self ? Historically, beyond dispute, their advance- 
 ment is one of the chief features of that era which is called 
 the Eeformation. Still, had the inauguration of that era 
 been accompanied by no violence at all, they must have come 
 up sooner or later with the discussion of the problem of per- 
 sonal sanctification. Providence brought about their deve- 
 lopment when their full time was come. We can as little 
 conceive the schoolmen elaborating the inductive sciences, as 
 the students of inductive philosophy elaborating that system 
 of ethics and metaphysics which was taught in the schools. 
 Neither, however, can in any justice be held to supersede or 
 even disparage the other : it was necessary for the honour of the 
 religion of Christ that both should be comprehended and 
 unfolded by those whom He had regenerated by baptism, 
 and educated by the light of His Gospel. 
 
 § 80. Collision between the Deductive and Inductive Methods. 
 
 3. The critical time was when the inductive method was 
 brought into collision with the deductive — criticism and free 
 enquiry with authority. The truths of revelation, in them- 
 selves, are beyond our analysis. "We have no test applicable 
 to them which they do not themselves supply. We cannot say 
 beforehand what revelation should be or what it should not be. 
 The laws which regulate physical phenomena, the laws which. 
 
THE INDUCTIVE METHOD WHEN NECESSARY? 195 
 
 regulate our own minds, may suggest analogies in illustration 
 or support of it ; but we are not, therefore, entitled to reject 
 it, should it ever run counter to them, or transcend them. 
 Who can pretend to demonstrate even that all other planets, 
 all other systems in the universe, are governed by the same 
 laws which govern our own ? The Lord of the Universe may 
 surely make known to us some truths of which we have 
 no means of judging from any criteria within our ken, but 
 of which, as coming from Him, it would be madness to doubt. 
 
 The sole question that we can raise is in reference to the 
 testimony on which they come to us. Let it be granted, 
 however, that there is such testimony, and we cannot fail to 
 perceive that the only logical position which it can assume is 
 that of authority and unmoveableness. Whatever others may 
 do, it cannot challenge its own credentials, or entertain doubts 
 of their validity. 
 
 Similarly, neither are those who> hold their principles upon 
 authority the best qualified to submit them to the test of the 
 inductive method, for the purpose of convincing others of 
 their intrinsic truth. From the very nature of the process, 
 they will be forced into appearing but poor believers, or but 
 poor reasoners, if they attempt it. Stand on the defensive 
 and repel attacks they may, no doubt ; but their arguments 
 will never be conclusive to any but those of their own side, 
 whose convictions have never really been shaken in that 
 authority which is called in question^who believe upon one 
 set of grounds exactly what is denied upon another set. The 
 man who can admit doubts is the only one really capable of 
 analysing the ground of those doubts, and of restoring belief, 
 where it has once been lost, in the position to which they 
 relate, by proving those doubts to have been unfounded. 
 
 Thus, there maybe times and seasons when rigid examina- 
 tion of its credentials by some, will be indispensable to their 
 due acknowledgment by all. It was so in the first ages of 
 the Church. Thousands believed them thoroughly ; but some 
 doubted, and others attacked them. Then uprose Justin 
 Martyr, Tertullian, Origen, Minucius Felix, Lactantius, 
 Eusebius, and established the authenticity of those title-deeds, 
 
 o 2 
 
196 WRITERS UPON CHRISTIAN EVIDENCES. 
 
 and vindicated the obligations imposed by them. That work 
 had now to be done over again, with some difference of 
 details, once more. Criticism had discovered so many for- 
 geries in the records of the past, that belief was shaken in 
 what remained, and even the genuine were suspected. In- 
 duction, that had been applied with so much success to the 
 phenomena of mind and matter, was only too eager to be 
 employed in a new field, which till then had been regarded 
 as so much church-land, or consecrated ground. Then an- 
 other phalanx of resolute writers stepped forward, combated 
 scepticism with its own weapons, and restored, one after ano- 
 ther, the defences behind which Christianity lay enshrined. 
 As Lord Herbert of Cherbury was foremost amongst its 
 assailants, so the farseeing genius of Grrotius was foremost 
 amongst its defenders. But, as the controversy thickened, 
 England supplied both assailants and defenders in such pre- 
 eminent force, that as it has always been looked uppn as the 
 country which gave birth to Deism, so as little can it be 
 denied that it was the country likewise in which Deism 
 ireeeived its most complete refutation. 
 
 § 81. Refutation of Beism by the Church of England. 
 Syllogistic Form of the Controversy. 
 
 Now here is a fact, of immense interest and importance, 
 comparatively unnoticed. The Church of England had not 
 embraced the system either of Luther or of Calvin ; yet, for 
 all that, it was no longer in communion with the Western 
 Church, or with the Pope ; yet, for all that, it proved itself 
 abundantly equal to the task of refuting heresy. For either 
 Deism was no heresy at all, or else the Church of England 
 refuted heresy as such : but, if so, on what grounds can its 
 own orthodoxy be impeached? ' Satan,' it may be said, for it 
 has been said authoritatively, ' cannot cast out Satan.' Had 
 this been all, it might have been replied immediately, that 
 TertuUian, with all his Montanism, was still able to refute 
 Praxeas ; and that Origen, though many of his opinions were 
 condemned even during his lifetime, can never cease to be re- 
 garded as one of the greatest of Christian apologists. But this 
 
SYLLOGISTIC FORM OF THE CONTKOVEBSY. 197 
 
 is by no means all. The Church of England, from its peculiar 
 position, was enabled to begin a work in the eighteenth cen- 
 tury, that could not have been done so well by anyone else — 
 that has not been done at all, before or since, except on prin- 
 ciples akin to its own. The controversy then raging was one 
 to which authority could have nothing to say. It was the induc- 
 tive method that was employed throughout — reason literally 
 matched against reason, on grounds common to both. First 
 principles were put on their trial, so to speak. If authority 
 ventured to do more than look on, it had to abandon its van- 
 tage-ground. The two processes are best contrasted in their 
 syllogistic form. Authority said : — 
 
 * All that is taught by the Church is of Divine revelation. 
 This — doctrine or practice — is taught by the Church. 
 This — doctrine or practice — is of Divine revelation.' 
 Now, authority stood committed to the first of these pro- 
 positions — in logical phrase, the major premise — on which it 
 could not permit any doubts to be entertained without ceasing 
 to be what it claimed to be ; without abdicating what in 
 ecclesiastical language is called its infallibility, or, in the lan- 
 guage of politics, its sovereignty. The rest followed neces- 
 sarily from that assumption. 
 
 But then it was precisely that assumption which was called 
 in question ; and the only way of restoring faith in it was by 
 reestablishing each of its parts inductively, one by one. 
 * This — and this — and this — doctrine or practice are of Divine 
 revelation : 
 
 This — and this — and this — doctrine or practice are all that 
 the Church teaches : 
 
 All that the Church teaches is of Divine revelation.' 
 The first step was, therefore, to prove Christianity to have 
 been a Divine revelation, and answer all the objections that 
 could be raised against it, as such, upon historical or abstract 
 grounds; the second step was to prove that it was Chris- 
 tianity, in its full and proper acceptation, and nothing else, 
 which is taught by the Church. 
 
 Now, what I mean to say is, that no other Christian com- 
 munity was so well qualified to establish each of these pre- 
 
198 ROME AND ENGLAlfD IN THE SAME CAUSE. 
 
 raises, one after another, as the Church of England; and that, 
 in point of fact, no other body has done so to the same extent. 
 From the nature of the case, other Protestant bodies, however 
 much they may have felt called upon to contend for the first, 
 must have stopped short of the second ; while Catholics them- 
 selves, whenever they attempted to do eith er, were compelled to 
 adopt the inductive method. Was it to the dogmatic teaching 
 of the Church that Chateaubriand's great work the ' Genie du 
 Christianisme ' appealed, to resuscitate faith in that system 
 for which it had great difficulty in procuring a hearing at all 
 upon any terms? Nowhere may we see the iattitude of 
 authority and the action of the Church of England more 
 vividly contrasted than in the following epitome of some of 
 the occurrences of a.d. 1725, by M. Picot: 
 
 'A.D. 1725, le 4 Decembre, Decret rendu a Eome contre 
 I'Adeisidemon de Toland. On sentait de jour en jour une 
 necessite plus pressante de premunir les fideles contre I'im- 
 piete qui commenpait a se montrer a decouvert. Toland fut 
 un des plus hardis.' . . . 
 
 Then follows a list of his works ; and then the treatment 
 which they had received from Anglicans : 
 
 ' Presque tous ces ouvrages out essaye des refutations, dont 
 peut-etre ils n'etaient pas dignes : mais qui attestent au 
 Tnoins le zele et les talents du clergS Anglican.' ^^'' . . . 
 
 Rome condemned them, as incompatible with the teaching 
 bf the Church, by a summary decree. Anglicans refuted the 
 arguments contained in them one by one, proving Christianity 
 to have been a Divine revelation in the strictest sense. 
 Eome proceeded by the deductive, Anglicans by the inductive 
 method in the same cause. 
 
 § 82. Unique Position of the Church of England. 
 
 "When I was a member of the Church of England, I en- 
 deavoured to the best of my ability to direct attention to this 
 
 . '*' Mhnoires, as before, vol. ii, p. Irish Parliament, and even in the Con- 
 180(Paris, 8vo. 1853). Henoticesthe vocation of the province of Canter- 
 storm which they had excited in the bury as well. 
 
CHURCH-REVENUES IN ENGLAND AND ELSEWHERE. 199 
 
 singular phenomenon ; and it shall not be my fault if it fails 
 to be' thoroughly sifted now. With all my love for old friends 
 — fresh and unalloyed as ever— I think it may be in my 
 power to argue this whole question of the Church of England 
 as dispassionately, at least, as most, being as persuaded as ever 
 of the thoroughly Christian training which I received in it. 
 Its destinies since the Eeformation have been in many 
 respects unique and strange. Its breach with the Holy See 
 under Henry VIII. involved no difference of doctrine at all, 
 and in appearance was not more grave than others which had 
 been healed again and again in its own history. With that 
 single exception, perhaps of no other country in Europe have 
 the temporalities and ecclesiastical arrangements of the 
 National Church, on the whole, been disturbed less. Any 
 comparison between the revenues of the Church of England 
 and those of the Churches of PVance, Spain, Portugal, and 
 even Italy, is simply absurd. It is equally absurd where Pro- 
 testantism is dominant, as in Sweden and Denmark ; or where 
 Protestantism and Catholicism exist side by side, as in Swit- 
 zerland and Germany. The suppression of convents may 
 have been complete in England, but where else has it not 
 been so ? Not only has the National Church in this country 
 retained its ancient endowments in most cases, but they have 
 been largely added to ; now and then even what had been 
 taken from it has been restored to it from conscientious 
 motives, and in one case by the sovereign — I mean Queen 
 Anne — as a free gift. The only portion of the hierarchy that 
 was abolished was confined to the minor orders, which even 
 the Council of Trent could not deny to have ceased, ' in very 
 many places,' to be realities.'^' And what a significant fact 
 that is, placed side by side with the following — 
 
 1. That in all Grermany, Sweden, Denmark, and elsewhere, 
 where the hierarchy might have been preserved equally well, 
 by means of those bishops and archbishops who embraced 
 Protestantism, there was not the least effort made to retain it.'^' 
 
 '°' Sess. xxiii. c. 1 7, on Reform. the Churches, and Christian Semem- 
 
 ""' Alzog, Hist, de I'R § 336. branoer, vol. xiii. p. 425. 
 Compare Dr. Dollinger's Church and 
 
200 DE MAISTEE ON THE ANGLICAN CHURCH. 
 
 2. That subsequently some of those countries which had dis- 
 carded Episcopacy, especially Prussia, made numerous appli- 
 cations to England to let bishops be consecrated for them in 
 that country, but always failed. 
 
 3. That like overtures on the part of the United States of 
 America proved, on the contrary, successful. 
 
 4. That Pius IV. in vain importuned the Council of Trent, 
 while treating of legitimate bishops, to declare 'that the 
 bishops assumed and created by or under Elizabeth were not i 
 lawful bishops.'^'" Strong opinions had been already ex- 
 pressed, in that very session, ' that it was certain that bishops 
 did not depend on the Pope as regards order — that it was 
 doubtful whether they depended on him as regards jurisdic- 
 tion.' '^' And no decision was ever come to by the Council 
 on that head.^^^ 
 
 ' From the age of fifteen,' says one of the deepest of living 
 writers,^'' 'dogma has been the fundamental principle of my 
 religion.' The deliberate conviction of a no less deep thinker 
 and good Catholic in past time was different. ' Were it per- 
 mitted to establish degrees of importance amongst things of 
 Divine institution,' he says,''* ' / should place the hierarchy 
 be/ore dogma — to so great a degree is the former indispensa- 
 ble to the maintenance of the faith. One may cite in favour 
 of this theory a splendid experience which for three centuries 
 has been conspicuous in the eyes of all Europe : I mean the 
 Anglican Church, which has preserved a dignity and weight 
 absolutely foreign to all other Reformed Churches, entirely 
 because the English good sense has preserved the hierarchy.' 
 
 It would be unbecoming in any Englishman — it would be 
 doubly unbecoming in me — to shirk doing justice to that 
 fact in the constitution of the Church of England which is 
 the keynote to its whole history since the Reformation, so 
 patent as to fill even a foreigner and avowed adversary with 
 admiration. It alone, of all Christian communities in the 
 
 '" Sess. xxiii. 'Waterworth, p. ccxvii, '" De Maistre, Lettre a une Dame 
 
 "• Ibid. p. ccxiv. Busse, vol. ii. p. 285, Lettres et Opus. 
 
 "" Ibid. p. cclii. ined. 
 •" Dr. Newman, A'pot p. 120. 
 
APOSTOLICAL SUCCESSION CLAIMED. 201 
 
 West separated from Eome, has exhibited any signs of growth 
 or development on a large scale, or done work worthy of the 
 name, whatever may be its peculiarities. The arguments for. 
 and against it naturally fall under two heads: — 1. A priori 
 grounds, in respect of its causes or constituents ; 2. A pos- 
 teriori grounds, in respect of its works or effects. 
 
 First, therefore, I assume that the Church of England 
 claims to have what is called ' the Apostolical Succession '■ — a 
 succession of bishops that can be traced back uninterruptedly 
 to the Apostles themselves; in short, that this is her dis- 
 tinctive feature — the perpetuation of a regularly ordained 
 hierarchy. For as, by immemorial law of the Church, one 
 sacrament, namely baptism, may, in cases of necessity, be 
 administered by lay hands ; so, for the consecration of the 
 Holy Eucharist in particular, it has never ceased to be con- 
 sidered indispensable to have regularly ordained priests. 
 Therefore, let the integrity of her Apostolical Succession be 
 conceded, and the validity of her administration of the sacra- 
 ments, one and all, is established. 
 
 § 83. Lingard on Archbishop Parker's Consecration. 
 Consecrators of the Old and Neiv Rite, 
 
 Now, on the fact of Archbishop Parker's consecration — 
 and of all beyond him in the series, there has never been 
 any question at all — I cannot imagine there being two 
 opinions. It is as well authenticated as most, and better than 
 a great many, facts accepted as such ; and who amongst our- 
 selves can pretend to have tested it more carefully than Dr. 
 Lingard ? I quote his results : 
 
 ' Sis theologians and canonists were consulted, who returned 
 an opinion, that in a case of such urgent necessity, the Queen 
 possessed the power of supplying every defect, through the 
 plenitude of her ecclesiastical ' — it is not said spiritual — 
 ' authority as head of the Church.' In conformity with this 
 answer, a commission with a sanatory clause was issued, and 
 four of the commissioners — Barlow tha deprived Bishop of 
 Bath, and Hodgkins once suffragan of Bedford (who had both 
 
202 CONSECKATORS OF THE OLD AND NEW EITE. 
 
 been consecrated according to the Catholic Pontifical), and 
 Scory the deprived Bishop of Chichester, and Coverdale the 
 deprived Bishop of Exeter (who had both been consecrated 
 according to the Eeformed ordinal) — proceeded to confirm the 
 election of Parker, and then to consecrate him after the form 
 adopted towards the close of the reign of Edward VI. A 
 few days later, Parker, as archbishop, confirmed the election 
 of two of those by whom his own election had been con- 
 firmed — of Barlow to the see of Chichester, and of Scory to 
 that of Hereford ; and then, assuming them for his assistants — 
 for three bishops were requisite by law — confirmed and con- 
 secrated all the other prelates elect.'''' 
 
 Was it the effect of accident that two of the consecrators 
 should have belonged to the old, and two to the new rite ; 
 and that Parker should have afterwards selected one of the old 
 and one of the new rite as his assistants ? I venture to add 
 these further considerations to what I have appended from 
 Dr. Lingard in the note. Coverdale and Scory had, it is 
 
 ^" Hist. vol. -ri. p. 17, 8vo. ed. 1849. 
 Note C. in the Append, has as com- 
 plete a review of the whole proceeding 
 as could he wished. It shows, first, 
 how the legality of Parker's consecra- 
 tion was subsequently affirmed by ex- 
 press Act of Parliament; secondly, how 
 the Nag's Head fable originated, and its 
 utter improbabiHty; thirdly, it proves 
 the fact of Parker's consecration, and 
 the whole manner of it, from Parker's 
 own Register, his private diary, and a 
 Zurich letter, dated Jan. 6, 1560— 
 from all which it appears that it took 
 place on Dec. 17, 1559; then, fourthly, 
 it points out the nonexistence of any 
 record of Barlow's own consecration ; 
 yet shows that to be no valid objec- 
 tion ; lastly, and fifthly, it points out 
 the more formidable difficulty, whether 
 the Lambeth rite was of itself suffi- 
 cient to constitute a Christian bishop? 
 What actually was done was, ' omit- 
 ting part of it' (that is, of the ordinal 
 
 then used), ' they consecrated the new 
 archbishop in the following manner : 
 — ^Placing their hands upon his head, 
 they admonished him thus, " Eemem- 
 ber that thou stir up the grace of God 
 which is in thee by imposition of 
 hands, for God hath not given us the 
 spirit of fear but of power, and of 
 love, and of soberness." How, it was 
 asked, could this monition make a 
 bishop ? It bore no immediate con- 
 nection with the episcopal character.' 
 Here, if at all, is contained the real 
 objection. But the whoh office should 
 be read through : it is a different form, 
 certainly, from that now in use in 
 the Church of England ; yet even so, 
 ought not the existing form to be held 
 as evidence of the intention of the 
 other? — Compare the existing Book of 
 Common Frayer with the Two Books 
 in Edward VI.'s reign (Oxford, 1841), 
 pp. 417-22. 
 
. ABP. OF DUBLIN MIGHT HAVE CONSECRATED. 203 
 
 true, been consecrated according to the Eeformed ordinal; 
 but their consecrators were Cranmer and Hodgkins, who had 
 been consecrated according to the Pontifical. Whatever the 
 form used may have been in either case, it is to be presumed 
 that those who were true bishops themselves intended to make 
 those whom they consecrated exactly what they had them- 
 selves been made by consecration — or true bishops. And 
 where has the Church prescribed any one form by default of 
 which episcopal ordination is rendered invalid ? Jiu'isdiction 
 is another point on which, as we have seen, the Council of 
 Trent itself shrunk from pronouncing even in their case. 
 Had the bishops whom Elizabeth deprived ^'^ put, forth any 
 collective protest against the jurisdiction of their successors, 
 declaring it to have been usurped and contrary to the canons, 
 the position of the latter would have been much more ques- 
 tionable. As far as I can discover, only Bonner made any 
 show of active resistance, '^' but it was not to his successor : 
 and as the ejected prelates died off, there was no attempt 
 made to fill up their vacancies. 
 
 One more circumstance remains to be noticed which, appa- 
 rently, can never have crossed the mind of Dr. Lingard. 
 Hugh Curwin, Archbishop of Dublin, had been appointed to 
 his see by Queen Mary, having been consecrated according 
 to the forms of the Pontifical in S. Paul's Church, London, 
 on September 8, a.d. 1555. Now he it was who consecrated, 
 in A.D. 1562, what may be called Elizabethan bishops for 
 Ireland.^'' Can it be supposed for a moment that he 
 would not have been sximmoned to consecrate Parker, had 
 those six theologians and canonists who were consulted 
 imagined themselves to be in any real difficulty for valid con- 
 secrators ? From the time of Lanfranc, and of Patrick, 
 second bishop of that see, and perhaps earlier, the prelates 
 
 "' From our point of view they diiring the reigns of Henry VIII. and 
 were legitimate bishops. StiE it must Edward VI.' — Perceval's 
 
 not be forgotten that, from the Angli- App. p. 193; Palmer's Orig. Liturg. 
 
 can point of view, ' the only canoni- u. xii. § 5. 
 
 caUy consecrated bishops of the pro- ^" Lingard, ibid. 
 
 vinee of Canterbury were those then ^'^ Sir James Ware's Hist. vol. i. 
 
 surviving, who had been consecrated p. 94, ed. Harris. 
 
204 RELATIONS OP DUBLIN TO CANTEKBUEY OF OLD. 
 
 of Dublin had been in tbe habit of coming over to be conse- 
 crated by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and of making pro- 
 fession of canonical obedience to him as their primate."' As 
 archbishops, indeed, they had long ceased to do this ; still, 
 it would never have been unnatural for them to have taken 
 part in his consecration. 
 
 § 84. Church of England never doubtful of, or indifferent 
 to, its Episcopal Succession. 
 
 Thus, that Parker was consecrated, and that those who 
 consecrated him were believed at the time to be canonically 
 competent to do so, and that their intention must have been 
 to confer episcopal ordination, is I think no more than we are 
 bound to concede. And is there any one point in History, 
 from that time forth, when the Church of England either 
 doubted of the true character of her episcopate, or lost it, 
 or was indifferent to its preservation as such ? Plainly, no 
 such case has ever occurred. On the contrary, it has never 
 ceased to be her special boast from the first : she has con- 
 tinually been asked to impart it to others who had it not ; 
 and in one case it has been actually transmitted to another 
 country speaking the same language — descendants, in short, 
 of the mother-country — through one of her offshoots. Nor 
 could there well be stronger collateral evidence of her own 
 belief in the unimpeachableness of her claims from the first, 
 than what is supplied in these speculations, from which I am 
 about to quote, on the kind of reception which the celebrated 
 Antonio de Dominis, archbishop of Spalato, would be likely 
 to have accorded to him in this country. They must have 
 been penned therefore before A.d. 1616, the date of his arri- 
 val, or between fifty and sixty years only from Parker's con- 
 
 "' See ColKer, E.H. vol. ii. p. 31 e< and a dirainntion of the rights of the 
 
 seq., or in time of S. Anselm, ibid. see of Canterbury — the Irish prelates 
 
 p. 81. It was EugeniuB III. who being always consecrated by that 
 
 erected four archbishoprics in Ireland, archbishop.' — Ibid. p. 245, a.d. 1151. 
 
 of which Dublin was one ; but this, Yet what rights had the see of Can- 
 
 ' as theaMthoioi the Norman Chronicle terbuiy that were not derived origi- 
 
 reports, was altogether an innovation, naUy from Eome, its founder ? 
 
SPECULATIONS ON THE VISIT OF THE ABP. OF SPALATO. 205 
 
 secration ; and evidently by some Eoman Catholic of high 
 note on the other side of the Alps. They are written in 
 Latin ; but their heading is in Italian, and they form part of 
 a collection of Italian MSS. : 
 
 ' Should his Grrace of Spalato expect to mix with them, he 
 has reckoned without his host. The haughtiness of the 
 Anglican clergy, as it is called, will decline his services as 
 superfluous, or even injurious to its interests ; for so con- 
 vinced are its bishops, its ministers, and even the king him- 
 self, of the integrity of their church, that they imagine that 
 it alone in the whole world is perfection, and wanting in no 
 one respect .... But, you rejoin, here is, at all events, a 
 bishop ordained in the Church of Eome, who can confer holy 
 orders, and transmit legitimate succession to those sectaries. 
 Most assuredly they will never attach any such importance 
 to his Grace, or lay themselves under that amount of obliga- 
 tion to him. Why, what could be more damaging to those 
 who have always boasted that there never has been ivanting 
 a true succession of bishops in England ? For they say 
 that, notwithstanding that Elizabeth oppressed the Catholics, 
 there were still some Catholic bishops who took part with her, 
 and raised others, whom she appointed, to that order. Thus 
 bishops were provided by bishops ; and there was a book 
 published in English on that very subject about a year ago, 
 in which the succession of their bishops is maintained. Who 
 could therefore suspect England of wishing to begin a new 
 list, and cancel the names and acts of all those bishops who 
 have up to this time ministered to that sect ? For this it 
 must come to, should they admit succession to have been 
 wanting to those who without it, as they argue themselves, 
 could not have been lawful bishops. By that one act they 
 would ruin their religion in the eyes of all intelligent per- 
 sons ; and oh ! that such a blessing was likely to accrue to the 
 Catholic Church, undesignedly through the wickedness of this 
 his Grace of Spalato ! ' ^^^ . . . . 
 
 This is certainly very remarkable testimony, coming from 
 
 "^ Eawl. MSS. Ital. toI. xii. fol. 64 eopra I'Archiveseovo di Spalato circa la 
 (in the Bodleian Library) : ' Discorso sua andata in Inghilterra.' 
 
206 FATHER COUKATEE ON ANGLICAN ORDERS. 
 
 such a quarter as Italy, and of that date. Whatever others may 
 have thought of it, in the mind of the Church of England there 
 never can have been any doubt of the regular and unbroken 
 character of its own Apostolical Succession, and of its intrin- 
 sic value, from the beginning. The grounds on .which its 
 orders have been denied in practice by the Eoman Catholic 
 hierarchy from the first — no less — have never been authorita- 
 tively declared. As for the mere practice of doing so, there 
 might be set over against it the practice of the Greek Church, 
 as distinguished however from that of Russia, which invari- 
 ably reordains, and even rebaptizes, any — thoiigh they may 
 have received all their orders immediately from the Pope — 
 who come over to it from the West. And when the book of 
 Father Courayer on Anglican Orders first appeared in Paris, 
 if Abbe Grirardin is to be credited, the Bishops of Blois and 
 Troyes and others declared themselves in favour of their 
 validity."" But it so happened that Cardinal de Noailles, 
 then Archbishop of Paris, had just previously reordained some 
 Anglican clergjmien, who had presented themselves to him 
 for that purpose ; and as he did not like to stultify his own 
 act, he, at length, used his influence to procure the condem- 
 nation of that remarkable work.^^^ 
 
 However, it is not my business to dogmatise upon facts, 
 but only to endeavour to state them as they are — impartially. 
 
 's' Letter to Archbishop Wake, Feb. 1, 1721 (Arch. W. Epist. 29), reports 
 
 19, 1724 (Arch. W, Epist. 30) : ' Tout that the Ahhk ' tells him that he had 
 
 Paris ne retentit que de la disserta- informed your G-race in the enclosed 
 
 tion sur la validity des ordinations of what has passed between him and 
 
 Anglicanes. Les ^v^ques de Blois the Chancellor, who has referred him 
 
 et de Troyes se d&larent hautement to the Cardinal de Noailles ; for fear 
 
 pour cette validity. Le Pere Tourne- his Eminence, who has been weak 
 
 mine, Jdsuite, en a rendu un t^moi- enough to consent to a reordination of 
 
 gnage favorable en presence de M. le some apostate clergymen, should take 
 
 Cardinal de Rohan, disant que son it ill that a book should be published 
 
 t^moignage devait paraitre d'autant wherein that practice is condemned.' 
 
 moins suspect, que cette dissertation One of these clergymen was a Seotch- 
 
 semblait aToir quelque aigreur centre man, named Sharp. Courayer pub- 
 
 les J^suites.' . . lished a letter to Cardinal de Noailles, 
 
 ''2 Mr. Aycrst (chaplain to Sir E. in consequence of the Letter of In- 
 
 Sutton, the English ambassador of struction of that prelate, published in 
 
 that day) to Archbishop Wake, Nov. a.d. 1727. 
 
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN RESPECT OP DOGMA. 207 
 
 And I trust to be found doing so, no less, in connection with 
 that other part of the constitution of the Church of England 
 ■ — by what name shall I call it ? its inmost soul — at which 
 I have now arrived. For though, with Count de Maistre, I 
 am inclined to place the hierarchy before dogma, still I would 
 not for a moment be thought to undervalue dogma, without 
 which no church, deserving the name, either has ever existed 
 or can exist. 
 
 § 85. Of the Book of Common Prayer and the Thirty-nine 
 
 Articles. 
 
 Very different indeed from any mere rupture with the Holy 
 See was the publication of the Thirty-nine Articles and of the 
 Book of Common Prayer ; for, so far, one is inseparable from 
 the other. In each of them a breach with the past, and to 
 that extent that there is no other page of English history to 
 compare with it. Nolumus Anglice leges mutari has been 
 our constitutional motto from time immemorial — a principle 
 by no means incompatible with salutary reforms. The Book 
 of Common Prayer and the Thirty-nine Articles imply the 
 adoption of principles by the Church of England diametrically 
 opposed to that maxim. How should we like, at one swoop, 
 to cut off all intermediate legislation, and return to the 
 primitive code of Edward the Confessor ? Let Englishmen 
 ask themselves dispassionately whether one principle which 
 has worked so admirably in State should be abandoned for 
 another, its exact opposite, in Church ; whether, had we acted 
 by our constitution in State as we acted by our constitution 
 in Church three hundred years ago, we should have been the 
 happy, flourishing, united nationality that we are now ? 
 
 Of the contents of the Book of Common Prayer it would 
 not be my desire to speak slightingly ; but what in reality 
 was meant when it was compiled and put forth ? Was it the 
 publication of a national liturgy for the first time ? Was it the 
 restoration of a national liturgy in place of a foreign one that 
 had supplanted it — as in France the Galilean,- in Spain the Mo- 
 zarabic, as opposed to the Koman ? Or was it the substitution 
 
208 OLD SEBVICE-BOOKB WHY ABANDONED. 
 
 of one general office for the whole realm, instead of many 
 —the very pretext, in appearance,^^^ put forward by it? 
 Nothing of the kind. It carried with it not merely the sup- 
 pression hut the condemnation, as unscriptural and corrupt, 
 of all the old liturgies and service-books that had been the 
 spiritual food of our forefathers for five hundred years or 
 more,^^* as they then stood ; and who can say for how much 
 longer in substance ? It threw them aside, one and all, 
 indiscriminately with contempt, as made up of ' uncertain 
 stories and legends, with multitude of responds, vain repeti- 
 tions, commemorations, and synodals : ' ^^ drawing no distinc- 
 tion whatever between liturgies and breviaries, their variable 
 and unchangeable parts, more ancient or more modern office- 
 books. It classed them all in a lump under one category, as 
 merely Salisbury, Hereford, Bangor, York, or Lincoln ' Use,' 
 as though their whole difference lay in some ' diversity of 
 saying or singing ' them, and their chief intrinsic value was 
 mere matter of plain chant. ^'^ Borrowing from them largely, 
 but without acknowledging its obligations ; suppressing some 
 of the most material parts of their doctrine, while carping at 
 'the multitude of ceremonies ' that it had 'put away' ; altering 
 their arrangement, where that arrangement was often of the 
 last importance — it claimed to have restored order according 
 to the mind of the ancient Fathers, and in particular to have 
 redressed that grievance of which S. Augustine complained. 
 A.D. 1536, a new edition of the 'Eoman Breviary,' prepared 
 with the approbation of Clement VII., by Cardinal Quignon, 
 was published, having been authorised by a special Bull of 
 Paul III. previously. It has been more than once suggested 
 that 'the reform of English offices' went upon the same 
 
 '" ' Concerning tlie Service of the by Mr, Maskell, Ancient Lit. of the 
 
 Church,' in preface to Common Frat/er Ch. of Eng., pref. i-xiv., summed 
 
 BooJc. up thus : ' I think that it is quite clear 
 
 384 file ' Uge of Sarum ' was drawn that the first Common Prayer Book of 
 
 up about A.D. 1085, by Osmund, then King Edward, and all succeeding ones, 
 
 bishop of that see. See Maskell's were not in fact aimed at the abolition 
 
 Anc. Lit. pref. p. Iviii. of varieties of music, but of a variety 
 
 "'* Ibid. of prayers, and rites and ceremonies. 
 
 °'° See some very pertinent remarks This object was effected.' 
 
CABDINAL QUIGNON'S BEEVIAET. 209 
 
 plan;^*' and Mr. Palmer'" has printed, in parallel columns, 
 the preface to that Breviary, and the section 'Concerning the 
 Service of the Church,' already cited from. But who can fail 
 to be struck with the reverential tone of the first in contrast 
 to the second ? ' We, omit versieles, responds, and little 
 chapters,' says the Cardinal, not because of their superfluous- 
 ness or uselessness ; for they are incentives to piety, and por- 
 tions of Holy Scripture.' Again, the hope of the compiler of 
 the revised Breviary is, that it will be judged 'not so much a 
 new one as the old restored.' Again, who does not see the 
 diflference between retrenching a Breviary and retrenching 
 a Missal; and between retrenching a Missal in those parts 
 which vary with the day — its collects and commemorations — • 
 and those which are the same for all days — that are, and' have 
 been always, the same in substance for all Missals — the 
 Ordinary and the Canon ? Contrast thrnn, with the ' Order' for 
 administration of the Sacraments of the Church of England. 
 How comes it, if it be that real improvement on them which 
 it claims to be, that it speaks so confusedly and equivocally — 
 where they speak plain — that there never have ceased to be 
 two sets, at least, of learned men in the Church of England, 
 one asserting with confidence that some point of doctrine or 
 discipline is authoritatively laid down in the Prayer Book, 
 the other as confident that it is not ? Is lay-baptism allowed 
 in the Church of England ? It depends on how the words 
 'lawful minister' in the rubric are construed. Is Confirma- 
 tion, is Matrimony considered a sacrament by the Church of 
 England? There are grounds in each case for two oppo- 
 site conclusions. Is water to be mixed with wine in cele- 
 
 '" A writer in the Church Times of but of Cardinal Q,.' (He should have 
 
 Dec. 17, 1864, goes further. He says: said 'some words.') 'Indeed, it is 
 
 ' It unquestionably furnished more generally supposed that the rigid sup- 
 
 than the mere plan of the Anglican pression of the Quignonian Breviary 
 
 revision. The Eeformers had the was ovnng not so much to any inherent 
 
 book before them; and a very large defects in the Book itself, as to its 
 
 portion of the preface to the Common relationship to the Anglican ComTnon 
 
 Prayer Book, explaining the prin- Prayer^ — which, however, was far 
 
 ciples on which the revision was made, mare than a Breviary from the first, 
 is actually Quignon's own preface. The ^'' Oriy. iiterj'. vol. i. pp. 230-4. 
 
 words are not those of the Eeformers 
 
210 AMBIGUITIES OF THE COMMOIf PRAYER BOOK. 
 
 brating the Holy Eucharist ? If the rubric does not say 
 yes, it does not say no. Is there any genuine oblation recog- 
 nised? The prayer of oblation is there, but not in its proper 
 place. Is the Body and Blood of Christ really present on the 
 altar on consecration of the elements; and if so, is Christ to 
 be adored as present there and then ? It does not appear 
 whether the Officiating Minister is to kneel at all from the 
 time of commencing the 'consecration-prayer,' though all to 
 whom he delivers communion are bound to be on their 
 knees at the time of receiving. Are the dead prayed for? 
 'How emphatical,' wrote Mr. Maskell, in a.d. 1846, 'is the 
 expression, "all the whole Church," '^^' in the misplaced 
 prayer already mentioned! Who that has any prayerful 
 sympathy for the departed at all could find adequate vent for 
 it, either there or in the still more equivocal phrase, 'that 
 with them we may be partakers of Thy heavenly kingdom,' 
 at the end of the prayer for the Church militant here in 
 earth ? 
 
 'The members of the Church of England,''^" . . . wrote 
 Mr. Maskell again, in 1846, 'well know that none but a priest 
 can stand'in their stead before the holy table and offer, in their 
 behalf, the solemn prayers and praises of the office of the 
 communion- — -that none but a priest can consecrate the 
 elements. They believe also that the blessings attached to a 
 worthy partaking are very great; but how much is there 
 which they forget, or which never has been taught them ! 
 
 ' They have been told, and rightly told, that the natural 
 Body and the natural Blood of Jesus Christ are not given 
 them ; but not with equal earnestness that the Body and the 
 Blood are really given. They have been told, and rightly 
 told, that the elements of bread and wine remain unchanged in 
 substance ; but not also that after consecration those elements 
 are no longer common bread and common wine, but that they 
 are endued with another and mysterious efficacy, tending to 
 a better purpose than the mere supporting of men's earthly 
 life. They have been told, and rightly told, that Jesus Christ 
 
 '"" Orig. Liturg, p. exlviii. "" Ibid. p. cxiy. 
 
CONTEAST OF THE OLD SARUM MISSAL. 211 
 
 made but one oblation of Himself once offered; but not that 
 there is also in the Eucharist another commemorative but 
 most true oblation of His Body and His Blood. They have 
 been told, and rightly told, that it is a dangerous deceit to 
 say the priest does offer Christ in the Sacrifices' (for so he 
 should have written, the words of the Article being saffi-ificia) 
 ' of Masses ; but not that all antiquity and all ancient rituals 
 testify that in the Eucharist the Body and the Blood of Our 
 Blessed Lord are offered as the efficacious and propitiatory 
 sacrifice for the living and the dead. , . . The direct prayers 
 which were in the primitive f 011ns had the sure and good 
 effect of- keeping up, in the minds both of the priest and 
 people, a remembrance of the solemn truths which were 
 expressed in them.^ ^^^ ... 
 
 Take the canon of the Old Sarum Missal, for instance : and 
 can there be any doubt what doctrine is taught in it, lite- 
 rally, unequivocally, throughout ? As it was thought expe- 
 dient that there should be but one 'use,' and that 'use' in the 
 vernacular, why was not the Sarum Liturgy translated and 
 authorised — Canon and Ordinary, just as they stood— with the 
 variable portions of it in some respects revised, and all other 
 ' uses ' abolished ? Similarly, among the various Breviaries 
 of that date,^'^ one surely might have been selected, trans- 
 lated, and adapted for general use, with any ' uncertain 
 stories and legends ' that it was found to contain expunged. 
 That course would have been both intelligible and defensible. 
 
 § 86. Missal and Breviary of Pius V. Antiphons to 
 the Blessed Virgin. 
 
 That course was pursued consistently by Pius V. in his 
 revised editions of the Eoman Missal and Breviary, a.d. 1568- 
 70, by the latter of which was supplanted the breviary of 
 Cardinal Quignon, just as the service-book of Edward VI. had 
 
 '°' Mr. Haskell's own words wit- ='^, According to Zacearia, there were 
 
 Bess, in some respects, to the effects ' more than 150' to choose from in 
 of the English Office even upon a mind Europe atthat date. — SeeMr.Pabner's 
 like his. Orig. Lit. vol. i. p. 226. 
 
 P 2 
 
212 ANTIPHONS TO THE BLESSED VIRGIN. 
 
 been by that of Queen Elizabeth some ten years before, ''* 
 Now it has been objected against the new Breviary, that it 
 contains some innovations, particularly the ' Hail Mary,' with 
 the addition of ' Holy Mary,' &c. at the end — which, it is 
 asserted, ' was not found in any prayer before A.d. 1508'— 
 and the antiphons to the Virgin in the office for Compline. 
 The alterations in the Missal likewise, it is said, ' had the 
 effect of introducing new superstitions.'^'' Now, it is just the 
 contrast between them and the English Prayer Book, in these 
 respects, that exhibits the character of the latter in the 
 plainest light. First, however, let me advert to one fact con- 
 nected with their publication, manifestly to the advantage of 
 the former, 'and vastly diminishing the force of the objection 
 just made to them. In both cases the new Missal and Brevi- 
 ary were made obligatory in all dioceses where no missal or 
 breviary was in existence two hundred years old. They 
 might, indeed, be adopted in all dioceses with the consent of 
 the bishop and of the entire chapter ; but any missal or 
 breviary ^that had been in use for two hundred years, duly 
 authorised, in any diocese, might be retained in preference. 
 Here was true conservative policy, and true reverence for an- 
 tiquity combined. Not one of the Old English liturgies or 
 breviaries would have been superseded by the constitution 
 of Pius V. in A.D. 1570.'^^ By the contemptuous spirit 
 which animated the framers of the Book of Common 
 Prayer, and by the far ruder ordinances which confirmed 
 it, all were swept away — must it be said? — as so much trash, 
 throughout the realm. Not the prescription of centuries, 
 not the predilections of any number of Christian congrega- 
 tions in any diocese could have been pleaded in their favour.''^ 
 
 "'' For the difiference between them, fore for the service of the Church . . . 
 
 see Collier, E. H. vol. ix. p. 321 {Be- shallbe clearlie and utterlie abolished, 
 
 cords, 77), ed. Straker. extinguished, and forbidden for ever 
 
 ^'* Palmer, ibid. p. 235, and note. to bee used or kepte in this Eealme.' 
 
 ™ Kohrbacker, if. & rs. vol. xxiv. They were further 'ordered to be 
 
 pp. 41 7-1 9. openly burnt, or otherwise destroyed ' ; 
 
 '""' See the Proclamation of A. d. and if any mayor, bishop, &c., or other 
 
 1549, and the immediately succeeding commissary, neglected to do so, he 
 
 Acts of 3 and 4 Edw. VI. ex., or- was to forfeit ' fourtie poundes.' — Mo- 
 
 daining that all books ' used hereto- nnm. Bit. Eccl. Angl. vol. i. p. clxxiii. 
 
ORIGIN OF INVOKING THE SAINTS. 213 
 
 How, it may be asked, in the face of so much apparent 
 reverence for antiquity, could the new Missal and Breviary 
 admit innovations that would imply the reverse ? They were 
 admitted on the very same groimds, and no others. They 
 were but the expressions of what had been the devotional 
 feelings of the whole Church — East and West alike — for cen- 
 turies. And these devotional feelings had been called into 
 existence by no ruling of councils, no decisions of theolo- 
 gians, and by no imposed observance. They had sprung up 
 spontaneously and unbidden in the hearts of generation after 
 generation of Christian men and women, devoting themselves, 
 as best they could, through a life-long existence — soul and 
 body — to the service of Grod, meditating day by day on the 
 great work of redemption that had been wrought for them. 
 And His Holy Spirit, communing with their spirits, and no 
 other agent or instrument, had taught them that the Saints 
 reigning with Christ, and His blessed Mother especially, 
 could and would intercede for them, did they ask their pray- 
 ers : and so one asked, and had his petitions granted, and 
 asked again. Then he breathed the secret of his success 
 to his brother or friend, till he in turn was encouraged to 
 ask. Then another, and another, as the secret was passed 
 about from house to hamlet, and from hamlet to town, and 
 from one country to another, till at length it had spread over 
 Christendom. Occasionally some signal cure, some mira- 
 culous deliverance, would be vouchsafed in answer to such 
 prayers, that could not but be made public : then a public 
 thanksgiving would follow ; then it would be suggested, by 
 some one bolder than the rest, why should not such blessings 
 be asked for likewise in public, and in church, by a whole 
 congregation — by a whole diocese ? That was the first step 
 to the formation of litanies, in which the intercessions, not of 
 one Saint, but of many — at length of all — would be asked; 
 and when their efScacy had been incontestably e.stablished by 
 the palpable benefits which ensued from their use, they 
 became part and parcel of the daily devotions of all pious 
 Christians in all lands. The savage who drank of the water 
 into which a certain tree had fallen found his strength won- 
 
214 CONSERVATIVE CHAEACTEE OF THE NEW BEEVIAET. 
 
 derfuUy restored, and he drank of it again and again, and 
 told his neighbours, who followed his example; till at last the 
 bark of that tree was recognised to have salutary properties, 
 and was imported into highly civilised countries, and was 
 taken up by the faculty, and scientific physicians prescribed 
 it regularly, as one of the best medicines for restoring vigour 
 to the human system. In no other way did devotions to the 
 Saints spring up in the Church.'^^ No pope, no general 
 council, ever imposed them as obligatory. All that the Coun- 
 cil of Trent even laid down on that subject was, that 'it is 
 good and useful suppliantly to invoke them, and to have 
 recourse to their prayers, aid, and help, for obtaining benefits 
 from Grod through His Son Jesus Christ, who alone is our 
 Eedeemer and Saviour.' This it was, therefore, that in- 
 duced S. Pius to authorise insertion in his new Breviary of 
 those forms of tender supplicatory address to the Blessed 
 Virgin, which had proved the solace and edification of Chris- 
 tian men and women, of all orders and estates, for centuries. 
 Public opinion demanded it of him — public opinion, based 
 upon practical experience of their blessed effects. As it was 
 said when the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception was 
 promulgated authoritatively by his present Holiness, that 
 
 '=" This is just the one fact which solute deification, if it may be so said, 
 Dean Milman has left out; otherwise of Christ — the forgetfulness of His 
 the abstract motives alleged by him Humanity, induced by His investment 
 are very candidly drawn : ' Of all these in more remote and awful Godhead — 
 forms of worship ' (which he had created a want of some more kindred 
 classed under the head of ' Christian and familiar object of adoration. The 
 Mythology'), ' the most captivating — worship of the intermediate Saints ad- 
 and captivating to the most amiable nutted that of the Virgin as its least 
 weaknesses of the human mind — ^was dangerous, most consolatory part, 
 the devotion to the Virgin Mary.' — The exquisite beauty and purity of 
 Lat. Christian, b. iii. c. vii. p. 467. the images, the Virgin Mother and 
 Elsewhere (ibid. a. iii. p. 140) : ' The the Divine Infant, though not as yet 
 worship of the Virgin had arisen from embodied in the highest art, by paint- 
 the confluence of many pure and ing or sculptvire appealed to the un- 
 gentle, and many natural feelings. reasoning unsuspecting heart. To this 
 The reverence for everything con- was added the superior intluence with 
 nected with the Eedeemer, especially which Christianity had invested the 
 by ties so close and tender, would not female sex, and which naturally clave 
 with cold jealousy watch and limit to this gentler and kindred object of 
 its ardent language. The more ab- adoring love.' 
 
ASSUMPTIONS OF THE COMMON PEAYEK BOOK. 215 
 
 decree satisfied yearnings that had been long felt by a whole 
 world.^^^ 
 
 The alternative lay, therefore, between giving expression 
 and countenance to them in their most approved form, as was 
 then done, and rejecting them as innovations, which histori- 
 cally they had long ceased to be, or as unedifying and un- 
 profitable, which would have been contrary to fact, then as 
 now. That there were innumerable abuses interwoven with 
 the holiest of rites, and the most scriptural of observances, at 
 that date, is acknowledged on all hands. What then ? Did 
 it follow that all the experiences of Christians, all the forms 
 and books of devotion created by them, all over Christen- 
 dom,'^^ were to be treated as of no account ? The English 
 Prayer Book was compiled on the principle that for all that 
 time Holy Scripture had been shamefully contravened or 
 misinterpreted, and that its true meaning had only been re- 
 covered by those few English Divines who had broken with 
 the teaching of their own national church, and of all other 
 churches in communion with it. Taken at its best, the 
 English Prayer Book professed to be one that SS. Irenseus 
 or Cyprian would not have shrunk from using ; but why, 
 therefore, one that SS. Anselm or Bernard would have 
 found defective ? If these were not Saints, who were ? Where 
 is the authority for regarding the Fathers of the Primitive 
 Church as Saints, and as understanding the Scriptures ; and 
 the Saints of the Medieeval Church as setting the Scriptures 
 at nought, or ignorant of their true meaning? Intellectu- 
 ally, there were few then, and there are fewer now, to be 
 
 ^" 'Desideriatotius orbis Christiani Maris, he says, p. clii. : 'More copies 
 
 explevit.' are to be found in public and private 
 
 '" Besides the sermons and devo- libraries than of any other service- 
 tional tracts of such distinguished boolt of the English Church. . . . 
 saints as SS. Anselm and Bernard, Strictly speaking it was not a service- 
 representing the eleventh and twelfth book of the Church, but originallT 
 centuries, let me refer to the list of compiled and intended for the use of 
 Service Books of the English Church the laity.' Mr. M. estimates the 
 alone, given by Mr. Maskell, Monvm. whole number of Service Books then 
 Bit. Eccl. Angl. vol. i. pp. cxciv.-vi. — in use in England at 250,000. — Ibid, 
 amoimting to no less than ninety. clxviii. note. 
 Of one of them, Horie Beat<s Virginis 
 
216 SAINTS OF THE MEDIEVAL CHUECH TRUE SAINTS. 
 
 named with S. Anselm : and of his Grod-serving ways and holy 
 life who can doubt? Besides, he had risen to be primate of 
 the English Church ; and his predecessors before him in that 
 exalted post, and his successors after him, down to the fell 
 sixteenth century, thought as he did, and worshipped as he 
 did, in all these respects. From the days of S. Augustine, 
 the first archbishop of Canterbury, to the days of Cranmer, 
 with so many blots on his character as a prelate and as a man, 
 can any one age be mentioned, previously to the sixteenth 
 century, when the Book of Common Prayer would have been 
 accepted by the English Church as embodying and expressing 
 that whole sum of Christian doctrine in which all had been 
 taught themselves, and in which they thought it their duty 
 to see posterity instructed ? 
 
 § 87. Character of the Thirty-nine Articles. Grave 
 Breach with the Past. 
 
 From which remark I pass straight to the Thirty-nine 
 Articles, because they do not stop there but go some steps 
 further in advance. The Prayer Book condemns rather by im- 
 plication, and by its silence. The Articles attack openly, and 
 with no small virulence, doctrines and practices which, till 
 then, had been current in the English Church and in the 
 West generally. They may not have been framed in overt 
 hostility to the Decrees of Trent, whose actual promulgation 
 they just anticipated. They may not have been copied from 
 the Confession of Augsburg, which came out so much earlier, 
 or by the Synod of Dort, which followed so much later ; but 
 they established a breach with the past equally grave and pre- 
 meditated, and which in all English' constitutional history, 
 from Egbert to Queen Victoria, can have but one name — 
 Treason ! 
 
 Previously to their publication, or rather previously to that 
 nipture with Eome which led to it, the Church of England 
 had for upwards of 1,200 years — almost twice as long as Eng- 
 land had then been a monarchy — been associated by federal 
 ties of the closest nature with that world-wide corporation 
 
GRAVE BREACH WITH THE PAST. 217 
 
 known as the Catholic Church, and had participated to the 
 fullest extent in all its vicissitudes and successive develop- 
 ments. As far back as A. d. 347, bishops from Britain are 
 mentioned as having been present at the Council of Sardica, 
 where they must have been parties to those canons authorising 
 appeals in certain cases to the see of Eome ; and where, from 
 the very nature of the case, they could not fail to have heard 
 that earlier canon talked about, of which the historian of the 
 G-reek Church, Socrates, speaks,^"" declaring it unlawful for 
 any local churches to make canons against the will of the 
 bishop of that see. Twelve years from that date they were 
 congratulated by S. Hilary on having preserved their ortho- 
 doxy ; two years more, and they were noticed at the Council 
 of Eimini. The century following, aided by two bishops 
 from France, they made common cause with the rest of the 
 Church against Pelagianism.*"' Before the end of the next 
 century, S. Augustine had founded the see of Canterbury, 
 which in process of time came to be acknowledged as the 
 metropolitan church of the whole island, and even of Ireland 
 as we have seen. The bishops of Scotland for a time went to 
 York, and the bishops of Ireland to Canterbury, for consecra- 
 tion. The archbishops of Canterbury, without one exception, 
 for nine centuries and upwards, among the sixty-three who 
 held that see down to Cranmer inclusive, received their palls 
 from Eome. 
 
 When East and West separated, it was the Primate of all 
 England who, by command of the Pope, undertook the cause 
 of the whole West, before a synod held in its extreme frontier- 
 town on the Italian coast — Bari. When East and West were 
 thought to have been happily reunited once more, tidings 
 were sent to, and congratulatory letters were received from, 
 and public rejoicings throughout his dominions were decreed 
 by, the youthful King of England, Henry VI. : copies of which 
 exist still in the archiepiscopal archives,'"'^ in token that the 
 
 '<"> See above, p. 33, note. "' Lambeth, 211, Nos. 98, 99. The 
 "• Collier, E. H. toI. i. pp. 69-112. first is dated ' Oiir Camp at Windsor,' 
 His remarks on the Sardiean Canons A. d. 1439, Oct. 3, and is on the re- 
 are special-pleading. union of the Greeks ; the second is 
 
218 LAW OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND FOE 1200 YEARS. 
 
 heart of England beat in active sympathy with the rest of 
 Christendom. It was not merely that the see of Canterbury 
 was mindful of its primeval obligations, or its canonical 
 duties to the see of Eome. No General Council was ever 
 summoned from which the bishops of England were left out : 
 no Greneral Council ever promulgated any decrees, which 
 from the time of their acceptance in England were not made 
 part-and-parcel of the ecclesiastical law of that realm. Now 
 and then there were delays in recognising a pope, or in 
 accepting the decrees of a council— as, for instance, of Basle. 
 Now and then there were the usual disputes in connection 
 with both, incidental to the parts of every corporate body. 
 
 Such had been the prescriptive rights and obligations of 
 the Church of England for upwards of 1,200 years, when the 
 Prayer Book was compiled, and the Thirty-nine Articles pro- 
 mulgated as its future doctrinal tests. There had been a 
 quarrel between one king of England, Henry VIII., and one 
 pope, Clement VII., of a personal character, affecting at most 
 the domestic happiness of the former ; just as there must 
 always be when individuals involve themselves in any civil or 
 ecclesiastical suit, and it had proceeded to extremities on both 
 sides. But never had the Pope threatened any encroach- 
 ments, then, on the abstract rights of the Crown ; still less 
 had there been any attack on the liberties of the Church of 
 England. There had been no new doctrine promulgated, nor 
 any new discipline enjoined for acceptance by it. Because a 
 monarch, so notoriously singular as Henry VIII. in his matri- 
 monial arrangements, had been thwarted in them, the Church 
 of England assented to abjure the supremacy of the Pope in 
 that reign ; to burn and destroy all its time-honoured rituals 
 for celebrating Divine service in the next; and then, after 
 a few years of feigned repentance under Mary, reproduced, 
 under Elizabeth, its new ' Service Book ' and Articles of ' Ee- 
 ligion :' not only without the smallest reference to the 
 opinions of the rest of Christendom, but in open defiance of 
 
 earlier, 'From Reading Convent,' Feb. of the Armenians -Vfith the Western 
 8, A.D. 1439, and is on the reunion Church. 
 
TEACHI^STG OF GENEEAL COUNCILS ABANDONED. 219 
 
 the G-eneral Council of the West, then actually sitting, and to 
 which its bishops among others had, in conformity with 
 ancient usage, received their summons — all which it justified 
 on the ground that it had resolved, for the future, to be quit 
 of the Pope. 
 
 Now, even at this point it might have halted, without any 
 further outrage upon the constitutional prerogatives of every 
 corporate society. It scorned the idea of any such modera- 
 tion. Transubstantiation, which for more than three cen- 
 turies it had held and taught, in conformity with the Fourth 
 Lateran Council, it now condemned as 'repugnant to the 
 plain words of Scripture.''"'^ Purgatory, which it had main- 
 tained with the Council of Florence against the Greek 
 doctrine on that subject, it now discarded as ' a vain inven- 
 tion.'^"^ Eestriction of the cup to the celebrant priest, 
 which it had received from the Council of Constance, it now 
 asserted to be contrary to ' Christ's ordinance.' """ Celibacy 
 of the clergy, which in common with the rest of the West had 
 been its own discipline from time immemorial, it now declared 
 it to be lawful to depart from, though no other Western 
 Church had relaxed that rule.*"^ To teach that there were 
 seven sacraments, as all previous archbishops of York and 
 Canterbury must have done more or less, it now regarded as 
 a product of ' the corrupt following of the Apostles.' ^"'^ To 
 ask for the prayers of the Saints in heaven, to venerate their 
 relics and images on earth, as the Church of Eome did, it 
 affirmed to be 'repugnant to the Word of Grod;'*"* though its 
 old office-books alone showed how identical had been its own 
 authorised practice, from the Norman Conquest at latest. 
 Finally, in consenting to abandon appeals to Eome, it repu- 
 diated not merely one of the first principles of its own Canon 
 Law, but likewise one of the earliest synodical acts on record 
 of its own primitive bishops, above 1,200 years previously, 
 who sat and voted at that council which authorised them. 
 All this it did without so much as asking counsel or inviting 
 
 ■'°' Art., rrviii. '""' Art. xxxii. 
 
 "* Art., xxii. •"" Art. xxt. 
 
 "'' Art. XXX. ™ Art xxii. 
 
220 UN-ENGLISH POLICY. 
 
 criticism from any one of the local churches in Europe — with 
 all which it had for so long been united as one family — on the 
 wisdom or justice of its proceedings. The only foreigners 
 whom it condescended to consult at all were those who had 
 unchurched themselves. In that one respect, that of taking 
 a bold line of its own, it may have acted as England usually 
 does : in all other respects how thoroughly un-English was 
 the course pursued ! The questions which it reopened and 
 the points which it retracted had no reference to the decrees 
 of any one council that had been held, or to any one dogma 
 that had been put forward, of late years. France was slow to 
 accept the Council of Trent from the first, and has never 
 accepted it wholly to this day. All the Trullan Canons, and 
 even the three last canons of the Council of Chalcedon, were 
 rejected by the Holy See, and have never since been received. 
 The Grreeks demurred to the addition of the words ' Filioque' 
 to the creed at once, and have never really given in. But 
 here was a local church arrogating to set aside doctrines and 
 practices of the collective Church — which it had for ages 
 accepted, inculcated, and enforced itself — on the ground prin- 
 cipally that they were ' repugnant to the Word of Grod ;' but 
 only, therefore, as interpreted by its own living authorities of 
 that one period. What must have been the unavoidable 
 inference suggested to the minds of all intelligent thinkers ? 
 If for five, if for ten centuries all the bishops and theologians 
 of the collective Church were proved to have known nothing 
 of the true meaning of the Word of God, how many degrees 
 below nothing might the living authorities of one local church 
 of a single age be supposed to rank in their estimate of the 
 same ? Had each of the English counties taken that view of 
 their constitutional obligations in the sixteenth century, what 
 would have been the condition of Old England now ? Had 
 each of the churches of Europe followed the example of the 
 Church of England, what would have become of the unity of 
 the Catholic Church by this time ? 
 
PRESENT POSITION OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 221 
 
 § 88. Present Position of the Church of England no 
 mere Quarrel with Rome. 
 
 What prejudices we must have been brought up in, to 
 have ever looked upon the present position of the Church 
 of England as the result of a mere quarrel with or protest 
 against Kome ! It was a breach with our forefathers, and with 
 the entire Western Church, past and present. The Parlia- 
 ment of the collective West was sitting, and had sat for some 
 years. Why did not the bishops of the Church of England 
 attend it, both to give counsel as to what had best be done for 
 others, and to take counsel as to what had best be done for 
 themselves ? This surely, as members of that legislature 
 (which they were) they were bound to do ? Duty required of 
 them that they should make no changes in their profession 
 or practice of which their brethren would not approve: 
 charity required of them that they should assist their breth- 
 ren in deciding what changes would be most beneficial for the 
 common good. Instead of attending that Parliament, they 
 threw overboard all former Acts of Parliament which had 
 hitherto guided both them and their forefathers. ' Greneral 
 Councils,' they said, ' may err.' *°^ Be it so. But who could 
 make laws for Christendom if General Councils could not ? Did 
 they, notwithstanding their collective wisdom, decree what 
 was repugnant to the Word of God, how could it be expected 
 that what the authorities of a local church decreed would be 
 more free from error ? It has been — it is still — the same 
 contradiction that it was then. Holy Scripture is a book, and 
 must have its interpreter. The Divines of the Church of 
 England have interpreted the Bible for three centuries in 
 their own way ; the Divines of all the churches in commu- 
 nion with Eome have for three centuries upheld that inter- 
 pretation which had been given to it by the whole West from 
 time immemorial — the Church of England included — till the 
 sixteenth century. Controversy has not converted a single 
 local church elsewhere to the opinions advanced from that 
 
 *"• Art. xxi. 
 
222 NO MEHB QUAEEEL WITH ROME. 
 
 time forth by the Anglican Church. It is the judgment of 
 the local Chui:ch of England for three centuries, against that 
 of the local Church of England for twelve, against that of the 
 rest of the West for all time preceding our own, on the 
 points under dispute. And the East, where it has spoken at 
 all, has pronounced for the latter. It passes my comprehen- 
 sion to understand how the authorities of any local church, so 
 acting, should dream of being looked upon otherwise than as 
 schismatical by the rest of the community with which they 
 had been for so many centuries united, and as traitors to it 
 by its supreme Head. Subordination to constituted author- 
 ities is the mainspring of all societies, and the result of any 
 infraction of it by any part of them is schism. Schism, 
 plainly, is never the act of a body, but of any part or parts 
 separating from the body. We could not say that Great 
 Britain revolted from the United States when they declared 
 themselves independent. Heresy moreover, unless that word 
 is to be reserved exclusively for theological aberrations, is 
 incurred by any deliberate abandonment of the received 
 belief. Now though, with Luther, the authorities of the 
 Church of England may never have repudiated the dogmatic 
 theology of the East, with Luther they undoubtedly dis- 
 carded the whole system of anthropological teaching laid 
 down by the West in respect of the Sacraments. With 
 Luther they absented themselves from that Council in which 
 subjective anthropology was to be discussed and ruled. They 
 arrogated, with Luther, to define that branch of Christian 
 doctrine for themselves ; and it is precisely here where their 
 agreement ends. The teaching of the Church of England on 
 that head is unique. It neither satisfied Luther nor Calvin. 
 It only served to, widen the breach which its own acts had 
 established between it and the rest of the West. 
 
 S. Thomas, in the third part of his elaborate work,'"" has 
 not failed to consider the question whether heretical, schis- 
 matical, and excommunicate priests have power to conse- 
 crate the Holy Eucharist ; and his reply is in the affirmative. 
 
 "" Bum. Theol. p. iii. q. Ixxxii. art. Tii. 
 
CONSECRATION OF THE EUCHARIST IN SCHISM. 223 
 
 Those who have been ordained within the Church have 
 received their power lawfully ; which afterwards, however, 
 should they be separated from the Church by heresy, schism, 
 or excommunication, they can no longer exercise lawfully. 
 Those who have been ordained thus separated, have received 
 their power unlawfully, and any exercise of it by them is un- 
 lawful. Their consecration of the Holy Eucharist is there- 
 fore a true consecration; but it is unprofitable, and not 
 without taint of sin, analogous to the case of those who have 
 been unworthy communicants. 
 
 One or other of these, clearly, was the formal position of 
 those four bishops who consecrated Parker ; and of Parker 
 still more, who was consecrated by them. The fact of their 
 separation from the Church is no less patent than that they 
 had deliberately embraced that state with their eyes open, 
 for the reign of Mary was only just over. Their orders, un- 
 impeachable as they may be in point of succession, were as 
 indisputably given and received in schism in point of fact. 
 There can be no such thing, not merely with reference to the 
 Church, but to the organisation of society generally, as schism 
 if theirs was not. And it would be hard, I fear, to prove that 
 the consecrators of Archbishop Parker meant no schism, or 
 that the practical effect of their act has been the perpetua- 
 tion of schism. Have their descendants always meant schism 
 in the same degree ? In other words, what has the Church 
 of England been doing ever since ? Trees are known by their 
 fruits— a man by his works. Illegitimate birth may be a 
 disgrace, but it has before now contributed saints ; and even 
 heretical baptism is held to confer regeneration or new birth. 
 
 § 89. Examination continued on 'a posteriori' Grounds. 
 Peculiarities of the Church of England. 
 
 On a posteriori grounds, therefore, what may be said 
 for or against the Church of England onwards from the six- 
 teenth century? Now, there are certain peculiarities of 
 mind and body, and there are certain maladies likewise, which 
 children are said to inherit from their parents. It appears 
 
224 PECULIAEITIBS OF THE CHUKCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 to me that the Church of England exhibits two or three such 
 phenomena, of a very marked kind. 
 
 (a) As it assumed a position of isolation and nationality 
 from the first, so its benefits, whatever they may have been, 
 have never _^ extended themselves beyond what may be called 
 its own immediate circle. No other nation except its own 
 colonial offshoots, speaking the same language, has ever 
 adopted its Prayer Book or Thirty-nine Articles. Innume- 
 rable attempts were made, as I shall hope to show in a second 
 volume, to get the English Eitual adopted abroad, and have 
 bishops consecrated in England for Germany ; but they never 
 succeeded. So far Calvinism, which made a conquest of 
 Scotland, and Lutheranism still more, by making a conquest 
 of the Scandinavian nations, eclipsed Anglicanism. Angli-- 
 canism has, indeed, spread over a far wider range than either, 
 but as the religion of Englishmen in all cases. It has its 
 chapels all over the world, but they were never once founded 
 for foreigners. It has sent missionaries in numbers to the 
 heathen : but when we come to analyse the scene of their 
 labours, we find it, with perhaps the single exception of 
 Central Africa, limited to some portion of territory over 
 which ^the British flag waves. It must be conceded that 
 such has never been the characteristic of Eoman Catholic 
 missions, though they have by no means ever neglected 
 European settlements in any part of the world, including 
 even the dependencies of Grreat Britain. 
 
 (b) A second phenomenon connected with the Anglican 
 Church is that, as it began by casting off authority, so it has 
 never been able to speak or act with any real authority from 
 that time forth. To the domination of Presbyterianism in 
 Scotland it was obliged to assent for the peace of the realm. 
 Puritanism in England it could only keep down, as it had 
 put down Roman Catholicism, by those truculent ordinances 
 which so long disgraced our Statute-book. As soon as ever 
 these were mitigated or removed. Dissent burst forth in innu- 
 merable forms — more so, perhaps, than had ever been known 
 in any Christian country previously — and carried away 
 millions; and Eoman Catholicism instantly revived and 
 
ANGLICAIir "WRITERS AND THEIE MERITS. 225 
 
 expanded on all sides, though the number of its actual pro- 
 fessors had been reduced to the barest fraction. 
 
 But then it was just in that very lack of authoritative claims 
 that the true character of the mission of the Church of England 
 came out. It was destined to do for authority what authority 
 could not, in logic, have done for itself — to establish induc- 
 tively, one by one, the details of each of those premisses involv- 
 ing, as their conclusion, the major premiss of that deductive 
 syllogism, which is the formal expression of all authority in 
 the Church, as has been before shown. "We must consider all 
 Christians alike interested in the Evidences, historical or ar- 
 gumentative, of that religion on which their hopes of heaven 
 are built. And there have been writers on the Evidences of 
 Christianity — most accomplished and effective writers, cer- 
 tainly — who have not been members of the Church of England. 
 Still, it is undeniable that the Church of England furnished 
 a very large proportion of them, and some of the ablest. No 
 collection of them would be complete in which the works of 
 Sherlock and Leslie, West and Lyttelton, "Watson and Bentley, 
 Berkeley and Douglas, Horsley and Paley, were not con- 
 spicuous. Such works as the ' Horas Paulinse' and ' Scrip- 
 tural Coincidences* should have a place to themselves, as 
 containing not only original but valid argument for all time. 
 And the immortal ' Analogy ' — the only work of the kind, at 
 home or abroad, compelling a man to deny nature, or believe 
 Christianity, on grounds which reason cannot dispute — should 
 be reserved, in solitary grandeur, for a separate volume, as 
 the intermediate stage in logic to the second premiss above 
 mentioned, that it is Christianity and nothing else that is 
 taught by the Church. 
 
 It is this part of the proof which, I contend, has been 
 exclusively Anglican. Negative arguments were the charac- 
 teristic of writers upon Evidences. Here the positions begin 
 to be positive, as they are laid down one by one. The most 
 curious part of it all is, that the work most largely positive 
 in argument, and most comprehensive in subject, should have 
 been composed within twenty-five years of the schism ; yet 
 who would affirm it to have been composed in any schismati- 
 
 Q 
 
226 QUESTION'S DISCUSSED OR TO BE DISCUSSED. 
 
 cal spirit? the eight books of Ecclesiastical Polity' by plain 
 Eichard Hooker I Certainly, it is a noble plea for church- 
 government in the abstract that has never been surpassed, 
 and a vindication of the rights of episcopacy in particular. 
 How many more — Hall, Thorndike, Brett, Potter, for in- 
 stance — have followed him on the same side, whether upon 
 the details of church-government, or episcopacy as a Divine 
 institution ? Then, on Infant Baptism, there is Wall ; on the 
 Unbloody Sacrifice there is Johnson ; on the Creeds there are 
 Pearson and Jackson ; on the Doctrine of the Nicene Fathers 
 there are Bull and Waterland. Must I not, in justice, go 
 further ? Where are there more profound views on Baptismal 
 Eegeneration than in the works of Dr. Pusey ; on the Incar- 
 nation and the Holy Eucharist than in the works of the late 
 Archdeacon Wilberforce, for such he was when they were 
 written ; on Justification, by the late Vicar of S. Mary-the- 
 Virgin, Oxford ; on the Doctrinal Differences between Greeks 
 and Latins, by the late Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford — 
 Mr. W. Palmer ? It may be that the Church of England has 
 not yet done all that has to be done still in these respects, and 
 that other points, equally necessary, are still requiring their 
 inductive proof. As it cannot possibly be said that Baptismal 
 Eegeneration is not better understood, or more extensively be- 
 lieved in it, since the Grorham controversy, or the Eeal Presence 
 since judgment was given in the case of Archdeacon Denison ; 
 so discussions on the Inspiration of Holy Scripture, and the 
 doctrine of Eternal Punishment, possibly may not terminate 
 without establishing anew those very truths which have been 
 assailed. And who can tell whether Unity of the Church 
 under the Pope may not be one of the next points argued ? 
 Never, as yet, has it been argued by any member of the 
 Church of England on its own merits, or apart from prejudice. 
 That there has been a vast deal of learning expended in attack- 
 ing the Pope I do not deny ; but, in spite of it all, there is one 
 fact which has never yet been looked in the face as it should 
 be. Christendom separated from the Holy See is divided into 
 endless communities, disagreeing with each other, no two of 
 them ever able to be joined in one : Christendom in communion 
 
TJNITT OF THE CHUECH. 227 
 
 ■with the. Holy See has never existed, exists nowhere, but as One 
 Church.""' Never was the truth of the promise made by Our 
 Lord to S. Peter more signally elucidated than by the inevi- 
 table contrast now forced upon our own eyes between divided 
 Christendom and the undivided Church. By that honesty for 
 which Englishmen are characterised, may that Unity be the 
 next point argued. Certainly, where so much has been done 
 of late years, where so much more in appearance is now doing 
 than there was even twenty years ago, there are some grounds 
 for hope. 
 
 Meanwhile, what description of lives have individuals been 
 leading generally in the Church of England? Here is another 
 of those marked phenomena which have been already noticed. 
 Anglicanism has produced but few instances of superhuman 
 saintliness ; yet it has maintained throughout a consistent 
 level of its own, and that by no means a low one. Its 
 Farrars and Edward Stephenses of former days are easily 
 numbered ; not so its Hookers and its Waltons, its Lauds and 
 Hammonds, its Evelyns and Nelsons, its Kens, Wilsons, and 
 Hebers. The devotional works upon which they fed, the 
 practical piety which distingiiished their lives, have become in 
 many cases historical. And there are thousands — hundreds 
 of thousands of men and women now living and working in 
 the Church of England, of whom some modern Gregory might 
 say, with infinitely more truth than was said originally, 
 ' Non Angli sed Angeli, si forent Catholici.' On their chari- 
 table works, often of princely munificence, in town and in 
 country, and beyond seas ; on their Christian homes, and 
 family prayers, and Christian Sundays — their love of truth, 
 their high intelligence, their reverence for the Scriptures, in 
 spite of all their peculiarities or shortcomings, he must have a 
 
 *" As Grotius has so ■well put it : seopos metropolitanus, aut aKo quis 
 
 ' Gradus prsepositoram in Eeclesiil. esse modo electus, ut ca^teris praesit. Tale 
 
 debere, et per illos eompaginari Eccle- inter omnes episeopos episcopus Ko- 
 
 eiam docuit nos Pavilus : Ephes. iv. 2. manus. Hie ordo in Ecclesid semper 
 
 Ordo siTC in partibus, sive in toto, manere debet, quia semper manet causa, 
 
 continetur prineipatu quodam, sive id est periculum, a schismate.' — Votum, 
 
 praepositi imitate. . . Tale caput est pro Fac. Eccl. art. Tii. p. 41. 
 inter presbyteros episcopus, inter epi- 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 CHKISTUN LIVES IN THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 jaundiced heart, or a heart of stone indeed, who can look with- 
 out far more emotion than is said to have been that of our 
 venerable Apostle of old as he gazed upon those fair-haired 
 and blue-eyed countenances exposed for sale. 
 
 § 90. Schism and its extenuating Circumstances. 
 Conscientiousness on both Sides. 
 
 Clement XI. was so struck with the proofs of learning and 
 piety which he found in the private letters of Archbishop 
 Wake, that he lamented that so great and good a man should 
 not have been on his side. We may ask — we are imperatively 
 bound to ask — can schism have produced these results ? 
 Who will undertake to strike the balance between causes and 
 effects ? I feel as sure of my facts in one case as in the 
 other ; and yet, evidently, they require squaring of some sort 
 to make them tally. Either schism can be no obstacle to a 
 vast amount of Christian zeal and piety, or the Church of 
 England is not in schism. What if its schism has not been 
 so decided in guilt as it appears in fact ? I point out what 
 it seems to me may have been its extenuating circumstances : 
 I leave it to others to determine their precise value. 
 
 (a) The dreadful demoralisation of those centuries — the 
 fourteenth and the fifteenth — which Father Dalgairns has not 
 hesitated to call ' terrible,' and the delay which intervened 
 before any reforms were so much as proposed, stand at the 
 head of them. When I reflect on the assistance and solace 
 which I derive from living communion with the Saints — from 
 asking for, and feeling that I have, their prayers, and am 
 benefited by them — from praying for the dear friends and 
 relatives, though they may have died members of the Church 
 of England, that have been taken from me — from the blessed- 
 ness of communing with Christ, ever present in the Holy 
 Eucharist — from the constant practice of confession — from the 
 feeling that I belong to a Church of all naf>ions and languages, 
 and to be foiind in all parts of the world, in dependence on that 
 See to whose prerogatives all antiquity bears witness in some 
 form or other, so that I can now read church -history without 
 
CONSCIENTIOUSNESS ON BOTH SIDES. 229 
 
 experiencing any qualm that I am in that respect dealing 
 unfaithfully with antiquity: -when I reflect upon all this, so 
 plain and rational, and consistent with Scripture, so confirmed 
 to me by daily experience ; and then, when I remember that 
 these were the very points which so many good men — for 
 there were good men among them, the pious Founder of my 
 old College, for instance, as he sits there appealing to me, 
 careworn and contemplative, in his Benedictine habit, to 
 name no more — abandoned, and which for three centuries so 
 many devout earnest men in the whole Protestant world have 
 positively shrunk from as unclean, I am amazed and aghast ! 
 I can only account for the anomaly by calling to mind those 
 corruptions, and trying to estimate the amount of wickedness 
 and defilement requisite for converting so many holy things 
 into so many real scandals, and causing them to be made the 
 stumblingblocks which they were then to so many, and have 
 been ever since to so many, millions of baptized and profess- 
 ing Christians. ' The contest ' between Catholics and Pro- 
 testants, says Moehler, with glorious impartiality, ' sprang 
 out of the most earnest endeavours of both parties to uphold 
 the truth — the pure and genuine Christianity in all its 
 integrity.' ^'^ Of the good men on both sides, every fresh 
 page of history that I read convinces me that there never was 
 a truer thing said. Men who died on both sides — as Pro- 
 testants as well as Catholics, and Catholics no less than 
 Protestants — have died, in numbers and in ways too painful to 
 be dwelt upon, with firm unswerving faith in the absolute 
 truth of those principles for which they suffered — should be 
 regarded by both sides with unfeigned respect and regret ; 
 and may we not hope that their blood may in some way atone 
 for our mutual sins ? The zeal of Protestants has been for 
 the authority of the Bible, the zeal of Catholics for the 
 authority of the Church — one founded, the other inspired, by 
 Grod ! Who ought not to be profoundly moved and distressed 
 at the thought that these were the principles for which Chris- 
 tian blood has been shed on both sides, and in such profusion? 
 
 '" See sup. note to p. 170. 
 
230 EEMAEEABLE WORDS OF URBAN VIII. 
 
 This, then, is one excuse that I would make for Protestants 
 and Anglicans alike. 
 
 (6) There is another excuse peculiar to the Church of Eng- 
 land, and it is even more serious : I mean the nature of the. 
 attempts that have been made from time to time by Catholics, 
 individually or collectively, to regain ascendancy for the 
 Catholic religion in this country. Severe criticism of some 
 of the earliest and most formal of them all, and which were 
 never repeated from that time forth, is to be found in the 
 words of the very highest authority to which I could appeal. 
 
 ' We know,' said Urban VIII. to Cardinal Borgia, ' that 
 we may declare Protestants excommunicate, as Pius V. 
 declared Queen Elizabeth, and before him Clement VII. the 
 King of England . . . Henry VIII., but with what suc- 
 cess ? The whole world can tell : we yet bewail it in tears 
 of blood. Wisdom doth not teach us to imitate Pius V. or 
 Clement VII. . . .""=< 
 
 In the defeat of the Spanish Armada, though it did not 
 take place for more than twenty years afterwards— in the suc- 
 cessful organisation of the Church of England, we may, per- 
 haps, be able to decipher the answer of events to that excom- 
 munication and deposition of Elizabeth. All the plots which 
 had been fomented against her government during that time, 
 by Sanders^''' and others, culminated in that invasion, though 
 they by no means subsided with it. And it was just about 
 that time that, under Whitgift and Hooker, the Church of 
 England learnt to speak and act for itself with a conscious- 
 ness of inherent vigour and independence. The Gunpowder 
 Plot in the reign of James I. dashed to the ground all hopes 
 of any reconciliation with Eome under the two first of the 
 Stuarts — both as much inclined to it^'* as could possibly have 
 
 "' Quoted by Mr. Simpson in Bp. ported by Eanke, vol. i. p. 332, Mrs. 
 
 TJllathorne and the Bamhler (Williams Austin's Tr. 
 
 and Norgate, London, 1862), near the "•■ See the extracts from his own 
 
 end. (From a contemporary Report letter, Collier, E. H. vol. vii. p. 20, ed. 
 
 preserved in the State Paper Office, Straker. 
 
 Charles I., Italy, Bundle 24): 'It was ■"" See Ranke, Hist, of the Popes, 
 
 thus we lost England,' said Pius IV., § 7, c. ii. b. vii., where it is said, 
 
 in a similar strain of lament as re- among other things : ' The Puritans 
 
QUARRELS BETWEEN SECULARS AND REGULARS. 231 
 
 been expected of any absolute monarchs : the mad policy 
 and illegal measures of James II. annihilated at one blow 
 all the progress which the Catholic cause had been making 
 amongst individuals up to that time, and almost laid its 
 adherents under a general sentence of outlawry from society 
 from that time forth. Whom, indeed, had Catholics here, in 
 the seventeenth century, to thank but themselves, above all 
 others, as for their first so for their final discomfiture ? They 
 began and ended by quarrelling among themselves.^'^ In 
 the days of James I. seculars and regulars contecded over 
 the appointment of bishops. Through the exertions of the 
 former, one was created by the special bull of Urban VIII., 
 dated Aug. 4, a.d. 1625, and despatched into England.'"' He 
 
 complained that within a short time 
 50,000 Englishmen had become prose- 
 lytes to Catholicism ; to which James 
 is said to have replied, "that they 
 might go and convert the same num- 
 ber of Spaniards and Italians." ' 
 
 ■"* Among the many records of it 
 may be selected : 
 
 1. ' Declaratio motuum ac turba- 
 tionum, quae ex controversiia inter 
 Jesuitas, iisque in omnibus faTentem 
 D. G, BlackweUum, archipresbyte- 
 nim: et saoerdotes seminariorum in 
 Anglii, ab obita lUmi. Cardinalis 
 Alani piae memorise ad a.d. usque 
 1601, ad S. D. N. Clementem VIII. 
 exhibitum ab ipsis sacerdotibus, qui 
 schismatis aliorumque criminum in- 
 simulati sunt.' — Rhotomagi. a.d. 1601. 
 
 2. ' A true Relation of the Faction 
 begun at Wisbich by F. Edmonds 
 {alias Weston), a Jesuit, A. D. 1595 
 
 . against us the Secular Priests, 
 their Brethren and Fellow-Prisoners ' 
 (by C. Bagshawe, Wood's Ath. Oxon. 
 vol. ii. p. 390, ed. Bliss). 
 
 3. N. le Maistre's Instauratio An- 
 tiqui Episcoporum Principatus, Paris, 
 1632. 
 
 i. Xoemelin'sDc/cMsjo Becreti Con- 
 gregationis Cardinalium ab Urbano 
 VIII. pro Suppressions Librorum in 
 
 Controversid Episcopi Chalcedonis de- 
 
 5. Loemelin's Spongia contra Cen- 
 suram Facultaiis Farisiensis, &e. 
 Both printed at Antwerp; and occa- 
 sioning the work of Le Maistre. And 
 for the general subject — Eushworth's 
 Hist. Coll. vol. ii. p. 15 ; Wood's Atk. 
 Oxon. vol. ii. p. 356, and vol. iii. p. 
 384 ; Dodd's Oh. Hist. vol. iii. 
 
 *" His name was Richard Smith. 
 There had been a former Bishop of 
 Chalcedon resident in England, named 
 William Bishop, who died a.d. 1624. 
 A curious notice of him occurs in voL 
 xlvi. of Dr. Rawlinson's Miscell. 
 Papers in the Bodleian Library, to- 
 wards the end, taken from the Bin. 
 Register — possibly the only pleasant 
 memorial in connection with the see 
 of Chalcedon in England : 'a.d. 1624, 
 April 13, obiit juxta Londinum Re- 
 verendissimus in Christo Pater Domi- 
 nus Gulielmus Bishop de Brailes in 
 Comit. Warwick. Episcopus Calcedo- 
 niensis, carceribus, exilio, ae Aposto- 
 licis sudoribus, incUtus ; qui a Sanct4 
 Sede in patriam ad solamen Catholi- 
 corum missus, clericis, regularihus, ac 
 ipsis laicis, ob innatum unionis ac 
 pads affectum juxta charus extitit, 
 JEtat. sacs 71.' 
 
232 IJNEDIFYING INTRIGUES. 
 
 was received with murmurs and driven out by intrigues. The 
 'sponge ' designed to wipe out the censure with which the Uni- 
 versity of Paris had visited two books written in England 
 against Episcopacy, .but not by Puritans, can never efface 
 the shame of that controversy. Intrigues were the order of 
 the day. Was the Church of England ever animated by 
 friendly dispositions towards the Church of Rome, they 
 Avere repelled with scorn. Did individuals on the Catholic 
 side manifest any friendly dispositions to the Church of 
 England, they were traduced as heretics. ' The little Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury he could not endure,' says Arthur 
 Wilson, of Father Weston; though what brought Laud to 
 the scaffold, principally, was his correspondence with Catho- 
 lics. ' I know the man : he is one of Canterbury's trencher- 
 flies, and eats perpetually at his table — a creature of his 
 making,' returned Father Weston to Arthur Wilson's en- 
 quiries about Sancta Clara,^" who had merely anticipated 
 the attempt of the last of the ' Tracts for the Times,' within 
 memory, to establish a harmony between the Thirty-nine 
 Articles of the Church of England and the Creed of the 
 West. ' It was happy for the Eoman Catholics,' said the 
 President of the English College at Eome, of the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury, four years after his murder, ' that he was cut 
 off . . . but now, by bis death, the growth of heresy would 
 bring all into confusion, so he hoped in time England would 
 embrace the Romish religion.' ^'^ Naturally enough, he hoped 
 in vain. ' I mourn over the Archbishop of Canterbury,' said 
 the high-souled Grotius, ' a most excellent and learned man. 
 . . . It is a great proof of his innocence that he was made 
 the victim of so much malevolence.'''^'' As if the persecu- 
 tion of all orders by the State was not bitter enough, one 
 order attacked another with such virulence, that upon one 
 occasion the writings of Father Baker, one of the most 
 
 •"' Peck's Desid. Curios, vol. ii. b. xii. *" Eawl. Miscell. Papers, vol. i. 
 
 p. 22. The conversation took place at Fragment of a Jonmey to Eome in 
 
 Brages, where Wilson was then halt' company with Messrs. Holdip and 
 
 ing, in A.i). 1637. Compare Father Bulteel (Lord Hyde's secretary), dated 
 
 Leander's letters generally; Claren- Oct. i. a.d. 1648. 
 don, State Fajpers, vol. i. «» Ep. ad Frat. 532 and 708. 
 
FATHER COlSTSr ON THE EEVOLUTION OF A.D. 1688. 233 
 
 spiritual of all the converts of that date, were proscribed, as 
 containing 'poisonous and diabolical doctrine.'*^' Finally, 
 the prosecution of the seven Anglican bishops ""^^ was one of 
 the means for conciliating England adopted by James II. to 
 his cost. But all his remonstrances, all his services as he 
 considered them, could not extort from the Pope that appro- 
 val of his policy which he so much coveted, in the shape of 
 a cardinal's hat for Father Petre.'"^^ "^ It is a thing unseen, 
 unheard-of, and unrecorded in History,' says the writer of a 
 letter which fell into Archbishop Sancroft's hands during the 
 first month of the Kevolution of a.d. 1688, well qualified to 
 pass judgment on it, ' that a king in peaceful possession of 
 his realm, with an army of 30,000 fighting men, and forty 
 ships of war, should quit his kingdom without firing a pistol 
 .... It looks as if heaven and earth had conspired against 
 us ! But this is not all — the great evil comes from ourselves. 
 Our own imprudence, avarice, and ambition have brought 
 all this upon us . . . The prospect was fair, if the business 
 had been in the hands of men of sense . . . We are totally 
 put to the rout this time . . . Bishops, confessors, friars, and 
 monks have acted with little prudence' . . -*'^ 
 
 May we prove wiser in our generation ! Our destinies were 
 never more completely in our own hands than they are now : 
 we never were more free. Our countrymen are fast parting 
 with their prejudices against us : may we be equally large- 
 hearted towards them, and towards each other ! With the 
 stern lessons of those memorable epochs of a.d. 1588 and 
 A.D. 1688 before our eyes, it seems only reasonable to hope 
 
 *-' Eawl. A. 36. Letters of Cathe- pp. 505-6 of vol. ii of Singer's Corres- 
 
 rine Gascoigne, Abbess of Cambray, pondence of Henry Hyde; a copy in 
 
 written in a.d. 1625, on the proceed- MS. in the Bodleian Library, Tanner 
 
 ings of Claude White, Benedictine Papers, xxviii. fol. 278. It bears date, 
 
 President. 'London, Dee. 10, 1688.' The Father 
 
 "2 'An event,' says Lord Macaulay, Conn (or Cann) who wrote it was not 
 
 ' which stands by itself in our history ' the Nuncio — long since dead — but the 
 
 — as certainly does his description of Father of that name mentioned in 
 
 it (c. viii.) in his. connexion with Cardinal Howard: p. 
 
 ■*'' Ibid. c. vi. generally ; and the 46, of Three Letters from Italy, printed 
 
 end of c. vii. as a supplement to Burnet. 
 
 *^* Printed in Italian and English, 
 
234 CHURCH IN ENGLAND OVERBORNE BY THE STATE. 
 
 that we may be found pledged to a much more popular sys- 
 tem of tactics in a.d. 1888, with its triplet of eights— our 
 'third and last time of asking,' possibly — who can tell? 
 
 (c) Another excuse which may be made for the Church 
 of England is its occasional oppression, in past and present 
 time, by the Crown. To some extent it has submitted, and is 
 so far responsible. But yet it has never, like Lutheranism 
 and Calvinism, since Parker's consecration, consented to look 
 upon its priests and bishops as so many Crown-agents. 
 Henry VIII. certainly employed force to effect the rupture 
 between it and the Pope — Elizabeth to effect the adoption 
 by it of a new liturgy. Anyone who has studied its history 
 with impartiality must admit that it was partly forced and 
 partly cajoled into the line which eventually it adopted as its 
 own. That adoption I by no means intend to justify — still 
 less the doctrine of the Divine Right of Kings, as interpreted 
 by some of its ablest prelates. Neither, on the other hand, 
 would I for a moment be understood to deny that its con- 
 nection with the State — though in many respects far too like 
 Erastianism — has, on the whole, contributed to that Christian 
 tone which has so long distinguished, and which I trust is 
 not departing from, English society and English literature 
 generally throughout the length and breadth of the land. 
 
 (d) The fourth and last excuse for the Church of England 
 - — the most important by far to my mind — is to be found in 
 the Providential task which seems to have been assigned to 
 it, of rebuilding up Christian truth in the manner already 
 described. Are we not bound to hope that the guilt of schism, 
 in the case of our wellbeloved country, has not been so 
 incontestable as the fact, that what there has been admits of 
 palliation, and that some portion of it at leastmay be looked 
 upon as having been blotted out ? - Let us look at it all in 
 that general spirit of charity which prompted the Catholic 
 Church, sooner than that souls should be lost to Christ, to 
 accept the baptism of heretics as valid. Let us reciprocate 
 that generosity which has been gradually restoring Catholics in 
 this country to their full rights as citizens, without requiring 
 them to abjure the Pope — which commenced, in fact, by re- 
 
GOOD DEEDS OF ENGLAND TO CATHOLICISM. 235 
 
 Storing the Pope to his own rights — throwing ourselves into 
 those feelings which animated that noble confessor Pius VII., 
 when he spoke of it to our brethren across the water : 
 'Eemember . . . that the British Grovernment was amongst 
 the chief of our supporters in procuring our return to the 
 Pontifical chair, and our restoration to our ancient indepen- 
 dence in the exercise of those spiritual rights which the hand 
 of violence had wrested from us ' ^'^^ . . . and with gratitude 
 excited by the memories of those priests and bishops of the 
 Catholic Church who found in England a home, and a welcome 
 even from the Anglican Universities of Oxford and Cam- 
 bridge, when France, no longer Catholic, thirsted for their 
 blood, and to whose peaceful abode here the Catholic reaction 
 of the present century has been so often traced. 
 
 If there has been anything Providential in the destinies of 
 the Church of England, why should we persist in shutting 
 our eyes to it ? If there has been anything Providential in 
 the particular kind of work which has been done by it, why 
 not bail it with all thankfulness ? Shall we not insist upon 
 its defects — its entire isolation ; its only too patent want of 
 authority ; the absence from it of the higher types of saint- 
 liness ; above all, the uncertainty which must attend its every 
 celebration of the Holy Eucharist, as to how far, being in 
 schism, it may not involve sin in the sight of God — vdth 
 infinitely more force when we have frankly admitted both all 
 the good that is in it, and any services that it may have 
 performed in behalf of our common religion ? Christian 
 England ought to be eternally grateful to Eome for having 
 adhered rigidly and unyieldingly, for three centuries, to the 
 whole sum of Christian doctrine, which Fathers had taught, and 
 Councils had from age to age defined — for having preserved 
 the unity of the Catholic Church, as it has done, unbroken, 
 and for having upheld its authority. Still, in vindicating 
 Christianity from the objections that have been made to it, 
 in maintaining in its integrity that part of the hierarchy 
 which is essential to the valid administration of the sacra- 
 
 *^ Butler's Historical Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 423 : Letter addressed to the Irish 
 Prelates, a.d. 1816. 
 
236 HIDDEN SYMPATHY BETWEEN ENGLAND AND ROME. 
 
 ments, and in contending for the truth of one article of our 
 creed after another, England has done considerable service — 
 far more than ever enters the minds of those who take into 
 account only the isolated position of its insular Church. 
 
 § 91. Hidden Sym'paihy between England and Rome. 
 Catholics and Protestants Brethren by Baptism, 
 
 The truth is — in spite of their 'avowed antagonism — there 
 is and has always been a hidden sympathy between England 
 and Eome, which is symbolised in the characteristics of the 
 inductive and deductive methods. Both are endeavouring 
 to assure the preservation of truth from different points of 
 view ; the general policy of both is conservative. Eeligion 
 is the chief concern of the State at Eome : on no question 
 is public opinion half so sensitive in England as a religious 
 one. The desire of all evildoers and irreligious thinkers 
 must ever be to aggravate and perpetuate their estrangement : 
 the true friends of Christianity, unless they are blinded by 
 prejudice, must always long to see them reunited. The 
 dangers menacing the Church of England, and those mena- 
 cing the Church of Eome, proceed from a common source ; 
 but the temporalities of both would be secured for many a 
 long day by their cordial alliance. 
 
 Let Protestants, as Moehler says,^^^ acknowledge their 
 present errors, and Catholics their past corruptions; and let 
 both take to heart the causes which have divided them, and 
 labour to be more fair to each other. Let the East accept the 
 anthropological teaching of the West, as the West has accepted 
 the theological teaching of the East, without any reserve, 
 and all may be healed ; and Christendom and the Church 
 may become synonymous terms once more, to the great joy 
 of all hearts, and to the conversion of unbelievers in all lands. 
 
 This may or may not be in our generation : it may never be 
 at all. It is indescribable how many advantages there are 
 within our reach, positively offering themselves to our culling 
 — as individuals, as families, and as Christians — from which we 
 
 «» Si/mb. vol. ii. pp. 31-2. 
 
CATHOLICS AND PROTESTANTS BEETHREN BY BAPTISM. 237 
 
 cut ourselves off deliberately, by our own acts, either through 
 unwillingness to own ourselves in the wrong, and appear or be 
 indebted to our neighbours ; or else from prejudice or over- 
 strained principle. It is so long since Christendom has been 
 united, that though East and West were united, at least as 
 long as they have have been divided, and though West has 
 not been divided one-fifth of the time when it was knit 
 together as one family, we have grown accustomed to the 
 spectacle, and ask ourselves whether it would not be pre- 
 sumptuous to attempt reversing what has been law now for 
 so many centuries. Others there are who think that Chris- 
 tendom can never be reconciled without some sacrifice of prin- 
 ciple somewhere, so as to be dear at the price. How can 
 Catholics, for instance, give up the principle of authority, or 
 Protestants that of private judgment and free enquiry? As 
 if enquiry must go on for ever enquiring, or authority be for 
 ever disputed ! Still, let any attempt be made to reconcile 
 them, and it is like enough to be taxed with indifference to 
 principle, or with genuine regard for neither. Party-spirit is 
 too apt to regard truth as a Siren. When both sides have so 
 long affected to be quarrelling over first-principles, may it 
 not be rational to suggest, that the very tenacity with which 
 they have clung to them shows that neither side can have 
 taken up positions that are wholly false, while neither side 
 should be willing to retain any portion of them that is not 
 true ? Now, should their principles admit of accommodation, 
 surely they are no longer justified in standing aloof? ' Sirs, 
 ye are brethren : why do ye wrong one to another ? ' is a 
 form of appeal that would in all probability be disregarded 
 by the authorities of the Church of England, and of the 
 Catholic Church, alike; yet brethren they are still, and ever 
 will be, as baptized Christians. On that one point all are 
 agreed : ' Vestigia nulla retrorsum.' Thus far, no closing of 
 the gates is permissible on either side to the bitterest con- 
 troversialist. For any extension of that opening we must be 
 content both to wait and to work in faith — otherwise we may 
 increase the number of divisions in promoting unity. Our 
 best way of contributing to it is to get into the habit of 
 
238 THE "WHOLE TEUTH STILL TO BE TOLD. 
 
 representing facts as they are, without exaggerating or sup- 
 pressing any, and letting them tell their own unvarnished 
 tale. , When the whole truth is fairly before the world, which 
 it is not yet, men will glide into their conclusions insensibly ; 
 and authority will be invited to ratify what people will have 
 long anticipated in their own minds as individuals. 
 
 § 92. Unearthly Side of Church-history. Authentic 
 History due to Revelation. 
 
 For those who are perplexed or scandalised by the divisions 
 of Christendom — for those who are disquieted by the sceptical 
 objections which are iiying about to one part after another in 
 detail of revealed truth, it may be more relief than is supposed 
 generally, to accustom themselves to regard it as a whole 
 from first to last, and with the general effect belonging to it, 
 which is not of man, but of Grod. Let them look at it, I 
 say, as most people have, at some period or other of their 
 lives, looked at that masterpiece of genius and art combined, 
 the picture of the Transfiguration, by Eaphael — with their 
 gaze withdrawn from that lower compartment, where the wild 
 ravings of the maniac are seen portrayed with superhuman 
 skill, and concentrated upon that sublime scene above — where 
 Deified Humanity is enshrined in majesty, and where the 
 floating figures on the right and left impersonate both the 
 attitude and the feelings of unwavering trust, unbounded re- 
 verence, and serene repose, which in such august presence 
 we should wish our own. 
 
 Such unearthliness it is that we shall find stamped upon 
 the mighty diorama of revealed history, unrolled to the 
 extent that it has been in our own days, and stretching back 
 with its miles of canvass to the first Adam. Whatever else 
 the Old Testament may be — whatever else it may never have 
 assumed to be, two things may be predicated of it with cer- 
 tainty. First, it is the Church-history of mankind before 
 Christ : secondly, as containing the message of Grod to man, 
 it has been the parent of all authentic history of mankind in 
 any shape. Here are two points in which the history of 
 
AUTHENTIC HISTORY DUE TO REVELATION. 239 
 
 Eevelation differs essentially from all others, and stands alone 
 in its claims. It starts from the earliest records of our race ; 
 and we see plainly that it will not end with ourselves. Not 
 only is there no other history that ascends so high or, pre- 
 serving its identity, descends so low ; but all other records, 
 whether of ages or nations, have, as it were, been summoned 
 into life at its bidding, and been dependent on it. It is the 
 message of God to man that has made history authentic, and 
 the records of mankind worth preserving. As long as re- 
 vealed religion was confined to a single nation or family, the 
 records of that nation or family were the only records of 
 humanity that were kept, or that have survived in any regular 
 series, except so far as we may ourselves have deduced one 
 from casual inscriptions traced upon monuments, or from 
 monuments without inscriptions. As time advanced — as that 
 message was about to be made known to all comers, other 
 nations, hitherto lost in obscurity, began to be solicitous 
 about the fate of their records, and to aim at having authentic 
 histories of their own. Those who attained to the highest 
 perfection in that art were precisely those whose services 
 Eevelation was about to appropriate, with world-wide effect, 
 for its forthcoming phase. The captivities of Israel and 
 Judah, and their dispersion into foreign lands, gave the signal 
 for authentic histories to commence elsewhere. The found- 
 ations of civilisation in Ancient Greece and Eome were ad- 
 vancing rapidly. As Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi closed 
 the canon of the Old Testament, Herodotus, Thucydides, and 
 Xenophon supplied models of authentic history for those 
 nations into whose keeping the dispensation of the New 
 Testament had been designed to pass. No really authentic 
 histories of any Gentile people before Christ exist but those 
 of Greece and Eome. Even their histories cease to be 
 authentic beyond that point where that of the Jews ends; 
 and it is precisely Greece and Eome that have become 
 synonymes for the two great branches of Christendom. 
 
 Their civilisation, unlike that of Egypt and Assyria, of 
 China, the Indian peninsula, and Mexico — of who knows how 
 many more countries in East and West — was not destined to 
 
240 GREECE AND ROME WANTED FOE CHRISTIANITY. 
 
 pass away and be forgotten in its decay. Memorials of it 
 were to be written ; and memorials of it, written or unwritten, 
 were to be preserved with the records of Christianity ; and 
 all that was good in their literature, arts, or sciences, was 
 destined to be regenerated by contact with the Grospel, and 
 live. Other nations, when their time came, obeyed the 
 same law. Grermans, Franks, Scandinavians, all commenced 
 having a history from the period of their conversion to 
 Christianity, or but a short time before, when they were on 
 the road to it. Since their regeneration — since their civilisa- 
 tion by it, what histories have they not had ; and in what 
 fulness ! — histories, not only of their own wars and dynasties, 
 but of the progress of art, science, and literature among them, 
 and in the world generally ; histories by them, in how many 
 cases, of nations that passed away without any history of their 
 own but what has been disentombed from their monuments. 
 What has stamped authenticity upon our records — has been 
 the principle both of life and endurability in all our histories 
 — is the message of Grod to man : in other words, their con- 
 nection with Christianity. They have been written either by 
 Christians, or have subserved Christian purposes. If it were 
 not so, how has it happened that in the course of six thousand 
 years they have come to be the only works of the kind extant : 
 so that neither Egypt nor Assyria, China nor India, Europe 
 nor America, can produce any such authentic records of their 
 primeval or Gentile state ; though of monuments there still 
 remains no lack — in many cases of colossal proportions — 
 attesting immense skill and energy on the part of former 
 races that must have once inhabited those countries, but of 
 whom no further records are to be found ? Mohammedans 
 are the only people, besides Jews and Christians, that have 
 preserved any records of their past ; and they magnify rather 
 than abate the force of the contrast. Their plagiarisms from 
 the Law and from the Grospel were very great ; their relations 
 with Jews and Christians ever since have been incessant. 
 But place their records side by side with the records of 
 Christian Europe, and Asia, and America, down to our own 
 age, and what comparison can there possibly be between 
 
HISTOKT UNDER THE LAW AND UNDER THE GOSPEL. 241 
 
 them, except so far as illustrating the manifold superiority 
 of the one to the other ? Nowhere ia his unregenerate state 
 — except as preparatory to his regeneration, or as in some 
 way derivable from it — has man preserved any regular records 
 of his own existence. Till God took him in hand he was not 
 conscious, or rather he was distrustful, of his own dignity ; 
 neither was he careful about perpetuating his own memory. 
 The Bible was the first attempt of the kind made in his 
 behalf, as fraught with the message of God to him, and with 
 the scheme for effecting his recovery. It commenced with 
 the creation, fall, and punishment of the first Adam ; it ended 
 with the Incarnation, Death, and Ascension of the second 
 Adam. All else is intermediate, but in strict relation to its 
 own subject-matter— namely, the progress of mankind under 
 revealed religion. Before Christ, while they formed the only 
 authentic history in the world, those records, even in their 
 purely historical aspect, were in the nature of a sacred trust. 
 Since Christ there has been no need of regulating or pre- 
 serving the historical records of the Church by any special 
 provision, analogous to the means for regulating and pre- 
 serving its doctrine. Christian nations are left to take care 
 of their own histories — Christian writers of that of the Church. 
 No inspired penmen are needed to record the different ages 
 of the Gospel, as of the Law. Christianity is destined to be 
 final, as far as the present world is concerned ; it has no 
 future to reach forward into but its own ; it will not be sup- 
 planted by any ulterior dispensation. In the Old Testament 
 the records of both history and doctrine were inspired alike, 
 because they were designed alike for purposes beyond their 
 own and immediate one. Both had to serve as precedents, 
 types, figures, shadows of that more- perfect dispensation to 
 which they pointed in the dark future.. When we are writing 
 a history of literature, we touch but lightly upon political 
 events ; when we are treating of the constitutional history of 
 a country, we do not draw glowing pictures of its campaigns ; 
 when we are giving the physical history of a country, we pass 
 over its laws, politics, and wars without a word. Here God 
 was dictating a history for the purposes of His own scheme 
 
 K 
 
242 JEWISH AKD CHUKCH HISTORY. 
 
 of Eevelation, and of which He alone knew beforehand what 
 the sequel would be. The Old Testament, therefore, being 
 the Church-history of all ages before Christ, and neither more 
 nor less, was composed from first to last under His Inspi- 
 ration, by Whom the whole history of the post-Christian 
 period was, foreseen and foredetermined ; and it would be 
 as natural for all events which are recorded there to be in 
 character with its leading idea, as for all ceremonies which 
 are prescribed there to be typical of those of the Gospel. 
 Look at it in this point of view, side by side with the history 
 of the Chureh. Both together have all the appearance of a 
 consistent whole. The two systems fit into each other per- 
 fectly — the last as having taken the mould of the first: 
 ' Vetus Testamentum in Novo patet : Novum Testamentum 
 in Vetere latet.' Its ordinances elevated and carried on in 
 the Christian sacraments ; its external developments in 
 Church and State, even to its corruptions and the judgments 
 entailed by those corruptions, one after another finding their 
 counterpart in the successive vicissitudes of the Christian 
 Church. With the Books of Joshua and Judges, of Kings 
 and Chronicles, spread open before him, nobody can com- 
 plain of the want of a clue to the current of events in Church- 
 history : with the books of Moses and the Prophets spread 
 open before him, nobody can complain of the want of a clue 
 to the Eitual, both in its primitive and in its more expanded 
 form, of the Church. There is the same analogy between 
 the Law and the Grospel that Bishop Butler has shown so 
 irresistibly to exist between Nature and Eevelation. And, 
 viewed as a whole, the historical argument encircling Eeve- 
 lation is of that character that it must either stand, or all 
 authentic history must fall with it. All the arguments in 
 the world against isolated details in either branch of it are 
 worthless in presence of that indissoluble connection by which 
 both branches are knit together in the collective series. 
 
SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED. 243 
 
 § 93. Same Subject continued. Interdependence of Jewish 
 and Church-history. 
 
 For the history of Christianity can no moi-e be dissevered 
 from that of the Jews than the history of the Jews from 
 Christianity. They are not two distinct nor yet two collateral 
 histories ; they are literally but the first and second parts of 
 one uninterrupted history. Each of them has its own colla- 
 teral evidences : that of the Old Testament in the uninspired 
 accounts of Josephus and Philo amongst Jews — in the nar- 
 ratives of Tacitus, and Suetonius, and others amongst Gren- 
 tiles; that of the New Testa,ment in all the histories of the 
 world — Pagan, Christian, and Mohammedan — that have ap- 
 peared subsequently to its publication : such collateral 
 evidences as are- to be found for the history of England in 
 Csesar, Lucan, Tacitus amongst ancients, and the historians 
 of France, Germany, Spain, Italy amongst moderns: such 
 collateral evidences as are common to all other nations, often 
 supplementary to, as well as confirmatory of, natiye records. 
 But the history of the Jews and that of the Christian Church, 
 independently of any such adventitious supports of their 
 own, together make up one his-tory ; the strongest proof of 
 whose authenticity lies not in their separate evidences from 
 extraneous sources, but in their own, unparalleled interde- 
 pendence, and witness to each other. The history of a colony 
 and of a mother-country is not apt to. be characterised by any 
 such affinity: for what is there, even now, in the constitution of 
 the United States, or in the private habits of the people com- 
 posing them, which is looked upon in the light of a sacred 
 inheritance from England? Even the later and earlier 
 periods in a history of the same country are dissimilar by 
 comparison J for by what praotjg.al tie but that of soil 
 and origin are we connected with our Anglo-Saxon fore- 
 fathers ? But in the Church there has been, from the first, 
 that amount of deliberate purpose to be the spiritual embodi- 
 ment of the whole Law of Moses as was never exceeded 
 by the Jews themselves in fulfilling the letter. Tradi- 
 
 E 2 
 
244 INTEEDEPENDENCE OF JEWISH AND CHUECH-HISTOKT. 
 
 tions of the remote past have not only been preserved with 
 reverence, but they have been guaranteed, by the form in 
 which they have been preserved, against any possibility of 
 surrender to the latest future. It is a majestic policy both of 
 conservatism and yet of progress which reigns throughout, 
 exemplified by no other history on the same scale. The 
 retrospective testimony which is lent by Christianity to the 
 history of the Jews is as old as Christianity itself ; the pro- 
 spective testimony which the history of the Jews lends to 
 Christianity is contemporaneous with the first records of the 
 human race. 
 
 § 94. One History but not the History of One People. 
 Testiinwny of the Jews to Christianity^ 
 
 Finally, one history though it has been shown to be, it is 
 not the history of one people. Never was there any history 
 more completely one — never were there parties to any one 
 history more completely two. The Jews, to this day, will not 
 allow the authenticity of their own national records to be dis- 
 puted ; but it is for the benefit of a religion that has sup- 
 planted their own. And Chjistians appeal to those same 
 records, in confirmation of their own faith, which prove their 
 forefathers to have been a race of idolaters. The Jew may 
 refer with pride to the mighty achievements of his ancient 
 progenitors; still he cannot deny the fact that they lived 
 and worked and spoke much more for aliens than for 
 their own descendants. Christians, on the other hand, are 
 laid under the necessity of confessing their obligations through 
 life to a race which, in the classical literature of Ancient 
 Grreece and Eome, is never mentioned but with scorn ; and 
 which, since the coming of Christ and its rejection of Him, 
 has been treated everywhere with the same scorn redoubled by 
 the whole world. Had the whole nation of the Jews embraced 
 Christianity, what a gigantic system of fraud and collusion 
 would it not have been denounced by the rest of mankind ! 
 Had Christianity contained no reference to the Law of Moses, 
 the Jews might have been justified in adhering to the latter. 
 
TESTIMONY OF THE JEWS TO CHEISTIAMTY. 245 
 
 Had the Jews shrunk from, or given up in disgust, the task 
 of authenticating their own records, they would have deprived 
 Christianity of that unique species of testimony both to its 
 truth, and to their own condemnation in rejecting it, which 
 they have now for so many centuries been bearing about the 
 world in their own persons. 
 
 § 95. Divisions in the Hand of God. Testimonies to the 
 Truth of the Gospel. 
 
 Such are the marvellous consequences, in the hands of 
 Grod, of divisions originating in or aggravated by the sin of 
 man ! The antagonism between Jews and Christians, the 
 antagonism between Christendom in East and West, the 
 antagonism between Mohammedanism and Christian theology 
 in the East, between Protestantism and Christian anthro- 
 pology in the West, might never have existed at all but for 
 sin in each case ; but there is not one of them which has not 
 proved beneficial to the progress, attestation, or illustration of 
 that Divine Economy, whose fixed purpose from the beginning 
 has been the redemption of the world through God made 
 Man. In our fallen state, our testimony is apt to be much 
 more unexceptionable when we are divided amongst our- 
 selves than when we are united. We never love truth so 
 much as when it is attacked, and we are put on our defence as 
 believers in it. ' Virtutem incolumem odimus,' as the poet 
 sings. Truth profits by our divisions in more ways than one. 
 Sometimes it is admitted as a fact on both sides, in which 
 case its authenticity is made doubly sure ; sometimes its full 
 meaning would never have been elicited, owing to our dulness 
 or indifference, but for some deliberate attempt to palm a 
 false meaning upon it. The Jews who rejected Christ, and 
 the Mohammedans who abjured Him, alike testify to the fact 
 of His existence. Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans alike 
 testify to the historical truth of the Old Testament, which 
 foretold Him. Eastern and Western Christendom alike tes- 
 tify to His Incarnation as the Son of Grod. Easterns and 
 Westerns, Protestants and Catholics, alike testify to the 
 
246 TESTIMONIES TO THE TKUTH OF THE GOSPEL. 
 
 genuineness of the New Testament, in which that fact is 
 recorded. There is no reason to suppose that the progress of 
 controversy has been to obscure the meaning of those Scrip- 
 tures, to which all Christians appeal, or to doubt but that the 
 end of it will be to ensure the acceptance of their true mean- 
 ing by all Christians. There is even consolation in the 
 thought that it must always be more creditable for Christians 
 to be divided than to be indifferent about their religion. To 
 agree and be in earnest is their ideal state : but better a 
 thousand times for the ' odium theologicum ' to be manifested 
 in excess on both sides, than for neither side to have any con- 
 science or interest in what they believe ! People are most 
 jealous of what they value most. For those who are practical 
 believers in what Christ has done for man, there can be no 
 subject of more rational enthusiasm, in the full sense of that 
 word, than what concerns His honour. It can be no bigotry 
 to assert that ' Grlory to God ' is a consideration entitled to 
 take precedence over ' peace on earth.' 
 
 § 96. Benefits of Christianity. Reply of Miramolvn to 
 King John. 
 
 Ingratitude was punished by the Ancient Persians as a 
 crime. I neither envy the disingenuousness of those who, 
 with the page of history spread open before them, are slow to 
 admit that it is Christianity which has enabled man to attain 
 to his present perfection — so far beyond any former prece- 
 dent — nor the apathy of those who grant the fact, and yet 
 are not solicitous for the spread and maintenance of that 
 noble religion among their fellow-creatures to the latest age. 
 That it has not done more for us has been the fault of our 
 forefathers and of ourselves. Even now, we are risking all 
 that we have by undervaluing our obligations to it, by plu- 
 ming ourselves upon our own self-sufficiency, and imagining 
 that we could do without it and not fare the worse. ' I 
 taught Ephraim to go, taking them by their arms, but they 
 knew not that I healed them.'''^' . . . Facilis descensus. 
 
 "' Hosea xi. 3. 
 
REPLY OF MIEAMOLIN TO KING JOHN. 247 
 
 We should experience but little difficulty in parting with all 
 our enlightenment, with all our acquired habits, whether of 
 science or of self-control, and returning to our pristine savagery. 
 See how Mohammedans have succeeded in decivilising them- 
 selves, as compared with Protestants ; but it has certainly been 
 from no lack of intellect, or of capacity for either refinement 
 or conquest. When our ' lackland ' King John communicated 
 his intention of turning Mohammedan to Miramolin, em- 
 peror of Morocco, he received from that potentate very dif- 
 ferent counsel from what he had anticipated. The emperor 
 considered that auyone changing the religion in which he 
 had been born and bred did a very unwise thing : ' and I 
 must tell you,' said he to Robert of London, who had come 
 to him as ambassador from John, ' your king is much to 
 blame for his inconstancy upon this point, and for discovering 
 himself inclined to renounce the admirable institution of 
 Christianity. Grod Almighty knows that, were I at liberty to 
 choose my persuasion, Christianity should certainly be my 
 religion!'*^* 
 
 MiramoHn may have been far more favourably impressed 
 "with what he had heard or seen of the Crusades as a contem- 
 porary, than many who have formed their^ opinions of them 
 from books ; but testimony like this to the superiority of 
 Christianity over the creed of Mohammed is a fact which 
 moderns would do well to study. Christianity has but one 
 aspiration — that of developing and strengthening in man his 
 highest qualities, and of curbing and subduing in man all 
 those propensities which he has in common with beasts. It 
 has many beautiful tendencies, that would exalt humanity to 
 a still higher level, did we but allow them to have full play. It 
 would substitute the law of moral power everywhere for the law 
 of force — the law of love for the law of penalties and prohibi- 
 tions of any kind. It would abolish capital punishments by 
 rendering the heart of man inaccessible to those crimes which 
 merit them. It would abolish war, by inculcating in every 
 nation those principles and those manners which promote 
 
 «» Collier, E. H. toI. ii. p. 437, ed. Straker. 
 
248 WHAT CHRISTIANITY "WOULD DO WITH FREE SCOPE. 
 
 peace. It would abolish slavery, as it has long done amongst 
 Christians themselves, by becoming the religion of all nations, 
 as it was designed to be. It would equalise all ranks, without 
 encouraging insubordination, by reminding all of their re- 
 spective duties : still admonishing the rich that they have 
 brethren in the poor, and elevating the poor by the thought 
 that heaven is open to them equally with the rich. Oh ! what 
 miserable philanthropists we are not to throw ourselves more 
 unreservedly into the teaching of that elevating, humanising, 
 socialising religion ; and esteem it to be a real privilege, in- 
 dividually and collectively, to carry out its injunctions, and 
 be the living fulfilment of all its aspirations ! There has 
 been nothing to compare with it in past time for the benefits 
 which it has conferred upon man, in every condition or rela- 
 tion of life, public or private — in every species of employ- 
 ment, at home or abroad. It has heightened his intelligence, 
 controlled his passions, inspired him with fellow-feeling for 
 others, hallowed his labours, spiritualised his joys, assuaged 
 his griefs, made home doubly dear to him upon earth, and yet 
 cast a gleam of true sunshine over his deathbed. There is 
 nothing half so ennobling that men can invent or devise for 
 themselves. Let them only take half the trouble, to bring 
 themselves into subjection to it as their ruling principle, 
 which they do to discover some substitute for it that will 
 please their vanity, and they will find that it has capacities 
 for ministering to the good of mankind in a thousand ways 
 of which we are still ignorant, because we have not probed them 
 sufficiently, by putting it to that test. As long as it is con- 
 tained in ' earthen vessels ' it must savour of them to some 
 extent. To be maintained in perpetuity upon earth, its in- 
 corporation in some form or other, analogous to the relations 
 of soul and body, was matter of necessity from the first. 
 Left to themselves, unrecorded in books, unerubodied in in- 
 stitutions, the grandest ideas are soon lost in air. There is 
 no modern improvement that we do not seek to 'compass by 
 means of a society ; and there is no society that can exist 
 without organisation and administration proportionable to its 
 scope. But the scope of Christianity is world-wide. 
 
THE CHURCH AS AJST mSTRUMENT FOR GOOD. 249 
 
 § 97. The Church as an Instrument for Good. The More 
 Nations in the Church the Better. 
 
 We have our international associations for bringing men 
 together, and divesting them of provincial prejudices, and 
 making them work in concert for the ■wellbeing of humanity. 
 That spiritual association known as the Church is worth them 
 aU for that purpose. It alone has the guarantee of Heaven 
 for assistance from above and permanence upon earth. All 
 that is wanted is that Christians should rally round it and 
 support it to the uttermost, bringing with them as little of 
 the old-man as they can help, and doing as much as they can 
 to neutralise the effect of the old-man in others : never 
 forgetting, however, that it cannot be got rid of in either 
 through life. The Church has suffered grievously from the 
 sins of its members of every grade ; still there is no amount 
 of efficiency to which it cannot attain, when all within it are 
 animated by a Grod-serving spirit to make the best of the 
 advantages which it has to offer. Then it expands to their 
 hands, casts their works into suitable shape, and crowns them 
 with immortality. The Church has suffered considerably 
 when its destinies have been subjected to the control of any 
 one set of men, or swayed too exclusively by any one nation- 
 ality. The more nations there are that attach themselves to 
 it, the less exclusively will it be attached to any, or estranged 
 from any. There is no amount of kaleidoscopic variety that 
 it is not capable of exhibiting ; and it is never so pure, never 
 so glorious, as when the collective genius of all nations is 
 reflected in it, and no one type too predominant. If we can 
 do so without a contradiction in terms, let us try to imagine 
 what the condition and action of the Catholic Church would 
 be, did it ever come to be confined to a single nation of incon- 
 siderable proportions in East, West, North, or South. Then 
 let us extend it in thought to all nations inhabiting one 
 quarter of the globe only. Then let us consider what are its 
 existing circumstances Nobody can fail to perceive that it 
 is the Southern mind which is almost the exclusively domi- 
 
250 THE MORE NATIONS IK fHE CHUECH THE BETTER, 
 
 nant influence in it, as compared with that of the North — the 
 Western mind, as compared with that of the East. That 
 different quarters of the globe produce different tempera- 
 ments of mind will be denied by none. So far, therefore, 
 as minds are concerned, it is very decidedly a reflection of 
 the South and West, much more decidedly than it could or 
 would be were Northern and Eastern nations, by the blessing 
 of Grod, restored to their pristine footing in it. And so far, 
 therefore, as its action is ever swayed by human elements, it 
 would in that case be very different from what it is, or has 
 been, for centuries — to its incalculable though, perhaps, un- 
 avoidable misfortune. The detriment would be the same in 
 kind, were it ever to be restricted to one order or class of 
 men, or even to a disproportion of one sex. Workers it must 
 have, of all tempers and turns of mind, to be thoroughly 
 efiScient. It can employ them in any number, in any 
 variety ; it does employ them, in point of fact, usually in 
 their own way. Everybody not absolutely blinded by pre- 
 judice, must admit that there is no such machinery for good 
 to be found elsewhere. 
 
 § 98. Christianity has not divided ^Christians. Unity 
 still dear to the Jews. 
 
 Whatever else may have divided Christians, it is quite 
 certain that Christianity has not, but, on the contrary, that 
 its very essence is Unity. Throughout the New Testament 
 the followers of Christ are contemplated as one family of 
 believers — as brethren of one household. Almost the first 
 remark made upon them by the outside world was, ' See 
 how these Christians love one another !' Unity is one of 
 the deepest and most abiding instincts which belongs to 
 Christians, as such ; they can no more exist without it than 
 without their shadow. It haunts them everywhere, like the 
 waking dream that has held them entranced and vanished : 
 it is scarce gone but they begin to grope about for it, in 
 some form or other, bemoaning their loss. If they cannot 
 recover it on a large scale, they hug what remains to them of 
 
UNITY STILL DEAR TO THE JEWS. 231 
 
 it on a small scale all the closer. There is nothing that they 
 set themselves so Yigilantly — I had almost said fiercely — to 
 provide against, as any fresh schism. Or, when they cannot 
 find it any longer in the outer world, they invent some 
 fanciful realisation of it in the unseen. 
 
 We are the exact antitypes of the Jews in this as in all 
 other respects. It is a quality which belongs exclusively to 
 the people of God, as such, and to which the natural man has 
 never really laid claim. Look at that homeless, outlawed, 
 refugee nation which the wild Bedouin looks down upon as 
 alien from humanity — which Christians even have not yet 
 unlearnt treating with contumely — which has been in so 
 many respects a party consenting to its own abasement by its 
 own sordid acts, yet exhibiting in one respect a spectacle of 
 grandeur in adversity to which the world has no parallel. 
 Where is there such another wailing-place as that of the Jews 
 in Jerusalem ? And where else could there be that conflict 
 of emotions which is stirred up by what takes place there, in 
 every mind conversant with their history? Every Friday, 
 between noon and sunset — which is the eve of their Sabbath, 
 and the day and hour of the Crucifixion as well — they col- 
 lect round the southern extremity of the old western wall, 
 as it is supposed, of their temple : with their faces turned in 
 the direction of the Mount of Olives, where the Saviour wept 
 over their city when He foretold its doom — in the direction 
 of that site known as the ' Ecce Homo,' where the lips of their 
 own forefathers inprecated vengeance on their heads — and 
 there they are to be seen engaged, in every attitude, young and 
 old, rich and poor, week after week, year after year, in the 
 nineteenth century from their dispersion, weeping over it 
 freshly, as though it had been a thing of yesterday, with 
 tears unfeigned, and supplicating the Lord Grod of their 
 fathers to be given back, in mercy, to their own land, not as 
 so many scattered atoms, but as one people. Where is the na- 
 tion of antiquity to be found elsewhere thus represented, thus 
 employed, in these days, not so much over the ruins of 
 its metropolis as of its temple ? The nearest approach to it, 
 the only fact that exceeds it in some respects, is the unity 
 
252 CHRISTIAN CRAVINGS FOR UNITY. 
 
 that bound Cliristendom together for a thousand years, and 
 the craving for unity which during the whole eight hundred 
 years or more following has pervaded Christendom. Where 
 is the nation, as such, ancient or modern, that has ever sought 
 to be one with its neighbours, or its antipodes, except by 
 conquest or aggrandisement of some kind or other? To this 
 day nobody can be admitted to the privilege of citizenship 
 in the most enlightened of European nations who is citizen 
 of another country. The baptized Christian is a Christian 
 in all lands ; the highest posts of honour and authority in 
 the Catholic Church are open to all nations, and to their 
 meanest citizens. And though divided — hopelessly divided 
 according to some thinkers — Christendom has been for 
 centuries ; yet in point of fact, when we look into history, we 
 find that there never has passed one century since its divisions 
 commenced, in which efforts, countless efforts, have not been 
 made for its reunion: attesting even in their failure the strong 
 instinct for unity by which all true Christians are drawn 
 towards each other, when they can have no other motive for 
 it but their Christianity, and showing that the only obstacles 
 to it originate with themselves, from the mixed motives that 
 take possession of them, as men, in their progress towards it — 
 from prejudices that will crop out in spite of the best in- 
 tentions, and from defective practice. 
 
 § 99. Hidden Pwiyose of the Crusades. Councils for 
 the Reunion of Greeks and Latins. 
 
 In spite of the anathema pronounced against Michael 
 Cerularius by the legates of Leo IX., in a.d. 1054, a good deal 
 of the fellow-feeling between East and West underwent no 
 change. Leo had done all in his power to avert the schism ; 
 and when, by order of Cerularius, all the Latin churches were 
 closed in the East, the Grreek churches at Eome continued 
 open as before.^^' Under Urban II., who trod in the foot- 
 steps of the great Hildebrand, every trace of resentment in 
 connection with that schism had disappeared. Forty years 
 
 *™ Bened. xir., ' Ad Missionaries per Orientem Deputatos,' § 5, ap. BuUar. 
 Ben. xiT. p. ii. u. 47. 
 
COUNCILS FOR THE EEUNIOIf OF GREEKS AND LATINS. 253 
 
 had barely elapsed from its consummation when Peter the 
 Hermit set out on his celebrated pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 
 and heard from the Hps of Simeon, patriarch of that city, the 
 sad tale of horrors which his separated brethren in Palestine 
 had t6 endure from the Turks.^^" On his return, at his 
 preaching — who had nothing but his subject to recommend 
 him — the nations of Europe started up as one man for their 
 deliverance. A week of Crusades, spread over two centuries, 
 may be regarded as so many vibrations of the same chord. 
 Where is there another instance of a whole continent arming 
 and rushing to the defence of another, not only not subject to 
 it, but to some extent its rival in religion — not only not con- 
 nected with it by any ties of blood, but estranged from it by 
 those unalterable habits of thought and manner which distin- 
 guished East and West ? Is it any disparagement to the prin- 
 ciple which swayed them, that in acting upon it they behaved 
 themselves as men ; or that many who joined them did so 
 from lower and opposite motives ? ' Siste viator, heroa calcas.' 
 Expeditions that could give birth to such institutions as the 
 Templars and the Knights of Malta — over which S. Bernard 
 could be eloquent and impassioned without misgivings — in 
 which such men as Godfrey de Bouillon led the van, and 
 S. Louis the rear — should be criticised with reverence, even 
 if they stood alone : as it is, they should never be considered 
 apart from those Councils of Clermont, Bari, Lyons, Basle, 
 Florence, which overlapped them, having for their main 
 object the spiritual reunion of Greeks and Latins, as those 
 Crusades had been for their protection against a common foe. 
 The soul of Christendom was made the care of the one as 
 the body of Christendom had been of the other, though both 
 failed of their full purpose. 
 
 The fall of Constantinople, so far from affecting that inter- 
 est in the least unfavourably, rather enhanced it of the two. 
 The fugitive Greeks were received with open arms all over 
 Europe — nowhere more so than at Eome by Nicholas V. 
 Gregory XIII. built colleges there for Greeks, Maronites, 
 and Armenians in communion with the Holy See, but with 
 
 ™ Rolirbacker, Bist. vol. xiv. p. 526. 
 
254 EAST AND WEST AFTER THE FALL OP CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 the maintenance of their own rituals assured to them in each 
 case.''^' Leo Allatius, who had been educated at the first of 
 these, and who long held the post of librarian at the Vatican, 
 composed a learned work on the Perpetual Agreement between 
 East and West, wishing to prove their doctrines identical. 
 Some of his Western contemporaries in the same spirit, as 
 Grotius and Sancta Clara, endeavoured to reconcile the Con- 
 fession of Augsburg, and the Thirty-nine Articles of the 
 Church of England with the Tridentine Decrees. As soon as 
 European embassies came to be regularly established at Con- 
 stantinople, Western and Eastern Christendom were brought 
 into close contact once more, and began to avail themselves of 
 it as if by instinct. There was hot rivalry between Catholics 
 and Protestants for the goodwill of the East, which alternately 
 fraternised with both, but would on the whole join neither 
 against the other. Josaphat II., patriarch of Constantinople, 
 entered into correspondence with Melancthon: Crusius and 
 Andrea, theologians of Tubingen, addressed Jeremiah II., 
 patriarch of that city between a.d. 1574-81 ; but his answers 
 to them, which the Greeks have since invested with great 
 authority, were of the most unfavourable description,''^^ 
 
 Cyril Lucar, acting upon opposite views, engaged — to his 
 cost, as it turned out afterwards — in active negotiations with 
 England and HoUand.^^' One of his pupils, Metrophanes 
 Critopulus, was placed by him under the care of Archbishop 
 Abbot, and sent by the latter to Oxford, where he passed 
 several years ; and eventually rose to be Patriarch of Alexan- 
 dria, in which capacity he joined the rest of the East in con- 
 demning his patron Cyril. Colleges at Oxford, Paris, and 
 Halle were opened successively for Greek students,*^'' though 
 they were not destined to be long-lived. Proposals for 
 reunion, though they were not destined to be successful, 
 were received, within ten years of each other, from some doc- 
 
 "' Bened. xiv. ut sup. § 14 : 'In Doctrine of the Russian Church, 
 
 quibus alumnos dictarum nationum introd. p. xv. 
 
 educari voluit, ita tamen ut semper ■'^^ Neale's Eastern Church (Alex- 
 in suis ritibus Orientalibus persevera- andria), vol. ii. p. 411 et seq. 
 rent.' «« Union Review, Sept. 1863, Frag. 
 
 «2 Alzog, Hist. § 358 ; Blackmore's Var. No. 1. 
 
THE UNIATE CHUKCH IN RUSSIA. 255 
 
 tors of the Sorbonne in Paris, and from some British bishops, 
 by the Russian Church in the reign of Peter the Grreat.'''^ 
 Grregory XIII. received overtures from Eussia which induced 
 him to send Father Possevin, the celebrated Jesuit, into that 
 country. His mission bore no immediate fruits; but one 
 result of it was the formation there of the Uniate Church, in 
 A.D. 1593-4."« 
 
 It was announced to Clement VIII, as the return of 
 the whole Russian Church ^^^ — which indeed it purported to 
 be, on the terms prescribed by the Council of Florence — to 
 communion with Rome. But there was a reaction on the 
 part of the majority of the Russian clergy, as there had been 
 of the Grreeks after that council; and, in point of fact, it 
 never extended beyond the churches of Lithuania. Our own 
 days have witnessed another counter-movement to it, threat- 
 ening, if not effecting, its annihilation,*^' even in those parts. 
 There are still, however, and there have always been, some 
 sections of the different Eastern denominations in communion 
 with the Holy See ; and the terms required of them have 
 been those of the Council of Florence, without exception, to 
 which the Easterns subscribed at the time. In all other 
 respects they have been tenderly dealt with, and allowed to 
 retain their own rights and usages, even to the continuance 
 of their priests in the married state ; ^'' and Rome has never 
 ceased to labour for the restoration of East and "West to their 
 pristine unity. ''*''^ 
 
 § 100. Projected Reunions in the West. Failures ever 
 , followed by Fresh. Attempts. 
 
 The Catholic Church in the West, and those bodies which 
 separated from it, have been in a constant state of oscillation 
 
 *'' MouraTiefPs Bu.isian Church, p. 329 et seq., and tom.-iii. pt. ii. No. 
 
 pp. 277 and 286 (Blackmore's Tr.). 47, § 13. 
 
 "» Ibid. p. 122 ; Akog, Hist. § 359. «° Besides the earnest appeal of 
 
 '" Eohrbaeker, Sist. vol. sxv. p. the Encyclic of a.d. 1848 (see Chris- 
 
 632; on the other side Monravieff, Man Bemembrancer, July 1851, p. 
 
 p. 139 et seq. 209), a commission of cardinals is said 
 
 138 Jlouravieff. Append, p. 430 cisej. to be engaged on this very subject at 
 
 *" Ben. xiv., Bullar. tom. i. No. 67, the present time. 
 § 7, p. 197. Compare No. 87, § 19, 
 
256 PEOJECTED EBUNIONS IN THE WEST. 
 
 one towards another ever since the Eeformation. It has been 
 a period of unrest and perplexity throughout ; everyone 
 affecting independence, but no one side being really at ease, 
 and no one side being able to hit upon any successful expe- 
 dient for mending matters. Inquisitions have been tried, 
 penal statutes have been tried, and been abandoned. Eeli- 
 gious tests, one after another, in abundance and in variety 
 — some stringent, some prolix, some involved, and some equi- 
 vocal — have been tried, and are still in force. Have they 
 succeeded — the object of them all having been to prevent 
 any further divisions, and to unite that body of Christians, 
 at all events, subscribing to them more closely than ever ? 
 Negotiations have been tried — all parties have endeavoured 
 to unite with all by turns ; but no two parties have ever once 
 succeeded in amalgamating, even under pressure from the 
 State. There have been fresh secessions from the Catholic 
 Church — fresh divisions amongst those who originally sepa- 
 rated from it ; but every attempt to bring divided Christen- 
 dom together again has failed. There have been negotiations 
 between Catholics and Lutherans, Catholics and Anglicans, 
 Lutherans and Anglicans, Calvinists and Anglicans, Calvin- 
 ists and Lutherans, Calvinists and Catholics. There have 
 always been two parties in the Church of England — one 
 drawn towards Eome, the other towards Dissent or Puritan- 
 ism. Except that modern device of the Evangelical Church 
 in Prussia, it has never been found possible to unite any two 
 of them in a single kingdom. Charles V., Ferdinand I., and 
 Maximilian II. successively tried it in Grermany ; Francis I. 
 and Henri IV. in France ; Uladislas in Poland ; James I. and 
 Charles II. in England — but all signally failed. The Con- 
 ference of Eatisbon, in a.d. 1541, was the nearest approach 
 to it ever made, but at that date the breach between Catho- 
 lics and Protestants was not complete. It might possibly 
 have succeeded could Cardinal Contarini have been in two 
 places at the same time ; and had it succeeded, the Council 
 of Trent might have never met."' When it fell through, 
 
 *" Eanke is well worth reading on all this : vol. i. pp. 154-71, Mis. 
 Austin's Tr. 
 
FAILURES EVEE FOLLOWED BY FRESH ATTEMPTS. 257 
 
 conferences themselves got a bad name, which has been never 
 effaced. Neither at Poissy (a.d. 1561) nor Fontainebleau (a.d. 
 1600), nor Hampton Court (a.d. 1603) nor the Savoy (a.d. 
 1661), nor Dort (a.d. 1618) nor Thorn (a.d. 1645), was any 
 real progress made towards appeasing dissensions, or restoring 
 unity. Then it was left to good men to argue the question 
 as individuals, and with each other. If they did no more 
 than elucidate points under dispute, acknowledge some of 
 their own prejudices unfounded, express sympathy for their 
 neighbours, they performed some service. But, for their 
 pains, they were requited with the usual reward of peacemakers. 
 Some were dubbed Eomanisers, some Grallicans or Jansenists, 
 some Arminians, and some Calvinists — till their patience was 
 exhausted, and all their influence for good undermined. As 
 if, in a matter of such intense party-spirit, it was not matter 
 of congratulation that there should be some men favourable 
 to any one party not their own : or as if there could ever 
 be any collective movement without preliminary commence- 
 ments in some quarter or other. That they should have 
 failed, and failed so often, can excite no wonder. But how 
 is it that the same thing should have been attempted by so 
 many Christians of different communions and rival creeds ? 
 How is it that, in every generation where there has been the 
 least religious ardour or activity, Christians should be found 
 attempting the same thing over and over again in hope, 
 notwithstanding that it had over and over again failed? 
 Assuredly, there is some common instinct, irresistible and 
 irrepressible, implanted in all Christians at their Baptism, 
 that will never let them sit still while they are disunited and 
 estranged from each other. They can no more do without 
 the Church than the Church without them. For the whole 
 must suffer from loss of any of its component parts. That 
 they do fail when they come to act upon it is much more 
 their infirmity, or their misfortune, than their fault. Being 
 a principle of the holiest and most godlike nature, there is 
 nothing more readily bedimmed by any taint or tarnish of 
 earth. It is obscured immediately, whea Christian commu- 
 nities, estranged from the Church, trade upon it for the pur- 
 
 s 
 
258 GEOTIUS, BOSSUET, LEIBNITZ, AS PEACEMAKEES. 
 
 pose of combining or acting in concert against the Church 
 — ^when authorities of the Church trade upon it for the pur- 
 pose of aggrandising themselves, or of crushing others — when 
 statesmen or monarchs trade upon it for the purpose of ad- 
 vancing political ends. It is abased and depreciated by all 
 such contact, but it is not put down. It flows perennially 
 from the fountain-head, pure and undefiled ; and the pollu- 
 tions which force themselves upon it in its onward course are 
 no more parts of it than the sewage of our great metropolis 
 is of the Thames. It is this hidden instinct of Christianity 
 that I shall hope to lay bare, by rigid analysis of all those 
 ' projected reunions ' that will form the subject of my second 
 volume. They have been far more numerous in every age 
 than is generally supposed : they attest exquisite sympathies 
 belonging to Christianity as such, for which it has never 
 received sufficient homage. They might have succeeded long 
 since but for the dross of earth which I shall be able to show 
 has been mixed up with them in each case. Even in their 
 failures they are valuable, as evidencing how few points there 
 are, in reality, which divide Christians, except their preju- 
 dices ; and they are still more valuable as evidencing the 
 glorious comprehensive spirit which pervaded the minds of 
 some of the greatest ornaments of Christianity and civilised 
 society combined, that ever lived : of Grrotius, Bossuet, and 
 Leibnitz, for instance, who, besides other incomparable works, 
 have bequeathed three, between them, destined to become 
 textbooks in any reunion of Christendom that may be now or 
 at any future time contemplated.''^^ Their names and their 
 examples may, perhaps, even bespeak a hearing for me. 
 
 *" 1. The work of Grotius is en- 3. Leibnitz' Theological Si/stem was 
 
 titled Via ad Pacem Ecclesiasticam, translated, in 1860, by Dr. KusseU of 
 
 pnblisbed in a.d, 1642. Maynootb, with a valuable Intrnduc- 
 
 2. Bossuet's Exposition of Faith tion and Appendix. I shall hope to 
 
 was translated, in 1 84 1, for the Catholic give a fuU account of them hereafter. 
 Institute of Great Britain. 
 
 OciATB OP iHE Epiphany, 1865. 
 
 PBmTED B-T SPOTTISWOODE AMD CO., NEW-STIltET SQUABE, LOKBOM" 
 
[JULY 1864.] 
 
 &EIEB.AL LIST OE ¥OMS 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 MESSRS. LONGMAN, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. 
 Historical Works. 
 
 The HISTOEY of ENGLAND from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death 
 of Elizabeth. By James AuTHOirr Jeoudb, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter 
 College, Oxford. Third Edition of the First Eight Volumes. 
 
 Vols. I to IV. the Eeign of Henry VIII. Third Edition, 6te. 
 
 Vols. V. and VI. the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary. Third Edition, 28.?. 
 
 Vols. VII. and VIII. the Reign of Elizabeth, Vols. I. and II. Third 
 Edition, 28s. 
 
 The HISTORY of ENGLAND from the Accession of James II. By 
 Lord Macaulax. Three Editions as follows. 
 LiBEAEX Edition, 5 vols. 8vo. £4. 
 Cabinet Edition, 8 vols, post 8vo. 48s. 
 People's Edition, 4 vols, crown 8vo. 16s. 
 
 EEVOLITTIONS in ENGLISH HISTOEY. By Robert Vaughan, 
 D.D. 3 vols. 8vo. 45s. 
 Vol. I. Revolutions of Race, 15s. 
 Vol II. Revolutions in Religion, 15s. 
 VoL.'III. Revolutions in Government, 15s. 
 
 The HISTOEY of ENGLAND during the Reign of George the Third. 
 By William Masset, M.P. 4 vols. 8vo. 48s. 
 
 The CONSTITUTIONAL HISTOEY of ENGLAND, since the Acces- 
 sion of George III. 1760—1860. By Thomas Eeskike May, O.B. 3 vols. 
 8vo. 3Ss. 
 
 LIVES of the QUEENS of ENGLAND, from State Papers and other 
 Documentary Sources : comprising a Domestic History of England from the 
 Conquest to the Death of Queen Anne. By Agnes Steickland. Revised 
 Edition, with many Portraits. 8 vols, post 8vo. 60s. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY LONGMAN and 00. 
 
 LECTTTRES on the HISTORY of ENGLAND. By William Long- 
 man. Vol. I. from the earliest times to the Death ot King Edward II. with 
 6 Maps, a coloured Plate, and 53 Woodcuts. 8vo. 15s. 
 
 A CHRONICLE of ENGLAND, from B.C. 55 to a.d. 1485 ; written 
 and Ulnstrated by J. E. Doyle. With 81 Designs engrared on Wood and 
 printed in Colours by E. Evans. 4to. 42«. 
 
 HISTORY of CIVILISATION. By Henry Thomas BnOKXE. 2 toIs. 
 Price £1 17s. 
 Vol. I. England and Prance, Pourth Edition, 21s. 
 Vol. II. Spain, and Scotland, Second Edition, 16s. 
 
 DEMOCRACY in AMERICA. By Alexis De Tooqubttlle. Trans- 
 lated by Heney Eeeve, with an Introductory Notice by the Translator. 
 2 vols. 8vo. 21s. 
 
 The SPANISH CONQUEST in AMERICA, and its Relation to the 
 History of Slavery and to the Government of Colonies. By Akthub Helps. 
 4 vols. 8vo. £3. Vols. I. and H. 2Ss. Vols. III. and IV. 16s. each. 
 
 HISTORY of the REFORMATION in EUROPE in the Time of 
 Calvin. By J. H. Meele D'AuBieifE, D.D. Vols. I. and II. 8vo. 28s. and 
 Vol. III. 12s. 
 
 LIBRARY HISTORY of FRANCE, in 5 vols. 8vo. By Eyke Evans 
 •Ceowe. Vol. 1. 14s. Vol. II. 15s. Vol. III. 18s. Vol. IV. nearly ready. 
 
 LECTURES on the HISTORY of ERASCE. By the late Sir James 
 Stephen, LLD. 2 vols. Svo. 24s. 
 
 The HISTORY <ot GREECE. By C. Thirlwall, D.D., Lord Bishop 
 of St. David's. 8 vols. Svo.£3 ; or in 8 vols. fop. 28s. 
 
 The TALE of the GREAT PERSIAN WAR, from the Histories of 
 Herodotus. By the Eev. G. W. Cox, M.A. late Sokolai- of Tria. CoU, Ozon. 
 Pop. 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY of EGYPT, ASSYRIA, and BABYLONIA. By 
 
 the Author of 'Amy Herbert.' Pep. Svo. 6s. 
 
 CRITICAL HISTORY of the LANGUAGE and LITERATURE of 
 
 Ancient Greece. By William MuBE, of Caldwell. 6 vols. Svo. JE3 9s. 
 
 HISTORY of the LITERATURE of ANCIENT GREECE. By Pro- 
 fessor K. O. MiJLLEE. Translated by the Eight Hon. Sir Geobqe Cokne- 
 WALL Lewis, Bart, and by JJW. Donaldson, D.D. 3 vols. Svo. 36s. 
 
 HISTORY of the ROMANS under the EMPIRE. By the Rev. 
 
 Charles Meeivale, B.D. 7 vols. Svo. with Maps, £5. 
 
 The FALL of the ROMAN REPUBLIC : a Short History of the Last 
 Century of the Commonwealth. By the Eev, Charles Merit ale, B.D. 
 12mo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 The BIOGRAPHICAL HISTORY of PHILOSOPHY, from its Origin 
 in Greece to the Present Day. By Georoe Henry Lewes. B«vised and 
 enlarged Edition. Svo. 16s. 
 
 HISTORY of the INDUCTIVE SCIENCES. By "William Whewbll, 
 D.D. P.R.S, Master of Trui. Coll. Cantab. Third Edition, STOto. crown 
 Svo. 2-ts. 
 
NEW MVOEKS published by LONGMAN asd CO. 3 
 
 CKITICAL and HISTOEICAL ESSAYS contributed to the Edinburgh 
 Meview. By the Eight Hon. Loed MaoauIiAT. 
 
 LiBEAET EUITIOIf, 3 TOls. 8V0. 36s. 
 
 Tkaveliek's EDiTioif, in 1 vol. 21s. 
 In PoozET Volumes, 3 vols. fcp. 21s. 
 People's Epitioh, 2 vols, crown 8vo. Ss. 
 
 EGYPT'S PLACE in TTNIVEESAL HISTORY ; an Historical Investi- 
 gation. By C. C. J. BuNSEN, D.D. Translated by C. H. Cotteell, M.A. 
 "With many Illustrations, i vols. 8vo. £5 8s. Vol. V. is nearly ready. 
 
 MAUNDEE'S HISTOEICAL TEEASUEY; comprising a General In- 
 troductory Outline of Universal History, and a series of Separate Histories, 
 Pop. 8vo. 10s. 
 
 HISTOEICAL and CHEONOLOGICAL ENCYCLOP.EDIA, presenting 
 in a brief and convenient form Chronological Notices of all the Great Events 
 of Universal History. By B. B. Woodwabd, P.S.A. Librarian to the Queen. 
 
 lln the press. 
 
 HISTOEY of CHEISTIAH MISSIONS; their Agents and their Results 
 By T. W. M, Maeshall. 2 vols. 8vo. 245. 
 
 HISTOEY of the EAELY CHTTECH, from the Krst Preaching of the 
 Gospel to the Council of NiCcca, A.i>. 325. By the Author of 'Amy Herbert.' 
 Fcp. 8vo. is. 6d. 
 
 HISTOEY of WESLEYAN METHODISM. By George Smith, 
 
 P.A.S. New Edition, with Portraits, in 31 parts. Price Gd. each. 
 
 HISTOEY of MODEEN MUSIC; a Course of Lectures delivered at 
 the Eoyal Institution. By Jons Hullah, Professor of Vocal Music in 
 King's College and in Queen's College, London. Post 8vo. 6s. 6rf. 
 
 HISTOEY of MEDICINE, from the Earliest Ages to the Present 
 Time. By Edwaed Meexoh, M.D. P.G.S. Vol. I. 8vo. 12s. 6d. 
 
 Biography and Memoirs. 
 
 SIE JOHN ELIOT, a Biography: 1590—1632. By John Eokster. 
 
 With Two Portraits on Steel from the Originals at Port Eliot. 2 vols, 
 crown 8vo. 30s. 
 
 LETTEES and LIFE of FEANCIS BACON, including all his Occa- 
 sional Works. Collected and edited, with a Commentary, bj J. Spedding, 
 Trin. Coll. Cantab. Vols. I. and II. 8vo. 24s. 
 
 LIFE of EOBEET STEPHENSON, F.E.S. By J. C. Jeaeeeeson, 
 Barrister-at-Law ; and William Pole, P.R.S. Memb. Inst. Civ. Eng. 
 With 2 Portraits and many Illustrations. 2 vols. 8vo. [_Nearly ready. 
 
 APOLOGIA pro VITA SUA : being a Reply to a Pamphlet entitled 
 ' Vniat then docs Dr. Newman mean ?* By John Heset Newmau, D.D. 
 8vo. Us. 
 
NEW WOUKS PUBLISHED ET LONGMAN axd CO. 
 
 LIFE of the DITKE of WELLINGTON. By the Kev. G. R. Gleig, 
 M.A. Popular Edition, carefully revised ; -ffith copious Additions. Crown 
 8vo. 65. 
 
 Brialmont and Gleig's Life of the Duke of Wellington. 4 vols. 
 8vo. with Illustrations, £3 14s. 
 
 Life of the Duke of Wellington, partly from the French of M. 
 JiEiAL:\io:^T, partly from Oriinnal Documents. By the Rev. G. Ki 
 Gleig, M.A. Svo. with Portrait, 15s. 
 
 FATHEE MATHEW: a Biography. By John Erancis Maguiee, 
 M.P. Second Edition, with Portrait. Post Svo. 12s. 6t7. 
 
 Home ; its Euler and its Institutions. By the same Author. New 
 Edition in preparation. 
 
 LIFE of AMELIA WILHELMINA SIEVEKING, from the German. 
 Edited, with the Author's sanction, by Catheeine Winkwokth. Post Svo. 
 with Portrait, 12s. . 
 
 FELIX MENDELSSOHN'S LETTERS from Italy and Switzerland, 
 translated by Lady "Wallace, Third Edition, with Notice of Mendel- 
 ssohn's Lire and "Works, by Henry F. Choeley ; and Letters from 1833 to 
 1847, translated by Lady Wallace. New Edition, with Portrait, a vols, 
 crowu Svo. 6s. each. 
 
 DIAEIES of a LADY of aXfALITY, from 1797 to 1844. Edited, with 
 Notes, hy A. Hayward, Q.C. Second Edition. Post Svo. 10s. 6d. 
 
 RECOLLECTIONS of the late WILLIAM WILBEEFOECE, M.P. 
 
 for the County of Tort during nearly 30 Tears. By J. S. Haeeoed, D.O.L. 
 F.R.S. Post Svo. 7s. 
 
 LIFE and COREESPDNDENCE of THEODOEE PAEKEE. By 
 
 John Weiss. With 2 Portraits and 19 Wood Engravings. 2 vols. Svo. 30s. 
 
 SOTJTHET'S LIFE of WESLEY. Fifth Edition. Edited by the Rev. 
 C. C. SouTHET, M.A. Crown Svo. 7s. id. 
 
 THOMAS MOOEE'S MEMOIES, JODENAL, and COEEESPOND- 
 
 ENCE. Edited and abridged from the Eirst Edition by Earl Russell. 
 Square crown Svo. with 8 Portraits, 12s. &d. 
 
 MEMOIE of the Eev. SYDNEY SMITH. By his Daughter, Lady 
 Holland. V\^ith a Selection from his Letters, edited by Mrs. Austin. 
 2 vols. Svo. 2Ss. 
 
 LIFE of WILLIAM WAEBUETON, D.D. Bishop of Gloucester from 
 1760 to 1779. By the Eev. J. S. Watson, M.A. Svo. with Portrait, 18s. 
 
 FASTI EBOEACENSES : Lives of the Archbishops of York. By the 
 late Rev. W. H. Dixon, M.A. Edited and enlarged by the Rev. J. Raine, 
 M.A. In a vols. "Fol. I. comprising the lives to the Death of Edward III. 
 Svo. 15s. 
 
 VICISSITUDES of FAMILIES. By Sir Beenaed Bueke, Ulster 
 Kins of Arms. Eiest, Second, and TniED Seeies. 3 vols, crown Svo. 
 12s. id. each. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLisnED bt LONGMAN" and CO. 5 
 
 BIOGEAPHICAL SKETCHES. By Nassau W. Senior. Post 8vo. 
 price 10s. &d. 
 
 ESSAYS in ECCLESIASTICAL BIOGRAPHY. By the Eight Hon. 
 Sir J. Stepheh, LL.D. Fourth Edition. Svo. 14s. 
 
 AKAGO'S BIOGRAPHIES of DISTINGUISHED SCIENTIFIC MEN. 
 By Pranqois Akago. Translated by Admiral "W. H. SaLXTn, F.I1.S. the 
 Rev. B. PowELi, M.A. and E. Grant, M.A. Svo. 18s. 
 
 MAUNDER'S BIOGRAPHICAL TREASURY: Memoirs, Sketches, and 
 Brief Notices of above 12,000 Eminent Persons of All Ages and Nations. 
 Pep. Svo. 10s. 
 
 Criticism, Philosophy, Polity, Sfc. 
 
 PAPINIAN : a Dialogue on State Affairs between a Constitutional 
 Lawyer and a Country Gentleman about to enter Public Life. By Geoegk 
 Atkinson, B.A. Oxon. Serjeant-at-Law. Post Svo. 5s. 
 
 On REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT. By John Stuart Mill. 
 Second Edition, Svo. 9s. 
 
 Dissertations and Discussions. By the same Author. 2 vols. Svo. 
 price 24s. 
 
 On Liherty. By the same Author. Third Edition. Post Svo. 7s. 6rf. 
 
 Principles of Political Economy. By the same. Fifth Edition. 
 3 vols. Svo. 30s. 
 
 A System of Logic, Ratiocinative and Inductive. By the same. 
 Fifth Edition. Two vols. Svo. 25s. 
 
 Utilitarianism. By the .same. Svo. 5s. 
 
 LORD BACON'S WORKS, collected and edited by E. L. Ellis, M.A. 
 J. Spedding, M.A. andD. D. Heath. A'oIs. L to V. Philosophical Wor!is 
 S vols. Svo. £4 6s. Vols. VI. and VII. Literary and Professional Works 
 2 vols. £1 16s. 
 
 BACON'S ESSAYS with ANNOTATIONS. By E. Whately, D.D. 
 late Archbishop of Dublin. Sixth Edition. Svo. 10s. 6d. 
 
 ELEMENTS of LOGIC. By E. Whatelt, D.D. late Archbishop of 
 Dublin. Ninth Edition. Svo. 10s. Sd. crown Svo. 4s. Sd. 
 
 Elements of Rhetoric. By the same Author. Seventh Edition. 
 Svo. 10s. 6d. crown Svo. 4s. ed. 
 
 English Synonymes. Edited by Archbishop Whatelt. 5th Edition. 
 Pep. Svo. 3s. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMAINS from the Common-place Book of the 
 late Archbishop Whatelt. Edited by Miss E. J. Whatelt. Post Svo. 6s. 
 
6 'NWW WORKS pttbiisheh by LONGMAN and CO. 
 
 ESSAYS on the ADMINISTKATIONS of GREAT BRITAIN from 
 
 1783 to 1830, contributed to the Edinburgh Review by the Right Hon. Sir 
 G. 0. Lewis, Bart. Edited by the Eight Hon. Sir B. Head, Bart. Svo. 
 with Portrait, 16s. 
 
 By the same Author. 
 
 A Dialogue on the Best Form of Government, 4s. 6d. 
 
 Essay on the Origin and Formation of the Romance languages, 
 
 price 7s. Gd. 
 
 Historical Survey of the Astronomy of the Ancients, 15s. 
 
 Inquiry into the Credibility of the Early Roman History, 2 toIs. 
 price 30s. 
 
 On the Methods of Observation and Reasoning in Politics, 2 yols. 
 price 28s. 
 
 Irish Disturbances and Irish Church Question, 12s. 
 
 Remarks on the Use and Abuse of some Political Terms, 9s. 
 
 On Foreign Jurisdiction and Extradition of Criminals, 2s. 6d. 
 
 The Fables of Babrins, Greek Text with Latin Notes, Part I. 
 5s. ed. Pakt II. 3s. Bd. 
 
 Suggestions for the Application of the Egyptological Method to 
 Modem History, Is. 
 
 An OUTLINE of the NECESSARY LAWS of THOUGHT : a Treatise 
 on Pure and Applied Logic. By the Most E«v. W. Thomsoit, D.D. Arch- 
 bishop of York. Crown 8vo. 5s. 6d. 
 
 The ELEMENTS of LOGIC. By Thomas Shedden, M.A. of St. 
 Peter's Coll. Cantab. Crown Svo. ^Jnst ready. 
 
 ANALYSIS of Mr. MILL'S SYSTEM of LOGIC. By W. Stebbinq, 
 M.A. Fellow of Worcester College, Oxford. Post Svo. [J««* ready. 
 
 SPEECHES of the RIGHT HON. LORD MACAULAY, corrected by 
 Himself. 8vo. 12s. 
 
 LORD MACAULAY' S SPEECHES on PARLIAMENTARY REFORM 
 
 in 1831 and 1832. 16mo. Is. 
 
 A DICTIONARY of the ENGLISH LANGUAGE. By E. G. Latham, 
 M.A. M.D. P.B.S. Founded on that of Dr. Johnson, as edited by the Rev. 
 H. J. Todd, with numerous Eipendations and Additions. Publishing in 36 
 Parts, price 3s. id. each, to form 2 vols. 4to. 
 
 The English Language. By the same Author. Fifth Edition. Svo. 
 price 18s. 
 
 Handbook of the English Language. By the same Author. Fourth 
 
 Edition. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Elements of Comparative Philology. By the same Author. 8to. 21«. 
 
NEW WOEKS PUBiISHiiD BY LONGMAN and 00. ' 7 
 
 XHESATIEUS of ENGLISH WORDS and PHEASES, classified and 
 arranged so as to facilitate the Expression of Ideas, and assist in Literary 
 Composition. By P. M. Roget, M. D. 14tii Edition. Grown 8vo. 10s. Gd. 
 
 LECT¥EES on the SCIENCE of lANGUAGE, deliyered at the Royal 
 Institution. By Max MtJiLEE, M.A. Fellow of AH Souls College, Oxford. 
 TiBST Series, Fourth Edition. 8vo. 12s. Seoohd Seeies, with 31 "Wood- 
 cuts, price 18s. 
 
 The DEBATES ; a Series of Complete Debates, Outlines of Debates, 
 and Questions for Discussion. By F. fiowTON. Fop. 8vo. &s. 
 
 A COUESE of ENGLISH READING, adapted to every taste and 
 capacity; or. How and "What to Head. By the licv. J. PxCEO^T, B.A. Fcp. 
 Sto. 6s. 
 
 MANUAL of ENGLISH LITESATUEE, Historical and Critical : with 
 a Chapter on English Metres. By T. Aehoid, B.A. Prof, of Eng. lit. Cath. 
 "Univ. Ii'cland. Post 8vo. 10s. 6d. 
 
 SOTJTHEY'S DOCTOR, complete in One Volume. Edited by the Rev. 
 J. W. "Waetee, B.D. Square crown 8vo. 12s. 6d. 
 
 HISTORICAL and CEITICAL COMMENTAEY on the OLD TESTA- 
 MENT ; with a New Translation. By M. M. Kalisch, Ph.D. Vol. I. 
 Ge}iesis, 8vo. 18s. or adapted for the General Reader, 12s. "Vol. II. jExodus, 
 15s. or adapted for the General Reader, 12s. 
 
 A Hebre"W Grammar, with Exercises. By the same. Part I. Out- 
 lines with Exercises, 8vo. 12s. &d. Key, 5s. Part II. Exceptional Forms 
 and Constructi(ms, 12s. td. 
 
 A NEW LATIN-ENGLISH DICTIONAEY. By the Kev. J. T. White, 
 MA. of Corpus Christi College, and Rev. J. E. Ribdie, M.A. of St. Edmund 
 Hall, Oxford. Imperial 8vo. 42s. 
 
 A Diamond Latin-English Dictionary, or Guide to the Meaning, 
 Quality, and Accentuation of Latin Classical "Words. By the Rev. J. E. 
 Riddle, M.A. 32mo. 4s. 
 
 A NEW ENGLISH-GEEEK LEXICON, containing all the Greek 
 "Words used by "Writers of good authority. By C. D. XosGE, B.A. Fourth 
 Edition. 4to. 21s. 
 
 A LEXICON, ENGLISH and GEEEK, abridged for tbe Use of 
 Schools from his ' English-Greek Lexicon ' by the Author, C- D. Yosge, B.A. 
 Square 12mo. [Just ready. 
 
 A GEEEK-ENGLISH LEXICON. Compiled by K G. Liddell, D.D. 
 Dean of Christ Church, and R. SooXT, D J). Master of BaUiol. Fifth Edition. 
 Crown 4to. 31s. &d. 
 
 A Lexicon, Greek and English, abridged from Liddell and Scott's 
 Greek-EnglisTi Lexicon. Tenth Edition. Square 12mo. 7s. id. 
 
 A PRACTICAL DICTIONAEY of the EEENCE and ENGLISH LAN- 
 GUAGES. By L. Contanseat;. 7th Edition. Post Svo. 18s. 6d. 
 
 Contanseau's Pocket Dictionary, French and English ; being a close 
 Abridgment of the above, by the same Author. 2nd Edition. ISnio. Ss. 
 
8 NEW WORKS prBLiSHED ex LONGMAN anb CO. 
 
 NEW PRACTICAL DICTIONARY of the GERMAN LANGUAGE; 
 
 German-English and Englisli-German. By the Bev. W. L. Eiaciciet, M.A. 
 and Dr. Gael Maetin i'RiEDLANDEE. Post 8vo. [In the 2^7'ess. 
 
 Miscellaneous Works and Popular Metaphysics. 
 
 RECREATIONS of a COUNTRY PARSON : being a Selection of the 
 Contributions of A. K. H. B. to leaser's Magazine. Second Seeies. Crown 
 Svo. 3s. M. 
 
 The Common-place Philosopher in Town and Country. By the same 
 Author. Cro\TO Svo. 35. 6d. 
 
 leisure Hours in Town ; Essays Consolatory, jEsthetical, Moral, 
 Social, and Domestic. By the same. Crown Svo. 8s. 6rf. 
 
 The Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson. By the same Author. 
 
 1 vol. [Nearlu readu. 
 
 FRIENDS in COUNCIL ; a Series of Readings and Discourses thereon. 
 
 2 vols. fcp. Svo. 9s. 
 
 Friends iu Council, Second Seeies. 2 vols, post Svo. 14s. 
 
 Essays written in the Intervals of Business. Pep. 8to. 2s. 6<i. 
 
 Companions of My Solitude. By the same Author. Fcp. Svo. 3s. 6rf. 
 
 LORD MACAULAY'S MISCELLANEOUS WRITINGS; comprising 
 his Contributions to Knight's Quarterly Magazine, Articles from tho 
 Edinburgh Hcview not included in his Critical and Historical Essays, Bio- 
 graphies from the Bneyclopcedia Britannica, Miscellaneous Poems and 
 Inscriptions. 2 vols. Svo. with Portrait, 21s. 
 
 The REY. SYDNEY SMITH'S MISCELLANEOUS WORKS ; includ- 
 ing his Contributions to the Edinburgh lieiieio. 
 LiBEAUX Edition. 3 vols. Svo. 36s. 
 Teaveeeee's Edition, in 1 vol. 2]s. 
 In P0CB31T Volumes. 3 vols. 21s. 
 People's Edition. 2 vols, crown Svo. Ss. 
 
 Elementary Sketches of Moral Philosophy, delivered at the Eoyal 
 Institution. By the same Author. Fcp. Svo. 7s. 
 
 The Wit and Wisdom of Sydney Smith : a Selection of the most 
 memorable Passages in his "Writings and Conversation. 16mo. 7s. 6rf. 
 
 From MATTER to SPIRIT; the Result of Ten Years' Experience 
 in Spirit Manifestations. By C. D. with a preface by A. B. Post Svo. 8s. dO,. 
 
 The HISTORY of the SUPERNATURAL ' in All Ages and Nations, 
 and iu all Churches, Christian and Pagan ; Demonstrating a Universal Faith. 
 By William Howitt. 2 vols, post Svo. 18s. 
 
 CHAPTERS on MENTAL PHYSIOLOGY. By Sir Heney Hollakd, 
 
 Bart. M.D. F.E.S. Second Edition. Post SvO. Ss. 6rf. 
 
XEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY LONGMAN and CO." 9 
 
 ESSAYS selected from CONTRIBUTIONS to the Edinburgh Review. 
 By Henet EoaEKS. Second Edition. 3 vols. fcp. 21s. 
 
 The Eclipse of Faith ; or, a Visit to a Religious Sceptic. By the 
 same Author. Tenth Edition. Fcp. Svo. 5s. 
 
 Defence of the Eclipse of Faith, by its Author ; a rejoinder to Dr. 
 Newman's Bepli/. Third Edition. Fcp. Svo. 3s. 6d. 
 
 Selections from the Correspondence of E, E. H. Greyson. By the 
 
 same Author. Third Edition. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Fiilleriana, or the Wisdom and Wit of Thomas Fullek, with Essay 
 on his Life and Genius. By tire same Author. 16mo. 2s. id. 
 
 Eeason and Faith, reprinted from the Edinburgh Beview. By the 
 same Author. Fourth Edition. Fcp. Svo. Is. erf. 
 
 An INTRODUCTION to MENTAL PHILOSOPHY, on the Inductive 
 Method. By. J. D. Moeeil, M.A. LL.D. Svo. 12s. 
 
 Elements of Psychology, containing the Analysis of the Intellectual 
 Powers. By the same Author. Post Svo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 The SENSES and the INTELLECT. By Alexander BAm, M.A. 
 Professor of Logic in the University of Aberdeen. Second Edition. Svo. 
 price 15s. 
 
 The Emotions and the Will, by the same Author ; completing a 
 Systematic Exposition of the Human Mind. Svo. 15s. 
 
 On the Study of Character, including an Estimate of Phrenology. 
 By the same Author. Svo. 9s. 
 
 HOURS WITH THE MYSTICS : a Contribution to the History of 
 Eeligious Opinion. By Robeet Aleeed Vaughan, B.A. Second Edition. 
 2 vols, crown Svo. 12s. 
 
 PSYCHOLOGICAL INQUIRIES, or Essays intended to illustrate the 
 Influence of the Physical Organisation on the Mental Faculties. By Sir B. 
 0. Beodie, Bart. Fcp. Svo. 6s. PaetII. Essays intended to illustrate some 
 Points in the Physical and Moral History of Man, Fcp. Svo, 5s. 
 
 The PHILOSOPHY of NECESSITY ; or Natural Law as applicable to 
 jMental, Moral, and Social Science. By Chaeles Beat. Second Edition 
 Svo. 9s. 
 
 The Education of the Feelings and Affections. By the same Author. 
 Third Edition. Svo. 3s. M. 
 
 CHRISTIANITY and COMMON SENSE, By Sir Willohghbt 
 Jokes, Bart. M.A. Trin. Coll. Cantab. Svo. 6s. 
 
 Astronomy, Meteorology, Popular Geography, Sj-c. 
 
 OUTLINES of ASTRONOMY. By Sir J. F. W. Hekschel, Bart. 
 M.A. Seventh Edition, revised ; with Plates and 'Woodcuts. Svo. ISs. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BT LONGMiLN AiSD CO. 
 
 ABAGO'S POPULAE ASTBONOMT. Translated by Admiral W. H. 
 Smtth, P.E..S. and R. Geast, M.A. With 25 Plates and 368 Woodcuts. 
 2 vols. 8vo. £2 5s. 
 
 Arago's Meteorologfical Essays, with Introduction by Baron Hum- 
 boldt. Translated under the superintendence of Major-General E. Sabihe, 
 B.A. Svo. 18s. 
 
 The WEATHER-BOOK; a Manual of Practical Meteorology. By 
 Rear-Admiral Robert Eitz Rot, E.N. F.E.S. Third Edition, with 16 
 Diagrams. Svo. 15s. 
 
 SAXBY'S WEATHER SYSTEM, or Lunar Influence on Weather, 
 By S. M. Saxbt, R.N. Principal Instructor of Naval Engineers, H.M. 
 Steam Reserve. Second Edition. Post Svo. is. 
 
 DOVE'S LAW of STORMS considered in connexion with the ordi- 
 nary Movements of the Atmosphere. Translated by R. H. Scott, M.A. 
 T.C.D. Svo. 10s. 6d. 
 
 CELESTIAL OBJECTS for COMMON TELESCOPES. By the Kev. 
 
 T. W. Webb, M.A. E.R. A.S. With Map of the Moon, and Woodcuts. 16mo. 7s. 
 
 PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY for SCHOOLS and GENERAL READERS. 
 
 By M. P. Mauet, LL.D. Author of ' Physical Geography of the Sea,' 4c. 
 Pep. Svo. with 2 Plates, 2s. 6d. 
 
 A DICTIONARY, Geographical, Statistical, and Historical, of the 
 various Countx'ies, Places, and Principal Natural Objects in the World. By 
 J. R. M'CnLLOOH, Esq. With 6 Maps. 2 vols. Svo. 63s. 
 
 A GENERAL DICTIONARY of GEOGRAPHY, Descriptive, Physical, 
 Statistical, and Historical : forming a complete Gazetteer of the World. By 
 A. KJEITH JoHisSTOir, P.R.S.E. Svo. 30*. 
 
 A MANUAL of GEOGRAPHY, Physical, Industrial, and Political. 
 By W. Htjghes, P.R.G.S. Professor of Geography in King's College, and in 
 Queen's College, London. With 6 Maps. Pep. Svo. 75. 6d. 
 
 Or in Two Parts :— Paet I. Europe, Ss.ed. Paut II. Asia, Africa, America, 
 Australasia, and Polynesia, 4s. 
 
 The Geography of British History; a Geographical description of 
 
 the British Islands at Successive Periods, from the Earliest Times to the 
 Present Day. By the same. With 6 Maps, Pep. Svo. 8s. 6d, 
 
 The BRITISH EMPIRE ; a Sketch of the Geography, Growth, Natural 
 and Political Features of the United Kingdom, its Colonic* and Dependen- 
 cies. By Caroline Beat. With 6 Maps. Pep. Svo. 7s. 6(1 
 
 COLONISATION and COLONIES : a Series of Lectures delivered be- 
 fore the University of Oxford. By Heemas Meeitale, M.A. Professor of 
 Political Econoipy. Svo. 18s. 
 
 The AFRICANS at HOME : a popular Description of Africa and the 
 Africans. By the Rev. B. M. Macbeaie, M.A. Second Edition ; including 
 an Account of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile. With Map and 70 
 Woodcuts. Fop. Svo. 5s. 
 
 MAUNDER' S TREASURY of GEOGRAPHY, Physical, Historical, 
 Descriptive, and Political. Completed by W. HrGB:ES, P.E.G.S. With 7 
 Maps and 16 Plates. Pep. Svo. 10s. 
 
NEW WOEKS PUBLISHED BX LONGMAN and CO. 
 
 Natural History and Popular Science. 
 
 The ELEMEHTS of PHYSICS or NATUEAl PHILOSOPHY. By 
 
 Neil Aenott, M.D. F.R.S. Physician Extraordinary to tlie Queen. Sistli 
 Edition. Paet I. 8vo. 10s. &d. 
 
 HEAT CONSIDERED as a MODE of ffiOTION ; a Course of Lecture, 
 delivered at tlie Eoyal Institution. By Professor Joior Tykdaxl, F.E.S. 
 Crown 8vo. with Woodcuts, 12s. 6d. 
 
 VOLCANOS, the Character of their Phenomena, their Share in the 
 Structure and Composition of the Surf^e of the Globe, &c. Ey G. Poulett 
 ScEOPE, M.P. E.II.S. Second Edition. Svo.withillustrations, 16s. 
 
 A TREATISE on ELECTRICITY, in Theory and Practice. By A. 
 De la R][VB, Prof, ill the Academy of Geneva. Translated by C. V. "Walkee, 
 P.E..S. 3 vols. 8vo. with Woodcuts, £3 13s. 
 
 The CORRELATION of PHYSICAL FORCES. By W. E. Gkove', 
 Q.C. V.P.R.S. Fourth Edition. 8vo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 The GEOLOGICAL MAGAZINE; or, Monthly Journal of Geology 
 Edited by T. Eupeet Jones, E.G.S. Professor of Geology in the E. M. 
 College, Sandhurst; assisted by J. C. WooDWAim, E.G.S. P.Z.S. British 
 Museum, 8vo. with Illustrations, price Is. 6d. monthly. 
 
 A GUIDE to GEOLOGY. By J. Phillips, M.A. Professor of Geology 
 in the University of Oxford. Fifth Edition ; with Plates and Diagrams. 
 Pep. 8vo. is. 
 
 A GLOSSARY of MINERALOGY. By H. "W. Beistow, F.G.S. of 
 the Geological Survey of Great Britain. With 486 Figures. Crown 8vo. 12s. 
 
 PHILLIPS'S ELEMENTARY INTRODUCTION to MINERALOGY, 
 
 with extensive Alterations and Additions, by H. J. Beooke, F.E.S. and W. 
 H. MiLLEE, F.G.S. Post Svo. with Woodcuts, 18s. 
 
 VAN BER HOEVEN'S HANDBOOK of ZOOLOGY. Translated from 
 the Second Dutch Edition by the Eev. W. Olaek, M.D. F.E.S. 2 vols. Svo. 
 with 24 Plates of Figures, 60s. 
 
 The COMPARATIVE ANATOMY and PHYSIOLOGY of the VEETE- 
 
 brate Animals. By Eichaed Owes, F.E.S. D.O.L. 2 vols. Svo. with 
 upwards of 1,200 Woodcuts. [1% the press. 
 
 HOMES WITHOUT HANDS : an Account of the Habitations con- 
 structed by various Animals, classed according to their Principles of Con- 
 struction. By Eev. J. G. Wood, M.A. F.L.S. Illustrations on Wood by 
 G. Pearson, from Drawings byF. W. KeylandE. A. Smith. In course of 
 pubhcation in 20 Parts, Is. each. 
 
 MANUAL of CffiLENTERATA. By J. Beat Geeene, B.A. M.R.LA. 
 
 Edited by the Eev. J. A. Galbeaith, M.A. and the Eev. S. HAuamoB", 
 M.D. Fop. Svo. with 39 Woodcuts. 5s. 
 
 Manual of Protozoa ; with a General Introduction on the Principles of 
 Zoology. By the same Author and Editors. Fcp. Svo. with 16 Woodcuts, 2s. 
 
 Manual of the Metalloids. -By J. Apjohn, M.D. F.E.S. and the 
 
 same Editors. Fcp. Svo. with 38 Woodcuts, 7s. ed. 
 
12 NEW WORKS published by LONGMAN and CO. 
 
 THE ALPS : Sketclies of Life and Nature in the Mountains. By 
 'Baron H. VoK Beelepsch. Translated by the Rev. L. Stephen, M.A. 
 "With 17 Illustrations. Svo. 15s. 
 
 The SEA and its LIVING WONDEES. By Dr. G. Haktwig. 
 
 Second (English) Edition. Svo. with many Illustrations. 18s. 
 
 The TROPICAL ■WORLD. By the same Author. With 8 Chromo- 
 xylographs and 173 Woodcuts. Svo. 21s. 
 
 SKETCHES of the NATURAL HISTORY of CEYLON. By Sir J. 
 
 Emeeson Tehnent, K.C.S. LL.D. With 82 Wood Engravings. Post Svo. 
 price 12s. ed. 
 
 Ceylon. By the same Author. 5th Edition ; with Maps, &c. and 90 
 Wood Engravings. 2 vols. Svo. £2 10s. 
 
 MARVELS and MYSTERIES of INSTINCT ; or, Curiosities of Animal 
 Life. By G. Gaseatt. Tliird Edition. Ecp. Svo. 7s. 
 
 HOME WALKS and HOLIDAY RAMBLES. By the Eev. C. A. 
 JoHKS, B.A. E.L.S. Ecp. Svo. with 10 Illustrations, 6s. 
 
 KIRBY and SPENCE'S INTRODUCTION to ENTOMOLOGY, or 
 
 Elements of the Natui'al History of Insects. Seventh Edition. Crown Svo. 
 price 5s. 
 
 MAUNDER'S TREASURY of NATURAL HISTORY, or Popular 
 Dictionary of Zoolo.try. Revised and corrected by T. S. Cobbold, M.D, 
 Ecp. Svo. with 800 Woodcuts, 10s. 
 
 The TREASURY of BOTANY, on the Plan of Mannder's Treasury. 
 By J. LiNDLET, M.D. and T. Mooee, F.L.S. assisted by other Practical 
 Botanists. With 16 Plates, and many Woodcuts from designs by W. H. 
 Pitch. Pep. Svo. [ill the press. 
 
 The ROSE AMATEUR'S GUIDE. By Thomas Kiveks. 8th Edition. 
 Pep. Svo. 4s. 
 
 The BRITISH FLORA; comprising the Phsenogamous or Tlowering 
 Plants and the Perns. By Sir W. J. Hookee, K.H. and G. A. Waleee 
 Aenott, LL.D. 12mo. with 12 Plates, 14s. or coloured, 21s. 
 
 BEYOLOGIA ERITANNICA; containing the Mosses of Great Britain 
 and Ireland, arranged and described. By W. WiLSOS. Svo. with 61 Plates 
 4i2s. or coloured, £1. 4s. 
 
 The INDOOR GARDENER. By Miss Maling. Fcp. Svo. with 
 coloured Prontispiece, 5s. 
 
 LOUDON'S ENCYCLOP.ffiDIA of PLANTS ; comprising the Specific 
 Character, Description, Culture, History, &c. of all the Plants found in 
 Great Britain. With upwards of 12,000 Woodcuts. Svo. £3 13s. 6d. 
 
 Loudon's Eucyclopsedia of Trees and Shrnhs ; containing the Hardy 
 Trees and Shrubs of Great Britain scientifically and popularly described. 
 With 2,000 Woodcuts Svo. SOs. 
 
 HISTORY 01 the BRITISH FRESHWATER ALG.S:, By A. H. 
 
 Hassaii., M.D. With 100 Plates of Figures. 2 vols. Svo. price £1 16s. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY LONGMAN asd CO. J 3 
 
 MAUNDEE'S SCIENTIFIC and LITERARY TREASURY ; a Popular 
 Encyclopaedia of Science, Literature, and Art. Pop. 8vo. 10s. 
 
 A DICTIONARY of SCIENCE, LITERATURE and ART ; comprising 
 the History, Description, and Scientific Principles of every Branch of 
 Human Knowledge. Edited by W. T. Beakde, F.E.S.L. and E. Fourth 
 Edition, revised and corrected. [Jw tlie press. 
 
 ESSAYS on SCIENTIEIC and other SUBJECTS, contributed to tho 
 J^dinhurgh and Quarterly Eeviews.- By Sir H. Holland, Bart. M.D. 
 Second Edition. 8vo. 145. 
 
 ESSAYS from the EDINBURGH and QUARTERLY REVIEWS; 
 
 with Addresses and other pieces. By Sir J. F. W. Heeschel, Bart, M.A. 
 8vo. 18s. 
 
 Chemistry, Medicine, Surgery, and the Allied 
 Sciences. 
 
 A DICTIONARY of CHEMISTRY and the Allied Branches of other 
 Sciences ; founded on that of the late Dr. Ure. By Henet Watts, F.C.S. 
 assisted by eminent Contributors. 4 vols. 8vo. in course of publication in 
 Monthly Parts. VOL. I. 31s. Qd. and Yol. II. 2Gs. are now ready. 
 
 HANDBOOK of CHEMICAL ANALYSIS, adapted to the Unitary 
 System of Notation : Based on Br. H. Wills' Anleihinp zur chemuchcn 
 Analyse. By F. T. CoNiNGTOF, M.A. F.C.S. Post 8vo. 7s. 6d.— Taeles of 
 Qualitative Analysis to accompany the same, 2s. 6cZ. 
 
 A HANDBOOK of VOLUMETRICAL ANALYSIS. By Eobekt H. 
 Scott, M.A. T.C.D. Post 8vo. 4s. ed. 
 
 ELEMENTS of CHEMISTRY, Theoretical and Practical. By William 
 A. MiLLEH, M.D. LL.D. F.E.S. F.G.S. Professor of Chemistry, King's 
 College, London. 3 vols. 8vo. £2 12s. Paet I. Chemical Physics. 
 Third Edition enlarged, 12s. Paet II. Inoeganic Chemistey. Second 
 Edition, 20s. Paet III. Oegakic Chemistey. Second Edition, 20s. 
 
 A MANUAL of CHEMISTEY, Descriptive and Theoretical. By 
 William Odlisg, M.B. F.E.S. Lecturer on Chemistry at St. Bartholo- 
 mew's Hospital. Paet I. Svo. 9s. 
 
 A Course of Practical Chemistry, for the use of Medical Students. 
 By the same Author. Paet I. crown Svo. with Woodcuts, 4s. 6d. Paet II. 
 (completion) just ready. 
 
 The DIAGNOSIS and TREATMENT of the DISEASES of WOMEN ; 
 including the Diagnosis of Pregnancy. By Geaily Hewitt, M.D. Physician 
 to the British Lying-in Hospital. Svo. 16s. 
 
 LECTURES on the DISEASES of INFANCY and CHILDHOOD. By 
 
 Chaeles West, M.D. &o. Fourth Edition, revised and enlarged. Svo. 14s. 
 
 EXPOSITION of the SIGNS and SYMPTOMS of PREGNANCY: 
 
 with other Papers on subjects connected with Midwifery. By W. F. 
 Mostgomeey, M.A. M.D. M.R.I.A. Svo. with Illustrations, aSs. 
 
NEW WOEKS puSLTSHED Br LONGMAN asd CO. 
 
 Poetry and the Drama. 
 
 MOOEE'S POETICAL "WORKS, Cheapest Editions complete in 1 vol. 
 including the Autobiographical Prefaces and Author's last Notes, which are 
 still copyright. Crown 8vo. ruby type, with Portrait, 7s. 6d. or People s 
 Edition, in larger type, 12s. id. 
 
 Moore's Poetical 'Works, as above. Library Edition, medium 8vo. 
 with Portrait and Vignette, 21s. or in 10 vols. fcp. 3s. 6d. each. 
 
 TENNIEL'S EDITION of MOOEE'S LAILA EOOKH, with 68 Wood 
 Engravings from original Drawings and other Illustrations. Pep. 4to. 21s. 
 
 Moore's Lalla Eookh. 32mo. Plate, Is. 16mo. Vigcette, 2s. 6rf. 
 Square crown 8vo. with 13 Plates, 15s. 
 
 MACLISE'S EDITION of MOOEE'S lEISH MELODIES, with 161 
 Steel Plates from Original Drawings. Super-royal 8vo. 31s. ed. 
 
 Moore's Irish Melodies, 32mo. Portrait, Is. 16mo. Vignette, 2s. 6d. 
 Square crown 8vo. with 13 Plates, 21s. 
 
 SOTITHET'S POETICAL WOEKS, with the Author's last Corrections 
 and copyright Additions. Library Edition, in 1 vol. medium 8vo. with 
 Portrait and Vignette, 14s. or in 10 vols. fcp. 3s. 6£i. each. 
 
 LAYS of ANCIENT ROME ; with Ivry and the Armada. By the 
 Eight Hon. Loed Macatjiat. 16mo. 4s. 6d. 
 
 Lord Macaulay's Lays of Ancient Eome. "With 90 Illustrations on 
 "Wood, Original and from the Antique, from Drawings by G. Schari'. Pep. 
 4to. 21s. 
 
 POEMS. By Jean Ingelow. Seventh Edition. Ecp. Svo. Rs. 
 
 POETICAL "WORKS of LETITIA ELIZABETH LANDON (,L.E.L.) 
 
 2 vols. 16mo, 10s. 
 
 PLA"yTIME with the POETS : a Selection of the best English Poetry 
 for the use of Children. By a Ladt. Crown Svo. 5s. 
 
 The EEVOLTTTIONAEY EPICK. By the Right Hon. Benjamin 
 
 DiSEAELI. Fcp. 8V0. 5S. 
 
 BO"WDLEE'S FAMILY SHAKSPEAEE, cheaper Genuine Edition, 
 complete in 1 vol. large type, with 36 Woodcut Illustrations, price 14.?. or 
 with the same Illusteatioks, in 6 pocket vols. 5s. each. 
 
 An ENGLISH TRAGEDY ; Mary Stuart, from Schiller ; and Mdlle. 
 De Belle Isle, from A. Dumas,— each a Play in 6 Acts, by Peances AiXE 
 Kemble. Post 8vo. 12s. 
 
 Rural Sports, ^'c. 
 
 ENCYCLOP.ffiDIA of RURAL SPORTS ; a complete Account. His- 
 torical, Practical, and Descriptive, of Hunting, Shooting, Pishine, Racing. 
 &c. By D. P. Blaih-e. With above 600 Woodcuts (20 from Designs by 
 John Leech). Svo. 42s. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BT LONGMAN and CO. 25 
 
 COL. HAWKER'S INSTRUCTIONS to YOUNG SPORTSMEN in all 
 
 that relates to Guns and Shooting. Revised by the Author's Sow. Square 
 crown 8vo. with Illustrations, lbs. 
 
 NOTES on RIFLE SHOOTING. By Captain Heaton, Adjutant of 
 the Third Manchester Rifle Volunteer Corps. Top. 8to. 2s. ed. 
 
 The DEAD SHOT, or Sportsman's Complete Gnlde ; a Treatise on 
 the Use of the Gun, Dog-breaking, Pigeon-shooting, &c. By Maeksman. 
 Fcp. 8vo. with Plates, as. 
 
 The CHASE of the WILD RED DEER in DEVON and SOMERSET. 
 By 0. P. CoxiTNS. With Map and Illustrations. Square crown 8vo. 16s. 
 
 The FLY-FISHER'S ENTOMOLOGY. By Alfred Konai.cs. With 
 coloured Representations of the Natural and Artificial Insect. 6th Edition ; 
 with 20 coloured Plates. 8vo. 14s. 
 
 HANDBOOK of ANGLING : Teaching Fly-fishing, Trolling, Bottom- 
 fishing, Salmon-fishing ; with the Natural History of River Pish, and the 
 best modes of Catching them. By Ephemera, ii'cp. Woodcuts, 5s. 
 
 The CRICKET FIELD ; or, the History and the Science of the Game 
 of Cricket. By J. Pxckopt, B.A. Trin. Coll. Oxon. 4th Edition. Pep. 
 •svo. 5s. 
 
 The Cricket Tntor ; a Treatise exclusively Practical. By the same. 
 iSmo. Is. 
 
 The HORSE'S FOOT, and HOW to KEEP IT SOUND. By W. 
 
 Miles, Esq. 9th Edition, with Elustrations. Imp. 8vo. I2s. lid. 
 
 A Plain Treatise on Horse-Shoeing. By the same Author. Post 
 8vo. with Blustrations, 2s, 
 
 General Remarks on Stables, and Examples of Stable Sittings. By 
 the same. Imp. 8vo, with 13 Plates, 15s. 
 
 Remarks on Horses' Teeth, adapted to Purchasers. By the same 
 Author. Crown 8vo. Is. 6d. 
 
 The HORSE : with a Treatise on Draught. By William Yodatt. 
 New Edition, revised and enlarged. 8vo. with numerous Woodcuts, 10s. 6d. 
 
 The Dog. By the same Author. 8vo. with numerous Woodcuts, 6s. 
 
 The DOG in HEALTH and DISEASE. By Stonehenge. With 70 
 Wood Engravings. Square crown 3vo. 15s. 
 
 The Greyhound. By the same. With many Illustrations. Square 
 crown Svo. 21s. 
 
 The OX ; his Diseases and their Treatment: with an Essay on Parturi- 
 tion in the Cow. By J. R. Dobsos", M.P..C.V.S. Post Svo, with Illustrations. 
 
 [Just ready. 
 
NEW WORKS FiFBLiSHED BY LONGMAN AMD CO. 
 
 Commerce, Navigation, and Mercantile Affairs. 
 
 The LAW of WATIONS Considered as Independent Eolitical Com- 
 munities. By Tkavbes Twiss, D.C.L. Regius Professor of Civil I/aw in the 
 University of Oxford. 2 vols. 8vo. 30s. or separately, Paet I. Peace, lis, 
 Pakt II. War, 18«. 
 
 A DICTIONARY, Practical, Theoretical, and Historical, of Com- 
 merce and Commeroiai Navigation. By J. R. M'CuLiocn:, Esq. Svo.with 
 Maps and Plans, 50s. 
 
 The STUDY of STEAM and the MAEINE ENGINE, for Young 
 Sea Officers. By S. M. Saxbt, R.N. Post 8vo. with 87 Diagrams, SsSd. 
 
 A NAUTICAL DICTIONARY, defining the Technical Language re- 
 lative to the Building and Equipment of Sailing Vessels and Steamers, &o. 
 By Akihue Touife-. Second Edition ; with Plates and 160 Woodcuts. 
 8vo. 18s. 
 
 A MANUAL for NAVAL CADETS. By J. M'Nbil Botd, late Cap- 
 tain R.N. Third Edition-, with 240 Woodcuts and 11 coloured Plates. 
 Post 8vo. 12s. iSd. 
 
 *** Every Cadet in the Royal Navy is required by the Regulations of the 
 Admiralty to have a copy of this work on his entry into the Navy. 
 
 Works of Utility and General Information. 
 
 MODERN COOKERY for PRIVATE FAMILIES, reduced to a System 
 of Easy Practice in a Series of carefully-tested Receipts. By Eliza Actok. 
 Newly revised and enlarged ; with 8 Plates, Figures, and 150 Woodcuts. 
 Pep. 8vo. 7s. 6r2. 
 
 On rOOD and its DIGESTION ; an Introduction to Dietetics. By 
 W. Beintou, M.D. Physician to St. Thomas's Hospital, &c. With 48 Wood- 
 cuts. Post 8vo. 12s. 
 
 ADULTERATIONS DETECTED ; or Plain Instructions for the Dis- 
 covery of Prauds in Food and Medicine. By A. H. Hassail, M.D. Crown 
 Bvo. with Woodcuts, 17s. id. 
 
 The VINE and its FRUIT, in relation to the Production of Wine. 
 By James L. Dekmah. Crown 8vo. 8s. 6d. 
 
 WINE, the VINE, and the CELLAR. By Thomas G. Shaw. With 
 28 Illustrations on Wood. 8vo. 16s. 
 
 A PRACTICAL TREATISE on BREWING ; with Formula for Public 
 Brewers, and Instructions for Private Families. By W. Black. 8vo. Ifts. 6(i. 
 
 SHORT WHIST ; its Eise, Progress, and Laws ; with the Laws of 
 Piquet, Cassino, Ecart6, Cribbage, and Backgammon. By Major A FcD 
 8vo. 3s. 
 
NE"W WORKS PUBLISHED BY LONGMAN and CO. 27 
 
 HINTS on ETIQUETTE and the USAGES of SOCIETY ; with a 
 Glance at Bad Habits. Revised, with Additions, by a Ladt of Eane Pen 
 8vo. 2s. 6d. 
 
 The CABINET lAWYEE ; a Popular Digest of the Laws of England, 
 Civil and Criminal. 19th iidition, extended by the Author ; including the 
 Acts of the Sessions 186i! and 1868. Pep. 8vo. 10s. ed. 
 
 The PHILOSOPHY of HEALTH ; or, an Exposition of the Physio- 
 logical and Sanitary Conditions conducive to Human Longevity and 
 Ha.ppiness. By Southwood Smith, M.D. Eleventh Edition, revised and 
 enlarged : with New Plates, 8vo. IJiist ready. 
 
 HINTS to MOTHERS on the MANAGEMENT of their HEALTH 
 during the Period of Pregnancy and in the Lying-in Room. Bv T. BtriL, 
 M:.D. Pop. Svo.Ss. 
 
 The Maternal Management of Children in Health and Disease. By 
 
 the same Author. Pep. 8vo. 65. 
 
 NOTES on HOSPITALS. By Florence Nightingale. Third Edi- 
 tion, enlarged ; with 13 Plans. Post 4to. 185. 
 
 C. M. WILLICH'S POPTTLAR TABLES for ascertaining the Value 
 of Lifehold, L3asehoId, and Church Property, Renewal Pines, &c.; the 
 Pubho Punds ; Annual Average Price and Interest on Consols from 1731 to 
 1861; Chemical, Geogi'aphical, Astronomical, Trigonometrical Tables, Ac. 
 Post 8vo. 10s. 
 
 THOMSON'S TABLES of INTEREST, at Three, Eour, Four and a 
 Half, and Pive per Cent, from One Pound to Ten Thousand and from 1 to 
 363 Days. 12mo. 8s. Bd. 
 
 MAUNDER' S TREASURY of KNOWLEDGE and LIBRARY of 
 
 Reference : comprising an Enghsh Dictionary and Grammar, a Universal 
 Gazetteer, a Classical Dictionary, a Chronology, a Law Dictionary, a Synop- 
 sis of the Peerage, useful Tables, &c. Pep. 8vo. 10s. 
 
 General and School Atlases. 
 
 An ELEMENTARY ATLAS of HISTORY and GEOGRAPHY, from 
 
 the commencement of the Christian Era to the Present Time, in 16 coloured 
 Maps, chronologically arranged, with illustrative Memoirs. By the liev. 
 J. S. Beewee, M.A. Royal 8vo. 12s. 6(7. 
 
 SCHOOL ATLAS of PHYSICAL, POLITICAL, and COMMERCIAL 
 GEOGRAPHY, in 17 full-coloured Maps, accompanied by descriptive Letter- 
 press. By E. Httohes, F.R.A.S. Royal 8vo. 10s. 6d. 
 
 BISHOP BUTLER'S ATLAS of ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY, in a Series 
 of 24 full-coloured Maps, accompanied by a complete Accentuated Index, 
 New Edition, corrected and enlarged. Eioyal 8vo. 12s. 
 
28 
 
 NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY LONGMAI^ and CO. 
 
 BISHOP BUTLER'S ATLAS of MODERN GEOGRAPHY, in a Series 
 of 33 full-coloured Maps, accompanied by a complete Alphabetical Index. 
 New Edition, corrected and enlarged. Royal 8vo. lOs. 6d. 
 
 Ik consequence of the rapid advance of 
 geographical discovery, and tlie many re- 
 cent changes, through political causes, in 
 the boundaries of various countries, it has 
 been found necessary thoroughly to revise 
 this long-established Atlas, and to add 
 several new Maps. New Maps have been 
 given of the following countries : Palestine, 
 CanafZa, and the adjacent provinces of N'ew 
 Brunstoick,NovaScotia,iLndL Newfoundland, 
 the American States bordering on the 
 Pacific, Eastern Australia, and New Zea- 
 land. In addition to these Maps of 
 Western Australia and Tasmania have 
 been given in compartments; thus com- 
 pleting the revision of the Map oi Austral- 
 asia, rendered necessary by the rising 
 importance of our Australasian posses- 
 sions. In the Map oi Europe, Iceland has 
 also been re-drawn, and the new boundaries 
 
 0^ France, Italy, and Austria represented. 
 The Maps ot the three last-named counti'ies 
 have been carefully revised. The Map of 
 Switze)'land has been wholly re-drawn, 
 showing more accurately the physical 
 features of the country. Africa has been 
 carefully compared with the discoveries of 
 
 LiTINGSTONB, BUETON, SPEKE, BARTH, 
 
 and other explorers. The number of Maps 
 is time raised from Thirty to Thirty-three. 
 An entirely new Indbx has been con- 
 structed; and the price of the work has 
 been reduced from 12s. to Hal f-a- Guinea. 
 The present edition, therefore, will be 
 found much superior to former ones ; and 
 the Publishers feel assured that it will 
 maintain the character which this work 
 has so long enjoyed as a popular and com- 
 prehensive School Atlas. 
 
 MIDDLE-CLASS ATLAS of GENERAL GEOGRAPHY, in a Series of 
 29 full-coloured Maps, containing the most recent Territorial Changes and 
 Discoveries. By Waltee M'Leod, P.R.G.S. 4to. 5s. 
 
 PHYSICAL ATLAS of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND; compris- 
 ing 30 full-coloured Maps, with illustrative Letterpress, forming a Concise 
 Synopsis of British Physical Geography. By WAiTEit M'Leod, P.E.G.S. 
 Pcp.4to. 75. 6rf. 
 
 Periodical Publications. 
 
 The EDINBURGH REVIEW, or CRITICAL JOURNAL, published 
 Quarterly in January, April, July, and October. 8vo. price 6s. each No. 
 
 The GEOLOGICAL MAGAZINE, or Monthly Journal of Geology, 
 edited by T. Rupeht Jones, F.G.S. assisted by Heney Woodwaud, F.G.S. 
 8vo. price Is. Qd. each No. 
 
 ERASER'S MAGAZINE for TOWN and COUNTRY, publisTied on 
 the 1st of each Month. 8vo. price 2s. Qd. each No. 
 
 The ALPINE JOURNAL: a Record of Mountain Adventure and 
 Scientific Observation. By Members of the Alpine Club. Edited by 
 H. B. Geoege, M.A. Published Q\iarter]y, May 31, Aug. 31, Nov. 30, feb.28. 
 Svo. price Is. Qd. each No. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Acton's Modern Cookery 26 
 
 Afternoon of Life 20 
 
 Alcock's Besidence in Japtin , 31 
 
 Alpine fi uide (The) 22 
 
 JoumaUThe) 28 
 
 Apjohn's Manual of the Metalloids II 
 
 Arago's Biographies of Scientific Men S 
 
 Popular Astronomy 10 
 
 . Meteorolosical Essays 10 
 
 Arnold's Manual of EnsHsh Literature 7 
 
 Ahnott's Elements of Physics U 
 
 Atherstone Priory 23 
 
 Atkinson's Papinian 5 
 
 Autumn Holidayof a Coontry Parson ft 
 
 Aire's Treasury of Bible Knowledge 13 
 
 Bacon's Easaye, by ■Whatel-.t 5 
 
 Life and Letters, by Spedding 3 
 
 "Works, by Ellis Spedlino, and 
 
 Heath 5 
 
 Bain on the Emotions and Will 9 
 
 on the Senses and Intellect 9 
 
 on the Study of Character 9 
 
 Bainks's Explorations in S. W. Africa .... 21 
 
 Ball's Guide to the Central Alps 22 
 
 Guide to the Western Alps 22 
 
 Bayldon's Rents and Tillages 17 
 
 BEaLEPSf-H's Life and Nature in the Alps... 12 
 
 Black's Treatise on Brewing 26 
 
 Blacki.ev andFniEDLANDER's German and 
 
 English Dictionary 3 
 
 Blaine's Riiral Sports 2l 
 
 Blight's Week at the Land's End 22 
 
 Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine.. 16 
 
 Treatise on the Steam Engine ... 1 ft 
 
 BnwDLr;K*s Family Shakspearb 2i 
 
 Eovd's Manual for Naval Cadets 26 
 
 BBAMLEv-MooRE'sSixSistersof the Valleys 23 
 Brande's Dictionary of Science, Literature, 
 
 and Art 13 
 
 Bray's (C.l Education of the Feelings 9 
 
 Philosophy of Necessity 9 
 
 (Mrs.) British Empire in 
 
 Brkwku's Atlas of History and Geography 27 
 
 Brinton on Food and Digestion 26 
 
 Bhistow's Glossary of Mineralogy 11 
 
 Brobie's (Sir C. B.) Psychological Inquiries 9 
 
 Works 14 
 
 Brown's Demonstrations of Microscopic 
 
 Anatomy H 
 
 Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles 17 
 
 Pentateuch and Elohistic Psalms 17 
 
 Bdcklb's History of CiYilization 2 
 
 Boll's Hints to Mothers ,27 
 
 Maternal Management of Children. 27 
 
 Btjnsbn's Analecta Ante-Nicajna l!t 
 
 Ancient Egypt :; 
 
 Hippolvtus and his Age 19 
 
 Philosophy of Universal History 19 
 
 BrTKYAN's PDgrim's Progress, illustrated by 
 
 Bennett 10 
 
 Burke's Vicissitudes of Families 4 
 
 Butler's Atlas of Ancient Geography 27 
 
 Modem Geography is 
 
 Cabinet Lawyer 27 
 
 Calvert's Wife's Manual 20 
 
 Cats andFARLie's Moral Emblems ."."'*" * 15 
 
 Chorale Book for England ""* 21 
 
 Colewso eBishop) on Pentateuch and Book 
 
 of Joshua 18 
 
 CoLLYNs OQ Stag-Hunting in Devon "and 
 
 Somerset 25 
 
 Commonplace Philosopher in Town "aiad 
 
 Country g 
 
 Companions of my Solitude "!.""!! 8 
 
 Coninoton's Handbook of ChemicaViJia- 
 
 lysis 13 
 
 Contanseao s Pocket French and English 
 
 Dictionary 7 
 
 Practical ditto ."..!!!!!!"!! 7 
 
 CoNVREARE and Howson's Life and Epistles 
 
 of St. Paul 19 
 
 CopLAND'sDictionary of Practical Medicine U 
 
 Abridgment of ditto 14 
 
 Cotton's Introduction to Confirmation 19 
 
 Cox's Tales of the Great Persian War 2 
 
 Tales from Greek Mythology 23 
 
 Tales of the Gods and Heroes 23 
 
 Tales of Thebes and Argos 23 
 
 Cresy's Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 16 
 
 Crowe's History of France 2 
 
 D Aobione's History of the Reformation in 
 
 the time of Calvin 2 
 
 Dead Shot (The), by Marssman 25 
 
 De la Rive's Treatise on Electricity 11 
 
 Denman's Vine and its Fruit 26 
 
 De Tocqdeville's Democracy in America.. 2 
 
 Diaries of a Lady of Quality 4 
 
 Disraeli's Revolutionary Epick 24 
 
 Dixon's Fasti Ehoracenses 4 
 
 DoBsoN on the Ox 25 
 
 Bollinger's Introduction to History of 
 
 Christianity 19 
 
 Dove's Law of Storms 10 
 
 Doyle's Chronicle of England 2 
 
30 
 
 NEW WOEKS PUPLisHED ET LONGMAN and CO. 
 
 Edinburgh Review (The) 
 
 EUice.aTale 
 
 Ellicott's Broad and Narrow Way 
 
 Commentapy on Ephesiane 
 
 Destiny of the Creature 
 
 Lectures on Life of Christ 
 
 Commentary on Galatians 
 
 Pastoral Epiet... 
 
 Philippians, &c.. 
 
 . — . , Thessalonians . . . 
 
 Essays and Reviews 
 
 Essays on Religion and Literature, edited 
 
 by Manning 
 
 Essays written in the Intervals of Business 
 
 Fairbaibn's Application of Cast and 
 
 Wrought Iron to Buildinp 16 
 
 Information for Engineers, . . 16 
 
 Treatise on Mills & Millwork 16 
 
 First Friendship 22 
 
 PiTz Rov's Weather Book 10 
 
 FoRSTEB'sLifeof Sir John Eliot 3 
 
 Fowler's Collieries and Colliers 17 
 
 Eraser's Magazine 28 
 
 Frbshfibld's AlpineBvways 22 
 
 : Tour in the Grisonfl 22 
 
 Friends in Council 8 
 
 From Matter to Spirit 8 
 
 Frodde's History of England l 
 
 Garratt's Marvels and Mysteriea of 
 
 Instinct 12 
 
 Geological Magazine 11,28 
 
 Gilbert and Cbtjrchilj-'s Dolomite Moun- 
 tains 22 
 
 GooDEvn's Elements of Mechanism 16 
 
 Gohle's Questions on Browne's Exposition 
 
 ot the 39 Articles 17 
 
 Grat's Anatomy H 
 
 Gresne's Manual of CoeJenterata U 
 
 Manual oJ Protozoa 11 
 
 Gbovk on Con elation of Physical Forces.. 11 
 
 GryU Grange 22 
 
 GwiLT s Encyclopmdia of AreMtecture .... 15 
 
 Handbook of Angling, by Ephkmera 25 
 
 ELiBTWio'sSeaand ita Living Wonders,... 12 
 
 Tropical World 12 
 
 Hassall's Adulterations Detected . . . , 26 
 
 , — British Freshwater Alga3 12 
 
 Hawker's Instructions to Young Sportsmen 25 
 
 Hbaton's Notes on Rifle Shooting 25 
 
 Hblps's Spanish Conquest in America 2 
 
 Hersgrelb Eisays A-om the Edinburgh 
 
 and Quarterly Reviews 13 
 
 Outlines of Astronomy 9 
 
 Hewitt on the DiHeases of Women 13 
 
 HI^CHLI^F's South American Sketches 21 
 
 Hind's Canadian Exploring Expeditions ... 21 
 
 Explorations in Labrador 21 
 
 Hints on Eiiquette 27 
 
 Hojlland's Chapters on Mental Physiology 8 
 
 Essayson Scientific Subjects — 13 
 
 Medical Notes and Reflections. . 15 
 
 Holmes's System of surgery 14 
 
 Hooker and Walubh-Arnott'b British 
 
 Flora 12 
 
 HoDPE&'s MedicH I Dictionary 15 
 
 Hohne's Introduction to ihe Scriptures .... 18 
 
 Compendium of ditto 18 
 
 HosKTNs' Talpn 17 
 
 Howitt'b History of the Supernatural 8 
 
 Rural Lite of England 22 
 
 Visitsto Remarkable Places 22 
 
 HowsoN'sHulsean Lectures on St. Paul.... 18 
 Hughes's (.E.) Atlas of Physical, Political 
 
 and Commercial Geography 27 
 
 tW.) Geography of British His- 
 tory 10 
 
 Manual of Geoeraphy 10 
 
 HullAh's History of Modern Music 3 
 
 Hymns from Lyra Germanica 20 
 
 Ingelow's Poems 24 
 
 Jameson's Legends of the Saints and Mar- 
 tyrs 15 
 
 Legends of the Madonna 15 
 
 Legends of the Monastic Orders 15 
 
 Jameson and Easti.ake's History of Our 
 
 Lord 15 
 
 Johns's Home Walks and Holiday Rambles 12 
 
 Johnson's Patentee's }^lanual 16 
 
 — Practical Draughtsman 16 
 
 Johnston's Gazetteer, or Geographical Dic- 
 tionary 10 
 
 Jones's Christianity and Common Sense .... 9 
 
 Kaltsch'b Commentary on the Old Testa- 
 
 i meut 7 
 
 Hebrew Grammar 7 
 
 Kemble's Plays 24 
 
 Kennedy's Hymnologia Christiana 20 
 
 KiRBY and Sfence's Entomology 12 
 
 Lady's Tour Round Monte Rosa 22 
 
 Landon's tL. E- L.) Poetical Works 24 
 
 Late Laurels 22 
 
 Latham's Comparative Philology 6 
 
 Entilish Dictionary 6 
 
 Handbook of the English Lan- 
 guage 6 
 
 Work on the English Language 6 
 
 Leisure Hours in Town 8 
 
 Lewes's Biograpliical History of Philosophy 2 
 
 Lewis on the Astronomy of the Ancients ... 6 
 
 on the Credibility of Early Romaji 
 
 History 6 
 
 — Dialogueon Government 6 
 
 on Egyptological Method 6 
 
 Es'ayson Administrations 6 
 
 Fables of Babmids 1 6 
 
 . on Foreign Jurisdiction 6 
 
 on Irish Disturbances 6 
 
 ou Ubeervation and BeaBoning in 
 
 Politics 6 
 
 on Political Terms 6 
 
 on the Romance Languages 6 
 
 LiDDELLond ScoTT'sGreek-EnelishLesicon 7 
 
 Abridged ditto 7 
 
 Lindley and Moore's Treasury of Botany 12 
 
 Lister's Physico-Prophetical Essays 19 
 
 Longman's Lectures on the History of Eng- 
 
 land 2 
 
 Loudon'b Encyclopsedia of Agriculture.... 17 
 
 . , Cottage, Foi'm, 
 
 and Villa Architecture 17 
 
 — . Gardening 17 
 
 Plants 12 
 
 Trees St Shrubs 12 
 
 Lowndes's Engineer's Handbook I6 
 
 LyraDomesiica 21 
 
 Eucharistica 20 
 
 Germanica 15, 20 
 
 Messionica 20 
 
 Mystica 20 
 
 Sacra 20 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BT LONGMAN a:sd CO. 
 
 Macau^at's (liOrd^EssaTB 3 
 
 History of Engrla^d I 
 
 Lays of Ancient Rome 24 
 
 MiscellaneoisB 'WritiDgB 8 
 
 Speeches 6 
 
 Speeches on Parliamentary 
 
 Reform 6 
 
 Macbbaim's Africans at Home 10 
 
 MACDuijnAi.L's Theory of "War 16 
 
 McLbod's Middle-Class Atlss of G^aeral 
 
 Geography 28 
 
 PhyHicBl Atlas. of Great Britain 
 
 and Ireland 28 
 
 McCui.i.och's Dictionary of Commerce 26 
 
 Geographical Dictionary 10 
 
 Maouire's Life of Fatlier Mathew 4 
 
 Home and its Rulers 4 
 
 Malinq'b Indoor Gardener 1^ 
 
 Maps from Pcftks, Passes, and Glaciers 16 
 
 Marshali^'s History of Christian Missions . 3 
 
 Massey's History of England 1 
 
 Madnder's Biographical Treasury 5 
 
 Geographical Treasury 10 
 
 Historical Treasury 3 
 
 Scientific and Literary Treasury 13 
 
 Treasury of Knowledge 27 
 
 Treasury of Natural History . . 12 
 
 Madrt's Physical Geography 10 
 
 May*b Constitutional History of England. . 1 
 
 Meltili^'s Digby Grand. , 23 
 
 General Bounce 23 
 
 Gladiators 23 
 
 Good for Nothing 23 
 
 Holmby House ,.,.... 23 
 
 Interpreter , 23 
 
 Kate Coventry 23 
 
 Queen's Maries - 23 
 
 MsNDEi.ssoHA-'s Letters. ,, 4 
 
 MENzira' Windsor Great Park 17 
 
 Mebitalb'sCH.) Colonisation and Colonies 10 
 
 (C.) Fall of the Roman Republic 2 
 
 : : Romans under the Empire 2 
 
 Mbrton's Historyof Medicine 3 
 
 Mixes on Horse's Foot 25 
 
 On Horses' Teeth 26 
 
 on Hone Shoeing , 25 
 
 on Stables 25 
 
 Miij. on Liberty 5 
 
 on Representative Government S 
 
 on UtUitariauism 5 
 
 Mux's Dissertutious and Discus^ons h 
 
 Political bconomy 5 
 
 System of Lopic 5 
 
 Millbr' sElements of Chemistry. 13 
 
 MoMSEi.i.'s Spiritual Songs 20 
 
 MuNTAou's £xperiments in Church and 
 
 State 18 
 
 Montgomery on the Signs and Symptoms 
 
 of Presmancy 13 
 
 MooRR'sIriflh Melodies........... 24 
 
 ■ LallaRookh 24 
 
 Memoirs, Journal, and Correspon- 
 dence 4 
 
 Poetical Worts 24 
 
 Morkll's Elements of Psychology 9 
 
 Mental Philosophy 9 
 
 Morning Clouds 20 
 
 Morton's Handbook of Dairy Husbandry. . 17 
 
 . Farm Labour 17 
 
 Prince Consort's Farms 17 
 
 MosHEiu's Ecclesiastical History 19 
 
 MbLLRR's(MaE)Lectures on the Science of 
 
 Language 7 
 
 (K. O.) Literature of Ancient 
 
 Greece 2 
 
 MtTRCHisoN on Continued Fevers 14 
 
 Mure's Language and Literature of Greece 2 
 
 New Testament illustrated with Wood En- 
 gravings from the Old Masters 15 
 
 Newman's Apologia pro Vitft Suft ., iJ 
 
 NioHTiNOAiiE E Notcs OH Hospitals 87 
 
 OsLiNo's Course of Practical Chemistry . 
 -Manual of Chemistry . . 
 
 OnMSBi's Rambles in Algeria and Tunis 
 
 Owen's Comparative Anatomy and Phj-slo- 
 logr of Vertebrate Animals .....^. 
 
 Packe'b Guide to the Pyrenees 22 
 
 Paoet's Lectures on Surgical Pathology.. 14 
 
 Parker's (Theodore^ Lift, by Weiss 4 
 
 Peaks, Passes, and Glaciers. 2 Series 21 
 
 Pbreiha'b Elements of Materia Medic&.. .. 15 
 
 Manual of Materia Medica 15 
 
 Perkins's Tuscan Sculptors 16 
 
 PniiiLips's Guide to Geology u 
 
 Introduction to Mineralogy 11 
 
 PiEssE'sArtof Perfumery 17 
 
 Chemical, Natural, and Physical 
 
 Magic 17 
 
 Laboratory of Chemical Wonders 17 
 
 Playtime with the Poets 24 
 
 Practical Mechanic's Journal _ is 
 
 Pbescott's Scripture Difficulties ig 
 
 Problems in HumanNature 20 
 
 Pycroft's Course of English Reading 7 
 
 CricketField 95 
 
 Cricket Tutor , 25 
 
 Recreations of a Country Parson, Seco.vd 
 
 Series g 
 
 Bicdlb's Diamond Latin-EnglighDictionary 7 
 
 RivERs'a Rose Amateur's CJuide 18 
 
 Rogers's Correspondence of Greyson 9 
 
 Eclipse of Faith 9 
 
 Defence of ditto 9 
 
 Essays from the Edinburgh Review 9 
 
 FuUeriana 9 
 
 Reason and Faith 9 
 
 Rooet's Thesaurus of English Words and 
 
 Phrases 
 
 RoNAiDs's Fly- Fisher's Entomology 25 
 
 RowTON'a Debater 7 
 
32 
 
 NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BT LONGMAN and CO. 
 
 SAXBr's study of Steam 26 
 
 "Weatlier SyHtem ] 
 
 Scott's Handbook ofVolumetrieal Analysis 13 
 
 ScBorjs OD Volcanos 11 
 
 Senior's Biographical Sketches S 
 
 Essays on Fiction 23 
 
 Sf.well's Amy Herbert - . . 23 
 
 Ancient History 2 
 
 CleveHaLl 23 
 
 Earl's Daughter 23 
 
 Experience of Life 23 
 
 Gertrude 23 
 
 Glimpse of the World 23 
 
 History of the Early Church 3 
 
 Ivors 23 
 
 , Katharine Aahton 23 
 
 — Laneton Parsonnae 2a 
 
 Marearet Percival - -zi 
 
 Night Lessons from Scripture .... 20 
 
 PassinK Thoughts on Belision .... vd 
 
 Preparation for Commimidn 20 
 
 Readinits for Confirmation 20 
 
 iHeadinss for Lent , 20 
 
 Self-Examination before Confir- 
 
 matiun 20 
 
 Stories and Tales 23 
 
 Thoughts for the Holy AVeek 20 
 
 Ursula a3 
 
 Shaw's Work on Wine 26 
 
 Shbdden's Elements of Logic 6 
 
 Short Whist 26 
 
 SiEVEKiNo's (.Amelia) Life, by Winktvorth 4 
 Smith's tSouTBWooo) Philosophy of Health 27 
 CJ.) Voyage and Shipwreck ot St. 
 
 Paul 19 
 
 (G. ) Wesleyan Methodism 3 
 
 (.StdneyJ Memoir and Letters A 
 
 ^Miscellaneous Works 8 
 
 Sketches of Moral I'hilo- 
 
 sophy 8 
 
 Wit and Wisdom s 
 
 Southey's (Doctor) 7 
 
 Poetical Works 21 
 
 SxEBfliNo's Analysis of Mill's Logic 6 
 
 Stei'uenson's(.K..) Life by Jeaffheson and 
 
 Pole 3 
 
 Stephen's Essays in Ecclesiastical Bio- 
 graphy 5 
 
 Lectures on the History of 
 
 France 2 
 
 Stonehenge on the Dog 2& 
 
 on the Greyhound 2.'i 
 
 Strickland's Queens of England l 
 
 Taylor's (Jeremy) Works, edited by Edrn 
 
 Tennent's Ceylon 
 
 Natural History of Ceylon 
 
 Story of the Guns 
 
 Thalatta 
 
 Theologia Gcrmanica 19 
 
 Thiklw all's History of Greece 2 
 
 Thomson's (Archbishop) Laws of Thought 6 
 
 (J.) Tables of Interest 2/ 
 
 Tilley's Eastern Europe and Western Asia 21 
 Todd's Cyclopiedia of Anatomy and Phy- 
 siology 14 
 
 ■ and Bowman's Anatomy and Phv- 
 
 eiology of Man 14 
 
 Trollode's Barchester Towers 23 
 
 Warden 23 
 
 Twiss'sLaw of Nations 26 
 
 Tyndall's Lectures on Heat 1 1 
 
 Mountaineering in 1861 22 
 
 TJhe's Dictionary of Arts, Manufac lures, 
 
 and Mines 16 
 
 Vandj;r Hoeven's Handbook of Zoology.. U 
 Vaughan's (R.) Revolutions in English 
 
 History i 
 
 — CR. A.) Hours with the Mystics !> 
 
 WAnuuRTON's Life, by Watson 4 
 
 Warter's Last of the Old Squires 23 
 
 Watson's Principles and Practice of Physic 14 
 
 Watts's Dictionary of Chemistry 13 
 
 Webb's Celestial Objects for Common Tele- 
 scopes 10 
 
 Webster & Wilkinson's Greek Testiuncnt 18 
 
 Weld's Last Winter in Rome 21 
 
 Wellington's Life, by Brialmont and 
 
 Gleio 4 
 
 by Gleio 4 
 
 Wesley's Life,by Southhy 4 
 
 West on the Diseases of Infancy and Child- 
 hood 13 
 
 Whately's English Synonymes & 
 
 Logic i 
 
 Remains 5 
 
 Rhetoric 5 
 
 Whewell's History of the Inductive Sci- 
 ences > 
 
 White and Riddle's Latin-English Dic- 
 tionary 7 
 
 Wilberforce (W.) Recollections of, by 
 
 Harford j 
 
 WiLLicn's Popular Tables '.. '2,7 
 
 AVilson's Bryologia Britannica 12 
 
 Wood's Homes without Hands 11 
 
 Woodward's Historical and .Chronological 
 
 Encycloptedia 3 
 
 YoNOK*s English-Greek Lexicon 7 
 
 Abridged ditto 7 
 
 YooNtj's Nautical Dictionary \. '.'.'. 2G 
 
 Youatt on the Dog ^b^ 
 
 on the Horse L>r, 
 
 SrOTTISWCODE AND CO., PJIINTEK?, NEH'-STREET SQUARE, tOXBOW