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.THE . 
 
 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS 
 
 THE PAR8EE8. 
 
 A PAPER READ BEFORE THE LIVERPOOL PHILOMATHIC SOCIETY, 
 13TB MARCH, 1861, 
 
 MBABHAl NAOROJI, 
 
 M*rofesiior of Gujaratl in the Univerttiy of I^ondon. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY PEAESON & SON, 35, BISHOPSGATE WITHIN. E.G. 
 
 1862. 
 
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OE 
 THE PARSEES. 
 
 To save time, I beg of you to consider at once that I have 
 made in due and most approved form all the requisite and appro- 
 priate apologies and excuses for presuming to read a Paper before 
 you, and that I have told you in all modesty that, despairing of 
 deserving any credit from my own merits, I throw myself 
 entirely upon your kind indulgence. Knowing you will not 
 grudge me this much — perhaps a little for your own sake, as 
 well as mine — I at once proceed to the subject of this Paper. 
 
 Under ordinary circumstances it may not be difficult to give 
 a general account of the existing manners and customs of a 
 people ; but in the case of the Parsees, in the present transition 
 state of their social and intellectual condition, it is difficult to 
 say what the whole community generally observe and believe. 
 
 There is at present nearly as great a diiFerence between one 
 portion of them and another as there was between Englishmen 
 and Parsees twenty years ago. The English education of the 
 last twenty years has worked a great change. That change, 
 however, is not general; nor is it looked upon with satisfaction 
 and approval by one portion. The educated, not having" arrived 
 at their present knowledge by the gradual process of self-made 
 progress, with struggles and amidst difficulties, and by efforts 
 watched and sympathised with by the whole community ; not 
 having earned, but inherited the treasure ; a large and sudden 
 chasm separates them from the uneducated in their sentiments, 
 ideas, habits of thought, opinions, and customs. This difference 
 is so wide and marked, that in describing the present condition 
 and customs of the Parsees, statements about one portion will 
 sometimes be altogether inapplicable to another. 
 
Between these two extremes is a middle class, who, dis- 
 tracted by the double pull of strong prejudices and deep-rooted 
 beliefs on the one side, and of the apparent reasonableness 
 of the arguments addressed to them by the educated on the 
 other, are in a condition of mind difficult to describe. They may, 
 and sometimes do, lay equal claim to belong to the reformers 
 as well as to be true to their " good old ways " and to their wise 
 ancestors. 
 
 Just as the influence of English education has operated on 
 their mental condition, the example of English modes of life 
 and domestic habits and arrangements has worked a revolution 
 in their social condition. These changes, however, both mental 
 and social, are confined to certain portions, though exercising 
 more or less influence upon the general body of the people. 
 
 To form some notion of the difficulty of giving a general 
 description of the Parsee customs, I give an instance of a 
 domestic particular. If I say that the Parsees use tables, knives 
 and forks, &c,, for taking their dinners, it would be true with 
 regard to one portion, and entirely untrue with regard to another. 
 In one house you see in the dining room the dinner table 
 furnished with all the English apparatus for its agreeable 
 purposes ; next door, perhaps, you see the gentleman perfectly 
 satisfied with his primitive, good old mode of squatting on a 
 piece of mat, with a large brass or copper plate (round, and of 
 the size of an ordinary tray) before him, containing all the dishes 
 of his dinner, spread on it in small heaps, and placed upon a stool 
 about two or three inches high, with a small tinned copper cup at 
 his side for his drinks, and his fingers for his knives and forks. 
 He does this, not because he cannot afford to have a table, &c., 
 but because he would not have them in preference to his 
 ancestral mode of life, or perhaps the thought has not occurred to 
 him that he need have anything of the kind. It is not, therefore, 
 the usual difference in the domestic habits of a people, arising 
 from difference of means, occupation, society, &c., but a revolution 
 caused in one portion by extraordinary external causes — the 
 influence of English education and example. With such 
 
diflference in the present condition of the Parsees, it may be easily 
 conceived that it is difficult, if not impracticable, to give anything 
 like a true general account .of the customs of the whole body, 
 and that it is a matter of no surprise if two travellers give two 
 entirely contrary accounts of this people. 
 
 Under these circumstances I propose to give distinct accounts 
 of the two extreme classes, as if they were two distinct people. 
 
 I begin with the class to which the stanch, orthodox, un- 
 changed Parsee belongSj and which is designated the "Old 
 Class " in contradistinction to the " Young Class," by which 
 name the educated and the reformers are known. The continuous 
 struggles between these two classes during the past twelve or 
 fifteen years have made this distinction marked and expressive. 
 
 I commence with what is done during the course of a day by 
 the Parsee of the Old Class. 
 
 On getting out of his bed in the morning he first says his 
 "Kusti" prayers. He then rubs a little Nirang on his face, 
 hands, and feet, reciting during the operation the " Nirang " 
 prayer, wishing (without understanding the language, however,) 
 destruction to all the evil spirits in the universe. He next 
 washes out the Nirang with water, takes a bath if so inclined, 
 and says his "Kusti" prayers again. If he get his head 
 shaved, or have had a nightly issue, he must bathe, or he can- 
 not touch anything. He cleans his teeth, says his " Kusti " 
 prayers the third time, and ends his morning's ablutions by 
 reciting the usual morning prayers. These over, he is free to 
 attend to his creature wants and worldly avocations. 
 
 I must now explain to you the " Kusti," the " Nirang, " and 
 the manner of taking a bath. 
 
 The "Kusti," together with the " Sudrd," form the badge of 
 a follower of Zurthosht or Zoroaster. The " Sudrd, " is a plain 
 very loose vest, with very short sleeves. It is always made of 
 fine white calico, such as mul, jaconet, or lappet, &c. At the 
 end of the opening to pass the head through is made a sort of 
 small pocket, about one inch square, called " the Garian," which 
 constitutes the religious part of the "Sudra." The "Sudra" 
 
reaches the knees, and remains free over the trousers, which 
 may be silk or cotton. Over this " Sudra," and round the waist, 
 is loosely tied the " Kusti," which is a tubular, hollow woollen 
 cord, of about one-sixteenth to one-eighth of an inch in dia- 
 meter, woven by the women of the priest caste only, and con- 
 sisting of seventy-two threads in the warp. It is first woven as 
 a continuous cord, without ends, leaving about a foot of the 
 warp unwoven. This unwoven part is cut in the middle by a 
 priest, with certain recitations. Each of the two ends thus made, 
 and which consists of unwoven loose threads, is braided up to 
 within an inch of the extremities, and then parted into three 
 distinct little braided ends. Many women of the priest caste 
 make a livelihood, or materially add to the income of the male 
 members for the support of the family, by the occupation of 
 weaving "Kustis." 
 
 I have brought here a " Sudra" and " Kusti" to shew you. 
 The " Kusti " is tied over the " Sudra " round the waist, three 
 times round in this manner : — commencing from the middle of 
 the cord in front of the waist, the two halves are taken round 
 behind and brought round back to the front, where a double knot 
 is made; the remaining ends are taken back again behind, 
 and another double knot is made there, which completes the 
 operation. 
 
 When I spoke before of saying " Kusti " prayers, I meant 
 the undoing and tying up again of the " Kusti" round the waist, 
 accompanied with certain prescribed recitations in the old 
 Zend language. 
 
 The "Nirang" is the urine of cow, ox, or she-goat, and the 
 rubbing of it over the face and hands is, as I have already said, 
 the second thing a Parsee does after getting out of bed. Either 
 before applying the "Nirang" to the face and hands, or while it 
 remains on the hands after being applied, he should not touch 
 anything directly with his hands j but in order to wash out the 
 "Nirang," he either asks somebody else to pour water on his 
 hands, or resorts to the device of taking hold of the pot through 
 the intervention of a piece of cloth, such as a handkerchief or 
 
his " Sudrd." He first pours water on one hand, then takes the 
 pot in that hand and washes his other hand and face and feet. 
 
 The " Knsti " prayers play an important part in the daily 
 religious observances. As I said above, he says them four times 
 before he ends his morning ablutions. The performance of the 
 necessary functions of nature must every time be followed by the 
 washing of hands and face, and the saying of "Kusti" prayers. 
 The ordinary prayers themselves are not valid unless preceded 
 by washing of hands and face, and saying of " Knsti " prayers. 
 All meals must begin and end with " Kusti " prayer, in addition 
 to grace prayers, which come in immediately before and after the 
 meal. Before going to bed the work of the day is closed by a 
 "Kusti" prayer. 
 
 The apparatus for washing the hands, face, and feet does not 
 consist of a washing table, basin, jug, &c., but a small copper 
 pot. This, being filled up from a larger one kept for general 
 use, is held in one hand, and the water poured out into the 
 natural cup of the hollow of the other hand, and thrown over the 
 part to be washed. When soap is used it is washed out in the 
 same way. The mode of taking the bath is something similar. 
 One large copper pot, containing about four gallons of water of 
 the proper degree of warmth, or two pots, one of hot and the 
 other of cold water, are placed on a ledge at the edge of a square 
 flat bathing place, with an outlet for water to run out. The 
 bather sits on a stone, or a low stool, fiUs up a small copper pot 
 out of the larger one, and pours the water over the body, rubbing 
 it with his hands at intervals. When soap is used, it is washed 
 out in the same way. This process goes on till the pots are 
 emptied, or till the body is cleaned — at least to the satisfaction 
 of the bather. 
 
 Resuming now the daily observances in their order : after he 
 has performed his first ablutions and said his morning prayers, 
 he takes his breakfast. I say he takes his breakfast, because 
 the lady of the house does not join him. Other male members 
 of the house, and little girls, may take their breakfast at the 
 same time with him ; but the ladies, as a matter of course, and 
 
8 
 
 from what to them is a sense of duty, attend to their own wants 
 after the gratification of those of the lord of the house. This 
 is the case at all the meals of the day. 
 
 Suppose two or three were taking their breakfast, or any 
 other mealj at the same time (I purposely do not say " taking 
 together "), each has his separate piece of mat, or any box or 
 chest for seat, and each has a copper-or brass plate, like a good 
 sized tray, put before him, with the dishes spread over separately 
 on it; just as if an English gentleman, instead of taking one 
 thing at a time in his plate, took from all the dishes at once 
 before setting to work. They often have the dishes, instead of 
 being put into the large plate in heaps, served in small copper 
 plates put side by side into the large one, like a number of small 
 plates in a tray. They use no knives and forks, their fingers 
 supplying the place of both. They sometimes do take their 
 meals together from the same plates, but then they have to take 
 care not to put the fingers in the mouth, or bite anything, but 
 fling the morsel into the mouth from a little distance. Any 
 one that did not manage to let the morsel go from his hand 
 before the mouth caught it must wash his hands before touching 
 the plate again, or no one else would eat out of that polluted 
 plate. While thus taking their meals together, the water also 
 should be drunk without allowing the copper pot to touch the 
 lips. It is poured into the mouth from a little height from the 
 lips. At all times, whether at meals or not, the Parsee cannot 
 touch the moist inner part of his mouth. The thing touched is 
 defiled, and must be washed. If he has to drink out of a glass, 
 and finds it would be inconvenient to wash his hands where he 
 is, he holds the glass with his handkerchief. After the lord of 
 the house is thus spiritually and physically prepared, he goes out 
 for his day's work. At noon he takes his second meal, preceded 
 by the noon prayers, or at least by his " Kusti " prayers. In the 
 afternoon, after he is released from his day's avocation, he goes 
 either to the sea shore, or to the Fire Temple, or to both, to 
 say his usual evening prayers. He has again to say his night 
 prayers, before taking his night meal and going to bed. 
 
It is not that every Parsee of the class I am describing does 
 say all the prayers at the various times mentioned, but that an 
 orthodox religious Parsee does, as much as his opportunities 
 permit, or would do all if he could. The daily religious duties 
 of the ladies are of the same kind, but, being generally ignorant 
 both of reading and writing, they do not, nor are they expected 
 to, trouble themselves with saying all prayers, except the indis- 
 pensable "Kusti" prayers. 
 
 I shall now as briefly as possible give you some idea of the 
 Parsee customs on births, marriages, and deaths. 
 
 When a lady is confined, she has perhaps the worst part of 
 the house allotted to her, on the lowest ground floor, sometimes 
 in a room, but generally in a corner, with a thick canvas screen 
 all round, and a flap for a door from one corner. She there 
 remains secluded for forty days, during which period her touch 
 to any thing is pollution. The midwife, or anybody else that 
 touches her, must bathe after leaving her, or cannot touch any 
 thing else. She is, no doubt, as well taken care of under the 
 circumstances as afi^ection could prompt. On the sixth day a 
 piece of paper, an inkstand, and a reed pen are placed within 
 the canvas enclosure, for the Hindoo goddess "Chhati" to fix 
 and write out the destinies of the child. The blank paper in 
 the morning leaves to the fond mother the fullest scope to picture 
 to herself as splendid a career for her darling as her heart could 
 desire. On the fortieth day of the confinement, she undergoes 
 the purifying ablution, consisting of rubbing the body with 
 "Nirang" — drinking a little of it, too, and a good deal of 
 washing, both of herself, of her clothes, and of every thing 
 belonging to her bed. The bedstead is always of iron. 
 
 Soon after the birth of the child, a Hindoo Brahmin, or a 
 Parsee priest, not as a priest, hut in the character of an astro- 
 loger, casts its horoscope, which serves at least one good purpose, 
 besides whatever hopes it raises in the breasts of the fond parents 
 — that of being the only register of the day of the birth, and of 
 the names of the parents. When the child is seven years old, 
 it is invested with the " Sudra " and " Kusti," the badge of 
 
 B 
 
10 
 
 Zoroasterism, and representing admission to its duties and privi- 
 leges. For this investment the child has to undergo the purifying 
 process of being rubbed with " Nirang " — drinking a little of it 
 too, and washing the body, accompanied with certain recitations. 
 The child, after the body is cleaned dry, is covered with a piece 
 of cloth, and is made to sit on a low stool on a carpet, the friends 
 of the family and several priests sitting all round to witness and 
 assist at the investment. The priest of the house of the parents, 
 or some other appointed for the occasion, puts on the " Sudra " 
 and ties round the " Kusti," reciting at the same time certain 
 prayers, in which the child joins as prompted. This done, the 
 same priest pronounces a benediction, throwing upon the head of 
 the child at each sentence handfuls of slices of cocoa-nuts and 
 dates and grains of pomegranate, mixed up together in a plate 
 ready by his side. All the other priests, and the friends of the 
 child, engage themselves during the whole time in reciting prayers, 
 except during the actual investment. Distribution of gifts to the 
 priests concludes the ceremony, and a feast at home, or at some 
 villa, to friends, concludes the rejoicings of the occasion. 
 
 By the age of seven (may be even in its infancy) the child is 
 betrothed by the parents. The ceremony of betrothal consists 
 in some ladies from the boy's side taking a suit of clothes for the 
 girl to her parents' house, the presentation of which completes 
 the contract. The parents of the bride make some suitable 
 presents in return — either a suit of clothes or a ring for the boy. 
 Mutual presents are made to the parents also, and oftentimes 
 to other relatives. During the first year after the betrothal, 
 presents of clothes are interchanged on every important holiday, 
 even on some of the Hindoo holidays. 
 
 Then comes, not after any particular interval, but according 
 to the convenience of the parents, the celebration of the wedding. 
 The auspicious day, however, should be fixed by the astrologer. 
 Several days before the one appointed for the actual wedding, 
 and that also according to the directions of the astrologetj the 
 foundation of the " wedding booth " is laid, accompanied with 
 some ceremonies and songs. The booth, which is sometimes 
 
11 
 
 very richly decorate^, is not always necessarily erected, as is the 
 custom among the Hindoos, but the ceremony-of laying the 
 foundation is considered indispensable. Then follow feastings 
 and rejoicings, and an immense number of ceremonies. All 
 these ceremonies I am not at present able to describe, having 
 had the benefit of them when only about twelve years old, 
 having afterwards made some efforts, with other friends, to 
 discourage and abolish them, and their performance being chiefly 
 confined to the ladies — the gentlemen having only to pay the 
 bill. They are not, however, such as would be missed in forming 
 an acquaintance with Parsee customs. They are so thoroughly 
 Hindoo, and so fast disappearing, that I think I am not singular 
 in my present partial ignorance and forgetfulness of them. At 
 last the auspicious day for the actual celebration of the wedding 
 arrives. Ladies on previous days go about to their lady friends 
 to invite them to join in the ceremony and feasting of the day, 
 as well as in the previous feasts. The men are invited by a 
 message through a priest, who, with a long list of names in his 
 hands, goes from house to house, and blurts out the invitation 
 in a ludicrous manner. For very near relations, or important 
 personages, the father himself, or some other member of the 
 family, goes to offer his invitation, and solicit acceptance. 
 
 On the morning of the wedding day, the bride and the bride- 
 groom, at their respective houses, undergo the ceremony similar 
 to the investment of the " Sudra" and " Kusti." Long rows of 
 benches are placed in the streets, and on the verandahs of neigh- 
 bouring houses. About four p.m. the invited people, dressed 
 in long robps reaching to the feet, with a long piece of cloth 
 tied round the waist, begin to arrive, and take their seat on the 
 benches. 
 
 Little children are dressed in fancy dresses, the most favourite 
 being the English military dress, with a cocked hat. About five 
 o'clock a procession is formed at the bridegroom's house, with 
 native " tom-toms," and sometimes a parody of an English band, 
 in the van. Then follow the fancy dressed children, mounted on 
 saddles of silver and gold. The invited gentlemen come next. 
 
12 
 
 with the bridegroom (if old enough to walk with some gravity), 
 and the high priest in the front line. The ladies follow the 
 gentlemen. If the bridegroom is not in the front line, he is 
 dressed in gold-spangled clothes, and rides between the gentle- 
 men and the ladies. Foremost among the ladies is the mother 
 of the bridegroom, with a large brass or silver plate or tray in 
 her hand, containing a suit of clothes for the bride. That is 
 the proudest and happiest moment of her life. The rear is 
 brought up by servants with children in their arms, and porters 
 with baskets of cocoa-nuts or other things on their heads. At 
 the bride's house, also, a number of persons are collected, to 
 receive the bridegroom and the procession. When the bride- 
 groom is at but a short distance from the house, a number of 
 ladies go forth to receive him. One of them — some near rela- 
 tion of the bride — carrying in her hand a pile of three or four 
 pots of tinned copper, or of brass or silver, approaches the bride- 
 groom, who puts his hand in the uppermost pot, and leaves a 
 rupee in it. The bride's ladies then mingle with the ladies of 
 the procession, which immedfately moves on. At every turn of 
 the streets that the procession passes a cocoa-mit is waved round 
 above the head of the bridegroom, broken, and then thrown 
 away, to be picked up by anybody that would like to do so. On 
 arriving at the house, the bridegroom is led to the door, the 
 gentlemen of the procession take their seats on the benches 
 provided for the purpose on the sides of the streets, and the 
 ladies stand behind the bridegroom at the door. At the threshold, 
 a lady from the house waves round over his head several times a 
 copper-brass plate, with some rice and water in it, throws the 
 contents under his feet, breaks an egg also at his feet, and wel- 
 comes him in with his right foot first. The fathers of the couple 
 sit side by side ; a blessing is pronounced upon them : the bride 
 is brought out, taken on the lap of her father-in-law, and pre- 
 sented with a gold or silver ornament. The wedding ceremony 
 now commences. All the ladies sit round on carpets ; the couple 
 are seated on two chairs, opposite to each other ; their right hands 
 are tied together with a delicate twine ; a cloth is held between 
 
13 
 
 them ; and a priest stands at the edge of it with a censer con- 
 taining fire in one hand, and some henjamin in the other. The 
 bride and bridegroom are required to watch his movements 
 closely. He says a prayer j and on coming to a certain word, he 
 puts the benjamin incense on the fire. The instant he does this, 
 the couple are required to throw on each other some rice that is 
 ready in their hands ; and whoever is sharp to do the feat first, is 
 the winner of the day. Round goes clapping of hands among 
 women in the house, and men out of it. After the more clever 
 of the couple is thus ascertained, they are placed side by side ; 
 two priests stand before them with a .witness on each side, 
 holding brass plates full of rice. The two priests then recite the 
 marriage blessing in Zend and Sanscrit, throwing at every 
 sentence some rice on the heads of the couple. In the midst of 
 the blessing comes a question to the bridegroom and bride, at a 
 little interval, " Have you espoused her ? " and " Have you 
 espoused him?" to which the replies come from them, as 
 prompted, " Yes, I have espoused him" or " her." The question is 
 put in Persian, and the reply is also given in the same language, 
 as prompted by the people around. When the couple are too 
 young to say the reply, even under any prompting, it is given by 
 the mothers. Neither the couple, nor the priests, nor the ladies 
 around understand a word of the whole blessing. When the 
 recitation is over, the sister of the bride, under the pretext of 
 washing the foot of the bridegroom with milk, steals away one of 
 his shoes, and does not return it till a rupee is presented to her. 
 The bride and bridegroom are afterwards made to partake of a 
 sweet dish, the bride giving a morsel to the bridegroom, and the 
 bridegroom giving to her, each instructed beforehand to eat only 
 very little, or not at all. The dish is somewhat pasty and semi- 
 liquid ; and each of the couple by turns is made to find out a ring 
 concealed in it by the other. They are also made to gamble a 
 little, and by these several tests the comparative merits of each 
 are ascertained, I dare say, to the great satisfaction of all, espe- 
 cially of the ladies. The ceremony being over, the procession, 
 with rows of lamps to light it, returns to the bridegroom's house. 
 
14 
 
 escorted by several friends of the bride's parents. The bride, 
 however, does not accompany him then. Peasting follows, and 
 the celebration of the wedding closes for the evening, though not 
 quite completely ; because after midnight the bridegroom, with 
 several friends, again goes to the bride's house;, in procession, aU 
 the ceremonies are nearly repeated, and he returns to his own 
 house with the bride, who then brings with her her dowry of 
 various articles of domestic use, &c. Eight days after the day 
 of the wedding another feast takes place, not quite so large as 
 before, but attended by friends and relations. 
 
 At these wedding feasts hundreds or thousands are sometimes 
 feasted. There are no tables or chairs. A long strip of cloth 
 about eighteen inches wide is spread upon the ground, and the 
 guests take their places in a row on it. Each is then furnished 
 with a piece of the plantain leaf, which he spreads before him ; 
 and the servants, with each eatable in a large quantity in a basin, 
 serve the line from one end to the other by means of aflat spoou. 
 After every dish is served in this manner, eating commences ; in 
 the course of which all the toasts from " Glory to God " down to 
 " Happiness to the Couple," and to the Host, are proclaimed, with 
 not half a dozen words of speechifying, by amateur toastmasters, 
 and responded to by the party by emptying their little copper 
 cups, ready filled by their side. As soon as on.e toast is drunk, 
 a number of servants and friends of the host, with bottles in their 
 hands, immediately apply themselves to replenish the emptied 
 cups for the next toast. No speechifying, except perhaps an 
 exclamation from some one of " May God bless them !" " Thank 
 God ! " or something of the kind. On the feasts of all days, 
 except the wedding-day, mutton or fowl is served. The wedding- 
 day feast, however, is almost vegetarian, with fish, and what else 
 of animal food could be brought in in the shape of various com- 
 binations of milk and eggs. 
 
 In this rough and hasty sketch of the marriage ceremonies I 
 am afraid I may not be very accurate in detail, or in the order of 
 time, having had to recall them to mind after many years. What 
 with presents of dress and ornaments, with feasting and cere- 
 
15 
 
 monies, the poorest man can hardly celebrate his son's marriage 
 under £80. The rich often spend large sums indeed. 
 
 There is neither bigamy nor polygamy amongst the Parsees, 
 They are simple monogamists. 
 
 When a Parsee dies, his body is immediately washed, taken 
 to the lowest floor, dressed, wrapped in clean but well- washed old 
 and white clothes, and laid on one or two stone slabs. By one 
 sect the legs are allowed to remain at their full length ; by 
 another, they are folded up at the knees, as in the position of 
 squatting. The professional bier-men bring an iron bier, and lay 
 it near the dead body. The bier is just a plain iron bedstead 
 without the canopy and the head and foot railing, standing very 
 low, only about six inches above the ground, and with two long 
 rods on each side, to rest on the shoulders of the bearers. The 
 ladies of the house, and acquaintances, all seat themselves within 
 doors, at a little distance from the body, on carpets. The men 
 of the house, and their friends, in numbers, sit on the outside of 
 the house, and in the streets, in long rows, on benches provided 
 for the purpose. A number of priests attend, and say prayers on 
 behalf of the dead. Two of them, selected for the occasion, 
 stand at the threshold of the door, opposite to the dead body and 
 the bier, and commence reciting certain seven chapters of the 
 Izashne, one of the Parsee religious books. In the midst of this 
 recitation, at a certain part of the prayers, the two priests turn 
 round, the attendants at the bier put the body on it, and a dog is 
 brought in to have a look at the body. After this, the two 
 priests turn towards the body again, and resume their recitations. 
 This over, and the priests having left the door, wailing and crying, 
 which had ceased for the time, recommence. All the male 
 friends of the deceased go to the door, bow down, and raise their 
 two hands from touching the floor to their head, indicative of 
 their deepest respect for the departed. The body, after being put 
 on the bier, is covered over from head to foot by more clothes. 
 The two attendants at the bier bring it out of the house, holding 
 it low in their hands, and deliver it over to four more bearers 
 outside, the attendants at the bier, as well as the bearers, being 
 
16 
 
 all dressed in well washed, clean, white, but old clothes. All the 
 people present stand up while the body is taken out of the house, 
 and bow to it in respect as it passes by. A procession is soon 
 formed, by several friends of the deceased, and a number of priests 
 in their full dress, to follow the body to the Dokhma. Those 
 forming the procession prepare themselves to say prayers on 
 behalf of the dead during the journey, by having beforehand said 
 their "Kusti" prayers. On arriving at the Dokhma, which is 
 generally at some distance out of the town, on a high place on 
 the top of a hill, the bier is laid down at a little distance from its 
 door. Certain prayers are again recited ; and not the. bearers, 
 but the two professional attendants who had officiated at the 
 house, and ^ho had also followed the body, take it into the 
 Dokhma. The body then is taken from the bier and placed on 
 the stony bed ; the sheets are torn from it ; and it is laid exposed 
 to be destroyed and devoured by the vultures hovering above, 
 ready to pounce upon it. These vultures are purposely brought 
 and kept there. 
 
 The Dokhma is a round building, and is designated by some 
 writers " The Tower of Silence." A round pit, about six feet 
 deep, is surrounded by an annular stone pavement, about seven 
 feet wide, on which the dead bodies are placed. This space is 
 enclosed all round by a wall some twenty feet high, with a small 
 door on one side for taking the body in. The whole is built up 
 of and paved with stone. The pit has communication with three 
 or more closed pits, at some distance, into which the rain washes 
 out the liquids and the remains of the dead bodies. During the 
 hot season, the stones being very much heated, the remains are 
 fast dried up. These Dokhmas are always erected on high, airy 
 places on the tops of hills; so that they do not prove such 
 nuisances as might at first sight appear they should. 
 
 During the time that the body is being deposited in the 
 Dokhma, the people accompanying the funeral occupy them- 
 selves in reciting the prayers of the occasion ; then they return 
 home. 
 
 The third day after the death, a great assemblage takes place in 
 
17 
 
 the afternoon at the house of the friends of the deceased, from 
 whence they proceed in a body to the fire temple. In a large hall 
 of the temple carpets are spread, and as many as can be accommo- 
 dated then sit on them. On one side of the hall are placed several 
 trays of flowers, and two censers of fire. The priests appointed 
 for the ceremony recite certain prayers, standing opposite to the 
 fire urns and flowers. After this ceremony is over, the son, or 
 the adopted son, of the deceased stands stooping before the high 
 priest, who makes him promise the due performance of all the 
 religious duties and obsequies to the deceased. The friends of 
 the deceased then declare or read a list of contributions to the 
 several charities of the place, in memory of the departed, which 
 concludes the " Oothmana " (the rising from mourning), as this 
 third day's ceremony is called. On the fourth day a feast is 
 made, more especially for the priests, and friends are also invited 
 to it. The tenth day and the thirtieth day, the first and every suc- 
 ceeding anniversary, have their respective ceremonies, chiefly con- 
 sisting of prayers said upon a certain number of flat round 
 unleavened cakes of wheat, about four inches in diameter, and 
 one-eighth of an inch thick, with fruit and flowers. At the end 
 of every year occur certain holidays, entirely devoted to ceremonies 
 for the dead. An iron framework is put up in a well cleaned and 
 whitewashed room, and filled with fruits. Before the frame, on 
 iron stands, are placed copper or silver pots, filled with water, and 
 covered over with flowers. The water is changed at least four 
 times during the holidays, which continue for eighteen days. 
 Prayers are said before the iron frame, &c., two or three times 
 a day. These observances are called the ceremonies of the 
 " Mooctads," (the departed souls) . The last day of the year 
 and the new year's day, which are both days of prayers and 
 rejoicing, happen about the middle of these holidays. 
 
 Each day of the month is named after God and other angels. 
 Each month is also named after an angel. Now the day that 
 has the same name with the month is a holiday. There are 
 thus twelve holidays in the year. Six times in the yeax occur the 
 Ghumbars, or general feasts, each lasting for five days, in which 
 
18 
 
 all, high and low, are expected to mingle together in perfect 
 equality. These Ghumbars are a sort of semi-holiday. Besides 
 these, as I have mentioned above, there are the eighteen Mooctad 
 holidays, ilicluding the five days of the last but the most impor- 
 tant of the six Ghumbars. These Ghumbars are originally the 
 feasts of the different seasons. There is no fasting or personal 
 penance among the Parsees. All holidays are employed in feasting, 
 rejoicings, and prayers. 
 
 The system of naming among the Parsees is somewhat dif- 
 ferent from that of Englishmen. The astrologer, after casting the 
 horoscope of a child, and determining the planet under whose 
 influence he is born, decides his name. This name is the child's 
 proper name, and whenever he, either as child or grown-iip man, 
 is addressed by a single name, it is with this his own name. For 
 purposes of a full name for documents, or address in and on 
 letters, his father's name follows, and sometimes also the family 
 surname. Every family has a surname, but it is not in ordinary 
 use, except for important legal documents. My name is Dadabhai, 
 which is the name given to me on my birth. My father's name 
 is Naoroji, given to him in the same way. My surname, or family 
 name, is Dodi. Now I am always addressed in conversation, 
 not Naoroji, but Dadabhai. In letters, D. Naoroji is incorrect ; 
 the name must be full, Dadabhai Naoroji ; and in any important 
 legal documents, I may sign Dadabhai Naoroji Dodi. 
 
 The Parsees do not eat anything cooked by a person of another 
 religion. They, however, manage to have no objection to eat 
 sweetmeats and confectionary made by other people. They do 
 not eat beef, or pork, or hare. With this exception their diet or 
 drink is in every way like that of Englishmen. They do not 
 smoke at all. Perhaps they are the only people on earth that do 
 not smoke, though the indulgence is available to them. 
 
 All prayers, on every occasion, are said, or rather recited, in 
 the old, original Zend language, neither the reciter nor the 
 people around intended to be edified understanding a lyord of it. 
 There is no pulpit among the Parsees. On several occasions, as 
 on the occasion of the Ghumbars, the third day's ceremonies for 
 
19 
 
 the dead, and other religious or special holidays, there are assem- 
 blages ia the temple; prayers are repeated, in which more or less 
 join, but^ there is no discourse in the vernacular of the people. 
 Ordinarily, every one goes to the tire temple whenever he likes, 
 or if it is convenient for him, recites his prayers himself, and as 
 long as he likes, and gives, if so inclined, something to the priests 
 to pray for him. 
 
 The Parsees always keep their head and feet covered. This 
 circumstance often leads to unpleasant misunderstandings 
 between the Parsees and the English oflScials in India. It is the 
 custom of the Hindoos to take off their shoes on entering a room 
 when they mean to show respect. The oflBcials in the Moffussil, 
 accustomed to this custom of the Hindoos, feel themselves insulted 
 when a Parsee unconsciously enters the room without taking off 
 his shoes at the door, and consider him an insulting, disrespectful 
 fellow. Herein England, a Parsee, on the other hand, runs the 
 risk of being insulted by a policeman at the door of the court- 
 house or such other place. According to his custom, he shews 
 his respect for the court by keeping his hat or turban on, and 
 the policeman pokes him from behind, and orders him to take it 
 off. At home, when the Parsee takes off his upper outdoor dress, 
 he keeps a skull-cap on his head, such as the one you see here, 
 and which he always has beneath his turban. 
 
 The Parsee's-mode of salutation is to raise up the right hand 
 to the head, and not simply to nod the head. Where great 
 respect is to be shewn, or obeisance to be made, both hands are 
 brought close to each other, and first touching the ground, are 
 brought to the forehead, the head and back during the time 
 remaining bent. 
 
 There are two castes among the Parsees — the priests and the 
 laity. The son of a priest is not bound to become a priest; he 
 may follow any profession he chooses ; but it is only the son of a 
 priest that can become a priest. Priesthood is thus altogether 
 hereditary, and a caste; there is no means by which a layman 
 can have admission to it. The high priest is called the " Dustoor ;" 
 the others are called " Mobed." There is, besides, a schism into 
 
20 
 
 two sects, quite of a recent origin, perhaps only a quarter of a 
 century old. The difference arose from the simple circumstance 
 of the difference in the calculation of the length of a year. The 
 new sect calling themselves the " Kudeemees," or the Ancients, 
 broached that the practice of " Kubeesa," that is, of adding a 
 month after one hundred and twenty years, now existing among 
 the Parsees, has no authority in their religious books. The 
 old sect, designated the " Shenshaees," that is, the " Royal," main- 
 tain that this practice is both scientific and religious. The addi- 
 tion of the month in one hundred and twenty years, as you will 
 perceive, makes up for your leap year. The controversy continued 
 for some time both bitter and loud, sometimes leading to open 
 fracas. A portion at last seceded, and founded the sect called 
 the " Kudeemees." 
 
 The "Kudeemees" and "Shenshaees" are the names assumed 
 by each themselves. As opponents, they have given to each other 
 different names. The new sect are called in derision the " Choori- 
 gars," that is, " makers of ivory bangles for women," because these 
 artisans first espoused their cause. The others are called " Bus- 
 mees" by their opponents, which means " tied down by customs." 
 
 The priests dress themselves entirely in white, with the excep- 
 tion of the shoes. At holy officiations they do not use leather 
 shoes, but wooden ones, something like the Roman sandal, of 
 the form of the foot, an inch high, with a wooden peg between 
 the two first toes, to hold by. The priests do not shave either 
 their head, or any part of their face. 
 
 In this short sketch of the customs and manners of the Parsees 
 I have studiously avoided, as much as possible, even at the sacrifice 
 of effect, any expression calculated to tinge it with the colour of 
 my own opinions about them. I have endeavoured to give you as 
 correct an account as I could of the customs as they were or are 
 now existing among the portion called the " old class," and more 
 or less among the whole body. I shall now try to represent to 
 you, as faithfully as I can, the opinions of the " young class " 
 about the same. 
 
21 
 
 About the " Sudra" and " Kusti" no question has been openly 
 raised^ though doubts have sometimes been expressed whether 
 one could not be a true Zurthoshtee without the " Sudra" and 
 " Kusti." 
 
 The " Nirang " has been the subject of a long and somewhat 
 bitter controversy. The reformers maintain that there is no 
 authority whatever in the original books of Zurthosht for the 
 observance of this dirty practice, but that it is altogether a later 
 introduction. The old adduce the authority of the works of some 
 of the priests of former days, and say the practice ought to be 
 observed. They quote one passage from the Zend Avesta corro- 
 borative of their opinion, which their opponents deny as at all 
 bearing upon the point. The consequence of this controversy 
 seems to have been that the young have almost all given up the 
 practice, and many of the old have their faith shaken in the 
 efficacy of Nirang to drive away Satan and purify themselves. 
 
 The frequent saying of the " Kusti" prayers, and the necessity 
 of bathing after being shaved, are in a great degree being done 
 away with by the young class, as unnecessary and not enjoined. 
 The question, however, has not been openly mooted. The institu- 
 tion of early betrothal and marriage has been much discussed, and 
 seems likely to be abolished in time. The association of ladies at 
 the domestic family dinner table is gradually becoming more 
 general. But when, two years ago, the first attempt was made to 
 admit ladies to the drawing and dinner room, to associate with 
 other friends, loud clamour was raised against the " dangerous 
 innovation." The principal argument, and which to the old class 
 was most telling, was the alleged bad consequence of such a social 
 institution among Englishmen. The cases of divorce and marriage 
 delinquencies, published in the papers, were adduced as proofs. 
 The cry was loud and abusive, and the sensation general. But 
 those who introduced the custom were too sensible and bold to be 
 easily dissuaded or frightened into abandoning it. I do not mean 
 to do the injustice to say that the whole body was against this 
 social reform. Many approved of it, and were satisfied both as to 
 the justice and desirability of it ; but, either from fear of the public 
 
22 
 
 abuse of some of the scurrilous newspaper writers, or of introducing 
 discord in their families, when the whole family circle did not 
 happen to be of one opinion, the step has not been so well followed 
 up by others as was expected. 
 
 But one great and eflfective move has been made, which bids 
 fair to sweep away all superstitious and unsocial customs among 
 the Parsees. The claim of woman to a good education has not 
 only been put forward, but fully admitted, and acceded to. 
 
 The opposition, when girls' schools were first opened by a few 
 volunteer teachers, teaching during their leisure hours, was strong. 
 Twelve years have since passed away ; and some of the very per- 
 sons who were most vehement in their opposition have themselves 
 now taken into their own hands the management, safe preservation 
 and growth of these schools. The feeling and conviction is now 
 almost universal among the Parsees that it is both right and bene- 
 ficial that woman should be educated, and her position raised from 
 the mere drudge of the house to the partnership of the domestic 
 sovereignty and social enjoyment. The young class base their 
 hopes for all social reforms among the Parsees upon the success of 
 this important step. When the schools were first opened, several 
 that may not be said to belong to the new class not only approved 
 of the movement, but supported it both with their purse and 
 influence. The general feeling, however, was opposed to it. 
 The young volunteers were, besides, very much encouraged to 
 persevere, by the moral, and in some instances active, support 
 rendered them by several Englishmen of position and influence. 
 
 There is one difficulty, however, yet to be surmounted — the 
 want of female teachers — before Parsee girls can derive the full 
 benefit of the education given in these schools. At present, a girl 
 enters school when about six years old, and leaves it before she is 
 eleven or twelve. The institution of early betrothal and marriage 
 is at present an obstacle to the supply of female teachers. One 
 school, however, is at present conducted by a girl who has had her 
 own education in the same school. 
 
 I cannot in this Paper enter into the details of the history of 
 this social revolution among the Parsees. I can only refer the 
 
23 
 
 more curious to the reports of the proceedirigs of the Student 
 Literary and Scientific Society connected with the Elphinstone 
 College of Bombay. 
 
 Chairs, tables, crockery, glass, and plate are rapidly displacing 
 the old mat or bench, the copper tray and dishes and pots, and 
 the fingers. The custom of necessarily washing the hands after 
 taking a meal, should the lips or the inner part of the mouth be 
 touched either by the hand or by the spoon, is not much observed 
 by the Young Class ; they wash only when the hands are actually 
 soiled. When they use knives, forks, or spoons, they say it is 
 not at all necessary to wash their hands, of course to the very 
 great displeasure and disgust of the old gentlemen. 
 
 Many of the customs and ceremonies in connection with 
 marriages, says the Young Class, are ruinously expensive, and 
 altogether unnecessary, and not at all Parsee ; they are almost 
 all of them taken from the Hindoos. To abolish them, and bring 
 the Parsees to their old good and simple ways, an association has 
 been formed, to discuss and show the reasons why Parsees should 
 have nothing whatever to do with them, as being neither enjoined 
 by their religious books, nor authorised by the practice of their 
 Persian ancestors. This association is named " The Rahanumaee 
 Mazdiashna." Rahanumaee means The Guide; and Mazdi- 
 ashnans means Worshippers of God. They hold public meetings, 
 read papers, and allow anybody present to discuss. They after- 
 wards publish these papers, and distribute them gratis in large 
 numbers. This society endeavours to reduce weddings to the 
 simple ceremony of the marriage vow and blessing ; the feasting 
 to moderate limits ; the ceremonies connected with the dead to 
 simple prayers, doing away entirely with the expensive practice 
 of making sweetmeats, &c., for the ofFerings to the departed. 
 
 The opposition to these reformers has not only been very 
 strong and bitter, but active and organised. An Anti-Raha- 
 numaee Society was at last formed by the advocates of the old 
 customs. This society calls itself " Raherastnumaee Mazdi- 
 ashna," meaning The true Guides, in contradistinction to the 
 other body, who, they say, are false guides to the Mazdiashnans. 
 
24 
 
 The promoters of these two bodies met together for public 
 discussion on several occasions, published pamphlets to refute 
 each other's views ; and the result has been that the reformers 
 found themselves the more strengthened by the intolerant 
 bigotry and weakness of the arguments of their opponents. 
 
 Most of the Hindoo and expensive ceremonies and customs 
 are now in a fair way of being swept away. A generation hence, 
 the wedding and funeral ceremonies of the Parsees will, I hope, 
 be as simple and rational as those of any other people. The 
 third day ceremony and the fourth day feast, after the death of 
 a person, and several other ceremonies not truly Zurthoshtee, 
 bid fair to become soon things of the past. At this very 
 moment there are several customs and ceremonies prevalent 
 among one portion which are partially or wholly unknown to 
 another. The schoolmaster is abroad, and "reform and pro- 
 gress " is the order of the day. God speed them, is the heaxty 
 prayer of one who is proud of his race and hopeful of its 
 destiny.