a £> ' / . u- , Vj v /?p_= CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 050 004 567 rt* All books are subject to recall after two weeks. Olin/Kroch Library DATE DUE ! {*&&£&£ Hfcr GAYLORD PRINTED INU.SA Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924050004567 THE HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH THE HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH CANTERBURY A MONOGRAPH REV. CHARLES FRANCIS ROUTLEDGE M.A., F.S.A. HONORARY CANON OF CANTERBURY HER MAJESTY'S INSPECTOR OF SCHOOLS CHURCHWARDEN OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH " Kings shall be thy nursing fathers, and their Queens thy nursing mothers." — Isaiah xlix. 23. LONDON KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER, & CO., Lt? 1891 T/5e rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved. .THIS MONOGRAPH is 2>e£>fcate& •TO EDWARD, LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, [an eminent scholar and antiquary, AND TO THE MEMBERS OF THE CONGREGATION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH, FROM WHOM THE AUTHOR] HAS RECEIVED UNVARYING KINDNESS AND SYMPATHETIC ASSISTANCE DURING A PERIOD OF MORE THAN TWENTY YEARS. PREFACE. It was remarked by a visitor to St. Martin's Church only a few days ago, that a " book ought to be written about its antiquities." The same feeling has been held by the present writer for many years; and as early as 1881 he began to collect materials, which the somewhat laborious duties of an official life and the pressure of various occupations has hitherto prevented him from arranging and bringing into shape. The fact of no History of such a venerable Church having been previously written, appeared to him as incomprehensible as it does now to the numerous pilgrims from England, America, and France, until he ventured to undertake the task ; and then the reason became abundantly evident. St. Martins is the scene of one great historical event, and of one only. Dating from pre-historic times, a living monument of the remote past, it has never since emerged from comparative ob- scurity except in its temporary association with viii PREFACE. the title of the " Chorepiscopi " before the Norman Conquest. Consequently, from the narrative of Bede to that of Somner in the seventeenth century, its annals are almost blank for a period of nearly a thousand years. The amusing and interesting references usually gleaned from ancient " Archi- diaconal Visitation Registers " are wanting, because the Church was exempt from the jurisdiction of the Archdeacon of Canterbury, and the Archi- episcopal Visitations were, as a rule, merely dio- cesan and not parochial, so that we can derive little assistance from the archives at Lambeth. Yet it seemed to the author worth while to compose a continuous narrative bearing in some degree on the story of early English Christianity, the state of Roman Canterbury, the occupation of Kent by the heathen Jutes, and the mission of St. Augustine — all more or less directly connected with his subject. He has also been enabled par- tially to fill up the blank in mediaeval times by an exhaustive investigation into the pre-Reforma- tion wills of parishioners of St. Martin's, and has attempted to give a complete account of anti- quarian objects of interest, which still serve to make the Church supremely interesting to archae- ologists. Chapter I., on the introduction of Christianity into Britain and the condition of the British PREFACE. ix Church, is chiefly derived from the invaluable work of Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs, " Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents," which is the storehouse from which all subsequent writers have derived their information. In Chapter II. he has consulted, and freely made use of, Stubbs 1 " Constitutional History of Eng- land," Kemble's " Saxons in England," Sharon Turner's " History of the Anglo-Saxons in Eng- land," and, in a smaller degree, of the historical works of Mr. Green, Mr. Freeman, and others. In Chapter III. he is fully aware that he has to embark on an unenviable comparison with Dean Stanley's " Memorials of Canterbury," but he may claim in almost all cases to have consulted the original sources from which Dean Stanley borrowed his facts, though not his fascinating style. He has also supplied fresh material with regard to the Baptism of Ethelbert and the account of the celebrated St. Martin's font. The succeeding chapters in the main comprehend either information now for the first time brought to light, or a fuller discussion than has hitherto been made of various antiquities existing in the church. He is also indebted to Horsley's " Britannia Romana," Mr. T. Godfrey Faussetfs " Canterbury till Domesday," Scarth's " Roman Britain," Grant x PREFACE, Allen's " Anglo-Saxon Britain," Hasted's~ M " Kent," and other books which it would be ^tedious] to enumerate. Among living persons, he must express his spe- cial thanks to Dr. J. Brigstocke Sheppard, to whose learning and patient research he is indebted for the extracts from pre- Reformation wills, and also for many kind hints and suggestions ; to Canon Scott Robertson, Canon Jenkins, Mr. E. P. Loftus Brock, Father Morris, Mr. De Gray Birch, and other friends with whom he has been in constant correspondence. As to his own qualifications for the task, small though they are from the point of view of anti- quarian lore, the writer may humbly state that he has lived within a stone's throw of St. Martin's Church for twenty-one years ; that he has studied carefully every part of the structure ; that by the kindness and courtesy of succeeding Rectors he has been allowed not only to officiate constantly at Divine service, but also to make excavations and explorations both inside and outside the Church ; and, finally, that he loves the Church and its asso- ciations with an enthusiastic love. He appeals to the consideration of critics, in this his first literary effort, not to judge him too harshly, but to deal leniently with his mistakes. If it has been his privilege, in a small degree, to bring many inte- PREFACE. xi resting discoveries to light, and, by sheer perse- verance and zeal, to find concealed Roman remains, he will conclude in the touching words of Somner : " Thus you have, gentle readers, our discoveries with the circumstances, and the use my little skill will serve me to make of them in point of history. Arcana they are, but whether tanti — whether, I mean, grateful or useful to the public — is left to the judicious Antiquaries, who are desired to take the matter where the Historian has left it. It hath been the finder's care and good-will, as to pre- serve, so to expose and communicate what he hath found ; and if by the skill and dexterity of the learned a fuller discovery may be added, for the benefit of the Commonwealth of Learning, the finder and relater will think his time and pains very well bestowed and recompensed." St. Martin's, Canterbury, Easter 189 1. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE INTRODUCTION , . . . . . . I EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN CHAPTER II. CANTERBURY IN THE ROMAN PERIOD . . 32 KENT BETWEEN 410'AND 597 A.D. . 42 CHAPTER III. THE MISSION OF ST. AUGUSTINE . . • • 57 THE BAPTISM OF KING ETHELBERT 69 CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE 84 CHAPTER V. DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH (EXTERIOR) . .119 DESCRIPTION OF CHURCH (INTERIOR) .... I49 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. MODERN RESTORATION, AND MISCELLANEOUS 105 THE RELATIVE ANTIQUITY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH 175 APPENDIX . . 1S3 THE HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH, CANTERBURY. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. St. Martin's Church is situated on a gently sloping hill, about a thousand yards due east of the Cathedral. To one looking from the elevated ter- race which bounds its churchyard, the panorama is exceedingly picturesque and beautiful. In the dis- tance rises a range of low wooded hills that almost encircle Canterbury, and the conspicuous building of Hales' Place, now the Jesuits' College ; while beneath is spread in a hollow the city itself with its red-tiled roofs interspersed with patches of green, the Library and twin towers of St. Augus- tine's Abbey, and above all the massive Cathedral, with " Becket's Crown " in the foreground, and the central " Bell Harry " tower lifting out of the morn- ing's mist its magnificent pinnacles and tracery. The prospect to Dean Stanley's eye was "one 2 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. of the most inspiriting that could be found in the world," because of its religious associations, and its reminder that great and lasting good could spring from the smallest beginning. But even in its phy- sical aspect it is one that, in England at least, can seldom be surpassed; and in olden times (before it was blocked by the neighbourhood of useful though inartistic public institutions) the view must have been even more grand and extensive, as the church stood in almost solitary grandeur, a permanent brick and stone edifice above the wooden buildings nestling among thickets of ash — fit emblem of the durability of Divine, as compared with the perishable nature of human institutions. It must even then have been somewhat of a marvel, on account of the rarity of its construction at that early epoch, when churches were usually built of hewn oak, and the stone church of St. Ninian's at Whitherne is specially mentioned by Bede as having been erected " in a manner unusual among the Britons." The hill itself, on its northern and eastern sides, is honeycombed with springs, from which down to a late period the city was supplied with water. We can imagine it studded here and there with Roman villas, of which some remains in the shape of tes- selated pavements were discovered two or three centuries ago — and crowned possibly by a small INTRODUCTION. 3 Roman encampment, while the church, situated only a few yards off the road to Richborough, would frequently have been seen and admired by soldiers on their march from the sea-coast to the great for- tress of London, or the southern stations at Lympne and Dover. Its historical charter dates from the well-known passage of Bede : " There was on the east side of the city a church dedicated to the honour of St. Martin, built of old while the Romans were still inhabiting Britain," — and from early times it cannot fail to have been an interesting relic to successive generations, not only as having held aloft the light of the Gospel during the period of Roman occupa- tion, but as being the cradle of English as distinct from British Christianity, though I am aware that this prerogative is claimed for the Island of Lin- disfarne. Imagination would picture to itself the reverence felt for so sacred and venerable a spot ; yet the fact remains, that up to the last ten years the present church has been regarded simply as a memorial of the past, a monument erected on the site of the ancient edifice, and reproducing some of its charac- teristic materials. A careful writer, for instance, on Gothic archi- tecture, 1 after giving a sketch of its history and 1 Matthew H. Bloxham. 4 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. ancient fame, declares that it was rebuilt in the twelfth or thirteenth century, though to all appear- ance with the materials of the original church. Even Dean Stanley, who cherished for it a fond and enthusiastic love, assures us that old as the present church is, "it is of far later date than Bertha's Chapel ; " while so close an observer of archaeological facts as the late Mr. Thomas Wright sweeps away all question as to its traditional conti- nuity by stating boldly that " not a trace of Chris- tianity is found among the innumerable religious and sepulchral monuments of the Roman period in Britain ! " Not without cause does Mr. Loftus Brock shrewdly observe, that " these are conclusions too hastily arrived at, and antiquaries should ever remember that their facts of to-day may receive fresh additions and illustrations " (he might have added, fresh cor- rections) " from the discoveries of to-morrow," — for since 1880 a series of explorations carried out both above and below ground, and a minute investi- gation into the character of the existing mortar, have proved almost conclusively that portions of the original structure mentioned by Bede are still standing to the height of several feet, and that the present walls were not only consecrated by the preaching, and actually touched by the hand, of St. Augustine, but may be traced back to a period INTRODUCTION. 5 of some two or three hundred years before his mission to England. St. Martin's Church, as we now see it, has suffered much from renovation, and more from apathy ; but, surviving the culpable neglect of the last few cen- turies, when it almost became what Mr. Ruskin would call " an interesting ruin," and its well-inten- tioned but inharmonious restoration in the Early English period — surviving the innovating vigour of Norman architects, the devastation inflicted on Canterbury by Danish invaders, the savage destruc- tiveness of the Jutes, and its apparent disuse for about a hundred and eighty years after the Roman exodus from Britain, it has been preserved (as we hope to show hereafter) a venerable and genuine relic of Romano-British Christianity. On its Altar continuously for thirteen centuries has been offered the sacrifice of the Holy Eucharist, and the worship of Almighty God has been carried on beneath the shadow of its sacred walls even when faith grew cold within, and enemies were attacking religion from without. History is silent as to its builder — silent as to the exact date of its foundation. In the simple words of Fuller, " The Light of the Word shone here, but we know not who kindled it." 6 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Early Christianity in Britain. origin of The mere fact of the existence of such a church £ h Britafn. ty involves of necessity the further question as to its immediate origin, whether it be attributed to Roman Christians, or to British converts working under the direct influence, if not the direct superintendence, of their conquerors. The introduction of Christianity into Britain, whether from the East or from the West, is therefore so cognate to our subject, that, for the purpose of elucidation, we may be pardoned for making a short digression upon it, even though we shall of necessity recapitulate facts well known to the students of antiquity, though not perhaps to the general reader. It is indeed difficult in early traditions and allusions to dissociate fact from fiction, history from legend, genuine documents from forgeries, so eager were the so-called writers of Ecclesiastical History to advance their theories, even at the expense of truth, intercourse No educated person at the present time believes between Rome and that " St. Augustine introduced Christianity into Britain. ° J England," which was taught in school-histories not so many years ago (as I can testify from personal observation) ; but when we endeavour to substitute another name for his, we are brought to a stand-still. We are indeed certain of one fact, which we learn from secular historians, viz., that in apostolic times EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 7 there was frequent communication between Rome and Britain. After the first conquest of Britain, Roman governors were sent in almost uninterrupted succession — and with them would come of course legions or cohorts, perhaps even some of the Prae- torian soldiers in whose company the Apostle St. Paul lived for a considerable time during the reign of Nero. British chieftains were taken prisoners to Rome, and their sons sent there as hostages. Some few Romans, too, such as Seneca, held large posses- sions in the island. Stories, at least, and reports of Christianity would therefore have been brought over in the first century, and there were probably individual Christians either among the numerous soldiers quartered here, or among returned captives. It is not likely that at so early an epoch they formed themselves into regular societies or congregations, still less that they erected for themselves perma- nent places of worship ; for church-building, as it is generally understood, did not begin, even at Rome, before the fourth century, and it would have taken a few years to spread thence to Gaul, and from Gaul to Britain. But the whole subject is involved in much ob- scurity, and though various writers have investi- gated it, not one of them has come to a satisfactory conclusion. They treat legends and traditions as unhistorical and untrustworthy, but fail to account 8 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. for existing facts by anything more substantial. It is not unnatural, therefore, that some people should become impatient and wearied of purely negative criticism, and contend that traditions, though fre- quently incapable of proof, are not on that account to be dismissed as absolutely worthless, and may even be probable and deserving of acceptance. Testimony That Christianity did exist in Britain from the to existence °f e ? rl y . earliest times, in a more or less settled form, can Christianity ' . ' .n Britain. narc iiy De gainsaid, whatever be the origin and date of its introduction. In the words of the historian Gildas, " Christ, the true Sun, offered His rays {i.e., His precepts) to this island, benumbed with icy coldness, and lying far distant from the visible Sun — I do not mean from the sun of the temporal firmament, but from the Sun of the highest arch of heaven, existing before all time." Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs (in their "Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents") have brought together a string of testimony with reference to the ancient British Church. In some points it may seem weak or partially irrelevant, but it is the fruit of accurate and learned research, and in accumulation has much weight. They remind us how Tertullian, early in the third century, speaks of Christianity having penetrated into parts of the island not yet sub- jugated to the Roman rule (" Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca, Christo vero subdita "), and says that EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 9 a people " bearing the name of Christ " lived there — how Origen, about thirty years later, asks in one of his Homilies (in Ezek.), " When, before the coming of Christ, did the land of Britain agree in the worship of the one God ? " and declares in another Homily that the "Virtue of the Lord our Saviour is also with those who, in Britain, are separated from our world " — and how Eusebius (315 A.D.) mentions, though without adopting, the report that " some of the disciples passed across the ocean to what were called the British Isles." We have accounts also of the martyrdom of St. st. Allan's Alban during the Diocletian persecution (a.D. 304), when the Emperor ordered the destruction of churches and the confiscation of lands belonging to them, as well as the slaughter of individual worshippers. These records do not indeed rest on contemporary evidence, but the story may be traced back as far as 429 A.D. (within a hundred and twenty-five years of the date), and is fully accepted by Constantius in the fifth, by Gildas in the sixth century, and by Venantius Fortunatus (A.D. 580) in the familiar line — " Egregium Albanum fecunda Britannia profert." This local tradition about the " first martyr of Eng- land " may thus lay claim to a respectable antiquity. Dean Milman sees no reason for calling in question io HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. its historic reality, and it cannot reasonably be con- sidered a mere idle legend. As a memorial of it, a church was built in Verulam at a very early period. It is with reference to this epoch of the Diocle- tian persecution that Bede, evidently reproducing the substance, if not the very words, of the older historian Gildas, describes how the faithful Chris- tians, who, during the time of the persecution, had hidden themselves in woods and deserts and caves, appeared again afterwards in public, rebuilt the churches which had been levelled with the ground, founded, erected, and finished the temples of the holy martyr, and displayed their conquering ensigns in all places. Early After this period we come to surer ground. At Councils. r a the Council of Aries (a.D. 314) three British bishops were almost undoubtedly present, and their very names and dioceses are given — Eborius, Bishop of York ; Restitutus, Bishop of London ; and Adelfius, Bishop either of Lincoln or Caerleon-on-Usk. This Council was summoned by Constantine the Great to condemn the heresies of the Donatists, " that the efficiency of the Sacrament depended entirely upon the character of the minister, that personal sins invalidated sacred functions," and so on. Whether British bishops were actually present at the great Council of Nicea (a.D. 325) cannot be positively proved, because the complete list of bishops taking EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. n part in that Council is lost ; but that they assented to its decrees we know on the testimony of St. Athanasius and of the Emperor Constantine him- self. Shortly afterwards, Hilary (358 A.D.) salutes, amongst others, " the bishops of the British pro- vinces," and congratulates them that " they have remained undefiled in the Lord, and uninjured by all contagion of detestable heresy." But without going into too minute particulars, we may state that British bishops were probably present at the Coun- cil of Sardica (A.D. 347), and certainly joined that Council in acquitting St. Athanasius, as related by St. Athanasius himself in his Apology against the Arians — and that they took part in the Council of Ariminum (359 A.D.), when, on account of the poverty of their Sees, they were content to accept the imperial allowance made by Constantius, son of Constantine the Great. But from this date it is unnecessary to multiply references in proof that there was an organised Church in Britain with its diocesan bishops; and we need only allude to the testimony of St. Chrysostom (" the British Isles have felt the power of the Word, for even there churches and altars have been erected "), of Jerome, Pudentius, Orosius, Theodoret, and others (all between 386 and 423 A.D.). The conversion of the Southern Picts by Ninian, Bishop of Whitherne — the visits of German us, Bishop 12 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. of Tours, to Verulam, Oxford, Wales, and else- where — the mission of St. Patrick to Ireland, and of Bishop Palladius to confirm the faith of the Scots — the pilgrimage of British Christians to the Holy Land, and even the fact of the Pelagian heresy being propagated by a Briton — all equally testify to the existence of bodies of Christians in these islands during the early centuries, even though we may believe that they were scanty in numbers and poor in wealth, and that Gildas was drawing largely on his imagination when he describes the Church as " spread over the nation, organised, endowed, having sacred edifices and altars, the three orders of the ministry and monastic institutions, embracing the people of all ranks and classes, and having its own version of the Bible, and its own ritual." There can be no manner of doubt that this Church was independent of Rome, as may be shown in the resistance offered by the bishops and priests to St. Augustine afterwards ; the rivalry between Rome and Iona ; the disputes as to the cut of the tonsure, and the time of keeping the Easter celebration ; the large number of saints whose names survive in Wales, Cornwall, and elsewhere, all of whom were unknown to Rome, and so on. We may refer on this point to Bishop Lightfoot's " Leaders of the Northern Church," more especially his account of St. Columba and St. Aidan. EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 13 It is often suggested that British Christianity was originally derived from the East, from Asia Minor to Gaul perhaps, and thence by way of Gaul to Britain; though others have supposed that it came by Scandinavia, and that the northern portions of our island were converted before the southern, and then (as afterwards) sent missions to the latter. " The Runic crosses (says Canon Jenkins) in the extreme North, and the Byzantinism which the Saxon rather imitated from earlier teaching than actually introduced, seem to point to this conclusion." Yet the natural question still arises, " By w horn Traditions as ~» t^i • to t ^ le i ntro - was it introduced ? I he attempt to answer this auction of Christianity. question must necessarily bring us into conflict with local traditions, and violently disturb pious and harmless beliefs. We may dismiss at once the claims of St. Peter and Simon Zelotes, which have not even the shadow of probability to recommend them, while those of St. John and of Aristobulus rest upon the vaguest statements. One may feel greater com 7 punction in discrediting the story that Joseph of Arimathea was sent to Britain by the Apostle St. Philip about the year 63 A.D., settled with his brother disciples at Avallonia (afterwards called Glastonbury), and founded there a monastery, striking his staff into the earth and making it burst like Aaron's rod into leaf, and bloom with the blossom of the Holy Thorn. It is astonishing with H HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. what credence this romance has been received, and how many have clung to, it, when we consider that the legend is not recorded till the writings of William of Malmesbury in the twelfth century. There can be no doubt that among students and antiquaries the story is thoroughly exploded, st. Paul. The same may perhaps be said about all apostolic visits to Britain. The possibility of St. Paul having preached here has always been a popular theory. It has been exhaustively discussed by Collier in his " Ecclesiastical History," by Bishop Burgess, and by many subsequent writers, who have played lovingly with the idea, as if they not only wished but believed it to be true. It has indeed some sort of traditional authority, however inferential and indefinite we may consider it, and the arguments (such as they are) in favour of it are based on the following grounds. St. Clement of Rome writes about St. Paul, with whom he was contemporary, having preached "in the East and the West" — and that he taught the whole world, "to the extreme limit of the West." Statements of similar character are made by Basil, Bishop of Seleucia, and others, as well as by Euse- bius, whom I have already quoted — while Theodoret (423 A.D.) in an eloquent passage declares that " Our fishermen and publicans and the leather- worker {i.e., St. Paul) brought to all men the laws of the Gospel, and persuaded not only the Roman . . . but also . . . EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 15 and the Britons ... to receive the laws of the Cruci- fied." Venantius Fortunatus (in 580 A.D.) asserts, not that the person, but that the teaching of St. Paul — " Transit et Oceanum, vel qua facit insula portum, Quasque Britannus habet terras atque ultima Thule.'' Theodoret also says that he preached in Spain, and "running to other nations, brought the lamp of his teaching ; " and in another passage that he went to Italy and Spain, and " brought assistance to the islands dispersed in the sea ; " though this last expression is supposed to refer to Crete and the islands adjoining. Now all these passages prove no historical fact. They are indeed extremely vague, possibly merely rhetorical. But is the deduction made from them, untrustworthy though the premises be, of itself utterly impossible and absurd ? We have to face a natural conviction, that if so distinguished an apostle as St. Paul had really preached in our island, some distinct evidence for his mission would be forthcoming. We must not, however, lay too much stress on this latter point. Look at the parallel instance of St. Peter, whose movements are very uncertain. His visit to Rome has been strenuously, however wrongly, denied ; and much more his founding an Episcopate there, for which there is no absolutely convincing evidence. 16 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. The closing parts of the lives of the Apostles are to a great extent wrapped in a cloud of obscurity, and there is no exception in the case of St. Paul, of whose labours, toils, sufferings, and preaching during several years we have no account whatsoever. Primd facie, we should never believe that any important fact with regard to Apostolic journeys or evangelisation would be unrecorded ; but we know that it is so ; and even tradition, with all its audacity, has left many gaps unfilled. After all, is there not rather a characteristic touch of the Englishman of the nineteenth century when he expresses his conviction that St. Paul never preached in Britain, for, if he had done so, it would have been directly stated ? But why ? The Britain of that day was an obscure and unimportant pro- vince at the extremity of the Roman Empire, how- ever difficult it may be for us now, in view of our extended dominion, to realise this. The omission of its name would, therefore, be in no degree extra- ordinary. St. Paul, after his first imprisonment in Rome and before his martyrdom, probably took his contemplated journey into Spain {cf. Rom. xv. 24) ; and there is no antecedent impossibility in the belief that he may also have passed into Gaul, and thence into Britain, " the farthest extremity of the West." We know that between his first imprisonment and his execution under Nero a period elapsed variously EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 17 computed at four, six, or eight years. Archdeacon Farrar indeed gives it as his individual opinion that St. Paul did not carry out his intention of visiting even Spain, though he allows its possibility ; but the fact of such a journey is testified by what is called " Muratori's Canon" in 170 A.D., as well as by St. Chrysostom and St. Jerome. And Conybeare and Howson expressly declare that against the unanimous testimony of the Primitive Church there is no external evidence whatever to oppose. The same writers believe that the Apostle remained in Spain about two years ; but this does not account for the whole intervening time between his two imprisonments. St. Paul's visit to Britain may be thought unlikely, and at best a matter of mere conjecture, but in itself the idea is not altogether extravagant ; and we men- tion it because the introduction of Christianity into the island and the foundation of a more or less settled Church seem to require the presence of some active and influential agent, whoever he may have been. But after this digression, we come to what more christians from Rome. immediately bears upon our subject, and that is, any connection that may be traced between the Chris- tianising of various parts of Britain and individual visitors from Rome. We have already pointed out that there was a considerable intercourse between the two countries by way of Gaul, and as we know that many dwellers in Rome became Christian 18 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. at the time of St. Paul and afterwards, we may reasonably assume that some of them, especially among the fifty thousand soldiers stationed here, practised the exercise of their religion — and of this, as we hope to show hereafter, there are a few proofs in sepulchral and other remains. Claudia and Among typical instances and traditions is the Pudens. familiar one of Claudia and Pudens, "an elaborate rope of sand " Archdeacon Farrar calls it, which was supported in an ingenious essay published at London by Archdeacon Williams in 1848, and is accepted by Messrs. Conybeare and Howson. It is interesting, but not sufficiently strong to bear any considerable weight of inference, for it pro- ceeds from many assumptions based on the simple fact that St. Paul, writing from Rome to Timothy (2 Tim. iv. 21), sends, amongst others, the saluta- tions of " Pudens and Claudia ; " while Martial, in two Epigrams (xi. 54 and iv. 13), written perhaps about the same time, and certainly not long after- wards, mentions a Claudia, a British lady, mar- ried to a Pudens. All beyond this is mere con- jecture. It is assumed that Martial's Claudia was the daughter of a British King Cogidunus, said by Tacitus (Agric. 14) to have received certain territories in the south-east of Britain from the Emperor Claudius as a reward for his fidelity to Rome. If he had a daughter, she would naturally EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 19 have been called Claudia, as her father, according to the usual practice in those times, adopted the nomen and prcznomen of the Emperor, his patron ; and in a marble dug up at Chichester in 1723 the conjectural name of Pudens, as the giver of the site of a heathen temple, is associated with that of Cogidunus in a way that "would exactly corre- spond with the hypothesis that the former was a son-in-law of the later ! " Again, supposing that Claudia, the daughter of Cogidunus, was (as might be expected) sent to Rome to be educated as a pledge of his fidelity, what more natural than that she should have been placed under the protection of Pomponia, wife of Aulus Plautius, the conqueror of Britain ? This Pomponia was accused of a "foreign superstition" (Tac. Ann., xiii. 32), which may possibly have been Christianity, and so she ■could have converted her supposed protegee, Claudia! It will be seen that the whole theory is based on a string of hypotheses ; and after all, even if they were true, they would prove nothing as to the identity of this Claudia and Pudens with those whose names are mentioned by St. Paul. There is still less to be said in favour of the Bran, legend that the father of Caractacus, king of the Silures, supposed to have been called Bran the Blessed, or Cunobelinus, was converted to Chris- tianity when captive at Rome (A.D. 51-58), and zo HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Sepulchral and monu- mental remains. introduced the Gospel into his native country on his return, though there is a persistent tradition to that effect in Wales, incorporated into the Welsh Triads, the date of which is uncertain, though pro- bably none of them are earlier than the fourteenth century. On the other hand, Tacitus (Ann. xii. 35) only mentions the " wife, daughter, and brothers " of Caractacus as having surrendered with him, and he would scarcely have omitted the name of the father if he had shared their captivity. When, however, we come to the evidences of Roman Christianity as supplied by monumental and other remains, we can speak with a little more certainty. There are, in the first place, a consider- able number of churches, the ruins of some of which still exist, connected with the period of the Roman occupation. Leaving out for the present our own Church of St. Martin and other churches in Canter- bury (of which we shall treat later on), we read in Bede's "Ecclesiastical History" that over St. Alban's grave at Verulam, "when the peace of the Chris- tian times returned, a church was built of wonderful workmanship, and worthy of that martyr;" and three churches are spoken of at Caerleon, two of which were dedicated to Julius and Aaron, said to have been martyred in the Diocletian persecution; another at Bangor Yscoed, near Chester; a tradi- tional one at Glastonbury, finally supplanted by EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 21 the larger church of King Ina at the close of the seventh century, and one at Candida Casa or Whit- herne, previously alluded to. In addition to these there are still existing Roman remains in : (1.) The Church of the Castle at Dover, which Canon Puckle believes to have been built as a martyr-church in the fourth century by British workmen in imitation of their Roman masters, though others allege that the church is of much later Saxon date. (2.) At Lyminge, of the various modes of building in which Canon Jenkins has given a most interesting account (in Arcliceolog. Cantiana, ix. p. 205, x. p. ci.), and with regard to Which he says, " I think that the foundations in the new churchyard here with the remains of the western apse are undoubtedly Roman, and were afterwards adapted to the Monastery Church, which was separated from the Nunnery Church of Ethel- burga by a wall of which we found the massive foundations." (3.) At Brixworth, in Northampton- shire, of which Rickman (Archit. of England, p. 74) writes, "There seems little doubt that the church was originally a Roman basilica, probably of the fourth or fifth century." The church at Brixworth is always quoted as a typical early Saxon building, but from personal examination I am convinced that there is a great deal more of Roman work there in situ than is generally believed. (4.) At Stone, 22 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. near Faversham. Here Mr. J. T. Irvine and some other competent authorities assign the existing ruins to the Norman period, but they are repre- sentatives of a stage of excessive scepticism with regard to all pre-Norman work, and must allow a little reaction in the opposite direction. On the contrary side may be quoted the report (in the Arcli&olog. Cant., vol. ix. p. Ixxix.) that parts of the north and south walls there are probably of original Roman masonry, " the foundations of the cross walls being found beneath the chancel floor, showing that the north and south walls had formed two sides of a nearly square Roman building, which was probably a church for the Christians in the camp at Syndal or Durolevum." (5.) At Reculver. When I had nearly completed this chapter on Early and Roman Christianity, I received the " Monu- mental History of the British Church," by Mr. J. Romilly Allen, and I find that he has spoken of Reculver Church at considerable length, so that it will be unnecessary for me to go into minute detail. It is, however, of special interest to us, as it is only eight miles from Canterbury and a pleasant object for an excursion ; and its history resembles in some degree that of St. Martin's. Commanding as it did one entrance to the river Wantsum, which separated the Isle of Thanet from the mainland of Kent, Reculver was an important Roman station. In the EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 23 middle of the Castrum are situated the ruins of the church. And there are still remaining portions of the walls of the nave and chancel — a Roman concrete floor, and traces of three square piers on each side of the nave, as well as a semicircular apse beneath the chancel. Supporting the brick arches at the entrance to the chancel were two columns of oolite, 17 feet high, and, on an average, 1 foot 9 inches in diameter, which are now pre- served in a garden on the north side of Canterbury Cathedral. Their recovery is due to the cleverness and perseverance of Dr. Sheppard, who literally collected them from different parts, and who says that they are classical in style and outline, and, as they are too artistically proportioned and exe- cuted to be Romanesque, it must follow that they are Roman. We cannot trust ourselves to speak soberly of the vandalism which caused the church to be pulled down in 1809. The faithful parish clerk, more conservative than his master, voted against its destruction, and in an amusing paper left among the parish registers has poured forth his lamentations. The concluding paragraph is extremely pathetic, with all its errors of orthography and spelling (which I omit) : " The last text that Mr. Naylor (the Vicar) took was these words, ' Let your ways be the ways of Tightness, and your path the peace/ and down came the church, and what 24 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. his thoughts were about his flock that day no one knows." A few sepulchral monuments of a Romano-Chris- tian period are enumerated by Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs — among them an inscription in Latin, obscure but plainly Christian, carved upon the upper part of a Roman pagan monument now let into the tower of St. Mary-le-Wigford, Lincoln, which appears to have been once headed by the symbol of the cross ; a sepulchral stone at Caerleon, upon which there remains part of a " rough scoring " re- sembling the rude representation of a palm branch, which generally denotes the tomb of a Christian Roman ; and a Britanno-Roman sarcophagus, sup- posed to be Christian, and found at Banning in Kent. Mr. Roach Smith says in his description of the latter, that on the top and sides are represented apparently yew trees, the emblems of immortality; each of them rises from a triangle, which is the usual emblem of the Deity, and is surmounted by a cross. We cannot speak with the same certainty of the stone found at Bath with some figures, conjec- tured to be Christian symbols ; but there is a fairly abundant collection of Miscellaneous Remains, among which the principal Christian mark of dis- tinction is the Chi-Rho monogram, formed (as is well known) from the first two letters of the Greek word Christos, and which "was first introduced EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 25 as a Christian symbol by the Emperor Constantine in A.D. 312, the earliest dated example which has been found in Rome belonging to the year 323 A.D." 1 At the end of the last century a Roman villa was discovered at Frampton, in Dorsetshire, evidently a building once occupied by a wealthy owner, and on one of the pavements the Chi-Rho was found worked in mosaic, while in another pavement was a medallion portrait, supposed by some, though perhaps erroneously, to be a representation of our Blessed Lord. In another Roman villa, at Chcd- wortk, in Gloucestershire, the same monogram was found on two of the steps leading into the corridor ; while in excavating a third one at Fifehead Neville, in Dorsetshire, two silver bracelets were brought to light, each bearing the monogram, though in slightly different forms, accompanied in one case by two palm branches, right and left. Mr. Grover (in his " Pre-Augustinian Christianity in Britain ") mentions also two plates of pewter found in the Thames at Battersea, and now in the British Museum, and numerous coins of Constantine and Magnentius bearing the same mark, though of course this proves nothing, as they may have been imported from abroad. There is also a cross on a Roman 1 J. R. Allen, Monumental History of the British Church, p. 30. 26 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. pavement laid bare at Harpole, in Northampton- shire ; some red Greek crosses on another at Horkstow, in Lincolnshire ; a brass coin of Decen- tius, brother of Magnentius (a.D. 350-353), on the reverse of which is a monogram between the letters A and ft ; a Roman urn found at Alnwick Castle with a doubtful Chi-Rho laid on in white slip ; also a silver bowl found at Corbridge, in Northumber- land, similarly marked. And finally, the Christian formula " Vivas in Deo " occurs on two Roman gold rings, one found at Brancaster, in Norfolk, and the other at Silchester, in Hampshire. In the Atheimum of November 9, 1889, is an account by Mr. R. Blair of the finding of a Chris- tian Roman tombstone at one of the stations on the Roman Wall ; and Mr. J. Romilly Allen mentions the doubtful case of a stone at Llanerfil, in which the words " in pa[ce) " occur in the epitaph — a common formula on the tombs of the Catacombs. Now the list of these well-known Romano- Christian objects found in Britain is a very meagre one, and their testimony cannot be pressed towards establishing more than this, — that there were small bodies of Christians distributed over this country before the end of the fourth century. I do not doubt that they will be greatly multiplied as fresh excavations are made. Mr. T. Wright 1 (as I have 1 The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon, p. 300 el seq. EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 27 before stated) disbelieves in all traces of Christianity Opinions of Mr. T. said to be found among monuments of the Roman w "ght. period, and his scepticism is thorough and compre- hensive — quite as extreme, in my opinion, as the credulity which he denounces. He allows, indeed, the possibility of there having been some individuals among recruits, and merchants or settlers, who had embraced the truths of the Gospel, but appears to qualify even this admission by reminding us that " the population of Britain during the later period of the Roman power seems to have been recruited more and more from the Pagan tribes of Germany and the North." He thinks the early allusions made by Tertullian, Origen, Jerome, and others are "little better than flourishes of rhetoric.'' The list of British bishops at the Council of Aries looks to him " extremely suspicious, much like the inven- tion of a later period." He disbelieves the whole account of the Diocletian persecution having ex- tended to Britain, on account of the tolerant nature of Constantius, who was governor of Britain at that time. He doubts the authenticity of the work attributed to Gildas, though his objections have been met and set at rest for most people by such com- petent authorities as Dr. Guest and others. But, as an instance of what I cannot but designate as far- fetched scepticism, we may note his explanation of the Christian monogram found in the pavement at 28 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Frampton (cf. above). He does not question its genuineness, but explains it by surmising that the beautiful villa had probably "belonged to some wealthy proprietor who possessed a taste for litera- ture and philosophy, and with a tolerant spirit, which led him to seek to surround himself with the memorials of all systems, had adopted among the rest that which he might learn from some of the imperial coins to be the emblem of Christ." Jesus standing in his eyes on the same footing as Socrates or Pythagoras ! It is indeed dangerous for even the most experienced archaeologist to dogmatise, when fresh evidence may at any moment be forth- coming to upset his theories. Mr. Roach Smith accounts for the comparative rareness of Christian emblems in sepulchral remains by the supposition that the sarcophagi were usually kept " ready-made " by the manufacturers, and, as the population were partly Christian and partly Pagan, these were of a neutral character, suited to any emergency. Lndus, While investigating this subject, we are brought King of Britain, face to face with an interesting personage and a simple story, which, if they be genuine, would solve many of our difficulties. The present writer well remembers, on his first coming to Canterbury, reading an account of St. Martin's Church which stated that it was founded by " Lucius, king of EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 29 Britain;" and at that time he fully believed it! Lucius is also credited with having performed the same office to many other churches, such as the one in Dover Castle. Bede tells us that in the 156th year from our Lord's Incarnation, ..." when Eleu- therius, a holy man, presided over the pontificate of the Roman Church, Lucius, king of the Britons, sent a letter to him praying that by his authority he might be made a Christian, and he soon obtained his pious request ; and the Britons having received the faith, preserved it whole and undefiled in peace and tranquillity till the times of Diocletian the Emperor." Nennius (c. xviii.) partly confirms this story, but ascribes the conversion of Lucius to Pope Evaristus (a.D. 100-109). Bede's account is copied by the Liber Landavensis in the twelfth century; and William of Malmesbury adds to it the name of the two commissioners or bishops sent by Pope Eleutherius, viz., Faganus and Deruvianus. Geoffrey of Monmouth gives many more circumstantial details, and the Welsh Triads connect the story directly with Llandaff, where " Lleirwig " (he is called by Nennius " Levermaur," i.e., " the man of great splen- dour ") made the first church, which was the first in the Isle of Britain, and first gave lands and church privileges to such as first embraced the faith in Christ." Other tales -of foreign growth represent Lucius as baptized by one Marcellus, bishop either 30 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. of Tongres or Treves (A.D. 280), or by a certain Timotheus. He is variously conjectured also to have been the nephew of Claudia daughter of Cogi- dunus, or brother-in-law to Constantius uncle of Constantine the Great ; while the author of the " Life of St. Augustine " (in the " Lives of the English Saints ") says that Lucius avowed Christianity when he had been king nearly sixty years, and that he sent as his ambassadors to the Pope, Elvanus (who had already taught him the rudiments of the faith) and a priest named Medwinus. And finally, two coins of Lucius are reputed to have been found, one of gold and the other of silver, the former of which is preserved in the British Museum, and portions of his so-called relics are preserved in the Church of St. Francis at Coire, and elsewhere ! Now this is a remarkable story, and it is believed by members of the Roman Catholic Church. But can we accept it as true ? It is proverbially difficult to prove a negative, and these traditions about Lucius are widely spread, but they are not built on any historical foundation. Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs remind us that the account rests solely on the later form of the Catalogus Pontificum Romanorum (cf. Acta Sanctorum, April 1, xxiii.). The original cata- logue was written shortly after 353, and the words about the mission of Lucius to Rome do not occur in it, but were added about two hundred years later. EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. 31 The legend, therefore, originated in Rome during the sixth century, was not known to Gildas, and was introduced into England by Bede in the eighth century ; so that, speaking historically, it cannot be admitted as genuine ; and, if not genuine, it sprung perhaps from a desire to connect the early growth of Christianity in Britain with the See of Rome. It may be added that the coins mentioned above were probably those of a Gaulish king. CHAPTER II. CANTERBURY IN THE ROMAN PERIOD AND BETWEEN 4IO AND 597. Roman We will now describe traces of the Roman occupa- Canterbury. tion of Canterbury which are closely akin to our subject. The city is mentioned in the second " iter " of Antonine's Itinerary, under its ancient name of Durovernum or Duroverno, a word supposed to be compounded of dour, "water," and vern, which has been variously interpreted to mean " temple," " marshes," or " alders." Its position is described as fifty-two miles distant from London, fourteen from Dover, sixteen from Lympne, and twelve from Richborough ; and the road from London to each of these last-named places divided itself at this point into three, crossing the ford of the River Stour. The need, therefore, for a "mansio" or "statio" for the troops on their march would immediately arise, and the amount of traffic naturally concentrated there would cause in no long time the formation of an important town. It was called a stipendiary city, as distinct from municipia, such as Verulam CANTERBURY IN THE ROMAN PERIOD. 33 and York, and colonicc such as London and Rich- borough. We need not enter fully into the minute descrip- tion of the Roman city, which is so ably treated of by Mr. T. Godfrey Faussett in his " Canterbury till Domesday ; " but we may remark in passing, that the Egyptian geographer, Ptolemy, apparently writing about the middle of the second century, gives Dur- venum as one of the three cities of the Cantii ; while in the fragmentary map known as the Tabula Peulingerii — called so from Conrad Peutinger, in whose library it was found, and supposed to have been compiled about the time of the Emperor Theo- dosius the Younger — it is put down as "Buroaverus" (evidently a corruption of copyists), with the conven- tional mark usually attached to a city or fortress of considerable size. Horsley in his Britannia Romana suggests that Canterbury was the fortress taken by the Seventh Legion after Julius Caesar's second land- ing; but this is merely conjectural, and founded on the mistaken belief that Caesar landed at Richborough. Attention indeed has been called to the fact that Notitia Imperii. in the "Notitia Imperii" where the garrison towns of the Empire are enumerated — while a legion is assigned to Richborough, and cohorts or detach- ments to Reculver, Lympne, and Dover — no troops whatever are given to Canterbury — and the inference has been drawn that it could, therefore, have only C 34 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. been a temporary halting-place for soldiers. It may be observed, however, that the Notitia having been written so late in the history of the Empire, the cohorts would probably ere then have shifted their quarters several times. Though Horsley only states this to reconcile the account in the Notitia with the apparently inconsistent inscriptions found in various localities with respect to the stationing there of a particular cohort or legion, yet I think the argument is capable of extension ; and it is not impossible that at some period or other during the first four centuries there may have been Roman soldiers quartered for a considerable time at Canter- bury. If not wholly or partially surrounded by walls (which is more than probable), the city was at any rate defended by earthworks, and we have evidences of a fortified position held by the Romans imme- diately above the Whitehall marshes, north-west of the city, and of a stronghold or fort of masonry on the so-called Scotland Hills overlooking the Reed Pond. Mr. p;i- Whether much stress be laid on this or not, one brow's dis- coveries. f ac t Js absolutely certain — that the extensive Roman foundations discovered by Mr. Pilbrow while con- structing the deep-drainage system of the city in 1868, the number of Roman tesselated pavements, coins and other relics found at various periods, and the traces of Roman cemeteries, abundantly prove CANTERBURY IN THE ROMAN PERIOD. 35 that Durovemum developed at length into a large and populous place. These cemeteries were situated in the old Dover Road, outside Worthgate, on the St. Dunstan's Road, near the present barracks, and at Little Barton — all contiguous to large thorough- fares, and all outside the boundaries of the then existing city. Among Mr. Pilbrow's discoveries may- be enumerated Samian ware, coffins, conduit pipes, rings, bottles, urns, Upchurch pottery, spoons, arrow- heads, and skeletons, as well as indications of a large iron-foundry — and a long list of gold ornaments is added by the late Mr. Brent, among which are por- tions of chatelaines, fibulae, studs, purses, combs ; and — what is especially germane to this history — a purple enamelled Roman brooch of circular shape and a looped Roman intaglio, found near St. Martin's Church. All these conclusively show that the Roman occupation of Canterbury was at once complete and continuous. Of Roman secular buildings above ground there are indeed no remains, and the ancient city must be traced some eight feet below the present level. But in St. Margaret's and in Sun Street there are un- doubted evidences of Roman walls. It is not impos- sible that, when first occupied, the town ofDurovernum was very small, consisting of a citadel surrounded by earth mounds, and that it gradually extended itself greatly beyond its original limits. 36 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. The elegance of some of the enamelled brooches and rings, together with the discovery of a rouge pot (!) in a lady's grave, point to a considerable degree of luxury and civilisation. Mr. Brent fancied that he detected the remains of raised seats for spectators at a circus or amphitheatre in the so- called Martyrs' Field, near the London, Chatham, and Dover Railway Station. Exientof The exact dimensions and extent of the city the city. are open to some doubt. Mr. T. Godfrey Faussett has fixed the site of the gates as follows : — (i.) Worthgate, at the end of Castle Street; (2.) Riding Gate, on the old road to Dover; (3.) North Gate, near the present south-west tower of the Cathedral ; and (4.) A gate at the Ford, in Beer Cart Lane ; and, tracing the walls that lie between them, concluded that the shape of the Roman town was an irregular oval, different from the usual square or rectangle, but accounted for by the low swampy ground that surrounded it, and not unlike the shape of Verulam and Anderida. The city's length, accord- ing to his plan, must have been nearly exactly double its breadth, namely, 800 yards by 400. Roman For actual existing: buildings connected with the Christianity ° ° —Churches. R oman occupation we must have recourse to the churches, which supply us with traces of Roman Christianity more rich and numerous than that of any other town in England. These are to be found CANTERBURY IN THE ROMAN PERIOD. 37 in St. Martin's, St. Pancras, and a church on the site of the present Cathedral. The investigation of them will bring us to some controversial points, for the discussion of which we must be acquainted with all the recent discoveries and explorations that have been made. And we shall first treat of any docu- mentary evidence. With regard to St. Martin's Church, we have already quoted the statement made by the Venerable Bede. The same historian also informs us that Augustine, "when the Episcopal See was granted to him in the royal city, recovered therein, supported by the king's assistance, a church which he was informed had been built by the ancient work of Roman believers, and consecrated it in the name of our Holy Saviour God and Lord Jesus Christ." He does not mention St. Pancras, but we are indebted for an account of it (evidently based on older traditions) to Thorn, a Benedictine monk of St. Augustine's, in the fourteenth century. " There was not far from the city towards the east, as it were midway between the Church of St. Martin and the walls of the city, a temple or idol-house, where King Ethelbert, according to the rites of his tribe, was wont to pray, and with his nobles to sacrifice to his demons, and not to God — which temple Augus- tine purged from the pollutions and filth of the Gentiles, and having broken the image which was in 38 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. it, changed it into a church, and dedicated it in the name of the martyr St. Pancras ; and this was the first church dedicated by St. Augustine." St. Pan- cras, a Roman boy of noble family, was martyred under Diocletian at the age of fourteen, and was regarded as the patron saint of children. And Dean Stanley reminds us that the monastery of St. Andrew on the Ccelian Hill, from which St. Augustine came, was built on the very property which had belonged to the family of St. Pancras, so that the name would have been quite familiar to the Roman missionary. Now these are the written traditions with regard to the Roman churches of Canterbury. How far then are they confirmed by actual discoveries ? A great deal of light has been thrown upon the point The oid within the last few years. In the course of explora- Cathedial. tions conducted in the Cathedral crypt by Canon Scott Robertson, Dr. Sheppard, and myself, there was found at the base of the western wall some masonry of Kentish ragstone covered by a smooth facing of hard plaster, manifestly older than the columns of Prior Ernulf's vaulting shafts, and than Lanfranc's masonry in the upper portion of the wall. We may, therefore, consider it as more than probable that this portion of the wall (which has been laid bare to the length of twenty-seven feet) formed part of the original building granted to St. Augustine by King Ethelbert. CANTERBURY IN THE ROMAN PERIOD. 39 The ruins of St. Pancras have also been carefully St. Pancras. and minutely investigated, and I may refer for a more particular account of them to a paper read by myself before the Kentish Archaeological Asso- ciation in 1880. 1 The internal evidence of Roman work there is very striking, and the building, part of the walls of which are now visible, was probably erected at about the same time as the chancel of St. Martin's. During excavations there we found pieces of purple and red Roman fresco painted on the plaster, and concrete on parts of the floor exactly similar to what has frequently been seen in Roman villas at Wingham and elsewhere. We may trace in St. Pancras two distinct periods of Roman build- ing. Not only is there by the side of the chancel arch the base and part of the shaft of an older Roman pillar; but also many of the bricks have apparently been taken from some other edifice, these being covered with salmon-coloured mortar, which is not the prevalent mortar of the present walls. We may notice en passant a marked difference in shape of . , churches. the shapes of the three churches. Of St. Martin s I shall speak at length hereafter, but I may note that, besides the different width of the nave and chancel, we observe there no sign of an apse at the west end, and only a very doubtful indication of an 1 Archseolog. Cantiana, vol. xiv. p. 103. 40 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. eastern apse. In the plan of the Saxon Cathedral conjecturally drawn by Professor Willis from Edmer's description, and which he supposes was the old Christian church preserved by St. Augustine, the building was a plain parallelogram with apses at both the east and west ends. The choir was ex- tended into the nave, enclosed by a high breast- wall, and about the middle of the church (on the north and south) were two towers, the tower on the south side containing an altar, and also serving as a porch of entrance. 1 In St. Pancras there is a tower or square porch at the west end, and two transepts of the same size branching off from the centre of the nave, while the foundations of the chancel wall start farther in than those of the nave wall ; and at the distance of twelve or thirteen feet from the point of junction can be detected the commencement of an apse. In this church we have discovered no doorways except the one at the west end through the tower, but in the western porch are some remarkable tombs, illustrat- ing what I believe to be a very early form of Chris- tian burial, corresponding in some degree to the tomb of Ethelberga at Lyminge, viz., the bodies laid on the ground and built round with stones to the 1 This church was built, according to Edmer, "Romanorum opere," and "in imitation of the Church of St. Peter, chief of the Apostles," meaning the Vatican basilica. CANTERBURY IN THE ROMAN PERIOD. 41 shape of each, with a covering of chamfered slabs. These, however, are probably subsequent to the Roman period. We see also in the southern transept remains of an interesting altar (size 4 ft. 4 by 2 ft. 2), which, if not the identical one that St. Augustine erected on the site occupied by the idol of Ethelbert, is at any rate a very ancient memorial of it. I need only add with regard to plasters, that while piasters. those found in St. Martin's and St. Pancras are remarkably similar, the plaster found in the west wall of the Cathedral crypt is distinct, not being made of powdered brick, but consisting of a fair amount of lime, the grit being entirely sea-sand or pit-sand. With reference to the orientation of these churches, orientation, which is perfect, some interesting remarks have been made by Mr. Loftus Brock. He inquires where the orientation came from. Certainly not from St. Augustine, for it had not been adopted in Rome when he started on his missionary journey. The original cathedral at Rochester, one of the first foundations of his school of Christianity, was not built east and west, neither were the old churches of St. John Lateran and St. Peter at Rome, erected by Constantine — and he concludes that orienta- tion came from the Greek Church, and could be traced all round Africa till it finally reached some 42 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. northern parts of Gaul, and thus was introduced from the East to England. "Where Greek influ- ence is greatest, as in the towns round the Adriatic, there we shall find the churches oriented in an accu- rate manner.'' Conclusion. It is worthy of remark that the three churches are situated in almost a direct line from west to east, and were all outside the Roman walls, yet apart from the Roman cemeteries. They present, I think, a wonderful evidence not only that Canter- bury was an important city, but also that it must have contained a fair number of Christians in those early ages. Why there should have been three dis- tinct churches of a comparatively small size must ever remain a mystery, and this mystery is increased by the fact that they are of dissimilar shapes, and to a great extent of dissimilar materials. It is not improbable that one or other of them may have fallen into decay, and thus they would have been used for Christian worship at successive periods, and therefore not at the same time. Kent between 410 and 597 a.d. Period In treating of the immediately succeeding period between 410-597. down to the mission of St. Augustine, we must remember that history is almost silent; only a meagre outline of facts is given us, and these often KENT BETWEEN 410 AND jpy A.D. 43 of a very contradictory character. We must endea- vour, however, to give a brief sketch of these two intervening centuries, more especially as far as it concerns the south-eastern portion of our island, and of necessity, therefore, includes the fortunes of Canterbury. In the year 410, the West Goths under Alaric Departure of the Romans took Rome. The Roman legions were recalled from Britain - from Britain for the defence of the Empire, and never returned. Shortly afterwards the Britons, left to shift for themselves, suffered from the re- newed attacks of English pirates, and, menaced at the same time by the Picts and Scots, took up arms and declared themselves independent. They are said by Zosimus to have " displayed in this extre- mity a magnanimous character, remembering the ancient valour of their ancestors ; and, with courage aroused by youthful liberty and endangered exist- ence, to have driven the fierce invaders from their cities." His account is at variance with the picture drawn by Gildas of the " British nation being cut up by the Picts and Scots like sheep by butchers, the country becoming only the residence of wild animals — part of the natives being seized as slaves, and the remainder turning robbers in mountains and in woods," which may be considered an exag- gerated declamation, or as a conversion of local incidents into a national catastrophe. 44 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. BHton° fthe T° account f° r the comparatively easy conquest of Britain in the middle of the fifth century (which we shall speak of shortly), we should remember that the Roman rule, which had at first been of a civi- lising character, and had fostered commerce and the various arts, had in its latter period degenerated into corruption. Town and country alike were crushed by heavy taxation, aggravated by the arbitrary and ruinous oppression of the tax-gatherers. The popu- lation, too, had gradually declined as the estates of landed proprietors grew larger. Moreover, the Roman government had disarmed and enervated the people, and by crushing all local independence had crushed all local vigour, " so that men forgot how to fight for their country, and constant foreign invasions found them without hope or energy for resistance." Bishop Stubbs (in his " Constitutional History ") remarks on the great contrast between the effects of the Roman occupation in Gaul and Britain. Gaul had so assimilated the cultivation of its masters, that it became more Roman than Italy itself, pos- sessing more flourishing cities and a more active and enlightened Church, as well as a Latin language and literature ; while Britain, though equally under Roman dominion, had never become Roman. When the legions were removed, any union that may have existed between the two populations absolutely KENT BETWEEN 410 AND 397 A.D. 45 ceased. The Britons forgot the Latin tongue ; they had become unaccustomed to the arts of war, and had never learnt the arts of peace, while their clergy lost all sympathy with the growth of religious thought. They could not utilise the public works or defend the cities of their masters, so that the country became easy to be conquered just in pro- portion as it was Romanised. With the withdrawal, too, of the coercing and regulating power, the old tribal jealousies arose from their hiding-place. In course of time civil dis- cord pervaded the island, divided as it was among several independent republics, and this naturally terminated in the predominance of military tyrants. With regard to the latter we may partially accept the statements of Gildas, because they are confirmed indirectly by other writers, such as Procopius and Jerome, when he tells us that " kings were anointed, but not according to God's ordinance ; they who were more cruel than the rest attained to the high dignity ; " and as they derived their power from injustice, so they lost it. " They were killed, and men more ferocious were elected in their place. If any happened to be more virtuous and mild than the others, every degree of hatred and enmity was heaped upon them." He applies much the same highly-coloured description to the people, whom he speaks of " as opposed to truth, bold in vices and 46 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. falsehood, preferring evil to good, and impiety to religion," while he accuses the clergy of being addicted to intoxication, animosities, and quarrels — guilty of deceit, robbery, gluttony, and almost every other form of vice. After a continuance of internal dissensions, the native chiefs were once more troubled by piratical attacks and by their Irish enemies. It was impos- sible to resist this combination by the forces of the province itself, and so, " imitating the fatal policy by which the Roman Empire had invited its own doom" (the policy of matching barbarian against barbarian), the Britons summoned to their aid a band of English or Jutish warriors, to whom they promised food, clothing, pay, and grants of land. And this application for help was not un- natural, as there was probably in many of the towns a leaven of Teutonic settlers, especially along the "Saxon Shore," who had maintained a steady intercourse with their kinsmen that re- mained behind, and some of whom may have been German war-veterans pensioned off by various Roman emperors. Landing The statement by Mr. Green, that the "History of Hengist andHorsa. of England begins in 449 with the landing of Hengist and Horsa in the Isle of Thanet," is prin- cipally applicable to the kingdom of Kent, for the Jutes had been preceded by Angles in the north, KENT BETWEEN 410 AND 597 A.D. 47 who seem to have been long in undisputed pos- session of the country between the mouth of the Humber and the wall of Antoninus, and the eastern shores of the island were more or less colonised by kindred tribes. But the whole subject is full of intricacy and doubt, a mixture of legend with a nucleus of truth. It has even been disputed whether Hengist and Horsa were real people, or whether their names simply indicate that the Jutes had a horse on their standard for a badge. There is no necessity for us to enter upon this question, whether we are inclined to agree or not with Mr. Freeman that the mere fact of their being called Horse and Mare need pre- sent no difficulty, the same style of nomenclature (Wolf, Lion, &c.) having been adopted by other chieftains at various times. The leaders, whoever they were, naturally sent for reinforcements after their first successes, and it is probable that their followers (" a multitude of whelps come forth from the lair of the barbaric lioness," Gildas calls them) were at first contented with a residence in the Isle of Thanet, where they would be secure against any possible treachery from the Britons, and would be near the sea, whence their compatriots could bring them aid if necessary ; yet they gradually advanced, and their subsequent exploits culminated in the victory of Aylesford, six of the Britons. 48 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. years after their landing, and the alleged death of the warrior Horsa. Massacre This victory, it is said, was followed in Kent by a dreadful and unsparing massacre. The Jutes, mer- ciless by habit, were provoked by the sullen and treacherous attitude of their victims, and at first seem to have destroyed all the towns which they captured. Some of the wealthier landowners in Kent fled in panic over the sea, but many of the poorer folk took refuge in hill and forest. Famine and pestilence devoured some, others were ruth- lessly slaughtered. There was no means of escape, even by seeking shelter within the walls of their churches, " since the rage of the English burnt fiercest against the clergy. The priests were slain at the altar, the churches burnt, and the peasants rushed from the flames " only to be cut down by the sword. In all other Roman provinces the conquered tribes had absorbed the conquerors, but the English con- quest was a " sheer dispossession and slaughter of the people whom they overcame." The invaders declined to mix in intercourse with the Britons, did not leave them their own laws, or even a portion of their lands, but doomed to death or slavery as many as they could. A few of them may have lingered on in servitude round the home- steads of their conquerors, though we cannot doubt KENT BETWEEN 410 AND jg7 A.D. 49 that a large portion escaped to Wales or Cornwall, or the north-western parts of the island. The above is the generally accepted theory, but probably in many respects it is an exaggerated account, such as is common in the traditional litera- ture of conquered nations, and should be received with very great hesitation. A few years after the victory of Aylesford, Rich- borough, Lympne, and Dover fell permanently into English hands. The " Saxon Chronicle," which is more or less Saxon Chronicle. legendary, goes on to inform us that in 457 there was another battle at Crecganford(Crayford), in which the invaders slew 4000 men, and the " Britons then forsook Kent, and in great terror fled to London ; " and that in 465 A.D. Hengist and CEsc, his son, fought " against the Welsh " at Wippedes Fleet, when twelve British chiefs were slain ; while in 473 there was another war between the Kentish Jutes and the Britons, and the " Welsh fled from them like fire." It is necessary to remark that the word Welsh (which simply means " barbarians " or " for- eigners ") indicated those who were not of Teutonic race, and was applied, with the name of Britons, to the Romanised population of the island. The Jutish warriors only occupied Kent, the Isle of Wight, and the adjoining part of Hampshire. They were followed, some thirty years after the 50 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. alleged landing of Hengist and Horsa (according to the above-mentioned Chronicle), by the Saxons under CElla and his three sons, Cymen, Wlencing, and Cissa, who landed on the southern coast of Sussex, and drove the Britons in flight into the wood of Anderida. About eight years after this landing they again fought a bloody battle, with doubtful results; and in 491 laid siege to the Roman city of Anderida, which they reduced by famine; and, irritated at its long and obstinate defence, slew all the inhabitants. But it is outside the purpose of this history to follow these legends into further details ; and it is sufficient for us to state that during the next century the island was constantly attacked and colonised by the Germans, until the Roman occupation died into a vague tradition of the past; their cities fell into ruin and decay, Christianity became extinct, and their whole organisation and culture well-nigh disappeared. The jutes. The Jutes, with whom Kent is more immedi- ately concerned, were the northernmost of the three tribes of the Germanic family. They lived in the marshy forests and along the shores of the extreme peninsula of Denmark, which possesses the name of Jutland to the present day. " Of their early history," says Bishop Stubbs, "we know nothing except their claim to be regarded as kinsmen of the Goths, and the close relationship between their KENT BETWEEN 410 AND S97 A.D. 51 descendants and the neighbouring Frisians." The Jutes, the Angles, and the Saxons, although speak- ing the same language, worshipping the same gods, and using the same laws, had not advanced to national or political unity, nor did any one im- pulse simultaneously move them. "The conquest of Britain was the result of a series of separate expeditions, long continued, and perhaps, in point of time, continuous, but unconnected and inde- pendent of one another ; " while the invaders had nothing in common with the nation they attacked ; and would neither amalgamate with them nor tole- rate their continued existence. Though these expeditions were at first mere pira- tical visitations (like those of the Danes and Norse- men at a later period), they seem to have changed their character in course of time, and "assumed the dimensions of conquest, colonisation, and immi- gration." We know something of the habits and customs of Habits and appearance the Germans of old, as described by Tacitus, who ° f - the Ger - 7 ^ mans. speaks of them as given to agricultural pursuits, with no cities, or even streets, and as remarkable for their chastity, the plainness and simplicity of their dress, and general temperance and sobriety. Their military spirit was fostered by their continuous struggle with the Romans, and they became fearless and active, excelling in energy and strength, regard- 52 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. less of danger. They began to engage in naval and piratical expeditions on the coasts of Gaul and Britain as early as 287 A.D. ; and an ancient writer says, " Shipwrecks discipline them, not deter ; they do not merely know, they are familiar with, all the dangers of the sea. A tempest gives them security and success, for it diverts the land they are going to attack from the apprehension of a descent. In the midst of waves and threatening rocks they rejoice at their peril, because they hope to surprise." 1 Of large size, wearing long hair over their shoul- ders, and loose linen vests adorned with trimming woven in various colours, they are described as leaning on small shields, with long lances, and having great knives or crooked swords by their sides. They lived under an aristocracy of chieftains in times of peace, but chose a leader in war for the occasion only, and did not make him a permanent ruler or king — while their laws were very severe against any desecration of religious rites or unchastity. Their rdi. As to their religion, we know that England for nearly a century and a half after their occupation was a heathen country. " The Goths, Vandals, Burgundians, and Franks in other parts of the Roman Empire soon became Christians," but the English went on worshipping their false gods, Woden, Thor, and others, who gave their names to 1 Sid. Apoll., Epist. vi. lib. 8. gion KENT BETWEEN 410 AND jg? A.D. 53 river, homestead, and boundary alike, and even to the days of the week. The state of Kent and the adjoining portions might be represented on a map as a black patch between the Christians of the Con- tinent and the Christian Celts of Western Britain. And yet " their mythology was not so degraded but that it presented in fragments the outlines of the Christian scheme of salvation ; " and this was recognised afterwards by Pope Gregory's wise counsel to St. Augustine not to interfere needlessly with the religious faith of his pagan converts, but allow them to worship the old objects under new names ; not to destroy the old temples, but to consecrate them as Christian churches — the reason being that " for hard and rough minds it is impos- sible to cut away abruptly all their old customs, because he who wishes to reach the highest place must ascend by steps and not by jumps." Kemble (in his " Saxons in England," vol. i. p. 444) gives an insight into the character of their religion, and accounts for the rapid spread of Chris- tianity among them by this process of adaptation, and also because the moral demands of the new faith did not seem to the Saxons more onerous than those to which they were accustomed. Thus, for instance, he informs us that "a state of happiness or punishment in a life to come was no novelty to him who had shuddered at the idea of 54 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Nastrond. Loki had smoothed the way for Satan. Those who had believed in runes and incantations were satisfied by the efficacy of the Mass ; a crowd of saints might be invoked in place of a crowd of sub- ordinate divinities; the holy places had lost none of their sanctity ; the holy buildings had not been levelled with the ground, but dedicated in another name; the pagan sacrifices had not been totally abolished, but only converted into festal occasions, where the new Christians might eat and drink and continue to praise God. Hrethe and Eostre, Woden, Tiw, and Fricge, Thunor and Scetere, retained their places in the calendar of months and days ; Erce was still invoked in spells ; Wyrd still wove the web of destiny ; and while Woden retained his place at the head of the royal genealogies, the highest offices of the Christian Church were offered to compensate the noble class for the loss of their old sacerdotal functions. How should Christianity fail to obtain access when Paganism stepped half-way to meet it, and it could hold out so many points of outward union to Paganism ? " Bede reproaches the Britons for refusing or failing to convert their enemies to the true faith, and doubt- less elsewhere the Christian priesthood had served as mediators between the barbarians and the con- quered, whereas here, either from carelessness or hatred, they failed to gain any predominance. KENT BETWEEN 410 AND jp; A.D. 55 But what, in the meantime, was the condition of state of Canterbury. Canterbury ? It must at once have been abandoned by the vanquished, because it would have been utterly untenable owing to its position on the main road between the sea-coast of Kent and the rest of the kingdom ; and Mr. T. Godfrey Faussett argues that it was probably at first unoccupied by the Saxons, and remained for many long years unin- habited and desolate ; and as evidence of this he reminds us that the very name of Durovernum had become forgotten, whereas the fortresses of the neighbouring coast still retained their former names without any radical change. This opinion is cpn- firmed by the fact that while numerous Saxon cemeteries have been found in East Kent — such as at Ash, Ozingell near Ramsgate, Kingston, Faversham, Sarre in Thanet, &c. — none whatever have been discovered in the district immediately surround- ing Canterbury, though the soil here has been thoroughly and completely turned over for the pur- poses of road and drain making, as well as in pits for gravel, sand, and chalk. Moreover, not a single street of our city is on the site of a Roman street, with the partial exception of Watling Street and Beer Cart Lane. Probably in the early days of the Jutish con- querors Richborough would have been their head- quarters, as being conveniently near the coast, and 56 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. it was not till they had pretty well settled themselves in the country that they fixed on a new capital, to which they gave the name of Cantwarabyrig, " the city of the men of Kent." CHAPTER III. THE MISSION OF ST. AUGUSTINE AND THE BAPTISM OF ETHELBERT. The curtain of Christian history is not again lifted over England till the year 597, when, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, " Gregory the Pope sent into Britain very many monks, who gospelled God's Word to the English folk." And connected closely as the mission was with St. Martin's Church, we must enter into it with some detail, though as briefly as possible, since it is an oft-told story, and is thoroughly familiar even to those who have never visited Canterbury, and know little else of ancient ecclesiastical history. We are uncertain as to the exact date, but st. Gregory probably about the year 574 there lived at Rome market at Rome. a monk named Gregory, who had resided at Con- stantinople in the capacity of representative of Pope Benedict I., and before this had been ap- pointed at an early age praetor of Rome by the Emperor Justin II. He was now about thirty- 57 58 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. four years old, and a monk in the great monas- tery of St. Andrew on the Coelian Mount. We may believe that he was remarkable, then as after- wards, for his comprehensive policy, his grasp of great issues, and his minute and careful attention to details in secular as well as religious matters. The vast slave trade then prevalent in Europe was to him a special cause of sorrow, and for the purpose of trying to check the evil, to redeem the captives, or to mitigate their sufferings, he was wont to resort to the market-place in Rome whenever a new cargo of slaves arrived from dis- tant countries. One day on his visit there, he observed three boys with fair complexions, comely faces, and bright flow- ing hair, exposed for sale. When he saw them, he asked from what region or land they had been brought, and being told, " From the island of Britain, whose inhabitants were of similar appearance," in- quired whether those islanders were Christians or still involved in pagan errors. The answer was, "They are pagans." Then he heaved deep sighs from the bottom of his heart, and said, "Alas! that men of such bright countenance should be possessed by the author of darkness, and that such grace of form should hide minds void of grace within ! " Being told further, in answer to his question, that they were called Angles, " Rightly so called," said he, THE MISSION OF ST. AUGUSTINE. 59 " for they have the faces of angels, and such should be fellow-heirs with the angels in heaven. But what is the name of the province from which they were brought ? " " Deira " (the land between the Tyne and the Humber), said the merchant. " Right again/' was the reply ; " from wrath (de irti) are they rescued and called to the mercy of Christ." Lastly, on hearing that the king of that province was named j£lla, he exclaimed, " Alleluia ! the praise of God the Creator must be sung in those parts." Gregory went from the market-place to the Pope, and asked him to send to the English nation some minister of the Word by whom Britain might be converted to Christ, saying that he himself was prepared to accomplish this work by the assistance of the Lord. But though the Pope gave his con- sent, so great was the love of the Roman people for him, that he was obliged to start from his monastery in the strictest secrecy, accompanied by some of his comrades. When his departure became known, the people were much excited, and dividing themselves into three companies assailed the Pope as he went to church, crying, with a terrible voice, " What hast thou done ? Thou hast offended St. Peter, thou hast destroyed Rome, since thou hast sent away Gregory." The Pope, greatly alarmed, despatched messengers with all possible speed to 60 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. recall Gregory to Rome. He had already advanced three days along the great northern road, when the messengers arrived and took him back to the city. Gregory afterwards became Abbot of the monas- tery, and, much against his will, was elected Pope on the death of Pelagius, and consecrated on Sep- tember 3, 590. But he never forgot his project for the conversion of England, and in 596 he wrote to Candidus, a priest in Gaul, directing him to use part of the Papal patrimony to purchase English youths of the age of seventeen or eighteen years, to be edu- cated in monasteries — no doubt with the intention of sending them as missionaries to their country- men. The mission It was not, however, till the following year that of St. Aug- ustine, he was able to accomplish the desire of his heart, when he selected as the head of a mission to Eng- land Augustine, Prior of St. Andrew's monastery (of which he had himself been the founder), and charged him with letters to Vigilius, Bishop of Aries, to the Kings Theodoric and Theodebert, and to Queen Brunehild, mother of Childebert II., and during his minority regent of the eastern or German part of the Empire. It is no part of our work to narrate in detail how this missionary band were so terrified by the rumours they heard, that THE MISSION OF ST. AUGUSTINE. 61 Augustine became faint-hearted on the road, and returned to Rome to beg that they might be excused. Gregory, however, would have no with- drawal, and sent him back again with letters of encouragement to his colleagues. So they went on, and landed in the Isle of Thanet. The king of Kent at this time was Ethelbert, who Ethelbert, King of was the most powerful king in Britain (reckoned Kent - by some as the third Bretwalda), and had estab- lished his supremacy over the Saxons of Middlesex and Essex, as well as over the English of East Anglia as far north as the Wash ; and had driven back the West Saxons when, after an interval of civil feuds, they began again their advance along the Thames and marched upon London. Ethelbert began to reign in 561. He was believed to be great-grandson of Eric, son of Hengist, a " son of the ash-tree." He had previously, when quite young, been engaged in an encounter with Ceawlin, King of Wessex, and been defeated at Wimbledon. But Ceawlin himself was worsted in 591 by his nephew Ceolric at Woodnesbury, in Wiltshire, and died shortly afterwards — and Ethelbert had now asserted his supremacy. Unlike most English kings then, and for a long Queen Bertha. time afterwards, he had married a foreign wife, Bercta or Bertha, daughter of Charibert, one of the kings of the Franks in Gaul, and reigning at Paris. 62 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Bertha was a Christian, and, as Ethelbert was a heathen, it had been expressly stipulated, either by her father or by her uncle and guardian Chil- peric King of Soissons, that she should enjoy the free exercise of her religion, " and keep inviolate the rite of her faith." Bertha is one of the most interesting and roman- tic characters in the range of English history, — our first Christian Queen — possessing undoubtedly the same remarkable influence over Ethelbert as Clotilda had done over her own great ancestor Clovis, and disposing him favourably towards the new religion. We do not know much of her previous history, but St. Gregory of Tours informs us that King Chari- bert took to wife Ingoberga, by whom he had a daughter, who afterwards "married a husband in Kent.'' " Ingoberga had in her service at this time two girls, the children of a certain poor wool- maker, of whom the one, who was a religious, was called Marcovefa, and the other Merofledis, whom the King fell violently in love with." In- goberga, jealous of this affection of the King, contrived to get their father secretly to work at his trade, hoping that her husband, when he saw this, would entertain a hatred and contempt for the daughters. The King, summoned (as he thought) to witness something novel, saw the man engaged in the trivial occupation of putting THE MISSION OF ST. AUGUSTINE. 63 together "the royal girdles" (jascias). He was angry at the trick played upon him, and probably at the jealousy of the Queen, so he forsook Ingo- berga and married Merofledis. The unfortunate Queen was obliged to fly, and taking up her abode at Tours, devoted herself to a life of religious seclusion, bringing up her daughter Bertha under the direction of the saintly Bishop Gregory, and preparing her thus for the great part she filled afterwards in the work of the conversion of Eng- land. We may mention here that King Charibert, after the death of Merofledis, proceeded to marry her sister, for which outrage he was solemnly excommunicated by St. Germanus, and refusing to leave her, " perished, stricken by the just judg- ment of God." Ingoberga died at the age of seventy in the year 5 89. 1 Bertha was accompanied to England by her Bishop Liudhard. chaplain, Liudhard, who was sent with her to pre- serve her faith. Of Liudhard we know very little that is certain. His name is variously spelt Leotard, Liudhard, or even Liupard. By some he was supposed to be Bishop of Senlis, but his name does not occur in the list of bishops of that See, though it is inserted with a mark of inter- rogation in Gam's Series Episcopoi'um. Gocelin calls him " the faithful guardian of the Queen." It 1 Life of Ethelberga, by Canon Jenkins. 64 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. seems strange that he, who would speak a language akin to that of the English, did not convert some of them previously to the coming of St. Augustine, who only spoke Latin, and was obliged to converse with them through the medium of interpreters. However that may be, he was undoubtedly the "harbinger" of St. Augustine, and had probably endeavoured to stir up his brother prelates in France on behalf of the destitute English, since Pope Gregory, writing at this time to Theodoric and Theodebert, severely condemns the supineness of their Church in neglecting to provide for the religious wants of their neighbours, whose " ear- nest longing for the grace of life had reached his ears." Com of I may mention here that a coin was found some Liudhard. years ago in the churchyard of St. Martin's, with the inscription " Lyupardus Eps ; " and the Rev. Daniel Haigh (in his notes on the Runic monu- ments of Kent) says that he has no doubt that this coin belongs to Liudhard, who is called Liphardus in Florus's addition to Bede's Martyrologia. Queen Bertha and her chaplain " used to pray " in the little church of St. Martin's, going daily there from Ethelbert's palace, near the site of the present Cathedral, through the postern gate of the precincts, opposite St. Augustine's gateway. To this circum- stance is attributed its name of Queningate, " though THE MISSION OF ST. AUGUSTINE. 65 by a doubtful etymology." Owing to long disuse, the church must have fallen into a state of decay, but was again restored and made suitable for Christian worship; though it is possible that the Queen, with her attendant maidens, only made use of the old Roman chancel, forming a small chapel some twenty feet by fourteen feet. But we must now return to St. Augustine. " On Augustine's landing. the east of Kent," says Bede, " is the large Isle of Thanet, containing, according to the English way of reckoning, six hundred families, divided from the other land by the river Wantsum, which at that time was a channel nearly a mile in width," running from Richborough to Reculver, though it has since become a narrow ditch. Here was a small place called Ebbsfleet, still the name of a farmhouse, rising out of Minster Marsh, but owing to the retreat of the sea now situated among green fields. There is little to catch the eye in Ebbsfleet itself, which is a mere spit of higher ground, distinguished by its clump of trees, but must then have been a headland running out into the sea. " Taken as a whole," says Mr. Green, " the scene has a wild beauty of its own. To the right the white curve of Ramsgate cliifs looks down on the crescent of Pegwell Bay. Far away to the left, across grey marsh-lands, where smoke-wreaths mark the sites of Rich- E 66 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Interview between Ethelbert and Augus- tine. borough and Sandwich, rises the dim cliff-line of Deal." There can be little doubt that national tradition is right, which fixed on this spot as the first landing-place of Hengist and Horsa. And here St. Augustine set foot on English ground, at a spot marked by the late Lord Granville with an Iona cross. The stone which is said to have first received the impression of his foot was for a long time preserved as a precious memento in St. Augustine's Monastery at Canterbury. The missionaries had no sooner landed than one or two of their body proceeded to Canterbury, where they duly acquainted King Ethelbert with the fact and object of their arrival. The King gave the deputies a favourable hearing, but bade them remain where they were, saying that he himself would visit them — making, however, this curious stipulation, that they should not hold their first interview under a roof, lest they should practise on him spells and incantations — " though they came," adds Bede, " furnished with divine and not with magic virtue." After a few days he proceeded, with some mis- givings, to the Isle of Thanet, where the inter- view took place — possibly, according to tradition, at Ebbsfleet, or under an ancient oak in the centre of the island. The missionaries, on hearing of the King's arrival, came to meet him, chanting THE MISSION OF ST. AUGUSTINE. 67 litanies, and with a tall silver cross for a standard borne before them, as well as a figure of our Blessed Lord painted on an upright board. Besides St. Augustine, who was of great stature, head and shoulders taller than any one else, were Lawrence afterwards Archbishop of Canter- bury, Peter who became first Abbot of St. Augus- tine's, and nearly forty others. When the procession stopped and the chant ceased, Ethelbert bade the missionaries sit down. St. Augustine having preached to the King and his attendants the Words of Life, through the mouth of the Frankish interpreters, was answered by the King in the well-known passage, " Your words and promises are fair, but as they are new to us, and of uncertain import, I cannot assent to them so far as to forsake that which I have so long followed with the whole English nation. But because you are come as strangers from afar into my kingdom, and, as I conceive, are desirous to impart to us those things which ye believe to be true and most beneficial, we will not molest you, but rather give you favour- able entertainment, and take care to supply you with your necessary sustenance. Nor do we for- bid you to preach and join as many as you can to the faith of your religion." The King was as good as his word. Upon his 68 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. return to Canterbury he gave orders that a suitable house should be prepared for the missionaries, called "Stable Gate," near an old heathen temple where his servants worshipped, and not far from the present Church of St. Alphage. St. Augus- From the Isle of Thanet St. Augustine and tine enters Canterbury. n j s companions crossed the ferry to Richborough, the old Roman fortress of Rutupiae. Thence they proceeded for about twelve miles almost due west to Canterbury, by a road running in part between the villages of Wickham and Ickham, till they came to St. Martin's Hill. There they would catch sight of the little chapel of St. Martin, which, as they well knew, had been consecrated afresh to the worship of Jesus Christ, and of the city below them, with its wooden houses dotted about among the ash-groves. As soon as they beheld it, they formed themselves into a procession, bearing aloft the silver cross and the rude painted board ; and as they passed St. Martin's Church, the choristers, whom Augustine had brought from Gregory's school on the Coelian Hill, chanted one of Gregory's own litanies, " Lord, we beseech Thee, in all Thy mercy, that Thy wrath and anger may be turned away from this city and from Thy holy house, for we have sinned. Alleluia ! " We can well imagine that the idolatrous inhabitants of Canterbury must have been struck with astonishment at the unwonted THE BAPTISM OF KING ETHBLBERT. 69 sight of the pictured board and the glittering cross, and at the swarthy complexions and strange dress of the Roman missionaries. Is it drawing too much on our imagination if we believe that the saintly Queen Bertha came forth to meet this band with joy in her heart, and with a feeling of intense con- solation — since it is probable that Bishop Liudhard had passed away, and now one had come who would more than fill his place ? We should readily suppose that St. Augustine worshipped in St. Martin's Church, where Queen Bertha had been accustomed to pray, even without the express statement of Bede that in this church they began " to meet, to sing, to pray, to say mass, to preach, and to baptize." And soon the first fruits of this mission began to appear in the con- version and baptism of Ethelbert. The Baptism of King Ethelbert. King Ethelbert was baptized ; but where and how ? We know that the ceremony took place on the Feast of Pentecost (June 2nd) in the year of our Lord 597? but nothing else is specified. It is a difficult and interesting question, espe- cially with reference to our present history. Of one thing there can be little doubt, that we should certainly expect him to have been baptized in St. 70 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Martin's Church. It was here that his Queen had worshipped for so many years ; it was here that his converter, St. Augustine, offered the sacrifice of the mass and baptized. But there is, so far as I am aware, no earlier statement of the fact than that of John Bromton, about the end of the twelfth century, who, speaking of St. Martin's, says that " there the King was baptized in the name of the Holy Trinity and the faith of the Church." There is, however, a strong tradition in favour of the theory, while 10,000 Saxons baptized on Christ- mas Day are said to have been baptized in the broad waters of the Swale, at the mouth of the Medway. The rumours of the King's conversion had pro- bably brought a vast multitude of strangers to the city, not only from other parts of Kent, but also from distant quarters. We cannot doubt that, as in the case of the baptism of Clovis, the ceremony was performed with the utmost pomp, to impress the minds of the heathen Saxons. " On that occasion the church was hung with embroidered tapestry and white curtains ; odours of incense like airs of para- dise were diffused around, and the building blazed with countless lights." Order of While Ethelbert remained at the entrance, Queen Baptism. ' *" Bertha with her attendants repaired to her customary place of devotion. A portion of the service was THE BAPTISM OF KING ETH ELBERT. 71 gone through at the Altar, and then Augustine, dis- tinguished from the rest by his unusual stature as well as his richer vestment, descends to the font, chanting a Litany, and preceded by two acolytes with lighted tapers. Then follows the Benediction of the font and the Consecration of the water in the following prayer (some portions of which are here omitted) : — " O God, whose spirit was borne over the waters at the first creation of the world, that even then the nature of water might receive the virtue of sanctification : O God, who, washing away the crimes of a guilty world by water, didst signify the grace of regeneration in the very Flood, that by the mystery of one and the same element there might be an end to vices and the beginning of virtues : Look, O Lord, on the face of Thy Church, Thou who openest the font of Baptism for the renewing of nations over the whole world . . . that they may receive the grace of Thy only-begotten Son from the Holy Ghost. . . . May He by the secret admixture of His light make pregnant this water prepared for the regeneration of mankind, that by sanctification received from the immaculate womb of the Divine Font a heavenly offspring may come forth, born again into newness of life. May grace, as a mother, bring forth all into a common infancy, how different soever in sex or age. Far away 72 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. hence, at Thy bidding, O Lord, may every unclean spirit depart — depart every wickedness of diabo- lical craft! May there be no evil admixture, no treachery to circumvent, no secret poison to in- sinuate itself, no defilement to corrupt and destroy. May this creature (of water) be holy and innocent : . . . may it be a living fountain of Regeneration, a wave of purification, that all they who are to be washed in this health-giving laver may obtain, by the operation in them of the Holy Ghost, the in- dulgence of a perfect cleansing." Here Augustine makes the sign of the cross three times, and blesses the water in the name of the Living and Holy God, who, at the creation, sepa- rated it from dry land, and made it water the whole earth in four streams — who, when it was bitter in the desert, poured sweetness into it, and brought it forth from the rock for His thirsting people. He blesses it also in the name of Jesus Christ, who in Cana of Galilee changed it into wine by a won- derful miracle of power — who walked on it with His feet, and was baptized with it in Jordan — who poured it forth, together with blood, from His side, and commanded His disciples to baptize in it believers. Here he cJianges his voice into the tone of read- ing, and prays : " O Almighty God, be present in Thy mercy to us, carrying out Thy commandments. THE BAPTISM OF KING ETHELBERT. 73 Graciously breathe upon this element. Bless this pure water with the breath of Thy mouth. . . . May the virtue of Thy Holy Spirit descend into the fulness of this Font. . . . May that nature which was formed after Thy image be cleansed from all the defilement of the old man . . . through our Lord Jesus Christ, Thy Son, who will come to judge the quick and the dead, and the world by fire." Then the two tapers are plunged into the font, and Augustine breathes into it {insufflat) three times, and the chrism is poured into the font in the form of a cross, while the water is parted by his hand. Ethelbert at this point is interrogated, " Dost thou believe in God the Father Almighty ? Dost thou too believe in Jesus Christ, His only- begotten Son, our Lord, that He was born and suffered ? and Dost thou believe in the Holy Ghost, the Holy Church, the remission of sins, and the resurrection of the flesh ? " To each of which he answers, I believe. Here follows the baptism, after which Ethelbert is signed on the forehead with chrism in the form of a cross. Augustine returns to his seat, and another litany is chanted. At this period of the service, had Augustine been at that time a bishop, he would have administered to the King the Sacrament of Confirmation, but 74 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. he was not consecrated Bishop of the English till a few months afterwards. Mode of ad- But next as to the mode of baptism. It may at ministering baptism. once be admitted that the general rule of the ancient Church was that baptism should be administered by triple, or sometimes by single, immersion. Ter- tullian speaks of a man " let down into the water " and "stepping forth from the bath," and similar statements may be quoted from St. Jerome, Leo the Great, Pope Pelagius, and many others, as well as from St. Chrysostom, who says, speaking of baptism, "Man is as naked as Adam in Paradise, but there Adam was naked because he had sinned : here man is naked that he might be freed from sin." The custom evidently was for the adult catechu- men to descend into a font or basin, and, while standing there, dip the head thrice under the water. Muratori {Lit. Rom.) quotes passages from the Gelasian and Leonine Sacramentaries containing such expressions as " then you dip him three times in the water" — "afterwards when he is coming up from the font," and so on. And Martene (in his De Antiq. Eccl. Rit, torn. i. p. 128) goes so far as to say that "it is evident for many generations that immersion was always used. Certainly in all the books of ritual which I have seen and in the Pontifical manuscripts, as well old as compara- tively new, immersion is prescribed." In accord- THE BAPTISM OF KING ETHELBBRT. 7; ance with this practice, we find in some of the more ancient churches baptisteries with an octa- gonal or circular piscina, sometimes as much as twenty feet in diameter and nearly five feet deep, and generally in a building detached from the church. On the other hand, the late Mr. Wharton Mar- Affusion, riott (in his article on " Baptism " in the " Diction- ary of Church Antiquities ") shows that this prac- tice was by no means universal, and that, even as early as the second century, affusion was frequently used, sometimes with, and occasionally without, immersion. One customary mode was for water to be poured from the hand, or a small vessel held in the hand, on a person standing in shallow water. And we are referred to the picture of our Lord's Baptism in the Baptistery of St. John at Ravenna (dating probably from about the year 450), where Jesus is standing in the water, and the Baptist is pouring water over Him from a shell. And there is a similar representation in the Church of St. Maria in Cosmedin, also at Ravenna, where the mosaics are said to date from the middle of the sixth century — and one of earlier date in a fresco from the Cemetery of St. Calixtus. Two curious representations also were engraved by Ciampinus in his Monumenta Vetera, of sarco- phagi to which he attributed very great antiquity. In the first of these is represented the baptism 76 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. of a king and queen, whom he supposes to be Agilulfus and his wife Theodolinda, Queen of the Lombards, baptized about 590. On the other sarcophagus a somewhat similar scene is repre- sented, assumed (though on slight grounds) to be the baptism of Arrichius, second Duke of Bene- ventum, a contemporary of Gregory the Great, in 591 A.D. In the latter case a man somewhat advanced in years kneels to receive baptism, which is administered by affusion only, water being poured upon his head from a small vessel, which has been filled evidently from one of a larger size (not unlike the upper part of a modern English font) which stands near. Whatever be the precise value of Ciampinus's opinion as to the persons and date, it must strike us as a sin- gular coincidence that both these baptisms of men of high rank are assigned to the same decade as that of King Ethelbert. In almost all the earliest illustrations that have been preserved to us, this special act of affusio?i is the one represented. One curious reason for the administration of baptism by "pouring water from above" is given by Walafrid Strabo in the ninth century, who' treats it as an exceptional act, and tells us that this is wont to happen " cum provectiorum granditas corporum in minoribus vasis hominem tingi non patitur ! " THE BAPTISM OF KING ETHELBERT. 77 We may, then, on the whole conclude, that though baptism by immersion was the general rule of the early Church, yet that affusion was also frequently practised. It was of course so in the case of the sick, under fear of approaching death. St. Cyprian, when appealed to for an opinion as to whether this mode of baptism was legitimate and regular, evidently shows that the question had never been formally decided, but expresses his own opinion that the mode in which the water was applied was a matter of minor importance. The word " pcrfusus " occurs often in Latin writers as applied to the catechumen. And Mr. Marriott refers to old vase paintings to illustrate a common mode of bathing among the ancients, viz., pouring water over the body from vessels, and compares Ovid's description of Diana's bath, " Urnisque capacibus undam Effundunt." As there seems to the present writer a special reason for Ethelbert being baptized in St. Mar- tin's Church, and it is not altogether impossible that he was baptized by affusion, we must next consider whether there is any reason for believ- ing that he could have been baptized at the existing font, either standing in or near it. And to follow out this inquiry we must first give a short description of the font. It is circular or tub-shaped, 2 ft. 5 in. high, 78 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Description excluding the base on which it stands ; or 3 ft. uf font. I in. with the base, which looks like an old Norman millstone, and was probably added when the font was last moved from the centre of the church to its present position in the south- western corner of the nave. With regard to my opinion as to the present base not having been there originally, I may state that on an exami- nation of the inside of the font for the purpose of inserting a small leaden pipe to carry away the water, we found that this lower stone had a square opening in the centre, and bore the usual Norman tool-marks, which it would probably not have done had it not been exposed at first to external view. The diameter of the font from outside to out- side is 2 ft. 6h in., and that of the actual basin 1 ft. 10 in. — the circumference round the outside being 8 ft. 2 in. It consists of a rim and three tiers. The three tiers are made up of some twenty-two distinct stones, rounded externally, and fitted in their place. The lower tier is embellished with a con- tinuous pattern of scroll-work; the second with groups of circles intertwining one another (what Hasted calls a hieroglyphical true lover's knot), with the exception of one stone, which has six comparatively plain circles carved upon it ; the THE BAPTISM OF KING ETHELBERT. 79 third tier is of a completely different character, exhibiting arches intersecting each other. At the top is a rim, the ornamentation of which corre- sponds with that of the two lower tiers, except one part in which there is a kind of dog-tooth work, like stars cut in half. It has been sug- gested that the upper portion of this rim was cut away for the purpose of forming a ledge on which a tall cover might firmly rest. There are still remains of the staple by which the cover was secured. The font was for a long time covered with a thick coat of whitewash. It is lined with lead, extending downwards to a depth of fourteen inches, and the space between the lead and the bottom of the font is at present filled up with rough blocks of Caen stone and rubbish. It has probably been taken to pieces and moved more than once. An attempt has been made, by drawing traces of the several stones separately, to reorganise it (on paper) in a con- sistent and continuous pattern, but unfortunately there are two or three stones that will not fit in with the rest. Now as to the date of this font there is great Date of font. diversity of opinion. The character of the carv- ing naturally suggests at first that it is of the later Norman period, and is somewhat similar to 80 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. that found in St. Clement's Church, Sandwich, in the cloisters of Canterbury Cathedral, and elsewhere. But this is by no means conclusive ; for if the font was at that time an historical one, some pious person might have been inclined to do honour to it by decoration. And Mr. Loftus Brock, who maintains this theory, points out that this decoration is not carving at all, but done with a small chisel of not more than a quarter of an inch, and by no able hand ; and he gives an instance of an ancient font which to his knowledge had been " smartened up " with decoration, so that those who were not aware of its antiquity would fail to recognise it under its present disguise. Composition It is certain that the composition of our font of font. is most unusual. The Norman fonts were, as a rule, scooped out of a single stone, as we see, e.g., at Lincoln Cathedral, at Sapcote in Leices- tershire — Green's Norton, Wansford, and Dodford in Northamptonshire — Belton and Aswarly in Lin- colnshire — and several other places. Moreover, as St. Martin's font is of Caen stone, which the Normans possessed in great abundance, and which is easily worked, it appears improbable that they would have built it up in such a rude manner, of twenty-two or more separate stones. Is there any other existing font composed in the same THE BAPTISM OF KING ETHELBERT. 81 manner ? I have been informed that there is, or was, at Lewknor, in Oxfordshire, and also at Woburn, in Bedfordshire. But the Vicar of Lewknor, examin- ing his font at my request, writes that, so far as he can see, it is made of one stone; while the Woburn Church has been entirely rebuilt during the last thirty years, and I have failed to ascertain what has become of the ancient font. It has, indeed, often been stated that we have no Saxon fonts existing, but this statement is incapable of proof, and is of little more value than a similar one respecting early pre-Norman churches. We are far more inclined to hold the opinion of Mr. F. C. Paley (in his Introduction to " Illustrations of Baptismal Fonts," London, 1844), "We cannot doubt that a considerable number of fonts now exist in England wherein the Saxon infant received the waters of Baptism." We can lay down no positive rule about Norman fonts, but, generally speaking, they were of square form, often profusely decorated with grotesque imagery, and supported by a central massive cir- cular stem — though of course with some exceptions both as to shape and ornamentation. Take away the sketchy chiselling, for which we have suggested a probable reason, and we do not think any one would consider the font of St. Martin's to be of Norman workmanship. More- 82 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. over, the sides of the font internally are extremely rough, and it is unlike the Normans to bestow so little in the way of finish. The use of Caen stone by no means implies that it is of the Norman period, for that stone was undoubtedly used at far earlier times, and even by the Romans, as we find blocks of it in the ruins of Richborough ; and in Dover Museum are some neatly worked baluster shafts of the same stone, from the church in Dover Castle. We may add that the most ancient form of fonts was always round or tub-shaped, built like a tower, as de- scribed by St. Paulinus of Nola. Conclusion. Of a large piscina in St. Martin's there is no tradition ; no traces have been discovered of a baptistery. And though we cannot attach undue importance to the fact that in the seal of N. de Battail, Abbot of St. Augustine's (1224-52 A.D.), and in the common seal of St. Augustine's Abbey {circ. 1280), King Ethelbert is represented as stand- ing in a font, similar in many respects to the present one (since Mr. St. John Hope reminds me that in mediaeval times this is the general mode of repre- senting adult baptism), yet it cannot be altogether dismissed as irrelevant. On the whole, no person in a calm or critical state of mind would maintain that the existing font is undoubtedly the one in which Ethelbert was THE BAPTISM OF KING ETHELBERT. 83 baptized. The probability, indeed, would point the other way. But in my opinion the " pious belief" to this effect may not unreasonably be entertained, though I cannot truthfully say that it is based on any strong evidence such as would account for the possession of so unusual a relic. It has been suggested by a learned antiquary, doubtless as a jeu d' esprit, that the St. Martin's font is nothing but the circular erection once sur- rounding the top of the well, or puteus, in the Herbarium of the Cathedral, as depicted by Eadwin (11 30-1 174) in his famous plan — the stones, I sup- pose, having been taken away after the great fire, and re-erected with the addition of a base, so as to form a font ! I mention this suggestion because it is really not a whit more extravagant than many others that have been made. Nor is it more unreasonable, I think, than the idea that, because there are no Saxon fonts which we can with certainty identify as such, therefore none exist ! Surely all discoveries of a class of objects must have a beginning. And the very same argument has been used with regard to Roman churches. Archaeologists have never seen in England any Roman ecclesiastical build- ing — ergo, whatever your church seems to be, and however strong your proofs, it cannot be Roman, because it is contrary to our experience ! CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. St. Martin's — "a small and mean church," as it is unkindly called by Stukely — after the death of Augustine, Ethelbert, and Bertha, relapses into comparative obscurity, and its history is rather to be gathered from the testimony of architecture than from positive records. We may, however, mention, as connected with the immediately suc- ceeding period, that there were dug up in the churchyard (in addition to the Roman ornaments recorded in a previous chapter) a Saxon or Frank- ish circular ornament set with garnets, and other things, which were of too costly a description to have belonged to any but persons of distinction, with whom they had probably been interred; also three gold looped Merovingian coins, described at length by Mr. Roach Smith. One of these had on the obverse a full-faced bust with a short f on the right, and a long T on the left, and on the reverse " Lendulfus Monetarius," and a nimbed AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 85 figure on horseback. On the obverse of the second was a diademed head; on the reverse, " Nonnius Monetarius," and a cross on a globe — while on the obverse of the third was " Paseno Feto," and on the reverse " Leonardi Monetarii," and a rude figure of Victory with a wreath and palm branch. The first historical post-Augustinian record that charter of r _ 867 A.D. we find in connection with the church is the well- known charter of A.D. 867 (from the Cottonian MSS., Augustus II. 95), granted when the Kentish Wittenagemot was held at Canterbury by King Ethelred, and entitled " Grant of a sedes in the place which is called St. Martin's Church, and of a small enclosure pertaining to the same sedes, by King Ethelred to his faithful friend Wig- helm, priest," endorsed in a contemporary hand, " 'An sett cet sc'e Martine." In this document, Ethelred, King of the West Saxons and Kentish- men, gives and concedes to Wighelm a sedes, and tun or enclosure pertaining thereto, of which the boundaries are named. The Latin here being provincial and obscure, presents much difficulty, but we may probably explain it as meaning that the tun is to the north of the public highway, to the east of St. Augustine's, to the west of Hina meteren, and the south of Hina gemene weg. 86 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. The grant is given to Wighelm for his life, and after his death to his heirs. And the King in strong language lays injunction on his successors, " by the faith of St. Martin Confessor of Christ," that no one presume to infringe this grant; but if any one, " stirred up' by diabolical rashness," try to change or diminish it, " may his portion be dimi- nished from the land of the living, and may he stand guilty before the judgment-seat, a sharer in the condemnation of those who sold and crucified the Son of God," &c. Now this Charter is one of the most remarkable in the whole series of Anglo-Saxon documents, and confessedly one of the most obscure and diffi- cult to comprehend. Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs append to it this note : " It is possible that the charter is the original source of the idea of an Episcopal See established in the Church of St. Martin at Canterbury. Wighelm is possibly the person who attests charters of Edward the Elder as bishop in A.D. 904 and 909 ; but it would be very unsafe to infer the existence of the See of St. Martin's from such premises." The first difficulty is in the meaning of the word sedes. It is contended by some writers, notwithstanding the remarks of Haddan and Stubbs, that it probably refers to the episcopal character of St. Martin's, or at any rate to some AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 87 official appointment in the church ; and sedes may undoubtedly be used to indicate a Bishop's See, though in this sense its Anglo-Saxon equi- valent would be stol, and not setl. While others interpret it as a shop, booth, dwelling, or stall for market purposes in the parish, equivalent somewhat to the familiar word mansa, " a place of settlement " (which is frequently found), or to our word country-seat. But the boundaries of the modica vilhda are also unintelligible. In a classical translation, for instance, ab aquilone would, of course, mean " on the north," and so on; but I have ventured to render it " away from the north," i.e., on the south, which accords better with the existing position of the parish; and the Latin is so provincial, e.g., puplica, mihhi, meritie gacentia, dotionem, &c, that we must not press it too rigidly. As for the hina meteren and hina gemene weg, what are we to understand ? The hina gemene weg is identified by some with the high common way, i.e., the " highway." But what is hina meteren ? Is meteren some measure of land ? Has it to do with metes and bounds ? Can it be metern = cibi domus, coenaculum, or "meal cham- ber " ? or is it a mere corruption of the scribe ? The word hina is also variously understood. One writer thinks it " a corruption of the Anglo-Saxon 88 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. preposition that often went before names." An- other, that it has been miswritten for thone, the accusative masculine of the definite article ; while a third connects it with /line, " a hind or ser- vant," understanding, therefore, the hina meteren to mean " the servants' supper-hall." As against sedes being the Bishop's See we may place the words aucunque eredi placuerit, a common formula in these charters, implying free power in the owner to leave the property to any one at his pleasure. Whatever be our interpretation of these obscure points, the charter is important as giving what is probably a complete list of the Canterbury clergy, all of whom attested it, viz. : — A rc/ibis/wp — Ceolnoth. A bbot — Biarnhelm. Priests — Nothheard, Biarnfreth, Osmund, Wig- helm, Ethelweald, Eardulf, Biarnhelm, Tidweald, Beornred, Sefreth, Beornheah, Sigefreth, Sebearht, Sigemund, Torhthelm, Herefreth, Beornweald, Wealdhere, Elfstan, Aldred, Bearnulf. Archdeacons — Sigefred, Bearnoth, Herefreth. Sub-deacons — Ealhheard, Cialbearht, Wealdhelm, Tirweald. The charter is also attested by King Ethelred, Duke Eastmund, Abbot Ealhheard, Heremod priest, and many others ; and is confirmed " in Jesus Christ inva- sions. AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 89 with the sign of the holy cross," in the year from the incarnation of our Lord, 867. I cannot help suggesting that the hina metcreii (qu. " hinds' meat-house " ?) was on the site of the present so-called St. Martin's Priory, and the vilhda the field to the south of the church, be- longing to the Poor Priest's estate. The publico, strata on the south would then be the high-road leading up St. Martin's Hill. To the west is the land of St. Augustine's Abbey ; and the gemene weg a path between the churchyard and the writer's house. But this is, of course, mere conjecture. We can hardly doubt that the church suffered Danish some injury at the hand of the Danes, by whom Canterbury was wasted in 851, and again in 1009; though the most serious devastation took place in 1011, when, in the reign of Ethelred the Second, the Danes laid siege to and captured the city. This capture is particularly famous because of the martyrdom of the Archbishop Elphege. We read that the invaders perpetrated every sort of cruelty, and are said to have massacred nine people out of ten : " A horrid spectacle to the beholders (says an old historian) ; the face of an ancient and beau- tiful city brought to ashes ; the dead bodies of the citizens strewed thick about the streets and roads, dyeing both soil and river black with blood." While the Archbishop was appealing to the in- go HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. vaders to spare the people, they seized, bound, and dragged him to the Cathedral to see it in flames. "Here," says Edmer, "the children of Satan piled barrels one upon another, and set them on fire, designing thus to burn the roof. Already the heat of the flames began to melt the lead, which ran down inside. And when the people were slain, the city burnt, and the Cathedral pro- faned, scorched, and despoiled," the Archbishop was carried off, and eventually murdered at Greenwich. It is very unlikely that a church like St. Martin's entirely escaped, though it is not specially alluded to in the chronicle. Bishops of Not very long after this period we discover men- St. Martin's. tion of the Suffragan " Bishops of St. Martin's.'' It has been supposed by some that the St. Martin's Bishops belonged to the great church at Dover, or the Oratory of St. Martin at Romney; but this is contrary to all tradition, and has no evidence in its support. It is said by Battely, and by many subsequent writers, that the succession of these Bishops lasted for the space of nearly 400 years ; but of this there is little or no proof, and the idea may have sprung from the charter which I have previously dis- cussed ; while the actual tradition is first mentioned in the "Black Book of the Archdeacons of Can- terbury " (probably about the fourteenth or fifteenth AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 91 century), where it is stated that "in the time of St. Augustine, first Archbishop of Canterbury, to the time of Archbishop Lanfranc of blessed memory, there was no Archdeacon in the city and diocese of Canterbury. But from the time of Archbishop Theodore, who was sixth from St. Augustine, to the time of the aforesaid Lanfranc, there was in the Church of St. Martin's, a suburb of Canterbury, a Bishop ordained by Theodore, under the authority of Pope Vitalian, who in all the city and diocese of Canterbury undertook duties in the place of the Archbishop, conferring holy orders, consecrating churches, and confirming children during his ab- sence." Archbishop Parker speaks of the Bishop of St. Martin's as performing in all things the office of a Bishop in the absence of the Archbishop, who for the most part attended the King's court. " The Bishop himself being a monk, received under obedience the monks of Christ Church, and cele- brated in the metropolitical church the solemn offices of Divine worship, which being finished, he returned to his own place. He and the Prior of Christ Church sat together in synods, both habited alike." The names of only two Bishops are preserved to us — that of Eadsi or Eadsige (1032-38), subse- quently Archbishop of Canterbury, who, soon after he had received the pall from the Pope, was afflicted with a loathsome disease which incapaci- 92 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. s tated him from business, but at length recovered, and administered the See until his death on the fourth day before the Kalends of November, in 1050. The other Bishop was Godwin, appointed in 1052 by Archbishop Robert of Jumieges — who died, according to the Saxon Chronicle, nine years after- wards, in 1 06 1. They were evidently Chorepiscopi, a very ancient order of Bishops, dating from the third century, who overlooked the country district committed to them, ordaining readers, exorcists, and subdeacons, but not, as a rule, deacons and priests, except by express permission of the Diocesan Bishop. In course of time they began to usurp episcopal func- tions without due subordination, and in consequence aroused a strong feeling of hostility, which showed itself first in a number of Papal Bulls condemn- ing them, and secondly in a series of Conciliar Decrees annulling all their episcopal acts, and for- bidding their further appointment. The non-epis- copal nature of the functions to which they became limited led ultimately to their extinction; and the Bishop of St. Martin's was practically merged into the Archdeacon of Canterbury in the time of Lan- franc, who refused to ordain another Bishop, saying that " there ought not to be two Bishops in one city." After the After the Conquest, St. Martin's was partially conquest, restored by the Normans, who have left their mark AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 93 in the remains of a doorway on the south side, in a squint at the north-western corner, and a beauti- ful piscina at the south-east of the nave. We find also some stones in the walls of the church bearing their distinctive tool-marks — as well as the orna- mentation of the font. In the thirteenth century the interior of the church underwent considerable alteration. It is to this period that we owe the high pointed chancel arch, the roof of the nave, and the blocked porch or door to the south-west of the church ; while in the fourteenth century the present tower was erected, and the single- light windows — the window over the font (which is clearly half of a two-light window) having been added a century later. The list of the Rectors is given in an Appendix. Rectors. They were not persons of any distinction, but from time to time we glean a few interesting details con- cerning them. Thus, for instance, in 1321 a dispute arose be- Robert de Henney. tween Robert de Henney, Rector of St. Martin's, and Randolph de Waltham, master of the Free Grammar School of the city of Canterbury, about the rights and privileges of their several schools. A special commission was held under the orders of the Arch- bishop, consisting of Richard, Rector of Monkton; Galfrid, Vicar of Chilham ; Nicholas, chaplain of St. Sepulchre's ; Theobald, Vicar of St. Paul's ; Simon, 94 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Rector of St. Mary de Castro ; Thomas, Rector of St. Peter's ; John, Rector of All-Saints, and others. The point of dispute was whether in the St. Martin's school (within the church fence or boundary) there should be more than thirteen scholars. Whenever the under-master of the city school visited St. Mar- tin's to inquire into the number of scholars, the scholars hid themselves till only thirteen were left on view ! The Rector pleaded the right of his church and concurrent usage, while the City schoolmaster complained that the St. Martin's schoolmaster ad- mitted indiscriminately all coming to his school from different parts, to the prejudice of the city school, and contrary to custom. Finally, Robert de Henney was inhibited from exceeding the number of thirteen grammar scholars ; and though he appealed against the decision to the Archbishop's court, his appeal was dismissed, johnde Again, Thorn, the monk of St. Augustine's, tells Bourne. us an amusing story of the absconding in 1330 of one Peter de Dene, a priest who had entered the monastery of St. Augustine's under certain condi- tions. He was aided in his escape by John dc Bourne, Rector of St. Martin's, who " on the day of St. Lucy the Virgin " was invited to dinner, and during dinner went to the chamber of Peter and had a long conversation with him. Before mid- night Peter threw off his monkish dress, and, accom- AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 95 panied by his servant, and carrying " six dishes and six salt-cellars," escaped through the garden, and passed on to the wall over against St. Martin's Church. Here John de Bourne, George (his bro- ther), and two others were in waiting, having three horses ready. They placed ladders against the abbey walls, and two of them climbing up, drew up another ladder and let it down to Peter, who by its means passed over the wall, and they all rode on horseback to George's house at Bishopsbourne. As soon as his flight was discovered, messengers were sent to the various places on the sea-coast and elsewhere to make inquiries, and to explore. At last, however, it was discovered that Peter was in his brother's house, where they watched for him " all night in great cold," and at last recaptured and brought him back vested in secular dress. On the 6th of the kalends of July 1349 Jo/in John de Byngham. de Byngham was instituted to the Rectory of St. Martin's by the Prior of Christ Church during a vacancy in the See of Canterbury, having been presented thereto by King Edward III. It is a curious fact that during the fourteenth century two other Rectors, William de Castro and Richard de Camsale, were instituted in the same manner, sede vacante. It is extremely difficult to obtain information The Middle Ages. concerning this church during the Middle Ages. 96 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. There are many interesting details about Canterbury churches to be found in the " Archidiaconal Regis- ters" that are preserved in the Cathedral Library, but unfortunately St. Martin's, being exempt from the jurisdiction of the Archdeacon, does not figure in them. Nor, again, is it mentioned in the Com- monwealth Surveys (1649), nor in the Charta Mis- cellanea at Lambeth. Mr. S. H. Kershaw has kindly informed me that references to it are to be found in the registers of the following Arch- bishops : — Reynolds, Arundel, Stafford, Bourchier, Cranmer, Whitgift, Grindal, Parker, Abbot, Laud, Juxon, Sancroft, Potter, Seeker, Moore, and Man- ners-Sutton — but they only contain records of insti- tution or collation to the living, and are absolutely devoid of all particulars of antiquarian interest. The Archbishop's Visitations of the Canterbury diocese are, as a rule, not parochial, and it may be consi- dered a lucky chance that a detailed account is to be found in Archbishop Warham's Visitation in 151 1, which has been printed in extenso in the Britisli Magazine (vol. xxix. p. 302), from which I extract the following entries having reference to St. Martin's parish. Archbishop " Compertum est that John Hougham hath be- Warham's visitation, queathed to St. Martin's Church £15, 10s. Thereof is received of John Holenden £\2, 3s. 4d., and so remaineth in the said John's hands 66s. 8d." AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 97 (John Holenden appeared and acknowledged the debt in respect of the legacy of John Hougham, and was ordered to pay it before St. John Baptist's Day, on pain of excommunication.) " Item, Remaineth in the hands of Stephen Fokys widow 42s. " Item, In her hands twenty-two semys of malt." (Alice Fokys appeared, and acknowledged that she had 40s. in money and twenty-two quarters of malt, the property of the Church of St. Martin, which she always was and is ready to deliver, and was ordered to deliver them to the church- wardens before Easter, under pain of excommuni- cation.) " Item, That the churchwardens have not counted {i.e., furnished accounts) these five years, and have received for Richard Fayrehand's grave and his wife's 13s. 4d. Item, For Stephen Fokys' grave, 6s. 8d. Item, For Leonard Kempys grave, 6s. 8d. Item, For Alice Lang's grave, 6s. 8d." (Ordered to furnish an account before the Feast of Purification, under pain of excommunication. On January 30 they appeared, and exhibited an account of receipts and expenses.) There are, however, some curious and interest- wills, ing details to be found in pre- Reformation wills, of which I subjoin many extracts. Owing to the above-mentioned cause, viz., the church being 98 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. exempt from the jurisdiction of the Archdeacon of Canterbury, there are no wills relating to the parish of St. Martin's out of the II 66 Canterbury wills to be found in the voluminous folios of the "Archdeacon's Court." Those that are printed herewith are from the " Consistory Court," which was the court of the Archbishop. a.d. 1402. John Vag, Rector of St. Martin's, directs his body to be buried in the chancel. He bequeaths for the work of the bell-tower of the church 6s. 8d. ; to the Light of the High Cross, I2d. ; to the Light of the Blessed Mary, 1 2d. ; on the day of his burial to the poor of the parish, 13s. 4d. ; on the "month's day," 13s. 4d. ; to the Preaching, Minorite, and Augustinian Friars, 10s., to be equally divided ; to one priest celebrating mass for one year, nine marks ; to any " chaplain coming to my burial and celebrating mass," 4d. ; to twenty poor men, 4od. a.d. 1461. William Harry is buried in St. Augustine's cemetery. He bequeaths to the High Altar of St. Martin's I2d. ; to the parish clerk there, 4d. ; for the purchase of a new Cross there, 6s. 8d. ; to the Chapel of the Guild of St. Thomas the Martyr in the garden of St. Gregory's monastery, 1 6d. ; to the four men who carry him from his house to St. Martin's Church and thence to his grave at St. Augustine's, 2d. each ; for masses, 2s. 6d. As to AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 99 real estate, he leaves two tenements, one of which lies between the via ecclesiastica and the tenement of Thomas Nicholl versus east — the tenements of John Broker and Thomas Nicholl and the regia strata versus south — the lands of Richard Groute and John Greenhill and testator's own land versus west; and the boundaries of the other tenement are described in a similar manner. If Alice his widow marry, the estate is to be sold, one half the price being paid to her, and the other half being laid out in " pious uses." If she remain " sole," after her death the estate is to be sold, some of the money being expended in the repairs of specified highways, and from the remainder thirteen farthing- loaves are to be distributed to thirteen poor folk every Friday until the sum of 26s. 8d. has been spent; the recipients to pray for the testator and his kin. He gives also, after Alice's death, 20s. to the repairs of St. Martin's Church, and to each house of the Friars in Canterbury 2s. 6d. for thirty masses. Also he leaves five marks for a qualified chaplain, who shall sing for him daily in St. Martin's Church for half a year — and 6s. 8d. for a waxlight burning before the image of St. Nicholas, where the said priest must sing the testator's daily mass. (This is important, as showing probably the existence of an Altar dedicated to St. Nicholas.) John Coutrey, buried in St. Martin's churchyard, a.d. 1479. ioo HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 4d., and in case of failure of issue and his brother's death, his estate to be sold and the price applied for " pious uses." John Bulling, sen., desires to be buried in St. Martin's churchyard in front of the north door. He bequeaths to the High Altar, for tithes and obla- tions forgotten, 20d. ; to the Light of St. Martin's, 20d. ; to the Light of the Holy Cross, I2d. ; for repairing the image of St. Mary, I2d. ; for repairing the roof, 20d. As to real estate, he leaves land at Tenterden and Littlebourne, and charges it with ten marks for a priest celebrating mass at St. Martin's. He also gives a contingent legacy to St. Augustine's, and a vestment to Littlebourne. John Hougham desires to be buried " before the high cross in the nave " of St. Martin's Church. He bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 2od. ; to the Light of the High Cross, I2d. ; to the Light of St. Martin, I2d. ; to the Christopher Light, 6d. ; towards the purchase of a certain book in the church, of which Thomas Pretyman " assigned and named " the purchase, 40s. ; to his sisters Isabel and Margaret, five yards of linen, to be divided between them, costing 3 s. 4d. a yard, to be paid within two years of the testator's death, with 20s. each in money — 5 s. are to be distributed to the poor in bread on the day of his death, and the AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 101 same at his " month's mind." A Friar from the Dominican house is to be engaged to sing in St. Martin's for the testator's soul on the principal feasts of the year after his death, the executors making what bargain they can with the Friar for the cost. He gives legacies to Stephen Forde and Richard Larkyn, ivex cliaundeler. As to real estate, which lies in the parishes of Ash, St. Martin, and St. Paul, and in the town of Sandwich, he leaves the parcels in St. Martin's and St. Paul's to his wife absolutely — also to her the lands at Ash for her life, with remainder at her death to his grand- son, Solomon Hougham — but if his grandson die without heirs, the land is to be sold, and part of the price laid out in books and vestments for St. Martin's Church. Hugo White leaves to the High Altar, for tithes a .d. i 4 8 4 . and oblations forgotten, 2od. — and directed a dirge and five masses to be chanted on the day of his burial and " month's day." He bequeathed for the " pavynge under the circude of the stepull," 2s. William Bochard (alias Roper) desires to be A . D . I4 88. buried beside his father in St. Martin's churchyard. He bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 20d. ; to St. Martin's Light, 2od. ; to the Cross Light, 1 2d. ; to the Light of St. Christopher, 8d. ; to the Prior of Christ Church, 20d. ; and to every monk, 4d. ; similarly to St. Austin's, both on con- 102 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. dition that the two monasteries pay to the executor debts which they owe to the testator, otherwise the legacies to be cancelled. Similar legacies are given to the Friars of the city : " I will that I have doon for the helthe of my soule in the Churche of Seint Martyn the day of my sepulture a dirige and twenty-four masses, lykewise on the other day of my monthes mynd and anniversarie there to be holden a dirige and twenty-four masses, and at every day of my sepulture, monthes mynd, and anniversarie to be distributed in brede amonge poure people to the true value of 2s. I will that the daughter of John Oxenden . . . have 20s., under con- dition if she be then of honest rule and conversacion to have it, or elles this my bequeth to hir to stond voide and of noon effect." To Agnes, his wife, he leaves a tenement in St. Martin's adjoining the gate of the house he dwells in. Another tenement in St. Martin's is given to Robert Nash, with remainder to his son William. To Thomas Bochard, his son, the testator gives his dwelling-house in St. Martin's, " and the workhouse to the same belonging . . . together with all the ymplements, stuff, and other necessaries . . . perteyning to my craft or occupacion of ropars," on condition that Thomas allows his mother " to have her ease in the halle, kychen, and gardyn of the same messuage with fre comyng and goyng to and fro as oft and whanne hit shall like AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 103 her, term of her life duryng. And he shall fynde and gyf unto hir in the same messuage hoolsome and sufficiant mete and drynk, wasshyng of hir clothes and other thyngs to hir . . . behoveable as shall apperteigne to hir degre duly to be founde," &c. Other parcels of real estate are left to the wife for life, with remainder to various persons named. Agnes Bocliard, widow, desires to be buried in a.d. 1492. St. Martin's churchyard. She bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, I2d. ; to the Light of St. Christopher, 6d. ; to the three houses of Friars in Canterbury, 20d. ; to the Guild of Corpus Christi in the Minorite Church, 8d. "Also I will that I have doon and sayde in the Church of St. Martyn for my soule, the soulis of Will Bochard, late my husband . . . and all Cristen soulis, at every day of my burying, my monthes mynd, and anniversarie a dirige and twenty masses." A quarter of wheat to be given in bread to the poor " on every such day.'' To every of my daughters "a cupp harneysed with silver and overgylt and two silver sponys ; " to her daughter Agnes " a coper ; " to Agnes, wife of John Davy, a gown, a girdle, and " halfe my best bedys ; " to my daughter Thomasine, a gown and a " payer of bedys of corall ; " to Agnes, other clothes and a " payer of bedys of gete (jet) with gaudis of silver," and other legacies of utensils— to Juliane, wife of 104 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Thomas Bochard, son of testatrix, " my best gyrdill harneyssed with silver, and that other halfe of my best bedys with the knop." Towards buying a new " surples to abyde in the Churche of St. Martyn, to the laude and praysing of God, 4s.'' She gives the " litel cotage," annexed to the gate of the tene- ment wherein she dwelt, to Juliane, her daughter- in-law, on condition that she " suffre a poure woman called the widow of John Ricard to Occupy the same, " terme of her lyfe duryng." Thomas BocJiard (alias Rooper) desires to be buried in St. Martyn's churchyard, near his wife, who rests at the feet of his father and mother. He bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 6s. 8d.; to the Light of St. Martin, 8d. ; to the Cross Light, I2d. ; to the Light of St. Christopher, " two tapers of wexe, and they be made and kept according to the other tapers of the same light as long as my stok of been (bees) wyll contynewe." The residue of personal property is given to Eleanor a Lee, if she grow up to be married, with remainder to her brother Richard, if Eleanor should die un- married. Ten pounds to be spent on Richard's " exhibicion to scole or scolys duryng the yong age of the said Eleanor." Also, " I wyll that my executors shall bestow towards the beying (buying) of a newe cope and a vestment, with all the appa- rellys thereunto belongyng, to the value of x. AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 105 pounds, and the same to be brought and delyvered unto the Wardens of St. Martyn's Church uppon the Eve of St. Martyn nexte comyng, without any further delay. And whereas I owe ^3 to the said Church, I will that it be parcel of the said ten pounds." He restores to the Abbot of St. Augus- tine's two standing cups which were pledged to his father for four marks, and " I to be prayde for as yt plesyth G<5d and them." To Master William Sellyn, monk of St. Austin's, "to pray for my soul, my little masour harneysyd with silver and overgilt." To Stephen Davy, my sister's son, " when he syngeth his first masse, 6s. 8d." After gifts of clothes to his sister and nieces, he leaves to Cicely a Lee, " two yerdys of whyte blankete, and all those smokkys, apurnys, kerchers, and other lynyn ware as lately belonged to my wyffys owne body, a murrey goune, a skarlett hode, my Easter taper, and as moche wexe as shall cause the same taper to be of eight pounds. And also owte of my stok of been (bees) eight of the first swermys, and of the best the nexte yere followyng after my discease, to fynde them with the seyde Easter taper, and the residue of the seyed beene to be at the over- sight of myn executors towards the meynteyning of those two tapers brennyng before the image of St. Christopher, and a taper of two pounds before the image of Seynt Herasmus, in the seyde Churche of 106 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. St. Marty n." He provides for a dirge and twenty masses on the days of his funeral, month's mind, and anniversary. "And I will that I have imme- diately after my discease an honest secular priest to syng, sey, and preye for my soule ... in the seyde Church of St. Martyn, and he to be at all the dyvyne survyces there by the space of half a yere, takyng for his salary five marks." The residue, not disposed of, to be employed by the executors for the benefit of his soul. Thomas King, buried in St. Martin's churchyard, bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 1 2d. ; to the Light of Seint {left blank by the clerk ; perhaps it was Herasmus, which he coidd not read), 2d. ; to the Cross Light, 4d. ; to St. Mar- tin's Light, 4d. As to real estate, he gives eight acres of woodland in Bredgar to his wife, with the reversion of other land and houses at that date in possession of testator's "grandam" and father at Bredgar. After the wife's death the whole estate is to pass to the "little child or infante now beyng in the wombe of the seid Agnes my wyfe, if it for- tune that the seid little child or infante "... Here the will ends abruptly. Joan Hougham, buried in St. Martin's church- yard beside her late husband, John Strete, bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 3s. 4d. ; to St. Christopher's Light, 20d. ; to the " Crosse Lyght AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 107 in the rode loft there," 3s. 4c!. ; to St. Martin's Light, 20d. ; " Also I bequeath to Gilys, parson of St. Martin's, my little cuppe " harnessed with silver, and the cover thereunto belonging, " a pelowe of sylke and six napkyns." She arranges for services on the day of burial, month's mind, and anniversary, fifteen masses (at each ?). She leaves money to the fabrics of St. Austin's and the Orders of Friars — to the reparation of the highway between the upper end of St. Martin's Hill and the nether end of the same hill, 20s. She gives away her household stuff among a large number of friends, one article to each (specifying three sets of beads, the worst being made of jet). She had two messuages in the parish ; one had a " crofte, a barne, and an acre and a yard of land (in St. Martin's) uppon the hill there." Any residue after legacies, debts, and funeral expenses is to be laid out " for her soul." Thomas Fayrhand, buried in St. Martin's Church a.d. 1505. beside his late wife Agnes, bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, I2d. ; for repairs of the church, 6s. 8d. ; " Item, I bequeath to every of the beme Lyghts of Saint Marten and the Crosse in the rode loft in the same church, 8d. ; " to the Light of St. Christopher, 4d. " I bequeath to the sporte of St. Austin's . . . two candylstykks of la-ton " (brass). Services are to be held at his comme- loS HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. morations, at his " furthfare * and moneth's mynde," in dirge and masses, to the amount of 6s. 8d. Fifteen masses at the furthfare and fifteen at the month's mind to be said in St. Martin's " at the cost of the brothered of St. Nicholas." At his twelve- month's mind, dirge and masses to the amount of 5 s. His real estate of two messuages in the parish he leaves to his daughter and her husband, with remainder to other persons. If heirs fail to these, the estate is to be sold for pious uses, that is to say, the repairs of the church, ornaments for the same, and other good uses at the executor's discre- tion. The other tenement is to be sold, and with the price the executors are directed to provide an " obyte " of 10s. every year for as long as the money will last. a.d. 1506. Stephen Fokys desires to be buried " before the font" — bequeaths for the reparation of the" said Church of St. Martin, and for his burying, 2od. ; to the High Altar, for tithes, &c, forgotten, 20d. ; a dirge and thirty masses on the day of his burial, the month's mind, and the twelvemonth's mind, and every such dirge to be of six priests and four clerks. He also leaves the profits coming of a messuage to the Churchwardens of the parish for ever, for the reparation of the Church. 1 Furthfare, " outgoing," is the moment when the coffin is borne from the house. AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 109 Robert Nasshe, buried in St. Martin's churchyard, a.d. 1509. bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 1 2d. He gives his estate to his son William and his wife Joan. To his son he leaves the implements " per- teyning to the occupacion of fowling, that is to say, a trammell, calve nett, a sparowe nett, a poke nett, with all the lynes perteyning thereto." He gives five sheep to four different persons ; and one of the witnesses to his will is " Sir Gylys Talbott, parson of the said parish." John Ive, buried in St. Martin's churchyard, be- a.d. i 5 n. queaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 8d. His wife Silvester is required to pay for a lamp " yerely " in the church, if it can be " provyd off ryght " that the testator is bound to provide it. All his goods are given to his wife. Giles Talbot, parson of St. Martyn's, buried in the a .d. 1524. chancel, bequeaths "my little pece (of plate), or the value of it," to provide ornaments for the church, silver spoons to the parsons of St. George's and St. Paul's ... to John Worseley and Will Talbott a " hoole pece of russett kersey indifferently betwene them," out of which they are to give a hose cloth to Thomas Woodward ; " to the same Thomas the hosen which I were ; " to Anne Long, his god- daughter, his short gown, one candlestick, two dishes, two saucers and a little brass pot ; " to the wyffe of Richard Lawrence the pece of whitt cloth no HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. to make a petycott for her and Tressors wyff, and another to her, the which Lawrences wyff knoweth ; " to every household in the parish a bushel of wheat and one of barley. Gifts of corn are made to the Observantine Friars, and smaller ones to the other Friars of Canterbury. To his successor in the Rectory he leaves his feather-bed, bolster, and " bed stedyl," the table in the hall, the hangings there, and a little cupboard in the parlour, "to pray for me." The residue to be applied to pious uses under the supervision of my "good Lord Abbott of St. Austyn's, and I beseche the same my Lord to receyve ... a silver spone which I, being poor, give to my said Lord in memory." John Whelp, buried in St. Martin's churchyard, bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 1 2d. ; for the necessary repairing of the image of Saint Martyn there, 1 2d. ; to the Abbot of St. Austin's, "my almayn ryvets " complete, a bow', a "shefe of arros," and a halbert ; to John Powderley, " my short wood knyf ; " to Richard Lawrence, a new scythe ; to John Raynolds of Stodmarsh, " a payer of brygand(ines), a bow, and a shefe of arros." The residue to Isabelle his wife, with some gifts of clothes to Harry Whelp and to Alice his sister. To his executor he gives a gown " wyth my pryk shaft." As to real estate, his house and garden in St. Martin's are given to his wife Isabel for life, AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. in with remainder to Alice and Margaret his daughters equally between them, "provided evermore that if Isabel my wyffe be concevyd with chylde ... I wyll the seyd chylde shal have the thyrd parte of the seyd howse and gardens equally to be divided with the sisters above namyd." If all the children die, " I wyll the sayd howse and gardyns remayne unto the Church of St. Martyn for evermore, under the condition . . . that the churchwardens shall keep testator's obit and those of Joan and Isabel his wives.'' Thomas Fokys, buried in St. Martin's Church, a.d. 1526. next the " sepulture of my uncle Stephen Fokys,'' bequeaths to the church for " brekyng of the grounde ther," 6s. 8d. ; to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 1 2d. ; to St. Martin's Light, I2d.; to the Cross Light, 1 2d. ; to Our Lady's Light, 8d. "I will that the daye of my burying, my monthes daye and yeres mynde att every of the same tymes a dirige and xv. trentall masses." The residue of personal estate is given to his wife Anne. As to real estate, his messuage in St. Martin's is given to the wife for her life, with remainder to his son Stephen, his son Thomas, and his daughter Alice — if all die, the tenement to be sold, and " with the money thereof comyng I will thir be founde an honest secular priest to syng in the foreseyd church as long as the money will endure, for my soul," &c. ii2 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. a.d. 1537. Stephen Hammond leaves to the High Altar of St. Martin's, for tithes and oblations forgotten, 6d. a.d, 1539. Christopher Hammond, buried in St. Martin's churchyard, leaves his real estate, in St. Elphege and St. Mary Bredin parishes, to his surviving sons, Roger and Thomas. a.d. 1543. Richard Laurans, buried in St. Martin's church- yard, bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 4d. ; to the Light before the Sacrament, 4d. ; to the Cross Light, 4d. His personal property is given to Lucy his wife, and to Margaret and Agnes his daughters, and to Lawrence his son ; also the tools of his carpenter's craft to be sold for the most and best value they may, and the money coming of the sale to be bestowed for his soul and all Christian souls in the manner and form following : For one dirge and four masses on his burial-day, at the month's mind, and twelvemonth's mind, to the amount of 5 s. 6d. ; and so from year to j-ear so far as the money coming of the said tools shall amount. a.d. 1545. William Nctshe, rope-maker, buried in St. Mar- tin's churchyard, bequeaths to the High Altar, for dues neglected, 4d. His tenement is given to Juliana his wife for life, with remainder to his son Lawrence, and in case of his death to Stephen Goodhew, son of his wife, who (if he do succeed) is to provide a payment of 20s. a year for ten years, AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 113 of which 5s. are to be expended in an " obytt,'' 5s. to the amending of foul ways, and 10s. to the poor, for the souls of the testator and his kin. John Buntynge is to be buried in St. Martin's a.d. 1547. churchyard, but makes no bequests to the Church. Jolin Stocke, buried in St. Martin's churchyard, a.d. 1549. bequeaths to every poor household dwelling within St. Martin's parish, " to pray for me," 4d. He was a rope-maker, and provides that his workmen should have the use of the workshop and hemp to the value of ten pounds for a term of eleven years (paying to Anne, his wife, a yearly rent of 40s.), when they are to revert to his son Bartholomew, who is to be taught in the meantime " the seyence of roper's crafte." John Wilde desires to be buried " where it shall A.D/1554. please God to dispose ; " " and I will one sermon to be made thereat by some goodlie preacher whoo is continuallie a preacher in example of conversation : whom I wish to expounde to the peopell the sermon made by Christe upon the hill, and therein to move the peopell to contempte of this lyf and to the desier of a better lyf, and to retayne with them the feare of God, beinge the chyf staye of a Christen man in this perolous passage, the same preacher to have for his paynes 10s." He bequeaths to every poor person at the burial id., and to all the poor " inhabitants of Saynte Martyn's Strete," 2od. ; and H4 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. to the parson there, 3s. 4d. ; and to the poore store there, 5 s. ; and to every prisoner in the Castell at Canterburie, Westgate, and the jale at Maydeston, 2d.; also id. to those confined in the London prisons. No provision is made for religious ser- vices. He leaves to his wife the remaining term of a lease which he has of " Christchurch House in St. Martyn's." The cash balance at the end of each year is (during the minority of testator's chil- dren) to be " delivered by the executors to the Maior and Communaltie of Canterburie, to be safelie kept in the Chamber there for those of my children . . . till they be of ages limitted by this will to receave it ; " and my executors to take sufficient " bondes " of the citizens for repayment thereof to my children. And I will that the " Maior, &c, do use and ymploye it in the meane to the helpe of the citye, to lende part thereof to such as be faithfull occupiers, vitallers especiallie ; and not to take of gayne for it above twenty shillings for twenty pounds by yere : and- other to be bestowed upon grayn to be a store to the Chamber to help the poor when the market faileth : and alwaies to sell at one penney in a busshell under the market, and the hole gayn comynge of suche occupyng thereof I will to the Chamber of Canterburie." If the Canterbury Corporation decline to accept, this charge to be offered to Faversham, and, they also AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 115 refusing it, the executors were to use the money in the prescribed way, and keep the profit for themselves. He gives a very long catalogue of his gowns, shirts, and other garments, which he bequeaths one by one to his relations and friends. Isabel Wilson, testator's niece, lived in his house as a superior servant, and was nominated ultimate heiress in case testator's wife, children, and brothers should all die. Robert RatJicll, buried in St. Martin's church- A . D . I5 e 4 , yard, leaves everything to Elizabeth, his wife, and Harry, his son. Gill Dundye, buried in St. Martin's churchyard A . D .-, 570 . beside his wife, bequeaths to the poor of St. Martin's 20s. The will has no reference to the Church and no topographical details. He leaves unto Dorothy, his wife, twenty pounds of good and lawful money, also that she shall have "foure of my best kyne, twenty of my best ewes, and my best geldyng . . . halfe my hogges, and halfe my poultrye, and halfe my geese," &c. Edmond Shawe, weaver, leaves property to his A . D . i 575 . wife, and to Ellen, his daughter, "a christening kercher and a cubord cloth and 6s. 8d." Robert Cosbye, " beyng ymployed as a souldier in a .d. 1590. the warres made in Portugall in the partes beyond the seas, in which warres he dyed . . . declared his mynde unto John Hourfold, also a souldier." u6 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. He willed all his goods and chattels unto Richard Cosbye, his brother. a.d. 1S91. Thomas Stoughton (whose effigy appears on a brass in the chancel) bequeaths to the poor people of St. Martin's £$, as "a stocke to kepe them to work," and the same stock to remain to their uses, and to be used at the discretion of his executor. He also bequeaths 20s. to the poor of St. Paul's, and the same sum to the poor of Ash. His daughter married Thomas Wilde, gentleman. His sister was an Omer of Ash, one of the family of Meister Omer. a.d. 1595. Thomas A listen leaves, amongst other small bequests, 10s. to the poor of St. Martin's. a.d. 1597. Agnes Austen, his widow, makes bequests of no particular interest. a.d. 1598. William Piseinge bequeaths to the poor of St. Martin's 3s. ; to the parish Church of St. Martin's, for the reparation thereof, 3s. ; and to Mr. Genvey, parson of St. Martin's, 5s. After this period the wills cease to have any antiquarian interest, and it is not thought necessary to transcribe any extracts from them. The wills of Sir Henry Palmer and of Dame Mabella Finch, in the seventeenth century, are quoted in the last chapter among the benefactions to the parish. Somner and For any further particulars concerning the Church from this date, we may refer to the meagre account AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTINE. 117 given by William Somner, and the addition made to his History by Nicholas Battely, who states that St. Martin's claims the "priority in the catalogue of Canterbury parish Churches upon several titles, of antiquity and dignity.'' He says that he cannot pretend that the present fabric is the same build- ing which was erected in or near the days of King Lucius, or which was repaired and fitted up for Queen Bertha ! " But yet it has at this day the appearance of ancientness, not from the wrinkles and ruins of old age, but from the materials (i.e., Roman bricks) used in the repairing or re-edifying of it." He then goes on to make the erroneous statement that "in the porch of this Church were buried Queen Bertha and Liudhard, Bishop of Senlis, and (Thorn saith) King Ethelbert." About ninety years after the time of Battely we Hasted. come to a description of the Church in the pages of Hasted, who ventures on the suggestion that " the chancel was the whole of the original building of this church or oratory, and was probably built about the year 200; that is, about the middle space of time when the Christians, both Britons and Romans, lived in this island free from all per- secutions." Hasted's History is extremely valu- able, not only from the style of his writing, but from his extraordinary general accuracy and from the minuteness of his original researches; and we n8 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. are constantly at a loss to imagine from what source he could have derived so much information, which at that period was not so accessible as at present. Gostiing. Gostling, a Minor Canon of the Cathedral, writes also at the end of the last century (in his "Walks in and about Canterbury"), but he adds nothing fresh, except that " if the Church was larger and were magnificent (as Mr. Battely seems to believe), this might tempt the Danish invaders to make a ruin of that, but they had no provocation here ! " And he calls it elsewhere "an obscure chapel." It is probable that the Church was much neglected during the last, and the first forty years of the pre- sent, century. Its existence was almost forgotten by the public at large. From an Historical edifice it sank into the insignificance of a small parish Church in a small village. It was the site of great events, but only a site ; and its condition is faithfully de- scribed in some verses appended to an old print now hanging in the vestry : — ' ' A humble church recalls the scenes of yore To present memory ; yet humbled more By lapse of years, by lack of reverent care, And ill-advised expedients for repair. Oh ! would this age its taste and bounty blend, The faults of bygone ages to amend ! And lib'rally adorn this lowly pile, Where sleeps the first Queen Christian of our isle ! " CHAPTER V. DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTINS CHURCH. WE now come to a description of the Church itself. It consists of a rectangular Nave, 38 ft. 4 in. long and 25 ft. wide; a Chancel (in its present condition) 20 ft. 2 in. by 14 ft. 4 in. ; a tower built in the four- teenth century, and a modern organ and vestry chamber on the north side. The Chancel at the earliest period was not so chancel, large, for during some excavations carried on in the summer of 1890 there was found, at a distance of 20 feet from the nave, and immediately east of the existing buttress, a return Roman wall at right angles to the exterior wall, so that the original Chancel could only have been half of its present length. We are unable to say whether it ter- minated in an apse, because all signs of the wall beyond two feet from the point where it strikes inwards have been swept away ; but analogy would certainly suggest that the east end was apsidal. In that case the primitive form of the Church would have been as follows : — 120 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. I 1. Nave Chancel - 38 ft. 4 in. ->. ^20 ft.— I i Dedication. The first question that naturally suggests itself is with regard to the Dedication. If the Church was built at the beginning or middle of the fourth century, how came it to be dedicated to St. Martin, who died about 397 A.D. ? The earliest authority for this dedication is the historian Bede, who lived at the latter end of the seventh and the beginning of the eighth century (673-735), and in whose time the Church was apparently named after the great Bishop of Tours, with whose traditions and post- humous influence Queen Bertha must have been brought into immediate contact during her residence in that city with her mother, Ingoberga. Even the passage from Bede does not, however, distinctly state that the church was originally dedicated to St. Martin, but may read (I think), without any undue straining, " There was a church (now) dedi- cated to the honour of St. Martin, built of old when the Romans inhabited Britain." Let us remember that Bede wrote more than three hundred years after the probable foundation of the Church ; that it had, perhaps, been disused for DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 121 upwards of a century and a half, so that the record of its first dedication may well have perished, and that he would have been powerfully and naturally influenced by the recollection of the momentous events that had happened there on its reconsecra- tion by the chaplain of Queen Bertha and the preaching of St. Augustine. The only thing that st. Ninian's Church at gives some colourable support to his apparent testi- whitheme. mony is that St. Ninian, soon after the beginning of the fifth century, dedicated in St. Martin's name the first stone church built in Scotland, at Candida Casa, or Whitherne. But St. Ninian had intimate relations with the Bishop of Tours, whom he had lately visited, and with whom he corresponded fre- quently. Workmen direct from Tours assisted him in the erection of it, and undoubtedly he performed a most exceptional action in giving St. Martin's name to a church shortly after the latter's death, although he had not even suffered martyrdom. In the case of the Church at Canterbury, the founder of which is unknown, there was no reason, so far as we know, of a similar character. Were we to accept the usual interpretation of the words of Bede, it must have been built during the last ten years of the Roman occupation, and at that time St. Martin had not been canonised, even in the somewhat irre- gular way prevalent at that early period, when the bishop of the diocese inserted (in the canon of the 122 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Other St. Martins than the Bishop of Tours. Mass) at a certain part of the Eucharistic service the names of deceased Saints and Martyrs — not for the purposes of invocation, but in memory of those who had finished their course, and for an example to others ; the first formal canonisation by a Pope not having taken place till the ninth century, or even later. The fame of the Bishop of Tours was so great and so overshadowing in the west of Europe, and the early dedication of our Church to him has so long been considered as an axiom, that it may be regarded as somewhat venturesome to remind our readers that there is no actual fact on record which establishes this theory, or to suggest that the Church might have been called after some other St. Martin. I do not indeed advance this as a pro- bable solution of an apparent difficulty, but only as an interesting contribution towards elucidating a point that must be looked at from all sides. Supposing that the dedication to " St. Martin " was the original one, made either in the fourth or the first few years of the fifth century, it is not out of place to notice that there were other and earlier saints of the same name; as, for instance, a St. Martin who was martyred in conjunction with St. Aphrodisius at Alexandria ; another who was third Bishop of Vienne in Dauphine, and was said to have been a disciple of the Apostles, or rather of DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 123 men of the Apostolic period, and to have flourished in the second century as successor to St. Zachary ; a third who was Bishop of Tongres, and lived at the end of the third century ; a fourth who, with forty-eight other martyrs, suffered under Diocletian at Abilene in Africa, A.D. 304; and a Bishop of Treves, who was also martyred at about the same time. It is a curious fact with regard to Tongres, that Tungrian soldiers took part in the battle of Agricola against Galgacus near the Grampian Moun- tains — that they were stationed at various times in Scotland and Northumberland — and that Tungrian cohorts are mentioned in the Nolitia Imperii as being quartered at Dover. Another connection be- tween the See of a St. Martin and Britain is found in the case of Treves. The Emperor Maximus, who had resided for several years in Britain from 36S A.D., and was afterwards proclaimed Emperor there, established himself subsequently at Treves, and settled in that city many British soldiers, some of whom may in course of time have returned to their native country with traditions of the martyred Bishop. Another suggestion may also be considered (I am st.'Manin ofTours*' told) as " savouring of romance, and that is the founder of ' the Church * remote possibility of St. Martin of Tours having been in some way an agent in founding the Church 124 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. at Canterbury, not, of course, by personal super- vision, but indirectly, as in] the already-mentioned case of Whitherne. In the constant interchange of communication between Britain and Gaul, not only for commercial but for military purposes, it may have happened that Christians had migrated or been transferred from Tours to Kent — and for the benefit of Christian soldiers, St. Martin, once a soldier himself, may have suggested the erection of a church — or some of the monks who went to other lands from his monastery on the Loire may have undertaken this duty, and have given to the Church the name of their patron. It is impossible to suppose that St. Martin, who travelled over a great part of Gaul, did not in some way associate himself with Britons with whom he would have been brought into contact. We know that he did, just as we know that towards the latter years of his Episcopate he had frequent intercourse with the Emperor Maximus, whom I have mentioned above, and whose Empress was a devoted admirer of his own. Bearing these suggestions in mind, we may call attention to a remark made in Messrs. Haddan and Stubbs' " Councils " on one noticeable peculiarity of British Christians (which may easily have been copied by Roman or Gallican Christians settled in Britain, even though it was opposed to their DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 125 general custom), that " Churches were not dedicated to any Saint already dead, after the fashion then beginning to be common, but were called by the name of their living founder" (p. 155, note). Again, supposing that St. Martin was the indirect changes of original founder of the church, the original dedication made dedication. by him may have fallen into disuse and been sup- planted by his own name, as was the case in the Church of St. Gregory on the Coelian Mount, which St. Gregory had dedicated to St. Andrew, but which soon came to be called after himself, though he was not buried there ; and Father Morris calls my attention to instances of a similar kind at Rome, where the names of founders lingered on in churches like the Basilica Constantiniana, Basilica Liberiana, and St. Lorenzo in Damaso. We may also note the fact that the chapel in Canterbury Cathedral, dedicated at first to St. Peter and St. Paul, soon acquired the name of its founder, St. Anselm — and even the great Cathedral itself, the "Church of Christ," was in the Middle Ages better known as the Church of the Martyr St. Thomas. These latter instances are not indeed exactly parallel, because the relics of the name-Saints were actually buried there, but I quote them as showing how readily the original dedication may have been subsequently changed. Apart, however, from these conjectures, I am in- 126 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Probable clined to hold that there is much force in the sur- dedication to the m i S e of Hasted (which was copied from Battery) B. V. M. v that our Church was originally dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, and was afterwards re- dedicated to St. Martin by Bishop Liudhard. He does not, indeed, give any authority for his state- ment, but it is intrinsically probable, especially as we know that it was the usual practice of the early Christians to dedicate their churches either to the Blessed Virgin or one of the twelve apostles. This opinion appears less fraught with difficulties than any other, and if we consider the apparent date of the building, which I am now about to treat of,jit is a reasonable solution of a matter that has been a great puzzle not only to archaeologists, but also to ecclesiastical historians. Wails of the The next thing to be discussed is the construction church. of the walls, both externally and internally, and this is a crucial point with reference to the antiquity of the Church. The thickness of the walls is on an average from I ft. 10 in. to 2 ft., and this dimen- sion is noticeable because we meet with it over and over again in Roman villas. The materials, too, are similar, and resemble what we find in villas, a mass of rather rough walling, partly of brick and partly of stone, evidently intended to be plastered on both sides, and to a great extent built with hard u sea-shore " mortar. This mortar is composed of DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 127 pebbles, small shells, &c, and is of such remarkable solidity, that although the walls of the church are thin and lofty, they have sustained without any injury the thrust of a high-pitched Gothic roof. The Saxon and Norman mortars are, on the other hand, comparatively soft from the larger quantity of sand. That there were other Roman buildings in the neighbourhood is conclusively proved by the fact of a Roman tessellated pavement being discovered about two hundred years ago in an adjacent part of St. Martin's Hill. It was not uncommon for churches to be erected on the site of, and using part of the structure of, Roman villas or other buildings (" villa-chapels " Mr. Irvine calls them), as was perhaps the case at Reculver and Lyminge. The conversions of basilicas into churches is a different matter, and need not here be touched upon. Some years ago I ventured to suggest that the villas and temples con- nave of St. Martin's had been originally a Roman v , ert «J int ° churches. temple, formed into a church by the addition of a chancel. This opinion was independently arrived at, but I have since discovered that it was not ori- ginal, but had been anticipated by no less eminent an authority than Mr. Roach Smith. In answer to a letter of mine giving this conjecture, he wrote to me on January 6, 1883, " There are many examples 128 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. of churches being built upon the remains of Roman buildings, no doubt often temples, and not unfre- quently of a small size. Some instances are ver}' remarkable, as that of Britford near Salisbury, at old Verulam, &c." And again, " I have ever had a belief that St. Martin's Church is founded upon, or built upon, or built into, a Roman temple." The only objection I have heard stated to this view is that the orientation of the Church is perfect, and that therefore it appears to have been erected for Christian worship. But if, as I believe, the Nave and Chancel were built at different times, the whole foundation of this objection is swept away, as no one supposes that the Nave by itself was ever a Christian church. General ap- The outside of the Church has been so much pearance of the wails patched and repaired, that it is difficult to give any idea of its present appearance. The walls form an interesting study from their irregularity and vene- rable aspect. The brick courses are pretty general throughout, sometimes at 9 inches apart, sometimes as much as 20 inches. A great deal of old plaster is found in the middle of the south wall of the Nave, and there are masses of Roman tiles congregated at the east and west ends of the same wall (the angles of the walls in public buildings being often com- posed entirely of tiles) — and, in part, large blocks of grey stone, as well as pieces of travertine, tertiary DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 129 sandstone, Kentish rag, red and green sandstone, chalk, Purbeck marble, flint, Caen stone, and many other geological specimens. Here and there also, interspersed with Roman bricks, are patches of " chequy " masonry, the stones being placed at wide intervals, notably on the south-east corner and on the north side. This is, rightly or wrongly, attri- buted to the period of early Saxon restoration. Of the original Chancel, the greater part is built of Roman bricks, laid evenly upon one another; of which Mr. Loftus Brock says, " The bricks have never been disturbed, and were new bricks when originally used there. Their arrises are sharp and true, and there is no sign of their having been taken out of any other wall ; " and he compares them to the Roman brickwork found at Leadenhall Market in London. When, however, we examine the interior of the interior as- Church, we naturally light upon much clearer evi- dence, as this side would be less likely to have been disturbed. In the Chancel, while we were making chancel- an arch on the north side for the insertion of some organ-pipes, the whole of the wall was laid bare, and it was found that the close Roman brickwork extended to the height of eight feet from the ground, while above it were six feet of rude masonry, lumps of chalk, and rubble — which were very probably added by the Saxons. 130 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Nave. The internal walls of the Nave have also been carefully explored on all its four sides. The exist- ing Roman work here is somewhat irregular in height, but on the south-east corner it has been traced upwards for the space of nine feet. Whether this is the ordinary height all round the Nave has not yet been ascertained, owing to the difficulty of stripping off the solid mass of mediaeval and modern plaster without endangering the building. The con- struction of these walls is entirely different from that of the Chancel, as they are built of Kentish ragstone and rubble, with regular single courses of Roman brick at intervals of nine inches, and faced inside (in their lower portions), with salmon-coloured plastering, formed of pounded brick and lime, rather more than half an inch thick. We have, then, these two modes of building — (i) Roman bricks laid closely and evenly upon one another; (2) stonework with courses of Roman brick nine inches apart. And we have next to con- sider whether these are genuine Roman walls, or are merely composed of Roman materials used up for the second time, as at St. Albans ; and this opens out a very wide question. styles of We learn from competent authorities that there Roman building, were five or six kinds of Roman wall-building — (a) The quadratigular, with masses of square or oblong stones laid alternately lengthwise and crosswise; DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 131 not cemented by mortar, but bound together by leaden clamps, such as is found in the so-called wall of Romulus on the Palatine ; (b) Polygonal masonry, where the stones are irregular, and with small stone splinters wedged into the joints where necessary; (c) Concrete — rude, without ornamentation, which at a distance has the appearance of being panelled, since beams of timber are let in to strengthen it, or sometimes thin layers of brick to prevent settlement in the concrete from the shrinking of the lime when it cools and dries; (d) Opus reticulatum, which consists of stone network of diamond-shaped blocks, as in the " Muro Torto " at Rome ; (e) Opus lateri- tiitm, the ordinary construction of bricks laid evenly upon one another; (_/") Mixture, i.e., stones bonded together with courses of brick, sometimes at regu- lar, often at irregular, intervals. It is only with the two latter that we are here concerned. Canon Jenkins, whose researches in Lyminge Adverse opinions have been thorough and constant (but who has not to Roman v date of the visited St. Martin's for several years, and has not church - seen the most recent explorations), gives it as his opinion that the style of building in our Church belongs rather to the Saxon imitation than to genuine Roman work; and he says that the early Saxon work in his own Church is as " actually Roman in its concrete and mode of construction as ij2 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. any ascertained Roman work in England," so that it deceived many learned antiquaries — though he claims to have proved beyond doubt that it is really the work of St. Ethelburga (daughter of Ethelbert and Bertha), in the seventh century. And Mr. J. T. Irvine (of Peterborough), while allowing that " a church of Roman age may eventually come to light," — though he evidently disbelieves in their present existence — states that " he has never seen any wall or building that could safely be described as even Romano-British " (in which period he includes the time from 450 to 600 A.D.), " and that of the many instances of Saxon work that he has investigated, he could not honestly as yet place anything higher than 970 A.D. or thereabout." According to this opinion, St. Martin's, if not a Roman Church, is not earlier than the tenth century ! I will not attempt to reconcile these two conflicting opponents, but I may remark that, like that of Canon Jenkins quoted above, Mr. Irvine's testimony is rather weak- ened by the fact that he is speaking from a recol- lection of the Church several years ago ; and he confesses that " he is labouring under a want of knowledge of the building." The truth of the matter is, that the whole ques- tion of Roman and Saxon building in this country is confessedly obscure, and I have the authority of the late Sir Gilbert Scott for saying that with regard DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 133 to the latter there are no good data to go upon. At one moment we attribute to the Saxons complete rudeness and ignorance of architecture, and at the next moment credit them with successful imitations of Roman work, and both of these at pretty much the same epoch ! If we are to settle the point by external testimony, con-oWa- tive testi- the Roman date of St. Martin's Church has nothing mony. to fear. Besides the opinion of Mr. Roach Smith, we have also that of Mr. J. H. Parker, C.B., who in a letter to the present writer, dated January 13, 1883, says: " I have no doubt that the walls of St. Martin's are Roman. The construction of which you send me a sketch would be in Rome of the fourth century, in England it would probably be later." One meeting of the British Archaeological Association and two of the Kent Archaeological Society have also been held at the Church within the last ten years, and, so far as I know, the unani- mous testimony of the members who were on the spot, and examined all the most recent explorations, was in favour of the Church having been built not later than the fourth century. Mr. Parker in his " Archaeology of Rome," refer- Mixture style of ring to the mixture {i.e., the style of building used building. in the Nave) which is so constant in Roman wall- work in England and Northern Europe, says that in itself it is no evidence of date as to the period i 3 4 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. of Roman work, since other things must be taken into account ; but that it is found in many parts of the walls of Rome and in the Circus of Maxentius. It is usually attributed to the beginning of the fourth century, but it occurs also at Pompeii, in parts of the substructure of the walls of Aurelian, in tombs of the second century at Ostia, and in some of the foundations of Hadrian's Villa near Tivoli. Salmon- Now I cannot but believe that any lingering doubt coloured piaster. as to the Roman date, at any rate of the Nave of our Church, must be set at rest by the fact that the internal walls of the Nave are lined (where the wood-work has preserved them intact) by a thick coating of Roman plastering of a bright salmon colour. This salmon-coloured plaster is composed of carbonate of lime imperfectly burned, of silicious sand, and of pounded brick, in almost equal pro- portions — and was used both in Classical and later Roman times. It is true that some examples of this plaster have been discovered in Saxon, and even in Norman buildings, but they are feeble imi- tations, soft and pliable, neither so bright nor crisp in section, but of a dullish colour, whereas this is hard and solid. Two pieces of plaster were put side by side, one from St. Martin's and another from an undoubted Roman villa at Wingham, and to an experienced eye the texture was identical, except that the latter was rather thinner. And on DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 135 this evidence we may safely take our stand. I may add, that on receiving the letter of Mr. Irvine quoted above, I sent him a specimen of this plaster, and he candidly confesses that " both as regards texture of tile and lime mixture and the colour produced thereby in section, it certainly seems to accord with that of good Roman date." I am not altogether prepared to assent to the External plaster. notion that the external plaster on the south wall of the Nave is also Roman, though it is composed to some extent of pounded brick, for it is quite different from the internal plaster, in larger frag- ments, and with a much smaller quantity of brick- dust. The plaster, however, does not seem to be spread over the " chequy " masonry defined above, which we have conjecturally assigned to the Saxon period. With regard to the comparative antiquity of the Comparative antiquity of Nave and Chancel, no definite judgment can be Nave and J ° Chancel. arrived at. Hasted indeed ventured on the opinion that the latter was the more ancient, but as he also believed that the Chancel was built about the year 200 A.D., and had never seen the Roman plastering on the internal walls of the Nave, his opinion is of little value, even though it has been unadvisedly adopted from him by a few subsequent writers. We know indeed that the very earliest Roman 136 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Thickness buildings were constructed of Roman bricks or of Roman -. bricks. tiles laid evenly upon one another, but the tiles ot the first two centuries were remarkably thin, as contrasted with a thickness of i-i or 2 inches in the latter specimens; and Mr. Parker says that archaeologists have formulated this rough-and-ready rule — that where (including mortar) there are ten bricks to one foot in height, the wall is of the first century, as in the arches of Nero; where eight bricks, of the second century, as in the Villa of Hadrian; where six bricks, of the third century, as in Aurelian's wall ; where four bricks, of the fourth century. This was at Rome, but the dates would be somewhat later in Britain. Bearing this rule in mind, I measured part of the Chancel wall where it was apparently least disturbed, and found that on an average there were 4! bricks to one foot. This would assign the wall to some portion of the fourth century, which is about the same date as we claim for the Nave. The idea that the difference in style may have arisen in the progress of the building owing to the death of an architect or some other cause, does not commend itself to any one thoroughly familiar with the aspect of the Church. My own opinion on a point of this kind is, indeed, of little value, except when it is confirmed by professional builders, and neither history nor architecture leads us to any distinct conclusion. DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 137 Roman buildings are constructed so irregularly, that the modes are continually varying, and even in the walling of the large " stations " there is only a general resemblance, some having the courses of tiles in twos, others in threes, and so on. Un- fortunately we have found during the progress of Opinions of Mr. Loftus our explorations no coins, which are the best form Brock, of evidence. Mr. Loftus Brock, however, himself an experienced architect as well as antiquary, in- forms me that his own feeling is that the Nave is older than the Chancel, and that the pounded-brick plaster is used more in earlier Roman works than in later ones. He also points out that the analogy of other ancient Churches would show that the chancels are of later date ; that, slight as the archi- tectural indications at St. Martin's are, they point to the fact that the Chancel has been added to the Nave, and not the Nave to the Chancel ; " no observer having any structural knowledge of buildings would arrive at any other conclusion — which is able to satisfy a trained eye." I may add with regard to the foundations, that Founda- tions. in the Chancel these are of Roman brick resting ultimately on flint, while in the Nave they are of a rough kind of Kentish ragstone, hewn perhaps near Folkestone. On examining the point of union at the foundations of the two, we see that they are not joined together in any way, but look as if 138 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. they had been merely placed side by side, instead of being dovetailed into one another. The eastern twenty feet of the present Chancel have evidently been added to the original structure. They have no foundations whatever, but rest on the bare earth. From the rudeness of the building and the character of the yellow mortar, which is Saxon-like, I see no ground for disbelieving that this prolongation of the Church was added at the time of Queen Bertha, though partially restored in the present century. Buttresses. Closely connected with the walling are the but- tresses. Of flat pilaster buttresses there are at the present moment (a) one on the south side of the Chancel, (F) two at the south-east corner of the Nave at right angles to each other, (c) one at the north- west corner of the Nave — the corresponding buttress at this place having been cut away. In addition to these there is an evidently later one on the north side of the Church, adjoining the vestry, and a semicircular buttress in the middle of the south wall. They have all been repaired very frequently, especially at the top, and it is very difficult to determine which stones are original, and which have been inserted afterwards. The sole remaining buttress in the Chancel has been mutilated in a painful manner. Not so many years ago, before the modern quoins of Caen stone were added, it DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 139 was largely composed of Roman bricks similar to the walling, and greatly resembled the buttresses which were found in the western porch of St. Pancras' Church. The other flat buttresses on the south side project 6 inches from the wall, and, as we see them at present, consist of blocks of stone to the height of 4 ft. 6 in., and above that of Roman brick, considerably patched. In themselves flat pilaster buttresses furnish no evidence as to date, since they are found alike in Roman, Saxon, and Norman buildings ; but the foundations of one in the nave which I examined are the same as that of the adjacent walls (viz., Kentish rag), so that it may fairly be assigned to the same period — and this is also the case with the chancel buttress described above, mutatis mutandis. Special attention has been directed to the semi- semicircular buttress. circular buttress, because this shape is uncommon, though something like it is found at St. Peter's, Northampton, at the Church of St. Remi at Rheims, and elsewhere. The outstanding portion of it mea- sures almost exactly three feet in circumference. It cannot have been made, as some have supposed, to contain a staircase, because there seems no reason whatever for a staircase at that particular place, either to the Rood-loft or elsewhere. Other people have conjectured that the old Church might have ended 140 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. somewhere near this point, and that the buttress would then have had something to do with the sup- port of the western front, or have been a staircase up to the old belfry. But there is no foundation for this surmise, which is disproved by the fact that the old external plaster (which I have before alluded to) extends on each side of the buttress, and the character of the south wall is absolutely unbroken. Nor, again, can I trace in it any resemblance to the lofty semicircular projections in the Saxon towers of Sempting and Brixworth. Its object and date must, therefore, be left in a state of obscurity, though it was most probably a mere freak of the builder. The doorways are the next feature of interest, Doorways, and with them St. Martin's is extremely well sup- plied, as, counting both ancient and modern ones, there are no less than six, though they were doubt- less not all in use at the same period. It would seem as if the architects of one age found a posi- tive pleasure in blocking up and replacing the doorways of preceding ages ! At the south-west corner of the Nave, immediately outside the font, is an early English doorway or porch, seven feet wide, probably built in the thirteenth century, and now closed up with masses of chalk, in the middle of which is inserted part of a two-light window. This may have been substituted for the usual Saxon or British "south door." On the north side of the DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 141 Nave there are also remains of an Early English Northern porch. porch, which was only destroyed during the present century and within the memory of persons still living. The peculiarity of this porch is, that it was added on to an older Norman doorway, the traces of which are still evident inside the church, being 4 ft. 2 in. wide, with straight jambs of axed Caen stone, and a semicircular head. The front of the tympanum has been knocked off, but beneath there is a continuous layer of solid Norman concrete, though it is now in a dilapidated condition, and has been plastered over. Proceeding to the south side of the Chancel and Doorways in or near its adjacent corner, we come upon three curious chancel, openings. Two of them are square-headed, nearly at right angles to one another. (1.) One of these, at the extreme east of the nave, is 6 ft. high and splayed externally, being 2 ft. 6 in. wide inside, and 3 ft. wide outside, the church. It has a lintel and threshold of Roman brick, somewhat disturbed, and has been blocked up with masses of chalk and rubble with a little Kentish rag, the cementing mortar of which seems to indicate a rude Saxon period — but the plaster on the splays is still in situ, and was considered to be " most probably Roman " at a meeting of the British Archaeological Society. It may be remarked that its position at the east angle of the nave is very peculiar, and we may 142 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. hazard an opinion that it was an entrance to the Roman temple. (2.) The other opening, at the south- west of the Chancel, is 6 ft. high, and 3 ft. 4 in. wide, with a massive lintel of green sandstone above, and an equally solid threshold of the same material, now buried in the soil. It was partially blocked up in later times with a massive stone coffin-lid and rough stones, and the upper part was used as a low side-window, apparently for lepers, on the western splayed jamb of which was discovered some mediaeval wall painting. When this door was first exposed, we found in it the skeleton of a sparrow, not the sparrow of Catullus (" passer, delicise mea puellee "), but of some early period of existence. These two doorways are at the nearest point only two feet from one another. Their proximity is remarkable, and only to be accounted for in my opinion by the supposition that the two parts of the Church were originally dissimilar, not only in their use, but in their dates of building. How used. They were, however, both of service in later times, if we are to accept the conjecture of Canon Scott Robertson— that these doors were not then open to the outer air, but were covered by an external pent-house, which formed a passage for the priest from an Altar at the south-east corner of the Nave to the Chancel. He believes that a similar DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 143 passage existed leading from the southern chapel at Aldington Church, in Kent. " In that case the door into the high chancel adjoins the sedilia, and its head is included in the hood moulding which surmounts them." To the east of these two square-headed doorways semicircular arched door- is a semicircular arched one, 2 ft. I in. wide, which way. was probably the priest's door of exit to the outer air. The arch is formed of converging blocks of Kentish rag. On the west impost has been dis- covered a fragment of freestone, about 2.\ inches high, brought from elsewhere, and built in during some repair. On it is a fragmentary inscription, inscribed a rubbing of which was sent up for the examination of Mr. W. De Gray Birch at the British Museum. He describes it as probably a Celtic inscription of the ninth or tenth century. The letters HONORE... ST7E...ET OMNIV SEORV are still decipherable; the (e) square C with a line through its back marking contraction ; and the whole may perhaps be read, " To the honour of Saint (Mary) and all saints." This may have been the dedication-stone of a Church, or not impossibly it may have once been the dedication-stone of an Altar, as an order was issued in the ninth century that a stone should be placed at the corner of each altar specifying the name of the Saint or Saints to whom it was dedicated. 1 1 Since writing the above, I have been supplied, through the 144 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. The close proximity of two doorways, one square-headed and the other semicircular, in the same building, appears at first sight somewhat extraordinary. But parallel instances have been found, notably at Jublains, in the department of Maj'enne. insertion at While still examining the exterior of the Church, east end of church. we mus t also notice a nearly square insertion on the east wall of the chancel, measuring 14J inches by 13J inches. The matrix seems to represent traces of a brass with a kneeling female figure carrying a child in her arms (or possibly of our Lord with His hand lifted up in the act of blessing), with an inscription underneath — and may have been con- nected with some tomb in that portion of the churchyard. There is no evidence as to its origin, but it has probably been in its present position for a considerable period, and is of the fifteenth century. The date of 1662, and some subsequent dates, have been cut into the stone, showing the continuous existence of that class of tourists who delight to leave their mark in places of interest ! The windows will be dealt with when we describe kindness of Mr. 'St. John Hope, with a remarkable confirmation of my suggestion in the discovery of a stone in the Saxon church of Deerhurst, built into the chimney-stack of a farmhouse ; the inscription on which, at present fragmentary, has been conjecturally read as "In honore Sanctse Trinitatis hoc altare dedicatum est" (" Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries," November 26, 18S5). DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 145 the interior of the Church, and it only remains on Niche at south-east ol the outside to notice — (1) A semicircular niche in nave - the south-east corner of the Nave, of rude and unskilful workmanship, the dimensions of which are 4 feet by 3 feet 8 inches. It is sunk 13 inches into the wall, and is unevenly splayed, and in parts plas- tered and whitewashed. In old engravings of the church, such as that in Stukeley's book, 1722 A.D., it is represented as if it were a round-headed door- way. It is not impossible that the back of the Norman piscina (see hereafter) was taken out some time in the Early English or Decorated period, and that the opening thus made was used as a hagio- scope. This idea apparently receives confirmation from the fact that the back of the piscina was found not to be of stone, as we might have expected, but of coarse and thin plaster. It has been suggested that the niche was used for a Churchyard-light. They were not common in England, and even their existence here has been questioned; but the niche is admirably suited for receiving a covered lamp, the light of which would shine on the south side of the Church. Anyhow it is clear that the niche must have been formed for some special purpose. The Fanaux de cimetih'e (churchyard-lights), as described by Mons. de Caumont, were frequently in the form of columns, in which lamps were illuminated. The lamp served to K 146 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. light at night the mortuary convoys which came from afar, and could not always arrive before the end of the day. It was also a sort of homage rendered to the memory of the dead — a signal recalling to passers-by the presence of the departed, and calling for prayers for them. Mr. L. Dupont, of Poitiers, remarks that the columns are met with principally in cemeteries which border the principal roads of communication, or which occur in places of public observation. Norman We must also direct attention to (2) a curious squint ? Norman squint (?) at the west end of the Nave, partially hidden by the existing tower. The en- trance to it, sunk some three or four inches in the outer wall, is of an oblong character. The sides are formed of worked chalk and Kentish rag, with traces of a hinge and receptacle for a bolt, while the lintel is composed of a piece of oak greatly decayed by age. The squint is partially splayed on both sides, rather more to the right-hand side than the left, extends 18 inches into the interior of the Church, and commanded apparently a view of the H igh Altar about the centre of the Chancel. Whether it was a lychnoscope, or leper's window, or used by penitents standing under cover of a porch, there are no grounds for determining. The actual opening does not measure more than 12 inches by 8, and was lined originally with Norman plaster. On the in- side, where it is 15 inches across, it is .now con- DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 147 cealed by the wood-work of a pew. The masonry is of a rugged character, and was evidently disturbed when the interior of the Church was covered by the thick coat of plaster which now disfigures it. Among the fillings-up of the squint I found three rniings-up of the curious circular stones, each with an ornamental squint. volute at the end. They are composed of oolite, and probably were parts of a scroll at the top of a Roman (heathen) altar. The fragments appear to have been used as old material in some later Roman building, as one of them had small pieces of salmon-coloured mortar adhering to it. We may refer to an opening in the old Church of St. Mary, in Dover Castle, as being in a some- what similar position ; but there it is generally supposed to be a lychnoscope for the use of sol- diers in the guard-room to watch the light burning at the Altar on the south-east of the Nave, which was especially reserved for them. There is a great difference of opinion as to the Squints generally! proper name of these openings, two of which are certainly, and another probably, found in our church. We are told that the squint is not to be confounded with low side-windows, originally un- glazed, and variously denominated lychnoscopes or leper's windows. Squints, as a rule, though not always, may be defined as inside the church, and the others outside — primarily for the purpose of 148 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. enabling persons in the aisles to see the elevation of the Host at the High Altar, though they are sometimes found connected with a side-chapel, a parvise, an ankerhold, or a tower-chamber. Their usual height is about 4 feet from the ground, extending from 2 to 10 feet upwards. Narrow at first, they were gradually enlarged and broadened, as at St. Clement's and St. Peter's Churches at Sandwich. Sometimes, when near a side-altar, they were utilised as a credence, or had a piscina sunk in them icf. Crawley Church, in Hampshire) ; and it is not improbable that the only real squint or hagioscope in St. Martin's Church was through the back of the Norman piscina, which was not formed of stone or any solid material till a few years ago. The other openings might have been used as lepers' windows or for penitents, as I have stated. Tower The tower was added in the fourteenth century. It is somewhat squat, and surmounted by a pyra- midal top, and measures 16 feet by 13 feet 3 inches in length and width, with two large buttresses on the west side, projecting 4 feet 3 inches each. It is built chiefly of flint, with a slight intermixture of Roman bricks, and has three louvre windows, one of which, with the peculiar " long and short " features of Saxon stonework, may have been trans- ferred there from some other portion of the church. DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 149 The vestry, a modern addition to the north-west Vestry. of the chancel, was erected forty-five years ago, and can only be described as an ugly excrescence, spoiling the symmetry of the church, however neces- sary it may be for the decent performance of Divine worship. Let us now proceed to a description of the interior. Description of Church (Interior). As you turn round a sharp corner in the church- yard path, twenty-four yards from the building itself, you catch sight of the representation of Our Lord's Crucifixion in the east window — a view, as a clergyman once said to me, almost more striking than any to be found in Canterbury. Walking along a gently sloping path, and up nine steps from this point, you arrive at the entrance door to the western porch beneath the tower, and from this door there is an ascent of eleven steps to the Altar. This gradual ascent is not unlike that which makes Canterbury Cathedral so remarkable. Under the tower is laid (temporarily) a fragment Monumental stone. of a monumental stone, about which there has been a good deal of discussion. It has been depicted as a piece of a Roman coffin. But this is clearly a mistake. Both the character of the inscription and the chamfering of the upper part, not unlike the tomb ISO HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. of Stephen Langton in St. Michael's Chapel of the Cathedral, show that it may be attributed to the thirteenth century. The letters are fragmentary and slightly indistinct. We can, however, make out HH 6\, and on the other side 3ARISCVS. It has been suggested that this word might have been " Mariscus," and then the stone might possibly have been the boundary-stone of a marsh ; but I think there can be no doubt that it is an ordinary sepul- chral slab, the chu'di ^ cannot: De denied that the first feeling of visi- tors to the inside of the Church must be one of pro- found disappointment. They have been informed that St. Martin's is the oldest church in England ; but the proofs of antiquity are not obvious at a casual glance. This may be accounted for by the obtrusive character of the Early English Chancel arch, and the thick layer of modern-looking yellowish plaster with which the Nave is coloured. But the feeling of disappointment will soon wear away after a little patient investigation. It is the habit of ordi- nary English tourists, and very often (I grieve to say) of Americans also, to put their heads inside the church for two or three minutes, say to one another " This is an interesting old Church," and then walk away with a proud consciousness that they have done St. Martin's. I well remember lionising a party from the United States, and completely failing to DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 151 engross their attention by any historical or anti- quarian description. At last, in despair, I asked them to write their names in the visitors' book kept in the vestry, where it so happened that the last names written were those of the Duchess of Edin- burgh and her children. Then their interest was at once aroused, and they left in a state of perfect happiness because their autographs were inscribed on the same page as those of Royalty ! On another occasion it was my privilege to conduct over the church the late Father Mackonochie and several companions, and I ascertained that they had made a special pilgrimage to it on St. Augustine's Day (May 26), because they believed that it had been built by St. Augustine, than which, as I informed them, they could not have propounded a more dreadful heresy ! Leaving to a subsequent chapter an account of the modern improvements and alterations that have been made, I will confine myself at present to objects of antiquarian interest, though we have already de- scribed the Font, which is, par excellence, the chief feature, and the Norman doorway on the north side of the nave, which is probably the first thing that would meet the eye. In early Roman times the chancel arch would probably have been a smaller opening than the present one, built of Roman bricks, similar to the arch in St. Mary's Church at Dover 152 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Castle — and in the small, possibly apsidal, Chancel the High Altar would have stood about the distance of sixteen feet from the arch. At a later period there was a rood screen, mentioned in the " Cross light on the rood loft," and alluded to in the burial of John Hougham, " before the High Cross in the Nave." I confess that at one time I thought the latter expression might have had a possible parallel in the great stone Cross found in front of the central arch between the Church and Chancel at Reculver, " One of the fairest and most stately crosses (says Leland) I ever saw — nine feet, as I guess, in height. It standeth like a fair column." Ancient posi- The Font, until forty-five years ago, stood in the tion of font. middle of the Nave, rather towards the east end. We know its exact position because Stephen Fokys or Falkes (a.d. 1506) directed that he should be buried " before the font," and his gravestone, with a small brass inserted, is still remaining. This brass bears the following inscription : " Pray for the souls of Stevyn Falkes and Alys his wife : the which deceased the 10th day of May the year of our Lord 1506. On whose souls Jesu have mercy. Amen." images and From the wills (of which I have given extracts in a previous chapter) we learn that there were in the Church images of St. Mary, St. Martin, St. Chris- topher, St. Nicholas, and St. Erasmus; and the DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 153 lights mentioned are those before the Holy Sacra- ment, of the High Cross, St. Martin, St. Christopher, the Blessed Mary, and St. Erasmus. How these images were distributed we have no evidence to state, but it is not impossible that they were arranged in something like the following manner : — Images of St. Martin and St. Christopher on each side of the east window ; images of St. Mary and St. Nicholas on each side of the Chancel arch, and the image of St. Erasmus over the west door. The Cross light was undoubtedly in the rood loft, and west of the rood. The High Altar, according to custom, was evi- dently dedicated to St. Martin, and there were pro- bably two other Altars on each side of the Chancel arch. One of these was apparently the Altar of St. Nicholas, for William Harry left money for a waxlight burning before the image of St. Nicholas, " where the priest was to sing the testator's daily mass ; " and there was a " Brotherhood of St. Nicholas," at whose cost fifteen masses were to be said for the soul of Thomas Fayrhand. I would suggest that the corresponding Altar near the Chancel arch was dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. But the whole of this arrangement is, of course, conjectural. Some astonishment may be caused, at first sight, St. Erasmus. by the enumeration of St. Erasmus as one of the 154 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Saints to whom an image was erected ; but we learn from other sources that he was a popular Saint in England. Some glass, for instance, in the Church of St. Botolph, Lullingstone, represents a legend of his martyrdom, his prostrate body lying beneath a windlass, by the winding of which the Saint is being disembowelled. There are two Saints of the name — one a bishop in Syria, who was a native of Antioch, and another (the Saint in question here) who is reported to have suffered death in the Diocletian persecution at Formiae, where Gregory the Great testifies that his body was still remain- ing, though it was afterwards translated to Cajeta. Under the appellation of St. Elmo he is frequently invoked by Mediterranean sailors. Norman At the south-east corner of the Nave is the cele- piscina. brated Norman piscina, said to be one of the earliest and most beautiful in England. The size of the actual opening is 13 by 7 J, inches, with additional 4 inches to the top of the tympanum. Its jambs are of Caen stone, with the usual tool-marks. In it are three curious holes, two above and one below, penetrating respectively if and 2\ inches into the stone. What these holes were intended for has been a sore puzzle to archaeologists, but it is not unlikely that in them were inserted short poles which supported an ornamental canopy. From the state of the wall immediately adjacent to the piscina, DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 155 I cannot help thinking that it has been moved to its present position, having been originally nearer the east wall of the Nave ; and in confirmation of this may be stated the fact that the leaden pipe for carrying away the water has been discovered in the extreme south-east corner outside the Church, which, if the piscina was still in situ, would not have allowed a sufficient fall for the water. There are other Norman piscinas at Romsey, Leicester St. Martin's, the crypt of Gloucester Cathedral, &c, though Mr. Parker gives it as his opinion (in his " Glossary of English Architecture ") that there are none earlier than the middle of the twelfth century. Before quitting the Nave, the beautiful open roof Tower r ■ r • window. of which is an object of great admiration, we must say a few words about a door or window opening into the tower at the west end of the Church. This is of the Decorated period, and was perhaps con- nected with a tower-chamber, where the religious could command a view of the Altar, and thus be able to take their part in the celebration of the Holy Mysteries, or the watchers who guarded the Church would be able to see the shrine, its relics and jewels ; or it may have been to enable the sacristan to know the exact moment for ringing the Sanctus bell at the elevation of the Host, so that the sick in their chambers, the labourers in the fields, and the faithful 156 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. in the Church, might join in a common act of adora- tion. Mounting three steps into the Chancel, our atten- tion is at once arrested by the " leper's window," inserted at the top of the square Roman doorway, and by the semicircular opening farther towards the east, of which we have given a full description in a previous chapter. This latter is partially exposed at the top, and we hope soon to see it fully un- covered by the removal of the modern wood-work. Queen On the north side of the Chancel is an arch sur- Bertha's tomb? mounting a tomb, the oolite slab of which measures 6 feet 6 inches long by 2 feet wide at the top, and i foot 6 inches wide at the foot. This tomb is apparently of great antiquity. On the slab is an incision that probably contained a cross. At the back of it, in the wall, is an elegant Latin inscrip- tion, composed and placed on a brass there by Canon Chesshyre, a former Rector, to this effect : " If by chance anywhere near here lie the remains of Bertha, wife of King Ethelbert, let them rest in peace till the last coming of the Lord Jesus." Amongst the fillings-up of the wall under the arch there is, besides many Roman bricks, some- thing that looks like a Runic stone. This tomb was always shown as " Queen Bertha's," and is still often called so even in the present day, owing to the statement that the Queen was buried DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 157 " in porticu Sancti Martini ; " but this, of course, refers to the apse or transept of St. Martin's Chapel in the Monastery Church of St. Augustine, where Bertha was laid on the south side of the Altar. The tomb was opened on January 12, 1883, and beneath the covering slab of oolite was discovered a coffin of stone, hollowed out into the shape of the body, and having a small semicircular opening (about 9 inches in diameter) for the head of the corpse. This opening had been bricked off fronl the rest of the tomb, and was thus formed into a receptacle for fragments of bones and other human remains, the rest of the coffin being filled up with flints, bricks, and rubbish. The bones were pro- nounced by a surgeon who was present to be pro- bably those of an elderly man, aged about seventy years, and of small proportions. I confess that I was rather proud of this apparent confirmation of a theory that I had previously broached, viz., that the tomb possibly contained the remains of the restorer of the Church in the thirteenth century. But alas for hasty conclusions ! for I have since ascertained that the tomb had been opened before in 1844, and, so far as one can trust to oral tradition, it was then empty, except for a little human dust. My infor- mant also told me that there was a small cross, made of grass, which crumbled away when exposed to the air, but he was evidently confusing this with 158 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. the cross made of two twigs that was found at the opening of Henry IV.'s tomb in the Cathedral. Where then did the bones come from ? There is the arch of an Edwardian monument in the vestry but no coffin underneath ; and my conjecture is that, when the present vestry (a kind of recess) was thrown out from the Church, the tomb, which stood in the way, was moved back to its outer wall, and the bones were transferred to the so-called tomb of Queen Bertha. Is it possible that the coffin-lid found in the square-headed Roman door- way was also taken from the same source ? Strange indeed, and unaccountable, are the freaks of restorers ! So far as I can ascertain, no authentic records were kept at the time of the restoration of the Church in 1844-45, which was done without a faculty. There is no doubt that its condition then was very dilapidated, and that we owe almost its actual preservation to the munificent liberality of Mr. Daniel Finch and the careful judgment of its Rector, Canon Chesshyre ; but we must necessarily regret the absence of full particulars, and the opportunities that were then lost of exploring thoroughly the walls, floors, and general antiquities of the Church, chrisma- On the top of the wall-plate was found a very interesting chrismatory, now in the possession of tory DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 159 Mrs. Chesshyre of Barton Court. It cannot lay claim to the same renown as the ampulla said to have been used at the Baptism of Clovis, when legend relates that the clerk who bore the Chrism was prevented by the crowd from reaching his proper station — and, as the moment for unction arrived, St. Remi raised his eyes to heaven and prayed, " when lo ! suddenly a dove white as snow flew towards him bearing down in his beak an ampulla filled with Chrism from above." Not even the most enthusiastic devotee of St. Martin's could claim this chrismatory as having been used at the baptism of Ethelbert, for it is clearly of the date of the fourteenth century. At a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries on December 16, 1880, it was thus described : — " It is a brass box 6 inches long, 2 inches broad, and 2 inches high. The lid is high-pitched, with slanting gable-ends nearly equilateral, and sur- mounted by a vertical crest or ridge pierced with quatrefoils. The extreme height of the lid is 2§ inches ; that of the vertical crest is \ inch. The lid is attached behind by two hinges, each \ inch broad, and of which the raised plates are riveted to the back and lid of the box. The lid is fastened, not locked, by a hasp attached by a plate, and dropping on to a moveable catch on the face of the box. The upper and lower edges 160 HISTORY OF ST. MARTINS CHURCH. of the box, and its ridge, are mounted with mouldings attached by rivets. On opening the lid, we found three oil-pots, all of them in frag- ments, and to none of them are the lids still remaining. At the bottom of the pots, however, are traces of some fibrous material. The pots, un- like the box itself, are of pewter." The necessity of keeping the three oils (that for (i) the holy chrism, (2) the oil for the sick, (3) the oil for catechumens) in distinct compartments is in- sisted upon by Archbishop ^Clfric : " Ye ought to have three flasks ready for the three oils, for we dare not put them together in one oil vessel, because each of them is hallowed apart for a par- ticular service." The oil was contained in tow or cotton-wool, on a metal prong, and so moistened either the thumb of the priest or the person of the sick. Fresco. On the wall pierced through by the new vestry arch some remains were discovered of an old fresco, which represents the Crucifixion of our Lord, with St. John and the Blessed Virgin standing before the cross. From the character of the painting (which was copied at the time), I am inclined to assign it to the thirteenth or fourteenth century. Saxon roof. At the same P art of l ^ e Church, while an opening was made two years ago for the organ-pipes, we came across some solid oak beams running horizon- DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 161 tally. They are extremely hard, though worm-eaten on the surface ; and resting as they were on the top of the wall (which I have before described as con- sisting of eight feet of Roman brick and six feet of apparently rough Saxon work), at the height of four- teen feet from the ground, we have little doubt that they formed portions of a Saxon roof. Inside the Altar rails is an aumbry, 15 by 14 Aumbry, inches, with a wooden door of " linen pattern," dating probably from the time of Henry VII. The recess inside the door extends for a distance of 18 inches. The floor of the Chancel is in part occupied by Legerstones. sepulchral slabs; one to Sir John Finch (whose monument is described below), which has the fol- lowing inscription : — " Here is committed to the earth, that it may return to earth, whatever was mortal of John Finch, Baron Fordwich, of the ancient and noble family of Eastwell, whom it pleased, in preference to any epitaph, to have this inscribed on his sepulchral stone, ' Here lies the most humble servant of the best of kings.' " Another is that of Sir Henry Palmer, of Howletts, father of thirteen children, obiit December 10, 1659. A third of Maria, wife of Edward Keddell, of the Society of New Inn, London, obiit 1656, astat: twenty. The latter stone was removed when the new tile-pavement was laid down, and placed in 1 62 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. the immediately adjacent wall. It is described in a record of the last century as having been at that time in the Nave. Brasses. There are also two brasses, side by side, in a state of perfect preservation. The one to the south is in memory of Michael Fraunces, with a Latin inscription : " Here rest beneath this marble the bodies of Michael Fraunces, gentleman, and of Jane his wife, daughter of William Quilter, Esquire. The wife died on the 4th, the husband on the I Oth, of January 1587. Their souls are in the enjoyment of heaven." The brass on the north side contains an effigy, and the following words written under- neath : " Here lyeth Thomas Stoughton, late of Ashe, in the countie of Kent, gentleman, who dcpted this life the xii th of June 1591." Between and around these brasses is a tessellated pavement, not unlike a Roman pattern. A great part of it is modern, but some portion was pro- nounced by Mr. Minton's chief workman to be very old, and it is not impossible that a few of the tiles may date even from a pre-Norman period. small cross There is also, just at the entrance to the Sacra- in pavement. , . num, a small Cross let mto the floor, which is apparently the one described by Hasted, who speaks of it as a " Cross of white marble, which has been much noticed by the curious as of great antiquity. It is about nine inches long and six wide." He DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 163 gives a representation of it, which, however, is in- accurate, for he represents it as of this shape t whereas in reality it is and its dimen- H? sions are 18 inches by 6J inches. I can only account for this variation by supposing that the upper part of the Cross had been in his time sunk into the ground, and partially covered by the pavement. The largest, and perhaps the principal, monu- Monument. ment on the walls is a cumbrous one on the south of the Sacrarium, to John Finch, Baron Fordwich, who is described as Advocate-General and Chan- cellor of Queen Maria (qu. Henrietta Maria ?), Speaker of the House of Commons, Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, Privy Councillor, and Keeper of the Great Seal. " Full of offices, full of days, he migrated hence to the Ancient of Days," aged 77, on November 20, 1660. Beneath this monument there used to stand an altar-tomb enclosed with iron rails — and, on a tablet near, the following Latin verses, composed by Charles Fotherby in the time of Charles II., " to a very noble and distinguished man : " — 1 64 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. " Hie nuper Custos situs est utriusque Sigilli, Carole, sive tui — sive, Maria, tui — Fordwici Dominus : justa quern Lance Popello Novisnus intacta et jura dedisse Fide — Nee sic, quod modo fit, sibi conciliavit Honores Muneribus, care ut venderet empta prius — Eloquium stupuere omnes, interque pusillos Considicos nullus Finchius esse potest — Pulsus in exilium est — O tempora plena furoris Summus quando locus criminis instar erat ! Mortifera ut sua pene fuit facundia, vitas Maluit, at licita consuluisse fuga. Sic Patriam fugiens, malefidi iramque Senatfls, Exul adest Aulse gratus, Eliza, tuse. Judice quo tandem sumptum est in Csesaris hostem Supplicium : et pcenas, quas meruere, luunt. Sic pereat quisquis Carolum violare Secundum Tentet, et Ultorem sentiat esse Deum." I have placed, in an Appendix, a list of the other monuments in the Church, as they are not of general interest, and yet should be recorded to make the History of the Church complete. Registers. The Registers date only from 1662, the preceding registers having been lost. I have been reproved for saying in a former sketch of the Church that they "contain absolutely nothing of interest." Of course such a statement must be understood in a public sense. No entries whatever are found in them except the bare narration of Births, Marriages, and Deaths. The Church was originally exempt, as I have stated above, from the jurisdiction of the Arch- DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 165 deacon of Canterbury. This privilege it shared in the city of Canterbury with the Church of St. Alphege. The Patronage of the living continued solely in Patronage of the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury till the church was united in 1681 with the neighbouring Church of St. Paul, by the mutual consent of the Archbishop and the Chapter of Canterbury, the patrons of the latter. For nearly two hundred years after this time the patronage was vested in the Arch- bishop and Dean and Chapter alternately, until a few years ago, when it was transferred back to the Archbishop alone. Hasted gives a full account of the manor of Caldicot, Borough of ° ' St. Martin. lying within the Borough of St. Martin, which was part of the possessions of the See of Canterbury, and is thus described in Domesday Book : " The Archbishop himself holds the Ville, which is called St. Martin's : it belongs to Estursete, and lies in that hundred : it was taxed at one suling and an half. ... In demesne there are two carucates and thirty-six borderers. To this land there belong seven burgesses in Canterbury, paying eight shillings and four pence : there are five mills of twenty shillings and a small wood." I am aware that Canon Scott Robertson has con- tended, in an able article on the " Saxon Ville of St. Martin," that, as this is contained in the Survey i66 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. of Aldington, the said Ville was a limb of the Manor of Aldington, and is therefore connected with the Oratory of St. Martin at Romney. But I am of opinion that he may possibly be mistaken. The Ville is distinctly said to " pertain to Estursete, and to lie in that hundred," which is now named West- gate in Canterbury. When Lanfranc divided the estates of the Archbishop from those of the newly formed Chapter, the different estates were variously grouped together under the larger Manors, and sometimes shifted from one to another for the con- venience (no doubt) of their management. We have to face the fact that seven burgesses in Canterbury "appertained to this Ville;" and we need not lay undue stress on the assertion that " the manor of Calcott could not well have had five mills and a little wood in the year 1086." This Manor was appropriated afterwards to the use of the Archbishop's table, till Archbishop Rey- nolds gave it, at the earnest desire of the monks, " to the Prior and Convent," inasmuch as it was "a convenient place for them to retire to and re- create themselves when they were wearied out and tired, it being at no great distance from their Monastery." In the time of Edward I., a question arose whether the Borough of St. Martin's was within the Liberties of the City, and the jury found "that, DESCRIPTION OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. 167 in future, it should be subject and answerable with the rest of the citizens in all those matters which belong to the Crown ; that all residents and dwellers in the borough ought to come four times a year to the hundred of Burgate, at the summons of the bailiffs of the city. And in like manner that they ought to come to the Portmote of the city, as often as the citizens should cause a common meeting to be summoned by the blowing of the horn." CHAPTER VI. MODERN RESTORATION, AND MISCELLANEOUS. While giving a brief account of the modern resto- rations and additions, we cannot help expressing our sorrow that, at the introduction of the pipes connected with the warming apparatus, much damage was done to the ancient floor of the Church, and also apparently to the Roman founda- tions at the point where the Nave and Chancel join. A great deal has been effected towards the beautifying of the interior during the last few years, and doubtless the time will eventually come when all the modern whitewash will be stripped off from the walls of the Nave, and we shall be treated to the sight of the old walls as they presented themselves to the gaze of St. Augus- tine, coated only with salmon-coloured Roman plaster. The panelling of solid foreign oak, in- cluding the pews, was inserted by Mr. Daniel Finch in 1844, and to the same period we owe the somewhat incongruous Reredos of interlacing 168 MODERN RESTORATION, ETC. 169 Norman arches. A handsome pulpit, designed by Sir Arthur Blomfield, has been added lately in memory of Captain Williams of Dropmore House — as well as a stone Credence-table. The floor of the Chancel has been re-tiled, and a new Altar substituted for the mean one in use twenty years ago. The former vestry has been turned into an organ -chamber, and where the organ formerly stood a new vestry has been made, with oak fittings. In it are placed ancient engravings of the Church, and a copy of the Fresco which I have already described. The walls of the Chancel, covered a short time ago with whitewash that had become very dirty, and saturated with damp, have been decorated with frescoes under the supervision of Messrs. Heaton, Butler, and Bayne. A number of smaller alterations have also been carried out, of which there is no necessity to speak ; but we may remark that we owe to late improvements the exposure of many antiquarian objects of in- terest, such as the semicircular -headed Roman and the square Norman doorways, the leper's win- dow, and the back of the tomb commonly known as Queen Bertha's. We may also say a few words about the windows, windows. many of which are memorial windows designed and executed by the same firm that carried out the deco- ration of the Chancel walls. The leading idea has 170 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. been, so far as possible, to perpetuate events or persons connected with early Christian history. Thus, in the beautiful lancet-shaped East window of three lights, which has replaced the Decorated win- dow of later mediaeval times, we see representations of St. Augustine (i) landing at Ebb's Fleet, (2), entering Canterbury down St. Martin's Hill, and (3), baptizing King Ethelbert ; as well as one of Queen Bertha with her maidens attending Christian worship. In other noticeable windows of the chancel are pictures of the death of St. Martin, and the closing scene in the life of the Venerable Bede ; while in the vestry are two single figures, popularly but erroneously supposed to be those of Bishop Liud- hard and Pope Gregory, with small medallions un- derneath. These figures were, I believe, found in Wardour Street, and the glass is pronounced by connoisseurs to be very good. On the south side of the nave is a window re- presenting scenes in the life of St. Martin, such as (1) St. Martin being girt with a sword, (2) healing a leper, (3) being consecrated Bishop, &c. The window in the Baptistery depicts the well-known incident in the market-place at Rome, " Non Angli sed Angeli." In a memorial window on the north side, near the pulpit, entirely new in its mouldings and tracery, CHURCHYARD. 171 are four female figures — Queen Bertha, her daughter St. Ethelburga, St. Dorothea, and St. Margaret of Antioch. Next comes another memorial window with representations of incidents in the boyhood of our Blessed Saviour — and in the north-west corner a picture of St. Martin dividing his cloak, probably copied from Vandyke. This latter window, as well as one in the tower, was painted in 1851 by a Miss Harriet Ludlow Clarke, who died at Cannes on January 19, 1866, and was a lady of some taste and distinction. The churchyard, the only one now in use in churchyard. Canterbury, has come to be regarded as in some respects the " Campo Santo" of the city. As relics of ancient times, there have been found Roman ornaments and Saxon beads, as well as the Merovingian coins, and the gold medal or coin of Bishop Liudhard, mentioned in a previous chapter. In later times the ground has been opened to receive the remains of many distinguished priests and laymen, among whom we may mention Dean Alford, Canon Robertson (the ecclesiastical his- torian), the Bishop (Parry) of Dover, Countess Nelson, Canon J. Russell, Canon Stone, Canon Chesshyre, the Rev. J. Stratton (a former Rector), &c. — and residents at Canterbury would also add the names of General M'Queen, Admiral Bentham, Dr. Lochee, and many others. 172 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. There is a curious floriated cross of the fifteenth century, the legend on which seems to have puzzled many writers on the history of the church, though it bears distinctly on the front " Hew Whyte," and on the back " And Alys his wife." This cross has had many adventures. It was apparently removed from the churchyard during the last century, and about thirty years ago was reposing as an orna- ment in the garden of a Canterbury citizen, but was restored to its proper place in 1876, and mounted on a pedestal. On the terrace at the upper end of the church- yard, two seats have been provided for the rest and convenience of visitors, and during the summer these are constantly occupied, since from this spot we command the most beautiful view in Canter- bury, disfigured as it partially is by ugly additions to St. Augustine's gaol, which incurred the dire wrath and censure of Professor Ruskin. value of T n thg Valor Ecclesiasticus, compiled in the living. ' r twenty-sixth year of King Henry VIII., the value of the living for " tithes predyall and personal, oblations, and other spiritual yearly profits," is estimated at £g, and the yearly tenths at 18s., which in the first year of Edward VI. were reduced t° £6, 5s. and 12s. 2d. respectively. Hasted remarks that in 1588 it was valued at £20, and there were seventy-one communicants. In 1640 CHARITIES. 173 it was valued at ^40, with seventy communicants. And also it appears by the Survey of the King's Commissioners in the second year of the reign of Edward VI., that there were obit lands given and bequeathed by divers persons, that one yearly obit should be kept in this church for ever ; the yearly value of which lands was 23s. 4d., of which the distribution to the poor was I2d. and outgoings 2 id., leaving 20s. yd. clear. Some of the charities are mentioned in the record Charities of the wills which I have given before — and of the following ones only (3) and (4) are now in exist- ence. What has become of the others it is difficult to say, but they have been probably swallowed up or commuted, greatly to the disadvantage of the parish. (1.) Stephen Falkes (obiit 1506) ordered that the yearly rents and profits coming of the little messuage, with its appurtenances, in which Gregory Bradley then dwelt, should wholly remain to the churchwardens of St. Martin's for ever, for the reparation of the church. (2.) Sir Henry Palmer, Knt. of Bekesbourne (probably the father of the Sir Henry Palmer now interred in the Chancel), by his will in 161 1 gave 1 os., to be yearly paid out of his manor of Well Court, to the Minister and churchwardens of the parish towards the relief of the poor of St. Martin's, 174 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. and he made a similar bequest to the poor of St. Paul's. (3.) Dame Mabella Finch, Baroness of Fordwich, by her will, proved in 1669, gave to Mr. W. Osborne, Rector, and to his successors for ever, Ministers of the same parish, during the time he and they should continue as such, but no longer, for his and their better sustenance, an annuity or yearly rent-charge of ;£io, yearly issuing, to be received and taken out of all her messuages, lands, and tenements afore-mentioned, viz. ; her manor, capital messuage, or farm called Ridgeway, with the build- ing lands and appurtenances in Chislet and Ro- chester, containing 340 acres, and her lease of Ozengell Grange in St. Lawrence, held under the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury. She ordered also the sum of .£100 to be paid into the hands of Mr. Bingham and three such other of the ablest inha- bitants of the parish of St. Martin, to be by them and the churchwardens and overseers of it, and their successors for ever, employed for the use and benefit of the then and hereafter poor of this parish, thej f giving security to her executors, Mr. Charles Fotherby and Mr. Isaac Palmer, as they or the major part of them should approve of, for the keeping and employing the said money, and for the due payment of the profits of it. RELATIVE ANTIQUITY. 175 I am informed that the portion of this bequest relating to the Rectors has disappeared. (4.) James William Bain, son of Colonel Bain of Livelands, Stirlingshire, who died in 1861, left the sum of -^100 Consols, the proceeds to be ex- pended for the repair of his tomb from time to time — and any residue for the benefit of the poor of the parish. The population of the parish at the last census is given at 212, and the gross annual value of the Benefice is estimated by the present Rector to be about .£220, there being also half an acre of glebe. The Relative Antiquity of St. Martin's Church. I am not sanguine enough to suppose that the date of the fourth century, which I have assigned for the erection of St. Martin's Church, will be accepted by all antiquaries — and can only refer to the arguments in support of this theory which I have advanced in previous chapters — but assuming its truth, it remains for me to say a few words about its relative antiquity as compared with other existing churches, its origin and continuity as an ecclesiastical edifice being taken into account. The only other church in England which may reason- i;6 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. ably be imagined to contest its claims to precedence is that of St. Mary-in-the-Castle at Dover. We need not shelter ourselves under the plea that many learned archaeologists consider that the latter build- ing is posterior to Roman times, but may give full weight to the contention so ably advanced by Canon Puckle, that it was erected by British work- men some time in the fourth century. His interest- ing pamphlet, " The Church and Fortress of Dover Castle," is well worth studying even by those who are of opinion that his enthusiasm has carried him too far. But its continuity as a church certainly cannot be maintained; for at the beginning of the eighteenth century it was turned into a garrison fuel depot, "where, under some ten or twelve feet depth of coals, the few visible features of the fabric might be sought out now and then, like so many fossil remains," and it continued in this state for nearly 150 years. St. Martin's has the advantage over it in Historical tradition : it alone possesses the salmon-coloured facing plaster so characteristic of Roman building : its tiles are presumably of an older pattern, and the general style of the masonry would, in my opinion, point to a priority in time, though not in size, or even importance, throughout the mediaeval ages. But are there any other churches existing in Europe, which were originally built as churches, RELATIVE ANTIQUITY. 177 and have maintained their ecclesiastical use unim- paired, that can be cited as victorious rivals ? We may first turn to those churches in Rome which were said to have been erected in the time of Constantine. In the first of these, S. John Lateran, there are now no visible remains of that early period, for it was overthrown by an earthquake in 896, burned down in 1308 and 1360, and frequently and sub- stantially altered in subsequent times. 5. Peter's has been entirely rebuilt. 5. Croce in Gerusalemme was at first a hall or civil basilica converted into a church, and most of it was rebuilt by Lucius II. in 1144. S. Paolo fuori le Mura, founded in 388 by Theodosius and Valentinian II., was totally destroyed by fire in 1822. S. Maria Maggiore, formerly called the Basilica Liberiana, after its traditional founder, Pope Liberius, was re-erected by Sixtus III. in 432—440; while S. Costanza only became a church in 1256, having been originally built by Constantine as a monument to his daughter Constantia. S. Clemente is mentioned by Jerome in 392, but was almost completely destroyed in 1084, and the present upper church was founded on its ruins by Paschalis II. in 1108. The most important rival is the church of 5. Pudenziana, which is said to have been built in the M i 7 8 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. time of Constantine, and retains in its apse the finest early Christian mosaic in Rome, which com- petent judges have assigned to the fourth century. But its history is uncertain. It has been greatly modernised, and I believe the earliest record of it dates from 499. And we cannot any more admit the superior claim of the churches in Ravenna. The cathedral there was almost wholly rebuilt in the last century, the cylindrical campanile alone remaining of the original foundation ; while the churches of (1) S. Croce was built by Galla Placidia in the fifth cen- tury ; (2) 5. Francisco by S. Peter Chrysologus in the same century ; (3) San Vitale in the reign of Justinian, consecrated by S. Maximianus in 547; and (5) 5. Apollinare in Closse and 5. Apollinare Nuovo both date from the sixth century, the one erected by Julianus Argentarius and the other by Theodoric. In France, Germany, and Switzerland, though many large churches were constructed during the period of Roman occupation, nothing has come down to our time except a few fragments. In Ireland the earliest churches — such as those peculiar ones of Tempull Ceannach, of St. Mac- Dara, of Ratass, and Fore — are probably not earlier than the sixth century ; while in Scotland there is an entire absence of any building that can be assigned to a period before 800 a.d. RELATIVE ANTIQUITY. 179 Much may be said concerning the churches in Egypt and Syria, more especially the Church at Bethlehem and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, which would be undoubtedly interesting ; but a discussion on them would lead me to exceed the limits of this chapter, and the whole subject is full of intricacy and doubt. I have, therefore, purposely confined myself to Europe, and, so far as my knowledge extends, St. Martin's Church occupies (with this limitation) the unique position of being the only existing church which was originally built as a church during the first four centuries, and remained so until the present day. Since the time of its foundation, with the possible exception of the period between the Roman exodus from Britain and the mission of St. Augustine, it has been continuously in use for purposes of Divine wor- ship. I say " possible exception," because there are no grounds for stating that it may not have been used after 410 a.d. by the British Christians, until, at any rate, the landing of Hengist and Horsa, and the conquest of Kent by the heathen Jutes. Some people may dispute the statement of Bede with respect to its original foundation, though it is more than probable that he derived his in- formation from earlier chronicles, and he himself wrote within about a century after the Baptism of Ethelbert. It is a priori unlikely that Queen 180 HISTORY OF ST. MARTIN'S CHURCH. Bertha, with at most a small retinue of Christian attendants, would have built a new church for her own use, but she would naturally have restored an already existing one that had fallen into partial decay, deriving, probably, help and assistance from the heathen king who had guaranteed her the free exercise of her religion. The structure is now well cared for, yet there are many improvements and alterations that are imperatively needed, such as the under-pinning of the foundations at the East end, and the substitu- tion of an appropriate Chancel roof for the present one. For a national fabric of this kind an appeal may well be made for funds to the English-speak- ing race throughout the world. Conclusion. St. Martin's, small as it is, may yet dispute with the magnificent Cathedral of Christ Church in the grandeur of the Historical associations that have clustered round its hallowed walls, and in point of antiquity surpasses it by some seven or eight hundred years. It has witnessed the progress of the English nation from barbarism to civilisation. The ever-widening stream that has continued to flow from that tiny spring cannot fail to impress the intelligent Christian with a lesson of trust in the mysterious ways of Providence. Conscious as the present writer is of the many imperfections and shortcomings in this sketch of RELATIVE ANTIQUITY. 181 its history, and of his personal inability to grapple with such an interesting and yet such a difficult subject, he may at any rate claim to have brought together in a convenient form some fresh materials for the satisfaction of the many pilgrims to this venerable spot. And if he has ventured on some new suggestions that are disputable, he may plead in excuse that he has been privileged to enjoy an intimate acquaintance with the Church in its architectural and historical aspects. As Gostling remarks, " Many writers think they do justice to their subject and their readers if they publish nothing but what they can quote authors of credit for, or report from the mouth of eye-witnesses." Such conscientious reserve may be eminently neces- sary for a purely antiquarian work, but not for a book like the present, that appeals also to the general reader. I am emboldened to declare my opinion that, with regard to any edifice, a continuous and close study of every detail on the spot, and a careful observation of their relationship to each other, may sometimes counterbalance the hasty judgment of more experienced archaeologists. " And so I leave St. Martin's. Only I wish that, for the venerable antiquity of the Church and some time Episcopal estate of the place — things that have much dignified both — it may always flourish in the maintenance of its due rights and respects." APPENDIX. APPENDIX. i. In the Chancel are the following monuments, in addition Monuments. to those already mentioned. William Hougham, of Barton Court, obiit December 30, 1802, aged 79. His first wife, Margaret Hannah Rober- ton, obiit September 28, 1755, aged 30; and his second wife, Mary, obiit November 8, T788, aged 70. Another William Hougham obiit November 24, 1828, aged 76, and Sarah, his wife, obiit January 17, 1839, aged 80. Moved to the vestry are monuments of James Hanson, a practitioner of the law, obiit 1756, and Mary, his wife, obiit 1762, aged 98; also of Mary A?nelia Wigston. In the Nave are monuments to — Elizabeth, second wife of Charles Pyott, and daughter of Sir T. Hales, Bart, of Howletts, obiit January 27, 1778, aged 66. Also of Robert T. Pyott, obiit July 5, 1804, and of Anne, his wife, obiit July 24, 1816 — it being recorded of the latter that she was the daughter of Anne Pyott, one of the daughters and co-heiresses of Sir Richard Sandys, Bart, of Northbourne Court. Also of Mistress Anne Hulse, obiit June 17, 1780, aged 66, who is buried at the foot of the Chancel steps. Also, Of the Rev. Thomas Gurney, Vicar of Seasalter, obiit 185 1 86 APPENDIX. June 26, 1773; and of Rebecca Gurney, his wife, and the widow of William Hougham, of Barton Court, obijt August 30, 1 81 5. Of James Butler, of St. Andrew's, Canterbury, obiit October 24, 1767, aged 49. — Martha, his wife, obiit June 25, 1773, aged 55; and their two children, John Goailey, obiit May 30, 1754, aged 10, and William, obiit September 30,. 1762, aged 7. There are also many monuments of the Austen family, both inside and outside the church walls. Those on the inside are to Mrs. Chandler (sic), wife of Mr. Chandler, and daughter of Mr. Austen of this parish, obiit November 4, 1778, aged 70. Mrs. Rebecca Austen, sister of the above, obiit January 7, 1784, aged 68. Major Nathaniel Lawrence Austen, obiit November 30, 1867. Marianne, his wife, obiit June 18, 185 ; and of their son, Nathaniel Lawrence, obiit August 9, 1874. On the outside walls of the Nave are two monuments to the same family. One to Mr. John Austen, obiit 1745, aged 74, and Rebecca, his wife, obiit 1744, aged 64; and another to John Austen, son of the above, obiit 1770, aged 62, and Mary, his wife (sister to Mrs. Anne Hulse), obiit 1781, aged 69 — and lastly, Elizabeth, wife of Charles Holttum, obiit September 17, 1850, aged 29. Those mentioned by Hasted, but not traceable at the present time, are one to Giles Talbot, Rector, obiit 1524 ; Anne, daughter of John Whitfield, of the city of Canterbury, obiit 1697 ; Martin Lister, M.D., obiit 1742 ; Samuel Skeane, obiit 1632 ; John Hougham, obiit 1482 ; and Jane, his widow, obiit 1503, who was buried in the churchyard beside her second husband, John Strete; Elizabeth Vincent, widow, obiit 1606, interred in the Chancel. APPENDIX. 187 Lady Mabella Finch was buried near her husband in 1669. It is right to make mention of these monuments, not now apparent, for the sake of any surviving descendants who may look for them in vain. The sepulchral stones of Anne Whitfield, who was also wife of Owen Evans, Rector of St. Martin's, and died at the age of 29 • of Martin Lister's daughter ; of Owen Evans, the Rector, who died 1742, aged 88 ; of Samuel Skeane, and his son Andrew a Simson, were in existence at the middle of the last century, being seen and described by Mr. Bryan Faussett in his valuable Collecia Paro- chialia. APPENDIX. II. List of Rectors. Probable Date of Institution. John de Charleton • i3 r 4 Robert de Henney 1316 John de Bourn . 133° William de Castro !333 John de Byngham !349 Richard de Camsale • J349 Robert Hayward . 1381 Thomas Bolter . • 1392 John Vag . • J39 2 Robert Hubbyn . 1408 John Lovelych . • 1419 Thomas Wotten . 1428 William Welton . • 1434 Robert Hunt No date John Bernard 1448 John Skye . • MS 6 John Browne 1466 Giles Talbot !5°9 William Heynys . • iS 2 4 John Hichecocke • !539 Thomas Nicholls iS47 John Smyth '552 David Robson • 15 60 Adam More iS76 APPENDIX. i Probable Date of Institution. Eustachius Ffrensbam . 1578 John Mugge 1578 John Stubbs 1587 Richard Genvey JS9 1 Matthew Warner. 1611 Rolando Vaughan 1637 William Osborne 1661 William Osborne (junr.) 1665 Owen Evans 1681 Thomas Lamprey 1743 John Airson .... 1761 Thomas Freeman 1788 Thomas Antony Mutlow 1808 J. E. N. Molesworth . 1829 J. Stratton ... 1839 W. J. Chesshyre .... 1842 T. Hirst . ... 1859 A. B. Strettell 1874 L. E. 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