B CORNELL UNIVERSITY' LIBRARY FROM The Sage School of Philosophy Date Due mi ^i ^ism^ ' I^WM!'^ 195T R fili IpTrr^ m ^^ qE6=S*18»S^il» AR-M197nMP liSlwffiffi2,i'B«ARV 3 1924 092 S'rSf Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092282486 THE WORKS OF GEORGE BERKELEY, D. D. FORMERLY BISHOP OF CLOYNE ; INCLUDING MANY OF HIS WRITINGS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED. With Prefaces, Annotations, His Life and Letters, and an Account of his Philosophy, BY ALEXANDER CAMPBELL ERASER, M.A. PROFESSOR OF LOGIC AND METAPHYSICS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH. IN FOUR VOLUMES. Vol. in. AT THE CLARENDON PRESS M.DCCC.LXXI I All rights reserved^ THE WORKS OF GEORGE BERKELEY, D.D. FORMERLY BISHOP OF CLOYNE. COLLECTED AND EDITED WITH' PREFACES AND ANNOTATIONS BY ALEXANDER ■ CAMPBELL ERASER, M. A. PROFESSOR OF LOGIC AND METAPHYSICS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF F.DINBURGH. IN THREE VOLUMES., Vol. Ill: AT THE CLARENDON PRESS M.DCCCLXXI \All rights reserved] CONTENTS. MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. LATIN. PAGE Arithmetica absque Algebra aut Euclide demonstrata. Auc- tore * * * * Art. Bac. Trin. Col. Dub. 1707 .... 3 Miscellanea Mathematica : sive Cogitata nonnulla de Radicibus Surdis, de Mstu Aeris, de Cono ^quilatero at Cylindro eidem Sphsrae circumscriptis, de Ludo Algebraico ; et Paraenetica qusedam ad studium Matheseos, prsesertim Algebrae. Autore * * * * Art. Bac. Trin. Col. Dub. 1707 41 De Motu : sive de Motus principio et Natura, et de Causa communicationis Motuum. 1721 . . . . 73 ENGLISH. Passive Obedience; or, The Christian Doctrine of not resisting the Supreme Power, proved and vindicated, upon the Principles of the Law of Nature, in a Discourse delivered at the College-Chapel, 1712 .. 103 Essays IN THE Guardian. 1713 141 An Essay towards PREVENTING THE Ruin OF Great Britain. 17 21 193 A Proposal for the better supplying of Churches in our Foreign Plantations, and for converting the savage Americans to Christianity, by a College to be erected in the Summer Islands, otherwise called the Isles of Bermuda. 1725 . . 213 Verses on the prospect of planting Arts and Learning in America . 232 viii CONTENTS. PAGJ A Sermon preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propag-ation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts: at their Anniversary Meeting in the Parish Church of St. Mary- le-Bow, on Friday, February 1 8, 17 3|. 1732 .... 233 The Analyst ; or, A Discourse addressed to an Infidel Mathema- tician. Wherein it is examined whether the Object, Prin - ciples, and Inferences of the Modern Analysis are more distinctly conceived, or more evidently deduced, than Religious Mysteries and Points of Faith. 1734 . . . . 253 A Defence of Free-thinking in Mathematics. In Answer to a pamphlet of Philalethes Cantabrigiensis, entitled. Geometry no Friend to Infidelity, or a Defence of Sir Isaac Newton, and the British Mathematicians. Also an Ap- pendix concerning Mr. Walton's Vindication of the prin- ciples of Fluxions against the Objections contained in the Analyst. Wherein it is attempted to put this controversy in such a light as that every Reader may be able to judge thereof 1735 299 Reasons for not Replying to Mr. Walton's Full Answer, in a Letter to T. P. T. 1735 •' • 337 The Querist, containing several Queries, proposed to the con- sideration of the Public. 1735 — 1737 qKl A Discourse addressed to Magistrates and Men in Authority. Occasioned by the enormous License and Irreligion of the Times. 17^6 . . '^ 407 A Letter to the Roman Catholics of the Diocese of Cloyne PublishedinthelateRebellion, a.d. 1745 ,1 A Word TO the Wise: or, An Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland. 1749 '*'•■■ ■ . 435 Maxims concerning Patriotism i v Co '■J 4g3 Three Letters to Thomas Prior, Esq., and a Letter to the Rev Dr. Hales, on the virtues of Tar-water. 1744—174^ . ' ^g^. Farther Thoughts on Tar- water i^rea '^ 491 APPENDIX. A. The First Edition of the ' Querist ' B. First Edition of the 'Maxims concerning Patriotism'.' .' .' ."J^" ERRATA. Page 9, note i, line 5, for 'twenty-three ' read 'twenty-two.' Page 215, note i, 11. 12, 13, delete ' then at Bath.' Page 257, note, 11. 3, 4, /or 'for the month in which' read 'a few weeks after.' Page 455, note i, 1. 2, delete 'as it seems, in the Dublin Journal.' [See Appendix B.] Btrttle^s Works, Vol. III. 7 L. III. ARITHMETICA ABSQUE ALGEBRA AUT EUCLIDE DEMONSTRATA. AUCTORE * * * * ART. BAG. TRIN. COL. DUB. 1707. E 2 MAXIMA SPEI PUERO, D. GULIELMO PALLISER, REVERENDISSIMI ARCHIEPISCOPI CASSELENSIS ' FILIO UNICO, INGENIO, SOLERTIA, ERUDITIONE, ANNOS LONGE PR^EUNTI, NUMERISQUE ADEO OMNIBUS AD PR^STANDUM, INGENS ALIQUOD SCIENTIIS LUMEN AC INCREMENTUM NATO, HUNC ARITHMETIC* TRACTATUM, IN EXIGUUM SUMMI AMORIS PIGNUS, OFFERT ET DICAT AUCTOR. * William Palliser, translated to the Arch- to whom Berkeley dedicated his Miscellanea bishoprick of Cashel in 1694, was previously Mathemalica. Palliser was afterwards Pro- Bishop of Cloyne. He had been elected a fessor of Divinity in Trinity College. He Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, in i668, died in 1727. Of the younger Palliser, to and was tutor to William Molyneux, the whom the Arithmetica is dedicated, nothing friend of Locke, father of Samuel Molyneux, further of interest is recorded. PR^FATIO. Plerosque scientiarum mathematicamm procos in ipso earundem limine caecutientes, sentio simul et doleo. Nimirum cum ea sit, apud nos saltern, mathemata discendi ratio, ut primo arithmetica, deinde geometria, po- stremo algebra addiscatur, Tacqueti^ vero Arithmeticam legamus, earn autem nemo probe intelligat, qui algebram non praelibarit, hinc fit ut plerique mathesi operam navantes, dum bene multorum minoris usus theorematum demonstrationes studiose evolvunt, interea operationum arithmeticarum, quarum ea est vis et praestantia, ut non modo cseteris disciplinis mathematicis, varum etiam hominum cujuscunque demum sortis usibus commodissime famulentur, principia ac rationes intactas praetereant. Quod si quis tandem aliquando, post emensum matheseos cursum, oculos in praedictum Tacqueti librum retorqueat, multa ibi methodo obscura, et quae intellectum non tam illuminet quam convincat, demonstrata ; multa horrido porismatum et theorematum satellitio stipata inveniet. Sed nee alius quisquam, quod sciaiii, arithmeticam seorsim ab algebra demonstravit. Proinde e re tyronum futurum ratus, si hsec mea qualia- cunque in lucem emitterem, ea postquam, si minus omnia, pleraque certe per integrum fere triennium in scriniis delituerint, publici juris facio. Quae cum praeter ipsos operandi modos, eorundem etiam demonstrationes ex propriis et genuinis arithmeticae principiis petitas complectantur, mira- bitur fortasse quispiam, quod noster hie tractatus mole vulgares arith- meticorum libros, in quibus praxis tantum tradatur, haud exaequet. Hoc autem exinde provenit, quod cum operationum to SioVt explicarem in praeceptis et exemplis, quae vulgus arithmeticorum ad nauseam usque prosequitur, contractior fui; nee eo forsan obscurior. Quippe tametsi ' For Tacquet, an eminent mathematician Spinoza's letter to De Vries (Epislola XXVI). of the seventeenth century, cf. New Theory His ArilhmeticcB Theoria et Praxis, upon of Vision, sect. 30, note. He is often re- which Berkeley here remarks, was published ferred to by contemporary writers. See at Antwerp in 1665. PRiEFATIO. cseco ad singulos fere gressus regendos opus sit manuductore, in clara tamen demonstrationum luce versanti sufEcit, si quis tenendum tramitem vel strictim exponat. Quamobrem omnes matheseos candidati ad regularum arithmeticse rationes ac fundamenta percipiendum animos adjungant, summopere velim et exoptem. Neque id tanti moliminis est, ut plerique fortasse imaginentur. Quas attulimus demonstrationes faciles (ni fallor) sunt et concisse ; nee prin- cipia aliunde mutuantur, ex algebra nihil, nihil ex Euclide tanquam notum supponitur. Ubique malui obvia et familiari aliqua ratione a priori veritatem praxeos comprobare, quam per prolixam demonstra- tionum apagogicarum seriem ad absurdum deducere. Radicum quad- ratarum et cubicarum doctrinam ex ipsa involutionis arithmeticse natura eruere tentavi. Atque ea, meo quidem judicio, ad numerosam radicum extractionem illustrandum magis accommoda videtur, quam quje ex elemento secundo Euclidis, aut ex analysi potestatum algebraicarum vulgo adferri solent. Regula vulgaris pro alligatione plurium rerum non nisi difficulter admodum et per species demonstratur : ejus igitur loco novam, quae vix uUa demonstratione indigeat, e proprio penu sub- stitui. Regulam falsi, utpote mancam et fere inutilem, consulto prse- termisi. Ac, si nihil aliud, novitas fortassis aliqua placebit. Neminem transcripsi; nullius scrinia expilavi. Nempe id mihi im- primis propositum fuerat, ut numeros tractandi leges ex ipsis principiis, proprii exercitii et recreationis causa, deducerem. Quod et deinceps horis subsecivis prosecutus sum. Nee mihi hoc in loco, absque ingrati animi labe prsetenre lieeat Reverendum Virum Johannem Hall^, S.T.D Academi^ nostras Vice-praepositum, ibidemque linguae Hebraicae Professorem dig- nissimum. Cm viro optimo quum me multis nominibus obstringi lubens agnoseam, tum non id minimum duco, quod illius hortatu ad suavis- simum Matheseos studium incitatus fuerim. Monstravi porro ad quem collimaverim scopum : quousque ipsum assecutus sim, penes ^quos rerum ^stimatores esto judicium. Candido qmppe horum examini istas studiorum meorum primitias hbenter sub- mitto; qmcquid mterim scioli sentiant et malevoli, parum solicitus. Berkeley's tutor. He was Vice-ProvoTt of mathematics. In 1713 Hall was ARITHMETICS^ PARS PRIMA. CAP I. DE NOTATIONE ET ENUNCIATIONE NUMERORUM. NOVEM sunt notse numerales, i;/z. i, a, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, quibus una cum cyfra (o) utuntur arithmetici, ut tantum non infinitos numerorum ordines exprimant. Omne illius rei artificium in eo positum est, quod notarum numeralium loci ratione decupla progrediantur. Series autem numerorum, ea lege quoad locorum valores procedentium, in membra sive periodos enunciationis causa secatur. Rem totam oculis conspiciendam subjecta exhibet Tabeila : ^ This treatise on 'Arithmetic' is the first proof Berkeley gave to the world of his literary ability. It must have been, published early in 1707, when he was twenty-three years old, for he took his Master's degree in June of that year, and on the title-page he is designated Bachelor of Arts. From the preceding Preface much of the work seems to have been prepared three years before it was published. In the original edition, now very rare^ the Arithmetica and Miscellanea Mathe- matica form together a small anonymous volume of 92 pages. Neither of them is contained in the Miscellany of his smaller works which Berkeley published in i752* They both appear, however, in the various collected editions of his works ; and, as additional proof of their authorship, we have the evidence of their contents, as well as of Berkeley's MS. Common-place-book, Both the Arithmetica and the Miscellanea Matbematica are marked by the originality, ingenuity, and simplicity which are charac- teristic of their author. They give internal evidence of the truth of what he says in the Preface to the former — Neminem tran- scripsi ; nuUiiis scrinia expilavi. And they express his juvenile enthusiasm in those mathematical sciences which, nearly thirty years afterwards, involved him in a famous controversy. The treatise on Arithmetic, not unworthy of study at the present day, is a brief system of the science, unfolded simply and ingeniously from its principles — in three parts. The First Part deduces the elemen- tary rules for the Addition, Subtraction, Multiplication and Division of numbers, with the theory and rules of Squares and Cubes ; the Second treats of Fractions or broken numbers, and the theory of the rules for adding, subtracting, multiplying, dividing, and reducing them ; the Third is concerned with the numerical relations of proportion, alligation, and progression — arithmetical and geometrical. lO A rithmetica . NOTARUM NUMERALIUM SERIES. Centuriae 7*^^") Decades r'^ r Unitates J • J Centurise 1^1 Decades f °° \ Unitates J ■ J Centuriae "i « ") Decades C "^ \ Unitates j ■ J Centuriae ') o | Decades f^ i Unitates ) • ) Centuriae "i tg "1 Decades C^ \ Unitates J • J Centuriae 7oo") Decades Vo r Unitates ) • J Centuriae 1 o ^ Decades >■ ■<> r Unitates \ ) • ) UnesimKj 1 ^\ Decimae V "^ V Centesimx J •) Unesimx ") ^ ") Decimae I ^ f Centesimae J .J Unesimse '\ vo ") Decimae f S= r Centesimae ) • ) Unesimae ^ oo Decimae > 8 Centesimae — j . Unesimae '^ o Decimae >^ Centesimae ) . Unesimae "l ^ Decimae |- o Centesimae J Quintilionum. Quatrilionum. Trilionum. Bilionum. Millionum. Millium. Integrorum. Partes. Millesimarum. Millionesimarum. Bilionesimarum. Trilionesimarum. Quatrilionesimarum. qua exponitur notarum numeralium series, in terniones distributa: Pars Prima. ii membra autem seu period! millecupla, loci decupla ratione pro- grediuntur. J5. g. Numerus positus in loco unitatum (is per subjectum punctum dignoscitur) denotat septem res integras quas- cunque, vel saltern ut integras spectatas; numerus ei a dextris proximus, tres partes decimas ejusdem integrij qui vero locum immediate praecedentem occupat, indigitat quatuor decadas eorundem integrorum. Eadem proportione decupla locus quilibet sequentem superat, a prsecedente superatur. Porro, cum infinita unitatum multiplicatione et divisione, notarum series infinite ultra citraque unitatum locum producatur, adeoque innumeri oriantur loci, ut distinct! eorum valores expri- mantur, opus est solummodo trium vocum continua repetitione j modo ternio quivis sive periodus suo insigniatur nomine, uti factum in Tabella. Nam, progrediendo a loco unitatum versus sinistram, prima periodus numerat simpliciter unitates, sive Integra; secunda, millia; tertia, milliones; quarta, biliones; atque ita porro. Similiter, servata analogia, in periodis infra unitatem descendentibus, occurrunt primo partes simpliciter, dein mille- simae, millionesimse, bilionesimae, &c. atque hse quidem partiendae in unesimas, decimas, centesimas; illi vero coUigendi in unitates, decades, centurias. Ut itaque enunciemus numerum quavis e tota serie figura designatum, i", respiciendum est ad valorem notx simplicem; a", ad valorem loci ; postremo, period!. £. g. enuncianda sit 9, in quinta sinistrorsum periodo. Nota simpliciter sumpta valet novem : ratione loci, novem decadas; ratione demum period!, novem decadas trilionum. Proponatur 5, in tertia periodo: simpliciter sumpta dicit quinque; ratione loci, quinque unitates; ratione period!, quinque unitates millionum, seu quinque milliones. In secunda infra unitatem periodo, detur 8 : simplex notse valor est octo; ratione loci, octo centesimae; ratione period!, octo cente- simse millesimarum. Quod si numerus enunciandus non habeat adscripta vocabula valores periodorum locorumque indigitantia, is punctatione a loco unitatum dextrorsum sinistrorsumque instituta in terniones dis- tinguatur; deinde, cuique loco et periodo assignato nomine, proferatur. Sit, e. g. numerus propositus 73*48o'J95. Notis in periodos distinctis, primum qujero quinam sint valores figurae ad sinistram primae ; quae, quoniam coUocatur in secundo loco tertiae 12 Arithmeiica : periodi, valet septem decadas millionum : quia vero numeri ratione decupla progrediuntur, intellecto notae prims valore, caeterarum valores ordine sequuntur. Sic ergo enunciabimus numerura propositum; septem decades et tres unitates millionum, quatuor centuriEB et octo decades millium, una centuria, novem decades et quinque unitates; vel contractius, septuaginta tres milliones, quadringenta octaginta millia, centum nonaginta quinque. Hinc cernimus quod cyfra, licet per se nil valeat, necessario tamen scribatur, ut unicuique not« debitum assignemus locum. Facillimum erit numeros quantumvis magnos scribere et enun- ciare, mode qux dicta sunt perpendantur^ quorum etiam scientia in sequentibus maximi erit momenti : siquidem qua ratione opera- tiones arithmeticae in digitis perficiantur ipsa docet natura; arte vero opus est ad easdem in numeris grandioribus accurate exercendas, qu» sane omnis in eo versatur, ut quod opus simul et uno quasi ictu peragi non sinit humanse mentis angustia, id in plures partiamur opellas sigillatim inquirentes digitorum aggregata, differentias, producta, &c. dein hxc ita componamus ut exhibeant summam, residuum, aut productum, &c. totale ; cujus rei ratio omnis et artificium petitur ex simplici locorum progres- sione, et in ea ultimo fundatur. iV.B. Non me latet arithmeticos nonnullos numerorum seriem aliter ac a nobis factum est partiri ; sc. in senarios (composita denominatione) loco ternionum. Cum vero methodum quam tradimus sequantur etiam'' alii, visum est et nobis earn (utpote simpliciorem) retinere. ^ [v. g. Cl. Wallisius in Malhes. Univers., was author of various works in mathematics et le Pfere Lamy dans ses EUtnens des and theology. One of these, Traite de la Maiamatiques.']—AvrHOR. Wallis' Malhesis Grandeur en general, qui comprend I'Arilb- Universalis is the first article in his Opera melique, VAlgebre, I'Analyse &c was Malhematica (Oxford, 1695). See ch. V, published at Paris in 1680 The 'second ' Numerorum Procreatio,' for the opinion to edition of this book appeared in 1601 which Berkeley refers. Bernard Lamy (or under the title Elemens des Mathematiques.' Lami), priest of the Oratory, a Cartesian, Pars Prifna. 13 CAP. II. DE ADDITIONE. Additione quseritur duorum pluriumve numerorum aggre- gatum; quod ut obtineatur, numeri aggregandi sub invicem scribantur ea lege, ut unitates unitatibus, decades decadibus, partes decimae decimis, &c. respondeant. Quamobrem, ubi adnexse fuerint partes decimales, oportet unitatis locum adjecto commate insignire. Deinde, sumpto a dextris initio, notae in primo loco occurrentes una addantur; decades autem siquje proveniant, adjectis punctulis notatae sequenti loco annumerandae sunt, cujus itidem numeris (reservatis interim decadibus, quae ad locum sequentem pertinent) in unam summam aggregati infra scribantur. Atque ita porro. E. g. In primo, infra-scriptorum exemplo, 9 et 5 faciunt 14 j decadem punctatam servo, cum 4 progrediorj 4 et 8 sunt 12, punctata igitur decade, 2 subscribo ; ad secundum locum accedens, reperio 6, quibus addo 2, sciL decadas in primo punctatas, 8 et 2 faciunt decadem, quam notatam servans, qux sola superest i subscribo. Et sic deinceps. Addend. 2 I 8- 8-2 2-5- .4369 52359702 81,35 60,3005 £ !. d 7 8 9 3 12- 5 "072 Sum. I 4 6 I 2 665,5207 II 8 4 Quod si proponantur colligendse res diversarum specierum, simili prorsus methodo operandum, dummodo habeatur ratio proportionis, juxta quam progrediuntur diversa rerum genera. £. g. Quoniam Lib. Sol. et Den. non ratione decupla ut numeri progrediuntur; adeoque non 10 denarii sed 12 constituant solidum; non 10 solidi sed 20, libram. Propterea in hisce speciebus addendis, loco decadis, numerus quilibet in denariis, duodenarius, in solidiSj vicenarius, sequenti loco adscribendus est. 14 A rithmetica : CAP. III. DE SUBDUCTIONE. SUBDUCTIONE quseritur duorum numerorum differentia, sive quodnam superfuerit residuum sublato uno ex altero ; cujus obti- nendi causa, numeri minoris nota quaelibet notx majoris ejusdem loci subscribatur; deinde subducendi prima dextrorsum nota ex nota suprascripta auferatur, residuumque infra noteturj atque ita porro, usque dum perficiatur subductio totius. Si vero accidat numerum aliquem minorem esse quam ut ex eo nota subscripta auferri possit, is decade augeatur, mutuata soil, unitate a loco sequente. Detur 1 189 subtrahendus ex 32034. Numeris ut in exemplo subjecto scriptis, aggredior subductionem notx primae 9 ex supra- posita 4; varum cum 4 ne semel quidem contineat 9, adjecta de- cade, fiat 14 i ex 14 subductis 9, restant 5. Dein versus sinistram pergens, reperio 8, a 2 (loco 3, habita nimirum ratione mutuatae decadis) subducenda, quod quoniam fieri nequit, aufero 8 a 12, et restant 4. Proxima subducendi nota est i, quse quia a nihilo, sive o, non potest subtrahi, loco cyfrse o, substituo 9, (g inquam, quo- niam, mutuata decas unitate numero praecedenti jam ante adjecta truncatur) ablata demum 1 ab i, restat nihil. Porro peracta sub- ductione restant 3, quae itidem subscribe. Hand dissimili ratione subductio specienim diversarum perfi- citur: modo advertamus non semper decadem, sed numerum qui dicit quotuplus locus quilibet sit prgecedentis, in supplementum defectus notse alicujus mutuandum esse. Subdue. 32034 1189 73295645 3042,100 £ s. d. 4 8 3 265 Resid. 30845 4287,545 2 I xo JV.B. Ex dictis liquet arithmeticas (quam hactenus tradidimus) Pars Prima. 15 artificium consistere in perficiendo per partes id quod una vice fieri nequeatj rationem vero in additione, reservandi, in subductione, mutuandi decadas, a decupla locorum progressione omnino peten- dam esse. CAP. IV. DE MULTIPLICATIONE. MULTIPLICATIONE toties ponitur multiplicandus quoties jubet multiplicans ^ seu quaeritur numerus qui eandem liabeat rationem ad multiplicandum, quam multiplicans ad unitatem. Numerus autem iste appellatur productum sive rectangulum ^ cujus latera seu factores dicuntur uterque turn multiplicandus, turn numerus per quem multiplicatur. Ut productum duorum numerorum inveniamus, scripto numero multiplicante sub multiplicando, hie multiplicetur per quamlibet notam illius, incipiendo a dextrisj cujusque autem producti nota prima directe subscribatur notse multiplicanti, reliquae versus Ix- vam ordine sequantur. Peracta multiplicatione, producta particularia in unam colligan- tur summam, ut habeatur productum totale, in quo tot loci partibus sunt assignandi, quot sunt in utroque factore. Proponatur 30,94 ducendus in (sive multiplicandus per) 26,5. Quinquies 4 dant 20, cujus primam figuram o subscribo notse mul- tiplicanti (5), reliquam 2 servo j porro 5 in 9 dant 45 j 5 cum % servatis faciunt 7, qux subscribo, 4 sequenti loco ponenda servans; et sic deinceps. 30594 26,5 52886 24 6000 56 15470 18564 6188 211544 105772 36 30 Prod. tot. 819,910 1269264 336000 1 6 A rithmetica : Quoniam numeri cujusque duplex est valor, ut multiplicatio recte instituatur oportet utriusque rationem haberi ; adeo ut nota quaevis multiplicetur juxta valorem cum simplicem turn localem figurse multiplicantis. Hinc nota prima cujusque particularis product! scribitur sub nota multiplicante. E.g. in secundi ex- empli multiplicatore, nota a valet duas (non unitates sed) de- cadas- ergo in 6 (primam multiplicandi notam) ducta producet duodecim (non quidem unitates, verum) decadas. Proinde pri- mam producti notam in loco decadum A.e. directe sub nota mul- tiplicante 2, poni oportet. Ob eandem rationem, ubi in factoribus occurrunt partes, nume- rus ex prima multiplicandi nota in primam multiplicantis ducta genitus, tot locis detrudendus est infra notam multiplicatam, quot multiplicans dextrorsum ab unitate distat; adeoque tot loci in producto totali partibus seponendi sunt, quot fuerant in utroque factore. N.B. Si factori utrique aut alterutri a dextris accedant cyfrsE non interruptae, multiplicatione in reliquis notis instituta omit- tantur istse mox producto totali adjiciendae : quippe cum loci pro- portione decupla progrediantur liquet numerum decuplum, centu- plum, millecuplum, &c. suiipsius evadere, si modo uno, duobus aut tribus locis promoveatur. CAP. V. DE DIVISIONE. Divisio opponitur multiplication! ; nempe productum quod haec conficit, ilia sibi dissolvendum sive dividendum proponit. Nume- rus in divisione inventus, dicitur §luotie»s : siquidem dicit quoties dividendus continet divisorem vel (quod idem est) rationem divi- dend! ad divisorem; seu denique, partem dividend! a divisore denominatam. In divisione, scriptis dividendo et divisore, sicut in exemplorum subjectorum primo, captoque initio a sinistris, pars dividend! divi- sori aequalis, vel eum proxime superans (intelligo valorem tantum simplicem) interposito puncto seponatur. Quserendum dein quoties divisor in membro isto contineatur, numerusque proveniens erit Pars Prima. 17 prima quotientis nota; porro divisor ducatur in notam inventam, productoque a membro dividend© ablato, residuum infra notetur, cui adscripta sequente dividendi nota, confit novum membrum dividendum, unde eruatur nota secunda quotientis, mox in divi- sorem ducenda, ut producto ex membro proxime diviso ablato, residuum una cum sequente dividendi nota, praebeat novum mem- brum ; atque ita porro, usque dum absoluta flierit operatio. Sub- ductis demum locis decimalibus divisoris ab iis qui sunt in divi- dend©, residuum indicabit quot loci partibus assignandi sunt in quotiente; quod si nequeat fieri subductio, adjiciantur dividend© tot cyfrae decimales quot opus est. Peracta divisione, si quid superfuerit, adjectis cyfris decimalibus c©ntinuari poterit divisio, donee vel nihil restet, vel id tarn exi- guum sit, ut tut© negligi p©ssit; aut etiam qu©tienti apponantur notse residuaz subscript© iisdem divis©re. Si uterque, dividendus nempe et divis©r, desinat in cyfras, hse aequali numero utrinque rescindantur ; si vero divisor solus cyfris terminetur, eae ©mnes inter ©perandum negligantur, totidemque postremae dividendi notse abscissae, sub finem operationis restitu- antur, script© infra lineolam divisore. Proponatur 45833, dividendus per 67. Quoniam divisor major est quam 45, adjecta nota sequente fiat 458, membrum prim© dividendum; h©c interp©sito puncto a reliquis dividendi notis secern©. 6 in 45 continetur septies, et superest 3^ veruntamen quoniam 7 non itidem septies in 28 reperitur, ideo minuendus est qu©tiens. Sumatur 6 ; 6 in 45 invenitur sexies, atque insuper 9, quin et 98 c©ntinet 7 sexies, est igitur 6 n©ta prima qu©- tientis. Haec in divisorem ducta pr©creat subducendum 403, quo sublat© a 458, restant ^6:, his adscribo 3, proximam dividendi notam, unde confit novum membrum, nimirum c^6j,^ qu©d sicuti prius dividens, inveni© 8 pr© nota secunda quotientis: 8 in 67 dat 536, hunc subdue© a membro 563, residuoque 27 adjiciens reliquam dividendi n©tam, viz.. 2, habeo 372 pr© nov© dividendo, quod divisum dat 4, qua prim© in quotiente scripta, dein in divisorem ducta, pr©ductoque ex 372 ablato, restant 4 qu©tienti, script© infra lineolam divisore, adjicienda. Expeditior est ©perati©, ubi subdueti© eujusque n©tse multipli- cati©nem immediate sequitur ; ipsa autem multiplicati© a sinistra dextrorsum instituitur. £. g. Sit 12199980 dividendus per 156 VOL. III. c 1 8 Avithmetica : {vide exempl. 3) sub 1219 primo dividend! membro scripto divi- sore, constat hunc in illo septies contineri ; quamobrem 7 scribo in quotiente. Septies i est 7, quibus subductis ex la, deleo turn notam multiplicatam i turn 12 partem membri unde auferebatur productum, residuum 5 supra notans j dein accedo ad proximam divisoris notam 5; 7 in 5 dat 35 j 35 ex 51 ablatis, restant 16, quae supra scribo, deletis 51 et 5. Deinde autem 7 in 6 duco, productoque 42 ex 69 subtracto, supersunt 27, quae proinde note, deletis interim tum 69 tum 6, ultima dividend! figura. Porro divi- sorem jam integre deletum, denuo versus dextram uno loco promotum scribo, perque ilium membrum suprascriptum (quod quidem fit ex residue membri proxime divisi sequente nota aucto) quemadmodum prsecedens divide. Eodem modo divisor usque promoveatur quoad dividendum totum percurrerit.3 67)458.32(684/^ 402 200)8200 2) 82 (41 8 02 2 00 P mfixH xpmM7^^°5 XS6S6B8 XXX 563 273 268 004 Jam vero praeceptorum ratio dabiturj et primum quidem liquet, cur quotientem per partes investigemus. 3. Quseri potest, cur v. g. in exemplo supra allato habeatur 6 pro quotiente membri primi per divisorem divisi, nam 67 in 458 centuriis (pro centuriis nimirum habendae sunt cum duobus locis sinistrorsum ab unitate distent) non sexies, sed sexcenties con- tinetur ? Respondeo, revera non simpliciter 6, sed 600 scribi in quotiente ; dux enim notae postmodum inventse istam sequuntur, atque ita quidem quotient! debitus semper conservatur valor j nam unicuique notae tot loci in quotiente, quot membro unde eruebatur in dividendo postponuntur. \ '^^!^f^^^^°::^^^'^^'^. ?«'-' fr°- "» ^hape, dear .o pid Italians rejoiced in, under the name of the Lagune. a native qf Pars Prima. 19 3. Quandoquidem nota quaelibet quotientis indicat quoties id, ex quo eruebatur, dividend! membrum divisorem contineat aequum est ut ex divisore, in notam proxime inventam ducto, confletur subducendum : tunc nempe aufertur divisor toties ad amussim quoties in dividendo continetur, nisi forsan aequo major aut minor sit numerus ultimo in quotiente scriptus. De illo quidem errore constabit, si productum tam magnum fuerit, ut subduci nequeat j de hoc, si e contra productum oriatur tam exiguum ut peracta subductione residuum divisore majus sit vel ei aequale. 4. Ratio cur tot loci partibus seponantur in quotiente, quot cum iis qui sunt in divisore aequentur locis decimalibus dividendi, ex eo cernitur, quod numerus dividendus sit productum, cujus factores sunt divisor et quotus, adeoque ille tot habeat locos decimales quot hi ambo, id quod demonstravimus de multipli catione agentes. 5. Patet cyfras decimales ad calcem dividendi adjectas ipsius valorem non immutare. Nam integros quod attinet, ii dummodo eodem intervallo supra unitates ascendant, eundem sortiuntur valorem; decimales vero non nisi prxpositis cyfris in inferiorem gradum deprimuntur. 6. Quoniam quotiens exponit seu denominat rationem dividendi ad divisorem, patet proportione ilia sive ratione existente eadem, eundem fore quotientem; sed abjectis cyfris communibus, ratio seu numerorum ad invicem habitudo minime mutatur. Sic v. g. aoo est ad 100, vel (quod idem est) 200 toties continet 100, quoties 2 continet i, quod sane per se manifestum est. CAP. VI. DE COMPOSITIONE ET RESOLUTIONE QUADRATI. Productum ex numero in seipsum ducto, dicitur numerus quadratus. Numerus autem ex cujus multiplicatione oritur quad- ratus, nuncupatur latus sive radix quadrataj et operatio qua numeri propositi radicem investigamus, dicitur extractio radkis quadrate, cujus intelligendas causa juvabit genesin ipsius quadrati, partesque ex quibus componitur, earumque ordinem situmque contemplari. Veruntamen quoniam in inquirenda rerum cognitione consultius c 2 20 Arithmetica : est a simplicissimis et facillimis ordiri, a contemplatione geneseos quadrati, ex radice binomia oriundi, initium capiamus. Attentius itaque intuendum est, quid fiat ubi numerus duabus notis constans in seipsum ducatur. Et primo quidem manifestum est, primam a dextra radicis notam in notam supra positam, seipsam nempe, duci; unde oritur quadratum minoris membri. Deinde vero, eadem nota in sequentem multiplicandi, /. e. alteram radicis notam ducta, provenire rectangulum ab utroque radicis membro conflatum constat. Porro peracta multiplicatione totius multiplicandi per primam radicis notam, ad secundam accedimus, qua in primam multiplicandi notam ducta, oritur jam denuo rectangulum duarum radicis binomiae notarumj deinde secunda multiplicandi nota, /. e. eadem per eandem, multiplicata, dat secundi membri radicis binomiae quadratum. Hinc ergo colligimus, quadratum quodvis a radice binomia procreatum constare primo ex quadrate membri minoris j secundo duplici rectangulo membrorum ; tertio quadrato membri majoris. Proponatur radix binomia, v. g. 23 quadranda^ juxta ea quae cap. 4. traduntur ; primo duco 3 in 3, unde producitur 9, *3 quadratum membri minoris. Secundo duco 3 in 2, alteram ^3 radicis notam; prodit 6, rectangulum utriusque notae. gq Tertio, ex 2 in 3 ducto oritur jam secunda vice rectan- g gulum membrorum. Quarto, 2 in 2 gignit 4, quad- ratum membri majoris. Progrediamur ad genesin quadrati a radice trimembri. Atque hie, primo quidem, prima radicis nota in integram radicem ducta procreat, primo, primi membri quadratum ; secundo, rectangulum membrorum primi ac secundi; tertio, rectangulum membrorum primi ac tertii. Secundo, secunda radicis nota multiplicans radicem dat, primo, rectangulum membrorum primi ac secundi; secundo, quadratum membri secundi; tertio, rectangulum mem- brorum secundi ac tertii. Tertio, ex tertia radicis nota in radicem ducta oritur, primo, rectangulum membrorum secundi ac tertii; secundo, rectangulum membrorum secundi ac tertii; tertio, quad- ratum tertii membri radicis. Hinc porro colligimus quadratum quodvis a radice trinomia genitum complecti, primo, quadratum notse radicis primx ; secundo; duplex rectangulum notae primx in duas reliquas duct«; tertio, quadratum duarum reliquarum, /. .. bina singularum quadrata et Pars Prima. 21 eaxundem duplex rectangulum, quse quidem constituere quadratum duarum notarum jam ante ostendimus. Simili methodo ostendi potest quadratum 4, 5, quotlibet notarum continere, primo quadratum notse infimasj secundo, duplex rect- angulum ex infima in sequentes omnes ducta genitum; tertio, quadratum notarum omnium sequentium^ quod ipsum (uti ex praemissis manifestum est) continet quadratum notae a dextris secundse, duplex rectangulum ejusdem in omnes sequentes ductae, quadratum notarum omnium sequentium; quod pariter continet quadratum notse tertiae, bina rectangula illius et sequentium harumque quadratum, atque ita porro, usque quoad ventum sit ad quadratum altissimse radicis notse. Inventis tandem partibus ex quibus componitur quadratum, restat ut circa earum ordinem situmque dispiciamus. Si itaque quadratum incipiendo a dextris in biniones partiamur, ex genesi quam supra tradidimus constabit, primum (a sinistris) membrum occupari a quadrato notae primae sive altissimse, simul ac ab ea duplicis rectanguli ex notis prima et secunda in invicem ductis conflati portione, quse extra primum sequentis binionis locum redundat: secundi locum primum continere dictum duplex rectangulum, atque insuper quicquid quadrati notse secundae, excurratj secundum capere quadratum ^ notae secundse, et quod redundat duplicis rectanguli duarum priorum notarum in tertiam ductarum (quoad 321 notam infimam) ad locum primum tertii binionis per- 64a tinentis, et sic deinceps j v. g. in exemplo apposite, 963 membrum primum 10 continet 9 quadratum notae ~ primae 3, simul ac i qua 12 (duplex rectangulum notae i°'3°'4 3 in sequentem 2 ductse) locum primum secundi membri transcendit. Primus locus secundi binionis capit 2 (duplicis rectanguli notarum 3 et a reliquum), atque etiam id quod extra locum proxime sequentem redundat, &c. Perspecta jam compositione quadyati, ad ejusdem analysin accedamus. Proponatur itaque numerus qui vis (e. g. 103041), unde elicienda sit radix quadrata. Hunc incipiens a dextris, in biniones (si par sit locorum numerus, alioqui membrum ultimum ex unica constabit nota) distinguo. Quaero dein quadratum maximum in (10) membro versus laevam primo contentum, cujus radix (3) est nota prima radicis indagandae, ipsum autem quad- 22 A rithmetica : ratum (9) a membro (10) subduco. Ex residue (i) , adiecta U) nota prima sequentis membri confit q dividendus (13), quern divido per notam inventam duplicatam (i. e. 6), quotiens (2) erit nota radicalis 6)13-0 secunda; qua primo in divisorem, deinde in 1 34 seipsam ducta, productisque in unam summam col- ■7 ~ lectis, ita tamen ut posterius uno loco dextrorsum ^•^ '^ promoveatur {e. g. ^^ 4) habeo numerum subdu- 5. J cendum (124), hunc aufero ex dividendo (13) aucto (o) nota reliqua secundi membri : residuo (6) adjicio 000 (4) notam primam tertii binionis, ut fiat novus dividendus (64), qui divisus per (64) duplum radicis hactenus inventse dat (i) notam tertiam radicis in- dagandae; hac turn in divisorem turn in seipsam ducta, fac- tisque ut supra simul aggregatis, summam (641) subduco a divi- dendo (64) aucto accessione notse alterius membri tertii : eadem plane method© pergendum quantumvis producatur operatic. Si quid post ultimam subductionem superfuerit, id tibi indicio sit, numerum propositum non fuisse quadratumj verumtamen adjectis resolvendo cyfris decimalibus operatio extendi poterit quousque lubet. Numerus locorum decimalium, si qui fuerint, in resolvendo bipartitus indicabit, quot ponendi sunt in radice. Cujus ratio cernitur ex cap. 4. Ratio operandi abunde patet ex prxmissis. Nam e. g. adhibui (6) duplum notse inventse pro divisore, propterea quod ex tradita quadrati compositione, duplex rectangulum notae illius (3) in sequentem (2) ductae dividendum complecti rescissem, eoque adeo diviso per duplum factoris unius (3) confactorem ejus (2) i>. e. notam proximam radicis innotescere. Similiter, subducendum conflavi ex duplici rectangulo quotientis et divisoris, simul ac quotientis quadrato in unum, ea qua dictum est ratione, collectis ; quia bina ilia rectangula pt quadratum eo ordine in residuo et membro sequente, ex quibus fiebat subductio, contineri depre- henderam, atque ita quidem potestatis resolutio ex ipsius com- positione facili admodum negotio deducitur. Pars Prima. 23 CAP. VII. DE COMPOSITIONE ET RESOLUTIONE CUBI. Radix in quadratum ducta procreat cubum. Ut sternamus viam ad analysin cubi, a compositione potestatis (quemadmodum in capite praecedenti factum) sumendum est initium. In pro- ductione igitur cubi a radice binomia primum radicis membrum oiFendit, primo, suiipsius quadratum, unde cubus notx primae j secundo, duplex rectangulum membrorum, unde duplex solidum quadrati notse primse in alteram ducti ; tertio, quadratum membri alterius, unde solidum ex nota prima et quadrato secundse genitum. Similiter, facta multiplicatione per membrum secundum, oritur primo, solidum notae secundae et quadrati primse ; secundo, duplex solidum notx primae et quadrati secundae; tertio, cubus membri secundi. Continet ergo cubus a radice binomia procreatus singulorum membrorum cubos et 6 solida, nimirum 3 facta ex quadrato membri utriusvis in alterum ducto. Hinc ratiocinio ad analogiam capitis pr^ecedentis protracto, constabit, si (ut quadratum in biniones, ita) cubus a quantavis radice genitus, in terniones distribuatur, ternionem seu membrum a sinistris primum continere cubum notae sinistrorsum primx, simul ac redundantiam (si quae sit) 3 solidorum quadrati ejusdem in secundam ducti ; locum primum secundi capere dicta solida et redundantiam 3 solidorum quadrati not« secundse in primam, locum secundum eadem 3 solida et redundantiam cubi notae se- cundje; tertium occupari a dicto cubo, simul ac redundantia 3 solidorum, ex quadrato notarum prsecedentium in tertiam ducto genitorum : locum primum tertii membri solida ultimo memorata obtinere, et sic deinceps. Hinc facile derivabimus methodum eliciendae radicis cubicae, quje est ut sequitur, Incipiendo a dextris, resolvendum (80621568) in terniones (praeter membrum postremum quod minus esse potest) punctis interpositis distribuo. Dein cubum maximum (64) in (80) primo versus sinistram membro contentum subduco, scriptaque illius radice (4) in notam primam radicis quaesit^e, residuo (16) abscribo (6) notam proximam resolvendi, unde confit dividendum (166) 24 Arithmetica. quod divide per (48) triplum quadrati notas inventae : quotiens (3) est nota secunda radicis : banc duco, primo in divisorem; secundo, ipsius quadratum in triplum notae primae; postremo, ipsam in seipsam bis. Producta ea lege aggregata, ut secundum a primo, (144 ") tertium a secundo, uno loco dextrorsum ponatur, J. 1 08 S- subduco C 27) a dividendo aucto accessione duarum notarum reliquaram membri secundi. Ad eundera modum, 80-621.568(432 utut prolixa sit operatio, numerum divi- 64 dendum semper praestat residuum, adjuncta prima sequentis membri nota: divisorem 40)160.31 vero, triplum quadrati notarum radicis hac- ^•5-5°7 tenus inventarum: et subducendum, nota 5547)1^145 ultimo reperta in divisorem ducta, ejusdem ^^ quadratum in triplum notarum praecedentium : 0000000 postremo illius cubus, ea qua diximus ratione aggregati constituent. Si Humerus resolvendus non sit cubus, quod superest, adjectis locis decimalibus, in infinitum exhauriri potest. Radici assignanda est pars tertia locorum decimalium resol- vendi. K. B. Operationes syntheticae examinari possunt per analyticas, et vicissim analyticse per syntheticas : adeoque si numero alterutro ex summa duorum subducto, restet alter, recte peracta est additio; et vice versa, extra dubium ponitur subductio, quoties aggregatum subducti et residui aequatur numero majori dato. Similiter, si quotiens in divisorem, aut radix in seipsam ducta procreet divi- dendum, aut resolvendum, id tibi indicio sit, in divisionem aut resolutionem nullum repsisse vitium. ARITHMETICyE PARS SECUNDA. CAP. I. QUID SINT FRACTIONES ? ScEiPTo divisore infra dividendum, ductaque linea intermedia, divisionem utcunque designari, jam ante * monuimus. Hujusmodi autem quotientes dicuntur numeri fracti seu fractiones, propterea quod numei-us superior, qui dicitur etiam numerator, dividitur seu frangitur in partes ab inferiore denominatas, qui proinde dicitur denominator: e. g. in hac fractione f- 3 est dividendus seu numerator, 4 divisor seu denominator j ipsa autem fractio indicat quotientem qui oritur ex divisis 2 per 4, h. e, quadrantem duarum rerum quarumvis, vel duos quadrantes uniusj nempe idem sonant. N. B. Patet numeros qui partes decimales denotant, quique vulgo fractiones decimales audiunt, subscripto nominatore, per modum fractionum vulgarium exprimi posse. E. g, ,25 valent xuTji 5O04 valent xtnnr ^^' ^^ quod faciamus oportet, aut saltem factum intelligamus, quotiescunque eae in fractiones vulgares aut vicissim hse in illas reducendae sint, aut aliam quamvis opera- tionem, utrosque fractos, vulgares et decimales ex jequo respi- cientem, fieri contingat. * [Cap. y. p. I.] — Author. 26 A rithmetica : CAP. II. DE ADDITIONE ET SUBDUCTIONE FRACTIONUM. 1. Si fractiones, quarum summa aut differentia quseritur, eun- dem habent nominatorem, samatur summa aut differentia nume- ratorum, cui subscriptus communis nominator qusesitum dabit. 2. Si non sunt ejusdem nominis, ad idem reducantur. Nomina- tores dati in se invicem ducti dabunt novum nominatorem; cu- jusque autem fractionis numerator, in nominatorcs reliquarum ductus, dabit nurtlferatorem novae fractionis datse aequalis. Dein cum novis fractionibus operandum ut supra. 3. Si integer fractioni addendus sit, aut ab ea subducendus, vel vice versa, is ad fractionem datae cognominem reducatur; nempe illi in nominatorem datum ducto idem nominator subscribendus est. Additio -^ ad 1 sum. f Subductio i a f resid. \ Additio f ad|,;.^.^adT^sum.ii Subductio f a f , ;•. e, T^ ex T^ resid. ^ Additio 3ad|,/.f. Vad|sum. V Subductio 1 ex. 3 /. e. V resid. V Primo, Dicendum est, cur fractiones, antequam operemur, ad idem nomen reducamus : atque id quidem propterea fit, quod nu- meri res heterogeneas numerantes in unum colligi, aut ab invicem subduci nequeant. ^.g. Si velim addere tres denarios duobus Pars Secunda. 27 solidis, summa non erit 5 sol. aut 5 den. neque enim ilia prius haberi potest quam res numeratas ad idem genus reducam, adhi- bendo loco duorum solidorum 24 denarios, quibus si addam 3 den. oritur aggregatum 37 den. pari ratione % partes tertias et 3 quartas una coUigens, non scribo 5 partes, tertias aut quartas j sed earum loco usurpo 8 duodecimas et 9 duodecimas, quarum summa est 17 duodecimo. Secundo, Ostendam quod fractiones post reductionem idem valeant ac prius, e.g. quod f xquentur ^: siquidem uterque nominator et numerator per eundem numerum (v. g. 4) multipli- cantur; omnis autem fractio exprimit rationem numeratoris, seu dividendi, ad nominatorem, seu divisoremj proinde dummodo ratio ilia eadem manet, fractio eundem retinet valorem ; sed ducto utroque rationis termino in unum eundemque numerum, certum est rationem non mutari : e. g. si dimidium rei cujusvis sit dimidii alterius rei duplum, erit et totum illud totius hujus duplum ; quod quidem tam liquido patet, ut demonstratione non indigeat. Tertio, Integer ad fractionem reductus non mutat valorem : nam si a numerorum rectangulum per unum eorundem dividatur, quo- tiens erit alter j sed in reductione integri ad fractum is in nomi- natorem datum ducitur, et per eundem dividitur : igitur quotiens, h. e. fractio valet integrum primo datum. N.B. Utile nonnunquam erit, fractionem ad datum nomen re- ducere i e.g. ^ ad alteram, cujus nominator sit 9 : quod quideni fit per regulam trium (de qua vide par. 3. cap. i.) inveniendo nu- merum, ad quem nominator datus ita se habeat ac fractionis datae nominator ad ejusdem numeratoremj is erit numerator fracti cujus datum est nomen, valor autem idem qui prioris ; quippe inter fractionis terminos eadem est utrobique ratio. CAP. III. DE MULTIPLICATIONE FRACTIONUM. I. Si ducenda sit fractio in fractionem, datarum fractionum numeratores in se invicem ducti, dabunt numeratorem product! j dati item nominatores procreabunt ejusdem nominatorem. i28 Arithmetica : %. Si multiplicanda sit fractio per integrum, ducatur integer datus in numeratorem fractionis, eodem manente nominatore. 3. Si in factore alterutro, vel utroque occurrant integri, aut fractiones heterogeneae, ei claritatis causa una colli gi poterunt. EXEMPLA MULTIPLICATIONIS. Multiplic. 1 f per f pro. ^ | 4. per 2 prod, -f Multiplic. 1 2&|per|-&f ;.e. ¥per^ Manifestum est quotientem eadem proportione augeri, qua divi- dendum : £. g. si 2 continetur ter in 6, continebitur bis ter in bis 6; liquet insuper eundem eadem proportione minui, qua crescit divisor. E.g. si numerus 3 continetur quater in 12, continebitur bis 3 duntaxat bis in 12: igitur cum ut multiplicem f per |, augenda sit fractio f ratione quintupla, quoniam per 5, et minu- enda ratione octupla, quoniam non simpliciter per 5, sed solum- modo ejus partem octavam multiplicatur j duco dividendum 2 in 5, et divisorem 3 in 8. 2. Quod ad regulam secundam, constat bis 4 res quasvis aequari 8 rebus ejusdem denominationis, qujecunque demum sit ilia. CAP. IV. DE DIVISIONE FRACTIONUM. 1. Fractio per integrum dividitur, ducendo integrum datum in nominatorem fractionis datje. 2. Si fractio per fractionem dividenda sit, numerator divisoris ductus in nominatorem dividendi dabit nominatorem quotientis; et ejusdem nominator ductus in numeratorem dividendi dabit numeratorem quotientis. 3. Quotiescunque admiscentur integri aut fractiones diversi no- minis, facilius operabere si membra utriusque, turn dividendi turn divisoris, in binas summas colligantur. Pars Secunda. 29 EXEMPLA DIVISIONIS. Div. 1 f per 3, quot. f 1 Div. iper f quot. ff Div. ai+l - per 3f , '■• ^- ¥ per 1 7 1°. Quantum ad primam regulam, ex capite prscedenti constat, fractionem eadem proportione minui seu dividi, qua multiplicatur nominator. 7,°. Postquam dividens fractionem unam per aliam, e. g. ^ per f , duxi nominatorem 9 in a, fractio 3*^ dicit tantum quoties 2 con- tinetur in dividendoj illius vero quintuplum indicabit quoties pars quinta numeri a ibidem continetur; quapropter quotientem primum ^ duco in 5, inde fit ^. N.B. Si fractiones datse sunt homogeneae, brevius est et concin- nius dividere numeratorem dividendi per numeratorem divisoris, quotiescunque ilium hie metitur. Sic divisis f per f quotiens erit 2, quxcunque enim numerantur 6 bis continent 3. 3. Si extrahenda sit radix e fractione data, radix nominatoris radici numeratoris subscripta constituet fractionem quae erit radix quaesita. £. g. | est radix quadrata fractionis f, et cubica fractionis /^ ; nam ex lis quae de multiplicatione diximus patet, | in f pro- ducere |^ et f in -I dare ^. CAP. V. DE REDUCTIONE FRACTIONUM AD MINIMOS TERMINOS. I. QuoNiAM fractionum quae ex minimis terminis constant valor clarius agnoscitur, utile est fractionis terminos, quoties id fieri potest, per communem aliquam mensuram dividere. Quanto autem major fuerit communis iste divisor, tanto minores erunt quotientes seu termini fractionis datae aequalis. Oportet itaque. 3 o A rithmetica : datis duobus numeris, intelligere methodum inveniendi maximam eorum communem mensuram, /. e. divisorem maximum qui datos dividat absque residue. Qui est ut sequitur : 2. Divide majorem e datis per minorem, at divisorem per divisionis residuum, at si quod denuo supersit residuum, per illud residuum prius, /. e. ultimum divisorem dividasj atque ita porro, donee veneris ad divisorem qui dividendum suum exhauriat sive metiatur^ is est maxima datorum communis mensura. £. g. Proponantur 9 et 15. Divido 15 per 9, restant 6. Divide 9 per 6, restant 3 : porro divisis 6 per 3, restat nihil. Ergo 3 est maxima communis mensura datorum numerorum 9 et 15: quod sic ostendo, (a) 3 metitur 6, at {b) 6 metitur 9 demptis 3 ; igitur 3 metitur 9 demptis 3 ; sed 3 metitur seipsum, metitur ergo integrum 9 : atqui (c) 9 metitur 15 demptis 6, ergo 3 metitur 15 demptis 6, metitur vero 6; igitur metitur integrum numerum 15. Hinc patet 3 esse propositorum 9 et 15 communem mensuram. Superest ut ostendam eandem esse maximam. Si negas, esto alia quaepiam major, puta 5 ; jam quoniam (d) 5 metitur 9, (e) 9 vero metitur 15 demptis 6, liquet 5 metiri 15 demptis 6; sed et integrum 15 (ex hypothesi) metitur, igitur metitur 6; 6 autem metitur 9 demptis 3, ergo 5 metitur 9 demptis 3. Quoniam igitur 5 metitur et integrum 9, et 9 demptis 3, metietur ipsum 3, i>. e. (/) numerum minorem ; quod est absurdum. Inventa maxima communi mensura, patet fractionem -^ deprimi posse ad banc f , quam priori sequalem esse sic ostendo. Omnis fractio denotat quotientam numeratoris divisi per nominatoremj in divisione autem, quotiens dicit rationem dividendi ad divi- sorem, dum igitur ratio aadem manet, erit et quotiens seu fractio eadem. Porro rationem non mutari, terminis ejus pariter divisis, liquido constat ; e. g. si res quaelibet sit alterius rei dupla, vel tripla, erit et dimidium illius, dimidii hujus, duplum vel triplum, &c. pQui fractiones per integros dividere et multiplicare novit, si in fractionibus (ut vocant) fractionum ad simplices reducendis (a) per const. (J) per const, (c) per const, (d) per hyp. (e) per const. (/) per hyp. ° Not in the 170^ edition. Pars Secunda. 31 nullam difficultatem experietur. Nam v. g. hsec fractio fractionis ■| de f ecquid aliud est quam pars quarta fractionis f triplicata, sive -^ ducta in integram 3 ? Similiter, ductis in invicem tarn numeratoribus quam nominatoribus, fractio fractionis fractionis, &c. ad integrum reducitur. Hsec cum tarn clara sint et per se manifesta, mirum profecto per quantas ambages, quam operosam theorematum citationem, et specierum supellectilem a nonnuUis demonstrantur, dicam, an obscurantur ?] ARITHMETICS PARS TERTIA. CAP. I. DE REGULA PROPORTIONIS. Regula proportionalis dicitur, qua, datis quibus numeris, in- venitur quartus proportionalis. Illius quidem usus frequens est et eximius : unde nuncupatur regula aurea. Dicitur etiam regula trium, ob 3 terminos datos. Porro quartum directe p^roportio- nalem invenies, multiplicando terminum secundum per tertium, et productum per primum dividendo : E. g. si ut 2 ad 6, ita se habeat 4 ad qusesitum, due 4 in 6, et productum 24 divide per 2, quotiens 1% erit quartus proportionalis quaesitus. Quod sic demonstro : In quatuor proportionalibus, productum extremorum aequatur producto terminorum intermediorum. Nam propterea quod numeri sint proportionales, h. e. eandem habeant inter se rationem, ratio vero per divisionem cognoscatur, diviso termino secundo per primum, et quarto per tertium, idem proveniet quotiens j qui (ex natura divisionis) ductus in terminum primum, producet secundum, et in tertium, producet quartum. Jam, si ducamus terminum primum in quartum, vel (quod idem est) in tertium et quotientem continue, et terminum tertium in secundum vel (quod idem est) in primum et quotientem continue, patet producta fore aequalia, nam iidem sunt utrobique factores. Sed ex natura multiplicationis et divisionis constat, diviso producto per unum Pars Tertia. 33 e factoribus, quotientem esse alterum. Igitur, si dividam pro» ductum duoratn term'inorum intermediorum (6 et 4) per primum (2)5 quotiens (la) exhibebit quartum prcportionalem quaesitum. ' ^iwastlo I. Viator tribus horis conficit quindecim milliaria j quot conficiet novem horarum spatio ? ^esf. 45. Patet enim ex quae^ stione, ut 3 ad 15, ita 9 esse ad quaesitum: t. e. 3 : 15 : : 9 : ergo 135, productum ex 9 in 15, divisum per 3, dabit quaesitum, •viz,. 45, ^luisst. 2. Si a o.perarii 4 diebus merentur v. 5 quantam mer- cedem merebuntur 7 diebus ? h. e. ut 2 in 4 ad 2, ita 5 in 7 ad quaesitum ; sive 8 : 2 : : 35 ? Unde invenitur qusesita merces, viz.. 8y. 9flf. ^Ijfast. 3. Tres mercatores, inita societate, lucrifaciunt 100/. expendebat autem primus 5/. secundus 8A tertius 10/. Quxritur quantum lucri singulis seorsim contigit? summa impensarum est 23/. Die itaque, ut 23 ad 5, ita 100 ad quaesitum: numerus proveniens indicabit quantum primo de communi lucro debeturj aequum nempe est, ut quam proportionem habet cujusque impensa ad summam impensarum, eandem h^beat ipsius lucrum ad sumraam lucrorum. Porro ad eundem modum dicendo 23 : 8 : : 100 ? et 33 : 10 : : 100 : ? cgeterorum lucra innotescent. [pProportio composita inversa in simplices facillime resolvitur, lib. lib. y. g. 2 homines expendunt, 5, 6 diebus : 30 quot diebqs expendent 8 homines .? Die primo 2 : 5 : ; 8 .' inveniens 20 ; die igitur denu6 20 : 6 ; 30 : .' et habebis quaesitum. Qua vero ratioiie terminus qu£esitus simul et semel per regulam satis intricatam innotescat, explieare superfluum duco.] ^luast. 4. Quatuor fistulae implent cisternam 13 horis j quot horis implebitur ilia, ab 8 ejusdem magnitudinis ? Dicendurn 8:4:: 12? Proinde 4 in 12, h. e. 48, divisa per 8, exhibent quEesitum, toz.. 6. Neque in hoc casu, ubi invertitur proportio uUa est nova difficultas; nam terminis rite dispositis, semper habebimus bina sequalia rectangula, quorum unius notum est utrumque latus, alterum vero conflatur ex noto termino in ignotum ducto: quare dividendo productum illud prius per notum latus, seu factorem hujus, proveniet terminus ignotus. Quo autem ordine disponendi sint termini, ex ipsa qusestione palam fiet. " Not in the IJ07 edition. VOL. lir, D 34 Arithmetica : CAP. II. DE ALLIGATIONE. Regula aUigat'tonts simplicis dicitur, qua, propositis duabus rebus diversi pretii aut ponderis, &c. invenitur tertium quoddam genus, ex datis ita compositum, ut illius pretium vel pondus, &c. £equetur dato cuidam pretio vel ponderi, &c. inter proposita intermedio. E. g. Pollex cubicus auri pendit uncias (18), poUex cubicus argenti uncias (13). Quseritur pollex cubicus metalli cujusdam ex utroque mixti qui pendat 16 uncias; in quo pro blemate, pondus intermedium 16 superat argenti pondus per 4, et superatur ab auri pondere per 2. Jam, si capiamus f cubi argentei, et |- cubi aurei, patet eas una conflatas dare poUicem cubicum; quippe f et |- aequantur unitati. Quin patet etiam metalli hujusce mixti pondus aequari dato intermedio 16; nam argenti, quod levius est per 4, accepimus 2 partes ; igitur defectus est 2 in 4 ; auri vero, quod gravius est per 2, accepimus 4 partes : adeoque excessus est 4 in 2, i. e. aequalis defectui ; qui proinde se mutuo tollunt. Hinc oritur regula pro alligatione rerum duarum : Fractio quse nominatur a summa difFerentiarum, et numeratur a defectu minoris infra medium indicat quantitatem majoris sumendam, et vicissim quje eundem habens nominatoremj numeratur ab excessu majoris supra medium, indicat quantitatem minoris sumendam. ^Ijfast. Sunt duo genera argenti, uncia purioris valet 7, vilioris 4, quxruntur 3 unciae argenti, quae valeant singulae 5? Resol. constat ex regula, si accipiam f unciae vilioris, et ^ uncise purioris argenti, haberi unam unciam mixti quxsiti j haec triplicata solvit quaestionem. Quod si res alligandse sint plures duabus, dicitur alligatio com- posita. E.g. sunt quinque vini genera, vis massici est 1, chii 3, falerni 5, caecubi 7, corcyraei 9 : volo mixtum cujus vis sit 4. Mixti aequaliter ex chio et massico, vis erit 2 : nimirum dimidium sum- mae datarum i et 3, uti per se patet. Similiter, mixti aequaliter ex falerno cxcubo et corcyraeo, vis erit 7, i.e. ^ numeri 21, seu summae virium misturam hancce componentium. 2 et 7 alligo cum VI intermedia data, viz.. 4, defectus est 2, excessus 3, summa Pars Tertia. 35 difFerentiarum 5 : igitur sumendse sunt | misturse prioris, f pos- teriorisi porro divisis | per 3, quotiens indicat quantum singu- lorum, chii et massici, accipiendum sit. Similiter % divisse per 3 dicent quantum falerni, &c. mixturae qusesitae inesse debet. Proinde ^^ massici, -^ chii, ^ falerni, -^-^ csecubi, -^ corcyrsei dabunt qusesitum. Hinc cernimus, quomodo alligatio composita ad simplicem reducatur. Nimirum pondera, pretia, magnitudines, aut quaecun- que demum sunt alliganda, in binas colligantur summas, quse dividends sunt, utraque, per numerum terminorum qui ipsam constituunt: quotientes juxta regulam alligationis simplicis alli- gentur cum termino intermedio: quae proveniunt fractiones, di- visse, singulae per numerum rerum, mixturam sive summam ad quam spectant ingredientium, indigitabunt quantitatem ex sin- gulis capiendam. Demonstratio patet ex dictis. 2*f. B. In alligatione plurium rerum quaestio qusevis innumeras admittit solutiones, idque ob duplicem rationem : nam primo termini deficientes cum excedentibus diversimode colligi pos- suntj unde varii prodibunt quotientes, cum dato termino inter- medio alligandi. Cavendum tamen est ne dicti quotientes sint simul majores, aut simul minores medio; quod. si eveniat, patet qusesitum esse impossibile. Secundo, unum eundemque terminum licet saepius repetere j unde illius portio augebitur, reliquorum vero portiones minuentur. Libet in studiosorum gratiam hie exhibere solutionem Celebris illius problematis, ad Archimedem ab Hierone propositi. fluast. Ex conflatis auro et argento fit corona : quaeritur quan- tum ei insit auri, quantum argenti ? coronam interim violari non sinit tyrannus. Respon. Parentur binae massae, una auri, altera argenti, quarum utraque sit ejusdem ponderis ac corona. Quibus paratis, patet problema, alia forma, sic proponi posse : datis v, g. libra auri, et libra argenti, invenire libram metalli ex utroque compositi, quae sit datae intermedise molis : igitur inquirendse sunt massarum et coronae magnitudines. Quoniam vero coronas soli- ditas geometrice determinari nequeat, opus est stratagemate. Sin- gulae ergo vasi aqua pleno seorsim immergantur; mensuretur autem quantitas aquae ad cujusque immersionem profluentis quam immersie moli magnitudine jequalem esse constat: immerso uti- D 2 36 Arithmetica : que auro, aqua exundans sit 5, argento 9, corona 6. Hue igitur redit qusestio; datis libra auri cujus magnitudo est 5, et libra argenti cujus magnitudo est 9, quseritur quantum ex singulis ca- pere oporteat, ut habeamus libram metalli cujus magnitudo sit 6 : proinde alligatis 9 et 5 cum magnitudine intermedia 6, innotescet quantitas auri, vix,. | lib. et \ lib. quantitas argenti, coronse immisti. Hinc patet, quam non difficile sit problema, ob cujus solutionem notum illud evprjKa ingeminavit olim Archimedes. CAP. III. DE PROGRESSIONE ARITHMETICA ET GEOMETRICA, ET DE LOGARITHMIS. Progressio Arithmetica dicitur series numerorum, eadem cora- muni differentia crescentium vel decrescentium. 'E.g. In hac serie i. 4. 7. 10. 13. 16. 19. %%. 25, 3 est communis excessus, quo terminus secundus excedit primum, tertius secundum, quartus ter- tium, et sic deinceps: et in hac altera decrescentium serie, 15. 13. II. 9. 7. 5. 3. I, 2 est communis defectus, quo terminus quilibet a praecedenti deficit. Jam ex ipso serierum harumce intuitu et quam prsemisimus definitione, manifestum est, unumquemque terminum continere minorem extremum, simul ac communem diiFerentiam, multipli- catam per numerum locorum quibus ab eodem distat. E.g. In prima serie terminus quintus 13 constat ex minore extreme i, et communi differentia 3, ducta in 4, /. e. numerum locorum quibus a minimo extreme distat. Hinc dato minore extremo, et com- muni differentia, terminus quivis, e. g. a minimo undecimus ex- clusive, facile inveniri potest, ducendo differentiam 3 in 11, et productum o,'3^ minori extremo i addendo. Idem invenitur, datis majore extremo, differentia communi, et numero locorum quibi(S terminus quxsitus a maximosejungitur, ducendo communem dif- ferentiam in numerum locorum datum, et productum e majore extremo auferendo. Patet etiam qua ratione datis termino quo- . libet, ejusdem indice, et communi differentia, terminus primus Pars Tevtia. 37 assignetur j et quomodo ex datis termino quovis, illius indice, et minore extreme, communis diiferentia itemque ex datis termino, differentia, et minore extremo, termini index eruatur. Quin et illud etiam patet, viz.. dimidium summae duorum terminorum sequari medio proportionali arithmetico. E.g-. 7 et 13 faciunt 20, cujus dimidium 1 o vest terminus inter datos medius {vide seriem primam). Hsec et alia bene multa theoremata ac problemata, eorumque solutiones, ex ipsa progressionis arithmeticse natura facile quisquam deduxerit, preesertim si logistica speciosa utatur, Quapropter ea exercitii causa tyronibus relinquo. Frogressio Geometrica vocatur series numerorum, eadem con- tinua ratione crescentium vel decrescentium. £. ^. 3. 6. 12. 24. 48. 96. sunt in progressione geometrica, cujus ratio communis est dupla, nimirum terminus quisque duplus est prsecedentis. Simili- ter numeri hujus decrescentis seriei, 81. 27. 9. 3. i. progrediuntur ratione subtripla, i. e. terminus quilibet praecedentis subtriplus est sive \. Ubi observandum est, terminum quemvis conflari ex potestate communis rationis, ipsi cognomine, in terminum primum ducta. E. g. In serie prima, 48^ terminus exclusive quartus, producitur ex 1 6, potestate quarta numeri 2 [t. e. quse generatur ex 2 ter in seip- sum ducto, siquidem ipsa radix dicitur potestas prima) per ter- minum primum 3 multiplicata. Quamobrem ea quse de progres- sione arithmetica diximus etiam hie locum habent, si pro additione et subductione multiplicationem et divisionem, pro multiplica- tione et divisione involutionem et evolutionem, sive radicum'' extractionem adhibeamus. E.g. Quemadmodum in progressione arithmetica summa extremorum bisecta dat medium arithmeticum, ita in progressione geometrica medius proportionalis est radix producti extremorum. Adeoque theoremata et problemata quod spectat, iis, cum ilia ex nuda serierum contemplatione facillime eruantur, ulterius deducendis non immorabimur. At vero unum est progressionis geometricae theorema, ex quo olim derivata fuit, et etiamnum dependet nobilis logarithmorum scientia, quodque adeo hie visum est explicare. In progressione geometrica cujus principium est unitas, rectan- ^ [N, B. Quomodo potestatum quarumvis et -cubo «orumque radicibus agentes, iii- radices extrahantur, lector diligens, juxta vestigare poterit.] — Author, methodum quam secuti sumus de quadrato 38 Arithtnetica • gulum duorum quorumlibet terminorum aequatur termino ejusdem progressionis, qui pro indice habet summam indicum factorum. "E.g. Si sequentis seriei -j q ^' ^ ^ '4 ^^' t\ ^^^'^™^^ terminum secundum 2 in quartum 8, productum 16 est terminus quintus, cujus index 4 sequatur indicibus secundi et quarti una collectis. Ratio manifesta est: nam quselibet potestas, in aliam quam- cunque ejusdem radicis ducta, procreat tertiam, cujus dimensiones tot sunt, quot fuere in utraque potestate generante. Sed in pro- gressione geometrica, cujus terminus primus sit unitas, patet reli- quos omnes subsequentes esse potestates ex communi ratione genitas, quarum singulae tot habeant dimensiones, quot locis ab unitate distant. Igitur si infinitae progressioni geometricse adscriberetur indicum series itidem infinita, ad obtinendum duorum terminorum rectan- gulum baud necesse foret unum per alterum multiplicare ; opor- teret solummodo, indicibus una collectis, qu£erere indicem qui aggregato sequetur, is sibi adscriptum ostenderet rectangulum quGEsitum. Similiter, si dividendus sit unus terminus per alium, differentia indicum, si extrahenda sit radix quadrata aut cubica, i aut \ indicis, quaesitum quotum, vel radicem, indigitaret. Hinc patet, difficiliores arithmeticae operationes insigni com- pendio exerceri posse, si conderentur tabulae, in quibus numeri naturali ordine collocati habeant singuli indicem a latere respon- dentem: tunc quippe multiplicatio, sola additioncj divisio, sub- ductione; extractio radicum, bisectione vel trisectione indicum, peragerentur. Sed indices illos, sive logarithmos, numeris accom- modare, hoc opus, hie labor est j in quo exantlando plurimi desuda-: runt mathematici. Primi" quidem tabularum conditores hac fere methodo usi sunt. Numeris i. 10. 100. 1000, &c. in progressione decupla existenti-- bus, logarithmos assignarunt 0.0000000. i.ooooooo. 2.0000000. 3.0000000, &c. Deinde ut numeri alicujus, -v.g. 4, inter i et 10 intermedii, logarithmum invenirent, adjectis utrique septem cy- fris, inter i.ooooooo, et 10.0000000, medium proportionalem quae- siere; qui si minor esset quam 4, inter ipsum et 10.0000000, si vero major, inter eum et 1.0000000, medius proportionalis in- dagandus erat : porro inter hunc (si minor esset quam 4) et prox- * Not Napier. He took fourth proportionals, not mean. Pars Tertia. 39 ime majorem, sin major, et proxime minorem, denuo quaerebant medium proportionalem ; et sic deinceps, usque dum ventum fuis- set ad numerum, non nisi insensibili particula, puta looo^ooao ^ a proposito 4 difFerentem. Hujus autem logarithmus obtinebatur, inveniendo medium arithmeticum inter logarithmos numerorum I et 10, et alium inter ipsum et logarithmum denarii, &c. Jam si bipartiatur logarithmus numeri 4, habebitur logarithmus binarii, idem duplicatus dat logarithmum numeri 16; et si logarithmo quaternionis addatur logarithmus binarii, summa erit logarithmus octonarii. Simili methodo, ex uno logarithmo numerii 4 alii in- numeri inveniri possunt. Ad eundem modum, cum caeteris numeris inter unitatem et decadem intermediis aptati essent logarithmi, alios quamplurimos eorum summae, differentiae, &c. suppeditarunt. Sed de his satis ; neque enim omnia quae ad logarithmos spectant tradere statuimus : id duntaxat propositum fuit, eorum naturam, usum, et inven- tionem quadantenus exponere. MISCELLANEA MATHEMATICA: COGITATA NONNULLA RADICIBUS SURDIS, DE j^STU AERIS, DE CONO ^QUILATERO ET CYLINDRO EIDEM SPH^RjE CIRCUMSCRIPTIS, DE LUDO ALGEBRAICO ; par^netica quji;dam ad studium matheseos, PR^SERTIM ALGEBRjE. AUTORE * * * * ART. BAG. TRIN. COL. DUB. 1707. EGREGIO ADOLESCENT! D. SAMUELI MOLYNEUX\ IN ACADEMIA DUBLINIENSI SOCIORUM COMMENSALI, TILIO VIRI CLARISSIMI GULIELMI MOLYNEUXl, FAUCIS AB HINC ANNIS ACERBO, TAM PATRI^ QUAM REI LITERARI, FATO DENATI. EGREGIE ADOLESCENS, Tanta fuit patris tui, dum viveret, apud eruditos existimatio, ut me rem iis pergratam facturum arbitrer, si filium, sui acuminis ac solertise haeredem, ipsum reliquisse palam faciam. Fatendum quidem est, patruum tuum, virum doctrina juxta ac humanitate insigni, tale aliquid jam pridem ^ fecisse. Viderat nimiram vir clarissimus, eam esse tui necdum adolescentis indolem, ut te olim paterna pressurum vestigia verisimile judicaret. Cujus tanti viri auctoritas apud me usque eo valuit, ut deinceps magnam de te spem conceperim. Nunc autem, cum ipse studionim tuorum conscius, te saniori philosophise et'mathesi operam ^ Samuel Molyneux, to whom the Mis- cellanea Mathemalica are addressed, was the son of William Molyneux (the friend and correspondent of Locke), by whom the Essay on Human Understanding was in- troduced into Trinity College soon after its first publication. Cf. New Theory of Vision, ' Editor's Preface,' and sect. 132. The younger Molyneux was born in 1689, at Chester, where his family had retreated for a time from the tyranny of Lord Tyrconnel's government. He was trained by his father with great care, according to the method of Locke's tract on Education, and afterwards, when his father died (in October, 1698), by his uncle Dr. Thomas Molyneux. Samuel Molyneux was Berkeley's pupil at Trinity College, Dublin. In the early part of his public life he was secretary at Hanover to the Prince of Wales, afterwards George IL He introduced his former tutor to the Prince and Princess, which was the first occasion of Berkeley's being known to Queen Caroline. Mr. Molyneux lived much at Kew. He devoted himself to optics and astronomy, from which pursuits an appointment in the Admiralty in a great measure withdrew him. He died in 1728. The interesting corre- spondence of the elder Molyneux and also of the uncle with Locke, from July 1692 till January 1699, should be studied in con- nection with the introduction of the Lockian and Newtonian philosophy into Dublin. (See Locke's Worhs, vol. IX. pp. 289-472.) ' [Vide epistolam Thomse Molyneux, M.D. ad Episcopum Clogherensem. Pbilo- soph.Transacl.Uo. 282.] — Author. Thomas Molyneux, younger brother of William, was Professor of Medicine In the University of Dublin, and Physician-General to the Army. He attained high repute, and was made a baronet in 1 730. He died in 1733. He was F.R.S., and contributed many Essays to the Transactions. 44 DEDICATIO. strenue navantem cernam ; quum spinas quibus obsepta videtur mathesis, quasque alios quamplurimos ab ejus studio deterrere solent, te e contra ad alacrius pergendum stimulare ; quum denique ad industriam illam et sciendi ardorem praeclaram ingenii vim sentiam accedere ; exundantem nequeo cohibere laetitiam quin in orbem literatum effluat, teque ex prae- cipuis (si mode Deus vitam largiatur et salutem) ineuntis sseculi orna- mentis fore, certissimo sane augurio prsenuntiem. Proinde, sequentibus quantuliscunque ad te delatis, ansam hancce tecum publice coUoquendi arripere gestiebam; cum ut ipse proprio cedam aifectui, turn ut tu expectatione de te coorta, tanquam vinculo quodam, alioqui non ingrato, illi reram pulcherrimarum studio devinciare. MISCELLANEA MATHEMATICA\ DE RADICIBUS SURDISl Id mihi olim in mentem venit, ut putarem praxin algebraicam factum iri nonnihil faciliorem, si ablegate signo radicali, alia quaepiam excogitaretur potestatum imperfectarum radices com- putandi methodus, quae ah usitata in reliquis operationum forma minus abhorreret. Nimirum, quemadmodum in arithmetica longe facilius tractantur fractiones a vulgaribus ad decimales reductse, quia tunc notae cujusque loco nominatoris vicem obeunte, altera sui parte truncantur, similique forma ac integri descriptse, eandem- que cum iis seriem constituentes, iisdem itidem legibus subji- ciuntur; sic si ex logistica etiam speciosa ablegaretur nota ista radicalis [_\/~\ quae, ut nominator inter fractiones et integros, operationum diversitatem inter radices surdas ac rationales in- ducit, praxis proculdubio minus intricata evaderet. Quidni itaque radices quascunque surdas, perinde ac rationales, per nudas duntaxat literas designemus, v. g. pro V^ substitute c vel d? Quippe surdis ad hunc modum designatis, nihil intererit inter eas ac potestatum perfectarum radices j additio, subductio, multiplicatio, &c. ad eundem modum utrobique peragentur. Sed 1 These ' Mathematical Miscellanies,' lamenting that other studies, dry and jejune published along with the ' Arithmetic ' in enough, were at that stage in his hfe- 1707, contain some ingenious operations and time superseding charming Mathematics, to- applications in Algebra, as" well as a specu- which he hoped soon to return. It seems lation on the cause of the Atmospheric that the diversion of his attention lasted long. Tide. They conclude with an ardent Cf. Analyst, sect. 50, published nearly thirty persuasive to the study of Mathematics, years after, when he next appeared in especially Algebra, to which Berkeley was mathematical literature, and with a dif- then enthusiastically devoted. He adduces ferent purpose. (pp. 61-2) Sir William Temple, Bacon, Des ^ This essay on Surds does not carry Cartes, Malebranche, and Locke as autho- much weight. The suggestion with which rities in favour of Mathematics, in particular it commences has not met with favour, an'd Algebra, as a mental discipline ,■ and he ends by is apt to produce confusion. 46 Miscellanea Mathematica : objicere in promptu est, vel magis quam signum radicale, species hac ratione multiplicatas calculum divexare. Siquidem cum nulla sit affinitas seu connexio inter ^ et c, adeoqus una ex altera agnosci nequeat, videtur illius radix aptius designari per V^, cujus statim ac cernitur innotescit significatio. Respondeo, huic malo mederi posse, si v. g. Grsecum alphabetum ad desig- nandas radices introducamus, scribendo j3 pro V^, 8 pro V^, 6cc. Quo pacto non tarn ipsse literae quam characteres varia- buntur, et nota quaevis substituta in tantum referet primitivam, ut scrupulo non sit locus. Quantitatis ex aliarum multiplicatione aut divisione conflatse radix designabitur per earundem radices similiter multiplicatas ... , , / idm Bba seu divisas. E.g. Ve>c=l3K, et / = — . Si vero proponatur quantitas multinomia, seu constans ex pluribus membris (in quibus nulla sit quantitas ignota) signis + aut— inter se connexisj designetur horum aggregatum (quod et alias quidem saepe fit) per unicam aliquam literam. E. g. fiat a-\ l>—c=g cujus radix est y. Quaeris autem quid fiat ubi ignotae quantitates notis connec- tantur; sit v. g. potestas imperfecta /+ a: ; nam si utamur ^ et f partium nempe potestatis radicibus^ ex iis nequit determinari radix totius? Quidni igitur exaequemus potestatem datam im- perfijctam alteri cuidam perfectae, viz. f+x=ff-{-'if(+i^, vel ff+3ffi+3f^^ + ^&, &c. ? Tunc enim erit /+ 1- , et 4/ 'I per ( > eritque .^i>6=^^, et 4/ ccc= 4/ ij^ 48 Miscellanea Mathematica : et ^hhhhhh = l/j%iy^ei^cccccc = ^\i\.. Ubi porro patet quod ^hhbhbb = ^hb et ]^cccccc = ^ccc. Additionem quod attinet radicum surdarum, ilia, si sint corrir mensurabiles, fit prsefigendo summam terminorum rationis signo radicali, cui suffigendus est communis divisor cujus ope dictse rationis termini innotuerunt. E.g. ,^24 + ^^54=5^^6. Nam ex antedictis, et iis quae sequuntur de multiplicatione, 4^24= % ^6, et /^54=3 \/6. Ad eundem modum fit subductio, nisi quod differentia terminorum exponentis signo radicali praefigatur. Si addenda sunt aut subducendse radices surdae incommensura- biles, mediantibus signis + aut — cormectantur. E. g. ^6 + V3 et a/S — V'i sunt summa et differentia radicum numerorum 6 et 3 ; quo quidem modo surdis adduntur aut subducuntur etiam numeri rationales. Si radix surda per aliam homogeneam multiplicanda sit; rect- angulo potestatum praeponatur nota radicalis, simulque index communis. E.g. -^3x^7=^21 et ^gx^x—^gx. Ad cujus praxeos demonstrationem, designentur radices numero- rum 3 et 7 per b et d, ut sit bb=^ et 4d=y, et liquido con- stabit, quod 4/^^ dd = bd, i. e. radix quadrata producti xquatur producto radicum quadratarum. Idem ad eundem modum ostendi potest de aliis quibuscunque radicibus, cubicis, biquadraticis, &c. Radices heterogenese, priusquam multiplicentur, ad homogeneas re- ducendae sunt. Si numerus rationalis in surdum ducendus sit, elevetur ille ad potestatem datse imperfectse cognominem, cui prsefigatur nota radicalis, unaque ejusdem potestatis index. Csetera ut prius. E-S- 5x\/4='s/i25Xa/4 = n/5co. Vel brevius sic, 5 4/4; et generaliter b x ^c = ^bH vel b ^c. Divisionem quod attinet, quoties dividendus et divisor sunt ambo radices surdae, ablata (si qua sit) heterogeneitate, riota radicalis cum proprio indice quotienti potestatum prsefixa, quotum qusesitum exhibebit. -E. ^. ^7-=-4/3 = ^-s- = \/2|. Si vero ex duobus alteruter duntaxat numerus seu species signo radicali atKcitur; reliquus, juxta indicem radicis datx involutus, notae radicali suffigatur : deinde ut prius. E. g. Xjg6 -4- 4= V96 -^ 4/64 = K/n = K/i- Vel sine prxparatione ^^. Et generaliter ^ c ^ b = ^J ^y&lS-L. , H^ec, velut prxcedentia, ■ facillime demonstrantur. De ^stu Aeris. 49 DE ^STU AERISl NoN ita pridem incidi in librum cui titulus, De Imperlo Solis et Luna in Corpora humana^ authore viro cl. M.D. et S.R.S''. Qui sane quantus sit, et quantulus sim ipse, non ignoro. Sed ut libere dicam quod sentio, sententiam ejus De _Mstu Aerh^ quam ibidem explicatam dat, utpote celeberrimi Newtoni principiis innixam, ambabus ulnis amplexus sum. Verumtamen baud scio, an author ingeniosus phsenomenon quorundam isthuc pertinentium causas tam recte assecutus sit. Quam vero justa sit dubitandi ratio, tu, cujus perspectum habeo acumen, optime judicabis. Tribuit vir cl. altiorem aeris circa aequinoctia tumorem figurae sphseroidali terrae : difFerentiam insuper inter aeris intumescentiam, quae a luna meridionali, et illam quse a luna (ut ita loquar) anti- meridionali in sphaera obliqua excitatur^ eidem causse acceptam refert. Ego vero neutrius istorum phsenomenon explicationem ab oblata sphxroide petendam duco. Propterea quod, primo, quamvis sententia quse massam aereo-terrestrem ea esse figura contendit, rationibus tam physicis quam mathematicis compro- betur, et nonnullis item phaenomenis pulchre respondeat j non tamen apud omnes usque, adeo obtinet, ut nulli veteris, vel etiam oppositse sententiae fautores, iique non minimae notae viri, hodie reperiantur. Et sane memini, D. Chardellou, astronomiae peritissimum, abliinc plus minus sesquianno, mihi indicasse, sibi ex observationibus astronomicis axem terrae diametro aequatoris compertum esse longiorem : adeoque terram esse quidem sphae- roidem, sed qualem vult Burnetius'^, ad polos assurgentem, prope ' This speculation on the ' Atmospheric afterwards appeared in Leyden, Naples, Tide' exposes some absurd errors, but it is Amsterdam, and Frankfort, It was trans- hard to see what its intrinsic value is. To lated into English in 1 708. the mathematician it seems to involve a ' This reference is to a curious book by deficient appreciation of what constitutes Dr. Burnet — Telluris Tbeoria Sacra: orbis mathematical proof. nostri originem^ et mutaliones generates guas * The author here referred to was Dr. aut jam^subit, aut olim suhiturus est, com- Richard Mead, born 1673, an eminent plectens. London, 1681. The opinion re- London physician, author of various works ferred to is thus stated : ' Manifestum est in medicine and natural philosophy, whose partes polares altiores fuisse sequinoctialibus, works passed through many editions. His sive remotiores a centro : unde aquae ceci- book De Imperio Solis et Lutke was first derunt versus polos, in medias terrae partes published in London in 1704, and editions defluere deberunt, et totam fere telluris VOL. in. E 50 Miscellanea Mathematica : sequatorem vero humiliorem. Attamen quod ad me attinet, mallem quidem viri clarissimi observationes potius in dubium vocare, quam argumentis quje terram esse oblatam demonstrant obviam ire. Niliilominus, quoniam sententia ista non omnibus aeque arridet, illam tanquam principium ad phsenomenon uUum explicandum adhiberi nollem, nisi res aliter commode explicari nequeat. Sed secundo, tantum abest quod supradictorum efFec- tuum explicatio sphxroidalem terrse figuram necessario poscat, ut vix ullam inde lucis particulam mutuari videatur : id quod, appo- sitis quae in banc rem scribit vir clarissimus, ostendere conabor. "Altius (inquit) solito se attollit aer circa duo aequinoctia, quoniam cum sequinoctialis linea illi globi terrestris circulo ad- versa respondeat qui diametrum habet maximam, utrumque sidus dum in ilia versatur terrae est vicinius." De Imf. Sol. et Lmh. p. 9. Jam vero, utrum vicinior iste luminarium situs par sit attollendo aeri in cumulum solito sensibiliter altiorem, merito ambigi potest. Etenim tantilla est differentia inter axem transversum et con- jugatum ellipseos, cujus volutione gignitur sphserois terrestris, ut ilia ad sphaeram quamproxime ac- cedat. Verum ut accuratius rem prosequamur, designet a c h d sec- tionem per polos massae aereo-terres- tris, in qua sit d c axis a h diameter jequatoris. Jam inito calculo, depre- hendi vim lunae attractricem in h vel a non esse -j^^ro- ^^i parte fortio- rem quam foret in c vel d^ si ilia polo alterutri directe immineret, et proinde diff^erentiunculam istam efFectui uUi sensibili edendo imparem omnino esse. Conside- randum etiam, lunam ab asquatore nunquam tertia parte arcus h d distare, dictamque proinde quantulamcunque difFerentiam adhuc valde minuendam esse. Quod autem de luna diximus, id de sole, cum multis vicibus longius absit, adhuc magis constabit. Verum quidem est D. Mead alias insuper causas sestus prope superficiem irrigare.' (Lib. II. cap. 5.) Essay, in a series of tracts (1697-1699), Burnet wrote several tracts in defence of his afterwards collected as a review of Locke, theory. He also wrote Remarks on Locke's De yEstu Aeris. ' 51 aequinoctia altioris attulisse; viz. " agitationem fluidi sphxroidis in majori orbe se revolventis majorem, prseterea vim centrifugam efFectum habentem eo loci longe maximum 6." Quod ad primam, etsi ilia prima fronte nonnihil prse se ferre visa sit, fatendum tamen est, me non omnino percipere, quomodo aliquid inde ad distinctam rei propositae explicationem faciens coUigi possit. Quod ad secundam, constat sane vim centrifugam prope sequa- torem esse longe maximam, et propterea massam aereo-terrestrem figuram oblatae sphaeroidis induisse : quid vero aliud hinc sequatur non intelligo. Verum etiamsi concedamus aerem, propter causas a clarissimo viro allatas, circa aequinoctia ad sequatorem supra modum tume- fieri; non tamen inde apparet, quamobrem apud nos, qui tarn procul ab sequatore degimus, turn temporis altius solito attollatur : quinimo contrarium sequi videtur. Sequenti pagina sic scribit D. Mead^ "Ut finem tandem faciam, in iisdem parallelis ubi lun£e declinatio est, ilium coeli polum versus qui altissimus in- surgit, validissima est attractio, cum ilia ad ejus loci meridianum verticem accedit, minima vero, ubi pervenit ad meridianum loci oppositi ; quod contra contingit in parallelis his adversis. Causa est in sphseroide terrae tetherisque figura." Ergo vero causam non esse in terrje et ambientis setheris figura propterea puto, quod posita terra vel perfecte spherica, vel etiam oblonga, idem certe eveniret, uti infra patebit. Restat ut harum rerum explicationem ipse aggrediar, siquidem eo prsesertim nomine suspecta mihi fuit ratio a sphaeroidali terras figura deducta, quod, nulla ipsius habita ratione, res tota clarissime simul ac facillime exponi posse videbatur. Nev/tonus, Operis sui Physico-Mathematici, lib. iii. prop. 24. ubi aestuum marinorum phenomena explicat, hsec habet : " Pendet etiam efFectus utriusque luminaris ex ipsius declinatione seu distantia ab jequatore. Nam si luminare in polo constitueretur, traheret illud singulas aquse partes constanter, absque actionis intensione et remissione, adeoque nullam motus reciprocationem cieret. Igitur luminaria recedendo ab aequatore polum versus eflFectus suos gradatim amittent, et propterea minores ciebunt ' J3e Imperio Soils et Lunce, p. 7. E a Miscellanea Mathematica xstus in syzygiis solstitialibus quam in sequinoctialibus." Atqui non alia causa videtur quserenda ullius phaenomeni aestus aerei, quam quse ad similem efFectum in jestu marino excitandum suffi- ciat. Sed ut id quod a viro per totum orbem longe celeberrimo breviter adeoque subobscure traditum est, uberius exponam; sit in priore figura a d c h meridianus, &t a b axis massae aereo- terrestris; sol autem et luna in polo constitui concipiantur. Manifestum est, quamvis massa; aereae partem, puta af, durante circumvolutione diurna, eandem semper distantiam a luminaribus tueri, adeoque vi ubique jequali in eorum corpora trahi. Proinde aer non uno tempore attollitur, alio deprimitur, sed per totum diem in eadem haeret altitudine. Verum secundo, in eadem figura reprjesentet a c h d sequatorem aut parallelum quemvis, luminaria interim in piano aequinoctiali existantj quo tempore manifestum est, tum ipsum jequatorem, turn singulos parallelos, ellipticam induere figuram. Manifestum etiam est, aerem qui nunc ^, apicem axis transversi, obtinet, adeoque altissimus in- surgit, post sex horas, c, extremum axis conjugati, ubi humil- limus deprimetur, occupatum ire, maximamque proinde motus reciprocationem cieri. Ut igitur rem omnem simul absolvam, gibbos sphxroidis sestu^ss triplici ratione locari concipiamus; vel in polls, vel in sequatore, vel in locis intermediis. In primo casUj esset planum rotationis diurnae ad axem sphaeroidis perpendi- culare, adeoque circulus; unde nuUus foret sestus: in secundo, esset ad eundem parallelum, adeoque ellipsis, inter cujus axes maxima sit differentia j unde maximi forent aestus : in teitio, quo magis ad situm perpendicularem accederet, eo circulo vicinius esset, adeoque minores forent aestus. Reliquum est ut demonstrem, differentiam quae est in sphaera obliqua inter sestum quemvis et subsequentem, ubi luna extra aequatorem vagatur, terra posita vel oblata, vel ad amussim sphserica, vel etiam oblonga, perinde causatum iri. Sit a b axis mundi, g d equator, k locus quivus, f k loci parallelus, h I axis sphseroidis aestuosae ob actionem, potissimum, luna De Cono. 53 utrinque tumentis. Luna autem prope / constituatur. Demon- strandum est c k altitudinum aeris, luna prope loci meridianum existente, majorem esse c/, aeris altitudine, ubi luna meridianum loci oppositi transierit. Ducatur /> s parallelus priori ex adverso respondens, et producantur f i, c / ad / et r. Per constructionem arcus ph tequalis est arcui k I -, ergo arcus fh major est arcu k li ergo propter ellipsin recta f s minor est recta k p,(itf c minor k. c. ^e.d. DE CONO ^QUILATERO ET CYLINDRO, EIDEM SPH^R^ CIRCUMSCRIPTIS^ LEMMA. Latus trianguli sequilateri est ad diametrum inscripti circuli, ut ^/ 3 ad I ; et perpendicularis ex angulo quovis ad latus oppo- situm demissa, est ad eandem, ut 3 ad 2,. Hxc cuivis, algebram et geometriam utcunque callenti, facile constabunt. PEOBLEMA. Invenire rationem quse existit inter Cylindrum et Conum asqui- laterum eidem Sphserae circumscriptos. Ponamus diametrum et peripheriam basis cylindri esse singulas unitatem. Eruntque, per Lemma, diameter basis coni ejusdemque peripheria singulae ^3. Proinde i x i = i = bas. cylindri ; et ^ = summae basium. Et ^73 x 5 V3 = i — bas. coni, et super- ficies cylindri seu quadruplum baseos =1. Et superficies simplex coni = f = — — X V 6. Nam -/f (h. e. media proportionalis inter 4 ^3 latus coni, et basis radium seu x/f ) est radius circuli sequalis superficiei conicae. Et per prsecedentia i 4- i- = |- = sup. tot. cylindri, et f + | = f = sup. tot. coni. Porro per hypothesin ' This matter of the Cone is at best an ingenious conceit. 54 Miscellanea Mathematica : et lemma, axis cylindri est i, et coni |. Soliditas autem cylindri_ = i X I = i, et soliditas coni = f x i = |. Hinc, compara- tis inter se homogeneis, eruitur sequens THEOREMA. Inter Conum xquilaterum et Cylindrum eidem Sphserae circum- scriptos, eadem obtinet ratio sesquialtera, quoad superficies totas, superficies simplices, soliditates, altitudines, et bases. Duobus abhinc anniss Theorema illud non sine admiratione ali- qua inveni. Nee tamen propriam ingenii vim aut sagacitatem ullam, quippe in re tarn facili, sed quod TacquetusS, notissimus matheseos Professor, tantopere gloriatus sit, de invento cui impar non sit tyro, id demum admiratus sum. Nempe is invenerat partem aliquam Theorematis prsefati, wz.. quod " conus sequilaterus sit cylindri, eidem sphserse circumscripti, soliditate et superficie tota sesquialter ; quodque adeo continuata esset ratio" inter conum sequilaterum, cylindrum, et sphxram._ Hxc est ipsa ilia propo- sitio, ad quam spectat schema, quod prsefati authoris tractatus De Theorematis ex Archtmede select! s, in ipsa fronte, una cum epi- graphe inscriptum prxfert. Quin etiam videas quje dicat Jesuita^o in praefatione, in scholio ad prop. 32, et sub finem propositionis 44^ ejusdem tractatus. Ubi Theorema hocce tanquam illustre ali- quod inventum, et Archimedaeorum aemulum ostentat. Idem quod Tacquetus, etiam CI. Wallisius ' ' in additionibus et emendationibus ad cap. Ixxxi. algebrae suse, aD. Caswelloi^ ope Arithmetices Infini- torum demonstratum exhibet. Quod ipsum, quoad alteram ejus paitem, facitD. Dechales^s in librosuo de indivisibilium Methodo, prop. 20. Sed tam ipsa indivisibilium Methodus, quam quae in ea fundatur Arithmetica infinitorum, a nonnullis minus Geometricae censentur. Integrum autem Theorema a nemine, quod sciam, antehac ' i. e. in 1705. '^ Des Chales, a native of Chambery in ° Cf. p. 7. Savoy, was professor of mathematics in '" i. e. Tacquet. Cleremont, and afterwards in Turin. His " Wallis, the eminent mathematician and edition of Euclid was long a popular text- lorician, died in 1703. book. His works were pubUshed at Lyons, " John Caswell, an Oxford mathematician, in four folios, under the title oi Mtindus author of A Brief Account of the Doctrine Mathemalicus. He died in 1678. of Trigonometry (1689) and other works. De Ludo Algebraico. 55 demonstratum fuit. Attamen si verum est quod opinatur Tac- quetus: 'Idcirco Archimedi inter alia tarn multa et praeclara in- venta, illud quo cylindrum inscriptse spliaerae soliditate et superficie sesquialterum esse demonstrat, prae reliquis placuisse : quod corpo- rum, et superficierum corpora ipsa continentium, eadem esset atque una rationalis proportio :' si, inquam, hoc in causa fuit, cur is cylindrum sphaerse circumscriptum tumulo insculptum voluit; quid tandem faceret senex ille Siculus^ si unam eandemque ratio- nalem proportionem bina corpora quintuplici respectu intercedere deprehendisset ? Illud tamen quam facile ex ejus inventis pro- fluat, modo vidimus. ['-I Simili fere methodo ac nos illud omnia Tacqueti Theoremata Archimedaeis subjuncta, adde et centum istiusmodi alia si cui operx pretium videbitur, difficile erit invenire et demonstrare.] DE LUDO ALGEBRAICO^'. Sub idem tempus quo Theorema illud, Ludum etiam Algebraicum inveni. Qujppe cum vidissem e familiaribus meis nonnullos, per dimidios ferme dies, Scacchorum ' 6 ludo gnaviter incumbentes, acre coram studium in re nihili admiratus, rogavi quidnam esset quod tantopere laborarent ? Illi porro pergratum animi exercitium re- nuntiant. Hoc ego mecum reputans, mirabar quamobrem tam pauci ad mathesin, utilissimam sane scientiam eandemque jucun- dissimam, animum applicarent. An quod dif&cilis sit ? Sed multi et ingenio valent, nee laborem in nugis fastidiunt ullum. An potius, quod gratissimum animi exercitium non sit ? Sed quaenam, quaeso, est ilia ars, aut disciplina, aut quodcunque demum opus, quod omnem animi facultatem, solertiam, acumen, sagacitatem pulchrius exerceat? Sed ludus est mathesis? Nihilo secius jucunda: eo tamen si venisset nomine, tunc forsan lepidi isti " Not contained in the 1707 edition. in his Common-place-book. The Game itself *^ This curious Game, contrived as a sub- is a sort of lottery — not to solve but to stitute for Chess, and at the same time as a draw a set of simple equations. It is worth pleasing and useful exercise in Algebra, is little, save as showing the bent of Berkeley's very characteristic of Berkeley. Portions of mind towards the practical side even of a what follows, especially the formulae for the game of chance. In reading it, he supposes possible variations and combinations which himself, like a spider, in the centre of the the conditions of the Game admit of that are Tabula, contained in the Appendix, are given in MS. '' Chess. 56 Miscellanea Maihematica : homunciones, qui tempus ludendo terunt, ad ejus studium se protinus accingerent. Subiit adhasc sapientissimi viri Johannis Lockiii?, in re non multum absimili, consilium. Sequentem pro- inde lusum ad praxin algebrse exercendam, rudi fateor Minerva, excogitavi, sed qualis adolescenti, aliis prsesertim studiis occupato, facile spero condonabitur. Problemata algebraica immediate constituunt aequationes datse, quse in quxstionibus determinatis quantitates qusesitas numero exaequant. Qujelibet autem sequatio duobus constat membris sequa- litatis signo connexis, in quorum utroque considerandse veniunt ; prime, species, utrum scilicet quantitates datas aut quaesitas desig- nent ; deinde, signa quibus connectuntur. Efficere itaque ut hsec omnia ad constituendas qusestiones sorte obveniant, ludumque tam ex quaestionum formatione, quam ex earundem resolutione, concinnare operam damus. In asserculo, qualis ad dominarum aut scacchorum lusum vulgo adhiberi solet, depingatur circulus quadrate inscriptus, reliquaque omnia quseinapposito Schemateis continentur; nisi quod loco cir- cellorum nigrantium facienda sint foramina. Quibus peractis, habebimus Tabulam lusoriam. Parandus insuper est stylus tenuis e ligno, qui alicui ex dictis foraminibus infigatur. Reliquum est ut horum usum exponamus. Ut vides, operationum logisticarum Symbola ad latera et angu- los Quadrati scribuntur: porro latera prioribus, anguli vero pos- terioribus, aequationum membris signa impertiunt. Circulus autem inscriptus a sedecim cuspidibus in totidem partes sequales dispes- citur, ita ut tres cuspides ad latus et angulum quemvis spectent, sed alias directe, alise oblique : qux oblique latus aliquod aut an- gulum respiciunt, eae angulo et lateri communes sunt ; quae vero directe latus aliquod intuentur, eae ad angulum nullum pertinent, sed ad utrosque adjacentes pariter referuntur. Et vicissim quae angulum aliquem directe intuentur, eae ad latus nullum pertinent, sed ad utraque adjacentia pariter referri censendae sunt. In formanda itaque quaestione, primo observanda est cuspis quam stylus respicit, latusque et angulum ad quos pertineat; horum signa notentur, quippe quae, ut diximus, species utriusque " See Essay on the Conducl of the Under- " In the original edition, the Tabula standing, § 7. This is the first allusion to Lusoria occupies an enlarged page, which Locke in Berkeley's works. faces this section. De Ludo Als'ebraico 57 TABULA LUSORIA. + cujuslibet asquationis membri connectent. Dein^ stylo literse ad prxdictam cuspidem scripte imposito, numera i, eoque inde juxta rectse lineas ductum translate (ut faciunt astrologi, nominum qui- bus ferise appellantur rationem assignantes) ad literam oppositam, numera a. Tunc ad alteram linese, tanquam continuata esset per annulum intermedium extremitatem pergens, numera 3; at sic deinceps, donee litera primse cuspidi adjacens recurrat. Hinc recta descendens ad cuspidem in convexitate interioris circuli terminatam^ foramini alterutro adjacent! infige stylum. Numerus ultimo numeratus indicabit, quot quantitates qugesitx, vel (quod idem est) quot sequationes datse fiierint in qusstione. Harum membra priora quantitates ignotae alternatim sumpts et signo laterali connexse, posteriora quantitates cognitse vel incog- nita (prout determinarit litera ad cuspidem internam scripta) quaesitis signo angulari alligatse, constituent. Porro d adhibendas 58 Miscellanea Mathematica : quantitatum cognitarum species diversas, s unam solummodo, / figuras numerales 2, 3, 4, Sec. x quantitates qusesitas repetendas esse indicat. Notandum autem, in cujusque aequationis membro posteriore non alias poni quantitates ignotas, quam quae in primo membro sequentis aequationis reperiantur. Dicta exemplis clarescent. Ponamus itaque stylum occupare foramen stellula insignitum, cuspisque quam respicit pertinebit ad latus cujus signum est +, et ad angulum cujus signum est x , quse signa in charta noto, laterale a sinistris sive primum deinde angulare. Porro e ad cuspidem scribitur, ad quam numero i ; inde (liberum autem est e duabus lineis utriusvis ductum sequi) sinistrorsum pergens offendo «, ad quam numero 3; hinc transiens ad z, numero 3; inde autem transversim eunti denuo obversatur e, litera primx cuspidi apposita, ad quam numerans 4, recta descendo ad cuspidem interiorem litera d insignitam. Erunt igitur quatuor quantitates quKsitse in qusestione, quse signo laterali +, alternatim connexae, constituent prima aequationum datarum membra. Posteriora vero fient ex quantitatibus ignotis et notis (propter d) diversis per signum angulare, nimirum x , conjunctis ; ad hunc modum : a-\-e-=.yh ^ = .? e -{ y ^i^zc e = ? y-\-z,=.ad y ■=? z-\-a^ ef 2; = .? Quod si ponamus stylum foramini praecedenti iniixum esse, quo pacto + laterale directe intuebitur, lineasque sinistrje ductum sequamur, provenient tres quantitates investigandae, et cuspis interior habebit literam/. Unde numerus aequationum datarum et primorum earundem membrorum signa, itemque posteriorum species determinantur. Sed quoniam in hoc casu cuspis indifFe- renter se habet respectu duorum angulorum adjacentium, idcirco eorum signa per vices usurpanda sunt : secundum quas conditiones hujusmodi struatur quaestio. a-\-e = 2y a = ? e -{■ y = 3 — a e =z? y+a=4e y-? Posito autem stylum sequenti foramini infigi, cuspis stylaris in X angulare dirigetur, signaque lateralia + et — pariter respiciet. De Ludo Algebraico. 59 Proinde, si fert animus dextram inire semitam, juxta leges prse^ missas sequens prodibit qusestio : a-\-e = ey a = ? e — y =zay e ^n? y -\-a^ae y =^? isNotandum autem primo, quod varietatem aliquam in signo- rum et specierum combinationibus prsescripte leges admittant. Unde fit, quod cuspide semitaque determinatis, diversse oriantur quaestiones. Secundo, quod etsi ad primae literx recursum sistendum esse supra statuimus, lex tamen ilia pro cujusvis arbitrio mutari possit ; ita ut progrediamur donee singulse, a, e, z, x, obversentur, vel aliqua ex iis bis, vel ad aliam quamcunque metam. Sed ad lusum properamus. Primum itaque e lusoribus aliquis ad methodum jam traditam quaestionem sibi formet. Quod et cseteris deinceps iisdem legibus faciendum est. Porro formatis singulorum quaestionibus, ad ejus quje sorte obtigit solutionem se quisque accingat. Faciat dein unusquisque fractionem, cujus numerator sit numerus quantitatum in suo problemate quaesitarum, et nominator, numerus graduum sive sequationum quas^ dum solveretur quaestio^ chartis mandabat. Penes quem maxima sit fractio, is vincat. Proinde, siquando fugitivas quantitates inhiantem eluserint alge- bristam, is omni victoriae spe excidisse censendus est. Neque id prorsus injuria, siquidem potius eligentis culpa quam infortunio accidat quaestionem esse indeterminatam. [2tQuotiescunque inter ludendum deveniatur ad sequationem afFec- tam supra ordinem quadraticum, nihil opus erit exegesi numerosa aut constructione per parabolam, sufficit si radix incognita mutata specie pro cognita habeatur.J Peractis omnium quaestionum solutionibus, quisque proximi opus percurrat ; ad quod Pellii margines conducant. Quae pignora et mulctas spectant, quisquam ad libitum com- miniscatur : haec enim aliis permitto. Problemata quod spectat, Ilia quidem difficilia non sunt, alioqui inepta forent ad lusum; sed ea tamen, quorum solutio in ingens lusorum commodum cesserit, dum rectum tramitem inire student, " [Vide Appendicem.]— Author. ™ Not in the 1707 edition. 6o Miscellanea Malhematica ; dum longos consequentiarum nexus animo recolunt, integramque analyseos seriem brevissimo conceptu claudere laborant. Permitte jam, adolescens optime ut alios paulisper alloquarj tibi enim, quern ipsa trahit difficultas, nihil opus hortatore. Vos, adolescentes academici, compello, quibus inest sagacitas, men- tisque vigor et acumen j tristem vero in musseo solitudinem, duramque eorum qui vulgo audiunt Pumps^ vitam aversamini, satius inter congerrones, per jocum et lusum, ingenium prodere ducentes. Videtis quam merus lusus sit algebra, et sors locum habet, et scientia : quidni igitur ad tabulam lusoriam accedatis ? Neque enim, quod in chartis, scacchis, dominis, &c. usu venit, ut dum alii ludunt, alii oscitanter adstent, hie etiam metuatis. Nam quotcunque ludendi incesserit libido, iis omnibus ludere simul ac studere, adde et nonnullis, lucelli aliquid corradere fas est. Ast aliquem audire mihi videor in hujusmodi verba erum- pentem : Itane vero nos decipi posse putas ? Non ii sumus, quos ad difficillimam artem sudore multo addiscendum, oblata lusus specie, inescare liceat. Respondeo, algebram eatenus esse diffi- cilem quantum ad lusum requiritur: quod si toUas omnem difE- cultatem, toUitur simul recreatio omnis ac voluptas. Siquidem ludi omnes totidem sunt artes et scientiaej nee aliud est inter cseteros et hunc nostrum discrimen, quam quod illi prsesens solum- modo oblectamentum spectent; ex hoc vero, praeter jucundissi- mum laborem, alii etiam iique uberrimi fructus percipiantur. Tan- tum autem abest quod hoc in lusus detrimentum cedat, ut is id- circo omnibus numeris absolutus jure habeatur, juxta tritum illud poetae, ' Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci." Sed quinam sunt illi quos prsedicas fructus ? Hos ut enumerem, universa, quaqua patet, mathesis, artesque omnes ac scientije, quas rem militarem, civilem, et philosophicam promoventes complec- titur, perlastrandse forent. Quippe per hasce omnes difFunditur mirifica algebrae vis. Eadem apud omnes ars magna, mirabilis, supremus cognitionis humanae apex, universse matheseos nucleus et clavis, imo apud nonneminem scientiarum omnium fundamen- tum audit. Et sane quam difficile esset algebrae limites assignare, cum philosophiam etiam naturalem et medicinam jamdudum in- vasit, inque dies dissitissima quaeque argumenta aggreditur. Ut alia taceam, in Actis Philosoph. N". 257, de certitudine testimo- De Ludo Alsiebraico. 6i niorum et traditionum humanarum algebraica extant theoremata. Et pro certo statuendum est, ubicunque datur magis ac minus, ubicunque ratio aliqua aut proportio invenitur, ibi locum habere algebram. Verum dixerit fortasse aliquis, se nee mathesin ipsam, nee res mathematice tractatas morari. Ut lubet: demus hoc voluntati cujuspiam, demus ignorantiae : nimirum ex ignorantia rerum prae- clarissimarum, quaque vos a harharis distmguunf^'^j contemptum pro- jScisci affirmare ausim. Estne vero quisquam qui ingenium sagax, intellectum capacem, judicium acre parvi faciat ? Siquis usque adeo rationis expers inveniatur, is demum mathesin spernat, quae quanti sit momenti ad optimos quosque mentis habitus comparan- dos, apud omnes in confesso est. Verulamius alicubi, in lis quoe de Augmentis Scientiarum con- scripsit22, analogiam quandam inter pilse palmariae hisum et mathe- sin notat. Nempe quemadmodum per ilium, ultra voluptatem quae primum intenditur, alia eaque potiora consequamur, viz.. cor- poris agilitatem et robur, promptumque oculorum motum : sic dis- ciplinae mathematicse, prseter fines ac usus singulis proprios^ illud etiam collaterale habent, quod mentem a sensibus abstrahant, ingeniumque acuant et figant. Idem hoc tam olim veteres, quam hodie e modernis cordatiores quique agnoscunt. Quod vero recen- tiorum algebra ad ingenium formandum imprimis conducat, inter alios ostendunt Cartesius^s^et prolixeMalbranchius^* Delnquirenda ^' [Vide Tentamen Anglicum de Hortis the De Augmentis (1623). The words are Epicvri, a Gulielmo Temple, Equite Aurato these ; — ' For if the wit be too dull, they conscriptum.] — Author. The reference to (Pure Mathematics) sharpen it ; if too Sir William Temple is contained in the wandering, they fix it ; if too inherent in following sentence : — ' More than this, I sense, they abstract it. So that as tennis is know na advantage mankind has gained by a game of no use in itself, but of great use the progress of natural philosophy, during in respect it maketh a quick eye and a so many ages it has had vogue in the world, body ready to put itself into all postures : excepting always and very justly what we so in the Mathematics, that use which is owe to the Mathematics, which is in a collateral and intervenient is no less worthy manner all that seems valuable among the than that which is principal and intended.' civilised nations, more than those we call Advancement of Learning, B. II. But Bacon barbarians, whether they are so or no, or repeats his recommendation of Mathematics, more so than ourselves.' — Essay upon the especially as an education of the power of Gardens of Epicurus (1686). See Temple's attention, in the De Augmentis, VI. 4, and Collected Works, vol. I. p. 172 (ed. 1720). in the Essay on Studies in 1625. Cf. Guardian, No. 130, in which the above ^ See Discours de la Mithode, pp. 143- passage is referred to in a similar manner. 146, in Cousin's edition of the works of ^' The passage alluded to is contained in Des Cartes. In another passage in the same the Advancement of Learning, the earlier work, Des Cartes speaks rather in disparage- work (1605), and is not Teproduced in the ment of Algebra, translation, in the corresponding passage of " This paragraph contains Berkeley's 62 Miscellmiea Mathematica. Veritate, lib. vi. part i. cap. 5. et part. 3. cap. 8. alibique passim. Et regulae quidem quas hie in qusestionum solutione observandas tradit, lib. vi. part. 2. cap. i. quseque tarn sunt eximise, ut meliores angelum non fuisse daturum credat auctor quidam ingeniosus : illas, inquam, regulx angelicse ex algebra desumi videntur. At quid alios memorem, cum vir omni laude major, Johannes Lockius, qui singulos intellectus humani defectus, eorumque remedia, siquis alius, optime callebat, cum universae matheseos, tum praesertim algebrae studium, omnibus supra plebem positis, tanquam rem infiniti usus vehementer commendat ? Vide inter Opera ejus Posthuma^"^, pag. 30,31,32, &c. Tractatus de Regimine Intellectus : opus exiguum quidem illud et imperfectum, sed quod vastis et elaboratis aliorum voluminibus jure quisquam praetulerit. At vero auctor magni nominis ad disciplinas mathematicas acrem nimis meditationem, quseque homini generoso et voluptatibus studenti minus conveniat, requiri putat. Respondeo, suadente Lockio, frustra opponi dissidentis Santevremontii^e judicium. Deinde hie ineptus matheseos judex merito habeatur, quippe qui, uti ex ejus vita et scriptis plusquam verisimile est, eam vix a limine salutarat. Si vero cortex durus videatur et exsuccus, quid mirum ? Sed ut dicam quod res est ; prsestat singulos rem ipsam expertos propria sequi judicia. Nee est cur quis ingentes difSeultates sibi fingat, eo quod vox algebra nescio quid asperum sonat et horrificum; artem enim, quantum ad ludum nostrum requiritur, intra breve unius mensis spatium facile quisquam perdiscat. Exposita demum lusus et consilii nostri ratione, leetorem ma- thematicum, ut tenues istas studiorum meorum primitias candide accipiat, rogo, potiora forsan posthac daturus. Impraesentiarum autem me alia distinent studia quae, arida satis et jejuna, suavissi- mam mathesin exceperunt. Tu interim, Clarissime Adolescens, hanc nugarum rhapsodiam, tanquam aliquod mei erga te amoris symbolum, cape^ et vale. earliest published allusions to Bacon, Des Conduct of the Understanding, § 7, eulogized Cartes, and Malebranche, here adduced as in the following sentence, authorities in favour of the study of Mathe- '" Saint Evremond, a famous French wit matics. It may be added that Malebranche, of the seventeenth century, who came to in his Recherche, Liv. VI. p. ii. ch. 8, alludes England in the reign of Charles II, and died to the commendation of Algebra in Des there in 1703. He was connected with Cartes' Discours de la Methode. Bayle, Des Marzeaux, and other men of ^' The reference is to the Essay on the letters of that time. APPENDIX. Ut mentem nostram quilibet plenissime assequatur, visum est, sequentibus paginis, omnem in quaestionibus Combinationum et Specierum varietatem quam prsefatae ludendi conditiones patian- tur oculis subjicere. Notandum autem : Primo, quod sequentes formulse, quoad modes combinandi et quantitatum species, non item omnes quoad nume- rum xquationum datarum, ad Cuspides respectivas pertinent : saepe enim plures quam tres quantitates investigandse erunt. Secundo, quod ut omnes qusestionum formulae haberi possint, metse diversse, prout fieri posse supra monuimus, statuendae sunt : alioqui duae tantum ex quatuor classibus ad Cuspidem quamcunque pertinebunt. Primam dico Cupisdem quae in + laterale dirigitur, secundam huic a dextris proximam, atque ita porro. AD LECTOREM. IsTA adolescentise nostrx, obiter tantum proprioque marte ad quantulamcunque matheseos scientiam olim enitentis, conamina in lucem protrusisse sero aliquoties pcenituit. Quin et poeniteret etiamnum, nisi quod hinc nobile par Ingeniorum, in spem nascen- tis sseculi succrescentium, una propalandi enascatur occasio. Neque enim nos aliunde Rempublicam Literariam demereri gloriamur. Atque haec quidem ad temeritatis, &c. censuram, ut et invidiam, si quam mihi forte conflaverim, amoliendum dicta intelligantur. Appendix. 65 Cuspis prima. a + 6=^1) xe e — hbxyy — h ey.h b — e yy.h b—y e-\-y = h—y y xl> b — aa.y,by — b hy.y a — h by. a s y-\-azzzbx't a—b b xe e — b axb b — ae xb b — e yxa=:a-\-b e + l a-)(,e=e^rb y + h d exy=y-\-c a + c yxa—a+de+d a xe = e+2y-\-2 fexy=y + ia + ^ y xa=a + ^e + 4. axe = e -{-y X exy—y + a y xa=a+e Cusfis undecima. axe a-r-e=e-\-l> y-^b s e-i-y exy=y + l> a + i yxay^a = a-Yh e + i axe a,-r-e=.e.\.b y -\-h d e^y exy=y + c a+c y Xay^a = a + de + d axe a-r-ez=e+Q, 7+2 fe^y exy=y+sa+^ yxay^a = a+4 e + 4. axe a-i-e=z e-\-y X e-H/ e X y=y + a y xay^a = a-\-e Cuspls duodecima. a-i-e =i> + e b -{■ y s e-h-y =ii+y h-\-a y-i-a=i>-i-a b-i- e 70 Miscellanea Mathematica. a-^e =^+ e b +y d e-i-y = c -{- y c + a y-^a = d-\- a d-\- e a-^e = 2 + e 2 + y f e-^y^^+y 3+^ y-i-a = 4. + e 4+ e a-i-e zzze-\- y X e-^y ■=.y -\-a y -^a:=ra-\- e Cuspis decima tertia. i7-^f = e + h li — e y-\-l? h — y i> -\- e e — b b+y y — i s e-^y-=y — l> h-\-y a — b b+a b — y y + b b — aa + b y-r-a:=a-\-b b — a e -{ b b — e b -^-a a — b b -\ e e — b u-i-e z=e-\-b b — e y -\r b b — y b + e e — b b -\- y y — h d e-^y ^y — c c -\-y a — c c + a c — y y + c c — a a-\- c y-i-a=ia + d d — a e-\-d d—e d + a a — d d+e e — d a-i-e — e + 2 2 — ey + 2 2—y 2 + e e — 2 2+y y — 2 X e.^y=y-^'^+ya-^^+a^-yy + ^^-aa + ^ y-^a = a + ^^—a e + 44 — e4 + 35' 36 — 4i> 66, 67 ; also Siris, sect. positive philosophers in recognizing true 250 251. efficiency in the spiritual world. ='' ' nihil' Cf. the tlieory of Matter con- De Motu:: 85 30. Datur res cogitans, activa, quam principium motus esse in nobis experimur. Hanc animam^ mentem^ sfir'ttum dicimus. Datur etiam res extensa, iners, impenetrabilis, mobilis, quse a priori toto coelo differt, novumque genus '^^ constituit. Quantum intersit inter res cogitantes et extensas, primus omnium deprehendens AnaxagoraSjVir longe sapiehtissimus, asserebat mentem nihil habere cum corporibus commune, id quod constat ex primo libro Aristo- telis He Anima^^. Ex neotericis idem optime animadvertit Cartesius •''''. Ab eo alii-^? rem satis claram vocibus obscuris impeditam ac difficilem reddiderunt. 31. Ex dictis manifestum est eos qui vim activam, actionem, motus principium, in corporibus revera inesse afHrmaiit, sententiam nulla experientia fundatam amplecti, eamque terminis obscuris et generalibus adstruere, nee quid sibi velint satis intelligere. E contrario, qui mentem esse principium motus volunt, sententiam propria experientia munitam proferunt, hominumque omni aevo doctissimorum sufFragiis comprobatam. 3'2. Primus Anaxagoras-^? tov vovv introduxit, qui motum inerti materisE imprimeret. Quam quidem sententiam probat etiam Aristoteles^s, pluribusque confirmat, aperte pronuncians primum movens esse immobile, indivisibile, et nullam habens magnitu- dinem. Dicere autem, omne motivum esse mobile, recte anim- advertit idem esse ac siquis diceret, omne aedificativum esse aedificabile, Fhysic. lib. viii. Plato insuper in Timseoio tradit machi- nam hanc corpoream, seu mundum visibilem, agitari et animari a mente, qua sensum omnem fugiat. Quinetiam hodie philosophi Cartesiani'ii principium motuum naturalium Deum agnoscunt. Et " ' novumque genus.' Cf. sect. 21. We ^' Nat. Atisc.,yill. 15; also De Anima, have here Berkeley's antithesis of mind and III. x. 7. matter — active personality in contrast to the " Hardly any passage in the Tirmeus passive ideas which stream through the exactly corresponds to this. The following senses. This distinction he supports by is, perhaps, the most pertinent ; — Kiv-qatv experience and authority, sect. 31, 32. yap anevei/jiev aur^ t7?i/ tov o-w/xoToy ^ De Animay I. ii. 13. 22, 24. otKeiav, toiv einaT^jyiTepl vovv Kol tppovjjfftv ^ ' Cartesius.' The antithesis of extended fi.d\icrTa oZTt\4xeLav tuu *> Des Cartes, Principia, P. II. § 25 ; also lavriTov p KinriThi/. Nat. Ausc. III. ii. ; see Borellus, De Vi Percussionis, p. 1. also i. and iii. See also Derodon, PAyszca, I. ix. '" 'res faciles difEcillimas.' Cf. Prin- ^ Newton. * ciples, ' Introduction,' sect. I. De Motu. 91 cognitu dijficHem''T, et nonnulli ex veteribus usque eo nugis exercitati deveniebant, ut motum omnino esse negarent^s. 46. Sed hujusmodi minutiis distineri piget. Satis sit fontes solutionum indicasse: ad quos etiam illud adjungere libet: quod ea quae de infinita divisione temporis et spatii in mathesi tra- duntur, ob congenitam rerum naturam paradoxa et theorias spinosas (quales sunt illse omnes in quibus agitur de infinite ''9) in speculationes de motu intulerunt. Quidquid autem hujus generis sit, id omne motus commune habet cum spatio et tempore, vel potius ad ea refert acceptum. 47. Et quemadmodum ex una parte nimia abstractio seu divisio rerum vere inseparabilium, ita ab altera parte compositio seu potius confusio rerum diversissimarum motus naturam perplexam reddidit. Usitatum enim est motum cum causa motus eflBciente confundere^o. Unde accidit ut motus sit quasi biformis, unam faciem sensibus, obviam, alteram caliginosa nocte obvolutam habens. Inde obscuritas et confusio, et varia de motu paradoxa originem trahunt, dum eflFectui perperam tribuitur id quod revera causae solummodo competit. 48. Hinc oritur opinio ilia, eandem semper motus quantitatem conservari^i; quod, nisi intelligatur de vi et potentia causae, sive causa ilia dicatur natura, sive vovs, vel quodcunque tandem agens sit, falsum esse cuivus facile constabit. Aristoteles^-i quidem 1. 8. Physicorum, ubi quaerit utrum motus f actus sit et corruftus, an vera ab aterno tanejuam vita immortalis insit rebus omnibus^ vitale principium potius, quam efFectum externum, sive mutationem loci ^^ intellexisse videtur. 49. Hinc etiam est, quod multi suspicantur motum non esse meram passionem in corporibus. Quod si intelligamus id quod in motu corporis sensibus objicitur, quin omnino passivum sit nemo dubitare potest. Ecquid enim in se habet successiva cor- poris existentia in diversis locis, quod actionem referat, aut aliud sit quam nudus et iners efFectus ? ^ Ka! Sia to'Cto 8)) y^aKfvbv aurV '' The modem doctrine of the 'conser- \a^i~w Ti (tTTiv . Nat. Au!,c.\\\.\. vation of force.' ^^ e.g. Zeno. ^"^ Aristotle states the question iVfl/.^wsc. ^ 'de infinito, &c,' Of. Principles, sect. VIII. cap. i., and solves it in cap. iv. 130 — 132, and the Analyst passim, for "' ' mutatio loci' is the effect, i.e. motion Berkeley's theory of infinitesimals. proper ; ' vitale principium ' the efficient ™ ' confundere.' Cf. sect. 3 — 42 in il- cause, i.e. vital and personal agency, lustration of this confusion. 92 De Motu. 50. Peripatetici, qui dicunt motum esse actum unum utriusque, moventis et moti'*', non satis discriminant causam ab efFectu. Similiter, qui nisum aut conatum in motu fingunt, aut idem corpus simul in contrarias partes ferri putant, eadem idearum confusione, eadem vocum ambiguitate ludificari videntur. 51. Juvat multum, sicut in aliis omnibus, ita in scientia de motu accuratam diligentiam adhibere, tarn ad aliorum conceptus intelligendos quam ad suos enunciandos : in qua re nisi peccatum esset, vix credo in disputationem trahi potuisse, utrum corpus indifFerens sit ad motum et ad quietem, necne. Quoniam enim experientia constat, esse legem naturse primarium, ut corpus perinde perseverat in statu motus ac quieth, quamdiu aliunde nihil accidat ad statum istum mutandum ; et propterea vim inertiie sub diverso respectu esse vel resistentiam, vel impetum, colligitur : hoc sensu profecto corpus dici potest sua natura indifFerens ad motum vel quietem. Nimirum tam difficile est quietem in corpus motum, quam motum in quiescens inducere: cum vero corpus pariter conservet statum utrumvis, quidni dicatur ad utrumvis se habere indifFerenter? 53. Peripatetici pro varietate mutationum, quas res aliqua subire potest, varia motus genera distinguebant. — Hodie de motu agentes intelligunt solummodo motum localem^^. Motus autem localis intelligi nequit nisi simul intelligatur quid sit locus: is vero a neotericis'56 definitur/iizw x/<7/z7 quam corpus occupat : unde dividitur in relativum et absolutum pro ratione spatii. Distinguunt enim inter spatium absolutum sive verum, ac relativum sive apparens. Volunt scilicet dari spatium undequaque immensum, immobile, insensibile, corpora universa permeans et continens, quod vocant spatium absolutum. Spatium autem a corporibus comprehensum vel definitum, sensibusque adeo subjectum, dicitur spatium rela- tivum, apparens vulgare. ^^. Fingamus itaque corpora cuncta destrui, et in nihilum " ' moventis et moti,' i.e. as concauses. so-called absolute space is mere negation. '•'' ' motum localem.' Sect. 52—65 discuss Ci. Principles, sect. 116, 117. See Locke's the alleged distinctions of real or absolute Essay, Bk. II. ch. 13 ; Correspondence be- and apparent or relative motion, and of real tween Clarke and Leibnitz ; and Newton's or absolute and apparent or relative space. Principia. The abstract impossibility of absolute space ™ Newton's Principia, Def. Sch. III. and motion is argued. With Berkeley space Sec also Derodon, Physica, P. I. cap. vi. is identified with sensible extension; and §1. De Motu. 93 redigi. Quod reliquum est vocant spatium absolutum, omni relatione quae a situ et distantiis corporum oriebatur, simul cum ipsis corporibus, sublata. Porro spatium illud est infinitum, im- mobile, indivisibile, insensibile, sine relatione et sine distinctione. Hoc est, omnia ejus attributa sunt privativa vel negativa : videtur igitur esse merum nihil''/. Parit solummodo difScultatem aliquam quod extensum sit. Extensio autem est qualitas positiva. Verum qualis tandem extensio est ilia quae nee dividi potest, nee men- surari, cujus nullam partem, nee sensu percipere, nee imaginatione depingere possumus? Etenim nihil in imaginationem cadit, quod, ex natura rei, non possibile est ut sensu percipiatur- si- quidem imagination^ nihil aliud est quam facultas representatrix rerum sensibilium, vel actu existentium, vel saltem possibilium. Fugit insuper intellectum purum^^, quum facultas ilia versetur tantum circa res spirituales et inextensas, cujusmodi sunt mentes nostrse, earumque habitus, passiones, virtutes, et similia. Ex spatio igitur absoluto auferamus modo vocabula, et nihil remanebit in sensu, imaginatione, aut intellectu : nihil aliud ergo iis designatur, quam pura privatio aut negatio, hoc est, merum nihil. 54. Confitendum omnino est nos circa hanc rem gravissimis praejudiciis teneri, a quibus ut liberemur, omnis animi vis exercenda. Etenim multi, tantum abest quod spatium absolutum pro nihilo ducant, ut rem esse ex omnibus (Deo excepto) unicam existiment, quae annihilari non possit : statuantque illud suapte natura neces- sario existere, aeternumque esse et increatum, atque adeo attribu- torum divinonim particeps Ro. Verum enimvero quum certissimum sitj res omnes, quas nominibus desigaamus, per qualitates aut relationes, vel aliqua saltem ex parte cognosci (ineptum enim foret vocabulis uti quibus cogniti nihil, nihil notionis^ idese vel conceptus subjiceretur), inquiramus diligenter, utrum formare liceat ideam uUam spatii illius puri, realis, absoluti, quod post omnium corporum annihilationem perseveret existere. Ideam porro talem paulo acrius intuens, reperio ideam esse nihili purissimam, si modo idea appellanda sit. Hoc ipse summa adhibita diligentia expertus sum : hoc alios pari adhibita diligentia experturos reor. ^ Cf. Locke's account of absolute space, the a'((T9ri(rts, (pavraaia, and vovs of Aristo- Essay, Bk. II. ch. 13, 15, 17. telian psychology. °' Note the definitions here given of ^' ' attributorum divinorum particeps.' imagination and intellect, as distinguished Dr. Samuel Clarke, for instance, in his De- horn, sense, which may be compared with monstration. 94 De Motu. 55. Decipere nos nonnunquam solet, quod aliis omnibus cor- poribus imaginatione sublatis, nostrum^° tamen manere supponimus. Quo supposito, motum membrorum ab omni parte liberrimum imaginamur. Motus autem sine spatio concipi non potest. Nihilominus si rem attento animo recolamuSj constabit primo concipi spatium relativum partibus nostri corporis definitum : 2°. movendi membra potestatem liberrimam nullo obstaculo retusam : et prgeter hsec duo nihil. False tamen credimus tertium aliquod, spatium videlicet immensum realiter existere, quod liberam potestatem nobis faciat movendi corpus nostrum : ad hoc enim requiritur absentia solummodo aliorum corporum. Quam absentiam, sive privationem corporum, nihil esse positivum fatea- mur necesse est 7'. 56. Cseterum hasce res nisi quis libero et acri examine per- spexerit, verba et voces parum valent. Meditanti vero, et rationes secum reputanti, ni fallor, manifestum erit, qusecunque de spatio puro et absoluto praedicantur, ea omnia de nihilo prsedicari posse. Qua ratione mens humana facillime liberatur a magnis difBcul- tatibus simulque ab ea absurditate tribuendi existentiam neces- sariam72 uUi rei prseterquam soli Deo optimo maximo. 57. In proclivi esset sententiam nostram argumentis a posteriori (ut loquuntur) ductis confirmare, qusestiones de spatio absoluto proponendo; exempli gratia, utrum sit substantia vel accidens? utrum creatum vel increatum? et absurditates ex utravis parte consequentes demonstrando. Sed brevitati consulendum. Illud tamen omitti non debet, quod sententiam hancce Democritus olim calculo suo comprobavit, uti auctor est Aristoteles 1. i. Phys. ubi haec habet : Democritus solidum et inane ponit principia^ quorum aliud qutdem ut quod est, aliud ut quod non est esse dicit. Scrupulum si forte injiciat, quod distinctio ilia inter spatium absolutum et relativum a magni nominis philosophis usurpetur, eique quasi fundamento insedificentur multa prseclara theoremata, scrupu'um istum vanum esse, ex iis quse secutura sunt, apparebit. 58. Ex prsemissis patet, non con ventre, ut definiamus locum verum corporis esse partem spatii absoluti quam occupat corpus, " ' nostrum,' sc. corpus. Ii6 of the Principles. [Vide quse contra spatium absolutum " Pure space being a mere negation, and iKserantm inXlbro De Principiis Cognitionis sensible space a manifestation and product Humanrs, idiomate anglicano decern abhinc of Supreme Rational Will, annis edito.] — Author. He refers to sect. De Motu. 95 motumque verum seu absolutum esse mutationem loci veri et absoluti. Siquidem omnis locus est relativus, ut et omnis motus. Veruntamen ut hoc clarius appareat, animadvertendum est, motum nullum intelligi posse sine determinatione aliqua seu directione, quae quidem intelligi nequit, nisi prseter corpus motum, nostrum etiam corpus, aut aliud aliquod, simul intelligatur existere. Nam sursum, deorsum, sinistrorsum, dextrorsum, omnesque plagse et regiones in relatione aliqua fundantur, et necessario corpus a moto diversum connotant et supponunt. Adeo ut, si reliquis corporibus in nihilum redactis, globus, exempli gratia, unicus existere supponatur; in illo motus nullus concipi possit: usque adeo necesse est, ut detur aliud corpus, cujus situ motus deter- minari intelligatur. Hujus sententiae Veritas clarissime elucebit, modo corporum omnium tam nostri quam aliorum, praeter globum istum unicum, annihilationem recte supposuerimus. 59. Concipiantur porro duo globi, et prasterea nil corporeum, existere. Concipiantur deinde vires quomodocunque applicari : quicquid tandem per applicationem virium intelligamus, motus circularis duorum globorum circa commune centrum nequit per imaginationem concipi. Supponamus deinde coelum fixarum creari : subito ex concepto appulsu globorum ad diversas coeli istius partes motus concipietur. Scilicet cum motus natura sua sit relativus, concipi non potuit priusquam darentur corpora correlata. Quemadmodum nee ulla relatio alia sine correlatis concipi potest. 60. Ad motum circularem quod attinet, putant multi, crescente motu vero circulari, corpus necessario magis semper magisque ab axe niti. Hoc autem ex eo provenit, quod, cum motus cir- cularis spectari possit tanquam in omni momeato a duabus direc- tionibus ortum trahens, una secundum radium, altera secundum tangentem ; si in hac ultima tantum directione impetus augeatur, tum a centro recedet corpus motum, orbita vero desinet esse cir- cularis. Quod si aequaliter augeantur vires in utraque directione, manebit motus circularis, sed acceleratus conatu, qui non magis arguet vires recedendi ab axe, quam accedendi ad eundem, auctas esse. Dicendum igitur, aquam in situla circumactam ascendere ad latera vasis, propterea quod, applicatis novis viribus in di- rectione tangentis ad quamvis particulam aquse, eodem instanti non applicentur novx vires aequales centripetae. Ex quo experi- 96 De Motu. mento nullo modo sequitur, motum absolutum circularem per vires recedendi ab axe motus necessario dignosci. Porro qua ratione intelligendse sunt voces istae, vires corporum et conatus^ ex praemissis satis superque innotescit. 6i. Quo modo curva considerari potest tanquam constans ex rectis infinitis, etiamsi revera ex illis non constet, sed quod ea hypothesis ad geometriam utilis sit eodem modo motus circularis spectari potest tanquam a directionibus rectilineis infinitis ortum ducens, quae suppositio utilis est in philosophia mechanica. Non tamen ideo affirmandum, impossibile esse, ut centrum gravitatis corporis cujusvis successive existat in singuUs punctis peripherise circularis, nulla ratione habita directionis ullius rectilinex, sive in tangente sive in radio. 6%. Haud omittendum est, motum lapidis in funda, aut aquae in situla circumacta, dici non posse motum vere circularem, juxta mentem eorum qui per partes spatii absoluti definiunt loca vera corporum ; cum sit mire compositus ex motibus non solum situlse vel fundse, sed etiam telluris diurno circa proprium axem, men- struo circa commune centrum gravitatis terrae et lunae, et annuo circa solem : et propterea particula qusevis lapidis vel aquae describat lineam a circulari longe abhorrentem. Neque revera est, qui creditur^ conatus axifugus, quoniam non respicit unum aliquem axem ratione spatii absoluti, supposito quod detur tale spatium: proinde non video quomodo appellari possit conatus unicus, cui motus vere circularis tanquam proprio et adequato effectui respondit. 63. Motus nullus dignosci potest, aut mensurari, nisi per res sensibiles. Cum ergo spatium absolutum nullo modo in sensus incurrat, necesse est ut inutile prorsus sit ad distinctionem motuum. Praeterea determinatio sive directio motui essentialis est, ilia vero in relatione consistit. Ergo impossibile est ut motus absolutus concipiatur. 64. Porro quoniam pro diversitate loci relativi varius sit motus ejusdem corporis, quinimo uno respectu moveri, altero quiescere dici quidpiam possit '-J; ad determinandum motum verum et quietem veram, quo scilicet tollatur ambiguitas, et consulatur mechanics philosophorum, qui systema rerum latius contemplaatur, satis " See Locke, Essay, Bk. II. ch, 13, § 7 — 10. Dt Motu. 97 fuerit spatium relativum ftxarum ccelo, tanquam quiescente spec- tato, conclusum adhibere, loco spatii absoluti. Motus autem et quies tali spatio relativo definiti, commode adhiberi possunt loco absolutorum^ qui ab illis nuUo symptomate discerni possunt. Etenim imprimantur utcunque vires, sint quicunque conatus, con- cedamus motum distingui per actiones in corpora exercitas ; nun- quam tamen inde sequetur, dari spatium illud et locum absolutum, ejusque mutationem esse locum verum. 65. Leges motuum, efFectusque, et theoremata eorundem pro- portiones et calculos continentia, pro diversis viarum figuris, accelerationibus itidem et directionibus diversis, mediisque plus minusve resistentibus, haec omnia constant sine calculatione motus absoluti. Uti vel ex eo patet quod, quum secundum illorum principia qui motum absolutum inducunt, nullo sympto- mate scire liceat, utrum Integra rerum compages quiescat, an moveatur uniformiter in directum, perspicuum sit motum abso- lutum nullius corporis cognosci posse. 66. Ex dictis patet ad veram motus naturam perspiciendam summopere juvaturum, i". Distinguere inter hypotheses mathe- maticas et naturas rerum: %°. Cavere ab abstractionibus : 3". Considerare motum tanquam aliquid sensibile, vel saltern imagi- nabilej mensurisque relativis esse contentos. Quae si fecerimus, simul clarissima quteque philosophise mechanicae theoremata, quibus reserantur naturae recessus, mundique systema calculis humanis subjicitur, manebunt intemerata, et motus contemplatio a mille minutiis, subtilitatibus, ideisque abstractis libera evadet. Atque haec de natura motus dicta sufEciant. 67. Restat, ut disseramus de causa communicationis motuum?*. Esse autem vim impressam in corpus mobile causam motus in eo, plerique existimant. Veruntamen illos non assignare causam motus cognitam, et a corpore motuque distinctam, ex praemissis " Sect. 67 — 72 treat of the cause of the explanations of phenomena may be de- transmission of motion among bodies. While duced from mechanical principles. Cf. Siris, this is held to be, strictly speaking, the active sect. 252, 253, in which an interpreta- Intelligence which moves and embraces the tion of physical signs, sufficient for pre- whole material universe, nevertheless, for vision, is allowed to be an explanation the purposes of merely natural philosophy, of them. VOL. III. H 98 De Motu. constat. Patet insuper vim non esse rem certam et determinatam, ex eo quod viri summi de ilia multum diversa, immo contraria, proferant, salva tameti in consequentiis veritate. Siquidem Newtonus's ait vim impressam consistere in actione sola, esseque actionem exercitam in corpus ad statum ejus mutandum, nee post actionem manere. Torricellius '^ cumulum quendam sive aggregatum virium impressarum per percussionem in corpus mobile recipi, ibidemque manere atque impetum constituere contendit. Idem fere BorcUus" aliique praedicant. At vero, tametsi inter se pugnare videantur Newtonus et Torricellius, nihilominus, dum singuli sibi consentanea proferunt, res satis commode ab utrisque explicatur. Quippe vires omnes corporibus attributae tam sunt hypotheses mathematicae quam vires attractivae in planetis et sole. Caeterum entia mathematica in rerum natura stabilem esssntiam non habent: pendent autem a notione definientis; unde eadem res diversimode explicari potest. 68. Statuamus motum novum in corpore percusso conservari, sive per vim insitam, qua corpus quodlibet perseverat in statu suo vel motus vel quietis uniformis in directum; sive per vim impressam, durante percussione in corpus percussum receptam ibidemque permanentem; idem erit quoad rem, differentia exis- tente in nominibus tantum. Similiter, ubi mobile percutiens perdit, et percussum acquirit motum, parum refert disputare, utrum motus acquisitus sit idem numero cum motu perdito, ducit enim in minutias metaphysicas et prorsus nominales de identitate. Itaque sive dicamus motum transire a percutiente in percussum, sive in percusso motum de novo generari, destrui autem in percutiente, res eodem recidit. Utrobique intelligitur unum corpus motum perdere, alterum acquirere, et praeterea nihil. 69. Mentem, quae agitat et continet universam hancce molem corpoream, estque causa vera efSciens motus, eandem esse, proprie et stricte loquendo, causam communicationis ejusdem baud negaverim. In philosophia tamen physica, causas et solutiones phaenomenon a principiis mechanicis petere oportet. Physice igitur res explicatur non assignando ejus causam vere agentem et incorpoream, sed demonstrando ejus connexionem cum prin- cipiis mechanicis: cujusmodi est illud, actionem et reacttonem esse " Prmcipia, Def. IV. " Lezioni Accademiche. " De Vi Percttsdofiis, cap. IX. De Motu. C)9 semfer contr arias et equates! ^, a quo, tanquam fonte et principio primario, eruuntur regulge de motuum communicatione, quae a neotericis, magno scientiarum bono, jam ante repertae sunt et demonstratas. 70. Nobis satis fuerit, si innuamus principium illud alio modo declarari potuisse. Nam si vera rerum natura potius quam abstracta matliesis spectetur, videbitur rectius dici, in attractione vel percussione passionem corporum, quam actionem, esse utro- bique xqualem. ' Exempli gratia, lapis fune equo alligatus tantum trahitur versus equum, quantum equus versus lapidem : corpus etiam motum in aliud quiescens impactum, patitur eandem mutationem cum corpore quiescente. Et quoad efFectum realem, percutiens est item percussum, percussumque percutiens. Mutatio aiitem ilia est utrobique, tam in corpore equi quam in lapide, tam in moto quam in quiescente, passio mera. Esse autem vim, virtutem, aut actionem corpoream talium efFectuum vere et proprie causatricem non constat. Corpus motum in quiescens impingitur ; loquimur tamen active, dicentes illud hoc impellere : nee absurde in mechanicis, ubi ideas mathematicse potius quam verae rerum naturae spectantur. 71. In physica, sensus et experientia, quae ad efFectus apparentes solummodo pertingunt, locum habent; in mechanica, notiones abstractse mathematicorum admittuntur. In philosophia prima, seu metaphysica, agitur de rebus incorporeis, de causis, veritate, et existentia rerum. Physicus series sive successiones rerum sensibilium contemplatur, quibus legibus connectuntur, et quo ordine, quid praecedit tanquam causa, quid sequitur tanquam efFectus, animadvertens. Atque hac ratione dicimus corpus motum esse causam motus in altero, vel ei motum imprimere, trahere etiam, aut impellere. Quo sensu causae secundse corporete intelligi debent, nulla ratione habita verae sedis virium, vel potentiarum actricum, aut causae realis cui insunt. Porro dici possunt causse vel principia mechanica, ultra corpus, figuram, motum, etiam axiomata scientiae mechanicae primaria, tanquam caus£e consequentium spectata. 7a. Causae vere activae meditatione tantum et ratiocinio e tenebris erui quibus involvuntur possunt, et aliquatenus cognosci, "^^ This is Newton's third law of motion. H a lOO De Motu. Spectat autem ad philosophiam primam, seu metaphysicam, de iis agere. Quod si cuique scientise provincia sua 79 tribuatur, limites assignentur, principia et objecta accurate distinguantur, quae ad singulas pertinent, tractare licuerit majore, cum facilitate, turn perspicuitate. " ' provincia sua.' The Tie Motu is a treatise on the theory of Physics, if, with Aristotle, we regard Physics as conversant about the manifestations of the principle of motion, in contrast to Mathematics, which deals with things immutable but not tran- scendent, and to Theology or Metaphysics, concerned with the eternal and transcen- dental. Berkeley treats of motion as the phenomenal expression of its Divine Cause — as the first link in the chain which con- nects the sensible and intelligible worlds, a conception unfolded more comprehensively in his Sirh, more than twenty years after- wards. Cf. Siris. sect. 296, 297, 347 — -349. MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. ENGLISH. PASSIVE OBEDIENCE: THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF NOT RESISTING THE SUPREME POWER, PROVED AND VINDICATED, THE PRINCIPLES OF THE LAW OF NATURE, IN A DISCOURSE DELIVERED AT THE COLLEGE-CHAPEL, 1712. TO THE READER. That an absolute passive obedience ought not to be paid any civil power, but that submission to government should be measured , and limited by the public good of the society ; and that therefore sub- jects may lawfully resist the supreme authority, in those cases where the public good shall plainly seem to require it ; nay, that it is their duty to do so, inasmuch as they are all under an indispensable obligation to promote the common interest : — these and the like notions, which I cannot help thinking pernicious to mankind, and repugnant to right reason, having of late years been industriously cultivated, and set in the most advantageous lights by men of parts and learning, it seemed neces- sary to arm the youth of our University against them, and take care they go into the world well principled; — I do not mean obstinately prejudiced in favour of a party, but, from an early acquaintance with their duty, and the clear rational grounds of it, determined to such practices as may speak them good Christians and loyal subjects. In this view, I made three Discourses not many months since in the CoUege-chapeP, which some who heard them thought it might be of use to make more public : and, indeed, the false accounts'* that are gone ' [Trinity College, Dublin.] — Author. then Prince and Princess of Wales (whose ^ The publication of the Discourse did Secretary Mr. Molyneux had been at Han- not dispel these rumours, as we learn from over), he was then recommended to Lord the anecdote recorded by Bishop Stock. Galway for some preferment in the Church 'In 1712, the principles inculcated in Mr. of Ireland. But Lord Galway having heard Locke's Two Treatises of Government seem of these Sermons, represented him as a to have turned his attention to the doctrine Jacobite ; an impression which Mr. Moly- of Passive Obedience ; in support of which neux, as soon as he was apprised of it, took he printed the substance of three Common- care to remove from the minds of their places delivered by him that year in the Highnesses, by producing the work in College-chapel, a work which afterwards question, and shewing that it contained had nearly done him some injury in his nothing but principles of loyalty to the fortune. For, being presented by Mr. present happy Establishment.' (Stock's Life [Samuel] Molyneux to their late Majesties, of Berkeley) io6 PREFACE. abroad concerning them have made it necessary. Accordingly, I now send them into the world under the form of one entire Discourse. To conclude : as in writing these thoughts it was my endeavour to preserve that cool and impartial temper which becomes every sincere inquirer after truth, so I heartily wish they may be read with the same disposition. PASSIVE OBEDIENCE\ Romans, chap. xiii. ver. i. * Whosoever resisteth the Power, resisteth the ordinance of God.' I. It is not my design to enquire into the particular nature of the government and constitution of these kingdoms ; much less to pretend to determine concerning the merits of the different parties now reigning in the state. Those topics I profess to lie out of my sphere, and they will probably be thought by most men improper to be treated of in an audience almost wholly made up of young persons, set apart from the business and noise of the ^ The first two editions of this Discourse appeared in London in 1712. A third, 'corrected and enlarged,* followed in 1713, introducing, besides a few trifling verbal amendments, sect, 53, and the note to sect. 48. The Discourse is interesting for its in- geniously-argued defence of Non-resistance as a duty opposed to the sin of lawlessness, but especially for the most distinct and rea- soned account in Berkeley's writings of his general theory of moral obligation. ' Self-love ' he represents (sect. 5) as the deepest and most universal motive of human action. We call actions good or evil as they are fitted to promote or hinder our own happiness. For distinguishing eternal good from present enjoyment, we must refer them, by means of reason, to universal law. Now, it is ' a truth evident by the light of nature, that there is a sovereign omniscient Spirit, who alone can make us for ever happy or for ever miserable.' (Sect. 6.) The universal laws of nature must, accord- ingly, be referred to the nature of God, and the end which He designs to accomplish by human actions. This end must be ' the good of men ' (sect. ']), who are thus com- manded to promote, by the * concurring actions of each individual,' the ' general wellbeing of all men, of all nations, of all ages, of the world. The rational deduction of the goodness of actions is thus founded on their essential fitness to promote the wellbeing of mankind.' Submission to the supreme authority is afterwards deduced as one of the most im- portant consequences from these principles. The chief divisions and subdivisions of the Discourse are unfolded in sect. 2, 3. The same theory of the duty of absolute unlimited submission to supreme civil au- thority as a fundamental article of Ethics, is enforced in Berkeley's Discourse to Ma- gistrates, published nearly a quarter of a century later, and which should be com- pared with this Discourse, What follows may be compared with Guardian, No. 55, and Alciphron, Dial. U., III. See also Locke's Treatises ow Govern- ment, published more than twenty years previously, as well as his suggestions of a theory of Ethics, and of a demonstrated method of forming Ethical Science, in his Essay and Correspondence with Molyneux. io8 Passive Obedience: upon the world, for their more convenient instruction in learning and piety. But surely it is in no respect unsuitable to the circum- stances of this place to inculcate and explain every branch of the Law of Nature ; or those virtues and duties which are equally binding in every kingdom or society of men under heaven j and of this kind I take to be that Christian Duty of not resisting the supreme Power implied in my text — 'Whosoever resisteth the Power, resisteth the ordinance of God.' In treating on • which words I shall observe the following method : — i 2. First, I shall endeavour to prove that there is an absolute unlimited non-resistance or passive obedience due to the supreme civil power, wherever placed in any nation^. ' Secondly, I shall inquire into the grounds and reasons of the contrary opinion 3. Thirdly, I shall consider the objections drawn from the pre- tended consequences of non-resistance to the supreme power*. In handling these points I intend not to build on the authority of Holy Scripture, but altogether on the principles of Reason common to all mankind; and that, because there are some very rational and learned men, who, being verily persuaded an absolute passive subjection to any earthly power is repugnant to right Reason, can never bring themselves to admit such an interpretation of Holy Scripture (however natural and obvious from the words) as shall make that a part of Christian religion which seems to them in itself manifestly absurd, and destructive of the origina,l inherent rights of human nature. 3. I do not mean to treat of that submission which men are, either in duty or prudence, obliged to pay inferior or executive powers ; neither shall I consider where or in what persons the supreme or legislative power is lodged in this or that government. Only thus much I shall take for granted — that there is in every civil community, somewhere or other, placed a supreme power ^ Sect. 3— 32. '' Sect. 33—40. * Sect. 41 — 56. Principles of the Law of Nature. 109 of making laws, and enforcing the observation of them. The fulfilling of those laws, either by a punctual performance of what is enjoined in them^ or, if that be inconsistent with reason or conscience, by a patient submission to whatever penalties the supreme power hath annexed to the neglect or transgression of them^ is termed loyalty -, as, on the other hand, the making use of force and open violence, either to withstand the execution of the laws, or ward ofF the penalties appointed by the supreme power, is properly named rebellion. Now, to make it evident that every degree of rebellion is criminal in the subject, I shall, in the first place, endeavour to prove that loyalty is a natural or moral duty ; and disloyalty, or rebellion, in the most strict and proper sense, a vice or breach of the law of nature. And, secondly, I propose to show that the prohibitions of vice, or negative precepts of the law of nature, as, 'Thou shalt not commit adultery. Thou shalt not forswear thyself, Thou shalt not resist the supreme power,' and the like, ought to be taken in a most absolute, necessary, and immutable sense : insomuch that the attainment of the greatest good, or deliverance from the greatest evil, that can befal any man or number of men in this life, may not justify the least violation of them. First then, I am to show that loyalty is a Moral Duty, and disloyalty or rebellion, in the most strict and proper sense, a Vice, or breach of the Law of Nature -^ 4. Though it be a point agreed amongst all wise men, that there are certain moral rules or laws of nature, which carry with them an eternal and indispensable obligation; yet, concerning the proper methods for discovering those laws, and distinguishing them from others dependent on the humour and discretion of men, there are various opinions. Some direct us to look for them in the Divine Ideas; others in the natural inscriptions on the mind : some derive them from the authority of learned men, and the universal agreement and consent of nations. Lastly, ' Sect. 4 — 25. no Passive Obedience: upon the others hold that they are only to be discovered by the deductions of reason. The three first methods must be acknowledged to labour under great difficulties ; and the last has not, that I know, been anywhere distinctly explained, or treated of so fully as the importance of the subject doth deserve. I hope therefore it will be pardoned, if, in a discourse of passive obedience, in order to lay the foundation of that duty the deeper, we make some inquiry into the origin, nature, and obligation of Moral Duties in general, and the criterions whereby they are to be known 6. 5. Self-love being a principle of all others the most universal, and the most deeply engraven in our hearts, it is natural for us to regard tilings as they are fitted to augment or impair our own happiness; and accordingly we denominate them good or evil. Our judgment is ever employed in distinguishing between these two, and it is the whole business of our lives to endeavour, by a proper application of our faculties, to procure the one and avoid the other. At our first coming into the world^ we are entirely guided by the impressions of sense ; sensible pleasure being the infallible characteristic of present good,- as pain is of evil. But, by degrees, as we grow up in our acquaintance with the nature of things, experience informs us that present good is afterwards often attended with a greater evil ; and, on the other side, that present evil is not less frequently the occasion of procuring to us a greater future good. Besides, as the nobler faculties of the human soul begin to display themselves, they discover to us goods far more excellent than those which affect the senses?. Hence an alteration is wrought in our judgments ; we no longer comply with the first solicitations of sense^ but stay to consider the remote consequences of an action — what good may be hoped, or what evil feared from it, according to the wonted course of " In what follows (sect. 5 — 14'), the rudi- The later Idealism of Berkeley, as in ments of Berkeley's ethical doctrine of Sirh, presents more distinctly than in this Theological or Ontological Utilitarianism Discourse the Eternal Law of Reason (by are unfolded. Berkeley's eternal moral rules whatever method discovered) as the essence accord so far with Locke's hints of a de- of morality. monstrative Ethics, while his motive of ' Cf. Alciphron, Dial. I. sect. 14 — 16; moral action coincides with that of Paley. II. sect. 13 — 16. Principles of the Law of Nature. 1 1 1 things. This obliges us frequently to overlook present momentary enjoyments, when they come in competition with greater and more lasting goods — though too far ofF, or of too refined a nature to affect our senses. 6. But, as the whole earth, and the entire duration of those perishing things contained in it is altogether inconsiderable, or, in the prophet's expressive style, ' less than nothing ' in respect of Eternity, who sees not that every reasonable man ought so to frame his actions as that they may most effectually contribute to promote his eternal interest ? And, since it is a truth evident by the light of nature, that there is a sovereign omniscient Spirit, who alone can make us for ever happy, or for ever miserable j it plainly follows that a conformity to His will, and not any prospect of temporal advantage, is the sole rule whereby every man who acts up to the principles of Reason must govern and square his actions. — The same conclusion doth likewise evidently result from the relation which God bears to his creatures. God alone is maker and preserver of all things. He is, therefore, with the most undoubted right, the great legislator of the world ; and man- kind are, by all the ties of duty, no less than interest, bound to obey His laws. 7. Hence we should above all things endeavour to trace out the Divine will, or the general design of Providence with regard to mankind, and the methods most directly tending to the accom- plishment of that design ; — and this seems the genuine and proper way for discovering the laws of nature. For, laws being rules directive of our actions to the end intended by the legislator, in order to attain the knowledge of God's laws, we ought first to inquire what that end is which He designs should be carried on by human actions. Now, as God is a being of infinite goodness, it is plain the end He proposes is good. But, God enjoying in Himself all possible perfection, it follows that it is not His own good, but that of His creatures — Again, the moral actions of men are entirely terminated within themselves, so as to have no in- fluence on the other orders of intelligences or reasonable crea- tures i the end therefore to be procured by them can be no other than the good of men. But, as nothing in a natural state can entitle one man more than another to the favour of God, except only moral goodness j which, consisting in a conformity to the laws 112 Passive Obedience: upon the of God, doth presuppose the being of such laws, and law ever sup- posing an end, to which it guides our actions — it follows that, antecedent to the end proposed by God^ no distinction can be conceived between menj that end therefore itself, or general de- sign of Providence, is not determined or limited by any respect of persons. It is not therefore the private good of this or that man, nation, or age, but the general well-being of all men, of all nations, of all ages of the world, which God designs should be procured by the concurring actions of each individual. Having thus discovered the great end to which all moral obli- gations are subordinate, it remains that we inquire what methods are necessary for the obtaining that end. 8. The well-being of mankind must necessarily be carried on in one of these two ways : — either, first, without the injunction of any certain universal rules of morality, only by obliging every one, upon each particular occasion, to consult the public good, and always to do that which to him shall seem, in the present time and circumstances, most to conduce to it. Or, secondly, by enjoining the observation of some determinate, established laws, which, if universally practised, have, from the nature of things, an essential fitness to procure the well-being of mankind ; though, in their particular application, they are sometimes, through un- toward accidents, and the perverse irregularity of human wills, the occasions of great sufferings and misfortunes, it may be, to very many good men. Against the former of these methods there lie several strong objections. For brevity I shall mention only two : — 9. First, it will thence follow that the best men, for want of judgment, and the wisest, for want of knowing all the hidden cir- cumstances and consequences of an action, may very often be at a loss how to behave themselves ; — which they would not be, in case they judged of each action by comparing it with some par- ticular precept, rather than by examining the good or evil which in that single instance it tends to procure : it being far more easy to judge with certainty^ whether such or such an action be a transr gression of this or that precept, than whether it will be attended with more good or ill consequences. In short, to calculate the events of each particular action is impossible j and, though it were Principles of the Law of Nature. 113 not, would yet take up too much time to be of use in the affairs of life. Secondly, if that method be observed, it will follow that we can have no sure standard to which, comparing the actions of another, we may pronounce them good or bad, virtues or vices. For, since the measure and rule of every good man's actions is supposed to be nothing else but his own private disinterested opinion of what makes most for the public good at that juncture ; and, since this opinion must unavoidably in different men, from their particular views and circumstances, be very different : it is impossible to know, whether any one instance of parricide or per- jury, for example, be criminal. The man may have had his reasons for it, and that which in me would have been a heinous sin may be in him a duty. Every man's particular rule is buried in his own breast, invisible to all but himself, who therefore can only tell whether he observes it or no. And, since that rule is fitted to particular occasions, it must ever change as they do : hence it is not only various in different men, but in one and the same man at different times. 10. From all which it follows, there can be no harmony or agreement between the actions of good men : no apparent steadiness or consistency of one man with himself, no adhering to principles: the best actions may be condemned, and the most villainous meet with applause. In a word, there ensues the most horrible confusion of vice and virtue, sin and duty, that can pos- sibly be imagined. It follows, therefore, that the great end to which God requires the concurrence of human actions must of necessity be carried on by the second method proposed, namely, the observation of certain, universal, determinate rules or moral precepts, which, in their own nature, have a necessary tendency to promote the well-being of the sum of mankind, taking in all nations and ages, from the beginning to the end of the world. 11. Hence, upon an equal comprehensive survey of the general nature, the passions, interests, and mutual respects of mankind ; — whatsoever practical proposition doth to right reason evidently appear to have a necessary connexion with the universal well- being included in it is to be looked upon as enjoined by the will of God. For, he that willeth the end doth will the necessary means conducive to that end ; but it hath been shewn that God willeth VOL. III. I 114 Passive Obedience: upon the the universal well-being of mankind should be promoted by the concurrence of each particular person ; therefore, every such prac- tical proposition necessarily tending thereto is to be esteemed a decree of God, and is consequently a law to man. 12. These propositions are called laws of nature^ because they are universal, and do not derive their obligation from any civil sanction, but immediately from the Author of nature himself. They are said to be stamped on the mind, to be engraven on the tables of the heart, because they are well known to mankind, and suggested and inculcated by conscience. Lastly, they are termed eternal rules of reason, because they necessarily result from the nature of things, and may be demonstrated by the infallible de- ductions of reason **. ] 3. And, notwithstanding that these rules are too often, either by the unhappy concurrence of events, or more especially by the wickedness of perverse men who will not conform to them, made accidental causes of misery to those good men who do, yet this doth not vacate their obligation : they are ever to be esteemed the fixed unalterable standards of moral good and evil ; no private interest, no love of friends, no regard to the public good, should make us depart from them. Hence, when any doubt arises con- cerning the morality of an action, it is plain this cannot be deter- mined by computing the public good which in that particular case it is attended with, but only by comparing it with the Eternal Law of Reason. He who squares his actions by this rule can never do amiss, though thereby he should bring himself to poverty, death, or disgrace: no, not though he should involve his family, his friends, his country, in all those evils which are accounted the greatest and most insupportable to human nature. Tenderness and benevolence of temper are often motives to the best and greatest actions j but we must not make them the sole rule of our actions : they are passions rooted in our nature, and, like all other ' The Theological Utilitarianism of viduals of the personal utility of particular Berkeley here, as elsewhere, encourages this actions, is apparent in these passages. But reference to * eternal rules of reason,' and to if the criterion of these ' eternal laws ' is the immutability, universality, and neces- their tendency to promote general happi- sity of moral disiinctions — language foreign ness, a door is still open to the questions of to the purely secular and experiential casuistry, in the endeavour to determine and utilitarian theory. His reverence for law, in apply them. Cf. sect. 53. contrast to empirical calculations by indi- Principles of the Law of Nature. 1 1 5 passions, must be restrained and kept under, otherwise they may possibly betray us into as great enormities as any other unbridled lust. Nay, they are more dangerous than other passions, inso- much as they are more plausible, and apt to dazzle and corrupt the mind with the appearance of goodness and generosity 9. 14. For the illustration of what has been said, it will not be amiss, if from the moral we turn our eyes on the natural world. Homo ortus est (says Balbus in Cicero 10) ad mundum contemplandum, et tmitandum. And, surely, it is not possible for free intellectual agents to propose a nobler pattern for their imitation than Nature, which is nothing else but a series of free actions produced by the best and wisest Agent". But, it is evident that those actions are not adapted to particular views, but all conformed to certain general rules, which, being collected from observation, are by philosophers termed laws of nature. And these indeed are excel- lently suited to promote the general well-being of the creation : but, what from casual combinations of events' 2^ and what from the voluntary motions '^ of animals, it often falls out, that the natural good not only of private men but of entire cities and nations would be better promoted by a particular suspension, or contra- diction, than an exact observation of those laws. Yet, for all that, nature still takes its course j nay, it is plain that plagues, famines, inundations, earthquakes, with an infinite variety of pains and sorrows — in a word, all kinds of calamities public and private, do arise from a uniform steady observation of those General Laws, which are once established by the Author of nature, and which He will not change or deviate from upon any of those accounts, how wise or benevolent soever it may be thought by foolish men to do so. As for the miracles '^ recorded in Scripture, they were always wrought for confirmation of some doctrine or ' So Butler, who regards the benevolent in their uniform order of coexistence and affections as a subordinate part only of that succession, express Supreme Reason and Will, ideal human nature to which our actions Cf. Principles of Human Knowledge, sect, should conform. Benevolent motives may 26 — 0^2 \ Dialogues of Hylas and Philonous ; be springs of vicious actions. De Motu ; Theory of Vision Vindicated '° [De Natura Deorum, lib. ii. § 37.] — passim; Alciphron, Dial. IV.; i'i'm passim. Author. ^^ * casual combinations of events.' What " In the second clause of this sentence are they ? we have in germ the essence of Berkeley's ^'^ * voluntary motions,' i.e. the interrup- philosophy, according to which Nature, or tions produced by finite agency or will, the material universe, is simply a series of " Cf. ^te^Aron, Dial. VI.; Sermon before phenomena (percipi being their esse) which, the S. P. G. I % 1 1 6 Passive Obedience : ttpon the mission from God, and not for the sake of the particular natural goods, as health or life, which some men might have reaped from them. From all which it seems sufficiently plain that we can- not be at a loss which way to determine, in case we think God's own methods the properest to obtain His ends, and that it is our duty to copy after them, so far as the frailty of our nature will . permit. 15. Thus far in general, of the nature and necessity of Moral Rules, and the criterion or mark whereby they may be known. As for the particulars, from the foregoing discourse, the principal of them may without much difficulty be deduced. It hath been shewn that the Law of Nature is a system of such rules or precepts as - that, if they be all of them, at all times, in all places, and by all men observed, they will necessarily promote the well-being of mankind, so far as it is attainable by human actions. Now, let any one who hath the use of reason take but an impartial survey of the general frame and circumstances of human nature, and it will appear plainly to him that the constant observation of truth, for instance, of justice, and chastity hath a necessary connexion with their universal well-being; that, therefore, they are to be esteemed virtues or duties; and that 'Thou shalt not forswear thyself,' 'Thou shalt not commit adultery,' 'Thou shalt not steal,' are so many unalterable moral rules, which to violate in the least degree is vice or sin. I say, the agreement of these particular practical propositions with the definition or criterion premised doth so clearly result from the nature of things that it were a needless digression, in this place, to enlarge upon it. And, from the same principle, by the very same reasoning, it follows that Loyalty is a moral virtue, and ' Thou shalt not resist the supreme power' a rule or law of nature, the least breach whereof hath the inherent stain of moral turpitude. 16. The miseries inseparable from a state of anarchy are easily imagined. So insufficient is the wit or strength of any single man, either to avert the evils, or procure the blessings of life, and so apt are the wills of diflFerent persons to contradict and thwart each other, that it is absolutely necessary several in- dependent powers be combined together, under the direction (if I may so speak) of one and the same will— 1 mean the law of the Principles of the Law of Nature. 1 1 7 society. Without this there is no politeness, no order, no peace, among men, but the world is one great heap of misery and confusion ; the strong as well as the weak, the wise as well as the foolish, standing on all sides exposed to all those calamities which man can be liable to in a state where he has no other security than the not being possessed of any thing which may raise envy or desire in another. A state by so much more in- eligible than that of brutes as a reasonable creature hath a greater reflection and foresight of miseries than they. From all which it plainly follows, that loyalty, or submission to the supreme authority, hath, if universally practised in conjunction with all other virtues, a necessary connexion with the well-being of the whole sum of mankind j and, by consequence, if the criterion we have laid down be true, it is, strictly speaking, a moral duty, or branch of natural religion. And, therefore, the least degree of rebellion is, with the utmost strictness and propriety, a sin : not only in Christians, but also in those who have the light of reason alone for their guide. Nay, upon a thorough and impartial view, this submission will, I think, appear one of the very first and fundamental laws of nature j inasmuch as it is civil govern- ment which ordains and marks out the various relations between men, and regulates property, thereby giving scope and laying a foundation for the exercise of all other duties. And, in truth, whoever considers the condition of man will scarce conceive it possible that the practice of any one moral virtue should obtain, in the naked, forlorn state of nature. 17. But, since it must be confessed that in all cases our actions come not within the direction of certain fixed moral rules, it may possibly be still questioned, whether obedience to the supreme power be not one of those exempted cases, and consequently to be regulated by the prudence and discretion of every single person rather than adjusted to the rule of absolute non-resist- ance. I shall therefore endeavour to make it yet more plain, that ' Thou shalt not resist the supreme power ' is an undoubted precept of morality; as will appear from the following consider- ations : — First, then, submission to government is a point important enough to be established by a moral rule. Things of insignificant and trifling concern are, for that very reason, exempted from the rules Ii8 Passive Obedience: upon the of morality. But government, on which so much depend the peacCj order, and well-beings of mankind, cannot surely be thought of too small importance to be secured and guarded by a moral rule. Government, I say, which is itself the principal source under heaven of those particular advantages for the procurement and conservation whereof several unquestionable moral rules were prescribed to men. 1 8. Secondly, obedience to government is a case universal enough to fall under the direction of a law of nature. Numberless rules there may be for regulating affairs of great concernment, at certain junctures, and to some particular persons or societies, which, notwithstanding, are not to be esteemed moral or natural laws, but may be either totally abrogated or dispensed with; — because the private ends they were intended to promote respect only some particular persons, as engaged in relations not founded in the general nature of man, who, on various occasions, and in different postures of things, may prosecute their own designs by different measures, as in human prudence shall seem convenient. But what relation is there more extensive and universal than that of subject and law? This is confined to no particular age or climate, but universally obtains, at all times, and in all places, wherever men live in a state exalted above that of brutes. It is, therefore, evident that the rule forbidding resistance to the law or supreme power is not, upon pretence of any defect in point of universality, to be excluded from the number of the laws of nature. 19. Thirdly, there is another consideration which confirms the necessity of admitting this rule for a moral or natural law: namely, because the case it regards is of too nice and difficult a nature to be left to the judgment and determination of each private person. Some cases there are so plain and obvious to judge of that they may safely be trusted to the prudence of every reasonable man. But in all instances to determine, whether a civil law is fitted to promote the public interest; or whether submission or resistance will, prove most advantageous in the consequence ; or when it is that the general good of a nation may require an alteration of government, either in its form, or in the hands which administer it ; — these are points too arduous and intricate, and which require too great a degree of parts, Principles of the Law of Nature. 119 leisure, and liberal education^ as well as disinterestedness and thorough knowledge in the particular state of a kingdom, for every subject to take upon him the determination of them. From which it follows that, upon this account also, non-resistance, which, in the main, nobody can deny to be a most profitable and whole- some duty, ought not to be limited by the judgment of private persons to particular occasions, but esteemed a most sacred law of nature. %o. The foregoing arguments do, I think, make it manifest, that the precept against rebellion is on a level with other moral rules. Which will yet further appear from this fourth and last consideration. It cannot be denied that right reason doth require some common stated rule or measure, whereby subjects ought to shape their submission to the supreme power j since any clashing or disagreement in this point must unavoidably tend to weaken and dissolve the society. And it is unavoidable that there should be great clashing, where it is left to the breast of each individual to suit his fancy with a different measure of obedience. But this common stated measure must be either the general precept for- bidding resistance, or else the public good of the whole nation; which last, though it is allowed to be in itself something certain and determinate, yet, forasmuch as men can regulate their conduct only by what appears to them, whether in truth it be what it appears or no ; and, since the prospects men form to themselves of a country's public good are commonly as various as its land- scapes, which meet the eye in several situations: it clearly follows, that to make the public good the rule of obedience is, in effect, not to establish any determinate, agreed, common measure of loyalty, but to leave every subject to the guidance of his own particular mutable fancy. 21. From all which arguments and considerations it is a most evident conclusion, that the law prohibiting rebellion is in strict truth a law of nature, universal reason, and morality. But to this it will perhaps be objected by some that, whatever may be concluded with regard to resistance from the tedious deductions of reason, yet there is I know not what turpitude and deformity in some actions, which at first blush shews them to be vicious; but they, not finding themselves struck with such a sensible and immediate horror at the thought of rebellion, cannot think it on I20 Passive Obedience: upon the a level with other crimes against nature. To which I answer : — that it is true, there are certain natural antipathies implanted in the soul, which are ever the most lasting and insurmountable; but, as custom is a second nature, whatever aversions are from our early childhood continually infused into the mind give it so deep a stain as is scarce to be distinguished from natural com- plexion. And, as it doth hence follow, that to make all the inward horrors of soul pass for infallible marks of sin were the way to establish error and superstition in the world; so, on the other hand, to suppose all actions lawful which are unattended with those starts of nature would prove of the last dangerous con- sequence to virtue and morality. For, these pertaining to us as men, we must not be directed in respect of them by any emotions in our blood and spirits, but by the dictates of sober and impartial reason. And, if there be any who find they have a less abhorrence of rebellion than of other villanies, all that can be inferred from it is, that this part of their duty was not so much reflected on, or so early and frequently inculcated into their hearts, as it ought to have been. Since without question there are other men who have as thorough an aversion for that as for any other crime". %%. Again, it will probably be objected that submission to government differs from moral duties in that it is founded in a contract 16, which, upon the violation of its conditions, doth of course become void, and in such case rebellion is lawful : it hath not therefore the nature of a sin or crime, which is in itself absolutely unlawful, and must be committed on no pretext what- soever. — Now, passing over all inquiry and dispute concerning the first obscure rise of government, I observe its being founded on a contract may be understood in a twofold sense : — either, first, that several independent persons, finding the insufferable in- convenience of a state of anarchy, where every one was governed by his own will, consented and agreed together to pay an absolute submission to the decrees of some certain legislative; which, ^^ [' II disoit ordinairement qu'il avoit un had as great an abhorrence of rebellion as of aussi grand t^loignement pour ce pech^ Itt murder, or robbing on the high-way, and que pour assassiner le monde, ou pour voler that there was nothing more shocking to his sur les grands chemins, et qu'enfin il n'y nature. — Vide M. Pascal, p. 44.] — Author. avoit rien qui fut plus contraire a son " Cf. Locke's Treatise on Government, naturel.' He (Mr. Pascal) used to say he Bk. II. ch. 8. Principles of the Law of Nature. 121 though sometimes they may bear hard on the subject, yet must surely prove easier to be governed by than the violent humours and unsteady opposite wills of a multitude of savages. And, in case we admit such a compact to have been the original foundation of civil government, it must even on that supposition be held sacred and inviolable. 23. Or, secondly, it is meant that subjects have contracted with their respective sovereigns or legislators to pay, not an absolute, but conditional and Umited, submission to their laws, that is, ■upon condition, and so far forth, as the observation of them shall contribute to the public good : reserving still to themselves a right of superintending the laws, and judging whether they are fitted to promote the public good or noj and (in case they or any of them think it needful) of resisting the higher powers, and changing the whole frame of government by force : which is a right that all mankind, whether single persons or societies, have over those that are deputed by them. But, in this sense, a contract cannot be admitted for the ground and measure of civil obedience, except one of these two things be clearly shewn: — either, first, that such a contract is an express known part of the fundamental constitution of a nation, equally allowed and un- questioned by all as the common law of the land j or, secondly, if it be not express, that it is at least necessarily implied in the very nature or notion of civil polity, which supposes it is a thing manifestly absurd, that a number of men should be obliged to live under an unlimited subjection to civil law, rather than continue wild and independent of each other. But to me it seems most evident that neither of those points will ever be proved. 24. And till they are proved beyond all contradiction, the doctrine built upon them ought to be rejected with detestation. Since, to represent the higher powers as deputies of the people manifestly tends to diminish that awe and reverence which all good men should have for the laws and government of their country. And to speak of a condition, limited loyalty, and I know not what vague and undetermined contracts, is a most eflrectual means to loosen the bands of civil society; than which nothing can be of more mischievous consequence to mankind. But, after all, if there be any man who either cannot or will 12 2 Passive Obedience : upon the not see the absurdity and perniciousness of those notions, he would, I doubt notj be convinced with a witness, in case they should once become current, and every private man take it in his head to believe them true, and put them in practice. 35. But there still remains an objection which hath the appear- ance of some strength against what has been said. Namely, that, whereas civil polity is a thing entirely of human institution, it seems contrary to reason to make submission to it part of the law of nature, and not rather of the civil law. For, how can it be imagined that nature should dictate or prescribe a natural law about a thing which depends on the arbitrary humour of men, not only as to its kind or form, which is very various and mutable, but even as to its existence ; there being no where to be found a civil government set up by nature. — In answer to this, I observe, first, that most moral precepts do presuppose some voluntary actions, or pacts of men, and are nevertheless esteemed laws of nature. Property is assigned, the signification of words ascertained, and matrimony contracted — by the agreement and consent of mankind ; and, for all that, it is not doubted whether theft, falsehood, and adultery be prohibited by the law of nature. Loyalty, therefore, though it should suppose and be the result ot human institutions, may, for all that, be of natural obligation. — I say, secondly, that, notwithstanding particular societies are formed by men, 'and are not in all places alike, as things esteemed natural are wont to be, yet there is implanted in mankind a natural tendency or disposition to a social life. I call it natural^ because it is universal, and because it necessarily results from the differences which distinguish man from beast; the peculiar wants, appetites, faculties, and capacities of man being exactly calculated and framed for such a state, insomuch that without it it is impossible he should live in a condition in any degree suitable to his nature. And, since the bond and cement of society is a submission to its laws, it plainly follows that this duty hath an equal right with any other to be thought a law of nature. And surely that precept which enjoins obedience to civil laws cannot itself, with any propriety, be accounted a civil law; it must therefore either have no obligation at all on the conscience, or, if it hath, it must be derived from the universal voice of nature and reason. Principles of the Law of Nature. 123 a6. And thus the first point proposed seems clearly made out : — namely, that Loyalty is a virtue or moral duty; and Disloyalty or Rebellion, in the most strict and proper sense, a vice or crime against the law of nature. We are now come to the second point, which was to shew'? that the prohibitions ofvice, or negative precepts of morality, are to be taken in a most absolute, necessary, and immutable sense; insomuch that the attainment of the greatest good, or deliverance from the greatest evil, that can befal any man or number of men in this life may not justify the least violation of them. — But, in the first place, I shall explain the reason of distinguishing between positive and negative precepts, the latter only being included in this general proposi- tion. Now, the ground of that distinction may be resolved into this: namely, that very often, either through the diflEculty or number of moral actions, or their inconsistence with each other, it is not possible for one man to perform several of them at the same time; whereas.it is plainly consistent and possible that any man should, at the same time, abstain from all manner of positive actions whatsoever. Hence it comes to pass that prohibitions or negative precepts must by every one, in all times and places, be all actually observed: whereas those which enjoin the doing of an action allow room for human prudence and discretion in the execution of them: it is for the most part depending on various accidental circumstances; all which ought to be con- sidered, and care taken that duties of less moment do not inter- fere with, and hinder the fulfilling of those which are more important. And, for this reason, if not the positive laws them- selves, at least the exercise of them, admits of suspension, limitation, and diversity of degrees. As to the indispensableness of the negative precepts of the law of nature, I shall in its proof oflfer two arguments; the first from the nature of the thing, and the second from the imitation of God in His government of the world. 27. First, then, from the nature of the thing it hath been already shewn that the great end of morality can never be carried on, by leaving each particular person to promote the public good in such a manner as he shall think most convenient, without " Sect. 26 — 32. 124 Passive Obedience: topon the prescribing certain determinate universal rules, to be the common measure of moral actions. And, if we allow the necessity of these, and at the same time think it lawful to transgress them whenever the public good shall seem to require it, what is this but in words indeed to enjoin the observation of moral rules, but in effect to leave every one to be guided by his own judgment? than which nothing can be imagined more pernicious and destructive to mankind, as hath been already proved. Secondly, this same point ma be collected from the example set us by the Author of nature, who, as we have above observed is, acts according to certain fixed laws, which He will not transgress upon the account of accidental evils arising from them. Suppose a prince on whose life the welfare of a kingdom depends to fall down a precipice, we have no reason to think that the universal law of gravitation would be suspended in that case. The like may be said of all other laws of nature, which we do not find to admit of exceptions on particular accounts. 48. And as, without such a steadiness '^ in nature, we should soon, instead of this beautiful frame, see nothing but a disorderly and confused chaos; so, if once it become current that the moral actions of men are not to be guided by certain definite inviolable rules, there will be no longer found that beauty, order, and agreement in the system of rational beings, or moral world, which will then be all covered over with darkness and violence. It is true, he who stands close to a palace can hardly make a right judgment of the architecture and symmetry of its several parts, the nearer ever appearing disproportionably great. And, if we have a mind to take a fair prospect of the order and general well-being which the inflexible laws of nature and morality derive on the world, we must, if I may so say, go out of it, and imagine ourselves to be distant spectators of all that is transacted and contained in it; otherwise we are sure to be deceived by the too near view of the little present interests of ourselves, our friends, or our country^". The right understanding of what hath been said will, I think, afford a clear solution to the following difficulties : — 39. First, it may perhaps seem to some that, in consequence Ssct. 14, w Cf. Principles of Human Knowledge, sect. 30 — 32. '" Cf. Guardian, No. 70, 83. Principles of the Law of Nature. 125 of the foregoing doctrine, men will be left to their own private judgments as much as ever. For, first, the very being of the laws of nature ; secondly, the criterion whereby to know them ; and, thirdly, the agreement of any particular precept with that criterion are all to be discovered by reason and argumentation, in which every man doth necessarily judge for himself: hence, upon that supposition, there is place for as great confusion, unsteadiness, and contrariety of opinions and actions as upon any other. I answer, that however men may differ as to what were most proper and beneficial to the public to be done or omitted on particular occasions, when they have for the most part narrow and interested views- yet, in general conclusions, drawn from an equal and enlarged view of things, it is not possible there should be so great, if any, disagreement at all amongst candid rational inquirers after truth. 30. Secondly, the most plausible pretence of all against the doctrine we have premised concerning a rigid indispensable observation of moral rules is that which is founded on the con- sideration of the public weal^'. For, since the common good of mankind is confessedly the end which God requires should be promoted by the free actions of men, it may seem to follow that all good men ought ever to have this in view, as the great mark to which all their endeavours should be directed; if, therefore, in any particular case, a strict keeping to the moral rule shall prove manifestly inconsistent with the public good, it may be thought agreeable to the will of God that in that case the rule does restrain an honest disinterested person, from acting for that end to which the rule itself was ordained. For, it is an axiom that ' the end is more excellent than the means,' which, deriving their goodness from the end, may not come in competition with it. 31. In answer to this, let it be observed, that nothing is a law merely because it conduceth to the public good, but because it is decreed by the will of God, which alone can give the sanction of a law of nature to any precept ; neither is any thing, how expedient or plausible soever, to be esteemed lawful on any other account than its being coincident with, or not repugnant to, ^' See Locke's Treatise on Governmenti Bk. II. ch. 19. 12 6 Passive Obedience : upon the the laws promulgated by the voice of nature and reason. It must indeed be allowed that the rational deduction of those laws is founded in the intrinsic tendency they have to promote the well-being of mankind, on condition they are universally and constantly observed. But, though it afterwards comes to pass that they accidentally fail of that end^ or even promote the contrary, they are nevertheless binding, as hath been already proved. In short, that whole difficulty may be resolved by the following distinction. — In framing the general laws of nature, it is granted we must be entirely guided by the public good of man- kind, but not in the ordinary moral actions of our lives. Such a rule, if universally observed, hath, from the nature of things, a necessary fitness to promote the general well-being of mankind : therefore it is a law of nature. This is good reasoning. But if we should say, such an action doth in this instance produce much good, and no harm to mankind; therefore it is lawful: this were wrong. The rule is framed with respect to the good of mankind ; but our practice must be always shaped immediately by the rule. They who think the public good of a nation to be the sole measure of the obedience due to the civil power seem not to have considered this distinction. 32. If it be said that some negative precepts, e. g. 'Thou shalt not kill,' do admit of limitation, since otherwise it were unlawful for the magistrate, for a soldier in a battle, or a man in his own defence, to kill another ; — I answer, when a duty is expressed in too general terms, as in this instance, in order to a distinct declaration of it,- either those terms may be changed for others of a more limited sense, as kill for murder^ or else, from the general proposition remaining in its full latitude, ex- ceptions may be made of those precise cases which, not agreeing with the notion of murder, are not prohibited by the law of nature. In the former case there is a limitation; but it is only of the signification of a single term too general and improper, by substituting another more proper and particular in its place. In the latter case there are exceptions; but then they are not from the law of nature, but from a more general proposition which, besides that law, includes somewhat more, which must be taken away in order to leave the law by itself clear and determinate. From neither of which concessions will it follow Principles of the Law of Nature. 127 that any negative law of nature is limited to those cases only where its particular application promotes the public good, or admits all other cases to be excepted from it wherein its being actually observed produceth harm to the public. But of this I shall have occasion to say more in the sequel. I have now done with the first head, which was to shew that there is an absolute, unlimited, passive obedience due to the supreme power, wherever placed in any nation j and come to in- quire into the grounds and reasons of the contrary opinion : which was the second thing proposed. 33. One great principle which the pleaders for resistance make the ground-work of their doctrine is, that the law of self-preser- vation is prior to all other engagements, being the very first and fundamental law of nature'^'^. Hence, say they, subjects are obliged by nature, and it is their duty, to resist the cruel attempts of tyrants, however authorised by unjust and bloody laws, which are nothing else but the decrees of men, and consequently must give way to those of God or nature. But, perhaps if we narrowly examine this notion, it will not be found so just and clear as some men may imagine, or, indeed, as at first sight it seems to be. For, we ought to distinguish between a twofold signi- fication of the terms laiii of nature ; which words do either denote a rule or precept for the direction of the voluntary actions of reasonable agents, and in that sense they imply a duty; or else they are used to signify any general rule which we observe to obtain in the works of nature, independent of the wills of men ; in which sense no duty is implied. And, in this last accepta- tion, I grant it is a general law of nature, that in every animal there be implanted a desire of self-preservation, which, though it is the earliest, the deepest, and most lasting of all, whether natural or acquired appetites, yet cannot with any propriety be termed a moral duty. But if, in the former sense of the words, they mean that self-preservation is the first and most funda- mental law of nature, which therefore must take place of all ^' So Locke in his Treatise on Government, which should be compared with this and the following sections. 128 Passive Obedience: upon the other natural or moral duties, I think that assertion to be mani- festly false ; for this plain reason, because it would thence follow, a man may lawfully commit any sin whatsoever to preserve his life, than which nothing can be more absurd. 34. It cannot indeed be denied that the law of nature restrains us from doing those things which may injure the life of any man, and consequently our own. But, notwithstanding all that is said of the obligativeness and priority of the law of self- preservation, yet, for aught I can see, there is no particular law which obliges any man to prefer his own temporal good, not even life itself, to that of another man, much less to the obser- vation of any one moral duty. This is what we are too ready to perform of our own accord ; and there is more need of a law to curb and restrain, than there is of one to excite and inflame our self-love. 35. But, secondly, though we should grant the duty of self- preservation to be the first and most necessary of all the positive or affirmative laws of nature; yet, forasmuch as it is a maxim allowed by all moralists, that ' evil is never to be committed, to the end good may come of it,' it will thence plainly follow that no negative precept ought to be transgressed for the sake of observing a positive one; and therefore, since we have shewn, ' Thou shalt not resist the supreme power,' to be a negative law of nature, it is a necessary consequence that it may not be transgressed under pretence of fulfilling the positive duty of self- preservation. 36. A second erroneous ground of our adversaries, whereon they lay a main stress, is that they hold the public good of a particular nation to be the measure of the obedience due from the subject to the civil power, which therefore may be resisted whensoever the public good shall verily seem to require it. But this point hath been already considered ; and in truth it can give small difficulty to whoever understands loyalty to be on the same foot with other moral duties enjoined in negative precepts, all which, though equally calculated to promote the general well- being, may not nevertheless be limited or suspended under pretext of giving way to the end, as is plain from what hath been premised on that subject. 37. A third reason which they insist on is to this effect:— Principles of the Law of Nature. 129 All civil authority or right is derived originally from the people ; but nobody can transfer that to another which he hath not him- self j therefore, since no man hath an absolute unlimited right over his own life, the subject cannot transfer such a right to the prince (or supreme power), who consequently hath no such un- limited right to dispose of the lives of his subjects. In case, therefore, a subject resist his prince, whOj acting according to law, maketh an unjust, though legal, attempt on his life, he does him no wrong; since wrong it is not, to prevent another from seizing what he hath no right to: whence it should seem to follow that, agreeably to reason, the prince, or supreme power, wheresoever placed, may be resisted. Having thus endeavoured to state their argument in its clearest light, I make this answer : — First, it is granted, no civil power hath an unlimited right to dispose of the life of any man. Secondly, in case one man resist another invading that which he hath no right to, it is granted he doth him no wrong. But, in the third place^ I deny that it doth thence follow, the supreme power may consonantly to reason be resisted; because that, although such resistance wronged not the prince or supreme power wheresoever placed, yet it were injurious to the author of nature, and a violation of his law, which reason obligeth us to transgress upon no account whatsoever, as hath been demonstrated. 38. A fourth mistake or prejudice which influenceth the im- pugners of non-resistance arises from the natural dread of slavery, chains, and fetters, which inspires them with an aversion for any thingj which even metaphorically comes under those denomina- tions. Hence they cry out against us that we would deprive them of their natural freedom, that we are making chains for mankind, that we are for enslaving them, and the like. But, how harsh so- ever the sentence may appear, yet it is most true, that our appetites, even the most natural, as of ease, plenty, or life itself, must be chained and fettered by the laws of nature and reason. This slavery, if they will call it so, or subjection of our passions to the immutable decrees of reason, though it may be galling to the sen- sual part or the beast, yet sure I am it addeth much to the dignity of that which is peculiarly human in our composition. This leads me to the fifth fundamental error. 39. Namely, the mistaking the object of passive obedience. VOL. III. K 130 Passive Obedience: upon the We should consider that when a subject endures the insolence and oppression of one or more magistrates, armed with the supreme civil power, the object of his submission is, in strict truth, nothing else but right reason, which is the voice of the Author of nature. Think not we are so senseless as to imagine tyrants cast in a better mould than other men : no, they are the worst and vilest of men, and for their own sakes have not the least right to our obedience. But the laws of God and nature must be obeyed, and our obedience to them is never more accept- able and sincere than when it exposeth us to temporal calamities. 40. A sixth false ground of persuasion to those we argue against is their not distinguishing between the natures of positive and negative duties. For, say they, since our active obedience to the supreme civil power is acknowledged to be limited, why may not our duty of non-resistance be thought so too? The answer is plain J because positive and negative moral precepts are not of the same nature — the former admitting such limitations and ex- ceptions as the latter are on no account liable to, as hath been already proved. It is very possible that a man, in obeying the commands of his lawful governors, might transgress some law of God contrary to them; which it is not possible for him to do merely by a patient suffering and non-resistance for conscience sake. And this furnishes such a satisfactory and obvious solution of the fore-mentioned difficulty that I am not a little surprised to see it insisted on, by men, otherwise, of good sense and reason. And so much for the grounds and reasons of the adversaries of non-resistance. I now proceed to the third and last thing proposed, namely, the consideration of the objections drawn from the pretended consequences of non-resistance 23. 41. First, then, it will be objected that, in consequence of that notion, we must believe that God hath, in several instances, laid the innocent part of mankind under an unavoidable necessity of enduring the greatest sufferings and hardships without any remedy; ^= Some of those referred to may be found in Locke. Principles of the Law of Nature. 131 which is plainly inconsistent with the Divine wisdom and good- ness: and therefore the principle from whence that consequence flows, ought not to be admitted as a law of God or nature. In answer to which I observe, we must carefully distinguish between the necessary and accidental consequences of a moral law. The former kind are those which the law is in its own nature calcu- lated to produce, and which have an inseparable connexion with the observation of it ; and indeed, if these are bad, we may justly conclude the law to be so too, and consequently not from God. But the accidental consequences of a law have no intrinsic natural connexion with, nor do they strictly speaking flow from its observation, but are the genuine result of something foreign and circumstantial, which happens to be joined with it. And these accidental consequences of a very good law may neverthe- less be very bad; which badness of theirs is to be charged on their own proper and necessary cause, and not on the law, which hath no essential tendency to produce them. Now, though it must be granted that a lawgiver infinitely wise and good will constitute such laws for the regulation of human actions as have in their own nature a necessary inherent aptness to promote the common good of all mankind, and that in the greatest degree that the present circumstances and capacities of human nature will admit, yet we deny that the wisdom and goodness of the lawgiver are concerned, or may be called in question, on account of the particular evils which arise, necessarily and properly, from the transgression of some one or more good laws, and but accidentally from the observation of others. But it is plain that the several calamities and devastations which oppressive governments bring on the world are not the genuine necessary effects of the law that enjoineth a passive subjection to the supreme power, neither are they included in the primary intention thereof, but spring from avarice, ambition, cruelty, revenge, and the like inordinate affec- tions and vices raging in the breasts of governors. They may not therefore argue a defect of wisdom or goodness in God^s law, but of righteousness in men. 4a. Such is the present state of things, so irregular are the wills, and so unrestrained the passions, of men, that we every day see manifest breaches and violations of the laws of nature, which, being always committed in favour of the wicked, must surely be K 2 132 Passive Obedience: upon the sometimes attended with heavy disadvantages and miseries on the part of those who by a firm adhesion to His laws endeavour to approve themselves in the eyes of their Creator. There are in short no rules of morality, not excepting the best, but what may subject good men to great sufferings and hardships; which necessarily follows from the wickedness of those they have to deal with, and but accidentally from those good rules. And as, on the one hand, it were inconsistent with the wisdom of God, by suffer- ing a retaliation of fraud, perjury, or the like, on the head of offenders, to punish one transgression by another: so, on the other hand, it were inconsistent with His justice to leave the good and innocent a hopeless sacrifice to the wicked. God therefore hath appointed a day of retribution in another life, and in this we have His grace and a good conscience for our support. We should not therefore repine at the Divine laws, or shew a frowardness or impatience of those transient sufferings they accidentally expose us to, which, however grating to flesh and blood, will yet seem of small moment, if we compare the littleness and fleetingness of this present world with the glory and eternity of the next. 43. From what hath been said, I think it is plain that the premised doctrine of non-resistance were safe, though the evils incurred thereby should be allowed never so great. But perhaps, upon a strict examination, they will be found much less than by many they are thought to be. The mischievous effects which are charged on that doctrine may be reduced to these two points : — First, that it is an encouragement for all governors to become tyrants, by the prospect it gives them of impunity or non-resist- ance. Secondly, that it renders the oppression and cruelty of those who are tyrants more insupportable and violent, by cutting off all opposition, and consequently all means of redress. I shall consider each of these distinctly. — As to the first point, either you will suppose the governors to be good or ill men. If they are good, there is no fear of their becoming tyrants. And if they are ill men, that is, such as postpone the observation of God's laws to the satisfying of their own lusts, then it can be no security to them that others will rigidly observe those moral precepts which they find themselves so prone to transgress. 44. It is indeed a breach of the law of nature for a subject, though under the greatest and most unjust sufferings, to lift up Principles of the Law of Nature. 133 his hand against the supreme power. But it is a more heinous and inexcusable violation of it for the persons invested with the supreme power to use that power to the ruin and destruction of the people committed to their charge. What encouragement therefore can any man have to think that others will not be pushed on by the strong implanted appetite of self-preservation, to commit a crime, when he himself commits a more brutish and unnatural crime, perhaps without any provocation at all? Or is it to be imagined that they who daily break God's laws, for the sake of some little profit or transient pleasure, will not be tempted, by the love of property, liberty, or life itself, to transgress that single precept which forbids resistance to the supreme power ? 45. But it will be demanded — ^To what purpose then is this duty of non-resistance preached, and proved, and recommended to our practice, if, in all likelihood, when things come to an ex- tremity, men will never observe it ? I answer, to the very same purpose that any other duty is preached. For, what duty is there which many, too many, upon some consideration or other, may not be prevailed on to transgress ? Moralists and divines do not preach the duties of nature and religion with a view of gaining mankind to a perfect observation of them ; that they know is not to be done. But, however, our pains are answered, if we can make men less sinners than otherwise they would be; if, by opposing the force of duty to that of present interest and passion, we can get the better of some temptations, and balance others, while the greatest still remain invincible. 46. But, granting those who are invested with the supreme power to have all imaginable security that no cruel and barbarous treatment whatever could provoke their subjects to rebellion, yet I believe it may be justly questioned, whether such security would tempt them to more or greater acts of cruelty than jealousy, distrust, suspicion, and revenge may do in a state less secure. — And so far in consideration of the first point, namely, that the doctrine of non-resistance is an encouragement for governors to become tyrants. 47. The second mischievous effect it was charged with is, that it renders the oppression and cruelty of those who are tyrants more insupportable and violent, by cutting off" all opposition, and consequently all means of redress. But, if things are rightly con- 134 Passive Obedience: upon the sidered, it will appear that redressing the evils of government by force is at best a very hazardous attempt, and what often puts the public in a worse state than it was before. For, either you sup- pose the power of the rebels to be but small, and easily crushed, and then this is apt to inspire the governors with confidence and cruelty. Or, in case you suppose it more considerable, so as to be a match for the supreme power supported by the public treasure, forts, and armies, and that the whole nation is engaged in a civil war ; — the certain effects of this are, rapine, bloodshed, misery, and confusion to all orders and parties of men, greater and more insupportable by far than are known under any the most absolute and severe tyranny upon earth. And it may be that, after much mutual slaughter, the rebellious party may prevail. And if they do prevail to destroy the government in being, it may be they will substitute a better in its place, or change it into better hands. And may not this come to pass without the expense, and toil, and blood of war? Is not the heart of a prince in the hand of God ? May He not therefore give him a right sense of his duty, or may He not call him out of the world by sickness, accident, or the hand of some desperate ruffian, and send a better in his stead ? When I speak as of a monarchy, I would be understood to mean all sorts of government, wheresoever the supreme power is lodged. Upon the whole, I think we may close with the heathen philosopher, who thought it the part of a wise man never to attempt the change of government by force, when it could not be mended without the slaughter and banishment of his countrymen : but to sit still, and pray for better times ^4. For, this way may do, and the other may not do; there is uncertainty in both courses. The difference is that in the way of rebelUon we are sure to increase the public calamities, for a time at least, though we are not sure of lessening them for the future. 48. But, though it should be acknowledged that, in the main, submission and patience ought to be recommended, yet, men will be still apt to demand, whether extraordinary cases may not '» [Plato in Epist. vii.]— Author. The iroAiTe/oj ^exaySoA^s ^)) Trpo(rayns MpSiv fi.il Svvarhy Aiyttv ii.tv, ,i^ nij KoAaj aiiTip ipaipoiTo ^ ylyvtaOai. t^ip aphrriv, riffvxlav Si 7ro\iT6ueo-eoi, ei imcWoi ^yjre fiaralus €pe'w, tiyovra fSxfaBai. to 0708^ alnS re Kal liflTi awoOweiaeai \iyav, ffiai/ Si warpiSi rif jrrfAei. Principles of the Law of Nature. 135 require extraordinary measures; and therefore, in case the oppression be insupportable, and the prospect of deliverance sure, whether rebellion may not be allowed of? I answer, by no means. Perjury, or breach of faith, may, in some possible cases, bring great advantage to a nation, by freeing it from conditions inconsistent with its liberty and public welfare. So likewise may adultery, by procuring a domestic heir, prevent a kingdom's falling into the hands of a foreign power, which would in all probability prove its ruin. Yet, will any man say, the extra- ordinary nature of those cases can take away the guilt of perjury and adultery 25 ? This is what I will not suppose. But it hath been shewn, that rebellion is as truly a crime against nature and reason as either of the foregoing ; it may not therefore be justified upon any account whatever, any more than they. 49. What ! must we then submit our necks to the sword ? and is there no help, no refuge, against extreme tyranny estab- lished by law ? In answer to this I say, in the first place, it is not to be feared that men in their wits should seek the destruc- tion of their people, by such cruel and unnatural decrees as some are forward to suppose, I say, secondly, that, in case they should, yet most certainly the subordinate magistrates may not, nay, they ought not, in obedience to those decrees, to act any thing contrary to the express laws of God. And, perhaps, all things considered, it will be thought that representing this limit- ation of their active obedience, by the laws of God or nature, as a duty to the ministers of the supreme power, may prove in those extravagant supposed cases no less effectual for the peace ^ [When I wrote this, I could not think be thought by any private person to pro- any man would avow the justifying those mote) the public good. After what has crimes on any pretext : but I since find that been already said, I hope I need not be at an author (supposed the same who published any pains to convince the reader of the the book entitled. The Rights of the Christian absurdity and perniciousness of this notion, Cburcb), in a Discourse concerning Obedience I shall only observe, that it appears the to the Supreme Powers^ printed with three author was led into it by a more than other discourses at London, in the year ordinary aversion to passive obedience, which 1709, chap. iv. p. 28. speaking of Divine put him upon measuring or limiting that laws, is not ashamed to assert, ' There is no duty, and, with equal reason, all others, by law which wholly relates to man but ceases the public good, to the entire unhinging of to obhge, if, upon the infinite variety of all order and morality among men. And circumstances attending human aflfairs, it it must be owned the transition was very happens to be contrary to the good of man.' natural.] — Author. This note was added So that, according to this writer, parricide, in the third edition. The author referred incest, or breach of faith become innocent to is Tyndall. Cf. Theory of Vision Vin- things, if, in the infinite variety of circum- dicated, sect. 2, 5, notes by Editor, stances, they should happen to promote (or 136 Passive Obedience: upon the and safety of a nation than preaching up the power of resistance to the people. 50. Further, it will probably be objected as an absurdity in the doctrine of passive obedience, that it enjoineth subjects a blind implicit submission to the decrees of other menj which is un- becoming the dignity and freedom of reasonable agents; who indeed ought to pay obedience to their superiors, but it should be a rational obedience, such as arises from a knowledge of the equity of their laws, and the tendency they have to promote the public good. To which I answer, that it is not likely a government should suffer much for want of having its laws inspected and amended by those who are not legally entitled to a share in the management of affairs of that nature. And it must be confessed the bulk of mankind are by their circumstances and occupations so far unqualified to judge of such matters, that they must necessarily pay an implicit deference to some or other; and to whom so properly as to those invested with the supreme power ? 51. There is another objection against absolute submission, which I should not have mentioned but that I find it insisted on by men of so great note as Grotius and Puffendorf^e, who think our non-resistance should be measured by the intention of those who first framed the society. Now, say they, if we suppose the question put to them, whether they meant to lay every subject under the necessity of choosing death, rather than in any case to resist the cruelty of his superiors, it cannot be imagined they would answer in the aiBrmative. For, this were to put themselves in a worse condition than that which they endeavoured to avoid by entering into society. For, although they were before obnoxious to the injuries of many, they had nevertheless the power of resisting them. But now they are bound, without any opposition at all, to endure the greatest injuries from those whom they have armed with their own strength. Which is by so much worse than the former state, as the undergoing an execution is worse than the hazard of a battle. But (passing by all other exceptions which this method of arguing may be liable to), it is evident that a man had better be exposed to the ™ [Grotius De Jure Belli et Pads, lib. I. Nature el Gentium, lib. VII. cap. vii. sect. 7.T chap. IV. sect. 7 ; et Puiiendorf De Jure —Author. Principles of the Law of Nature. 137 absolute irresistible decrees, even of one single person, whose own and posterity's true interest it is to preserve him in peace and plenty, and protect him from the injuries of all mankind beside, than remain an open prey to the rage and avarice of every wicked man upon earth, who either exceeds him in strength, or takes him at an advantage. The truth of this is confirmed, as well by the constant experience of the far greater part of the world, as by what we have already observed concerning anarchy, and the inconsistence of such a state with that manner of life which human -nature requires. Hence it is plain the objection last mentioned is built on a false supposition j viz. That men, by quitting the natural state of anarchy for that of absolute non-resisting obedience to government, would put them- selves in a worse condition than they were in before. 53. The last objection I shall take notice of is, that, in pursuance of the premised doctrine, where no exceptions, no limitations, are to be allowed of, it should seem to follow men were bound to submit without making any opposition to usurpers, or even madmen, possessed of the supreme authority. Which is a notion so absurd, and repugnant to common sense, that the foundation on which it is built may justly be called in question. Now, in order to clear this point, I observe the limitation of moral duties may be understood in a twofold sense — either, first, as a distinction applied to the terms of a proposition, whereby that which was expressed before too generally is limited to a particular acceptation^ and this, in truth, is not so properly limiting the duty as defining it. Or, secondly, it may be under- stood as a suspending the observation of a duty for avoiding some extraordinary inconvenience, and thereby confining it to certain occasions. And in this last sense only, we have shewn negative duties not to admit of limitation. Having premised this remark, I make the following answer to the objection: — namely, that by virtue of the duty of non-resistance we are not obliged to submit the disposal of our lives and fortunes to the discretion either of madmen, or of all those who by craft or violence invade the supreme power j because the object of the submission enjoined subjects by the law of nature is, from the reason of the thing, manifestly limited so as to exclude both the one and the other. Which I shall not go about to prove, because 138 Passive Obedience: upon the I believe nobody has denied it. Nor doth the annexing such limits to the object of our obedience at all limit the duty itself, in the sense we except against. ^0,. \J^\n morality the eternal rules of action have the same immutable universal truth with propositions in geometry. Neither of them depends on circumstances or accidents, being at all times and in all places, without limitation or exception, true. ' Thou shalt not resist the supreme civil power ' is no less constant and unalterable a rule, for modelling the behaviour of a subject toward the government, than 'multiply the height by half the base' is for measuring a triangle. And, as it would not be thought to detract from the universality of this mathematical rule that it did not exactly measure a field which was not an exact triangle, so ought it not to be thought an argument against the univer- sality of the rule prescribing passive obedience that it does not reach a man's practice in all cases where a government is un- hinged, or the supreme power disputed. There must be a triangle, and you must use your senses to know this, before there is room for applying your mathematical rule. And there must be a civil government, and you must know in whose hands it is lodged, before the moral precept takes place. But, where the supreme power is ascertained, we should no more doubt of our submission to it, than we would doubt of the way to measure a figure we know to be a triangle.] 54. In the various changes and fluctuations of government, it is impossible to prevent that controversies should sometimes arise concerning the seat of the supreme power. And in such cases subjects cannot be denied the liberty of judging for them- selves, or of taking part with some^ and opposing others, accord- ing to the best of their judgments j all which is consistent with an exact observation of their duty, so long as, when the consti- tution is clear in the point, and the object of their submission undoubted, no pretext of interest, friends, or the public good, can make them depart from it. In short, it is acknowledged that the precept enjoining non-resistance is limited to particular objects, but not to particular occasions. And in this it is like ^ This section was added in the third of moral rules with which it oipens. - Cf. edition. It is remarkable for the strong sect. 13. expression of the eternity and immutability Principles of the Law of Nature. 139 all other moral negative duties, which, considered as general propositions, do admit of limitations and restrictions, in order to a distinct definition of the duty ; but what is once known to be a duty of that sort can never become otherwise by any good or ill effect, circumstance, or event whatsoever. And in truth if it were not so, if there were no general inflexible rules, but all negative as well as positive duties might be dispensed with, and warpt to serve particular interests and occasions, there were an end of all morality. 55. It is therefore evident that, as the observation of any other negative moral law is not to be limited to those instances only where it may produce good effects, so neither is the observation of non-resistance limited in such sort as that any man may lawfully transgress it, whensoever in his judgment the public good of his particular country shall require it. And it is with regard to this limitation by the effects that I speak of non-resistance as an absolute, unconditioned, unlimited duty. Which must inevitably be granted, unless one of these three things can be proved : — either, first, that non-resistance is no moral duty : or, secondly, that other negative moral duties are limited by the effects : or, lastly, that there is something peculiar in the nature of non-resistance, which necessarily sub- jects it to such a limitation as no other negative moral duty can admit. The contrary to each of which points, if I mistake not, hath been clearly made out. 56. I have now briefly gone through the objections drawn from the consequences of non-resistance, which was the last general head I proposed to treat of. In handling this and the other points, I have endeavoured to be as full and clear as the usual length of these discourses would permit, and throughout to consider the argument with the same indifference as I should any other part of general knowledge, being verily persuaded that men as Christians are obliged to the practice of no one moral duty which may not abide the severest test of Reason. ESSAYS IN THE GUARDIAN. ESSAYS IN THE GUARDIAN\ REMARKS ON COLLINS' 'DISCOURSE OF FREE-THINKING I' Quicquid est illud quod sentit, quod sapit, quod vult, quod viget, coeleste et divinum est, ob eamque rem, seternum sic necesse est. — CiCERo. Whatever that be which thinks, which understands, which wills, which acts, it is something celestial and divine, and, upon that account, must necessarily be eternal. I AM diverted from the account I was giving the town of my particular concerns, by casting my eye upon a Treatise which I could not overlook without an inexcusable negligence, and want of concern for all the civil as well as religious interests of mankind. This piece has for its title, A Discourse of Free- thinking, occasioned by the rise and growth of a Sect called Free- thinkers^. The author very methodically enters upon his ' The fourteen Essays in the Guardian which are here reprinted are attributed to Berkeley upon external and internal evi- dence which, in the case of most of them, seems ample. Guardian, Nos. 3, 27, 35> 39, 49, ,55, 62, 70, 77» ^"^ 126, are as- signed to him by his son, Dr. George Berkeley, as well as by the annotators, who add to these Nos. 83, 88, 89. No. 69 is claimed for Berkeley in the Gent. Mag. These Essays are not contained in any of the former editions of his collected works. They were probably written during his stay in London in 1713, when the recommenda- tions of his countrymen Swift and Steele, added to the reputation he had already gained as a scholar and a metaphysician, and the attraction of his manner, introduced him, on his first appearance in London, to the chief centres of English society, in that Augustan age of English literature. Their main design was to defend Christian Theism against the materialistic Free-thinkers of the day. The spiritual philosophy which runs through them was employed, in its more developed state, and in its less obvious con- clusions, in a similar service, nearly twenty years afterwards, in Alciphron. ' Guardian, No. 3, Saturday, March 14, 1713. This paper is claimed for Berkeley by his son, but in Steele's Apology (pp. 44-45) an extract is given from it, and it is said in the margin that Steele was the author. ' By Anthony Collins — published early in 1713- 144 Essays in the Guardian. argument, and says, — ' By free-thinking I mean the use of the understanding in endeavouring to find out the meaning of any proposition whatsoever, in considering the nature of the evidence for or against it, and in judging of it according to the seeming force or weakness of the evidence.' As soon as he has delivered this definition, from which one would expect he did not design to shew a particular inclination for or against any thing before he had considered it, he gives up all title to the character of a Free-thinker, with the most apparent prejudice against a body of men whom of all other a good man would be most careful not to violate, I mean men in holy orders. Persons who have devoted themselves to the service of God are venerable to all who fear Him; and it is a certain characteristic of a dissolute and ungoverned mind, to rail or speak disrespectfully of them in general. It is certain that in so great a crowd of men some will intrude who are of tempers very unbecoming their function ; but because ambition and avarice are sometimes lodged in that bosom which ought to be the dwelling of sanctity and devotion, must this unreasonable author vilify the whole order? He has not taken the least care to disguise- his being an enemy to the persons against whom he writes, nor any where granted that the institution of religious men to serve at the altar, and instruct such who are not as wise as himself, is at all necessary or desir- able J but proceeds, without the least apology, to undermine their credit, and frustrate their labours. Whatever clergymen, in disputes against each other, have unguardedly uttered is here recorded in such a manner as to affect religion itself, by wresting concessions to its disadvantage from its own teachers. If this be true, as sure any man that reads the Discourse must allow it is, and if religion is the strongest tie of human society, in what manner are we to treat this our common enemy, who promotes the growth of such a sect as he calls Free-thinkers ? He that should burn a house, and justify the action by asserting he is a free agent, would be more excusable than this author in uttering what he has from the right of a Free-thinker. But there are a set of dry, joyless, dull fellows, who want capacities and talents to make a figure amongst mankind upon benevolent and generous principles, that think to surmount their own natural meanness, by laying oiFences in the way of such as make it their endeavour, to excel upon the received Collins' Discourse of Free-thinking. 145 maxims and honest arts of life. If it were possible to laugh at so melancholy an affair as what hazards salvation, it would be no unpleasant inquiry to ask what satisfactions they reap, what extraordinary gratification of sense, or what delicious libertinism this sect of Free-thinkers enjoy, after getting loose of the laws which confine the passions of other men? Would it not be a matter of mirth to find, after all, that the heads of this growing sect are sober wretches, who prate whole evenings over coffee, and have not themselves fire enough to be any further debauchees than merely in principle ? These sages of iniquity are, it seems, themselves only speculatively wicked, and are contented that all the abandoned young men of the age are kept safe from reflection by dabbling in their rhapsodies, without tasting the pleasures for which their doctrines leave them unaccountable. Thus do heavy mortalsj only to gratify a dry pride of heart, give up the interests of another world, without enlarging their gratifications in thisj but it is certain there are a sort of men that can puzzle truth, but cannot enjoy the satisfaction of it. This same Free-thinker is a creature unacquainted with the emotions which possess great minds when they are turned for religion, and it is apparent that he is untouched with any such sensation as the rapture of devo- tion. Whatever one of these scorners may think, they certainly want parts to be devout j and a sense of piety towards heaven, as well as the sense of any thing else, is lively and warm in proportion to the faculties of the head and heart. This gentleman may be assured he has not a taste for what he pretends to decry, and the poor man is certainly more a blockhead than an atheist. I must repeat that he wants capacity to relish what true piety is ; and he is as capable of writing an heroic poem as making a fervent prayer. When men are thus low and narrow in their apprehensions of things, and at the same time vain, they are naturally led to think every thing they do not understand not to be understood. Their contradiction to what is urged by others is a necessary consequence of their incapacity to receive it. The atheistical fellows who appeared the last age did not serve the devil for nought, but revelled in excesses suitable to their prin- ciples; while in these unhappy days mischief is done for mischiefs sake. These Free-thinkers, who lead the lives of recluse students for no other purpose but to disturb the sentiments of other men, VOL. III. L 146 Essays in the Guardian. put me in mind of the monstrous recreation of those late wild youths, who, without provocation, had a wantonness in stabbing and defacing those they met with. When such writers as this, who has no spirit but that of malice, pretend to inform the age, mohocks and cut-throats may well set up for wits and men of pleasure. It will be perhaps expected, that I should produce some instances of the ill intention of this Free-thinker, to support the treatment I here give him. In his 53nd page he says : — ' andly. The priests throughout the world differ about scriptures, and the authority of scriptures. The Bramins have a book of scripture called the Shaster. The Persees have their Zundavastaw. The Bonnes of China have books written by the disciples of Fo-he, whom they call the " God and Saviour of the world, who was born to teach the way of salvation, and to give satisfaction for all men's sins." The Talapoins of Siam have a book of scrip- ture written by Sommonocodom, who, the Siamese say, was " born of a virgin," and was " the God expected by the universe." The Dervises have their Alcoran.' I believe there is no one will dispute the author's great impar- tiality in setting down the accounts of these different religions. And I think it is pretty evident he delivers the matter with an air which betrays that the history of 'one born of a virgin' has as much authority with him from St. Sommonocodom as from St. Matthew. Thus he treats revelation. Then, as to philosophy, he tells you, p. 136, Cicero produces this as an instance of a probable opinion, — 'that they who study philosophy do not believe there are any Gods ;' and then, from consideration of various notions, he affirms Tully concludes, — ' that there can be nothing after death.' As to what he misrepresents of Tully, the short sentence on the head of this paper is enough to oppose; but who can have patience to reflect upon the assemblage of impostures among which our author places the religion of his country ? As for my part, I cannot see any possible interpretation to give this work, but a design to subvert and ridicule the authority of Scripture. The peace and tranquillity of the nation, and regards even above those, are so much concerned in this matter that it is difficult to express sufficient sorrow for the offender, or indignation against Natural Grounds to expect a Future State. 147 him. But if ever man deserved to be denied the common bene- fits of air and water, it is the author of A Discourse of Free- thtnking'^. II. NATURAL GROUNDS TO EXPECT A FUTURE STATED Multa putans, sortemque animo miseratus iniquam. ViRG. Mn. 6. V. 332. Struck with compassion of so sad a state. In compassion to those gloomy mortals who by their unbelief are rendered incapable of feeling those impressions of joy and hope which the celebration of the late glorious festival s naturally leaves on the mind of a Christian, I shall in this paper endeavour to evince that there are grounds to expect a Future State — without supposing in the reader any faith at all, not even the belief of a Deity. Let the most stedfast unbeliever open his eyes, and take a survey of the sensible world, and then say if there be not a connexion, and adjustment, and exact and constant order dis- coverable in all the parts of it. Whatever be the cause, the ' The following letter, signed Misatbeus, we had no freedom in anything. One appeared in the Guardian^ No. 9, Saturday, would think men should blush to find them- March2I, I7I3- Although not claimed by selves entangled in a greater contradiction his son, it has been conjectured that it was than any the Discourse ridicules. This written by Berkeley, referring as it does principle of free fatality or necessary liberty to the preceding Essay, and suggesting a is a worthy fundamental of the new sect ; new argument on the same subject : — and indeed this opinion is an evidence and ' To the Guardian clearness so nearly related to Transubstan- * , , tiation that the same genius seems requisite , March 16. f^^ gi^jjer. It is fit the world should know 'Sm,-By your paper of Saturday last how far reason abandons men that would you give the town hopes that you will ^ , j^ :^^^^ ^^^-^ . ^^j^j^ intention, dedicate that day to religion. You could not j hope, justifies this trouble from, begin it better than by warning your pupils c™ of the poison vended under a pretence to your hearty well-wisher, free-thinking. If you can spare room in your next Saturday's paper for » few lines MiSATHEUS.' on the same subject, these are at your Berkeley alludes in various parts of his disposal. works to his personal knowledge of the ' I happened to be present at a public free-thinking clubs of London. Cf. Alci- conversation of some of the defenders of phron. Dial. VII. sect. 23 with the latter this Discourse of Free-thiniing, and others part of this letter. that differed from them; where I had the ^ Guardian, No. 27, Saturday, April 11, diversion of hearing the same man in one 1713. breath persuade us to freedom of thought, * Easter, and in the next offer to demonstrate that L 2 148 Essays in the GiLardiaii. thing itself is evident to all our faculties. Look into the animal system^ the passions, senses, and locomotive powers ; — is not the like contrivance and propriety observable in these too ? Are they not fitted to certain ends, and are they not by nature directed to proper objects ? Is it possible then that the smallest bodies should, by a manage- ment superior to the wit of man, be disposed in the most excellent manner agreeable to their respective natures j and yet the spirits or souls of men be neglected, or managed by such rules as fall short of man's understanding ? Shall every other passion be rightly placed by nature, and shall that appetite of Immortality, natural to all mankind, be alone misplaced, or designed to be frustrated ? Shall the industrious application of the inferior animal powers in the meanest vocations be answered by the ends we propose, and shall not the generous eiForts of a virtuous mind be rewarded ? In a word, shall the corporeal world be all order and harmony, the intellectual discord and confusion? He who is bigot enough to believe these things must bid adieu to that natural rule of 'rea- soning from analogy;' must run counter to that maxim of common sense, ' That men ought to form their judgments of things unex- perienced from what they have experienced.' If any thing looks like a recompence of calamitous virtue on this side the grave, it is either an assurance that thereby we obtain the favour and protection of heaven, and shall, whatever befals us in this, in another life meet with a just return ; or else that applause and reputation which is thought to attend virtuous actions. The former of these, our free-thinkers, out of their singular wisdom and benevolence to mankind, endeavour to erase from the minds of men. The latter can never be justly distributed in this life, where so many ill actions are reputable, and so many good actions disesteemed or misinterpreted; where subtle hypo- crisy is placed in the most engaging light, and modest virtue lies concealed; where the heart and the soul are hid from the eyes of men, and the eyes of men are dimmed and vitiated. Plato's sense in relation to this point is contained in his Gorgias, where he introduces Socrates speaking after this manner : — 'It was in the reign of Saturn provided by a law, which the gods have since continued down to this time. That they who had lived virtuously and piously upon earth, should after death enjoy Natural Grounds to expect a Future State. 149 a life full of happiness, in certain islands appointed for the habit- ation of the blessed : but that such as have lived wickedly should go into the receptacle of damned souls^ named Tartarus, there to suffer the punishments they deserved. But in all the reign of Saturn, and in the beginning of the reign of Jove, living judges were appointed, by whom each person was judged in his life-time in the same day on which he was to die. The consequence of which was, that they often passed wrong judgments. Pluto, there- fore, who presided in Tartarus, and the guardians of the blessed islands, finding that on the other side many unfit persons were sent to their respective dominions, complained to Jove, who promised to redress the evil. He added, the reason of these unjust proceedings are that men are judged in the body. Hence many conceal the blemishes and imperfections of their minds by beauty, birth and riches; not to mention that at the time of trial there are crowds of witnesses to attest their having lived well. These things mislead the judges, who being themselves also of the number of the living, are surrounded each with his own body, as with a veil thrown over his mind. For the future, therefore, it is my intention that men do not come on their trial till after death, when they shall appear before the judge, disrobed of all their corporeal ornaments. The judge himself too shall be a pure unveiled spirit, beholding the very soul, the naked soul of the party before him. With this view I have already consti- tuted my sons, Minos and Rhadamanthus, judges, who are natives of Asia; and yEachus, a native of Europe. These, after death, shall hold their court in a certain meadow, from which there are two roads, leading the one to Tartarus, the other to the islands of "the blessed."' From this, as from numberless other passages of his writings, may be seen Plato's opinion of a Future State. A thing therefore in regard to us so comfortable, in itself so just and excellent, a thing so agreeable to the analogy of nature, and so universally credited by all orders and ranks of men, of all nations and ages, what is it that should move a few men to reject? Surely there must be something of prejudice in the case. I appeal to the secret thoughts of a Free-thinker, if he does not argue within himself after this manner : — The senses and faculties I enjoy at present are visibly designed to repair or preserve the body from 150 Essays in the Guardian. the injuries it is liable to in its present circumstances : but in an eternal state, where no decays are to be repaired, no outward injuries to be fenced against, where there are no flesh and bones, nerves or blood-vessels, there will certainly be none of the senses : and that there should be a state of life without the senses is inconceivable. But as this manner of reasoning proceeds from a poverty of imagination and narrowness of soul in those that use it, I shall endeavour to remedy those defects, and open their views, by laying before them a case which, being naturally possible, may perhaps reconcile them to the belief of what is supernaturally revealed. Let us suppose a person blind and deaf from his birth, who, being grown to man's estate, is, by the dead palsy or some other cause, deprived of his feeling, tasting, and smelling, and at the same time has the impediment of his hearing removed, and the film taken from his eyes. What the five senses are to us, that the touch, taste and smell were to him. And any other ways of perception, of a more refined and extensive nature, were to him as inconceivable as to us those are which will one day be adapted to perceive those things which 'eye. hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath it entered into the heart of man to conceive.' And it would be just as reasonable in him to conclude, that the loss of those three senses could not possibly be succeeded by any new inlets of perception, as in a modern Free-thinker to imagine there can be no state of life and perception without the senses he enjoys at present. Let us further suppose the same person's eyes, at their first opening, to be struck with a great variety of the most gay and pleasing objects, and his ears with a melodious consort of vocal and instrumental music. Behold him amazed, ravished, transported 5 and you have some distant representation, some faint and glimmering idea of the ecstatic state of the soul in that article in which she emerges from this sepulchre of flesh into Life and Immortality. N. B. It has been observed by the Christians, that a certain ingenious foreigner', who has published many exemplary jests for ' M. Dcslandes, a French Free-thinker (born 1690 — died 1757), who came about this time to England. See p. 157. A Visit to the Pineal Gland. 151 the use of persons in the article of death, was very much out of humour in a late fit of sickness, till he was in a fair way of recovery. III. A VISIT TO THE PINEAL GLANDS O vitae philosophia dux, virtutis indagatrix ! — Cicero. O philosophy, thou guide of life, and discoverer of virtue ! To Nestor Ironside, Esq. SIR, ' I am a man who have spent great part of that time in ram- bling through foreign countries which young gentlemen usually pass at the university ; by which course of life, although I have acquired no small insight into the manners and conversation of men, yet I could not make proportionable advances in the way of science and speculation. In my return through France, as 1 was one day setting forth this my case to a certain gentleman of that nation with whom I had contracted a friendship^ after some pause, he conducted me into his closet, and^ opening a little amber cabinet, took from thence a small box of SnufF, which he said was given him by an uncle of his, the author of ' The Voyage to the World of Descartes ;' and, with many professions of gratitude and affection, made me a present of it — telling me at the same time, that he knew no readier way to furnish and adorn a mind with knowledge in the arts and sciences than that same Snuff rightly applied. ' You must know, said he, that Descartes was the first who discovered a certain part of the brain, called by anatomists the Pineal Gland, to be the immediate receptacle of the soul, where she is affected with all sorts of perceptions, and exerts all her operations by the intercourse of the animal spirits which run through the nerves that are thence extended to all parts of the body. He added, that the same philosopher having considered the body as a machine or piece of clockwork, which performed all the vital ' Guardian, No. 35, Tuesday, April 21, 1713. 152 Essays in the Guardian. operations without the concurrence of the will, began to think a way may be found out for separating the soul for some time from the body, without any injury to the latter ; and that, after much meditation on that subject, the above-mentioned virtuoso com- posed the SnufF he then gave me ^ which, if taken in a certain quantity, would not fail to disengage my soul from my body. Your soul (continued he) being at liberty to transport herself with a thought wherever she pleases, may enter into the Pineal Gland of the most learned philosopher j and, being so placed, become spectator of all the ideas in his mind, which would instruct her in a much less time than the usual methods. I returned him thanks, and accepted his present, and with it a paper of directions. ' You may imagine it was no small improvement and diversion to pass my time in the Pineal Glands of philosophers, poets, beaux, mathematicians, ladies, and statesmen. One while^ to trace a theorem in mathematics through a long labyrinth of intricate turns and subtleties of thought ; another, to be conscious of the sublime ideas and comprehensive views of a philosopher, without any fatigue or wasting of my own spirits. Sometimes, to wander through perfumed groves, or enamelled meadows, in the fancy of a poet : at others, to be present when a battle or a storm raged, or a glittering palace rose in his imagination ; or to behold the pleasures of a country life, the passion of a generous love, or the warmth of devotion wrought up to rapture. Or (to use the words of a very ingenious author) to " Behold the raptures which a writer knows, When in his breast a vein of fancy glows. Behold his business while he works the mine. Behold his temper when he sees it shine'." ' These gave me inconceivable pleasure. Nor was it an unplea- sant entertainment sometimes to descend from these sublime and magnificent ideas to the impertinences of a beau, the dry schemes of a cofFee-house politician, or the tender images in the mind of a young lady. And as, in order to frame a right idea of human happiness, I thought it expedient to make a trial of the various manners wherein men of different pursuits were affected ; I one day entered into the Pineal Gland of a certain person who Essay on the Different Styles of Poetry — [Author.] This poem was published anonymously in 1 713. A Visit to the Pineal Gland. 153 seemed very fit to give me an insight into all that which consti- tutes the happiness of him who is called actions, rational or surd. Now, this fundamental point one would think should be very clearly made out, considering how much is built upon it, and that its influence extends throughout the whole analysis. But let the reader judge. This is given for demonstration^. Suppose the product or rectangle AB increased by continual motion : and that the momentaneous increments of the sides A and JB are a and h. When the sides A and B were deficient, or lesser by one half of their moments, the rect- angle was A—\a X B — \h.,'\.e.. AB — \aB — \h A-^\ ah. And as soon as the sides A arid B are increased by the other two halves of their moments, the rectangle becomes A + ^axB-^-\ b or AB ->r \ aB -\- ^ i A -\- \ a b. From the latter rectangle subduct the former, and the remaining difference will be ^ B -\- b A. Therefore the increment of the rectangle generated by the entire increments « and ^ is ^ B + ^ ^. ^ E. D. But it is plain that the direct and true method to obtain the moment or increment of the rectangle A B, is to take the sides as increased by their whole increments, and so multiply them together, A + a hy B + b, the product whereof ^ B-|-ophi to be the parameter, whence by the rule of differences 2y dy —fdx and dy=- — . But if you mul- tiply y ■\- dy h^ itself, and retain the whole product without re- jecting the square of the difference, it will then come out, by substituting the augmented quantities in the equation of the curve, that dy = - ^^^-^ truly. There was therefore an error of ' ■' 2y 2y ^ excess in making dy = - — , which followed from the erroneous iy rule of differences. And the measure of this second error is dydy ■^—^ = z. Therefore the two errors being equal and contrary destroy each other; the first error of defect being corrected by a second error of excess. %2. If you had committed only one error, you would not have come at a true solution of the problem. But by virtue of a twofold mistake you arrive, though not at science, yet at truth. For science it cannot be called, when you proceed blindfold, and arrive at the truth not knowing how or by what means. To demonstrate that z is equal to J-J- let BR or dx be m. and RN or dy be n. By the thirty-third proposition of the first book of the Conies of Apollonius, and from similar triangles, as ix to y so is w to » + « = —. Likewise from the nature of the parabola ix iyn-\-nn yy4 '2yit + nK^xp-\-mp^ and iyn-^nn=.mp: wherefore — = w: 2^2 The Analyst: and because yy =/'^, — will be equal to x. Therefore substituting these values instead of m and x we shall have my ayynp + ynnp n + z= ^^— 7 ■ 2 X zyyp avw + ww i.e. n + z.= -^ : 2y which being reduced gives iy ly 23. Now, I observe, in the first place, that the conclusion comes out right, not because the rejected square of dy was infinitely small, but because this error was compensated by another contrary and equal error. I observe, in the second place, that whatever is rejected, be it ever so small, if it be real, and consequently makes a real error in the premises, it will produce a proportional real error in the conclusion. Your theorems therefore cannot be accu- rately true, nor your problems accurately solved, in virtue of premises which themselves are not accurate; it being a rule in logic that conclusio seijuitur partem dehlllorem. Therefore, I observe, in the third place, that when the conclusion is evident and the premises obscure, or the conclusion accurate and the premises inaccurate, we may safely pronounce that such conclusion is neither evident nor accurate, in virtue of those obscure inaccurate premises or principles ; but in virtue of some other principles, which perhaps the demonstrator himself never knew or thought of. I observe, in the last place, that ' in case the differences are sup- posed finite quantities ever so great, the conclusion will never- theless come out the same : inasmuch as the rejected quantities are legitimately thrown out, not for their smallness, but for another reason, to wit, because of contrary errors, which, destroy- ing each other, do, upon the whole, cause that nothing is really, though something is apparently, thrown out. And this reason holds equally with respect to quantities finite as well as infi- nitesimal, great as well as small, a foot or a yard long as well as the minutest increment. in MoSTer*^-^ ^"^^^'^ illustration of this point, I shall consider it elusion T^^f^^" f"'^ proceeding in finite quantities to the con- ' ^" °"^y '^«" ^^^^ use of one infinitesimal. Suppose Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 273 the straight line M^cxAs, the curve AT in the points R and S. Suppose L.R a tangent at the point iJ, AN the abscisse, NR and OS ordinates. Let AN be produced to O, and RV be drawn parallel to ATO. Suppose -<^Ar= x^ NR =y, NO = v,PS = z, the subsecant MN=zs. Let the equation y = xx express the nature of the curve : and supposing y and x increased by their finite increments we get y + x, = xx + %xv ->rvv. whence the former equation being subducted, there remains zz^^xv + vv. And by reason of similar triangles PS:PR::NR: NM, I.e. z -.v ::y: s = ^, z wherein if for y and z we substitute their values, we get VXX XX 2,xv + w %x + v And supposing NO to be infinitely diminished, the subsecant NM will in that case coincide with the subtangent NL, and v as an infinitesimal may be rejected, whence it follows that — NL—— — ~- ~ ~2X~ 2, which is the true value of the subtangent. And, since this was obtained by one only error, /. e. by once ejecting one only infi- nitesimal, it should seem, contrary to what hath been said, that an infinitesimal quantity or difference may be neglected or thrown away, and the conclusion nevertheless be accurately true, although there was no double mistake or rectifying of one error by another, VOL. III. T 274 ^'^^ Analyst: as in the first case. But, if this point be thoroughly considered, we shall find there is even here a double mistake, and that one compensates or rectifies the other. For, in the first place, it was supposed that when NO is infinitely diminished or becomes an infinitesimal then the subsecant NM becomes equal to the sub- tangent NL. But this is a plain mistake ; for it is evident that as a secant cannot be a tangent, so a subsecant cannot be a sub- tangent. Be the diflFerence ever so small, yet still there is a difference. And, if NO be infinitely small, there will even then be an infinitely small difference between NM and NL. Therefore NM or 5 was too little for your supposition (when you supposed it equal to NL) ; and this error was compensated by a second error in throwing out -v, which last error made s bigger than its true value, and in lieu thereof gave the value of the subtangent. This is the true state of the case, however it may be disguised. And to this in reality it amounts, and is at bottom the same thing, if we should pretend to find the subtangent by having first found, from the equation of the curve and similar triangles, a general expression for all subsecants, and then reducing the subtangent under this general rule, by considering it as the subsecant when v vanishes or becomes nothing. 35. Upon the whole I observe. First, that v can never be nothing, so long as there is a secant. Secondly, that the same line cannot be both tangent and secant. Thirdly, that when v or NO') vanisheth, PS and SR do also vanish, and with them the proportionality of the similar triangles. Consequently the whole expression, which was obtained by means thereof and grounded thereupon, vanisheth when v vanisheth. Fourthly, that the me- thod for finding secants or the expression of secants, be it ever so general, cannot in common sense extend any farther than to all secants whatsoever: and, as it necessarily supposed similar tri- angles, it cannot be supposed to take place where there are not similar triangles. Fifthly, that the subsecant will always be less than the subtangent, and can never coincide with itj which coincidence to suppose would be absurd; for it would be sup- posing the same line at the same time to cut and not to cut another given line; which is a manifest contradiction, such as ° [See the foregoing figure.] — Author. Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 275 subverts the hypothesis and gives a demonstration of its falsehood. Sixthly, if this be not admitted, I demand a reason why any other apagogical demonstration, or demonstration ad absurdum should be admitted in geometry rather than this : or that some real differ- ence be assigned between this and others as such. Seventhly, I observe that it is sophistical to suppose NO or i?P, FS, and SR to be finite real lines in order to form the triangle, KPS, in order to obtain proportions by similar triangles ; and afterwards to sup- pose there are no such lines, nor consequently similar triangles, and nevertheless to retain the consequence of the first suppo- sition, after such supposition hath been destroyed by a contrary one. Eighthly, that although, in the present case, by inconsistent suppositions truth may be obtained, yet such truth is not demon- strated : that such method is not conformable to the rules of logic and right reason : that, however useful it may be, it must be considered only as a presumption, as a knack, an art, rather an artifice, but not a scientific demonstration. 36. The doctrine premised may be farther illustrated by the following simple and easy case, wherein I shall proceed by eva- nescent increments. Suppose AB=:x^ BC=y, BD = o, and that XX is equal to the area ABC : it is proposed to find the ordinate y or BC. When x by flowing becomes X + 0j then xx becomes xx + 2x0 + 00 : and the area ABC becomes ADH, and the increment oixx will be equa.1 to BDHC, the increment of the area, /. e. to BCFD + CFH. And if we suppose the curvilinear space CFH to be ^oo, then axo + 00 =yo + qoo^ which divided by o gives 2xo—y+qo. And, supposing to vanish, 2x=jf, in which case ACH will be a straight line, and the areas ABC, CFH triangles. — Now with regard to this reason- ing, it hath been already remarked 1°, that it is not legitimate or logical to suppose to vanish, i.e. to be nothing, i.e. that PH [Sect. 12 and 13 supra.] — Author. T 2 276 The Analyst: there is no increment, unless we reject at the same time with the increment itself every consequence of such increment, i.e. whatsoever could not be obtained by supposing such increment. It must nevertheless be acknowledged that the problem is rightly solved, and the conclusion true, to which we are led by this method. It will therefore be asked, how comes it to pass that the throwing out is attended with no error in the conclusion ? I answer, the true reason hereof is plainly this : because j being unit, c^o is equal to : and therefore 2,x -\-o — qo=y = 'ix, the equal quantities qo and being destroyed by contrary signs. 27. As, on the one hand, it were absurd to get rid of by saying, Let me contradict myself j let me subvert my own hypo- thesis; let me take it for granted that there is no increment, at the same time that I retain a quantity which I could never have got at but by assuming an increment : so, on the other hand, it would be equally wrong to imagine that in a geometrical demon- stration we may be allowed to admit any error, though ever so small, or that it is possible, in the nature of things, an accurate conclusion should be derived from inaccurate principles. There- fore o cannot be thrown out as an infinitesimal, or upon the principle that infinitesimals may be safely neglected; but only because it is destroyed by an equal quantity with a negative sign, whence 0—/10 is equal to nothing. And as it is illegitimate to reduce an equation, by subducting from one side a quantity when it is not to be destroyed, or when an equal quantity is not sub- ducted from the other side of the equation : so it must be allowed a very logical and just method of arguing to conclude that if from equals either nothing or equal quantities are subducted they shall still remain equal. And this is a true reason why no error is at last produced by the rejecting of 0. Which therefore must not be ascribed to the doctrine of difFerences, or infinitesimals, or evanescent quantities, or momentums, or fluxions. a8. Suppose the case to be general, and that x'" is equal to the area ABC^ whence by the method of fluxions the ordinate is found wx""!, which we admit for true, and shall inquire how it is arrived at. Now if we are content to come at the conclusion in a sum- mary way, by supposing that the ratio of the fluxions of x and «" Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 277 is found 11 to be i and war"-!, and that the ordinate of the area is considered as its fluxion, we shall not so clearly see our way, or perceive how the truth comes out — that method as we have shewed before being obscure and illogical. But if we fairly delineate the area and its increment, and divide the latter into two parts BCFD and CFH^^^ and proceed regularly by equations between the algebraical and geometrical quantities, the reason of the thing will plainly appear. For, as a;" is equal to the area ABC^ so is the increment of x'' equal to the increment of the area, i. e. to BDHC ; that is to say wox"-> H oox""-^ + &c. = BDFC + CFH. 2 And only the first members on each side of the equation being retained, nox''~^=BDFC: and dividing both sides by or BD, we shall get Kx^-^ — BC. Admitting therefore that the curvilinear space CFH is equal to the rejectaneous quantity nn—n ^_. „ oox''^+&cc.^ 2 ' and that when this is rejected on one side, that is rejected on the other^ the reasoning becomes just and the conclusion true. And it is all one whatever magnitude you allow to BD, whether that of an infinitesimal difference or a finite increment ever so great. It is therefore plain that the supposing the rejectaneous algebraical quantity to be an infinitely small or evanescent quantity, and therefore to be neglected, must have produced an error, had it not been for the curvilinear spaces being equal thereto, and at the same time subducted from the other part or side of the equa- tion, agreeably to the axiom. If from equals you subduct equals, the remainders will be equal. For those quantities which by the ana- lysts are said to be neglected, or made to vanish, are in reality subducted. If therefore the conclusion be true, it is absolutely necessary that the finite space CFH be equal to the remainder of the increment expressed by nn — n oox^-^ &c. ; a equal, I say, to the finite remainder of a finite increment. 29. Therefore, be the power what you please, there will arise on one side an algebraical expression, on the other a geometrical " [Sect. 13.] — Author. '^ [See the figure in sect. 36.] — Authob. 278 The Analyst: quantity, each of which naturally divides itself into three mem- bers. The algebraical or fluxionary expression, into one which includes neither the expression of the increment of the absciss nor of any power thereof; another which includes the expression of the increment itself; and the third including the expression of the powers of the increment. The geometrical quantity also or whole increased area consists of three parts or members — the first of which is ' the given area ; the second a rectangle under the ordinate and the increment of the absciss ; and the third a curvi- linear space. And, comparing the homologous or correspondent members on both sides, we find that as the first member of the expression is the expression of the given area, so the second member of the expression will express the rectangle or second member of the geometrical quantity, and the third, containing the powers of the increment, will express the curvilinear space, or third member of the geometrical quantity. This hint may per- haps be further extended, and applied to good purpose, by those who have leisure and curiosity for such matters. The use I make of it is to shew, that the analysis cannot obtain in augments or differences, but it must also obtain in finite quantities, be they ever so great, as was before observed. 30. It seems therefore, upon the whole, that we may safely pronounce the conclusion cannot be right, if in order thereto any quantity be made to vanish, or be neglected — except that either one error is redressed by another ; or that, secondly, on the same side of an equation equal quantities are destroyed by contrary signs, so that the quantity we mean to reject is first annihilated; or, lastly, that from the opposite sides equal quantities are sub- ducted. And therefore to get rid of quantities by the received principles of fluxions or of differences is neither good geometry nor good logic. When the augments vanish, the velocities also vanish. The velocities or fluxions are said to be prlmo and ultimo, as the augments nascent and evanescent. Take therefore the ratio of the evanescent quantities, it is the same with that of the fluxions. It will therefore answer all intents as well. Why then are fluxions introduced ? Is it not to shun or rather to palliate the use of quantities infinitely small .? But we have no notion whereby to conceive and measure various degrees of velocity besides space and time; or, when the times are given, besides Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 279 space alone. We have even no notion of velocity prescinded from time and space. When therefore a point is supposed to move in given times, we have no notion of greater or lesser velocities, or of proportions between velocities, but only of longer or shorter lines, and of proportions between such lines generated in equal parts of time. 31. A point may be the limit of a line : a line may be the limit of a surface : a moment may terminate time. But how can we conceive a velocity by the help of such limits? It necessarily implies both time and space, and cannot be conceived without them. And if the velocities of nascent and evanescent quantities, /'. e. abstracted from time and space, may not be comprehended, how can we comprehend and demonstrate their proportions; or consider their rationes prima and ultima? For, to consider the proportion or ratio of things implies that such things have mag- nitude ; that such their magnitudes may be measured, and their relations to each other known. But, as there is no measure of velocity except time and space, the proportion of velocities being only compounded of the direct proportion of the spaces, and the reciprocal proportion of the times ; doth it not follow that to talk of investigating^ obtaining, and considering the proportions of velocities, exclusively of time and space, is to talk unintelli- gibly ? 3a. But you will say that, in the use and application of fluxions, men do not overstrain their faculties to a precise conception of the above-mentioned velocities, increments, infinitesimals, or any other such-like ideas of a nature so nice, subtle, and evanescent. And therefore you will perhaps maintain that problems may be solved without those inconceivable suppositions ; and that, consequently, the doctrine of fluxions, as to the prac- tical part, stands clear of all such difficulties. I answer that if in the use or application of this method those difficult and obscure points are not attended to, they are nevertheless supposed. They are the foundations on which the moderns build the prin- ciples on which they proceed, in solving problems and discovering theorems. It is with the method of fluxions as with all other methods, which presuppose their respective principles and are grounded thereon; although the rules may be practised by men who neither attend to, nor perhaps know the principles. In like 2 8o The Analyst: manner, therefore, as a sailor may practically apply certain rules' derived from astronomy and geometry, the principles whereof he doth not understand; and as any ordinary man may solve divers numerical questions, by the vulgar rules and operations of arithmetic, which he performs and applies without knowing the reasons of them : even so it cannot be denied that you may apply the rules of the fluxionary method : you may compare and reduce particular cases to general forms: you may operate and compute and solve problems thereby, not only without an actual attention to, or an actual knowledge of, the grounds of that method, and the principles whereon it depends, and whence it is deduced, but even without having ever considered or com- prehended them. 33. But then it must be remembered that in such case, although you may pass for an artist, computist, or analyst, yet you may not be justly esteemed a man of science and demon- stration. Nor should any man, in virtue of being conversant in such obscure analytics, imagine his rational faculties to be more improved than those of other men which have been exercised in a different manner and on different subjects; much less erect himself into a judge and an oracle concerning matters that have no sort of connexion with or dependence on those species, symbols, or signs, in the management whereof he is so conversant and expert. As you, who are a skilful computist or analyst, may not therefore be deemed skilful in anatomy; or •vice versa, as a man who can dissect with art may, nevertheless, be ignorant in your art of computing: even so you may both, notwithstanding your peculiar skill in your respective arts, be alike unqualified to decide upon logic, or metaphysics, or ethics, or religion. And this would be true, even admitting that you understood your own principles and could demonstrate them. 34. If it is said that fluxions may be expounded or expressed by finite lines proportional to them ; which finite lines, as they may be distinctly ronceived and known and reasoned upon, so they may be substituted for the fluxions, and their mutual relations or proportions be considered as the proportions of fluxions— by which means the doctrine becomes clear and useful: I answer that if, in order to arrive at these finite lines pro- portional to the fluxions, there he certain steps made use of Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 281 which are obscure and inconceivable, be those finite lines them- selves ever so clearly conceived, it must nevertheless be ac- knowledged that your proceeding is not clear nor your method scientific. For instance, it is supposed that AB being the absciss, BC the ordinate, and VCU a tangent of the curve AC, Bh or C£ the increment of the absciss, Be the increment of the ordinate, which produced meets VH in the point T and Cc the increment of the curve. The right line Cc being produced to K, there are formed three small triangles, the rectilinear C^c, the mixtilinear C-Ec, and the rectilinear triangle CWT. It is evident these three triangles are different from each other, the rectilinear CEc being less than the mixtilinear CjBc, whose sides are the three increments above mentioned, and this still less than the triangle CET. It is supposed that the ordinate he moves into the place BC, so that the point c is coincident with the point C; and the right line C2C, and consequently the curve Cc, is coincident with the tangent CH. In which case the mixti- linear evanescent triangle CEc will, in its last form, be similar to the triangle CET: and its evanescent sides CE, Ec, and Cc, will be proportional to C£, ET, and CT, the sides of the triangle CET. And therefore it is concluded that the fluxions of the lines AB, BC, and AC, being in the last ratio of their evanescent increments, are proportional to the sides of the triangle CET, or, which is all one, of the triangle VBC similar thereunto '3. It is particularly remarked and insisted on by the great author, that the points C and c must not be distant one from another, by any the least interval whatsoever : but that, in order to find the ultimate proportions of the lines CE, Ec, and Cc {i.e. the " [Introd. ad Quadraluram Curvarum.'] — Author. 282 The Analyst: proportions of the fluxions or velocities) expressed by the finite sides of the triangle VBC^ the points C and c must be accurately coincident, ?. e. one and the same. A point therefore is con- sidered as a triangle, or a triangle is supposed to be formed in a point. Which to conceive seems quite impossible. Yet some there are who, though they shrink at all other mysteries, make no difficulty of their own, who strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. •i^c^. I know not whether it be worth while to observe, that possibly some men may hope to operate by symbols and sup- positions, in such sort as to avoid the use of fluxions, momentums, and infinitesimals, after the following manner. Suppose x to be an absciss of a curve, and z another absciss of the same curve. Suppose also that the respective areas are xxx and %%z, : and that z — x is the increment of the absciss, and zzz—xxx the increment of the area, without considering how great or fiow small those increments may be. Divide now zzz — xxx by z—x, and the quotient will be zz -\- zx -\- xx : and, supposing that z and X are equal, the same quotient will be ^xx, which in that case is the ordinate, which therefore may be thus obtained independently of fluxions and infinitesimals. But herein is a direct fallacy: for, in the first place, it is supposed that the abscisses z and x are unequal, without which supposition no one step could have been made • and in the second place, it is supposed they are equal; which is a manifest inconsistency, and amounts to the same thing that hath been before considered'*. And there is indeed reason to apprehend that all attempts for setting the abstruse and fine geometry on a right foundation, and avoiding the doctrine of velocities, momentums, &c., will be found impracticable, till such time as the object and end of geometry are better understood than hitherto they seem to have been. The great author of the method of fluxions felt this difficulty, and therefore he gave in to those nice abstractions and geometrical metaphysics without which he saw nothing could be done on the received principles : and what in the -way of demonstration he hath done with them the reader will judge. It must, indeed, be acknowledged that he used fluxions, like the " [Sect. 15.]— Author. Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 283 scaffold of a building, as things to be laid aside or got rid of as soon as finite lines were found proportional to them. But then these finite exponents are found by the help of fluxions. Whatever therefore is got by such exponents and proportions is to be ascribed to fluxions: which must therefore be previously understood. And what are these fluxions? The velocities of evanescent increments. And what are these same evanescent increments? They are neither finite quantities, nor quantities infinitely small, nor yet nothing. May we not call them the ghosts of departed quantities? 36. Men too often impose on themselves and others as if they conceived and understood things expressed by signs, when in truth they have no idea, save only of the very signs themselves. And there are some grounds to apprehend that this may be the present case. The velocities of evanescent or nascent quantities are supposed to be expressed, both by finite lines of a determinate magnitude, and by algebraical notes or signs: but I suspect that many who, perhaps never having examined the matter take it for granted, would, upon a narrow scrutiny, find it impossible to frame any idea or notion whatsoever of those velocities, exclusive of such finite quantities and signs. ah c d e 4~r-r-r-+— T—r-i — + + 1 K L»«»oM^?'-N O P Suppose the line KP described by the motion of a point con- tinually accelerated, and that in equal particles of time the unequal parts KL, LM, MN, NO, &c. are generated. Suppose also that a, h, c, d, e, &c. denote the velocities of the generating point, at the several periods of the parts or increments so generated. It is easy to observe that these increments are each proportional to the sum of the velocities with which it is described : that, consequently, the several sums of the velocities, generated in equal parts of time, may be set forth by the respec- tive lines KL, LM, MN, &c. generated in the same times. It is likewise an easy matter to say, that the last velocity generated in the first particle of time may be expressed by the symbol a, the last in the second by h, the last generated in the third by c and so on : that a is the velocity of LM in statu nascenti, and b, c, d, e, &c. are the velocities of the increments MN, NO 284 The Analyst: OP, &c. in their respective nascent estates. You may proceed and consider these velocities themselves as flowing or increasing quantities, taking the velocities of the velocities, and the velo- cities of the velocities of the velocities, i.e. the first, second, thirdj &c. velocities ad infinitum: which succeeding series of velocities maybe thus expressed, a.b—a.c — il>-ira.d—^c—'^l>—a &c., which you may call by the names of first, second, third, fourth fluxions. And for an apter expression you may denote the variable flowing line KL., KM, KN, &c. by the letter x^ and the first fluxions by x, the second by x, the third by x, and so on ad infinitum. 37. Nothing is easier than to assign names, signs, or expres- sions to these fluxions j and it is not difficult to compute and operate by means of such signs. But it will be found much more difficult to omit the signs and yet retain in our minds the things which we suppose to be signified by them. To consider the expo- nents, whether geometrical, or algebraical, or fluxionary, is no difficult matter. But to form a precise idea of a third velocity for instance, in itself and by itself. Hoc opus, hie labor. Nor indeed is it an easy point to form a clear and distinct idea of any velocity at all, exclusive of and prescinding from all length of time and space ; as also from all notes, signs, or symbols whatsoever. This, if I may be allowed to judge of others by myself, is impossible. To me it seems evident that measures and signs are absolutely necessary in order to conceive or reason about velocities \ and that consequently, when we think to conceive the velocities simply and in themselves, we are deluded by vain abstractions. 38. It may perhaps be thought by some an easier method of conceiving fluxions to suppose them the velocities wherewith the infinitesimal differences are generated. So that the first fluxions shall be the velocities of the first differences, the second the velo- cities of the second diflFerences, the third fluxions the velocities of the third diflFerences, and so on ad infinitum. But, not to mention the insurmountable difficulty of admitting or conceiving infini- tesimals, and infinitesimals of infinitesimals, &c., it is evident that this notion of fluxions would not consist with the great author's view; who held that the minutest quantity ought not to be neglected, that therefore the doctrine of infinitesimal diflFer- Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 285 ences was not to be admitted in geometry, and who plainly appears to have introduced the use of velocities or fluxions, on purpose to exclude or do without them. 39. To others it may possibly seem that we should form a juster idea of fluxions by assuming the finite, unequal, isochronal incre- ments KL,, L.My MNy &c., and considering them in statu nascenti, also their increments in statu nascenti, and the nascent increments of those increments, and so on, supposing the first nascent incre- ments to be proportional to the first fluxions or velocities, the nascent increments of those increments to be proportional to the second fluxions, the third nascent increments to be proportional to the third fluxions, and so onwards. And, as the first fluxions are the velocities of the first nascent increments, so the second fluxions may be conceived to be the velocities of the second nascent incre- ments, rather than the velocities of velocities. By which means the analogy of fluxions may seem better preserved, and the notion rendered more intelligible. 40. And indeed it should seem that in the way of obtaining the second or third fluxion of an equation the given fluxions were con- sidered rather as increments than velocities. But the considering them sometimes in one sense, sometimes in another, one while in themselves, another in their exponents, seems to have occasioned no small share of that confusion and obscurity which are found in the doctrine of fluxions. It may seem therefore that the notion might be still mended, and that instead of fluxions of fluxions, or fluxions of fluxions of fluxions, and instead of second, third, or fourth, &c. fluxions of a given quantity, it might be more con- sistent and less liable to exception to say, the fluxion of the first nascent increment, /. e. the second fluxion ; the fluxion of the second nascent increment, /. e. the third fluxion ; the fluxion of the third nascent increment, i. e. the fourth fluxion — which fluxions are conceived respectively proportional, each to the nascent prin- ciple of the increment succeeding that whereof it is the fluxion. 41. For the more distinct conception of all which it may be -considered that if the finite increment LM^^ be divided into the isochronal parts i«z, mn, no, oM j and the increment MN into the parts Mpj pq, qr, rN isochronal to the former ; as the whole incre- ments LM, MN are proportional to the sums of their describing " [See the foregoing scheme in sect. 36.] — Adthor, 286 The Analyst: velocities, even so the homologous particles i/w, Mp are also pro- portional to the respective accelerated velocities with which they are described. And, as the velocity with which Mf is generated, exceeds that with which Lm was generated, even so the particle Mp exceeds the particle L.m. And in general, as the isochronal velocities describing the particles of MN exceed the isochronal velocities describing the particles of L,M, even so the particles of the former exceed the correspondent particles of the latter. And this will hold, be the said particles ever so small. MN therefore will exceed T--M if they are both taken in their nascent states: and that excess will be proportional to the excess of the velocity b above the velocity a. Hence we may see that this last account of fluxions comes, in the upshot, to the same thing with the first "s. 42. But, notwithstanding what hath been said, it must still be acknowledged that the finite particles J-,m or Mp^ though taken ever so small, are not proportional to the velocities a and h-^ but each to a series of velocities changing every moment, or which is the same thing, to an accelerated velocity, by which it is gene- rated during a certain minute particle of time : that the nascent beginnings or evanescent endings of finite quantities, which are produced in moments of infinitely small parts of time, are alone proportional to given velocities : that therefore, in order to con- ceive the first fluxions, we must conceive time divided into mo- ments, increments generated in those moments, and velocities proportional to those increments : that, in order to conceive second and third fluxions, we must suppose that the nascent principles or momentaneous increments have themselves also other momenta- neous increments, which are proportional to their respective gene- rating velocities: that the velocities of these second momenta- neous increments are second fluxions : those of their nascent momentaneous increments third fluxions. And so on ad infinitum. 43. By subducting the increment generated in the first moment from that generated in the second, we get the increment of an increment. And by subducting the velocity generating in the first moment from that generating in the second, we get a fluxion of a fluxion. In like manner, by subducting the diflFerence of the velo- cities generating in the two first moments from the excess of the velocity in the third above that in the second moment, we obtain " [See the foregoing scheme in sect. 36.] — Author. Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 287 the third fluxion. And after the same analogy we may proceed to fourth, fifth, sixth fluxions, &c. And if we call the velocities of the first, second, third, fourth moments, a^ l>, f, + a. d—y + o^b — a. ad infinitum. i. e. X. X,. X. X. ad infinitum. 44. Thus fluxions may be considered in sundry lights and shapes, which seem all equally difficult to conceive. And, indeed, as it is impossible to conceive velocity without time or space, without either finite length or finite duration i?, it must seem above the powers of men to comprehend even the first fluxions. And if the first are incomprehensible, what shall we say of the second and third fluxions, &c. ? He who can conceive the beginning of a beginning, or the end of an end, somewhat before the first or after the last, may be perhaps sharpsighted enough to conceive these things. But most men will, I believe, find it impossible to under- stand them in any sense whatever. 45. One would think that men could not speak too exactly on so nice a subject. And yet, as was before hinted, we may often observe that the exponents of fluxions, or notes representing fluxions are compounded with the fluxions themselves. Is not this the case when, just after the fluxions of flowing quantities were said to be the celerities of their increasing, and the second fluxions to be the mutations of the first fluxions or celerities, we are told that z. 2;. z. z. z. z.'s represents a series of quantities whereof each subsequent quantity is the fluxion of the preceding j and each foregoing is a fluent quantity having the following one for its fluxion ? 46. Divers series of quantities and expressions, geometrical and algebraical, may be easily conceived, in lines, in surfaces, in spe- cies, to be continued without end or limit. But it will not be found so easy to conceive a series, either of mere velocities or of mere nascent increments, distinct therefrom and corresponding thereunto. Some perhaps may be led to think the author intended a series of ordinates, wherein each ordinate was the fluxion of the preceding and fluent of the following, /. e. that the fluxion of one ordinate was itself the ordinate of another curve ; and the fluxion " [Sect. 31.] — Author. " [De Quadratura Curvarum.'] — Author. 288 The Analyst : of this last ordinate was the ordinate of yet another curve j and so on ad mjinitum. But who can conceive how the fluxion (whether velocity or nascent increment) or an ordinate should be itself an ordinate ? Of more than that each preceding quantity or fluent is related to its subsequent or fluxion, as the area of a curvilinear figure to its ordinate j agreeably to what the author remarks, that each preceding quantity in such series is as the area of a curvilinear figure, whereof the absciss is z, and the ordinate is the following quantity ? 47. Upon the whole it appears that the celerities are dismissed, and instead thereof areas and ordinates are introduced. But, however expedient such analogies or such expressions may be found for facilitating the modern quadratures, yet we shall not find any light given us thereby into the original real nature of fluxions J or that we are enabled to frame from thence just ideas of fluxions considered in themselves. In all this the general ultimate drift of the author is very clear, but his principles are obscure. But perhaps those theories of the great author are not minutely considered or canvassed by his disciples j who seem eager, as was before hinted, rather to operate than to know, rather to apply his rules and his forms than to understand his principles and enter into his notions. It is nevertheless certain that, in order to follow him in his quadratures, they must find fluents from fluxions; and in order to this, they must know to find fluxions from fluents ; and in order to find fluxions, they must first know what fluxions are. Otherwise they proceed without clearness and without science. Thus the direct method precedes the inverse, and the knowledge of the principles is supposed in both. But as for operating according to rules, and by the help of general forms, whereof the original principles and reasons are not understood, this is to be esteemed merely technical. Be the prin- ciples therefore ever so abstruse and metaphysical, they must be studied by whoever would comprehend the doctrine of fluxions. Nor can any geometrician have a right to apply the rules of the great author, without first considering his metaphysical notions whence they were derived. These, how necessary soever in order to science — which can never be obtained without a precise, clear, and accurate conception of the principles — are nevertheless by several carelessly passed over ; while the expressions alone are Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 289 dwelt on and considered and treated with great skill and manage- ment, thence to obtain other expressions by methods suspicious and indirect (to say the least) if considered in themselves, however recommended by Induction and Authority — two motives which are acknowledged sufficient to beget a rational faith and moral per- suasion, but nothing higher. 48. You may possibly hope to evade the force of all that hath been said, and to screen false principles and inconsistent reason- ings, by a general pretence that these objections and remarks are metaphysical. But this is a vain pretence. For the plain sense and truth of what is advanced in the foregoing remarks, I appeal to the understanding of every unprejudiced intelligent reader. To the same I appeal, whether the points remarked upon are not most incomprehensible metaphysics. And meta- physics not of mine, but your own. I would not be understood to infer that your notions are false or vain because they are metaphysical. Nothing is either true or false for that reason. Whether a point be called metaphysical or no avails little. The question is, whether it be clear or obscure, right or wrong, well or ill deduced ? 49. Although momentaneous increments, nascent and evanes- cent quantities, fluxions and infinitesimals of all degrees are in truth such shadowy entities, so difficult to imagine or conceive distinctly, that ^ (to say the least) they cannot be admitted as principles or objects of clear and accurate science ; and although this obscurity and incomprehensibility of your metaphysics had been alone sufficient to allay your pretensions to evidence ; yet it hath, if I mistake not, been farther shewn, that your inferences are no more just than your conceptions are clear^ and that your logics are as exceptionable as your metaphysics. It should seem, there- fore, upon the whole, that your conclusions are not attained by just reasoning from clear principles : consequently, that the employ- ment of modern analysts, however useful in mathematical cal- culations and constructions, doth not habituate and qualify the mind to apprehend clearly and infer justly ; and, consequently, that you have no right, in virtue of such habits, to dictate out of your proper sphere, beyond which your judgment is to pass for no more than that of other men. VOL. III. U 290 The Analyst : 50. Of a long time I have suspected that these modern analytics were not scientifical, and gave some hints" thereof to the public about twenty-five years ago. Since which time, I have been diverted by other occupations, and imagined I might employ myself better than in deducing and laying together my thoughts on so nice a subject. And though of late I have been called upon to make good my suggestions ; yet, as the person who made this call doth not appear to think maturely enough to understand either those metaphysics which he would refute, or mathematics which he would patronize, I should have spared myself the trouble of writing for his conviction. Nor should I now have troubled you or myself with this address, after so long an intermission of these studies, were it not to prevent, so far as I am able^ your imposing on yourself and others in matters of much higher moment and concern. And, to the end that you may more clearly comprehend the force and design of the foregoing remarks, and pursue them still farther in your own meditations, I shall subjoin the following Queries. Query i. Whether the object of geometry be not the propor- tions of assignable extensions ? And whether there be any need of considering quantities either infinitely great or infinitely small ? Qu. %. Whether the end of geometry be not to measure assign- able finite extension ? And whether this practical view did not first put men on the study of geometry ? Qu. 3. Whether the mistaking the object and end of geometry hath not created needless difficulties, and wrong pursuits in that science ? Qu. 4. Whether men may properly be said to proceed in a scientific method, without clearly conceiving the object they are conversant about, the end proposed, and the method by which it is pursued ? Qu. 5. Whether it doth not suffice, that every assignable num- ber of parts may be contained in some assignable magnitude ? '' See Principles of Human Knowledge, absolute and abstract space, time, atid mo- sect. 133—134, with which, as well as with tion, and on infinity, the following Queries the reasonings in the same treatise against may be compared. Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 291 And whether it be not unnecessary, as well as absurd, to suppose that finite extension is infinitely divisible ? Qu. 6. Whether the diagrams in a geometrical demonstration are not to be considered as signs of all possible finite figures, of all sensible and imaginable extensions or magnitudes of the same kind ? Qu. 7, Whether it be possible to free geometry from insuper- able difficulties and absurdities, so long as either the abstract general idea of extension, or absolute external extension be supposed its true object ? Qu. 8. Whether the notions of absolute time, absolute place, and absolute motion be not most abstractedly metaphysical ? Whether it be possible for us to measure, compute, or know them ? Qu. 9. Whether mathematicians do not engage themselves in disputes and paradoxes concerning what they neither do nor can conceive ? And whether the doctrine of forces be not a suflS- cient proof of this ^o ? Qu. 10. Whether in geometry it may not suffice to consider assignable finite magnitude, without concerning ourselves with infinity ? And whether it would not be righter to measure large polygons having finite sides, instead of curves, than to suppose curves are polygons of infinitesimal sides, a supposition neither true nor conceivable ? Qu. II. Whether many points which are not readily assented to are not nevertheless true ? And whether those in the two following queries may not be of that number ? Qu. la. Whether it be possible that we should have had an idea or notion of extension prior to motion ^^ ? Or whether, if a man had never perceived motion, he would ever have known or conceived one thing to be distant from another ^^ ? Qu. 13. Whether geometrical quantity hath co-existent parts? And whether all quantity be not in a flux as well as time and motion ? Qu. 14. Whether extension can be supposed an attribute of a Being immutable and eternal ? Qu. 15. Whether to decline examining the principles, and un- " [See a Latin treatise De iVfoto, published with these two pregnant Queries, regarding at London, in the year ijii.^ — Author. the relation of the notions of motion and ^ Compare Berkeley's Theory of Vision extension. U 2 292 The Analyst: ravelling the methods used in mathematics would not shew a bigotry in mathematicians ? Qu. 16. Whether certain maxims do not pass current among analysts which are shocking to good sense ? And whether the common assumption, that a finite quantity divided by nothing is infinite, be not of this number ? Qu. 17. Whether the considering geometrical diagrams abso- lutely or in themselves, rather than as representatives of all assignable magnitudes or figures of the same kind, be not a principal cause of the supposing finite extension infinitely divi- sible ; and of all the difficulties and absurdities consequent thereupon ? Qu. 18. Whether, from geometrical propositions being general, and the lines in diagrams being therefore general substitutes or representatives, it doth not follow that we may not limit or consider the number of parts into which such particular lines are divisible ? Qu. 19. When it is said or implied, that such a certain line delineated on paper contains more than any assignable number of parts, whether any more in truth ought to be understood, than that it is a sign indifferently representing all finite lineSj be they ever so great. In which relative capacity it contains, i. e. stands for more than any assignable number of parts ? And whether it be not altogether absurd to suppose a finite line, considered in itself or in its own positive nature, should contain an infinite number of parts ? Qu. 20. Whether all arguments for the infinite divisibility of finite extension do not suppose and imply, either general abstract ideasj or absolute external extension to be the object of geometry ? And, therefore, whether, along with those suppositions, such arguments also do not cease and vanish? Qu. 21. Whether the supposed infinite divisibility of finite extension hath not been a snare to mathematicians and a thorn in their sides? And whether a quantity infinitely diminished and a quantity infinitely small are not the same thing? Qu. 22. Whether it be necessary to consider velocities of nas- cent or evanescent quantities, or moments, or infinitesimals? And whether the introducing of things so inconceivable be not a reproach to mathematics? Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 293 Qu. 23. Whether inconsistencies can be truths? Whether points repugnant and absurd are to be admitted upon any sub- jects, or in any science ? And whether the use of infinites ought to be allowed as a sufficient pretext and apology for the admitting of such points in geometry ? Qu. 34. Whether a quantity be not properly said to be known, when we know its proportion to given quantities ? And whether this proportion can be known but by expressions or exponents, either geometrical, algebraical, or arithmetical? And whether expressions in lines or species can be useful but so far forth as they are reducible to numbers ? Qu. 25. Whether the finding out proper expressions or notations of quantity be not the most general character and tendency of the mathematics ? And arithmetical operation that which limits and defines their use ? Qu. a6. Whether mathematicians have sufficiently considered the analogy and use of signs? And how far the specific limited nature of things corresponds thereto ? Qu. 27. Whether because, in stating a general case of pure algebra, we are at full liberty to make a character denote either a positive or a negative quantity, or nothing at all, we may therefore, in a geometrical case, limited by hypotheses and reason- ings from particular properties and relations of figures, claim the same licence ? Qu. 38. Whether the shifting of the hypothesis, or (as we may call it) the fallacia suppositknis be not a sophism that far and wide infects the modern reasonings, both in the mechanical philosophy and in the abstruse and fine geometry ? Qu. 39. Whether we can form an idea or notion of velocity distinct from and exclusive of its measures, as we can of heat distinct from and exclusive of the degrees on the thermometer by which it is measured ? And whether this be not supposed in the reasonings of modern analysts ? Qu. 30. Whether motion can be conceived in a point of space ? And if motion cannot, whether velocity can ? And if not, whether a first or last velocity can be conceived in a mere limit, either initial or final, of the described space ? Qu. 31. Where there are no increments, whether there can be any ratio of increments? Whether nothings can be considered 2 94 "^^^ Analyst: as proportional to real quantities? Or whether to talk of their proportions be not to talk nonsense? Also in what sense we are to understand the proportion of a surface to a line, of an area to an ordinate? And whether species or numbers, though properly expressing quantities which are not homogeneous, may yet be said to express their proportion to each other ? Qu. 32. Whether if all assignable circles may be squared, the circle is not, to all intents and purposes, squared as well as the parabola ? Or whether a parabolical area can in fact be measured more accurately than a circular ? Qu. 33. Whether it would not be righter to approximate fairly than to endeavour at accuracy by sophisms? Qu. 34. Whether it would not be more decent to proceed by trials and inductions, than to pretend to demonstrate by false principles ? Qu. 35. Whether there be not a way of arriving at truth, although the principles are not scientific, nor the reasoning just? And whether such a way ought to be called a knack or a science ? Qu. ^6. Whether there can be science of the conclusion where there is not [^^ evidence] of the principles ? And whether a man can have p^ evidence] of the principles without understanding them ? And therefore, whether the mathematicians of the present age act like men of science, in taking so much more pains to apply their principles than to understand them ? Qu. 37. Whether the greatest genius wrestling with false prin- ciples may not be foiled ? And whether accurate quadratures can be obtained without new fostulata or assumptions ? And if not, whether those which are intelligible and consistent ought not to be preferred to the contrary? See sect. a8 and 39. Qu. 38. Whether tedious calculations in algebra and fluxions be, the likeliest method to improve the mind ? And whether men's being accustomed to reason altogether about mathematical signs and figures doth not make them at a loss how to reason without them? Qu. 39. Whether, whatever readiness analysts acquire in stating Evidence,' in all the collected editions of Berkeley's Worlis—' science,' in the original or 1734 edition. Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 295 a problem, or finding apt expressions for mathematical quantities, the same doth necessarily infer a proportionable ability in con- ceiving and expressing other matters ? Qu. 40. Whether it be not a general case or rule, that one and the same coefEcient dividing equal products gives equal quotients? And yet whether such coefficient can be interpreted by or nothing? Or whether any one will say that if the equation 2 x = 5 x 0, be divided by 0, the quotients on both sides are equal? Whether therefore a case may not be general with respect to all quantities and yet not extend to nothings, or include the case of nothing? And whether the bringing nothing under the notion of quantity may not have betrayed men into false reasoning? Qu. 41. Whether in the most general reasonings about equali- ties and proportions men may not demonstrate as well as in geometry? Whether in such demonstrations they are not obliged to the same strict reasoning as in geometry? And whether such their reasonings are not deduced from the same axioms with those in geometry? Whether therefore algebra be not as truly a science as geometry ? Qu. 42. Whether men may not reason in species as well as in words? Whether the same rules of logic do not obtain in both cases? And whether we have not a right to expect and demand the same evidence in both? Qu. 43. Whether an algebraist, fluxionist, geometrician, or de- monstrator of any kind can expect indulgence for obscure prin- ciples or incorrect reasonings ? And whether an algebraical note or species can at the end of a process be interpreted in a sense which could not have been substituted for it at the beginning? Or whether any particular supposition can come under a general case which doth not consist with the reasoning thereof? Qu. 44. Whether the difference between a mere computer and a man of science be not, that the one computes on principles clearly conceived, and by rules evidently demonstrated, whereas the other doth not ? Qu. 45. Whether, although geometry be a science, and algebra allowed to be a science, and the analytical a most excellent method, in the application, nevertheless, of the analysis to 206 The Analyst: geometry, men may not have admitted false principles and wrong methods of reasoning? Qu. 46. Whether, although algebraical reasonings are admitted to be ever so just, when confined to signs or species as general representatives of quantity, you may not nevertheless fall into error, if, when you limit them to stand for particular things, you do not limit yourself to reason consistently with the nature of such particular things? And whether such error ought to be imputed to pure algebra? Qu. 47. Whether the view of modern mathematicians doth not rather seem to be the coming at an expression by artifice, than the coming at science by demonstration ? Qu. 48. Whether there may not be sound metaphysics as well as unsound? Sound as well as unsound logic? And whether the modern analytics may not be brought under one of these denominations, and which ? Qu. 49. Whether there be not really a philosophia frima, a cer- tain transcendental science superior to and more extensive than mathematics, which it might behove our modern analysts rather to learn than despise? Qu. 50. Whether, ever since the recovery of mathematical learnings there have not been perpetual disputes and contro- versies among the mathematicians? And whether this doth not disparage the evidence of their methods ? Qu. 51. Whether anything but metaphysics and logic can open the eyes of mathematicians and extricate them out of their difficulties ? Qu. 52. Whether, upon the received principles, a quantity can by any division or subdivision^ though carried ever so far, be reduced to nothing? Qu, 53. Whether, if the end of geometry be practice, and this practice be measuring, and we measure only assignable exten- sions, it will not follow that unlimited approximations completely answer the intention of geometry ? Qu. 54. Whether the same things which are now done by infinites may not be done by finite quantities? And whether this would not be a great relief to the imaginations and under- standings of mathematical men ? Qu. ^c^. Whether those philomathematical physicians, anato- Addressed to an Infidel Mathematician. 297 mists, and dealers in the animal economy^ who admit the doctrine of fluxions with an implicit faith, can with a good grace insult other men for believing what they do not comprehend ? Qu. 56. Whether the corpuscularian, experimental, and mathe- matical philosophy, so much cultivated in the last age, hath not too much engrossed men's attention j some part whereof it might have usefully employed ? Qu. 57. Whether, from this and other concurring causes, the minds of speculative men have not been borne downward, to the debasing and stupifying of the higher faculties ? And whether we may not hence account for that prevailing narrowness and bigotry among many who pass for men of science, their incapacity for things moral, intellectual, or theological, their proneness to mea- sure all truths by sense and experience of animal life ? Qu. 58. Whether it be really an effect of thinking, that the same men admire the great author for his fluxions, and deride him for his religion ? Qu. 59. If certain philosophical virtuosi of the present age have no religion, whether it can be said to be want of faith ? Qu. 60. Whether it be not a juster way of reasoning, to re- commend points of faith from their effects, than to demonstrate mathematical principles by their conclusions ? Qu. 6]. Whether it be not less exceptionable to admit points above reason than contrary to reason ? Qu. 62. Whether mysteries may not with better right be al- lowed of in Divine Faith than in human science ? Qu. 6^. Whether such mathematicians as cry out against mys- teries have ever examined their own principles ? Qu, 64. Whether mathematicians, who are so delicate in religious points, are strictly scrupulous in their own science ? Whether they do not submit to authority, take things upon trust, and believe points inconceivable ? Whether they have not their mysteries, and what is more, their repugnances and contradictions ? Qu. 65. Whether it might not become men who are puzzled and perplexed about their own principles, to judge warily, candidly, and modestly concerning other matters ? Qu. 66, Whether the modern analytics do not furnish a strong argumentum ad hom'tnem against the philomathematical infidels of these times ? 298 The Analyst, &c. Qu. 6']. Whether it follows from the above-mentioned remarks, that accurate and just reasoning is the peculiar character of the present age ? And whether the modern growth of infidelity can be ascribed to a distinction so truly valuable ? A DEFENCE OF FREE -THINKING IN MATHEMATICS. IN ANSWER TO A PAMPHLET OF PHILALETHES CANTABRIGIENSIS, ENTITLED, GEOMETRY NO FRIEND TO INFIDELITY, OR A DEFENCE OF SIR ISAAC NEWTON, AND THE BRITISH MATHEMATICIANS. ALSO AN APPENDIX CONCERNING MR. WALTON'S VINDICATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF FLUXIONS AGAINST THE OBJECTIONS CONTAINED IN THE ANALYST. WHEREIN IT IS ATTEMPTED TO PUT THIS CONTROVERSY IN SUCH A LIGHT AS THAT EVERY READER MAY BE ABLE TO JUDGE THEREOF. — '■ ' Veritas odium parit.' — Ter. And. I. i. 41. *E7rct 5^ 6 MaOrjfjiaTtKds xP^Tat Tors Koij/ois ISiajs, Kal tcLs Tovraiy apxas &v ttrj etoipTJ is nothing, whether Ah 4- Ba be not also nothing ? i. e. whether the momentum of AB be not nothing ? — Let him then be asked, what his momen- tums are good for, when they are thus brought' to nothing ? — ^Again, I wish he were asked to explain the difference between a magni- tude infinitely small and a magnitude infinitely diminished. If he saith, there is no difference, then let him be farther asked, how he dares to explain the method of fluxions, by the ratio of magni- tudes infinitely diminished (p. 9), when Sir Isaac Newton hath expressly excluded all consideration of quantities infinitely small*? If this able vindicator should say that quantities infinitely dimin- ished are nothing at all, and consequently that, according to him, the first and last ratios are proportions between nothings, let him be desired ±0 make sense of this, or explain what he means by ' proportion between nothings.' If he should say, the ultimate pro- portions are the ratios of mere limits, then let him be asked how the limits of lines can be proportioned or divided ? — ^After all, who knows but this gentleman, who hath already complained of me for " [See Vindication, p. 1 7-] — Author. * [See his Introduction to the Quadratures.] — Author. 336 An Appendix, &c. an uncommon way of treating mathematics and mathematicians (p. 5), may (as well as the Cantabrigian) cry out — Spain and the inquisition ! when he finds himself thus closely pursued and beset with interrogatories ? That we may not, therefore, seem too hard on an innocent man, who probably meant nothing, but was be- trayed by following another into difficulties and straits that he, was not aware of, I shall propose one single expedient, by which' his disciples (whom it most concerns) may soon satisfy themselves whether this Vindicator really understands what he takes upon' him to vindicate. — It is, in short, that they would ask him to ex- plain the second, third, or fourth fluxions upon his principles. Be this the touchstone of his Vindication. If he can do it, I shall own myself much mistaken : if he cannot, it will be evident that he was much mistaken in himself, when he presumed to defend fluxions without so much as knowing what they are. So, having put the merits of the cause on this issue, I leave him to be tried by his scholars. REASONS FOR NOT REPLYING TO MR. WALTON'S FULL ANSWER, IN A LETTER TO P. T. P. 1735- VOL. III. REASONS FOR NOT REPLYING TO MR. WALTON'S FULL ANSWERS I. There are some men that can neither give nor take an answer, but, writing merely for the sake of writing, multiply words to no purpose. There are also certain careless writers that, in defiance of common sense, publish such things as, though they are not ashamed to utter, yet, other men may well be ashamed to answer. Whether there be anything in Mr. Walton's method of vindicating Fluxions, that might justify my taking no farther notice of him, on the above-mentioned considerations, I leave you and every other reader to judge. But those. Sir, are not the rea- sons I shall assign for not replying to Mr. Walton's full answer. The true reason is, that he seems at bottom a facetious man, who, under the colour of an opponent, writes on my side of the ques- tion, and really believes no more than I do of Sir Isaac Newton's doctrine about fluxions, which he exposes, contradicts, and con- futes, with great skill and humour, under the mask of a grave vindication. 3. At first I considered him in another light, as one who had good reason for keeping to the beaten track, who had been used to dictate, who had terms of art at will, but was indeed at small trouble about putting them together, and perfectly easy about his readers understanding them. It must be owned, in an age of so much ludicrous humour, it is not every one can at first sight dis- cern a writer's real design. But, be a man's assertions ever so ' These Reasons, first published in Dublin appeared early in that year. A second edi- and London in 1 735, were occasioned by tion of Walton's Catechism contains an Walton's Catechism of the Author of the Appendix in answer to Berkeley's Reasons, Minute Philosopher fully answered, which to which the Bishop made no reply. Z % 340 Reasons for not replying strong in favour of a doctrine, yet if his reasonings are directly levelled against it, whatever question there may be about the matter in dispute, there can be none about the intention of the writer. Should a person, so knowing and discreet as Mr. Walton, thwart and contradict Sir Isaac Newton, under pretence of defend- ing his fluxions, and should he at every turn say such uncouth things of these same fluxions, and place them in such odd lights as must set all men in their wits against them, could I hope for a better second in this cause ? Or could there remain any doubt of his being a disguised Free-thinker in mathematics, who defended fluxions just as a certain Free-thinker'^ in religion did the rights of the Christian church ? 3. Mr. Walton indeed after his free manner calls my Analyst a libels. But this ingenious gentleman well knows a bad vindica- tion is the bitterest libel. Had you a mind, Sir, to betray and ridicule any cause under the notion of vindicating it, would you not think it the right way to be very strong and dogmatical in the affirmative, and very weak and puzzled in the argumentative parts of your performance? To utter contradictions and paradoxes without remorse, and to be at no pains about reconciling or ex- plaining them ? And with great good-humour, to be at perpetual variance with yourself and the author you pretend to vindicate? How successfully Mr. Walton hath practised these arts, and how much to the honour of the great ■ client he would seem to take under his protection, I shall particularly examine throughout every article of his full answer. 4. First, then, saith Mr. Walton, ' I am to be asked, whether I can conceive velocity without motion, or motion without exten- sion, or extension without magnitude?' To which he answereth in positive terms, that he can conceive velocity and motion in a point (p. 7). And to make out this he undertakes to demonstrate, ' that if a thing be moved by an agent operating continually by the same force, the velocity will not be the same in any two different points of the described space ; but that it must vary upon the least change of space.' — Now, admitting thus much to be demonstrated, yet I am still at a loss to conceive how ^ The reference is to Tindal's Rights of New Theory of Vision, sect. 5, note. the Chrisiia?i Church. Cf. Vindication of ^ [Vindication, p. I.]— Author. to Mr. Walton's full answer. 341 Mr. Walton's conclusion will follow, to wit, 'that I am greatly mis- taken in imagining there can be no motion, no velocity, in a point of space' (p. 10). Pray, Sir, consider his reasoning. The same velocity cannot be in two points of space ; therefore velocity can be in a point of space. Would it not be just as good reasoning to say, the same man cannot be in two nutshells ; therefore a man can be in a nutshell ? Again, velocity must vary upon the least change of space ; therefore there may be velocity without space. Make sense of this if you can. What have these consequences to do with their premises ? Who but Mr. Walton could have inferred them ? Or how could even he have inferred them had it not been in jest ? 5. Suppose the centre of a falling body to describe a line ; divide the time of its fall into equal parts, for instance, into minutes. The spaces described in those equal parts of time will be unequal. That is, from whatsoever points of the described line you measure a minute's descent, you will still find it a different space. This is true. But how or why from this plain truth a man should infer, that motion can be conceived in a point, is to me as obscure as any the most obscure mysteries that occur in this profound author. Let the reader make the best of it. For my part, I can as easily conceive Mr. Walton should walk without stirrings as I can his idea of motion without space. After all, the question was not whether motion could be proved to exist in a point, but only whether it could be conceived in a point. For, as to the proof of things impossible, some men have a way of proving that may equally prove anything. But I much question whether any reader of common sense will undertake to conceive what this pleasant man at inference undertakes to prove. 6. If Mr. Walton really meant to defend the author of the fluxionary method, would he not have done it in a way con- sistent with this illustrious author's own principles ? Let us now see what may be Sir Isaac's notion about this matter. He dis- tinguisheth two sorts of motion, absolute and relative. The former he defineth to be a translation from absolute place to absolute place, the latter from one relative place to another*. * [See Schol. def. VIII. Philos. Nat. Princip. Ma/h.} — Author. 34* Reasons for not replying Mr. Walton's is plainly neither of these sorts of motion. But some third kind, which what it is, I am at a loss to comprehend. But I can clearly comprehend that, if we admit motion without space, then Sir Isaac Newton's account of it must be wrong : for place by which he defines motion is, according to him, a part of space. And if so, then this notable defender hath cut out new work for himself to defend and explain. But about this, if I mistake not, he will be very easy. For, as I said before, he seems at bottom a back friend to that great manj which opinion you will see farther confirmed in the sequel. 7. I shall no more ask Mr. Walton to explain anything : for I can honestly say, the more he explains, the more I am puzzled. But I will ask his readers to explain, by what art a man may conceive motion without space. And, supposing this to be done, in the second place to explain, how it consists with Sir Isaac Newton's account of motion. Is it not evident that Mr. Walton hath deserted from his old master, and been at some pains to expose him, while he defends one part of his principles by over- turning another ? Let any reader tell me, what Mr. Walton means by motion, or, if he can guess, what this third kind is, which is neither absolute nor relative, which exists in a point, which may be conceived without space. This learned professor saith, ' I have no clear conception of the principles of motion' (p. 24). And in another place (p. 7) he saith, ' I might have con- ceived velocity in a point, if I had understood and considered the nature of motion.' I believe I am not alone in not understanding his principles. For myself, I freely confess the case to be despe- rate. I neither understand them, nor have any hopes of ever being able to understand them. 8. Being now satisfied that Mr. Walton's aim is not to clear up or defend Sir Isaac's principles, but rather to contradict and expose them, you will not, I suppose, think it strange, if — ^instead of putting questions to this intrepid answerer, who is never at a loss, how often soever his readers may — I entreat you, or any other man of plain sense, to read the following passage, cited from the thirty-first section of the Analyst, and then try to apply Mr. Walton's answer to it : whereby you will clearly perceive what a vein of raillery that gentleman is master of. ' Velocity necessarily implies both time and space, and cannot be conceived to Mr. Walton's full answer. 343 without them. And if the velocities of nascent or evanescent quantities, i. e. abstracted from time and space, may not be com- prehended, how can we comprehend and demonstrate their pro- portions? Or consider their rationes frima et ultima. For, to consider the proportion or ratio of things implieth that such things have magnitude : that such their magnitudes may be measured, and their relations to each other known. But, as there is no measure of velocity except time and space, the pro- portion of velocities being only compounded of the direct propor- tion of the spaces and the reciprocal proportion of the times j doth it not follow, that to talk of investigating, obtaining, and consi- dering the proportions of velocities, exclusively of time and space, is to talk imintelligibly?' Apply now, as I said, Mr. Walton's full answer, and you will soon find how fully you arc enlightened about the nature of fluxions. 9. In the following article of Mr. Walton's full answer, he saith divers curious things, which being derived from this same prin- ciple — that motion may be conceived in a point— ^are altogether as incomprehensible as the origin from whence they flow. It is obvious and natural to suppose Ah and Ba^ to be rectangles pro- duced from finite lines multiplied by increments. Mr. Walton indeed supposeth that when the increments vanish or become nothing the velocities remain, which being multiplied by finite lines produce those rectangles (p. 13). But, admitting the velo- cities to remain, yet how can any one conceive a rectangular surface to be produced from a line multiplied by velocity, other- wise than by supposing such line multiplied by a line or incre- ment which shall be exponent of or proportional to such velocity? You may try to conceive it otherwise. I must own I cannot. Is not the increment of a rectangle itself a rectangle ? must not then Ah and Ba be rectangles ? and must not the coefficients or sides of rectangles be lines ? Consequently are not h and a lines, or (which is the same thing) increments of lines? These incre- ments may indeed be considered as proportional to and expo- nents of velocity. But exclusive of such exponents to talk of rectangles under lines and velocities is, I conceive, to talk unintel- ligibly. And yet this is what Mr. Walton doth, when he maketh h and a in the rectangles Ah and Ba to denote mere velocities. ^ [See Nat. Phil. Princip. Math. 1. II. lem. 2.] — Author. 344 Reasons for not replying 10. As to the question, whether nothing be not the product of nothing multiplied by something, Mr. Walton is pleased to answer in the affirmative. And nevertheless, when ah is nothing, that is, when a and h are nothing, he denies that Ah-^-Ba is nothing. This is one of those many inconsistencies which I leave the reader to reconcile. But, saith Mr. Walton, the sides of the given rectangle still remain, which two sides according to him must form the increment of the flowing rectangle. But in this he directly contradicts Sir Isaac Newton, who asserts that Ai + Ba and not A+B is the increment of the rectangle A.B. And, indeed, how is it possible a line should be the increment of a surface ? Laterum incrementh totis a et h generatur recta»guli incre- mentum Ab + Ba^ are the words of Sir Isaac ^, which words seem utterly inconsistent with Mr. Walton's doctrine. But no wonder that gentleman should not agree with Sir Isaac, since he cannot agree even with himself; but contradicts what he saith elsewhere, as the reader may see, even before he gets to the end of that same section, wherein he hath told us, that ' the gnomon and the sum of the two rectangles are turned into those two sides by a retroverted motion' (pp. ii and 12). Which proposition, if you or any other person should try to make sense of, you may possibly be convinced that this profound author is as much at variance with common sense as he is with himself and Sir Isaac Newton. 1 1. Mr. Walton, in the ninth page of his Vindkatim^ in order to explain the nature of fluxions, saith that ' to obtain the last ratio of synchronal increments, the magnitude of those increments must be infinitely diminished.' Notwithstanding which, in the twenty-third page of his full answer, he chargeth me as greatly mistaken, in supposing that he explained the doctrine of fluxions by the ratio of magnitudes infinitely diminished. It is an easy matter for any author to write so as to betray his readers into mistakes about his meaning. But then it is not easy to conceive what right he hath to upbraid them with such their mistakes. If I have mistaken his sensCj let any one judge if he did not fairly lead me into the mistake. When a man puzzleth his reader, saith and unsaith, useth ambiguous terms and obscure terms, and ' [See Nat. Phil. Prindp. Math. 1. II. lem. 2.]— Awhor. to Mr. Walton's full answer. 345 putteth them together in so perverse a manner that it is odds you can make out no sense at all, or, if any, wrong sense ; pray who is in fault but the writer himself? Let any one consider Mr. Walton's own words, and then say whether I am not justified in making this remark. 12. In the twentieth page of his full answer, Mr. Walton tells us that ' fluxions are measured by the first or last proportions of isochronal increments generated or destroyed by motion.' A little after he saith, these ratios subsist when the isochronal increments have no magnitude. Now, I would fain know whether the iso- chronal increments themselves subsist when they have no mag- nitude ? Whether by isochronal increments we are not to under- stand increments generated in equal times ? Whether there can be an increment where there is no increase, or increase where there is no magnitude ? Whether if magnitudes are not generated in those equal timeSj what else is generated therein, or what else is it that Mr. Walton calls isochronal? I ask the reader these questions. I dare not ask Mr. Walton. For, as I hinted before, the subject grows still more obscure in proportion as this able writer attempts to illustrate it. 13. We are told (p. 23) 'that the first or last ratio of the isochronal spaces hath a real existence, forasmuch as it is equal to the ratio of the two motions of two points ; which motions, subsisting when the isochronal spaces are nothing, preserve the existence of the first or last ratio of these spaces, or keep it from being a ratio of nothings.' In order to assist your understanding, it must not be omitted that the said two points are supposed to exist at the same time in one point, and to be moved diflFerent ways without stirring from that point. Mr. Walton hath the con- science to call this riddle a full and clear answer : to make sense of which you must suppose it one of his ironies. In the next and last article of his performance, you still find him proceed in the same vein of raillery upon fluxions. 14. It will be allowed that whoever seriously undertook to explain the second, third, and fourth fluxions of Sir Isaac Newton would have done it in a way agreeable to that great man's own doctrine. What Sir Isaac's precise notion is I will not pretend to say. And yet I will venture to say, it is something that cannot be explained by the three dimensions of a cube. I frankly 346 Reasons for not replying own, I do not understand Sir Isaac's doctrine so far as to frame a positive idea of his fluxions. I have, nevertheless, a negative conception thereof, so far as to see that Mr. Walton is in jest, or (if in earnest) that he understands it no more than I do. 15. Sir Isaac tells us that he considers indeterminate quantities as flowing, or in other words, as increasing or decreasing by a perpetual motion. Which quantities he denotes by the latter letters of the alphabet^ and their fluxions or celerities of increas- ing by the same letters pointed over head, and the fluxions of fluxions or second fluxions, i. e. the mutations more or less swift of the first celerities, by the same letters pointed with double points ; and the mutations of those mutations of the first muta- tions or fluxions or celerities of increasing, which he calls fluxions of fluxions of fluxions, or third fluxions, by three points; the fourth fluxions by four points ; the fifth by five ; and so on'. Sir IsaaCj you see, speaks of quantity in general. And in the Analyst the doctrine is exemplified and the case is put in lines. Now in lines, where there is only one dimension, how are we enabled to conceive second, third, or fourth fluxions, by conceiving the generation of three dimensions in a cube ? Let any one but read what Sir Isaac Newton or what I have said, and then apply what Mr. Walton hath written about the three dimensions of a cube^ and see whether the difficulties are solved, or the doctrine made one whit the clearer by this explication. 16. That you may the better judge of the merit of this part of Mr. Walton's performance, I shall beg leave to set down a passage or two from the Analyst. 'As it is impossible to conceive velocity without time or space, without either finite length or finite duration, it must seem above the power of man to com- prehend even the first fluxions. And if the first are incompre- hensible, what shall we say of the second and third fluxions, &c. ? He who can conceive the beginning of a beginning, or the end of an end, somewhat before the first or after the last, may perhaps be sharp-sighted enough to conceive these things. But most men, I believe, will find it impossible to understand them in any sense whatsoever. One would think that men could not speak too exactly on so nice a subject. And yet we may often observe ' [See his Treatise De Quadratura Curvarum.] — Author. to Mr. Walton's full answer. 347 that the exponents of fluxions, or notes representing fluxions are confounded with the fluxions themselves. Is not this the case when, just after the fluxions of flowing quantities were said to be the celerities of their increasing, and the second fluxions to be the mutations of the first fluxions or celerities, we are told that // / • ■ • • • z. «. z, ». z. z. represents a series of quantities, whereof each subsequent quantity is the fluxion of the preceding; and each foregoing is a fluent quantity having the following one for its fluxion ? Divers series of quantities and expressions, geometrical and algebraical, may be easily conceived, in lines, in surfaces, in species, to be continued without end or limit. But it will not be found so easy to conceive a series, either of mere velocities or of mere nascent increments, distinct therefrom and corresponding thereunto s.' Compare what is here said with Mr. Walton's genesis of a cube, and you will then clearly see how far this answerer is from explaining the nature of second, third, and fourth fluxions : and how justly I might repay that gentleman in kind, and tell him in his own language, that 'all his skill is vain and impertinent.' {Vtnd. p. 0^6.) 17. But it doth not become me to find fault with this learned professor, who at bottom militates on my side, and in this very section makes it his business directly to overthrow Sir Isaac Newton's doctrine. For he saith in plain terms that there can be no fourth fluxion of a cube (p. 25), that is, there can be no second fluxion of a line, and a fortiori^ no third, fourth, fifth, &c. Insomuch that, with one single dash of his pen, Mr. Walton destroys, to the great relief of the learned world, an indefinite rank of fluxions of diflFerent orders that might have reached from pole to pole. I had distinctly pointed out the difficulties, in several parts both of my Analyst and Defence, and I leave you to judge whether he explains, or even attempts to explain, one of them. Instead thereof he tells us of the trine dimension of a cube generated by motion : whence he takes occasion, as hath been observed, to explode Sir Isaac's own doctrine, which is utterly inconsistent with Mr. Walton's. And can you now doubt the real design of this egregious vindicator ? 18. Before ever Sir Isaac Newton thought of his fluxions, ' [Analyst, sect. 44 — 46.] — Author. 348 Reasons for not replying everybody knew there were three dimensions in a cube, and that a solid might be generated by the motion of a surface, a surface by the motion of a line, and a line by the motion of a point. And this in effect is all we know from Mr, Walton's explication. As for his dwelling so minutely on the genesis of the solid parts of a cube, a thing so foreign from the purpose, the only rational account I can give of it is that Mr. Walton, by puzzling the imagination of his vulgar readers, hoped the better to disguise his betraying the doctrine of his great client, which to a discerning eye he manifestly gives up; and instead thereof humorously substitutes what all the world knew before Sir Isaac was born, to wit, the three dimensions of a cube and the genesis thereof by motion. 19. Upon the whole, I appeal to you and every intelligent reader, whether this thing, which Mr. Walton is pleased ironically to call a 'full answer," doth not carry throughout a sly insinu- ation — that the profound science of fluxions cannot be main- tained but by the help of most unintelligible paradoxes and inconsistencies? So far, indeed, as affirmations go, he sheweth himself an able support of Sir Isaac Newton. But then in his reasonings he drops that great man upon the most important points, to wit, his doctrine of motion and his doctrine of fluxions j not regarding how far the demonstration of his famous Principa is interested therein. To convince you still more and more of the truth hereof, do but reflect a little on Mr. Walton's conduct. Can you think it probable that so learned and clear-headed a writer would have laid down such a direct repugnancy to common sense, as his idea of motion in a point, for the groundwork of his explanation, had it been his real intention to explain ? Or, can you suppose he would have been absolutely silent on so many points urged home both in the Analyst and Defence, which it con- cerned a vindicator of Sir Isaac not to have overlooked? Can you imagine that if he meant seriously to defend the doctrine of fluxions, he would have contented himself with barely assert- ing that ' Sir Isaac Newton in the introduction to his Quadrature of Curves, in the second lemma of the second book, and in the scholium to the first section of the first book of his Principles of Philosophy, hath delivered his doctrine of fluxions in so clear and distinct a manner, without the least inconsistency in terms to Mr. Walton's full answer. 349 or arguments, that one would have thought it impossible for any person not to have understood him/ (p. 30.) 20. Is it possible, I say, that Mr. Walton could in earnest hope we should take his bare word, as so much more credible than Sir Isaac's, and not rather have endeavoured to answer the questions, and reconcile the difficulties set forth in my Defence of Free-thinking j for instance, in sect. 36 ? Wherein 1 entreat my antagonist to explain 'whether Sir Isaac's momen- tum be a finite quantity, or an infinitesimal, or a mere limit,' adding, 'If you say a finite quantity, be pleased to reconcile this with what he saith in the scholium of the second lemma of the first section of the first book of his Principles — Cave intelltgas quantitates magnitudine determinatas^ sed cogita semper diminuendas sine limite. If you say, an infinitesimal : reconcile this with what is said in his introduction to the Quadratures — Volui ostendere quod in methodo fluxionum non opus sit fguras infinite farvas in geometriam inducere. If you should say, it is a mere limit, be pleased to reconcile this with what we find in the first case of the second lemma in the second book of his Principles — Ubi de lateribus A et B deer ant momentorum di- mdia, Sfc, inhere the moments are supposed to he divided' — I shall scarce think it worth my while to bestow a serious thought on any writer who shall pretend to maintain Sir Isaac's doctrine, and yet leave this passage without a reply. And the reader, I believe, will think with me that, in answer to difficulties dis- tinctly proposed and insisted on, to offer nothing but a magis- terial assertion is a mere grimace of one who made merry with fluxions, under the notion of defending them. And he will be ferther confirmed in this way of thinking, when he observes that Mr. Walton hath not said one syllable in reply to those several sections of my Defence, which I had particularly referred to, as containing a full answer to his Vindication. But it is no wonder if, with Sir Isaac's doctrine, he should drop also his own arguments in favour thereof. 21. I have been at the pains once for all to write this short comment on Mr. Walton, as the only way I could think of for making him intelligible, which will also serve as a key to his future writings on this subject. And I was the rather inclined to take this trouble, because it seemeth to me there is no part 350 Reasons for not replying, &c. of learning that wants to be cleared up more than this same doctrine of fluxions, which hath hitherto walked about in a mist to the stupefaction of the literati of the present age. To con- clude, I accept this professor's recantation, nor am at all dis- pleased at the ingenious method he takes to disguise it. Some zealous fluxionists may perhaps answer him. THE QUERIST, CONTAINING SEVERAL QUERIES, PROPOSED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PUBLIC. I the Lord have brought down the high tree, have exalted the low tree, have dried up the green tree, and have made the dry tree to flourish. — Ezek. xvii. 24. 1735— ^737- ADVERTISEMENT BY THE AUTHORS The Querist was first printed in the year one thousand seven hun- dred and thirty-five ; since which time the face of things is somewhat changed. In this edition some alterations have been made. The three Parts are pubHshed in one; some few Queries are added, and many omitted — particularly of those relating to the sketch or plan* ' The Qtietnst is the first in chronologi- cal order of Berkeley's tracts on the Social and Economical Condition of Ireland, writ- ten when he was Bishop of Cloyne. These tracts show his extensive acquaintance with trade, agriculture, finance, and the arts of life. The others follow the Querist in this edition of his Works. The first edition of the Querist was issued at Dublin in three successive Parts. Part I. appeared in 1 735 , about a year after Berkeley was settled in Cloyne. It was followed by Part II. in June 1736, and by Part III. in 1737. I have sought in vain for a sight of the first edition. In a letter to Mr. Prior, dated * Cloyne, February 1746,' Berkeley speaks of that edition as then exhausted, mentioning that Dean Gervais could not find a copy in the shops to present to the Lord Lieutenant. ' I wish,' he adds, ' you could get one hand- somely bound for his Excellency ; or at least the last published, relating to the Bank, which consisted of excerpta out of the three Parts of the Querist. I wrote to you before to procure two copies of this for his Excellency and Mr. Liddell.' A new edition was published in London in 1750, with the above Advertisement pre- fixed, and the Word to the Wise annexed. It was followed in 1751 by a Glasgow edition of the same two works, * printed and sold by Robert and Andrew Fowlis, printers to the University,* containing the following Preface : — VOL. III. A a ' The Printers to the Reader. * This city and the neighbouring coun- try have been of late years distinguished for their industry and application to the im- provement of manufactures, trade, and agri- culture, a like spirit diffusing itself over many parts of Scotland. We could wish, therefore, to render printing in this place not only subservient to religious literature, but also to the knowledge of trade and manufactures ; and have of late applied ourselves particularly to republish some of the most remarkable books of that kind. We began with the celebrated Law's Treatise on Money and Trade. We reprinted Mr. Gee on The Trade and Navigation of Great Britain, as a book universally approved and esteemed. With the same view we have just now in the press Sir Josiah Child on Trade and the Interest of Money, and Mr. Law's other treatise, entitled Proposals and Reasons for constituting a Coimcil of Trade in Scotland. In prosecution of the same plan, we have just now reprinted the Querist, originally printed in Dublin, which was put into our hands by a friend whom we look upon as a zealous lover of the improvements of his country.' ' The Querist was wrote with a design to promote the improvement of Ireland, and appears to have had no small effects that way, from the public spirit which has of late years discovered itself, and seems every year to increase in that kingdom.' ' We see nowhere such noble Associa- 354 Advertisement by the Author. of a national bank; which it may be time enough to take again in hand when the public shall seem disposed to make use of such an expedient. 1 had determined with myself never to prefix my name to the Querist, but in the last edition^ was overruled by a friend', who was remarkable for pursuing the public interest with as much diligence as others do their own. I apprehend the same censure on this that I incurred upon another occasion*, for meddling out of my profession. Though to feed the hungry and clothe the naked, by promoting an honest industry, will, perhaps, be deemed no improper employment for a clergyman who still thinks himself a member of the common- wealth. As the sum of human happiness is supposed to consist in the goods of mind, body, and fortune, I would fain make my studies of some use to mankind, with regard to each of these three particu- lars, and hope it will not be thought faulty or indecent in any man, of what profession soever, to offer his mite towards improving the manners, health, and prosperity of his fellow-creatures. tions, such generous zeal, such extensive attention among the gentlemen to promote, by well-judged premiums, every valuable branch of manufacture, and every improve- ment beneficial to their country.' ' If reprinting this small work here shall contribute to inake it more generally known and attended to among us, the Printers flat- ter themselves they will have done a thing acceptable to every one who is it lover of the improvement of his country. We have nowhere found, in so small a compass, so just and extensive a view of the true sources of wealth and happiness to a country, so many valuable hints for improving the ne- cessary, the useful, and the ornamental arts. Many of these are at least as far behind still in this country as in Ireland.' ' Mutate nomine, de te fabula narratur.' 'Glasgow, "January lo, 1751.* The Querist was republished in the Mis- cellany in 1752. A succession of reprints followed. In 1829, an edition of the Querist was published in London, ' with notes showing how many of the same Questions still remain to be asked respecting Ireland.' The notes are for the most part slight and superficial. In his Preface, the Editor of the 1829 edition describes the principal value of the work as consisting in ' the simple, clear, and vigorous statement of great, liberal, and, though not new, unacknowledged truths, on questions relating to Trade and Money. Other questions of Political Economy — such as regard population, poor, &c. — the bold mind of Berkeley seems not to have grappled with, or at least to have confined itself to their consideration under local circumstances.' Berkeley returns, in the Querist, to the themes of the Essay which he published fourteen years before, after the social dis- asters of the South Sea project, ^ i.e. the edition of 1750. ' Probably Mr. Prior. ' The Tar-water controversy, in which this complaint was made in more than one of the polemical pamphlets, c. g. Anti-Siris. THE QUERISTS Query i. Whether there ever was, is, or will be, an industrious nation poor, or an idle rich ? 2. Whether a people can be called poor, where the common sort are well fed, clothed, and lodged ? 3. Whether the drift and aim of every wise state should not be, to encourage industry in its members ? And whether those who employ neither heads nor hands for the common benefit deserve not to be expelled like drones out of a well-governed state ? 4. Whether the four elements, and man's labour therein, be not the true source of wealth ? 5. Whether money be not only so far useful, as it stirreth up industry, enabling men mutually to participate the fruits of each other's labour ? 6. Whether any other means, equally conducing to excite and circulate the industry of mankind, may not be as useful as money ? 7. Whether the real end and aim of men be not power ? And whether he who could have everything else at his wish or will would value money ? 8. Whether the public aim in every well-governed state be not ' The pervading lesson of the Querist is and political economy, than are to be found that of the other politico-economical tracts in any equal space.' of Berkeley — that Industry is the soul of The Querist seems to have been the social prosperity — that ' the four elements, cause, and in some measure the conse- and man's labour therein, are the true source quence, of organised endeavours on an ex- of Wealth ' — and that any scheme for the tensive scale, by patriotic Irish gentlemen^ welfare of the nation ' should take in the pre-eminent among vifhom was Thomas whole inhabitants.' ' The patriotism of Prior, Berkeley's life-long friend and cor- Berkeley,' says Sir James Mackintosh, ' was respondent — to promote the agriculture, not, like that of Swift, tainted by disap- manufactures, and commerce of Ireland, pointed ambition ; nor was it, hke Swift's, See, e. g. the Dublin Society Essays on these confined to a colony of English Protestants. questions. These Essays appeared weekly Perhaps the Querist contains more hints, in 1737 and 1738, and were published then original, still unapplied in legislation collectively, in Dublin and London, in 1 740. A a a 356 The Querist. that each member, according to his just pretensions and industry, should have power ? 9. Whether power be not referred to action ; and whether action doth not follow appetite or will ? 10. Whether fashion doth not create appetites; and whether the prevailing will of a nation is not the fashion ? Ti. Whether the current of industry and commerce be not determined by this prevailing will ? \%. Whether it be not owing to custom that the fashions are agreeable ? 13. Whether it may not concern the wisdom of the legislature to interpose in the making of fashions ; and not leave an affair of so great influence to the management of women and fops, tailors and vintners ? 14. Whether reasonable fashions are a greater restraint on free- dom than those which are unreasonable ? 15. Whether a general good taste in a people would not greatly conduce to their thriving ? And whether an uneducated gentry be not the greatest of national evils ? 16. Whether customs and fashions do not supply the place of reason in the vulgar of all ranks ? Whether, therefore, it doth not very much import that they should be wisely framed ? ] 7. Whether the imitating those neighbours in our fashions, to whom we bear no likeness in our circumstances, be not one cause of distress to this nation ? 18. Whether frugal fashions in the upper rank, and comfortable living in the lower, be not the means to multiply inhabitants ? 19. Whether the bulk of our Irish natives are not kept from thriving, by that cynical content in dirt and beggary which they possess to a degree beyond any other people in Christendom ? 20. Whether the creating of wants be not the likeliest way to produce industry in a people ? And whether, if our peasants were accustomed to eat beef and wear shoes, they would not be more industrious ? ai. Whether other things being given, as climate, soil, &c., the wealth be not proportioned to the industry, and this to the circu- lation of credit, be the credit circulated or transferred by what marks or tokens soever ? The Querist. 357 32. Whether, therefore, less money, swiftly circulating, be not, in effect, equivalent to more money slowly circulating? Or, whether, if the circulation be reciprocally as the quantity of coin, the nation can be a loser ? 23. Whether money is to be considered as having an intrinsic value, or as being a commodity, a standard, a measure, or a pledge, as is variously suggested by writers ? And whether the true idea of money, as such, be not altogether that of a ticket or counter ? 24. Whether the value or price of things be not a com- pounded proportion, directly as the demand, and reciprocally as the plenty? 35. Whether the terms crown, livre, pound sterling, &c, are not to be considered as exponents or denominations of such pro- portion ? And whether gold, silver, and paper are not tickets or counters for reckoning, recording, and transferring thereof? 36. Whether the denominations being retained, although the bullion were gone, things might not nevertheless be rated, bought, and sold, industry promoted, and a circulation of commerce main- tained ? 27. Whether an equal raising of all sorts of gold, silver, and copper coin can have any effect in bringing money into the king- dom ? And whether altering the proportions between the several sorts can have any other effect but multiplying one kind and les- sening another, without any increase of the sum total ? 38. Whether arbitrary changing the denomination of coin be not a public cheat ? 39. What makes a wealthy people ? Whether mines of gold and silver are capable of doing this ? And whether the negroes, amidst the gold sands of Afric, are not poor and destitute ? 30. Whether there be any virtue in gold or silver, other than as they set people at work, or create industry ? 31. Whether it be not the opinion or will of the people, ex- citing them to industry, that truly enricheth a nation? And whether this doth not principally depend on the means for count- ing, transferring, and preserving power, that is, property of all kinds ? 32. Whether if there was no silver or gold in the kingdom, our trade might not, nevertheless, supply bills of exchange, 358 The Querist. sufficient to answer the demands of absentees in England or elsewhere ? 33. Whether current bank-notes may not be^ deemed money? And whether they are not actually the greater part of the money of this kingdom ? 34. Provided the wheels move, whether it is not the same thing, as to the effect of the machine, be this done by the force of wind, or water, or animals ? •3^^^, Whether power to command the industry of others be not real wealth ? And whether money be not in truth tickets or tokens for conveying and recording such power, and whether it be of great consequence what materials the tickets are made of? ^6. Whether trade, either foreign or domestic, be in truth any more than this commerce of industry ? 37. Whether to promote, transfer, and secure this commerce, and this property in human labour, or, in other words, this power, be not the sole means of enriching a people, and how far this may be done independently of gold and silver ? 38. Whether it were not wrong to suppose land itself to be wealth ? And whether the industry of the people is not first to be considered, as that which constitutes wealth, which makes even land and silver to be wealth, neither of which would have any value but as means and motives to industry ? 39. Whether in the wastes of America a man might not possess twenty miles square of land, and yet want his dinner, or a coat to his back ? 40. Whether a fertile land, and the industry of its inhabitants, would not prove inexhaustible funds of real wealth, be the counters for conveying and recording thereof what you will, paper, gold, or silver ? 41. Whether a single hint be sufficient to overcome a pre- judice ? And whether even obvious truths will not sometimes bear repeating ? 43. Whether, if human labour be the true source of wealth, it doth not follow that idleness should of all things be discouraged in a wise state ? 43. Whether even gold, or silver, if they should lessen the industry of its inhabitants, would not be ruinous to a country? And whether Spain be not an instance of this ? The Querist. 359 44. Whether the opinion of men, and their industry consequent thereupon, be not the true wealth of Holland and not the silver supposed to be deposited in the bank at Amsterdam ? 45. Whether there is in truth any such treasure lying dead? And whether it be of great consequence to the public that it should be real rather than notional ? 46. Whether, in order to understand the true nature of wealth and commerce, it would not be right to consider a ship's crew cast upon a desert island, and by degrees forming themselves to business and civil life, while industry begot credit, and credit moved to industry ? 47. Whether such men would not all set themselves to work ? Whether they would not subsist by the mutual participation of each other's industry ? Whether, when one man had in his way procured more than he could consume, he would not exchange his superfluities to supply his wants? Whether this must not produce credit? Whether, to facilitate these conveyances, to record and circulate this credit, they would not soon agree on certain tallies, tokens, tickets, or counters ? 48. Whether reflection in the better sort might not soon remedy our evils ? And whether our real defect be not a wrong way of thinking ? 49. Whether it would not be an unhappy turn in our gentlemen, if they should take no more thought to create an interest to them- selves in this or that county, or borough, than to promote the real interest of their country ? 50. Whether if a man builds a house he doth not in the first place provide a plan which governs his work? And shall the pubUc act without an end, a view, a plan ? 51. Whether by how much the less particular folk think- for themselves, the public be not so much the more obliged to think for them ? 52. Whether small gains be not the way to great profit ? And if our tradesmen are beggars, whether they may not thank them- selves for it ? 53- Whether some way might not be found for making criminals useful in public works, instead of sending them either to America, or to the other world ? 54. Whether we ma not, as well as other nations, contrive 360 The Querist. employment for them ? And whether servitude, chains, and hard labour, for a term of years, would not be a more discouraging, as well as a more adequate punishment for felons than even death itself? 55. Whether there are not such things in Holland as bettering houses for bringing young gentlemen to order? And whether such an institution would be useless among us ? 56. Whether it be true that the poor in Holland have no resource but their own labour, and yet there are no beggars in their streets ? 57. Whether he whose luxury consumeth foreign products, and whose industry produceth nothing domestic to exchange for them, is not so far forth injurious to his country ? 58. Whether necessity is not to be hearkened to before con- venience, and convenience before luxury ? 59. Whether to provide plentifully for the poor be not feeding the root, the substance whereof will shoot upwards into the branches, and cause the top to flourish ? 60. Whether there be any instance of a state wherein the people, living neatly and plentifully, did not aspire to wealth ? 61. Whether nastiness and beggary do not, on the contrary, extinguish all such ambition, making men listless, hopeless, and slothful ? 6%. Whether a country inhabited by a people well fed, clothed, and lodged would not become every day more populous ? And whether a numerous stock of people in such circumstances would not constitute a flourishing nation ? and how far tlie product of our own country may suffice for the compassing this end ? 6j,. Whether a people who had provided themselves with the necessaries of life in good plenty would not soon extend their industry to new arts and new branches of commerce ? 64. Whether those same manufactures which England imports from other countries may not be admitted from Ireland ? And, if so, whether lace, carpets, and tapestry, three considerable articles of English importation, might not find encouragement in Ireland ? And whether an academy for design might not greatly conduce to the perfecting those manufactures among us ? 6ty. Whether France and Flanders could have drawn so much The Querist. 361 money from England for figured silks, lace, and tapestry, if they had not had academies for designing ? ()6. Whether, when a room was once prepared, and models in plaster of Paris, the annual expense of such an academy need stand the public in above two hundred pounds a year ? 67. Whether our linen-manufacture would not find the benefit of this institution ? And whether there be anything that makes us fall short of the Dutch in damasks, diapers^ and printed linen, but our ignorance in design ? 68. Whether those who may slight this affair as notional have sufficiently considered the extensive use of the art of design, and its influence in most trades and manufactures, wherein the forms of things are often more regarded than the materials 2 ? 69. Whether there be any art sooner learned than that of making carpets ? And whether our women, with little time and pains, may not make more beautiful carpets than those imported from Turkey? And whether this branch of the woollen manu- facture be not open to us ? 70. Whether human industry can produce, from such cheap materials, a manufacture of so great value, by any other art, as by those of sculpture and painting ? 71. Whether pictures and statues are not in fact so much trea- sure ? And whether Rome and Florence would not be poor towns without them ? 72. Whether they do not bring ready money as well as jewels ? Whether in Italy debts are not paid, and children portioned with them, as with gold and silver ? 73. Whether it would not be more prudent, to strike out and exert ourselves in permitted branches of trade, than to fold our hands, and repine that we are not allowed the woollen ? 74. Whether it be true that two millions are yearly expended by England in foreign lace and linen ? 75- Whether immense sums are not drawn yearly into the Northern countries, for supplying the British navy with hempen manufactures ? 76. Whether there be anything more profitable than hemp ? And whether there should not be greater premiums for encouraging [Since the first publication of this Query, the Art of Design seems to be more con- sidered and countenanced among us.] — Author. 362 The Querist. our hempen trade ? What advantages may not Great Britain make of a country where land and labour are so cheap ? 77. Whether Ireland alone might not raise hemp sufficient for. the British navy ? And whether it would not be vain to expect this from the British Colonies in America, where hands are so scarce, and labour so excessively dear ? 78. Whether, if our own people want will or capacity for such an attempt, it might not be worth while for some undertaking spirits in England to make settlements, and raise hemp in the counties of Clare and Limerick, than which, perhaps, there is not fitter land in the world for that purpose? And whether both nations would not find their advantage therein ? 79. Whether if all the idle hands in this kingdom were employed on hemp and flax, we might not find sufficient vent for these manu- factures ? 80. How far it may be in our own power to better our affairs, without interfering with our neighbours ? 81. Whether the prohibition of our woollen trade ought not naturally to put us on other methods which give no jealousy ? 8a. Whether paper be not a valuable article of commerce ? And whether it be not true that one single bookseller in London yearly expended above four thousand pounds in that foreign commodity ? 83. How it comes to pass that the Venetians and Genoese, who wear so much less linen, and so much worse than we do, should yet make very good paper, and in great quantity, while we make very little ? 84. How long it will be before my countrymen find out that it is worth while to spend a penny in order to get a groat ? 85. If all the land were tilled that is fit for tillage, and all that sowed with hemp and flax that is fit for raising them, whether we should have much sheep-walk beyond what was sufficient to supply the necessities of the kingdom ? 86. Whether other countries have not flourished without the woollen-trade ? 87. Whether it be not a sure sign, or effect of a country's thriving, to see it well cultivated and full of inhabitants ? And, if so, whether a great quantity of sheep-walk be not ruinous to a country^ rendering it waste and thinly inhabited ? The Querist. 363 88. Whether the employing so much of our land under sheep be not in fact an Irish blunder ? 89. Whether our hankering after our woollen-trade be not the true and only reason which hath created a jealousy in England towards Ireland ? And whether anything can hurt us more than such jealousy ? 90. Whether it be not the true interest of both nations to become one people ? And whether either be sufficiently apprised of this? 91. Whether the upper part of this people are not truly Eng- lish, by blood, language, religion, manners^ inclination, and interest ? 92. Whether we are not as much Englishmen as the children of old Romans, born in Britain, were still Romans ? 93. Whether it be not our true interest, not to interfere with them; and, in every other case, whether it be not their true interest to befriend us ? 94. Whether a mint in Ireland might not be of great conve- nience to the kingdom; and whether it could be attended with any possible inconvenience to Great Britain ?, And whether there were not mints in Naples and in Sicily, when those kingdoms were provinces to Spain, or the house of Austria ? 95. Whether anything can be more ridiculous than for the north of Ireland to be jealous of a linen manufacture in the south ? 96. Whether the county of Tipperary be not much better land than the county of Armagh; and yet whether the latter is not much better improved and inhabited than the former ? 97. Whether every landlord in the kingdom doth not know the cause of this? And yet how few are the better for such their knowledge ? 98. Whether large farms under few hands, or small ones under many are likely to be made most of? And whether flax and tillage do not naturally multiply hands, and divide lands into small holditigs, and well-improved ? 99. Whether, as our exports are lessened, we ought not to lessen our imports ? And whether these will not be lessened as our demands, and these as our wants, and these as our customs or fashions ? Of how great consequence therefore are fashions to the public ? 364 The Querist. 100. Whether it would not be more reasonable to mend our state than complain of it j and how far this may be in our own power ? loi. What the nation gains by those who live in Ireland upon the produce of foreign countries ? 10%. How far the vanity of our ladies in dressing, and of our gentlemen in drinking, contribute to the general misery of the people ? 103. Whether nations, as wise and opulent as ours, have not made sumptuary laws; and what hinders us from doing the same? 104. Whether those who drink foreign liquors, and deck them- selves and their families with foreign ornaments, are not so far forth to be reckoned absentees ? 105. Whether, as our trade is limited, we ought not to limit our expenses ; and whether this be not the natural and obvious remedy ? 106. Whether the dirt, and famine, and nakedness of the bulk of our people might not be remedied, even although we had no foreign trade ? And whether this should not be our first care ; and whether, if this were once provided for, the conveniences of the rich would not soon follow ? 107. Whether comfortable living doth not produce wants, and wants industry, and industry wealth? 108. Whether there is not a great difference between Holland and Ireland ? And whether foreign commerce, without which the one could not subsist, be so necessary for the other ? 109. Might we not put a hand to the plough, or the spade, although we had no foreign commerce ? no. Whether the exigencies of nature are not to be answered by industry on our own soil ? And how far the conveniences and comforts of life may be procured, by a domestic commerce between the several parts of this kingdom ? III. Whether the women may not sew, spin, weave, embroider, sufficiently for the embellishment of their persons, and even enough to raise envy in each other, without being beholden to foreign countries ? T ] %. Suppose the bulk of our inhabitants had shoes to their feet, clothes to their backs, and beef in their bellies, might not such a The Querist. 365 state be eligible for the public, even though the squires were con- demned to drink ale and cider ? T13. Whether, if drunkenness be a necessary evil, men may not as well drink the growth of their own country ? 1 14. Whether a nation within itself might not have real wealth, sufficient to give its inhabitants power and distinction, without the help of gold and silver ? 115. Whether, if the arts of sculpture and painting were encouraged among us, we might not furnish our houses in a much nobler manner with our own manufactures ? 1 1 6. Whether we have not, or may not have, all the necessary materials for building at home ? 117. Whether tiles and plaster may not supply the place of Norway fir for flooring and wainscot ? IT 8. Whether plaster be not warmer, as well as more secure, than deal ? And whether a modern fashionable house, lined with fir, daubed over with oil and paint, be not like a fire-ship, ready to be lighted up by all accidents ? 119. Whether larger houses, better built and furnished, a greater train of servants, the difference with regard to equipage and table between finer and coarser, more and less elegant, may not be suffi- cient to feed a reasonable share of vanity, or support all proper distinctions? And whether all these may not be procured by domestic industry out of the four elements, without ransacking the four quarters of the globe ? 1 20. Whether anything is a nobler ornament, in the eye of the world, than an Italian palace, that is, stone and mortar skilfully put together, and adorned with sculpture and painting; and whether this may not be compassed without foreign trade? lai. Whether an expense in gardens and plantations would not be an elegant distinction for the rich, a domestic magnifi- cence, employing many hands within, and drawing nothing from abroad ? 123. Whether the apology which is made for foreign luxury in England, to wit, that they could not carry on their trade without imports as well as exports, will hold in Ireland ? 123. Whether one may not be allowed to conceive and suppose a society, or nation of human creatures, clad in woollen cloths and stufFs, eating good bread, beef, and mutton, poultry, and fish. 366 The Querist. in great plenty, drinking ale, mead, and cider, inhabiting decent houses built of brick and marble, taking their pleasure in fair parks and gardens, depending on no foreign imports either for food or raiment ? And whether such people ought much to be pitied ? 134. Whether Ireland be not as well qualified for such a state as any nation under the sun ? 1 35. Whether in such a state the inhabitants may not contrive to pass the twenty-fours with tolerable ease and cheerfulness ? And whether any people upon earth can do more ? 1 26. Whether they may not eat, drink, play, dress, visit, sleep in good beds, sit by good fires, build, plant, raise a name, make estates, and spend them ? 127. Whether, upon the whole, a domestic trade may not suffice in such a country as Ireland, to nourish and clothe its inhabitants, and provide them with the reasonable conveniences and even com- forts of life ? 128. Whether a general habit of living well would not produce numbers and industry 3 and whether, considering the tendency of human kind, the consequence thereof would not be foreign trade and riches, how unnecessary soever ? 139. Whether, nevertheless, it be a crime to inquire how far we may do without foreign trade, and what would follow on such a supposition ? 130. Whether the number and welfare of the subjects be not the true strength of the crown ? 131. Whether in all public institutions there should not be an end proposed, which is to be the rule and limit of the means? Whether this end should not be the well-being of the whole? And whether, in order to this, the first step should not be to clothe and feed our people ? 132. Whether there be upon earth any Christian or civilized people, so beggarly, wretched, and destitute as the common Irish? 133. Whether, nevertheless, there is any other people whose wants may be more easily supplied from home ? 134. Whether, if there was a wall of brass a thousand cubits high round this kingdom, our natives might not nevertheless live cleanly and comfortably, till the land, and reap the fruits of it? The Querist. 367 135. What should hinder us from exerting ourselves, using our hands and brains, doing something or other, man, woman, and child, like the other inhabitants of God's earth ? 136. Be the restraining our trade well or ill advised in our neighbours, with respect to their own interest, yet whether it be not plainly ours to accommodate ourselves to it ? 137. Whether it be not vain to think of persuading other people to see their interest, while we continue blind to our own? 138. Whether there be any other nation possessed of so much good land, and so many able hands to work it, which yet is beholden for bread to foreign countries ? 139. Whether it be true that we import corn to the value of two hundred thousand pounds in some years 3 ? 140. Whether we are not undone by fashions made for other people? And whether it be not madness in a poor nation to imitate a rich one ? 141. Whether a woman of fashion ought not to be declared a public enemy ? 14a- Whether it be not certain that from the single town of Cork were exported, in one year, no less than one hundred and seven thousand one hundred and sixty-one barrels of beef j seven thousand three hundred and seventy-nine barrels of pork; thirteen thousand four hundred and sixty-one casks, and eighty- five thousand seven hundred and twenty-seven firkins of butter? And what hands were employed in this manufacture ? 143. Whether a foreigner could imagine that one half of the people were starving, in a country which sent out such plenty of provisions ? 144. Whether an Irish lady, set out with French silks and Flanders lace, may not be said to consume more beef and butter than a hundred of our labouring peasants ? 145. Whether nine-tenths of our foreign trade be not carried on singly to support the article of vanity ? 146. Whether it can be hoped that private persons will not indulge this folly, unless restrained by the public ? 147. How vanity is maintained in other countries? Whether ^ [Things are now better in respect of this particular, and some others, than they were when the Qiierisi was first published.] — Author. 368 The Querist. in Hungary, for instance, a proud nobility are not subsisted with small imports from abroad ? 148. Whether there be a prouder people upon earth than the noble Venetians, although they all wear plain black clothes ? 149. Whether a people are to be pitied that will not sacrifice their little particular vanities to the public good? And yet, whether each part would not except their own foible from this public sacrifice, the squire his bottle, the lady her lace ? 150. Whether claret be not often drunk rather for vanity than for health, or pleasure ? 151. Whether it be true that men of nice palates have been imposed on, by elder wine for French claret, and by mead for palm sack? 152. Do not Englishmen abroad purchase beer and cider at ten times the price of wine ? 153. How many gentlemen are there in England of a thousand pound per annum who never drink wine in their own houses? Whether the same may be said of any in Ireland who have even one hundred pounds per annum ? 754. What reason have our neighbours in England for dis- couraging French wines which may not hold with respect to us also? 155. How much of the necessary sustenance of our people is yearly exported for brandy ? 156. Whether, if people must poison themselves, they had not better do it with their own growth ? 157. If we imported neither claret from France, nor fir from Norway, what the nation would save by it ? 158. When the root yieldeth insufficient nourishment, whether men do not top the tree to make the lower branches thrive ? 159. Whether, if our ladies drank sage or balm tea out of Irish ware, it would be an insupportable national calamity ? 1 60. Whether it be really true that such wine is best as most encourages drinking, i. e. that must be given in the largest dose to produce its effect? And whether this holds with regard to any other medicine ? 161. Whether that trade should not be accounted most per- nicious wherein the balance is most against us? And whether this be not the trade with France ? The Querist. 369 163. Whether it be not even madness to encourage trade with a nation that takes nothing of our manufacture ? 163. Whether Ireland can hope to thrive if the major part of her patriots shall be found in the French interest ? 1 64. Whether great plenty and variety of excellent wines are not to be had on the coasts of ItSly and Sicily? And whether those countries would not take our commodities of linen, leather, butter, &c. in exchange for them ? 165. Particularly, whether the Vinum Mamertinum, which grows on the mountains about Messina, a red generous wine, highly esteemed (if we may credit Pliny) by the ancient Romans, would not come cheap, and please the palates of our Islanders ? 166. Why, if a bribe by the palate or the purse be in effect the same thing, they should not be alike infamous ? 167. Whether the vanity and luxury of a few ought to stand in competition with the interest of a nation ? 168. Whether national wants ought not to be the rule of trade ? And whether the most pressing wants of the majority ought not to be first considered ? 169. Whether it is possible the country should be well improved, while our beef is exported, and our labourers live upon potatoes? 170. If it be resolved that we cannot do without foreign trade, whether, at least, it may not be worth while to consider what branches thereof deserve to be entertained, and how far we may be able to carry it on under our present limitations ? 171. What foreign imports may be necessary for clothing and feeding the families of persons not worth above one hundred pounds a year? And how many wealthier there are in the kingdom, and what proportion they bear to the other inhabitants ? 173. Whether trade be not then on a right foot, when foreign commodities are imported in exchange only for domestic super- fluities ? 173. Whether the quantities of beef, butter, wool, and leather, exported from this island, can be reckoned the super- fluities of a country, where there are so many natives naked and famished ? 174. Whether it would not be wise so to order our trade as to VOL. III. B b 370 The Querist. export manufactures rather than provisions, and of those such as employ most hands ? 175. Whether she would not be a very vile matron, and justly thought either mad or foolish, that should give away the necessaries of life from her naked and famished children, in exchange for pearls to stick in her hair, and sweetmeats to please her own palate ? 176. Whether a nation might not be considered as a family? 177. Whether the remark made by a Venetian ambassador to Cardinal Richelieu — 'That France needed nothing to be rich and easy, but to know how to spend what she dissipates" — may not be of use also to other people ? 178. Whether hungry cattle will not leap over bounds? And whether most men are not hungry in a country where expensive fashions obtain ? 179. Whether there should not be published yearly schedules of our trade, containing an account of the imports and exports of the foregoing year ? 180. Whether other methods may not be found for supplying the funds, besides the custom on things imported ? 181. Whether any art or manufacture be so difficult as the making of good laws ? 183. Whether our peers and gentlemen are born legislators? Or, whether that faculty be acquired by study and reflection ? 183. Whether to comprehend the real interest of a people, and the means to procure it, do not imply some fund of know- ledge, historical, moral, and political, with a faculty of reason improved by learning ? 184. Whether every enemy to learning be not a Goth? And whether every such Goth among us be not an enemy to the country ? 185. Whether, therefore, it would not be an omen of ill presage, a dreadful phenomenon in the land, if our great men should take it in their heads to deride learning and education ? 186. Whether, on the contrary, it should not seem worth while to erect a mart of literature in this kingdom, under wise regula- tions and better discipline than in any other part of Europe ? And whether this would not be an infallible means of drawing men and money into the kingdom ? The Querist. 371 187. Whether the governed be not too numerous for the govern- ing part of out college ? And whether it might not be expedient to convert thirty natives-places into twenty fellowships ? 188. Whether, if we had two colleges, there might not spring a useful emulation between them? And whether it might not be contrived so to divide the fellows, scholars, and revenues, between both, as that no member should be a loser thereby ? 189. Whether ten thousand pounds well laid out might not build a decent college, fit to contain two hundred persons 5 and whether the purchase-money of the chambers would not go a good way towards defraying the expense ? 190. Where this college should be situated ? 191. Whether, in imitation of the Jesuits at Paris, who admit Protestants to study in their colleges, it may not be right for us also to admit Roman Catholics into our college, without obliging them to attend chapel duties, or catechisms, or divinity lectures ? And whether this might not keep money in the kingdom, and pre- vent the prejudices of a foreign education ? 192. Whether it is possible a state should not thrive, whereof the lower part were industrious, and the upper wise ? 193. Whether the collected wisdom of ages and nations be not found in books ? 194. Whether Themistocles his art of making a little city, or a little people, become a great one be learned anywhere so well as in the writings of the ancients ? 195. Whether a wise state hath any interest nearer heart than the education of youth ? 196. Whether the mind, like soil, doth not by disuse grow stifFi and whether reasoning and study be not like stirring and dividing the glebe ? 197. Whether an early habit of reflexion, although obtained by speculative sciences, may not have its use in practical affairs ? • 198. Whether even those parts of academical learning which are quite forgotten may not have improved and enriched the soil, like those vegetables which are raised, not for themselves, but ploughed in for a dressing of land ? 199. Whether it was not an Irish professor who first opened the public schools at Oxford ? Whether this island hath not been B b 2 3/2 The Qtterist. anciently famous for learning ? And whether at this day it hath any better chance of being considerable ? 200. Whether we may not with better grace sit down and com- plain, when we have done all that lies in our power to help ourselves ? 201. Whether the gentleman of estate hath a right to be idle; and whether he ought not to be the great promoter and director of industry among his tenants and neighbours ? 20a. Whether in the cantons of Switzerland all under thirty years of age are not excluded from their great councils ? 303. Whether Homer's compendium of education, Mtiflajc ii\v ^ijTTJp' l/tcvat, vprjKTTJpi re cpyav. — Iliad ix. would not be a good rule for modern educators of youth? And whether half the learning and study of these kingdoms is not use- less, for -want of a proper delivery and punctuation being taught in our schools and colleges ? 204. Whether in any order a good building can be made of bad materials? Or whether any form of government can make a happy state out of bad individuals ? 205. What was it that Solomon compared to a jewel of gold in a swine's snout ? 2c6. Whether the public is more concerned in anything than in the procreation of able citizens ? 207. Whether to the multiplying of human kind, it would not much conduce, if marriages were made with good-liking ? 208. Whether, if women had no portions, we should then see so many unhappy and unfruitful marriages ? 209. Whether the laws be not, according to Aristotle, a mind without appetite or passion ? And consequently without respect of persons ? aio. Suppose a rich man's son marries a poor man's daughter, suppose also that a poor man's daughter is deluded and debauched by the son of a rich man ; which is most to be pitied ? 211. Whether the punishment should be placed on the seduced or the seducer ? 212. Whether a promise made before God and man in the most solemn manner ought to be violated ? 213. Whether it was Plato's opinion that, 'for the good of the community, rich should marry with rich ?' — De Leg. lib. iv. The Querist. 373 314. Whether, as seed equally scattered produceth a goodly harvest, even so an equal distribution of wealth doth not cause a nation to flourish ? 215. Whence is it that Barbs and Arabs are so good horses? And whether in those countries they are not exactly nice in ad- mitting none but males of a good kind to their mares ? 316. What efiFects would the same care produce in families? 317. Whether the real foundation for wealth must not be laid in the numbers, the frugality, and the industry of the people ? And whether all attempts to enrich a nation by other means, as raising the coin, stock-jobbing, and such arts are not vain? 818. Whether a door ought not to be shut against all other methods of growing rich, save only by industry and merit ? And whether wealth got otherwise would not be ruinous to the public ? 319. Whether the abuse of banks and paper-money is a just ob- jection against the use thereof? And whether such abuse might not easily be prevented ? 320. Whether national banks are not found useful in Venice, Holland, and Hamburgh ? And whether it is not possible to con- trive one that may be useful also in Ireland ? 331. Whether the banks of Venice and Amsterdam are not in the hands of the public ? 333. Whether it may not be worth while to inform ourselves in the nature of those banks ? And what reason can be assigned why Ireland should not reap the benefit of such public banks as well as other countries ? 223. Whether a bank of national credit, supported by public funds and secured by Parliament, be a chimera or impossible thing ? And if not, what would follow from the supposal of such a bank ? 334. Whether the currency of a credit so well secured would not be of great advantage to our trade and manufactures ? 325. Whether the notes of such public bank would not have a more general circulation than those of private banks, as being less subject to frauds and hazards ? 336. Whether it be not agreed that paper hath in many re- spects the advantage above coin, as being of more dispatch in 374 T^^ Querist. payments, more easily transferred, preserved, and recovered when lost? 227. Whether, besides these advantages, there be not an evident necessity for circulating credit by paper, from the defect of coin in this kingdom ? aa8. Whether it be rightly remarked by some that, as banking brings no treasure into the kingdom like trade, private wealth must sink as the bank riseth ? And whether whatever causeth industry to flourish and circulate may not be said to increase our treasure ? 229. Whether the ruinous effects of the Mississippi, South Sea, and such schemes were not owing to an abuse of paper-money or credit, in making it a means for idleness and gaming, instead of a motive and help to industry ? 230. Whether the rise of the bank of Amsterdam was not purely casual, for the sake of security and dispatch of payments ? And whether the good effects thereof, in supplying the place of coin, and promoting a ready circulation of industry and commerce, may not be a lesson to us, to do that by design which others fell upon by chance ? 231. Whether plenty of small cash be not absolutely necessary for keeping up a circulation among the people j that is, whether copper be not more necessary than gold ? 232. Whether that which increaseth the stock of a nation be not a means of increasing its trade ? And whether that which in- creaseth the current credit of a nation may not be said to increase its stock ? 233. Whether the credit of the public funds be not a mine of gold to England ? And whether any step that should lessen this credit ought not to be dreaded ? 234. Whether such credit be not the principal advantage that England hath over France ? I may add, over every other country in Europe ? 235. Whether by this the public is not become possessed of the wealth of foreigners as well as natives ? And whether England be not in some sort the treasury of Christendom ? 236. Whether, as our current domestic credit grew, industry would not grow likewise ; and if industry, our manufactures j and if these, our foreign credit ? The Querist. 375 337. Whether foreign demands may not be answered by our exports without drawing cash out of the kingdom ? 238. Whether as industry increased, our manufactures would not flourish j and as these flourished, whether better returns would not be made from estates to their landlords, both within and with- out the kingdom ? 339. Whether the sure way to supply people with tools and materials, and to set them at work, be not a free-circulation of money, whether silver or paper ? 240. Whether in New England all trade and business are not as much at a stand, upon a scarcity of paper-money, as with us from the want of specie ? 341. Whether it be certain that the quantity of silver in the bank of Amsterdam be greater now than at first ; but whether it be not certain that there is a greater circulation of industry and extent of trade, more people, ships, houses, and commodities of all sorts, more power by sea and land ? 242. Whether money, lying dead in the bank of Amsterdam, would not be as useless as in the mine ? 243. Whether our visible security in land could be doubted? And whether there be anything like this in the bank of Am- sterdam ? 244. Whether it be just to apprehend danger from trusting a national bank with power to extend its credit, to circulate notes which it shall be felony to counterfeit, to receive goods on loans, to purchase lands, to sell also or alienate them, and to deal in bills of exchange j when these powers are no other than have been trusted for many years with the bank of England, although in truth but a private bank ? 345. Whether the objection from monopolies and an overgrowth of power, which are made against private banks, can possibly hold against a national one ? 346. Whether the evil eflFects which of late years have attended paper-money and credit in Europe did not spring from subscrip- tions, shares, dividends, and stock-jobbing ? 247. Whether the great evils attending paper-money in the British Plantations of America have not sprung from the over- rating their lands, and issuing paper without discretion, and from the legislators breaking their own rules in favour of themselves. 376 The Querist. thus sacrificing the public to their own private benefit? And whether a little sense and honesty might not easily prevent all such inconveniences ? 248. Whether the subject of free-thinking in religion be not exhausted ? And whether it be not high time for our Free-thinkers to turn their thoughts to the improvement of their country? 249. Whether it must not be ruinous for a nation to sit down to game, be it with silver or with paper ? 250. Whether, therefore, the circulating paper, in the late ruin- ous schemes of France and England, was the true evil, and not rather the circulating thereof without industry ? And whether the bank of Amsterdam, where industry had been for so many years subsisted and circulated by transfers on paper, doth not clearly decide this point ? 25 1 . Whether there are not to be seen in America fair towns, wherein the people are well lodged, fed, and clothed, without a beggar in their streets, although there be not one grain of gold or silver current among them ? 252. Whether these people do not exercise all arts and trades, build ships and navigate them to all parts of the world, purchase lands, till and reap the fruits of them, buy and sell, educate and provide for their children? Whether they do not even indulge themselves in foreign vanities ? 253. Whether, whatever inconveniences those people may have incurred from not observing either rules or bounds in their paper- money, yet it be not certain that they are in a more flourishing condition, have larger and better built towns, more plenty, more industry, more arts and civility, and a more extensive commerce, than when they had gold and silver current among them ? 254. Whether a view of the ruinous effects of absurd schemes and credit mismanaged, so as to produce gaming and madness instead of industry, can be any just objection against a national bank calculated purely to promote industry ? 255. Whether a scheme for the welfare of this nation should not take in the whole inhabitants ? And whether it be not a vain attempt, to project the flourishing of our Protestant gentry, exclusive of the bulk of the natives ? 256. Whether an oath, testifying allegiance to the king, and disclaiming the pope's authority in temporals, may not be justly The Querist. 377 required of the Roman Catholics ? And whether, in common prudence or policy, any priest should be tolerated who refuseth to take it? 257. Whether there is any such thing as a body of inhabitants, in any Roman Catholic country under the sun, that profess an absolute submission to the pope's orders in matters of an indif- ferent nature, or that in such points do not think it their duty to obey the civil government ? 258. Whether since the peace of Utrecht, mass was not cele- brated, and the sacraments administered in divers dioceses of Sicily, notwithstanding the pope's interdict? 259. Whether a sum which would go but a little way towards erecting hospitals for maintaining and educating the children of the native Irish miglat not go far in binding them out apprentices to Protestant masters, for husbandry, useful trades, and the service of families ? 260. Whether there be any instance of a people's being con- verted in a Christian sense, otherwise than by preaching to them and instructing them in their own language ? 261. Whether catechists in the Irish tongue may not easily be procured and subsisted ? And whether this would not be the most practicable means for converting the natives ? 262. Whether it be not of great advantage to the Church of Rome, that she hath clergy suited to all ranks of men, in gradual subordination from cardinals down to mendicants ? 263. Whether her numerous poor clergy are not very useful in missions, and of much influence with the people ? 264. Whether, in defect of able missionaries, persons conversant in low life, and speaking the Irish tongue, if well instructed in the first principles of religion, and in the popish controversy, though for the rest on a level with the parish clerks, or the schoolmasters of charity-schools, may not be fit to mix with and bring over our poor illiterate natives to the Established Church? Whether it is not to be wished that some parts of our liturgy and homilies were publicly read in the Irish lan- guage ? And whether, in these views, it may not be right to breed up some of the better sort of children in the charity- schools, and qualify them for missionaries, catechists, and readers ? 37^ The Querist. 365. Whether a squire possessed of land to the value of a thousand pounds per annum, or a merchant worth twenty thousand pounds in cash, would have most power to do good or evil upon any emergency ? And whether the suffering Roman Catholics to purchase forfeited lands would not be good policy, as tending to unite their interest with that of the government ? 266. Whether the sea-ports of Galway, Limerick, Cork, and Waterford are not to be looked on as keys of this kingdom? And whether the merchants are not possessed of these keys; and who are the most numerous merchants in those cities? 267. Whether a merchant cannot more speedily raise a sum, more easily conceal or transfer his effects, and engage in any desperate design with more safety, than a landed man, whose estate is a pledge for his behaviour? 268. Whether a wealthy merchant bears not great sway among the populace of a trading city ? And whether- power be not ultimately lodged in the people ? 369. Whether, as others have supposed an Atlantis or Utopia, we also may not suppose an Hyperborean island inhabited by reasonable creatures ? 370. Whether an indifferent person, who looks into all hands, may not be a better judge of the game than a party who sees only his own ? 271. Whether there be any country in Christendom more capable of improvement than Ireland? 272. Whether we are not as far before other nations with respect to natural advantages, as we are behind them with respect to arts and industry ? 273. Whether we do not live in a most fertile soil and tem- perate climate, and yet whether our people in general do not feel great want and misery ? 274. Whether my countrymen are not readier at finding ex- cuses than remedies ? 375. Whether the wealth and prosperity of our country do not hang by a hair, the probity of one banker, the caution of another, and the lives of all ? 376. Whether we have not been sufficiently admonished of this by some late events ? 277. Whether a national bank would not at once secure our The Querist. 379 properties, put an end to usury, facilitate commerce, supply the want of coin, and produce ready payments in all parts of the kingdom ? 278. Whether the use or nature of money, which all men so eagerly pursue, be yet suflSciently understood or considered by all? 279. What doth Aristotle mean by saying — Mipos ilvat So«a t& vSfitvim. — De Repub. lib. ix. 9 ? 280. Whether mankind are not governed by imitation rather than by reason ? 381. Whether there be not a measure or limit, within which gold and silver are useful, and beyond which they may be hurtful ? 282. Whether that measure be not the circulating of industry ? 283. Whether a discovery of the richest gold mine that ever" was, in the heart of the kingdom, would be a real advantage to us? 284. Whether it would not tempt foreigners to prey upon us ? 285. Whether it would not render us a lazy, proud, and das- tardly people ? 286. Whether every man who had money enough would not be a gentleman ? And whether a nation of gentlemen would not be a wretched nation ? 287. Whether all things would not bear a high price? And whether men would not increase their fortunes without being the better for it ? 288. Whether the same evils would be apprehended from paper- money under an honest and thrifty regulation ? 289. Whether, therefore, a national bank would not be more beneficial than even a mine of gold ? 290. Whether without private banks what little business and industry there is would not stagnate ? But whether it be not a mighty privilege for a private person to be able to create a hundred pounds with a dash of his pen ? 291. Whether the wise state of Venice was not the first that conceived the advantage of a national bank ? 293. Whether the great exactness and integrity with which this bank is managed be not the chief support of that republic ? 293. Whether the bank of Amsterdam was not begun about one 380 The Querist. hundred and thirty years ago, and whether at this day its stock be not conceived to amount to three thousand tons of gold, or thirty millions sterling ? 294. Whether all payments of contracts for goods in gross, and letters of exchange must not be made by transfers in the bank-books, provided the sum exceed three hundred florins ? 295. Whether it be not owing to this bank that the city of Amsterdam, without the least confusion, hazard, or trouble, main- tains and every day promotes so general and quick a circulation of industry ? 296. Whether it be not the greatest help and spur to commerce that property can be so readily conveyed and so well secured by a compte en hanc^ that is, by only writing one man's name for another's in the bank-book ? 297. Whether, at the beginning of the last century, those who had lent money to the public during the war with Spain were not satisfied by the sole expedient of placing their names in a compte en banc^ with liberty to transfer their claims ? 298. Whether the example of those easy transfers in the compe en banc, thus casually erected, did not tempt other men to be- come creditors to the public, in order- to profit by the same secure and expeditious method of keeping and transferring their wealth ? 299. Whether this compte en banc hath not proved better than a mine of gold to Amsterdam ? 300. Whether that city may not be said to owe her greatness to the unpromising accident of her having been in debt more than she was able to pay ? 301. Whether it be known that any state from such small beginnings, in so short a time, ever grew to so great wealth and power as the province of Holland hath done; and whether the bank of Amsterdam hath not been the real cause of such extra- ordinary growth ? 302. Whether the success of those public banks in Venice, Amsterdam and Hamburgh would not naturally produce in other states an inclination to the same methods ? 303. Whether it be possible for a national bank to subsist and maintain its credit under a French Government ? 304. Whether our natural appetites, as well as powers, are not The Querist. 381 limited to their respective ends and uses ? But wiiether artificial appetites may not be infinite ? 305. Whether the simple getting of money, or passing it from hand to hand without industry, be an object worthy of a wise government ? 306. Whether, if money be considered as an end, the appetite thereof be not infinite ? But whether the ends of money itself be not bounded ? 307. Whether the total sum of all other powers, be it of enjoy- ment or action, which belong to a man, or to all mankind together, is not in truth a very narrow and limited quantity ? But whether fancy is not boundless ? 308. Whether this capricious tyrant, which usurps the place of reason, doth not most cruelly torment and delude those poor men, the usurers, stockjobbers, and projectors, of content to themselves from heaping up riches, that is, from gathering counters, from multiplying figures, from enlarging denominations, without know- ing what they would be at, and without having a proper regard for the use, or end, or nature of things ? 309. Whether the ignis fatuus of fancy doth not kindle im- moderate desires, and lead men into endless pursuits and wild labyrinths ? 310. Whether counters be not referred to other things, which, so long as they keep pace and proportion with the counters, it must be owned the counters are useful ; but whether beyond that to value or covet counters be not direct folly ? 31 r. Whether the public aim ought not to be, that men's industry should supply their present wants, and the overplus be converted into a stock of power ? 31a. Whether the better this power is secured, and the more easily it is transferred, industry be not so much the more en- couraged ? 313. Whether money, more than is expedient for those pur- poses, be not upon the whole hurtfiil rather than beneficial to a state ? 314. Whether the promoting of industry should not be always in view, as the true and sole end, the rule and measure, of a national bank ? And whether all deviations from that object should not be carefully avoided ? 382 The Querist. 315. Whether it may not be useful, for supplying manufactures and trade with stock, for regulating exchange, for quickening commerce, and for putting spirit into the people ? 316. Whether we are sufficiently sensible of the peculiar security there is in having a bank that consists of land and paper, one of which cannot be exported, and the other is in no danger of being exported ? 317. Whether it be not delightful to complain ? And whether there be not many who had rather utter their complaints than redress their evils ? 318. Whether, if 'the crown of the wise be their riches'",' we are not the foolishest people in Christendom ? 319. Whether we have not all the while great civil as well as natural advantages ? 320. Whether there be any people who have more leisure to cultivate the arts of peace, and study the public weal ? 3 a I. Whether other nations who enjoy any share of freedom, and have great objects in view, be not unavoidably embarrassed and distracted by factions ? But whether we do not divide upon trifles, and whether our parties are not a burlesque upon politics ? 322. Whether it be not an advantage that we are not embroiled in foreign affairs, that we hold not the balance of Europe, that we are protected by other fleets and armies, that it is the true interest of a powerful people, from whom we are descended, to guard us on all sides ? 323. Whether England doth not really love us and wish well to us, as bone of her bone, and flesh of her flesh ? And whether it be not our part to cultivate this love and affection all manner of ways ? 324. What sea-ports or foreign trade have the Swisses; and yet how warm are those people, and how well provided ? 325. Whether there may not be found a people who so contrive as to be impoverished by their trade ? And whether we are not that people ? 326. Whether it would not be better for this island, if all bur fine folk of both sexes were shipped off, to remain in fpreign countries, rather than that they should spend their estates at * [Prov. xiv. 24.] — Author. The Querist. 383 home in foreign luxury, and spread the contagion thereof through their native land ? 327. Whether our gentry understand or have a notion of mag- nificence, and whether for want thereof they do not affect very wretched distinctions ? 338. Whether there be not an art or skill in governing human pride, so as to render it subservient to the public aim ? 329. Whether the great and general aim of the public should not J)e to employ the people ? 330. What right an eldest son hath to the worst education ? 331. Whether men's counsels are not the result of their know- ledge and their principles ? 333. Whether there be not labour of the brains as well as of the hands, and whether the former is beneath a gentleman ? 333. Whether the public be more interested to protect the property acquired by mere birth than that which is the immediate fruit of learning and virtue ? 334. Whether it would not be a poor and ill judged project to attempt to promote the good of the community, by invading the rights of one part thereof, or of one particular order of men ? 335. Whether there be a more wretched, and at the same time a more unpitied case, than for men to make precedents for their own undoing ? 336. Whether to determine about the rights and properties of men by other rules than the law be not dangerous ? 337. Whether those men who move the corner-stones of a con- stitution may not pull an old house on their own heads ? 338. Whether there be not two general methods whereby men become sharers in the national stock of wealth or power, in- dustry and inheritance ? And whether it would be wise in a civil society to lessen that share which is allotted to merit and industry ? 339. Whether all ways of spending a fortune be of equal benefit to the public, and what sort of men are aptest to run into an im- proper expense ? ■340. If the revenues allotted for the encouragement of religion and learning were made hereditary in the hands of a dozen lay lords and as many overgrown commoners, whether the public would be much the better for it ? 384 The Querist. 341. Whether the Church's patrimony belongs to one tribe alone; and whether every man's son, brother, or himself, may not, if he please, be qualified to share therein ? 342. What is there in the clergy to create a jealousy in '^tbe public? Or what would the public lose by it, if every squire in the land wore a black coat, said his prayers, and was obliged to reside ? 3/J3. Whether there be anything perfect under the sun? And whether it be not with the world as with a particular state, and with a state or body politic as with the human body, which lives and moves under various indispositions, perfect health being seldom or never to be found? 344. Whether, nevertheless, men should not in all things aim at perfection ? And, therefore, v/hether any wise and good man would be against applying remedies ? But whether it is not natural to wish for a benevolent physician ? 345. Whether the public happiness be not proposed by the legislature, and whether such happiness doth not contain that of the individuals? 346. Whether, therefore, a legislator should be content with a vulgar share of knowledge ? Whether he should not be a person of reflection and thought, who bath made it his study to under- stand the true nature and interest of mankind, how to guide men's humours and passions, how to incite their active powers, how to make their several talents co-operate to the mutual benefit of each other, and the general good of the whole ? 347. Whether it doth not follow that above all things a gen- tleman's care should be to keep his own faculties sound and entire ? 348. Whether the natural phlegm of this island needs any additional stupifier? 349. Whether all spirituous liquors are not in truth opiates ? 350. Whether our men of business are not generally very grave by fifty ? 351. Whether all men have not faculties of mind or body which may be employed for the public benefit ? 353. Whether the main point be not to multiply and employ our people ? The Querist. 385 353. Whether hearty food and warm clothing would not enable and encourage the lower sort to labour ? 354. Whether, in such a soil as ours, if there was industry, there could be want ? 355. Whether the way to make men industrious be not to let them taste the fruits of their industry ? And whether the labour- ing ox should be muzzled ? 356. Whether our landlords are to be told that industry and numbers would raise the value of their lands, or that one acre about the Tholsel is worth ten thousand acres in Connaught ? 357. Whether our old native Irish are not the most indolent and supine people in Christendom ? 358. Whether they are yet civilized, and whether their habita- tions and furniture are not more sordid than those of the savage Americans ? 359. Whether it be not a sad circumstance to live among lazy beggars ? And whether, on the other hand, it would not be de- Ughtful to live in a country swarming, like China, with busy people ? 360. Whether we should not cast about, by all manner of means, to excite industry, and to remove whatever hinders it? And whether every one should not lend a helping hand ? 361. Whether vanity itself should not be engaged in this good work ? And whether it is not to be wished that the finding of employment for themselves and others were a fashionable dis- tinction among the ladies ? 362. Whether idleness be the mother or daughter of spleen ? 363. Whether it may not be worth while to publish the con- versation of Ischomachus and his wife in Xenophon, for the use of our ladies ? 364. Whether it is true that there have been, upon a time, one hundred millions of people employed in China, without the woollen trade, or any foreign commerce ? 365. Whether the natural inducements to sloth are not greater in the Mogul's country than in Ireland, and yet whether, in that suffocating and dispiriting climate, the Banyans are not all, men, women, and children, constantly employed ? 366. Whether it be not true that the Great Mogul's subjects VOL. Ill, c c 386 The Querist. might undersell us even in our own markets, and clothe our people with their stufFs and calicoes, if they were imported duty free ? 357. Whether there can be a greater reproach on the leading men and the patriots of a country, than that the people should want employment ? And whether methods may not be found to employ even the lame and the blind, the dumb, the deaf, and the maimed, in some or other branch of our manufactures ? 368. Whether much may not be expected from a biennial con- sultation of so many wise men about the public good ? 369. Whether a tax upon dirt would not be one way of encou- raging industry ? 370. Whether it would be a great hardship if every parish were obliged to find work for their poor ? 371. Whether children especially should not be inured to labour betimes ? 37 a. Whether there should be not erected, in each province, an hospital for orphans and foundlings, at the expense of old bachelors ? 373. Whether it be true that in the Dutch workhouses things are so managed that a child four years old may earn its own livelihood ? 374. What a folly is it to build fine houses, or establish lucra- tive posts and large incomes, under the notion of providing for the poor ? 375. Whether the poor, grown up and in health, need any other provision but their own industry, under public inspection ? 376. Whether the poor-tax in England hath lessened or in- creased the number of poor ? 377. Whether workhouses should not be made at the least expense, with clay floors, and walls of rough stone, without plas- tering, ceiling, or glazing ? 378. Whether it be an impossible attempt to set our people at work, or whether industry be a habit, which, like other habits, may by time and skill be introduced among any people ? 379. Whether all manner of means should not be employed to possess the nation in general with an aversion and contempt for idleness and all idle folk ? 380. Whether it would be a hardship on people destitute of all The Querist. 387 things, if the public furnished them with necessaries which they should be obliged to earn by their labour ? 381. Whether other nations have not found great benefit from the use of slaves in repairing high roads, making rivers navi- gable, draining bogs, erecting public buildings, bridges, and manufactories ? 383. Whether temporary servitude would not be the best cure for idleness and beggary ? 383. Whether the public hath not a right to employ tliose who cannot, or who will not find employment for themselves ? 384. Whether all sturdy beggars should not be seized and made slaves to the public for a certain term of years ? 385. Whether he who is chained in a jail or dungeon hath not, for the time, lost his liberty ? And if so, whether temporary slavery be not already admitted among us ? 385. Whether a state of servitude, wherein he should be well worked, fedj and clothed, would not be a preferment to such a fellow ? 387. Whether criminals in the freest country may not forfeit their liberty, and repair the damage they have done the public by hard labour ? 388. What the word servant signifies in the New Testament ? 389. Whether the view of criminals chained in pairs and kept at hard labour would not be very edifying to the multitude ? 390. Whether the want of such an institution be not plainly seen in England, where the disbelief of a future state hardeneth rogues against the fear of death, and where, through the great growth of robbers and housebreakers, it becomes every day more necessary ? 391. Whether it be not easier to prevent than to remedy, and whether we should not profit by the example of others ? 392. Whether felons are not often spared, and therefore encouraged, by the compassion of those who should prosecute them? 393. Whether many that would not take away the life of a thief may not nevertheless be willing to bring him to a more adequate punishment ? 394. Whether the most indolent would be fond of idleness, if they regarded it as the sure road to hard labour? c c 3 388 The Querist. 395. Whether the industry of the lower part of our people doth not much depend on the expense of the upper ? 395. What would be the consequence if our gentry affected' to distinguish themselves by fine houses rather than fine clothes ? 397. Whether any people in Europe are so meanly provided with houses and furniture, in proportion to their incomes, as the men of estates in Ireland ? 398. Whether building would not peculiarly encourage all other arts in this kingdom ? 399. Whether smiths, masons, bricklayers, plasterers, carpenters, joiners, tilers, plumbers, and glaziers would not all find employ- ment if the humour of building prevailed ? 400. Whether the ornaments and furniture of a good house do not employ a number of all sorts of artificers, in iron, wood, marble, brass, pewter, copper, wool, flax, and divers other materials ? 401. Whether in buildings and gardens a great number of day- labourers do not find employment ? 403. Whether by these means much of that sustenance and wealth of this nation which now goes to foreigners would not be kept at home, and nourish and circulate among our own people ? 403. Whether, as industry produced good living, the number of hands and mouths would not be increased; and in proportion thereunto, whether there would not be every day more occasion for agriculture? And whether this article alone would not employ a world of people? 404. Whether such management would not equally provide for the magnificence of the rich, and the necessities of the poor ? 405. Whether an expense in building and improvements doth not remain at home, pass to the heir, and adorn the public ? And whether any of these things can be said of claret ? 406. Whether fools do not make fashions, and wise men follow them? 407. Whether, for one who hurts his fortune by improvements, twenty do not ruin themselves by foreign luxury ? 408. Whether in proportion as Ireland was improved and beautified by fine seats, the number of absentees would not decrease ? The Querist. 389 409. Whether he who employs men in buildings and manufac- tures doth not put life in the country, and whether the neighbour- hood round him be not observed to thrive ? 410. Whether money circulated on the landlord's own lands, and among his own tenants, doth not return into his own pocket ? 411. Whether every squire that made his domain swarm with busy hands, like a bee-hive or ant-hill, would not serve his own interest, as well as that of his country ? 41a. Whether a gentleman who hath seen a little of the world, and observed how men live elsewhere, can contentedly sit down in a cold, damp, sordid habitation, in the midst of a bleak country, inhabited by thieves and beggars ? 413. Whether, on the other hand, a handsome seat amidst well-improved lands, fair villages, and a thriving neighbourhood, may not invite a man to dwell on his own estate, and quit the life of an insignificant saunterer about town, for that of a useful country-gentleman ? 414. Whether it would not be of use and ornament if the towns throughout this kingdom were provided with decent churches, townhouses, workhouses, market-places, and paved streets, with some order taken for cleanliness? 415. Whether, if each of these towns were addicted to some peculiar manufacture, we should not find that the employing many hands together on the same work was the way to perfect our workmen? And whether all these things might not soon be provided by a domestic industry, if money were not wanting ? 416. Whether money could ever be wanting to the demands of industry, if we had a national bank ? 417. Whether the fable of Hercules and the carter ever suited any nation like this nation of Ireland ? 418. Whether it be not a new spectacle under the sun, to behold, in such a climate and such a soil, and under such a gentle government, so many roads untrodden, fields untilled, houses desolate, and hands unemployed ? 419. Whether there is any country in Christendom, either kingdom or republic, depending or independent, free or enslaved, which may not afford us a useful lesson ? 420. Whether the frugal Swisses have any other commodities 390 The Querist. but their butter and cheese and a few cattle, for exportation; whether, nevertheless, the single canton of Berne hath not in her public treasury two millions sterling ? 4^1. Whether that small town of Berne, with its scanty barren territory, in a mountainous corner, without sea-ports, without manufactures, without mines, be not rich by mere dint of frugality? 433. Whether the Swisses in general have not sumptuary laws, prohibiting the use of gold, jewels, silver, silk, and lace in their apparel, and indulging the women only to wear silk on festivals, weddings, and public solemnities ? 423. Whether there be not two ways of growing rich, sparing and getting? But whether the lazy spendthrift must not be doubly poor? 424. Whether money circulating be not the life of industry; and whether the want thereof doth not render a state gouty and inactive? 425. But whether, if we had a national bank, and our present cash (small as it is) were put into the most convenient shape, men should hear any public complaints for want of money ? 426. Whether all circulation be not alike a circulation of credit, whatsoever medium (metal or paper) is employed, and whether gold be any more than credit for so much power ? 437. Whether the wealth of the richest nations in Christendom doth not consist in paper vastly more than in gold and silver? 438. Whether Lord Clarendon doth not aver of his own knowledge, that the Prince of Orange, with the best credit, and the assistance of the richest men in Amsterdam, was above ten days endeavouring to raise 20,000/. in specie, without being able to raise half the sum in all that time? (See Clarendon's History^ b. xii.) 429. Supposing there had been hitherto no such thing as a bank, and the question were now first proposed, whether it would be safer to circulate unlimited bills in a private credit, or bills to a limited value on the public credit of the community, what would men think ? 430. Whether the maxim, 'What is everybody's business is nobody's/ prevails in any country under the sun more than in Ireland ? The Querist. 391 431. Whether the united stock of a nation be not the best security? And whether anything but the ruin of the state can produce a national bankruptcy ? 43 a. Whether the total sum of the public treasure, power, and wisdom, all co-operating, be not most likely to establish a bank of credit, sufficient to answer the ends, reliev? the wants, and satisfy the scruples of all people ? 433. Whether London is not to be considered as the metropolis of Ireland ? And whether our wealth (such as it is) doth not cir- culate through London and throughout England, as freely as that of any part of his Majesty's dominions ? 434. Whether therefore it be not evidently the interest of the people of England to encour^e rather than to oppose a national bank in this kingdom, as well as every other means for advancing our wealth which shall not impair their own ? 435. Whether it is not our interest to be useful to them rather than rival them^ and whether in that case we may not be sure of their good offices ? 436. Whether we can propose to thrive so long as we entertain a wrongheaded distrust of England ? 437. Whether, as a national bank would increase our industry, and that our wealth, England may not be a proportionable gainer ; and whether we should not consider the gains of our mother- country as some accession to our own ? 438. Whether there be any difficulty in comprehending that the whole wealth of the nation is in truth the stock of a national bank? And whether any more than the right comprehension of this be necessary to make all men easy with regard to its credit ? 439. Whether the prejudices about gold and silver are not strong, but whether they are not still prejudices ? 440. Whether paper doth not by its stamp and signature acquire a local value, and become as precious and as scarce as gold ? And whether it be not much fitter to circulate large sums, and there- fore preferable to gold ? 441. Whether it doth not much import to have a right con- ception of money? And whether its true and just idea be not that of a ticket, entitling to power, and fitted to record and transfer such power ? 392 The Querist. 443. Though the bank of Amsterdam doth very rarely, if at all, pay out money, yet whether every man possessed of specie be not ready to convert it into paper, and act as cashier to the bank ? And whether, from the same motive, every monied man throughout this kingdom would not be cashier to our national bank ? 443. Whether we may not obtain that as friends which it is in vain to hope for as rivals ? 444. Whether in every instance by which we prejudice England, we do not in a greater degree prejudice our- selves ? 445. Whether in the rude original of society the first step was not the exchanging of commodities ; the next a substituting of metals by weight as the common medium of circulation; after this the making use of coin; lastly, a further refinement by the use of paper with proper marks and signatures? And whether this, as it is the last, so it be not the greatest im- provement ? 446. Whether we are not in fact the only people who may be said to starve in the midst of plenty ? 447. Whether there can be a worse sign than that people should quit their country for a livelihood? Though men often leave their country for health, or pleasure, or riches, yet to leave it merely for a livelihood, whether this be not exceeding bad, and sheweth some peculiar mismanagement ? 448. Whether, in order to redress our evils, artificial helps are not most wanted in a land where industry is most against the natural grain of the people ? 449. Whether, although the prepossessions about gold and silver have taken deep root, yet the example of our Colonies in America doth not make it as plain as day-light that they are not so necessary to the wealth of a nation as the vulgar of all ranks imagine ? 450. Whether it be not evident that we may maintain a much greater inward and outward commerce, and be five times richer than we are, nay, and our bills abroad be of far greater credit, though we had not one ounce of gold or silver in the whole island ? 451. Whether wrongheaded maxims, customs, and fashions arg The Querist. 393 not sufficient to destroy any people which hath so few resources as the inhabitants of Ireland ? 4^53. Whether it would not be a horrible thing to see our matrons make dress and play their chief concern? 453. Whether our ladies might not as well endow monasteries as wear Flanders lace ? And whether it be not true that Popish nuns are maintained by Protestant contributions ? 454. Whether England, which hath a free trade, whatever she remits for foreign luxury with one hand, doth not with the other receive much more from abroad? Whether, nevertheless, this nation would not be a gainer, if our women would content themselves with the same moderation in point of expense as the English ladies ? 4^5. But whether it be not a notorious truth that our Irish ladies are on a foot, as to dress, with those of five times their fortune in England? 456. Whether it be not even certain that the matrons of this forlorn country send out a greater proportion of its wealth, for fine apparel, than any other females on the whole surface of this terraqueous globe ? 457. Whether the expense, great as it is, be the greatest evil; but whether this folly may not produce many other follies, an entire derangement of domestic life, absurd manners, neglect of duties, bad mothers, a general corruption in both sexes ? 458. Whether the first beginning of expedients do not always meet with prejudices? And whether even the prejudices of a people ought not to be respected ? 459. Whether a national bank be not the true philosopher's stone in a state ? 460. Whether all regulations of coin should not be made with a view to encourage industry, and a circulation of commerce, throughout the kingdom ? 461. Whether to oil the wheels of commerce be not a common benefit? And whether this be not done by avoiding fractions and multiplying small silver ? 46a. Whether, all things considered, a general raising the value of gold and silver be not so far from bringing greater quantities thereof into the kingdom that it would produce a direct contrary effect, inasmuch as less, in that case, would serve, and therefore 394 The Querist. less be wanted ? And whether men do not import a commodity in proportion to the demand or want of it ? 463. Whether the lowering of our gold would not create a fever in the state ? And whether a fever be not sometimes a cure, but whether it be not the last cure a man would choose ? 464. Whether raising the value of a particular species will not tend to multiply such species, and to lessen others in pro- portion thereunto? And whether a much less quantity of cash in silver would not, in reality, enrich the nation more than a much greater in gold ? 465. Whether, cateris farihus^ it be not true that the prices of things increase as the quantity of money increaseth, and are diminished as that is diminished ? And whether, by the quantity of money, is not to be understood the amount of the denomi- nations, all contracts being nominal for pounds, shillings, and pence, and not for weights of gold or silver ? 466. Whether our exports do not consist of such necessaries as other countries cannot well be without ? 467. Whether upon the circulation of a national bank more land would not be tilled, more hands employed, and consequently more commodities exported ? 468. Whether silver and small money be not that which cir- culates the quickest, and passeth through all hands, on the road, in the market, at the shop ? 469. Whether, all things considered, it would not be better for a kingdom that its cash consisted of half a million in small silver, than of five times that sum in gold ? 470. Whether there be not every day five hundred lesser pay- ments made for one that requires gold ? 471. Whether Spain, where gold bears the highest value, be not the laziest, and China, where it bears the lowest, be not the most industrious country in the known world ? 47a. Whether it be not evidently the interest of every state, that its money should rather circulate than stagnate ? 473. Whether the principal use of cash be not its ready passing from hand to hand, to answer common occasions of the common people, and whether common occasions of all sorts of people are not small ones ? 474. Whether business at fairs and markets is not often The Querist. 395 at a stand and often hindered, even though the seller hath his commodities at hand, and the purchaser his gold, for want of change ? 475. As wealth is really power, and coin a ticket conveying power, whether those tickets which are the fittest for that use ought not to be preferred ? 476. Whether those tickets which singly transfer small shares of power, and, being multiplied, large shares, are not fitter for common use than those which singly transfer large shares ? 477. Whether the public is not more benefited by a shilling that circulates than a pound that lies dead ? 478. Whether sixpence twice paid be not as good as a shilling once paid? 479. Whether the same shilling circulating in a village may not supply one man with bread, another with stockings, a third with a knife, a fourth with paper, a fifth with nails, and so answer many wants which must otherwise have remained unsatisfied ? 480. Whether facilitating and quickening the circulation of power to supply wants be not the promoting of wealth and industry among the lower people? And whether upon this the wealth of the great doth not depend ? 481. Whether, without the proper means of circulation, it be not vain to hope for thriving manufactures and a busy people ? 483. Whether four pounds in small cash may not circulate and enhven an Irish market, which many four-pound pieces would permit to stagnate ^ ? 483. Whether a man that could move nothing less than a hundred-pound weight would not be much at a loss to supply his wants ; and whether it would not be better for him to be less strong and more active ? 484. Whether the natural body can be in a state of health and vigour without a due circulation of the extremities, even in the fingers and toes? And whether the political body, any more than the natural, can thrive without a proportionable ' ' [In the year 1735, this country a- in from all parts. But that evil is since bounded with the large gold coins of remedied.] — Avthor. Portugal, which, being over-rated, flowed 396 The Querist. circulation through the minutest and most inconsiderable parts thereof? 485. If we had a mint for coining only shillings, sixpences, and copper-money, whether the nation would not soon feel the good effects thereof? 486. Whether the greater waste by wearing of small coins would not be abundantly overbalanced by their usefulness ? 487. Whether it be not the industry of common people that feeds the state, and whether it be possible to keep this industry alive without small money ? 488. Whether the want of this be not a great bar to our employing the people in these manufactures which are open to us, and do not interfere with Great Britain ? 489. Whether therefore such want doth not drive men into the lazy way of employing land under sheep-walk ? 490. Whether the running of wool from Ireland can so efFectually be prevented as by encouraging other business and manufactures among our people? 491. Whatever commodities Great Britain importeth which we might supply, whether it be not her real interest to import them from us rather than from any other people ? 493. Whether the apprehension of many among us (who for that very reason stick to their wool), that England may hereafter prohibit, limit,, or discourage our linen trade, when it hath been once, with great pains and expense, thoroughly introduced and settled in this land, be not altogether groundless and unjust ? 493. Whether it is possible for this country, which hath neither mines of gold nor a free trade, to support for any time the sending out of specie ? 494. Whether in fact our payments are not made by bills? And whether our foreign credit doth not depend on our domestic industry, and our bills on that credit ? 495. Whether, in order to mend it, we ought not first to know the peculiar wretchedness of our state ? And whether there be any knowing of this but by comparison ? 496. Whether there are not single market towns in England that turn more money in buying and selling than whole countries (perhaps provinces) with us ? 497. Whether the small town of Birmingham alone doth not, The Querist. 397 upon an average, circulate every week, one way or other, to the value of fifty thousand pounds ? But whether the same crown may not be often paid ? 498. Whether any kingdom in Europe be so good a customer at Bourdeaux as Ireland ? 499. Whether the police and economy of France be not governed by wise councils ? And whether any one from this country, who sees their towns, and manufactures, and commerce, will not wonder what our senators have been doing ? 500. What variety and number of excellent manufactures are to be met with throughout the whole kingdom of France ? 501. Whether there are not everywhere some or other mills for many uses, forges and furnaces for iron-work, looms for tapestry, glass-houses, and so forth ? 502. What quantities of paper, stockings, hats j what manu- factures of wool, silk, linen, hemp, leather, wax, earthenware, brass, lead, tin, &c. ? 503. Whether the manufactures and commerce of the single town of Lyons do not amount to a greater value than all the manufactures and all the trade of this kingdom taken together ? 504. Whether, in the anniversary fair at the small town of Beaucair upon the Rhone, there be not as much money laid out as the current cash of this kingdom amounts to ? 505. Whether the very shreds shorn from woollen cloth, which are thrown away in Ireland, do not make a beautiful tapestry in France ? 506. Whether there be not French towns subsisted merely by making pins ? 507. Whether the coarse fingers of those very women, those same peasants who one part of the year till the ground and dress the vineyards, are not another employed in making the finest French point ? 508. Whether there is not a great number of idle fingers among the wives and daughters of our peasants ? 509. Whether the French do not raise a trade from saffron, dying drugs, and the like products, which may do with us as well as with them ? 510. Whether we may not have materials of our own growth to supply all manufactures, as well as France, except silk, and 398 The Querist. whether the bulk of what silk even France manufactures be not imported ? 511. Whether it be possible for this country to grow rich, so long as what is made by domestic industry is spent in foreign luxury ? 512. Whether our natural Irish are not partly Spaniards and partly Tartars ; and whether they do not bear signatures of their descent from both these nations, which is also confirmed by all their histories ? 513. Whether the Tartar progeny is not numerous in this land ? And whether there is an idler occupation under the sun than to attend flocks and herds of cattle ? 514. Whether the wisdom of the state should not wrestle with this hereditary disposition of our Tartars, and with a high hand introduce agriculture ? 515. Whether once upon a time France did not, by her linen alone, draw yearly from Spain about eight millions of livres ? 516. Whether the French have not suffered in their linen trade with Spain, by not making their cloth of due breadth ; and whether any other people have suffered, and are still likely to suffer, through the same prevarication 6? 517. Whether the Spaniards are not rich and lazy, and whether they have not a particular inclination and favour for the inhabit- ants of this island ? But whether a punctual people do not love punctual dealers ? 518. Whether about fourteen years ago we had not come into a considerable share of the linen trade with Spain, and what put a stop to this ? 519. Whether, if the linen manufacture were carried on in the other provinces as well as in the north, the merchants of Cork, Limerick, and Galway would not soon find the way to Spain ? 520. Whether the woollen manufacture of England is not divided into several parts or branches, appropriated to particular places, where they are only or principally manufactured; fine cloths in Somersetshire, coarse in Yorkshire, long ells at Exeter, saies at Sudbury, crapes at Norwich, linseys at Kendal, blankets at Witney, and so forth ? " [Things, we hear, are in a way of being mended with us in this respect.] — Author. The Querist. 399 53 r. Whether the united skill, industry, and emulation of many together on the same work be not the way to advance it ? And whether it had been otherwise possible for England to have carried on her woollen manufacture to so great perfection ? 532. Whether it would not on many accounts be right if we observed the same course with respect to our linen manufacture j and that diapers were made in one town or district, damasks in another, sheeting in a third, fine wearing linen in a fourth, coarse in a fifth, in another cambrics, in another thread and stockings, in others stamped linen, or striped linen, or tickings, or dyed linens, of which last kinds there is so great a consumption among the seafaring men of all nations ? 523. Whether it may not be worth while to inform ourselves of the different sorts of linen which are in request among different people ? 534. Whether we do not yearly consume of French wines about a thousand tuns more than either Sweden or Denmark, and yet whether those nations pay ready money as we do ? 535. Whether it be not a custom for some thousands of French- men to go about the beginning of March into Spain, and having tilled the lands and gathered the harvest of Spain^ to return home with money in their pockets about the end of November ? 536. Whether of late years our Irish labourers do not carry on the same business in England, to the great discontent of many there? But whether we have not much more reason than the people of England to be displeased at this commerce ? 537. Whether, notwithstanding the cash, supposed to be brought into it, any nation is, in truth, a gainer by such traffic ? 528. Whether the industry of our people employed in foreign lands, while our own are left uncultivated, be not a great loss to the country ? 529. Whether it would not be much better for us, if, instead of sending our men abroad, we could draw men from the neigh- bouring countries to cultivate our own ? 530. Whether, nevertheless, we are not apt to think the money imported by our labourers to be so much clear gains to this country ; but whether a little reflection and a little political arithmetic may not shew us our mistake ? 531., Whether our prejudices about gold and silver are not very 400 The Querist. apt to infect or misguide our judgments and reasonings about the public weal ? 532. Whether it be not a good rule whereby to judge of the trade of any city, and its usefulness, to observe whether there is a circulation through the extremities, and whether the people round about are busy and warm ? Si?)' Whether we had not, some years since, a manufacture of hats at Athlone, and of earthenware at Arklow, and what became of those manufactures ? 534. Why we do not make tiles of our own, for flooring and roofing, rather than bring them from Holland ? 535. What manufactures are there in France and Venice of gilt-leather, how cheap and how splendid a furniture ? 536. Whether we may not, for the same use, manufacture divers things at home of more beauty and variety than wainscot, which is imported at such expense from Norway ? 537. Whether the use and the fashion will not soon make a manufacture ? 538. Whether, if our gentry used to drink mead and cider, we should not soon have those liquors in the utmost perfection and plenty ? 539. Whether it be not wonderful that with such pastures, and so many black cattle, we do not find ourselves in cheese ? 540.' Whether great profits may not be made by fisheries; but whether those of our Irish who live by that business do not con- trive to be drunk and unemployed one half of the year ? 541. Whether it be not folly to think an inward commerce cannot enrich a state, because it doth not increase its quantity of gold and silver ? And whether it is possible a country should not thrive, while wants are supplied, and business goes on ? 543. Whether plenty of all the necessaries and comforts of life be not real wealth ? 543. Whether Lyons, by the advantage of her midland situation and the rivers Rhone and Saone, be not a great magazine or mart for inward commerce ? And whether she doth not maintain a constant trade with most parts of France ; with Provence for oils and dried fruits, for wines and cloth with Languedoc, for stuiFs with Champaign, for linen with Picardy, Normandy, and Bretagne, for corn with Burgundy ? The Qtterist. 401 544. Whether she doth not receive and utter all those com- modities, and raise a profit from the distribution thereof, as well as of her own manufactures, throughout the kingdom ot France ? 545. Whether the charge of making good roads and navigable rivers across the country would not be really repaid by an inward commerce ? 546. Whether, as our trade and manufactures increased, maga- zines should not be established in proper places, fitted by their situation, near great roads and navigable rivers, lakes, or canals, for the ready reception and distribution of all sorts of commodities from and to the several parts of the kingdom^ and whether the town of Athlone, for instance, may not be fitly situated for such a magazine, or centre of domestic commerce ? 547. Whether an inward trade would not cause industry to flourish, and multiply the circulation of our coin, and whether this may not do as well as multiplying the coin itself? 548. Whether the benefits of a domestic commerce are suffi- ciently understood and attended to ; and whether the cause thereof be not the prejudiced and narrow way of thinking about gold and silver ? 549. Whether there be any other more easy and unenvied method of increasing the wealth of a people ? 550. Whether we of this island are not from our peculiar cir- cumstances determined to this very commerce above any other, from the number of necessaries and good things that we possess within ourselves, from the extent and variety of our soil, from the navigable rivers and good roads which we have or may have, at a less expense than any people in Europe, from our great plenty of materials for manufactures, and particularly from the restraints we lie under with regard to our foreign trade ? 551. Whetlier annual inventories should not be published of the fairs throughout the kingdom, in order to judge of the growth of its commerce ? 553. Whether there be not every year more cash circulated at the card-tables of Dublin than at all the fairs of Ireland ? 553. Whether the wealth of a country will not bear proportion to the skill and industry of its inhabitants ? i54. Whether foreign imports that tend to promote industry VOL. III. D d 402 The Querist. should not be encouraged, and such as have a tendency to promote luxury should not be discouraged ? 555. Whether the annual balance of trade between Italy and Lyons be not about four millions in favour of the former, and yet, whether Lyons be not a gainer by this trade ? 556. Whether the general rule, of determining the profit of a commerce by its balance, doth not, like other general rules, admit of exceptions ? 557- Whether it would not be a monstrous folly to import nothing but gold and silver, supposing we might do it, from every foreign part to which we trade ? And yet, whether some men may not think this foolish circumstance a very happy one ? 558. But whether we do not all see the ridicule of the Mogul's subjects, who take from us nothing but our silver, and bury it under ground, in order to make sure thereof against the resur- rection ? 559. Whether he must not be a wrongheaded patriot or politi- . cian, whose ultimate view was drawing money into a country, and keeping it there ? 560. Whether it be not evident that not gold but industry causeth a country to flourish ? 561. Whether it would not be a silly project in any nation to hope to grow rich by prohibiting the exportation of gold and silver ? 56a. Whether there can be a greater mistake in politics than to measure the wealth of the nation by its gold and silver ? ^60,. Whether gold and silver be not a drug, where they do not promote industry ? Whether they be not even the bane and un- doing of an idle people ? 564. Whether gold will not cause either industry or vice to flourish? And whether a country, where it flowed in without labour, must not be wretched and dissolute like an island in- habited by Buccaneers ? 565. Whether arts and virtue are not likely to thrive, where money is made a means to industry ? But whether money without this would be a blessing to any people ? 566. Whether keeping cash at home, or sending it abroad, just as it most serves to promote industry, be not the real interest of every nation ? The Querist. 403 567. Whether commodities of all kinds do not naturally flow where there is the greatest demand ? Whether the greatest de- mand for a thing be not where it is of most use ? Whether money, like other things, hath not its proper use ? Whether this use be not to circulate ? Whether therefore there must not of course be money where there is a circulation of industry ? 568. Whether it is not a great point to know what we would be at ? And whether whole states, as well as private persons, do not often fluctuate for want of this knowledge ? 569. Whether gold may not be compared to Sejanus's horse, if we consider its passage through the world, and the fate of those nations which have been successively possessed thereof? 570. Whether means are not so far useful as they answer the end? And whether, in different circumstances, the same ends are not obtained by different means ? 571. If we are a poor nation, abounding with very poor people, will it not follow that a far greater proportion of our stock should be in the smallest and lowest species than would suit with England ? 572. Whether, therefore, it would not be highly expedient, if our money were coined of peculiar values, best suited to the circumstances and uses of our own country- and whether any other people could take umbrage at our consulting our own convenience, in an affair entirely domestic, and that lies within ourselves ? 573. Whether every man doth not know, and hath not long known, that the want of a mint causeth many other wants in this kingdom ? 574. What harm did England sustain about three centuries ago, when silver was coined in this kingdom ? 575. What harm was it to Spain .that her provinces of Naples and Sicily had all along mints of their own ? 576. Whether it may not be presumed that our not having a privilege, which every other kingdom in the world enjoys, be not owing to our own want of diligence and unanimity in soliciting for it? 577. Whether it be not the interest of England that we should cultivate a domestic commerce among ourselves ? And whether it could give them any possible jealousy, if our small sum of cash D d 3 404 The Querist. was contrived to go a little farther, if there was a little more life in our markets, a little more buying and selling in our shops, a little better provision for the backs and bellies of so many forlorn wretches throughout the towns and villages of this island? 578. Whether Great Britain ought not to promote the prospe- rity of her Colonies, by all methods consistent with her own? And whether the Colonies themselves ought to wish or aim at it by others ? 579. Whether the remotest parts from the metropolis, and the lowest of the people, are not to be regarded as the extremities and capillaries of the political body ? 580. Whether, although the capillary vessels are small, yet ob- structions in them do not produce great chronical diseases ? 581. Whether faculties are not enlarged and improved by exercise ? 58 a. Whether the sum of the faculties put into act, or, in other words, the united action of a whole people, doth not constitute the momentum of a state ? 583. Whether such momentum be not the real stock or wealth of a state j and whether its credit be not proportional thereunto ? 584. Whether in every wise state the faculties of the mind are not most considered ? 585. Whether the momentum of a state doth not imply the whole exertion of its faculties, intellectual and corporeal ; and whether the latter without the former could act in concert ? 586. Whether the divided force of men, acting singly, would not be a rope of sand ? 587. Whether the particular motions of the members of a state, in opposite directions, will not destroy each other, and lessen the momentum of the whole ; but whether they must not conspire to produce a great effect ? » 588. Whether the ready means to put spirit into this state, to fortify and increase its momentum., would not be a national bank, and plenty of small cash ? 589. Whether that which employs and exerts the force of a community deserves not to be well considered and well under- stood ? 590. Whether the immediate mover, the blood and spirits, be not money, paper, or metal j and whether the soul or will of the The Querist. 405 community, which is the prime mover that governs and directs the whole, be not the legislature ? 591. Supposing the inhabitants of a country quite sunk in sloth, or even fast asleep, whether, upon the gradual awakening and exertion, first of the sensitive and locomotive faculties, next of reason and reflection, then of justice and piety, the momentum of such country or state would not, in proportion thereunto, become still more and more considerable ? 592. Whether that which in the growth is last attained, and is the finishing perfection of a people, be not the first thing lost in their declension ? 593. Whether force be not of great consequence, as it is exerted j and whether great force without wisdom may not be a nuisance? 594. Whether the force of a child, applied with art, may not produce greater effects than that of a giant ? And whether a small stock in the hands of a wise state may not go farther, and produce more considerable effects, than immense sums in the hands of a foolish one ? 595. Whose fault is it if poor Ireland still continues poor ? A DISCOURSE ADDRESSED TO MAGISTRATES AND MEN IN AUTHORITY. OCCASIONED BY THE ENORMOUS LICENSE AND IRRELIGION OF THE TIMES. 'Gallio cared for none of these things.'— Acts xviii. 17. 1736. A DISCOURSE ADDRESSED TO MAGISTRATES AND MEN IN AUTHORITY' The pretensions and discourse of men throughout these king- doms would, at first view, lead one to think the inhabitants were all politicians i and yet, perhaps, political wisdom hath in no age or country been more talked of, and less understood. License is taken for the end of government, and popular humour for its origin. No reverence for the law, no attachment to the con- stitution, little attention to matters of consequence, and great altercation upon trifles, such idle projects about religion and government, as if the public had both to choose, a general con- tempt for all authority, divine and human, an indifference about ^ This Discourse was first printed at Dublin (by Faulkner) in 1736. It was republished there in 1 738, and in 1752 it appeared in the Miscellany. It is said to have been occasioned more immediately by an impious Dublin society of so-called Blasters, which it put a stop to. (Stock's Life of Berkeley.) The Discourse is a defence of a National Religion. It proceeds upon the theory of civil authority contained in the Discourse of Passive Obedience, with which, as well as with the Third and Fourth Dialogues in Alciphron, it may be compared, in a study of the ethical and political principles of Berkeley. One chief duty of the Magis- trate is, he argues, the regulation of the opinions of society ; seeing that the actions of men are determined by their opinions, and especially by what they think and be- lieve about God and the future. It is true that such beliefs must in the case of the majority be unreasoned — in a word, they must be prejudices, and as such received upon trust; but they are not on that ac- count less useful, or less true. Indeed, in moral questions, utility and truth, according to Berkeley, are not to be divided, the general good of mankind being the rule and measure of moral truth. It is therefore a fundamental principle of society that the religious prejudices of men should be reve- renced. Thought no doubt is and must be free, but ' blasphemy against God is a great crime against the state' (p. 427); and 'an inward sense of the supreme majesty of the King of kings is the only thing that can beget and preserve a true respect for subor- dinate majesty in all the degrees of power — the first link of authority being fixed at the throne of God' (p. 41 7). Berkeley, in short, had not abandoned the belief that a system of religious ' prejudices,' whose truth has been tested by their usefulness, ought to be steadily sustained by the supreme power in society. The Harleian Miscellany (vol. iii. pp. 177-185) contains A Letter to the Right Rev, the Lord Bishop of Cloyne, by a Gentleman in the Army, occasioned by a Dissertation by the Bishop on the text ' Gallia cared for none of these things' This Letter, professedly seconding the Bishop's appeal, appears to have been written about 1739- ' It contains," says the Editor, ' so many touches of elegance and judgment that we could not refuse it a place in this Collection, in which, though it was our original design to recover such pieces as begin to disappear by their antiquity, we shall not neglect sometimes to preserve those writings from destruction which, by accident, or envy, have been hitherto kept secret.' 4IO A Discourse addressed to the prevailing opinions, whether they tend to produce order or disorder, to promote the empire of God or the devil — these are the symptoms that strongly mark the present age ; and this could never have been the case, if a neglect of religion had not made way for it. When the Jews accused Paul upon religious matters and points of their law before Gallio, the Roman magistrate, it is said that Gallio 'cared for none of these things.' And, it is to be feared, there are not a few magistrates in this Christian country who think with the same indifference on the subject of religion. Herein, nevertheless, they judge amiss, and are much wanting to their duty. For, although it be admitted that the magistrate's peculiar object is the temporal welfare of the state; yet, this will by no means exclude a proper care about the prevailing notions and opinions of religion, which influence the lives and actions of men, and have therefore a mighty effect on the public. Men's behaviour is the consequence of their principles. Hence it follows that, in order to make a state thrive and flourish, care must be taken that good principles be propagated in the minds of those who compose it. It would be vain to depend on the outward form, the consti- tution, and structure, of a state; while the majority are ever governed by their inward ways of thinking, which at times will break out and shew themselves paramount to all laws and in- stitutions whatsoever. It must be great folly therefore to over- look notions, as matters of small moment to the state; while experience shews there is nothing more important; and that a prevailing disorder in the principles and opinions of its members is ever dangerous to society, and capable of producing the greatest public evils. « Man is an animal formidable both from his passions and his reason; his passions often urging him to great evils, and his reason furnishing means to achieve them. To tame this animalj and make him amenable to order, to inure him to a sense of justice and virtue, to withhold him from ill courses by fear, and encourage him in his duty by hopes; in short, to fashion and model him for society, hath been the aim of civil and religious institutions; and in all times, the endeavour of good and wise men. The aptest method for attaining this end hath been always judged a proper education. Magistrates and Men in Authority. 411 If men's actions are an eflFect of their principles, that is, of their notions, their belief, their persuasions ; it must be admitted that principles early sown in the mind are the seeds which produce fruit and harvest in the ripe state of manhood. How Ughtly soever some men may speak of notions, yet, so long as the soul governs the body, men's notions must influence their actions, more or less, as they are stronger or weaker; and to good or evil, as they are better or worse. Our notions and opinions are a constant check on our appetites, and balance to our passions : and although they may not in every instance control and rule, yet they will never fail strongly to affect both the one and the other. What is it that bridles the impetuous desires of men? that restrains them when they are driven by the most violent passions ? In a word, what is it that renders this world habitable, but the prevailing notions of order, virtue, duty, and Providence ? Some, perhaps, may imagine that the eye of the magistrate alone is sufficient to keep mankind in awe. But, if every man's heart was set to do all the mischief his appetite should prompt him to do, as often as opportunity and secrecy pre- sented themselves, there could be no living in the world. And although too many of those intrusted with civil power, in these our days, may be said with Gallio to ' care for none of those things ; ' and many more, who would pass for men of judg- ment and knowledge, may look on notions early imbibed, before their grounds and reasons are apprehended or understood, to be but mere prejudices, yet this will detract nothing from their truth and usefulness. To place this matter in a due light, I propose to shew that a system of salutary notions is absolutely necessary to the support of every civil constitution. I shall enforce this point by the testimony of those who are esteemed the wisest men ; and I shall make some remarks on the modern prevailing spirit, and the tendency of the maxims of our times. Order is necessary, not only to the well-being, but to the very being of a state. Now, order and regularity in the actions of men are not an effect of appetite or passion, but of judgment : and the judgment is governed by notions or opinions. There must, therefore, of necessity, in every state, be a certain system of salutary notions, a prevailing set of opinions, acquired either by private reason and reflection, or taught and instilled by the 412 A Discourse addressed to general reason of the public^ that is, by the law of the land. True it is that where men either cannot or will not use their own reason, think, and examine for themselves j in such case the notions taught or instilled into their minds are embraced rather by the memory than the judgment. Nor will it be any objection to say that these are prejudices j inasmuch as they are therefore neither less useful nor less true, although their proofs may not be understood by all men. Licentious habits of youth give a cast or turn to age: the young rake makes an old infidel; libertine practices beget libertine opinions; and a vicious life generally ends in an old age of prejudice not to be conquered by reasoning. Of this we see instances even in persons celebrated for parts, and who reason admirably on other points where they are not biassed ; but on the subject of religion obtrude their guesses, surmises, and broken hints for arguments. Against such there is no reasoning. Prejudices are notions or opinions which the mind entertains without knowing the grounds and reasons of them, and which are assented to without examination. The first notions which take possession of the minds of men, with regard to duties social, moral, and civil, may therefore be justly styled prejudices. The mind of a young creature cannot remain empty; if you do not put into it that which is good, it will be sure to receive that which is bad. Do what you can, there will still be a bias from education; and, if so, is it not better this bias should lie towards things laudable and useful to society ? This bias still operates, although it may not always prevail. The notions first instilled have the earliest influence, take the deepest root, and generally are found to give a colour and complexion to the subsequent lives of men, inasmuch as they are in truth the great source of human actions. It is not gold, or honour, or power that move men to act, but the opinions they entertain of those things. Hence it follows that if a magistrate should say, ' No matter what notions men embrace, I will take heed to their actions;' — therein he shews his weakness; for, such as are men's notions, such will be their deeds. For a man to do as he would be done by ; to love his neighbour as himself; to honour his superiors; to believe that God scans all his actions, and will reward or punish them; and to think Magistrates and Men in Authority. 413 that he who is guilty of falsehood or injustice hurts himself more than any one else : are not these such notions and principles as a very wise governor or legislator would covet above all things to have firmly rooted in the mind of every individual under his care? This is allowed, even by the enemies of religion, who would fain have it thought the offspring of state policy, honouring its usefulness at the same time that they disparage its truth. What, therefore, cannot be acquired by every man's reasoning must be introduced by precept, and rivetted by custom; that is to say, the bulk of mankind must, in all civilized societies, have their minds, by timely instruction, well seasoned and furnished with proper notions, which, although the grounds or proofs thereof be unknown to them, will nevertheless influence their conduct, and so far render them useful members of the state. But, if you strip men of these their notions, or, if you will, prejudices, with regard to modesty, decency, justice, charity, and the like, you will soon find them so many monsters, utterly unfit for human society. I desire it may be considered that most men want leisure, opportunity, or faculties to derive conclusions from their prin- ciples, and establish morality on a foundation of human science. True it is (as St. Paul observes) that ' the invisible things of God, from the creation of the world are clearly seen' (Romans i. 20). And from thence the duties of natural religion may be discovered. But these things are seen and discovered by those alone who open their eyes and look narrowly for them. Now, if you look throughout the world, you shall find but few of these narrow inspectors and inquirers, very few who make it their business to analyze opinions and pursue them to their rational source, to examine whence truths spring, and how they are inferred. In short, you shall find all men full of opinions, but knowledge only in a few. It is impossible, from the nature and circumstances of human kind, that the multitude should be philosophers, or that they should know things in their causes. We see every day that the niles or conclusions alone are sufficient for the shopkeeper to state his account, the sailor to navigate his ship, or the carpenter to measure his timber; none of which understand the theory; that is to say, the grounds and reasons either of arithmetic or geometry. Even so in moral, political, and religious matters, it is manifest that the rules and opinions early imbibed at the 414 A Discourse addressed to first dawn of understanding, and without the least glimpse of science, may yet produce excellent effects, and be very useful to the world; and that in fact they are so will be very visible to every one who shall observe what passeth round about him. It may not be amiss to inculcate that the difference between prejudices and other opinions doth not consist in this — that the former are false, and the latter true ; but in this — that the former are taken upon trust, and the latter acquired by reasoning. He who hath been taught to believe the immortality of the soul may be as right in his notion as he who hath reasoned himself into that opinion. It will then by no means follow that because this or that notion is a prejudice, it must be therefore false. The not distinguishing between prejudices and errors is a prevailing oversight among our modern Free-thinkers. There may be, indeed, certain mere prejudices or opinions, which, having no reasons either assigned or assignable to sup- port them, are nevertheless entertained by the mind, because they intruded betimes into it. Such may be supposed false^ not because they were early learned, or learned without their reasons; but because there are in truth no reasons to be given for them. Certainly, if a notion may be concluded false because it was early imbibed, or because it is with most men an object of belief rather than of knowledge, one may by the same reasoning conclude several propositions of Euclid to be false. A simple apprehension of conclusions as taken in themselves, without the deductions of science, is what falls to the share of mankind in general. Reli- gious awe, the precepts of parents and masters, the wisdom of legislators, and the accumulated experience of ages supply the place of proofs and reasonings with the vulgar of all ranks:. I would say that discipline, national constitution, and laws human and divine are so many plain land-marks, which guide them into the paths wherein it is presumed they ought to tread. From what hath been premised, it plainly appears, that in the bulk of mankind there are and must be prejudices, that is, opinions taken upon trust; or, in other words, that there are points of faith among all men whatsoever, as well as among Christians. And, as it is evident that the unthinking part of every age, sex, and condition among us, must necessarily receive notions with the submission of faith ; so it is very reasonable that they should Magistrates and Men in Authority. 415 submit their faith to the greatest authorities human and Divine, the law and the gospel. But if once all reverence for these be de- stroyed, our pretenders to moral knowledge will have no authority to imbue the multitude with such notions as may control their appetites. From all which it follows that the modern schemes of our Free-thinkers, who pretend to separate morality from religion, how rational soever they may seem to their admirers, are, in truth and eflFect, most irrational and pernicious to civil society. Let any one who thinks at all consider the savage state of un- disciplined men, whose minds are nurtured to no doctrine, broke by no instruction, governed by no principle. Let him at the same time reflect on a society of persons educated in the principles of our Church, formed betimes to fear God, to reverence their supe- riors, to be grateful to their benefactors, forgiving to their ene- mies, just and charitable to all men ; and he will then be able to judge of the merits of those who are so active to weed out the prejudices of education. Among the many wild notions broached in these giddy times, it must be owned that some of our declaimers against prejudice have wrought themselves into a sort of esteem for savages, as a virtuous and unprejudiced people. In proof of which, they allege their being free from many vices practised in civilized nations. Now, it is very true, among savages there are few instances to be found of luxury, avarice, or ambition ; not that the contrary virtues take place, but because the opportunities and faculties for such vices are wanting. For the same reason, you do not see them in brutes. What they esteem and admire in those creatures is not inno- cence, but ignorance : it is not virtue, but necessity. Give them but the means of transgressing, and they know no bounds. For example : supply the water-drinking savage with strong liquor, and he shall be drunk for several days and nights together. Again : we admit an uneducated savage knows not how to supplant a rival with the refined treachery of a courtier; yet, if you put his foe once in his power, you shall soon see what a horrible relish and delight the monster hath in cruelty. Above all others, religious notions, or, if you will, prejudices (since this, as hath been already observed, detracts nothing from their truth and usefulness) have the most influence, they are the strongest curb from vice, and the most effectual spur to worthy conduct. And, indeed, whether we consider the reason of things. 4i6 A Discourse addressed to or the practice of men in all times, we shall be satisfied that nothing truly great and good can enter into the heart of one at- tached to no principles of religion, who believes no Providence, who neither fears hell, nor hopes for heaven. Punishments and rewards have always had, and always will have, the greatest weight with men ; and the most considerable of both kinds are proposed by religion, the duties whereof fall in with the views of the civil magistrate : it undeniably follows, that nothing can add more strength to a good and righteous govern- ment than religion. Therefore it mainly concerns governors to keep an attentive eye on the religion of their subjects. And in- deed it is one lesson to magistrate and people, prince and subject, ' Keep my commandments and live ; and my law as the apple of thine eye' (Prov. vii. 3). Although it is no consequence, from what hath been said, that men should be debarred the free use of reason and inquiry, yet surely it will follow that, without good reason, a man should not reject those notions which have been instilled by the laws and education of his country. And even they who think they have such reason have nevertheless no right of dictating to others^. It is true, Divine authority is superior to all human prejudices, insti- tutions, and regards whatsoever. And it is wise, although at the risk of liberty or life, to obey God rather than man. But our modern reformers of prejudices have nothing to plead of that kinds. There is no magistrate so ignorant as not to know that power — physical power — resides in the people: but authority is from opinion, which authority is necessary to restrain and direct the people's power, and therefore religion is the great stay and support of a state. Every religion that inculcates virtue and discourageth vice is so far of public benefit. The Christian religion doth not only this, but further makes every legal constitution sacred by commanding our submission thereto. ' Let every soul be subject to the higher powers (saith St. Paul), for the powers that be are ordained of God ' (Rom. xiii. i). And, in effect, for several years past, while the reverence for our church and religion hath been ' [Though a man's private judgment be a ' [No man can say he is obliged in con- rule to himself, it will not thence follow that science, honour, or prudence, to insult the he hath any right to set it up for a rule to public wisdom, or to ridicule the laws under others.] — Author. whose protection he lives.] — Author. Magistrates and Men in Authority. 417 decaying and wearing ofF from the minds of men, it may be observed that loyalty hath in proportion lost ground ; and now the very word seems quite forgotten. Submission for conscience, as well as for wrath, was once reckoned a useful lesson j but now, with other good lessons, is laid aside as an obsolete prejudice. The prince or magistrate, however great or powerful, who thinks his own authority sufficient to make him respected and obeyed, lies under a woful mistake, and never fails to feel it sooner or later. Obedience to all civil power is rooted in the religious fear of God: it is propagated, preserved, and nourished by religion. This makes men obey, not with eye-service, but in sincerity of heart. Human regards may restrain men from open and penal offences ; but the fear of God is a restraint from all degrees of all crimes, however circumstanced. Take away this stay and prop of duty, this root of civil authority ; and all that was sustained by it, or grew from it, shall soon languish. The authority, the very being of the magistrate, will prove a poor and precarious thing. An inward sense of the supreme majesty of the King of kings is the only thing that can beget and preserve a true respect for sub- ordinate majesty in all the degrees of power — the first link of authority being fixed at the throne of God. But, in these our days, that majestas imperii, that sacredness of character, which rooted in a religious principle was the great guard and security of the state, is through want thereof become the public scorn. And indeed what hold can the prince or magistrate have on the conscience of those who have no conscience ? How can he build on the principles of such as have no principles ? Or how can he hope for respect where God himself is neglected ? It is manifest that no prince upon earth can hope to govern well, or even to live easy and secure, much less respected by his people, if he do not contribute by his example and authority to keep up in their minds an awfiil sense of religion. As for a moral sense, and moral fitness, or eternal relations, how insufficient those things are for establishing general and just notions of morality, or for keeping men within due bounds, is so evident from fact and experience that I need not now enter into a particular disquisition about them*. It must be owned that the claws of rapine and violence may in * [See Alciphron, Dial. HI. and IV.]— Author. VOL. III. E e 41 8 A Discourse addressed to some degree be pared and blunted by the outward polity of a state. But should we not rather try, if possible, to pull them quite out ? The evil effects of wickedness may be often redressed by public justice. But would it not be better to heal the source, and, by an inward principle, extirpate wickedness from the heart, rather than depend altogether on human laws for preventing or redressing the bad effects thereof? 'I might (said the Chinese Doctor Confucius) hear and decide controversies as well as another: but what I would have is, that men should be brought to abstain from contro- versies out of an inward love and regard for each other^.' Too many in this age of free remarks and projects are delighted with republican schemes j and imagine they might remedy what- ever was amiss, and render a people great -and happy, merely by a new plan or form of government. This dangerous way of think- ing and talking is grown familiar, through the foolish freedom of the times 6. But, alas ! those men do not seem to have touched either the true cause or cure of public evils. Be the plan ever so excellent, or the architects ever so able, yet no man in his wits would undertake to build a palace with mere mud or dirt. There must be fit materials ; and without a religious principle men can never be fit materials for any society, much less for a republic. Religion is the centre which unites, and the cement which con- nects the several parts or members of the political body. Such it hath been held by all wise men, from the remotest times down to our ingenious contemporaries j who, if they are in the right, it must be admitted that all the rest of the world have been in the wrong. From the knowledge of its being absolutely necessary to the government of a state that the hearts and minds of the people be inwardly imbued with good principles, Plato? tells that 'Jupiter, to preserve the race of men from perishing, sent Mercury, with orders to introduce modesty and justice among them, as the firmest ties of human society; and without which it could not subsist.' And elsewhere the same author s gives it plainly as his sense that ' concerning those great duties which men's appetites and passions ^ [Sdenlia Sin. lib. I. fol. 12.] — Author. mean, or that there is any other extreme The reference is to the Confucius Sinarum beside tyranny.] — Author. philosopbus, sive Scientia Sinensis, published ' [In Prolagora.'] — AtrrHOR. at Paris in 1687. « [De Legibus, lib. VIII.]— AUTHOR. ' [Men forget that liberty consists in a Magistrates and Men in Authority. 419 render difficult, it should seem rather the work of God to provide, than of human legislators, if it were possible to hope for a system of laws framed and promulgated by God himself/ You see how agreeable the Mosaic and Christian institutions are to the wishes of the wisest heathen. Moses, indeed, doth not insist on a future state, the common basis of all political institutions ; nor do other lawgivers make a particular mention of all things necessary, but suppose some things as generally known or believed. The belief of a future state (which it is manifest the Jews were possessed of long before the coming of Christ) seems to have obtained among the Hebrews from primeval tradition; which might render it unnecessary for Moses to insist on that article. But the Sadducees and Epicureans had, in progress of time, gone so far towards rooting out this ancient and original sentiment that it was in danger of being lost, had it not been taught and promulgated in a new light by our blessed Saviour. But many among us who would pass for assertors of truth and liberty are accustomed to rail at this, and all other established opinions, as prejudices which people are taught whether they will or no, and before they are able to distinguish whether they are right or wrong. These lovers of truth would do well to consider that, in political, moral, and religious matters, the opinions of the vulgar, whether they go in coaches, or walk on foot, are for the most part prejudices ; and are so like to be whatever side of the question they embrace ; whether they follow the old maxims of the religion of their country, or the modern instructions of their new masters. I have already observed that a point's being useful, and inculcated betimes, can be no argument of its falsehood, even although it should be a prejudice ; far otherwise, utility and truth are not to be divided j the general good of mankind being the rule or measure of moral truths. I shall now add, that it is to be apprehended many of those who are the most forward to banish prejudices would be the first to feel the want of them. It is even pitiful to think what would become of certain modern declaimers on that article were prejudice really set aside, and were all men to be weighed in the exact scale of merit, and considered in proportion only to their intrinsic worth. ' [See Alciphron, Dial. I. sect. i6.] — Author. E e :J 420 A Discourse addressed to Some prejudices are grounded in truth, reason, and nature. Such are the respects which are paid to knowledge, learning, age, honesty, and courage, in all civilized countries. Others are purely the effect of particular constitutions ; such are the respects, rights, and preeminences ascribed to some men by their fellow-subjects, on account of their birth and quality ; which, in the great empires of Turkey and China, pass for nothing ; and will pass for nothing elsewhere, as soon as men have got rid of their prejudices, and learned to despise the constitutions of their country. It may behove those who are concerned to reflect on this betimes. God, comprehending within himself the beginning, end, and middle of all things and times, exerts his energy throughout the whole creation. He never ceaseth to influence by instinct, by the light of nature, by his declared will. And it is the duty of magis- trates and lawgivers to cultivate and encourage those Divine im- pressions in the minds of all men under their care. We are not to think it is the work of God, and therefore not to be seconded by human care. Far otherwise, for that very reason it claims our utmost care and diligence ; it being the indispensable duty of all good men, throughout the whole course of their lives, to co-operate with the designs of Providence. In religion, as in nature, God doth somewhat, and somewhat is to be done on the part of man. He causeth the earth to bring forth materials for food and rai- ment j but human industry must improve, prepare, and properly apply both the one and the other, or mankind may perish with cold and hunger. And, according to this same analogy i", the prin- ciples of piety and religion, the things that belong to our salvation, although originally and primarily the work of God, yet require the protection of human government, as well as the furtherance and aid of all wise and good men. And if religion in all governments be necessary, yet it seems to be so more especially in monarchies : forasmuch as the frugal manners and more equal fortunes in republics do not so much inflame men's appetites, or afl^ord such power or temptation to mischief, as the high estate and great wealth of nobles under a '" [It will be sufficient if such analogy — Alciphron, Dial. VI. sect. 31.] — Author. appears between the dispensations of grace Butler's Analogy, in which a similar doc- and nature, as may make it probable to trine is unfolded, was first published in 173^ suppose them derived from the same Author. — the same year as Berkeley's Discourse. Magistrates and Men in Authority. 421 king. Therefore, although the magistrate (as was akeady ob- served) hath for his peculiar object the temporal well being of the state, yet this will by no means exempt him from a due concern for the religion of his country. What was the sense of our ancestors on this point appears throughout the whole constitution of these kingdoms ; and, in order to justify this constitution, and the wisdom of those who framed it, I shall crave leave to make use of some unsuspected testimonies, ancient and modern, which will shew that the public care of a National Religion hath been always a most principal point in the esteem of wise men, however run down by the prevailing licence of our times. The first testimony I shall produce is that of Zeleucus, the famous lawgiver of the Locrians, who, in his preamble to his laws^i, begins with religion, laying it down as the corner-stone or foundation of his whole superstructure, 'that every inhabitant, subject of the state, should be persuaded that there is a God and Divine Providence : that the only way of becoming dear to God is by endeavouring above all things to be good, both in deed and in will : that a worthy citizen is one that prefers integrity to wealth.' He farther admonishes those who are difficult to persuade, ' to bethink themselves of God's providence, and the punishments that await evil-doers j and in all their actions to be ever mindful of the last day as if it were present, or in case the deviP^ should tempt a man to sin, he exhorts such a one to frequent the temples and altars, worshipping and imploring the Divine assistance.' Aristotle 13, discoursing of the means to preserve a monarchy, admonishes the supreme magistrate, above all things, to shew himself zealous in religious matters ; and this particularly for two reasons. ' i , Because the subjects will have less to fear from one who fears God. a. Because they will be less apt to rebel against him whom they take to be the favourite of Heaven.' And else- where this same philosopher recommends the worship of the gods, as the first care of the state i"*. Plato likewise begins his Laws with the care of religious rites. " [Stobausfleie^. e \Te&t. Pol. c. 8.]— Author. =' [P. 2?. first edit.]— Author. 22 [Ibid.]— Author. 424 A Discourse addressed to We of this land have a fatal tendency to overlook the good qualities, and imitate whatever is amiss in those whom we respect. This leads me to make some remarks on the modern spirit of reformation, that works so strongly in both these kingdoms. Freedom of thought is the general plea and cry of the age ; and we all grant that thinking is the way to know ; and the more real knowledge there is in the land, the more likely it will be to thrive. We are not therefore against freedom of thought, but we are against those unthinking overbearing people ^a^ who, in these odd times, under that pretence, set up for reformers, and new moulders of the constitution. We declare against those, who would seduce innocent and unexperienced persons from the rever- ence they owe to the laws and religion of their country; and, under the notion of extirpating prejudices, would erase from their minds all impressions of piety and virtue, in order to introduce prejudices of another kind, destructive of society. We esteem it a horrible thing to laugh at the apprehensions of a future state, with the author of the Characteristics '2* ; or, with him who wrote the Table of the Bees, to maintain that 'moral virtues are the political offspring which flattery begot upon pride' ^5 j that ' in morals there is no greater certainty than in fashions of dress' ^^ j that, indeed, ' the doctrine of good manners teacheth men to speak well of all virtues ; but requires no more of them in any age or country, than the outward appearance of those in fashion' 2^. Two authors of infidel systems these, who, setting out upon opposite principles, are calculated to draw all mankind, by flattering either their vanity or their passions, into one or other system. And yet the people among whom such books are published wonder how it comes to pass that the civil magistrate daily loseth his authority, that the laws are trampled upon, and the subject in constant fear of being robbed and murdered, or having his house burnt over his head ? It may be presumed that the science of finding fault, which above all others is easiest to learn, suits best with a modern ^ [It is not reason candidly proposed that ^* [Vol. III.MisccZ. III. cap.a.] — Author. offends, but the reviling, insulting, ridiculing, ^ [Inqniry into the Origin of Moral of the national laws and religion; all this Virtue. Ed. VI. p. 37.] — Author. profiteth for free-thinking, and must needs ™ [The author's Remarks on his Fahle of be offensive to all reasonable men.] — the Sees, p. 379.] — Author. Author. ^ IRemarh, part II. p. 155.]— Author. Magistrates and Men in Authority. 425 education. Too many there are of better fortunes than under- standings, who have made the inquiry after truth a very small part of their care j these see somewhat, but not enough. It were to be wished they knew either less or more. One thing it is evident they do not knowj to wit, that while they rail at pre- judice, they are undoing themselves : they do not comprehend (what hath been before hinted), that their whole figure, their political existence, is owing to certain vulgar prejudices, in favour of birth, title, or fortune, which add nothing of real worth either to mind or body ; and yet cause the most worthless person to be respected. Freedom of thought is the prerogative of human kind ; it is a quality inherent in the very nature of a thinking being. Nothing is more evident than that every one can think his own way, in spite of any outward force or power whatsoever. It is therefore ridiculous for any man to declaim in defence of a privilege which cannot be denied or taken from him. But this will not infer a boundless freedom of speech ^s^ an open contempt of laws, and a prescribing from private judgment ^^ against public authority, things never borne in any well-ordered state; and which make the crying distemper of our times. [3oThe constitution of these kingdoms hath been one while overheated by the indiscreet zeal of one set of men : Again it hath been cold and lifeless through the indifference of another. ^^We have alternately felt the furious effects of superstition and fanaticism ; and our present impending danger is from the setting up of private judgment, or an inward light in opposition to human and divine laws. Such an inward conceited principle always at work, and proceeding gradually and steadily, may be sufficient to dissolve any human fabric of polity or civil government. To pretend to be wiser than the laws hath never been suffered in any wise State, saith Aristotle 32. And indeed what wise State ^ [Is there no difference between indulg- contained in the Discourse in the London ing scrupulous consciences, and tolerating edition of the Miscellany, are omitted in the public deriders of all conscience and reli- Dublin edition, published in the same year, gion ?] — Author. and also in the former Collected Editions of " [A man who is himself permitted to Berkeley's Works. follow his own private judgment, cannot ^' [There is a medium in things, which well complain, although he may not set it wise men find out, while the unwise are up as a public rule.] — Author. always blundering in extremes.] — Author. ^ The two paragraphs within brackets, '^ IRhet. lib. I. cap. 15.] — Author. 426 A Discourse addressed to would encourage or endure a spirit of opposition ^^ publicly to operate against its own decrees ? who can say to such a spirit, Thus far shalt thou come, and no farther ? The Magistrate, perhaps, may not be sufficiently aware that those pretended advocates for private light and free thought are in reality seditious men, who set up themselves against national laws and constitutions. And yet, one would think, all mankind might see, that the spirit which prevails against the Church and Religion proceeds from an opposition ratlier to the laws of the land than to the Gospel. Men quarrel not so vehemently against articles of Faith themselves, as against the establishing of such matters ; which is the sole effect of law and the supreme power. It clearly follows, the freedom pleaded for is not so much freedom of thought against the doctrines of the Gospel, as freedom of speech and action against the laws of the land. It is strange, that those who are not blind in other matters, should yet not see this; or, that seeing it, they should not discern the conse- quences thereof.] I am sensible, that whatever looks like a restraint on freedom of inquiry, must be very disagreeable to all reasoning and inquisi- tive men. But against this I have said nothing 3*. On the contrary, I will freely own, a judicious and impartial search after truth is the most valuable employment of the mind. Those who have the talents, and will be at the pains, cannot do better than engage in that noble pursuit. But those who are not quali- fied by age or education ; those who have neither disposition nor leisure, nor faculties to dig in the mine of truth themselves, must take it as retailed out by others. I see no remedy. God, who knows the opportunities of every man, requires impossibilities from no man. And where there is a sincere love of truth and virtue, the grace of God can easily supply the defect of human means. It hath been before observed, and shewed at large, that the bulk of mankind must have their minds betimes imbued with good and wholesome notions or principles, by their parents, pastors, and tutors, or else bad notions, hurtfial to themselves and others, will undoubtedly take possession thereof. Such bad ^ [Reason modestly pleading from a to be very meek and modest.] — Author. conscientious principle hath nothing cruel ^* [The profane and lawless scomer is one to apprehend from our laws, and I hope it thing, and the modest inquirer after truth never will. At the same time, it must be another.] — Author. allowed, that every plea against law ought Magistrates and Men in Authority. 427 notions have, for several years past, been propagated with un- common industry in these kingdoms : they now bring forth fruit every day more and more abundant. It is to be feared that what hath been long ripening is now near ripe. Many are the signs and tokens. He that runs may read. But there cannot be a higher or more flagrant symptom of the madness of our times than that execrable Fraternity of Blas- phemers, lately set up within this city of Dublina*. Blasphemy against God is a great crime against the state. But that a set of men should, in open contempt of the laws, make this very crime their profession, distinguish themselves by a peculiar name 36, and form a distinct Society, whereof the proper and avowed business shall be, to shock all serious Christians by the most impious and horrid blasphemies^ uttered in the most public manner: this surely must alarm all thinking men. It is a new thing under the sun reserved for our worthy times and country. It is no common blasphemy I speak of: it is not simple cursing and swearing : it is not the eflFect either of habit or surprise ; but a train of studied, deliberate indignities against the Divine Majesty ; and those of so black and hellish a kind as the tongues alone which uttered them can duly characterise and express. This is no speculative heresy, no remote or doubtful inference from an author's tenets. It is a direct and open attack on God himself. It is such a calm premeditated insult upon re- ligion, law, and the very light of nature that there is no sect or nation of men — whether Christians, Jews, Mahometans, or even civilized heathens — that would not be struck with horror and amazement at the thought of it, and that would not anim- advert 37 on its authors with the utmost severity. Deliberate, atheistical blasphemy, is of all crimes most danger- ous to the public, inasmuch as it opens the door to all other crimes, and virtually contains them all; — a religious awe and fear of God, being (as we have already observed) the centre that unites, and the cement that connects all human society. " The Discourse to Magistrates seems to '' [Blasters.] — Author. have been written as well as published in " [They (if there be any such) who Dublin. Berkeley delivered his sentiments think to serve the Reformation, by joining on this subject in the Irish House of Lords, with Blasters and devil-worshippers in a plea upon the only occasion on which he spoke for licence, are in truth a scandal and re- there, when his secluded life at Cloyne proach to the protestant cause.] — Author. was interrupted by a single visit to Dublin. 428 A Discourse addressed to He who makes it his business to lessen or root out from the minds of men this principle doth in effect endeavour to fill his country with highwaymen, housebreakers, murderers, fraud- ulent dealers, perjured witnesses, and every other pest of society. Therefore, it would be the greatest cruelty to our children, neigh- bours, and country to connive at such a crime j a crime which hath no natural passion or temptation to plead for it, but is the pure effect of an abandoned impudence in wickedness j and, perhaps, of a mistaken hope that the laws and magistrates are asleep. The question is not now, whether religion shall be established by law: the thing is already done (and done with good reason, as appeareth from the premises), but whether a reverence ^^ for the laws shall be preserved. Religion, considered as a system of saving truths, hath its sanction from heaven j its rewards and penalties are divine. But religion, as useful and necessary to society, hath been wisely established by law j and so established, and wrought into the very frame and principles of our government, is become a main part of the civil constitution. Our laws are the laws of a Christian country : our government hath been con- stituted and modelled by Christians; and is still administered and maintained by men professing belief in Christ. Can it then be supposed that impious men shall with impunity invent and^s publicly utter the most horrid blasphemies i, and, at the same time the whole constitution not be endangered ? Or can it be supposed that magistrates, or men invested with power, should look on, and see the most sacred part of our constitution trampled under foot, and yet imagine their own dignity and authority to be secure, which rest entirely thereupon ? I will venture to say that whoever is a wise man, and a lover of his country, will riot only be solicitous to preserve the honour of God sacred and entire; he will even discourage that prevailing prejudice against the dis- pensers of God's word, the teachers of those salutary doctrines, without which the public cannot thrive or subsist. He will be ^' [They who plead a right to contradict to blaspheme, therefore he may not think the laws, can pretend none for doing it with freely : a profane miscreant is not indulged insolence or disrespect.] — Author. in the pubhc worship of the devil, therefore ^^ [To make the cause of such men the a conscientious person may not serve God cause of liberty or toleration would be Ijis own way ; — is not this absurd ?] — monstrous. A man is not suffered publicly Author. Magistrates and Men in Authority. 429 no contemner, not even of those rites and ordinances enjoined by law, as necessary to imprint and retain a sense of i-eligion in the minds of men. He will extend his care to the outworks, as knowing that when these are gone, it may be difficult to preserve the rest. Notwithstanding the vain assertion of those men who would justify the present by saying 'all times are alike,' it is most evident that the magistrates, the laws, the very constitution of these realms have lost no small share of their authority and reverence, since this great growth and spreading of impious prin- ciples. Whatever be the cause, the effect is apparent. Whether we ascribe it to the natural course of things, or to a just judgment upon those who, having been careless to preserve a due sense of the Divine authority, have seen and shall see their own despised. Darius, a heathen prince, made a decree, that in every dominion of his kingdom men should tremble and fear before God (Dan. vi. 26). Nebuchadnezzar, likewise, another heathen, made a decree, that every people, nation, and language which spoke anything amiss against God should be cut in pieces, and their houses made a dunghill (Dan. iii. 39). And if these things were done in Persia and Babylon, surely it may be expected that impious blasphemers against God and his worship should at least be discouraged and put out of countenance in these Christian countries. Now, a constant course of disfavour from men in authority would prove a most effectual check to all such miscreants. When, therefore, they are public and bold in their blasphemies, this is no small reflection on those who might check them if they would. It is not so much the execution of the laws as the countenance of those in authority that is wanting to the maintenance of reUgion. If men of rank and power, who have a share in dis- tributing justice, and a voice in the public councils, shall be observed to neglect divine worship themselves, it must needs be a great temptation for others to do the same. But if they and their families should set a good example, it may be presumed that men of less figure would be disposed to follow it. Fashions are always observed to descend, and people are generally fond of being in the fashion • whence one would be apt to suspect the prevailing contempt of God's word, and estrangement from his house, to a degree that was never known in any Christian country. A LETTER to the roman catholics of the diocese of cloyne. My Countrymen and Fellow-Subjects, Notwithstanding the differences of our religious opinions, I should be sorry to be wanting in any instance of humanity or good neighbourhood to any of you. For which reason I find myself strongly inclined, at this critical juncture, to put you in mind that you have been treated with a truly Christian lenity under the present government ; that your persons have been protected, and your properties secured by equal laws : and that it would be highly imprudent as well as ungrateful to forfeit these advantages, by making yourselves tools to the ambition of foreign princes, who fancy it expedient to raise disturbances among us at present, but, as soon as their own ends are served, will not fail to abandon you, as they have always done. Is it not evident that your true interest consists in lying still, and waiting the event, since Ireland must necessarily follow the fate of England ; and that therefore prudence and policy prescribe quiet to the Roman Catholics of this kingdom, who, in case a change of hands should not succeed after your attempting to bring it about, must then expect to be on a worse foot than ever ? But we will suppose it succeeds to your wish. What then? Would not this undermine even your own interests and fortune, which are often interwoven with those of your neighbours ? Would not all those who have debts or money, or other effects in the hands of Protestants, be fellow-sufferers with them ? Would not all those who hold under the Acts of Settlement be as liable as Protestants themselves to be dispossessed by the old proprietors ? Or, can even those who are styled proprietors flatter themselves with hopes of possessing the estates which they claim, VOL. III. F f 434 ^ Letter to the Roman Catholics, &c. which, in all likelihood, would be given to favourites (perhaps to foreigners), who are near the person, or who fought the battles of their Master. Under protestant governments, those of your communion have formerly enjoyed a greater share of the lands of this kingdom, and more ample privileges. You bore your part in the magistracy and the legislature, and could complain of no hardships on the score of your religion. If these advantages have been since im- paired or lost, was it not by the wrong measures yourselves took to enlarge them, in several successive attempts, each of which left you weaker and in a worse condition than you were before ? And this notwithstanding the vaunted succours of France and Spain, whose vain efFbrts in conjunction with yours constantly recoiled on your own heads, even when your numbers and cir- cumstances were far more considerable than they now are ? You all know these things to be true. I appeal to your own breasts. Dear-bought experience hath taught you, and past times instruct the present. But perhaps you follow conscience rather than interest. Will any men amongst you pretend to plead conscience against being quiet, or against paying allegiance and peaceable submission to a protestant prince, which the first Chris- tians paid even to heathen, and which those of your communion, at this day, pay to Mahometan and to idolatrous princes in Turkey and China, and which you yourselves have so often professed to pay to our present gracious Sovereign ? Conscience is quite out of the case. And what man in his senses would engage in a dangerous course, to which neither interest doth invite, nor conscience oblige him ? I heartily wish that this advice may be as well taken as it is meant, and that you may maturely consider your true interest, rather than rashly repeat the same errors which you have so often repented of. So, recommending you to the merciful guidance of Almighty God, I subscribe myself. Your real well-wisher, GEORGE CLOYNE. A WORD TO THE WISE OR, AN EXHORTATION TO THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CLERGY OF IRELAND. Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum pulo. 1749. F f a A WORD TO THE WISE\ Be not startled. Reverend Sirs, to find yourselves addressed to by one of a diflFerent Communion. We are indeed (to our shame be it spoken) more inclined to hate for those articles wherein we differ, than to love one another for those wherein we agree. But, if we cannot extinguish, let us at least suspend our animosities, and, forgetting our religious feuds, consider ourselves in the ami- able light of countrymen and neighbours. Let us for once turn our eyes on those things in which we have one common interest. Why should disputes about faith interrupt the duties of civil life ? or the different roads we take to heaven prevent our taking the same steps on earth ? Do we not inhabit the same spot of ground, breathe the same air, and live under the same government ? Why, then, should we not conspire in one and the same design — to pro- mote the common good of our country. We are all agreed about the usefulness of meat, drink, and clothes, and, without doubt, we all sincerely wish our poor neighbours were better supplied with them. Providence and nature have done their part ; no country is better qualified to furnish the necessaries of life, and yet no people are worse provided. In vain is the earth fertile, and the climate benign, if human labour be wanting. Nature supplies the materials, which art and industry improve to the use of man, and it is the want of this industry that occasions all our other wants. The public hath endeavoured to excite and encourage this most ' The Word to the Wise was first pub- sioned exhortation to inculcate Industry on lished in 1 749. I have not found a copy the people of Ireland may be compared with of the original edition. It was republished, the Essay towards preventing the Ruin of in conjunction with the Querist, in the Great Britain, written nearly thirty years following year, and also in 17? I. It is earlier, and also with the QK«n's<. contained in the Miscellany. This impas- 438 A Word to the Wise : useful virtue. Much hath been done j but whether it be from the heaviness of the climate, or from the Spanish or Scythian blood that runs in their veins, or whatever else may be the cause, there still remains in the natives of this island a remarkable antipathy to labour. You, gentlemen, can alone conquer their innate here- ditary sloth. Do you then, as you love your country, exert your- selves. You are known to have great influence on the minds of your people ; be so good as to use this influence for their benefit. Since other methods fail, try what you can do. ' Be instant in season, out of season; reprove, rebuke, exhort' (a Tim. iv. 2). Make them thoroughly sensible of the sin and folly of sloth. Shew your charity in clothing the naked and feeding the hungry, which you may do by the mere breath of your mouths. Give me leave to tell you that no set of men upon earth have it in their power to do good on easier terms, with more advantage to others, and less pains or loss to themselves. Your flocks are of all others most disposed to follow directions, and of all others want them most; and indeed what do they not want ? The house of an Irish peasant is the cave of poverty ; within, you see a pot and a little straw; without, a heap of children tumbling on the dunghill. Their fields and gardens are a lively counterpart of Solomon's description in the Proverbs : ' I went (saith that wise king) by the field of the slothful, and by the vine- yard of the man void of understanding; and, lo, it was all grown over with thorns, and nettles had covered the face thereof, and the stone wall thereof was broken down' (Prov. xxiv. 30, 31). In every road the ragged ensigns of poverty are displayed ; you often meet caravans of poor, whole families in a drove, witliout clothes to cover, or bread to feed them, both which might be easily pro- cured by moderate labour. They are encouraged in this vagabond life by the miserable hospitality they meet with in every cottage, whose inhabitants expect the same kind reception in their turn when they become beggars themselves; beggary being the last refuge of these improvident creatures. If I seem to go out of my province, or to prescribe to those who must be supposed to know their own business, or to paint the lower inhabitants of this land in no very pleasing colours, you An Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy. 439 will candidly forgive a well-meant zeal, which obligeth me to say things rather useful than agreeable, and to lay open the sore in order to heal it. But whatever is said must be so taken as not to reflect on per- sons of rank and education, who are no way inferior to their neighbours j nor yet to include all even of the lowest sort, though it may well extend to the generality of those especially in the western and southern parts of the kingdom, where the British manners have less prevailed. We take our notions from what we see, mine are a faithful transcript from originals about me. The Scythians were noted for wandering, and the Spaniards for sloth and pride ; our Irish are behind neither of these nations from which they descend, in their respective characteristics. 'Better is he that laboureth and aboundeth in all things, than he that boasteth himself and wanteth bread,' saith the son of Sirach (x. 27) ; but so saith not the Irishman. In my own family a kitchen-wench refused to carry out cinders, because she was de- scended from an old Irish stock. Never was there a more mon- strous conjunction than that of pride with beggary j and yet this prodigy is seen every day in almost every part of this kingdom. At the same time these proud people are more destitute than savages, and more abject than negroes. The negroes in our Plantations have a saying — ' If negro was not negro. Irishman would be negro.' And it may be affirmed with truth that the very savages of America are better clad and better lodged than the Irish cottagers throughout the fine fertile counties of Limerick and Tipperary. Having long observed and bewailed this wretched state of my countrymen, and the insufficiency of several methods set on foot to reclaim them, I have recourse to your Reverences as the dernier ressort. Make them to understand that you have their interest at heart, that you persuade them to work for their own sakes, and that God hath ordered matters so as that they who will not work for themselves must work for others. The terrors of debt, slavery, and famine should, one would think, drive the most slothful to labour. Make them sensible of these things, and that the ends of Providence and order of the world require industry in human creatures. ' Man goeth forth to his work and to his labour until 440 A Word to the Wise: the evening,' saith the Psalmist (Ps. civ. 23), when he is describ- ing the beauty, order, and perfection of the works of God. But what saith the slothful person ? ' Yet a little sleep, a little slum- ber, a little folding of the hands to sleep' (Prov. vi. 10). But what saith the wise man ? ' So shall thy poverty come as one that travelleth, and thy want as an armed man' (Prov. vi. 1 1). All nature will furnish you with arguments and examples against sloth : ' Go to the ant, thou sluggard,' cries Solomon. The ant, the bee, the beetle, and every insect but the drone, read a lesson of industry to man. But the shortest and most effectual lesson is that of St. Paul: 'If any man will not work, neither should he eat' [% Thess. iii. 10). This command was enjoined the Thes- salonians, and equally respects all Christians, and indeed all man- kind ; it being evident by the light of nature that the whole creation works together for good, and that no part was designed to be useless. As therefore the idle man is of no use, it follows that he hath no right to a subsistence. ' Let them work (saith the apostle), and eat their own bread' {% Thess. iii. la) ; not bread got by begging, nor bread earned^ by the sweat of other men; but their own bread, that which is got by their own labour. ' Then shalt thou eat the labour of thine hands,' saith the Psalmist ; to which he adds, 'Happy shalt thou be, and it shall be well with thee' (Ps. cxxviii. a), intimating that to work and enjoy the fruits thereof is a great blessing. A slothful man's imagination is apt to dress up labour in a horrible mask; but, horrible as it is, idleness is more to be dreaded, and a life of poverty (its necessary consequence) is far more painful. It was the advice of Pythagoras, to choose the best kind of life; for that use would render it agreeable, reconciling men even to the roughest exercise. By practice, pains become at first easy, and in the progress pleasant ,- and this is so true, that whoever examines things will find there can be no suet thing as happy life without labour, and that whoever doth not labour with his hands, must, in his own defence, labour with his brains. Certainly, planting and tilling the earth is an exercise not less pleasing than useful ; it takes the peasant from his smoky cabin into the fresh air and the open field, rendering his lot far more desirable than that of the sluggard, who lies in the straw, or sits whole days by the fire. An Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy. 441 Convince your people that not only pleasure invites but neces- sity also drives them to labour. If you have any compassion for these poor creatures, put them in mind how many of them perished in a late memorable distress^, through want of that provident care against a hard season, observable not only in all other men, but even in irrational animals. Set before their eyes, in lively colours, their own indigent and sordid lives, compared with those of other people, whose industry hath procured them hearty food, warm clothes, and decent dwellings. Make them sensible what a re- proach it is that a nation which makes so great pretensions to antiquity, and is said to have flourished many ages ago in arts and learning, should in these our days turn out a lazy, destitute, and degenerate race. Raise your voices. Reverend Sirs, exert your influence, shew your authority over the multitude, by engaging them to the prac- tice of an honest industry — a duty necessary to all, and required in all, whether Protestants, or Roman Catholics, whether Chris- tians, Jews, or Pagans. Be so good, among other points, to find room for this.^ than which none is of more concern to the souls and bodies of your hearers, nor consequently deserves to be more amply or frequently insisted on. Many and obvious are the motives that recommend this duty. Upon a subject so copious you can never be at a loss for some- thing to say. And while, by these means, you rescue your country- men from want and misery, you will have the satisfaction to behold your country itself improved. What pleasure must it give you, to see these waste and wild scenes, these naked ditches, and miser- able hovels, exchanged for fine plantations, rich meadows, well- tilled fields, and neat dwellings ^ to see people well fed, and well clad, instead of famished, ragged scarecrows^ and those very persons tilling the fields that used to beg in the streets. Neither ought the difficulty of the enterprise to frighten you from attempting it. It must be confessed, a habit of industry is not at once introduced ; neighbour, nevertheless, will emulate neighbour, and the contagion of good example will spread as surely as of bad, though perhaps not so speedily. It may be hoped there are many that would be allured by a plentiful and decent ' He refers probably to the famine Thousands perished of hunger and disease which followed the hard frost in 1740. in that and the following year. 442 A Word to the Wise: manner of life to take pains, especially when they observe it to be attained by the industry of their neighbours, in no sort better qualified than themselves. If the same gentle spirit of sloth did not soothe our squires as well as peasants, one would imagine there should be no idle hands among us. Alas ! how many incentives to industry offer them- selves in this island, crying aloud to the inhabitants for work ? Roads to be repaired, rivers made navigable, fisheries on the coasts, mines to be wrought, plantations to be raised, manufac- tures improved, and, above all, lands to be tilled, and sowed with all sorts of grain. When so many circumstances provoke and animate your people to labour; when their private wants, and the necessities of the public ; when the laws, the magistrates, and the very country calls upon them ; you cannot think it becomes you alone to be silent, or hindmost in every project for promoting the public good. Why should you, whose influence is greatest, be least active ? Why should you, whose words are most likely to prevail, say least in the common cause ? Perhaps it will be said, the discouragements attending those of your Communion 3 are a bar against all endeavours for exciting them to a laudable industry. Men are stirred up to labour by the prospect of bettering their fortunes, by getting estates, or em- ployments ; but those who are limited in the purchase of estates, and excluded from all civil employments, are deprived of those spurs to industry. To this it may be answered, that, admitting these consider- ations do, in some measure, damp industry and ambition in persons of a certain rank, yet they can be no let to the industry of poor people, or supply an argument against endeavouring to procure meat, drink, and clothes. It is not proposed that you should persuade the better sort to acquire estates, or qualify themselves for becoming magistrates j but only that you should set the lowest of the people at work, to provide themselves with necessaries, and supply the wants of nature. It will be alleged in excuse of their idleness, that the country ' Note the reference here, and in what Roman Catholics, and to the Irish land follows, to the civil disabilities of the Irish question. Cf. Querist, Qu. 255. An Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy. 443 people want encouragement to labour, as not having a property in the lands. There is small encouragement, say you, for them to build or plant upon another's land, wherein they have only a temporary interest. To which I answer, that life itself is but temporary j that all tenures are not of the same kind j that the case of our English and the original Irish is equal in this respect J and that the true Aborigines, or natural Irish, are noted for want of industry in improving even on their own lands, whereof they have both possession and property. How many industrious persons are there in all civilized coun- ■ tries, without any property in lands, or any prospect of estates, or employments! Industry never fails to reward her votaries. There is no one but can earn a little, and little added to little makes a heap. In this fertile and plentiful island, none can perish for want but the idle and improvident. None who have industry, frugality, and foresight but may get into tolerable, if not wealthy, circumstances. — Are not all trades and manufactures open to those of your Communion ? Have you not the same free use, and may you not make the same advantage, of fairs and markets as other men? Do you pay higher duties, or are you liable to greater impositions, than your fellow-subjects ? And are not the public premiums and encouragements given indifferently to artists of all Communions ? Have not, in fact, those of your Communion a very great share of the commerce of this kingdom in their hands ? And is not more to be got by this than by purchasing estates, or possessing civil employments, whose in- comes are often attended with large expenses ? A tight house, warm apparel, and wholesome food, are sufH- cient motives to labour. If all had them, we should be a flourishing nation. And if those who take pains may have them, those who will not take pains are not to be pitied; they are to be looked on and treated as drones, the pest and disgrace of society. It will be said, the hardness of the landlord cramps the industry of the tenant. But if rent be high, and the landlord rigorous, there is more need of industry in the tenant. It is well known that in Holland taxes are much higher, and rent both of land and houses far dearer, than in Ireland. But this is no objection or impediment to the industry of the people, who are rather animated 444 A. Word to the Wise ; and spurred on to earn a livelihood by labour, that is not to be go without it. You will say, it is an easy matter to make a plausible discours( on industry, and its advantages ; but what can be expected fa poor creatures, who are destitute of all conveniences for exerting their industry, who have nothing to improve upon, nothing tc begin the world with ? I answer, they have their four quarters, and five senses *. Is it nothing to possess the bodily organs sounc and entire ? That wonderful machine, the hand, was it formec to be idle ? Was there but will to work, there are not wanting in this island either opportunities or encouragements. Spinning alone might employ all idle hands (children as well as parents), being soon learned, easily performed, and never failing of a market; requiring neither wit nor strength, but suited to all ages and capacities. The public provides utensils, and persons for teach- ing the use of them j but the public cannot provide a heart and will to be industrious. These, I will not deny^ may be found in several persons in some other parts of the kingdom, and wherever they are found, the comfortable effects shew them- selves. But seldom, very seldom, are they found in these southern people, whose indolence figureth a lion in the way, and is proof against all encouragement. But you will insist, how can a poor man, whose daily labour goes for the payment of his rent, be able to provide present necessaries for his family, much less to lay up a store for the future ? It must be owned, a considerable share of the poor man's time and labour goes towards paying his rent. But how are his wife and children employed, or how doth he employ himself the rest of his time ? The same work tires, but different works relieve. Where there is a true spirit of industry, there will never be wanting something to do, without doors or within, by candle-light if not by day-light. Ltahw ipse voluptas^ saith tlie poet, and this is verified in fact. In England, when the labour of the field is over, it is usual for men to betake themselves to some other labour of a different kind. In the northern parts of that industrious land, the * Cf Querist, Qu. 4. An Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy. 445 inhabitants meet, a jolly crew, at one another's houses, where they merrily and frugally pass the long and dark winter evenings ; several families, by the same light and the same fire, working at their diiFerent manufactures of wool, flax, or hemp ; company, meanwhile, mutually cheering and provoking to labour. In certain other parts you may see *, on a summer's evening, the common labourers sitting along the streets of a town or village, each at his own door, with a cushion before him making bone-lace, and earning more in an evening's pastime than an Irish family would in a whole day. Those people, instead of closing the day with a game on greasy cards, or lying stretched before the fire, pass their time much more cheerfully in some useful employ- ment, which custom hath rendered light and agreeable. But admitting, for the various reasons above alleged, that it is impossible for our cottagers to be rich, yet it is certain they may be clean. Now, bring them to be cleanly, and your work is half done. A little washing, scrubbing, and rubbing, bestowed on their persons and houses, would introduce a sort of industry; and industry in any one kind is apt to beget it in another. Indolence in dirt is a terrible symptom, which shews itself in our lower Irish more, perhaps, than in any people on this side the Cape of Good Hope. I will venture to add that look throughout the kingdom, and you shall not find a clean house inhabited by cleanly people, and yet wanting necessaries ; the same spirit of industry that keeps folk clean, being sufficient to keep them also in food and raiment 6. But, alas! our poor Irish are wedded to dirt upon principle. It is with some of them a maxim that the way to make children thrive is to keep them dirty. And I do verily believe that the familiarity with dirt, contracted and nourished from their infancy, is one great cause of that sloth which attends them in every stage of life. Were children but brought up in an abhorrence of dirt, and obliged to keep themselves clean, they would have something to do, whereas they now do nothing. It is past all doubt that those who are educated in a supine ' {e.g. Newport Pagnel in Buckinghamshire.] — Author. = Cf. Querist, Qu. 60, 61. 446 A Word to the Wise: neglect of all things, either profitable or decent, must needs contract a sleepiness and indolence, which doth necessarily lead to poverty, and every other distress that attends it. ' Love not sleep (cries Solomon), lest thou come to poverty; open thine eyes and thou shalt be satisfied with bread ' (Prov. xx. 1 3). It is therefiDre greatly to be wished, that you would persuade parents to inure their children betimes to a habit of industry, as the surest way to shun the miseries that must otherwise befal them. An early habit, whether of sloth or diligence, will not fail to shew itself throughout the whole course of a man's life. * Train up a child (saith the wise man) in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it ' (Prov, xxii. 6). The first tincture often leaves so deep a stain as no afterthought or endeavour can wash out. Hence sloth in some minds is proof against all arguments and examples whatsoever, all motives of interest and duty, all impressions even of cold and hunger. This habitj rooted in the child, grows up and adheres to the man, producing a general listlessness, and aversion from labour. This I take to be our great calamity. For, admitting that some of our squires and landlords are vultures with iron bowels, and that their hardness and severity are a great discouragement to the tenant, who will naturally prefer want and ease before want and toil; it must at the same time be admitted that neither is the landlord, generally speaking, so hard, nor the climate so severe, nor the soil so ungrateful, as not to answer the husbandman's labour, where there is a spirit of industry ; the want of which is the true cause of our national distress. Of this there are many evident proofs. I have myself known a man, from the lowest condition of life, without friends or education, not knowing so much as to write or read, bred to no trade or calling, by pure dint of day-labour, frugality, and foresight, to have grown wealthy, even in this island, and under all the above-mentioned disadvantages. And what is done by one, is possible to another. In Holland'' a child five years old is maintained by its own labour ; in Ireland many children of twice that age do nothing but steal, or encumber the hearth and dunghill. This shameful ' Cf. Querist, Qu. 373. An Exhortatiofi to the Roman Catholic Cletgy. 447 neglect of education shews itself through the whole course of their lives, in a matchless sloth bred in the very bone, and not to be accounted for by any outward hardship or discourage- ment whatever. It is the native colour, if we may so speak, and complexion of the people. Dutch, English, French, or Flemish cannot match them. Mark an Irishman at work in the field; if a coach or horse- man go by, he is sure to suspend his labour, and stand staring until they are out of sight. A neighbour of mine made it his remark in a journey from London to Bristol, that all the labourers of whom he inquired the road constantly answered without looking up, or interrupting their work, except one who stood staring and leaning on his spade, and him he found to be an Irishman, It is a shameful thing, and peculiar to this nation, to see lusty vagabonds strolling about the country, and begging without any pretence to beg. Ask them why they do not labour to earn their own livelihood, they will tell you. They want employment ; offer to employ them, and they shall refuse your offer ; or, if you get them to work one day, you may be sure not to see them the next. I have known them decline even the lightest labour, that of hay- making, having at the same time neither clothes for their backs, nor food for their bellies. A sore leg is an estate to such a fellow ; and this may be easily got, and continued with small trouble. Such is their laziness, that rather than work they will cherish a distemper. This I know to be true, having seen more than one instance wherein the second nature so far prevailed over the first, that -sloth was preferred to health. To these beggars, who make much of their sores, and prolong their diseases, you cannot do a more thankless office than cure them, except it be to shave their beards, which conciliate a sort of reverence to that order of men. It is indeed a diflScult task to reclaim such fellows from their slothful and brutal manner of life, to which they seem wedded with an attachment that no temporal motives can conquer j nor is there, humanly speaking, any hopes they will amend, except their respect for your lessons and fear of something beyond the grave be able to work a change in them. 448 A Word to the Wise : Certainly, if I may advise, you should, in return for the lenity and indulgence of the government, endeavour to make yourselves useful to the public j and this will best be performed, by rousing your poor countrymen from their beloved sloth. I shall not now dispute the truth or importance of other points, but will venture to say, that you may still find time to inculcate this doctrine of an honest Industry; and that this would by no means be time thrown away, if promoting your country's interest, and rescuing so many unhappy wretches of your Communion from beggary or the gallows, be thought worthy of your pains. It should seem you cannot in your sermons do better than inveigh against idleness, that extensive parent of many miseries and many sins j idleness, the mother of hunger and sister of theft : ' idleness,' which, the Son of Sirach assures us, ' teacheth many vices.' The same doctrine is often preached from the gallows. And indeed the poverty, nakedness, and famine which idleness en- taileth on her votaries, do make men so wretched, that they may well think it better to die than to live such lives. Hence a courage for all villanous undertakings, which, bringing men to a shameful death, do then open their eyes when they are going to be closed for ever. If you have any regard (as it is not to be doubted) either for the souls or bodies of your people, or even for your own interest and credit, you cannot fail to inveigh against this crying sin of your country. Seeing you are obnoxious to the laws, should you not in prudence try to reconcile yourselves to the favour of the public ; and can you do this more effectually, than by co- operating with the public spirit of the legislature, and men in power ? Were this but done heartily, would you but 'be instant in season, and out of season, reprove, rebuke, exhort' (a Tim. iv. 2), such is the ascendant you have gained over the people that we might soon expect to see the good eflFects thereof. We might hope 'that our garners would be soon full, affording all manner of store, that our sheep would bring forth thousands, that our oxen would be strong to labour, that there would be no breaking in, nor going out (no robbery, nor migration for bread), and that there would be no complaining in our streets' (Ps. cxliv. 13). An Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy. 449 It stands upon you to act with vigour in this cause, and shake off the shackles of sloth from your countrymen, the rather, because there be some who surmise that yourselves have put them on. Right or wrong, men will be apt to judge of your doctrines by their fruits. It will reflect small honour on their teachers, if, instead of honesty and industry, those of your Communion are peculiarly distinguished by the contrary qualities, or if the nation converted by the great and glorious St. Patrick should, above all other nations, be stigmatized and marked out as good for nothing. I can never suppose you so much your own enemies as to be friends to this odious sloth. But, were this once abolished, and a laudable industry introduced in its stead, it may perhaps be asked, who are to be gainers ? I answer, your Reverences are like to be great gainers ; for every penny you now gain you will gain a shilling : you would gain also in your credit : and your lives would be more comfortable. You need not be told how hard it is to rake from rags and penury a tolerable subsistence^ or how offensive to perform the duties of your function amidst stench and nastiness; or how much things would change for the better, in proportion to the industry and wealth of your flocks. Duty as well as interest calls upon you to clothe the naked, and feed the hungry, by persuading them to 'eat (in the apostle's phrase) their own bread;' or, as the Psalmist expresseth it, ' the labour of their own hands.' By inspiring your flocks with a love of industry, you will at once strike at the root of many vices, and dispose them to practise many virtues. This therefore is the readiest way to improve them. Consult your superiors. They shall tell you the doctrine here deUvered is a sound Catholic doctrine, not limited to Protestants, but extending to all, and admitted by all, whether Protestants or Roman Catholics, Christians or Mahometans, Jews or Gentiles. And as it is of the greatest extent, so it is also of the highest importance. St. Paul expressly saith that 'if any provide not for his own, and especially for those of his own house, he hath denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel' (i Tim. v. 8). In vain, then, do you endeavour to make men orthodox in points of faith, if, at the same time, in the eyes of Christ and His apostles, you suffer them to be worse than infidels, than those VOL. III. G g 450 A Word to the Wise: who have no faith at all. There is something it seems worse than even infidelity ; and to incite and stimulate you to put away that cursed thing from among you is the design and aim of this Address. The doctrine we recommend is an evident branch of the Law of Nature ; it was taught by prophets, inculcated by apostles, encouraged and enforced by philosophers, legislators, and all wise states, in all ages and in all parts of the world. Let me therefore entreat you to exert yourselves, ' to be instant in season, and out of season, rebuke, reprove, exhort.' Take all opportunities to drive the lion out of the way ; raise your voices, omit no occasion, public or private, of awakening your wretched countrymen from their sweet dream of sloth. Many suspect your religion to be the cause of that notorious idleness which prevails so generally among the natives of this island, as if the Roman Catholic faith were inconsistent with an honest diligence in a man's calling. But whoever considers the great spirit of industry that reigns in Flanders and France, and even beyond the Alps, must acknowledge this to be a ground- less suspicion. In Piedmont and Genoa, in the Milanese and the Venetian state, and indeed throughout all Lombardy, how well is the soil cultivated, and what manufactures of silk, velvet, paper, and other commodities, flourish ? The king of Sardinia will sufiFer no idle hands in his territories, no beggar to live by the sweat of another's brow; it has even been made penal at Turin to relieve a strolling beggar. To which I might add that the person whose authority will be of the greatest weight with you, even the pope himself, is at this day endeavouring to put new life into the trade and manufactures of his country. Though I am in no secret of the Court of Rome, yet I will venture to affirm, that neither pope, nor cardinals, will be pleased to hear that those of their Communion are distinguished, above all others, by sloth, dirt, and beggary; or be displeased at your endeavouring to rescue them from the reproach of such an in- famous distinction. The case is as clear as the sun ; what we urge is enforced by every motive that can work on a reasonable mind. The good of your country, your own private interest, the duty of your function, the cries and distresses of the poor, do with one voice call for your assistance. And, if it is on all hands allowed to An Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy. 451 be right and just, if agreeable both to reason and religion, if coincident with the views both of your temporal and spiritual superiors, it is to be hoped this Address may find a favourable reception, and that a zeal for disputed points will not hinder your concurring to propagate so plain and useful a doctrine, wherein we are all agreed. Whep a leak is to be stopped, or a fire extinguished, do not all hands co-operate without distinction of sect or party ? Or if I am fallen into a ditch, shall I not suffer a man to help me out, until I have first examined his creed ? Or when I am sick, shall I refuse the physic, because my physician doth or doth not believe the pope's supremacy ? Frfy est et ab hoste doceri. But, in truth, I am no enemy to your persons, whatever I may think of your tenets. On the contrary, I am your sincere well-wisher. I consider you as my countrymen, as fellow-subjects, as professing belief in the same Christ. And I do most sincerely wish, there was no other contest between Us but — who shall most completely practise the precepts of him by whose name we are called, and whose disciples we all profess to be. [■■Soon after the preceding Address was published, the Printer hereof received the following Letter from the Roman Catholic Clergy of the Diocese of Duhlin, desiring it to be inserted in the Dublin Journal of November 1 8, 1 749 : — ' You will very much oblige many of your constant readers, if you acquaint the public that the Address you lately published, entitled, A Word to the Wise ; or an Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland^ was received by the Roman Catholic clergy of Dublin with the highest sense of gratitude ; and they take the liberty, in this public manner, to return their sincere and hearty thanks to the worthy Author, assuring him that they are deter- mined to comply with every particular recommended in it, to the utmost of their power. In every page it contains a proof of the author's extensive charity. His views are only towards the ' This Letter is appended to the Word preceding editions. It is omitted in all the to the Whe, in the edition published in Collected Editions of his Worh. Berkeley's AfisceWon^, in 1752 — not in the Gg 2 452 An Exhortation to the Roman Catholic Clergy. public good. The means he prescribeth are easily complied with, and his manner of treating persons in their circumstances so veiy singular that they plainly shew the good man, the polite gentle- man, and the true patriot. All this hath so great an effect upon them, that they have already directed circular Letters to the parish priests of this Diocese, recommending, in the most earnest manner, the perusal and zealous execution of what is co^itained in the said Address; and it is hoped that by publishing this in your Journal, the Roman Catholic clergy of other parts of this Kingdom will be induced to follow their example, which must pro- mote the laudable views of that great and good man. At the same time, he may be assured that the Roman Catholic clergy of this city have frequently taken considerable pains to recommend to their respective flocks, industry, and a due application to their respective trades and callings, as an indispensable duty, and the means of avoiding the many vices and bad consequences which generally attend criminal poverty and want. But the more effectually to prevent these evils, and remove all excuses for sloth and idleness, they have, several months ago, pursuant to the example of many bishoprics in Lombardy, Spain, Naples, &c., taken the steps most proper and expedient, in their opinion, to lessen considerably the number of Holidays in this Kingdom ; and they make no doubt but their expectations will, in a short time, be fully answered, to the great advantage of the public' ' We are, &c.'] MAXIMS CONCERNING PATRIOTISM. 1750. MAXIMS CONCERNING PATRIOTISM 1. Every man, by consulting his own heart, may easily know whether he is or is not a patriot. But it is not so easy for the by-standers. 2. Being loud and vehement either against a court, or for a court, is no proof of patriotism. 3. A man whose passion for money runs high bids fair for being no patriot. And he likewise whose appetite is keen for power. 4. A native than a foreigner, a married man than a bachelor, a believer than an infidel, has a better chance for being a patriot. 5. It is impossible an epicure should be a patriot. 6. It is impossible a man who cheats at cards, or cogs the dice, should be a patriot. 7. It is impossible a man who is false to his friends and neighbours should be true to the public. 8. Every knave is a thorough knave. And a thorough knave is a knave tluoughout. 9. A man who hath no sense of God or conscience : would you make such a one guardian to your child ? If not, why guardian to the state ? 10. A sot, a beast, benumbed and stupefied by excess, is good for nothing, much less to make a patriot of. 11. A fop or man of pleasure makes but a scurvy patriot, 12. A sullen, churlish man, who loves nobody, will hardly love his country. ' These Maxims were first published in the original edition. Berkeley was a patriot 1750, as it seems, in the Dublin Journal, — not a Pat-riot, as he used to style his but I have not been able to find a copy of ' bawling' countrymen. 456 Maxi-ms concerning Patriotism. 13. The love of praise and esteem may do something: but to make a true patriot there must be an inward sense of duty and conscience. 14. Honesty (like other things) grows from its proper seed, good principles early laid in the mind. 1 5. To be a real patriot, a man must consider his countrymen as God's creatures, and himself as accountable for his acting towards them. 16. \i pro arts et focis be the life of patriotism, he who hath no religion or no home makes a suspected patriot. ] 7. No man perjures himself for the sake of conscience. 18. There is an easy way of reconciling malecontents. — Sunt verba et voces quiius hunc len'ire dolorem^ &c. J 9. A good groom will rather stroke than strike. ao. He who saith there is no such thing as an honest man, you may be sure is himself a knave. 21. I have no opinion of your bumper patriots. Some eat, some drink, some quarrel, for their country. Modern Patriotism ! 22. Ibycus is a carking, griping, closefisted fellow. It is odds that Ibycus is not a patriot. 23. We are not to think every clamorous haranguer, or every splenetic repiner against a court, is therefore a patriot. 24. A patriot is one who heartily wisheth the public prosperity, and doth not only wish, but also study and endeavour to pro- mote it. 25. Gamesters, fops, rakes, bullies, stockjobbers: alas! what patriots ! 26. Some writers have thought it impossible that men should be brought to laugh at public spirit. Yet this hath been done in the present age. 27. The patriot aims at his private good in the public. The knave makes the public subservient to his private interest. The former considers himself as part of a whole, the latter considers himself as the whole. a8. There is and ever will be a natural strife between court and country. The one will get as much, and the other give as little as it can. How must the patriot behave himself? 29. He gives the necessary. If he gives more, it is with a view of gaining more to his country. Maxims concerning Patriotism. 457 30. A patriot will never barter the public money for his private gain. 31. Moral evil is never to be committed j physical evil may be incurred, either to avoid a greater evil, or to procure a good. 32. Where the heart is right, there is true patriotism. 33. In your man of business, it is easier to meet with a good head than a good heart. 34. A patriot will admit there may be honest men, and that honest men may differ. 'i^i^. He that always blames, or always praises is no patriot. 36. Were all sweet and sneaking courtiers, or were all sour malecontents ; in either case the public would thrive but ill. 37. A patriot would hardly wish there was no contrast in the state. 38. Ferments of the woi st kind succeed to perfect inaction. 39. A man rages, rails, and raves ; I suspect his patriotism. 40. The fawning couitier and the surly squire often mean the same thing, each his own interest. 4 1 . A patriot will esteem no man for being of his party. 42. The factious man is apt to mistake himself for a patriot. THREE LETTERS TO THOMAS PRIOR, ESQ, AND A LETTER TO THE REV. DR. HALES, ON THE VIRTUES OF TAR-WATER. 1744-1747- LETTER TO THOMAS PRIOR, ESQ., CONTAINING SOME FARTHER REMARKS ON THE VIRTUES OF TAR-WATER, AND THE METHODS FOR PREPARING AND USING* IT. Non sibi, sed toti. •Nothing is more difficult and disagreeable than to argue men out of their prejudices; I shall not, therefore, enter into controversies on this subject, but, if men dispute and object, shall leave the decision to Time and Trial.' — Siris, Sect. 68. I. Among the great numbers who drink Tar- water in Dublin, your letter informs me, there are [^some] that make or use it in an undue manner. To obviate [^ these] inconveniences, and render this water as generally useful as possible, you desire I would draw up some rules and remarks in a small compass, which accordingly I here send you. ' This Letter to Thomas Prior, the Irish of the proposed medicine, and by its supposed patriot, and Berkeley's old friend, was claim to be a Panacea or Catholicon. It 6rst published in Dublin (reprinted at the was a medical and not a metaphysical con- same time in London, ' for M. Cooper, at troversy ; the medicinal virtues of Tar-water the Globe in Paternoster Row*), in July being almost exclusively regarded, in this I?44, about three months after the first and the four following tracts, as well as appearance of ^i'Ws. Appended to it is ^re in the pamphlets and letters on the subject Answer to a supposed Physician's Letter to which appeared then and afterwards. (See the Right Reverend the Bishop of Cloyne, Editor's Preface to Siris). occasioned by his Treatise on the Virtues of A second edition of this Letter appeared Tar-water. This Answer may have been along with ttie Second Letter, vn May 1746, written by Mr. Prior. The supposed phy- as an Appendix to Mr. Prior's Authentic sician's Letter was published anonymously Account of the Effects of Tar-viater. The in May 1744. second motto (Siris, sect. 68) was added in Berkeley's Letter, and the other tracts were the second edition. I have marked by contributions to what may be called ' the brackets the changes introduced in this Tar-water"Controversy'of 1744 and several edition. years following, — a controversy occasioned ' ' several,' — in first edition, by the sudden and extraordinary popularity ' ' those,' — in first edition. 462 First Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., 2. [" Pour a gallon of cold water on a quart of liquid tar ; stir, mix, and work them thoroughly together, with a wooden ladle, or flat stick, for the space of five or six minutes. Then let the vessel stand close covered three days and nights, that the tar may have full time to subside. After which, having first carefully skimmed it without moving the vessel, pour ofF the clear water, and keep it in bottles, well corked for use. This method will produce a liquor stronger than that first published in Siris, but not offensive, if carefully skimmed.J It is a good general rule, but, as stomachs and constitutions are [''so] various, it may admit of some latitude. Less water or more stirring makes it stronger, as more water or less stirring makes it weaker, [sit is to be noted that if several gallons are made at once in the same vessel, you must add five or six minutes' stirring for every gallon. Thus two gallons of water and two quarts of tar re- quire ten or twelve minutes' stirring.] 3. The same tar will not do so well a second time, but may serve for other common uses : the putting off tar that hath been used for fresh tar would be a bad fraud. To prevent which, it is to be noted that tar already used is of a lighter brown than other tar. The only tar that I havfe used is that from our northern Colonies in America, and that from Norway; the latter, being thinner, mixeth easier with water, and seems to have more spirit. If the former be made use of (as I have [7 sometimes] known it with good success), the tar-water will require longer stirring to make it. 4. Tar-water, when right, is not paler than French, nor deeper colour than Spanish white wine, and full as clear; if there be not a spirit very sensibly perceived in drinking, you may con- clude the tar-water is not good ; if you would have it good, see it made yourself. Those who begin with it little and weak may by habit come to drink more and stronger. According to the season, or the humour of the patient, it may be drank either cold or warm ; [^ in colics, I take it to be best warm. ■* In the first edition instead of the sen- water, and keep it in bottles, well corked, tences within brackets we have — * Put a for use.' Cf. iSi'ns, sect. 1. gallon of cold water to a quart of far, stir ■''' Omitted in second edition, and work them strongly together, for about ° Not in first edition, four minutes. Let the vessel stand close ' Omitted in second edition, covered for eight and forty hours, that the ' Not in first edition, tar may subside. Then pour off the clear on the Virtues of Tar-water. 463 If it disgusts a patient warm, let him try it cold^ and vice versa. If at first it create to some squeamish persons a little sickness at the stomach, or nauseating, it may be reduced both in quality and quantity. In general, small inconveniences are either renioved, or borne with small trouble j] it lays under no restraint as to air, exercise, clothes, or diet, and may be taken at all times in the year. 5. As to the quantity in common chronical indispositions, one pint of tar-water a day may suffice, taken on an empty stomach, at two or four times, to wit, night and morning, and about two hours after dinner and breakfast ; more may be taken by strong stomachs. Alteratives in general, taken in small doses, and often, mix best with the blood — how oft or how strong each stomach can bear, experience will shew. But those who labour under great and inveterate maladies must drink a greater quantity; at least one quart [^ every twenty-four hours], taken at four, six, or eight glasses, as best suits the circumstances and case of the drinker. All of this class must have much patience, and per- severance in the use of this as well as of all other medicines, which, if sure and safe, must yet, from the nature of things, be slow in the cure of inveterate chronical disorders. In acute cases, fevers of all kinds, it must be drank in bed, warm, and in great quantity, the fever still enabling the patient to drink perhaps a pint every hour, which I have known to work sur- prising cures. [10 But it works so quick, and gives such spirits, that the patients often think themselves cured before the fever hath quite left them. Such, therefore, should not be impatient to rise, or apply themselves too soon to business, or their usual diet.] [6 ". To some, perhaps, it may seem, that a slow alterative in chronical cases cannot be depended on iii fevers and acute dis- tempers, which demand immediate relief, But I affirm that this same medicine, which is a slow alterative in chronical cases, I have found to be also a most immediate remedy, when copiously taken, in acute and inflammatory cases. It might indeed be thought rash to have tried it in the most threatening ' 'per diem.; — in first edition. " This and next section not in first '° Not in first edition. edition. 464 First Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., fevers and pleurisies without bleeding, which in the common practice would have been held necessary. But for this I can say, that I had patients who would not be bled, and this obliged me to make trials of tar-water without bleeding, which trials I never knew unsuccessful. The same tar-water I found a slow alterative, and a sudden febrifuge. If the reader is surprised, I own myself to be so too. But truth is truth, and from what- ever hand it comes should be candidly received. If physicians think they have a right to treat of religious matters, I think I have an equal right to treat of medicine. 7. Authority I have no pretence to. But reason is the com- mon birthright of all. My reasons I have given in Sins. My motives every one will interpret from his own breast. But he must own himself a very bad man, who in my case (that is, after long experience, and under full conviction of the virtues and innocence of tar-water) would not have done as much. All men are, I will not say allowed, but obliged, to promote the common benefit. And, for this end, what I could not in conscience conceal, that I do and shall publicly declare, maugre all the spleen and raillery of a world which cannot treat me worse than it hath done my betters.] 8. As the morning's draught is most difficult to nice stomachs, such may lessen, or even omit it at the beginning, or rather postpone it till after breakfast, and take a larger dose at night : the distance from meal-time need not be more than one hour, [12 for common stomachs, when the liquor is well clarified and skimmed. The oil that floated on the top and was skimmed off should be carefully laid by, and kept for outward sores.] [i^In the variety of cases and constitutions, it is not amiss that there should be different manners of preparing and taking tar-water. Trial will direct to the best.] Whether there be any difference between old tar and new tar, or which of all the various tars, produced from different trees, or in different parts of the world, is most medicinal, future trials must determine. 9. I have made a second sort of tar-water to be used externally — as a wash ["or lotion] for the itch, scabs, ulcers, [i*evil,] '■■^ In first edition — ' when the stomach is kept for outward sores.' strong, or the glasses sn)all : the oil that " Not in first edition, swims on the top may either be drank with " Not in first edition — in which also the rest of the liquor, or skimmed off, and sect. 9 is part of the preceding one. on the Virtues of Tar-water. 465 leprosy, and all such foul cases, which I have tried with p* very good] success, and recommend it to the trial of others. For inveterate cases of that kind, tar-water should be drank, a quart every twenty-four hours, at [i*four,J six, or eight glasses: and, [15 after this hath been done at least for a fortnight, the lotion is to be] applied outwardly and warm, by bathing, fomenting, and steeping, and this several times in the twenty- four hours, to heal and dry up the sores, [i*the drinking being still continued]. This water, for external use, is made in the following manner : Pour two quarts of boiling water on a quart of tar ; stir and work it strongly with a flat stick or ladle, a full quarter of an hour : let it stand six hours, then pour it off, and keep it close covered for use. It may be made weaker or stronger as there is occasion. [10 i^From what I have observed of the lotion, I am inclined to think it may be worth while, in obstinate cutaneous ailments, leprosy, and weakness of limbs, to try a bath of tar-water ; allow- ing a gallon of tar to every ten gallons of boiling-hot water j stirring the ingredients a full half hour ; suffering the vessel to stand eight or -ten hours, before the water is poured off; and using the bath a little more than milk warm. This experiment may be made in different proportions of tar and water. In Dublin many cases occur for trial which are not to be met with here in the country.] 1 1 . My experiments have been made in various cases, and on many persons ; and I make no doubt its virtues will soon be more fully discovered J as tar-water is now growing into general use, though not without that opposition which usually attends upon novelty. — The great objection I find made to this medicine is that it promises too much. What, say the objectors, do you pretend to a panacea^ a thing strange, chimerical, and contrary to the opinion and experience of all mankind ? Now, to speak out, and give this objection or question a plain and direct answer — I freely own that I suspect tar-water is a panacea. I may be mistaken, but it is worth trial : for the chance of so great and general benefit, I am willing to stand the ridicule of proposing " Not in first edition — in which also this wash.' section is part of the preceding one. '° Not in first edition. " In first edition — ' at the same time the VOL. III. H h 466 First Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., it. And, as the old philosopher cried aloud from the house-tops to his fellow-citizens — Educate your children, so, I confess, if I had a situation high enough, and a voice loud enough, I would cry out to all the valetudinarians upon earth — Drink tar-water. 13. Having thus frankly owned the charge, I must explain to yoUj that by a panacea is not meant a medicine which cures all individuals (this consists not with mortality), but a medicine that cures or relieves all the different species of distempers ". And, if God hath given us so great a blessing, and made a medicine so cheap and plenty as tar to be withal so universal in its effects, to ease the miseries of human life, shall men be ridiculed or bantered out of its use, especially when they run no risk in the trial? [i^For I can truly affirm, that I never knew any harm attend it, more than sometimes a little nausea, which, if the liquor be well cleared, skimmed, and bottled, need not, I think, be apprehended.] 13. It must be owned I have not had opportunities of trying it myself in all cases ; neither will I undertake to demonstrate a priori that tar-water is a panacea. But yet methinks I am not quite destitute of probable reasons, which, joined to what facts I have observed, induced me to entertain such a suspicion ". 14. I [19 knew] tar was used to preserve cattle from contagion; and this may be supposed to have given rise to that practice of drinking tar-water for a preservative against the small-pox. But, as the tar- water used for that purpose was made by mixing equal quantities of tar and water, it proved a most offensive potion : besides, as a fresh glass of water was put in for each glass that was taken out, and this for many days on the same tar, it [2ofollows] that the water was not equally impregnated with the fine volatile spirit, though all alike strongly saturated with gross particles. r^. Having found this nauseous draught very useful against the small-pox to as many as could be prevailed on to take it, I began to consider the nature of tar. I reflected ^i that tar is a balsam " The claim of tar-water to be a " Not in iirst edition. panacea, which Berkeley offers only as a '° ' Know ' in first edition, suggestion, is what is chiefly discussed in the '"' • Followed ' in first edition. Tar-water controversy, and to which the ^' Cf. iSiris, sect. 10—39, *'*'' '''" ^^'^' most plausible objections are made. tion. on the Virtues of Tar-water. 467 flowing from the trunks of aged evergreens ; that it resists putre- faction ; that it hath the virtues of turpentine, which in medicine are known to be very great and manifold ; — but I observed withal that turpentines or balsams are very offensive in the taking. I therefore considered distinctly the several constituent parts of balsams ; which were those wherein the medicinal virtues resided, and, which were to be regarded rather as a viscous matrix to re- ceive, arrest, and retain the more volatile and active particles ^ and, if these last could be so separated and disengaged from the grosser parts as to impregnate a clear and potable liquor, I con- cluded that such liquor must prove a medicine of great force and general use. I considered that nature was the best chemist and preparer of medicines, and that the fragrance and flavour of tar argued very active qualities and virtues. 16. I had, of a long time, entertained an opinion, agreeable to the sentiments of many ancient philosophers — That Fire may he regarded as the Animal Spirit of this visible world'^^' And it seemed to me that the attracting and secreting of this fire, in the various pores, tubes, and ducts of vegetables, did impart their specific virtues to each kindj that this same light or fire was the immediate instrumental or physical cause of sense and motion, and consequently of life and health to animals ; that, on account of this solar light or fire, Phoebus was in the ancient mythology reputed the god of medicine. Which light, as it is leisurely introduced, and fixed in the viscid juice of old firs and pines, so the setting it free in part, that is, the changing its viscid for a volatile vehicle, which may mix with water, and convey it throughout the habit copiously and inoff^ensively, would be of infinite use in physic, extending to all cases whatsoever — inas- much as all distempers are in effect a struggle between the vis vttte and the peculiar miasma or fames morhi ; and nothing strengthens nature, or lends such aid and vigour to life, as a cordial which doth not heat. 17. The solar light, in great quantity during the space of many successive years, being attracted and detained in the juice of ancient evergreens, doth form and lodge itself in an oil so fine and volatile as shall mix well with water, and lightly pass the ^ This 'opinion' is the groundwt>rk of a large part of Siris. Cf. especially sect. 152 — 230- H h a 468 First Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., pr'imie vta, and penetrate every part and capillary of the organical system, when once exempt and freed from the grosser nauseous resin. It will not, therefore, seem unreasonable to whoever is acquainted with the medicinal virtues of turpentine in so many different distempers, for which it hath been celebrated both by ancient and modern physicians, and withal reflects on the nausea or clog that prevents their full operation and effect on the human body; it will not, I say, seem unreasonable to such a one to suppose that, if this same clog were removed, numberless cures might be wrought in a great variety of cases. 1 8. The desideratum was — how to separate the active particles from the heavy viscid substance which served to attract and retain them; and so to order matters that the vehicle of the spirit should not on the one hand be volatile enough to escape, nor on the other gross enough to offend. For the performing of this, I have found a most easy, simple, and eff^ectual method, which furnisheth a potable inoffensive liquor, clear and fine as the best white wine, cordial and stomachic, to be kept bottled, as being endued with a very sensible spirit, though riot fermented. 19. I tried many experiments as to the quantity of water, and the time of stirring and standing, in order to impregnate and clarify it, and after all, fixed on the forementioned receipt, as the most generally useful for making this salutiferous liquor well impregnated, and not offensive to common stomachs, and even drank with pleasure by many; in which the most medicinal and active particles, that is, the native salts [^^ spirit] and volatile oil [2*of the balsam], being disentangled [^^and separated] from [25its] gross oil and viscous resin [2*do, combined together, form a fine balsamic and vegetable soap, which not only] can [^^freely] pass the [^^stomach and] prime -u/^, but also insinuate [^^itself into the minutest capillaries,] and pervade the whole animal P^ system] ; and that in such full proportion and measure as suiteth every case and constitution. 20. The foregoing general considerations put me upon making ^ Omitted in second edition. ^° In first edition — ' themselves into the ^ Not in first edition. smallest ducts." ^ '.the' — in first edition. '" 'machine' — in first edition. on the Virhies of Tar-water. 469 experiments in many various and unlike cases, which otherwise I should never have thought of doing, and the success answered my hopes. Philosophical principles led me to make safe trials, and on those trials is founded my opinion of the salutary virtues of tar-water ; which virtues are recommended from, and depend on, experiments and matters of fact, and neither stand nor fall with any theories or speculative principles whatever. Howbeit, those theories, as I said, enlarged my views of this medicine, led me to a greater variety of trials, and thereby engendered and nourished my suspicion — that it is a panacea. I have been tlie more prolix in these particulars, hoping that, to as many as shall candidly weigh and consider them, the high opinion I conceive of this medicine will not seem altogether an effect of vain prepossession, or blind empiric rashness, but rather the result of free thought and inquiry, and grounded on my best reason, judgment, and experience. [^^Much complaint is indeed made of the iniquity of the times : however, it is hoped they will not condemn one man's tar-water for another's pill or drop, any more than they would hang one man for another's having stolen a horse.] 21. Those who have only the good of mankind at heart will give this medicine fair play ^ if there be any who act from other motives, the public will look sharp and beware. To do justice to tar-water, as well as to those who drink it, regard must be had to the particular strength and case of the patients. Grievous or inveterate maladies must not be treated as common cases. I cured a horrible case, a gangrene in the blood, which had broke out in several sores, and threatened speedy death, by obliging the person to drink nothing but this liquor for several weeks, as much and as often as his stomach would bear. Common sense will direct a proportionable conduct in other cases. But this must be left to the conscience and discretion of the givers and takers. 32. After all that can be said, it is most certain that a panacea sounds odd, and conveys somewhat shocking to the ear and sense of most men, who are wont to rank the Universal Medicine with the philosopher's stone, and the squaring of the ™ Not in first edition. 470 First Letter to T. Prior, Esq., on Tar-water. circle; whereof the chief if not sole reason I take to be, that it is thought to be incredible the same things should produce contrary effects, as it must do if it cures opposite distempers. And yet this is no more than every day's experience verifies. Milk, for instance, makes some costive and others laxative. This regards the possibility of a panacea in general ; as for tar-water in particular, I do not say it is a panacea, I only suspect it to be so — time and trial will shew. 23. But I am most sincerely persuaded, from what I have already seen and tried, that tar-water may be drank with great safety and success, for the cure or relief of most if not all diseases — of ulcers, itch, scald-heads, leprosy, the foul disease, and all foul cases, scurvies of all kinds, disorders of the lungs, stomach, and bowels, [^' in rheumatic,] gouty, and nephritic ail- ments, [-smegrims, inveterate head-aches,] pleurisies, peripneumo- nies, erysipelas, ['^^small-pox,] and all kinds of fevers, [-^colics,] hysteric and all nervous cases, dropsies, decays, and other maladies. [29 Note that for agues it should be drank warm and often, in small glasses, both in and out of the fit, and continued for several days to prevent a relapse.] Nor is it of use only in the cure of sickness; it is also useful to preserve health, and guard against infection ; and in some measure even against old age, as its gives lasting spirits, and invigorates the blood. I am even induced, by the nature and analogy of things, and its wonderful success in fevers of all kinds, to think that tar-water may be [-^9 very] useful against the plague, both as a preservative and a cure. 24. But I doubt no medicine can withstand that execrable plague of distilled spirits, which do all, without exception, (the fire of the hot still imparting a caustic and coagulating quality to all distilled spirits^'', whatever the subject or ingredients may be), operate as a slow poison, preying on the vitals, and wasting the health and strength of body and soul; which pest of human kind is, I am told, gaining ground in this country, already too thin of inhabitants. I am, &c. =' Not in first edition. ™ Cf. Sirk, sect. 107, 108 ; and Second Letter, sect. 9. A SECOND LETTER TO THOMAS PRIOR, ESQ., ON THE VIRTUES OF TAR-WATER^ I. Your attention to whatever promotes the public good of your country, or the common benefit of mankind, having engaged you in a particular inquiry concerning the virtues and effects of Tar- water, you are entitled to know what farther discoveries, observa- tions, and reflections I have made on the subject. a. Tar-water, in the several editions of Siris, hath been directed to be made by stirring three, four, five. Or six minutes, a gallon of water and a quart of tar. But, although it seems best made, for general use, within those limits, yet the stomach of the patient is the best rule whereby to direct the strength of the water ; with a little more stirring, six quarts of good tar-water may be made from one of tar ; and with eight minutes' stirring, I have known a gallon of tar-water produced from second-hand tar, which proved a good remedy in a very bad fever, when better tar could not be had. For the use of travellers, a tar-water may be made very strong, for instance, with one quart of water, and a quart of tar, stirred together for the space of five minutes. A bottle of this may serve long on a road, a little being put to each glass of com- mon water, more or less, as you would have it stronger or weaker. Near two years ago, a quart of about this strength was given to an old woman, to be taken at one draught by direction of a young lady, who had consulted one in my family, about the method of preparing and giving tar-water, which yet she happened to mis- take. But even thus, it did service in the main, though it wrought ' First published in 1746, appended, along Account of the Effects of Tar-water, which with the First Letter, to Mr. Prior's Authentic appe .red at Dublin in that year. 472 Second Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., the patient violently all manner of ways : which shews that errors and excesses in tar-water are not so dangerous as in other medicines. 3. The best tar I take to be that which is most liquid, or first running from the billets of fir or pine which grew on the moun- tains : it hath a greater share of the antiscorbutic vegetable juices, which are contained not only in the leaves and tender tops, but in all parts of the wood : and these, together with the salts of wood- soap, being in the composition of tar superadded to turpentine, render tar-water a medicine, if I am not mistaken, much more extensive and efficacious than any that can be obtained from turpentine alone. 4. The virtues of the wood-juices shew themselves in spruce- beer, made of molasses, and the black spruce-fir in the northern parts of America • and the young shoots of our common spruce-fir have been put to malt liquor in my own family, and make a very wholesome drink. 5. Tar- water seldom fails to cure, or relieve, when rightly made of good tar, and duly taken. I say, of good tar, because the vile practice of adulterating tar, and of selling the dregs of tar, or used tar for fresh, is grown frequent, to the great wrong of those who take it. Whoever hath been used to good tar-water can readily discern the bad by its flat taste, void of that warm cordial quality found in the former ; it may also be expedient, for knowing fresh tar, to observe whether a fat oily scum floats on the top of the water, which is found to be much less, if any at all, on the second making of tar-water. This scum was directed to be taken off, not from its being apt to do harm when drank, but to render the tar-water more palatable to nice stomachs. Great quantities of tar are produced in Germany, Italy, and other parts of the world. The diflferent qualities or virtues of these it may be worth while to try, and I wish the trial were made principally by observing, which giveth most sense of a lively cordial spirit upon drinking the water. 6. This medicine of tar-water worketh various ways, by urine, by perspiration, as a sudorific, carminative, cardiac, astringent, detergent, restorative, alterative, and sometimes as a gentle purga- tive or emetic, according to the case or constitution of the patient, or to the quantity that is taken ^ and its operation should not be on the Virtues of Tar-water. 473 disturbed. I knew two brothers ill of a fever about the same time ; it wrought on the one by copious sweating, on the other altogether by urine j and 1 have known it to act at different times diflFerently, even on the same person, and in the same disorder; one while as a diaphoretic, or sudorific, another as a diuretic. Its general character is diuretic, which shews that it cleanseth the urinary passages, preventing thereby both stone and gravel, against which it hath been found very useful, and much safer than mineral waters^ by reason of its balsamic healing quality. 7. Tar-water doth recover and impart vital heat, but imparts no inflaming heat. I have seen a wonderful cure wrought on a child about eight years old, and past all hopes, by pouring several spoonsful of tar-water down his throat, as he lay quite subdued by a most violent fever, without any appearance of sense or motion, the nostrils drawn back, the eyes fixed, the complexion deadly wan. And yet tar-water, forced down by spoonsful, seemed to kindle up life anew; and this after sage-tea, saffron, milk-water, Venice treacle, &c. had been used without any success. 8. This is of itself a sufficient cordial, friendly and congenial to the vital heat and spirits of a man. If, therefore, strong liquors are in the accustomed quantity superadded, the blood being already, by tar-water, sufficiently warmed for vital heat, the strong liquors superadded will be apt to overheat it, which overheating is not to be imputed to the tar-water, since, taken alone, I could never observe it attended with that symptom. 9. And, though it may be no easy matter to persuade such as have long indulged themselves in the free use of strong fermented liquors and distilled spirits to forsake their pernicious habits, yet I am myself thoroughly persuaded that, in the weakness or fatigue of body, or in low spirits, tar-water alone doth far surpass all those vulgarly-esteemed cordials, which heat and intoxicate, and which coagulate the fluids, and, by their caustic force, dry up, stiffen, and destroy the fine vessels and fibres of the unhappy drinkers, -obstructing the secretions, impairing the animal functions^ pro- ducing various disorders, and bringing on the untimely symptoms of old age. Nothing doth so much obstruct the good effects of tar-water as the abuse of strong liquors. Where this is avoided, it seems no chronical malady can keep its ground or stand before tar-water, constantly and regularly taken, not even hereditary 474 Second Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., distempers, as the most inveterate king's evil, nor even the most confirmed gout ; provided it be drank a quart a day, at six or eight glasses, and at all seasons, both in and out of the fit, and that for a great length of time, the longer the better. It is to be noted that in fits of the gout, colic, or fever, it should be always drank warm. On other occasions, warm or cold, as the patient likes. 10. The inference I make is, that those who expect health from tar-water have less need of any other cordial, and would do well to sacrifice some part of their pleasure to their health. At the same time, I will venture to affirm that a fever produced either from hard drinking, or any other cause, is most eflfectually and speedily subdued, by abstaining from all other cordials, and plentifiilly drinking of tar- water : for it warms the cold, and cools the hot ; simple water may cool, but this, at the same time that it cools, gives life and spirit. It is, in truth, a specific for all kinds of fevers j the same medicine, which is a leisurely alterative in chro- nical disorders, being taken in larger quantities, is a speedy cure in acute ones. 11. Those who, without knowledge or experience of tar-water, have been so active and earnest to discredit its virtues, have much to answer for, especially with regard to acute inflammatory dis- tempers, in which it doth wonders. It is in those disorders, so fatal and frequent, that I have had most opportunities of observing its virtues ; nor can the world ever know the just value of this medicine, but by trying it in the like cases. 1 2. When patients are given over, and all known methods fail, it is allowed to try new remedies. If tar-water was tried in such cases, I do verily believe, that many patients might thereby be rescued from the jaws of death : particularly, I would recommend the trial of it in the most malignant and desperate fevers or small-pox, attended with purple, livid, or black spots. It is my sincere opinion that warm tar-water, drank copiously, may often prove salutary, even in those deplorable cases. 13. My opinion is grounded on its singular virtues in correct- ing, sweetening, and invigorating the blood, and in curing cancers and gangrenes, or beginning mortifications, such as those spots do indicate. I have lately known it drunk with good suc- cess in a very painful and unpromising wound ; and am persuaded that if it were drank plentifully, during the dressing of all sorts of on the Virtues of Tar-water. 475 dangerous wounds, it might assuage the anguish, and forward the cure J as it abates feverish symptoms, and, by rendering the blood balsamic and disposing the parts to heal, prevents a gangrene. 14. Tar itself is an excellent medicine, being spread on a cloth, and applied warm to an ulcer or wound. I have known the same applied to a very large and painful tumour, caused by a sprain or bruise, speedily assuage the pain, and reduce the swelling. I may add that tar (mixed with honey to make it less offensive, and) taken inwardly, is an admirable balsam for the lungs ; and a little of this, taken together with tar-water, hastens its effect in curing the most obstinate and wasting coughs ; and an egg-shell full of tar, swallowed and washed down with a quart of tar-water, night and morning, hath been found very useful for the same disorder in horses. 15. Sitting over the vapour of the heated lotion, described in my former letter, is excellent in the case of piles or fistula ; espe- cially if fomenting with the same lotion be added, as also anoint- ing with the oil scummed from the top of tar-water. Tar-water hath been snuffed up the nostrils, with good success, for a great heaviness of the head and drowsiness. It is a very useful wash for weak, dry, or itching eyes ; an excellent preservative for the teeth and gums ; also a good drink and gargle for a throat : I may add that I have known it succeed in cases where it has been tried without hopes of success, particularly in deafness. I have known life sustained many days together only by drinking of tar-water, without any other nourishment, and without any remarkable diminution of strength or spirits ; it may therefore be of singular use, and save many lives in the distress of famine at sea, or in sieges, and in seasons of great scarcity. The virtue of tar-water, flowing like the Nile^ from a secret and occult source, brancheth into innumerable channels, conveying health and relief, wherever it is applied ; nor is it more easy and various in its use than copious in quantity. How great havoc, nevertheless, is made by the small-pox, raging like a plague in New England, and other parts of America, which yet abound with tar! And how many thousand sailors, in all parts of the world, are rotting by the scurvy with their remedy at hand I ^ [The Nile was by the ancient Egyptians called Sirh, which word also signifies, in Greek, a chain, though not so commonly used as Sira^ — Author. 4/6 Second Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., i6. Many in this town of Cloyne have, by the copious drinking of tar-water alone, been recovered of the most violent fevers, attended with the most threatening symptoms, and much heightened by relapses from mismanagement. It would be tedious to enumerate all the cases of this kind which have happened at Cloyne and in my own family j where many fevers, pleuritic as well as others, attended with violent stitches, diflSculty of breathing, and spitting of blood, have been cured by tar-water: and this I can with truth affirm, that I never knew it regularly tried, in any inflammatory case, without success: but then it must be given in bed warm, and very copiously, with all due caution against cold, noise, and improper diet. 17. I have often observed, when a patient, on the first attack of a fever, hath betaken himself to his bed, and drank tar-water regularly and constantly, that he hath had such favourable symptoms, so good appetite, and so sound sleep, that the fever passed almost as nothing ; nor was to be distinguished otherwise than by a quickness of pulse, a little feverish heat, and thirst. The more that patients in a fever drink, the better they find themselves; and their liking to tar- water grows with their want of it, by a certain instinct or dictate of nature; insomuch that I have known children in very high fevers, who, at other times, could hardly be prevailed on to drink a single glass, drink six or eight in an hour. 18. I can truly affirm that, for the cases within my own observation, inflammatory acute distempers cured by tar-water have been at least ten times the number of any other. These indeed oftenest occur, as causing the chief destruction and general ravage of mankind: who are consequently debarred from the principal use and benefit of this medicine, so long as they give ear to the suggestions of those who, without any experience thereof, would persuade them it is of a heating or inflaming nature ; which suggestion, as I am convinced myself, by long and manifold experience, that it is absolutely false, so may all others also be sufficiently convinced of its falsehood, by the wonderful fact, attested by a solemn affidavit -3 of Captin Drape at Liverpool; whereby it appears that of 170 negroes seized at once by the ^ See Captain Drape's 'affidavit,' ia Prior's Authentic Account of the Effects of Tar- water, pp. 18—20. on the Virtues of Tar-water. 477 ^mall-pox on the coast of Guinea one only died, who refused to drink tar- water; and the remaining 169 all recovered, by drinking it, without any other medicine, notwithstanding the heat of the climate, and the incommodities of the vessel. A fact so well vouched must, with all unbiassed men, outweigh the positive assertions of those who have declared themselves adver- saries of tar-water, on the score of its pretended heating or inflaming quality 4. 19. The skill and learning of those gentlemen, in their pro- fession, I shall not dispute; but yet it seems strange that they should, without experience, pronounce at once concerning the virtues of tar-water, and ascribe to it pernicious qualities, which I, who have watched its workings and effects for years together, could never discover. These three last years I have taken it myself without one day's intermission ; others in my family have taken it near the same time, and those of different ages and sexes; several in the neighbourhood have done as much, all with- out any injury, and much benefit. 20. It is to be noted, the skin and the belly are antagonists ; that is, the more passeth by perspiration, the less will pass another way. Medicines, therefore, which cause the patient to perspire will be apt to make him costive. Therefore, when tar- water worketh much by perspiration, the body may chance to be bound. But such symptom, though it should be attended with a Httle more than ordinary warmth, need not be dreaded by the patient; it being only a sign that his cure is carried on by driving the peccant matter through the skin; which is one of the ways whereby tar-water worketh its effect. And, when this effect or cure is wrought, the body of itself returneth to its former natural state; and, if some have been bound in their bodies, I have known others affected in a contrary manner upon drinking tar-water, as it hath happened to operate either in the shape of a diaphoretic, or of a gentle opening medicine. I have even known a costive habit more than once removed by it, and that when the case was inveterate, and other methods had failed. 2T. I mentioned the foregoing article, upon calling to mind, that two or three patients had, for a time, complained of a binding quality in tar-water. I likewise remember that one * Cf. Siris, sect. 7. 4/8 Second Letter to T. Prior, Esq., on Tar-water. in a high degree of the scurvy was discouraged from the use of tar-water, by its having caused an uneasy itching all over his body. But this was a good symptom, which shewed the peccant humours to be put in motion, and in a fair way of being dis- charged through the skin. 22. An humour or flatus put in motion, and dislodged from one partj often produceth new pains in some other part; and an efHcacious medicine, as it produceth a change in the economy, may be attended with some uneasiness, which yet is not to be accounted a distemper, but only an effect or symptom of the cure. 23. The salts of tar- water have nothing of the fiery and cor- rosive nature of lixivial salts produced by the incineration of the subject; they not being fixed salts, made by the extreme force of fire, but volatile salts, such as pre-existed in the vegetable, and would have ascended in smoke, if not prevented by the sods or covering of the billet piles. This, though already hinted in 5zw, and plain from the manner of making tar, I have thought fit to repeat and inculcate, because, if duly attended to, it may obviate suspicions about tar-water, proceeding only from an ignorance of its nature. 24. Every step that I advanced in discovering the virtues of tar-water, my own wonder and surprise increased, as much as theirs to whom I mentioned them. Nor could I, without great variety and evidence of facts, ever have been induced to suspect that all sorts of ailments whatsoever it might relieve or cure, which at first sight may seem incredible and unaccountable ; but, on maturer thought, will perhaps appear to agree with, and follow from, the nature of things. For, it is to be noted that the general notion of a disease seemeth to consist in this — that what is taken in is not duly assimilated by the force of the animal economy; therefore it should seem whatever assists the w -vHa may be of general use in all diseases, enabling nature either to assimilate or discharge all unsubdued humours and particles whatsoever. But the light or aether detained in the volatile oil which impregnates tar-water, being of the same nature with the animal spirit, is an accession of so much strength to the constitution, which it assists to assimilate or expel what- ever is alien or noxious. A L ET T E R^ TO THOMAS PRIOR, ESQ^., CONCERNING THE USEFULNESS OF TAR-WATER IN THE PLAGUE. WHEREIN ALSO IT IS CONSIDERED, WHETHER TAR-WATER, PREPARED WITH THE DISTILLED ACID OF TAR, SHOULD BE PREFERRED TO THAT MADE IN THE COMMON WAY, BY MIXING TAR WITH WATER, AND STIRRING THEM TOGETHER. ' They provoked Him to anger with their own inventions, and the Plague brake in upon them.* — Ps. cvi. 29. You observe, in a late letter of yours, that I had formerly hinted Tar-water might be useful in the Plague; and desire to know the reasons whereon my opinion was grounded, and that I would communicate my thoughts at large on the subject. I am the more willing to satisfy you in this particular, as the plague now raging in Barbary hath in some measure alarmed the public, and I think it may not be amiss to contribute my mite of advice towards averting or lessening the present danger ; and, as fear begets caution, to possess my countrymen with an apprehension of this, the greatest of all temporal calamities, suffi- cient to put them on their guard, and prepare them against the worst that can happen. A learned physician of our own observes that the plague does not visit these Britannic islands oftener than once in thirty or forty years, and it is now above twice that time^ since we felt the hand of the destroying angel. ' First published in Dublin and London ^ In 1665 — eighty-two years before this ('Innys, Hatch, and Cooper, Paternoster Row, was written. The plague has not since and Davis in Holbom ') in 1747, in the same visited these islands, pamphlet with the Letler to Dr. Hales. 480 A Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., It is also the opinion of physicians that the infection cannot spread except there is a suitable disposition in the air to receive it; the signs of which are wet summers, leaves and fruits blasted, an unusual quantity of insects, epidemical dis- tempers among the cattle, to which I presume may be added long easterly winds — all which signs seem to have discovered themselves pretty plainly in the course of this present year. Beside these natural forerunners of a plague or pestilence in the air, it is worth observing that a prognostic may be also made from the moral and religious disposition of the in- habitants. Certainly that the digitus Dei (the ro deXov of Hippocrates) doth manifest itself in the plague was not only the opinion of mankind in general, but also in particular of the most eminent physicians throughout all ages down to our own. How far we of these islands have reason to expect this messenger of Divine vengeance will best appear if we take a view of the prevailing principles and practices of our times, which many think have long called aloud for punishment or amendment. Analogy and probability prevail in medicine: these are the proper guides where experience hath not gone before. I knew that tar-water was useful to prevent catching the small-pox, and consequently that its nature was contrary to the taint or venom producing that distemper ; and therefore I concluded that it might be usefully applied to cure the same, though I never heard nor knew that it had been applied to that purpose, and the success answered my hopes. In like manner, having known the virtue of tar- water in preserving from epidemical infection, I conceive in general it may be useful for the cure of distempers caused by such in- fection. Besides, being very well assured that tar-water was sovereign in the cure of all sorts of fevers, I think it not unreasonable to infer that it may prove a successful medicine for the plague, although I have never known it used in that dis- temper, forasmuch as the plague with all its symptoms may be considered as a species of fever, and hath been actually con- sidered as such both by Hippocrates and Sydenham, not to mention others. Having observed surprising effects of tar-water in the most on the Virtues of Tar-water in the Plague, &c. 48 1 deplorable cases, for instance, pleurisies, small-pox, spotted and erysipelatous fevers, I am induced to entertain great hopes of its success in pestilential fevers or plagues; which are also confirmed by its operating as a powerful diaphoretic and sudorific, when given warm and in great quantities. Add to this, that it frequently throws out pustules and ulcers, is apt to terminate the worst of fevers by an irruption of boils in various parts of the body; that it raises the spirits, is a great alexipharmacum and cordial, and must therefore be of the greatest use in malignant cases. In cachexy, scurvy, gout, as well as in the close of fevers, I have often known tar-water cause troublesome eruptions or boils (the very method taken by nature in casting forth the venom of the plague) to break out in the surface of the body, expelling the morbific humours, the cause and relics of the disease, to the signal benefit of the patients; except such who, being frightened at the symptoms, have supposed the tar- water to produce those humours which it only drives out, and, in con- sequence of such their groundless suspicion, laid it aside, or perhaps took other medicines to hinder its effect, and thereby deprive themselves of the benefit they might otherwise have received. In the plague are observed head-ache, drowsiness, anxiety, vigils, sinking of spirits, and weakness, for all which tar-water hath been found an effectual remedy. Bloody urine and spitting blood, which are also dangerous symptoms observed in the plague, have been often removed by the same medicine, which from numberless experiments I have found to be peculiarly fitted for purifying and strengthening the blood, and for giving it a due consistence, as well as a proper motion. In the plague, pleurisies are esteemed mortal symptoms, and in the cure of these I never knew tar-water fail, if given warm in bed, a pint or more an hour, though the patient was neither bled nor blistered. The carbuncles and spots which shew them- selves in the plague are of a gangrenous nature, tending to mortification. And gangrenes I have known effectually cured by copious drinking of tar-water. An erysipelas, which sheweth a degree of malignity nearest to the plague, is easily cured by plentiful drinking of tar-water. VOL. III. I i 482 A Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., I knew a person who had been six weeks ill of an erysipelas under the care of a celebrated physician, during which time she struggled with many dangerous symptoms, and hardly escaped with life. This person Was a year after seized again in the same manner, and recovered in a week, by the sole use of tar- water. Costiveness is reckoned a very hopeful prognostic in the plague j and it is also a symptom which often attends the drinking of tar-water, when it throws out the venom of a dis- temper through the skin. Diseases of the same season generally bear some affinity to each other in "their nature and their curej and it may not be improper on this occasion to observe that the reigning dis- temper of the black cattle hath been often cured by tar-water, and would (I am persuaded) have done much less mischief, if the practice had been general to have given each distempered beast three gallons the first, two the second, and one the third day, in warm doses (from a pint to a quart), and at equal intervals. Diemerbroeck ^ recommends in the first appearance of a plague the use of sudorifics, putting the patient to bed, and covering him warm, till a copious sweat be raised, the very method I constantly follow in the beginning of fevers, using no other medicine than tar-water ; which, after numberless experiments, I take to be the best sudorific that is known, inasmuch as it throws out the morbific miasma, without either heating the patient or weakening him, the common effects of other sudorifics, whereas this, at the same time that it allays the feverish heat, proves a most salutary cordial, giving great and lasting spirits. Upon the whole, I am sincerely persuaded that for the cure of the plague there cannot be a better method followed, more general for use, more easy in practice, and more sure in effect, than to cover the patient warm in bed, and to make him drink every hour one quart of warm tar-water, of such strength as his stomach is able to bear ; a thing not so impracticable as it may seem at first sight, since I have known much more drank in fevers, even by children, and that eagerly and by choice, the distemper calling for drink, and the ease it gave encouraging to ■■ An eminent Dutch physician, who practised at Nimeguen during the great plague there, in 1635-7. His work he Peste appeared in 1646. on the Virtues of Tar-water in the Plague, &c. 483 go on. This for the cure; but I conceive that one quart per diem may suffice for prevention ; especially if there be added an even temper of mind, and an exact regimen, which are both highly usefiil against the plague. For carbuncles and buboes I would recommend a liniment of the oil of tar, or a plaster of pitch mixed with water, which last was used by the vulgar in the Dutch plague described by Diemerbroeck. It has pleased divine Providence to visit us not long since, first with famine, then with the sword; and if it should please the same good Providence yet farther to visit us for our sins, with the third and greatest of human woes, this, by God's blessing, is the course I mean to take for myself and family; and if generally practised, it would, I doubt not (under God), save the lives of many thousands; whereof being persuaded in my own mind, both from the many trials I have made of tar- water, and the best judgment and reasonings I could form there- upon, I think myself obliged to declare to the world what I am convinced of myself. And I am the rather moved to this by the great uncertainty and disagreement among physicians, in their methods of treating the plague. Diemerbroeck, for instance, a physician of great experience in the Dutch plague that raged about eighty years ago, dissuades by all means from bleeding in that distemper. On the other hand, Sydenham recommends what the other disapproves. If we believe Dr. Sydenham, the free use of wine, as a preservative, hath thrown many into the plague who other- wise might have escaped. Dr. Willis, on the contrary, avers that he knew many who, being well fortified by wine, freely entered amongst the infected without catching the infection. Bleeding cools, but at the same time weakens nature. Wine gives spirits, but heats withal. They are both, therefore, to be suspected ; whereas tar-water cools without weakening, and gives spirit without heatings a sure indication of its sovereign virtue in all inflammatory and malignant cases ; which is confirmed by such numbers of instances that matter of fact keeps pace (at least) with reason and argument in recommending this medicine. Plagues as well as fevers are observed to be of diflFerent kinds : and it is observed of fevers that, as they change their genius in diflFerent seasons, so they must be treated differently, that I i 3 484 A Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., very method that succeeded in one season often proving hurtful in another. Now it is very remarkable, that tar-water has been known to vary its working, and wonderfully adapt itself to the particular case of the patient, a thing I frequently have experienced. Last spring two children, a boy and a girl, the former ten years old, the latter eight years old, were seized with fevers; the boy had an inflammation in his breast. In less than two hours they drank each above five quarts of warm tar-water, which wrought them very differently, the girl as an emetic, the boy as a gentle purge, but both alike immediately recovered, without the use of any other medicine : of this I was an eye-witness, and I have found by frequent experience that the best way is, to let this medicine take its own course, not hindered nor interrupted by any other medicines; and, this being observed, I never knew it to fail so much as once, in above a hundred trials in all sorts of fevers. Nevertheless, there are not wanting those who would insinuate that tar-water made in the common way contains noxious oils or particles of tar, which render it dangerous to those who drink it, a thing contrary to all my experience. This was the old objection made by those who opposed it from the beginning. But I am convinced, by innumerable trials, that tar-water is so far from doing hurt by any caustic or fiery quality, that it is, on the contrary, a most potent medicine for the allaying of heat, and curing of all inflammatory distempers. The perpetually returning to the same objection makes it necessary to repeat the same answer. And yet some who are not afraid to argue against experience would still persuade us that the common tar-water is a dangerous medicine, and that the acid freed from the volatile oil is much more safe and efficacious " : but I am of opinion that, being robbed of its fine volatile oil (which neither sinks to the bottom, nor floats at the top, but is throughout and intimately united with it, and appears to the eye only in the colour of tar-water); being robbed, I say, of this oil, it is my opinion it can be no cordial; * He probably refers to the recommenda- Virtues free from its hurtful Oils, by tion of the acid alone in A Letter to the A. Reid, Esq. (1747.) Mr. Reid proposes Rev. Dr. Hales, Concerning the Nature of to administer the acid entirely separated Tar, and a method of obtaining its Medical from the oil. on the Virtues of Tar-water in the Plague, &c. 485 which opinion (not to mention the reason of the thing) I ground on my own experience, having observed that the most acid water is the least cordial, so far am I from imputing the whole virtue to the acid, as some seem to think. It seems not very reasonable to suppose that the caustic quality of tar-water (if such there was) should be removed or lessened by distillation, or that a still should furnish a cooler and better medi- cine than that which is commonly prepared by the simple affusion and stirring of cold water. However the ends of chemists or distillers may be served thereby, yet it by no means seemeth calculated for the benefit of mankind in general to attempt to make people suspect, and frighten them from the use of a medi- cine, so easily and so readily made, and everywhere at hand, of such approved and known safety, and, at the same time, recom- mended by cures the most extraordinary, on persons of all sexes and ages, in such variety of distempers, and in so many distant parts of Christendom. By most men, I believe, it will be judged, at best, a needless undertaking, instead of an easy-tried medicine to introduce one more operose and expensive, unsupported by experiments, and recommended by wrong suppositions — that all the virtue is in the acid ; and that the tar-water, being impregnated with volatile oil, is caustic, which are both notorious mistakes. Though it be the character of resin not to dissolve or mix with water as salts do, yet it attracts some fine particles of essential oil, which serves as a vehicle for such acid salts j and the colour of the tar-water sheweth the fine oil, in which the vegetable salts are lodged, to be dissolved and mixed therein. The combination of two such different substances as oil and salt constitutes a very subtle and active medicine, fitted to mix with all humours, and resolve all obstructions, and which may properly be called an acid soap. Tar-water operates more gently and safely, as the acid salts are sheathed in oil, and, thereby losing their acrimony, approach the nature of neutral salts, and so become more friendly to the animal system. By the help of a smooth insinuating oil, these acid salts are more easily and safely introduced into the fine capillaries. I may add, that the crasis of the blood is perfected by tar-water, being good against too great a solution and fluidity as a balsam, 486 A Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., and against viscidity as a soap, all which entirely depends upon the mixture of oil with the acid, without which it could neither operate as a balsam nor a soap. Briefly, it was not mere acid or distilled water, or tincture of tar, but tar-water, as commonly made, by affusion and stirring of cold water upon tar, which hath' wrought all those great cures and salutary effects, which have recommended it as a medicine to the general esteem of the world. The mixture of volatile oil, which is or contains the spirit, is so far from noxious that it is the very thing that makes tar-water a cordial ; this gives it a grateful warmth, and raiseth the spirits of the hysteric and hypochondriacal ; this also, rendering the blood balsamic, disposeth wounds of all sorts to an easy cure ; this also it is that fortifies the vitals, and invigorates nature, driving the gout to the extremities, and shortening the fits, till it entirely subdues that obstinate and cruel enemy, as it hath been often known to do j but acid alone is so far from being able to do this, that, on the contrary, the free use of acids is reckoned amongst the causes of the gout. I never could find that the volatile oil drawn from tar by the affusion of cold water produced any inflammation, or was other- wise hurtful, not even though the water by longer stirring had imbibed far more of the oil than in the common manner, having been assured, that some of strong stomachs have drank it after twenty minutes' stirring, without any the least harm, and with very great benefit. It hath been indeed insinuated that the oil was ordered to be skimmed off, because it is caustic and dangerous ; but this is a mistake. I myself, among many others, drank the tar-water for two years together, with its oil upon it j which never proved hurtful, otherwise than, as being somewhat gross, and floating on the top, it rendered the water less palatable, for which reason alone it was ordered to be skimmed. It hath also been hinted that making tar-water the second time of the same tar was cautioned against, for that it was apprehended such water would prove too heating j which is so far from being true that, when I could not get fresh tar, I used the second water without difficulty, by means whereof it pleased God to recover from the small-pox two children in my own family, who drank it very on the Virtues of Tar-water in the Plague, &c. 487 copiously, a sufficient proof that it is not of that fiery caustic nature which some would persuade us. The truth is, my sole reason for advising the tar not to be used a second time was, because I did not think it would sufficiently impregnate the water, or render it strong enough, after so much of the fine volatile parts had been carried ofF by the former infusion. Truth obligeth me to affirm that there is no danger (for as much as I could ever observe) to be apprehended from tar-water, as com- monly made; the fine volatile oil, on which I take its cordial quality to depend, is, in its own nature, so soft and gentle, and so tempered by the acid, and both so blended and diluted with so great a quantity of water, as to make a compound, cherishing and cordial, producing a genial kindly warmth without any inflaming heat, a thing I have often said, and still find it necessary to inculcate. Some medicines indeed are so violent that the least excess is dangerous ; these require an exactness in the dose, where a small error may produce a great mischief. But tar is, in truth, no such dangerous medicine, not even in substance ^ as I have more than once known it taken innocently, mixed with honey, for a speedy cure of a cold. But, notwithstanding all that hath been said on that subject, it is still sometimes asked. What precise quantity or degree of strength is required ? To which I answer (agreeably to what hath been formerly and frequently observed). The palate, the stomach, the particular case and constitution of the patient, the very climate or season of the year, will dispose and require him to drink more or less in quantity, stronger or weaker in degree ; pre- cisely to measure its strength, by a scrupulous exactness, is by no means . necessary. Every one may settle that matter for himself, with the same safety that malt is proportioned to water in making beer, and by the same rule, to wit, the palate. Only in general thus much may be said, that the proportions I formerly recommended will be found agreeable to most stomachs, and withal of sufficient strength, as many thousands have found, and daily find, by experience. — I take this opportunity to observe, that I use tar-water made in stone ware or earthen very well glazed, . earthen vessels unglazed being apt to communicate a nauseous sweetness to the water. 488 A Letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., &c. Tar- water is a diet-drink, in the making whereof there is great latitude, its perfection not consisting in a point, but varying with the constitution and palate of the patient, being, nevertheless, at times, taken by the same person, weaker or stronger, with much the same effect, provided it be proportionably in greater or lesser quantity. It may indeed be so very weak as to have little or no effect ; and, on the other hand, so very strong as to offend the stomach ; but its degree of strength is easily discerned by the colour, smell, and taste, which alone are the natural and proper guides whereby to judge thereof: which strength may be easily varied, i n any proportion, by changing the quantity either of tar or water, or the time of stirring. As for setting tar- water to stand, this is not to make it stronger, but more clear and palatable. I found myself obliged to assert the innocence and safety, as well as usefulness, of the tar-water, as it is commonly made by the methods laid down in my former writings on this subject; and this not only in regard to truth, but much more in charity to a multitude, which may otherwise perhaps be influenced by the authority of some who endeavour to put them out of conceit with a medicine so cheap, so efficacious, and so universal, by suggesting and propagating scruples about a caustic quality arising from the volatile oily particles of tar, or resin imbibed together with the acid in making tar-water j an apprehension so vain that the re- verse thereof is true, for which I appeal to the experience of many thousands, who can answer for the innocence and safety, as well as efficacy, of this medicine, of which there are such ample and numerous certificates published to the world. I shall finish my essay on the Plague and its Cure with observ- ing that, in case God should withhold his hand for the present, yet these reflections will not be altogether fruitless, if they dispose men to a proper temper of mind, and a cautious regimen, avoiding all extremes (which things are justly reckoned among the chief preservatives against infection), but especially if the apprehen- sion of this destroyer shall beget serious thoughts on the frailty of human life, and, in consequence thereof, a reformation of manners ; advantages that would sufficiently repay the trouble of writing and reading this Letter, even though the trial of tar-water, as a remedy for the plague, should be postponed (as God grant it may) to some future and distant opportunity. A LETTER TO THE REVEREND DR. HALES ON THE BENEFIT OF TAR-WATER IN FEVERS, FOR CATTLE AS WELL AS THE HUMAN SPECIES'. To one gallon of fresh tar, pour six gallons of cold water j stir and work them strongly together, with a large fiat stick, for the space of one full hour ; let the whole stand six or eight hours, that the tar may subside ; then scum it, and pour off the water, whereof three gallons warm are to be given the first day, two the second, and one the third day, at equal intervals, the dose not being less than a pint, nor more than a quart ; and the beast being all that time, and for two or three days after, kept warm and nourished, if it will not eat hay^ with mash or gruel. I believe this course will rarely fail of success, having often observed fevers in human kind to have been cured by a similar method. But, as in fevers it often throws out pustules or ulcers on the surface of the body, so in beasts it may be presumed to do the like j which ulcers, being anointed with a little tar, will, I doubt not, in a short time, dry up and disappear. By this means the lives of infected cattle may be preserved at the expense of a gallon of tar for each. A thing which I repeat and inculcate, not only for the sake of the cattle and their owners, ' This Letter was first published in 1 747, some Experiments and Observations on Tar- in the same pamphlet with the foregoing Water: wherein is shown the quantity of Letter to IMr. Prior, ' at his Lordship's de- Tar that is therein (read before the Royal sire, on occasion of the present distemper Society), which appeared early in 1745, fol- among the Cattle, and for the general good lowed by a second edition in 1 747. With of mankind.' It is unaccountably omitted Boyle, Newton, and Halley, he was a in all the Collected Editions of Berkeley. frequent contributor to the Philosophical A protracted epidemic of Cattle- distemper Transactions. His work on Vegetable Sta- was raging in these islands when this Letter tick (1727) helped to lay the foundation of was written. Vegetable Physiology. He died in 1761, at Dr. Hales was author of An Account of an advanced age. Cf. Siris, sect. 196. 490 A Letter to Rev. Dr. Hales on Tar-water. but also for the benefit of mankind in general, with regard to a fever j which terrible subduer and destroyer of our species, I have constantly found to be itself easily subdued by tar-water. Never- theless, though in most other cases I find that the use of this medicine hath generally obtained, yet in this most dangerous and frequent case, where its aid is most wanted, and at the same time most sure, I do not find that the use thereof has equally obtained abroad in the world. It grieves me to think that so many thousands of our species should daily perish, by a distemper which may be easily cured by a remedy so ready at hand, so easy to take, and so cheap to purchase, as Tar-water, which I never knew to fail when copiously drank in any sort of fever. All this I say after more than a hundred trials, in my own family and neighbourhood. But, whatever backwardness people may have to try experiments on themselves or their friends, yet it is hoped they may venture to try them on their Cattle, and that the success of such trials in fevers of brutes (for a fever it plainly is) may dispose them to probable hopes of the same success in their own species. Experiments, I grant, ought to be made with caution, and yet they may be made, and actually are made every day on probable reasons and analogy. Thus, for instance, because I knew that tar-water was cordial and diaphoretic, and yet no inflamer, I ventured to give it in every stage of the small-pox, though I had never heard of its being given otherwise than as a preservative against that distemper; and the success answered my expect- ation. If I can but introduce the general use of tar-water for this murrain, which is in truth a fever, I flatter myself this may pave the way for its general use in all fevers whatever. A murrain among cattle hath been sometimes observed to be the forerunner of the Plague among men. If that should prove the present case (which God forbid) I would earnestly recommend the copious drinking of warm tar-water, from the very first appear- ance of the symptoms of such plague. I do also recommend it to be tried in like manner against the bite of a mad dog, when other approved remedies are not at hand. FARTHER THOUGHTS ON TAR-WATER. 1752. FARTHER THOUGHTS ON TAR WATERS As the many experiments that are daily made of the virtues of Tar-water furnish new discoveries and reflections, some of these I have thrown together, and offer to the public in hopes they may prove useful. It is a frequent complaint that tar-water is made of bad tar, being of a reddish colour, sweetish, or disagreeably insipid. But, though the dregs of tar are often foul, and make foul tar-water, and though the tar aheady used is often made use of by unfair dealers a second, if not a third time, which produceth a vile potion, void of the genuine flavour and virtue of tar-water ; yet I apprehend these defects may sometimes be ascribed rather to the vessel wherein the tar-water is made than to the tar itself. Tar-water being made in an earthen vessel unglazed, or that hath lost part of its glazing, may extract (as it is a strong men- struum) from the clay a fade sweetishness, offensive to the palate. It should seem, therefore, that the best way of making tar-water is in a stone jug, or earthen vessel, throughout well glazed ; and, as it will not fail to extract a tincture from any metallic vessel, it should be warmed in a well-glazed pipkin, rather than a sauce- pan. By increasing the proportion of tar to the water, and by stirring it longer, tar-water may be made strong enough for a spoonful to impregnate a large glass, a thing very useful on a road. Those who in chronical disorders, or as a preservative, have for a long time drank tar-water, muse in acute cases drink the more. Tar-water must be drank warm in agues, small-pox, measles, and fevers, in cholic, and disorders of the bowels, in gout also, and rheumatism; in most other ailments cold or warm, at the choice of the patient. ' Berkeley's literary life closes with this his sudden death. It seems to have been tract, which appeared in the Miscellany, in written at Cloyne, in the early part of that October 1752, about three months before year, as he removed to Oxford in July. 494 Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. In fevers the patient cannot begin too soon, or drink too much. By undoubted experience it is found to cool the hot, and warm the cold, and to be a most successful medicine in fevers, notwith- standing its great virtue in palsies and dropsies. When not long since an inflammation attacked the throat, breast, and lungs of children, and became general in my neigh- bourhood, numbers were recovered by the use of tar-water j nor did I hear that any miscarried who used it, though many perished who did not. Nor is it a medicine less proper and efficacious in old age. At the same time that this inflammatory distemper raged among the children, a woman in her sixty-eighth year, from violent cold, was seized at once with ague, colic, and jaundice, of all which maladies she was cured in a fortnight, by drinking three pints of warm tar-water every day. Numberless such instances daily occur, which shew it to be a safe and efficacious medicine for old and young. Evacuations by sweat, which usually render patients very weak and dispirited, have not the same bad effects when produced by tar-water, which I have frequently known to give liigh spirits in all the stages of a fever, and under the lowest regimen j there- fore old people and weak persons, who cannot well bear common evacuations, are best cured by tar-water, which in some sort seemeth to renew those who are worn out with age and in- firmities. Tar-water is of singialar use in strengthening the stomach and bowels, and agrees particularly well with infants, taken either by themselves or by the nurse, and best by both. Though, as it throws the ill humours out into the surface of the skin, it may render them for a time, perhaps, unseemly with eruptions, but withal healthy and lively. And I will venture to say that it lays in them the principles of good constitution for the rest of their lives. Nor is it only useful to the bodies of infants j it hath also a good effect on their minds, as those who drink it are observed to be remarkably forward and sprightly. Even the most heavy, lumpish, and unpromising infants appear to be much improved by it. A child there is in my neighbourhood, of fine parts, who at first seemed stupid and an idiot, but, by constant use of tar- Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. 495 water, grew lively and observing, and is now noted for under- standing beyond others of the same age. Infants are easily brought to take it by spoon, and even grow to a liking of it ; and, as their disorders arise chiefly from in- digestion, they receive the greatest benefit from a medicine so well calculated to strengthen the intestines, and preserve them from fits. In a word, if it were the common practice to accustom infants from the beginning to take tar-water, this would greatly conduce to the health both of their minds and bodies. There is, I am verily persuaded, no one thing in the power of art or .nature that would so generally and effectually contribute to repair the constitutions of our gentry and nobility, by strengthening the_ children, and casting off in their infancy those impurities and taints which they often bring into the world. An infant may take one quarter of a pint in the day, warm, by spoonfuls ; less may do good, and there is no fear of excess. When I consider the private woe of families, as well as the public loss occasioned by the death of such an incredible number of infants under two years of age, I cannot but insist on recom- mending tar-water, both as a remedy and preservative in that tender age, which cannot bear the common treatment and methods of physic, or with safety take those drugs which are fitter for grown persons. Another reason which recommends tar-water, particularly to infants and children, is the great security it brings against the small-pox to those that drink it, who are observed, either never to take that distemper, or to have it in the gentlest manner. There is no distemper more contagious and destructive than the small-pox, or more generally dreaded, attended with worse symptoms, or that leaves behind it worse effects. I observe, at the same time, that tar-water is in no other case a more safe and sure remedy than in this; of which Captain Drape's cer- tificate 2, sworn to before the Mayor of Liverpool, in the presence of several principal persons of that town, is a most evident proof. That one hundred and seventy persons, seized at once with the ' Cf. Second Letter lo Thomas Prior, Esq., which might be found by a more rigid sect. 18. Berkeley is blamed by his critics inductive scrutiny of the effects of tar- for overlooking the negative instances water. 496 Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. small-pox, deprived of all conveniences, and in the worst circum- stances in a narrow ship and hot climate, should all recover by the single medicine of tar-water, except one who would not drink it, is a matter of fact so plain and convincing^ and so well attested, as to leave no doubt, in minds free from prepossession, about the usefulness and efficacy of tar-water in the small-pox, a point I had been before sufficiently convinced of, by many instances in my own neighbourhood. It hath been surmised by some celebrated physicians^ that one day a specific may be discovered for the peculiar venom of the small-pox. There seems to be some reason for thinking that tar-water is such a specific. I say this on good grounds, having by many experiments observed its virtue in curing, as well as in preventing, that cruel distemper; during the whole course of which, it is to be drank warm; a moderate glass (about half a pint) every hour, in common cases, may suffice; in bad cases more may be given ; there is no fear of excess. Those who endeavour to discredit this cooling, cordial, and salutary medicine, as an inflamer of the blood, do very consistently decry its use in the small-pox; but there can be nothing more clear, full, and satisfactory than Captain Drape's affidavit, to convince reasonable people of the great and surprising efficacy of tar- water in the cure of the small-pox ; and consequently of the groundlessness of that report which ascribes a heating or inflaming quality to it. And yet that groundless report hath hindered many from reaping the benefit they might otherwise have done from the use of this water, which is of excellent virtue in all kinds of inflammatory disorders, fevers, quinsies, pleurisies, and suchlike^ of the hot and inflamed kind, whereof the public as well as myself have known a multitude of examples. I ask whether the fact sworn before the magistrates of Liverpool be not a sufficient answer to all that is objected, from an inflaming quality, to tar-water? Can any instance be produced in the whole materia medica, or history of physic, of the virtue of a medicine tried on greater numbers, or under greater disadvantages, or with greater success, or more credibly attested? I wish, for ' Boerhaave, for instance. Cf. Siris, great discovery, which has conferred benefits sect. 83. Berkeley was writing nearly half a upon the human race only second to those century before the promulgation of Jenner's prognosticated from tar-water. Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. 497 the common good of mankind, that the same experiment was tried in our hospitals. Probably the world would soon be relieved from that great and general terror of the small-pox. When I hear of the devastations made by this distemper in great cities and populous towns, how many lives are lost, or as may be said thrown away, which might have been in all likelihood easily preserved, by the use of a medicine so cheap and obvious, and in every one's power, it seems matter of great concern and astonishment, and leaves one at a loss to guess at the motives that govern human actions in affairs of the greatest moment. The experiment may be easily made if an equal number of poor patients in the small-pox were put into two hospitals at the same time of the year, and provided with the same necessaries of diet and lodging; and, for farther care, let the one have a tub of tar- water and an old woman ; the other hospital, what attendance and drugs you please. In all obstinate sores and ulcers, I very much recommend the drinking of tar-water ; and washing them with a strong lotion of it will hasten the cure. One of the most painful and dangerous cases is that of a woman's sore breast. How many poor creatures, after long lan- guishing in misery, are obliged to suffer the most severe chirur- gical operations, often the cutting off the entire breast ? The use of tar-water in those cases hath been attended with such success that I do earnestly recommend the drinking thereof, both as a cure and preservative, as a most effectual medicine to remove the shooting pains that precede a cancer, and also to cure the cancer itself, without amputation. Cancerous and sore breasts are such cruel cases, occasioned by so many internal causes, as well as outward accidents, that it is a necessary piece of humanity, to contribute all we can to the prevention and cure thereof. In the king's evil, leprosy, and foulest cases, tar-water cannot be too much recommended. The poor vagabonds of Ireland %re many of them infected and eaten up with the foul disease, which with them passeth for a canker as they call it. Several instances of extraordinary cures have been performed on such persons, by drinking tar-water copiously, for some weeks or months together, without confinement or other restraint than that of a regular cool VOL. III. K k 498 Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. diet. It is indeed a specific both for this and all other taints and impurities of the blood. An extract of Siris was made, and accounts of the effects of tar- water were reprinted in America 4, in which continent, as well as in the islands, much use hath been made thereof, particularly by those who possess great numbers of slaves. Of this I have been informed by letters, and by word of mouth, from persons belonging to those parts, who have assured me of the extensive and successful use of this medicine in many cases, and more especially in the most inveterate kinds of the foul disease. I need not say how dearly they purchase health who obtain it by salivation, and yet, long and severe as that course is, it is often unsuccessful. There are instances of such as having passed through it with much misery and patience have been afterwards cured by the simple use of tar-water. The king's evil, so loathsome in its symptoms and effects, and withal so difficult if at all possible to cure by any other method, is most surely and easily cured by the tar-water, even when the patient is far gone, even when he derives it from his ancestors. A quart per diem for a few months, I have known to cure the most deplorable and abandoned cases. How many wealthy families, otherwise at their ease, are cor- rupted with this taint in their blood ! How many want heirs and husbands through this odious malady ! A specific for this disease alone would be justly esteemed a most valuable secret, and the plenty and cheapness of the medicine ought not in reason to make it less esteemed. Salivating, bleeding, and purging are attended with great hard- ships and inconveniences even where the patient recovers, re- ducing the strength and spirits of those who use them, whereas tar-water greatly adds to both. In fractures and wounds, a quart or two drank daily while the patient is under cure doth very much assuage the pain and ^ In a letter to his American friend, Dr. on experience, as may be seen at large in Samuel Johnson, dated ' Cloyne, August 23, Mr. Prior's Narrative of the Effects ofTar- '749-' Berkeley refers to 'a small pamphlet water, printed three or four years ago, and relating to tar-water ' which Johnson had which may be supposed to have reached sent to him. He adds, ' I can only say, in America.' He refers to this American behalf of those points in which the in- pamphlet also in a letter to Mr. Archdall, genious author seems to differ from me, in November 1 75 r . that I advance nothing which Is not grounded Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. 499 promote his recovery, both as by its balsamic nature it disposeth the parts to heal, and also as it lessens, if not totally prevents, the fever. A poor boy in Cloyne, having fallen from a tree, broke both arm and wrist. This accident was concealed or neglected for two or three weeks j he was then put under the care of a skilful bone- setter, who, finding the bones knit and grown crooked, and that it would be necessary to break them again, in order to set them right, and withal considering the hot season of the year (in July), he apprehended his patient's being thrown into a fever that might prove fatal. But the boy being made to drink copiously of tar- water, this prevented or lessened the fever in such sort that the bones were broke and set again, and the cure proceeded as easily and speedily as could be wished. I have known several instances of bruises and wounds cured by tar-water. A person in my neighbourhood ran over by a horse was much bruised, and cured only by drinking tar-water. Another knocked down with a mallet, thereupon thrown into a violent fever and given for dead • another wounded with an axe so that his life was thought in danger, were both recovered by the use of tar-water 3 which, as it is sovereign against gangrenes and fevers, hath great success in all sorts of wounds, contusions, and fractures, being taken throughout the whole chirurgical process, along with whatsoever other methods or remedies are applied. Tar-water operates variously. In dropsies and bruises it hath been known to work by purging. The stronger kind being used as a wash is good against ulcerous eruptions. But, in all cases where the lotion is used, I believe the drinking of tar-water might alone suffice, albeit the sores may be longer withering and dying away. There is a certain age or time of life when the female sex runs no small risk from the ceasing of their natural evacuations. In this case tar-water is a good preservative, purifying the blood, and clearing it from that cancerous tendency, which it is some- times subject to about that time. I take it to be a specific in all cancerous cases, even the bleeding cancer, esteemed incurable by physicians, hath been cured by tar-water. In diseases peculiar to women it is of no small use. Several who had suffered much by accidents in child-bearing have found K k a 500 Farther Thoughts on Tar -water. themselves relieved by tar-water. In all sorts of tumours, wens, and preternatural excrescences, it hath been found an excellent remedy. Many dangerous symptoms, and even sudden death, are often owing to a polypus, in some or other of the vessels through which the blood circulates, than which it seems there is no inward cause of death or disease more to be dreaded and guarded against. How many drop down dead in our streets, or at table, or in the midst of business, or diversions ? How many are found dead in their beds? Tremors, palpitations of the heart, irregular pulses, apoplexies, sudden deaths, often proceed from a slow, stagnating, interrupted motion, or stoppage of the blood in its circulation through the body J and there seemeth to be no cause so certainly productive of obstructed circulation as the polypus, a case, perhaps, much more frequent than is commonly imagined. Morgagni s, the celebrated professor at Padua, and most eminent anatomist, who was sup- posed to have dissected more human bodies than any man living, assured me, above thirty years ago, that in the far greater part of such bodies, he found polypuses, if not in the ventricles of the heart or larger vessels, yet in some other vessel or cavity ^ to which he attributes many disorders, and which he supposed to be formed by the obstructed motion of the blood. To prevent this, he dissuaded from all tight ligatures, especially in sleep, unbuttoning the neck and wristbands of his shirt every night, a practice he had learned (as he said) from his master the famous Malpighi «. When the circulation is once quite stopped nothing can restore it, which would be the same thing as restoring a dead man to life; and in proportion as the circulation of the blood is obstructed, the body is disordered. Total obstruction is death ; partial obstruction is disease. The polypus therefore is always hurtfiil, if not mortal. It is, indeed, matter of serious reflection, that we may probably carry about with us a principle of death, always at work within, ' An Italian anatomist of high repute, ° One of the most famous anatomists for many years Professor of Anatomy at and botanists of the seventeenth century, Padua, who died in 1771, in his ninetieth Professor of Medicine successively in the year. Berkeley seems to have met him in universities of Pisa, Messina, and Bologna, the course of his last visit to Italy, more than He died at Rome in 1694. thirty years before this tract was written. Further Thoughts on Tar-water. 501 and of a nature so violent and sudden in its effects, so hard to come at, and so difficult to subdue. It may well be thought, at first view, a vain undertaking, to attempt to dissolve a fleshy or membranous substance, so latent and inaccessible, by common means or medicines. But, as tar- water hath been undoubtedly known to dissolve and disperse wens, and other fleshy or membranous tumours, in the outward parts of the body?, having been drank and circulated with the blood, it should seem, by a parity of reason, that it may also dissolve and put an end to those concretions that are formed in the ventricles of the heart or blood vessels, and so remove one great cause of apoplexies and sudden death : and what cures may prevent. I have been the longer on this subject, for the sake of many who lead sickly lives, as well as several who are snatched away by untimely death. Universally, in all cases where other methods fail, I could wish this of tar-water was tried. It hath been sometimes known that the most inveterate head-aches, and other nervous disorders, that would yield to no other medicine, have been cured by a course of tar-water regularly and constantly pursued. Wheresoever pure blood or plenty of spirits are wanting, it may be concluded from manifold experience that tar-water is of sin- gular benefit. Several persons have acknowledged themselves to be much fitter to go through business or study from the use of it. Nor is it only medicinal to human kind : it is also of no small use in the curing of brute animals. It hath been tried on several kinds, particularly with great success in the late epidemical dis- temper of our horses. And I have been credibly informed that, being drank in plenty, it hath recovered even a glandered horse that was thought incurable. And, as it is of such extensive use both to man and beast, it should seem that a tub of tar-water constantly supplied in a market town, would serve, in some sort, for an hospital. Many other drugs are not easily got, this is everywhere plenty and cheap ; many are of a doubtful nature, this of known innocence ; others soon perish, this lasts for years, and it is not the worse for keeping. This, in short, is a medicine for the common people, ' [See The Effects of Tar-water, sect. 228, c29.]-At)THOR. Prioi's work is here referred to. 502 Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. being a safe and cheap remedy for such as cannot afford to be long sick, or to make use of costly medicines. A patient who drinks tar-water must not be alarmed at pustules or eruptions in the skin ; these are good symptoms, and shew the impurities of the blood to be cast out. It is also not amiss to observe that, as tar-water, by its active qualities, doth stir the humours, entering the minutest capillaries, and dislodging ob- structions, it may happen that this working shall sometimes be felt in the limbs, or discharge itself in a fit of the gout, which, however disagreeable, proves salutary. I am credibly informed of several strange conveyances, which tar-water hath found out, whereby to discharge impurities from the human constitution. A person who had been in a bad state of health above twenty years, upon a course of tar-water was thrown into a most extraordinary fit of an ague, and from that time recovered a good state of health. An old gentleman in the county of Cork, who, for a long time, had been a valetudinarian, afflicted with many infirmities, being advised to drink tar-water, found himself relieved j but it produced and soon cured a pthiriasis or lousy distemper, in which the putrid humours having discharged themselves left him quite sound and healthy. In a course of tar-water, if any disorder happens from some other cause, as from cold, from the use of strong liquors, from a surfeit, or suchlike accident, it would not be fair to impute it to tar- water : and yet this hath been sometimes done. The effects of vomiting occasioned by tar- water are not to be apprehended. Some are discouraged from drinking because their stomachs cannot bear it. But, when it takes a turn towards working upwards, nature, by that very way, hath been often known to, carry on the cure. A worthy gentleman, member of Parliament, came into my neighbourhood in the autumn of the year 1 750 : he was cachetic and extremely reduced, so that his friends thought him near his end. Upon his entering into a course of tar-water, it produced a prodigious vomiting, which weakened him much for the present; but, persisting to continue the use thereof for about two months, he was restored to his health, strength, and spirits. Tar-water is very diuretic, thereby preventing stone and gravel, and carrying off by urine those salts that might otherwise occasion Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. 503 fevers, rheumatisms, dropsies, headaches, and many other disorders, if retained in the blood. Hence some have apprehended a dia- betes, from the continued use thereof, but it is so far from causing a diabetes that it hath been known to cure that disorder. The constitution of a patient sometimes requireth, during a course of tar-water, that he take water and honey, also roasted apples, stewed prunes, and other diet of an opening kind. A hint of this is sufficient. If the reader now and then meets with some remarks contained in my former writings on this subject, he may be pleased to consider I had rather repeat than forget what I think useful to be known. Some, endeavouring to discourage the use of tar-water in Eng- land, have given out that it may indeed be serviceable in Ireland, where people live on such low diet as sour milk and potatoes^ but it cannot be of the same service in England, where men are accustomed to a more liberal and hearty food ; and indeed it must be owned- that the peasants in this island live but poorly, but no people in Europe live better (in the sense of eating and drinking) than our gentry and citizens ; and from these the instances of cures by tar-water have been chiefly taken. Those who would confine its use to the moist air and poor diet of Ireland may be assured that all over Europe, in France, and Germany, Italy, Portugal, and Holland, tar-water works the same effects. In both North and South, in West and East Indies, it hath been used and continues to be used with great success. It hath reached all our Colonies both on the Continent and the Islands, and many barrels of tar-water have been sent from Amsterdam to Batavia ; of all which I have had authentic accounts. But its use is nowhere more conspicuous than at sea, in curing that plague of seafaring persons, the scurvy, as was found in the late attempt to discover a north-west passage ; and (as I doubt not) will be found as oft as it is tried. Every ship in his Majesty's navy should always have a vessel of tar-water upon deck, for the use of the sailors, both in the scurvy and other maladies. It is indeed a medicine equally calculated for all climates, for sea and land, for rich and poor, high and low livers- being, as hath been elsewhere mentioned, a cordial which doth not heat; a peculiar privilege this, and of excellent use. That it is a cordial is manifest from its cheering and enlivening quality; and that 504 Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. it is not heating is as manifest, from its singular use in all cases where the blood is inflamed. As this medicine imparts a friendly genial warmth, suited to the human constitution, those who pass through a course of tar-water would do well not to increase such friendly warmth to an inflaming heat, by a wrong regimen of high-seasoned food and strong liquors, which are not wanted by the drinkers of tar-water. There is a certain degree of heat necessary to the wellbeing and life of man. More than this will be uneasy^ and this uneasiness indicates a proper choice of diet. I have myself drank above a gallon of tar-water in a few hours, and been cooled and recovered from a fever by it. So many instances of the same nature I have known as would make it evident, to any unprejudiced person, that tar-water is a cooling medicine ; of which truth I am as thoroughly convinced as it is possible to be of any theorem in physic or natural science. The unsuccessfulness of other methods should rather be an encouragement than a bar to the trial of tar-water. A young lady, daughter to a worthy gentleman near Cork, had been long afflicted with a grievous pain in her side, and, having had the best advice that could be got, was not relieved until she drank tar-water, which quite removed her pain. Some time after she was again seized with the same disorder, but, returning to the. use of tar- water, she grew well, and still continues so. A woman turned out of the infirmary at Cork as incurable, because she would not submit to the cutting off her leg, came to Cloyne, where she continued half a year drinking tar-water, and living upon bread and milk, by which course she recovered and went to service. There- is at present, while I am writing, a most remarkable case here at Cloyne, of a poor soldier in a dropsy, whose belly was swollen to a most immoderate size. He said he had been five months in an hospital at Dublin, aad, having tried other methods in vain, left it, to avoid being tapped. It is a fortnight since he came to Cloyne, during which time he hath drank two quarts of tar-water every day. His belly is now quite reduced : his appetite and sleep which were gone are restored : he gathers strength every moment : and he who was despaired of seems to be quite out of danger, both to himself, and to all who see him. It. is remarkable that, upon drinking the tar-water, he voided Farther Thottghts on Tar-water. 505 several worms of a very extraordinary size. This medicine, vi^hich is observed to make some persons costive, is to hydropic patients a strong purge. The present is but one of several instances wherein the dropsy hath been cured by tar-water ; which I never knew to fail in any species of that malady. I am very credibly informed that an aged clergyman of Maid- stone in Kent, being reduced to the last extremity by the gout in his stomach, after having tried strong liquors and the methods usual in that case without success, betook himself to drink a vast quantity of warm tar-water, still replenishing and letting it take its course ; by which it pleased God to deliver him from the jaws of death. A gentleman in the county of Clare, near Ennis, had a fever and pleurisy, and inflammation of the lungs j being at the last extremity, and given over by two physicians, he was advised to drink tar-water, which he did, eight quarts. Next morning one of the doctors asking at what hour his patient died? to his great surprise found he was recovered. This I had from a par- liament man, his neighbour. When the yellow fever (as it was called) raged in the West Indies, the negroes, with a tub of tar- water in their quarters, did well : but some of the better sort miscarried, among whom the physician himself lay at the point of death ; his brother recovered him by pouring down his throat in spoonfuls some of the same liquor that recovered the negroes. The fact was related to me by a gentleman who was then in the island of St. Christopher's, and knew it to be true. A physician himself not long since assured me he had cured an ulcer in the bladder, by ordering his patient to drink tar-water, when he had tried all other methods in vain, and thought the case incurable. But it would be endless to relate the effects of tar-water in desperate cases. The recovery of Mrs. Wilson, daughter of the late Bishop of London, from a lingering hopeless disorder, was a noted case, and attested to by his Lordship. I have even been informed, upon good authority, of two or three instances wherein persons have been recovered by tar-water after they had rattles in the throat. In certain cases, a smaller quantity of tar-water hath proved 5o6 Farther Thoughts on Tar-water. ineffectual, when a larger hath perfected the cure. A woman of Cloyne got cold after child bearing, which occasioned a great pain in her thigh, swelling also and redness; she continued in great torment above three weeks. She then began to drink tar-water, but not drinking much she did not perceive much good; and when there was not any hopes of her life, she was persuaded to try what a gallon a day might do ; upon this she grew better, the swelling broke and ran ; no dressing was used but tar, and no washing but tar-water, until she was quite recovered. In ailments of an odd and untried nature, it may be worth while to try tar-water. In proof of this many instances might be given. A gentleman with a withered arm had it restored by drinking tar-water. Another who, by running his head against a post, had a concussion of the brain attended with very bad symptoms, recovered by drinking tar-water after other medicines had failed. In my own neighbourhood, one had lost the use of his limbs by poison, another had been bitten by a mad ass ; these persons drank tar-water, arid their cure was attributed to it. When tar-water is copiously drank in fevers, the great danger to be guarded against is an excessive flow of spirits, which excites the patient to talk and divert himself with company, which may produce a relapse ; of this I have known fatal effects. If in a course of tar- water the patient should find himself heated, let him abstain from or lessen his dose of spirituous and fermented liquors ; for tar-water alone never heats. In chronical disorders it is not advisable to break off a course of tar-water at once, but rather to diminish the quantity by degrees. The acid alone hath not the medicinal virtues of tar-water. This is agreeable to reason and experience, as well as the opinion of the ablest judges. Doctor Linden " justly observes, ' that when the empyreumatic oil is entirely separated from the acid, it is not in any shape superior to any other distilled acids or vinegars whatsoever.' — Treatise on Setter Water^ p. 307. " Diederick Wessel Linden, M.D., a h added an Appendix on (he Setter Water. German physician, settled in England, In his Appendix the author refers with an authority in his day on mineral great approbation to the medical properties waters. The work here referred to, which of tar-water, which he proposes to mix with appeared in 1752, is entitled A Treatise on Selter water in certain cases. Linden con- the Origin, Nature, and Virtues of Chalybeat demns Mr. Reid for recommending that Waters and Natural Hot Baths. To which the acid should be separated from the oil. Farther Thoughts on Tar-water, 50/ ^That extraordinary virtues should be contained in tar-water will not seem strange, if we consider that pitch is nothing else but hardened tar, or tar drained of its moisture; and that an extraordinary quantity of light is retained in the substance of pitchy as appears from certain electrical experiments, which, having been made since, seem not a little to confirm what had before been suggested in S'trts, ^ [Something of this nature hath been long expected and hoped for, if we may credit that learned chemist Doctor Linden. ' At last (saith he) the long delayed wishes of the most eminent men of the faculty are ful- filled in the Bishop of Cloyne's discovery.* See Treatise onSelter Water, p. 303. Again (speaking of empyreumatic oils of plants) he hath these words — * There has always pre- vailed a notion among the chemists, and particularly with Paracelsus and his fol- lowers, that in those oils there lay a great secret undiscovered. This notion was occa- sioned by the strange effects which a small quantity thereof hath upon the human ma- chine. Several have been very diligent to discover this secret, and to find out a method to administer these oils with safety. Yet nothing was performed salutary on this inquiry, until the Bishop of Cloyne dis- covered to us the tar-water ; to him alone we are indebted for rendering the empyreu- matic oils a safe medicine in every respect.' Ibid, p. 303,] — Author. APPENDIX. APPENDIX, A. THE FIRST EDITION OF THE 'QUERIST.' [As already mentioned, the First Edition of the Querist appeared at Dublin in three successive Parts, in 1735 and the two following years'. This has long been out of print, and, hke all previous editors of the Querist, I sought for it in vain, and was unable to find a copy before the sheets in this edition had passed through the press. Since then, however, I have been so fortunate as to find the Three Parts in the curious collection of pamphlets in the Royal Irish Academy. Through the kindness of Mr. Macsweeny, I am now able to present in this Appendix the numerous Queries (numbered as in the original) which were omitted in all the later editions of the Querist. The original edition contains 894 Queries, in the Three Parts, while all the later ones have only 595. The following Queries, contained in the later editions, are not found in the first edition: — Qu. 164, 165, 177-75, *9^> 194-98, 202, 216, 233-35> 237, 265-68, 279, 335-44. The following appeared some years since in a Bristol Catalogue of books for sale : — ' Autograph MS. The Common-place Book of the Geeat Bishop Berkeley, in a thick volume folio, nearly 400 pages, vellum covers. Written throughout in a column one-half the width of the page, the blank remainder, in many parts, being occupied by later remarks, also in his handwriting. One part is occupied by 323 Queries — the original collection for The Querist: containing several Queries proposed to the consideration of the Public. Part III.' It is to be regretted that soon after the announcement was made this MS. was accidentally destroyed by fire, along with many other books mentioned in the Catalogue. ^ C pi ' See ' Advertisement by the Author,' and of this volume ; also p. 249 of the Life and editor's prefatory note to the Querist, p. 353 Letters of Berkeley. 512 Appendix to the Querist, THE QUERIST. FIRST PART. [PUBLISHED IN 1735.] 29. Whether, nevertheless, the damage would be very con- siderable, if by degrees our money were brought back to the English value there to rest for ever ? 30. Whether the English crown did not formerly pass with us for six shillings ? And what inconvenience ensued to the pubUc upon its reduction to the present value, and whether what hath been may not be ? 53. Whether it be not a bull to call that making an interest,' whereby a man spendeth much and gaineth nothing? 55. Whether cunning be not one thing and good sense another ? and whether a cunning tradesman doth not stand in his own light? 62. Whether, consequently, the fine gentlemen, whose employ- ment is only to dress, drink, and play, be not a public nuisance ? 77. Whether those specimens of our own manufacture, hung up in a certain public place, do not sufficiently declare such our ignorance ? and whether for the honour of the nation they ought not to be removed ? 201. Whether any nation ever was in greater want of such an expedient than Ireland ? 209. Whether the public may not as well save the interest which it now pays ? 210. What would happen if two of our banks should break at once ? And whether it be wise to neglect providing against an event which experience hath shewn us not to be impossible ? 211. Whether such an accident would not particularly affect the bankers ? And therefore whether a national bank would not be a security even to private bankers ? 212. Whether we may not easily avoid the inconveniences attending the paper-money of New England, which were incurred by their issuing too great a quantity of notes, by their having no silver in bank to exchange for notes, by their not insisting upon Part I. 513 repayment of the loans at the time prefixed, and especially by their want of manufactures to answer their imports from Europe ? 313. Whether a combination of bankers might not do wonders, and whether bankers know their own strength ? 214. Whether a bank in private hands might not even over- turn a government ? and whether this was not the case of the Bank of St. George in Genoa ? 215. Whether we may not easily prevent the ill effects of such a bank as Mr. Law proposed for Scotland, which was faulty in not limiting the quantum of bills, and permitting all persons to take out what bills they pleased, upon the mortgage of lands, whence by a glut of paper, the prices of things must rise ? Whence also the fortunes of men must increase in denomination, though not in value ; whence pride, idleness, and beggary ? ai6. Whether such banks as those of England and Scotland might not be attended with great inconveniences, as lodging too much power in the hands of private men, and giving handle for monopolies, stock-jobbing, and destructive schemes ? 217. Whether the national bank, projected by an anonymous writer in the latter end of Queen Anne's reign, might not on the other hand be attended with as great inconvenience by lodging too much power in the Government ? 218. Whether the bank projected by Murray, though it partake, in many useful particulars, with that of Amsterdam, yet, as it placeth too great power in the hands of a private society, might not be dangerous to the public ? 331. Whether those effects could have happened had there been no stock-jobbing ? And whether stock-jobbing could at first have been set on foot, without an imaginary foundation of some im- provement to the stock by trade ? Whether, therefore, when there are no such prospects, or cheats, or private schemes proposed, the same eflFects can be justly feared ? 222. Whether by a national bank, be not properly understood a bank, not only established by public authority as the Bank of England, but a bank in the hands of the public, wherein there are no shares : whereof the public alone is proprietor, and reaps all the benefit ? 223. Whether, having considered the conveniences of banking and paper-credit in some countries, and the inconveniences thereof VOL. III. L 1 514 Appendix to the Qtierist, in others, we may not contrive to adopt the former, and avoid the latter ? 224. Whether great evils, to which other schemes are liable, may not be prevented, by excluding the managers of the bank from a share in the legislature ? 226. Whether the bank proposed to be established in Ireland, under the notion of a national bank, by the voluntary subscription of three hundred thousand pounds, to pay off the national debt, the interest of which sum to be paid the subscribers, subject to certain terms of redemption, be not in reality a private bank, as those of England and Scotland, which are national only in name, being in the hands of particular persons, and making dividends on the money paid in by subscribers ? 238. Whether it is not worth while to reflect on the expedients made use of by other nations, paper-money, bank-notes, public funds, and credit in all its shapes, to examine what hath been done and devised to add to our own animadversions, and upon the whole offer such hints as seem not unworthy the attention of the public ? 230. Whether it may not be expedient to appoint certain funds or stock for a national bank, under direction of certain persons, one-third whereof to be named by the Government, and one-third by each House of Parliament ? 231. Whether the directors should not be excluded from sitting in either House, and whether they should not be subject to the audit and visitation of a standing committee of both Houses ? 232. Whether such committee of inspectors should not be changed every two years, one-half going out, and another coming in by ballot ? 233. Whether the notes ought not to be issued in lots, to be let at interest on mortgaged lands, the whole number of lots to be divided among the four provinces, rateably to the number of hearths in each ? 234. Whether it may not be expedient to appoint four counting- houses, one in each province, for converting notes into specie ? 235. Whether a limit should not be fixed, which no person might exceed, in taking out notes ? 236. Whether, the better to answer domestic circulation, it may not be right to issue notes as low as twenty shillings ? Part I. 515 237. Whether all the bills should be issued at once, or rather by degrees, that so men may be gradually accustomed and reconciled to the bank ? 238. Whether the keeping of the cash, and the direction of the bank, ought not to be in different hands, and both under public control ? 239. Whether the same rule should not alway be observed, of lending out money or notes, only to half the value of the mort- gaged land ? and vsrhether this value should alway be rated at the same number of years' purchase as at first ? 240. Whether care should not be taken to prevent an undue rise of the value of land ? 241. Whether the increase of industry and people will not of course raise the value of land ? And whether this rise may not be sufficient ? 242- Whether land may not be apt to rise on the issuing too great plenty of notes ? 243. Whether this may not be prevented by the gradual and slow issuing of notes, and by frequent sales of lands ? 244. Whether interest doth not measure the true value of land j for instance, where money is at five per cent., whether land is not worth twenty years' purchase ? 245. Whether too small a proportion of money would not hurt the landed man, and too great a proportion the monied man? And whether the quantum of notes ought not to bear proportion to the public demand ? And whether trial must not shew what this demand will be ? 246. Whether the exceeding this measure might not produce divers bad effects, one whereof would be the loss of our silver ? 247. Whether interest paid into the bank ought not to go on augmenting its stock ? 248. Whether it would or would not be right to appoint that the said interest be paid in notes only ? 249. Whether the notes of this national bank should not be received in all payments into the exchequer ? 250. Whether on supposition that the specie should fail, the credit would not, nevertheless, still pass, being admitted in all payments of the public revenue ? L 1 % 5i6 Appendix to the Querist, 251. Whether the public can become bankrupt so long as the notes are issued on good security ? 253. Whether mismanagement, prodigal living, hazards by trade, which often affect private banks, are equally to be appre- hended in a public one ? 253. Whether as credit became current, and this raised the value of land, the security must not of course rise ? 255. Whether by degrees, as business and people multiplied, more bills may not be issued, without augmenting the capital stock, provided still, that they are issued on good security ; which further issuing of new bills, not to be without consent of Parlia- ment ? 256. Whether such bank would not be secure whether the profits accruing to the public would not be very considerable? And whether industry in private persons would not be supplied, and a general circulation encouraged ? 257. Whether such bank should, or should not, be allowed to issue notes for money deposited therein ? And, if not, whether the bankers would have cause to complain ? 358. Whether, if the public thrives, all particular persons must not feel the benefit thereof, even the bankers themselves ? 259. Whether, beside the bank company, there are not in England many private wealthy bankers, and whether they were more before the erecting of that company ? 261. Whether we have not paper money circulating among us already J whether, therefore, we might not as well have that which is secured by the public, and whereof the public reaps the benefit ? 252. Whether there are not two general ways of circulating money, to wit, play and traffic ? and whether stock-jobbing is not to be ranked under the former ? 263. Whether there are more than two things that might draw silver out of the bank, when its credit was once well established, to wit, foreign demands and small payments at home ? 264. Whether, if our trade with France were checked, the former of these causes could be supposed to operate at all ? and whether the latter could operate to any great degree ? 273. Whether banks raised by private subscription would be as advantageous to the public as to the subscribers ? and whether Part I. 517 risques and frauds might not be more justly apprehended from them ? 276. Whether an argument from the abuse of things, against the use of them, be conclusive ? 377. Whether he who is bred to a part be fitted to judge of the whole ? 278. Whether interest be not apt to bias judgment ? and whether traders only are to be consulted about trade, or bankers about money ? 280. Whether any man hath a right to judge, that will not be at the pains to distinguish ? 281. Whether there be not a wide difference between the profits going to augment the national stock, and being divided among private sharers? And whether, in the former case, there can possibly be any gaming or stock-jobbing ? 289. Whether, therefore, it doth not greatly concern the State, that our Irish natives should be converted, and the whole nation united in the same religion, the same allegiance, and the same interest ? and how this may most probably be effected ? 291. Whether there have not been Popish recusants? and, if so, whether it would be right to object against the foregoing oath, that all would take it, and none think themselves bound by it ? 292. Whether those of the Church of Rome, in converting the Moors of Spain or the Protestants of France, have not set us an example which might justify a similar treatment of themselves, if the laws of Christianity allowed thereof? 293. Whether compelling men to a profession of faith is not the worst thing in Popery ; and, consequently, whether to copy after the Church of Rome therein, were not to become Papists ourselves in the worst sense ? 294. Wliether, nevertheless, we may not imitate the Church of Rome, in certain places, where Jews are tolerated, by obliging our Irish Papists, at stated times, to hear Protestant sermons? and whether this would not make missionaries in the Irish tongue useful ? 295. Whether the mere act of hearing, without making any profession of faith, or joining in any part of worship, be a reUgious act; and, consequently, whether their being obliged to hear, may not consist with the toleration of Roman Catholics ? 5i8 Appendix to the Querist, 296. Whether, if penal laws should be thought oppressive, we may not at least be allowed to give premiums ? And whether it would be wrong, if the public encouraged Popish families to become hearers, by paying their hearth-money for them ? 297. Whether in granting toleration, we ought not to dis- tinguish between doctrines purely religious, and such as affect the State ? 298. Whether the case be not very different in regard to a man who only eats fish on Fridays, says his prayers in Latin, or believes transubstantiation, and one who professeth in temporals a sub- jection to foreign powers, who holdeth himself absolved from all obedience to his natural prince and the laws of his country? who is even persuaded, it may be meritorious to destroy the powers that are ? 299. Whether, therefore, a distinction should not be made between mere Papists and recusants ? And whether the latter can expect the same protection from the Government as the former ? 300. Whether our Papists in this kingdom can complain, if they are allowed to be as much Papists as the subjects of France or of the Empire ? 301. Whether there is any such thing as a body of inhabitants, in any popish country under the sun, that profess an absolute sub- mission to the Pope's orders in matters of an indifferent nature, or that in such points do not think it their duty to obey the civil government ? 303. Whether every plea of conscience is to be regarded? Whether, for instance, the German Anabaptists, levellers, or fifth monarchy men would be tolerated on that pretence ? 304. Whether Popish children bred in charity schools, when bound out in apprenticeship to Protestant masters, do generally continue Protestants ? 306. Whether if the parents are overlooked, there can be any great hopes of success in converting the children ? 312. Whether there be any nation of men governed by reason? And yet, if there was not, whether this would be a good argument against the use of reason in public affairs ? 315. Whether one, whose end is to make his countrymen think, may not gain his end, even though they should not think as he doth ? Part II. 519 316. Whether he, who only asks, asserts? and whether any man can fairly confute the querist ? 317. Whether the interest of a part will not always be pre- ferred to that of the whole ? SECOND PART. [PUBLISHED IN 1736.] 5. Whether it can be reasonably hoped, that our State will mend, so long as property is insecure among us ? 6. Whether in that case the wisest government, or the best laws can avail us ? 7. Whether a few mishaps to particular persons may not throw this nation into the utmost confusion ? 8. Whether the public is not even on the brink of being undone by private accidents ? II. Whether therefore it be not high time to open our eyes ? 1\. Whether private ends are not prosecuted with more atten- tion and vigour than the public ? and yet, whether all private ends are not included in the public ? 25. Whether banking be not absolutely necessary to the public weal? 36. Whether even our private banks, though attended with such hazards as we all know them to be, are not of singular use in defect of a national bank ? 28. Whether the mystery of banking did not derive its original from the Italians ? Whether this acute people were not, upon a time, bankers all over Europe ? Whether that business was not practised by some of their noblest families who made immense profits by it, and whether to that the house of Medici did not originally owe its greatness ? 30. Whether at Venice all payments of bills of exchange and merchants' contracts are not made in the national or public bank, the greatest affairs being transacted only by writing the names of the parties, one as debtor the other as creditor in the bank-book ? 31. Whether nevertheless it was not found expedient to 520 Appendix to the Querist, provide a chest of ready cash for answering all demands that should happen to be made on account of payments in detail ? 32. Whether this ofFer of ready cash, instead of transfers in the bank, hath not been found to augment rather than diminish the stock thereof? 33. Whether at Venice, the difference in the value of bank- money above other money be not fixed at twenty per cent.? 34. Whether the bank of Venice be not shut up four times in the year twenty days each time ? 35. Whether by means of this bank the public be not mistress of a million and a half sterling ? 38. Whether we may not hope for as much skill and honesty in a Protestant Irish Parliament as in a Popish Senate of Venice ? 39. Whether besides coined money, there be not also great quantities of ingots or bars of gold and silver lodged in this bank? 41. Whether it be not true, that the bank of Amsterdam never makes payments in cash ? 4a. Whether, nevertheless, it be not also true, that no man who hath credit in the bank can want money from particular persons, who are willing to become creditors in his stead ? 43. Whether any man thinks himself the poorer, because his money is in the bank ? 44. Whether the creditors of the bank of Amsterdam are not at liberty to withdraw their money when they please, and whether this liberty doth not make them less desirous to use it ? 45. Whether this bank be not shut up twice in the year for ten or fifteen days, during which time the accounts are balanced? 53. Whether we are by nature a more stupid people than the Dutch ? And yet whether these things are sufficiently considered by our patriots ? 54. Whether anything less than the utter subversion of those republics can break the banks of Venice and Amsterdam ? 55. Whether at Hamburgh the citizens have not the manage- ment of the bank, without the meddling or inspection of the Senate ? 56. Whether the directors be not four principal burghers chosen by plurality of voices, whose business is to see the rules observedj and furnish the cashiers with money ? Part II. 521 57. Whether the book-keepers are not obliged to balance their accounts every week, and exhibit them to the controllers or directors ? 58. Whether any besides the citizens are admitted to have compte en banc at Hamburgh ? 59. Whether there be not a certain limit, under which no sum can be entered into the bank ? 60. Whether each particular person doth not pay a fee in order to be admitted to a compte en banc at Hamburgh and Amsterdam ? 61. Whether the effects lodged in the bank at Hamburgh are liable to be seized for debt or forfeiture ? 6%. Whether this bank doth not lend money upon pawns at low interest and only for half a year, after which term^ in default of payment, the pawns are punctually sold by auction ? 63. Whether the book-keepers of the bank of Hamburgh are not obliged upon oath never to reveal what sums of money are paid in or out of the bank, or what effects any particular person has therein ? 64. Whether, therefore, it be possible to know the state or stock of this bank ; and yet whether it be not of the greatest reputation and most established credit throughout the North ? 66. Whether an absolute monarchy be so apt to gain credit, and whether the vivacity of some humours could so well suit with the slow steps and discreet management which a bank requires ? 67. Whether the bank called the general bank of France, con- trived by Mr. Law, and established by letters patent in May, 17 16, was not in truth a particular and not a national bank, being in the hands of a particular company privileged and protected by the Government ? 68. Whether the Government did not order that the notes of this bank should pass on a par with ready money in all payments of the revenue ? 69. Whether this bank was not obliged to issue only such notes as were payable at sight ? 70. Whether it was not made a capital crime to forge the notes of this bank ? 71. Whether this bank was not restrained from trading either by sea or land, and from taking up money upon interest ? 522 Appendix to the Querist, 7 a. Whether the original stock thereof was not six millions of livres, divided into actions of a thousand crowns each ? 73. Whether the proprietors were not to hold general assemblies twice in the year, for the regulating their affairs ? 74. Whether the accompts of this bank were not balanced twice every year ? 75. Whether there were not two chests belonging to this bank, the one called the general chest containing their specie, their bills and their copper plates for the printing of those bills, under the custody of three locks, whereof the keys were kept by the director, the inspector and treasurer ; also another called the ordinary chest, containing part of the stock not exceeding two hundred thousand crowns, under the key of the treasurer ? 76. Whether out of this last mentioned sum, each particular cashier was not to be intrusted with a share not exceeding the value of twenty thousand crowns at a time, and that under good security ? 77. Whether the regent did not reserve to himself the power of calling this bank to account, so often as he should think good, and of appointing the inspector ? 78. Whether in the begining of the year 1719 the French King did not convert the general bank of France into a Banque Royale, havir;g himself purchased the stock of the company and taken it into his own hands, and appointed the Duke of Orleans chief manager thereof? 79. Whether from that time, all matters relating to the bank were not transacted in the name, and by the sole authority, of the king ? 80. Whether his majesty did not undertake to receive and keep the cash of all particular persons, subjects, or foreigners, in his said Royale Banque, without being paid for that trouble? And whether it was not declared, that such cash should not be liable to seizure on any pretext, not even on the king's own account ? 81. Whether the treasurer alone did not sign all the bills, receive all the stock paid into the bank, and keep account of all the in-goings and out-goings ? 83. Whether there were not three registers for the enregistering of the bills kept in the Banque Royale, one by the inspector, and the other by the controller, and a third by the treasurer ? Part II. 523 83. Whether there was not also a fourth register, containing the profits of the bank, which was visited, at least once a week, by the inspector and controller ? 84. Whether, beside the general bureau or compter in the city of Paris, there were not also appointed five more in the towns of Lyons, Tours, Rochelle, Orleans, and Amiens, each whereof was provided with two chests, one of specie for discharging bills at sight, and another of bank bills to be issued as there should be demand ? 85. Whether, in the above mentioned towns, it was not pro- hibited to make payments in silver, exceeding the sum of six hundred livres? 86. Whether all creditors were not empowered to demand payment in bank bills instead of specie ? 87. Whether, in a short compass of time, this bank did not undergo many new changes and regulations by several successive acts of council ? 88. Whether the untimely, repeated, and boundless fabrication of bills did not precipitate the ruin of this bank ? 89. Whether it be not true, that before the end of July, 1719, they had fabricated four hundred millions of livres in bank-notes, to which they added the sum of one hundred and twenty millions more on the twelfth of September following, also the same sum of one hundred and twenty millions on the twenty-fourth of October, and again on the twenty-ninth of December, in the same year, the farther sum of three hundred and sixty millions, making the whole, from an original stock of six millions, mount, within the compass of one year, to a thousand millions of livres ? 90. Whether on the twenty-eighth of February, 1720, the king did not make an union of the bank with the united company of East and West Indies, which from that time had the adminis- tration and profits of the Banque Royal ? 91. Whether the king did not still profess himself responsible for the value of the bank-bills, and whether the company were not responsible to his majesty for their management ? 93. Whether sixteen hundred millions of livres, lent to his majesty by the company, was not a sufficient pledge to indemnify the king? 93. Whether the new directors were not prohibited to make any more bills without an act of council ? 524 Appendix to the Querist, 94. Whether the chests and books of the Banque were not subjected to the joint inspection of a counsellor of state, and the Prevot des Marchands, assisted by two Echevins, a judge, and a consul, who had power to visit when they would and without warning ? 95. Whether in less than two years the actions or shares of the Indian Company (first established for Mississippi, and afterwards increased by the addition of other companies and further privileges) did not rise to near 2000 per cent. ? and whether this must be ascribed to real advantages of trade, or to mere frenzy ? 96. Whether, from first to last, there were not fabricated bank bills, of one kind or other, to the value of more than two thousand and six hundred millions of livres, or one hundred and thirty millions sterling ? 97. Whether the credit of the bank did not decline from its union with the Indian Company ? 98. Whether, notwithstanding all the above-mentioned extra- ordinary measures, the bank bills did not still pass at par with gold and silver to May, 1720, when the French king thought fit, by a new act of council, to make a reduction of their value, which proved a fatal blow, the effects whereof, though soon retracted, no subsequent skill or management could ever repair ? 99. Whether, what no reason, reflection, or foresight could do, this simple matter of fact (the most powerful argument with the multitude) did not do at once, to wit, open the eyes of the people ? ioo. Whether the dealers in that sort of ware had ever troubled their heads with the nature of credit, or the true use and end of banks, but only considered their bills and actions as things, to which the general demand gave a price ? 1 01. Whether the Government was not in great perplexity to contrive expedients for the getting rid of those bank bills, which had been lately multiplied with such an unlimited passion ? loa. Whether notes to the value of about ninety millions were not sunk by being paid off in specie, with the cash of the Com- pagnie des Indes with that of the bank, and that of the Hotels des Monnoyes ? Whether five hundred and thirty millions were not converted into annuities at the royal treasury ? Whether several hundred millions more in bank bills were not extinguished and Part II. 525 replaced by annuities on the City of Paris on taxes throughout the provinces, &c., &c. 103. Whether, after all other shifts, the last and grand resource for exhausting that ocean, was not the erecting of a compte en banc in several towns of France ? 104. Whether, when the imagination of a people is thoroughly wrought upon and heated by their own example, and the arts of designing men, this doth not produce a sort of enthusiasm which takes place of reason, and is the most dangerous distemper in a state ? 105. Whether this epidemical madness should not be always before the eyes of a legislature, in the framing of a national bank ? 106. Whether, therefore, it may not be fatal to engraft trade on a national bank, or to propose dividends on the stock thereof? 108. Whether it may not be as useful a lesson to consider the bad management of some as the good management of others ? 109. Whether the rapid and surprising success of the schemes of those who directed the French bank did not turn their brains ? no. Whether the best institutions may not be made subservient to bad ends ? III. Whether^ as the aim of industry is power, and the aim of a bank is to circulate and secure this power to each individual, it doth not follow that absolute power in one hand is inconsistent with a lasting and flourishing bank ? 1 15. Whether the mistaking of the means for the end was not a fundamental error in the French councils ? 123. Whether there should not be a constant care to keep the bills at par ? 124. Whether, therefore, bank bills should at anytime be multi- plied but as trade and business were also multiplied ? 125. Whether it was not madness in France to mint bills and actions, merely to humour the people and rob them of their cash? ia6. Whether we may not profit by their mistakes, and as some things are to be avoided, whether there may not be others worthy of imitation in the conduct of our neighbours ? 127. Whether the way be not clear and open and easie, and whether anything but the will is wanting to our legislature ? 526 Appendix to the Querist, 128. Whether jobs and tricks are not detested on all hands, but whether it be not the joint interest of prince and people to promote industry ? 139. Whether, all things considered, a national bank be not the most practicable, sure, and speedy method to mend our affairs, and cause industry to flourish among us ? 130. Whether a compte en banc or current bank bills would best answer our occasions ? 131. Whether a public compte en banc, where effects are re- ceived, and accounts kept with particular persons, be not an excellent expedient for a great city ? 133. What effect a general compte en banc would have in the metropolis of this kingdom with one in each province subordinate thereunto ? 133. Whether it may not be proper for a great kingdom to unite both expedients, to wit, bank notes and a compte en banc ? 134. Whether, nevertheless, it would be adviseable to begin with both at once, or rather to proceed first with the bills, and after- wards, as business multiplied, and money or effects flowed in, to open the compte en banc ? 135. Whether, for greater security, double books of compte en banc should not be kept in different places and hands ? 136. Whether it would not be right to build the compters and public treasuries, where books and bank notes are kept, without wood, all arched and floored with brick or stone, having chests also and cabinets of iron ? 137. Whether divers registers of the bank notes should not be kept in different hands ? 138. Whether there should not be great discretion in the uttering of bank notes, and whether the attempting to do things per saltum be not often the way to undo them ? 139. Whether the main art be not by slow degrees and cautious measures to reconcile the bank to the public, to wind it insensibly into the affections of men, and interweave it with the consti- tution ? 141. Whether a national bank may not prevent the drawing of specie out of the country (where it circulates in small pay- ments), to be shut up in the chests of particular persons ? 143. Whether tenants or debtors could have cause to complain Part II. 527 of our monies being reduced to the English value if it were withal multiplied in the same, or in a greater proportion? and whether this would not be the consequence of a national bank? 144. If there be an open sure way to thrive, without hazard to ourselves or prejudice to our neighbours, what should hinder us from putting in practice ? 145. Whether in so numerous a Senate, as that of this king- dom, it may not be easier to find men of pure hands and clear heads fit to contrive and model a public bank? 146. Whether a view of the precipices be not sufficient, or whether we must tumble headlong before we are roused ? 147. Whether in this drooping and dispirited country, men are quite awake ? 156. Whether, if we do not reap the benefits that may be made of our country and government, want of will in the lower people, or want of wit in the upper, be most in fault ? 165. Whether an assembly of freethinkers, petit maitres, and smart fellows, would not make an admirable Senate ? 175. Whether there be really among us any persons so silly, as to encourage drinking in their children ? 176. Whence it is, that our ladies are more alive, and bear age so much better than our gentlemen ? 185. Whether this be altogether their own fault? 197. Whether it may not be right to appoint censors in every parish to observe and make returns of the idle hands ? 198. Whether a register or history of the idleness and industry of a people would be an useless thing ? 199. Whether we are apprized, of all the uses that may be made of political arithmetic ? 207. Why the workhouse in Dublin, with so good an endow- ment, should yet be of so little use ? and whether this may not be owing to that very endowment ? ao8. Whether that income might not, by this time, have gone through the whole kingdom, and erected a dozen workhouses in every county ? a TO. Whether the tax on chairs or hackney coaches be not paid, rather by the country gentlemen, than the citizens of Dublin ? 528 Appendix to the Querist, 227. Whether there should not be a difference between the treatment of criminals and that of other slaves ? 251. Whether when a motion was once upon a time to estab- lish a private bank in this kingdom by public authority, divers gentlemen did not shew themselves forward to embark in that design ? 252. Whether it may not now be hoped that our patriots will be as forward to examine and consider the proposal of a public bank calculated only for the public good ? 253. Whether any people upon earth shew a more early zeal for the service of their country, greater eagerness to bear a part in the Legislature, or a more general parturiency with respect to politicks and public counsels ? 254. Whether, nevertheless, a light and ludicrous vein be not the reigning humour ; but whether there was ever greater cause to be serious ? THIRD PART. [PUBLISHED IN 1737.] 13. Whether the whole city of Amsterdam would not have been troubled to have brought together twenty thousand pounds in one room ? - 14. Whether it be not absolutely necessary that there must be a bank and must be a trust ? And, if so, whether it be not the most safe and prudent course to have a national bank and trust the legislature ? 15. Whether objections against trust in general avail, when it is allowed there must be a trust, and the only question is where to place this trust, whether in the legislature or in private hands ? 16. Whether it can be expected that private persons should have more regard to the public than the public itself ? 17. Whether, if there be hazards from mismanagement, those may not be provided against in the framing of a public bank ; but whether any provision can be made against the mismanagement of private banks that are under no check, control, or inspection ? Part III. 529 18. Whatever may be said for the sake of objecting, yet, whether it be not false in fact, that men would prefer a private security to a public security ? 19. Whether a national bank ought to be considered as a new experiment; and whether it be not a motive to try this scheme that it hath been already tried with success in other countries ? ao. If power followeth money, whether this can be anywhere more properly and securely placed, than in the same hands wherein the supreme power is already placed ? 31. Whether there be more danger of abuse in a private than in a public management ? 22. Whether the proper usual remedy for abuses of private banks be not to bring them before Parliament, and subject them to the inspection of a committee j and whether it be not more prudent to prevent than to redress an evil ? 24. Whether experience and example be not the plainest proof J and whether any instance can be assigned where a national bank hath not been attended with great advantage to the public ? 25. Whether the evils apprehended from a national bank are not much more to be apprehended from private banks; but whether men by custom are not familiarized and reconciled to common dangers, which are therefore thought less than they really are? 26. Whether it would not be very hard to suppose all sense, honesty^ and public spirit were in the keeping of only a few private men, and the public was not fit to be trusted ? 27. Whether it be not ridiculous to suppose a legislature should be afraid to trust itself? 28. But, whether a private interest be not generally supported and pursued with more zeal than a public ? 30. Whether, nevertheless, the community of danger, which lulls private men asleep, ought not to awaken the public ? 31. Whether there be not less security where there are more temptations and fewer checks ? 32. If a man is to risque his fortune, whether it be more prudent to risque it on the credit of private men, or in that of the great assembly of the nation ? VOL. III. M m 530 Appendix to the Querist, 33. Where is it most reasonable to expect wise and punctual dealing, whether in a secret impenetrable recess, where credit depends on secrecy, or in a public management regulated and inspected by Parliament ? 34. Whether a supine security be not catching, and whether numbers running the same risque, as they lessen the caution, may not increase the danger ? 35. What real objection lies against a national bank erected by the legislature, and in the management of public deputies, ap- pointed and inspected by the legislature ? 36. What have we to fear from such a bank, which may not be as well feared without it ? 37. How, why, by what means, or for what end, should it become an instrument of oppression ? 38. Whether we can possibly be on a more precarious foot than we are already ? Whether it be not in the power of any particular person at once to disappear and convey him self into foreign parts? or whether there can be any security in an estate of land when the demands upon it are unknown? 39. Whether the establishing of a national bank, if we suppose a concurrence of the government, be not very practicable ? 40. But, whether though a scheme be never so evidently prac- ticable and useful to the public, yet, if conceived to interfere with a private interest, it be not forthwith in danger of appearing doubtful, difficult, and impracticable ? 41. Whether the legislative body hath not already sufficient power to hurt, if they may be supposed capable of it, and whether a bank would give them any new power ? 42. What should tempt the public to defraud itself? 43. Whether, if the legislature destroyed the public, it would' not be felo de se ; and whether it be not reasonable to suppose it bent on its own destruction ? 44. Whether the objection to a public national bank, from want of secrecy, be not in truth an argument for it ? 45. Whether the secrecy of private banks be not the very thing that renders them so hazardous ? and whether, without, that there could have been of late so many sufferers ? 46. Whether when all objections are answered it be still incum- bent to answer surmises ? Part III. 531 47. Whether it were just to insinuate that gentlemen would be against any proposal they could not turn into a jobb ? 48. Suppose the legislature passed their word for any private banker, and regularly visited his books, would not money lodged in his bank be therefore reckoned more secure ? 49. In a country where the legislative body is not fit to be trusted, what security can there be for trusting any one else ? 50. If it be not ridiculous to question whether the public can find cash to circulate bills of a limited value when private bankers are supposed to find enough to circulate them to an unlimited value ? 53. Whether those hazards that in a greater degree attend private banks can be admitted as objections against a public one ? 54. Whether that which is an objection to everything be an objection to anything ; and whether the possibility of an abuse be not of that kind ? 55. Whether, in fact, all things are not more or less abused, and yet notwithstanding such abuse, whether many things are not upon the whole expedient and useflil ? 56. Whether those things that are subject to the most general inspection are not the less subject to abuse ? 57. Whether, for private ends, it may not be sometimes ex- pedient to object novelty to things that have been often tried, difficulty to the plainest things, and hazard to the safest ? 58. Whether some men will not be apt to argue as if the question was between money and credit, and not (as in fact it is) which ought to be preferred, private credit or public credit ? 59. Whether they will not prudently overlook the evils felt, or to be feared, on one side ? 60. Whether, therefore, those that would make an impartial judgment ought not to be on their guard, keeping both prospects always in view, balancing the inconveniences on each side and considering neither absolutely ? 61. Whether wilful mistakes, examples without a likeness, and general addresses to the passions are not often more successful than arguments ? 6%. Whether there be not an art to puzzle plain cases as well as to explain obscure ones ? M m 3 532 Appendix to the Querist, 67,. Whether private men are not often an over-match for the pubUc ; want of weight being made up for by activity ? 64. If we suppose neither sense nor honesty in our leaders or representatives, whether we are not already undone, and so have nothing further to fear ? 65. Suppose a power in the government to hurt the public by means of a national bank, yet what should give them the will to do this ? Or supposing a will to do mischief, yet how could a national bank, modelled and administered by Parliament, put it in their power ? 66. Whether even a wicked will intrusted with power can be supposed to abuse it for no end ? 67. Whether it be not much more probable that those who maketh such objections do not believe them ? 68. Whether it be not vain to object that our fellow-subjects of Great Britain would malign or obstruct our industry when it is exerted in a way which cannot interfere with their own ? 69. Whether it is to be supposed they should take delight in the dirt and nakedness and famine of our people, or envy them shoes for their feet and beef for their bellies ? 70. What possible handle or inclination could our having a national bank give other people to distress us ? 7T. Whether it be not ridiculous to conceive that a project for cloathing and feeding our natives should give any umbrage to England ? 73. Whether such unworthy surmises are not the pure effect of spleen ? 78. Whether the Protestant colony in this kingdom can ever forget what they owe to England ? 79. Whether there ever was in any part of the world a country in such wretched circumstances, and which, at the same time, could be so easily remedied, and nevertheless the remedy not applied ? 80. What must become of a people that can neither see the plainest things nor do the easiest ? 81. Be the money lodged in the bank what it will, yet whether an Act to make good deficiencies would not remove all scruples ? 83. If it be objected that a national bank must lower interest, and therefore hurt the monied man, whether the same objection Part III. 533 would not hold as strong against multiplying our gold and silver ? 83. But whether a bank that utters bills, with the sole view of promoting the public weal, may not so proportion their quantity as to avoid several inconveniences which might attend private banks?- 85. Whether anything be more reasonable than that the public, which makes the whole profit of the bank, should engage to make good its credit ? 88. Whether, in order to make men see and feel, it be not often necessary to inculcate the same thing, and place it in different lights ? 90. Whether the managers and officers of a national bank ought to be considered otherwise than as the cashiers and clerks of private banks ? whether they are not in effect as little trusted, have as little power, are as much limited by rules, and as liable to inspection ? 91. Whether the mistaking this point may not create some prejudice against a national bank, as if it depended on the credit, or wisdom, or honesty, of private men, rather than on the public, which is really the sole proprietor and director thereof, and as such obliged to support it ? 93. Whether a national bank would not be the great means and motive for employing our poor in manufactures ? 94. Whether money, though lent out only to the rich, would not soon circulate among the poor ? And whether any man borrows but with an intent to circulate ? 95. Whether both government and people would not in the event be gainers by a national bank ? And whether anything but wrong conceptions of its nature can make those that wish well to either averse from it ? 96. Whether it may not be right to think, and to have it thought, that England and Ireland, prince and people, have one and the same interest? 97. Whether, if we had more means to set on foot such manu- factures and such commerce as consists with the interest of England, there would not of course be less sheep-walks and less wool exported to foreign countries ? And whether a national bank would not supply such means ? 534 Appendix to the Querist, 104. Whether our circumstances do not call aloud for some present remedy ? And whether that remedy be not in our power ? 106. Whether, of all the helps to industry that ever were invented, there be any more secure, more easy, and more eflFectual than a national bank ? 107. Whether medicines do not recommend themselves by ex- perience, even though their reasons be obscure ? But whether reason and fact are not equally clear in favour of this political medicine ? 117. Whether therefore a tax on all gold and silver in apparel, on all foreign laces and silks, may not raise a fund for the bank, and at the same time have other salutary effects on the public ? 118. But, if gentlemen had rather tax thousands in another way, whether an additional tax of ten shillings the hogshead on wines may not supply a sufficient fund for the national bank, all defects to be made good by Parliament ? I J 9. Whether upon the whole it may not be right to appoint a national bank ? 120. Whether the stock and security of such bank would not be, in truth, the national stock, or the total sum of the wealth of this kingdom ? lai. Whether, nevertheless, there should not be a particular fimd for present use in answering bills and circulating credit ? 122. Whether for this end any fund may not suffice, provided an Act be passed for making good deficiencies ? 123. Whether the sole proprietor of such bank should not be the public, and the sole director the legislature ? 124. Whether the managers, officers, and cashiers should not be servants of the public, acting by orders and limited by rules of the legislature ? 125. Whether there should not be a standing number of in- spectors, one-third men in great office, the rest members of both houses, half whereof to go out, and half to come in every session ? 126. Whether those inspectors should not, all in a body, visit twice a year, and three as often as they pleased ? 127. Whether the general bank should not be in Dublin, and subordinate banks or compters one in each province of Munster, Ulster, and Connaught ? X28. Whether there should not be such provisions of stamps, Part III. 535 signatures, checks, strong boxes, and all other measures for secur- ing the bank notes and cash, as are usual in other banks ? 139. Whether these ten or a dozen last queries may not easily be converted into heads of a bill ? 130. Whether any one concerns himself about the security or funds of the bank of Venice or Amsterdam? And whether in a little time the case would not be the same as to our bank ? 133. Whether it be not the most obvious remedy for all the inconveniences we labour under with regard to our coin ? 134. Whether it be not agreed on all hands that our coin is on very bad foot, and calls for some remedy ? 135. Whether the want of silver hath not introduced a sort of traffick for change, which is purchased at no inconsiderable dis- count to the great obstruction of our domestic commerce ? 136. Whether, though it be evident silver is wanted, it be yet so evident which is the best way of providing for this want? Whether by lowering the gold, or raising the silver, or partly one, partly the other ? 137. Whether a partial raising of one species be not, in truth, granting a premium to our bankers for importing such species? And what that species is which deserves most to be encouraged ? 138. Whether it be not just that all gold should be alike rated according to its weight and fineness ? 139. Whether this may be best done by lowering some certain species of gold, or by raising others, or by joining both methods together ? 141. Whether the North and the South have not, in truth, one and the same interest in this matter ? 143. But, whether a public benefit ought to be obtained by unjust methods, and therefore, whether any reduction of coin should be thought of which may hurt the properties of private men? 144. Whether those parts of the kingdom where commerce doth most abound would not be the greatest gainers by having our coin placed on a right foot ? 145. Whether, in case a reduction of coin be thought expedient, the uttering of bank bills at the same time may not prevent the inconveniences of such a reduction ? 146. But, whether any public expediency could countervail a 536 Appendix to the Querist, real pressure on those who are least able to bear it, tenants and debtors ? 147. Whether, nevertheless, the political body, as well as the natural, must not sometimes be worse in order to be better ? 150. What if our other gold were raised to a par with Portugal gold, and the value of silver in general raised with regard to that of gold ? 151. Whether the public ends may or may not be better answered by such argumentation, than by a reduction of our coin ? 153. Provided silver is multiplied, be it by raising or diminish- ing the value of our coin, whether the great end is not answered ? 154. Whether, if a reduction be thought necessary, the obvious means to prevent all hardships and injustice be not a national bank ? 155. Upon supposition that the cash of this kingdom was five hundred thousand pounds, and by lowering the various species each one-fifth of its value the whole sum was reduced to four hundred thousand pounds, whether the difiSculty of getting money, and consequently of paying rents, would not be increased in the proportion of five to four ? 156. Whether such difficulty would not be a great and unmerited distress on all the tenants in the nation ? But if at the same time with the aforesaid reduction there were uttered one hundred thousand pounds additional to the former current stock, whether such difficulty or inconvenience would then be felt ? 158. Whether in any foreign market, twopence advance in a kilderkin of corn could greatly affect our trade ? 159. Whether in regard of the far greater changes and fluctua- tions of price from the difference of seasons and other accidents, that small rise should seem considerable ? 162. Whether, setting aside the assistance of a national bank, it will be easy to reduce or lower our coin without some hardship (at least for the present) on a great number of particular persons ? 163. Whether, nevertheless, the scheme of a national bank doth not intirely stand clear of this question j and whether such bank may not compleatly subsist and answer its ends, although there should be no alteration at all made in the value of our coin ? Part III. 537 1 64. Whether, if the ill state of our coin be not redressed, that ■'J scheme would not be still more necessary, inasmuch as a national bank, by putting new life and vigour into our commerce, may prevent our feeling the ill effects of the want of such redress ? 165. Whether men united by interest are not often divided by opinion 5 and whether such difference in opinion be not an effect of misapprehension ? 166. Whether two things are not manifest, first, that some alteration in the value of our coin is highly expedient, secondly, that whatever alteration is made, the tenderest care should be had of the properties of the people, and even a regard paid to their prejudices ? 167. Whether our taking the coin of another nation for more than it is worth be not, in reality and in event, a cheat upon ourselves ? 168. Whether a particular coin over-rated will not be sure to flow in upon us from other countries beside that where it is coined ? 169. Whether, in case the wisdom of the nation shall think fit to alter our coin, without erecting a national bank, the rule for lessening or avoiding present inconvenience should not be so to order matters, by raising the silver and depressing the gold, as that the total sum of coined cash within the kingdom shall, in denomination, remain the same, or amount to the same nomimal value, after the change it did before ? 170. Whether all inconvenience ought not to be lessened as much as may be ; but after, whether it would be prudent, for the sake of a small inconvenience, to obstruct a much greater good ? And whether it may not sometimes happen that an inconvenience which in fancy and general discourse seems great shall, when accurately inspected and cast up, appear inconsiderable ? 171. Whether in public councils the sum of things, here and there, present and future, ought not to be regarded ? 176. Money being a ticket which entitles to power and records the title, whether such power avails otherwise than as it is exerted into act ? 180. Whether beside that value of money which is rated by weight, there be not also another value consisting in its aptness to circulate ? 538 Appendix to the Querist, 204. Whether there be any woollen manufacture in Birmingham? 205. Whether bad management may not be worse than slavery? And whether any part of Christendom be in a more languishing condition than this kingdom ? 212. Whether it be not true, that within the compass of one year there flowed from the South Sea, when that commerce was open, into the single town of St. Male's, a sum of gold and silver equal to four times the whole species of this kingdom? And whether that same part of France doth not at present draw from Cadiz upwards of two hundred thousand pounds per annum ? 214. Whether it be true that the Dutch make ten millions of livres, every return of the flota and galleons, by their sales at the Indies and at Cadiz ? 215. Whether it be true that England makes at least one hundred thousand pounds per annum by the single article of hats sold in Spain ? 217. Whether the toys of Thiers do not employ five thousand families ? 218. Whether there be not a small town or two in France which supply all Spain with cards ? 222. Whether, about twenty-five years ago, they did not first attempt to make porcelain in France^ and whether, in a few years, they did not make it so well, as to rival that which comes from China ? 226. Whether part of the profits of the bank should not be employed in erecting manufactures of several kinds, which are not likely to be set on foot and carried on to perfection without great stock, public encouragement, general regulations, and the concurrence of many hands ? 230. Whether it were not to be wished that our people shewed their descent from Spain, rather by their honour and honesty than their pride, and if so, whether they might not easily insinuate themselves into a larger share of the Spanish trade ? 235. Whether we may not, with common industry and common honesty, undersell any nation in Europe ? 242. Whether they are not the Swiss that make hay and gather in the harvest throughout Alsatia ? 469. Whether commissioners of trade or other proper persons should not be appointed to draw up plans of our commerce both Part III. 539 foreign and domestic, and lay them at the beginning of every session before the Parliament ? 370. Whether registers of industry should not be kept, and the public from time to time acquainted what new manufactures are introduced, what increase or decrease of old ones ? 386. Whether therefore Misisipi, South Sea, and such like schemes were not calculated for public ruin ? 389. Whether all such princes and statesmen are not greatly deceived who imagine that gold and silver, any way got, will enrich a country ? 293. Whether the effect is not to be considered more than the kind or quantity of money ? 299. Whether those who have the interests of this kingdom at heart, and are concerned in the councils thereof, ought not to make the most humble and earnest representations to his Majesty, that he may vouchsafe to grant us that favour, the want of which is ruinous to our domestic industry, and the having of which would interfere with no interest of our fellow-subjects ? 301. Whether his most gracious Majesty hath ever been ad- dressed on this head in a proper manner,- and had the case fairly stated for his royal consideration, and if not, whether we may not blame ourselves ? 311. Whether every kind of employment or business, as it implies more skill and exercise of the higher powers, be not more valued ? 316. Whether private endeavours without assistance from the public are likely to advance our manufactures and commerce to any great degree ? But whether, as bills uttered from a national bank upon private mortgages would facilitate the purchases and projects of private men, even so the same bills uttered on the public security alone may not answer public ends in promoting new works and manufactures throughout the kingdom ? 323. Whether as many as wish well to their country ought not to aim at increasing its momentum ? 540 Appendix to the Maxims concerning Patriotism. B. FIRST EDITION OF THE 'MAXIMS CONCERNING PATRIOTISM.' [In the collection of pamphlets which contains the three original Parts of the Querist, I found also the First edition of the Maxims con- cerning Patriotism, published in 1750. Curiously, it bears on the title- page to be ' By A Lady.' Maxims 17, 18, 19, in the edition published two years afterwards in the Miscellany by Berkeley, are not found in the original edition. In 16, instead of a ' suspected patriot,' the 1750 edition has a 'bad patriot;' and in 26, instead of ' the present age,' the same edition has ' the present merry age' — and the Maxim is 23. A. C. F.] I NDEX. Abbott, on Sight and Touch, i. 23 «. ; 35 «■; 366. Absolute extension, i. 283. Absolute matter unintelligible and contradictory, i. 165 ». Absolute space, i. 212, cf. «. ; 448. Absolute truth, Divine thought is, i. 195 n. Absoluteness of primary qualities, i. 162 n. Abstract extension, i. gi. Abstract existence, sensible objects have no, i. 157. Abstract ideas, framed by the mind, i. 139; various opinions about, 142 B. ; their existence denied, 144; Locke on, 145; ii. 297; not necessary for enlargement of know- ledge, i. 146 ; not necessary for communication, ib. \ the prevail- ing notion about them, 149; doc- trines depending on, 158; their consequences, 161 ; being, is in- comprehensible, 164; doctrine of, 205 ; render sciences intricate, 230; what and how made, ii. 295 ; not physical realities, 407 ; result of Xo-yi(7ftoff v66oSj 348. Abstract ideas and mathematics, iii. 328. Abstract Space, i. 443 ; ii. 477- Abstraction, only lawful kind of, i. 118; frames the idea of colour exclusive of extension, 140 ; de- fined, 142 ; Locke on, 143; school- men's doctrine of, 148 ; Stewart on, 150 n.; ii. 317 ».; uselessness of the doctrine, i. 153 ; how possible, 158 ; rough draft of Berkeley's doc- trine of, 408. Abstractions, metaphysical, danger of, ii. 335. Abstractions, children of imagination grafted on sense, ii. 477. Academy, proposal for a Royal, iii. 207. Accidents, supported by matter, i. 194. Acids, nature of, ii. 410. Actual existence, must be an idea of a conscious mind, i. 242. Addison, referred to, iii. 305. Advantages of considering ideas apart from names, i. 152 ; 432. Aether or invisible fire, ii. 418; the universal instrumental cause, 419. Agency, always incorporeal, ii. 457 ; responsibility measure of real, 461. Air, a seminary, ii. 415; not a simple element, 417 ; permanent elasticity of, ib.; two kinds of, 418; im- pregnating power of, 436. Alchemy, believed in by eminent men, ii. 41 n. Alcinous, on Plato, ii. 474. Alciphron, to be studied in the light of English deism, ii. 3 ; written in Rhode Island, 4 ; various editions, 5 ; Collins attacked in, ii. ; summarised, 6 ; criticism on, 9 ; omits Nomin- alism, third edition of, ii. 514. Alexander of Aphrodisias, ii. 485. Alexandrine MSS., ii. 225. Algebra, names like the letters in, i. 150. Algebraical game, iii. 55. Alhazen, referred to, i. 65 «. Alimentary juice, its nature, ii. 379. Alphonso of Naples, ii. 203. Alterity, what, ii. 493. Amber, a resin, ii. 373. America, plan for christianising, iii. 215; episcopacy established in, 218; the propagation of the Gospel in, 242 n. ; tar-water used in, 498. 542 INDEX. Americans, college for savage, iii. 217. Analogical knowledge of God, ii. 168. Analogy, defined, ii. 167 ; how used by schoolmen, ib. ; Bishop Brown on, 168 «.; Archbishop King on, 169 n.; knowledge of God by, i. 375 j logical use of, ii. 285. Analyst, on motion, i. 214 ; on infinite divisibility, 224 «.; discussion it caused, iii. 258 «., 302 «. ; its aim, 258 »., 303. Anaxagoras, the vovi of, ii. 163 ; NoC? (nikQinv, ii. 490 ; on mind, iii. 85. Anaximander, on matter, ii. 489. Anaximenes, on fire principle, ii. 425. Ancient philosophy, nearer the truth, ii. 480. Ancients, moderns have advantages over the, ii. 257. Anima mundi, ii. 348, 474 n., 477 n. ; elementary fire, 491. Animal spirit in man, ii. 420. Appetite of immortality, iii. 148. Aquinas, Thomas, notion of God, ii. 166 n. Arbitrariness of relation between objects of sight and distance, i. no n. Arbitrary character of laws of nature, i. 171 H. Arbitrary connection between sight and touch, i. 102. Archseus of Paracelsus, ii. 414. Archetypal or eternal state of things, i. 351. Archetype of sensible system, the Divine Idea the ultimate, i. 193 «. Archetypes, external, i. 200, 345 ; of ideas, 122, 160, 298; of real things, are sense-objects, 176 «.; exist only in some other mind, 207. Archimedes, problem proposed by Hierone, iii. 35. Architectural beauty, ii. 120. Architecture, Berkeley's taste for, ii. 122. Ariosto and Tasso compared, ii. 204. Aristotle, i. 39 k., 53, ii. 475; on number, i. 85 «. ; materia prima, 161; on happiness, ii. 77; on virtue, 82; on rakes, 86, 94; on the good man, 129; on true edu- cation, 339 ; on magistrates and religion, iii. 421; on principle of fire, 424 ; connection between soul and body, 426 n. ; heat is divine, 426 ; Mind everywhere, 427 ; elements inanimate, 449 ; uncon- scious mental agency, 462 n.\ on space, 468 «.; on anima mundi, 472 ; arrangement of mental facul- ties, 482 n.\ threefold distinction of objects, 484 ; knowledge and the thing known are one, 485 ; soul place of forms, 486 ; existence potential and actual, ih. ; doctrine of matter, 489 ; not an atheist, 492 ; God is Law, 496 ; criticism of Plato's doctrine of Ideas, 497 ; identity is unity, 503 ; mind pro- duces unity, 504; definition of motion, iii. 90 ; on perpetual mo- tion, 81 ; on self-motion, 83 ; mind the first mover, 85 ; source of mo- tion, 91; his psychology, 93. Arithmetic, its object, i. 218 ; regards signs, not things, 219; its nature, ii. 314 ; Berkeley's treatise on, a juvenile essay, iii. 9. Art, wealth in objects of, iii. 361. Asclepian dialogues, on fire, ii. 428. Association, by contiguity, law of, i.41. Atheism, i. 236; its foundation, 204; grew out of English deism, 371 «. ; the perfection of free-thinking, ii. 36 ; not encouraged by great men of antiquity, 503. Athenians, attachment to their estab- lished church, ii. 177. Atomic theory adopted by Locke, ii. 465 n. Atomic theory of force, ii. 451. Attraction, a great mechanical prin- ciple, i. 208 ; in acids, Nevrton on, ii. 437; not a productive or effi- cient cause, 455. Attraction and repulsion, Newton on, ii. 452, 454. Attraction, repulsion, and motion, ii. 454- Attribute, defined, i. 181. Augustine, on heathen religions, ii. 182 ; soul is vis, 491 ; on Creation, 505- Aurea Catena Homeri, ii. 353 n. Aurelius, Marcus, on immortality, ii. 13T. B. Bacon, referred to, i. 65 «., 149 «., 211 n.\ his biblical studies, ii. 267 ; on effects of heat, 418 n. ; interpre- tation of nature, 460 n. ; on mathe- matics, iii. 61 ; on motion, 76 n. INDEX. 543 Bailey, Samuel, against New Theory of Vision, i. 23 »., 35 n., 39 «. Bain, Prof., on relation of colour and extension, i. 108 n. Balsams, ancient, ii. 373. Bank, national, iii. 373, 375, 390, 512, 531, 536; would increase mo- mentum of a state, 404 ; would encourage industry, 53,3. Banks, hazards of private, iii. 539. Barbadoes College, iii. 219. Barrow, Dr., i. 7 ; his problem, 42. Bartelett, Dean, iii. 183 ». Barton, on principle of fire, ii. 419 n. Baxter's criticism of Berkeley, i. 248. Bayes, Thomas, iii. 301 n. Bayle, referred to, i. 374 «., iii. 62 «. ; on material substance, i. 288. Beattie, Essay on Truth, remarks on, i. 115 ; objections to Berkeley, 248. Beauty, how perceived, ii. 118 ; con- nection with the moral sense, 124 : presupposes providence, 125. Beauty, architectural, ii. 120. Beauty and reason, ii. 119. Beggars to be made pubUc slaves, iii; 387. Being incomprehensible, abstract idea of, i. 164 ; conception of intelligible, 201 n. Benevolence, an ethical motive, iii. 114. Benson's Memoirs of CoUier, i. 443. Bentley's letters to Hare, i. 375 n. Berkeley, on nature of externality, i. 52 B.; a student of Locke's Essay, 117; influenced by Malebranche, ib.; combats Locke, irS; idealism and realism, 119 n. ; follows Locke, 139 ». ; proof of his doctrine, 157 ». ; held unity of substance, 159 «.; assumes causality, 169 n. ; connects cause and substance, ib. ; definition ofsubstance, i74».; what meant by his potential existence, 178 ; on continual creation, 179 n.\ on miracles, 198 ; abolishes repre- sentative idea in perception, 200 n.\ holds a sort of spiritual positivism, 208 ; his style, 241 ; criticised by Baxter, 248 ; professes a common- sense philosophy, 262 ; answers Hume, 327 n. ; positive and negative sides of his philosophy, 330 n. ; reli- gious tendency of his works, ii. 4 ; his ethics, 6, 53, 107 «., iii. 107; a theological utilitarian,ii. 107 n,\ taste for architecture, 122 ; on the liquor traffic, 403 ; fire - philosophy and physical theories of heat, 419 «. ; on motion as effect of fire, 422 «. ; on space, 467 «. ; origin of his fire- philosophy, 477 n. ; on notions and ideas, 489 n. ; his ideas opposed to Plato's, 496 n. ; accused of Jaco- bitism, iii. 105 n.; essays in the Guardian, 143 n. ; drank tar-water, 477- Berkeley and Butler, ii. 9. Berkeley and Coleridge, ii. 9. Berkeley and Collier, i. 252. Berkeley and Hooker, ii. 459 n. Berkeley and Hume, i. 248. Berkeley and Locke on ethics, iii. no n. Berkeley and Pascal, ii. 9. Berkeley and Protagoras, i. 245. Berkeley and Swift, Mackintosh on, iii. 356 n. Berkeley of Stratton, Lord, dedication of Dialogues to, i. 257. Bermuda scheme, iii. 215 b. Bermudas, advantageous for site of proposed college, iii. 220. Bernays, ii, 424 «..; on Hippocrates and Heraclitus, 425 n. Bessarion, Cardinal, ii. 203, 507. Bianchi's History, ii. 262 n. Bilfinger, refers to Collier, i. 254 «. Bills of exchange, iii. 357. Blasters, Dublin Society of, iii. 409 «., 427. Blind, a man born, has no idea of distance, i. 52, 444; ii. 152. Blind, case of restoration of sight to born-blind, i. in, 444-448. Blind man, could not at first connect ideas of sight and touch, i. 72, 94. Body, clothes the soul, ii. 395 ; the prison of the soul, 402 ; resistance gives us a notion of, 476. Boerhaave, ii. 419 n. ; on natural spirits, 381; on Myrrh, 383; vinegar a soap, 386 ; on cure for small-pox, 394; on scurvy, 398 ; on acids, 410 ; on fire principle, 433. Bolingbroke, on abstract ideas, i. 142 n. Borellus, ii. 458, iii. 81 ; on force, ii. 304; on vis percussionis, iii. 78 ; impetus is gradus velocitatis, 80 ; on communication of motion, 98. Boscovich's theory of matter, ii. 447. Boyer, Abel, translates Fenelon's Demonstration, iii. 169. 544 INDEX. Boyle, Richard, Earl of Cork, ii. 83. Boyle, ii. 545 «. ; biblical studies, 267 ; on impregnating power of air, 415 ; on effects of heat, 418 ». Brachmans, traditions of the, ii. 267. Brain, residence of the soul, i. 300. Bribery, prevalence of, iii. 209. Brown, Bishop, on analogy, i. 375 »., ii. 168 n. ; on Toland, ii. 8-9. Brown, Dr. T., adopts Theory of Vi- sion, i. 22 ; on colour and extension, 108 ».; on abstract ideas, 142 ». ; on power in ideas, 168 ». ; elimin- ates all power from material world, 171 «.; on causation, 378, iii. 84 n. Brute, envied by sensualists, ii. 79. Buffon, adopts Theory of Vision, i. 19. Building and industry, iii. 388. Bunyan referred to, ii. 321. Burnet's theory of the earth, iii. 49 n. Butler, Archer, quoted, i. 54 k. Butler, Bishop, on atheism, i. 237 ; on the popular view of Christianity, ii. 3 ; his Analogy directed against Tindal, 257 ; subordination of bene- volent affections, iii. 115 «. ; on de- cline of religion, 195 «. C. Caesar, on borrowing money, iii. 199. Calculus, differential, i. 225. Calidum innatum, ii. 420. Campanella, ii. 472 n. Cantacuzini, History, ii. 432. Carteret, Lord, iii. 215 «. Cartesian theory of occasional causes, i. 192 n. ; explanation of gravity, ii. 456. Caswell, the mathematician, iii. 54. Causality, principle of, assumed and interpreted by Berkeley, i. 169 n. Causation, physical, contrasted with spiritual, i. 190 n. Cause, free voluntary activity, i. 117; substance connected with, by Ber- keley, 169 n.; corporeal, 183 ; spirit the only efficient, 208 ; volition the only known, 3 10 ». ; defined, ii. 420. Cause and effect, i. 378. Causes, phenomena and their, con- trasted, i. 380 H.; physical explana- tion of natural, ii. 462 ; theological explanation of natural, ib. Cedrium of Pliny, what, ii. 371. Celerities, represented by areas and ordinates, iii. 288. Celsus, ii. 271. Chain {aupli), in all things, ii. 482 ; in nature, 353 h., 470, cf. n. Chaldee oracles, on Iliip voepov, ii. 429. Chandler, on prophecy, ii. 259 h. Characteristics of Shaftesbury, to be compared with Third Dialogue, ii. 107 «. Chardellou, the astronomer, iii. 49. Charter, for the Bermuda College, iii. 228 »., 230 «. Chemistry of nature, ii. 379. Chesselden's case, i. 18, 19, 367, 400, 444. Child, Sir Josiah, on trade and inter- est, iii. 353 «. Chimeras, difference between real things and, i. 173, 330. Chinese, on Fire principle, ii. 429. Christian faith, its alleged impossi- bility, ii. 290 ; mysteries, not mean- ingless words, 296 ; religion, its utihty, 173, 177. Christianity, ennobles men, ii. J78 ; produces happiness, ib. ; is neither bigotry nor superstition, 179 ; cha- racter and results, 189; Shaftes- bury on, ib. ; founded on natural religion, 208 ; positive argument for its divinity, 220. Church, encourages learning, ii. 203. Church of Christ, thoughts on, iii. 172. Church-lands and tithes, ii. 211. Church's patrimony, does not belong to one tribe, iii. 384. Cicero, on kinds of pleasure, ii. 89; quoted, 132, 134, 179, 192 n., 495, iii. 115; soul is vis, ii. 491; on future life, iii. 205, cf. ?«. ; mis- ' quoted by Collins, 146. Circe's enchanted vase, matter com- pared to, iii. 78. Circulation in plants. Grew on, ii. 376. Clarke, Dr. S., on continual creation, i. 179 rf.; on the being and attri- butes of God, i. 217 «., ii. 140; on the planetary motions, ii. 268 «.; on divine space, iii. 93 n. Clarke and Berkeley on space, ii. 467 «. Clarke and Collins, ii. 15 «. Clarke and Leibnitz, their corre- spondence, i. 374 «., ii. 157 »., 319, 450 n. ; on space and motion, iii. 92 «. Clergy, their character, ii. i8o. INDEX. 545 Codrington, Gen., and a college in Barbadoes, iii. 219. Coexistent qualities, idea of, i. 141. Coinage, the state of Irish, iii. 537. Colbert, on religion and government, iii. 423. Coleridge's position and Berkeley's, ii. 9. College for savage Americans, iii. 217. Collier's theory of matter, i. 181 n. ; two persons cannot see the same thing, 343 «. ; incidents of his life, 438; theory of in-existence, 439; his philosophy applied to Christian theology, ib. ; Introduction to his Clavis, ib. ; makes sense-perception and imagination differ only in de- gree, ib., 443. Collier and Berkeley, i. 252, 438. Collins, Anthony, on free-thinking, i. 374 n. ; on atheism, 375 n. ; to be studied with Alciphron, ii. 3 ; attacked in Alciphron, 5 ; the con- troversy he occasioned, i5«. ; on the prevalency of free-thinking, 26 n. ; on prophecy, 259 n. ; on necessity for clear ideas, 292; on free-will, 319 H.; quoted, 503 ; Dis- course of Free-thinking reviewed in the Guardian, iii. 143 ; on im- mortality, 205 n. Collins and Newton, iii. 323. Collins, John, the mathematician, iii. 268 n. Colonial clergymen, want of, iii. 217. Colour and extension, i. 108 «., 140, 207. Colours, secondary qualities, i. 160; Nevrton's theory of, ii. 423. Colours and light, proper objects of sight, ii. 151. Columella, wines medicated with resin, ii. 405. Comines, Philip de, on religion and government, ii. 422. Commerce, Spanish, iii. 538. Commonplace Book, i. 135 ?:. ; on existence of things, 325 ». Common sense, argument from, i. 183 K. ; professed throughout in Berkeley's philosophy, 262. Communication, abstract ideas not necessary for, i. 146. Comte, on power in ideas, i. 168 b. ; ehminates all power from material world, 17172.; on the universe, 237 n.\ phenomenalism, 253; differs radically from Berkeley, 325 n. VOL. III. N Condillac, combats the Theory of Vi- sion and afterwards accepts it, i. 19. Cone and circumscribed cylinder, iii. 53- Confucius, on the nature of God, ii. 52 ; quoted, iii. 418. Confusedness, sign of distance, i. 40. Conscious experience, objects of, what, i. 121. Consciousness, is triune, ii. 506. Consequences of Principles of human knowledge, i. 121, 199. Constructive principle of Essay of Vision, i. 103, cf. «., 387 n. Copleston's Inquiry, i. 375 «. Corporeal causes, i. 183. Corporeal substances, i. 165. Correction for young gentlemen. Houses of, iii. 360. Corry, refers to Collier, i. 254 n. Cosmo de Medicis, ii. 203. Course of Nature, what, ii. 451. Cowell's edition of Vindication, i. 364. Cowper, quoted, ii. 443 w. Creation, continual, ii. 499; advocated by Schoolmen, i. 179; Holy Scrip- tures on, 331, 347. Creation, Mosaic account of, ii. 267 ; Plato's account of, 487 ; Augustine on, 505. Creative act, continuous, i. 236. Critic, character of the, iii. 176. Cubic numbers and roots, iii. 23. Cudworth, on abstract ideas, i. 142 n. ; on hypothesis of Democritus, ii. 458 ; Nature ratio mersa, 461 ; un- conscious mental agency, 462 n. ; on Isis and Osiris, 466 n. \ on Egyptian cosmology, 467 n.; anima mundi, 477 n.; on the De Mundo, 493 n. ; ancient philosophy and di- vine tradition, 497 ; on Platonic Trinity, 502 n. ; quoted, 500 «., 507. CuUen, on tar, ii. 357 n. D. Daily Post-boy, anonymous letter in, i. 363. D'Alembert, adopts New Theory of Vision, i. 19. Deception of words, i. 153. Deism, English, growth of atheism out of, i. 371 n. Deity, prejudices against, ii. 138 ; Descartes on proof of, 140; ex- istence of, inferred from signs, 144. 54<5 INDEX. De Linden, tar is not heating, ii. 368 H. Democritus, iii. 94 ; Cudworth on hypothesis of, ii. 458 ; an igniform deity, 491. Demonstrations in ethics, Spinosa's, ii. 334. De Morgan, on Newton's fluxions, iii. 258 n. Demi-atheism, i. 237. De Quincey, on the name Siris, ii. 353 »• Derodon, on abstract ideas, i. 142 ». ; mind the first mover, iii. 85 ; defi- nition of motion, 90 n. ; on place, 92 n. Des Cartes, i. 36 s. ; 44; ^2 rr.\ 69; iii. 308; on vision, i. 14; on com- prehensiveness of sight, 29 ». ; on scepticism of senses, 54 «. ; on signs of distance, 109 ; theory of matter, 118, 194 «.; on man's finite mind, 138 n.; on principles of knowledge, 139 n. ; on causality in sensible things, 183 «.; on the existence of sensible things, 201 «. ; 324 n. ; on proof of Deity, ii. 140 ; world and the laws of motion, 450 ; on attraction, 455 ; on mathema- tics, iii. 6i ; on mind, 85 ; defini- tion of motion, 90 ; on the pineal gland, 151. Des Chales, the mathematician, iii. 5 4. Deslandes, a French sceptic, iii. 150, 157- Des Marzeaux, iii. 62 n. Dialogues, summary of, i. 244 ; edi- tions of, 250 ; translations of, ib. ; their aim and scope, 258. Diderot, refers to Berkeley, i. 1 3 «. ; adopts Theory of Vision, 19. Differential calculus, iii. 261. Dionysius the Areopagite, mystical writings attributed to, ii. 164 and ». Discourse to Magistrates &c., its aim, iii. 409 n. Distance, signs of near, i. 7, 39; remote, perceived by experience, 35 ; invisible, ib. ; invisibility of, a postulate of the New Theory of Vision, 35 H.; common explanations of vision of near, 36 ; how far an act of judgment, ib. ; is suggested, 38 ; how really perceived, ib. ; has no necessary connection with its signs, 39 ; man born blind has no Idea of, 52; in what sense seen, 54; in a way perceived by touch, ib.; idea of, how got from locomotive experience, 55, cf. n. ; defined, 86 ; visible ideas signs of, 90, cf. n.; arbi- trariness of relation between it and what is seen, iios. ; suggested, 298, 396 ; power of interpreting signs of, acquired or instinctive ?, 448. Distrust of senses by philosophers, i. 201. Diversity and identity, i. 344. Divine ideas and will, coincident with laws of nature, i. 185 «.; ultimate archetype of sensible system, 193 n. Divine necessity of Hippocrates, ii. 455- Divine thought, absolute truth, i. 195 n. Divinity of Christianity, positive argument for, ii. 220. Divisibility of sensible extension, ii. 59 ; infinite, i. 220, 448. Division, Italian method of, iii. 18. Doubting, implies suspense, i. 263. Drake, Captain, iii. 476. Drama, its reformation, iii. 204. Dramatists, English, ii. 200. Dress, luxury of, iii. 201 ; ladies', 393. Druids, modem admirers of, ii. 176. Drunkenness, benefit of, ii. 60 and «. Dryden, iii. 158. DuaHsm, Berkeley's, i. 120; or intel- ligible realism, i. 175 ». Duality of existence, held by Ber- keley, i. 159 n. Duelling, discussed, ii. 186. Durandus, the world a machine, i. 179 n. Dwight, President, preface to Alci- phron, ii. 6. E. Ecclesiastical tyranny, ii. 194. Ectypal state of things, ii. 351. Education, true, Plato on, ii. 339 ; Aristotle on, ib. ; Irish neglect of, iii. 447. Edwards, Jon., on continual creation, i. 179 B. ; on existence, ii. 155. Efiicient cause, none but spirit, i. 208. Ego, is substantial and causal, i. 230 ». Egyptian philosophers, ii. 480 ; im- personated Nature, 466. Elasticity, permanent, of air, ii. 417, Eleatics, on senses, i. 54 n. Empedocles, ii. 462 ; on principle of Fire, ii. 425. INDEX. 547 Employment of people, the great public aim, iii. 383. English dramatists, ii. 200. ev, TO, of Parmenides, ii. 501. (VTe\f)(fia and Force, ii. 304. ivTekt^fim TtpaiTai, ii. 487. Entity, abstract idea of, i. 197. Epicureans, i. 204 ; on kinds of plea- sure, ii. 88 ; being of God, 161. Episcopacy, when established in America, iii. 218. Erdmann, on Berkeley, i. 336. Eschenbach's translation of Berkeley's Dialogues, i. 250. Esse, is percipi in unthinking things, i. 157. Essence, nominal, i. 208 n. Ethical opinions of Berkeley, ii. 53. Ethical system of Berkeley, where developed, iii. 107. Ethical action, its test, iii. 113. Ethical laws of nature, iii. 114. Ethics of Berkeley, where found, ii. 6 «., 107 n. Ethics, Spinoza's demonstrations in, ii. 334. Eugubinus, ii. 507. Evelyn, on preservative qualities of tar, ii. 369. Evidence for Christianity, ii. 286. Evil, objection from moral, to exist- ence of God, ii. 170. Existence, abstract idea of, i. 197 ; of an idea, consists in its being per- ceived, 156 ; intelligible concep- tion of, 201 n.\ inferred from its signs, ii. 143 ; of God, objection from moral evil, 170. Experience, conscious, objects of, what, i. 1 2 1 ; presentative and re- presentative, 123; suggestions of, 231; connects ideas of sight and touch, 390. Explanation of phenomena, what, i. 338. Exports and famine, iii. 369. Extension, based on sensation, visible, i. 8 ; visible and tangible quite distinct, i. 53, 55, 94 ; not infi- nitely divisible, 59 ; tangible, why called real, 61 ; tangible and visible not necessarily connected, 62 ; abstract, 91 ; visible defined, 95 n. ; and colour, 108 n., 207 ; abstraction frames the idea of colour, exclusive of, 140; a pri- mary quality, 160; the character- istic of the material world, 161 n. ; an accident of matter, 163 ; object of geometry, 220; sensible, 283; pure abstracted ideas of, ib. ; its idea prior to that of motion, iii. 291 ; is there abstract .', ib. External bodies, supposition of, i. 165; their existence within our know- ledge impossible, ib. External things, are perceived by sense, i. 202. External world, inferred from sensa- tions, i. 381 K. Externality, i. 57; absolute, 10 n.; Berkeley on, 52 n. ; how seen, 54 ; defined, 120, 203 n., 378 n. F. Faculties of Soul, ii. 502 n. Faith and miracles, ii. 382. Faith and probability, ii. 284. Faith and Science, ii. 284 n. Faith, true nature and effects, ii. 310. Famine and export trade, iii. 369. Famine in Ireland, iii. 441. avTa(riJ.aTa and vorjfiara, ii. 299 n. Farms, large or small, iii. 363. Fashion, woman of, a public enemy, iii. 367. Fashionable to decry Religion, iii. 195. Fatalism, whence derived, ii. 323. Fate, anciently not inconsistent with aire^ovaiov of God, ii. 469 ; spiri- tual, Pcemander, 469 ». Fazelli, History of Sicily, ii. 266. Fellojvs of Bermuda College, iii. 230 n. Fenelon's demonstration of the exist- ence of God, iii. 169 ; a prayer of, 170. Ferrier, Prof., i. 23 n., 39 n. ; on per- ception and matter, 182 «.; on Heraclitus, ii. 424 k. ; his style compared to Berkeley's, i. 241. Fever, lessened by tar water, iii. 499. Fichte's egoistic idealism, i. 250; on organic unity of nature, ii. 471 n. Ficinus, mercury the mother of metals, ii. 435 ; quoted, ib. n. ; light is incorporeal, 439 ; on the fire prin- ciple, 441 ; light the sight of the Soul, ib. ; De Fato, 469 n. ; seminal nature depends on intelligence, 474 ; on the Trinity, 505 n. Figure, a primary quality, i. 160. Final cause and mover, spirit the, ii. 419. N n 3 548 INDEX. Fir, Scotch, ii. 374. Fire invisible, or Aether, ii. 418. Fire, its elasticity, ii. 418; universal fountain of life, 419 n.\ vehicle of soul, 426 ; the omniform seminary, 473- Fire-philosophy, ii. 408 ; ancient au- thorities for, 424 ; modern autho- rities in support of, 432. Fire-principle and tar-water, iii. 467. Fire providence, Hippocrates on, ii. 427. Florence, treasures of Art, iii. 361. Florentine experiment, ii. 445. Floyer, on use of turpentine, ii. 406. Fluxions and the differential calculus, i. 225. Fluxions, their importance, iii. 259; defect in rule for finding the, 264; defective, logic and method in, 270 ; metaphysical objections to the theory of, 289; idea of, not im- proved in the analysis, 310. Force, as inconceivable as Grace, ii. 303 ; and Ei/reXe'xeia, 304 ; rules the elementary fire, 444 ; vphich exists in points is spiritual, 447 ; belongs to the soul, 457 ; and the soul, 491. Foreknovyledge and contingencies, ii. 161. Forgeries and Scripture, ii. 278. Form and matter, in Plato and Aris- totle, ii. 484 n. Foulis edition of the Querist, iii. 353 n. Fractions, iii. 25. Freedom, a blessing or curse, as used, ii. 115. Freethinker, character of the, iii. 178. Freethinkers, Minute Philosophers, ii. 39 ; doctrine of, its circulation and revolution, 7 1 ; misery and cowardice of, 85 ; and government, 90 ; some recommend suicide, 99 ; mode of proving a God, 139; sophistry of, 329; their scepticism, 331; their ignorance, iii. 163; their narrow- ness, 172 ; obstruct happiness, 179. Freethinking, defined, iii. 144; its prevalence in Berkeley's time, ii. 26 n. ; its aim and endeavour, 28 ; persecuted, 30 ; claims monopoly of liberty, 31 ; atheism its goal, 3 3 ; intolerant of priest and magis- trate, 34 ; its progress insidious, 36 ; atheism perfection of, ib. ; its positive principles, 38 ; loosens patriotism, 44; and natural reli- gion, 45; its use, loi; danger of its notions about God, 162. Free-will and moral agency, ii. 318. Free-will, Hobbes on, ii. 319 n. Frugality of manners, iii. 200. Future rewards and punishments, iii. 162. Future state. Christian ideas of, iii. 186. G. Galen and Hippocrates, ii. 426 n. Galen, Fire vehicle of soul, ii. 426. Galilaeus, on attraction, ii. 456 ; ex- periments about vis, iii. 78. Gaming, benefit of, ii. 60. Garth, Dr. S., iii. 305 n. Gassendus, i. 17, 69, no; on the horizontal moon, no; on ab- stract ideas, 142 «. General ideas, not denied, i. 144. General, how idea becomes, i. 145, 412. Generalisation, Locke on, i. 144, 414. Gen Seng, its virtues, ii. 389. Gentile religions, preparatory, ii. 182. Gentleman's Magazine, i. 73 «., 84 n. Geometry, abstract extension not the object of, i. 92 ; object of, 104, 220 ; a means of education, iii. 257. Geulinx, on causality in sensible things, i. 183 n. ; on matter, 192 ». Gibbs on the King's evil, ii. 400. Gibson, Dr., Bishop of London, iii. 217. Gildon's oracles of reason, ii. 87. Glanvill, mystery of sensation, i. 15. God, natura naturans is, i. 179 «., iii. 87 ; His existence known like that of men, i. 231, ii. 170 «.; is known certainly, i. 232; proof of existence of, 304 ; no idea of, 326 ; knowledge of, ib. ; variety of no- tions of, ii. 34 ; wisdom and know- ledge not in, 161; danger of this opinion, 162 ; origin of this opinion, 164 ; objection from moral evil to existence of a, 170; not author of evil, Platonists, 490; is Mind, 491 ; the monad of Pythagoras, ih. ; iriip vo€p6i>, 492 ; is law, Aristotle, 496 ; is order, Plotinus, ib. ; the r aya66v and TO &€ov, ib. ; we know our- selves by knowing, Plato, ib. ; alone exists, 499 ; his omnipresence ac- cording to Plotinus, 505 ; Chris- tian ideas of, iii. 182. INDEX. 549 God and motion, opinions of the an- cients about, ii. 490. Good, compared to the Sun, Plato, ii. 499. Government founded on contract, iii. 120. Grace, what it is, ii. 194; force as inconceivable as, 303. Grant, Sir A., on Berkeley and Aris- totle, i. 14 n. Gravesande, on fire - principle, ii. 433 «• Gravitation, not to be explained on physical causes solely, ii. 456. Great Britain, An essay towards pre- venting the ruin of, iii. 195. Greek Hades, iii. 187. Greek philosophy, its Oriental cha- racter, ii. 428. Greek and Egyptian philosophies, ii. 480. Greeks and Romans less virtuous than moderns, ii. 184, igo. Gretton and Collins, ii. 15 «. Grew, on circulation in plants, ii. 376 ; on the solar influence, 379. Grotius, on non-resistance, iii. 136. Grotto del Cane of Naples, ii. 416. Guaiacum, its virtues, ii. 387. Guardian, Berkeley's Essays in the, iii. 143 n. H. Hales, impregnating power of air, ii. 436. Hales, Dr., quoted, iii. 479. Hall, Dr. J., Berkeley's tutor, iii. 8. Halley, Dr., Analyst addressed to, iii. 258 n.\ referred to, 305 ». Hamilton, Sir William, i. 96 n., 364 «., 382 «.; on theory of vision, 22; on externality, 52 «. ; ideas of sense exist without mind, 159 «. ; on re- presentative perception, 200 «. ; on previous existence of every new phenomenon, 210 «. ; objections to Berkeley, 249 ; does not define in- dependent existence, ib. ; on pri- mary and secondary qualities, 279 «. ; can two persons see the same thing, 343 ». ; on natural realism, 359 ». Hampden's Hampton Lectures, i. • 375 «• Happiness, Aristotle on, ii. 77 ; are pleasures of sense, ib. ; end of ac- tions, ib. Hare, letters from Bentley to, i. 375 n. Harrington, National and individual Conscience, iii. 423. Harriot, iii. 308. Hartley and theory of vision, i. 20 ; affinity with Berkeley, 250. Hegel, ii. 502 n. ; space, 468 n. ; doc- trine of matter, 489 n. ; identity of subject and object, i. 250. Hegelianism in Siris, i. 355 n. Helmont, on Myrrh, ii. 383. Hemp, growth of, iii. 362. Heraclitus, on principle of fire, ii. 424; on transmutation, 4 1 8 ; quot- ed, 448 ; not an Atheist, 503. Hermaic writings, all things one, ii. 475- Hermann, on force, ii. 304. Herodotus, referred to, ii. 266. Hervey, Lord John, ii. 10. Heterogeneity of sense ideas, i. 391. Hippocrates, ii. 377, 448 ; on Fire principle, 425 ; and Heraclitus, 425 «. ; and Galen, 426 n.\ on Fire providence, 427 ; soul nou- rished by fire, 439 ; on attraction and repulsion, 454 ; nature attracts the good, 455; on the plague, iii. 480. Historians, ancient, ii. 263 sqq. Hobbes, referred to, i. 38 «., 69, 139, 305) 374i ii- 563 ; author of English Deism, 3 ; God corporeal, 161 ; on Free-will, 319 n. Hobbists, i. 204. Holstenius, referred to, ii. 272. Homberg, ii. 419 n., 425; on acids, 410, 412 ; on salts, 412 ; fire only active principle, 433; made gold from mercury, 435. Homer, earth the wife of heaven, ii. 381. Honour, explained, ii. 107. Hooker and Berkeley, ii. 459 «. Hopital, Marquis del', iii. 324. Horace, on mistaken pleasure, ii. 83. Hume, i. 39 n., 54 n., 139 «., 170 «., ii. 260 n. ; on power in ideas, 1. 168 n.\ eliminates all power from material world, 171 «.; on theory of universal energy of supreme being, 193 ».; on representative perception, 200 n. ; on the universe, 2 3 7 n. ; style compared with Berke- ley's, 241 ; and Berkeley, 248 ; on Berkeley's philosophy, 317 «. ; dif- 55° INDEX. fers from Berkeley, 335 «■ ; an- swered by anticipation by Berkeley, 327 n. ; on material substances, 335 «. ; causation, iii. 84 «. Hurd, on Alciphron, ii. 1 1 n. Hutcheson and Mandeville, ii. 59 n., 65 n. Hutcheson's moral sense, ii. 124. Hyde, on religion of Persians, ii. 431. Hypostases of Deity, ii. 498, 503. I. Idea, how used in theory of vision, i. 55, cf. ». ; how used in Siris, ii. 350; defined, i. 158 k., 202, 377; no idea of substance, 146 n. ; nor of spirit, 226; its esse is percipi, 156 ; implies passiveness, 168 ; in contradistinction to thing, 175 ; used for thing, 331. Idealism and realism, Berkeley's, i. 119 n. Ideas, phenomena, sensible things, i. 118; archetypes of, 121 ; advan- tages of considering them apart from names, 152 ; visibly inactive, 168 ; succession of, 169 ; divine, ultimate archetype of sensible sys- tem, 193 «.; and spirits make up the whole of knowledge, 199 ; are real things, 202 ; produced by motion of brain, 301 ; their con- nection, 341. Ideas, of Plato and of Berkeley, ii. 350, 496 n. Ideas and notions, what, ii. 484 and «., 489. Ideas, Plato's doctrine of, criticised by Aristotle, ii. 487. Identity and diversity, i. 344. Identity, Locke on personal, ii. 307. Identity, is unity, Aristotle, ii. 503. Idleness, its own punishment, ii. 86. Inchofer, quoted, ii. 105. Individuality and organism, ii. 56. Industry, the one way to wealth, iii. 195 ; how to increase it, 356 ; and building, 388; and Idleness, 439, 448. In-existence, of sensible things, Col- lier's, i. 438. Infinite divisibility of finite extension, i. 220. Infinity, difficulties about, i. 138 ; quantitative, 443, 448. Innate notions, Platonic doctrine of, ii. 488. Inspirations, neither impossible nor absurd, ii. 228. Intellect, pure, i. 285. Intellect, defined, iii. 93. Intelligible realism and dualism, i. 175 n., 203 n. Intelligible existence of sense-objects, i. 200. Intelligible existence, explanation of, i. 346 n. Interpretability of Nature, ii. 460 n. Images of things, ideas, i. 172. Imagination, deiined, iii. 93 ; its power, i. 124; confounded with sense, 167 «.; ideas of, 170; Collier and Hume on, 443. Imagining, faculty of, i. 142. Immaterialism, its advantages, i. 354. Immediateness of sense-perception, i. 264. Immortality of the soul, i. 229, iii. 147 ; proved by Berkeley's prin- ciples, i. 129 ; Seneca on, ii. 131 ; Marcus Aurelius on, ib. Impenetrability, a secondary quality, i. 160. Intuition, generic individualisation, ii. 313. Invisibility of distance, the postulate of the new theory of vision, i. 35 and «. Irish jealousy of England, iii. 363, 391. Irish language. Church services in the, iii. 377. Irish poverty, its causes, iii. 356, 438. Irish, to Tartars and Spaniards, iii. 398. Irreligion, prevalence of, iii. 415. Isis and Osiris, ii. 480, 466 n. Italian method of division, iii. 18. J- Jackson and Collins, ii. 15 ». Jamblichus, world an animal, ii. 470 ; gods exempt from fate, 469 ; on matter, 489 ; on creation, 503. Jehovah, meaning of word, ii. 499 n. Jerome on innovations in doctrine, ii. 310. Johnson, Samuel, of New York, Berke- ley addressing him on his essays, i. 116; addressed by Berkeley on continual creation, 179 n.\ on the design of Alciphron, ii. 3 ; on use of tar water in America, iii. 498 n. Jonstonus, pine groves are whole- INDEX. S$^ some, ii. 370, 371 ; on trees which produce resin, 374. Josephus, quoted, ii. 270; on mira- cles of Christ, 273. Juhan, ii, 271. Julianus, fire principle, ii. 439. Jurin, Dr., attacks the Analyst, iii. 302 n. Justin Martyr, ii. 493 n. K. KoKoKayadlai ii* 129. KaXov, TO, ii. 127. Kant, on object of geometry, i. 104 ; on space, ii. 468 n. Kantian philosophy, i. 253. Kantism in Berkeley, i. 230 n. Kelland, Prof., on the Analyst, iii. 303 n. Kepler, i. 44. King, Archbishop, i. 375 »., ii. 502 «.; opposes predestination, 8 ; on analogy, 169 «. Knight, on tar water, ii. 368 n. Knowledge, objects of human, de- fined, i. 155, ii. 483 ; of two kinds, 199. Knowledge, defined, ii. 293 ; not given by sense, 460. Knowledge and opinion, Plato, ii. 482. Knowledge, compared to depths of a river by Plato, ii. 507. Knowledge of God, what, ii. 237 ; same as our knowledge of fellow men, 170 n. Labour, source of wealth, iii. 358. Lamy, Bernard, iii. 12. Land tenure, Irish, iii. 443. Language, illustrates the connection between sight and touch, i. 64 ; occasions obscurity, 90 ; difficulty of language, 331; its nature and abuse, 139; cause of error, 148; sure sign of existence, ii. 146. Language of God, nature the, ii. 147. Language of nature, God speaks to men in, ii. 154. Language of vision is universal, i. 100. Language, visual, and- Providence, ii. 157. Language, visual, admirable nature of, ii. 158. Language, visible ideas are a, i. 178. Language of Author of Nature, i. 191. Lassalle, on Heraclitus, ii. 424 n. Law, on money and trade, iii. 353 «. Law's notes on King's essay, i. 375 n. Law, God is, Aristotle, ii. 496. Law of nature, ambiguous, iii. 137. Laws of nature, i. 171, 325 ; Divine ideas and will coincident with, 185 n. Learning, encouraged by the Church, ii. 201, 203. Lechler, on the growth of English deism, ii. 3, 36 ». Le Clerc's defence of Tindal, i. 374 «• Leibnitz, on symbolical knowledge, i. 150 n., 154 H. ; on the idea, 172 n. ; on continual creation, 179 «. ; re- ferred to, 96 B., 374 »., iii. 81 ; on the planetary motions, ii. 268 «. ; on force, 304 ; and the Rosicrucians, 417 «. ; original providence, 450 n. ; on motion, iii. 76 n. ; on vis activa, 78 ; confuses impetus and motus, 80; on space and motion, 92 ». ; on differential calculus, 369. Leibnitz and Clarke, their correspond- ence, ii. 157H., 319 K., 45o«. Legislators, born, iii. 370. Leland, on English deism, ii. 3, 133 ». Lemery the younger, ii. 455 ; on the fire principle, 433 ». Leo Africanus, on making of tar, ii. 371. Leprosy, cured by tar water, iii. 497. Leuwenhoeck, fire the seminary, ii. 473 n. Light and colour, proper objects of sight, ii. 151. Light is principle of vegetable life, ii. 381; impregnates, ii.; corpo- real, 440 ; transmutation power of, 433- Lines, how generated, iii. 259. Liquor traffic, Berkeley on, ii. 403. Lister, on qualities of turpentine, ii. 395- Livy, on virtue, ii. 69. Locke, anticipations of theory of vision, i. 15 ; on sense of sight, 29 n. ; on distance, 38 n. ; on space, 55 «. ; defects of human memory, 75 «. ; on number, 85 «. ; on visible extension, 95 ; a friend 55^ INDEX. of Molyneux, 117; Essay intro- duced into Trinity College by Molyneux, ib. ; Berkeley a student of the Essay, 117, 1 39 n. ; combated by Berkeley, 118 ; quoted, 135 n. ; on man's finite mind, 138 n. ; prin- ciples of knowledge, 139 «.; on abstraction, 143 ; on generalisation, 144; on abstract ideas, 92, 145, li. 297, iii. 328 ; on abuse of words, i. 153; ideas of sense and reflec- tion, 155 K.; notion of material substance self-contradictory, 160; on matter, 161 «., i94n. ; on unity, 162 K.; on methods for exciting ideas, 190 n.\ on existence of sen- sible things, 201 n. ; on being, ih.\ on motion, 2 1 4 k. ; on primary and secondary qualities, 279 n. ; on ex- istence of sensible things, 325 «.; referred to, ii. 157 »., iii. 56, 96 ; biblical studies, ii. 267 ; on clear ideas, 292 ; definition of know- ledge, 293 ; on personal identity, 307; on the doctrine of signs, 3 1 6 « ; atomic theory, adopted by, 465 n. ; mind like sheet of blank paper, 485 n. ; his ideas opposed to Plato's, 496 n. ; Burnet on, iii. 50 n. ; on mathematics, 62; on space and mo- tion, 92 «. ; on ethics, iion. ; on government, 107 h., 120 «., 125, 127. Locomotive experience, included in touch, i. 54 n. ; gives idea of distance, i. 55, cf. «. ; in sense, i. 161 n. Logarithms, iii. 38. Logic, scholastic, useless, ii. 202. Xoyt(7^6y v6Qo^^ ii. 484. Xd-yof, the, made the world, Plato, ii. 505. Adyof of Philo, ii. 466 n. London, fire of, iii. 206, cf. n. Lotus, Egyptian idea of the, ii. 466. Loyalty, a moral duty, iii. 109. Lucan, quoted, iii. 169. Lucretius, quoted, ii. 139, 222, 398 n. ; iii. 158. Luxury of dress reprehended, iii. 201. M. Machiavel, on material wealth, iii. 201 ; government and religion, 422. Mackintosh, Sir J., on theory of vision, i. 22 ; correspondence with Parr, 254 n. ; on the Character- istics, 373 ».; referred to, ii.494 n.; on the Querist, iii. 356 «. ; on Berkeley and Swift, ib. Maclaurin, Colin, iii. 302 n. Magi, light body of God, ii. 429. Magistrates, must have a proper care about religion, iii. 410. Magnitude, not seen, i. 58 ; signs of, 59) 395 ; both tangible and visible, ib. Mahometan paradise, iii. 187. Malebranche, anticipates Berkeley's theory of vision, i. 14 ; referred to, 52 »., 158 «., 192 »., 253; influ- ence of, on Berkeley, 117; causality insensible things, 183 «.; on mat- ter, 194 «., 198, 201 «. ; on motion, 214; on seeing all things in God, 305 ».; Norris a disciple of, 438, ii.i57,233H.; argument against, i. 306 ; on mathematics, iii. 61. Malfrighi of Bologna, iii. 500. Mankind, the end of, iii. 112. Man's powers, their feebleness, i. 138. Mandeville, to be studied with Alciphron, ii. 3 ; referred to, 6 ; refuted in second dialogue of Al- ciphron, 7, 58 ; criticism of Alci- phron, 9 ; his ethics, 59 n. ; proposes to burn London, 67, cf. n.\ on a future state, iii. 424. Mandeville and Hutcheson, ii. 59 «. Manetho's accuracy, ii. 263 «. Manichean heresy, i. 236. Manners, frugality of, iii. 200. Mansel, on natural realism, i. 359«.; Bampton Lectures, 375 «. Manufactures in Ireland, want of, iii. 397- Marriage, iii. 372. Marseilles, plague at, iii. 204 n. Marsham, Sir John, ii. 265. Marvell, Andrew, on the Bermudas, iii. 220 n. Masquerades, their abuses, ii. 203, cf. n. Mathematics, apphcation of Berkeley's Principles to, i. 129 ; a province of speculative science, 207 ; discussed, 217; its relations and their implied necessity, 448; advantages of study of, iii. 61 ; their mysteries, 262 ; and abstract ideas, 328. Matter, what, i. 160 ; Descartes' theory of, 118; a negative notion. INDEX. 553 120, ii. 489 ; Locke on, i. 161 n.\ substratum of external qualities, 163 ; unknown occasion, 192 ; sup- port of accidents, 194; Scriptures on existence of, 197 ; pernicious idea of, 225; cannot exist unper- ceived, 242 ; involves a contradic- tion, 291 ; how perceived, 314 ; denial of, 332 ; spiritualised by the fire of Heraclitus, ii. 428 ; Plato on, 483 ; a mere privation, The- mistius, 484 ; a form in Plato and Aristotle, 484 s.; to aweipov, Plu- tarch, 489 ; the deity, Anaximander, ib. ; Aristotle's doctrine' of, ib. ; Platonic doctrine of, ib.; has no real power, iii. 84 ; compared to enchanted vase of Circe, 78. Materia prima of Aristotle, i. 161 ; modern notion of matter resem- bles, ib. Material substance, defined, i. 164, 309 K., 335 «.; motives for sup- position of, 194; its existence de- nied, 262. Material substratum, i. 288. Material world, extension the cha- racteristic of, i. 161 K. Materialism, refuted, ii. 138 n. Materialist philosophy, Berkeley and, ii. 493 K. Materialists, acknowledge that the senses do not prove the existence of matter, i. 164; cannot tell how our ideas are produced, 165. Matthias Corvinus, ii. 203. Max Miiller, on Sun - worship, ii. 430 n. Mead, Dr. Richard, iii. 49. Means and End, iii. 176. Mechanical principles, phenomena not accounted for on, ii. 458. Medicis, Cosmo de, ii. 203. Megaric philosophers, ii. 487. Men, divided into birds, beasts, and fishes, ii. 213. Mental agency, unconscious, ii. 462 n. Mental Faculties, gradation of, ii. 482. Mercury, medicinal uses, ii. 390. Metaphysical objections to theory of Fluxions, iii. 289. Metaphysics, dangers of abstractions in, ii. 335 ; advantages of imma- terialism in, i. 355. Mill, J. S., on the theory of vision. i. 23, 35 ». ; referred to, 39 »., 325 «.; on extension and colour, 108 n. ; permanent possibilities of sensation, 157 ».; on power in ideas, 168 n. ; eliminates all power from material world, 171 «. ; on touch, 177 «. ; scepticism, 250; on causation, 378 «., iii. 84 n. Milton, on chain in nature, ii. 470 ; quoted, iii. 321. Mind, the acting perceiving spirit, i. 156; sensible qualities must be in the, 161 ; its omnipresence, 233 b. ; organism is dependent on, 243 ; existence of Supreme, 307 ; acts by an instrument, ii. 421; everywhere, Aristotle, 427 ; clothed by Soul, 429 ; the true permanent, 478 ; clogged by senses, 481; the first mover, iii. 85 ; shortsightedness of, 176. Minima tangibilia, and visibilia, i. 59. Minimum sensibile, i. 225. Minimum tangibile, i. 62. Minimum visibile, i. iii; exactly equal in all, 73, cf. n. ; and micro- scopical, 75. Mint, to coin small coins, iii. 396. Minute philosophers, freethinkers, ii. 39 ; their education, 40 ; their tenets, 44. Miracles, relation to Berkeley's prin- ciples, i. 198 ; moral meaning, iii. 115; of Christ, Josephus on, ii. 273. Miracles and Faith, ii. 282. Mirandula Picus, notion of a God, ii; 165 n. Miser, character of the, iii. 178. Mitchell, James, case of, i. 446. Modems, have advantage over An- cients, ii. 257. Molyneux, Samuel, iii. 43, cf. n. Molyneux, Sir Thomas, iii. 43 «. Molyneux, William, iii. 43 n. ; re- ferred to, i. 17, 69 H.; problem pro- posed to Locke, 15, 96 ; dioptrics, 36, 42 »., 47, 51, 52 ; on magnitude, 58 ; on erect vision, 77 ; made Locke's Essay known in Trinity College, 117. Momentum, of a state, its wealth, iii. 404. Momentum, of a state, what it implies, iii. 404. Money, only counters, iii. 357, 394 ; is not wealth, 357, 402. 554 INDEX. Moon, apparent difference of diameter of the, i. 64. Moral agency, English controversy on, ii. 15 n. ; and free-will, 318. Moral attraction, iii. 189. Moral evil, objection from, to the existence of a God, ii. 170. Moral rules, eternal and immutable, iii. 138. Moral sense, Shaftesbury's insuffi- cient, ii. 107 «. ; discussed, 115. Moral sense and beauty, ii. 1 24. Morgagni of Padua, iii. 500. Morgan, Dr. Caesar, on the Platonic Trinity, ii. 501 n. Mosaic account of creation, ii. 267. Moses, does not insist on a future state, iii. 419. Moses and Mochus, ii. 480. Moses and Plato, describe God from his being, ii. 499. Motion, its definitive, iii. 89 ; abstract, unintelligible, i. 99 ; a primary quality, 160; only relative, 213; Locke on, 214 «.; discussed, 281 ; a mere effect, ii. 422; repulsion and attraction, 454 ; analysis of essay on, iii. 75 ; ancient specula- tions about, 76 ; vitale principium cause of, 91 ; mutatio loci effect of, ib. ; absolute and relative, 92 sqq. ; its communication, 97 ; prior to ex- tension, 291. Motion and God, opinions of the an- cients about, ii. 490. Motu, De, aim of the, iii. 100. Mover, Mind the first, iii. 85. Muscular sensations, signs of distance, i. 39. Musgrave, on Devonshire scurvy, ii. 397- Musurus, Marcus, an archbishop, ii. 203. Myrrh, Boerhaave on, ii. 383; Hel- mont on, ib. Mysteries, Christian, not meaningless words, ii. 296 ; of modern mathe- matics, iii. 262. N. Names, lik; letters in algebra, i. 150. Naples, Grotto del Cane of, ii. 416. Narrow-minded men, have a talent for objections, iii. 225. Nature, God's language, ii. 147, 154; laws of, i. 171 ; laws of, coincident with Divine ideas and will, 185 n. ; sense-symbolism of, 187 ».; me- thods of, styled language of its author, 210 «.; what, 234; course of, ii. 451 ; interpretability of, 460 n; ratio mersa, 461; imper- sonated by Egyptians, 466. Nature, dignity of human, H. 81. Natura naturans, is God, i. 179 »., iii. 87. Natura naturans and natura naturata, ii. 480. Natural effects, uniformity in produc- tion of, i. 188. Natural language, defined, i. 388. Natural law, its divinity, ii. 459. Natural philosophy, purified by the principles, i. 129 ; discussed, 207. Natural principle, what is, ii. 48 and n. ; originality, a mark of, 49. Natural realism, Hamilton on, i. 359 n. Natural religion, Christianity founded on, ii. 208. Necessary connection between ideas, no, i. 171. Necessity, Divine, of Hippocrates, &c., ii. 455. Neoplatonic doctrine of the Deity, ii. 498. Nerves, inner garment of soul, ii. 395. Newton, Sir Isaac, on motion, i. 215, iii. 76 n. ; referred to, ii. 157 «., iii. 51, 308, 340, 342; treatise on mechanics, i. 212 «.; Biblical studies, ii. 267, iii. 334; on the planetary motions, ii. 268 n. ; de- pendence of colours on sun's light, 380; on acids, 410, 413, 447; Attraction in acids, 437 ; on salts, 412; on kinds of air, 417 ; on trans- mutation, 418 ; on effects of heat, 418 «.; theory of colours, 423; fire emits light, 444 ; on reflection of light, 445 ; on aether, ib., 449 n.\ philosophy speculatively defective, 446 ; Attraction and re- pulsion, 452, 454; light an hete- rogeneous medium, 453 ; on attrac- tion, 455 ; on law of gravity, 456 ; on forces, 458 ; on attraction, iii. 80 ; vis inertise is the same as the impetus, 83 ; on the first mover, 86 ; definition of motion, 90 ; on space and motion, 92s.; on communication of motions, 98 ; third law of motion, ib. ; theory of Fluxions, 258 K.; theory of Fluxions, INDEX. 555 differences in, 268 ; failure in fluxions, 311; method of indivi- sibles, 313 ; use of 'moment,' 317 ; on indeterminate quantities, 346. Newton and Collins, iii. 323. Nieuwentyt, on fire principle, ii. 433, 436. Nile, called Siris, iii. 475. voT}iJ.aTa and <^avrao")tiara, ii. 2ggn. Nominal essence, the real essence of things, i. 208 n. Nominalism, i. 119; Berkeley's, 406. Nominalist, Berkeley not a, i. 416 n. Nominals, i. 417 ». Norris, John, of Bemerton, a Male- branchian, i. 118 ; on material world, 198 ; on non-externality of visible world, 253 ; a neighbour of CoUier, 438. Norway tar, the best, iii. 462. Notions of relations, i. 118; par- ticular or universal, 147 n. ; how represented in the phantasy, 149 «.; how applied to the object-world of the senses, 158 «. ; visibly inactive, 168 ; proneness to realise our, ii. 458 ; innate, Plato on, 485. Notions andideas, Berkeley on, ii. 489 s. Noumena, absolute or unknown sub- stances, ii. 323 «. vovs, of Anaxagoras, ii. 163 ; or Xdyos of Plato, its generation, 502. Kois eireXdav, Anaxagoras, ii. 490. Number, is a relative notion, i. 85 ; a primary quality, 160; creature of the mind, 162 ; abstract ideas of, object of arithmetic, 218 ; no ob- ject of sense, ii. 475. Nunneley, on case of born-blind, i. 446. O. Object, distinguished from sensation, i. 286; outward, a contradiction, 163 ». ; signification of, 158 «. Objects, of knowledge, ii. 483; de- fined, i. 155; perceived by sense, defined, 203 ; proper and their causes contrasted, 380 «. Objects, of conscious experience, what, i. 121. Objections to Berkeley, i. 249. Objections to immediate Providence, i. 332. Objections to principles, i. 172. Objections to Berkeley's principles of knowledge, i. 121, 126. Objective, phenomenal, ii. 477. Occasional causes, theory of, i. 192 n. Ocellus Lucanus, ii. 472. Oken and the pseudo Dionysius, ii. 164 «. Omnipresence of God, according to Plotinus, ii. 505. Omnipresence of mind, i. 233 «. Omnipresent eternal mind, necessarily exists, i. 325. One, the doctrine of the, ii. 475, 498, 503. One, God is the, ii. 505. Ontology and psychology, confusion of, i. 364. Opinion and knowledge, Plato, ii. 482. Opium, medicinal uses, ii. 390. Optics and the theory of vision, i. 383 k. Order, God is, Plotinus, ii. 486. Organism, defined, ii. 56 ; and indivi- duality, ii. • is dependent on mind, 243. Origin, its meaning, iii. 87. Origin of Essay towards a New Theory of Vision, i. 177. Originality, a mark of natural prin- ciples, ii. 49. Orpheus, ii. 463. Osiris, represents mind, ii. 466. Osiris and Isis, ii. 480 ; Cudworth on, 466 n. Oswald's objections to Berkeley, i. 248. ov(rla bvTcas ovtra, Plato's, ii. 466. ova-la, Plato's doctrine of, ii. 497. Outness or distance, not an object of sight, i. 55 ; suggested, 293. P. Pain in the world, i. 236. Paley's ethics and Berkeley's, iii. no n. Palliser, archbishop, iii. 5. Palliser, W., ib. Paolo, historian of the Inquisition, ii. 195. Papin, on force, ii. 304. Paracelsus, referred to, u. 383 «., 414, 477 »• Parmenides, ii. 498 ; fate = providence, 409 ; doctrine of the One, 475 ; genitum audens, 496 ; of to ?i. Probability and Faith, ii. 284. Proclus, two kinds of philosophers, ii. 464; Providence and Fate, 469 n. ; descent of the soul, 487 ; approach of soul to God, 495 ; doctrine of the One, 499 «. ; we touch the One, 500. Production of ideas, i. 165. Progression, arithmetical and geo- metrical, iii. 36. 55^ INDEX. Proof, Berkeley's, of his doctrine, i. 157 H. Prophecy, treatises on, ii. 259 »., 260. Proportion, its rules, iii. 32. Protagoras, i. 245 ; almost killed by Athenians, ii. 177. Protestant gentry of Ireland, iii. 376. Protestant colony in Ireland, iii. 532. Providence, immediate, i. 258; ob- jections to, 332 ; supposed by beauty, ii. 125; Aristotle on, 130 «.; and visual language, 138, 157; re- vealed in reign of Law, 138 s.; Plutarch on, 419 ; equivalent to the reason of man, 427. Ps.-Plutarch, ii. 425 ; on spiritual causality, 4197!. Psychological account of vision, i. 389. Ptolemy, i. 65 n. Public aim, employment of the people, the great, iii. 383. Puffendorf, on non-resistance, iii. 136. Purified consciousness, i. 379. TTvp voepoVj ii. 471, 492. nvp voepov, Chaldee oracles on the, ii. 439- Pythagoras, God the monad of, ii. 491 ; not an Atheist, 503. Pythagorean transmigration, iii. 187. Pythagoreans, ii. 465, 503. Pythagoreans, on principles of fire, ii. 424. Qualities do not exist apart, i. 140. Qualities coexistent, idea of, i. 141. Qualities, primary and secondary, dis- tinction between, i. 160. Qualities, primary and secondary, ii. 465. Queries on theory of Fluxions, iii. 290. Querist, aim and scope, iii. 353 and «. ; editions, 353 n.; first edition of, 5"- Quiddity, abstract idea of, i. 197. Quietists, moral doctrines, ii. 132. R. Ramsay, the Chevalier, ii. 497. Rational discourse in nature, ii. 460. Ray, on turpentine, ii. 372 ; on the pissinum of Pliny, 371. Real, tangible extension why called, i. 61. Real and substantial in nature, what, i. 173. Real, sense ideas are, i. 202. Real existence of sense objects, i. 200. Real existence, sensible things have no, i. 302 ; meaning of, 302 n. ; of things, 330, 359. Realism and IdeaUsm, Berkeley's, i: 119 «. Realism or Dualism, intelligible, i. 175 n. Realism, foundation of, i. 204. Reality, known by touch, i. 57 ». ; in ideas, 174; meaning of, 201; of things, 203, 266 ; implies perma- nence, 304 n. Reason, gives us knowledge of ex- ternal things, i. 164; existence of abstract matter not proved by, 164 ; power or cause of ideas an object of, 377; and beauty, ii. 119; often = reasoning, 479 ».; essence of morality, eternal law of, iii. iio«. ; eternal rules of, 114. Reasoning and thinking, distinction between, i. 144 n. Redi, on volatile salts, ii. 409. Reid, i. 38 »., 86 »., 108, 382 «. ; adopts theory of visual signs, 21; geometry of visibles, 105 «. ; on re- presentative perception, 200 «. ; on plurality of Egos, 231 ; objections to Berkeley, 248 ; on objects and sensation, 286. Reina, history of Messina, ii. 266. Reflection, Locke's ideas of sense and, i. 155 n. Reflection, is implied in theory of vision, i. 379 n. Relativity of motion, &c., i. 213. Religion, natural, and free-thinking, ii. 45. Religion, learning fostered by, ii. 201, Religion, true sense of, iii. 205. Religion and civil rule, iii. 417. Religious and scientific advantages of immaterialism, i. 354 ». Reminiscence, Plutarch says learning is, ii. 487 ; Platonic doctrine of, 488 n. INDEX. 559 Representative idea in perception, abolished by Berkeley, i. 200 n. Representative and presentative ex- perience, i. 123. Repulsion, motion and attraction, ii. 454- Resina, Pliny's use of, ii. 405. Resistance to the supreme poveer, iii. 117. Resistance to government and self- preservation, iii. 127. Resistance to government, conse- quences of want of, iii. 130. Responsibility of man, ii. 324. Responsibility measure of real Agency, ii. 461. Rest, a primary quality, i. 160. Retina, problem of inverted picture on the, i. 77 ; inverted image on the, 81,87; pictures on, 391 ; tangible and visible, 392. prjnvri of Theophrastus, ii. 40s. Rettig, on the personality of God in Plato, i. 481 K. Revelation, Socrates on, ii. 257 ; pre- tended, 222. Riccioh's Almagest, i. 69 «. Richelieu, policy of luxury, iii. 202. Ritter, on Isis and Osiris, ii. 466 «. Ritter and Preller, ii. 462 a. Robins, contributes to Analyst con- troversy, iii. 302 tz. ~ Rochester, Earl of, iii. 158. Roman Catholics, letter to, iii. 433. Roman Catholics, disabilities of, iii. 442. Roman Catholic clergy, and a word to the wise, iii. 451. Roman care for religion, iii. 422. Romans and Greeks, less virtuous than moderns, ii. 184. Romans, character of, ii. 187. Rome, treasures of art, iii. 361. Roper, Abel, iii. 158. Rosicrusians and Leibnitz, ii. 417. Ruin of Great Britain, an Essay to- wards preventing the, iii. 195. Saint Evremond, iii. 62. Salts, nature of, ii. 412. Sallust, on avarice, ii. 69. Same, its meaning, i. 343. Scaliger, Joseph, ii. 265. Scepticism, refuted by Berkeley's prin- ciples, i. 129; its causes, 137; its root, 200; of Free-thinker, ii. 331 ; Aristotle on, 333. Sceptics, Principles useful to, i. 135. Scheinerus, i. 44. Schiller, on the laws of nature, i. 171 ffl. Schleiermacher, ii. 424 n. Scholastic logic, useless, ii. 202 ; defi- nition of motion, iii. 90. Scholasticism, due to Arabian in- fluence, ii. 202. Schoolmen, their doctrine of abstrac- tion, i. 148 ; argue for a continual creation, 179 ; how they used ana- logy, ii. 167 ; and theology, 193. Schools and Universities, thoughts on, iii. 165. Science, what, ii. 483. Science and faith, ii. 284 n. Sciences have to do with signs, ii. 315- Scientific advantages of immaterialism, i. 354 «. Scientific universality, nature and purpose, ii. 313. Scientific prevision, Berkeley on, ii. 459- Scientific principle and sensuous ima- gination, ii. 464 ri. Scripture account of creation, i. 331, 347- Scripture, on existence of matter, i. 197 ; style and composition, ii. 229; difficulties in, 2 3 1 ; and for- geries, 278; on fire-principle, 431. Scurvy, discussed, ii. 398. Secondary qualities, their occasion, i. 161; no existence without mind, 278 ; referred to, 285. Seeing in the dark, power of, ii. 442. Self-love the universal principle, iii. no. Self-preservation and resistance, iii. 127. Seneca, ii. 68 ; on immortality, 131. Sensation, signification of, i. 158 n. ; the basis of visible extension, 8 ; distinguished from objection, 286. Sensations, cannot exist but in a per- cipient mind, i. 156; visibly inac- tive, 168; uniformity of, 193; in the mind are perfectly known, 200 ; permanent possibility of, 325 ». ; proper percepts, 376 «. ; suggest external world, 381 «. ; uni- versalised into things, ii. 300 n. 56o INDEX. Sense, defined, iii. 93 ; and reflection, Locke's ideas of, i. 155 «.; ideas of, exist without the mind. Sir William Hamilton, 159 h.; loco- motive experience in, 161 n.\ and imagination confused, 167 w. ; ideas of, 170; does not give knowledge, ii. 460 ; and Intellect, 464. Sense-consciousness purified, i. 381. Sense-ideas, how distinguished from imagination, i. 170 ; entire pas- sivity of, iii. 82. Sense-knowledge, Plato on, ii. 460. Sense-objects, archetypes of real things, i. 176 ». ; are called ideas, 377; their intelligible existence, 200. Sense-pleasures, happiness?, ii. 77. Sense-symbolism of nature, i. 187 n. ; of sight, 242. Senses, distrusted by philosophers, i. 201; clog the mind, ii. 481. Senses do not prove matter, i. 164. Sensibile, minimum, i. 225. Sensible extension, i. 283. Sensible objects have no abstract ex- istence, i. 157 ; defined, 376. Sensible qualities, are the secondary, i. 160; must be in the mind, 161, cf. n ; do not exist without the mind, 270; are acts, Plotinus, ii. 488. Sensible qualities, Platonic doctrine of, ii. 488. Sensible system. Divine ideas ultimate archetype of, i. 193 n. Sensible things, defined, i. 264 ; exist potentially, 178 ; existence of, 201 ; are permanent, 243 ; are sensible qualities, 264. Sensibles, no common, i. 94 n. Sensualists, brute envied by, ii. 79. Sensuous imagination, and Scientific principle, ii. 464 «. Sermon preached before Society for Propagation of the Gospel, iii. 235. 'S Gravesande. See Gravesande. Shaftesbury, ii. 6, 16 n., 133; to be studied with Alciphron, 3 ; in third dialogue of Alciphron, 8 ; moral sense insufficient, 107 n.; charac- teristics to be compared with third dialogue, 107 h. ; moral taste, 128 ; and future state, 132 ». ; on Chris- tianity, 189; on theological po- lemics, 196; soliloquy quoted, 198; on faith in revelation, 226 ; atheism, i. 372 ; on will and desire, ii. 321, 324; Christian morals are de- fective, iii. 192 ; on a future state, 424. Shakespeare, on the Bermudas, iii. 220 n. Shelley, quoted, ii. 404. Sherlock, on Prophecy, ii. 260. Sight, the most comprehensive sense, i. 28 ; not without the mind, objects of, 53; outness and space not ob- jects of, 55. Sight and distance, arbitrariness of relation between objects of, per- ceived, i. lion. Sight and touch, heterogeneous, i. 56 ; wotild not be connected by a blind man, 72 ; ideas of, heterogeneous, 78, cf. n., 86, 89 ; not affected by the same thing, 98 ; arbitrary con- nection between, 102 ; have not the same object, 341 ; godly experi- ence, connection between, 390. Sight, proper objects of, within the mind, i. 89 n. ; blind man receiving, in Tatler, 1 1 1 «. ; its proper objects light and colour, ii. 151 ; ideas of, distinct from those of touch, i. '77; gives the idea of light and colour, 155 ; its sense symbolism, 242 ; suggests distance, 293. Sign, a word a sign of several ideas, i. 144. Sign, relation of with thing signified, i. 190. Signs of near distance, i. 7, 39 ; visual, constant, 10 1 ; regarded by arith- metic, not things, 219 ; the objects of sciences, ii. 315; Locke on the doctrine of, 3 1 6 «. ; of magnitude, i. 395. Sigonius, his forgeries of Plato, ii. 228. Siris, its relation to the Principles, i. 191 n. ; its scope and aim, ii. 343 ; analysis of, 345; divisions, 353; De Quincey on the name, 353 «.; editions of, 354 ; translation of, 354- Siris, a name for the Nile, iii. 475. Situation, its invisible signs, i. 76. Situation visible, unknown to a blind man, i. 79, 83, 84, cf. h., 85. Simplicius, a self-acting reason, ii. 488. Skelton'sletterto Brown andBerkeley, ii. 169 n. INDEX. 561 Slaves, beggars to be made public, iii. 387. Small-pox, tar-water cure for, ii. 366, 477. Smith, Dr., opposes Berkeleian Theory ofVision, i. 18. Smith, James, iii. loi «. Smith's optics, i. 69 »., 96 n., 103 n. Soap, medicinal uses, ii. 390. Socrates, on the nature of God, ii. 52 ; on ignorance of rakes, 88; on Revelation, 257. Socrates, Ecclesiastical History quoted, ii. 280. Solar light and juices of evergreens, iii. 467. Solidity perceived by touch, i. 54 ; a primary quality, 160; its various meanings, discussed, 282. Solutio, its two meanings, iii. 87 n. Sophistry of Freethinkers, ii. 329. Soul, its natural immortality, i. 229, iii. 147; residence of the, i. 300; Platonists on habitation of, ii. 426 ; vehicle of, Plato, 427 ; nourished by iire, Hippocrates, 439 ; light the sight of, Ficinus, 441 ; vegetable, 463 ;=animating principle, 472 n.\ place of forms, Aristotle, 486 ; and force, 491 ; its advance to God, 495 ; faculties of the, 562 n. Sounds, secondary qualities, i. 160. South Sea scheme, iii. 195 «., 206, 209, 374. Sozomen on Church controversies, ii. 310. Spa, its mineral springs, ii. 388. Space, not an object of sight, i. 55 ; pure or abstract, no such thing, 93 ; Hamilton on, 94 «.; absolute, 2 14 «., 458; Clarke and Berkeley on, 467 «.; relation to God,'468; word which has no meaning, ib. ; not intellec- tual notion, '489 ; not sense idea, 490 ; abstract an hypothesis, 477 ; an attribute of deity, iii. 93 ; pure a negation, 94 ; sensible, an exten- sion, a manifestation of the supreme will, 94 ; time and velocity, 342. Spaniards and Tartars, Irish are, iii. 398. Spinoza, i. 305, ii. 503, iii. 7 ; on sub- stance, i. 226 ». ; universe God, ii. 161 ; on Christ's resurrection, ii. 285; on freewill, 319 h.; demon- strations in Ethics, 334. Spirit defined, i. 124, 169, 202, 227; VOL. III. o O is the only substance, i. 159 ; alone can act, 185; the only efficient cause, 208 ; no idea of, 226 ; the final cause and mover, ii. 419 ; the source of motion, iii. 89. Spirits and ideas or phenomena, every- thing known, i. 199; heterogeneous, 202. Spiritual agency in all mechanical effects, ii. 452. Spiritual causation, contrasted with physical, i. 190 n. Spiritual positivism, Berkeleyism a sort of, i. 208. Square numbers and roots, iii. 19. Stanhope, Dr., Dean of Canterbury, iii. 219. Statesmen, must meditate on great things, ii. 500 n. Steele, Richard, ii. 183 n. Stewart Dugald, i. 108 ; adopts theory of vision, 21 ; on colour and extension, 108 «.; on abstrac- tion, 150 «., ii. 317 n.; objections to Berkeley, i. 248. Stewart, Aristotle and Berkeley, i. Stobaeus, iii. 421 n. Stock's memoir of Berkeley, ii. 83. Stoics and doctrine of moral sense, ii. 13T ; on principle of fire, 424; cosmology 426 k.; not atheists, 503 ; quoted, 448. Strabo, quoted, ii. 270. Straining of eye, sign of distance, i. 42. Style, Berkeley's, i. 241. Suarez, notion of God, ii. 166. Subscription list to Bermuda scheme, iii. 231. Substance, meaning of, i. 117, 120, 123, 174 «.; no idea of, 146 «.; unity of, held by Berkeley, 159 n. ; is spirit, 159; no unthinking, ib.; connected by Berkeley with cause, i6g n; cause of ideas must be a, 169 ; in vulgar sense, 174; cannot be an idea, 227. Substantial and real in nature, i. 173. Substratum, no unthinking, i. 159 ; matter is a, 163 ; of qualities, 195. Succession of ideas, i. 169, 186, 206. Suggested outness or distance, i. 298. Suggestion, defined, i. 381 «.; new Theory of Vision a theory of, 9 ; of distance, 38, 93, 298, 396 ; of experience, 231; is the construc- tive principle of the New Theory, 387 n. ; in vision, 389 «., 392. 563 INDEX. Suggestion and perception, i. 397. Sun, influence on aromatic flavours of vegetables, ii. 380. Sun-worship, Max Miiller on, ii. 430 n. Surds, value of essay on, iii. 46 n. Suspense, doubting signifies, i. 263. Swift, iii. 215 «. Sydenham, on cure for gout, ii. 393 ; considers the plague a fever, iii. 480. Symbolical knowledge, Leibnitz on, i. 150 n. Symbolism-sense, of nature, i. 187 n. Symbolism of nature, universal, i. 190 n. Symbolism of sight, i. 242. T. Tacquet, the mathematician, referred to, i. 17, 44, 45, 47 «., iii. 7, 54. Tangible and visible extension, quite distinct, i. 53, 55; not necessarily connected, 62. Tangible extension, why called real, i. 61. Tangible and visible motion, quite -distinct, i. 98. Tangible and visible retina, i. 392. Tangibilia, and visibilia minima, i. 59. Tar, Cullen on, ii. 357 n. ; an ancient medicine, 369 ; and resinous bal- sams, sources and modes of pre- paration, 369 n. ; how made in colonies, 371; which kind is best, 374, 472 ; preserves teeth and gums, 406 ; an ignited juice, Plato, 442 ; used as a plaster, iii. 475. Tar-water, controversy, ii. 355 ; tracts on, 355 ; how made, 366, iii. 462, 471; cure for small pox, ii. 366 ; shops in Britain and continent, ib. ; cure for foulness in blood, 367 ; tonic properties, 368 ; does not in- flame, 382 ; modes of operation, 384 ; cures by, 392, iii. 460 «., 470, 497 sqq., 504 ; cheers but not inebriates, ii. 443 ; letters on the virtue of, iii. 461, cf.n.; doses of, 463 ; used as a lotion, 464 ; a panacea, 465 ; history of its use, 466 ; how it works medicinally, 473 ; compared to the Nile, 475 ; its usefulness in the plague, 479 ; a cordial, 503 ; for the navy, ib. Tartars and Spaniards, Irish are, iii. 398. Tasso and Ariosto compared, ii. 204. Tastes, secondary qualities, i. 160. Tatler, quoted, i. in «. Taylor's Plato, ii. 507 «. Telesius, ii. 472 n. Temple, Sir W., on mathematics, iii. 61. Tenneman, on Alciphron, ii. 10 «. ; Alciphron a reply to Bishop Brown, 169 n. Terms, sometimes equivocal, Ber- keley's, i. 4. Thales, God mind of the world, ii. 491. Themistius, matter a mere privation, ii. 484 ; all beings in the soul, 485 ; on worth of intellect, 504. Theological explanation of natural causes, ii.462. Theology and Schoolmen, ii. 193. Theophrastus, ii. 370 ; on turpentine, 372 ; on best tar, 374 ; on time to procure resin, 380 ; use of pryrivx], 405 ; on fire and heat, 428. Thing, meaning of, i. 119 «., 201 ; in contradistinction to idea, 175 ; not sensible objects, ii. 500 ; real, i. 172 ; not regarded by arithmetic but signs, 219; are combinations of sensible qualities, 265 ; exist- ence of, common-place book on, 325 «,; real and absolute, existence of, 330; and chimeras, difference between, ib Thinking and reasoning, distinction between, i. 144 n. Thomas Aquinas on natura naturans, iii. 87 n. Thought, divine, absolute truth, i. 195 n. Tides, on atmospheric, iii. 49. Timaeus Locrensis, quoted, ii. 473, 480, 491. Time, finite, apprehension of changes of our ideas, i. 117; idea of, 206; space and velocity, iii. 342. Tindal, Rights of the Christian Church, i. 372 «., 374, iii. 340»; on government, 156; Butler's Ana- logy directed against, ii. 257. Tithes and Church lands, ii. 211. Toland, Bishop Brown on, ii. 8-9 ; and his critics, ii. 168. Tonic properties of tar, ii. 368. Torricelli, ii. 458, iii. 78; on force, INDEX. 563 11. 304 ; on vis percussionis, iii. 78 ; • on communication offeree, 98. Touch, vision, antithesis of, i. 6 ; so- lidity how far perceived by, 54 ; distance how far perceived by, ib. ; includes locomotive experience, 54 n. ; and sight heterogeneous, 56, 78, cf. «., 86, 89, 177 ; discovers reality, 57 «. ; and sight would not be connected by a blind man made to see, 72 ; and sight not affected by the same thing, 98, 341 ; the ideas acquired by, 155. Touchstone, Plato's writings a, ii. 494. Trades, improvement in, iii. 199. Tradition, primeval, ii. 481; its un- certainty, 223; never constant and universal, 227. Transmigration of souls, iii. 187. Transmutation of elements, ii. 417. Transmutation power of Light, ii. 433- Trinity, beUef in, not absurd, ii. 305 ; Platonic, 501, 505 ; Plotinus' doc- trine of the, 505 ; Ficinus on the, 505 n. ; among the ancients, doc- trine of, 506. Trinity College, admission of Roman Catholics into, iii. 371. Triunp, consciousness is, ii. 506. Truth, cry of all, but game of a few, ii. 507. Turpentine, what, ii. 372. U. Ueberweg, Prof., ii. 354 «. \}Kr\, a negative notion, ii. 489. Unconscious Mental agency, ii. 462 n. Understanding, implies spirit, i. 169. Uniformity, in production of natural effects, i. 188; of sensations, 193. Unity, an abstract idea, i.162; in abstract denied, 218 ; of substance held by Berkeley, 159 ». ; is identity, Aristotle, ii. 503 ; mind produces, Aristotle, 504. Universal assent of mankind, an argu- ment for matter, i. 183. Universal or particular notions, i. 147 n. Universality, in what it consists, i. 147 ; nature and purpose of scien- tific, ii. 313. Universals, combated in the Prin- ciples, i. 118. Universities, censured, ii. 197. Universities and schools, thoughts on, iii. 165. Use of free-thinking, ii. loi. Utilitarian, Berkeley a theological, ii. 107 «., ii4n. Utility and quality of pleasure, ii. 89 «. Utility, Christian worship, its, ii. 173 «• V. Vanini, i. 305. Vanity, the moving principle, ii. 66. Vanity, of Free-thinkers, iii. 156. Variety may belong to natural prin- ciple, ii. 50. Varro, soul is vis, ii. 491. Vegetable principle, what ?, ii. 409. Vegetative soul, ii. 463. Velocity, time and space, iii. 342. Verses, by Berkeley, iii. 237. Vesta, a fire goddess, ii. 430. Vice, a fine thing with a bad name, ii. 63. Vindication, summary of, i. 364. Vinum mamertinum, iii. 369. Virgil quoted, ii. 121, 426, 442, 474. Virtue, notional, ii. 76. Virtue, strongest incentive of, i. 238. Vis, St. Augustine on, ii. 457 ; no ab- stract, iii. 77. Visibile, minimum, i. in. Visibile, minimum, exactly equal in all, i. 73, cf. n. Visible ideas are a language, i. 178. Visible ideas, signs of distance, i. 90, cf. n. Visible extension, based on sensation, i. 8. Visible and tangible extension, quite distinct, i. 53, 55, 98. Visible and tangible extension, not necessarily connected, i. 62. Visibilia and tangibilia minima, i. 59. Vision, editions of Essay towards a New Theory of, i. 3 ; not optical nor physiological, 5 ; analysis of Essay on, 6. Vision and Touch, antithesis of, i. 6 ; procedure analytic in essay, tb. \ a theory of suggestion, New Theory of, 9 ; anticipations of Theory of, 14. Vision, later history of Theory of, i. 18 ; New Theory of, discussion 5^4 INDEX. caused by, ib. ; theory of, misunder- stood, 35 K. Vision, defects of, i. 74 ; explanation of erect, 77. Vision, constructive principle of Essay on, i. 103, cf. n. Vision, perceives colours only, i. 107 ; New Theory of applied in Alci- phron, ii. 148 ; reading a language, 153- Vision, origin of Essay towards a New Theory of, i. 177 ; Essay on, re- ferred to, i. 216, 242, 260; design of Essay towards a New Theory of, 378 n. Vision, language of Author of Na- ture, i. 387 ; psychological account of, 389; what the Theory of in- volves, 389 n. Visual language, i. 57, 365, ii. 158; objections to a, i. 403 ; Providence, ii. 138, 157. Visual signs, constant, i. loi. Vitruvius, quoted, ii. 122. Volition, the only cause we know, i. 310 n. Voltaire, adopts New Theory of Vi- sion, i. 18. Vossius, ii. 428. W. Waller, on the Bermudas, iii. 220 «., 222 «. Wallis, iii. 54, 268 ; apparent diame- ter of moon, i. 70 ; mathesis uni- versalis, iii. 12; arithmetic of infi- nites, 308. Walton, attacks the Analyst, iii. 302 n. ; vindication of fluxions, 333; cate- chism for the author of the Minute Philosopher, 339 «. ; explanation of fluxions, 344; on motion in a point, 346. Warburton, i. 373 «., ii. 133 n. Warton, on Alciphron, ii. 1 1 n. Wealth, not the one public good, ii. 73; industry the one way to, iii. 195; no measure of public pros- perity, 200 ; the four elements and man's labour in them the true source of, 356; labour a source of, 358; in objects of art, 361 ; is not mo- ney, 357, 402; deiined, 400; of a state its momentum, 404. Well-being of all mankind is the summum bonum, iii. 112. Whately, i. 375 «. Wheatstone, on visual magnitude, i. 393 n. ; investigations into vision, 366 n. Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, ii, 466 n. Will is active spirit, i. 169. Willis, on vital flame, ii. 439 ; instance of seeing in dark, 442. Wines, medicated with resin, ii. 370, 405. Wise, A Word to the, editions of, iii. 437- Words, deception of, i. 153; Locke on abuse of, ib. ; embarrass and de- lude, 154; men amuse themselves with, 166; are signs of ideas, ii. 292. Work for its poor, every parish to find, iii. 386. World, sees itself, ii. 441. World, an animal, ii. 470 ; this does not involve atheism, 471. Worship, Christian, its utility, ii. 173 n. Wyld's theory of matter, ii. 447 », X. Xenophanes, not an atheist, ii. 503. Xenophon, on virtue, ii. 69. Y. Young, Dr. J., adopts New Theory of Vision, i. 22. Zeleucus, lawgiver of the Locrians, iii. 421. Zeller, ii. 424 «, Zeno the Eleatic, ii. 501. Zeno, on motion, iii. 76 »., 91. 'u.