- h 
 
 'ilEWLiraCI 
 
 WKi,m.w]iiLLOi^m^ 
 

 OJorttcU Initteraitg ffitbrara 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 BENNO LOEWY LIBRARY 
 
 COLLECTED BY 
 
 BENNO LOEWY 
 
 1654-1919 
 BEQUEATHED TO CORNELL UNIVERSITY 
 
AU^^=fP4=^ 
 
 DATE DUE 
 
 Cornell University Library 
 JK246 .H42 
 
 Evolution-which?-revolutlon 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 030 455 186 
 
B Cornell University 
 f Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030455186 
 
JMIHI.m.WnLLOAm^ 
 
 OX^^^O^O 
 
 ns 
 
 1. n I; i; ! i 
 u'l V ; N 
 
COPYRIGHT igoS 
 
 BY M. W. HAZEN 
 
INDEX OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Dedication and Preface 5 
 
 National Governments 9 
 
 The Lessons of History 12 
 
 A Model Republic 19 
 
 Our Republic 30 
 
 A Self-Evident Truth 34 
 
 The Sources of Power— A True Republic 43 
 
 Essentials 45 
 
 Form of Government 46 
 
 What Is the Professed Object of Popular Elections 58 
 
 Elections 61 
 
 The Growth of a Central Government 66 
 
 The Functions of Government 68 
 
 What Should Be the Functions of a Central Gov- 
 ernment Properly Controlled by the Sources 
 
 of Power 69 
 
 A Nation's True Prosperity 77 
 
 The Rights of Property and the Rights of Man. . 85 
 
 National and State Laws 100 
 
 The Prevention and Punishment of Crime 115 
 
 Modes of Taxation 132 
 
4 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Immigration 148 
 
 Peace 163 
 
 The Army 168 
 
 The Police Force 172 
 
 The Navy 190 
 
 Combinatioiis and Trusts 197 
 
 The Liquor Question 221 
 
 A Study of Finance 245 
 
 Outline of a National Financial System 268 
 
 In Conclusion 283 
 
DEDICATION AND PREFACE. 
 
 This study in Govenunent is dedicated to the three 
 SouECES OF Power, MUSCLE, BRAINS, MONEY,* 
 (as represented in true manhood, education, and the 
 homes of our citizens,) embodied in this Nation, which, 
 being the Union of the best characteristics of the great 
 races of the old world, contains in itself all those ele- 
 ments that are necessary to build up a permanent form 
 of government of the Sources of Power, iy the Sources 
 of Power, and for the Sources of Power, under which 
 " Life, liberty and, the pursuit of happiness" will 
 be no dream, but an accomplished fact for all who 
 seek to live justly and to deal honestly with their 
 fellows. 
 
 The object of this book is to stimulate thought and 
 to lead it into right channels, to encourage discussion, 
 to show the true interests of all classes in the Nation, 
 to make plain the simple, basic principles of a true 
 Republic, to remove the causes of class dissensions, 
 of civic corruption, and of political frauds, and to 
 outline a system, which, properly developed, will give 
 equal rights and privileges to all citizens. 
 
 A study of the systems on which the various leading 
 
 *The term "money" is used as synonymous with property or 
 wealth, and not in its more common acceptation as cash or 
 currency. 
 
 5 
 
6 EVOLUTION- WF/OH-EEVOLUTION 
 
 governments rest, will show the increasing tendency 
 of all governments to respect human rights, and to 
 recognize the claims of the people to have, at least, 
 some participation in governing themselves. 
 
 It will also aid us in preparing and considering an 
 ' ' Outline of a Model Government ' ' for an intelligent 
 people fitted to rule themselves. 
 
 This work contains such an Outline of a System 
 of Government based on the Three Sources of Power, 
 and, in order to bring out more fully its workings, 
 the Functions of Oovernment are discussed in simple 
 language. 
 
 It is not supposed that this System as stated is com- 
 plete or perfect in all its details, but it is believed 
 that its foundation principle is correct and that, rest- 
 ing on this and on this alone, a true and lasting Repub- 
 lic can be founded. 
 
 It is easier to tear down, than to build up ; easier 
 to criticise than to originate. Weak minds therefore 
 select such parts of a work as are the most vulnerable, 
 and attempt to destroy, rather than to develop and 
 improve that which is of greatest value. 
 
 It is hoped that the reader will study this book in 
 the same spirit of helpfulness with which it is pre- 
 sented to the public, and thus gain new and clearer 
 ideas of the functions of a true Republic, and of the 
 rights and duties of its citizens. 
 
 Then, such a government in our Nation will be an 
 Evolution, a growth from all previous forms, and a 
 
DEDICATION AND PREFACE 7 
 
 Revolution, since it will take the scepter of power 
 from one individual or from a class, and place it in 
 the hands of the true Sources of Power. 
 
 It may be claimed that such changes as are herein 
 proposed, can never be made, that they are too radical 
 and far reaching, but we must remember that it is 
 only by having the highest ideals, that any degree 
 of success, even, is assured, and that " with the top 
 of the mountain in sight, step by step we gain it." 
 
 The Golden Rule is none too high a model for man 
 to aspire to know and to keep, and yet when has weak 
 humanity touched even the halo that surrounds it? 
 
 Mankind, no doubt, ought to attain the true Social- 
 ism of the Master, but we are too far away from it 
 now, to gain it by a single impulse. With the 
 " ought " before us, let us do what we can now. By 
 and by we may do what we ought. 
 
 If a perfect social order should be established to- 
 day, it would be a greater calamity than the presait 
 scheme of governments, with all their injustice, oppres- 
 sion and inhumanity. 
 
 The great masses of mankind, rich and poor, 
 ignorant and learned, saint and sinner, are not ready 
 for Christian Socialism, would not comprehend it, 
 could not appreciate it, and would overthrow it in 
 an hour. 
 
 Ideal government, ideal society, ideal man, can only 
 be a growth, — a growth too from our present, mixed, 
 low standard,— a growth slow, laborious, and, at times. 
 
8 EVOLUTION- WHZCJff— REVOLUTION 
 
 uncertain, but yet aiming always at something higher 
 and nobler. 
 
 There are many who do not want this growth, whose 
 ideal is even lower than their present position, whose 
 desire is sensual gratification without regard to others. 
 
 These are the natural products of our present sys- 
 tems. Under a proper system, they would either grow 
 with the Nation to higher conditions, or disappear 
 with the system that created them. 
 
 This book, then, does not purpose to present a per- 
 fect Social System. It only offers practical sugges- 
 tions for taking the first steps in self-government, 
 believing that we are enlightened enough to under- 
 take this successfully. 
 
 We can, at least, make a beginning of a System of 
 Government under which self-interests would tend 
 to keep mankind from injuring one another, — a Sys- 
 tem that would put a premium on right acting, that 
 would make the people believe themselves injured 
 when any one hurt the government, that would com- 
 bine families into the greater family of governmental 
 union, and that would interest each Source of Power 
 in having a special care of every function of a govern- 
 ment of which all the Sources of Power were the 
 foundation and superstructure. 
 
WHICH 
 
 EVOLUTION REVOLUTION 
 
 NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS 
 
 The so-called governments, whatever their form, 
 have all been covered by the same definition, namely: 
 " Government is the control of a part of the com- 
 munity by another part of it." 
 
 The excuse for a part to thus gain and retain such 
 control is justified only on the ground that the masses 
 are not competent to assist in governing themselves, 
 and that therefore it is better for them to be controlled 
 by those who are wiser and stronger. 
 
 But can we conceive of any people, nation or tribe, 
 that are not competent to assist in their own govern- 
 ment in the slightest degree. 
 
 Why, even in Russia, which we look upon as an ab- 
 solute monarchy, the people of the country districts 
 have almost absolute home rule, and unless the people 
 at least help in some way to control the community, 
 can they ever hope to be competent to enter into the 
 promised land of a true Republic ? 
 
 Would it not be better to have a less competent 
 government of the people by the people for the peo- 
 
 9 
 
10 EVOLUTION- WHICH— EEVOLUTION 
 
 pie for a time, than to enjoy the best possible govern- 
 ment by an absolute monarch whose rule must at 
 longest soon give place to another, untried and 
 doubtful? 
 
 Will not the responsibility of sharing in the govern- 
 ment engender thought, cause conservative action and 
 a better understanding of the needs and duties of a 
 government as well as of the rights of man ? 
 
 Government has two foundation elements : Author- 
 ity and Power. Authority may rest upon an assumed 
 right to govern, in which ease it must be founded on 
 a power outside of the governed, or it may rest upon 
 the Sources of Power, thus making Authority and 
 Power one in essence. 
 
 An orator may control a mob which may lend itself 
 to do his bidding, though he may neither have nor 
 claim authority or power (force) to compel it to act. 
 
 The Revolution broke the power of England in these 
 Colonies, and her actual government ceased, even be- 
 fore she gave up her claim to be their rightful ruler. 
 
 Without both authority and power there can be no 
 government. The authority of the weak and dis- 
 obeyed father over his family is not government. The 
 control of a mob by an Anthony is not government. 
 
 What form of government is best for any people? 
 That form which gives the greatest protection to the 
 rights of every citizen and which tends to lead each 
 one to govern himself properly while assisting to make 
 a suitable government for all. 
 
NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS 11 
 
 No real right should be taken from any citizen, 
 and certainly the right to assist in governing himself 
 is a real right. 
 
 The right of every citizen to work and to receive 
 the just results of his labor, is a God-given right of 
 which no citizen should ever be deprived, unless as 
 a punishment for crime. 
 
 Any trust, whether political, industrial or labor, 
 and any claim to. ownership of values, which attempts 
 directly or indirectly to violate this right, is criminal 
 and should be treated as such. 
 
 Society is now based upon the so-called rights of 
 private or corporate ownership of value and wealth, 
 but the enlightened conscience of humanity is grad- 
 ually leading man to see the injustice of this founda- 
 tion, and (understanding the distinction between 
 wealth and value) to look forward to a slow but con- 
 tinuous evolution of a righteous government based 
 on the true Rights of Mankind. 
 
 If the citizens can gain the power to rule and govern 
 themselves by evolution through the ballot, a revolu- 
 tion to overthrow the present Social, Economic and 
 Industrial System would be unwise and productive 
 of many hardships, even though the form of govern- 
 ment as at present existing is doing continued violence 
 to hiunan rights, by unjustly depriving many of the 
 use of God's gifts. 
 
 When Society has long acquiesced in any settled 
 local conditions, a sudden change is unwise unless it 
 
12 EVOLUTION- WH/CF— REVOLUTION 
 
 is forced upon the masses as the only way in which 
 wrong can be righted and justice ever be hoped for. 
 
 The Lessons of History. 
 
 The history of governments and of their changes has 
 often been written, doubtless as correctly as general 
 history, but perhaps the lessons drawn from govern- 
 mental records have never been deeply impressed on 
 the minds of the people. 
 
 The first form of human government was patri- 
 archal, and grew out of family relations, just as all 
 other f otms have grown from the real or fancied needs 
 of tribes or nations. 
 
 The older children perhaps took advantage of the 
 younger. The strong forced the weak to yield to them. 
 The wise persuaded the foolish to their hurt. The 
 vicious plundered, or beat, or killed the innocent. 
 
 AU these things began to happen early in history 
 and proved the necessity of some kind of authority 
 to define and defend the rights of each member of 
 the family. 
 
 Thus the father, as the head of the family, decided 
 and enforced the rights of his children, and of his 
 children's children, as long as they remained a part of 
 his family. 
 
 In time, certain unwritten laws became generally 
 understood, accepted and observed, as such communi- 
 ties increased in number and numbers. 
 
 When these families gradually crystalized into 
 
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY 13 
 
 tribes and nations, the necessity of recognized leaders, 
 rulers, and judges became more apparent. One by 
 one, under some self-appointed or chosen leader, each 
 nation began to make its own separate history, until 
 government assumed two forms. 
 
 The first recognized the right of the people to be 
 ruled. The second recognized the right of the people 
 to rule themselves to a greater or less degree. 
 
 The first form claimed to be divinely instituted. 
 A family was selected that was believed to be divinely 
 consecrated for this purpose. This family supplied 
 the nation's ruler, by whatever name called, until for 
 some reason, it was supposed that another family had 
 been diviaely substituted for the first. 
 
 Moses was no more certain that he was divinely 
 appointed as a leader and law-giver ia Israel, than 
 was David that God had called him to be king, or than 
 the German emperor is that he holds his crown direct 
 from Jehovah. 
 
 In many nations, religion has been so closely inter- 
 woven with government, as to greatly strengthen the 
 claims of the reigning family, and the separation of 
 Church and State, has seldom, if ever, been complete. 
 
 In some great nations, there is still a recognized 
 Church, and ip. most nations, favors are shown in 
 many ways to the Church or to its divisions. 
 
 In England the disestablishment of the Church has 
 been bitterly advocated and as bitterly opposed, and 
 in many of our States, Protestantism ia distinction 
 
14 EVOLUTION— WS/CH-REVOLUTION 
 
 from Catholicism, was half recognized as the State 
 religion until the Catholics shrewdly gained the lion 's 
 share of public bestowments. 
 
 To-day no particular church is recognized openly 
 here, but, in general, some form of the Christian 
 religion is tacitly accepted as the National religion. 
 This is apparent in the Courts, often in the Schools, 
 and always in the laws. Church property is left un- 
 taxed, under cover of public benefit, to the injury of 
 the different Churches as well as with injustice to 
 the entire people. 
 
 Superstition dies hard, and it takes us long to learn 
 that God creates us all with equ^l rights to life and 
 its enjoyments, and that true religion is never aided 
 by invading the rights of others and by taking from 
 unwilling pockets, bj'^ means of government gifts or 
 immunities, money to be used even for good objects. 
 
 Those rulers who claimed to be divinely appointed, 
 soon found that they certainly would not be divinely 
 protected, either against other rulers or against their 
 own people, and they, therefore, encouraged the crea- 
 tion and support of a class, or a series of classes of 
 " inferior divinities," called nobles. This class was 
 subdivided iato grades, whose interests were suffi- 
 ciently connected with the throne, to ensure its pro- 
 tection and support. 
 
 These nobles, with their numerous retainers, all 
 living on the labor of the masses, were an integral 
 part of the government, and, in some nations, became 
 
THE LESSONS OP HISTORY 15 
 
 the real rulers, using the throne as a symbol, and its 
 occupant as a figurehead, for the people to reverence 
 and fear. 
 
 As the masses increased in knowledge and numbers, 
 they began to demand recognition and a share in 
 governing the nation. This was granted on compul- 
 sion, by nation after nation, although the right was 
 so carefully and shrewdly managed as to give little 
 real power to its sources. 
 
 Thus in individual governments, the rights of the 
 people have gradually gained recognition, while in 
 governments founded on these rights, they have never 
 been much more than a theory, and have had no effec- 
 tive test of the fitness of the masses to govern them- 
 selves. 
 
 Of all nations, Rome doubtless shows the most rapid 
 and radical changes resulting from the conflicting 
 claims of rulers and people, and is the most profitable 
 nation to study to learn the lessons of wisdom, guid- 
 ance and restraint necessary for us to know. And yet 
 the story of growth, greatness and decay, has been 
 written of scores of less illustrious peoples. 
 
 Nations are like individuals. They are bom, pass 
 through childhood to manhood, and then die of old 
 age or disease. 
 
 History teaches us that their epitaphs should not 
 read " by an inscrutable act of Providence," but 
 rather " by their own sins of omission and com- 
 mission." 
 
16 EVOLUTION— WHICH— REVOLUTION 
 
 " Rome," says her great historian, " feU because 
 luxury and wealth had enervated her once powerful 
 forces." 
 
 But the masses of the people, even in the proudest 
 days of Rome, never had luxury and wealth enough 
 to weaken them. These things, even among the ruling 
 classes, were the effects merely, and in no sense the 
 cause of Rome's downfall. 
 
 Rome rejected the lessons her own existence taught. 
 She cultivated class hatred, made it possible for the 
 corrupt and ambitious to rule, destroyed the simple 
 devotion to country that drew Cincumatus from his 
 plow and returned him again to his field, changed a 
 nation of homes to a nation of soldiers, and established 
 a government in which positions were prizes to be 
 gained by the unscrupulous, instead of being public 
 duties and trusts. 
 
 You will find that in Rome, as in every nation, the 
 three Sources of Power were known, but never recog- 
 nized as such, nor permitted to hold their proper 
 relative positions, and yet each of these in turn gained 
 control. 
 
 When brains have ruled, governments have been 
 better or worse, as the rulers were good or bad men. 
 When money has gained the ascendency, governments 
 have always been bad, and against the true interests 
 of the nation. When, by a sudden outburst of mad- 
 dened strength, muscle has seized control, it has been 
 made the tool of fanatics and demagogues until dis- 
 
THE LESSONS OF HISTORY 17 
 
 gusted at the results of its unwise course, it has sub- 
 mitted again to the rule of the few. 
 
 No single earthly Source of Power, has ever, or will 
 ever govern wisely for any length of time. The other 
 sources inevitably participate unrecognized, gaining 
 their ends by illegitimate means, to the injury of all. 
 
 "We stand the latest and, if we fail, the last at- 
 tempt at self-government by the people." 
 
 This is the despairing cry of the orator-statesman 
 who loved his own liberty and longed for a true 
 republic founded on the universal rights of the people. 
 
 Shall we fail and fall ? Is there not wisdom enough 
 in our people, even if opposed by the selfishness and 
 narrowness of our rulers, to read the lessons of the 
 past,, and so to change the form of our government 
 as to insure its permanence and prosperity, because 
 it rests on the true foundations ? 
 
 To-day, with all our declarations of equal rights 
 and privileges, our government is far more liable than 
 that of England, Switzerland, or even Germany and 
 Russia, to be controlled by unscrupulous brains or 
 money, or the equally unscrupulous leaders of muscle. 
 
 If we contmue as we have begun, the extent of our 
 History will depend only on the duration of our 
 wonderful National resources. 
 
 The wisdom of the wisest is none too great. Let us 
 utilize it in our form of government. 
 
 The strength of the strongest is none too great. Let 
 us utilize it in our form of government. 
 
18 EVOLUTION— Tfff/OH— REVOLUTION 
 
 The wealth of the nation is none too great. Let us 
 utilize it in our form of government. 
 
 Then, with all the Sources of Power that have been 
 contending in history for recognition and leadership, 
 utilized, given their rightful positions, brought into 
 harmonious union, each enlightening, restraining, aid- 
 ing and benefiting the others, the sources of weakness 
 in the past, will become the sources of the greatest 
 strength in the future, and, in the greatness of that 
 strength, we shall " go on from glory to glory," until 
 the nations of the earth will emulate our example, 
 and an ideal Republic will be universal. 
 
A MODEL REPUBLIC. 
 
 This Outline is not intended for an ideal Republic, 
 suited to an ideal community, under ideal conditions. 
 
 It is no fancy sketch, nor lofty flight of the imagina- 
 tion in search of the impossible, but is rather an 
 attempt to state briefly what can be done to build up 
 a true Republic such as our country should be ; a gov- 
 ernment so simple as to be easily understood, so just 
 as to be universally respected, and so wise and benefi- 
 cent as to be permanent. 
 
 An ideal community, under ideal conditions, might 
 need no government, but such an ideal people are 
 found only in novels or poems. We must take men 
 and women as they are, and buUd upon human nature 
 as it is, in order to form a practical Outline of a last- 
 ing Republic. 
 
 AH thorough students of Political History have 
 found, in the various forms of human government, 
 many imperfections which render them unsuited to 
 cultivate the highest and noblest human characters, 
 and to develop a true and permanent prosperity. 
 
 It is not possible to enumerate the evils that have 
 come upon the world through bad systems of govern- 
 ment. They are " like the stars in the heaven for 
 number:" they affect every individual existence in 
 all its interests; they cover life from the cradle to 
 
 19 
 
20 EVOLUTION- Tfff/Cfl"— REVOLUTION 
 
 the grave, and tend to make it a failure for the great 
 masses of the people, in all that should make life 
 worth living. 
 
 While some forms of government are worse than 
 others, it is only a matter of the comparative degree. 
 
 All are bad, and, in all vital defects are leading to 
 ultimate ruin. History, that graveyard of Nations, 
 has repeated again and again the same profitless 
 lesson for new generations. The tombstones of dead 
 nations contain the same epitaph. 
 
 ' ' Here lies a Nation that had a noble people and a 
 beautiful land, but a bad system of government: A 
 system that permitted the few to rule the many ; that 
 made the government the master and the people the 
 servant; that encouraged and built up monopolies, 
 promoted corruption in high places, set up public 
 ofBces as prizes for incompetent dishonesty, made the 
 rich richer, and the poor poorer, and oppressed the 
 people, until the end came. ' ' 
 
 The Nations of to-day are writing this same epitaph 
 on the tombstones they are erecting for their own 
 burial, and it will be ours also unless we profit by the 
 awful lessons of the past. 
 
 It was no impossible picture that Macaulay painted 
 of the ruins of the great city of London, and it requires 
 no Cassandra to foretell the results that wUl inevitably 
 follow, as they have always followed, flagrant viola- 
 tions of the Laws of God and the Rights of Man, by 
 any Nation. 
 
A MODEL REPUBLIC 21 
 
 We all recognize the evils that are undermining the 
 foundations of many governments, and believe that 
 sooner or later they will fall under the weight of their 
 own crimes, but, at the same time, we forget the beam 
 that is in our own eye, that should and must be cast out 
 to enable our Nation to escape a common ruin. For 
 it is not alone in the great Nations of the old world, 
 that the dire portents of evil are seen. 
 
 The universal unrest that pervades the entire masses 
 of the common people here as well as there and every- 
 where, is founded on something more than ignorance, 
 laziness, greed and fanaticism. They are wronged. 
 That they know and feel only too well. They are 
 deprived of their just, God-given rights. This is a 
 self-evident fact. They grope blindly in the dark for 
 the cause and believe they have found it in the oppres- 
 sions of the rich, in the greed of grasping corporations 
 and in the teachings of the Church. 
 
 In all these conclusions they are wrong. There 
 never was a time when the rich recognized more the 
 fundamental truth of the universal Brotherhood of 
 Man, felt more the fearful responsibilities of wealth, 
 regretted more the poverty and suffering which they 
 consider an incidental necessity to our present state 
 of civilization, and sacrificed more to benefit their 
 suffering fellows. 
 
 There never was a time when corporations could 
 be made a greater benefit to the masses than now, 
 under a proper form of government. 
 
22 EVOLUTION— Wff/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 There never was a time when infidelity in the masses 
 could injure them more than now. The Church, which 
 is their real ally and greatest hope, is only waiting 
 to be the Moses to lead them on to the promised land. 
 
 Class hatreds are never justified. Bach class is 
 compelled by circumstances to do what it does. Each 
 class, if allowed to change places with another class, 
 would continue to do what that class was doing. 
 
 Class hatreds tend to violence, and to the destruction 
 of the weakest. The trouble is not in oppression by 
 class, corporation or church. It lies deeper than that, 
 in the false system of government that is so universal, 
 and, until the masses understand this and unite to 
 reform it, the evil will continue and increase. 
 
 In the present condition of society, human govern- 
 ment is necessary. It will continue to be necessary 
 until the Millennium ; and a proper system of govern- 
 ment would tend to bring about a real millennium of 
 peace and prosperity to all the people. 
 
 But the various forms of government now existing, 
 were not instituted by the people nor for the benefit of 
 the masses. 
 
 From the paternal government of the ancient Jews, 
 until the most advanced Republic of to-day, govern- 
 ments have been instituted by classes, and maintained 
 by force for their benefit, with incidental care and 
 protection for others. 
 
 Every fixed government has rested and rests to-day 
 on the basic principle of force. 
 
A MODEL BEPUBLIC 23 
 
 It is true that in all governments there must be an 
 element of brute force. With human nature as it 
 is to-day, a government to be stable, respected and 
 obeyed, must be backed by a power sufficiently strong 
 to overcome all resistance from any quarter to the 
 execution of its laws. But it is one thing to base a 
 government of the masses by a few rulers, on the 
 force principle, and quite another to use that princi- 
 ple when necessary to prove that there is power in 
 its sources, to carry out their own edicts. 
 
 In many governments the basic principle of force 
 is so connected with other non-essentials, as to confuse 
 the honest student. Thus the essence of the old 
 Jewish government was a belief that Jehovah cared 
 for and protected the Jews in all things, even direct- 
 ing them in selecting their rulers, whether judges, 
 priests, kings, or leaders like Moses. But the force 
 power of the nation was used both to punish those 
 who were not in accord with the fundamental thought 
 of the people, and to destroy the heathen. It was the 
 army that killed the Philistines as well as kept David 
 on the throne when Absalom rebelled against him. 
 
 The same idea of Divine Right to rule, prevails in 
 many countries to-day, and the rulers rely only on the 
 basic principle of force to maintain their claims. 
 
 In its most pronounced form the basic principle of 
 force governments single and separate from its true 
 elements, is seen to-day in such countries as Russia 
 and Germany, where in the form of huge standing 
 
24 EVOLUTION- WHZCJBT-REVOLUTION 
 
 armies, it preys upon the people's vitals under pre- 
 tense of protecting and defending them. 
 
 Disband the German army and there would soon 
 be no Emperor. Send the Russian soldiers to their 
 homes, and, in a month, the Czar would be a memory. 
 
 It is true that in all forms of government the rights 
 of the people have forced themselves more and more 
 into prominence, and the machinery of force has been 
 variously modified to meet the growth of the people's 
 fitness, worthiness, and demands to, at least, have some 
 voice in their own government, until in most countries 
 there is a so-called representative body, which is al- 
 lowed to consider itself a part of the government. 
 This is at least an encouraging sign, as it shows that 
 the people are considering the matter, and indicates 
 a step forward towards a government of the people 
 by the people. 
 
 Each of the three Sources of a Nation's Power is 
 continually seeking for its legitimate share in the 
 government, but this contest is generally carried on 
 blindly and ignorantly, or selfishly and unwisely. 
 
 Each Source of Power has a consciousness of its 
 own wrongs and a desire to obtain its own rights, but 
 has no clear conception that the system of government 
 is the main hindrance in the way of its success; no 
 knowledge of the changes necessary to gain its ends, 
 and no thought that its position is one of a trinity and 
 that it cannot be granted its full claims with any 
 considerable measure of benefit to itself or to the 
 
A MODEL REPUBLIC 25 
 
 Nation, unless the other Sources of Power are also 
 given their just and proper rights. 
 
 The rights and wrongs of each Source of Power 
 must be considered as a part of the whole structure 
 of society, and of government. 
 
 Only thus can their relative positions be under- 
 stood, and their rights, duties, and privileges con- 
 served for the benefit of all, and for the safety and 
 stability of the Nation. 
 
 Naturally then the attempts of each Source of 
 Power to gain some new place of vantage in the gov- 
 ernment, has been bitterly opposed by the other 
 Sources of Power which instinctively believed that 
 their rights were endangered. 
 
 As long as government rests on this basic principle 
 of brute force, it is clearly evident that that Source 
 of Power should control and manage it. It is essen- 
 tially a man-government in which the Muscle Power 
 is dominant, and the other Sources of Power must 
 strive for their rights by the various kinds of influence 
 well known in politics. 
 
 Naturally, then, a limited male suffrage has been 
 granted in many Nations, to select a so-called repre- 
 sentative body, which is supposed to carry out the 
 wishes of its constituents. 
 
 This has been the case in the United States, although 
 in some of the States attempts have been made to 
 restrict suffrage as much as possible, so as to confine 
 it to a class. Thus it was made in parts of the Union, 
 
26 EVOLUTION— TTHZCH— REVOLUTION 
 
 to depend on a property qualification, which conferred 
 no extra rights on property, but, instead, deprived 
 the Muscle Power of its proper privileges. 
 
 The male masses who do the hard work, fight the 
 battles, police the cities and who are thus the corner- 
 stone of force government, felt the injustice of this 
 and as the Source of Power, soon made their power 
 felt, and force. Muscle Power or manhood suffrage, 
 as it was called, gained, almost universally the right 
 to vote. 
 
 Even the ignorant male immigrant is made to know 
 this and has easily, regularly and quickly found his 
 way to the polls, and gained at least, all his rights as 
 a Source of Power. 
 
 The injustice as well as the foolishness of an appar- 
 ently representative government, based on a single 
 Source of Power is instinctively felt by all. 
 
 Thus the intelligent, wealthy women, when they saw 
 ignorant brute force casting its vote for men unfit to 
 represent any community, and for measures injurious 
 to the people, demanded female suffrage. 
 
 They knew that the money they paid in taxes, was 
 squandered or stolen by representatives chosen too 
 often by ignorant brute force, while they could only 
 protest against it. 
 
 They demanded suffrage because they were intelli- 
 gent, educated taxpayers, who should say for them- 
 selves in what way they should be governed, and how 
 their money should be expended. 
 
A MODEL REPUBLIC 27 
 
 But, fortimately for them, their demands, just as 
 they were, were denied. They asked for a vote and 
 for representation under a force government in which 
 they were not fitted by nature to participate and in 
 which they could have no part or share. If their 
 request was granted they would find themselves be- 
 tween the upper and lower millstones of force, their 
 present protection and privileges taken away, and 
 their position in the Nation lowered to the destruction 
 of their present standing and influence. 
 
 This system of government makes it necessary for 
 women, who wish to maintain their far-reaching 
 influence, to remain apart from its strength, lest they 
 be crushed; separate from its vileness, lest they be 
 contaminated ; away from its mad rush for office, lest 
 they lose the sanctity of seclusion and be met and 
 treated as force always treats those who contend with 
 it, whether on the football ground, on the battlefield 
 or in public life. 
 
 While the present system of government prevails, 
 Avomen for their own sakes as well as for the good of 
 the Nation, must yield to its necessities. They must 
 demand no right to participate in the government, 
 nor accept it, even if offered them. 
 
 But force may be controlled by flattery, by cun- 
 ning, or by bribery, and brains and wealth, deprived 
 of their legitimate power, have sought and found 
 by illegitimate means, the way in which force may be 
 controlled in its votes and through its representatives. 
 
28 EVOLUTION- WHZOH— REVOLUTION 
 
 and have thus added new evils to those already inher- 
 ent in the system. 
 
 Built on a single foundation cornerstone, be it ever 
 so true and plumb and square, the structure will lean 
 and topple to its final fall. 
 
 Unless then we are willing to see History repeat 
 its epitaph on the tombstone of our Nation, we must 
 understand what should be the basic principle of a 
 true Republican government. A government that will 
 not deprive its people of their God-given rights, but 
 will protect them and give equal rights and privileges 
 to all. 
 
 Unless this is done by the Nation's vote, the sense 
 of wrongs committed, of rights denied, of aspirations 
 crushed, and of a hopeless future, may arouse the 
 masses to dangerous remedies. Evolution or Revolu- 
 tion? Which? 
 
 Ring out the old, ring in the new — 
 Ring, happy bells, across the snow : 
 The year is going, let him go ; 
 
 Ring out the false, ring in the true. 
 
 Ring out a slowly dying cause. 
 And ancient forms of party strife ; 
 Ring in the nobler modes of life, 
 
 With sweeter manners, purer laws. 
 
A MODEL REPUBLIC 29 
 
 Ring out false pride in place and blood, 
 
 The civic slander and the spite; 
 
 Ring in the love of truth and right, 
 Ring in the common love of good. 
 
 Ring in the valiant man and free, 
 The larger heart, the kindlier hand ; 
 Ring out the darkness of the land — 
 
 Ring in the Christ that is to be. 
 
OUR REPUBLIC. 
 
 Let us now briefly consider the foundation princi- 
 ples of our Republic, and trace its growth. This will 
 naturally lead to a knowledge of its radical defects 
 and their results, and will guide us in the outline of 
 a form of government based on the " self-evident 
 truths, that all men [mankind] are created equal, 
 that they are endowed by their Creator with certain 
 unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty' 
 and the Pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these 
 rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriv- 
 ing their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
 erned. That whenever any Form of Government 
 becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of 
 the People to alter or abolish it, and to institute a 
 New Government, laying its foundation on such prin- 
 ciples and organizing its powers in such form, as to 
 them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and 
 Happiness. ' ' 
 
 When the little colonies that first made their homes 
 in the New World, came to these shores, they brought 
 from the Old World the basic principle of force as 
 the foundation of all right to rule. 
 
 This was naturally so. Force had gained control 
 of people and property in Europe, and had been used 
 to persecute and destroy or drive away the minority. 
 
 30 
 
OVB REPUBLIC 31 
 
 there, whether the differences in opinion were relig- 
 ious or political. 
 
 Woman held a high position in Society, but was not 
 considered as an element in government. Force ruled. 
 Force met force. Man represented force, therefore 
 man ruled. There was no idea of any government 
 except that based on man as force, and not as man- 
 kind, and, in fact, the term, man, was restricted, as 
 it has continued to be in forms of government, so as 
 to leave out all not considered of the ruling class. 
 
 This idea of force as the chief element of govern- 
 ment, was still more strongly impressed upon the 
 early settlers here, by their long and terrible con- 
 flicts with nature and with the Indians, while, at 
 the same time, their natural independence and self- 
 reliance led them to demand and to practice what they 
 considered self-government. 
 
 A great step in advance was made in the form of 
 government by admitting all of a certain class of 
 males to some participation in making and executing 
 the laws. The nearest approach to the true form was 
 found in the first town meetings, in which all of a 
 certain class of males were allowed to meet, and to 
 make the laws under which they were to live. But 
 as these towns increased in number and population, it 
 became necessary for them to unite in making uniform 
 laws that would tend to a common protection. 
 
 Representatives were therefore chosen, who met at 
 a certain place, and made such laws as they deemed 
 
32 EVOLUTION— WS/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 necessary for the common weal. This step in the 
 wrong direction was the beginning of a temporary- 
 absolute government which has been perpetuated in 
 every State as well as in the central government at 
 Washington. 
 
 These representatives were in such close touch with 
 their townsmen, that, at first, the defects in the system 
 were not understood. And, indeed, they are not ap- 
 preciated to-day as they should be, by the masses. 
 
 The theory was and is, that the people should rule. 
 The practice was and is that a certain class of males 
 claimed to be the people and assumed the right and 
 power to choose from their own number certain men 
 who should have absolute power for fixed periods of 
 time to rule over the entire people. 
 
 In theory and in practice, this was the great advan- 
 tage over the forms prevailing elsewhere. It brought 
 the government nearer to one Source of Power, culti- 
 vated independence in thought and action in the rul- 
 iag class, caused the Eevolution, drew the best 
 inunigrants here, built up a strong Nation and made 
 the truth self-evident that, the nearer government 
 comes to the Sources of Power, the better it is for 
 the people and for the Nation. 
 
 This form of government, resting on the same basic 
 principle of force centered in a class, was retained 
 in the founding of our Republic, although the leaders 
 knew that it was not the ultimate principle nor form 
 of government. They were, however, restrained in 
 
OVU REPUBLIC 33 
 
 practice by circumstances, and did what was probably 
 the best they could do. In theory, however, they went 
 far beyond what they ventured ia practice, and pro- 
 claimed the doctrine of human rights unalienable. 
 
 In governments, as in individuals, there is no " dead 
 center." They are always going forward or backward, 
 and the tendency of all government is to grow further 
 and further away from the Sources of Power, and to 
 become more and more oppressive, unjust, extrava- 
 gant and corrupt. 
 
 This continues until the masses are led to see an 
 invasion of their rights to a greater or less degree, 
 when they universally compel such changes as will 
 at least satisfy them, whether these changes are really 
 improvements ia the government or the reverse. 
 
 Indeed it is almost a truism that, while changes 
 may be made so as to improve established govern- 
 ments and thus adapt them more to changed condi- 
 tions, new governments, worthy of the name, are born, 
 not made, and that as soon as any people are ready 
 for a better form of government, it is not long delayed. 
 
 This government has grown away from the theory 
 on which it was founded. It is even losing sight of 
 the true principles of a real Republic, and is 
 less adapted to the needs and demands of its 
 present population, than it was to the wants of our 
 fathers. 
 
 It has become more and more destructive of the 
 true ends of government, and it is the right and duty 
 
34 EVOLUTION— Wff/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 of the people so to change it, that its foundations 
 shall be laid on such principles as to effect their Safety 
 and Happiness. 
 
 In the Declaration of Independence we proclaim 
 the great, universal, unchanging truth that all man- 
 kind are endowed by their Creator with certain un- 
 alienable Rights. In this paper we shall consider these 
 rights only in reference to the form of government. 
 Elsewhere it is considered in reference to the functions 
 of a true Republic, and to the individual rights of 
 each person. 
 
 " A Self-Evident Truth." 
 
 " That all Men [mankind] are created equal, that 
 they are endowed by their Creator with certain un- 
 alienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, 
 and the Pursuit of Happiness, that to secure these 
 rights. Governments are instituted among men, deriv- 
 ing their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
 erned. ' ' 
 
 If this statement means that all mankind is entitled 
 to certain rights if it can get them, it simply reiterates 
 the doctrine of ' ' Might. ' ' If these Rights are limited 
 to one or two classes of human beings, the statement 
 is a mere ' ' glittering generality. ' ' 
 
 If it means that a few should institute and control 
 a government to rule the many, in order to grant these 
 rights to such classes of mankind as the few may select, 
 
A SELF-EVIDENT TBUTE 35 
 
 it merely uses an attractive form of statement to cover 
 the claims urged by present existing governments. 
 
 What is the " self-evident " meaning of these re- 
 markable words ? What form of government embodies 
 the principle therein contained? 
 
 Restricted as it was in practice, the real meaning 
 of this true saying is plain and embodies the founda- 
 tion thought of a true Republic, namely: that all 
 government should rest on and be responsible to the 
 Sources of its Power, in order that they may define, 
 defend, preserve and retain these their unalienable 
 Rights. 
 
 At the time our Government was instituted, the 
 force principle prevailed. Force had been the con- 
 trolling power in the Colonial governments ; Force had 
 conquered the Indians, and Force had achieved Inde- 
 pendence. Naturally, then, it retained its prominence 
 without much opposition when the Constitution was 
 formed and adopted, and the inspiration of the theo- 
 retical " self-evident truth " of the Declaration of 
 Independence, was left for future generations to 
 feel and apply. 
 
 Under the Constitution as adopted, each State de- 
 fined the qualifications of its voters, and a " citizen " 
 in any State was considered a ' ' citizen ' ' of the United 
 States. In general free male citizens above a certain 
 age, constituted the voting class. This excluded 
 women and slaves from active participation in the 
 government. 
 
36 EVOLUTION— WJIJOff— REVOLUTION 
 
 The XIV and XV Amendments to the Constitution, 
 adopted in 1868 and 1870, for the first time defined 
 citizenship and stated the rights of citizens in respect 
 to their voting power. 
 
 " All persons bom or naturalized in the United 
 States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citi- 
 zens of the United States and of the State where they 
 reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which 
 shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens 
 of the United States." 
 
 These Amendments apparently conferred on all 
 " citizens," without regard to race, sex, color or class 
 standing, the right of suffrage, for certainly that is 
 one of the privileges of citizenship. But the XV 
 Amendment seemed to permit States to deny the 
 privilege of voting to women, though forbidding its 
 denial to the male negro. 
 
 This extension of suffrage to the male negro, has 
 been successfully contested in many States, so that, in 
 general, the voting power is limited to a minority of 
 the citizens and rests as closely as ever on the force 
 principle. The inspiration of the " Self-Evident 
 Truth ' ' makes plain the radical defect in its applica- 
 tion to our present form of government. 
 
 The fault lies first, in permitting a single Source 
 of Power to openly control the government; second, 
 in limiting the application of a truth when it is known 
 and fixed; third, in giving absolute power, even 
 temporarily, to rulers however selected or chosen. 
 
A SELF-EVIDENT TRUTH 37 
 
 Class nile, whether that class represents Divine 
 Right, or Nobility, or a leader backed by an army or 
 by a limited part of the male citizens, is defended by 
 the claim that the masses are not fitted to rule them- 
 selves, to decide what laws should be made and how 
 they should be exercised, or even to select their rulers, 
 but will rather be better governed by a ruling class. 
 
 This is the argument used to defend the monarchical 
 governments of the world, as well as the present form 
 of our Republic, and also the acts of certain States 
 tending to deprive a part of the male element of its 
 right of suffrage. Grant the justice of the argument 
 in any instance, or in any form, and it must hold good 
 everywhere and in all cases. 
 
 If all are entitled to their Rights as declared by the 
 Fathers, (and the masses know that this truth is a 
 fundamental principle of correct living), then what- 
 ever hinders the complete exercise of these rights by 
 each individual, is unjust and does the citizen and the 
 Nation an irreparable wrong. 
 
 Our system of government professes to be based on 
 these rights, while really hindering their exercise. It 
 claims to be a government of the people by themselves. 
 It is actually a government of the many by the few. 
 It boasts of being a representative Republic. It is a 
 temporary-absolute political aristocracy. 
 
 It is one of the sophistries of a Republican form of 
 government, such as we profess to have, that it is a 
 government in which the people rule, because a part 
 
38 EVOLUTION— WHZOH— REVOLUTION 
 
 of them can, at fixed times, take away the absolute 
 power they have conferred on certain rulers, and give 
 it to others. After the horse is stolen the stable may 
 be locked. It does not bring the horse back. 
 
 After the rulers have made unjust laws, have looted 
 the treasury, have conferred franchises without limit 
 on friends to help them, and on others in return for 
 inducements, the voters may turn them out, and put 
 others in their places to do similar wrongs, but not all 
 the votes of all the electors can undo what has been 
 done. 
 
 The fact is that the President, Congress, the Gov- 
 ernors, Legislatures, and even the city and town 
 governments, have, to a certain limit, absolute power 
 for a fixed time, which power only a revolution can 
 restrain or revoke. 
 
 To make this plain, let us take an illustration from 
 comparatively recent history. 
 
 The Aldermen of New York City voted to give Jacob 
 Sharp the right to build a railroad on Broadway. The 
 absolute power to do this, rested with them. They 
 used this power, voted to give him the franchise, 
 pocketed the money he was glad to pay them for their 
 votes, and the bargain was completed. Then, not all 
 the voters in the city could change the results. 
 
 If the power to sell the city's franchise had not 
 been given to the Aldermen, but had remained, as it 
 should, with the Sources of Power, or even with the 
 then voters of the city, no one would have been foolish 
 
A SELF-EVIDENT TBUTH 39 
 
 enougli to pay the Aldermen for votes, because they 
 could not have concluded the bargain and delivered 
 the franchise. 
 
 When this temporary-absolute power is given to the 
 people's servants, they become the real masters, and 
 by the exercise of this power, are able to gain control 
 of large bodies of " camp-followers," (who do their 
 bidding because they share or hope to share the spoils) , 
 and thus perpetuate their power. 
 
 Thus public offices, (which should be public trusts, 
 not sought after for the sake of the attendant spoils, 
 but accepted as public duties), become prizes to be won 
 by bribery, trickery, and dishonesty, to be used for 
 private gain, and to be made part of party machinery 
 for the oppression of the masses. 
 
 Whenever and wherever absolute power to do or not 
 to do things that concern the common weal, has been 
 given to a few, the rights of the many have been 
 trampled under foot. 
 
 It makes but little difference whether this absolute 
 power be temporary or permanent, elective or heredi- 
 tary, the results have differed in degree only. 
 
 Sometimes the " people's servants " have recog- 
 nized their trusts, and sometimes governments have 
 been more wisely conducted by hereditary rulers, who, 
 with their power, inherited wealth, and therefore did 
 not oppress the people for gain, than by those who, 
 springing from the ranks of the masses, poor, unaccus- 
 tomed to power, surrounded by greedy hordes of even 
 
40 EVOLUTION- Wif/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 poorer friends and relatives, saw, in this position of 
 temporary-absolute power, an opporttmity to gain 
 great wealth for themselves and their followers. 
 
 The radical defect then, in our form of government, 
 and the cause of the greatest evils in City, State and 
 Nation, are found in a system that transfers absolute 
 power from its Sources, and confers it, even temporar- 
 ily, upon a few, who pose as representatives, but who 
 become masters. 
 
 Remove the cause, place the control where it belongs, 
 let the absolute power rest and remain with the true 
 Sources of Powee, and the evil effects of our present 
 system will cease. 
 
 However much the various governments may seem 
 to differ in minor respects, they are all alike in four 
 particulars. 
 
 First: They are all governments of the many by 
 the few. 
 
 Second : They all rest on the force principle. 
 
 Third: Their rulers have absolute power to do or 
 not to do certain things for a longer or shorter time. 
 
 Fourth: They are all corrupt. 
 
 In the first three of these four particulars our form 
 of government is superior to many others. 
 
 The reasons for our superiority in some respects 
 will help us to understand better the first principle of 
 a true Republic. 
 
 First: While under our form of government the 
 few rule absolutely for a time, yet a sense of their 
 
A SELF-EVIDENT TRUTH 41 
 
 accountability to the Source of Power tends to render 
 them more careful to do what they can plausibly de- 
 fend when they again seek office. 
 
 Second: The force principle is not made so promi- 
 nent in our government as in many others. 
 
 Third : Our time limit of conferred power is shorter 
 than that of most nations. 
 
 Fourth: While corruption has improved the many 
 opportunities offered, it may not yet have become a 
 part of the system. It is, however, rapidly tending 
 to this, and is becoming one of the most alarming of 
 national evils, since, extending to states, cities and 
 towns, it comes nearer to the masses, often shares with 
 their leaders its ill-gotten gains, and so familiarizes 
 them with blackmail, fraud, bribery and civic dis- 
 honesty, as to practically produce a feeling that gov- 
 ernment is a legitimate prey for all who are lucky 
 enough to get their hands into the public treasury. 
 
 Offices are sought, not so much for the purpose of 
 governing wisely and well, as to place in power at 
 large salaries, (or where larger stealings will be possi- 
 ble), a body of unfit plunderers who will divide their 
 gains with the leaders. 
 
 "While this is and has been universally known, it is 
 appreciated only when official thieves, grown bolder 
 by many unpunished thefts, have openly looted the 
 public purse, and bought up courts for their pro- 
 tection. 
 
 It is true that there have been cycles of Eeform 
 
42 EVOLUTION- W^ZCH-EEVOLUTION 
 
 like that which swept the Tweed Eing from Power 
 in New York, but these have been only spasmodic 
 and temporary. Before the bells ceased ringing over 
 corruption's downfall, their tones changed to the 
 knell of Reform, and the City again fell under the 
 power of the Ring. 
 
 This has been and always will be the inevitable end 
 of reform, as long as the cause of corruption remains 
 in our system of government. 
 
THE SOURCES OF POWER - A TRUE 
 REPUBLIC. 
 
 In a true Republic, sucli as we believe our citizens 
 worthy to enjoy and competent to maintain, what 
 should rule? 
 
 If the question had been " Who should rule? " the 
 universal reply would be " The People." 
 
 But the three little tailors of Tooley Street might 
 again resolve " "We are the people," or the white male 
 citizen might still arrogate to himself that title. 
 
 The question must therefore remain ' ' What should 
 rule in a true Republic? " 
 
 Principles, not individuals, are essential and eternal. 
 The little tailors may die. Other little tailors wiU 
 fill their places. Principles never die. They are the 
 same yesterday, to-day and forever. 
 
 In a true Republic, in a well-balanced government, 
 in any system formed to remain permanent by its own 
 wisdom, strength and resources, the Sources of Power 
 must and should rule. Each Source of Power should 
 bear its part and be recognized as such. All should 
 be united in a harmonious whole. 
 
 What are the Sources of Power ? 
 
 There are three and only three Sources of Human 
 Power, — 
 
 Brains,— Muscle,— Money. (Property) . 
 43 
 
44 EVOLUTION- WffZCH-RE VOLUTION 
 
 No government can be successfully established and 
 permanently maintained without all of these Sources of 
 Power. Each of this Trinity is necessary to the others. 
 In war and in peace, the union of the three is impera- 
 tive, the harmony of the three is essential. Let either 
 be subordinated to the others, and evil results follow. 
 They are like the chords of exquisite music,— a single 
 wrong note disturbs the melody and discord breaks 
 the speU. 
 
 These Sources of Power are always present in every 
 nation, but they have been controlled to a greater 
 or less extent by established governments, and have 
 been made subordinate by their rulers under many 
 pretexts, through lack of a clear understanding by 
 the masses of their rights and duties. 
 
 The demands, so long, so often, and so forcibly 
 made by these various Sources of Power to share in 
 their own government, prove that, imperfectly under- 
 stood, the principle has been instinctively felt and its 
 justice perceived. " Manhood Suffrage " is but the 
 cry of " Muscle " for representation. " Female 
 Suffrage " is chiefly the demands of " Brains " for its 
 share of power. " No taxation without representa- 
 tion " is an imperfect voicing of " Money " to be dis- 
 tinctly represented iu the government. 
 
 With these three Sources of Power as its equal 
 foundation stones, the just demands of each would be 
 met, the Sources of Power would rule and the govern- 
 ment would be strong and permanent. 
 
ESSENTIALS 45 
 
 Vox populi vox Dei,— The voice of the people is the 
 voice of God,— will become nearer and nearer absolute 
 truth, when the responsibility rests with the Power in 
 its Sources, and the masses grow into a real self- 
 government. 
 
 Under what conditions can absolute power rest on 
 its Sources and yet be promptly, effectively and wisely 
 used? 
 
 There are certain essentials necessary to carry out 
 this principle in a practical form, and to give the 
 Trinity of Power effectiveness and promptness in self- 
 government. 
 
 Essentials. 
 
 1. Absolute power to do or not to do governmental 
 acts should not be given to the Executive or to the 
 Legislative Division of Government. 
 
 2. Each Source of Power should have a distinc- 
 tively representative Body in the Legislative Division. 
 
 3. No arbitrary, impassable lines should be drawn 
 between the Sources of Power. 
 
 4. No time limit should be observed in elective 
 positions, since all such officials should be subject to 
 removal at any time by the Sources of Power. 
 
 5. Public offices should be made public trusts, so 
 that they would be sought after for the honor of serv- 
 ing the Nation well, and not for the spoils. At present 
 nearly every position from office boy, page, doorkeeper, 
 etc., up to the President, is (with the salaries paid, 
 
46 EVOLUTION— WHZCJJ— REVOLUTION 
 
 the patronage attached, the opportunity to share the 
 profits from influenced contracts, the stealings, etc.), 
 a prize offered to the unprincipled, and such prizes 
 cannot be offered without creating a strife to obtain 
 them among dishonest politicians. 
 
 Civil Service was invented as a patent remedy for 
 this difficulty, but it .has failed to reach the root of 
 the evU, which lies in the System of Government. 
 
 6. The Functions of the General Government 
 should be clearly defined and limited to those things 
 that pertain to the common weal of the entire Nation. 
 
 7. Nominations and elections should be so made 
 and conducted as to ensure an expression of the will 
 of the Sources of Power. 
 
 8. Justice should be prompt and free to all. The 
 same law and the same application of the law for all 
 classes and at all times should be absolute. 
 
 9. The Rights of Man should be clearly under- 
 stood and protected. 
 
 10. The Rights of Property should be clearly un- 
 derstood and protected. 
 
 11. There should be a single Executive, who is 
 merely an Executive, to register and execute the will 
 of the Sources of Power. 
 
 Form of Government. 
 
 First. The National Legislative Assembly (Con- 
 gress) should consist of three Divisions, which, for 
 convenience, we will call The Commons, The House 
 
FORM OF GOVERNMENT 47 
 
 and The Senate. The Commoners should be elected 
 by the Muscle Power, every male citizen of a fixed 
 age being allowed to vote. This would be real Man- 
 hood Suffrage. 
 
 Members of the House should represent Brain 
 Power, every citizen, male or female, of a fixed age, 
 who has a certain limited education, beiag allowed a 
 vote. 
 
 Senators should represent the Money Power or 
 Property, every citizen, male or female, of a fixed age, 
 who pays a certain amount of taxes, being allowed 
 a vote. 
 
 It is not necessary here to consider the number of 
 members in each Division of Congress, — to fix the age 
 limit,— the educational test, — ^nor the tax limit. These 
 are not essential in discussing the application of cer- 
 tain foundation principles to a form of government, 
 and may be treated later. 
 
 Each Division should, in general, constitute a dis- 
 tinct Body, as distinct as the present House of Repre- 
 sentatives is from the Senate, and each Division should 
 select its own chairman, but the Executive head of 
 the Government should have the power to convene 
 the three Divisions as a single Body for certain pur- 
 poses stated later in this Outline, over which Body 
 the Chairmen of the three Divisions should select one 
 of their own number to preside. 
 
 Second. The Executive should be elected by a 
 majority vote of the citizens who are entitled to suf- 
 
48 EVOLUTION— WHICH— REVOLUTION 
 
 frage under either of the Sources of Power. Thus 
 he would represent them all and be a mere ExecutiTe 
 to register and carry out the will of the citizens. He 
 should have no power of appointment, excepting as 
 herein stated, and thus would be made independent 
 of political factions. 
 
 He should be called the President. The simpler and 
 plainer the titles giyen to public officials in a Republic, 
 the better, and no titles should be permitted except- 
 ing the simple terms designating the various positions. 
 " The Honorable," " His Excellency," etc., should 
 be left as playthings for countries that need them. 
 
 Third. There should be an advisory body for the 
 President, consisting of a Member of each Department 
 of Government. These members could, as now, be 
 called Secretaries of the various Departments. These 
 Departments should deal with all matters in which 
 any act of Government could affect the citizens, and 
 would be about as follows: Departments of State, 
 Treasury, Labor, Commerce, Interior, Post Office, 
 Transportation, Corporations, War, Taxes, (including 
 Tariff), Agriculture, Navy, Law. 
 
 This Cabinet should be selected for the President, 
 by any member of either Division of Congress, whom 
 he may request to act as Leader (or Head) of the 
 Cabinet, and on approval by the President, the selected 
 list should be submitted to the three Divisions of Con- 
 gress assembled as one Body, for endorsement by a 
 majority vote. 
 
FORM OF GOVERNMENT 49 
 
 Any voter above a fixed age, should be eligible as 
 a member of the Cabinet. 
 
 These Secretaries should have seats in each Division 
 of Congress for the purpose of proposing and explain- 
 ing bills which they deem desirable, and should be 
 prepared to give each Division such information in 
 regard to matters that may pertain to their Depart- 
 ments, as will enable that Body to act wisely. 
 
 No Secretary should have a vote unless he be a mem- 
 ber of Congress, when he should be allowed to vote 
 in the Division where he retains his seat. 
 
 If a member of either Division is selected by the 
 Leader as a Cabinet officer, he should not lose his seat 
 in Congress, and, if for any reason he leaves the Cabi- 
 net while still a member of Congress, he should be 
 allowed to resume his place and retain all the rights 
 and privileges pertaining to it. 
 
 The Leader of the Cabinet should have the power 
 to dismiss at any time any or all the members of the 
 Cabinet and to select others, subject to the President's 
 approval and the endorsement of Congress. He should 
 be compelled to resign as Leader on a vote of lack of 
 confidence passed by a majority of each Division, or 
 by Congress in joint session. 
 
 There should be no time limit to the terms of elective 
 officials. To elect the President for four years, ensures 
 at the end of that time great disturbance in the Nation. 
 Business suffers, wages are reduced, confidence is 
 weakened, and, in general, much evil results. This 
 
 4 
 
50 EVOLUTION— WffZCH— REVOLUTION 
 
 brings great loss to the country in addition to the 
 immense expenses of a general election, which can 
 scarcely be estimated. And for what purpose is all 
 this brought about? Chiefly to give a new set of 
 politicians an opportunity to get a share of the public 
 plunder. 
 
 Elections of minor officials are less injurious to busi- 
 ness but, taken as a whole, are more costly to the 
 Nation. • 
 
 Still further, the fact that places are to be filled at 
 certain fixed times, stirs up hordes of mere office 
 seekers, who hope, by the change, to get an easy, 
 profitable position, and who devote their time and 
 such " contributions " as interested parties may be 
 induced to make, to the work of turning out the party 
 in power and of gaining the offices. 
 
 Leading party organs make the fact evident to all, 
 that offices, and not principles, are the foundation for 
 a change. When a party comes into power, the first 
 thing one sees in the papers is, not a claim for a better 
 government, but a list of the positions to be filled, the 
 salaries to be paid, and the great number of minor 
 places that can be distributed among the petty under- 
 lings withotit regard to fitness for the positions, but 
 simply as a reward for the political dirty work they 
 have done. 
 
 Still further, elected officials noW devote much of 
 their time to " keeping up their political fences " in 
 order to ensure their re-election. They try to obtain 
 
FORM OF GOVERNMENT 51 
 
 good positions for loyal subordinates; they give ad- 
 vance information in regard to contracts or legisla- 
 tive action, to " contributors " to political funds, and 
 in many ways cater to the lowest attributes of man, 
 to influence votes. 
 
 Even the President, during his first term of office, 
 is known to be shrewdly shaping his conduct so as to 
 gain, or retain, that political favor necessary for his 
 renomination. 
 
 For these and many other reasons that are obvious 
 to all thoughtful persons, every elected officer of the 
 government should be chosen for no particular time, 
 but to serve during the will of the Sources of Power. 
 
 Thus the President should simply be elected by the 
 Sources of Power, the same as a clerk is appointed in 
 all good business houses, to retain his place until he 
 resigns or is discharged by those who gave him the 
 position. 
 
 If in one year or in twenty years, the Sources of 
 Power desire a change, it should be the duty of the 
 President, (or of the Cabinet) to order a new election 
 when called for by a popular petition signed by a 
 certain limited number of the voters of each Source 
 of Power, or, if that prove too troublesome, by a simi- 
 lar petition signed by a majority of the Members of 
 a majority of the Legislatures of the several States. 
 
 In practice, probably the President, like the Speaker 
 of the House of Commons in England, would be so far 
 removed from the turmoil of politics that he would 
 
52 EVOLUTION- WH7CH-RB VOLUTION 
 
 be acceptable to all parties for many years, specially 
 as he would have no patronage to distribute. This 
 would tend to stability in the government and to pros- 
 perity in the Nation. 
 
 In the same way there should be no time limit to 
 any elected official, but his removal should rest with 
 the Source or Sources of Power that gave him his 
 position. 
 
 Under this system the Sources of Power would al- 
 ways retain their control of elected officials. But, of 
 perhaps even greater importance than this, is the 
 method by which the law-making Body should be 
 under control of the Sources of its Powers. 
 
 1. Each Secretary should be permitted (or re- 
 quired) by each Division of Congress to prepare and 
 offer such Bills as he may deem necessary for his 
 Department. 
 
 He should be given from one to three hours' time 
 in each Division to explain each Bill when presented, 
 and the same amount of time to close the debate before 
 a vote is taken. He should not be interrupted during 
 his allotted time, but in each Division, more time might 
 be given him to answer questions or objections. 
 
 2. He should present the bill in either Division as 
 he deemed proper, and should designate in each Bill 
 its order of consideration in the other Divisions. 
 
 Thus if he presented a Bill in the Senate, it should 
 be marked to go next to the Commons and last to the 
 House, or the reverse. 
 
FORM OF GOVERNMENT 53 
 
 3. No amendment, or " rider " should be allowed 
 on any Bill without the consent of its proposer. 
 
 4. A final vote should be taken in each Division 
 on the passage of any Bill, in not less than four nor 
 more than ten days after it is proposed. 
 
 5. Any Member of either Division of Congress 
 should be allowed to offer any Bill in his own Division 
 subject to the same rights as the Secretary has, except- 
 ing that he should be permitted to vote on his Bill and 
 to designate in the other Divisions some member to 
 have charge there of his Bill. 
 
 6. Any Bill sent to any Secretary, pertaining to 
 the duties of his Department, or to any Member of 
 Congress, endorsed by a majority of the State Legis- 
 latures, or accompanied by a petition signed by a fixed 
 number of voters of each Source of Power, should be 
 presented under the same conditions as are attached 
 to other Bills. 
 
 7. A plurality in each of the three Divisions, or a 
 majority in two of them should pass any Bill, which 
 should then go to the President for his signature or 
 veto, which should be given within six days after the 
 Bill is received by him. But he should act with the 
 consent of a majority of his Cabinet. In case he 
 vetoes a Bill, or if there is a disagreement between 
 him and his Cabinet, the Bill should go back to Con- 
 gress for further consideration. If each of the three 
 Divisions repass it by a majority vote, it should be- 
 come a law. 
 
54 EVOLUTION- WHZaff-REVOLUTION 
 
 8. No law should become operative for sixty days 
 after its final passage by Congress or its approval 
 by the President, unless certified to by the President, 
 his Cabinet and each Division as an " Emergency 
 Bill." 
 
 9. If within that sixty days, due notice is filed 
 with the Executive that a majority of the State Legis- 
 latures have condemned the Bill, or if within that time 
 a petition, signed by a certain number of voters of 
 each of the three Sources of Power in a certain num- 
 ber of States is so filed, the law should be (or in case 
 of an Emergency Bill, should become) inoperative 
 until voted on by the Sources of Power in the pre- 
 scribed manner. A majority of all votes cast being 
 necessary to put the law in force.* 
 
 The last, but not the least important Department 
 of Government is the Judicial. Fortunately for our 
 country, the United States Courts have been, in 
 general, fair in dealing out justice to litigants, but 
 they are becoming more and more tainted with poli- 
 ties, and many decisions are rendered along party 
 lines. The secret, however, of the relatively high posi- 
 
 *Tbe manner of taking such votes, the number of sij;- 
 natures for a petition, etc. , are considered elsewhere. Under these 
 conditions, laws would he so carefully prepared and considered, 
 that few if any would be passed on by the Sources of Power, hut 
 arrangements should be made by which, at certain times, laws 
 could be submitted to a vote, and the method of voting proposed 
 later in this work, is so simple and cheap as to do away with any 
 obieotion to this plan. 
 
FORM OF GOVERNMENT 55 
 
 tion held by the United States Supreme Court, lies in 
 the fact that the salaries paid the Justices are not so 
 extravagant as in many other less important positions, 
 and the perquisites in the way of opportunities to use 
 the office for personal gains, or to reward followers, 
 are small. 
 
 The position, therefore, is sought rather for the 
 honor attached to it, than for financial reasons. 
 
 Still the Courts are a part of the same bad system, 
 and should be made to conform to correct principles 
 in order to render free to all, true justice, promptly 
 applied. All United States Judges, therefore, should 
 be named by the President, approved by his Cabinet, 
 and confirmed by a majority of Congress. They should 
 be Members of the bar in good standing, should have 
 been in actual practice for a certain number of years, 
 and should have the endorsements of the bars in the 
 States from which they are appointed. 
 
 These Judges should not be appointed for any fixed 
 time, but should be removed on a demand made by a 
 majority of the Legislatures of the States, endorsed 
 by a majority vote of two Divisions of Congress. 
 
 The Executive, the Legislative and the Judicial 
 Departments of Government, would in all essential 
 particulars remain as now, but would have no absolute 
 power to act contrary to the will of their masters. 
 
 By thus taking away from the three Departments 
 of Government absolute power and placing it where 
 it belongs, we have removed the chief cause of corrup- 
 
56 EVOLUTION- WHZOH-REVOLUTION 
 
 tion in public offices. In our National, State and City 
 governments as at present conducted, the rulers are 
 for a time independent even of the present limited 
 class of voters. For this reason large salaries are paid 
 officials, unnecessary positions are created, many 
 hangers-on are given places that have no duties 
 attached, except to draw salaries and divide with the 
 leaders, and, in general, as much money as possible 
 is drawn from the public treasury, in order to give 
 each follower enough to keep him politically active. 
 
 Corruption in open form may be less prominent in 
 National than in State and City offices, but few Con- 
 gressmen die poor, while contractors and subordinates 
 grow rich through fraud. 
 
 The tendency is still further seen in the growing 
 desire at Washington for pomp and show. Public 
 officials should act as servants. Not as masters. Their 
 homes should be such as befits the simplicity of a true 
 Republic. They are not sent to Washington to vie 
 with one another or with foreign representatives in 
 giving elegant entertainments or in other extravagant 
 expenditures. 
 
 It is beneath the dignity of the representatives of a 
 great Republic, whether at home or abroad, to ape the 
 manners and customs of foreign courts. Ambassadors, 
 ministers, consuls are supposed to be looking after the 
 iaterests of our Republic in the Nations to which they 
 are accredited. Instead of doing this, they too often 
 set up miniature courts of their own, vie with the 
 
FORM OF GOVERNMENT 57 
 
 nobles in entertainments and style of life, even aping 
 the court dress and uniforms for servants, and be- 
 come a jest for those whom they in vain try to copy. 
 
 Rich men, unqualified by experience for the posi- 
 tions, are sent as Ambassadors to the leading Courts 
 of Europe, because, from their private sources they 
 can afford the " style " supposed to be necessary to 
 maintain their establishment. 
 
 Great wealth, the art of the dancing master, and 
 the false veneer of so-called society, have taken the 
 place of fitness, in the selection of our Ambassadors. 
 
 We seldom have a representative abroad outside of 
 England who can speak the language of the country 
 to which he is sent, while even the despised Chinese 
 send to this coimtry a minister who speaks our lan- 
 guage like a native. 
 
 Let us go back to the first principles and make our 
 ofSces public trusts. Then manhood will triumph 
 over dress and form, and pomp and ceremony at 
 home and abroad will take a second place. A Cin- 
 cinnatus from his plow will then outrank a Nero on 
 his throne. 
 
 The essentials of a true Republic have been briefly 
 stated. The outline is intended to lead to thought, 
 discussion, and conclusions. It is not therefore neces- 
 sary to cover more fully mere details of government, 
 but the method of nominating and electing public 
 officials, comes next in importance to correct founda- 
 tion principles. 
 
WHAT IS THE PROFESSED OBJECT OP 
 POPULAR ELECTIONS? 
 
 It is to obtain an expression of the desires of a 
 majority of tlie legal voters. 
 
 That the present system of nominations and elec- 
 tions does not accomplish this, goes without saying. 
 That fraud, misgovernment and bribery come from 
 our miserable caucus and voting system, is equally well 
 understood. 
 
 Nominations for various public offices are deter- 
 mined by a few leaders and are made later, by their 
 followers according to orders, for personal reasons. 
 When once the nominations are made, voters are 
 graciously permitted on a certain day, within certain 
 hours, to vote at a certain place for one of the 
 nominees. 
 
 Limiting the time and place in this way, often pre- 
 vents the aged, the infirm, those who live at a distance, 
 and the busy man from voting. How often it is said 
 " To-day, being stormy, is worth so many votes in 
 this State to a certain party. ' ' 
 
 Those two conditions take away the essential rights 
 of a popular election. Besides this, the cost of a 
 national election alone is as much as the yearly interest 
 on our National debt, and more than that if one con- 
 siders the incidental loss of time. 
 
 58 
 
OBJECT OF POPULAR ELECTIONS 59 
 
 Under the Outline as presented, the right to vote 
 belongs to the Sources of Power. Therefore nomina- 
 tions should be so made, and elections so conducted, 
 as to ensure a full and free expression of the voters' 
 wish, at a minimum expense to them and to the Nation. 
 
 The caucus and convention system of nominating 
 candidates is too faulty to be considered. 
 
 There should be in the Capital of each State a 
 Central Bureau of nominations and elections. 
 
 Every town and city in the State should, in Decem^ 
 ber of each year send to this Bureau a list of its voters 
 classified. This list should be made up as follows: 
 Books should be opened in convenient locations, dur- 
 ing October and November, in which should be entered 
 the name and address of each voter and his voting 
 privilege. 
 
 An entry in this book for New York would be as 
 follows : 
 
 No. 
 
 NAME 
 
 RESIDENCE. 
 
 Muscle 
 Power 
 
 Brain 
 Power. 
 
 Money 
 Power. 
 
 720 
 
 John Smith. 
 
 3 Dove St., Buffalo, N.Y. 
 
 V 
 
 V 
 
 V 
 
 737 
 
 Mary Smith. 
 
 3 Dove St., Buffalo, N.Y. 
 
 
 V 
 
 V 
 
 749 
 
 Henry Smith. 
 
 3 Dove St., Buffalo, N.y. 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 Notice should be given of this Registration in 
 various ways in order to let all voters know it. This 
 
60 EVOLUTION- WS^/Cff— REVOLUTION 
 
 list should be open to all citizens, should be verified 
 and sworn to by the officials in charge, and should be 
 forwarded to the Central Bureau at Albany, where 
 each voter's name should be numbered. 
 
 In January of each year, the Central Bureau should 
 send a card to each voter, with the voter's name, ad- 
 dress, voting rights as shown above, and his number, 
 together with an envelope directed to the Central 
 Bureau. 
 
 On each card a printed form should explain the use 
 of these cards and should request the voter to correct 
 any error and return the card at once to the Central 
 Bureau. 
 
 Any voter not receiving a card could have his name 
 registered by sending to the Central Bureau his claims 
 as a voter, endorsed by the proper official of his town 
 or city. 
 
 This record at the Central Bureau should be the 
 basis of all votes in the State during that year, 
 whether in State or National elections or the referen- 
 dum of laws. All matters pertaining to this Bureau 
 should be carried free in the mails when properly 
 marked, and envelopes furnished by the State should 
 be used by voters. 
 
 A change of residence during the year -should not 
 deprive one of his vote, but when he sends his vote 
 to the Central Bureau he should state his present and 
 previous address, his number, and have the statement 
 endorsed by the proper official of his present residence. 
 
ELECTIONS 61 
 
 If he has removed from the State he, of course has lost 
 his right to vote in that State, but should have his 
 name and rights transferred to his new residence, and 
 retain his National voting privilege. 
 
 Nominations should always be made by a direct 
 vote as follows : 
 
 The Central Bureau should send to each voter a 
 card (not containing his number) on one side of which 
 should be a printed statement of the ofSce or offices 
 to be filled, the qualifications necessary to be a candi- 
 date, and the way in which the voter can express his 
 wishes. 
 
 On the other side should be a form to be filled with 
 the name and residence of the candidate he prefers. 
 No voter being permitted to name more than one 
 candidate for each office under penalty of losing 
 his vote. 
 
 These cards should be returned to the Central 
 Bureau within a limited time, and the votes tabulated 
 there. The five persons having the greatest number 
 of votes should be the candidates for the vacant posi- 
 tion. Each voter should put his original number on 
 his vote. 
 
 Elections. 
 
 Two or three weeks before the polls are closed at 
 any election, the Central Bureau should mail to each 
 voter a card, on one side of which should be printed 
 the object of the card, with directions for its use, and 
 
62 EVOLUTION- WH7CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 on the other side the names of the candidates, one of 
 which should be checked, or all but one crossed out 
 by the voter, who should place his name, residence, 
 and number on the space provided for that purpose. 
 This card should be forwarded in the official envelope 
 to the Central Bureau on or before the date given in 
 the Card. 
 
 Under a system of government such as herein out- 
 lined, there would be no mad rush for office, no whole- 
 sale buying of votes, and therefore but little need of a 
 secret ballot. But in order to prevent all improper 
 influences, and to protect each voter, voting booths 
 could be kept open for some days at the Post Office, 
 in which voters could, at their convenience, be required 
 to fill out and deposit their cards to be forwarded to 
 the Central Bureau, and a provision similar to that 
 now in general use, could be made for voters who could 
 not read or write. 
 
 The candidate having a plurality of all votes east, 
 should be declared elected. Each citizen entitled to 
 vote under more than one Source of Power should 
 be permitted to east each vote for a different candi- 
 date. 
 
 All voting should be carried on in a similar manner 
 whether for nominations, elections or laws. 
 
 Card No. 1. Back. 
 
 This card is to be used in voting for candi- 
 dates for President of the United States. 
 
ELECTIONS 
 
 63 
 
 Write in the blank the name of the person 
 you select and under the Sources of Power 
 check such blanks as you are entitled to vote 
 under. A wrong check will throw out your 
 entire vote. 
 
 If entitled to vote under more than one 
 Source of Power you can east all your votes 
 for one candidate, or one vote for each of two 
 or more. This card must be mailed to the 
 Central Bureau on or before January 10, 
 1905. Put your name, number and address 
 in the proper blanks. 
 
 The candidate must be a native citizen 
 voter over 35 years of age. 
 
 Card 1. Front. 
 
 
 Candidates for President. 
 
 
 
 NAME. 
 
 STATB. 
 
 Muecle 
 Power. 
 
 Braiu 
 Power 
 
 Money 
 Power, 
 
 Thomas JeSerson . 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 Andrew Jackson. 
 
 Tennessee. 
 
 V 
 
 
 V 
 
 No. 193745. 
 
 Name. Frank Smith. 
 
 Address. 7 Grand St., New York City, New York. 
 
64 EVOLUTION- WH/CH-REVOLUTION 
 Card No. 2. Front. 
 
 Candidates for President. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 Thomas JefEerson . 
 
 STATE. 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 MuBcle 
 Power. 
 
 Brain 
 Power. 
 
 Money 
 Power. 
 
 No. 27953. 
 
 Name. Thomas William Jones. 
 
 Address. 73 Ninth Street, Eochester, New York. 
 
 Card No. 3. Front. 
 
 Candidates for President. 
 
 NAME. 
 
 STATE. 
 
 Muscle 
 Power. 
 
 Brain 
 Power. 
 
 Money 
 Power. 
 
 Thomas JefEereon . 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 George "Washington . 
 
 Virginia. 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 Andrew Jackson. 
 
 Tennessee. 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 No. 1954. 
 
 Name. John Smith. 
 
 Address. Pelham, New York. 
 
ELECTIONS 65 
 
 Punishment for illegal voting or for improperly 
 influencing voters, should be severe. It should include 
 the loss of suffrage, the right to hold office, fine and 
 imprisonment. 
 
 A Vice-President should be elected on the same 
 ticket as the President, but no duties and no salary- 
 should be attached to the office unless the President 
 died or became incompetent to act. Until then the 
 Vice-President should remain a private citizen. 
 
 A vice-Judge should also be selected with each 
 United States Judge who should take the Judge's seat 
 in case of his death or incapacity until a new incum- 
 bent was selected. 
 
THE GROWTH OF A CENTRAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 After the Revolution, the Central Government 
 proved to have too little power to perform the func- 
 tions belonging to it. It was therefore necessary for 
 the States to unite on some plan that would make the 
 Central Government strong enough to assume and 
 perform the rights and duties that the States were 
 willing to grant it. 
 
 This was a most difficult task. The people realized 
 that the more remote the governing power became, 
 the less probability there would be of good govern- 
 ment. 
 
 From the town meetings where the voters absolutely 
 ruled, to a State government even by chosen repre- 
 sentatives, was a step in the wrong direction, but this 
 was thought to be a natural necessity resulting from 
 the increase in towns and population. 
 
 The people had discovered that it was a mistake, 
 which they did not know how to rectify, and, when it 
 was proposed to give any considerable power to a 
 Central Government composed of persons chosen from 
 the various States, the people, rightly jealous of their 
 power, desired to reserve for each State at least, as 
 much power as possible, and to confer on the Central 
 Government as little power as would be consistent 
 with the purpose for which it was formed. 
 
 The voters believed that they could better control 
 the powers they had granted to their State govem- 
 
 66 
 
A CENTRAL GOVERNMENT 67 
 
 ments, than those they might grant to a National 
 government, which seemed to them a step further 
 away from the voter as the Source of Power. 
 
 It does not appear to have occurred to any one that 
 the fundamental error was in establishing anywhere 
 outside of its Sources, an absolute power, and that, 
 if this mistake were corrected, and the then Source 
 of Power, (which was the male voter) retained con- 
 trol of all its servants, the functions of a Central 
 Government might practically be unlimited, and still 
 be as safe for each State as its own Legislature 
 would be. 
 
 But, with the instinct of self-government strong in 
 the people, it was determined to limit as far as possi- 
 ble the power and functions of the Central Govern- 
 ment, and that this was done far more wisely than 
 could have been expected, is shown by the Constitu- 
 tion and its workings in actual practice. 
 
 But, as the years have rolled by, the people have be- 
 gun to realize the danger there is in delegating 
 temporary-absolute power to any man or body of men, 
 and are only waiting before acting, to discover the 
 wisest way of governing themselves.* 
 
 *The same mistake of giving absolute power to one mem- 
 ber of a body, to do what the body alone should decide on, has 
 resulted disastrously to the Labor Unions. No business agent or 
 walking delegate should have power to do more than execute the 
 edicts of the body itself. 
 
THE FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 What is the proper object for which government is 
 instituted 1 
 
 It is to do for the people as their representative, 
 what they would do as a whole, but what it can do 
 better, more quickly and at less cost than the entire 
 people acting together. 
 
 This includes the power to define and protect the 
 rights of all its citizens. 
 
 Its negative duty is to take away from no one the 
 right to do anything that does not in any way injure 
 another. 
 
 For this purpose, the Sources of Power would 
 willingly delegate the temporary exercise of their 
 power, subject to their control, to their representative 
 servants. 
 
 • A\rhen there is no one thing that a government can 
 do for the Sources of Power, better than they can do 
 it for themselves without the aid of the government, 
 then the need of a government ceases and the anarchist 
 is right. 
 
 When there is no one thing that the Sources of 
 Power can do for themselves, individually, better than 
 the government can do it for them, government be- 
 comes everything, a;nd the socialist is right. 
 
 When it is decided what government can do for the 
 68 
 
THE FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 69 
 
 citizens whatever they, as a whole, desire to have done, 
 better, more quickly and at less cost than they indi- 
 vidually or in any collective form can do it for them- 
 selves, the proper functions of a true government are 
 correctly determined. 
 
 The next step is to decide which of these functions 
 belong to local government, and which to the Central 
 National government It is equally important to de- 
 termine the functions of each division of the local 
 government (State, county, city or town, ward or 
 district) . 
 
 In this article we shall consider briefly: 
 
 What Should Be the Functions of a Central Gov- 
 ernment Properly Controlled by the 
 Sources op Power. 
 
 1. In each State there are two kinds of activities. 
 First, those that pertain exclusively to its prosperity 
 and interests. Second, those that extend into other 
 States and thus pertain in a measure to the interests, 
 prosperity and growth of the Nation. 
 
 The second class of activities should be under the 
 control of the Central Government. The first may 
 safely be left to each State to manage. 
 
 The control of many of the second class of activities, 
 is generally considered to belong to the Central Gov- 
 ernment. Among these activities are the transmission 
 and distribution of the mails, which is considered to 
 
70 EVOLUTION- Wif/Cjff-REVOLUTION 
 
 be a governmental function because; (A) The pros- 
 perity and growth and true welfare of the various 
 sections of the country, depend largely on the mail 
 service. Therefore an irregular, costly mail service 
 would injure the Nation; (B) The government can 
 and will do this at cost or even less, in order to benefit 
 the entire community; (C) A complete system ensur- 
 ing safe, prompt, and regular deliveries, is assured 
 to all citizens in every section; (D) If left to private 
 corporations, to individuals or even to the collective 
 form in States, the cost of sending letters would be 
 more, and it would lack uniformity. Besides, unless 
 private corporations could make sufficient profits, they 
 would stop the work at their own pleasure. 
 
 To state the real principle on which governmental 
 control of the mail service rests, it would be about as 
 follows: (1) It is for the general benefit of the entire 
 Nation that mail communication be cheap, prompt and 
 safe, since this tends to bring closer together the 
 various sections, to build up trade, to encourage educa- 
 tion, and to increase settlements: (2) The govern- 
 ment is the only agency that can and will meet all 
 these requirements. Therefore, (3) the mail service 
 is one of the proper functions of government. 
 
 If this be granted, any interference with this func- 
 tion is an injury to the nation, and individuals and 
 corporations should be prohibited from carrying mail 
 matter. 
 
 If this principle is not correct, then government 
 
THE FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 71 
 
 should not attempt to handle the mails, but this work 
 should be left to private enterprise. 
 
 But the government has already undertaken to do 
 more than to carry and distribute letters. It trans- 
 ports and delivers a great variety of packages, includ- 
 ing nearly every kind of merchandise. In fact it does 
 an express business in goods up to a certain weight, 
 and the Express Companies, to compete with govern- 
 ment, take similar packages at about the same rates, 
 with this advantage to the shipper, that, if the package 
 is miscarried, lost or stolen, the Express Company 
 will make it good. 
 
 Is the government going beyond its rightful func- 
 tions in carrying other than mail matter? 
 
 The people certainly do not think so. They have 
 been so much benefited by it, that it would cause at 
 least a political revolution, if it were abandoned. 
 Evidently the government is doing this work for the 
 people better and at less cost than it would be done 
 by private enterprise. 
 
 But for this action on the part of the government, 
 the Express Companies would charge much more than 
 now for such packages. Probably now, they carry 
 these packages without profit, and the government 
 does the entire mail service at considerable loss. 
 
 No doubt private enterprise in its various forms, 
 could do all this work as cheaply and efficiently as 
 the government, but no one claims that it ever will 
 permanently compete with the present service. 
 
72 EVOLUTION- WH7(7H-RE VOLUTION 
 
 Besides, govemmeiit service is now made more costly 
 than it should be, by the vast amounts paid to railroads 
 for carrying the mail, by improper classification of 
 mail matter and by irregular methods in the Post 
 Office Department. All these things in time, under a 
 proper system of government, would be changed, and 
 the mail service greatly improved and made to pay 
 its own expenses, even if it did not show a surplus 
 yearly. 
 
 Now, if the basic principle of the functions of gov- 
 ernment is properly observed in carrying the mail and 
 small packages, what reason can be given for limiting 
 the size of packages carried? 
 
 It would be government competition with private 
 enterprise, but so was letter mail at first, and so is 
 package mail at present, fbat, however, has nothing 
 to do with the matter. If it is better for the whole 
 nation that the work be done by government than by 
 private enterprise, government should do it. And if 
 the size of the package is not limited, would not the 
 work to be done include the transportation of all mer- 
 chandise ? 
 
 Would it not be of the greatest benefit to the Nation 
 to have all merchandise carried cheaply, promptly and 
 safely everywhere in our country? If express and 
 freight were carried at actual cost, would farmers 
 ever have to sell, as they have sometimes done, their 
 hay, grain and com at less than the cost of production? 
 Would corn ever again be used as fuel because it cost 
 
TEE FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 73 
 
 so much to exchange it for coal? "Would monopolies 
 in meat, provisions, mines, and the natural products 
 of the earth, be able to ruin small dealers, and to fill 
 their treasuries with ill-gotten profits, because of 
 reduced cost of freight on their goods? 
 
 In a single year more than $10,000,000 has been paid 
 by the railroads as rebates to monopolies. 
 
 Surely a cost transportation of merchandise would 
 be a thousand times more beneficial to the whole coun- 
 try, than even a free mailing letter service could be. 
 
 Would not the same principle apply to the telephone 
 and telegraph service, even more closely than to the 
 transportation of merchandise ? 
 
 Think of the stimulus to trade if orders and en- 
 quiries could be sent in a few minutes, where now it 
 takes days or weeks by mail, and at a few cents cost. 
 The extent of advantage resulting in business and in 
 social life, of such a consummation, is too great to 
 be estimated. 
 
 The same principle applies to passenger traffic on 
 our railroads. Low freights may be of greater advan- 
 tage to the country at large, than low passenger rates, 
 but the latter would benefit the people even more than 
 the mail and telegraph service. 
 
 Constant personal intercourse between residents of 
 different parts of the country, tends to practical edu- 
 cation, encourages business, does away with sectional 
 prejudices, develops new fields for labor, and serves 
 to unite the various sections into a compact Nation. 
 
74 EVOLUTION- Wff/Cff— REVOLUTION 
 
 If these things are true, then all transportation, 
 whether of mails, merchandise or passengers, is 
 entirely a government function because it can be done 
 by it for the people, better than individual enterprise 
 will do it. 
 
 It makes no difference where or how far this princi- 
 ple leads us, provided it is true. It cannot lead us 
 astray if we legitimately follow it. 
 
 Under the subdivisions of government, whether in 
 State, city or town, the same principle holds true of 
 the first class of activities that belong to each. The 
 Police, the Water Department, the Care of Streets, 
 etc., are universally controlled by the governments 
 of the various towns and cities, but transit, lighting, 
 etc., all rest on the same principle and are equally 
 government functions. 
 
 Among the many functions of a Central Govern- 
 ment are at least the following : 
 
 (A) Issuing and controlling the medium of ex- 
 change. (B) Our relations with foreign governments, 
 (treaties, war, protecting our citizens' rights, etc.). 
 (C) Care of National property, (lands, forts, build- 
 ings, etc.). (D) Defence and protection of our 
 national rights and existence, (Army, Navy, etc.). 
 (E) Certain internal improvements, (harbor, naviga- 
 ble rivers, irrigation, etc.). (F) Regulating and con- 
 trolling foreign and interstate commerce. (G) Immi- 
 gration. (H) Methods of raising revenue, (tariff, 
 certain forms of taxation, etc.). (I) Self -protection 
 
TEE FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 75 
 
 against whatever may endanger the national existence, 
 (Treason, Rebellion, Secession, etc.)-, (J) Defining 
 and defending the rights and duties of citizens. (K) 
 Supervising the manufacture and sale of articles of 
 food, drink and clothing to prevent adulteration and 
 fraud. (L) Preventing injurious monopolies and 
 regulating and controlling others. (M) Methods of 
 nomiaating and electing all officials of the Central 
 government. (N) Establishment and control of United 
 States Courts. (O) Education in certain lines. 
 (P) Making and executing such laws as are necessary 
 to regulate and control the second class of activities. 
 
 In some of these functions there is a doubt how far 
 the Central government has or should have power to 
 act. Therefore the rights of the government, the ex- 
 tent of its power, and the limit to which this power 
 can be exerted, are matters of great importance, and 
 will be considered in detail. 
 
 The Department of State should retain, .in general, 
 its present functions, and its secretary should be 
 chairman of the Cabinet. 
 
 Now, the responsibility for the proper performance 
 of the State Secretary's duties, rests with the Presi- 
 dent, while the Secretary and his assistants are sup- 
 posed to do the work. 
 
 As the President should be merely an executive 
 officer, the Secretaries of the various Departments 
 of the Cabinet should be responsible directly to the 
 Sources of Power for their Departments. This, and 
 
76 EVOLUTION- WifZCH-REVOLUTION 
 
 the system according to which they act and are respon- 
 sible, would constitute the most important change in 
 the Cabinet's functions. 
 
 Naturally, these functions would be extended or 
 limited by the Sources of Power, as experience proved 
 necessary, therefore it may be well to suggest certain 
 matters connected with them for consideration and 
 discussion. 
 
A NATION'S TRUE PROSPERITY. 
 
 What is the foundation of true prosperity in a 
 nation ? 
 
 When is a nation really prosperous? 
 
 These are the first questions to be answered in a 
 proper discussion of a nation's policies and laws. 
 
 The answer will depend on our definition of pros- 
 perity, and will vary as much as our conceptions of 
 what makes a nation great. 
 
 Nations have been considered great, when with well 
 trained soldiers and brave seamen they have con- 
 quered other nations, have extended their boundaries, 
 and, like Alexander, have mourned only because no 
 new worlds remained to be rendered subject to their 
 sway. 
 
 Nations have been considered prosperous, when they 
 have gained control of trade and commerce, when 
 their manufactories were driven with orders, when 
 their products were widely demanded, and wealth 
 poured its flood into the treasuries of the rich, whose 
 extravagance, licentiousness and luxurious living 
 astonished the world. 
 
 But the passing of these nations uncovered their 
 nakedness, and discovered the rottenness of their 
 prosperity and the weakness of their greatness. Their 
 prosperity was fictitious, their greatness a bubble, and 
 the natural results followed. 
 
 77 
 
78 EVOLUTION— WHICH— REVOLUTION 
 
 And yet nations, new-born or gnided by years of 
 experience as well as by the truths of history, have 
 not learned the meaning of true prosperity. 
 
 " The trail of the serpent is over them all," and 
 we are no less foolish and culpable than others. 
 
 "We too, have considered rapid growth, productions 
 artificially increased, huge factories and manu- 
 factories, making machines out of intelligent beings, 
 great cities filled with tenements and sweat shops, 
 permeated with ignorance, vice, crime and poverty, 
 and crowned with Babel-like structures and luxurious 
 palaces, residences of the few who, through grasping 
 monopolies, have built up enormous fortunes at the 
 expense of the people, — these things we have con- 
 sidered signs of greatness and prosperity, and now 
 point with pride to the race we have run with other 
 nations for the prize — destruction. 
 
 Manufactories, mills, great cities, rapid growth and 
 extended trade are by no means the foundation of a 
 nation's prosperity. They do give employment to 
 millions of poor creatures, who make money for others 
 in order to exist themselves. They do at times create 
 a fictitious prosperity that invites great masses of 
 ignorant, undesirable immigrants to flock into the 
 large manufacturing centers, to add wealth to the 
 rich and poverty to the poor. But the prosperity is 
 at best only temporary, false, and undesirable, in the 
 midst of which the reaction comes and the people 
 suffer for work, food and clothing. 
 
A NATION'S TRUE PB08PEBITT 79 
 
 Are then mills, great cities, manufactories, extended 
 trade and rapid growth, a hindrance to a nation's 
 prosperity 1 
 
 Generally they are not merely a hindrance to its 
 true growth, but are the most dangerous enemies to 
 its very existence, and yet they may or may not be 
 desirable according to the conditions that produced 
 them. If they are the forced growth of accumulated 
 capital, built up by artificial means on unsound foun- 
 dations, they are a dangerous evil that should be 
 limited and controlled. 
 
 If they are the natural outgrowth of a rational 
 national progress, they are like the limbs of a tree 
 that bear good fruit in due season. 
 
 Wealth, like power, concentrated in the hands of a 
 few, is always injurious to a nation. Temporarily it 
 may build railroads, steamships, factories and form 
 gigantic monopolies, whose products will control the 
 markets of the world, and may employ at good wages 
 a vast army of men, and produce artificially good 
 times. But this is not done for the good of the people, 
 or for the benefit of the nation, and hard times for the 
 poor inevitably follow, while the rich are untouched. 
 
 Enormous wealth held by a few, has destroyed great 
 nations, and its tendency is clearly shown in our coun- 
 try to-day by the luxurious living, the foolish extrava- 
 gance, and the destruction of moral sentiment in that 
 class upon whom fortune has lavished her favors. 
 
 The tendency has extended to our rulers. They are 
 
80 EVOLUTION— W^H/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 no longer noted for their simple lives, their republican 
 manners, their plain garments. They are rather aping 
 the customs and habits of Emperors, Kings, Nobles 
 and foreign courts. Salaries are raised because of 
 the expense " necessary to maintain certain posi- 
 tions." Government is made to supply horses, car- 
 riages and servants for certain ofQcials. Ambassadors 
 are selected from those who possess no other qualifica- 
 tions than wealth, usually inherited from ancestors, 
 because " they must play the tricks and ape the 
 fooleries " of the courts where they are located. 
 
 Our representatives stand for republican simplicity. 
 They go from a land where all are supposed to be 
 equal, where none kow-tow before an imbecile empress, 
 or, on bended knee, kiss the hand of a king. 
 
 They should feel the dignity of their mission. If 
 they do not, they cannot worthily represent us. When 
 they attempt to compete with foreign flunkeys, they 
 are properly ridiculed, because they show their own 
 inherent littleness and their inadequate conception 
 of their duties. 
 
 But aside from these tendencies of accumulated 
 wealth in the hands of a few, its worst result is that 
 it is a destroyer of the homes of the people. 
 
 A nation may be called great and powerful. Wealth 
 may pour into it. Its ships may carry to every land 
 the products of its mills, factories and mines. Its 
 cities may be filled with millions of workers, like the 
 bees in a hive. Its palaces may vie with those of 
 
A NATION'S TRUE PROSPERITY 81 
 
 Emperors and yet there may be no real prosperity 
 there. 
 
 No nation can he truly great and permanently -pros- 
 perous, whose foundations are not laid deep in the 
 homes of its people. 
 
 A nation of homes may have a slower growth, but 
 it will be a solid one. It may not increase so rapidly 
 in wealth and power, but its increase will be beneficial 
 to all. It may not be so boastful, arrogant and grasp- 
 ing, but in the end it will stand firm and strong when 
 other nations are swept away. 
 
 A prosperous nation is and must be a nation of 
 homes. This was our beginning. This made every 
 man, woman and child in the colonies feel an interest 
 in the government, and ready to defend the rights 
 of the home. 
 
 The forced growth of manufactures and too rapid 
 development of our natural resources, have tended 
 to destroy the home, and this tendency has been 
 encouraged by the foolish weakness of our laws regu- 
 lating and controlling monopolies and trusts, as well 
 as by an unfortunate disposition of government lands. 
 
 Our cities have ravished the country calling thence 
 the flower of the population to sink their individual- 
 ities in the rush and bustle of the crowd, where homes 
 have degenerated into boarding houses and tenements, 
 until millions of the people have no idea of a real 
 home. 
 
 Our politicians recognize the national value of 
 
82 EVOLUTION- Wff/CJT-RE VOLUTION 
 
 homes, by speaking of the farmers as the backbone of 
 the nation, and they are about all that remains of the 
 homes of the people, that were formerly the strength 
 of the Bast. And even the farms have been invaded 
 by monopolists and the home life is more than 
 threatened. 
 
 Thousands of acres owned by one man, tens of 
 thousands owned by corporations, cultivated by 
 machinery, handled by hirelings, destroy the competi- 
 tion of the small farmer and tend to break up the 
 home. 
 
 Now, if the homes of the people are the only safe 
 foundation of our nation, our policy should be to 
 build up thousands, millions, of these homes all over 
 our land. Let commerce, mills and manufactures go 
 their own way if need be, while the nation strengthens 
 its ' ' backbone. ' ' 
 
 The Mormons set us an example. They showed us 
 how homes could be started and maintained to the 
 benefit of the settlers and without expense to the 
 Church. 
 
 We can easily improve on their example, and, by 
 building iip countless homes, can, in a measure, coun- 
 teract the evil results of city life. 
 
 To do this, our public lands should be used to 
 encourage legitimate settlers to build up small homes. 
 
 Our present treatment of them is the reverse of this. 
 It encourages speculators and not homesteaders, as 
 every one knows who has witnessed or even read of, 
 
A NATION'S TRUE PROSPERITY 83 
 
 the scenes when a desirable reservation is open to 
 the public. 
 
 This land is the Nation's and the Nation's it should 
 always continue to be. No ownership title should 
 ever be vested in man or corporation, but it should he 
 set apart for settlement. Mines of ore or coal should 
 remain forever under control of the government. 
 
 Any citizen should be permitted to select for his 
 home any unoccupied section of government land, 
 containing not over 40 acres, and should be welcome 
 to settle there without money and without price. 
 
 After four or five years he should pay the govern- 
 ment a small rent per acre for his land, and while he 
 continued to pay this and lived there, he should have 
 the entire control of the property. At his death the 
 leasehold should go to his nearest heir, who would 
 settle on it and live there, and who would pay to the 
 other heirs a fair amount for the buildings, etc., 
 owned by the deceased. 
 
 In case no heir desired it as a home, government 
 should take it and rent it on the same terms to a new 
 tenant, who should pay an appraised value of improve- 
 ments to the heirs. 
 
 Town sites should be laid out by government, and 
 the lots should be disposed of in a similar way. 
 
 There are arid lands enough in the United States 
 to support great numbers of small families when 
 water is supplied. These lands would be the garden 
 spots of the Nation. Crops there would never fail. 
 
84 EVOLUTION- Wff/CH-REVOLUTION 
 
 The settlers' income would be regular and certain. 
 
 These lands should be irrigated at government ex- 
 pense, and opened to settlers on a similar plan, except 
 that the number of acres allowed to each settler should 
 be less, and the charge per acre for water, should be 
 sufficient to pay all expenses of supplying it, includ- 
 ing interest on the first cost. 
 
 Colonies would multiply, as they have elsewhere 
 under vastly inferior conditions, and homes would 
 increase to the benefit of the nation. 
 
 A man who has his home and lives there, is nearly 
 always a good citizen. Anarchy, Socialism, Treason 
 and kindred evils would gain no foothold in these 
 colonies. 
 
 Let us then look forward to no great co-operative 
 city, where millions, losing their family existence, live 
 simply in herds, for the sake of profit sharing, even 
 if that were possible, but rather let us plan to cover 
 our land with happy homes, where each family shall 
 live " under its own vine and fig tree, with none to 
 molest or make afraid." 
 
 Homes, not huge tenement houses, will make the 
 nation great and prosperous. 
 
THE EIGHTS OF PROPERTY AND THE 
 RIGHTS OF MAN. 
 
 Property is that to which one has a legal title. 
 
 Whatever the law should give any one the right to 
 acquire and retain, it should protect him in keeping 
 and using, provided its use does not interfere with 
 the natural or acquired rights of others. 
 
 What should the law declare to be property? This 
 is the fundamental question, the answer to which 
 underlies all governments, and all society. 
 
 On what principle is the right to retain anything, 
 of which one has gained possession, based? 
 
 Should ownership be perpetual or limited? Where 
 is real ownership of natural products vested? Who 
 has any right to confer ownership as such, either per- 
 petual or limited, upon anyone? 
 
 Can ownership of any gift of Nature ever extend 
 beyond the right to use it legitimately ? 
 
 Such questions as these force themselves on the 
 student of human rights as connected with the rights 
 of property. Existing conditions make these ques- 
 tions exceedingly difficult to answer, but the following 
 discussion may, at least, lead to an intelligent con- 
 sideration of this topic. 
 
 " Property," in the eyes of the law, includes real 
 and personal estate. " Real estate " is land and such 
 
 85 
 
86 EVOLUTION- TfSICH-RE VOLUTION 
 
 things on it as the law considers immovable. This is 
 made to include water to a certain extent. ' ' Personal 
 property " is all other kinds of property. 
 
 Neither of these terms has, as yet, been extended 
 far enough to include free air and sunlight, or the 
 great divisions of water. 
 
 Is government justified in declaring all these things 
 property, and has it any right to confer ownership 
 of them on any person or body of persons ? 
 
 Eemember that the right of possession and use, 
 is quite different from the right of ownership. 
 
 If I find an umbrella, I have an understood right 
 to take it, keep it and use it, until the loser claims it. 
 
 If I make an umbrella, depriving no one of any of 
 the materials of which it is made, then I can claim 
 positive ownership, and may have the right to dis- 
 pose of it. 
 
 These are natural rights, and would be so considered 
 apart from all law. 
 
 By my labor, I have added value to Nature's gifts, 
 and have thus acquired wealth, which naturally be- 
 longs to me. 
 
 Even personal property then is divided into two 
 classes, independent of law, one of which confers only 
 the right to use under certain conditions, while the 
 other gives personal ownership. 
 
 Law simply confirms these natural rights, which it 
 would have no right arbitrarily to confer on any one. 
 
 As there are natural rights to so-called personal 
 
BIGHTS OF PBOPEBTY AND OF MAN 87 
 
 property, so there are natural rights even to a greater 
 degree to so-called real property. These rights have 
 been gradually encroached on by law, which has 
 created a fictitious ownership contrary to nature and 
 reason, and it may be well to consider how this state 
 of affairs has been brought about. 
 
 In the olden time, the Power to gain and to retain, 
 was the unwritten law of property. Force was govern- 
 ment. Force was law. Possession was temporary 
 ownership, which shifted from the weaker to the 
 stronger. 
 
 Neither nations nor individuals have passed that 
 uncivilized condition of political economy in their 
 practical dealings with one another, whatever their 
 theories may be. 
 
 As time went by, those who gained possession of 
 almost everything worth having in their respective 
 localities, concluded it would be wise and prudent, to 
 unite in some form of compact that would protect 
 them in keeping what they had gained. 
 
 This led to a form of government under which 
 powerful barons, nobles, or petty rulers, recognized 
 certain rights in property, under which each might 
 get from outsiders whatever he could, and should be 
 protected in retaining it. 
 
 This was 
 
 " The simple rule, the good old plan, 
 
 That he shall take, who hath the power. 
 And he shall keep, who can. ' ' 
 
88 EVOLUTION— WHICff—EEVOLUTION 
 
 Prom such beginnings came tbe more formal, cen- 
 tralized governments, witli law-makers, courts, stand- 
 ing armies, and all the various paraphernalia neces- 
 sary to enforce the claims that grew out of these 
 barbarous, unrighteous conditions. The fiction of 
 Force-ownership was carried still further, and the 
 so-called owner was given the power in general, to say 
 what should be done with his possessions after his 
 death. 
 
 Exceptions are made to this general law in many 
 nations, by a sort of entail, under which certain rela- 
 tives are given possession of, or interest in a part or 
 all of the property of the deceased, and the claims of 
 creditors are also protected, in spite of the wishes 
 of the dead possessor. 
 
 In general then, law grants ownership to one who 
 can show that he obtained a title from another, in 
 whom, according to law, it was vested. 
 
 Law overlooks the fact that the original title to 
 real property was gained by force, and that force 
 has now an equal right to win it from its present 
 possessors. 
 
 A laborer was once passing through the grounds of 
 a wealthy nobleman who saw him and said: " Here 
 you fellow, what are you doing on my land 1 ' ' 
 
 " Your land, sir? " replied the man. " And how 
 came it to be your land?" 
 
 " It was my father's land, and descended to me," 
 answered the nobleman, astonished at the question. 
 
BIGHTS OF PROPERTY AND OF MAN 89 
 
 " But how came it to be your father's land? " per- 
 sisted the workman. 
 
 " "Why it was his father's, and his father's father's 
 before him," said the nobleman. 
 
 " And how did the first father get it, sir," queried 
 the man? 
 
 " How did he get it? Why he fought for it." 
 
 ' ' Well, sir, ' ' said the laborer, throwing off his coat, 
 "then let us fight for it again." 
 
 The story is not without its moral. Possession, how- 
 ever long continued, founded upon injustice, may be 
 disputed again, and overcome by the same power, 
 when the masses begin to realize their natural rights 
 and the injustice done them by arbitrary laws which 
 confer ownership on others. 
 
 One thing is certain. Fictitious laws of owner- 
 ship are bad in themselves, bad in their source, 
 and bad in their relation to the great body of 
 the people. They inculcate wrong ideas, engender 
 class hatred, and make it possible for a few to 
 acquire unlimited possessions, while the thousand cry 
 for work and bread. They have buUt up monopolies 
 in land and in all its natural products, until the great 
 masses of the people, like their Master, have no place 
 to rest which they can use without permission of the 
 so-called owners. They have given to a few control 
 of transportation, of production, and even of legisla- 
 tion, and have universally made ' ' rights ' ' acquired by 
 force superior to the natural, God-given rights of man. 
 
90 EVOLUTION- WHJOff-EB VOLUTION 
 
 The rights of man as man, and the rights of owner- 
 ship cannot be separated. They are founded on some- 
 thing higher and nobler than human law or custom, 
 and are as inalienable as God is powerful. For they 
 were established by Him at the creation, and rest in 
 Him to-day. 
 
 " In the beginning Ood created the h&aven and the 
 earth. ' ' He covered the land with grass, herbs, flowers 
 and trees. He filled the waters with life and the air 
 with winged fowl. He created the cattle, the beasts 
 of the earth, and all of the lower animal life. All was 
 His. His ownership has never departed from Sim. 
 
 Then He made man and gave him dominion over 
 earth, sea and air, and all things in them. 
 
 Four things, earth, air, water, and light, He made 
 for all. Their use was free for all. This right to use 
 them has never been taken away by their creator and 
 owner. Who else has the right to deprive man of his 
 share in these free gifts? 
 
 Might, law, do not make right. Force may take 
 this use from me. Law may say that man can control 
 them, and may restrain me from regaining their use. 
 But I feel that my just rights are denied me. I know 
 I ought to be permitted to use "any of these gifts that 
 are not used by others, and that no one should deprive 
 me of their use, and the sense of injustice grows into 
 antagonism to government, laws, society and wealth. 
 
 This forces upon us the solution of the questions : 
 
 ' ' Should any one have a right to control light, air. 
 
EIGHTS OF PBOPEBTY AND OF MAN 91 
 
 land and water, beyond his personal possession and 
 use? " 
 
 " Should such control extend beyond the actual 
 possession and use? " 
 
 " Should not any one be permitted to use any of 
 these free gifts of nature wherever and whenever he 
 finds them unused by others ? ' ' 
 
 Land and all it contains, and water wherever it is 
 desirable for profit or pleasure, have been taken 
 possession of by individuals or corporations. How 
 far should this be permitted? Two or three men own 
 a great part of New York City. In a few generations, 
 their descendants may own all of it. 
 
 If these men can claim land as their own, to be held 
 during their life and to be disposed of after their 
 death according to their wishes, simply because one 
 man or a body of men gained possession of it by force 
 or fraud many years ago, and handed down a record 
 of each person to whom, since then, a so-called title 
 lias been given, could these men lose their claims to 
 this land, if others took possession of it by force and 
 held it? 
 
 And could these new possessors in turn transmit 
 ownership to others in the same way that the former 
 possessor acquired a title to it ? 
 
 If these men have absolute ownership of a thousand 
 acres of land, should they not also be able to own a 
 thousand acres of water acquired in the same way 1 
 
 How far could this fictitious ownership be carried ? 
 
92 EVOLUTION— WH70H— REVOLUTION 
 
 Could one man, if he had the means, gain positive 
 ownership of all the land and water on. the earth? 
 And if he had the legal right to hold them, would 
 others have any right to live on his land or to fish in 
 his waters without his consent? 
 
 If not, where could they go and what could they do ? 
 Does not this give him control of every human being 
 simply through his " ownership " of land and water? 
 
 Remember that it is not the extent to which it may 
 be possible to carry a principle that makes it right 
 or wrong. 
 
 One man may never acquire all the land and water 
 on the earth, even under our present system of owner- 
 ship, but individuals do already claim ownership of 
 such vast properties that practically they control hun- 
 dreds of thousands of men, women and children, al- 
 most as completely as if all other real estate in the 
 world were owned by them. 
 
 But you say, the people would never submit to the 
 entire ownership of land and water by one man. That 
 they would take by force what they needed in spite 
 of fictitious laws of ownership. Why? Because it 
 would not be right for men to own the land and water, 
 or because they had the power to take them from him ? 
 
 In the first case, the reason would be, that one man 
 controlled more than he should hold. How much 
 then should any one person control? What is the 
 limit of possession? If the right of ownership be 
 granted, where can the limits of ownership be placed? 
 
RIGHTS OF PROPERTY AND OF MAN 93 
 
 In the second case, the right of possession rests on 
 force, and is not inherent. Therefore those who take 
 by force, and those who acquire by title, must give 
 up to force, and might again rules. " They who take 
 the sword shall perish by the sword." 
 
 One corporation controls most of the sugar sold in 
 this country. Another owns most of the natural oils. 
 A few others monopolize the mines of coal, iron, lead, 
 copper and gold. Individuals and corporations own 
 millions of acres of our best farm land, and either 
 lease them to farmers, or cultivate them on an 
 enormous scale by machinery. 
 
 Thus land and water, with all they contain, are 
 .rapidly passing into the han^s of a few, to the detri- 
 ment of the many. 
 
 Has man as man any right to live, any claims to 
 the means of sustaining existence? If so, no law can 
 be just that permits the choicest gifts of nature to be 
 controlled by the few to the detriment of the many, 
 and that compels the people to beg as slaves for that 
 which they should claim as a right. 
 
 How far would advocates of the existing monopoly 
 laws of property justify carrying their present legal 
 rights? If I can gain absolute ownership of land and 
 water, may I not also in a similar way control light 
 and air? 
 
 I have invented a machine and patented it. I have 
 made one and placed it on the roof of a building 
 which I occupy and own. 
 
94 EVOLUTION- WH/CS-RE VOLUTION 
 
 My building has stood on this lot for twenty years. 
 At first it was well lighted. Now owners of lots on 
 all sides of it have erected tall buildings stretching 
 skyward far above mine and I have to use artificial 
 light at midday in every room. They have shut off 
 my light. Can they complain at what I am about 
 to do? Do they own the light and air? Ilavi' 
 they any right to take the pure air and bright sunlight? 
 
 There are machines that give out light and heat. 
 Mine reverses the process. When I turn on the power, 
 it absorbs all light and heat for several blocks around 
 me, and not a ray of light falls on my neighbors, while 
 the thermometer drops below freezing. 
 
 My machine is on my own building. It is small 
 and cannot be seen by others, but it does the work, 
 and my neighbors are in cold and darkness. 
 
 I am offering to stop my machine and let them have 
 the bright sunlight and heat for a small yearly pay- 
 ment, but they claim that I have no right to take away 
 light and heat from their buildings. 
 
 Have I any right to do this? Ought I to control 
 more light and heat than I can utilize ? 
 
 What will my neighbors do? They will tear down 
 my building destroy my patented machine, and hang 
 me to a lamp post. 
 
 Some years ago a man obtained control — ownership 
 he called it— of thousands of acres of land in Dakota. 
 He never saw it. He simply bought it. He never 
 expects to see it. 
 
BIGHTS OF PBOPERTY AND OF MAN 95 
 
 A few squatters tried to settle on it, but were driven 
 away. It lies there desolate and alone, waiting his will. 
 
 Poor people longing for pleasant homes, think they 
 ought to be permitted to use a part of this land. They 
 say he has no right to keep it from those for whom 
 God created it. 
 
 Has he? If so, how was that right acquired. By 
 purchase? Who could have sold him what God only 
 owns? Was it acquired by force, by right of con- 
 quest? Then " let us fight for it again," and by the 
 ballot make laws that will give all an equal right to 
 unused fields, or by muscle, claim and hold our own. 
 
 A rich Englishman who never crossed the ocean, 
 owns thousands of acres of fertile land iu Illinois. 
 He lets it to farmers. Their money goes to help him 
 live at ease in a foreign land. What right has he to 
 this property? He never improved it, never tilled an 
 acre of it, and it lies fallow when farmers will not 
 hire it. 
 
 If this is right, the rulers of Europe might soon own 
 and control the grajiaries of the West, the citrus and 
 cotton and rice lands of the South and of the Pacific 
 coast, and our people might be supporting the thrones 
 of our enemies. 
 
 These things are not right. They ought not so to be. 
 I have as much right to monopolize air, light and heat 
 that I am not using and cannot use, as you have to 
 retain and control land, and ores, and water, that you 
 cannot use. 
 
96 EVOLUTION- WHZOH-RBVOLUTION 
 
 These are free to all, God's gift to man for his use. 
 All monopoly in them should be destroyed, and gov- 
 ernment should control them for the common good. 
 
 The present system of ownership has so long been 
 recognized, and has gained so strong a hold on prop- 
 erty, that it may stHun diiScult to outline any plan that 
 would do justice to all and injustice to none, but in 
 reality it is only a single step forward. Government 
 now, in a certain sense, controls the property rights 
 of its citizens. 'I'hey may hold their lands, their build- 
 ings, their shops, their factories, under its laws and 
 subject to its claims. 
 
 This control should be more direct and more abso- 
 lute. The right to use nature's gifts should take the 
 place of any claim to perpetual ownership, and with 
 the passing of this claim would disappear the right 
 to say what shall bo done with one's property when 
 he is throuj^h using it. Tli<^ f^n:;\i('Ht iiiitbority in Enff- 
 lish law (Blackstone) says: 
 
 " There is no foundation in nature or in natural 
 law, why the son should have the right to exclude his 
 fellow creatures from a determinate spot of land, be- 
 cause his father had done so before him, or why the 
 occupier of a particular field, or the possessor of a 
 jewel, when lyirj^ on his death bod, and no longer 
 able to retain possession, should be able to tell the rest 
 of the world which of them should enjoy it after 
 him." 
 
 ' ' The right to reach back from the grave to control 
 
BIGHTS OF PROPERTY AND OF MAN 97 
 
 what one never really had a right to call his, is a 
 hindrance to civilization." 
 
 He goes even further than this. "Accurately and 
 strictly speaking, there is no foundation in nature or 
 natural law why a set of words on parchment shoizld 
 convey the dominion of land." " The only ques- 
 tion would be, what provision the law would make 
 for a widow and helpless family. All other property 
 should pass to the State." 
 
 Judge Trumbull adds the weight of his authority 
 by saying : ' ' No man has a natural right to dispose 
 of property after death, nor has one person a natural 
 right to inherit property from another." 
 
 Without the laws of inheritance and of will-making 
 powers, monopolies and billionaires would be harmless, 
 if not unknown. Then, even if government defined 
 and protected the right of personal possession or 
 ownership as now, during a man's life, fixed the 
 amount necessary to go to dependent survivors, and 
 itself took control of the balance, government would 
 soon have control of corporations, lands, buildings, 
 mines, means of transportation, ships, factories, and 
 wealth in general, and could so arrange for their 
 management as to give the industrious work and 
 homes, while the la2y, the shiftless and the idle would 
 have to work or starve. 
 
 The right of every person to work and his right to 
 the results of his work are among the inalienable 
 rights of man. 
 
 7 
 
98 EVOLUTION- Wff/Cff— REVOLUTION 
 
 Any organization, whether it assumes the form of 
 government and by some fallacies, named laws, en- 
 deavors to perpetuate old false claims to ownership; 
 or that of Labor Unions, which by force or worse try 
 to prevent any one from using his muscle or brains to 
 gain a livelihood, is doing untold injustice to 
 Society. 
 
 There is a wide distinction between individual or 
 private ownership of wealth that has been, or is pro- 
 duced by others, and the common or governmental or 
 communal ownership of wealth. Both have been tried 
 and it is generally conceded that to a greater or less 
 extent, both have been failures. 
 
 The first takes from humanity certain God-given 
 rights. The second fails to recognize other equally 
 divinely-given rights, and takes away from humanity 
 as long as it remains imperfect, the necessary rewards 
 of industry and enterprise. 
 
 There is even a wider distinction between owner- 
 ship by government, or by corporations or by individ- 
 uals, of values, and their control by Government which 
 admits divine ownership and claims to act only as a 
 steward to care for, regulate and govern their use 
 so as to benefit all and to do injustice to none. 
 
 If this distinction is made clear, the principles on 
 which the rights of man rest, will be easily under- 
 stood. 
 
 It is a distinction without a difference to claim that 
 individuals or corporations have the right to private 
 
BIGHTS OF PROPERTY AND OF MAN 99 
 
 ownership of all values and of wealth, but have no 
 right to own and control man as man. 
 
 It is equivalent to building around man a six-sided 
 iron room whose walls are forced nearer and nearer 
 to him, and then claiming that he has the right to 
 control and govern himself. 
 
 Private ownership of values has continually taken 
 from man the power to control and govern his own 
 actions, and is rapidly putting the masses into a con- 
 dition when they must choose between starvation and 
 practical slavery, unless indeed they assert their rights 
 by evolution or by revolution. 
 
 The functions of government overlap one another, 
 and therefore this idea is further developed under 
 Property, Taxes and Trusts, but the central thought 
 is reached here, namely, that " No man or body of 
 men should have any right to control and monopolize 
 any of the free gifts of God to man. Their control 
 belongs to the government, their use to the citizen. ' ' 
 
NATIONAL AND STATE LAWS. 
 
 The rights of citizens are two fold. First, their 
 rights as individuals, and second, their rights as a 
 part of a eomnnxaity. 
 
 Properly understood, these rights never conflict. 
 What might be an individual's right in one place and 
 under certain conditions, may not be a right under 
 other circumstances, because it is subordinated to the 
 rights of a community. 
 
 Many citizens, not clearly understanding this, de- 
 mand the privilege of doing certain things that they 
 claim as rights, when a little reflection would show 
 them the true principles of the rights of all. 
 
 Thus a man living alone, where no human being 
 ever sees him, would have an undoubted right to go 
 about naked. Living in a city, that right becomes 
 subordinate to the rights of the community. 
 
 Apart from all other human beings, one might fill 
 a building with gunpowder and dynamite, and have 
 a perfect right to keep as much explosive material 
 there, as he desired. 
 
 No sane man, however, would claim such right in a 
 crowded city. 
 
 In the same way, other acts which might be properly 
 committed in one place, become manifestly improper 
 and wrong in another. 
 
 Society is a wheel within a wheel. Each wheel, if 
 100 
 
NATIONAL AND STATE LAWS 101 
 
 running alone, miglit make any number of revolutions 
 a minute. Eunning with other wheels, its speed must 
 be regulated by its connections. 
 
 It is the province of laws, to define and limit these 
 rights, and to find means to defend and enforce them. 
 
 In theory, the American idea is to give the great- 
 est possible liberty of action to all citizens. In 
 practice, laws have so multiplied, that restriction is 
 the rule and liberty the exception. 
 
 This is largely the result of so many different minor 
 governments— States, counties, towns, etc., — separated 
 by imaginary lines, and permitted to act arbitrarily 
 in matters pertaining to all the nation. 
 
 It is the natural outgrowth of perfectly proper con- 
 ditions, which, however, no longer exist, though leav- 
 ing their influence behind them. 
 
 The old Common Law of England was the founda- 
 tion of the administration of justice in our earlier 
 courts. This law was based on man's instinctive 
 sense of right and wrong, and consisted largely of de- 
 cisions rendered in similar cases, previously decided. 
 
 Our States, however, at once began to make laws in- 
 tended to define every right both of individuals and 
 of communities, which the law of permutations and 
 combinations shows to be utterly impossible. 
 
 The result was that, while Courts of Equity were 
 supposed to dispense justice and the Courts of law to 
 decide legally, it was, and is, too often the case that 
 parties in litigation get neither justice nor law. 
 
102 EVOLUTION- W57Cfl'-EE VOLUTION 
 
 There are too many laws, most of which are so in- 
 tricate as to require trained lawyers to tell what they 
 mean, or perhaps too often to overthrow or misinter- 
 pret them, and justice is constantly defeated by tak- 
 ing advantage of the many legal technicalities inter- 
 woven (whether by design or otherwise) in the great 
 mass of undigested laws that crowd the statute books 
 of the different States. 
 
 Skilled judges are often at a loss to determine the 
 law, and the decisions of one court are frequently re- 
 versed by another, which reversion a still higher eonrt 
 may set aside. 
 
 If the rights of men, as individuals or communities, 
 demand such a complicated mass of laws and courts, 
 we would better be confronted by Anarchy as a theory 
 without law, than by Anarchy as a condition of law. 
 
 There are too many law-making bodies, covering 
 the same conditions. 
 
 The National government makes laws. The various 
 States and Territories make laws. The cities and 
 towns mal^e laws, and so it continues, until the law 
 libraries cannot contain the laws that are made. 
 
 A State Legislature that does not, in a single ses- 
 sion, pass from 500 to a 1,000 laws, is behind the times 
 and its members go to their homes feeling that they 
 have not earned their salary, which is only too true, 
 though they may have earned the "graft," which 
 smooths the way for favors to become law. 
 
 Over 35,000 laws were passed in the different States 
 
NATIONAL AND STATE LAWS 103 
 
 in a single year, to say nothing of the multitude of 
 ordinances that cumber the statute books of our towns 
 and cities, while, since the Revolution, millions of laws 
 have been passed by the States to confuse the citizen 
 and hinder justice. Could the old soldiers have 
 foreseen the labyrinthine mazes of law that em- 
 barrass their descendants, they might have thought 
 the chains of England lighter, and have hung up 
 their old flint-locks among the rafters. 
 
 Of course it is the duty of all good citizens to know 
 the law, for that "Ignorance of the law excuses no 
 one" is a court motto when some poor fellow, (who 
 doesn't have time to read his Bible, let alone the law, 
 after he has worked long enough to earn a living) is 
 haled before the judge for violating some one of the 
 thousands of laws which he should know by heart. 
 
 Know the laws! Why the lawyers don't know 
 them. The judges don't know them. The legisla- 
 tors who vote for them are ignorant of them, and 
 many a man who has introduced a bill, and by his 
 political or other influence, pushed it through the Leg- 
 islature, knows little further about it than that it was 
 handed him by those in power, to put through to help 
 somebody by hurting the people. 
 
 Some think it would be better to sweep every law 
 from our statute books and begin anew, allowing 
 meanwhile, our judges to decide equitably all cases 
 that come before them. 
 
 You will remember that, after the Revolution, the 
 
104 EVOLUTION— WH/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 Central government was found to have too little 
 power. The States were imwiUing to transfer to it 
 many rights that justly belonged to it. 
 
 Fear of centralizing power restrained the States 
 from dealing wisely with the nation. As long as the 
 Government is, in any sense, independent of the 
 Sources of Power, this fear is well grounded. But 
 there need be no hesitation in centralizing power in 
 the citizens of a real Republic. 
 
 The question forces itself now as it did then, upon 
 the attention of the people, " What powers belong 
 properly to the Central government, what to the 
 States, and what to the divisions of the States ? ' ' 
 
 It is necessary to clearly understand what "Home 
 Rule" and "State's Rights" should mean because you 
 have been and wiQ be continually confronted with 
 these phrases used as a fetish by politicians to influ- 
 ence ignorant people. 
 
 Thus a leading political party recently inserted in 
 its platform, a declaration for the "maintenance of 
 state 's rights and home rule ; no centralization. ' ' The 
 people should certainly vote to maintain suitable 
 home rule and state's rights, and a centralization of 
 power as far as these things are concerned that affect 
 the people as a part of the Nation. 
 
 This same platform declares in favor of govern- 
 ments regulating and controlling the so-called trusts, 
 but how is this to be done if its idea of home rule and 
 state's rights is maintained? 
 
NATIONAL AND STATE LAWS 105 
 
 Now, corporations— trusts — are organized according 
 to the laws of different states, or are granted special 
 charters by legislatures, although they do business in 
 all parts of the Union and often, all over the world. 
 
 States compete with one another in granting liberal 
 terms to trusts in return for the payments that are 
 made to the State treasury. 
 
 The laws under which these great industrial cor- 
 porations and holding trusts, and railroads can be 
 organized, vary in all the states. New Jersey, West 
 Virginia, South Dakota and many other states permit 
 the widest range of power, the greatest opportunity, 
 the most favorable terms and the least possible super- 
 vision, and hundreds of great corporations are organ- 
 ized in these states, whose control is elsewhere, which 
 do little or no business there, but are national in their 
 scope and affect other states much more than those 
 where they are organized. 
 
 These are not local institutions. 
 
 They are National-interstate-corporations in their 
 busiuess, their ownership and their interests. 
 
 How can a proper claim for State's rights inchide 
 such organizations? How can each state regulate 
 and control the business of such corporations? Those 
 who advocate state's rights in such matters are the 
 loudest in their demands that the Central government 
 shall take measures to control or destroy many trusts 
 that the states are powerless to trouble. 
 
 The question forces itself on the people's attention. 
 
106 EVOLUTION-WHZCH-REVOLUTION 
 
 Are we a collection of petty republics, each jealous 
 of its fancied rights and envious of its neighbor, or 
 are Ave a great Nation to be ruled by the Sources of 
 Power in all things that concern all the people ? 
 
 Gradually the people have conferred more and more 
 power on the Central government and have learned 
 a part of the lesson that is still being taught them by 
 the trusts. 
 
 To the Central government belongs the power to in- 
 corporate, regulate ajid control all corporations that 
 not being local in character and scope, do business in 
 all parts of the nation 
 
 In no other way can we solve the great problem 
 that the aggregation of capital and brains in the form 
 of gigantic corporations has presented to the nation. 
 
 The Interstate Commerce Commission and the 
 Bureau of Corporations, show the trend of public 
 opinion in regard to this issue. The next and most 
 important step will and must be complete federal 
 control of all interstate organizations. 
 
 "Home Rule" has always been a popular cry with 
 politicians and demagogues, and it is well to consider 
 what it means. 
 
 Each family is entitled to home rule, as far as it 
 does not conflict with the rights of its neighbors. 
 Bach ward or district, each city, and each State can 
 justly make the same claim. 
 
 Such laws or rules as pertain exclusively to any one 
 of these divisions, should be made and carried out by 
 
NATIONAL AND STATE LAWS 107 
 
 it. But whenever any act of individual, family, town, 
 city or State, extends beyond its own divisions, the 
 right to regulate and control it, follows the exten- 
 sion of the act to whatever division is affected by it. 
 
 Thus the head of a family may bring up his chil- 
 dren to accept such religious forms and beliefs as he 
 considers best. As long as there is nothing injurious 
 to others in these teachings, no man or body of men 
 has any right to interfere. But if a father keeps his 
 children from school or permits them to run naked 
 even in his own yard, the town or city authorities 
 have a right to compel him to act in such a way as not 
 to interfere wth the rights of others. 
 
 If he teaches his children to steal, the state can 
 punish him and correct the evil. 
 
 If he helps them make counterfeit money, the 
 National government has the right to punish him, and 
 to protect the citizens by forcibly preventing the act, 
 since it is a violation of national rights and an injury 
 to all citizens. 
 
 There are certain rights, privileges and duties of 
 common and general interest to all citizens of the 
 Nation. It belongs to the Central government, to de- 
 fine, limit, regulate and control these rights and priv- 
 ileges, and to enforce these common duties. 
 
 The Central government can do this work better for 
 the people, than it can be done by any division of the 
 Nation. 
 
 While it may be difficult to decide just how far the 
 
108 EVOLUTION- WFZCiT-REVOLUTION 
 
 law-making power of the Central government should 
 extend, it has gradually been given more and more 
 scope as the citizens have become more enlightened 
 and have lost somewhat the fear of centralizing power. 
 
 The chief opposition to giving the Nation its proper 
 rank as a true government of the people, has come 
 from politicians, who desire to retain as much power 
 as possible in the State governments, and in the city 
 governments, in order to personally profit thereby. 
 
 In spite of all opposition however, the benefits 
 arising from giving to a Central government the 
 power to make all laws that pertain to the common 
 rights of all citizens, are gra/dually becoming more 
 apparent, and this must, ultimately, prevail as being 
 the true principle of the best form of a Republic. 
 
 The lack of uniformity in certain State laws that 
 concern the common weal of the nation and the limi- 
 tation of jurisdiction by State lines, have long been 
 understood to be a hindrance to jiistice. 
 
 The laws of marriage and divorce, of collection of 
 debts, of bankruptcy and of crime in general, show 
 how justice miscarries -because the States have re- 
 tained jurisdiction over such things as belong to the 
 Nation. 
 
 Thus a marriage or a divorce in one State, may not 
 be valid in another, and murder may go unpunished 
 even when proved, because of State limits. 
 
 The foolish wickedness of this limitation is shown in 
 the following extract from a North Carolina paper: 
 
NATIONAL AND STATE LAWS 109 
 IN TWO STATES AT ONCE. 
 
 Remarkable Twist of the Law by which a Man 
 Convicted of Murder Escapes. 
 
 Ealeigh, N. C, Dec. 29.— Depiity Sheriffi Hall, 
 standing on this side of the State line, fired and killed 
 Tbidrew Bryson, a prisoner who was escaping into 
 Tennessee, llall was tried and convicted of murder 
 in this State. On appeal this was reversed on the 
 ground that "in contemplation of law, Hall was in 
 Tennessee, where the killing was done. ' ' He was then 
 arrested and held as a fugitive from justice. 
 
 The Governor of Tennessee sent for Hall on requisi- 
 tion. Hall applied for discharge, but Judge Below 
 refused to discharge him. He then appealed. The 
 Supreme Court, by a majority of one, decides he 
 must be discharged, because not having been in Ten- 
 nessee at the time of the killing, he cannot be a fugi- 
 tive from justice. 
 
 Justice Clark dissents; Justice Macrae joining in 
 dissent, on the ground that if in contemplation of law 
 Hall was in Tennessee at the time of the killing, so that 
 he cannot be tried in North Carolina, in the same con- 
 templation of law he must be a fugitive from justice, 
 for he cannot now be found in Tennessee, but in North 
 Carolina. 
 
 Similar cases elsewhere have shown the great dis- 
 
110 EVOLUTION- WHZCH-RE VOLUTION 
 
 advantage of localities making laws for the punish- 
 ment of universal crimes. These laws should be uni- 
 form and jurisdiction over such criminals should 
 belong to the Nation, thus avoiding the legal techni- 
 calities which skillful lawyers use to defeat justice. 
 
 But State laws may also violate the rights of citi- 
 zens of other States. To such an extent is the Doc- 
 trine of States Rights often carried, that some States 
 have attempted to act as if they were petty European 
 Principalities. 
 
 Many States have passed laws taxing residents of 
 other States, when, in person or through agents, they 
 cross the imaginary State line to sell goods. Fortu- 
 nately such restrictions have been condemned by the 
 courts, but others, still more absurd, are being con- 
 stantly attempted. 
 
 Thus a New York law provided "that all stones 
 used in State or Municipal works within the State, or 
 which have to be dressed for such use, shall be so 
 dressed on the grounds where work is carried on, or 
 within the boundaries of the State or of the munici- 
 pality." 
 
 If this principle is a good one, all the States should 
 adopt it and carry it to its legitimate extent. 
 
 All wood used in such State or Municipal buildings 
 should, at least, be finished in the State. All wood 
 used to heat these buildings should be sawed and split 
 in the State. All nails used in the building should be 
 made in the State, and, in fact, while so-called raw 
 
NATIONAL AND STATE LAWS 111 
 
 material might be brought into a State if it could not 
 be obtained within it, no work on it should be per- 
 mitted to be done outside of the State, if it is to be 
 used for State purposes. 
 
 It is, indeed, hard to find any limit to such absnnli- 
 ties. 
 
 Why not require everything used for public pur- 
 poses in State and city to be prepared, or made in the 
 State? Carpets, furniture, paiat, glass, and even 
 pens, ink, paper, etc., all should be included. 
 
 The absurdity would be but little more apparent, 
 if all who worked for the State or Municipality, were 
 obliged to wear shoes, clothes, rings, jewelry, etc., 
 made in the State, and to have their hair cut and teeth 
 filled by residents of the State. 
 
 It is well known how such laws are made and the 
 reason for making them, and the same influence could 
 easily extend further. 
 
 Perhaps the law sought to remedy an apparent in- 
 equality, but it was made ignorantly to please a sec- 
 tion of voters. 
 
 But supposing each State enacted similar laws, or 
 even went so far as to prevent raw material going out 
 of the State, what would happen then ? 
 
 The legitimate end of all such local exclusiveness 
 would be to make each State " close communion." 
 
 There are National rights as well as State rights, 
 and home rule extends to the Central government, 
 as well as to that of the State, city or family. 
 
112 EVOLUTION- WilZCS-RE VOLUTION 
 
 If we once obtain a clear idea of what is meant by 
 " rights " and " home rule," there wiU be but little 
 difficulty in drawing the dividing line between the 
 rights and duties of the several divisions of a Repub- 
 lic, even though political agencies seek, for personal 
 ends, to make them mysterious and obscure. 
 
 Make a list of the things you can do as an individual 
 or as head of a family, or that your neighbor can do, 
 without in any way interfering with the rights, duties 
 and privileges of others. 
 
 If your list is correct, you have certain matters of 
 which no law should take notice, and any law, rule, 
 regulation or ordinance, that interferes in the least 
 with these things, is a violation of the rights of man 
 as man, and of " home rule." 
 
 It belongs to the town or city, State or Nation to 
 define, limit and regulate all other acts of yourself 
 or of your neighbor. 
 
 Add to this list those things that the people of your 
 town or city can do without in any way interfering 
 with the rights, privileges or duties of those who live 
 outside of its boundaries. 
 
 You have now covered such matters as the town or 
 city should control and with which neither State nor 
 Nation should interfere. 
 
 Your third list should include everything that the 
 people in any State can do without in any way 
 infringing the rights, duties, and privileges of those 
 who live outside of its boundaries. 
 
NATIONAL AND STATE LAWS 113 
 
 This list will show just what the State should regu- 
 late and control. In each ease the legislative, execu- 
 tive and judicial functions should be limited by the 
 lists you have made. 
 
 You should now make a list of those things that no 
 citizen or collection of citizens in any State can do, 
 that may not in some way, interfere with the rights, 
 duties or privileges of the citizens of other States or 
 of foreign nations. 
 
 Your lists will show the proper functions of the 
 Nation, the State, the city or town, and of the family 
 or individual. 
 
 Even if your lists are incorrect, they are founded on 
 the right principle and will lead you to a just dis- 
 crimination between the rights and duties of the vari- 
 ous divisions of government. 
 
 There is no doubt that a simple, uniform system of 
 national laws covering the things included in your 
 last list, would do much to benefit the people, to dis- 
 courage litigation, to improve the profession of law, 
 which, ridding itself of shysters, would gradually 
 become a noble one, sought chiefly by those who loved 
 justice and who would not lend themselves for pay 
 to defeat its ends. 
 
 Your last list will include those things mentioned 
 elsewhere in this book as the functions of a National 
 government, as well as the power to make and execute 
 laws relating to divorce, murder, fraud, defalcations, 
 the manufacture and control of commodities sold 
 
114 EVOLUTION— WSZCH-REVOLUTION 
 
 througliout the nation, lotteries and many other 
 matters pertaining to all the people. 
 
 In time the leading Nations of the World might 
 unite on certain Universal Laws in regard to such 
 crimes as affect the world in general, so that even 
 National boundaries would not be the limit of juris- 
 diction for certain crimes. 
 
 We have been too careful to protect the rights of 
 criminals, and State prejudice has greatly contributed 
 to their protection. 
 
 By giving each division of the Nation its proper 
 rights, much would be done to protect the people from 
 unpunished criminals. 
 
 We have not attempted to indicate all laws or func- 
 tions pertaining to each division of government, but 
 simply to lay down the general principles on which 
 the law-making power should rest. 
 
THE PREVENTION AND PUNISHMENT 
 OF CRIME. 
 
 Under human governments, a crime is any act de- 
 clared by law to be such. Murder would be wrong, 
 but would not be a crime unless so stated by a law. 
 
 Certain acts are declared crimes by all civilized 
 nations, such as murder, robbery, arson, etc. 
 
 Other acts are crimes under one government, but 
 not under another, because one has made laws against 
 them and the other has not. 
 
 Punishment for the same crime varies in different 
 nations, and even in adjacent States, and in the same 
 locality a crime is punished quite differently at dif- 
 ferent times. 
 
 Thus in England years ago, highway robbery was 
 punished with d6ath. Now the penalty is imprison- 
 ment. 
 
 In order to reduce crime to a minimum, certain 
 points must be carefully considered. 
 
 First. The punishment must be swift and sure. 
 Perjury would die a natural death in a month, if, in 
 every case, the punishment of Ananias and Sapphira 
 were to be inflicted as quickly as it was on them. 
 
 To-day perjury is universally made a crime, but 
 it is condoned in our courts and often commended 
 by the public 
 
 tl5 
 
116 EVOLUTION— WSICJff-REVOLUTION 
 
 " He perjured himself like a gentleman," was said 
 as a compliment to King Edward of England. 
 
 Men's characters, property and lives are often 
 sworn away falsely. Many witnesses oare no more 
 for an oath than for the idle wind. 
 
 Policemen often swear to anything to protect others 
 on the force, or to injure an enemy. 
 
 A policeman, in a noted trial, perjured himself in 
 the most approved way to the entire satisfaction of 
 his associates. 
 
 When this fact was made evident, he confessed his 
 perjury, and gave quite different testimony, which 
 convicted others of crime. 
 
 It is difficult to understand why he should be con- 
 gratulated and exempted from punishment on account 
 of a forced and perhaps perjured confession. 
 
 Both the law and its enforcement are so deficient 
 that M. Farde says: " The profession of a criminal 
 offers greater profits and smaller risks, than any other 
 career opened to the indolent poor," and he by no 
 means should have limited it to this class. 
 
 Every class from the highest to the lowest, has nota- 
 ble representatives in this " Profession," which is 
 encouraged and enlarged by the weakness of our laws 
 and the chances of escaping punishment. 
 
 The fact is, criminals count first, on not being de- 
 tected; second, on the ability of some lawyer to get 
 them out of trouble ; third, on being pardoned if con- 
 victed; fourth, on escaping with their gains to some 
 
PREVENTION OF CRIME 117 
 
 country whence they cannot be brought back for 
 trial. 
 
 Histt)ry proves that the expectations of a majority 
 of criminals are well founded. 
 
 Many laws are passed simply as a sop to public 
 conscience. They are purposely left indefinite in 
 terms and no suitable provision is made for their 
 execution. Those who draw up such laws either do 
 not desire to see them carried into effect, or, being 
 lawyers, want to give plenty of work to their own 
 class. 
 
 When the law is passed, the people draw a deep 
 breath of relief and satisfaction, and that is about all 
 the result excepting blackmail or lawyer's fees. 
 
 Second. In order to make effective laws, the amount 
 and kind of punishment to be inflicted must be con- 
 sidered. 
 
 The punishment too often does not ' ' fit the crime. ' ' 
 
 What should be the end and aim of punishment by 
 the government for crime? 
 
 The personal idea is revenge — retaliation. Where 
 there is no government to administer punishmeiit, or 
 when the people feel that the punishment is inade- 
 quate or delayed, they often revenge themselves on 
 particular classes of criminals. Certain Nationalities 
 also carry with them wherever they go this desire to 
 avenge their real or fancied wrongs, without recourse 
 to law. 
 
 In human punishment there should be no thought 
 
118 EVOLUTION- WjffZOfl'-RE VOLUTION 
 
 of vengeance. It rests only on the doctrine of equal 
 rights and privileges for all. Whatever punishment 
 tends to this, is the proper penalty for crime. 
 
 In order to do this most effectually, it must aim to 
 reform the criminal or to remove him from the com- 
 munity, and must be suited to the circumstances and 
 be severe enough if possible to deter others from com- 
 mitting the same act. 
 
 Criminals then are naturally divided into three 
 classes. (1) Those who may be. reformed. (2) Those 
 whose reform is considered hopeless. (3) The mass 
 of minor criminals whose reform is doubtful. 
 
 Criminals of the first class should be kept separate 
 from those of the second class as far as possible, in 
 courts, jails or prisons. According to the degree of 
 their crime they should be treated. Some on convic- 
 tion should be paroled on a suspension of sentence, 
 as long as they reported monthly to the authorities, 
 and were found to be trying to earn an honest living. 
 
 Others should be placed in institutions, where they 
 could learn a trade, or work at some trade already 
 learned. When properly reported and vouched for 
 by the officials, they should be given a trial on a 
 " ticket of leave," and should make monthly reports 
 to the authorities. For this class, which would con- 
 sist chiefly of young persons, there should be pi^iblic 
 farms and shops, and work should alternate with 
 instruction in order to make them intelligent as well 
 as self-supporting. 
 
PREVENTION OF CRIME 119 
 
 Treatment of criminals of the. second class presents 
 a much more difficult problem. 
 
 Death by various meains has been considered the 
 most extreme penalty for crime. In the olden times 
 it was often legally inflicted with terrible torture, 
 partially perhaps, as a deserved punishment, and also 
 because it was thought to deter others more from com- 
 mitting the same crime, than speedy death would. 
 
 Death still remains as the extreme legal penalty for 
 murder in most Nations, but in some of our States the 
 worst punishment is imprisonment for life; while in 
 others, death legally inflicted, is not considered a suf- 
 ficient punishment for certain crimes to protect the 
 people, and mobs often seize and kUl with terrible 
 torture, gross offenders against society. 
 
 Whatever be settled upon as the extreme penalty 
 for the worst crimes, it should be inflicted upon the 
 criminals relentlessly and speedily. 
 
 Murder is universally classed among these crimes, 
 but rape in some sections, is considered even worse 
 than murder. Treason, desertion in the face of an 
 enemy, and spying in a hostile camp, are also gener- 
 ally punishable with death. 
 
 Certain states of society need more severe laws for 
 protection, than others. 
 
 Thus in the wild frontier settlements, death has 
 often been made the penalty for horse-stealiug and for 
 certain other crimes that were destructive to the com- 
 munity, and in those parts of the South where there 
 
120 EVOLUTION— WffZOH— REVOLUTION 
 
 are large numbers of ignora,iit men controlled chiefly 
 by animal passion, no punishment is considered bad 
 enough to deter the lower class from gratifying their 
 lust if opportunity is given them. 
 
 It is certain that in such eases if the law's highest 
 punishment were imprisonment for life, the masses 
 would not recognize it, but would be a law unto them- 
 selves. 
 
 It is quite possible that in more highly civilized com- 
 munities, the death penalty could be safely abolished, 
 provided that there should be no power that could 
 pardon or change the punishment once decreed, unless 
 a court, similar to that which passed upon the guilt, 
 should decide it was in error and that the prisoner 
 was innocent. 
 
 If a punishment be too severe for the crime, the 
 criminal might escape conviction, through the natural 
 hesitation of the courts to do injustice. 
 
 Thus if pocket-picking were punishable with death, 
 no pickpocket would ever be convicted by any jury. 
 
 On the other hand, if the punishment is so light that 
 the criminal knows that, if he is convicted, he can 
 square himself with the law by suffering the penalty, 
 and still strike a balance in favor of crime, he will 
 naturally take the double chances in his favor (escape 
 or light punishment) and commit the crime. 
 
 This phase is seen daily in every country on earth. 
 Frauds, defalcations, forgery, perjury, bribery of 
 Aldermen or Legislators, down through the long list 
 
PREVENTION OF CRIME 121 
 
 of minor crimes all show the danger of too light a 
 punishment for crime. 
 
 Those criminals that deserve the severest punish- 
 ment, should be at once and forever, in some way 
 separated, from the rest of the community, while those 
 whom there are good hopes of reforming, belong to 
 the other extreme. 
 
 Between these extremes comes the great mass of 
 criminals, who will probably make crime their pro- 
 fession, and yet, whose actions are not deserving of 
 death or of life imprisonment. 
 
 These men on conviction should be imprisoned for 
 a time proportionate to their crimes. They should 
 have regular hours for work and for study. 
 
 When they are liberated, a record of their conduct 
 in confinement, of the kind of work they could do, and 
 of their health and disposition should be given to the 
 police authorities of the place from which they were 
 sent. 
 
 These criminals should be forbidden by law to be 
 away from their homes or rooms after a certain hour 
 each night, without a special permit from the police 
 authorities granted only when these persons were 
 legitimately engaged in such work as made it neces- 
 sary for them to be out nights. They should report 
 at regular intervals to the proper authorities, be 
 assisted to get work, and protected from persecution. 
 In case they wished to leave their locality, they should 
 report this, get permission to do so, and their records 
 
122 EVOLUTION— WJ?ICff-EE VOLUTION 
 
 should be sent to the authorities in their new location, 
 to whom they should report as usual. 
 
 This law would do more to prevent crime than any 
 law now on our statute books. 
 
 Thied.— Increase and prevalence of crime are 
 caused by the immense aggregation of the vile and 
 lawless in our great cities. However severe the laws, 
 and however strict their enforcement, there are always 
 so many avenues of escape, that arrest, conviction and 
 punishment are very difficult, and not one out of ten 
 criminals is punished. 
 
 The police know the leading spirits in crime, and 
 many of their associates, and understand what they 
 are doing, but generally, are compelled to wait until 
 they can catch them in some criminal act, before 
 arresting them. 
 
 In fact our laws rather favor criminals. The theory 
 that one should be considered innocent until proven 
 guilty, is carried to an excess in regard to the well 
 known criminal class, whose acts and daily life testify 
 against them. 
 
 Such a law as proposed in a previous paragraph 
 would give the police power to arrest these people 
 when improperly on the streets, and their conviction 
 would be certain. 
 
 Lawbreakers are not compelled to incriminate 
 themselves on the witness stand. This is a plausible 
 theory, but it is carried so far as to become an insur- 
 mountable obstacle to justice in many eases. All who 
 
PREVENTION OF CRIME 123 
 
 have any knowledge of the commission of any crime 
 by others, should be compelled to testify to the extent 
 of that knowledge, but if they told the truth their 
 testimony should never be used against them in any 
 event. 
 
 In many States certain acts that are made crimes, 
 require two parties to their commission. For exam- 
 ple, gambling. 
 
 Generally only one of the parties is considered the 
 criminal, and the other is not compelled to testify, 
 on the ground that it would tend to degrade or incrim- 
 inate him. 
 
 When a man has degraded himself by being acces- 
 sory to the commission of a crime, it certainly should 
 not be legally considered as degrading him any more, 
 to tell of it in court. 
 
 To permit witnesses who are accessory to any crimi- 
 nal act, to refuse to testify, is an encouragement to 
 crime, and to those who otherwise would not frequent 
 gambling houses, houses of prostitution, etc. 
 
 Fourth.— Some crimes, such as murder, robbery, 
 arson, etc., affect life and property. These are uni- 
 versally condemned without reservation, by all outside 
 the " profession." 
 
 Other acts, such as gambling, prostitution, etc., 
 classed as crimes, relate more to the morals of a com- 
 munity. These crimes may injure society as seriously 
 as many of the crimes that are universally condemned. 
 
 But, unfortunately, too many of the influential law- 
 
124 EVOLUTION- W^/Cir-RE VOLUTION 
 
 makers, and law enforcers, as well as a large class of 
 citizens, desire to patronize these classes of criminals 
 secretly, while favoring openly laws against them. 
 
 Probably four-fifths of the legislators— State and 
 National — and of those chosen to enforce the laws, 
 gamble continually, while the vice is prevalent in all 
 classes of society and extends even to our religious 
 bodies. 
 
 If the names of patrons of gambling houses, and 
 places of ill-fame were printed like registered guests at 
 hotels, the innocent public would never recover from the 
 shock, church rolls would be depleted, families broken 
 up and divorce mills would have to run overtime. 
 
 The participation of political and social leaders and 
 their followers in such crimes, have caused a lax en- 
 forcement of weak and insufficient laws against them. 
 
 One who aids and abets certain crimes, or is even 
 privy to their commission, is held to be in a degree 
 responsible for them, but those who use prostitutes 
 or who patronize gambling establishments are not even 
 held as witnesses against them. 
 
 The improbability of securing conviction of this 
 class of criminals, the difficulty in obtaining evidence 
 against them, and in many cases, no doubt, an interest 
 in the profits of crime, as well as the knowledge that 
 too great activity in such cases will lead to the loss of 
 favor, transfers, etc., have led those who should 
 enforce the laws, to excuse themselves for not doing so. 
 
 Indeed we are often treated to homilies from those 
 
PREVENTION OE CRIME 125 
 
 who are appointed to enforce certain laws, on the evil 
 results that would follow if these laws were carried out. 
 
 Now the distinction between the legislative and the 
 executive should be clearly understood and main- 
 tained, and any men or body of men, who, appointed 
 to execute a law, use their time and talent in criticis- 
 ing it for the purpose of apologizing for not enforcing 
 it, should be at once and forever removed from office. 
 
 The Superintendent of Police in one of our large 
 cities, in his report, in maintaining the claim that cer- 
 tain laws could not be enforced and that such things 
 as any considerable portion of the public will indulge 
 in, though harmful, vicious and contrary to public 
 policy, would better be licensed and kept in particailar 
 locations under police supervision, says: " Prostitu- 
 tion can never be prevented. If we attempt to carry 
 out the Jaw and close the numerous houses where it is 
 now carried on, the inmates will have to live some- 
 where, and will scatter among the furnished-room 
 houses, or into respectable localities in flats, where they 
 will corrupt the people more than they do now. 
 
 " Therefore 1 have not attempted to carry out the 
 law, because of its defects and the bad results of so 
 doing. ' ' 
 
 And yet this man was not even a member of the 
 Legislature that made the law, but was hired and 
 sworn to execute it. 
 
 His position as an executive officer, made the truth 
 or falseness of his statement of no consequence. 
 
126 EVOLUTION- TfjBriCH-EE VOLUTION 
 
 It was simply none of his official business. If he 
 felt that it would be wrong for him to carry out the 
 law, he should have resigned. Then he could have 
 devoted his time and ability to repealing the law. 
 
 The same formula used by him will be equally good 
 in respect to other evils, and would lead to strange 
 results. 
 
 Stealing can never be prevented. Thieves and rob- 
 bers have to live somewhere. If driven from one place 
 they will go to another. In respectable localities they 
 will have greater opportunities for their evil work. 
 It is better, therefore, to license them to steal and 
 rob while they live in certain localities, than to drive 
 them out to infest the better parts of the city. 
 
 Murderers, gamblers, drunkards and all criminals 
 would come under a similar head. 
 
 In some States liquor selling is forbidden by law 
 on certain days and during certain hours. 
 
 The police have practically said : 
 
 " It is useless to attempt to execute such laws. Men 
 will drink any time they want to, and it is better for 
 us to make a fair income by not trying to enforce 
 such laws which really are not good ones and cannot 
 be carried out. 
 
 " Rich men have their clubs and have plenty of 
 liquor at home to drink. Why should not the poor 
 man have his whiskey or beer when he wants it even 
 if he cannot support a club ? ' ' 
 
 The same argument continued would be: " The 
 
PREVENTION OF CRIME 127 
 
 rich man can keep a mistress or can hire prostitutes 
 by the score. Why shouldn't there be public places 
 where the poor man can be equally wicked within 
 his means? " 
 
 These sophistries are too foolish to be considered, 
 and are no part of the duty of an executive force. 
 
 Even if the laws do favor the poor man, by attempt- 
 ing to protect him from the vices of the rich, let him 
 the more demand their enforcement as one of the 
 means by which the " three generations from shirt 
 sleeves to shirt sleeves " may see his descendants 
 honored and wealthy through being kept from the rich 
 man's vices by these very laws. 
 
 It is certainly a good principle that law should 
 never recognize the necessary existence of crime. It 
 may regulate and control those things that are legiti- 
 mate per se, but that become criminal by being im- 
 properly carried on. 
 
 It must not license or countenance any crime in any 
 form, for any reason. 
 
 It is certainly impossible to eradicate any form of 
 crime. Vice wiU exist until the Millennium. But to 
 license vice in any form is an outrage on humanity. 
 To tacitly encourage it in certain localities, on an 
 implied agreement that it will not go further than it 
 is permitted to go, is a sin against law, a weakening 
 of justice as well as of decency, and a violation of 
 the oaths of public officials. 
 
 To advocate such a step is a confession of weakness, 
 
128 EVOLUTION— WHZCH-REVOLUTION 
 
 of incapacity, or of sympathy, financial or otherwise, 
 with the vices they are sworn to put down and punish. 
 
 What a lesson for the youth of the Nation it would 
 be to have the map of a great city like New York laid 
 out like the one on the opposite page. 
 
 ■But cities are not necessarily lawless and vicious. 
 Indeed it is much easier to govern, restrain and punish 
 the vicious criminals when collected in masses, than 
 when scattered far and wide throughout the nation. 
 
 Our cities being the centers of wealth, intelligence 
 and power, should also be the great centers of law, 
 justice, virtue and religion. 
 
 That they are not so is due to an improper form of 
 government (resting on a few trafficking leaders, in- 
 stead of the Sources of Power,) that makes weak or 
 bad laws which are not intended to be enforced. 
 
 Fifth.— Necessarily the increase or decrease of those 
 crimes that relate to morals, depends primarily upon 
 the public conscience. 
 
 If laws are made simply because it seems decent 
 to show some outward respect to theoretical morality, 
 and thus to satisfy the public conscience, even if the 
 laws are not enforced, naturally the judicial and 
 executive forces will be lax in executing them. 
 
 The remedy for this condition is to educate and 
 develop the moral sense of our citizens, so that right 
 will seem right, and wrong appear wrong; so that 
 offences against morality will be understood to be per- 
 haps even worse in their effects upon the community 
 
PREVENTION OF CRIME 
 
 129 
 
130 EVOLUTION- WH/Cfi'-RE VOLUTION 
 
 than robbery or murder, since they undermine the 
 very foundations of society and prepare the way for 
 universal corruption. 
 
 With an uplifting of public conscience, all laws that 
 tend to remove, restrain or punish anything that may 
 injure the public in any way, would be upheld and 
 enforced. The moral standing of a community would 
 be protected equally with life and property. 
 
 Through the failure of our public school system to 
 teach properly the simple fundamental truths of 
 morality; through the failure of the churches to 
 enforce these truths; through the failure of families 
 to cultivate the moral nature of children, and thus 
 to fit them to understand the real effects of vice and 
 sin however attractive they may appear outwardly, 
 so that they distrust, despise and avoid the evils that 
 might otherwise seem attractive, — through these fail- 
 ures to properly instruct the young, the public con- 
 science becomes blunted, and each generation yields 
 more readily to personal wrongdoing, looks with less 
 condemnation on the vices and crimes that simply 
 offend morality, and is inclined to get along with them 
 in the easiest way. 
 
 The means used to gain or to retain wealth or power 
 are too often overlooked in the desire for possession. 
 The mad rush for them increases regardless of the 
 rights of others, and the tendency to concentrate 
 wealth in the hands of a few, is placing the many 
 where they must either commit crime or starve. 
 
PREVENTION OF CRIME 131 
 
 True character, a regard to the rights of others, a 
 high moral standard, a knowledge of right and wrong, 
 a hatred of vice, a detestation of evil and a noble 
 ambition, are worth more to our children and to the 
 Nation than even the researches of science, the power 
 of invention, or the wealth of worlds. 
 
 Sixth.— The increase or decrease of crime depends 
 also on the proper respect for law. 
 
 There is a Nihilism that would destroy for its own 
 selfish advantage. An Anarchism that would over- 
 throw government in order to gain its ends. A Social- 
 ism that would destroy society, reduce all to a common 
 level and remove the incentives to industry, thrift 
 and prosperity. 
 
 All these inculcate disrespect for and hatred of our 
 laws. In too many instances the unsuitableness of 
 the laws to protect and preserve the rights of the peo- 
 ple, gives color to their claims and help them in un- 
 thinking minds. 
 
 Good laws, properly enforced, would in themselves 
 remove all necessity for the existence of any of 
 these -isms. 
 
 It is only by placing the government in the hands of 
 the Sources of Power, that we can hope to accomplish 
 these results. When they legislate for themselves and 
 for their children, laws will be carefully considered 
 and thoroughly enforced, the various means by which 
 crime is increased will be viewed from the moral stand- 
 point and a higher plane of living will be established. 
 
MODES OF TAXATION. 
 
 How shall the central or national government raise 
 money to pay its necessary expenses'? 
 
 A certaia amount of money must be obtaiaed yearly 
 by every government, and it necessarily is obtained 
 either from loans, or by some form of taxation. 
 
 Except in case of a sudden demand for large 
 amounts of money to meet unusual and unexpected 
 emergencies, such as war, it is exceedingly unwise 
 and injudicious to load Nation, State or city with a 
 bonded debt, which, once incurred, is usually increased 
 very rapidly, to be a burden to future generations. 
 
 The ease with which a bonded debt can be increased 
 when credit is good, tends to create extravagance, 
 carelessness in public expenditures, fraud in govern- 
 ment contracts and a contiuuai increase in taxes. 
 
 It is claimed that a large bonded indebtedness is 
 a safeguard to the stability of a nation, since bond 
 holders are selfishly interested to support any govern- 
 ment whose overthrow would tend to weaJjen their 
 securities,— and, no doubt, to a certain extent, this 
 is true. 
 
 If, however, the bonds are chiefly held by a few 
 rich men, and if the poor are made to suffer by exces- 
 sive taxation, this indebtedness may prove the very 
 pause of a nation's destruction. 
 
 132 
 
MODES OF TAXATION 133 
 
 That this is the tendency in many nations, is clearly 
 seen. Nearly every great nation on earth is increasing 
 its indebtedness yearly, and the financiers are studying 
 continually how to devise new means of squeezing 
 more money from the people without ruining them 
 completely, or inciting rebellion and revolution. 
 
 It is a difficiilt problem to solve, since nearly every- 
 thing that a man needs is taxed heavily. 
 
 When not enough money can be raised in this way, 
 new bonds are issued, the interest on which renders 
 still further taxation necessary, unless the interest is 
 paid out of the proceeds received from the sale. 
 
 The condition of the people in this country in this 
 respect, is not so bad as in Europe, because our great 
 natural, national resources have not been exhausted, 
 but, considering our opportunities, we have followed 
 quite closely the example set by the nations of Europe. 
 
 Our credit is good. It is easy to seU bonds. Our 
 expenses have been enormously increased until they 
 are more than $2,000,000,000 a year, and we have even 
 created the financial heresy of founding our National 
 currency upon a National debt. 
 
 Already nearly everything a man has or uses, is 
 taxed to support our government, and, during the 
 Civil War, unusual and oppressive taxes caused uni- 
 versal discontent. 
 
 If we keep on, blindly extravagant, it will not be 
 many years before our financiers will also seek to find 
 new sources of revenue. 
 
134 EVOLUTION- WHZCS-RE VOLUTION 
 
 Government revenues in general come from two 
 sources. Direct and iadirect taxation. The latter 
 rests chiefly on the tariff. The former deals more 
 directly with individuals, singly or combined in firms 
 or corporations. Direct taxes are more evident, and 
 therefore seem more burdensome and are apt to create 
 great dissatisfaction on the part of the taxpayer, but, 
 no doubt, if all taxes were direct, it would tend to 
 greater economy ia expenditures. 
 
 Internal revenue is also a source of income to gov- 
 ernment. Certairi classes of articles are produced or 
 manufactured in this country which government be- 
 lieves it judicious and right to tax. Thus the producer 
 of tobacco and the distiller of liquors have to pay a 
 tax to government for their products. 
 
 Some further income is derived from public lands, 
 and from such business— mail carrying— as the gov- 
 ernment may engage in. But, in general, the people 
 really pay all taxes in the end, either in increased 
 rents, or in increased cost of coal, wood, clothing, food, 
 drinks, transportation, tobacco, etc., whether these 
 things are necessities or luxuries. 
 
 This being the case, the real question is as to the 
 best method of raising the necessary revenue, and 
 this involves not simply getting the money, but the 
 benefits and evils of the various methods of taxation. 
 
 The tariff question, is perhaps, of the greatest im- 
 portance. Upon this question political parties have 
 been divided. One has contended for a tariff for 
 
MODES OF TAXATION 135 
 
 revenue only, while the other has claimed that the 
 greatest prosperity for all the people could only come 
 from a protective tariff, that tended to build up great 
 national industries. 
 
 A small, but increasing section, contends for no 
 tariff whatever on any articles, but for absolute free 
 trade. They would generally derive all income from 
 direct taxation. 
 
 This article will try to deal simply with facts in a 
 reasonable way. It will neither uphold nor condemn 
 the protective tariff principle. On the contrary it will 
 show that it has never been fairly tried in this coun- 
 try. Its form has been left to party deals and not to 
 statesmen. 
 
 Monopolies, with their money and political influ- 
 ence, have either made the tariff as far as it affected 
 them, or have patched it with amendments to suit 
 their particular claims and needs. 
 
 Bach section wants protection for its own produc- 
 tions, and would not object to freer trade in other 
 articles. 
 
 In order to get the protection desired, sections have 
 always united in an agreement to give protection to 
 those sections whose votes were necessary to pass the 
 proposed tariff law. 
 
 Thus selfishness has been and is the basic principle 
 of every tariff made since the foundation of our 
 government. 
 
 Some manufacturers demand free raw material. 
 
136 EVOLUTION— TI^HZCJ?— REVOLUTION 
 
 Then they claim they oan compete with pauper labor 
 abroad, if their products are protected here. 
 
 But what is ' ' raw material ? " It is coal and iron 
 in the veins untouched. It is any gift of nature in its 
 natural condition. 
 
 Can any such raw material be imported? Cotton, 
 wool, iron, coal, lumber, leather, etc., all get their mar- 
 ket value largely from the laborer's muscle, and are no 
 more raw material than flour, and clothing and loco- 
 motives. 
 
 If the laborer is to be protected, anything and every- 
 thing gaining value* from his work, must have at least, 
 proportionate protection, and there will be no single 
 product too insignificant to voice its demands for the 
 tariff umbrella to keep off the storm competition. 
 
 It is a fact, however, that, whether the tariff pro- 
 tective principle is right or wrong, the growth and 
 apparent prosperity of the country have come from its 
 application. It may be a false growth and an unsound 
 prosperity, but they are all we have. 
 
 Everyone knows that, even if the tariff is a blunder 
 and a crime, to repeal it, or even to change it quickly 
 to a mere revenue tariff, would produce most dis- 
 astrous results. 
 
 If a wise physician is called to a patient who, for 
 half a century, has been accustomed to the use of 
 liquor and tobacco, even if they have done him great 
 
 * Value is really the worth of real raw material. Wealth is 
 the incremeat added to value hy labor, but here we use the 
 word vaZue to mean the market price. 
 
MODES OF TAXATION 137 
 
 harm, the doctor will never deprive him of them sud- 
 denly and completely. He will rather build up the 
 patient's strength by wise treatment, and gradually 
 remove the cause of evil. 
 
 The present tariff has, no doubt, been the means 
 of building up gigantic monopolies. Some believe 
 them to be necessary and desirable, and would there- 
 fore continue to encourage them. But as this is fully 
 treated under another topic, showing the evils and 
 benefits of Trusts, we shall here consider rather the 
 correct tariff principle, provided that indirect taxa- 
 tion is assumed to be the proper mode of raising 
 revenue. 
 
 The foundation principle for a tariff is twofold : 
 
 First. The government should put a duty, even, if 
 necessary, a prohibitive duty, on the export of such 
 native or manufactured products as are or may be 
 vital to its protection and safety; and a tax, even a 
 prohibitive tax, on such imports or manufactures as 
 tend to destroy the best interests of the nation. 
 
 Second. In laying other taxes, the government 
 should consider four things. (A) Whether the articles 
 taxed are necessities or luxuries. (B) Whether the 
 tax would properly encourage economic production 
 here. (C) Whether the tax would tend to increase 
 wages of the laborer more than the cost of living. 
 (D) Whether the tax would injuriously hinder pro- 
 duction here and commerce with other nations. 
 
 The wealthy need and receive more eare from gov- 
 
138 EVOLUTION— WJHCff—BEVOLUnON 
 
 emment than the poor. ThereffH^ fh^ shonld eaa- 
 tribnte more to fhe support of gOTemmait; besddes 
 they are better able to pj^y more in proportion to their 
 wealtii than the poorer classes. 
 
 (A) Since there is now no direct income tax for 
 support of the national goTeroment, and no property 
 tas, it is botii just and expedient that a high tax, 
 whether in the form of import duty or internal 
 revraiue, be laid on aU article of Inxniy. 
 
 This tax should be graded so as to recognize tiie 
 extremes of liLsxuy. Thus some artieles that eome under 
 the head of luxury natoraUy, are but a step removed 
 from ihe necessaries of life. The tax on these should 
 be less than on those articles that grade the far&est 
 away from the comforts that may be necessities to 
 the masses. 
 
 Many of the most cosQy luxuries could be manu- 
 factured here if properly taxed. The tax on these 
 articles should therefore be high enough to more than 
 cover the difference of production here and abroad 
 in order to encourage their manufacture in fliis 
 countrj'. 
 
 (B) There are certain articles that pertain to the 
 comfort of tiie masses that cannot^ under any circum- 
 stances, be so economically produced here, as in other 
 countries. If then (C) the tariff is so high on these 
 articles as to encourage their production here, their 
 cost would he higher, and the people would have to 
 pay the difference. 
 
MODES OF TAXATION 139 
 
 (D) There are many articles that can be made here 
 better and cheaper than in some other countries. 
 These we want to sell abroad. But each country has 
 iilso some product that we cannot economically 
 produce here. Now, if we put a high tariff on those 
 articles, these nations will retaliate by taxing goods 
 we send there. 
 
 If then, we could decide with each nation just what 
 goods of theirs we would favor, and which of our 
 products they would favor, we should benefit our peo- 
 ple, our merchants and our commerce, at the same 
 time by entering into reciprocal trade relations with 
 these nations on such products. 
 
 At present, tariff and internal revenue taxes are 
 matters of bargain and sale between representatives 
 of the vai'ions States in Congress. If, however, wo 
 liad a proper system of government, this would be 
 done away, and a tariff commission, acting on the 
 principles herein laid down, would find little difficulty 
 in classifying and taxing articles. 
 
 It is difiicult to understand on what principle our 
 Internal Revenue taxes have rested. This tax has 
 been chiefly laid on certain articles like spirits antl 
 tobacco, produced or manufactured in this country. 
 At times it has been extended to certain business 
 papers, such as deeds, notes, checks, etc.,— to incomes, 
 and to a class of remedies called patent medicines. 
 Some of these taxes caused great opposition and were 
 removed, not because of any violation of the general 
 
140 EVOLUTION— Wff/Cff-KE VOLUTION 
 
 principles of Internal taxation, because there was 
 none, but because the classes affected by them had 
 great political influence. 
 
 In nearly every ease, the repealed taxes were those 
 that could not be passed on to the masses to pay finally. 
 
 The same general principle should be applied to 
 Internal Eevenue taxes, as to taxes on exports and 
 imports. 
 
 If spirits and tobacco are luxuries, tax them as 
 such. If they are dangerous and tend to injure the 
 nation, tax them as coming under this class. 
 
 Unless this principle is followed, a tax should no 
 more be laid on the distillation of alcohol, than on 
 the brewing of beer, or the manufacture of shoes. 
 
 It is evident that there will be considerable difficulty 
 in drawing the line between luxuries and necessaries, 
 but there alwiays will be trouble in deciding justly 
 many questions of government, as there will be on 
 others of private conduct. 
 
 One class of citizens will claim that beer is a neces- 
 sity. Another class will make the same claim for whis- 
 key; and still others for opium, morphine, etc., untU 
 it will be found that scarcely any article will be uni- 
 versally acknowledged to be a luxury. 
 
 The fact is that very few things are actual necessi- 
 ties, and our ideas of them depend largely on our 
 habits and customs. 
 
 The same difficulty will be found in determining 
 what tends to injure rather than to benefit the people. 
 
MODES OF TAXATION 141 
 
 Some things, like opium, are quite generally con- 
 sidered to be dangerous to the public when permitted 
 to be freely sold. The taxes and restrictions on them 
 are universally admitted to be necessary. 
 
 But liquor and tobacco come under quite a different 
 head and people will disagree concerning them. 
 
 A prominent citizen has said, " I believe that, if 
 every drop of liquor were banished forever from the 
 earth, crime would decrease ninety per cent., and pros- 
 perity and happiness increase in the same proportion. 
 
 " If I were omnipotent, I would never permit rum, 
 opium or tobacco on the face of the earth. 
 
 " There are, however, millions who rejoice that I 
 am not omnipotent, and they have as good a right to 
 maintain their opinion as I have to express mine, and 
 so the matter stands. 
 
 " The majority want liquor made and sold, tobacco 
 raised and traded in, and the majority rule." 
 
 As long as this is true, it is as legitimate to raise 
 tobacco and to distill spirits, and to sell them, as it is 
 to raise corn and beans and to trade in them. 
 
 However legitimate the production of anything may 
 be, the method and manner by which it is handled and 
 sold may not be adapted to proper public protection. 
 
 Thus gunpowder, dynamite, and other explosives, 
 may properly be manufactured and sold, but both 
 manufacture and sale should be so conducted as not 
 to harm the people. 
 
 The saloon, as the dispenser of liquors, is a curse 
 
142 EVOLUTION— WJJZCH— REVOLUTION 
 
 beyond measure, and as such should be suppressed 
 like small-pox. If it cannot be prevented, it should, 
 at least, be vaccifmted. 
 
 This question as far as it touches the good of the 
 people, and its correct treatment, is fully considered 
 under the proper heading. 
 
 Now, if for any reason, we levy Internal Revenue 
 Ta.xes, or any other taxes, and disregard the first 
 priueiples of taxation, they should, at least, rest 
 equally on all the people. 
 
 If one natural product is taxed, all natural products 
 should bear a proportionate burden. If one manu- 
 factured product is taxed, all manufactured articles 
 should pay proportionately. If one income is taxed 
 every income should bear its share. If one building 
 is taxed, no building should escape taxation. 
 
 There is no more justice, or decency even, in permit- 
 ting millions of dollars iavested in realty for private 
 purposes, whether as schools, churches, or hospitals, 
 to go untaxed while I pay a tax on my poor little 
 home, than there would be in taxing my horse, while 
 yours is exempt because you are a doctor, and use 
 }-ours to visit your patients, or a minister, and ride 
 to see your people, while I am only a truckman and 
 use my horse to draw loads. 
 
 As our government is now constituted, with its con- 
 stantly iucreasuig extravagant expenditures, and its 
 foolish financial and economic systems, ' ' a billion dol- 
 lar Congress " has become " a two billion dollar 
 
MODES OF TAXATION 143 
 
 Congress," and the nation will have a still heavier 
 load of debt and taxes to stagger under. But with a 
 proper financial and political system, our national 
 debt would disappear, taxes would be unlmown, ex- 
 cepting those laid for public benefit, and our income 
 would be much greater than our possible expenses 
 for a legitimate government. 
 
 State, city and town taxation, is quite a different 
 matter under our present system, but it may be well 
 to consider it briefly here. 
 
 Each town or city has to raise— or hire — money 
 enough yearly to pay its own expenses, and a certain 
 proportion of the expenses of the county or district, 
 and of the State government. 
 
 This money is raised by taxing (a) real estate; 
 (b) personal property; (c) by licenses on particular 
 kinds of business. The State also issues certain 
 licenses which it controls. 
 
 Now, even under this cumbersome system, there is 
 no doubt that laws could be made to reach all taxable 
 property, but there is just as little doubt that the 
 present tax laws of every State are made and executed 
 with the special purpose of shielding certain classes 
 and persons, and enabling them to avoid paying their 
 just taxes. 
 
 The curious irregularities of the tax laws in the 
 various States tend to aid these persons in their 
 evasion of taxes. It was well known in 1894 that a liv- 
 ing ex-President was worth over a million dollars of 
 
144 EVOLUTION— TfH/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 personal property. The tax records show that he paid 
 taxes on $5000 only. 
 
 Ab uno disce omnes, or at least, tens of thousands. 
 
 Either the tax should be laid entirely on land or 
 real estate, or the law should reach all taxable prop- 
 erty. 
 
 The great difficulty in the way of collecting personal 
 taxes, and the temptation to be dishonest in order to 
 avoid them, have added great force to the arguments 
 of those who would tax only land, or real estate, which 
 could not wholly escape its burdens. Under a proper 
 system of government, these questions would soon be 
 unnecessary, since, in time, all taxes, as such, would 
 not be called for. But the public is not ready for 
 either a proper system of government, or for a single 
 tax on land. Therefore it is necessary to consider the 
 proper laws for remedying the inequalities of the 
 present system of taxation. 
 
 First. The same property should not be taxed 
 double, as it is now in many States. Thus real estate 
 is taxed, and mortgages on it in various forms are also 
 taxed as personal property. 
 
 Second. The personal tax law should cover the 
 following points : 
 
 (A) Every person of a certain age should be com- 
 pelled to make each year in January, a written state- 
 ment of the value of all personal property owned, or 
 held as executor, trustee, etc. 
 
 (B) The penalty for not making such reports 
 
MODES OF TAXATION 145 
 
 promptly, unless proper excuse could be given, such 
 as sickness, absence, etc., shotild be, that such persons 
 should lose the right of franchise; should have no 
 standing in the courts ; should lose their citizenship ; 
 should be assessed four times the estimated taxes ; and 
 that one-half of such person's personal property 
 should, on his dea,th, pass to the State, unless he had 
 previously made satisfactory atonement, for which 
 provision would justly be made. 
 
 These conditions would reach citizens abroad, and 
 that large, wealthy, migratory class, who move to 
 avoid taxation. 
 
 (C) The reports should be made from the place 
 where one's business is carried on, for his business 
 interests there, and where he lives in January, for aU 
 other personal property that is properly within that 
 jurisdiction. Each report should show what, if any, 
 other reports had been made, and where, for that year. 
 
 (D) The penalty for intentionally making false 
 reports should be: one year's imprisonment and five 
 times his just tax for the year. All personal property 
 left at death, in excess of the reports made, except 
 natural increase, should pass to the State. 
 
 (E) Blank forms of reports should be furnished 
 taxpayers free, and on the back should be stated the 
 requirements of the law and its penalties. 
 
 Such a simple law would soon become general in 
 the States, and would bring sufficient and accurate 
 refums for assessors. 
 
 10 
 
146 EVOLUTION- WHZGJBr-EB VOLUTION 
 
 Make the laws plain, have them understood, close 
 all avenues of escape to lawbreakers, and make the 
 " punishment fit the crime," and the results will be 
 satisfactory. 
 
 The trouble with regard to dishonesty in dealing 
 with government, is that lax justice has made evil 
 doers see an equal chance of escaping penalty. The 
 public conscience has become demoralized, until many 
 people feel the same about cheating government out 
 of its dues of taxes or service, as they do about paying 
 their street-car fare when overlooked by the conductor. 
 
 Make it evident that a crime against government, is 
 a crime against the entire people, and men will begin 
 to understand that it is as much worse to sin against 
 the nation than against an individual, as all are greater 
 than one. 
 
 If ownership of land remained in its creator, and 
 government simply controlled it, as is discussed else- 
 where, this article would still have its place, because 
 the tariff must be considered, even if the revenue is 
 not needed for the expenses of government. 
 
 In some nations the government has retained the 
 land ownership, as was the case for a long time in 
 India, and the land-rent was the government tax. 
 
 Even in Eussia, the locality, e. g. town, or village, 
 controls the land in common. But this plan is deficient 
 in practical utility, because it fails to recognize the 
 rights of settlers to their homes. 
 
 If the rights of the people, as well as those of the 
 
MODES OF TAXATION 147 
 
 government were properly decided and cared for, 
 government control of all land, would, to say the 
 least, greatly simplify taxation, and would tend to 
 encourage homes for families. 
 
 Since, to many, government control of land seems 
 far distant, they advocate a tax on land only, as being 
 the nearest approach to the true principle of govern- 
 mental control. 
 
IMMIGRATION. 
 
 Of scarcely less importance than the f oim of govern- 
 ment and the financial system, is the treatment of 
 Immigration. 
 
 We are nearly all descendants of immigrants, or 
 immigrants ourselves. This fact, together with the 
 vastness of our country and our desire to see it rapidly 
 settled, led us to welcome all who came here, without 
 much if any discrimination between desirable and 
 undesirable classes of immigrants. 
 
 This unwise desire for rapid growth has not only 
 permitted an undesirable class to come here, but has 
 led the government to overlook, to a great extent, the 
 way in which agents for certain industries have en- 
 couraged one class to settle here, in order to get cheap 
 labor and to aid employers in reducing wages or main- 
 taining them at low figures. 
 
 For many years, the great opportunities offered 
 here to the better class of foreigners, brought to our 
 shores the sturdy, independent Irish, English, German 
 and other immigrants, who were needed, and who soon 
 became Americans. 
 
 But as our wealth increased, and our cities built up, 
 the class of immigrants deteriorated, and, while there 
 were many who should be welcome, a large proportion 
 were undesirable on account of their characters, their 
 
 148 
 
IMMIGRATION 149 
 
 habits and their intentions, for many came with no 
 idea of becoming citizens, but simply to acquire such 
 small amounts of money as would enable them to live 
 in their native lands, while others were the worthless, 
 or criminal classes, who were either driven from their 
 homes, or who " left their country for their country's 
 good. ' ' 
 
 The evil results of this policy have led to many 
 attempts to modify our immigrant laws, but they have, 
 in general, proved practically useless. 
 
 It is therefore time for us to study this matter care- 
 fully, and to see if we cannot so form our system as 
 to attract the desirable and to repel and keep away 
 the undesirable. 
 
 A good class of immigrants should always be wel- 
 comed. The greatest Nations grow from a combina- 
 tion of the best qualities of other nations, which unite 
 to form them. 
 
 China has become root bound in her exclusiveness. 
 Ten million American, Irish, English, and German 
 immigrants, settled throughout the " Flowery King- 
 dom " and intermarrying with the natives, would, in 
 less than a centiu-y, make that country one of the 
 greatest on earth. 
 
 Nations, like families, are apt to deteriorate with- 
 out an intermixture of foreign blood. In each the 
 great law of equilibrium must be obeyed to prevent 
 stagnation. 
 
 The growth and changes of a nation should not 
 
150 EVOLUTION-WHZCH-REVOLUTION 
 
 decrease its powers and vitality. Permanent growth 
 through change, is the necessity of a nation's pro- 
 longed existence. 
 
 In every nation there are, and probably always will 
 be, four distinct classes of people. 
 
 All attempts to abolish class distinctions are foolish, 
 because impossible, and impossible because contrary 
 to the immutable laws of Nature. 
 
 The cla^s lines in Nature's schools are no more 
 unnecessary or degrading, than the class lines in our 
 public schools. They are not fixed nor impassable. 
 The ambition of the lower to cross the line and go 
 higher, is a natural one, but, in the school, until a boy 
 is fitted for the next higher class, it would be a positive 
 injury to him to put him into that class, as it would 
 tend to degrade him, and to make him unhappy and 
 uncomfortable, as well as to retard and discourage 
 the class with which he is improperly connected. 
 
 Nature's classes may be equally honorable, though 
 not all equally important for a nation's welfare, but, 
 like feet, hands, trunks and limbs, they are all mem- 
 bers of one body. 
 
 The first class includes the thinkers, the origiaators, 
 the inventors. In this class " many are called, hut 
 few are chosen." 
 
 Thousands have forced their way into this class, at 
 least so far as public estimation is concerned, whose 
 teachings and works show but little progress, and yet 
 who, by their sophistries, their flatteries and their 
 
IMMIGRATION 151 
 
 readiness with words, manage to gain a following 
 among the masses and to mislead those who cannot 
 see through their thin, specious pleading, or who are 
 carried away by their glittering generalities. 
 
 This is especially true in matters pertaining to 
 religion. The Catholic Church, to its credit, under- 
 stands the benefits and dangers coming from this 
 class, and with the knowledge that many turn the 
 very Word of God to their own destruction as well as 
 to that of others, interprets the teachings of the Word 
 through a body of trained, skilled ecclesiastics, whose 
 training and lives are devoted to this task, and the 
 Catholic people accept their teachings as the result 
 of a wisdom and study beyond the masses, just as we 
 all accept as truth the words of those skilled in human 
 disease, in Geology or in Astronomy. 
 
 The result is that the Catholic Church stands firm 
 in the faith as delivered to the saints, and grows with 
 the vigor of perpetual youth, while others are led 
 away from the great central truths of the Bible, by 
 teachers of isms, having little or no foundation. 
 
 The first class of citizens should include a similar 
 body of teachers,— Statesmen— who, even if not speak- 
 ing with the authority of the Church, would be able 
 to put before the people, the plain, simple, logical 
 principles of righteous self-government, and to pro- 
 pose codes of law that would commend themselves to 
 the masses. 
 
 Remember that there is no more danger from class 
 
152 EVOLUTION- TfHZCH-RBVOLUTION 
 
 lines in the nation than in the school, if they are not 
 made impassable. In both nation and school they en- 
 courage the lower to aspire to the higher. 
 
 These lines are necessary in every department and 
 function of government. The police, the army, the 
 navy, depend on these lines no less than West Point 
 and Annapolis, only they must never restrain the 
 lower, the lowest, from aspiring to and reaching the 
 higher, the highest. 
 
 The second class includes those who do not origin- 
 ate, but who can carry out, personally, or through 
 their management of the third class, ideas gained di- 
 rectly or indirectly from the first class. 
 
 "They use their brains with their hands," or with 
 the hands of others. They take the ideas of others 
 and make them practical in mills, mines, machinery 
 and in a thousand ways, to the benefit of the nation. 
 
 Often they pass and repass the line, that, at first 
 separated them from the first class, and, by uniting 
 the theoretical and practical, frequently become of 
 two-fold value. 
 
 The third class neither originates nor embodies 
 ideas in results, but mechanically performs the work 
 entrusted to it, some-what like an intelligent machine. 
 
 The second and third classes form the " great 
 middle class" so-called, in all nations and are a coun- 
 try's true foundation. 
 
 The fourth class are the loafers. This class is sub- 
 divided into the rich loafers, who simply live on what 
 
IMMIGRATION 153 
 
 fortune or rich ancestors gave them, and the street 
 loafers, whose chief end and aim are to get from 
 others, without work, what does not belong to them. 
 
 This class includes most of our practical and pot- 
 house politicians, thieves, beggars, tramps, gamblers, 
 drunkards, and a large proportion of those employed 
 in public work, whose pretense of labor is almost 
 pitiable. 
 
 The first three classes should be encouraged and fos- 
 tered by the government. They should be so pro- 
 tected, guided, restrained and led, as to keep them 
 from such evil influences as tend to draw them into 
 the ranks of the fourth class. 
 
 Aside from the careful oversight a government 
 should have over the morals of its people, there are 
 two special ways in which the value of each class can 
 be maintained and the body kept from deteriorating 
 even if it is not greatly improved. 
 
 Reference is here made not to any form of educa- 
 tion, for that is treated elsewhere, but to such careful 
 supervision and information in respect to the mar- 
 riage relation, as will, to some extent, prevent greatly 
 unsuitable marriages, and sick, deformed or idiotic 
 children, and also to a proper encouragement of immi- 
 grants of the first three classes, and a discouragement of 
 the lowest element of immigrants of the fourth class. 
 
 In all great nations, physical improvement of the 
 people has been left chiefly to chance, and but little 
 has been done in the line of improving the race. 
 
154 EVOLUTION— WSrZOH—KEVOLUTION 
 
 While we have bred horses and cattle by the laws 
 of selection, to a point of physical excellence formerly 
 supposed to be impossible, man's body "the temple of 
 the living God," has been too often produced in lust, 
 or carelessly, and cared for ignorantly or even 
 viciously. 
 
 It certainly is the duty and privilege of government 
 to especially instruct all classes carefully in this mat- 
 ter, to impress upon them the principles of natural 
 selection in order to hinder ill-assorted marriages, to 
 prevent the sickly and deformed from entering into 
 wedlock, and to make the creation and care of children 
 a matter of as much intelligent thought as that of 
 cows and horses. 
 
 The sexual instinct is a proper one. Its perversion 
 is improper, but common. Instruction, care, super- 
 vision, are more important in regard to this, than on 
 many other subjects, but it is generally considered too 
 delicate a topic for discussion, and so the young are 
 left to learn about it from their associates in the 
 wrong way, with a wrong motive, and with bad re- 
 sults, increased by the very secrecy which custom pre- 
 scribes for the sexual relations. 
 
 But the main question in this paper is what to do in 
 regard to immigration and how to do it. 
 
 What to do has been already stated, and it will 
 probably need no further elucidation or argument. 
 
 It remains to consider how we can best gain immi- 
 grants of the first three classes, and prevent most of 
 
IMMIGRATION 155 
 
 the lower element of the fourth class from coming 
 here. 
 
 History proves the great value to a nation of that 
 class of immigrants that take with them the knowl- 
 edge, ability and industry necessary to create new 
 products that other nations will buy. 
 
 England's manufacturing supremacy began with 
 this class of immigrants who sought refuge there from 
 persecution in Europe. 
 
 Our mills and engines and factories and steamboats 
 are largely due to this same class of immigrants, 
 who came here because we gave them opportunity for 
 development. 
 
 Contrary to general opinion, this class of immi- 
 grants has been somewhat repressed by our patent 
 laws, which unjustly restrict the uses of inventions, 
 and which should be so changed as to induce both in- 
 ventors and makers to come here. 
 
 Now inventors seldom get any great returns from 
 their patents. Schemers gain control of them to the 
 public injury, without benefit to the inventor. 
 
 The power to lock up in one shop or in one pocket 
 the applications of natural forces, is unjust to all. 
 Because I find a way to-day to put a few pieces of steel 
 together, so as to make a machine to do a certain work, 
 I can patent it, and if you make the same discovery, 
 you cannot use it without my consent. 
 
 If you invent an addition to my machine, which 
 makes it a thousand fold more useful to mankind. 
 
156 EVOLUTION— WH/CH-REVOLUTION 
 
 your invention lacks value, unless I choose to buy it 
 or its use. 
 
 The loudly vociferated claims of inventor's rights, 
 are made by those who never invented a hairpin, but 
 who have in some way gained possession of the patents 
 of others. 
 
 The patent office should be free to all. Skilled ex- 
 perts should be ready there to go over carefully all 
 applications, to help perfect all valuable inventions, 
 to aid in making suitable claims and to distinguish 
 between patentable and nonpatentable inventions. 
 
 When a patent is granted, which grant should be 
 only to the inventor or his heirs, he or they should be 
 entitled to the allowed results, which neither he nor 
 they should have the right to sell, transfer or assign 
 to any one. 
 
 The Patent Department should decide what is a 
 suitable royalty on every patent granted, for a fixed 
 number of years. 
 
 By paying this small royalty, any one should have 
 the right to use the invention, either as invented or in 
 connection with changes or improvements. 
 
 One half of this royalty should go to the govern- 
 ment to pay the expenses of the Department. The 
 other half should go to the inventor or his heirs. 
 
 This would encourage inventors, because it would 
 make it easier to obtain patents, and would make fairly 
 certain and permanent returns for value. 
 
 It would also hinder monopolies based on patents, 
 
IMMIGRATION 157 
 
 like the telephone and telegraph, and would therefore 
 tend to draw into this country those who invent and 
 those who make patent articles. 
 
 This would increase the manufacture and sale of 
 necessary articles, would reduce their prices and de- 
 crease the profits now necessary to pay dividends on 
 watered stock. 
 
 Most of the immigrants who make up the third class 
 are drawn here hy the prospects of a home. God 
 placed the home instinct in man. "Home sweet 
 home, ' ' may be the snow hut of the Eskimo, the hovel 
 of the peasant, the house of an American laborer or 
 the palace of the rich. Woe be to the Nation that be- 
 littles this desire for a home. 
 
 Whatever makes it easier for the workingman to 
 obtain a home, whether it be good wages, removal of 
 temptations to degrade himself and waste his wages, 
 low interest, or free land, will be not only a strong 
 incentive for this desirable class to come here, but will 
 be the means of increasing their value as citizens, and 
 the stability of the Nation. 
 
 The lawless, the drunkards, the idle, the vicious and 
 the criminals are not those who own their homes. 
 
 The home owners have given bonds for good be- 
 havior, which few of them ever forfeit. A home-own- 
 ing, home-loving people are a nation's best citizens. 
 
 Proper and just laws strictly enforced will, in them- 
 selves, greatly attract the most desirable, and repel 
 the worst class of immigrants. 
 
158 EVOLUTION— Wff/OH-REVOLUTION 
 
 The criminal, lazy, vicious, and idle classes of 
 Europe flock here, because our laws are less severe 
 on them, and less strictly enforced, than those in their 
 native lands. 
 
 A government, such as is herein outlined, would 
 in itself attract the best and repel or punish the worst. 
 It would naturally make and enforce such restrictions 
 on immigration as would keep out the lowest classes. 
 
 A few of these restrictions may be suggested: 
 
 (1) A strict system of immigrant passports should 
 be instituted. No immigrant should be admitted to 
 this country unless he holds such a passport signed by 
 our Consul in the district from which he comes. 
 
 This passport should certify that the bearer is not 
 of the criminal class, is not an invalid, is not liable to 
 become a charge on this country, is not fleeing from 
 justice, and is a desirable immigrant. 
 
 It would probably be well to add that the bearer 
 could at least read one language. 
 
 Consuls should be held to a strict accountability for 
 the correctness of such passports. The immigrant 
 should retain his papers subject to an examination by 
 the authorities at any time. 
 
 (2) A deposit of $100 should be required from 
 each immigrant, to be held by the government at a 
 small rate of interest, until the party goes from this 
 country, or until he is so well established here as to 
 ensure the government that he will take care of 
 himself. 
 
IMMIGRATION 159 
 
 (3) All contract laborers should be refused admit- 
 tance on any terms. 
 
 (4) Frauds should be prevented by a system of 
 numbers and cards, similar to those* used in the voting 
 plan. Each holder of a passport should be registered, 
 his card and number given him and any immigrant 
 found without them, should be subject to return to 
 his native country. 
 
 (5) Each immigrant should, before landing, sign 
 a statement of his intention in coming here. If he is 
 intending to remain here and become a citizen, and his 
 passport is satisfactory, he should be given his first 
 citizen's papers, which, however, would be quite dif- 
 ferent in some respects from those now given. 
 
 These first papers should simply give the name, 
 and age of the immigrant, date and place of birth, 
 the country from which he comes, date and signature 
 of Consul on passport, occupation and family, place 
 where he intends to locate, and a declaration that he 
 intends to become a permanent citizen of this country. 
 
 The second papers should be given three years later 
 on application by the immigrant, on a similar exami- 
 nation to that now held for the final paper. Any im- 
 migrant not making application for his second paper 
 within four years after receiving his first paper, 
 should lose any rights under the first paper. 
 
 The third paper admitting him to citizenship should 
 be granted two years later, on satisfactory proof that 
 the applicant can read the English language, has not 
 
160 EVOLUTION— TTH/CH-REYOLUTION 
 
 been convicted of crime, has not been a public charge, 
 and understands our form of government sufficiently 
 to vote intelligently. If however, the applicant owns 
 his own home, (rental from government is considered 
 as ownership), his third paper should be granted with 
 his second paper, if desired. 
 
 Applications for second and third papers, should 
 be filed with the courts one month before the papers 
 are granted. These papers should cover the state- 
 ments made on previous papers, the occupation, etc., 
 of the applicants and two or more citizen-references. 
 
 These papers should be referred by a judge to some 
 court official, who should investigate each case with the 
 aid of the police, and file his report with the original 
 applications. 
 
 (6) Only citizens of the United States should be 
 employed in any capacity by the Nation, State, or 
 City. ' 
 
 (7) Transportation lines should be held to, at least 
 no less strict rules than now in regard to immigrants 
 they bring here. 
 
 (8) Any class of immigrants deemed dangerous or 
 injurious to the best welfare of our Nation, should be 
 excluded, and no race should be welcomed that come 
 here, found little nations of their own, and do not in- 
 tend to become citizens, but simply use this country 
 as a work-shop to gain enough wealth to enable them 
 to live at home in their native land. 
 
 Foreigners should come here to unite with us in 
 
IMMIGRATION 161 
 
 making a nation of homes, and not to rob our wage 
 earners by unfair competition until they are able to 
 return to their own country. 
 
 The Chinese seem to be an example of this class of 
 immigrants. They are in general the dregs of their 
 own land. 
 
 They come here, found little Chinas in our large 
 cities, where they practice the vices of their own coun- 
 try, and yield only an enforced obedience to such of 
 our laws as they cannot evade. 
 
 They will not assimilate with our people, and none 
 but our lowest classes would associate with them. 
 
 They have demonstrated, what perhaps we all knew 
 before, that any class of immigrants that remain per- 
 manently unassimilated with our people are a con- 
 stant source of evil to our Nation, and that immigra- 
 tion should be permitted no faster than it can be so as- 
 similated by the Nation as to make it a part of our own 
 country in customs, education, habits and aspirations. 
 
 No doubt it would be a great advantage if papers 
 were required of immigrants signed by Consuls as 
 above, and forwarded here, a certain time before the 
 persons themselves came. Then preparation could be 
 made for settlements, that would soon be happy 
 homes, and thus relieve our great cities of those over- 
 crowded quarters where immigrants now huddle, 
 starve, and engender vice and disease. 
 
 This paper does not purport to be a complete treat- 
 ise on immigration. 
 11 
 
162 EVOLUTION-WS/CJGT-EEVOLUTION 
 
 It is intended simply to outline a few of the found- 
 ation principles on which should rest the body of wise 
 laws made with a set purpose, and carried out for our 
 common good. 
 
PEACE. 
 
 It is much to be regretted that the uncivilized con- 
 dition of humanity requires an army, a navy, police, 
 judges, juries and jails, but so it is, and provision 
 must be made for them. 
 
 It is not generally believed, even theoretically, that 
 any nation that had reached such a high state of civili- 
 zation as to resolutely and completely lay aside the im- 
 plements of war, and to literally beat its swords into 
 plowshares and its spears into pruning hooks, could, 
 for any considerable length of time, maintain its ex- 
 istence as a distinct nation, while surrounded by such 
 nations as now drain the life blood of the people by 
 oppressive taxes, in order to support huge standing 
 armies, and to build unwieldly conglomerates of iron 
 and steel to batter down opponents and destroy their 
 enemies. 
 
 Therefore, all nations, while professing to be seek- 
 ing for the highest and purest civilization, voluntarily 
 retain the lowest elements of barbarism. 
 
 A heathen once heard a missionary tell the old 
 Story of the Cross. He listened in wondering amaze- 
 ment to the law of love that will suffer wrong rather 
 than do wrong. At last, convinced of its power and 
 truth, he brought his whole family to the missionary 
 to be baptized in the faith. 
 
 168 
 
164 EVOLUTION— WffZCH-RBVOLUTION 
 
 "And you too," said the good man, "You who came 
 first, believed first, and brought these dear ones to 
 receive the new life, you will also surely be baptized 
 and join us." 
 
 "No," said the old heathen, with a self-sacrificing 
 spirit worthy of record, "No. We are surrounded by 
 heathens. If I am converted with my family, we shall 
 all suffer. Let these be saved and I will stay a heathen 
 to -fight the heathen 'round us." 
 
 And so the wild barbarism of our ancestors still 
 speaks in our armies and navies, which we maintain 
 "to fight the heathen 'round us." 
 
 And yet the brightest page in our country's history- 
 tells of the needlessness of war, and stands like an 
 oasis in the great desert of strife, with its bubbling 
 fountains, its green grass, sweet flowers and waving 
 palm trees, proclaiming the uselessness and wickedness 
 of war. 
 
 When the story of our country is fitly written, the 
 History of the Quaker settlement will outshine the 
 feats of war, and the truth will be enforced that the 
 same principles of peace and justice, which, for more 
 than half a century, built an invincible barrier be- 
 tween the savages and the followers of Penn, and 
 made life and property as safe in Quaker homes as if 
 no tomahawk or scalping knife were elsewhere busy, — 
 the same principles of peace and justice will prove a 
 better safeguard for a nation than the strongest 
 armies and the mightiest navies. 
 
PEACE 165 
 
 When any nation accepts fully the great doctrines 
 of Peace, other nations will respect its honor and jus- 
 tice, and make it the arbitrator of the world. 
 
 But the time has not yet come for this, though little 
 Denmark seems to desire it, and, however, strong the 
 wish for universal disarmament, we always prefer to 
 trust our protection to armies and navies, to sword and 
 gun, and thus to remain heathen to fight the heathen 
 'round us. 
 
 So we repeat the old maxim that the best way to 
 avoid war is to be ready for it, and, yielding to this 
 relic of barbarism, this book will indicate a way in 
 which best to develop the army and navy so as to make 
 them the most powerful advocates of peace, by render- 
 ing them the most terrible and effective in war. 
 
 It is weU Imown that the great Nations of Europe 
 are exhausting their resources to maintain standing 
 armies, and to build great navies. 
 
 Tear after year their people are ground down with 
 taxes, poverty is increased and life at home and in 
 the service is made a burden. 
 
 Each year demands more money, and new sources of 
 taxation are sought, until everything the people eat, 
 drink, wear or use, bears the tag of the taxgatherer, 
 and the great problem of these nations is how to find 
 something new to tax, or how to increase old taxes 
 without causing rebellion. 
 
 In addition to this, great debts have been incurred, 
 until the interest amounts to incredible sums, and still 
 
166 EVOLUTION— WffZCff-EEVOLUTION 
 
 the nations are begging for more money to keep up 
 these expenditures for a possible war. 
 
 This may ultimately tend to peace since these bur- 
 dens will not, cannot always be endured, and the 
 limit will sometime be reached. 
 
 Europe has been for years in a state of armed 
 truce. Each of the great nations has been constantly 
 preparing for the conflict which it fears and expects. 
 
 It is amazing that long centuries of Christian civil- 
 ization should culminate in the greatest standing arm- 
 ies and the most powerful navies the world has ever 
 known, formed, equipped and held for the sole pur- 
 pose of destroying one another. Germany, Russia 
 and France, each has about 3.000,000 soldiers ready to 
 be called into the field, while their expenditures for 
 army and navy yearly amount to about $200,000,000 
 in cash for each nation. 
 
 Not only is this enormous amount squeezed from the 
 people by taxes, but the productive forces of these 
 great nations are greatly diminished by the withdrawal 
 of so many men in their prime, from their various 
 occupations, so that the real cost of war preparations 
 in these nations would be from two to three times the 
 actual cash expended. 
 
 Now if the six great nations of Europe would unite 
 for peace, they could banish war from the face of the 
 earth, while increasiug their own prosperity. 
 
 If we draw the right conclusions from the conduct 
 of these nations, we certainly shaU never consent to 
 
PEACE 167 
 
 saddle a large, useless standing army, and an expen- 
 sive navy, on our nation, even if its unlimited re- 
 sources would permit it. 
 
 We have been following too closely already the ex- 
 ample of Europe, in our extravagant expenditures. 
 Our debt is large. The people feel more and more the 
 weight of direct or indirect calls for money, and we 
 may soon be seeking new subjects for taxation. 
 
 These economic reasons, as well as the natural sim- 
 plicity of a true Republic, should lead us in every 
 Department of Government to increase the usefulness 
 and to decrease the cost. 
 
 Certainly the plan outlined in the following pages 
 will tend to both these ends in our army and navy. 
 
THEAEMY 
 
 As long as Nations are only partly civilized, there 
 wUl be wars, and as long as there is danger of war. 
 Nations must be prepared for it. 
 
 The rulers of the great nations in the Old World 
 realize this, and are doing all they can at a cost to 
 their subjects too enormous to be computed, to have 
 every available man ready to take the field as a trained 
 soldier, in an emergency which they fear. They also 
 desire a large standing army to keep their own sub- 
 jects submissive and to put down revolts and revolu- 
 tions. 
 
 We have been so situated, and so far apart from 
 other nations, that a great standing army has not been 
 considered necessary. But our rapid growth and ex- 
 pansion have tended to make us more of a world-power 
 and have increased the necessity for a larger military 
 reserve, on which the Nation could depend in time of 
 war. 
 
 Before the Kevolution, nearly every man and boy 
 was necessarily a soldier, and many a woman could 
 handle the old-fashioned musket better than most men 
 of to-day can handle the rifle. Every town, and, in 
 many cases, every family had to be ready to fight for 
 its existence, and one of the earliest institutions was 
 a militia, well drilled for the times and composed of 
 excellent marksmen, as the British discovered to their 
 cost at Lexington and Bunker Hill. 
 
 168 
 
TEE ARMY 169 
 
 When the call to war was sounded, these men hur- 
 ried from their homes with musket, powder-horn and 
 bullet pouch, to offer their services and lives to the 
 cause. 
 
 This gave the Revolution its only chance for success. 
 It rested on the fighters who had, necessarily, prepared 
 themselves for just such an emergency. 
 
 When the Revolution was won, peace came, and the 
 demands of business and work, especially in the East 
 began to overcome the necessity or desire to keep up 
 the militia driU. The War of 1812, and that with 
 Mexico revived the military spirit somewhat, but the 
 great prosperity of peace drove away the thoughts of 
 war, and, when Secession came, and an army was 
 called into the field, a great majority of the soldiers 
 had never been drilled, seldom handled a rifle, and 
 loiew little or nothing of the discipline of camp and 
 field. 
 
 This was extremely disastrous. The war was pro- 
 tracted for years, chiefly because the army had to 
 learn in the field, what it should have known before 
 the war began. 
 
 There are large bodies of State militia to-day, that, 
 in certain crises and under certain conditions might 
 be of great service to the government. They might, 
 to a certain extent, volunteer to aid the army, but 
 they might not, and uncertain contingencies should 
 be avoided. 
 
 If then, a war broke out to-day, our army would 
 
170 EVOLUTION— W57CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 be practically recruited from the same classes that 
 served in the Civil War. It would be at first, poorly 
 armed and led, and would be at the greatest disad- 
 vantage when brought to contend with the trained 
 forces that cover Europe. 
 
 How can we remedy this difficulty, and have a large 
 body of disciplined, hardened soldiers, ready always 
 for the field, without maintaining a great army (com- 
 paratively useless in times of peace) at an enormous 
 expense, to devour the substance of the people, and to 
 be a constant menace to liberty? 
 
 To do this, the hearty co-operation of the States is 
 necessary, and it is believed that this would be readily 
 given, when the great advantages of this plan, both to 
 the Nation, and the States were clearly understood. 
 
 There are five distinct features in a proper system 
 to supply our Nation with a sufficient army in time of 
 need. 
 
 First. A small standiag, regular army as at pres- 
 ent, officered in general by graduates from "West 
 Point. 
 
 Second. A series (four or more) of similar schools 
 should be established, in which the Art of War should 
 be as thoroughly taught as now, and, in addition to 
 this, methods of rai^ng, drilling, and controlling 
 State militia and the Police Forces in the various 
 States, should be made prominent. 
 
 Students should be admitted to these schools only 
 after an examiaation in which character, health, and 
 
TEE ARMY 171 
 
 acquirements should be considered. On admission 
 each student (and his parents or guardian if he is 
 under age) should sign an agreement to continue in 
 the service of the government for ten years after 
 graduation, if required. Their use, outside of the regu- 
 lar army is made clear by the development of the plan. 
 
 Third. The States mUitia should be made a part 
 of the Nation's Reserves, should be largely com- 
 manded by Army officers, and should, on certain occa- 
 sions, assemble in camp for a week or two, to be 
 handled as an army. 
 
 Fourth. Boys in the public schools should be 
 drilled as soldiers. An Army officer should have 
 charge of a certain number of schools, and should 
 appoint the officers to command the various bodies 
 from the pupils, giving special instruction as to their 
 duties, to these officers. 
 
 This would give proper exercise to the pupils, would 
 encourage prompt and unfailing obedience to author- 
 ity, and would fit the masses of the graduates for an 
 emergency that is liable at any time to arise. 
 
 Application from school graduates of good record, 
 should stand ahead of all others to join the militia, 
 which, in this way, would always be full of members. 
 
 Even if it were at first thought best for each State 
 to control its own militia, and for each city and town 
 to be responsible for the school force, stUl the militia 
 should be enrolled like the regular army and be sub- 
 ject to call in time of war. 
 
172 EVOLUTION— TTH/CJ?— REVOLUTION 
 
 Fifth. Each city and town has its force of trained 
 police. Generally they are stalwart men, whose duties 
 harden their constitutions and enable them to bear 
 the hardships and dangers incident to their work. 
 These men should be made part of a great national 
 force ready for any emergency. 
 
 That prejudice and selfish interests on the part of 
 certain political manipulators, would, at first, actively 
 and bitterly oppose any change that would deprive 
 them of patronage and opportunities for gain, is well 
 understood. But the change is so slight, and the 
 advantages are so great, that the plan should be pre- 
 sented for consideration, since the good results can 
 be brought about by simple, beneficial changes in the 
 present police system, in such a way as to help the 
 Nation, the State, the City and the police, while the 
 expense will be less, and the efficiency of the force 
 greater, than as at present constitiuted. 
 
 The Police Force. 
 
 What is the object of the police force? How can 
 that object be best obtained? 
 
 The consideration of these questions is of vital im- 
 portance to the well-being of our citizens as a whole. 
 
 It is universally known that at present, in some 
 cities at least, the Primary object of the police force 
 is to benefit those who control it, as well as to help 
 the policemen themselves. 
 
THE POLICE FORCE 173 
 
 The Secondary object is incidentally to afford 
 partial protection to the lives and property of such 
 citizens as do not offend the political end of the 
 monopoly. 
 
 The thorough and business-like way in which the 
 Primary object has been carried out in general, is well 
 known to the ordinary citizen in our large places, and 
 it has been proven beyond a doubt by the investiga- 
 tions made in many cities. This shows how effective 
 this same force would be under proper control and 
 guidance, based, upon a right system, since the main 
 body of police in most of our cities are, no doubt, bet- 
 ter than the present system, and are as faithful and 
 honest as any body of men would be under similar 
 circumstances. 
 
 The greed for power, and for gain through power, 
 has pervaded every department of our Nation, States 
 and Cities, and the police force has not escaped its 
 corrupting influences. 
 
 In most of our cities, positions on the force are con- 
 sidered political perquisites, promotions are made 
 for money or as a favor for political services, more 
 than for merit, and the blackmailing of vice and 
 crime, as well as of legitimate business, has been re- 
 duced to an exact science. 
 
 Under this system, no man who offends the powers 
 that be, is safe unless they fear him. The simplest 
 way, even for honest men, is to yield to the force of 
 circumstances, and, on demand, to give to this, to 
 
174 EVOLUTION— WHZCff— REVOLUTION 
 
 contribute to that, to pay for the other, or to slip a 
 present into the pocket of the policeman near them. 
 
 There is no doubt that violations of city ordinances, 
 are overlooked for money. 
 
 There is no doubt that burglaries have been incited, 
 their profits shared by the police and the burglars 
 protected, when parties have proved obstinate in yield- 
 ing to the demands of the force. 
 
 There is no doubt that, by mutual agreement, per- 
 juries are constantly committed by policemen, either 
 to help out friends or to punish enemies, and that this 
 is too common to excite comment. 
 
 There is no doubt that courts are often prostituted 
 to the service of powerful cliques, and made the in- 
 strimaents of their revenge, or their tools to collect 
 blackmail. 
 
 But what else can we expect from the system? 
 Punish men for honesty, reward them for dishonesty, 
 and the results surely follow. 
 
 The usual plan pursued to compel policemen to fall 
 in line is this : 
 
 A policeman works hard, does his duties regardless 
 of pulls evil doers may have, and takes no hints in 
 regard to not notieiag too much about certain persons 
 or matters in his district. In a short time he is hauled 
 up for some charged violation of rules, is fined or, 
 without charges, is suddenly transferred to some un- 
 desirable location. 
 
 His friends tell him he was too of&cious. He sees 
 
THE POLICE FORCE 175 
 
 other policemen growing rich on the same salary, 
 drunk on their beats, clubbing harmless citizens, let- 
 ting all sorts of crime flourish while they go blindly 
 by, getting free from charges amply proven, and re- 
 maining secure in their positions and in good favor 
 with their superiors. 
 
 This object lesson will not be long wasted. Police- 
 men, however desirous they may be to do right, 
 brought up in this school of corruption, will sooner 
 or later graduate successfully. 
 
 Under the present system these things cannot be 
 avoided. Reform has tried its power in vain. Parties 
 have promised, if given power, to remedy the evil, and 
 have faUed in the attempt. 
 
 The many curious expedients proposed to enable 
 the police to execute laws, show how naturally the 
 minds of men are disposed to look for a remedy far 
 away from the cause of the evil. 
 
 Take, for instance, the so-called Raines law in New 
 York, which aimed to close on Sunday and after one 
 o'clock a. m. on other days, all places where liquor 
 was sold, excepting as an adjunct to a meal. 
 
 There were police enough in any part of the city to 
 shut up every saloon. But they did not care to do 
 this, because it offended those who had great political 
 influence, and also because it offered such large and 
 continuous rewards for being overlooked. 
 
 In order to facilitate blackmail, and to render the 
 continued and open violations of law less suspicious 
 
176 EVOLUTION— WHICH— REVOLUTION 
 
 in appearance, it is the fashion for officials to claim 
 that certain laws cannot be executed, and to gravely 
 propose a compromise with the law breakers, permit- 
 ting them to do all they please at certain times or in 
 certain places, with the understanding that outside 
 of this, they will be good, and graciously consent to 
 observe the rest of the law. 
 
 The three great sources of criminal contributions 
 to the grafters, are Gambling, Prostitution and Liquor 
 selling. That this is true everywhere the records 
 prove. 
 
 A Grand Jury in New Orleans says, " Tour jury 
 charges that a fertile source of criaae is in the un- 
 closed saloon, openly and persistently violating the 
 law every Sunday. 
 
 ' ' The jury is of the opinion that gambling is carried 
 on in this city to an alarming extent, notwithstanding 
 the stringent laws against it. We believe that th^e 
 gambling rooms are not unknown to the police, and 
 for reasons best known to them, they allow places to 
 continue to operate in open defiance of the law." 
 
 Is this an echo from nearly every city in the land ? 
 
 In New York charges were made that crime was 
 allowed to flourish. These charges at first were treated 
 with contempt, although many of those concerned in 
 making them were persecuted by the police. 
 
 Next, definite charges were made giving streets and 
 numbers where the law was constantly and openly 
 violated. A police investigation was ordered and a 
 
TEE POLICE FORCE 177 
 
 Report made by officials, denying the charge and con- 
 temptuously slurring the leader in the reform move- 
 ment, when every child even, in the localities named, 
 knew of the existence of the crimes. 
 
 The police force from A to Z were an apparent 
 unit in their zeal to deny everything, and to ruin 
 those who persisted in complaining. 
 
 It is strange that with all their power and wealth 
 and influence, they did not succeed ia stopping the 
 reform movement. That they did not do so was due 
 chiefly to the energy, persistence and ability of Dr. 
 Charles H. Earkhurst. Slurs, denials, persecution, 
 newspaper attacks, all stimulated him to greater ex- 
 ertions. With a wisdom more than his own, he wrote 
 and talked and worked, until his influence so pervaded 
 the public mind, that an investigation of the police 
 department was ordered by the Legislature. 
 
 But investigations had been ordered before and 
 bargained out of results. So there was little fear 
 that this one would amount to much. It was not 
 thought that victims would dare to testify. The 
 police were expected to perjure themselves as usual, 
 and if there appeared to be any danger of exposure, 
 was there not a bi-partisan Board of Police Commis- 
 sioners, managed by their respective bosses, who to- 
 gether could stop the investigation and settle the pat- 
 ronage and spoils among themselves ? 
 
 But Dr. Parkhurst again upset their calculations. 
 Such proofs were suddenly produced as to shock the 
 
178 EVOLUTION— WJff/Cff— REVOLUTION 
 
 community to so great an extent as to make it dan- 
 gerous for any one to attempt to stifle the investiga- 
 tion, and so the bosses concluded to ride into renewed 
 power by countenancing it, until it came to reforma- 
 tory legislation, and then, with bi-partisan commissions 
 and such a police reform as would make places for 
 men who were useful to party politics, the matter 
 would be closed up and the pretense of reform would 
 satisfy public conscience, while the city would be 
 governed as usual. 
 
 To carry out this plan the tone of police officials 
 changed. Those who were loudest and boldest in their 
 assertions that the charges were false, now began to 
 admit them and to allow that some of them were 
 known to be true, but that the police were hindered 
 by the Commissioners from working effectively. 
 Charges and counter charges were made until the pub- 
 lic saw a great light, when suddenly, realizing their 
 danger, the controversy was dropped and all concerned 
 seemed to unite to retain the power under the pre- 
 tense that certain ones were necessary to reorganize 
 the police force, which they now admitted to be cor- 
 rupt. 
 
 Then as a feeler, interviews with police officials 
 were published, saying in effect that the laws could not 
 be carried out, that it was necessary to bargain with 
 law breakers, that it would be better to let them sug- 
 gest what laws they would agree to carry out and then 
 make laws to suit them. Or, where it was certain that 
 
THE POLICE FORCE 179 
 
 the public would not consent to a law permitting 
 certain evils to be licensed, that an understood bargain 
 should be made restricting those evils to certain sec- 
 tions of the city— sections already cursed with evils 
 enough to sink Sodom and Gomorrah combined. 
 
 The proposal to allow saloons to be kept open after 
 ' ' Church hours ' ' casts a terrible shadow on the great 
 Catholic Church, since that is the only religious body 
 whose Sunday services are over at noon, and the infer- 
 ence would be justified that Catholics are in general 
 the patrons of saloons, and that after Mass drinks are 
 in order. 
 
 Let the good Paulist Fathers reply both to the in- 
 sinuation and the demand. 
 
 The proper treatment of the liquor question is con- 
 sidered elsewhere, but it is right to say here, that I 
 have as good a right to demand entrance into a saloon 
 for my morning dram as you have for your afternoon 
 or evening drink. If the saloon is to be open at all 
 on Sundays, no just reason can be given why it should 
 not be open all day. 
 
 No man is fit for office who hints at compromise 
 with crime or criminals or who connives at violations 
 of the law. No man is fit for office, who admits that he 
 cannot carry out the law and do the duties of that 
 office. 
 
 Any man could be a perfect President of the United 
 States if the only duty attached to the office was to 
 do what he pleased. 
 
180 EVOLUTION— TTff/OH— REVOLUTION 
 
 Any man can be an efficient Superintendent of 
 Police if he can also make the laws and then know that 
 his sole duty is to enforce them as far as he chooses 
 and no further. 
 
 The object of a police force is to see that the laws 
 are not violated, or, if they are, to arrest the criminal 
 and get evidence to convict him of the crime. It should 
 be under no obligations to individuals or political 
 associations, and should be held so far aloof from 
 peculiar influences as to be above suspicion. 
 
 To be under pay — whether in the name of gifts, 
 salary or favors, and whether from the peanut vender, 
 the saloon keeper, the prostitute, the gambler, the 
 steamship companies, the sidewalk user, an unknown 
 broker or a millionaire — should disqualify a man from 
 holding any position on any police force. 
 
 To be convicted of violating any law, whether it be 
 perjury or bribery, or drunkenness, or gambling, or 
 intimacy with prostitutes, should forever disqualify 
 a man from being on the police force. 
 
 Criminals should not be selected or expected, to 
 enforce the laws. But the object of a police force can 
 be best accomplished by a complete change in methods 
 of selecting and handling that body. 
 
 It is comparatively easy to decide who should be 
 left off a model police force, but the positive is the 
 practical side of the question. How can we best organ- 
 ize and manage our police? 
 
 The answer to this should be less difficult than the 
 
THE POLICE FORGE 181 
 
 method of raising, organizing and hajidling an army. 
 In fact, to attain the greatest efficiency, the same 
 general plan should be employed in one as the other. 
 
 1. The entire police force in a State should consist 
 of an army enlisted, drilled, officered and handled 
 under regular military rules and discipline. 
 
 2. It should be a State force, subject to National 
 service under certain contingencies. 
 
 3. It should consist of infantry and cavalry, in such 
 proportion as the needs for proper patrolling demand. 
 
 4. The " State Chief," whose headquarters should 
 be at the State capital, should be selected from eligible 
 officers of the regular army, by the State authorities, 
 with the consent of the Secretary of War, who might 
 designate such officers in regular order of promotion 
 somewhat as is now done in some cases. 
 
 This officer should select from one to five other regu- 
 lar officers of a lower rank, as his assistants. These 
 officers should organize and control the entire State 
 Police. There should be no time limit to their term 
 of office, but they should be subject to removal either 
 on petition or by popular vote. 
 
 5. The State Chief should, with the consent of the 
 city or town authorities, appoint in each place or 
 locality, an army officer of a certain rank as Chief of 
 that place, together with such subordinate officers as 
 might be necessary, whose duties would be similar to 
 those of the present Police Commissioners and their 
 assistants. 
 
182 EVOLUTION— WifZCff— REVOLUTION 
 
 The State System, as now, would thus include a 
 State Militia, and a State Police, each distinct and yet 
 helping to form a harmonious whole. 
 
 The State Chief, being an army officer of a certain 
 grade, would be competent to bring the militia into 
 a much higher state of efficiency than now. He should 
 be its head officer, but subordinate positions could be 
 filled by votes of the members subject to his approval. 
 
 The militia, as at present consituted, is of occasional 
 benefit to some parts of certain States, and the fact of 
 its existence is a deterrent to riots and armed opposi- 
 tion to authority, but it should be made of greater 
 value and influence by having it a part of a great 
 National System, and at the same time, a nucleus for 
 the entire State Force as proposed, instead of being, 
 with its expensive armories, etc., only a precaution. 
 
 7. The second part of the System, the State Police, 
 is much more important and efficient. The members 
 should be regularly enlis.ted to serve for a term of 
 years, with the privilege of re-enlisting if their records 
 were good, and to serve until disabled by injuries or 
 age, when pensions should be granted them. Pensions 
 should also be given to dependent relatives in case of 
 death when on active duty. 
 
 8. The Police should be subject to regular army 
 rules, as far as is consistent with their duties. Promo- 
 tions should be made on merit, and punishment should 
 be just and equitable for all violations of the rules. 
 
 9. The army officers selected for State positions, 
 
THE POLICE FORCE 183 
 
 should be paid by the Nation, and be subject to recall 
 by the Commander-in-Chief, while other members of 
 the State force should be paid as now, by the localities 
 where they are on duty regularly. 
 
 10. The State Chief should have authority to send 
 such portions of the State Police as he thinks needed, 
 temporarily, for service into any paxt of the State, 
 when riots or other causes rendered the force regularly 
 employed there, insufficient. 
 
 Railroads and steamboats should furnish transporta- 
 tion free, and the expenses of the Commissary Depart- 
 ment in such eases, should be paid by the locality 
 benefited. 
 
 11. The police force thus constituted would be 
 vastly more efficient than now. The cavalry could be 
 used in Parks, and for night patrol duty in many 
 localities, as well as in rural districts, and in such 
 parts of larger places where it proved more efficient 
 than footmen. 
 
 Two-thirds of the present police force, organized 
 and handled in this way by a competent army officer, 
 with a knowledge that no pull could promote them 
 Eind no enemy could drag them down, would be vastly 
 more efficient than the present force and at less cost, 
 while the power to mass, in case of any emergency, a 
 body of police like this, (unheralded by the red tape 
 that precedes a call for the militia) handled like an 
 army, with the drill and discipline of regulars, would 
 often deter leaders from fomenting disturbances, save 
 
184 EVOLUTION— TTHZOH— REVOLUTION 
 
 great losses from riots, take away .the need and ex- 
 pense of calling out the militia (who increase the 
 hostility of a crowd far more than do the police), and 
 tend to the unbiased and full enforcement of law. 
 
 12. The method of recruiting the Police Force 
 should be entirely changed. 
 
 There should be three distinct but connected bodies 
 from which the regular police should be recruited. 
 
 (A) The " Reserves," should consist of men from 
 twenty to twenty-five years of age, regularly enlisted 
 for the purposes hereafter stated. They should pass 
 an examination similar to that now required for the 
 police. They should have suitable ofQcers appointed to 
 instruct them in police duties, and to drill them as 
 police. 
 
 This instruction and drill should be given at the 
 various armories and police stations on certain 
 evenings each week, so as not to interfere with the 
 daily work of its members. 
 
 In case of riots or holidays, when a larger police 
 force is needed, a part of this body could be called out 
 and paid for services rendered. For this purpose the 
 body should keep a record of the members who could 
 serve for a day or two on call without danger of los- 
 ing their regular employment, and of those who could 
 not do so. 
 
 Promotion from the Reserves to the regular force 
 should be by merit and examination, and all increase 
 of the Police Force should be made from members of 
 
TEE POLICE FORCE 185 
 
 this body as long as there were members willing and 
 qualified to join it. 
 
 (B) Every one, conversant with the younger ele- 
 ment in our cities, understands how the boys naturally 
 become law-breakers and hostile to the police. Little 
 by little the boys learn to break the law, until they 
 lose all respect for it and nearly all fear of its enforce- 
 ment. " Gangs " are formed, and graduating from 
 one school of crime to another, the boys become the 
 dangerous criminals of the city. 
 
 The natural vitality of boyhood will find outlets 
 either good or bad as circumstances govern it. Boys' 
 Clubs, Gymnasiums, Trade Schools, Settlements, etc., 
 have done much to improve the conditions of this class, 
 but its antipathy to authority and its hatred of the 
 police still remain. 
 
 To gain this class to the side of law and order, and 
 to incorporate them into the police force, is a doubly 
 desirable ideal, since it takes from the opposition to 
 law and adds to the power of enforcing it. 
 
 To do this is a simple, social problem, the solution 
 of which will meet this evil at its beginning as well as 
 give a wonderfully effective aid in enforeiug law. 
 
 From this class of boys should be recruited a small 
 army so constituted as to make it for the interest of its 
 members, to take a decided stand against crime. 
 
 This force should be divided into two bodies called 
 the Volunteer Police and the Assistant Volunteers. 
 
 The Volunteer Police should be recruited by ex- 
 
186 EVOLUTION— WffZCS— REVOLUTION 
 
 amination from boys of from 17 to 20 years of age, 
 and the Assistant Volunteers from 12 to 17 years old. 
 
 These bodies should be entirely distinct from each 
 other. They should meet about twice a week in the 
 armories or at police stations, or in halls, for instruc- 
 tion in such laws as they can easily understand, and in 
 police duties, and should be drilled as soldiers and as 
 police by officers appointed for that purpose. 
 
 They should be allowed to elect junior officers, sub- 
 ject to the approval of their superiors. 
 
 The Assistant Volunteers should have no authority, 
 but shoiild be encouraged to report all violations of 
 such laws as are explained to them, in such districts 
 as may be assigned them, and a system of merits and 
 prizes would create great zeal for the work. 
 
 From the Assistant Volunteers, promotions should 
 be made at least semi-yearly to the Volunteers, by ex- 
 amination and merits. 
 
 The Volunteers should be handled in a similar way. 
 A certain standing should entitle members to a badge 
 marked V. P. and followed by State initials, and num- 
 bered, which, however, they should not be permitted 
 to wear excepting when assigned to certain duty. 
 
 From the Volunteers who had gained the right to 
 wear this badge, should be selected by examination, 
 those best fitted to fill vacancies in the Reserves. 
 
 All these bodies should be given a place in the regu- 
 lar Police Parade. 
 
 There would be several times as many applicants 
 
THE POLICE FORCE 187 
 
 to join these bodies as could be accepted, but a ' ' wait- 
 ing list " would encourage rejected applicants to look 
 forward to being accepted later. 
 
 These bodies would be of untold advantage in de- 
 priving the lawless of their brightest leaders, building 
 up respect for law, and in furnishing a competent 
 recruit for every vacancy on the regular force. 
 
 Under proper instruction and drill the Volunteers 
 and Assistants would do more to restrict and prevent 
 crime than even the regular police, while their influ- 
 ence in their sections would be unbounded. 
 
 The recruits would come at first largely from those 
 who are the natural leaders in violating law, and they 
 would become leaders in maintaining order and pre- 
 venting crime. 
 
 With a State Force, organized and handled as de- 
 scribed, backed by the three reserve forces, crime 
 would be reduced to a minimum, since influence would 
 no longer avail to protect the guilty, blaclonail would 
 be almost an impossibility, and law would be im- 
 partially enforced, 
 
 As the State Chief and his principal subordinates, 
 being from the regular army, would be dependent on 
 no leader's favor, there would be but little fear of 
 political influence, while suitable promotion as a re- 
 ward for duty well done, would stimulate the rank and 
 file to faithful service. 
 
 While punishment for violating the rules should be 
 definite, immediate and certain, offences against the 
 
188 EVOLUTION— WffZOH— REVOLUTION 
 
 law should subject the offender to the double punish- 
 ment jfixed by law and by the rules of the service. 
 
 The acceptance of presents or even favors from citi- 
 zens should be severely punished, while perjury, which 
 is now considered a merit, should cause dischaj-ge from 
 the service with fine and imprisonment. 
 
 The regular Police Force should be subject to the 
 call of the Nation to serve in ease of war, as needed. 
 The Eeserves and Volunteer Police would be ready 
 to fill vacancies at home, and a part of it might be 
 permitted to volunteer in the field if not required for 
 police duty. Thus the Nation without great expense 
 and at a saving to the States and Cities, would have a 
 large standing army, while the cities and towns would 
 be better protected than now. 
 
 "While it is expected that a plan like this will neces- 
 sarily take some time to be adopted by the Nation, 
 the States might begin the work, and even without the 
 help of the States, the cities could adopt this plan in 
 its essentials to their great advantage. 
 
 When Colonel Waring had charge of the Street 
 Cleaning Department in New York, the author sub- 
 mitted a similar plan to him to enroll children in 
 various parts of the city, to help keep the streets 
 clean. The suggestion was adopted and those connected 
 with him will bear testimony to the effectiveness of the 
 plan which should have been continued. 
 
 Boys would be much more attracted by the oppor- 
 tunity to prepare themselves for police service than to 
 
THE POLICE FORCE 189 
 
 become street cleaners. Many of them are natural 
 detectives, and by proper care and selection, our de- 
 tective force would be greatly improved, while that 
 large class that have been left to develop into criminals 
 would be organized and trained to be good citizens. 
 
 Only an outline of the plan has been given here, 
 because details must depend on its head, but certainly 
 it would not be difficult to carry it out successfully. 
 
THE NAVY. 
 
 Navies have always played important parts in inter- 
 national wars. 
 
 Nations have contended with nations for centuries 
 in building navies that could control the world's great 
 waterways. 
 
 The story of naval warfare is an extremely inter- 
 esting study which will throw some light on the solu- 
 tion of the problem of to-day. 
 
 Soon after the discovery of America by Columbus, 
 England became " Mistress of the Seas " perhaps as 
 much through her gallant seamen, as on account of 
 the superiority of her floating batteries. This position 
 she has steadily maintained at any cost. Her position 
 seems to require it. Her shores must be defended from 
 invasion by neighboring nations instinctively hostile 
 and jealous of her greatness. Her commerce, enor- 
 mous beyond estimate, must be protected. Her for- 
 eign interests must be held inviolate, because other 
 nations fear the power of a navy with which they 
 cannot contend. 
 
 These objects can be accomplished only by a navy 
 so powerful as to render it hopeless for any other 
 nation to attempt to build its equal. 
 
 Eesults show that she has been justified for her own 
 190 
 
THE NAVY 191 
 
 preservation in spending untold millions to build up 
 her navy and to keep in the forefront of improvements 
 in naval warfare. 
 
 With the United States the facts are quite different. 
 Situated, as we have been, at least until after the 
 Spanish war, so far apart from nations whose navies 
 could do us much harm, as to make us comparatively 
 safe from invasion, our commerce was our chief cause 
 of anxiety in case of a foreign war. 
 
 This made us almost indifferent to the navy and 
 careless as to its standing, until the Civil War proved 
 its need and value. 
 
 Then our navy began to grow, and fortunately for 
 us, at the beginning of the Spanish war had improved 
 so much in efficiency as to be able to destroy the ships 
 of Spain with scarcely an effort. 
 
 The restdts of this war gave us valuable outlying 
 possessions, that, if retained, necessitated a largely 
 increased navy, while the emphatic reiteration of the 
 Monroe Doctrine, made this need more apparent. 
 
 We have therefore to consider why we need a navy, 
 and what the object of such a navy should be. 
 
 We have such great resources that we could un- 
 doubtedly, soon outstrip England, and have the lead- 
 ing navy of the world. But is it necessary to waste 
 billions of dollars in such competition? If our navy 
 were increased one hundred fold, would it be able to 
 protect our possessions from the attacks of a coalition 
 of foreign nations against us, or even against the fleets 
 
192 EVOLUTION— WF/O-ff— REVOLUTION 
 
 of England, and at the same time defend our own 
 coasts and take care of our commerce? 
 
 For us, the chief object of a navy seems to be, to 
 destroy or capture the commerce of our enemy, and to 
 drive her ships from the public seas. This would be 
 our most effectual protection against a foreign war, 
 as well as the quickest way of ending it. 
 
 Coast protection is now much more easily and 
 cheaply assured than by a big navy. 
 
 The force of naval warfare is constantly changing. 
 It is a far cry from our iron-clads to the triremes of 
 the Ancients, and the battle-ships of to-day may be 
 relegated to the rear in a single year. 
 
 On March 8, 1862, a fleet of modem battle-ships lay 
 in Hampton Roads. Twenty-four hours later, wooden 
 war vessels were history, and iron-clads were rapidly 
 built for all the navies of the world. 
 
 A single season and the cumbersome iron-clads of 
 to-day, may join their wooden predecessors, and navies 
 may again be reconstructed to meet some new mode 
 of warfare. 
 
 Indeed that time seems dangerously near, and it will 
 not be long before a single explosive will be sufiScient 
 to destroy the largest iron-clad that floats. 
 
 The contest between projectiles and steel sheathing 
 has been going merrily on, and it may soon be found 
 that the heaviest armored war vessel, will, by her very 
 steel covering, be the easiest prey. 
 
 The then comparatively useless iron-clads, will dis- 
 
THE NAVY 193 
 
 appear from the oceans, be sent to the dock yards, or 
 used for coast defence, while the new navy will ride 
 the seas. 
 
 Why should not the United States, learning lessons 
 from the past, anticipate these changes and take a 
 leading position on the ocean, especially when this 
 can be done without cost and with the greatest benefit 
 to the Nation? 
 
 We have now a very respectable fleet of so-called 
 modem war vessels. These could be properly cared 
 for, as long as they represent the navies of the world, 
 and perhaps a few more could be gradually built, 
 representing any supposed improvements in naval 
 architecture. This would give us that " show of 
 force " counted on so much to impress other nations. 
 
 Besides these, our attention should be given to such 
 forms of defence as would most adequately protect 
 our coasts, and to such forms of offence as would best 
 meet the chief ends of a navy for the United States. 
 
 No doubt that, within a few years, any hostile fleet 
 of iron-clads can be destroyed before coming within 
 striking distance of our great cities, by torpedo boats, 
 or by explosives of tremendous power, dropped on 
 their decks from balloons or air ships floating far 
 above them, and other new methods of destruction 
 wiU be rapidly developed along electrical lines, that 
 wiU prove ample protection for our coasts. 
 
 It is not difficult to outline a plan that will tend to 
 build up our commerce in time of peace, and that will 
 
 13 
 
194 EVOLUTION— WB^/C-ff— REVOLUTION 
 
 readily lend itself to the destruction of foreign com- 
 merce in times of war, while, at the same time it may 
 be even a source of profit to the government. 
 
 There has been much discussion of late years, of a 
 scheme to subsidize ship-building in the United States, 
 and the matter has been considered by Congress. 
 
 It is certainly true that we have not ships enough 
 for our constantly increasing commerce, and that our 
 trade and standing would be greatly increased if we 
 had many more large ships engaged in the carrying 
 trade. 
 
 This is the key to new additions to our navy. 
 
 Government should build a large number of ships 
 like the modern ocean steamers, in which strength and 
 speed should be the chief requisites. They should be 
 so arranged as to carry a few long range guns, if they 
 are used in war. 
 
 These ships when built, should be leased to responsi- 
 ble companies to carry our products and our flag, 
 everywhere. They would fill our harbors, and cover 
 the oceans, carrying commerce and peace in the name 
 of our country, to every nation on the globe. 
 
 A thousand such ships would repay their cost above 
 interest to the government in actual cash, while bene- 
 fiting the nation a thousand fold more. 
 
 They would bring to our people enormous trade 
 with the countries of South America, and bind them 
 more closely to us. They would build up our outlying 
 possessions and tend to make them more nearly one 
 
TEE NAVY 195 
 
 with us. They would extend our commerce to Asia and 
 Europe and make us, in peace as in war, the greatest 
 nation the world has ever known. 
 
 These ships should be leased for small rental, sub- 
 ject to certain rules and agreements. For instance, 
 their sailors should be shipped by the United States 
 under navy regulations, although paid by the lessees. 
 
 They should be regularly drilled in the duties of 
 sailors on our battleships. 
 
 Perhaps a single gun might be put on each ship, 
 and the sailors taught to handle it. The government 
 should have the right to cancel the lease in case of war, 
 and to take the ships for use as a part of the navy. 
 
 This would give us the very class of ships, properly 
 manned, that would be most effective in sweeping the 
 ocean of the enemy's commerce. 
 
 By their speed they could easily run away from the 
 heavy, ponderous iron-clads, and armed with a few 
 long-range guns, might even play with and destroy 
 them. 
 
 They coxdd soon clear the ocean of the enemy's 
 merchant ships, at great loss to him and gain for us, 
 and would prove a constant menace to the coasts of 
 the enemy. Indeed so great would be the danger to 
 their coast cities, that enemies would hardly venture 
 to send their fleets away and leave their coasts un- 
 protected. 
 
 Such ships as these are always needed for com- 
 mercial use. They will pay for themselves before they 
 
196 EVOLUTION— WHICff— REVOLUTION 
 
 are superseded by improved vessels. As fast as im- 
 provements are made, we could adopt them, without 
 throwing the older vessels away. 
 
 This mere outline presents simply the principle on 
 which it rests. More competent writers can develop 
 it in aU its details. 
 
 Only one important point remains to be stated. 
 
 There should be several Naval Schools like An- 
 napolis, from whose graduates suitable officers could 
 be supplied to handle these ships and crews properly. 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TEUSTS. 
 
 Civilization undoubtedly means ' ' division of labor, ' ' 
 and this, excepting in an actual co-operative State, 
 means the employment of labor by capital owned or 
 controlled by one man, by two or more men in part- 
 nerships, or by corporations and trusts. 
 
 The Degree of Civilization Attained Depends 
 Laegelt on the Regulation of These Combinations, 
 BY Government. 
 
 Without enormous aggregations of capital controlled 
 by the few, the greatest enterprises, affording the 
 largest benefits to the many, could neither be under- 
 taken nor carried out, unless the government took 
 charge of the capital by taxes or otherwise, and either 
 itself directed the enterprises, or used these combina- 
 tions as its servants. 
 
 In every country where these business partnerships, 
 corporations and trusts do not exist, civilization is 
 hindered, the national life is stagnant and the condi- 
 tion of the people is undesirable. 
 
 Complaints are heard in this country on every side 
 because capital, accumulated and aggressive, unites 
 in production and exchange, in the obnoxious trust- 
 forms, while but little is thought of the uncounted 
 thousands who, not being actively employed, are tak- 
 ing from the productive forces, without giving any 
 particular returns. 
 
 197 
 
198 EVOLUTION— WffZOH— REVOLUTION 
 
 COEPORATIONS AND TRUSTS, PROPERLY 
 REGULATED AND CONTROLLED BY GOV- 
 ERNMENT, WILL BENEFIT THE PEOPLE 
 MORE THAN A GENERAL DISTRIBUTION OP 
 WEALTH, AND WILL BE THE NEAREST 
 POSSIBLE APPROACH TO A CO-OPERATIVE 
 COMMONWEALTH, POSSESSING ALL ITS AD- 
 VANTAGES WITHOUT ITS MANY WEAK- 
 NESSES. 
 
 The growth of civilization necessitates the increase 
 of these combinations of capital, either in the form 
 of corporations and trusts, or in the hands of the State 
 as a Co-operative Government. 
 
 In primitive times each family supplied all its own 
 wants. The home, the food, the clothing, all of the 
 simplest, were easily secured and were sufficient for 
 mere existence. 
 
 But mere existence did not satisfy mankind. The 
 wolf w^ould seize the lamb, kill and eat it, with no 
 further helps than those of nature, and what it did 
 at first, it does to-day. 
 
 Man may have imitated the wolf in his earliest ex- 
 istence, and may have killed and eaten other animals, 
 like the brute beasts. But soon, at latest, the club, 
 the stone ax or the stone knife was used, to kill and 
 prepare the feast, and friction gave fire to cook it 
 before eating. Thus man gradually drew away from 
 the beasts in his habits, through his powers of inven- 
 tion, incited by his needs. 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TRUSTS 199 
 
 From the rude roofs of branches to the palaces of 
 to-day is a long journey. From the dried skins and 
 the fig-leaf aprons to the cotton and linen, and silks 
 and velvets of to-day, is a wonderful stride of the 
 giant of invention, and the mere story of these suc- 
 cessive changes, would be the most instructive history 
 of the race that could be written. 
 
 Attendant upon these have come with ' ' even step ' ' 
 division of labor — invention of implements and 
 machinery — discovery of new processes necessary to 
 an increased number of products — the control of the 
 various inventions and processes, both for producing 
 and distributing, by those whom nature and training 
 had best fitted for the work of managing labor and 
 capital and inventions so that, united, the results 
 would be greater, better and at less cost than other- 
 wise,— and the association of these leaders in partner- 
 ships, corporations or trusts. 
 
 To us with the clangor of factories, the rush of 
 trains, the rumble of the press, and the roar and 
 turbulence of the twentieth century stunning and 
 deafening our ears, the lives of the first settlers in the 
 country seem but a step removed from mere existence. 
 
 To them, as they compared what they had with the 
 possessions of their ancestors, there seemed to be little 
 that the future could do to improve their mode of life. 
 
 With their simple implements of agriculture, they 
 cultivated their lands, grew and winnowed their 
 grain, raised their own wool, which was spun on their 
 
200 EVOLUTION— WHJOif— REVOLUTION 
 
 primitive spinning wheels and made into clothing by 
 them with equally primitive needles and thread; 
 tanned the hides which they made into shoes, using 
 tools that seemed to them good, but that are now 
 curiosities; made their houses of logs or stone or in 
 part of hewn boards, and warmed them with huge fires 
 of logs burned in fire places of hospitable size. 
 
 Theirs was a busy life. They had no time to waste. 
 From daylight till dark, six days in the week at least, 
 the work went on at home or ia the field, week after 
 week, and year after year, with little time for mental 
 improvement. 
 
 There was always to a certain extent, a division of 
 employment in the family, each one doing what he or 
 she could do best. When the population increased 
 and villages grew up, this division of employment in- 
 creased in the same lines. 
 
 One devoted himself to shoe-making, another to 
 black-smithing, another became a weaver, a carpet- 
 maker, or a tailor, and yet another a store-keeper. In 
 this way the different avocations increased to the bene- 
 fit of all. 
 
 When the blacksmith, or carpenter or shoemaker 
 had more work than he could do, he hired an appren- 
 tice, used him on the simplest part of the work and 
 gradually taught him " the trade," and " division 
 of labor ' ' was instituted. 
 
 Soon, perhaps, the shoemaker had several working 
 under his direction. He selected and bought the hides, 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TRUSTS 201 
 
 superintended the tanning, cut the shoes and took care 
 that each of his men did the work well. 
 
 He became a capitalistic employer, and could sup- 
 ply better shoes at less cost than when he worked alone, 
 while he had benefited his workmen by teaching them 
 a trade and by giving them employment at wages that 
 bettered their condition. 
 
 All trades followed in this line, competition arising 
 from several in the same business seeking patronage. 
 
 As means of transportation improved, the products 
 of one community were known and sold in others, and 
 partnerships became a necessity in order to secure 
 suitable capital to supply the demand, and to control 
 the skill, materials, tools, etc., requisite to good work 
 which alone would continue and increase the sale of 
 the products, and enable the producer to manufacture 
 them at less price than before, in order to pay the cost 
 of transportation and handling. 
 
 Sometimes this capital was owned by the partners, — 
 sometimes a part of it was hired, and when those who 
 supplied it, demanded an interest in the profits, cor- 
 porations were formed and stock issued. This gave 
 distant capital an opportunity for investment— in- 
 creased the power of production, and by greater 
 division of labor, better implements and machinery, 
 and increased skill both of labor and its directors, 
 reduced the cost of making to such an extent that the 
 decreased prices extended the sales and thus benefited 
 the buyer, the corporation and its employees. 
 
202 EVOLUTION— WHZO-ff— REVOLUTION 
 
 Thus capital with advantage to its possessors who 
 often could not well use it, was fitly employed by those 
 whose ability to organize, control and develop ex- 
 tended operations, was thus enabled to apply what 
 others had gained. 
 
 The wonderful inventions of this age have improved 
 the opportunity for these corporations, and increased 
 the demands for old as well as new appliances for 
 existence, pleasure, improvement and work. What 
 had been unknown, became first a luxury for the rich 
 only, and then a seeming necessity for all classes and 
 was supplied, through these corporations, which, by 
 cheapening and increasing productions, brought the 
 prices within the reach of all. 
 
 The use of steam and electricity in operating 
 machinery and as a means of transportation, tended 
 to increase the sale of general products, and to localize 
 their manufacture, where they could be most easily 
 and cheaply made. This brought the value of the 
 manager into greater prominence, since competition 
 was fierce and the products of various localities con- 
 tended for sale in every village through cheap mail 
 service, the universal press, and specially through 
 traveling salesmen. 
 
 By this competition the prices were lowered, until 
 in many cases, goods were sold at less than cost, in 
 order to get the trade. 
 
 This competition was beneficial only so long as it 
 was fairly conducted with a sufficient margin of profits 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TBUST8 203 
 
 to the producers, but when carried on at a loss to the 
 manufacturer it was injurious to the public, since it 
 created a false demand for products on account of the 
 price, and thus led to over-production, and because it 
 enabled the corporations with the greatest resources 
 to ruin all others by underselling until the smaller 
 and less powerful manufacturers were obliged to stop 
 work. It also led to a reduction of wages on the 
 ground that the corporation was losing money at the 
 selling rates, and must either reduce wages or stop 
 producing the goods. 
 
 This competition was injurious both to the public 
 morals and purse, when it led to poor materials and 
 bad workmanship in order to lessen the cost of produc-^ 
 tion, while the articles seemed like, and sold for, the 
 better goods which they were misrepresented to be. 
 
 This extreme competition can have but one of three 
 results. There must be an agreement between the 
 manufacturers as to wholesale prices, or a Trust must 
 be formed to control nearly all the productions, or the 
 weakest must be destroyed, leaving comparatively few 
 competitors who will live in a constant condition of 
 " Armed Truce " like the nations of Europe, ready to 
 reduce prices, to take every advantage and to act 
 never so unfairly whenever they dare to do so. 
 
 The natural results have been the formation of 
 gigantic trusts, which are gradually extending to 
 every department of production. 
 
 A trust properly formed and conducted, and rightly 
 
204 EVOLUTION— Wff/O-ff—EBVOLUTION 
 
 regulated by government, would be a means of improv- 
 ing every thing in, and all connected with, its line 
 of work. 
 
 It is in any event, the outgrowth and union of 
 former conflicting interests and is the natural result 
 of the growth of civilization. 
 
 As a corporation or firm is supposed to act in a sin- 
 gle line in competition with others in the same line, so 
 a Trust is supposed to combine only these conflicting 
 interests in the same line. 
 
 Thus the Tobacco Trust would deal only in the liue 
 of Tobacco. It may be of its manufactured product 
 or of both that and its cultivation. 
 
 The Sugar Trust would deal only in Sugar, would 
 control the sale through its refineries so as to crush 
 competition, and, by its influence over legislation, to 
 give it increased profits. 
 
 But, in some instances Trusts have gone beyond 
 their legitimate field and have attempted to gain con- 
 trol of others. 
 
 This competition between Trusts, if carried to any 
 extent, would or might result in one gigantic Trust, 
 whose ramifications would extend to every village and 
 which would control every necessity and luxury, until 
 the limit of human ability or honesty, being reached, 
 it was ruined and destroyed. 
 
 Indeed, like a wheel within a wheel, all of the pres- 
 ent and futtire separate Trusts might continue, but 
 unite in one general Trust in which each separate 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TRUSTS 205 
 
 Trust had its representation, and which, in its central 
 government would rule and control all the smaller 
 Trusts in harmony and for mutual benefits. 
 
 As the result of the industrial forces of the past, 
 has been successively the firm, the corporation, and 
 the Trust, so the continuous working of the same 
 forces of industry may end in a gigantic trust or a 
 Co-operative Commonwealth. 
 
 What indeed is our general government but a Trust 
 composed of the several states and territories, formed 
 to prevent competition and friction between the States 
 and to give them better standing with the rest of the 
 world. The extent to which this trust is carried is the 
 only distinction between a nation and a Co-operative 
 Commonwealth, properly conducted. 
 
 The first tendency of a division of labor was to in- 
 crease the money-earning power of all affected by it, 
 and this tendency was increased as improved tools and 
 machines enabled workmen to do more and better work, 
 with less waste, and thus to increase the demand and 
 sale through better products at lower prices, in com- 
 munities, the Members of which, through the mutual 
 improvements in all branches of labor, had more 
 money to buy the products of others. 
 
 This tendency leading through increased money- 
 earning power, to an improvement in the condition of 
 all workmen, continued as long as the competition was 
 fair and healthy, and the resources of nature were 
 comparatively inexhaustible and free to all. 
 
206 EVOLUTION— WF/CH—EEVOLUTION 
 
 But, when invention too rapidly displaced human 
 labor by machinery, and the attractions of a life in 
 the centres of industry, drew the greatest masses of 
 the young industrial classes from the development of 
 our natural resources, which were rapidly becoming 
 monopolized, the proportion of products in the differ- 
 ent occupations became irregular and there was sud- 
 denly put onto the market, more of one or anothei' pro- 
 duction than there would be any natural demand for. 
 
 An unfair competition was thus forced on pro- 
 ducers, many of whom could not afford to wait until, 
 in the ordinary course of business, their wares would 
 be called for, and who therefore, by sharp, unscrupu- 
 lous salesmen, disposed of large stocks at ruinous 
 prices. 
 
 But, when the prices are once lowered, it is always 
 difficult, while unchecked competition is found on all 
 sides; to raise them again so as to gain a fair profit 
 for producers. 
 
 The plants, therefore, must be abandoned or turned 
 over to other products, or, by economy in producing, 
 the output must be made to yield a profit at the prices 
 already settled. 
 
 With the more economic purchase of raw materials, 
 came greater care to have less waste, and a reduction 
 of the laborer's wages, until, in some eases, the con- 
 tinued competition brought the actual cost of produc- 
 tion to the very lowest point, and then competition re- 
 sulted either in ruin or in combinations or trusts. 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TRUSTS 207 
 
 When these proved successful, they found it difficult 
 to increase the sale prices of their products (though 
 sometimes they did this, when assured that it would 
 not encourage renewed competition), but depended for 
 their profits on the saving, incidental to better man- 
 agement, both of production and sale. 
 
 In few cases has there been an increase of wages to 
 the standard before the fierce competition began, be- 
 cause the supply of laborers, on account of their rapid 
 displacement by machinery, was greater than the de- 
 mand, and this supply was largely increased by unwise 
 immigration. 
 
 This led to the growth of the labor trusts, as a 
 product of the same natural tendencies that had 
 caused the manufacturers* combinations. 
 
 As the best interests of capital and brains demanded 
 combinations, so the best interests of labor called for 
 unions, and they came. 
 
 The contentions between labor and capital have 
 generally resulted ia a victory for capital, too often 
 because lazy demagogues, by their plausible claims 
 and promises, attracted by salaries more than they 
 could earn by honest work, have been selected as lead- 
 ers of the workers. 
 
 The interests of labor and capital are identical. 
 Unfortunately neither party to the frequent contro- 
 versies, so understood it, and each would seek its own 
 regardless of the rights of the other. 
 
 In most instances, justifiable strikes were made to 
 
208 EVOLUTION— WH/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 say the least, unwisely for the strikers, while, on the 
 part of both workers and employers there have too 
 often appeared a lack of good faith, and an intense 
 desire " to get the better of each other " that pro- 
 hibited a calm, honest, intelligent, consideration of 
 the main issues. 
 
 It has been claimed that corporations and trusts, as 
 employers of labor, have the right to fix the rate of 
 wages they will pay, and to hire or discharge whom 
 they please, while the worker has an equal right to 
 work or not. 
 
 This seems fair enough on its face, but in reality 
 begs the entire question at issue. Corporations and 
 trusts are creatures of government, depend upon it 
 for existence and prosperity, and should therefore be 
 wisely regulated and controlled by it. 
 
 Under the privileges granted it by government, 
 the corporation or trust has a great advantage over 
 the worker in this contest for wages. An advantage 
 so far reaching as to practically enable it to starve 
 the workers into a condition lower than the former 
 slaves endured in the South. 
 
 Government Should Nevee Give Such Privileges 
 TO ANT Persons or Class, Without Adequately 
 Protecting all who may be Affected by its Action, 
 while all the protection that a corporation requires 
 at least while the glut in the labor market continues 
 as in the past, is protection in the use and conduct of 
 its property by itself or its employees, against the acts 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TRUSTS 209 
 
 of others, whether strikers, rioters or foreign invaders, 
 and this protection shoidd be always thoroughly, in- 
 stantly, and effectively given to the utmost limit, for 
 the sake of the public, the corporations and the 
 workers. 
 
 When properly regulated, corporations and trusts 
 become an efficient agent in the growth and prosperity 
 of a nation, but if they are permitted to do as they 
 please, and are fostered by favorable laws, their good 
 effects are often more than balanced by the evil results 
 that follow unrestrained greed, avarice and the lust 
 for power. 
 
 There is no doubt that a nation's true prosperity 
 centers in the homes of its people, and these true 
 homes must be, or at least are, for the great masses 
 of workers, outside of the large cities, where real 
 homes can scarcely exist for the laborer on account 
 of the cost of properly maintaining them. 
 
 In the earlier history of our country, when trades 
 may be said to have been carried on individually, the 
 so-called cities were merely large villages filled with 
 homes, and the present anomalous condition of city 
 life was unknown. 
 
 Nearly aU were producers, few were idle, and an 
 equitable prosperity was the rule. The growth of the 
 nation was rapid enough in numbers, wealth, and in 
 these inventions and improvements which in general 
 make existence more desirable. 
 
 It must not be forgotten that men and women make 
 u 
 
210 EVOLUTION— WH/OH—EBVOLUTION 
 
 the nation. Noble men, true women, make a great 
 nation. Low, cunning, avaricious, unscrupulous men; 
 thoughtless, giddy, fashionable women, as well as bad 
 men and vile women, lower a nation's standard, even 
 if they bring the greatest wealth in their train. 
 
 Above mere, so-called national prosperity as meas- 
 ured by wealth and power, must be placed the true 
 national prosperity as measured by the moral and 
 mental worth of its people. 
 
 The growth of corporations and trusts has tended 
 to break up the homes of the people, by destroying 
 the demand for particular labor outside of large 
 centers where manufacturing in quantities can be most 
 cheaply and successfully carried on, and where homes 
 are too often an impossibility. 
 
 An instance of this is found in the manufacture of 
 shoes in New England. In the first half of the nine- 
 teenth century, nearly every New England town was 
 dotted with the small shops where the head of the 
 family, aided by his boys, and now and then by 
 apprentices, employed a part, or all of the time in 
 making shoes to be sold through the South and West. 
 In many cases farms were carried on in the summer, 
 and work in the shop in winter. 
 
 Small shoe manufactories aided business and gave 
 prosperity to hundreds of towns. The workers were 
 bright, intelligent men and boys and their method of 
 working gave abundant opportunity for thought, dis- 
 cussion and reading. 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TRUSTS 211 
 
 The farmer-shoemakers of New England were gen- 
 erally well educated, owned their own homes, brought 
 up their families successfully, so that the boys and 
 girls grew into the community as a part of it, and be- 
 came in time themselves the heads of equally desirable 
 families. 
 
 But inventions multiplied and huge shops, filled with 
 machinery grew up in the cities, where, by a division 
 of labor and by the use of labor saving machinery, 
 shoes could be made at less than half the former cost, 
 and the small shops became deserted, the families were 
 broken up, the young people hurried into the cities, 
 and, in many cases, the heretofore prosperous village 
 became almost abandoned by its inhabitants, and 
 farms were left uncultivated. 
 
 This is only one of the many ways in which homes 
 have been broken up both in fact and in possibility 
 by corporations and inventions. 
 
 In this way alone the many benefits conferred by 
 inventions and aggregated capital, have been more 
 than balanced by the evil done to the nation. 
 
 The aggregated national wealth has wonderfully in- 
 creased, the influx of immigrants (desirable and un- 
 desirable) has added to our numbers, but true national 
 growth has been retarded in the loss of homes, the 
 dulling of public conscience, the lowering of public 
 standards of right and wrong, and in the general rush 
 for wealth, position and pleasure, the gaining of which 
 covers a multitude of sins. 
 
212 EVOLUTION— WHICH— REVOLUTION 
 
 These evils have resulted, directly and indirectly, 
 from the unrestricted and uncontrolled growth of com- 
 binations and trusts, aided by inventions, and their 
 remedy lies, not in destroying our factories, breaking 
 up our labor-saving machinery and forbidding unions 
 of forces, but rather in an intelligent control of all 
 these things by wise governmental restrictions. 
 
 Then all products can be furnished better and 
 cheaper, with wages of even greater purchasing values 
 than now, and with a gain to all concerned. 
 
 It is quite possible that the true greatness of a 
 nation does not lie in its commerce, its aggregate 
 wealth and its apparent prosperity, but should be 
 rather measured by the plane of its workers. 
 
 The great body of non-producers who live on the 
 accumulated production of the labor of others, are 
 generally an excrescence on the body politic. 
 
 The vast number of middle-men are useless, beyond 
 whatever value they add to productions by bringing 
 them into proper relations to the consumer. The 
 workers, whether with brains or hands, are the foun- 
 dation of a nation's strength, and their rights and 
 interests should be the nation's care. 
 
 Under the present and past systems of corporations 
 and trusts, unrestricted and even fostered by law, 
 such evils have resulted as to cause many to believe 
 that it would be better for our nation if corporations, 
 trusts and unlimited partnerships had been forbidden 
 by law, and the national industries had been thus left 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TRUSTS 213 
 
 distributed among the smaller places to be carried on 
 largely by individuals. 
 
 Between the two conditions of unrestricted com- 
 binations, and no combinations of capital and individ- 
 uals, I would unhesitatingly choose the latter, as bring- 
 ing greater benefit to the masses, and lesser evils, but 
 by this I do not mean that I believe the nation's in- 
 dustries would be in such an advanced position per se, 
 as they now are, but that the people would have more 
 and greater advantages from them, since now the 
 benefits are gained chiefly by the few, and we must 
 always distinguish between real and apparent pros- 
 perity. 
 
 But, whatever would have been the result had com- 
 binations been forbidden, they were not. They came 
 naturally into existence and have rapidly increased 
 until now they practically control nearly every depart- 
 ment of manufacture and too often influence legisla- 
 tion, and there is such a universal fear of them among 
 the masses as to force into being the Labor trusts 
 called Knights of Labor, Federation of Labor, etc., 
 in order to bring imion of labor to contend with union 
 of trusts. 
 
 Spasmodic and ill-judged attempts at legislation 
 have been made to try to control the trusts. The 
 Interstate Commerce Act was an example, and the 
 tariff tinkering has been based largely on this idea. 
 In some instances no doubt the trusts have been hurt 
 and their profits decreased, but this is not, or shotild 
 
214 EVOLUTION— WirZCH—EEVOLUTION 
 
 not be the object of legislation. Every law that in- 
 jures the true prosperity of a trust, injures the worker 
 and the consumer. A tariff reduction, even on any 
 particular article made here by a trust, might have 
 one of these results. First, it might make it impossi- 
 ble to produce the article here. Second, it might make 
 a reduction of wages a necessity. Third, it might 
 enforce greater economies in all directions, induce the 
 use of poor material, bad workmanship and fraud in 
 general, and render a single trust (or combination of 
 all the corporations engaged in this manufacture) 
 necessary in order to compete with foreign products. 
 
 This must not be understood to be an argument for 
 or against a tariff. It is used only to show how thv. 
 misdirected talent of our too often crude and unwise 
 legislators has been and may be used in such a way 
 as to injure labor, in its attempts to harm trusts. 
 
 The Labor trusts have too often been actuated by an 
 apparent desire to destroy rather than to build up, and 
 the Wealth trusts have equally foolishly attempted 
 to destroy the Labor trusts. Both of these, with 
 others, have come to stay as long as our present im- 
 perfect system of government continues. They have 
 not sprung into existence in a night like Jonah's 
 gourd to be destroyed in an equally short space of 
 time. They are outgrowths of inventions and rest on 
 the necessity for combinations to produce the best re- 
 sults. In their present form and conduct they are like 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TBU8TS 215 
 
 the heathen gods as representing in extenso the powers, 
 vices and virtues of man as an individual. 
 
 If a corporation has no soul, — that is, acts relent- 
 lessly and without consideration of human rights,— 
 it is because its leaders and directors, in their individ- 
 ualities tend in that direction, and this tendency is 
 intensified in the increased power and by the aggrega- 
 tion of men and capital. 
 
 Too many individuals look out only for their own 
 selfish interests. They buy at the lowest prices ; they 
 sell at the highest prices ; they seek for some advan- 
 tage over their fellows by craft, deceit, cunning, 
 strength or circumstances. 
 
 The laborer will buy his clothes where he can get 
 the same quality cheapest, regardless of the fact that 
 one maker pays living wages and treats his workmen 
 humanely, while the other grinds his workmen or uses 
 sweat-shops or their methods in order to make his 
 profits, and yet sell lower than his neighbor. The 
 ordinary woman acts in the same way, both in regard 
 to her clothes and to her usual purchases. 
 
 With these tendencies in the individual, what must 
 be looked for in combinations either of wealth or 
 work? 
 
 Not only has concrete production been the object 
 of combinations, but functions depending on in- 
 dividual skill and application have adopted the trust 
 principle and associated themselves for the apparent 
 purpose of benefiting the public, but, in general, for 
 
216 EVOLUTION— WHJCiT— REVOLUTION 
 
 their own advantage. Physicians of one " pathy " 
 combine to keep others from practicing, and also to 
 regulate the prices to be charged. Lawyers have simi- 
 lar combinations and ministers have gone as far in 
 that direction as the possibilities of the profession 
 allow, or at least, require. 
 
 It is the universal tendency of humanity to unite 
 in combinations, and whether of individuals into 
 states, and of states into nations, or into firms, or into 
 armies, or into corporations and trusts, or into asso- 
 ciations, or into clubs, it shows the general movement. 
 
 It is instinctively understood that combined effort, 
 working unitedly under a wise control, possesses the 
 greatest advantage and produces the best results. 
 From the family, through the tribe and clan, come 
 the state and nation, with its armies and navies and 
 its departments of organized united efforts. 
 
 From the single worker through apprentices and 
 hired help, aided by inventions, machinery and the 
 distribution of labor, come firms, corporations and 
 trusts, forcing themselves upon public attention by 
 producing better goods at lower prices to meet com- 
 petition and fill demands, as well as by reduction of 
 wages, limited production, increased prices, unfair 
 competition, unjust steps taken to ruin competitors 
 and to force their own sales. The benefits arising 
 from such combinations are well known and the evils 
 are equally prominent. 
 
 But civilization must not be hindered by the vices 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TRUSTS 217 
 
 of combinations more than it is helped by their virtues. 
 Humanity, as well as the greatest interests of the 
 nation, calls for such wise regulation of all its forces 
 as will insure the greatest onward movement with 
 equal step, of all that contributes to true national 
 growth and prosperity. This is the problem that con- 
 fronts us to-day. Can it be solved for our common good, 
 or must we submit to the contests between conflicting 
 interests, which hinder civilization and end in ruin? 
 
 It remains for us to consider how the so-called com- 
 binations and trusts can be so regulated and controlled 
 by the government as to protect the rights and privi- 
 leges of aU the people and to derive the full benefits 
 from such desirable aggregations of capital, skill, in- 
 ventions and ability to manage, as may be allowed 
 to exist. 
 
 I should divide existing combinations into two 
 classes. First, those that monopolize the gifts of 
 nature. Second, those that through investments of 
 money, skill, inventions, and ability to manage busi- 
 ness, produce such things as tend to benefit the nation, 
 cheaper, better and in much larger quantities than 
 could be done by individuals. 
 
 The first class that monopolizes any gifts of nature 
 should be legally suppressed. There must be some- 
 thing radically wrong in any system that permits an 
 individual to do this, and the evil is still greater when 
 combinations are permitted and encouraged to monop- 
 olize what belongs neither to them nor to the Nation. 
 
218 EVOLUTION— TTH/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 All of this class of eombmations grow out of and 
 depend upon a false and fallacious idea of the rights 
 of property, or, like trade unions (which are as much 
 monopolies as the Standard Oil Company, and which, 
 like that, unite the beneficial and the harmful with 
 a disregard of the rights of others), are brought into 
 existence by the greed of other combinations, and 
 deny the true principles of human rights and 
 duties. 
 
 Monopolistic combinations to control nature's gifts 
 to man will continue until the correct idea of the 
 rights of property is accepted by the nation. Then 
 they will disappear. 
 
 The second class of combinations are desirable and 
 should be encouraged by giving them proper returns 
 for their investments, under suitable regulations which 
 should cover the following particulars: 
 
 *1. They should be under the supervision of the 
 
 *In spite of the doctrine of State Rights, and in fact, in 
 accordance with a proper understanding of them, the control and 
 regulation of certain corporations should rest with the National 
 gOTernment. 
 
 Judge Grosscup claims that some great national party must 
 undertake the project of nationalizing the so-called trusts and says: 
 
 ' ' The corporation, is no longer the sole concern of the State 
 where its books happen to be kept or its directors meet ; it has 
 become the concern of the whole country over which its enterprises 
 reach. The day of the New Jersey policy has gone, the day of the 
 New York policy has gone, the day of the Iowa policy has gone. 
 The day has come for an American corporate policy. ' ' 
 
COMBINATIONS AND TRUSTS 219 
 
 national government as closely as the national banks; 
 their books should be open to inspection ; they should 
 make regular reports, and should be subject to the 
 law under which they were organized. 
 
 2. They should be allowed a profit of 5% on the 
 actual cost of their plant, and a sinking fund sufS- 
 eient to pay that cost during its natural life, and 1% 
 each year to be carried to the surplus until that 
 amounts to the dividends for three years. 
 
 3. They should be held strictly accountable for their 
 products, that these are as represented, honestly made 
 of good materials. 
 
 4. The salaries to be paid officials, as well as the 
 wages for the workmen should be fixed by govern- 
 ment, but in no case so high as not to allow the 5% 
 dividend, unless this was done by a two-thirds vote of 
 the stockholders with the consent of the government. 
 
 5. All surplus earnings should go to the govern- 
 ment treasury. 
 
 6. All improvements in plants necessitating more 
 capital should be considered the same as the first 
 investment, but with the consent of the government 
 might be made from the sinking fund or surplus if 
 so desired, and these were large enough to permit it. 
 
 7. Any of these combinations should be allowed 
 to use any patent granted by government (which 
 should grant patents only with this provision as shown 
 elsewhere,) on payment of a very small royalty direct 
 to the inventor or his widow or dependent children. 
 
220 EVOLUTION— WH/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 8. There should be no taxes by nation or section 
 on those combinations as such, but the city or town 
 should be allowed to tax its realty as other estates 
 ^^'ere taxed, to support schools, police, courts, etc., etc. 
 
 9. Severe penalties should be exacted for any vio- 
 lation of the laws. 
 
 These restrictions may prove to be too liberal for 
 certain desirable combinations, or too severe for others, 
 since the degree of I'isk varies in different classes of 
 investments. It, therefore, may be desirable to in- 
 crease the profits and privileges in the case of such 
 combinations as are the most profitable to the masses 
 as well as to the nation as a whole, and which involve 
 unusual risks on the part of the stockholders. 
 
 Experience would soon prove to be a reliable guide 
 in such matters, and a just and wise statesmanship, 
 separated from the necessities of political parties, 
 would not be long in formulating such regulations as 
 would prove beneficial to the indtistries of the nation 
 and hence to the entire people. 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION. 
 
 The Liquor Question is like Banquo's ghost. It 
 will not down. It has long forced itself into public 
 notice, as well as into the homes of the people. In 
 this country, it influences votes in every state, city 
 and national election, and often holds the balance of 
 power. 
 
 It has been used as a political lever, as a source of 
 revenue, as a means of blackmail, and as a topic for 
 moral and religious dissertations. 
 
 Except slavery, free coinage, and the tariff, no 
 other question has so unifomdy, universally and per- 
 sistently forced itself upon the people, and it has 
 touched the individual, the home, and the nation even 
 more closely than they. 
 
 It is not confined to this country. In every civilized 
 nation, the question has been discussed over and over 
 again, and many attempts have been made by various 
 governments to regulate, control, or abolish the sale 
 of intoxicating drinks. 
 
 Experiments in this direction have been tried in 
 many of our states and in foreign countries, based on 
 policy or sentiment, or on a union of the two. 
 
 These experiments may be divided into three classes. 
 First, the control of the manufacture (or importa- 
 tion) and of the sale, either directly or indirectly, 
 by the state, of all intoxicating drinks. 
 
 221 
 
222 EVOLUTION— WHICH— EEVOLUTION 
 
 This plan has many subdivisions. The state may 
 actually make or import all kinds of liquor, or it may 
 arrange to have them made or imported under its 
 supervision, and delivered only to its agents. 
 
 It may forbid sales to individuals, excepting by its 
 own officials or agents, who may be under salary, 
 selling at prices and in places named by the state; 
 or it may sell to appointed agents at a fixed price, 
 and allow them to sell under such restrictions as the 
 state may make ; or it may consign liquors to agents, 
 and allow them a commission on their sales. 
 
 The most prominent examples of this experiment 
 are (1) The South Carolina plan, which is similar to 
 the scheme tried and abandoned by Massachusetts 
 years ago, under which, state liquor shops were 
 opened in various places; (2) the Gothenburg plan, 
 which gave to a responsible company the entire con- 
 trol of the sale of distilled liquors, on condition that 
 all profits made from the sales of liquor above fair 
 interest on the money invested by the company, should 
 go to the government; (3) the Swiss plan, under 
 which all distillers practically became federal agents, 
 and manufactured under a careful supervision, for 
 the Confederation. 
 
 However much these plans are changed in detail 
 from year to year, they still retain the leading features 
 of state control of the manufacture and sale of liquor. 
 
 The second experiment is the license system, which, 
 under the form of a high or a low license, aims chiefly 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 223 
 
 to create a revenue, while incidentally exercising a 
 general supervision over the manner and place of 
 
 This system prevails in nearly all of Europe, and 
 in most of the United States, and has continually 
 worried our party politicians, whose license laws have 
 been fearfully and wonderfully made. 
 
 The practical politicians of all parties are working 
 for power and spoils. Most of them believe politics 
 to be a game, and they play that game for all it is 
 worth. 
 
 If they can force the opposing party to make a 
 " wrong move," (and to them this means a move, 
 which, whether beneficial to the community or not, will 
 lose votes), they are satisfied. 
 
 This is the reason that our license laws are such 
 freaks of legislation, and so universally not enforced. 
 
 The Ohio License Law, and the New York Raines 
 Law, were two leading experiments under the license 
 system. 
 
 The first aimed to " separate the saloon from poli- 
 tics." The second added to this a scheme to get a 
 large revenue for the public treasury, in such a way 
 as to make its payment profitable to such dealers as 
 could survive the drastic treatment. 
 
 The third experiment is the Prohibition System, 
 which would stop the manufacture and sale of all 
 intoxicating drinks, except as medicine or for me- 
 chanical uses. 
 
224 EVOLUTION— WffZOir— REVOLUTION 
 
 This experiment has been tried in several states, 
 but Maine is perhaps its most prominent example. 
 
 None of these systems have been so eminently suc- 
 cessful as to create a general desire to copy them 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Their comparative failures have been due partly 
 to the principles on which they rest, and partly to 
 the way in which they have been carried out. 
 
 Their failure leaves the question still open for dis- 
 cussion, while the need of a wise system for dealing 
 with the liquor question is more than ever apparent. 
 
 A great many bitter attacks have been made on 
 liquor dealers and saloon-keepers, because they have 
 united in a sort of trades union, and have tried to 
 protect their interests by bribery and political afBlia- 
 tions. 
 
 They have been taught the surest way to gaia their 
 desires, by the long course of blackmail to which 
 they have been subjected by public officials and par- 
 ties, and by the eager demands for their votes and 
 iafluence when election day came around. 
 
 But it is by no means certain that they have re- 
 sorted to the use of undue means to gain their ends, 
 any more than other unions or corporations. 
 
 " The saloon in politics " has been the subject 
 of essays, sermons, and editorials, particularly when 
 the liquor seller's vote happened to be east for the 
 " opposition." 
 
 Our system of government makes bribes and undue 
 
THE LIQVOR QUESTION 225 
 
 influence over legislators and public officials a neces- 
 sity to get even proper laws made and carried out. 
 
 Corporations, private enterprises, trades unions, 
 liquor selling, and everything else that depends on 
 legislative or official favor, find the use of money and 
 of ' ' undue influence, ' ' still a necessity to gain the 
 objects sought. 
 
 Corporations admit gifts to political parties to in- 
 fluence legislation. Trades unions compel special fa- 
 vors at the State capitols and at Washington as the 
 price of their votes. Private enterprises literally 
 without number have been favored by law, because 
 influential politicians have been ' ' let in on the ground 
 floor," and it is even claimed that United States 
 senators have been influenced by positions as attor- 
 neys for different companies, to favor or oppose 
 legislation. 
 
 In such things as these, liquor sellers should be 
 classed with all other kinds of business men. 
 
 They have a right to unite to protect their interests 
 as long as they do so in a legitimate way. They can- 
 not be blamed for voting with the party that will 
 make laws to protect them in their business. 
 
 If they resort to bribery they should be condemned 
 for it, like other unions, corporations, associations, 
 or individuals. 
 
 In considering this question, it must be remembered 
 that, in most of the States, the law recognizes liquor 
 selling as a legitimate business,— just as legitimate 
 
 16 
 
226 EVOLUTION— WHZCff— REVOLUTION 
 
 as the sale of dry goods, groceries, drugs, or firearms. 
 
 It has been declared by a majority of the voters a 
 lawful pursuit for anyone to engage in, and in most 
 of the States the same majority demand the manu- 
 facture and sale of liquor. 
 
 Some favor it because they do not believe that pro- 
 hibition can be enforced ; others think that prohibition 
 interferes with personal rights and liberties; others 
 use liquor and want to be able to get it as they please ; 
 while still others desire the profits accruing from its 
 manufacture or sale. 
 
 These all unite to make the manufacture and sale 
 of liquor a legal business even if they cannot make 
 it respectable. 
 
 It is true that laws cannot make it morally right 
 to sell liquor or groceries or meat, and it is the privi- 
 lege of every person to educate, persuade, and con- 
 vince the people that any of these things is wrong. 
 
 Every citizen or body of citizens has the right to 
 consider liquor selling as morally wrong or as de- 
 grading to the seller, and to indicate this opinion in 
 every legal way. 
 
 Some bodies, like the Odd Fellows, carry this dis- 
 approval so far as to refuse membership to certain 
 classes engaged in liquor selling, and in general, prob- 
 ably the position of bartender is not considered much 
 superior to that of alderman or member of the legis- 
 lature as far as either respectability or remuneration 
 is concerned. 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 22Y 
 
 But until a majority of the voters oppose liquor 
 selling, declare it a curse, and legislate it out of ex- 
 istence, the business is legitimate and the only ques- 
 tion is under what conditions shall it be carried on 
 where it is not prohibited. 
 
 There are degrees of danger to the public in differ- 
 ent kinds of business. One kind of business may be 
 dangerous to public health, another to individual 
 safety, another to property and another to the morals 
 of the community. 
 
 There is less danger of injuring the purchaser in 
 the dry goods business than in the sale of groceries, 
 since cheating in the value of cotton cloth or silk, 
 only takes money unfairly, while impure food, spices, 
 and groceries in general, may do a serious and per- 
 manent injury to the health as well as to the pocket, 
 and yet Congress compels makers of " shoddy " so 
 to stamp their goods that the public may not be 
 cheated, while impure food, liquors, etc., are openly 
 sold to the people. 
 
 There is less danger to life and health in the sale 
 of perfumery, soaps, and tobacco, than in selling 
 opium and poisonous drugs. 
 
 There is less danger of destruction of life and of 
 property, in the sewing machine business, than in 
 the sale of explosives. 
 
 The moral influence of any business, over the com- 
 munity at large, as well as over the individual, is of 
 even greater importance, and worthy of more carefid 
 
228 EVOLUTION— WiZ/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 consideration, than the danger to property, health 
 and life. 
 
 All of these dangers should be weighed carefully 
 and guarded against in any business. 
 
 We recognize the sale of powder, dynamite, and 
 firecrackers, as legitimate business. We also consider 
 the danger to the public from their sale, and there- 
 fore restrict it in many ways. But if there were no 
 restrictions on their sale or use, still carelessness on 
 the part of the dealer, resulting in injury to others, 
 would render him liable for such damage. 
 
 If any business, or pursuit, or act, or recreation is 
 considered to be an unmitigated evil to a community, 
 it should never be made legal. 
 
 Prostitution, gambling and lotteries are usually 
 given as examples of this axiom. It is true that some 
 well-meaning people advocate legalizing and regulat- 
 ing these and similar things, on the ground that they 
 will continue, law or no law, and that it is better to 
 restrain them by supervision than to try to overcome 
 them. 
 
 As is shown elsewhere, the same argument would 
 apply to all crimes. It certainly has been impossible 
 to prevent murder, robbery, arson, etc. In truth, the 
 laws even seem powerless to hinder their increase. 
 But no one would care to advocate licensing murder- 
 ers, robbers and firebugs, even if greater revenues 
 could be secured from them than from liquor dealers, 
 gamblers or prostitutes, directly or indirectly. 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 229 
 
 Some good citizens believe that the sale of liquor 
 comes under this class, and are therefore, from their 
 standpoint, justified in trying to make it illegal. 
 
 If any business has evils which are merely inci- 
 dental to the way it is carried on, then it may be 
 made legal under such safeguards as will best over- 
 come these evils. 
 
 A large majority of our citizens appear to think 
 that the sale of liquor comes under this class, and 
 therefore have tried to make laws that will allow the 
 sale, but hinder, as far as possible, the incidental evils. 
 
 If the sale and use of explosives, of opium, and of 
 poisons should be regulated and restricted on account 
 of danger to the public life, health, or property, cer- 
 tainly liquor selling should be similarly guarded and 
 regulated in proportion to the possibility of harm to 
 the public from its sale. Is it not possible to prepare 
 a law that will guard the people from harm resulting 
 from impure drinks, and will minimize the danger to 
 the community incident to its sale, without interfer- 
 ing with or taking away a single just claim for legiti- 
 mate protection in the business? 
 
 What then are the evils incidental to the free and 
 unrestricted sale of liquor? 
 
 First, there is great danger to the health, especially 
 if the liquor be impure, and it is certainly well known 
 that the desire for gain on the part of the maker 
 or seller, has led and will lead to all kinds of injurious 
 adulterations of liquor, no less, at least, than of foods. 
 
230 EVOLUTION— WH/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 But the milk is tested, and is thrown away when 
 it is found to be dangerous to health. The cows are 
 looked after. They must be healthy and properly 
 fed, watered and cared for. 
 
 In many cases laws have been made to compel 
 merchants so to mark their goods that the buyer 
 might know whether he was getting the article he 
 wanted, or something else perhaps equally good. 
 Oleomargarine cannot be sold as butter, nor cottolene 
 as lard. 
 
 In many cities hundreds and thousands of tons of 
 bad fruits and vegetables are destroyed by law every 
 year, because their use would prove harmful. 
 
 If our lawmakers owe it to the community to see 
 that our milk, and spices, and butter, and other ar- 
 ticles of food, be without injurious adulterations, and 
 in proper condition to use as food, it is no less their 
 duty to prevent impure or adulterated drinks from 
 being sold with the implied sanction of law. 
 • Second, the sale of liquor as at present conducted 
 leads to crime. It does this in many ways. 
 
 Some saloons are the headquarters for old crim- 
 inals. Often the saloon-keeper is personally inter- 
 ested in the crimes of his patrons, sharing with them 
 the proceeds, shielding them from arrest and punish- 
 ment, giving them information, or is even more ac- 
 tively employed in drugging strangers that they may 
 be more easUy robbed. 
 
 Through drink, many are led to commit their first 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 231 
 
 crime. Men who have taken a drink or two, are 
 much more easily persuaded to commit some violation 
 of the law, for gain. 
 
 Quarrels, fights, murders, and nearly all of the 
 thousand-and-one crimes so common in the records of 
 our courts are directly traceable to drink. 
 
 If the lawmakers owe it to the people to see that 
 crime is punished, how much more is it their duty 
 to prevent, as far as possible, its commission. 
 
 The most careful provision should be made by law 
 against every tendency inherent in the sale of liquor, 
 to encourage, aid or permit crimes. 
 
 Third, in thus leading to the increase of crime, 
 the business of liquor selling touches the vital inter- 
 ests of every citizen in many ways. 
 
 More than two-thirds of all the criminal cases in 
 our courts are traced to liquor. Do you doubt it? 
 Ask our judges and lawyers. 
 
 More than two-thirds of the cases that ask the pub- 
 lic for help are traced to liquor. If you doubt this, 
 ask the officers of our charitable organizations. 
 
 The economic question is not answered by a license 
 high enough to pay the extra bills for crime com- 
 mitted by its leave or aid, even if this were possible. 
 
 Fourth, the saloon, and its accompanying evils, 
 exert a distinctively immoral influence over the com- 
 munity and there is hardly a home where the results 
 have not been felt. 
 
 Sons and daughters, fathers and mothers, brothers 
 
232 EVOLUTION— Wff/Cff— REVOLUTION 
 
 and sisters, ruthlessly, relentlessly debased, destroyed, 
 have by thousands written their epitaphs as a call and 
 a guide to our lawmakers, who have the power to con- 
 trol, restrict and limit the sale of liquor. 
 
 If these results necessarily follow from the sale of 
 liquor under any conditions, then the business is an 
 unmitigated evil and should never be legalized, but 
 should be sternly suppressed, as a greater scourge 
 than war, pestilence or famine. 
 
 If they are simply evils incidental upon the unre- 
 stricted or improperly restricted sale of liquor, then 
 the liquor business should be treated like every other 
 pursuit. That is, it should be guarded, restricted, and 
 regulated in such a way as to minimize all danger to 
 the public, incidental upon its conduct. 
 
 To do this would certainly in no way interfere 
 with the personal rights of the maker, the buyer, or 
 the seller of liquor. 
 
 It may not be possible to make a law that will do 
 this with a fair degree of success, but, if we are to 
 make liquor selling legitimate, the experiment is worth 
 an honest trial, which, it must be remembered, has 
 never yet been made. 
 
 Assuming that a majority of our voters favor the 
 manufacture and sale of liquor, let us consider what 
 law or laws would best carry out the principles here- 
 inbefore laid down, and thus best protect the rights 
 and interests of the citizen and of the nation. 
 
 If the regulation and control of the manufacture 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 233 
 
 and sale of liquor be considered a function of the 
 national government, then, in order to make any plan 
 successful, the central government must make and 
 enforce whatever laws are determiaed to be best 
 for all. 
 
 The two plans to be considered are (1) a modifica- 
 tion of the Gothenberg and Swiss plans, (2) a simple 
 license. 
 
 The Gothenberg plan gave entire control of dis- 
 tilled liquor to a responsible company, which was per- 
 mitted to establish saloons wherever it thought they 
 would be profitable. 
 
 In order to take away from this company all in- 
 centive to push the sale of distilled liquors, (a) its 
 profits were limited on such sales to a small rate of 
 interest on its capital; (b) it was compelled to sell 
 food, tea, eo£fee, cocoa and milk, and was given all 
 the profits on such sales which naturally would tend 
 to make the company desirous of increasing the sales 
 of non-intoxicants instead of liquors; (c) beer was 
 not included in this plan, but was practically unre- 
 stricted in its sale. 
 
 This was one of the weak points of the plan, since 
 while liquor selling greatly decreased, the sale of beer 
 increased enormously. Thus in ten years the sales 
 of liquor decreased more than fifty per cent, the sale 
 of beer increased in greater proportion and cases of 
 drunkenness in Gothenberg, directly traceable to beer 
 selling nearly doubled. 
 
234 EVOLUTION— Wjff/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 To give this system a fair trial it should include all 
 alcoholic drinks, whether made at home or imported, 
 and should make special provisions for sales in hotels, 
 restaurants and clubs, as well as for a closer and 
 more effective supervision of the licensed company. 
 
 In Switzerland, up to 1874, the regulation of the 
 liquor traffic was left to the Cantons, and, generally 
 speaking, the sales were restricted on about the same 
 principles as prevail in all licensing countries. 
 
 The locations of saloons were restricted, certain 
 " closed hours " were observed and various limita- 
 tions were adopted to obtain financial returns while 
 attempting to reduce to a minimum the evils that 
 usually follow the public sale of intoxicants. 
 
 In 1874, the Federal Council took away from the 
 Cantons the right of legislation on the liquor question, 
 and liquor selling became as free as the sale of bread 
 or meat. 
 
 Drunkenness increased to such an extent that the 
 Swiss shared with Belgium the reputation of being 
 the most drunken nation in Europe. 
 
 In 1885, the power to regulate the liquor traffic was 
 restored to the Cantons, but it was not until 1887, 
 that any systematic plan was adopted to control the 
 sales. 
 
 At that time small stills had multiplied to an alarm- 
 ing extent, which, scattered all over the country, 
 turned out quantities of a villainous brandy made 
 from potatoes This was consumed by the poorer 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 235 
 
 class, while large quantities of spirits were imported. 
 
 Seeing that the Cantons either would not or could 
 not regulate successfully the manufacture and sale 
 of liquor, in 1887, the Federal Council again took 
 control of the business. 
 
 First, it put a practically prohibitory duty on im- 
 ported alcohol in any form. Second, it made the 
 Swiss distillers agents for the State, to manufacture 
 only under its supervision. The State (Nation) took 
 all alcohol, rectified it and supplied it to the trade 
 under certain restrictions. 
 
 This reduced the niunber of distilleries from about 
 1,400 to less than 100, and compelled these to use no 
 harmful .ingredients in their products. 
 
 The profits to the nation rapidly increased until 
 they reached over $2,000,000 yearly, which, propor- 
 tionately, would be about $500,000,000 for the United 
 States. 
 
 Statistics indicate that drunkenness decreased after 
 the State took control of liquor and that on the 
 average only about three-fourths as much liquor was 
 consumed, as was previously sold. 
 
 The decrease in amount drank was largely due to 
 the increased cost, since the increase in the sale of 
 beer fully equalled the decrease in the use of liquors. 
 
 Both of these plans have proved profitable for the 
 State, and have, to a considerable extent been, more 
 beneficial for the citizens than our license system, 
 though neither has thrown around the sale of liquor 
 
236 EVOLUTION— WHICH— REVOLUTION 
 
 those safeguards that in this article we have shown 
 to be necessary. 
 
 Whatever form of law is selected, there is no doubt 
 that it should be made and carried out by the Central 
 government as far as the general manufacture and 
 sale are concerned, while each section should have the 
 power to restrict the location and number of saloons, 
 (even to the extent of prohibiting them entirely), 
 " closed hours," and other similar matters that per- 
 tain only to each conununity. 
 
 Whether the Central government uses a modifica- 
 tion of the Swiss or Gothenberg plan, or simply era- 
 ploys a license system, in order to control and regu- 
 late the manufacture and sale of alcoholic drinks in 
 a manner best for the nation and its citizens, the fol- 
 lowing principles must be observed, which apply 
 equally to a simple license system in which the State 
 does not make or import liquors, but merely regulates 
 and controls their manufacture and sale (as in Ger- 
 many), and to a modification of the two plans outlined 
 above. 
 
 In both illustrations the Central government con- 
 trolled the manufacture and entire sales of liquor 
 through the whole country. 
 
 In our nation probably the Central government 
 should regulate that which pertains to the entire peo- 
 ple, while local matters should be controlled by the 
 States. 
 
 In this case the principles remain the same, but in 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 237 
 
 their application, the laws relating to the manufacture 
 and wholesale trade would be National, while those 
 relating to the retail trade would be left to the States. 
 
 1. Every person to whom a license is granted to 
 sell liquor, whether as maker, wholesaler, retailer, bar- 
 tender, agent or in any other capacity, should be of 
 good character, never convicted of crime, and able 
 to give bonds for the proper observance of the terms 
 of his license. And no person whatever should, under 
 any circumstances be allowed to sell liquor, beer, etc., 
 without a license. The distribution of liquors in Clubs 
 should be classed as a sale. 
 
 2. Each license should be given for a specific pur- 
 pose and contain its own conditions. Thus the brewer 
 would have a license to brew and sell beer at whole- 
 sale only. 
 
 The conditions of this license should cover the 
 materials of which the beer is to be made, the manner 
 of making, barreling or bottling it, and should proAdde 
 against anything injurious being used. 
 
 The wholesaler's license should allow the sale of 
 such liquors as he is licensed to handle, in not less 
 than certain fixed quantities, not to be drunk on the 
 premises. 
 
 The retailer's license, whether the sales are to be 
 made in a hotel, a club, a saloon or a restaurant, should 
 definitely fix the location, which should be confined 
 to a single bar, should state whether the sales are to 
 be made at the bar alone, or to guests at tables in the 
 
238 EVOLUTION— WirZCH— REVOLUTION 
 
 same or other rooms, either in connection with or with- 
 out meals, and should carefully state the mode or 
 modes to be used in the sale. 
 
 3. Each bar-tender, even if he be the proprietor 
 of the place, should have a separate bar-tender's 
 license. His application for such license should em- 
 body an affidavit that he has never been convicted of 
 crime, and that he will, if granted the license, carefully 
 obey the law under which he is to act. 
 
 This license should be a general one, so that the 
 holder need not be obliged to obtain a new one every 
 time he changes positions. He should, however, be 
 required to notify the proper official of each change 
 of address, so that a record can easily be made of his 
 standing. 
 
 4. The waiters who supply guests or others with 
 beer or liquors, whether in hotels, restaurants, clubs, 
 gardens, saloons, or elsewhere, excepting only in pri- 
 vate families, should be obliged to take out a license, 
 in applying for which they should promise not to 
 aid in any way, any attempt to evade or to break the 
 law under which they are licensed. 
 
 5. No license should be granted to sell beer or 
 liquor in any building, until the owner of said build- 
 ing, or his authorized representative, signs the appli- 
 cation for such a license.* 
 
 *A knowledge of the special provisions of the law applying 
 to the sale or handling of liquor and beer should he required 
 of every applicant for a license. 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 239 
 
 6. Unless a druggist takes out a license as a retail 
 or wholesale dealer, he should be allowed only to fill 
 prescriptions of a regular physician dated on the day 
 of sale, a record of which should be kept. 
 
 7. These provisions should apply to cars, steam- 
 boats, barges, boats, vessels or other modes of trans- 
 portation. 
 
 8. Beer and liquor sold to be drunk on the premises, 
 should be drunk in the room where sold or in the 
 regular dining rooms of licensed hotels and restau- 
 rants, and in no such room or rooms should there be 
 screens, stalls, boxes, or any obstruction which in any 
 way prevents a full view of the entire room. But in 
 regular hotels liquor might be supplied to their guests 
 in their rooms. 
 
 9. For its proper supervision, the sale of beer and 
 liquor should, whether retail or wholesale, be carried 
 on entirely distinct from ordinary business. There- 
 fore all places licensed to sell beer and liquors should 
 be in no way directly connected with other buildings 
 or with other parts of the same building (excepting 
 only hotels or restaurants) and should be directly 
 entered from the street without passing through any 
 other room. There should be no side entrance, or any 
 way of ingress and egress excepting the main entrance. 
 
 10. No license should be granted for the sale of 
 liquor or beer in residential blocks without the consent 
 of the owners of property next adjoining and of a 
 majority of the owners on the block. 
 
240 EVOLUTION— WH/C^— REVOLUTION 
 
 11. No license should be granted for the sale of 
 liquor or beer to places within two hundred feet in' 
 a straight line from the entrance to said place to any 
 building occupied for the exclusive purposes of a 
 church or school. 
 
 12. All licenses should provide ag'ainst the sale of 
 beer or liquor to Indians, minors under eighteen, to 
 drunken persons, or to any person whose father, 
 mother, wife, husband, child, brother, sister, guardian 
 or employer files with the liquor seller a written notice, 
 signed by a Justice, forbidding such sales on account 
 of improper use of liquor.* 
 
 13. The sale of beer or liquor to particular persons 
 should also be prohibited, when the chief of police 
 or any officer commanding in that section, files a simi- 
 lar notice in regard to such persons, with any liquor 
 dealer. 
 
 14. No license for the sale of liquor should be 
 granted to Concert Halls or to other places of amuse- 
 ment where the two sexes mingle. 
 
 15. There should be certain ' ' closed hours ' ' when, 
 (except by druggists on a physician's prescription) 
 no beer or liquor should be allowed to be sold, given 
 away or drunk on licensed premises, unless a special 
 all night license is granted by the mayor or a desig- 
 
 * Every Magistrate should be compelled to sign this notice with- 
 out fee, when the applicant under oath, declares that the person 
 named gets drunk and abuses and annoys his family or relatives or 
 is showTi to be a public nuisance. 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 241 
 
 nated official, on an application endorsed by the owner 
 of the building or his authorized agent, and by the 
 chief of police, or by corresponding officials in smaller 
 places. 
 
 16. All places where beer or liquor is sold to guests 
 should be always open to official inspection. 
 
 17. During " closed hours " all licensed resorts 
 should be absolutely closed and their interior exposed 
 to view from the outside. Proof that persons were in 
 the place should be prima facie evidence of sales. 
 
 18. Licenses should be granted for the manufacture 
 or sale of pure, unadulterated beer, wines, ales, 
 liquors, etc., and adequate provisions should be made 
 both to aid the dealer in getting such drinks as con- 
 form to the license, and to see that he sells no other. 
 
 19. Penalties. Without suitable penalties for its 
 violation, any law may be rendered inoperative, and 
 if proper penalties attached to the law, are improperly 
 or never enforced, the best provisions of any law may 
 be made null and void. 
 
 The number of people " in favor of the law, but 
 against its enforcement," is as great as ever, and is 
 increased by public officials, sworn to enforce the laws, 
 but who take it upon themselves to carry out only 
 such provisions as please them, or to enforce a law 
 strictly only in the cases of those who for any reason, 
 are obnoxious to the courts or to the police. 
 
 All laws should be strictly enforced or repealed. 
 Statutes that soothe public conscience by strict pro- 
 
 16 
 
242 EVOLUTION— WHZCH— REVOLUTION 
 
 visions against evil, but that never go beyond that, 
 because unenforced, are, in themselves a crime greater 
 than the wrongs they seek to right. 
 
 The best way to get rid of a bad law is to enforce 
 it. The best way to test a new law is to carry it out. 
 The best way to govern any community is to make 
 good laws and enforce them strictly and impartially. 
 
 The penalties, then, for violation of the provisions 
 of this law should be such as will make it for the in- 
 terest of persons holding a license, to observe the law 
 closely. 
 
 They should be direct, exact, not left to the discre- 
 tion of police or court, and should be immediate. 
 
 These penalties should be pronounced and executed 
 without delay. No opportunity should be given to use 
 legal tricks that defer, or prevent punishment. 
 
 Penalties should aim to stop infractions of law. 
 Vengeance has no place in human jurisprudence. 
 
 Penalties therefore should be clearly stated so that 
 there may be no misunderstanding; immediate, and 
 such as will best prevent future violations of the law. 
 
 20. The commissioners or any judge of any State 
 Court should revoke any license granted under this 
 law, on proof that the place was becoming a resort of 
 the vicious, or was so conducted as to be a nuisance to 
 the neighborhood where it was located, or when re- 
 quested to do so by the owner of the building or by his 
 authorized agent, or when the holder violates the pro- 
 visions of this act. 
 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION 243 
 
 21. The revocation of the license should always be 
 the positive penalty in the following cases: (a) "When 
 the party produces or sells impure liquors, (b) When 
 the wholesaler sells impure liquor, either directly or 
 indirectly, (e) When the retailer sells impure liquor, 
 whether personally or through his bar-tender or 
 others, (d) When liquor is sold contrary to pro- 
 visions 12 and 13. (e) When the bartender or other 
 employe sells contrary to any provisions of this act 
 with the knowledge or consent of the employer, (f ) 
 When convicted the third time of violating any pro- 
 visions of this act, the holder of the license should 
 be prohibited from receiving another license for five 
 years. 
 
 22. The discretionary penalties should apply to the 
 following cases: (a) A fine of not more than $500 
 and imprisonment for not more than a year could be 
 added by the court to the loss of license in any of the 
 eases under section 20: (b) Parties making or selling 
 other liquors than called for in the license, or in any 
 manner contrary to the license, could be fined not 
 over $1,000 and imprisonment not more than three 
 years at the discretion of the court. 
 
 23. Any person or persons selling beer, ales, wines 
 or liquors without a license should be punished by a 
 fine of not less than $50 nor over $200, if a bartender 
 or waiter or other employe, and by imprisonment of 
 not less than 30 days. 
 
 24. The prices of the various licenses should be 
 
244 EVOLUTION— TfH/Cff— REVOLUTION 
 
 graded in proportion to (a) the kind of drinks sold, 
 since beer is less harmful and less dangerous to the 
 community than whiskey; (b) the kiad of license, 
 6. g., manufacturing, wholesaling, retailing, bartender, 
 etc.; (c) the size of the city or town. That is, the 
 price should be graded according to the danger of 
 harm liable to result from such a license. 
 
 25. On a petition signed by a certain number of 
 voters in any borough, town or city, any of the fol- 
 lowing questions should be submitted to a vote of the 
 petitioning section, (a) License or no license, (b) 
 Sunday closing. 
 
 Such a law as this would take the saloon out of 
 politics, prevent blackmail, make licensed persons 
 careful not to break the law, furnish purer liquor, 
 break up dives, stop illegal selling, provide at least 
 revenue enough to partially balance the evils liable 
 to result from the use of liquor, reduce the amount 
 of liquor sold and make its sale as harmless and as 
 decent as possible. 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE. 
 
 The great leaders of the financial world are thor- 
 oughly convinced that the world's money system is 
 unsatisfactory That of the United States is an ex- 
 ception only in the extent to which this imperfection 
 goes. 
 
 Prof. E. P. Evans says very forcibly: " The Amer- 
 icans as a people are notorious for the recklessness 
 with which they squander the products of Nature. 
 This extravagance extends to all departments of pub- 
 lic, social and domestic life. 
 
 " No land less rich in material resources could have 
 borne for any length of time, the wretched misman- 
 agement of its finances to which the United States has 
 been subjected, ever since and even before the close 
 of the late civil war. 
 
 " There is not a government in Europe that would 
 not have been broken down and rendered bankrupt 
 by the tremendous and wholly unnecessary strain put 
 upon it by such crass ignorance of the most elementary 
 principles of finance and demagogical tampering with 
 the public credit." 
 
 This we all know to be true, and yet the same class 
 of financiers who have made and tinkered the pres- 
 ent system, are now proposing more tinkering, or 
 offering new plans on the same old basis, with most 
 
 245 
 
246 EVOLUTION— WH/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 of the faults inherent in them that have rendered the 
 old so harmful. 
 
 Maurice L. Muhleman, Ex-assistant United States 
 Treasurer, says : 
 
 " Are we so self-satisfied that we cannot learn the 
 lesson of the futility of regarding such currency safe 
 until we have further costly money panics? It is 
 practically certain that the same results which fol- 
 lowed former depressions in business will again come 
 upon us when another period of poor crops and hard 
 times arrives. 
 
 " We continue to matatain a banking system which 
 compels a large portion of our population to submit 
 to onerous interest charges, subjecting their trade and 
 industry to an unjust tax, retarding the normal de- 
 velopment of the sections in which they live and work 
 by an unequal distribution of facilities. These in- 
 equitable results are brought about by the existing 
 law, which encourages the practice of accumulating 
 in the financial institutions in the money centres the 
 currency from those in the rest of the country, leaving 
 lihe latter inadequately sujJplied, and in consequence 
 jf this the money congested in the centres must be 
 loaned out at rates far below what should be its normal 
 value, stimulating speculation and inviting disaster 
 in the stock market. 
 
 " We seem to be contented with a banknote system 
 totally incompatible with the proper conception of the 
 needs of a great financial nation— a system which has 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE 247 
 
 the ludicrous habit of expanding the volume of money 
 when interest rates are lowest and contracting it when 
 highest. Thus the volume of paper currency is de- 
 pendent not upon the law of demand and supply of 
 money, but upon the speculative margin in the trading 
 in Government bonds. Ought we not to show the 
 world that we really know something better than this ? 
 Or shall we continue to be regarded as lacking intelli- 
 gence because political exigency appears to dictate 
 that we must " stand pat " on the subject, no matter 
 how ridiculous the system? Why not set about cor- 
 recting the defects now 1 
 
 " "We are told by those who claim to be the leaders 
 in the legislative halls in Washington that it is im- 
 possible to accomplish anything toward the reform of 
 our monetary and financial system. When the reason 
 is sought it is alleged that the members of Congress 
 do not favor it— that our system is good enough ; that 
 the leaders are, in fact, opposed to it. Indeed, the 
 last-mentioned reason is probably the only one. Is it 
 not a confession either that the so-called leaders can- 
 not actually lead in the direction which they know 
 to be proper and necessary, or that they are, owing to 
 a curious contempt for education on these subjects, 
 inadequately informed as to the country's pressing 
 needs? " 
 
 There is perhaps a general agreement as to the 
 principles of a proper system, but a disagreement as 
 to the means necessary to gain the desired ends. 
 
248 EVOLUTION— TfHZCH— REVOLUTION 
 
 The following statement seems to cover the uni- 
 versally accepted principles: 
 
 1. The system shotild be essentially the same in all 
 the leading monetary nations of the world. 
 
 2. The medium of exchange should be such as will 
 always command the confidence of the people. 
 
 3. The medium of exchange should be so variable 
 in amount as to adjust itself to the needs of the peo- 
 ple, and to supply at all times a sufficient volume of 
 currency to transact business, while, at the same time 
 its value as a measure will remain so stable as not to 
 cause extreme fluctuations in prices. (It is quite 
 probable that there was a sufficient volume of cur- 
 rency in esse, during the hard times of '93 and '94 
 but it was kept out of circulation, in the places where 
 it was most needed. 
 
 An elastic currency would either have forced this 
 money into circulation or would have supplied its 
 place. But under a proper banking system there could 
 be no combination to hold the money back, nor any 
 reason why the people should hoard it. Therefore, a 
 scarcity of the circulating medium would then prove 
 that the per capita was really insufficient to meet the 
 needs of business. 
 
 Now it only proves that parties are simply holding 
 it for their own advantage. Under the present system 
 a demand for, and need of, more currency during 
 particular seasons and at particular places ' ' to move 
 the crops," etc., can only be met by bargaining with 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE 249 
 
 banks or bankers, in the large monetary centres, and 
 particularly in New York. Advantage is taken of 
 this by those who control large amounts of money, 
 and the rates of interest are raised, loans contracted, 
 and business in general disturbed. If banks had the 
 power to issue bills up to ten times the amount of 
 deposited bonds, it would only give them more power 
 to cause fluctuations in prices, and the currency would 
 be no more truly elastic than now. 
 
 In fact, to give the banks more power, would prove 
 even more disturbing than the present conditions, 
 for while they would pour out money to inflate the 
 currency, they would never draw it in unless to con- 
 trol the rates of interest, and the fluctuations of the 
 rates of interest, and of prices, would be exceedingly 
 injurious. 
 
 The two functions of currency must always be con- 
 sidered. It is not merely the means of facilitating 
 exchanges, but it also serves as the universal measure 
 of values, and any unnecessary change in its quantity, 
 such as would make it notably excessive or deficient, 
 would also give it instability as a measure of the 
 values of commodities in general. 
 
 The present financial system tends to keep currency 
 where it is not always needed, in the great financial 
 centres, because it is so easily controlled there. This 
 causes at times a lack of currency in other parts of 
 the country, and creates the impression that " there 
 is not money enough " even when the banks in New 
 
250 EVOLUTION— T^H/CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 York cannot loan their money at two per cent. The 
 lack of currency, then, and the need of more currency, 
 may be merely apparent, and may rest on the de- 
 fects of the system that encourages concentration of 
 currency in the hands of a few at a single centre or 
 at a few centres. 
 
 Whether the need is real or is only apparent in 
 various parts of the country, those parts suffer just 
 the same, and a plan should be adopted that would 
 give an elastic currency, which could not be held in 
 any place, or controlled by any small body of men, 
 and which would at the same time, by its very elas- 
 ticity, be a stable measure of value.) 
 
 4. This leads to the fourth principle. That the 
 medium of exchange should not be subject to the con- 
 trol of any man or of any body of men, whether 
 bankers, brokers or speculators, and should offer no 
 inducements to anybody to collect it, either in vaults 
 unused, or in stockings and closets. 
 
 On these principles as being at least desirable, if 
 not absolutely essential, we are in general agreed, but 
 of course there are many points necessary to the most 
 successful carrying out of these principles. 
 
 There have been two prominent conflicting financial 
 theories contending for political supremacy, in the 
 United States. 
 
 The advocates of gold as the single standard, be- 
 lieved in a monetary system based upon gold. This 
 means that gold coin of a certain weight and fineness, 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE 251 
 
 should be the only real legal tender, except, perhaps, 
 for small amounts. Nearly all the advocates of this 
 system admitted the desirability of bi-metalism, when 
 this could be brought about by agreement of the lead- 
 ing nations. By this they meant that, with gold as 
 the standard, silver at a ratio to be agreed upon, 
 should also be made legal tender, and used as a com- 
 mon medium of exchange, along with gold. 
 
 The second theory rested on the free coinage of 
 sUver at an arbitrary ratio, such as 16 to 1. This 
 would compel government to receive silver bullion and 
 coin it for its owners, giving them, not the market 
 value of the silver, but silver coin to the debt paying 
 value of several times the cost of silver bullion, in 
 the open markets. 
 
 The so-called free silver movement was simply a 
 hopeless turning of the masses to a phrase for the 
 relief that financiers had been unable to give. " 16 
 to 1 " seemed to many, almost an open sesame to 
 prosperity, largely because it was a mystical cry for 
 relief from the oppression of a financial system, that 
 otherwise was and is being more and more closely in- 
 terwoven with the government. 
 
 If it were understood by the masses, it would be 
 laughed at. When government can by putting its 
 stamp on 16 ounces of silver, make it worth twice or 
 thrice its market value, it can as easily make it worth 
 ten times as much. 
 
 If 16 ounces of silver can be doubled in value by 
 
252 EVOLUTION- WH/Cfl'-REVOLUTION 
 
 being made into the form of silver coin, copper or 
 aluminum or lead can be similarly stamped by gov- 
 ernment, and an abundance of " cheap money " can 
 be made, whose value would depend on the govern- 
 ment stamp placed upon it. 
 
 This fallacy is based upon the claims of the advo- 
 cates of a gold standard for legal tender, and they are 
 responsible for it. The functions of government do 
 not extend to giving a fictitious, or other value, to 
 gold, to silver, to copper or to wheat. 
 
 If the owners of silver mines can demand that gov- 
 ernment shall stamp fifty cents worth of silver, one 
 dollar, and give them the profit, why should not the 
 owners of copper mines have the same privilege 
 ■granted them, and where will the principle end? At 
 least if government is to be forced into coining any 
 metals, through the sophistries of bankers and mine 
 owners, or by ignorant voters, the profit on such coin- 
 age should go into the treasury of the United States, 
 and not into the pockets of speculators. Government 
 should buy in the open market the silver or gold or 
 brass that people are so anxious for, and minting it 
 in any ratio decided upon, should give a particular 
 object lesson to the people, by paying the cheapest 
 metal out first, as needed for government expenses. 
 The revulsion would be prompt, permanent and ex- 
 tend to the entire system, as it should. 
 
 Ignorant and deluded as the masses are now on 
 the currency question, they are no more ignorant and 
 no further from the right principles of a proper fi- 
 
A STUDY Of FINANCE 253 
 
 nancial treatment of our nation's currency, than the 
 bankers and brokers, who now control, through a so- 
 called Gold standard. 
 
 These two plans, in various forms and with many 
 modifications, have been tried and have failed. Gold 
 has been essentially the standard. Silver has been 
 bought and put into circulation. Hundreds of mil- 
 lions of dollars in gold and silver, have lain idle in 
 the banks and in the United States vaults, while the 
 people suffered. The contest will go on, and should 
 go on, until the people see the simple principle of a 
 proper financial system. 
 
 In apology for past failures of the monetary system 
 to meet the demands of business and the wants of the 
 people, it is said that no plan can be formed, which, 
 under the present extended credit system, resting on 
 an amount of indebtedness so great as to be almost 
 beyond computation, can always, readily meet the de- 
 mands made upon it. 
 
 But the larger the public or personal indebtedness 
 and credit, and the more business is done on credit, 
 the better must the system be, and the more need of 
 a plan which will less readily upset all this indebted- 
 ness and so disturb business as to reduce value, cause 
 idleness, and in this and many other ways, do great 
 harm to the people. 
 
 The total indebtedness (national, state, county, 
 city and town) for the United States alone, reaches 
 the incredible sum of over $49,000,000,000.00. Private 
 indebtedness, (including corporations,) is even more 
 
254 EVOLUTION— WJI/Ca'-RBVOLUTIOlN 
 
 than this, so the debts in this country alone, amount 
 to about ninety billions ($90,000,000,000.00) of dol- 
 lars. However the total may differ from this, the 
 amount is a sum beyond human comprehension, while 
 the entire indebtedness of the world's great nations, 
 would mount up into the trillions. 
 
 This shows what an impossible problem one under- 
 takes to solve, when he plans a system in which any 
 metal is made, not the measure of the circulating 
 medium, but the only real legal tender for values. 
 This enormous indebtedness must be measured by 
 something, it is now measured by the value of gold, 
 not its natural market value, but its fictitious value, 
 caused by the position it occupies as ' ' money, ' ' while 
 it measures not only the indebtedness, but, what is of 
 more importance, the necessities of life, and its lux- 
 uries. 
 
 We recognize the fact that measures of coi-n, wheat, 
 cloth, etc., should not vary. If the measure of today 
 contains a certain number of cubic inches, the measure 
 of tomorrow should contain the same. This is true of 
 all measures. It seems almost a truism that the meas- 
 ure of values should be as fixed as possible, because it 
 shows the relation that these things bear to each other, 
 (and the size might as well change as the measure of 
 value,) and thus fixes the relative prices of yarious 
 products, and furnishes a medium called money, by 
 which everything can be measured, rated and ex- 
 changed. 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE 255 
 
 There certainly should be some standard by which 
 value is measured. It may be near or remote, but it 
 should be as fixed as possible. The standard of meas- 
 ure, however, whether of value, size or length, is not 
 necessarily, at least, as valuable as the things meas- 
 ured. 
 
 Thus the yard-stick may be worth a few cents and 
 yet measure laces valued at a thousand dollars a yard. 
 
 The principle on which all measures rest, is the same 
 always and everywhere. For example the yard-stick 
 measures the length of a piece of velvet. The bushel- 
 measure tells the amount of grain in the bin. If 
 velvet is exchanged for grain when velvet is scarce 
 and in demand, and grain is plenty, each yard of vel- 
 vet will be valued at more bushels of grain than when 
 grain is scarce and velvet plenty. 
 
 The measures in each case remain the same. A 
 yard is always a yard. A bushel is always a bushel. 
 The measures, then of these things are invariable, 
 while their comparative values are constantly chang- 
 ing. If the comparative values of all products re- 
 mained always the same, there would be little use of 
 a measure of values, but their variableness compels a 
 standard measure of value such as a nation's currency 
 should be always measured by. 
 
 To take as a common value-measure any thing con- 
 stantly changing to any considerable extent, is as 
 absurd as to adopt a varying yard-stick or bushel- 
 measure. 
 
256 EVOLUTION- WS/Cir— REVOLUTION 
 
 If yard-sticks were made by eacli man to suit him- 
 self, and had no fixed length, great confusion would 
 arise in exchanging such things as are measured by 
 linear measure. 
 
 If the common measure of values varies in a similar 
 way in each state or nation, it ceases to be of use as a 
 reliable measure of value. 
 
 A yard-stick has a limit fixed by the government. 
 Whatever serves as a common value-measure should 
 have a similar safeguard. 
 
 Nothing should be adopted as a measure of length, 
 or quantity, that is limited in amount. Nothing 
 should be adopted as a common measure of value that 
 is limited in amount. There should never be a scar- 
 city of this measure. 
 
 Gold yard-sticks and silver bushel-measures would 
 be absurd. Gold or silver value-measures are equally 
 ridiculous. Neither is adapted to meet the necessities 
 of a universal measure. 
 
 Faith in the accuracy of the governmental yard- 
 stick, should be accompanied by faith in the accuracy 
 of the governmental measures of values. 
 
 A governmental gold yard-stick may vary less as a 
 reference standard, through heat and cold, wet and 
 dry, than a wooden one, exposed to the air. 
 
 A governmental standard gold value-measure may 
 vary less than a brass one as a reference standard of 
 values. What is used as the regulator of standard 
 weights, measures and values, is of less consequence 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE 257 
 
 than the way in which it is used and the principles 
 upon which its use is based. 
 
 There is an apparent objection, to this extended sim- 
 ilarity between all measures, but the objection is not 
 well made. It is this. " Anybody can make yard- 
 sticks, bushel-measures, etc., why should not anybody 
 and everybody make measures of value? " They do, 
 they should, they always will make measures of value. 
 More than four-fifths of all exchanges of products are 
 based on the value-measures made by the people. 
 Notes, checks, accounts, drafts, etc., are the value- 
 measures which the people were forced to adopt in 
 order to do business, and it would be as impossible 
 to carry on the world's exchanges by means of so- 
 called money, even if local banks were issuing wild-cat 
 currency by the bushel, as it would be to measure the 
 wheat raised on the great plains of the "West in the 
 government standard bushel-measure at Washington. 
 The measures made hy the people depend on the gov- 
 ernment standard, whatever that is. 
 
 " Why then if the people make value-measures, is 
 there any necessity for government to issue them in 
 the form of currency?" 
 
 The necessity is fourfold. First, the government is 
 itself doing business on a large scale. It needs value- 
 measures for this business. Second, the government, 
 being more widely known than any business-house, 
 and, by its resources being able to maintain its credit 
 and to hold the confidence of the people in the ae- 
 
 17 
 
258 EVOLUTION- WHICH-RBVOLUTION 
 
 curacy of whatever value-measure it uses, can supply 
 value-measures for the masses of people who cannot 
 make their own, and in this way facilitate exchanges 
 of small quantities of merchandise, etc. In a word 
 there is a secondary use for the government's value- 
 measures, and that is to serve as a partial medium of 
 exchange. This is convenient, because people have 
 confidence that such value-measures are graded by 
 some standard, and also because they are known every- 
 where, and, by the government's vouching for their 
 accuracy, serve as a measure of the value-measures 
 issued by business men and corporations. 
 
 The government value-measure is the more neces- 
 sary in proportion to the difficulty of maintaining the 
 standard of private value-measures. 
 
 If the people distrust the measures made by in- 
 dividuals, it is easy to bring them to the test, and to 
 punish those who use or make measures or weights 
 that vary from the government standard. If this 
 were not so, it would be wise for government to make 
 weights and measures for common use. 
 
 It is more dilBcult to detect and punish the dis- 
 honest maker of value-measures and the losses to the 
 people on this account are very large. Therefore, the 
 government value-measures should be so abundant as 
 to make the necessity for private value-measures as 
 small as possible, with safety to the government and 
 to business. 
 
 Third. It is easier to protect government value- 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE 259 
 
 measures from fraud, than to prevent it in private 
 value-measures. A crime against government is of 
 necessity greater than a similar act committed against 
 an individual or a corporation The great variations 
 in private value-measures result in losses to business 
 men and, often, in hard times and panics. Notes 
 that profess to measure a certain value, are found to 
 be of little or no value, people lose confidence in the 
 private makers of other similar value-measures, and 
 refuse to measure their commodities by such measures. 
 Business is thus stopped and the people suffer. 
 
 Fourth. The governmental value-measures being 
 based upon the entire property of the nation, it is 
 easier to keep them up to the standard measure, than 
 it is private value-measures, which are based upon 
 unknown values very often, and which have to be them- 
 selves measured by the common government measure. 
 
 For these reasons especially, the governmental com- 
 mon value-measures should be so nearly unlimited in 
 number as to readily supply all the absolute needs of 
 business, provided this can be done without their de- 
 preciation in value as a medium of exchange through 
 the loss of faith in the governmental standard meas- 
 ure of the common value-measures, or in the honesty 
 of the government. 
 
 Has money any other object than simply to aid in 
 the exchanges of land, labor and its products through 
 furnishing an ample and fairly invariable measure 
 of value and a medium for such exchange 1 
 
260 EVOLUTION— WHICH— REVOLUTION 
 
 Originally men exchanged one product for another, 
 either by actual transfer at the same time or by a 
 promise to give at one time something, for something 
 received at another time. Labor was also exchanged, 
 — this exchange being by agreement and resting on 
 verbal promises. This was the first system of credit. 
 The " medium of exchange " was a promise. As 
 long as the receiver felt confidence in the promise he 
 was willing to take it, but, when a man broke his 
 promise, his word as a medium of exchange became 
 bad, and was no longer taken for value. 
 
 Even at the first then the medium of exchange had 
 a basis of value which was the reliability of the maker. 
 
 When written promises took the place of verbal the 
 same basis of value continued. When this was lack- 
 ing, the receiver demanded " security " or in other 
 words something he could depend upon to get his re- 
 turn. When written promises passed into the hands 
 of strangers, they also demanded security. Mean- 
 while certain natural products had acquired a value 
 in the eyes of men because they seemed desirable. 
 
 Some of these products, being less liable to decay 
 or change than others, and being also more pleasing 
 for ornament, gained something like a fixed value, be- 
 ing everywhere sought for. Gradually these products, 
 which were finally limited to gold and silver, became 
 an accepted medium of exchange and a measure of 
 the value of other things. Since then they have held 
 their place against all comers until, stamped by gov- 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE . 261 
 
 ernment, to indicate their fineness and weight, they 
 are the money standard in general. 
 
 Their use has been a growth, founded on nol princi- 
 ple, and established by no set of financiers or philoso- 
 phers. They are not used as a measure because of 
 their value, for intrinsically, iron, tin, copper, alum- 
 inum and radium, are more useful to man. Though 
 called the precious metals, they are not so precious as 
 many others, and their selling value by the pound is 
 greater than some others simply because their use as 
 money has put a fictitious value on them. Thomas 
 A. Edison says, " Gold is only valuable because it is 
 rare. It is not nearly so useful to man as iron, which 
 is the real precious metal. Gold is not worth so much 
 as lead in commerce, and brass is worth more than its 
 weight in gold." 
 
 Silver and gold are not used as money, then, because 
 of their plentifulness, inherent value or scarcity, for 
 in each of these things they are surpassed by other 
 natural products. They are used simply because fin- 
 anciers found them in use and did not know how to 
 get along without them, but the wide spread belief 
 that the constantly recurring cycles of business de- 
 pression are largely caused by the way in which the 
 financial systems are based upon gold and silver, and 
 the trouble that the various governments are always 
 having about their mediums of exchange, are leading 
 to a study of the real principles of finance, as si 
 science, 
 
262 EVOLUTION— WIfZCH— REVOLUTION 
 
 There have been in history great financiers, so 
 called, but by this term as generally used, is meant 
 men who could devise ways and means of raising large 
 sums of money for government uses in times of need, 
 without causing rebellion on the part of the people 
 through over oppressive taxation, and in such a way 
 as to induce money lenders to furnish money as 
 wanted with the confidence that they would ultimately 
 be compensated for whatever risk they took. The 
 present needs were relieved without regard to the 
 burdens placed on the future and with the hope that 
 the future would be able to take care of itself. 
 
 During the war of the rebellion the government 
 credit was not very good, bonds could not be sold at 
 fair prices and the " paper money " lost rapidly in 
 value, as a purchasing power. Even when the gov- 
 ernment was unable to pay in silver and gold, and 
 did not even promise to so redeem a part of its issues, 
 still their value rested on and was measured by the 
 amoimt of gold they would buy, for gold was still the 
 standard in the minds of the people. Two things then 
 gave the government promise value. First, the law 
 making its bills legal tender, but this alone would 
 soon have made it of as little value as the Confederate 
 money of a similar kind. Second, the faith that bank- 
 ers and the people generally had that the United 
 States, with its immense resources, would ultimately 
 make good all its ' ' promises to pay ' ' in gold or in gold 
 and silver, even when it was not so specifically stated 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE 263 
 
 "in the bond." Every one wanted gold when they 
 eould not get it, just the same as every one wanted 
 bills in 1893 and could not get them without paying 
 a premium for them. 
 
 Confidence then is one of the principle features of 
 a good system, the same as it was the foundation of 
 the first mediums of exchange, and as long as the 
 users have perfect confidence in the value of a piece 
 of paper, the only demand for the measure of its 
 value will come from those who need the gold or silver 
 for exchange, or for actual use as a metal. This 
 ' ' confidence principle ' ' must be first considered since 
 the lack of it has been in general the great disturbing 
 cause of all " paper systems " of money. Our new 
 financiers not being impressed with the evils of " wild 
 cat " currency, and feeling the apparent need of a 
 more flexible medium of exchange that will expand 
 to meet the demands, are apt to leave out of the ques- 
 tion the matters of confidence and permanent value, 
 and forget that a currency that will not contract as 
 readUy as it expands, will lose the confidence of the 
 people and vary greatly in value. 
 
 But no one who studies the financial history of this 
 country before the civil war, will ever consent to any 
 plan that will not make all bills good anywhere in 
 the United States, or that will permit any issue of 
 "paper money" without such government restric- 
 tion and supervision as will practically guarantee 
 every holder from loss. This is certainly the best 
 
264 EVOLUTION— WifZCjff— REVOLUTION 
 
 feature of the system that grew out of the war period. 
 For more than a quarter of a century, no holder of 
 any national bank bill has lost a dollar, which excel- 
 lence renders the defects of the system still more 
 apparent. 
 
 They are, (1) Its seeming lack of flexibility. (2) the 
 necessity of a government debt. (3) the power it 
 gives a set of men to control it both by depleting the 
 treasury and by locking up gold and bills. (4) the 
 lack of such features as would enable it to be adopted 
 uniformly by all the great nations. (5) the necessity 
 of keeping a large reserve of gold to redeem the issues, 
 and to maintain confidence. 
 
 The Baltimore plan, so called because proposed by 
 a convention of bankers who met in Baltimore in 1894 
 to consider the defects in the old system, seemed to 
 be offered with the view of getting the government out 
 of the banking business and of putting it still more 
 into the hands and under the control of bankers and 
 brokers, with a loss to the nation and a gain to the 
 banks. 
 
 This plan in all its essential weakness, was adopted 
 by the Secretary of the Treasury and urged upon 
 Congress in the winter of 1894-5. The chief idea that 
 the Secretary seemed to have was to get rid of the re- 
 sponsibility of keeping a supply of gold in the treas- 
 ury. He had been taking it out with one hand and 
 putting it in with the other and wondered why the 
 treasury did not fill up. At last, apparently tired out 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE 265 
 
 he gladly favored anything that would let his gold 
 alone and was willing, as the old hymn runs, " to 
 change the place, but keep the pain." 
 
 If the old system is to be simply patched up, banks 
 should be allowed to issue up to the full value of the 
 deposit they make with the government, this deposit 
 should not be limited to any particular security, the 
 personal liability of stockholders should be continued, 
 no bank should be allowed to redeem its circulation 
 at a greater rate than 10 per cent, a month, or more 
 than 25 per cent, of its entire circulation as long as it 
 remained in business, each bank shotdd be taxed, 
 (special government tax for circulation) only to pay 
 the cost of inspection, and should redeem its own issue 
 in gold. The present national issue of redeemable 
 bills should be retired as fast as received by govern- 
 ment. 
 
 But it is probable that the time has come, and that 
 the nations are ready for a radical change if such 
 change can be shown to be feasible. At least the fol- 
 lowing outline will serve as a basis for discussing such 
 a change, based on the principles heretofore entmci- 
 ated in this article. In offering this plan it can 
 hardly be necessary to discuss the matter of the ' ' na- 
 tion 's engaging in the banking business " as that has 
 always been considered a function of all governments 
 to a greater or less extent. If the government can run 
 its treasury without doing a banking business; if it 
 can maintain a proper currency without exercising 
 
266 EVOLUTION— WHZCH—EB VOLUTION 
 
 the functions of banking to some extent; if it can do 
 what must be done to seeiire money for its needs with- 
 out engaging in banking in some way, then it may 
 be disputed whether banking is one of its functions. 
 But it cannot do any one of these things without em- 
 ploying " banking principles " and the only question 
 then would be, to what extent it is wise to go to secure 
 the best possible system for the nation and the world. 
 
 A prominent financial Journal says that " while it 
 would be a good thing to have a great central United 
 States bank on the lines of the Bank of England and 
 the Bank of France, too much power would center in 
 such a bank to permit of its being managed as other 
 than a strictly government concern, and too much 
 politics would infallibly center in such a government 
 concern, to permit of its properly fulfilling its proper 
 functions as a bank. In the present constitution of 
 society in this country this objection is fatal, and be- 
 sides, we have not the men to manage such a bank as 
 it should be managed. 
 
 ' ' Few people realize the extent to which New York 
 City banking is tainted with the virus of speculation. 
 A very large part of New York City banking consists 
 of financing which is so closely interwoven with specu- 
 lation that the difference between the two things is 
 not always apparent. 
 
 " Lending money is merely an incident of true 
 banking, and it is in this kind of business that our 
 leading New York bankers are mainly engaged, and 
 
A STUDY OF FINANCE 267 
 
 they are thereby the less fitted for the conduct of a 
 great banking institution such as the Bank of France. 
 
 " We have developed a system of finance which is 
 highly organized, no doubt, and works well in good 
 times, but, in an emergency it does not work well. 
 
 " We may have great individual banks or ' chain 
 of banks;' but they will lack the broad foundation 
 necessary for a really great institution as long as they 
 are tainted with the speculative virus." 
 
 This is certainly a most conclusive argument against 
 allowing banks to usurp any longer the functions of 
 government in regard to our national currency, and a 
 good statement of some of the reasons for a complete 
 change in our system of government, as well as in our 
 Monetary system. 
 
 No doubt if practical pothouse politicians were per- 
 mitted to run the bank, it would be as corrupt as our 
 various city, State and National governments are, and 
 if bankers were permitted to control it, they would 
 use its great powers, as they now do those entrusted 
 to them, to foster their schemes and to milk the public. 
 
 There are, however, in this country men as honest 
 and as capable as those who manage the Bank of 
 England and that of France, who under a proper 
 system of responsible government, and a suitable 
 financial system, would give us a model bank and a 
 true measure of value and medium of exchange that 
 would work well in an emergency. 
 
268 EVOLUTION- Wfl^7(7H-EEVOLUTION 
 
 Outline of a National Financial System. 
 
 1. All currency should be issued by the General 
 Government, and should be the only legal tender for 
 all debts both public and private. This would be the 
 common value-measure, as the yard-stick and bushel 
 are the common measure of size and quantity. 
 
 2. The central " United States Bank " should be 
 located at Washington. It should have the entire 
 power of issuing, supervising and controlling all cur- 
 rency. 
 
 3. This power should cover the minting of gold, sil- 
 ver and nickel into coin. 
 
 4. Branches of this bank should be established in 
 different parts of the country as fast as found neces- 
 sary. They should not do a general banking business, 
 such as discounting notes, receiving deposits subject 
 to check, loaning money on ordinary securities, etc., 
 because ; 
 
 5. The functions of these banks should be such 
 and such only as are necessary to the proper manage- 
 ment of the monetary system of the nation. They 
 should be the agencies through which the govern- 
 ment could control the issues of the currency so that 
 each section would have it as needed, and would also 
 be essentially. Savings Banks, in which the third 
 class of bills could be deposited for a fixed time, as 
 in ordinary Savings Banks, at a small rate (about 
 
A NATIONAL FINANCIAL SYSTEM 269 
 
 one and one-half per cent) of interest, and the first 
 or second class for redemption, either in metal or in 
 other issues of bills as desired. 
 
 6. Bills should be issued in three classes. 
 
 (a) Universal bills (which are explained in section 
 12 of this paper.) 
 
 (b) Domestic bills. 
 
 (c) Government bills. 
 
 7. The Universal and Domestic bills should be ex- 
 changeable at the United States Treasury or Sub- 
 treasuries, for whatever is adopted as the standard 
 measure of the common value-measure, and all the 
 banks of the United States should act as agents for 
 any depositors to make such exchange when desired. 
 These bills should be the only legal tender for all 
 debts. 
 
 8. The amount of Universal bills to be issued should 
 be determined by agreement, according to the plan 
 for them in section 12. 
 
 9. The Domestic bills should be limited to a fixed 
 amount per capita, to be determined by the needs of 
 the country, but should never exceed thirty dollars 
 per capita, a,nd at first, the Universal and Domestic 
 bills together, should not exceed that amount. 
 
 10. The Government bills should be issued without 
 limit when needed under certain conditions, as long 
 as they did not depreciate in value when compared 
 with the other issues. In this case the issuing should 
 cease, and, as fast as the outstanding Government 
 
270 EVOLUTION— WH7CH-EEV0LUTI0N 
 
 bills were received in any way, either at the treasury, 
 sub-treasuries, or banks, and whether as revenue, or 
 as deposits, they should be destroyed until the amount 
 of bills of this class still outstanding should be so 
 reduced, that their value would again become equal 
 to that of the Domestic bills. 
 
 They should not be legal tender, except to the gov- 
 ernment, which should always receive them on an 
 equality with its other issues. 
 
 This class of bills would give the needed flexibility 
 to the currency, with perfect safety to business. 
 
 11. The Standard measure of the common valxie- 
 measure can be adapted to present exigencies. When 
 there is a long-continued and deep-seated prejudice 
 in regard to anything, it is far better to yield to that 
 prejudice, if it can be done without the sacrifice of 
 principles or essentials. 
 
 The public have a strong prejudice in favor of 
 gold, silver, or gold and silver. They want these 
 metals to be in some way connected with the monetary 
 system. Not that the people want gold and silver in 
 circulation to any extent. 
 
 If government should withdraw from circulation 
 all its bills of a less denomination than one hundred 
 dollars, and should thus force gold and silver into 
 general use for all smaller amounts, there would be 
 universal complaint. 
 
 But there is a sort of satisfied security on the part 
 of the people if they suppose that, back of any circu- 
 
A NATIONAL FINANCIAL SYSTEM 271 
 
 lating medium, there is gold (or gold and silver) for 
 its redemption. 
 
 Therefore, as either or hoth of these metals can be 
 used with perfect safety as a mere standard measure 
 of common value-measures (which is all they should 
 be used for in any system, and all that anything hav- 
 ing intrinsic value in itself, can be used for in any 
 system without occasioning such evUs as our past 
 finajieial systems have all, and always been subject 
 to), there is no hindrance and not the least objection 
 to the use of either or both of these metals as the 
 basis of the circulation of the Domestic and Universal 
 bills, for which they (the metals) will serve only as 
 a standard measure of value. 
 
 Probably, in order to meet the prejudice of both 
 gold and silver worshipers, these two metals should 
 be made at first, the common standard value-measure 
 of -the Universal and Domestic bills at the option of 
 the holder, at the present ratio of the mint. This 
 would also obviate all objection to the use of the 
 Universal bills everywhere, as India could have silver 
 if she chose, and England could have gold if she pre- 
 ferred for the same bills. 
 
 The contest between the two metals would be for- 
 gotten in a year, or would be remembered as men 
 recalled and laughed at their folly at ever having 
 contended for either as a medium of exchange, since, 
 under this system, neither would ever be called for at 
 the government treasuries except for use in the arts. 
 
272 EVOLUTION— WHZCH-REVOLUTION 
 
 Government could thus yield to the demand for free 
 coinage of silver and gold, at their present ratio, with 
 perfect safety, returning to the depositors their own 
 metal in coins, less the seignorage. But it should be 
 specially understood that in no case should bills be 
 given in payment for these metals, and that, as neither 
 would be legal tender, the United States could not be 
 forced to receive this coin either for bills or for 
 customs or taxes. 
 
 By thus taking away the fictitious value that gov- 
 ernment now gives to these metals by attempting to 
 use them as a medium of exchange and by giving them 
 a standing as legal tender, they would, like other 
 metals, soon find their own level which would be their 
 value in the arts. 
 
 They have always heretofore proved inadequate 
 to the work that they have been called to do, but undeij 
 this plan they would soon become a drug in the 
 market and would so overflow the treasury that they 
 would have to be refused for taxes unless they were 
 forced into circulation by withdrawing bills below a 
 certain standard, and even then bills would soon stand 
 at a premium in gold as they did in '94, and the 
 amount of fineness of the silver and gold called the 
 measure of currency would have to be greatly in- 
 creased within two years after this system came into 
 use, since gold and silver measured by other products 
 are selling far above their real values. Now the 
 nations of the world have practically ' ' cornered ' ' 
 
A NATIONAL FINANCIAL SYSTEM 273 
 
 gold, and to a less degree, silver, by locking up billions 
 of them. In India alone the absorption of gold (that 
 is, the amount of it that disappeared from circulation, 
 and that too in a silver country) from 1859 to 1889 
 amounted to $585,000,000, and the silver absorbed in 
 the same time was $1,135,000,000. This is only one of 
 many, and speaks for all. Treat tin, steel, copper and 
 aluminum in the same way and their apparent value 
 would advance rapidly. When brokers corner gold 
 they only aid nations in their foolish financial corner 
 of the same metal. With these vast amounts brought 
 into the market, as a large part of them would be 
 when their fictitious values were taken away, the? 
 value of the gold and silver dollar would in a very 
 short time be reduced from 20% to 40%, depending 
 upon the means taken to force their circulation. 
 
 For no other system is this even claimed. All 
 prominent plans stand with a premium on these 
 metals or on one of them by the necessities of corner- 
 ing them in order to carry out the plan. Remove 
 their legal tender quality, making them simply the 
 standard measure of common value-measures, (unless 
 they are still kept as legal tender for small amounts 
 to suit prejudice, while there are no small bills issued) 
 and you have taken the first elementary step to remove 
 their fictitious values. 
 
 Certainly if gold, or gold and silver, the ' ' precious 
 metals " are to be continued not only as the measure 
 of values, but the legal mediums of exchange as well. 
 
274 EVOLUTION— WiTZCH—EBVOLUTION 
 
 it will become more and more apparent that the de- 
 mands of business have far outgrown the amounts 
 of them both, in esse and in posse, and the " corner " 
 wUl be more evident yearly in the ruin caused by the 
 increased value of these metals and the decreased 
 values of labor and its products. The interchange 
 of commodities will be hindered, poverty will be- 
 come more general on the part of the producer, 
 and hard times will be the rule rather than the 
 exception. 
 
 Ultimately the Universal and Domestic bills would 
 be redeemed generally in gold and silver bars at the 
 ordinary market value. Thus if one could go into 
 the market and buy a certain number of ounces of 
 gold for a ten dollar bill, he would get the same num- 
 ber at the United States treasury in exchange for his 
 bill. The same would be true of silver. Silver and 
 gold would thus occupy their proper and relative posi- 
 tion as metals of value. 
 
 The most thoughtful man in English finance, has 
 just uttered this memorable statement. " The time 
 will soon come, if it is not already at hand, when some 
 new and different medium of exchange will force itself 
 on the nations, since the present medium is even now 
 inadequate and is yearly proving itself more and more 
 unsuitable to perform its functions." 
 
 And another student of finance has added, " The 
 nations should agree upon some substitute for gold 
 and silver, that will measure values effectively even 
 
A NATIONAL FINANCIAL SYSTEM 275 
 
 if of but little more value compared with the things 
 measured, than the yard-stick to the velvet, or the 
 bushel measure to the wheat." 
 
 These two suggestions and prophesies are met by 
 the system proposed in this article, without over- 
 looking the fact, that, in a proper monetary system, 
 currency is not only the apparent measure of value 
 but is also the medium of exchange. 
 
 If the noble lord had in mind some metal or com- 
 bination of metals to displace silver and gold, he 
 erred m supposing that anything of intrinsic value 
 could be taken as a medium of exchange, without a 
 violation of the foundation principles of finance. He 
 saw the evil results of the use of the so-called precious 
 metals as legal tender, but he may have misunderstood 
 the reason that these metals failed to perform their 
 functions as a medium of exchange. 
 
 The medium should and must be as worthless per se 
 as paper, as the yard stick, or the bushel measure. 
 
 Back of the yard-stick there is something that regu- 
 lates its length, and hence its value as a measure. 
 Back of the bushel there is something that regulates 
 its size, and hence its value as a measure. 
 
 Back of the paper medium of exchange there should 
 be something to regulate its value as a measure, but 
 which should not in any way take its place and usurp 
 its proper functions. 
 
 12. To make this system as desirable as possible, the 
 leading nations of the world should unite in a mone- 
 
276 EVOLUTION- WH/CF-REVOLUTION 
 
 tary conference, and agree upon a certain amount 
 of Universal bills, to be issued by each one of them. 
 This amount should be fairly proportioned among 
 them, all the nations in the conference should unitedly 
 guarantee all of this issue, which should be made 
 legal tender in all the nations that unite to carry out 
 this system, for all debts both public and private, 
 and should be redeemable anywhere on demand in the 
 measure of value. But when these notes issued in one 
 nation are redeemed in another, they should be taken 
 by the issuing nation on demand, and the amount 
 paid back to the nation that redeemed them, in its 
 notes or in metal as agreed upon. 
 
 The total amount of Universal bills issued by each 
 nation in the conference should not at first be over 
 one-third the amount per capita of the entire cur- 
 rency needed. Each nation should make and issue 
 its own bills, which should be called Universal bills 
 to distinguish them from the local bills of each nation. 
 With the United States, England, France, and Ger- 
 many alone guaranteeing these bills, they would soon 
 command a premium in gold and would be demanded 
 by other nations until the amount issued at first would 
 have to be doubled and trebled on account of the 
 hoarding of these bills in countries having a less 
 desirable currency. In a few years, nearly every 
 nation would ask admittance into this Monetary 
 Union and a currency would be firmly established 
 which would prove a substitute for the precious 
 
A NATIONAL FINANCIAL SYSTEM 277' 
 
 metals not simply at home, but as a medium of ex- 
 change between nations. 
 
 No one would buy or take gold or silver to send 
 from one nation to another at a cost of a fraction of 
 one per cent for transportation and the insurance, 
 when these bills could be had even at a small 
 premium, unless the business demand for these metals 
 in the arts in some one country caused them to be 
 shipped there. 
 
 This feature of Universal bills entirely removes all 
 necessity of drawing gold from any country. With 
 the leading nations in the Union, gold or silver would 
 have nowhere to go. With the United States alone 
 adopting this plan, there would be no difficulty in estab- 
 lishing such financial relations with the leading nations 
 of the world, as to avoid any disturbance of trade 
 or any trouble in the settlement of exchange balances. 
 With this certainty we should adopt the plan at once 
 even if other nations refused to consider it at present, 
 with either gold alone or gold and silver as the stand- 
 ard measure of common value-measure, since at the 
 worst we should be better off than now, and govern- 
 ment would have the right to raise the rates of ex- 
 change, as the Bank of England now does on gold, 
 which is virtually putting an export tax on it. 
 
 13. Besides the issue of Universal bills, each nation 
 should have the right to issue as many bills of the 
 other two classes as it found to be necessary. But 
 these bills issued for home use should be entirely 
 
278 EVOLUTION— WffZCH— REVOLUTION 
 
 different in design and appearance from the Universal 
 bills and should depend for their value upon the 
 credit of the nation issuing them. 
 
 This scheme would certainly give flexibility to the 
 volume of currency. If bills of either class were too 
 plentiful they would be deposited in the government 
 savings banks, and the outstanding amount would 
 thus be quickly reduced to the needs of exchange, 
 while, if currency were scarce, the very need would 
 increase the volume by causing the withdrawal of de- 
 posits from the government banks. The volume of 
 currency would also be kept within proper limits by 
 the government bills and the use the government 
 made of them. 
 
 14. These three classes of bills could be put in cir- 
 culation in their regular order as far and as fast as 
 necessary in the following way. (a) In place of the 
 national bank notes, (b) In redeeming the present 
 government issues, (c) In taking up the bond issues, 
 (d) In paying the ordinary expenses of government, 
 when the revenue was not sufficient, (e) In loans to 
 States, cities, counties, etc. on a limited amount of 
 prioj lien bonds at 2% interest. These bonds 
 should, of course, be passed on by the government 
 officials as to their security, the same as they now are 
 by bankers and brokers. As they would be limited in 
 quantity, and be a first lien, there could then be 
 no risk,— government would be aiding the states or 
 cities by reducing the rates of interest, and would be 
 
A NATIONAL FINANCIAL SYSTEM 279 
 
 benefiting itself, since all the interest received would 
 be so much clear gain. If there was need of enough 
 currency to take up any considerable number of such 
 bonds, the interest would enable the government to 
 either reduce taxes or to carry on internal improve- 
 ments for the general good, while the decreased inter- 
 est paid by states and cities, would reduce their taxes 
 largely, (f) In building or buying transportation 
 and telegraph lines, increasing the navy as shown in 
 another article and in other improvements. 
 
 But without going further into this line of thought, 
 there would be legitimate ways enough in which to 
 issue all the currency needed, even if it were found 
 that business could be more easily and better done 
 without credits, and the volume of currency would 
 easily increase or diminish as it was more or less in 
 demand. 
 
 As to the confidence that would be felt in our cur- 
 rency, that guaranteed by the Monetary Union could 
 not be doubted,— that redeemed in gold or silver at 
 will would never be doubted, while the government 
 currency, if doubted, would fiow back to government, 
 so that no harm could be done to the financial system 
 as a whole, and it would be ready for issue again 
 when the people wanted it. But the security for this 
 currency would be better than that for the present 
 government notes, since now there is only the govern- 
 ment promise behind them. Then they would be 
 backed by millions of the best state and city bonds 
 
280 EVOLUTION- WH7CH— REVOLUTION 
 
 held by the government and by other security equally 
 good. 
 
 With the resources of the nation, backed by all this 
 property, and resting on an unbroken faith, not only 
 would the government bills be taken almost without 
 limit at par, but, in case gold or silver was needed 
 by the government, bonds based on these properties, 
 and on government good faith would be sought for 
 the world over at two per cent, and with the co-oper- 
 ation of the leading governments, or without them, 
 we should have a system of currency, resting on the 
 needs of business, and out of the control even of gov- 
 ernment officials should they try to manipulate it to 
 the advantage of themselves or their friends. 
 
 The essential features of this system can be adopted 
 by a single nation and adapted to existing circum- 
 stances in such a way as to prove its efiSciency and 
 thus to lead to its imiversal use. 
 
 If our government should simply issue all bills, 
 dividing them as outlined into three classes, Universal, 
 Domestic and Government, making them all legal 
 tender to government, and the first two the only 
 legal tender for all other indebtedness both public 
 and private, and arranging with banks or bankers in 
 England, France and Germany to redeem the Uni- 
 versal bills in the gold coin of either nation, the value 
 of the system would be quickly proved and the nations 
 of the world would be forced to follow our lead. 
 
 The Universal bills would be carried to Europe, in- 
 
A NATIONAL FINANCIAL SYSTEM 281 
 
 stead of gold, they would pass current everywhere, and 
 the advantage of such a currency would compel its 
 use, while, with all bills issued and controlled by the 
 government, and with the legal tender quality re- 
 moved from gold, the hundreds of millions of gold 
 now lying in bank vaults, and hoarded by corpora- 
 tions, by individuals and by the government, would 
 find their way into the public market and gold would 
 be sold at what it was worth in the trades, since its 
 fictitious value having been taken away, it could 
 neither be forced on the public in payment of debts 
 nor on the government for duties and taxes. 
 
 This would make it much easier for government to 
 obtain gold in case it was necessary to do so in order 
 to fulfil our contracts with other nations, and would 
 greatly aid merchants and bankers in obtaining gold 
 for shipment abroad when the conditions of trade 
 demanded it. 
 
 It is not scarcity of gold in this country that causes 
 the treasury to be emptied of its hoard. It is rather 
 the accumulation of gold in the banks, made to guard 
 against possibilities, to protect the interests of the 
 banks and to give them the chance to buy bond issues. 
 
 With the present functions of the public banks this 
 is a necessary evil which would entirely disappear, 
 when they ceased to issue bills and took their proper 
 place in the business world, entirely outside the func- 
 tions that belong to government. 
 
 As long as banks issue bills, not redeemable by them- 
 
282 EVOLUTION— WffZOH— REVOLUTION 
 
 selves in gold, and the nation issues bills redeemable 
 in gold, so long the banks will hoard gold and it will 
 be constantly drawn from the national treasury. No 
 half-way measures will prove effective. The govern- 
 ment cannot safely nor effectively share its proper 
 functions with corporations or individuals. One or 
 the other in such a case will be sure to suffer, and our 
 history shows, whether in banking or transportation 
 (railroads) that the government is always the victim. 
 
IN CONCLUSION. 
 
 The great central thought of this book is the neces- 
 sity for retaining always the power in the hands of its 
 sources. 
 
 That this necessity exists is well understood, but 
 it has not been so clear what the real Sources of 
 Power are nor how they can retain complete control 
 of their power. 
 
 Various plans have been proposed to accomplish 
 this, but they have all failed because they did not go 
 deep down to the foundation and correct the wrong 
 at its source, as is proposed in this book. 
 
 The many evils incidental to our present system of 
 government have been vigorously assailed by honest 
 citizens as well as by the press and much repressive 
 work has been done. 
 
 After a while, however, finding that no permanent 
 results have been accomplished, such efforts naturally 
 ceased, having produced only a temporary and partial 
 reform. 
 
 A farmer had a fine orchard of apple trees. One 
 season he found some limbs dying. He sawed them 
 off. Other limbs lost their leaves and fruit. They 
 were cut off likewise. But still other limbs died until 
 the farmer in despair applied to the wise man of the 
 village for a remedy. 
 
 " The trouble with your trees," said his friend, 
 ' 283 
 
284 EVOLUTION- WiT/OH-REVOLUTION 
 
 " is caused by a borer at the roots. His work has 
 caused limb after limb to die. Kill him, and your 
 orchard will flourish." 
 
 We have been using our time and strength in sawing 
 off rotten limbs, while we have permitted the borer 
 at the roots to remain undisturbed. 
 
 Let us now destroy the borer and thus give new life 
 to every limb ajid cause the tree of State to flourish 
 and bear good fruit. 
 
 This book attempts to offer a plan under which 
 the borer can be exterminated. It simply carries to 
 a legitimate conclusion the partial remedies proposed 
 by others, and shows how the greatest improvements 
 in all departments of government and in the lives of 
 the citizens will naturally and inevitably result from 
 the plan set forth. 
 
 The great newspapers of our cities are presenting 
 to their readers, both on their news and editorial 
 pages, proofs of the evil effects of our present system 
 of government under which power rests, even temporar- 
 ily, with the ofiice holders, and are arousing our citi- 
 zens to claim their rights before it is too late. 
 
 Some newspapers seem to understand the real cause 
 of a part of the evils that infest our various divisions 
 of government, and to see the beginning of the Evolu- 
 tion necessary to bring about a return of the power 
 to its present source. 
 
 This is extremely encouraging as it will lead all 
 the Source of Power to consider the subject and thus 
 
IN CONCLUSION 285 
 
 help to bring about a gradual and effective chang-e 
 in the system, which change will ultimately result in 
 making a government by the Sources of Power a prac- 
 tical possibility. 
 
 A few quotations from leading papers will show 
 the general trend of thought, and these extracts might 
 be multiplied by hundreds. 
 
 " How can public officials be kept honest? How 
 shall the people reach them when they are dishonest? 
 How shall the man, put in office by the people, be 
 prevented from selling hi"mself to the corporations 1 
 
 " The remedy is very simple. The people have 
 only to keep the power in their own hands, instead 
 of putting it absolutely into the hands of their elected 
 officials. 
 
 " If the officials are dishonest, the people should 
 have in their laws a broom that will sweep them out 
 and get rid of their dishonesty. And that broom 
 should remain in the hands of the people ready for 
 instant use. ' ' 
 
 This is true and good, only we should understand 
 by " the people," the " Sources of Power," and the 
 broom should be used not only to sweep unfaithful 
 and dishonest officials from the positions in which 
 they misrepresent their constitutents, but should also 
 be mighty enough to sweep away the filth of unwise, 
 unjust and corrupt legislation with which they may 
 have defiled their official acts. 
 
 The demand for a stronger Central government is 
 
286 EVOLUTION- WH/Cir-REVOLUTION 
 
 also being voiced by great leaders as well as by many 
 papers that are extremely conservative in their utter- 
 ances. 
 
 Thus the Wall Street Journal says editorially: 
 " Surely and not slowly, is this country progressing 
 more and more toward centralization of powers in 
 federal government, and surely and not slowly, is 
 public opinion favoring this centralization. 
 
 " It is plain to be seen that there are great possi- 
 bilities of evil in the concentration of power in the 
 federal government. But power is always dangerous, 
 and yet there must be power somewhere if there is to 
 be order and civilization. The only question is where 
 that power should be located. ' ' 
 
 That power should be located in Us sources. 
 
 In discussing the control of corporations that do an 
 interstate business, the same paper says : " Is it bet- 
 ter that the regulation of these corporations should 
 be left to forty-five different states with their 
 forty-five different laws, and their forty-five dif- 
 ferent systems, or is it better that this power should 
 be lodged in the hands of the representatives of the 
 whole people at Washington 1 
 
 " The public appear to have made their choice. 
 They are in favor of federal regulation." 
 
 While corporations and the lawyers and newspapers 
 controlled by them, naturally oppose giving more 
 power to the Central government, many of the great- 
 est lawyers see the need and advantage of this. 
 
IN CONCLUSION 287 
 
 James B. Dill, a noted corporation lawyer, says: 
 " To control Trusts, a Federal law governing the in- 
 corporation of companies is needed. State-created 
 corporations are not satisfactory to the public. 
 
 " The statement that a compulsory national law will 
 take away too much power from the State and create 
 too much power in the Central government, is a repeti- 
 tion of the old proposition of State rights, which was 
 threshed out, and to a successful issue, when the 
 national banking law was passed. ' ' 
 
 President Roosevelt says : " It was beyond question 
 the intention of the founders of our government that 
 interstate commerce in all its branches and aspects 
 should be under National and not State control. At 
 present the greatest need is for an increase in the 
 power of the National Government to keep the great 
 highways of the Nation open alike to all on reasonable 
 and equitable terms. Justice— so far as it is humanly 
 possible to give and to get justice — is the foundation 
 of our government." 
 
 Count Leo Tolstoy, the celebrated Russian, says: 
 " It is the abolition of the right of private property 
 in land which constitutes the primary object, the at- 
 tainment of which Government ought to take as its aim. 
 The people require only one thing— a free land upon 
 which to live and from which they can draw their f ood- 
 
 " It is not necessary to recognize the rights of any- 
 body to landed property. It is only by recognizing 
 land as the common possession of all- men, like the 
 
288 EVOLUTION— WH7CH-REV0LUTI0N 
 
 sunshine and air, that you can distribute its use justly 
 among men. ' ' 
 
 Rev. Dr. Parkhurst says: " It will be a sublime 
 moment in history when it begins to be realized that 
 armies and navies are merely the teeth and claws 
 with which vulgar beasts strive, and that the wild 
 ambition to create big armies and organize enormous 
 fleets is a sad confession that our natural kinship is 
 with the brute rather than with the saint. It is not 
 difficult to conceive of a people so just in its adminis- 
 tration, that a system of national armament like unto 
 that into which we are at the present time so madly 
 rushing, would be a kind of moral anachronism, a late 
 reproduction of the puerile attempt of Peter to cleave 
 a way for the Lord by cutting off the ear of the high 
 priest's servant." 
 
 These extracts can be extended indefinitely covering 
 nearly all the main features of this book and proving 
 that the public is, at least, ready to consider the sub- 
 ject from a reasonable standpoint, and the results may 
 be safely left with our citizens. 
 
 It is true that there are great possibilities of evil 
 in the concentration of power in the federal govern- 
 ment, but the possibilities of evil are even greater 
 when this power is granted to forty-five different 
 governments in the same territory. 
 
 The danger lies not in the concentration of power 
 in the hands of its sources, but in giving absolute 
 power to anyone outside of its sources. 
 
IN CONCLUSION 289 
 
 A certain King once ruled a favored land. Among 
 the nobles -who surrounded his throne was one who 
 constantly sought by any and every means to become 
 the king's favorite and to gain great power. 
 
 The king had confidence in this noble as a true and 
 tried friend, and advanced him rapidly to the highest 
 position in the kingdom next to the throne. 
 
 One day when the king was specially pleased with 
 him, he promised to grant him anything he asked for. 
 
 The wily courtier said : " If I could only sit on your 
 throne and have your power for a single hour, T should 
 be the happiest man in the land. ' ' 
 
 ' ' Your wish is granted, ' ' said the king, and calling 
 his court together he ordered his officers to place his 
 friend on the throne and for a single hour to obey 
 his every command. 
 
 The courtier took his seat on the thi"one. The crown 
 was placed on his head and the court swore allegiance 
 to him for the space of one hour. 
 
 The newly crowned king was to have absolute power 
 for one hour. He commanded his officers to prepare a 
 grand banquet,a nd took his seat at the head of the table. 
 
 Then, under pretence of enjoying his temporary ab- 
 solutism, he ordered the former king to be bound and 
 led before him. 
 
 This was done, when, suadenly, he commanded his 
 chief officer to strke off the king's head. As the officer 
 hesitated, he himself seized the sword and with a 
 single stroke the king's head rolled on the floor. 
 
 19 
 
290 EVOLUTION— WJff/OH— REVOLUTION 
 
 ' ' Now, ' ' cried the new king, " I am a king indeed. ' ' 
 This fable has been illustrated in many governments 
 and is reflected in all governments to-day. The 
 Sources of Power should never under any plausible 
 pretext confer their power, even for a single hour, on 
 any man or body of men, but should retain it always 
 under their own control. 
 
 The Functions of a Central governm'ent extend far 
 beyond the brief Outline given in this book, which has, 
 however, grown so much greater than was originally 
 intended, that it is deemed best to omit, for the pres- 
 ent the discussion of such topics as Education, Inter- 
 est, the Abolishment of State Lines, Liberty and 
 License of the Press, Salaries of Public Officials, Our 
 Court System, etc., although each of these is vitally 
 connected wth our National prosperity. 
 
 The same line of thought followed in this work, 
 carried to its logical conclusion, would point out the 
 present evils in our method of treating these things, 
 ;md their remedy. 
 
 In fact if the foundations of government were 
 properly relaid, these things would naturally reform 
 themselves. 
 
 If M'C can once get the Sources of Power aroused 
 and interested in our government, the thinking men 
 and women will work out their own salvation and that 
 of the Nation. 
 
 ^FHE END,