CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 
 ^ 
 
DS 121.3^21""' """'^'^'*y '-i'lrary 
 IHMmL&.te..,f<e'>rews: 
 
 3 1924 028 771 
 
 206 
 
The original of tliis bool< is in 
 tlie Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028771206 
 
HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 THEIR POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS 
 DEVELOPMENT AND THEIR CONTRI- 
 BUTION TO WORLD BETTERMENT 
 
 BY 
 
 FRANK KNIGHT SANDERS, Ph.D., D.D. 
 
 PRESIDENT OF WASHBURN COLLEGE, TOPEKA, KANSAS 
 
 WITH MAPS 
 
 NEW YORK 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 1914 
 
Copyright, 1914, by 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
To the Students and Faculty 
 
 of 
 WASHBURN COLLEGE 
 
 for whom 
 and with whom we have spent five happy years 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 This volume seeks to make clear the important place of the 
 Hebrew people in the history of nations and to justify the se- 
 lection of their history, as set forth in the Old Testament, as 
 an introduction to the larger subject. 
 
 It seems deplorable that so many thoughtfid people of today, 
 old and young alike, take Httle or no interest in the Bible or in 
 the fascinating history which it records. The reason is largely 
 to be found in the fact that they failed in their formative years 
 to become acquainted with the Bible in its true values, its 
 attractiveness and its practical power. There seems to be a 
 place for a compact, comprehensive outline of Biblical history 
 and literature, simple enough in its expression and execution 
 to hold the attention of the growing mind, and yet complete 
 enough to meet the reasonable needs of any mind. 
 
 Hebrew history and literature is a theme of great importance 
 to the one who would really know his Bible. It can be mastered 
 rapidly. Too much time is given, as a rule, to details of 
 relatively slight consequence to the exclusion of those which 
 have far-reaching importance. This volumie aims to indicate 
 a proper balance of attention. It also seeks to enable the 
 student to get rapidly to the heart of the subject and to view it 
 from all essential standpoints, that of universal history, that 
 of the development of the Hebrews, and that of permanent 
 and personal values. The supreme defect of the religious 
 thiriking of the average man or woman of today is its narrowness. 
 Every religiously-minded person needs to be familiar with the 
 whole Bible and with the Bible as a whole. This knowledge 
 need not be reserved for ministers or scholars. It may be the 
 possession of any thoughtful student of religion. 
 
 The writer has aimed to produce a useftil book. It does 
 not profess to be a contribution to original scholarship. The 
 only originality that is feasible in a work of this sort is that of 
 method. The results of others in this field have been drawn 
 upon with the utmost freedom. To make constant acknowl- 
 edgment of obligation has not seemed necessary or practicable. 
 The references given in Appendix II in connection with each 
 
vi FOREWORD 
 
 numbered paragraph afford the clue to most of such special 
 soiirces of information. Appreciative thanks are due to 
 Professors Henry T. Fowler of Brown University, Charles 
 Foster Kent of Yale University and Irving F. Wood of Smith 
 College for their helpful counsel and willing co-operation; 
 to Dr. H. B. Turner, Rev. Lawrence Fenninger and the devoted 
 teachers at Hampton, whose friendly interest led to the under- 
 taking of this task, and to the many 'colleagues and friends in 
 North America, England and the Continent upon whose 
 results in the field of Biblical • scholarship the writer has drawn 
 so freely. 
 
 The volvmie should enable a teacher to cover the whole range 
 of Biblical histoiy and literature in a year of three weekly 
 recitations. To make it at the same time a complete survey 
 of Hebrew and Jewish life and thought a section has been added 
 which outlines the history and the literature of the next five 
 and one-half centuries until 1.35 A.D., the date of the absolute 
 termination of the history of the Jewish people as a people. 
 
 The two important problems of the educational world today 
 are the preservation of the natural relationship between religion 
 and education and the impartation of right ideals and ambitions. 
 These will always require the teaching of history from the be- 
 ginning in terms of religious experience and the teaching of 
 religion with a full recognition of its historical development. 
 That this volume may help to solve these problems is the sincere 
 wish of the writer. 
 
 F. K. S. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 
 
 I. REASONS FOR THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF THe""* ^ 
 HEBREW PEOPLE 3 
 
 n. THE OLD TESTAMENT THE PRINCIPAL SOURCE- 
 BOOK FOR THIS STUDY 4 
 
 III. THE VALUE OF ITS STUDY FOR THE STUDENT OF 
 
 GENERAL HISTORY 6 
 
 IV. THE BOOKS OF THE BIBLE AND THEIR CLASSIFI- 
 
 CATION 8 
 
 V. HOW THE BIBLE CAME INTO BEING ... 11 
 
 VI. THE ANCIENT BIBLICAL WORLD . .14 
 
 VII. THE CENTRAL PLACE OF PALESTINE ... 17 
 
 VIII. THE HEBREW PEOPLE 18 
 
 THE CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 I. THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN HISTORY (Gen. 1-11). 23 
 
 1. The True God Revealed by His Work of Creation 
 
 (Gen. 1:1 to 2: 4a) . -.^^ . . . .25 
 
 2. The Story of Man's Creation (Gen. 2:4b-24) . . 25 
 
 3. The Sin of Man and its Consequences (Gen. 3) . 26 
 
 4. The Great Flood and Humankind's Fresh Start 
 
 (Gen. 6-8) 27 
 
 5. The Origin of Languages and Races (Gen. 10: 1 to 
 
 11:9) 28 
 
 6. The Peculiar Fitness of these Narratives to Serve 
 
 as an Introduction to the Old Testament . 29 
 
 II. THE ANCESTORS OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE (Gen. 12-50) 31 
 
 1. Stories Regarding Abraham, the Pioneer, and Man 
 
 OF Sturdy Faith (Gen. 11: 10 to 25: 10) . . 32 
 
 (1) The Call of Abraham and His Response (Gen. 11 : 10 
 
 to 12: 9) 32 
 
 (2) Abraham's Generosity to Lot (Gen. 12: 10; 13: 1-18) 34 
 
 (3) The Strengthening of Abraham's Faith in God's 
 
 Justice (Gen. 18: 1-33; 19: 1-14, 24-28) . . 35 
 
 (4) How Abraham Successfully Met God's Severest 
 
 Test (Gen. 21: 1-6; 22: 1-19) . . . .36 
 
 2. Stories Regarding Jacob, the Clever and Crafty, 
 
 WHO Developed into Israel, the Consecrated 
 (Gen. 24; 25: 19 to 35: 29) 37 
 
 (1) The Sons of Isaac and Rebekah (Gen. 24; 25: 20-34) 38 
 
 (2) Jacob's Unscrupulous Ambition and its Outcome 
 
 (Gen. 27: 1-45) 39 
 
 (3) Jacob, the Fugitive (Gen. 28: 10 to 29: 35) . . 40 
 
 (4) Jacob's Return to Canaan (Gen. 31-35) . . 41 
 3. Stories of Joseph, the Upright, Statesmanlike Pre- 
 server OF His People (Gen. 37-50) .43 
 
via CONTENTS 
 
 (1) Joseph Sold by his Brethren into Egypt (Gen. 37) . 43 
 
 (2) Joseph Made Governor of Egypt (Gen. 39: 1-41 : 57) 44 
 
 (3) Joseph's Generous Forgiveness of his Brethren and 
 
 Welcome to his Famine-stricken Kindred (Gen. 
 42:1 to 45: 26) . . . . _ . .45 
 
 (4) The Last Days of Jacob and of Joseph in Egypt 
 
 (Gen. 45: 27 to 47: 12; 47: 27 to 48: 22; 49: 28 to 
 50:26) . . . . . . . .43 
 
 4. The Ancestral History of the Hebrews: a Review 
 
 OF Genesis . . . . . . .48 
 
 III. THE SOJOURN OF THE HEBREWS IN EGYPT AND 
 
 THEIR TRIUMPHANT DELIVERANCE THROUGH 
 MOSES (Exod. 1: 1 to 15:21) 49 
 
 1. The Hebrews in Egypt (Exod. 1) . . .49 
 
 2. The Preparation of Moses for Leadership (Exod. 2-4) 52 
 
 3. The Departure of the People from Egypt (Exod. 
 
 5:1 to 12: 39) 54 
 
 4. The Great Deliverance at the Red Sea (Exod. 13: 17 
 
 to 15:21) 57 
 
 IV. THE LIFE IN 1 HE WILDERNEvSS, FROM THE.MAKING 
 
 OF A COVENANT WITH JEHOVAH AT SINAI TO THE 
 DEATH OF MOSES (Exodus to Deuteronomy) . . 59 
 
 1. The March through the Desert to Sinai-Horeb (Exod. 
 
 15:22 to 17: 16; 19: 1, 2) ..... 60 
 
 2. The Year at the Sacred Mountain (Exod. 18; 19:2-25; 
 
 20; 24; 32-34) 61 
 
 3. The Training of the Wilderness (Num. 10: 11 to 14: 45; 
 
 20 to 25) 65 
 
 4. The Last Days of Moses (Num. 27:12-23; Deut. 31, 
 
 32, 34) 67 
 
 5. The New Israel 68 
 
 THE ADOLESCENT OR GROWING AGE OF 
 ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 
 
 From the Crossing of the Jordan to the Disruption of the 
 Newly Organized Kingdom 
 
 V. THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF CANAAN 
 
 (Joshua, Judges, Ruth, First Samuel 1-3) .... 74 
 
 1. TheSpeedyConquestofCanaan (Joshual-12; Judgesl) 78 
 
 2. The Migration of the Danites to the North (Judges 
 
 17, 18; Joshua 19:40-48; Judges 1:34-36) . 82 
 
 3. The Victory Over the Canaanitish Coalition (Judges 
 
 4, 5 83 
 
 4. The Exploits of the Hebrew Heroes (Judges 3 : 7 to 
 
 16:31) 85 
 
 5. Glimpses of the Finer Life of those Rude Days (Ruth ; 
 
 First Samuel 1-3) 86 
 
 6. The Israel of 1050 B.C 87 
 
 VI. THE GRADUAL ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREW 
 
 KINGDOM (First and Second Samuel; First Kings 1-11) . 88 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 1. The Inauguration- of the Kingdom lntjer Svmuel 
 
 (I Sam. 4-1-1) cjo 
 
 (1) The Humiliation of the Hebrews by their Philistine 
 
 Neighbors (I Sam. 4: 1 to 7: 2; 13: 3-6, 16-23) . 90 
 
 (2) The Choice of Saul as King through Samuel, the 
 
 Prophet (I Sam. 9: 1 to 11: 15) . . . 92 
 
 (3) Saul's Splendid Deliverance of His People from their 
 
 Foes (I Sam. 13, 14) 93 
 
 2. The Deterioration of Sacl ant) the Gradual Prep- 
 
 aration OF D.AViD for Leadership (I Sam. 15-31; 
 
 II Sam. 1 : 1 to 5 : 5) . . . . . . 96 
 
 (1) David's Training for Leadership at Court and as an 
 
 Outlaw (I Sam. 15-26) 96 
 
 (2) Saul's Death and David's Election as King (I Sam. 
 
 27-31; II Sam. 1:1 to 5:5) .... 98 
 
 3. The Firm Establishment of the United Kingdom 
 
 UNDER D.A.VID (II Sam. 5: 6 to 24: 25; I Kings 1,2) . 101 
 
 (1) Jerusalem Captured and Made the Capital of the 
 
 LTnited and Emancipated Kingdom (II Sam. 
 
 5: 6 to 6: 23; 21: 15-22; 23: 8-19) . . .101 
 
 (2) The New Kingdom Alade Supreme in Sj'ria and 
 
 Palestine (II Sam. 8:1 to 11:1; 12:26-31; 21: 
 1-14; 23: 8 to 24: 25) 105 
 
 (3) David's Great Sin and its Lamentable Train of 
 
 Bitter Consequences (II Sam. 11-20) . . 107 
 
 (4) David's Last Days (I Kings 1 : 1 to 2: 11) . 109 
 
 4. Solomon's Splendid and Pe.\ceful but Disintegrat- 
 
 ing Reign (I Kings 2: 12 to 11:43) . . .,110 
 
 (1) The Promising Beginnings of Solomon's Reign (I 
 
 Kings 2: 12 to 5: 12; 9: 10 to 10:29) . . Ill 
 
 (2) The Building and Dedication of the Temple (I 
 
 Kings 5-8) . . . . .114 
 
 (3) The Disastrous Outcome of his Policy (I Kings 
 
 4:24-26; 5: 13-16; 9:1 to 11:43) .116 
 
 5. The Israel of 937 B.C 118 
 
 VII. SOME QUESTIONS IN GENERAL REVIEW OF HEBREW 
 
 HISTORY TO 1000 B.C 119 
 
 THE AGE OP RIPENING MATURITY: ISRAEL'S PO- 
 LITICAL. SOCIAL, ETHICAL AND SPIRITUAL 
 DEVELOPMENT 
 From the Disruption to the Babylonian Exile 
 
 VIII. THE CENTURY OF CONFLICT AND ALLIANCE BE- 
 
 TVvTEN ISRAEL AND JUDAH. 937-842 B.C. (First Kings 
 
 12 to Second Kings 10) 129 
 
 1. The Half Century of Petty Warfare betw'een the 
 
 Tb'o Kingdoms (I Ki. 12:1 to 16:34) . . 130 
 
 2. The Alliance of Omki's Dynasty with Phoenicia ant3 
 
 JUDAH AND the ReLIGIOUS CONSEQUENCES (I Ki. 16: 
 
 21-34:18:17-19; 19: 1,2; 22) 133 
 
 3. The Prophetic Reform led by' Elij.^h ant> Completed 
 
 by Elisha ANT3 Jehu (I Ki. 17 to II Ki. 10) . . 136 
 
X CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 IX. THE CENTURY OF INVASION BY ARAM AND ASSYRIA 
 
 AND OF THE STEADY INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 
 OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH. 842-740 B.C. (Second Kings 
 10:29 to 15:7) 141 
 
 1. Fifty Years of Aramean Ascendancy (II Ki. 8:7-29; 
 
 10:32 to 13:23) . 142 
 
 2. The Glorious and Prosperous Reigns of Uzziah and 
 
 Jeroboam II (II Ki, 14: 1 to 15: 7 ; II Chron. 26) . 145 
 
 3. The Growing Northern Menace (II Ki. 15:19, 20, 29) 148 
 
 X. THE HALF CENTURY OF PROPHETIC REINTERPRE- 
 
 TATION OF THE RELATIONS OF JEHOVAH WITH HIS 
 PEOPLE. 755-686 B.C. (Amos, Hosea, Isaiah 1-39, Micah 
 and II Ki. 15: 8 to 20: 21) ....... 149 
 
 1. The Messages OF Amos and Hosea TO Northern Israel 151 
 
 2. The Assumption of Political Control over Palestine 
 
 BY Assyria and the Downfall of the Northern 
 Kingdom (II Ki. 15:8 to 17:41; Isaiah 7: 1-9) . 155 
 
 3. Isaiah's Early Messages to Judah in the Days 
 
 of Jotham and Ahaz (TI Ki. 15:32 to 16:20; Isaiah 
 1-12, 17) 158 
 
 4. The Work of Isaiah and Micah in the Decade Preced- 
 
 ing Sennacherib's Invasion of Palestine in 701 B.C. 
 (Isaiah 20:1-6; 28-33; II Ki. 20:12-20; 18:1-8; 
 Micah 1-3) 162 
 
 5. The Invasion of Palestine by Sennacherib and the 
 
 Deliverance of Jerusalem (II Ki. 18:13 to 19:37; 
 Isaiah 1; 10:5-34; 17:12-14; 18:1-7; 22; 29-33; 
 Micah 4:1 to 7:6) 165 
 
 XL THE HALF CENTURY OF REACTION UNDER MANAS- 
 SEH: ASSYRIA JUDAH'S UNDISPUTED MISTRESS. 
 
 686-641 B.C. (Second Kings 21) 170 
 
 1. The Religious Reaction of Manasseh's Reign (II Ki. 21; 
 
 Micah 6:9 to 7:6) 1 . 171 
 
 XII. THE REFORM UNDER JOSIAH AND HIS PROPHETIC 
 
 ASSOCIATES. 639-608 B.C. (Second Kings 22:1 to 23:27; 
 Zephaniah; Jeremiah 1-6; Deuteronomy) .... 173 
 
 1. The Early Years of Josiah's Reign; Zephaniah's An- 
 
 nouncement OF Jehovah's "Day" (II Ki. 22:1, 2; 
 Zephaniah) ........ 174 
 
 2. Jeremiah's Summons to Prophetic Duty: His Early 
 
 Sermons (Jer. 1-6) 177 
 
 3. The Decision of King Josiah to Repair the Temple 
 
 AND the Discovery of the Book of the Law (II 
 Ki. 22:3 to 23:3) 178 
 
 4. The Great Reformation (II Ki. 23:4-27) . . .181 
 
 XIII. THE RAPID DECLINE OF JUDAH. 608-586 B.C. (Second 
 Kings 23:28 to 25:30; Nahum; Jeremiah passim; Habakkuk; 
 
 Ezekiel 1-24) 183 
 
 1. Josiah's Tragic Death and the Accession of Jehoia- 
 
 kim; Nahum's Anticipation of the Fall of Nineveh 
 (II Ki. 23 ;2S-37; Nahum; Jer. 7-17, 19, 20, 26, 36) 183 
 
CONTENTS xi 
 
 PAGE 
 
 2. The Chaldean Mastery of Palestine (II Ki. 24:7; Jer. 
 
 46: 1-12; 25 [46-57]; Habakkuk) 187 
 
 3. Jehoiakim's Last Seven Years: Jeremiah's Consist- 
 
 ency (II Ki. 24: 1-6; Jer. 22: 13-23; 12:7-12; 13:15-27; 
 35) 189 
 
 4. The Accession of Jehoiachin, the Capitulation of 
 
 Jerusalem and the First Captivity (II Ki. 24:8-16; 
 Jer. 13:18, 19; 22:24-30) 191 
 
 5. The Early Reign of Zedekiah (II Ki. 24:17-20a; Jer. 
 
 22:1-9; 23; 24:27-29) 192 
 
 6. The Ministry of Ezekiel to the Exiled Judeans 
 
 (Ezekiel 1-24) 193 
 
 7. The Rebellion of Zedekiah and the Capture and 
 
 Destruction of Jerusalem (II Ki. 24:20b to 25:26; 
 Jer. 21, 31-34, 37:1 to 40:6) 195 
 
 8. Judah's Last Half Century ... 199 
 
 THE AGE OF MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL 
 
 PRODUCTIVITY 
 
 From the Babylonian Exile to the Establishment of Judaism 
 
 under Ezra and Nehemiah (586-400 B.C.) 
 
 XIV. THE SEVENTY YEARS OP HOMELESSNESS (Jer. 40- 
 
 44; Ezek. 25-48; Lamentations; Isa. 13, 14, 40-55; Haggai; 
 Zech. 1-8; II Ki. 25:22-30; Ezra 1-6) 210 
 
 1. The Hebrew People immediately after the Great 
 
 Calamity (II Ki. 25:22-26; Jer. 40-44; Ezek. 25- 
 
 32; Lam.) 211 
 
 2. Ezekiel's Work of Comforting, Heartening and 
 
 Construction for the Babylonian Exiles (Ezek. 
 33-48) 215 
 
 3. The Closing Years of Chaldean Rule and the Rise 
 
 of Cyrus (II Ki. 25:27-30) . . . .219 
 
 4. Prophetical Foreshadowings of Babylon's Fate 
 
 and of its Significance for Israel and for the 
 World (Isa. 13, 14, 21:1-10; Jer. 60, 51; Isa. 40- 
 55) 222 
 
 5. The Capture of Babylon, Inauguration of the 
 
 Persian Empire and Restoration of the Altar 
 Service at Jerusalem (Dan. 5; Ezra 1; 3:2 to 
 4: 5; 5: 13-15; 6: 3-5) 229 
 
 6. The Appeals of the Prophets, Haggai and Zechariah, 
 
 to their Countrymen to build the Temple 
 (Ezra5: 1,2; Haggai; Zech. 1-8) . . . .233 
 
 7. The Rapid Completion and Dedication of the Second 
 
 Temple (Ezra 5: 2 to 6: 22) . . .239 
 
 XV. THE ESTABLISHMENT OP JUDAISM UNDER 
 
 SCRIBAL INFLUENCE ON THE BASIS OP THE FULL 
 LEVITICAL LAW (Ezra 4:6-23; 7-10; Nehemiah; Isa. 
 34,-35, 55-66; Malachi;Obadiah) 242 
 
 1. Sixty Years without Historical Record (Isaiah 34, 
 
 35, 55-66; Malachi;Obadiah) , . . .243 
 
 2. The Mission of Ezra, the Scribe, to Judah (Ezra 7- 
 
 10; 4: 7-23) 248 
 
xii CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 3. The Rehabilitation of Jerusalem under Nehemiah's 
 
 Leadership (Neh. 1-7; 11: 1, 2; 12:27-43; 13:4-31) 251 
 
 4. The Adoption of the New Law (Neh. 8-10; 12:44 to 
 
 13:3) 255 
 
 5. The Establishment of Judaism as a Social and Re- 
 
 ligious Corporate Unity ..... 257 
 
 6. The Israel of the Exile . . . . . 262 
 
 XVL SOME QUESTIONS IN GENERAL REVIEW OF HE- 
 BREW AND JEWISH HISTORY FROM 1000 B.C. TO 
 400 B.C 263 
 
 THE AGE OF FIXED CONVICTIONS: THE JEWS A 
 
 PEOPLE LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 
 From the Establishment of Judaism to the Complete Destruc- 
 tion OF Jewish Nationality (400 B.C. to 135 A.D.) . 271 
 
 XVII. THE LAST SEVENTY YEARS OF PERSIAN RULE. 
 
 400-332 B.C. (Joel, Job, the Chronicler and some Psalms) . 273 
 
 1. Joel's Interpretation of the Locust Ravages as 
 
 A Manifestation of Divine Alertness and a 
 Summons to Repentance (Joel 1-3) . . . 275 
 
 2. The Samaritan Schism and its Outcome . . 276 
 
 3. The two Literary Triumphs of the Age: Job and the 
 
 Chronicler's History ..... 276 
 
 XVIII. ALEXANDER THE GREAT'S CONQUEST OF ASIA 
 
 AND INTRODUCTION OF AGGRESSIVE HELLEN- 
 ISM. 332-167 B.C. (Jonah; Isa. 24-27) . . . .279 
 
 XIX. THE SUCCESSFUL UPRISING OF THE JEWS UNDER 
 
 MACCABEAN leadership. 167-143 B.C. (I, II 
 Mac, Daniel, Enoch, Tobit, Esther, the Psalter) . . 288 
 
 XX. THE PERIOD OF JEWISH INDEPENDENCE. 143-63 
 
 B.C. (I Mac. 13-16; Josephus; Similitudes of Enoch; 
 Early Sibylline Oracles; Wisdom of Solomon) . . . 297 
 
 XXI. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF ROMAN OVERLORD- 
 
 SHIP IN JUDEA AND PALESTINE. 63-37 B.C. (II 
 Mac. ; Josephus; Psalms of Solomon) .... 308 
 
 XXII. HEROD THE GREAT, THE KING OF THE JEWS. 
 
 37-4 B.C. (Josephus) 311 
 
 XXIII. THE HALF CENTURY OF GOVERNMENT BY THE 
 
 HERODIAN FAMILY. 4 B.C. to 44 A.D. (Josephus) . 316 
 
 XXIV. THE LAST TRAGIC QUARTER CENTURY OF A 
 
 GLORIOUS NATIONAL LIFE. 44-70 A.D. . . 318 
 
 XXV. THE EPILOGUE TO THF HISTORY OF THE HE- 
 
 BREWS. 70-135 A.D - . .321 
 
 XXVI. vSOME GENERAL QUESTIONS IN REVIEW OF JEW- 
 
 ISH HISTORY FROM. 400 B.C. TO 135 A.D. . 325 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 xtti 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 *\n Outline of Hebrew History 
 
 PAGE 
 
 329 
 
 APPENDIX II 
 
 Reading References 
 
 337 
 
 MAPS AND CHART 
 
 The Old Testament World 
 
 Western Asia 
 
 The Land of the Exodus and Wilderness Wandering 
 Palestine at the time of the Conquest 
 Palestine after the Conquest .... 
 
 Palestine under David ...... 
 
 The Divided Kingdom ...... 
 
 Plan of Solomon's Palace ..... 
 
 Western Asia at the Time of the Disruption 
 
 Assyrian Empire under Shai.maneser II 
 
 Assyrian Empire at End of 8th Century B.C. 
 
 Assyrian Empire under Ashurbanipal 
 
 Western Asia in the Chaldian Period, 560 B.C. . 
 
 Western Asia under Darius, 500 B.C. 
 
 The Empire of Alexander the Great, 323 B.C. 
 
 Western Asia after the Battle of Ipsus, 301 B.C. 
 
 The Babylonian, the Persian and Greek Empires 
 
 Western Asia in the Time of Antiochus Epiphanes, 176 
 
 judea under judas and jonathan, 164-142 b.c. 
 
 JUDEA UNDER ALEXANDER JANNAEUS, 104-78 B.C. 
 
 Kingdom of Herod the Great, 30-4 B.C. 
 Palestine under the Sons of Herod, 4 B.C. to 6 A.D. 
 Palestine in the Time of Christ . 
 Palestine under Herod Agrippa, 44 A.D. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 FACING 
 PAGE 
 
 14 
 
 44 
 
 56 
 
 76 
 
 76 
 
 76 
 
 76 
 
 113 
 
 138 
 
 138 
 
 138 
 
 138 
 
 218 
 
 218 
 
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 218 
 
 230 
 
 290 
 
 290 
 
 290 
 
 312 
 
 312 
 
 312 
 
 312 
 
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 
 
HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 
 
 REASONS FOR THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF 
 THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 (1.) The Hebrews an Ancient and Modem People. The 
 
 Hebrew people, whose early history is chiefly recorded in 
 the Bible, are a very ancient and a very modem people. 
 They are known today as Jews and are to be found 
 wherever enterprise and shrewdness promise large re- 
 wards. They are citizens of many different nations, while 
 remaining true to their ancestral faith. No other people 
 can be mentioned whose continuous history has been 
 equally long and fruitful. The Chinese or the Hindus are 
 just as ancient, and perhaps more so, but their existence has 
 meant far less to the rest of the active world. The He- 
 brews, or Jews, have held an important place in history 
 since a very early period. 
 
 (2.) Their History parallels that of many Nations. One 
 who studies the history of the Hebrew people has occasion 
 to touch that of many other ancient nations, which have 
 risen, flourished, influenced the world, and finally dis- 
 appeared. When the Hebrews were growing into an 
 organized people, the Babylonians were the teachers and 
 rulers of the greater part of Western Asia and the Egyp- 
 tians were their only real rivals. The Hittites had already 
 become a memory. While the Hebrew monarchies op- 
 posed each other, Phoenicia on the west and Syria on the 
 north were alternately friendly and hostile to them. 
 Assyria reduced all these nations to obedience or absorbed 
 them into her vast empire, which flourished for three 
 centuries, tmtil about 600 B.C. Assyria gave way to the 
 brief but powerful Chaldean empire of Nebuchadrezzar 
 and his successors, which, in turn, was supplanted by the 
 
 3 
 
4 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 Persian overlordship of Cyrus and his successors. This 
 empire, after lasting for two centuries, gave place to the 
 Greek empire of Alexander the Great and his generals, 
 which, in its turn, succumbed to universal Roman rule 
 during the century preceding the Christian era. While 
 all these nations were coming into leadership, flourishing, 
 and becoming decadent, the Hebrew nation was growing, 
 sometimes in numbers and importance, sometimes in 
 knowledge of the world and in culture, but especially in 
 its appreciation of God in His relations with the great 
 world. Its history furnishes the 'historical link which 
 binds together all this long sequence of empires. 
 
 (3.) Their Significance Religious. The most important 
 contribution made by the Hebrew nation to the world 
 was its interpretation of religion. More clearly than any 
 other known people in the centuries preceding the Chris- 
 tian era the Hebrews thought of God as a moral Being, 
 a Character, the Father of mankind, who rules the world 
 in righteousness and wishes to have it pervaded by good- 
 ness and friendliness. Three great religions, Judaism, 
 Mohammedanism and Christianity, grew out of the reli- 
 gious convictions of the Hebrew race. One who studies 
 its history thoughtfully is really receiving a sound train- 
 ing in religious thinking and reviewing the most important 
 era in the history of religion. 
 
 II 
 
 THE OLD TESTAMENT THE PRINCIPAL SOURCEBOOK FOR 
 
 THIS STUDY 
 
 (4.) The Old Testament tells a Story of the Ancient 
 World. The student of ancient history as interpreted 
 through the experiences and ideals of the Hebrew nation 
 turns to the Old Testament to find the facts which he 
 must consider. These facts do not always lie on the sur- 
 face of the narrative, requiring only a careful reading of 
 it, for the Old Testament is much more than an historical 
 record. It is a unique collection, as we shall soon see, of 
 records of various forms, each of which must be inter- 
 
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 5 
 
 preted in its own way. Some of these records are histori- 
 cal in character, others are poetical productions, still 
 others embody addresses or essays or stories. But the 
 patient student will find that, taken together, they tell a 
 wonderful a,nd important story of the growth of the ancient 
 world, politically, socially and religiously, for many 
 centuries. 
 
 (5.) It covers more than a Millenium. The Old Testa- 
 ment follows this story of growth rather closely for nearly 
 a thousand years, the very period during which, after the 
 decline in power of the two great world empires. Baby- 
 lonia and Egypt, which had held all Western Asia under 
 their control for undetermined centuries, there arose one 
 ambitious candidate for supreme authority after another, 
 challenging all peoples to new ideals and achievements. 
 The Old Testament records this progress in fairly close 
 detail after the twelfth century before Christ. It also 
 includes traditions of a history much earlier than that, a 
 period of preparation concerning which few details are, 
 or ever can be, given, but which give the historical student 
 a clue to the character and purpose of the race. 
 
 (6.) It is a Sifted Record. The Old Testament is all the 
 more valuable as a record of this ancient history because 
 its statement of facts has undergone repeated revision. 
 Its historical narratives as we now have them represent 
 the contributions of centvuy after century of earnest 
 minded historians. They center upon the data which 
 trace the upward growth of mankind into a comprehen- 
 sion of God and His relations with men. They emphasize, 
 on the whole, the facts which men must take into account 
 in reaching a just verdict upon past history. 
 
 (7.) It deals with History as a Unit. The Old Testa- 
 ment, notwithstanding its variety of writings, has a very 
 real unity which expresses itself on every page. As a 
 whole, it is a plea for the recognition of the place of God 
 in the imiverse, supreme in power, but also in goodness, 
 wisdom and good will to men. It interprets all history as 
 developing in accordance with His beneficent planning 
 and as working out toward a perfect goal. Some of our 
 
6 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 best historians, such as the late Professor Fiske, have not 
 hesitated to declare that their own comprehension of an 
 orderly universe, developing under a master mind, grow- 
 ing steadily better, was given them by the Bible. These 
 historians are the very ones who make the history of to- 
 day so full of inspiration to every reader. They have 
 caught the great, unifying idea which filled the minds of 
 the leaders and thinkers of the gifted Hebrew race and 
 made their review of history a " Bible " instead of a mere_ 
 survey of facts. / ' 
 
 III 
 
 THE VALUE OF ITS STUDY FOR THE STUDENT OF GENERAL 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 (8.) It helps to realize the true Value of Historical Study. 
 
 The Old Testament, used as a source of the facts of ancient 
 history, offers several real advantages. First of all, it 
 enables the student to realize the greatest value of his- 
 torical study. Such a study, conducted merely for the 
 collecting and classification of facts, is barren and unprofit- 
 able. To be truly fruitful it must have a religious and 
 social, as well as an historical purpose. One studies 
 history to better understand the world he lives in, to 
 acquaint himself with the achievements of men and with 
 their mistakes, to catch the ideals of the best and greatest 
 and to avoid the errors of the unworthy. History is not 
 the satisfaction of curiosity, but the equipment for intelli- 
 gent, efficient serviceableness to one's own generation. 
 The Bible is pervaded by the idea that the world we live 
 in is God's world, with a wise, heavenly Father at the 
 center of it; and that the best and most important result 
 of reviewing what has happened in the past is the ability 
 to direct our energies in co-operation with His friendly 
 plans. The study of history ought to inspire students 
 with generous ideals of active and responsible citizenship, 
 with sincere ambitions for sane, strong leadership, with 
 convictions regarding national policies and the power to 
 distinguish between that which is merely clever and that 
 which is fine and noble. No history surpasses that of the 
 
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 7 
 
 Hebrew people in its power to transmit and impress such 
 results as these. 
 
 (9.) It shows certain Stages in the Religious Growth of 
 the World. Another outstanding advantage of the use 
 of the Old Testament in historical study is its exhibition 
 of the gradual way in which the world was prepared to 
 welcome and appropriate Christianity as the final stage 
 of religious revelation. The Old Testament tells the story 
 of the religious growth of the Hebrew people. It is the 
 history of the rapid passing of this unusually gifted people 
 from a primitive to an exalted stage of religious experi- 
 ence. At the beginning of their existence as a people they 
 held in common with other nations many imperfect ideas 
 regarding God and the proper methods of worship. Be- 
 fore making Canaan their home they were desert wander- 
 ers, like the Bedouin of today. Many of the outstanding 
 features of their religious life at that time are explained 
 by the practises which may be noted today among desert 
 tribesmen. After entering Canaan they adopted many of 
 the religious habits of the peoples round about them. But 
 while other peoples collapsed religiously, adopting the 
 religion of their conquerors, or maintained to the last 
 their distinctive religious customs, the Hebrews entered 
 upon a steady upward growth which did not cease until 
 they had, under the leadership of prophets and thinkers, 
 attained a religious maturity and strength which made 
 them the religious teachers of the world. The reasons for 
 the difference between the Hebrews and their neighbors 
 will be discussed as we proceed with the history. It is 
 not to be explained by their environment or by their 
 heritage, since other nations of their day possessed these 
 same advantages. The Old Testament does not hesitate 
 to explain it in terms of Divine planning and of human 
 responsiveness. The Hebrews were gifted religiously. 
 Religion was a great reality to them. When they grew 
 politically it was natural that they should grow religiously. 
 Their most valued leaders were those who combined 
 niling ability with sensitiveness to the will of God. Such 
 a nation God could use on behalf of the world. He 
 
8 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 trained the Hebrews in the school of life to know Him 
 and His ways with men, so that through them the whole 
 world might come to a clearer realization of God. All 
 human advancement has to be worked out in human 
 experience before it becomes widely available to mankind. 
 The religious attainments of the Hebrews made a world- 
 wide upward trend in religion more possible and natural. 
 (10.) The Religious Experience of the Hebrew Nation 
 parallels all Htunan Religious Experience. The study of 
 history through the Old Testament, following the clue of 
 the growth of the Hebrew nation, has another unique 
 value. Inasmuch as the Hebrews grew from a primitive 
 stage of social development into a cultured, forceful na- 
 tion, their religious experiences paralleled that of every 
 thoughtful human being in his development from child- 
 hood to maturity. Somewhere in these Biblical records 
 every one finds a reflex of his religious attitude and some 
 satisfaction of his religious needs. This explains the 
 wonderful helpfulness of the Bible to all honest-minded 
 searchers after truth. It also explains why some portions 
 of the Bible appeal to us more strongly at one time than 
 another, and why some portions appeal to growing minds 
 while other sections have a message only for those of 
 ripened religious experience. A group of writings which 
 embody the matured religious convictions of a religiously 
 gifted race will not yield their deepest meanings to the 
 casual student. They offer a lifelong delight and sur- 
 prise to the finest intellects of every age. 
 
 IV 
 THE BOOKS OF THE BIBLE AND THEIR CLASSIFICATION 
 
 (11). The English Bible follows the Hebrew Old Testa- 
 ment. The one who begins to make use of the English 
 Bible as an historical source is almost appalled by its 
 size. There are sixty-six books in the English Bible of 
 today, thirty -nine in the Old Testament, twenty-seven in 
 the New Testament. In recognizing only these thirty- 
 nine books in the Old Testament, we follow the Hebrew 
 
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 9 
 
 Bible. The translators of the Old Testament from the 
 Hebrew into Greek (about 200 B.C.) added fourteen other 
 books, which are recognized today by the Orthodox Greek 
 Church and by the Roman Cathohc Church* as properly 
 belonging to the Old Testament. Among these added 
 books were such treasures as First Maccabees, Ecclesiasti- 
 cus and the Wisdom of Solomon. Protestant scholars, 
 while not undervaluing these writings, have preferred to 
 recognize as belonging to the Old Testament only those 
 writings which were accepted by the Hebrews themselves. 
 The others they classify as Apocrypha,! grouping and 
 printing them by themselves. 
 
 -t( 12.) The Scribal Grouping of the Books. It is desirable 
 at the outset to place the books of the Bible under some 
 form of classification. The only grouping referred to in 
 the Bible itself is the threefold division of the scribes, who 
 distingmshed the Old Testament as the L<aw^_the Prophets 
 and the Psalms or Writings, f (Luke 24: 27, 44; John 
 1:45.) '^^ 
 
 The Law included the books from Genesis to Deuteron- 
 omy. The Prophets included the books from Joshua to 
 Second Kings, except Ruth ; and from Isaiah to Malachi, 
 except Daniel. The Writings included the remainder of 
 the thirty -nine books. This grouping, it is generally be- 
 lieved today, represents the three stages by which the 
 Old Testament became recognized as a Bible. It is not 
 in any true sense a classification. 
 
 <, (13.) A Literary Classification. One who wishes to make 
 a careful study of the Old Testament must deal with it as 
 a literature of varying dates and types. The most valu- 
 able classification will be one which is strictly literary. 
 Such a classification, covering the whole Bible, follows : 
 
 *The Council of Trent in 1546 formally declared to be canonical all but 
 the Prayer of Manasses, First and Second Esdras. 
 
 t The fourteen books are printed in a convenient edition, by the Oxford 
 University Press. -r^ , • 
 
 I The third group is first mentioned clearly in the prologue to Ecclesiasti- 
 cus, written about 130 B.C. The ejcact phrase is '■ the law, the prophets 
 and the rest of the books," 
 
10 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Historical Books: Genesis, Exodus,* Numbers,* Deu- 
 teronomy,* Joshua, Judges, I Samuel, II Samuel, I Kings, 
 
 11 Kings, I Chronicles, II Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, 
 Acts ; in all, fifteen. 
 
 Prophetical Books: Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Hosea, 
 Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zepha- 
 niah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi; in all, fourteen. 
 
 Lyrical Books: Psalms, Song of Solomon, Lamenta- 
 tions; in all, three. 
 
 Stories:. Ruth, Esther, Jonah ; in all, three. 
 
 Legal Books: Exodus,* Leviticus, Numbers,* Deuter- 
 onomy ;* in all, four. 
 
 Apocalyptical Writings: Daniel, Revelation; in all, two. 
 
 Wisdom Writings: Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, James; 
 in all, four. 
 
 Gospels: Matthew, Mark, Luke, John; in all, four. 
 
 Pauline Epistles: Romans, I Corinthians, II Cor- 
 inthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, 
 
 I Thessalonians, II Thessalonians, I Timothy, II Timothy, 
 Titus, Philemon; in all, thirteen. 
 
 General Epistles: Hebrews, I Peter, II Peter, I John, 
 
 II John, III John, Jude; in all, seven. 
 
 (14). The Present Arrangement of Books due to the 
 Greek Translators. The present method of arranging the 
 books in the printed Bible was first adopted by the Greek 
 translators in the third century before Christ. With some 
 modifications it was preserved in the Latin Bibles of 400 
 A.D., and later. The arrangement of the English Bible is 
 that of the Latin Bible, the Apocrypha being omitted. 
 
 There is very little, if any, significance in the order in 
 which the books are arranged in the English Old Testa- 
 ment. Until the second or third century B.C., probably 
 no one ever thought of putting all of the books of the Old 
 Testament into one volume. Each book or group of 
 books was in the form of an easily carried roll of manu- 
 script. The first five books formed one roll; Joshua and 
 Judges with the books of Samuel and Kings another; 
 Daniel, Chronicles' Ezra and Nehemiah another; The 
 
 * These books are partly historical, partly legal, 
 
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 11 
 
 Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes and 
 Esther another; Psalms, Proverbs and Job another; and 
 Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and the Twelve the sixth 
 and last. In grouping the books within these rolls they 
 may have been arranged in the order of size or with 
 reference to a similarity of ideas. The historical books 
 were, of course, arranged so as to give approximately a 
 continuous account of Hebrew history. 
 
 (15) . A Knowledge of the Date and Character of Each 
 Book Important. It is important that a student of He- 
 brew history should be able to place each Biblical book in 
 its historical setting and to know its general classification. 
 Only thus does it fit into a historical period and enable 
 the student to compare the ideas and achievements of 
 one period with those of another. The readiness with 
 which this can be done is the real test of the student's 
 comprehension of Hebrew history as an important part 
 of the record of the growing world. The true order, date, 
 and character of the various books of the Old Testament 
 wiU be made clear during the study of the history. 
 
 V. 
 
 HOW THE BIBLE CAME INTO BEING 
 
 ^16) . The Bible a Literatixre. The Bible is best defined 
 as a literature. Technically the Old Testament is a col- 
 lection of Hebrew literature, but to call it merely that is 
 to lose sight of its essential significance. A more satisfying 
 definition would describe it as a collection of books of 
 many sorts, prepared by members of the Hebrew race, 
 through whom God. interpreted to mankind His real nature 
 and will with such clearness, breadth and permanence that 
 these writings make a tmiversal appeal. The Bible em- 
 bodies on the one hand a great religious purpose; on the 
 other, it is a real literature. 
 
 (17). Its Response to the Five Tests. As a literature, 
 the Bible responds to the great tests to which any litera- 
 ture must conform. It represents many centuries of 
 thinking and interpretation; its books are of the choicest 
 
12 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 quality; it utilizes every form of expression natural to the 
 human mind; it deals with the profoundest problems of 
 human experience; it sets forth commanding ideals. 
 Whatever gives to recognized literatures their hold upon 
 the permanent regard of men will be f otmd to be character- 
 istic of the Bible. 
 
 (18) . Its Historical Range. The Bible represents or de- 
 scribes the events of history for more than two thousand 
 years, including the first century of our era. The period 
 during which it was actually taking form was about one 
 thousand years. Of this period nine centuries were neces- 
 sary for the gradual appearance of the Old Testament, 
 and one century for that of the New Testament. 
 
 (19). The Varied Origin of the Existing Books. The 
 books of the Bible c'ame into being in much the same 
 fashion as the writings of any great and permanently 
 valuable literature. Some of its writings, like the prophe- 
 cies of Arnos or Haggai or the letter of Paiil to Philemon, 
 represent the utterances of a short period or one single 
 incident, and were probably put into written form without 
 much delay. But such books as the Psalter or Proverbs 
 represent collections which were in the making for centu- 
 ries. Other books, like the histories, represent works 
 which grew into their present form by degrees. The 
 books of First and Second Samuel well illustrate this 
 process. They went through at least three stages of 
 development. The first stage was when the events which 
 they describe were being enacted by the men and women 
 with whose names we are familiar. David and Goliath, 
 Saul and Jonathan were living men. The second stage 
 was when stories were told or written about David, Sam- 
 uel, Saul and others, which became known in every house- 
 hold. Later still, some one used these stories, and such 
 records as were available to him, as the basis for a history 
 of the whole period, a history which interpreted the age 
 and revealed God's share in shaping it. This history 
 could not have been written down by Samuel or David 
 or by any one of those who took part in the events. It is 
 not a diary, but a siurvey. Quite possibly the books of 
 
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 13 
 
 Samuel were put into the form with which we are famiHar 
 several hundred years after Samuel the prophet and 
 Jonathan and David lived. They are valuable records, 
 however, since they embody these well-known stories 
 which grew out of the life in which those actors shared, 
 and gave it vivid portrayal. 
 
 The natural desire to know the responsible author of a 
 writing containing a message which appeals to the reader 
 is one the Bible quite often fails to satisfy. However 
 certain we may be that Moses was the most important 
 factor in the early history of the Hebrew race, and how- 
 ever much he may have contributed to the records which 
 are found in the first six books of the Old Testament, he 
 cannot have been the one who put all these varied records 
 into the impressive unity of the Hexateuch. The histori- 
 cal books are anonymous. The rabbinical scholars de- 
 clared that Samuel wrote Judges, Ruth and the two books 
 of Samuel. It is perfectly clear to a competent scholar 
 of today that their judgments were without any real 
 foundation or value. The prophet vSamuel cannot by any 
 possibility have been the responsible author of the books 
 which bear his name. Nor could he have written either 
 Judges or Ruth. The reasons for such a statement as this 
 will be given later on, but they are convincing. The 
 Bible is not, in the main, the work of individual writers 
 who may be identified. We may know well many of 
 those whose writings are preserved, such as Nehemiah, 
 Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel and the prophets in the Old 
 Testament and Mark, Luke, John, Paul, James and Peter 
 in the New Testament. Such definitely personal contri- 
 butions represent, however, only a small portion of the 
 Scriptures. Authorship counted for little in the ancient 
 oriental world before the days of Greek ciilture. 
 
 (20). Their Real Element of Value. The fact that a 
 Biblical book may have passed through more than one 
 stage during its preparation does not impair its value, 
 but increases it; nor does an inability to name its author 
 detract from its value. The great significance of these 
 writings lies in their essential accuracy and their inspira- 
 
14 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 tional value. The most convincing proofs of their tin- 
 usual value arise from their quality and from the im- 
 pression they make. They speak to the heart of humanity 
 and thus carry their own convincingness with them. 
 
 VI 
 THE ANCIENT BIBLICAL WORLD 
 
 (21.) The Old TestamentWorld, The world of the Old 
 Testament is that part of the earth's surface which we 
 know today as Western Asia, increased by the land of 
 Egypt and by Asia Minor. Its working boundaries were 
 the Mediterranean regions on the west, the great moun- 
 tain ranges, now known as Armenia, on the north, the 
 Zagros Mountains on the east, and Arabia or the Indian 
 Ocean on the south. Until the days of Greek conquest 
 in the fourth century, B.C., the minds of men scarcely ran 
 in imagination much beyond these boundaries. The 
 tenth chapter of Genesis, which recounts the nations known 
 to the Hebrews in their brilliant days, goes as far west- 
 ward as Greece and Crete, but otherwise confines itself 
 within the limits just named. 
 
 (22.) Its two Great Nations. When Hebrew history 
 began, two great nations monopolized the habitable por- 
 tions of the Old Testament world, Babylonia and Egypt. 
 Babylonia was the wonderfully fertile country watered 
 by the Euphrates and the Tigris, stretching from a point 
 where these rivers converge to the shores of the Persian 
 Gulf. Egypt was the equally fertile strip of land wrested 
 from the desert by the Nile. Each had its natural out- 
 let toward the north. They were separated by the great 
 Arabian desert. These two nations originated and dis- 
 seminated the culture of the second, third and fourth 
 milleniums before Christ. The habitable lands between 
 them bordered the great river and mountain systems. A 
 glance at the map of this ancient world shows that this 
 habitable country, the natural route of caravans and 
 travelers, made an ox-bow shaped territory, the points of 
 the bow resting at Babylonia and Egypt, respectively. 
 
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 15 
 
 Many ancient inscriptions indicate that this intermediate 
 territory was ruled from earliest times down to about the 
 days of Joshua and David by. one or both of these two 
 great powers. 
 
 (23.) Ancient Babylonia a very early Civilization. The 
 spade of the archaeologist and the skill of the linguist 
 have made these ancient nations live again. The alluvial 
 Tigris-Euphrates plain is now a marshy expanse almost 
 devoid of inhabitants, but for at least two thousand years 
 previous to the days of Moses, and perhaps much earlier, 
 Babylonia was a fruitful, densely populated, prosperous, 
 well-managed country. Its civiHzation was far advanced. 
 The people of Babylonia were remarkable farmers, but 
 they likewise developed all kinds of industries, cultivated 
 the arts and literature, opened great trading routes, based 
 their social institutions upon laws carefully enforced, and 
 made many scientific advances. 
 
 The full secret of this development we may never know. 
 It seems clear that at a very early date two distinct races 
 took possession of the Euphrates-Tigris valley. One race 
 was a Semitic people, called, in their own inscriptions, 
 " people of Akkad " ; the other was a non-Semitic people, 
 known as Sumerians. Which was earlier is uncertain ; 
 neither was aboriginal. The Sumerians for a long time 
 controlled the country and they may have been, the con- 
 querors of the Akkadians. The two races together were 
 the creators of that remarkable civilization which im- 
 pressed and moulded the rest of Asia for many centuries. 
 
 We hear of principalities existing side by side with the 
 leadership shifting from one city to another or from the 
 southern group to the northern. We know of empires of 
 considerable extent and importance, such as that of 
 Sargon of Agade and his son. Babylonia, however, first 
 became a working unit between 2500 and 2000 B.C., when 
 a great conqueror and statesman, Hammurabi, united 
 these principalities into a permanent empire and made 
 Babylon, his own capital, the recognized center of the 
 empire. Hammurabi was a bom ruler, a great genius, 
 one who put his stamp upon the world of his day. He is 
 
16 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 probably the Amraphel of Genesis fourteen. After his 
 dynasty had ruled for several centuries, a new group of 
 invaders, the Kassites, gained control of Babylonia. They 
 adopted the culture of Babylonia and continued the far- 
 reaching influence of the empire. Before they had been 
 long settled, however, the subject province of Asshur on 
 the upper Tigris revolted and established an independent 
 kingdom. While the Hebrews were in' Canaan and Egypt 
 this new kingdom, generally known as Assyria, was 
 gradually gaining strength and developing ambition. By 
 1300 B.C. it had become a rival in strength to Babylonia, 
 its motherland. 
 
 (24.) Egypt's Equal Importance. The other prominent 
 and powerful nation of the centuries which ante-dated the 
 appearance of the Hebrew people was the Egyptian people. 
 It will never be determined with certainty whether Egypt 
 or Babylonia developed the earlier civilization. It is 
 altogether probable that each was fairly independent of 
 the other. They were rivals throughout these early 
 centuries. Egypt developed at a very early period a 
 civilization of a very high order. We know that at the 
 middle of the fourth millenium B.C. Memphis had be- 
 come the leading city of the land of Egypt. The early 
 rulers of Egypt cared little about the outside world, but 
 were energetic and ambitious in relation to the develop- 
 ment of their own country. The fourth dynasty (about 
 2700 B.C.) was famous for its tremendous building enter- 
 prises, such as the pyramids, temples, palaces and tombs. 
 
 In Egypt as in Babylonia the twentieth century B.C. 
 was a time of great progress. The twelfth dynasty added 
 much prosperity and happiness to their subjects and de- 
 veloped a powerful kingdom. Curiously enough, Egypt 
 suffered invasion and conquest when Babylonia did. The 
 Kassites of Babylonia are paralleled by the Hyksos of 
 Egypt, conquering Semites from Arabia and Syria. The 
 Hyksos, however, maintained themselves no more than 
 about a century. The great eighteenth dynasty not only 
 regained control of Egypt, but transformed its peace- 
 loving inhabitants into a conquering people, eager for 
 
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 17 
 
 world empire. It is at this periodin the history of Egypt 
 that the fortunes of the Hebrews are intermingled with 
 those of the Egyptians. 
 
 (25.) Each Nation Helpful to the Hebrews. To indicate 
 the exact obligation of the Hebrews to either or both of 
 these great nations is impossible. Babylonian culture 
 pervaded the Western Asiatic world, and appealed natur- 
 ally to the Hebrew, who was akin to the Babylonian. 
 From the earliest historical times down to the twelfth 
 century Babylonia had much political influence over 
 those who dwelt in Syria and Palestine. But both 
 Babylonia and Egypt gave rise to the varied influ- 
 ences toward higher and finer living which the Hebrews 
 absorbed, tested in their own experience, and passed along 
 to the world, interpreted in yet truer and more permanent 
 forms. 
 
 VII 
 
 THE CENTRAL PLACE OF PALESTINE 
 
 (26.) Palestine a Highway, a "Watch Tower and a Dis- 
 tributing Center. Between Babylonia and Egypt, not in 
 a straight line, but by the route of commerce, lay Syria 
 and Palestine. This strategically located strip of coun- 
 try, about four hundred miles long, and from seventy-five 
 to one hundred miles wide, bordered the east coast of the 
 Mediterranean Sea. The fact that no caravan, army, 
 chariot, or even ' footman, unless desert-bom, could go 
 straight across the desert with safety, but had to go around 
 from Babylonia to Egypt by way of the fords of the upper 
 Euphrates into Syria and so down through Palestine, con- 
 verted Syria and Palestine into a bridge between the two 
 great centers of civilization and commerce, which every 
 traveler had to cross, — a great highway of nations. 
 Palestine has also been called a " watch tower." From 
 the high hills of Judea the Hebrews could look down 
 upon the passers-by and could easily keep in touch 
 with whatever the world at that day had to say or do. 
 In later times, just as today, Palestine became a point of 
 entry to travelers from the West. Though a little country, 
 
18 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 it stood at the very center of the world of its day. No 
 place could have been selected for the home of the He- 
 brew people which would have more advantages for 
 receiving impressions and passing them on. 
 
 VIII 
 
 THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 (27.) Their Designation. The people whose remarkable 
 experience we shall study with care are known in the Bible 
 by three names. They are sometimes called Hebrews, 
 more often Israelites, and after the exile to Babylonia in 
 the sixth century, B.C., Jews. The first was their racial 
 name, the second their religious name, and the third was 
 given them by others because their home was the land of 
 Judah. By this last name they are still known. 
 
 (28.) Their Racial Origin. They belonged to the Semitic 
 family of nations. Other members of this same family 
 were the Arabs, who continue to be known as a people 
 down to the present day, and the Babylonians or Assyri- 
 ans, Phoenicians and vSyrians of ancient times. The 
 Semites, as a race, have been distinguished by cleverness, 
 insight, shrewd business qualities, capacity for manage- 
 ment, but above all by their religious temperament. The 
 founders of three great world religions were Semites : Jesus, 
 Moses and Muhammad. It was natural that, when 
 God wished to adequately reveal Himself to men. He 
 should choose as His mouthpiece, or agent, a Semitic 
 people. 
 
 (29.) Their Distinctiveness. The Hebrews were fond of 
 calling themselves " a chosen people." They often mis- 
 understood what this meant. They thought that it 
 meant that God had destined them to supreme honor and 
 to great power. What it really meant was that God 
 selected them because of their serviceableness. No higher 
 dignity could have possibly come to them than this recog- 
 nition of their usefulness. 
 
 (30.) The Biblical Story of their Development. The 
 story of the history of the Hebrew people, as recorded in 
 
INTRODUCTORY STUDIES 19 
 
 the Old Testament, definitely begins with the departure 
 of their great ancestor, Abraham, from some point east of 
 the Euphrates River to go to Canaan. It follows their 
 experiences in Canaan, then in Egypt, and again while 
 becoming established in Canaan. It describes the found- 
 ing of the Hebrew kingdom under Samuel and David and 
 Solomon, and the separation of this united kingdom into 
 two smaller ones, Israel and Judah, which were alternately 
 in opposition and alliance for more than two centuries, 
 until the northern kingdom came to an end. It shows 
 that this seeming disaster was the occasion of a religious 
 advance of first importance. It then traces the history of 
 the single kingdom of Judah through phases of prosperity 
 and adversity, until its downfall (B.C. 586) and the scatter- 
 ing of the nation into Babylonia, Egypt, and other countries. 
 It reveals the educational value of this new environment. 
 It shows how Cyrus, the king of Persia, permitted the 
 Hebrews to re-occupy their old home in Judah, which had, 
 however, by that time, no more than symbolic importance. 
 With the establishment of Judaism under Ezra and Nehe- 
 miah (B.C. 444), the story concludes. The next four 
 centuries down to the birth of Christ were full of important 
 events; but their record is not to be found in the Old 
 Testament. The New Testament contains substantially 
 the record of events of the first Christian century. The 
 whole range of Hebrew history, counting from the days of 
 Abraham, was over two thousand years. We cannot be 
 very sure regarding the exact dating of events which 
 occurred prior to the time of Solomon, that is, about 
 1000 B.C. 
 
THE CHILDHOOD 
 
 OF THE 
 HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
THE CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 
 
 (31) . The history of the Hebrew people really begins with 
 the crossing of the Jordan River and the conquest and 
 settlement of Canaan as a permanent home. From that 
 time onward, its details are fairly well known. For 
 hundreds of years before the entrance into Canaan, how- 
 ever, the Hebrew people were in the making. Our knowl- 
 edge of this early period is very scanty. What we do 
 know about it is derived from the first five Biblical books, 
 Genesis to Deuteronomy, and mainly from Genesis and 
 Exodus. Like every history of the beginnings of a race, 
 it is told in the form of stories, which explain the origin of 
 its institutions and describe its great leaders. Such stories 
 are fascinating in their interest. They are the material 
 out of which we make history, but their greater value as 
 Biblical material lies in their portrayal of strong, true 
 types of character and in their emphasis upon God's share 
 in human affairs. 
 
 L 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN HISTORY (GENESIS 1-11) 
 
 (32.) In the first eleven chapters of Genesis we find a 
 group of stories which convey the ideas of the Hebrew 
 people concerning the creation of the world, the beginnings 
 of htmian life, the conditions of primitive humanity, the 
 origin of arts and crafts, the destruction of the whole 
 htrnian race by a flood, the repeopling of the earth, and 
 the distribution of the peoples over the earth. These 
 ideas for the most part they evidently inherited from their 
 Semitic forefathers and adopted without serious question. 
 Such ideas have a proper place in the Bible, not because 
 God wished to make a special revelation concerning such 
 facts, but because through these beliefs of the people, 
 correct ideas regarding God, man, the universe, and their 
 mutual relations could be established. A close and 
 
 23 
 
24 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 thoughtful reading of the narratives will show that their 
 greatest value lies, not in their anticipation of modem 
 geology, or ethnology, or geography, but in their splendid 
 and fundamental teachings regarding the great ideas at 
 the very basis of religion. They should not be studied as 
 a means of knowing the process of creation. God has 
 enabled mankind to discover and develop the science of 
 geology for that purpose. Nor do they, except in a sym- 
 bolic way, throw light upon the exact method of man's 
 creation or upon the origin of human occupations. God 
 has given men the opportunity of discovering such facts 
 for themselves. His message to the world through the 
 stories of these eleven chapters was a religious message. 
 To it we will give principal attention. 
 
 These chapters, viewed as a literary whole and intro- 
 duced by the story of God's creative energy (1 : 1 to 2 : 3) 
 form a very natural and striking introduction to the Bible 
 as a whole. They express in simple yet dignified and im- 
 pressive fashion the religious ideas which every one must 
 have in mind who reads the Old Testament with intelli- 
 gent reverence. They explain at once the various factors. 
 Divine and otherwise, which are at work in human history 
 and reveal the continuing purpose of God in its develop- 
 ment. Two kinds of narrative are readily distinguish- 
 able in these chapters, one quite majestic and formal, 
 illustrated by the first and fifth chapters; the other pictur- 
 esque and simple, illustrated by the second and third chap- 
 ters. It is generally agreed that this difference is to be ex- 
 plained as the result of compilation. The author of Genesis 
 1-11 in its present form probably had before him at least 
 two distinct narratives of the beginnings . of the world, 
 which he made into one narrative by arranging in order or 
 by combining the statements he found in them. They were 
 " Bibles before the Bible," to use Dr. Smyth's suggestive 
 phrase,* early attempts to solve life questions and national 
 problems by pointing out God's definite share in the 
 history of the people. They will be discussed more fully 
 later on. 
 
 * The Bible in the Making, pp. 83-105, 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 25 
 
 1. The True God Revealed by His Work of 
 Creation. (Gen. 1:1 to 2:3a) 
 
 (33.) This introductory chapter of the Old Testament 
 describes the orderly creation of the inhabited world by 
 God. 
 
 Who created the world? (1:1.) What was the first 
 step in creation? (1:3-5.) Mention the seven succeed- 
 ing creative acts. (1 : 6-27.) Which was the last and 
 crowning one? What great religious institution was 
 symbolized by God's rest on the last " day "? (2: 1-3.) 
 In what sense is the word " day " used in this story? 
 What does it teach us about God and about man? 
 
 (34.) A Poem about God. This wonderful narrative is 
 really a stately poem about God. Each stanza closes with 
 the same refrain (vss. 8, 13, 19, 23, 31). It depicts an 
 orderly, gradual process of creation under the guidance of 
 God and in accordance with His will. But God and man, 
 rather than the creative process, are the centers of real 
 interest. The poem shows in dignified fashion how the 
 whole universe finds its explanation in God. 
 
 (35.) Its Four Great Ideas. The three great verses of 
 this poem are the first, the twenty-seventh and the thirty- 
 first, which declare the creative power of God, human like- 
 ness to the divine and the perfection of God's work. Any 
 one who understands and accepts them has a good start 
 in rehgious thinking. Many would add to these, verse 
 twenty-eight, which states man's place in the created 
 universe. 
 
 2. The Story of Man's Creation. (Gen. 2:4b-24) 
 (36.) This story begins with the second half of verse four, 
 " In the day that God made earth and heaven, no plant, 
 etc." It answers in the simple, pictorial form used by 
 primitive minds the question of the origin of human life. 
 What was the essential step in the creation of man? 
 (2:7.) How did God provide for his physical wants? 
 (2: 8, 9.) What is meant by " eating of the tree of the 
 knowledge of good and evil " ? (2 : 16,17.) How did God 
 provide for man's need of true companionship ? (2 : 18-24.) 
 
26 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (37.) Its Symbolism. Even today there are those who 
 are anxious to determine the exact location of the Garden 
 of Eden. They emphasize the least important detail of 
 this story. The writer of the Biblical story seems to have 
 located Eden at some spot in Babylonia, which we can no 
 longer identify. This was not strange, since the Hebrews 
 regarded Babylonia as the seat of the most ancient civi- 
 lization known to them. But the Garden was more a 
 symbol than a geographical location. It meant that God 
 at first gave man every possible advantage for the exer- 
 cise of his natural capacities and the realization of his 
 deepest needs. The tree of the knowledge of good and 
 evil indicates that man was not designed solely to work 
 or to enjoy himself. He has capacities of moral attain- 
 ment which must be exercised and tested. True manhood 
 implies the power to distinguish good and evil, to estimate 
 the worth of things and the ability to choose them or refuse 
 them. 
 
 Another great need of man was a real companion, his 
 intellectual and social equal. The beautiful story of the 
 creation of woman symbolizes the true relationship of the 
 sexes, the natural dependence of woman upon man, her 
 fitness to share life with him and the wonderful closeness 
 of union in a true marriage. 
 
 (38.) A Word-picture. The picttu-esqueness of this story 
 is in a strong contrast with the formalism of the one pre- 
 ceding. It is concrete and graphic, impressively told. 
 Verse seven asserts the same relationship of man with 
 God that 1 : 27 declares, but in a finer way. It suggests 
 the material and the spiritual sides of man's nature. He 
 has a body, but also an intellectual and moral capacity, 
 given by God, which lifts him into the realm of the 
 divine. 
 
 3. The Sin of Man and its Consequences. (Gen. 3) 
 (39.) This interesting story, a sequel to the preceding 
 
 one, tells how man was deliberately disobedient to God 
 
 and suffered the far-reaching consequences. 
 
 What did the serpent tempt the woman to do? What 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 27 
 
 was to be gained by disobedience ? (3 : 5.) What were 
 the four unexpected results? (3:7, 8, 14-19.) Which 
 one was the worst? What final calamity did their sin 
 compel? (3:22-24.) 
 
 (40.) Man responsible for Sin. This story is also to be 
 interpreted through its symbolism. Adam and Eve in 
 their acts of disobedience represent the whole human 
 race. Their experience is a parable of what every human 
 being goes through every day. The serpent symbolizes 
 temptation, the suggestions which, unchallenged, awaken 
 sinful desires and give rise to wicked acts. The special 
 value of this story is the clearness with which it declares 
 that for the sin of which he is conscious man is really 
 responsible, not God. Many ancient peoples believed 
 that the only deed that God would punish was a failure to 
 worship Him. The Hebrews realized that He was a moral 
 Being, anxious that mankind shotild be pure and holy 
 and righteous. 
 
 (41.) A Chapter from the Book of Life. This story is 
 historical in the sense that it is true to human experience. 
 It is in form a parable of great moral and spiritual signifi- 
 cance which explains the nature and results of sin. The 
 man and the woman followed their desires, when tempted, 
 although they knew that they were disobeying God's 
 command. None of the excuses they gave was valid. 
 The story suggests the responsibility of the two for the 
 sin they committed and the far-reaching consequences of 
 their sinful act. 
 
 4. The Great Flood and Humankind's Fresh Start. 
 
 (Gen. 6-8) 
 
 (42.) For the simple story of the flood, the rescue of the 
 family of Noah by means of the Ark, the inauguration of 
 the new era and the divine promise of favor read consecu- 
 tively 6 : 5-8, 13-16 ; 7 : 1-5, 10, 7-9, 12, 17, 23 ; 8 : 6-13, 20:22. 
 
 Wliy did God determine to destroy mankind? (6:5.) 
 On what grounds was Noah exempted? (6:8, 9; 7:1.) 
 How did He provide for the re-population of the earth? 
 Was the flood an act of vengeance or a divine scheme of 
 
28 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 reformation? What does the whole story teach us about 
 God's attitude toward persistent sinfidness and real 
 righteousness ? 
 
 (43.) The Story of the Flood Babylonian in Origin. The 
 
 tradition of a flood is found among many nations, but the 
 Biblical story follows closely Semitic tradition. It has 
 been clearly proven by the discovery and decipherment 
 of Babylonian literary records that Babylonian narratives 
 of the flood existed startlingly similar to the two which 
 are intertwined in this Hebrew narrative. The main 
 facts of the Babylonian and the Hebrgw stories are the 
 same, even to the character of the hero, the stranding of 
 his vessel on an Armenian motuitain, the sending out of a 
 dove three times and the making of an offering on leaving 
 the ark. The distinctiveness of the Hebrew narrative of 
 the flood is in its moral interpretation. The flood is de- 
 scribed as a judgment upon unrestrained sin, an occasion 
 for the deliverance of a righteous man with his family, 
 and the opportunity for beginning anew the partner- 
 ship of God with men. It emphasizes the value of real 
 righteousness in saving the world. 
 
 (44.) Its Portraiture of God. The story of the flood, as 
 told in Genesis, gives the reader a still clearer impression 
 of the character and purposes of God. It conceives of 
 the flood as a special act of Divine power, paralleled only 
 in grandeur by the process of creation. God put forth 
 His power to destroy as well as to create because He wished 
 to stem the tide of htunanity's self -destroying wickedness. 
 The apparent act of judgment was really a deed of infinite 
 mercy. It sacrificed some in order that ages might benefit. 
 These ideas are the Biblical writer's interpretation of the 
 old Semitic story of a universal flood, sent by the gods to 
 destroy mankind, from which a righteous man and his 
 family were saved, so that they repeopled the earth. 
 
 .^. The Origin of Languages and Races. (Gen. 10: 
 Ito 11:9) 
 (45.) These passages offer a primitive explanation of the 
 varieties of language and nationality. 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 29 
 
 From whom does the writer trace the origin of peoples? 
 (9: 18, 19; 10: 1, 32.) What great achievement did the 
 original race plan on the plain of Shinar? (11 : 2-4.) To 
 what did God object?. (11:6.) How was their ambition 
 frustrated and with what result? (11:7, 8.) 
 
 (46.) The Charter of Human Unity. Chapter ten has 
 been called the charter of human imity. It asserts what 
 no other ancient nation seemed to realize, the brotherhood 
 of the human race, and God's interest in all mankind. In 
 form, it seems to be an ethnographical statement. A care- 
 ful study shows that it is a list of the nations known to the 
 Hebrews, arranged mainly on a geographical principle. 
 It omits many nations which were then existing in the 
 world. But the writer was more interested in declaring 
 the fact of kinship than he was in writing an atlas. ' 
 
 (47.) The Real Meaning of the Tower of Babel. The 
 story of the lofty tower and the ambitious hopes it kindled 
 is hardly an adequate or accurate explanation of the origin 
 of different languages and the dispersion of peoples. It 
 must be admitted that such explanations satisfied the 
 world until recent centuries. Only the wonderful achieve- 
 ments of modem scientific exploration and investigation 
 have enabled the thinking world to get at the real facts of 
 the world's growth. All languages have much in common 
 and human habits of speech are curiously alike, yet mod- 
 em research inclines to recognize five or six great families 
 of speech rather than one. The Biblical writer empha- 
 sizes the kinship rather than the differences. He suggested 
 that the distribution of mankind into nations and the 
 different languages are factors in His great plan for the 
 development and progress of humanity. 
 
 6. The Peculiar Fitness of These Narratives to 
 Serve as an Introduction to the Old Testament. 
 (48.) Their Religious Value. Some students of the Bible 
 may be pained by the idea that these splendid narratives 
 are built upon the crude ideas of an unscientific age re- 
 garding the world. It may blind them to the real value of 
 the narratives and to their important teachings. The 
 
30 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 one who searches for scientific or historical facts may be 
 disappointed by their meagemess, but the one who is 
 loolang for reUgious foundations will be deeply impressed. 
 These chapters lay a clear, ample basis for a compre- 
 hension of the rest of the Bible. Their outstanding ideas 
 are impressively true. The sovereignty of God, His 
 power and purpose. His watchful attitude toward the 
 world He has made. His grace and goodness; man's 
 imique likeness to God, his moral responsibility, his place 
 in God's universe, his sinfulness and its consequences, his 
 necessary struggle with evil, his hope of victory over it, — 
 such ideas as these make the history of God's relationship 
 to the world intelligible. 
 
 (49.) Their Pedagogical Fitness. That the BibUcal 
 writer put his great religious ideas in this fashion bears 
 eloquent testimony to his wisdom as a teacher. He used 
 familiar forms in emphasizing important ideas. The 
 stories of Creation, of Eden, of Noah and of Shinar, which 
 were in the mouths of the people, were utilized as vehicles 
 of statements which declare the character, power and pur- 
 poses of God, the full nature of man and his place in the 
 universe, the unity of the human race and the other great 
 ideas which underlie all Biblical thinking. No method 
 could have been devised to convey these conceptions with 
 greater directness and force. Whatever there is of ob- 
 scurity in the narratives comes from the nature of the 
 traditions ; these primary religious ideas are perfectly clear. 
 
 (50.) Survey Questions. Formulate the idea of God 
 which these early stories convey to your mind. What 
 place in the universe do they assign to mankind? What 
 do they regard as man's greatest need? What do they 
 declare to be his best achievement? According to them, 
 what is God's plan for the world? Assuming that the 
 theory of divinely-guided evolution is the true explanation 
 of human social development, is there anything in these 
 chapters which contradicts it? Why should the Hebrew 
 people have been selected to serve God's purpose? 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 31 
 
 II. / 
 THE ANCESTORS OP THE HEBREW PEOPLE (GENESIS 12-50) 
 
 (51.) The remaining chapters of the book of Genesis 
 describe a period of hundreds of years in length, during 
 which the tribes and peoples who in due time coalesced 
 into the Hebrew nation were undergoing varied experi- 
 ences. Research seems to indicate that the actual facts 
 were more complex than the connected story of patri- 
 archal life given in these chapters would suggest. The 
 Hebrews were a mixed race, not merely the descendants 
 of one single ancestor. Their annalists put into the pic- 
 turesque form of these fascinating stories their recognition 
 of the tribal movements which resulted in their emergence 
 into history, of the divine and human ideals which guided 
 this historical development, and of the types of character 
 which led and moulded it. These stories they delighted 
 to rehearse, as people always love to dwell upon the virtues 
 of the ancestors, who laid the foundations of their national 
 character. Such narratives contained much historical 
 material, but only the trained ethnologist can determine 
 exactly what they conveyed. Their lack of extravagance, 
 their general soberness of statement, are in favor of their 
 substantial historicity. Such personalities as Abraham, 
 Jacob and Joseph seem to act consistently and naturally. 
 It may be admitted on the one hand that a certain amount 
 of idealization should be expected in ancestral narratives of 
 this sort and, on the other, that tribal movements and 
 kinships are expressed in some cases under the figure of 
 family relationships. The average student of Genesis 
 does not need to worry over these questions. He can 
 recognize the representativeness of these stories and lay 
 his emphasis upon their significant descriptions of char- 
 acter. It is scientifically, as well as religiously, proper to 
 study them as idealized portraits, embodying the char- 
 acteristic traits of the Hebrew people and upholding their 
 best ideals. They make a personal appeal through their 
 noble idealism to men and women of today exactly as 
 they did to the leaders of Israel. They do this because 
 
32 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 they embody the real experiences of real men, interpreted 
 by men of warm religious spirit and strong sympathy. 
 
 1. Stories Regarding Abraham, the Pioneer, and 
 
 Man of Sturdy Faith. (Gen. 11 : 10 to 25: 10) 
 (52.) These fifteen chapters contain a long series of in- 
 teresting and instructive narratives about Abraham and 
 his people. They are wonderfiil stories, each, as a rule, 
 complete in itself, conveying some distinct impression. 
 The student has to be on his guard lest the very vividness 
 of the narratives cause him to interpret them too narrowly. 
 They really relate the history of a tribe or of a group of 
 tribes, rather than of one single small family. They de- 
 scribe the adventures, not of three or four people, but of 
 hundreds. Yet they focus attention on the leaders, 
 their fine character, their attitude toward God and what 
 they stood for in history. Each narrative is almost like a 
 sermon and may best be interpreted individually. 
 
 (1). the call of ABRAHAM AND HIS RESPONSE. (gEN. 
 
 Il:10tol2:9) 
 
 (53.) These verses declare Abraham's origin, genealogy 
 and early home, and indicate why he departed, and 
 whither and with whom he journeyed. 
 
 To what division of the human family did Abraham 
 belong? (11:10.) Where was his home before he re- 
 ceived his call ? (11:31.) What made him leave ? (12:1.) 
 What three promises were made to him? (12:2,3.) Who 
 went with him? (11:31; 12:4, 5.) How did he ex- 
 press his gratitude to God at his journey's end? (12 : 7, 8.) 
 Why was he tinable to remain long in one place? (12: 9; 
 13:2, 5.) 
 
 (54.) A Tribal Movement. Picture this movement as 
 that of a large family or tribe of which Abraham had be- 
 come the recognized head. Along with him were rela- 
 tives, servants, flocks and all sorts of possessions. The 
 progress of such a group must have been very slow. The 
 narrative suggests that years elapsed before Canaan was 
 reached. 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 33 
 
 (55.) Abraham's Early Home. Regarding the early 
 home of Abraham, the record is not wholly clear. Such 
 passages as Joshua 24:2, 3; Deut. 26:5; Gen. 27: 43; 
 24: 3, 4, 10, indicate that Haran in Mesopotamia, rather 
 than Ur in Babylonia was the original home of Abraham. 
 Haran was an important city, a great center of trade, in 
 close touch with Ur, which was five hundred miles, or 
 more, away to the southeast. It is not important to 
 determine this unsettled question of his birthplace, since 
 in either city Abraham would have grown up acquainted 
 with Babylonian civilization. Ur is more in conso- 
 nance with the Abraham of chapters 14 and 23, the "mighty 
 prince " who is a valued ally of Amorite chieftains; while 
 the naming of Haran fits better into the narratives of the 
 desert chieftain, whose wife kneads the bread while he 
 himself kills the calf with which his guests are entertained. 
 But these two portraits are not really incompatible. They 
 each imply a strong personality. It is fair to presume 
 that Abraham was a man who represented the finer life 
 of his day. The more we know about the Babylonia of 
 2000 B.C., the greater respect we may have for him. and 
 his leadership. 
 
 (56.) His Motive for Going to Canaan. The Bibhcal 
 narrative implies that Abraham was a leader in the great 
 task of giving a new expression to religion. Like other 
 great religious reformers, such as the Buddha, Muham- 
 mad, or Zoroaster, he probably became oppressed by the 
 soulless idolatry of the religion in which he was bom, 
 that of Babylonia. God somehow impressed him deeply 
 with a sense of personal relationship with Him to which 
 he could respond with freedom in no other way than by 
 leaving the country. It was an irresistible call, although 
 heard, probably, within his soul. He was a true pilgrim in 
 search of religious freedom. 
 
 (57.) Canaan not a Wilderness. He did not venture 
 into an unknown or empty country. The road to Canaan 
 had been trodden for centuries by caravans and armies, 
 by embassies and travellers. The whole rang:e of Pales- 
 tine, as the Babylonian inscriptions and the pictures and 
 
34 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 inscriptions on Egyptian tombs testify, was, even in those 
 eariy days, a fairiy well-developed land. Semitic invad- 
 ers, known as Amorites, had displaced the earUer settlers 
 some centuries before and introduced a community civili- 
 zation of some strength. At the same time, Palestine 
 contained then, as it does down to the present day, much 
 unoccupied land which was open to any wandering tribe. 
 
 (2). Abraham's generosity to lot. (gen. 12:10; 13: 
 
 1-18) 
 
 (58.) This section indicates what sort of man Abraham 
 was and why he was worthy of God's blessing. 
 
 What was the reason for the journey of Abraham to 
 Egypt at this time? (12:10.) What evidence did he 
 give on his return of his deep religiousness? (13:3, 4.) 
 Why did the servants of Abraham and Lot quarrel? 
 (13 : 5-7.) How did Abraham end the difficulty? (13 : 8, 
 9.) On what basis did Lot make his choice? (13 : 10, 11.) 
 What two great promises did God then make to the large- 
 hearted chieftain? (13:14-17.) Where did Abraham - 
 then make his home ? (13 : 18.) 
 
 (59.) Abraham's Large-mindedness. The value of this 
 story lies in the light which it throws upon the fine char- 
 acter of Abraham. Like the narrative of chapter 14, it 
 reveals his disinterested, magnanimous, friendly disposi- 
 tion. Rather than to exercise his unquestioned right to 
 take what he pleased and let Lot have what remained, he 
 permitted his kinsman to choose. Lot acted like a selfish, 
 avaricious, short-sighted man. Although he, with Abra- 
 ham, had fled away from idolatry, he was willing for the 
 sake of material prosperity and ease of living to settle 
 down again in the very midst of a people far worse than 
 the Babylonians. Abraham would have nothing to do 
 with such as the men of Sodom. 
 
 (60.) His Far-ranging Future. Abraham contented him- 
 self with the less fertile pastures of the mountainous region 
 of Southern Palestine. He may have stood on one of the 
 mountain tops north of Jerusalem, when the promise came 
 to him that some time his descendants should control all 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 35 
 
 the coiintry as far as his eye oould reach. The very fact 
 that he stayed up there in the free, bracing air of the hill 
 country, avoiding the debasing influences of the plain, 
 was one indication of his ultimate supremacy. He was 
 far-sighted and clear-headed in his decisions. He did not, 
 like Lot, obey the impulse of the moment, but followed his 
 spiritual judgment. The devotion of such a man to the 
 things of God is significant. It proves him to be one 
 through whom God may achieve His purposes. 
 
 (3.) THE STRENGTHENING OF ABRAHAM'S FAITH IN GDd's 
 
 JUSTICE. (Gen. 18: 1-33; 19: 1-14,- 24-28) 
 (61.) This finely written narrative helps one to under- 
 stand why Abraham became known as the " Father of 
 the Faithful." He was a natural leader, one who took 
 responsibility for men and was worthy of God's confidence. 
 Just as he pleaded on behalf of Lot, he would have inter- 
 ested himself today in the sad lot of toilers in great cities, 
 and in other important social problems. Such men are 
 relatively few in number, but they are always helping the 
 world along. 
 
 How did Abraham receive the three strangers who ap- 
 peared at his tent door? (18: 1-8.) What joyful message 
 from Jehovah did they bring him? (18:9-15.) What 
 other divine ptirpose was made known to Abraham? 
 (18:20, 21.) How did Abraham justify God's estimate 
 (v. 19) of him? (18: 23-32.) What quahties of Abraham 
 does this lesson bring out? What suggestions does it- 
 make about God? 
 
 (62.) Abraham's Hospitality and Tender-heartedness. 
 Travelers tell us that Abraham's hospitality exactly 
 matched that of an Arab sheikh today. Abraham re- 
 ceived his guests with all the courtesies of a generous, high- 
 minded, self-respecting chieftain. The importance of the 
 message which came to Abraham concerning his son is 
 measured by the various ways in which a promise of his 
 future greatness had been made (13: 14-17; 15: 5; 17: 6-8) 
 and by the Divine purpose which was to be fulfilled 
 through him (18:19). But how characteristic of the 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 knightly chieftain that all thought of his own future was 
 supplanted by anxiety to save the few in Sodom who were 
 not hopelessly depraved. 
 
 This story of Abraham's plea for the wicked cities not 
 only sketches graphically the worthiness of the great 
 leader and the weakness of Lot, but also exhibits the 
 mercy as well as the justice of God. Verse 25 of the 
 eighteenth chapter is one of the noble expressions of htiman 
 confidence in the Divine. 
 
 (63.) Sodom and Gomorrah. The destruction of Sodom 
 and Gomorrah will always remain more or less of a mys- 
 tery. These cities were situated in the low-lying country 
 at the southern end of the Dead Sea, which was full of 
 bituminous material like the oil fields of America. Some 
 great and very destructive explosion and conflagration 
 must have occiured, which the Hebrews believed to have 
 been a judgment for degeneracy. These chapters, how- 
 ever, have more to say about God's forgiveness than about 
 His vengeance. 
 
 (4.) HOW ABRAHAM SUCCESSFULLY MET GOd'S SEVEREST 
 
 TEST. (gen. 21 : 1-6 ; 22 : 1-19) 
 (64.) This singularly fine account implies that God sub- 
 jected Abraham to a supreme test of loyalty, and then 
 taught him that He did not desire human sacrifices. 
 
 How did God fulfil the long delayed promise? (21 : 1-5.) 
 What was the meaning of the name given to the child? 
 .(21 : 6.) What surprising command did God give to Abra- 
 ham regarding the grown lad? (22 : 2.) What was God's 
 purpose in this? (22: 1.) How did Abraham obey the 
 command? (22:3-10.) In what two ways did God indi- 
 cate His approval? (22: 11, 12, 15-18.) What did Abra- 
 ham sacrifice in the place of his son? (22 : 13.) 
 
 (65.) The Meaning of Names. The name which Sarah 
 gave to Isaac was, like almost all Old Testament names, 
 one which had special meaning. It means, " one laughs." 
 It happily expressed her joy over the long desired son. 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 37 
 
 Study some of the other names already met with in 
 Genesis.* 
 
 (66.) Abraham's Crucial Test. Abraham was somehow 
 convinced that it was his duty to sacrifice to God his first- 
 bom son. In his day infant sacrifice was a general prac- 
 tice. The Babylonians, Phoenicians, and Canaanites 
 maintained the custom, although they Observed it very 
 rarely and only for some supreme reason. God's com- 
 mand would not, therefore, have come as a shock to Abra- 
 ham's moral sense. Probably he believed that God called 
 on him for an act of supreme devotion. He interpreted 
 this to mean the sacrifice of his first-bom. Before the 
 sacrifice was consummated, he was made to see that this 
 idea was wrong. This experience was of great value in 
 that it gave to Abraham, and so to his people, a new un- 
 derstanding of God's requirements. As a people, they 
 came to be opposers of human sacrifice, accustomed to 
 recognize God's claim to supreme devotion in other ways. 
 They realized that He values self-surrender and real obedi- 
 ence, but prefers the sacrifice of loyal lifelong service. 
 
 (67.) The Portraiture of Abraham. This completes the 
 portrait of Abraham. He was unquestionably a great 
 man, his loyalty unbounded, his character imblemished. 
 He stood the severest tests. His nobility, large-hearted- 
 ness, courage, unselfishness and splendid faith made him a 
 personality who was truly }iuman, but upheld and exhibited 
 the best traditions of friendship with God. His portraiture 
 reflects in many details the age in which he lived; along 
 broad lines it was an ideal for all time. He demonstrated 
 the power of a life in fellowship with the Unseen. 
 
 2. Stories Regarding Jacob, the Clever and Crafty, 
 Who Developed into Israel, the Consecrated. 
 
 (Genesis 24; 25: 19 to 35: 29) 
 (68.) The stories which tell of the fortunes of Jacob are 
 compelling in the interest they excite and remarkable as 
 * The shorter name, Abram, used in chapters eleven to sixteen, was the 
 patriarch's real name. It meant " the lofty one is my father." The 
 longer and more familiar name, Abraham, gets its meaning by assonance. 
 The last syllable was suggested by the word hamon which means " multi- 
 tude." 
 
38 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 sketches of character. The real Jacob stands out clearly. 
 The reader feels that he exhibited the strength and the 
 weakness of his race with wonderful fidelity. The details 
 are so circumstantial that they seem to compel the student 
 to trace the origin of the tribes of Israel to this one man. 
 The Bible itself, however, gives many indications that the 
 Hebrews were, in part, at least, a mixed race, growing by 
 adoption as well as by natural descent. It has been con- 
 jectured that the children of the concubines of Jacob were 
 intended to represent these semi-foreign additions to the 
 nation. This view assumes that in the writer's day they 
 were legitimate Israelites. He therefore indicated their 
 adoption into the Hebrew family by calling them sons of 
 Jacob, but not rating them as descendants of Jacob's 
 legitimate wives. To determine what the writers of 
 Genesis meant is often very difficult for minds accustomed 
 to the straightforward, prosaic statements of a western 
 writer. A certain amount of perplexity and misunder- 
 standing is not to be wondered at. Such incertitude as 
 to the writer's real meaning, however, does not throw 
 suspicion upon the underlying facts, as he gives them to us. 
 The Hebrew people certainly began to exist at about this 
 time. We can trace them in history a few centuries later. 
 Their early development and particularly their attain- 
 ments when we find them in Egypt imply some such 
 leadership as that of the patriarchs. If the Bible did not 
 contain the records of such men as Abraham, Jacob and 
 Joseph, it would be necessary to infer their existence to 
 account for the Hebrew people. It is entirely proper, 
 therefore, to study these vivid sketches for the sake of 
 gaining a vivid impression of the personalities which they 
 portray. 
 
 (1). THE SONS OF ISAAC AND REBEKAH. (gEN. 24' 25: 
 
 20-34) 
 
 (69.) This section tells the story of the wooing of 
 Rebekah, her marriage with Isaac, and the birth of the 
 twin sons, who were such contrasts. 
 
 Why should Abraham have been so anxious to have his 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 39 
 
 son married to one of his own kindred? What is your 
 opinion of Rebekah as she is described in chapter 24? 
 Study the contrasts between Esau and Jacob. How did 
 Jacob secure the rights of a first-bom son? (25 : 29-33.) 
 
 (70.) The Value of the Story. The story of the wooing 
 of Rebekah is a Hterary masterpiece. Its sketch of the 
 faithful, trusted steward, of the modest, brave, beautiful 
 maiden and of the peace-loving husband is inimitable. It 
 is almost like a drama, each successive scene standing out 
 with vividness. It has much archaeological value, also, 
 in its mention of early marriage customs, of the organiza- 
 tion of the patriarch's household, and of many social 
 usages. Religiously it suggests the providential oversight 
 of God, who directed every detail. Chapter twenty-four 
 of Genesis with chapters eighteen and twenty-two are 
 worth reading frequently. 
 
 (71.) Jacob and Esau. The contrast between the two 
 brothers embodied that which existed for centuries be- 
 tween the Hebrews and the Edomites, their respective 
 descendants. It was the difference between a people 
 dwelling in settled communities and following the occupa- 
 tions of farming or trade and a nomadic people living by 
 the chase. The former become far-sighted, shrewd and 
 careful; the latter live from day to day, governed by the 
 impulses or needs of the moment. The birthright in- 
 volved two advantages, the headship of the family and a 
 double portion of the inheritance (Deut. 21:15-17). 
 Jacob set great value upon this right; Esau preferred a 
 good dinner. The former was ambitious and persevering, 
 capable of persistence in selfish scheming or in nobler 
 service; the latter, although frank and generous, was 
 shallow and unappreciative of the best things. In the 
 long run God can do more with the former type of men. 
 
 • (2). Jacob's unscrupulous ambition anx» its outcome, 
 (gen. 27:1-45) 
 (72.) This passage exhibits the cleverness and far- 
 sightedness of Jacob, .and his readiness to gratify his 
 ambition even in a dishonorable way. 
 
40 HISTORY OF THE HEBREVv'S 
 
 What did the dying Isaac wish to do for his eldest son? 
 (27:4.) How did Rebekah enable Jacob to benefit by 
 this desire? (27:5-17.) What shows that Jacob was 
 fully responsible for the deceit? (27: 19, 20, 24.) What 
 promises did the blessing convey? (27:28, 29.) What 
 were the consequences for Esau? (27:33-37.) What 
 serious consequences resulted for Jacob? (27: 41-45.) 
 
 (73.) The Importance of the Blessing. The blessing of 
 a dying father was believed by Oriental peoples to exert 
 an important influence over the life of his descendants. 
 Probably Rebekah and Jacob feared that Jacob might 
 thereby lose the advantage he had already gained by his 
 bargain with Esau. The steps they took to deceive the 
 aged patriarch were wholly discreditable from the stand- 
 point of a modem conscience. Jacob and his mother did 
 not attempt to justify their act. 
 
 (74.) The Result of the Deception. The guilty pair did 
 not remain unpunished. A train of bitter consequences 
 ensued. Jacob's punishment was exile from the family 
 home. He had deprived himself at a stroke of everything 
 on which he set great value. It was the sort of retribution 
 he needed. His scheming mother suffered too. Despite 
 her masterfxilness and whole-souled devotion, she never 
 saw the face of her favorite son again. 
 
 (3). JACOB, THE FUGITIVE, (gen. 28: 10 to 29: 35) 
 
 (75.) These chapters show how Jacob was given a sense 
 of Divine companionship and how he reached Haran, 
 where he discovered his kindred and founded a family. 
 
 What did Jacob dream on that first night of his journey? 
 (28: 12, 13a.) What comforting promises were made to 
 him? (28: 13b- 15.) What important discovery about 
 God did Jacob make? (28:16,17.) What did it lead 
 him to do? ("28:18. 20-22.) What is there of special 
 interest in the story of Jacob's coming to Haran and estab- 
 lishing himself there? (29.) 
 
 (76.) Jacob's Vision. Jacob's vision at Bethel was full 
 of religious meaning. Leaving Beer-sheba must have 
 seemed to him, not only a separation from a much loved 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 41 
 
 home, but also from the God of his ancestors. The He- 
 brews, Uke other peoples of that early day, were neither 
 idolatrous nor,' strictly speaking, monotheistic. Mono- 
 theism means that there is only one God in the world. 
 The Hebrews were rather at this time what are called 
 henotheists. They served one God, but believed that 
 other nations might have their gods too. (Judges 11 : 24.) 
 Each god was supposed to dwell with his people. Jacob's 
 dream asstu-ed him that the God of his fathers was tak- 
 ing an interest in him and would follow him with protect- 
 ing presence, and bring him back safely. 
 
 (77.) The Sanctuary. Jacob set up a memorial of this 
 religious experience. The hill had become a holy place 
 and he wished to keep it so. Whenever afterwards he or 
 his descendants came to Bethel, they worshipped their 
 God there. Such was the origin, as the Hebrew people 
 luiderstood it, of this well-known sanctuary. According 
 to 12: 8, however, the spot had already sacred associations. 
 It was, probably, a very ancient sanctuary. 
 
 (4). Jacob's return to canaan. (gen. 31-35) 
 
 (78.) These chapters describe the reasons which deter- 
 mined Jacob to return to Canaan, his parting from Laban, 
 his experiences on the way home, and his final settlement 
 at Hebron. 
 
 How did Jacob justify his sudden departure from Haran ? 
 (31 : 2, 5-7, 13.) How was a peace established between 
 Laban and Jacob ? (31 : 44-49.) What evidence did Jacob 
 give of an altered disposition? (32:9-12.) What tre- 
 mendous struggle took place at the Jabbok? (32: 22-32.) 
 How did Esau deal with Jacob? (33:1-16.) When 
 Jacob reached Bethel, what was his first action? (35 : 2-4.) 
 
 (79.) Jacob's Severe Lesson. Jacob's experience with 
 Laban was just what he needed. Laban treated him pre- 
 cisely as he had treated his brother Esau. Jacob had a good 
 chance to realize the unloveliness of the greedy, ambitious 
 type of character.. During twenty years he matched 
 his craft against that of the Aramaean and outwitted 
 him, yet the old, peaceful, friendly life at Beer-sheba 
 
42 illSTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 seemed very enticing. He had had his lesson and was 
 ready to profit by it. 
 
 (80.) His Struggle at the Jabbok. When conscience 
 begins to be awakened, a man may have to go a long way, 
 before he is set right in God's sight. Jacob realized the 
 evil he had done to his brother Esau and proposed to make 
 amends. It took a greater struggle for him to become 
 absolutely submissive to God. He had a resolute will 
 and an ambitious heart. The story of the. wrestling with 
 God on the banks of the Jabbok puts into vivid, parabolic 
 form the tremendous struggle which the repentant Jacob 
 waged with his lower nature. When it was over, his 
 natural self had been made powerless; he was a changed 
 man. He realized that the warfare in which he had 
 trusted hitherto was of no value in God's presence. He 
 would continue to be resourceful and persevering, but it 
 would be as God's man, Israel. 
 
 (81.) The New-Natured Jacob. The new-natured Jacob 
 is beautifully suggested by the verses in chapter thirty- 
 five, which describe the impulse of entire faithfulness which 
 came to him and to his family, as they neared Bethel, 
 the goal as the beginning of his wandering, purposing 
 there to acknowledge the gracious God who had brought 
 him all the way. Religion became a great reality, a 
 motive power in Jacob's life. The discipline of trial and 
 suffering mellowed and deepened his character until 48 : 15, 
 16 came naturally from his lips. 
 
 (82.) The Tribal History. These narratives express the 
 belief of the Hebrew nation that Jacob was its immediate 
 ancestor and that the twelve tribes of David's day were 
 the descendants of his twelve sons. It is possible that 
 Jacob's family history should be interpreted racially 
 rather than individually. The classification of his sons as 
 the offspring of various wives would then signify the 
 relative purity of their blood as members of the Israelitish 
 people and their relative importance. The descendants 
 of the favorite wife, Rachel, would be the tribes which 
 claimed the most representative standing, the descendants 
 of Leah being next in importance, while the four children 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 43 
 
 of the slave mothers, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, and Asher, 
 would be the outlying tribes which contained the largest 
 foreign element and were least closely assimilated with the 
 other Hebrew tribes. Those who hold this theory do not 
 deny that Jacob was the real ancestor of the Hebrew peo- 
 ple. They merely affirm that the peoples or tribes ab- 
 sorbed from time to time by the Hebrews are represented 
 by the children of least recognized standing. 
 
 3. Stories of Joseph, the Upright Statesmanlike 
 Preserver of His People. (Gen. 37-50) 
 (83.) This third group of narratives in the book of Gene- 
 sis are as sharply individualized as those relating to Abra- 
 ham and to Jacob. They are clearly and simply told, and 
 have a dramatic unity which holds the reader's attention 
 closely and stirs his emotions. The moral value of these 
 stories is very great. They uphold sturdy ideals of integ- 
 rity, trustworthiness, efficiency and faith. The produc- 
 tion of such discerning narratives bears high testimony 
 to the culture and breadth of the Hebrew mind. God 
 showed his unfailing wisdom when he determined to use 
 the Hebrew nation as His agent in the process of revealing 
 Himself to the world. The literary power and unity of 
 the story of Joseph is unique and remarkable, while its 
 charm is universally felt. It deserves frequent study. 
 
 (1). joseph sold by his brethren into egypt, 
 (genesis 37) 
 
 (84.) This section depicts the boy Joseph, the jealousy 
 of his brothers and his sale into Egyptian slavery. 
 
 Were Joseph's brethren justified in their hatred of him? 
 (37 : 1-1 1 .) What made his good qualities offensive ? How 
 did they get a chance to dispose of him? (37: 12-17.) 
 What did they do? (37:18-28.) 
 
 (85.) The Youthful Joseph. The very youthful Joseph 
 must have been exasperating, to say the least. Undisci- 
 plined by contact with the world, he was boastful, thought- 
 less and egotistical. He needed the experience which came 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 to him in order that he should become his noblest self. 
 To be protected in a happy home from everything dis- 
 agreeable is a pleasant experience, but not one which 
 develops real greatness of character. On the other hand, 
 the boyish dreams of Joseph evidenced his consciousness 
 of power. 
 
 (2). JOSEPH MADE GOVERNOR OF EGYPT. (gEN. 39:1 tO 
 
 41:57; 47:13-26) 
 
 (86.) This section describes Joseph's dramatic rise to 
 supreme authority by reason of his far-sightedness and 
 wisdom, and his prompt use of opportunities to enhance 
 his sovereign's interests. 
 
 By whom was Joseph first piu-chased? (39:1.) To 
 what office of trust did he rise? (39:4-6.) When com- 
 mitted to prison, how did he fare? (39:20-23.) What 
 particular kind of skill brought him to the attention of the 
 Pharaoh? How did Joseph interpret Pharaoh's peculiar 
 dream? (41:17-32.) What policy did he suggest to 
 follow? (41:33-36.) How did the Pharaoh signalize 
 Joseph's appointment as governor? (41:41-45.) How did 
 Joseph provide for the needs of the people ? (41 : 48, 49, 
 54-56.) How did he increase the power of the king? 
 (47:20, 21, 23-25.) 
 
 (87.) The Pharaoh who appointed Joseph. The sudden 
 appointment of a foreign-bom slave to unlimited authority 
 over a rich, cultured, proud and powerful people could 
 take place nowhere else than in an autocratically governed 
 Oriental state. Probably it could not have occurred in 
 Egypt except at one of two periods, the century when the 
 Hyksos kings were rulers of Egypt (c. 1680-1580 b. c.) or 
 the later portion of the eighteenth dynasty (c. 1580-1350 
 B. c.) when Egypt under the leadership of a series of 
 conquering kings became a world power, ready to uti- 
 lize brave, resourceful leadership from any source. 
 The data available do not enable us to determine with 
 assurance under which group of rulers Joseph rose to 
 dignity and accomplished his reforms. The very general 
 conclusion that Ramses the Great of the nineteenth 
 
PLATE I 
 
 I I Babylonlauft 
 I I Egyptli 
 
 1 I Hlttltes 
 
 I [ Baliylonlaiu 
 
 II Esyptlans 
 
 Dead 
 
 Dam^ua 
 
 ; WESTERN ASIA 
 
 1 Under XVIIItb and XlXth Egrptlan BynaBties 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 45 
 
 dynasty was the Pharaoh of the oppression (see § 99) 
 makes it rather necessary to choose between the two 
 periods preceding. That Joseph's Pharaoh was a later 
 king of the eighteenth dynasty is in excellent accord with 
 the facts as we know them today, but no one can be posi- 
 tive in the matter. Kings Amen-hotep III and IV (1411- 
 1358 B. c.) held close relations with Asia and her peoples. 
 Their inscriptions mention foreigners who rose in Egypt 
 to great authority. The three hundred clay tablets dis- 
 covered in 1888 at Tel-el-Amarna in Egypt are letters 
 exchanged between foreign kings and vassals and the 
 reigning Pharaoh. In addition to throwing a frank and 
 vivid light upon the life of Palestine and Egypt in that 
 day, these letters exhibit the tolerant and friendly disposi- 
 tion of the rulers of Egypt. A Joseph would have found a 
 welcome at their court. 
 
 (88.) Joseph's Loyalty to Him. Joseph's use of his posi- 
 tion of authority to aggrandize his sovereign master would 
 be justly criticized by western students of society. The 
 Hebrew writer who gave us this story evidently regarded 
 it as proving Joseph's loyalty. Joseph is credited with a 
 sweeping reform in land tenure, which put the whole 
 country under royal control. The ethics of such a pro- 
 cedure varies with the era and the circumstances. It may 
 have been a salutary measure. Professor Breasted points 
 out that Egypt certainly had become the personal estate 
 of the Pharaoh in the time of the eighteenth dynasty, 
 although he follows Professor Erman in thinking that this 
 condition was the outcome of a policy of confiscation of 
 the lands of the old nobility carried out by Ahmose I, the 
 founder of the dynasty. 
 
 (3). Joseph's generous forgiveness of his brethren 
 
 and welcome to his famine-stricken kindred. 
 
 (gen. 42:1 to 45: 26.) 
 
 (89.) This section brings the story of Joseph to a chmax. 
 It relates how the brothers journeyed to Egypt to buy 
 grain, and were severely tested by Joseph, who at last 
 
46 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 disclosed his identity to them, and bade them bring their 
 families to live under his protection in Egypt. 
 
 What induced the brethren to journey down to Egypt? 
 (42: 1-3.) How did Joseph secure the sight of Benjamin? 
 (42: 13 to 43: 15.) How did he test the loyalty of the 
 brethren to the lad? (43: 16 to 44: 17.) What satisfied 
 him? (44:18 to 45:3.) What invitation did he send 
 back to Canaan through them? (45: 4-15.) How was it 
 confirmed by the king ? (45 : 16-20.) 
 
 (90.) Joseph's Generous Kindness. The dramatic in- 
 tensity, as well as the literary charm, of these chapters is 
 very marked. The impassioned and persuasive appeal of 
 Judah (44: 18-34) is noteworthy for its eloquence, tender- 
 ness, frankness and generous spirit. No wonder that 
 Joseph was overcome by its pathos. He was convinced 
 that his brethren had repented and his great-hearted af- 
 fection overflowed all bounds. Dropping every trace of 
 personal resentment, he assured his brethren of his desire 
 to use his resources for their good and declared that what 
 had happened was a part of God's plan for their people. 
 Such fine magnanimity and real tenderness of heart makes 
 Joseph a remarkable character. He has been interest- 
 ingly compared with Ulysses, the shrewd, resourceful, 
 bold. God-fearing hero of the Greeks. The Homeric story 
 saw justice triumphant; that of Joseph set forth tri- 
 umphant mercy. 
 
 (4). THE LAST DAYS OF JACOB AND OF JOSEPH IN EGYPT. 
 
 (gen. 45: 27 to 47: 12; 47:27 to 48: 22; 49: 
 28 to 50:26.) 
 
 (91.) This section describes the movement of Jacob and 
 his families to Egypt, their settlement in the border region 
 of Goshen, their prosperity there, the death and burial of 
 Jacob and the fraternal attitude which Joseph maintained 
 as long as he lived. 
 
 With what buoyant hopes did Jacob and his people 
 start for Egypt? (46:1-4.) How were they received by 
 the Pharaoh? (47:1-6.) What was the spirit of the aged 
 Jacob? (47:9, 29, 30; 48:15, 16, 21.) Where was he 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 47 
 
 buried? (49:29-32. Compare 23:3-20.) What was 
 Joseph's attitude, after Jacob's death, to his brethren? 
 (50:21.) How did he explain all that had happened? 
 (50:20.) 
 
 (92.) The Number of those who entered Egypt. The 
 list of chapter forty-six with its total of seventy people 
 seems siuprisingly small. It takes account of heads of 
 families only and overlooks the women and dependents. 
 The actual total of people must have been much greater. 
 
 (93.) The Dying Blessing of Jacob. In its present form 
 the Blessing of Jacob in Genesis forty-nine is a poem of the 
 early days of the kingdom. In David's day the more 
 ancient tradition regarding the patriarch's blessing was 
 cast into this poetical form. The poem makes a striking 
 series of characterizations of the different tribes, — the 
 morally unstable Reuben, the socially disorganized Simeon 
 and Levi, the warlike Judah, the ignobly lazy Issachar, 
 the brave Gad and fortunate Asher, the prosperous Joseph 
 and alert little Benjamin. These are the conditions of the 
 days of the developing kingdom. The tribes had varied 
 fortunes. Some prospered, some had great reverses ; some 
 became pre-eminent, a few barely existed. The poem is 
 very valuable as an expression of the " collective conscious- 
 ness of Israel " on their conduct and destiny. 
 
 (94.) The Faith of Jacob and Joseph. The fine idealism 
 of the narratives continues to the end. The dying Jacob 
 recalled with loyalty the loving care of God for him and his. 
 Joseph saw clearly that God's providence guided the whole 
 sequence of family experiences to a much desired con- 
 clusion. Each of these great men passed on to his suc- 
 cessors an unclouded faith and a great expectation. 
 
 (95.) -The Archaeological Acctiracy of the Joseph Stories. 
 The substantial accuracy of the Joseph stories has often 
 been noted. What has been discovered in relation to 
 Egypt in late years is in general accord with the allusions 
 of these narratives to Egyptian usages and institutions. 
 This supports the conclusion that they were put into form 
 at an early date, since the Egypt of Joseph's day differed 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 in many respects from the Egypt of later times. It also 
 emphasizes our sense of reality as we read the stories. 
 
 4. The Ancestral History of the Hebrews. 
 
 (96.) A Review of the Patriarchal Narratives (Gen. 
 12-50.) 
 
 The Duration of the Period under Consideration. Put- 
 ting together the chronological hints of the narratives, 
 for example, 12:4; 17: 1; 25: 7, etc., what would be the 
 time covered by the lives of the four patriarchs? How 
 important is it to make exact estimates of time in connec- 
 tion with them? 
 
 The Nations Mentioned Other Than the Hebrews. What 
 separate peoples are drawn into the history as told in 
 these stories? Which of these were, properly speaking, 
 independent nations ? 
 
 The Narratives as Literature. In the course of these 
 forty chapters are a number of choice literary passages. 
 Select the three which seem, on the whole, most striking 
 for literary beauty. 
 
 The Narratives Viewed Archaeologically. Many of the 
 passages throw light upon the customs and ideas of the 
 ancient world. Select three such passages. 
 
 The Wonderful Portraitures. In these chapters twelve 
 different personalities are sketched with vigor and varying 
 detail. Passing over Abraham, Jacob and Joseph, what 
 three portraits would you select as next in order of value ? 
 
 The Narratives Viewed as History. What sort of his- 
 torical information could be expected from traditions 
 handed down through many centuries? Try to put into 
 a concise statement the historical information given by 
 these chapters. 
 
 The Ideals They Embody. Gather up the inspiring les- 
 sons which have been gained during their perusal. What 
 do we find that helps to make better men and women ? 
 
 Their Interpretation of God and His Ways. Thinking 
 back over the narratives, what do they imply or teach 
 regarding God as a factor in human affairs? 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 49 
 
 III 
 
 THE SOJOURN OF THE HEBREWS IN EGYPT AND THEIR 
 
 TRIUMPHANT DELIVERANCE THROUGH MOSES. 
 
 ABOUT 1200 B.C. (Exod. 1: 1 to 15: 21). 
 
 (97.) The Biblical story of the servitude into which the 
 Hebrews gradually drifted, and of their wonderful escape 
 into freedom gives very few details of their long stay in 
 the land of Egypt. It rather focusses attention upon 
 Moses, their great leader, on his curiously varied prepara- 
 tion for one of the greatest creative tasks that history has 
 recorded, and on the evident share of God in its accom- 
 plishment. The meagemess of information makes it 
 impossible to be certain regarding the " king who knew 
 not Joseph," the exact length of the residence of the chil- 
 dren of Jacob in Egypt or the precise conditions under 
 which they lived. All assertions regarding such matters 
 are more or less conjectural. But the marked change in 
 the treatment of the Hebrews by the Egyptians, their 
 resulting desire to escape from the land which had sheltered 
 them so long and their deliverance through Moses are not 
 at all imcertain. These occurrences remain to this day, as 
 they were for ages to the Hebrew people, the crowning 
 illustration of God's unfailing goodness and thoughtful 
 care, voiced not only by prophets, psalmists and sages, 
 but by dispassionate students of world history. The 
 Biblical story of the Exodus maintains the high level of 
 interest found in the narratives of the patriarchs, but shows 
 even more plainly its complex origin. 
 
 1. The Hebrews in Egypt. (Exod. 1.) 
 (98.) This section describes the altered attitude of the 
 ruler of Egypt toward his Hebrew guests, his methods 
 of keeping them from becoming dangerous, and their 
 sufferings. 
 
 What was the cause of the change in the fortunes of 
 the Hebrews in Egypt ? (1 : 8.) For what reasons did the 
 Pharaoh fear them? (1:9, 10.) "What method did he 
 employ to crush out their natural sense of independence ? 
 (1 :11, 13, 14.) What work of construction did they carry 
 
50 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 out? (1: 11.) How did the Pharaoh try to reduce their 
 numbers? (1:22.) 
 
 (99.) The King "who knew not Joseph." If the 
 
 Pharaoh of the Joseph stories (§87) was one of the later 
 monarchs of the eighteenth dynasty, the one under whom 
 the fortunes of the Hebrews altered was probably a 
 sovereign of the famous nineteenth dynasty. The 
 change from one dynasty to the other was marked by 
 radical religious and political changes. The ambitious 
 monarchs of the new era counted the Hebrews as vassals 
 subject to their commands, rather than guests of the 
 nation. The mention of the building of store cities 
 (1: 11) and the character of the policy adopted by the 
 king, make very probable his identification with Ramses 
 II, the greatest Pharaoh of the nineteenth dynasty, who 
 reigned for sixty-seven years, from about 1292 to 1225 
 B.C. 
 
 Ramses II, the fourth sovereign of his dynasty, was a 
 remarkable figure in history. Coming to the throne 
 while young and vigorous, he initiated a policy which 
 sought to recover to Egypt that vast Asiatic empire which 
 had been gained by the warriors of the eighteenth dy- 
 nasty but lost again by their weak successors. In secure 
 possession of Syria were the Hittites, a non-Semitic people 
 whose records and relics have been found in great num- 
 bers, but are still only partly understood. They were 
 formidable fighters and had made themselves masters of 
 all Western Asia north of Kadesh on the Orontes. For 
 fifteen years Ramses fought them with even honors. He 
 then made a treaty of peace with Khetasar, their king, 
 which left them in possession of Syria and gave him the 
 unquestioned overlordship of Palestine. This treaty was 
 faithfully kept for more than half a century, during which 
 period Ramses gave himself to the promotion of vast 
 building enterprises, of commercial expansion, and of 
 whatever would promote his glory. He was vain and 
 fond of display, but he added greatly to the prestige and 
 power of Egypt. In his day a foreigner of ability was 
 welcomed to Egypt and given every opportunity for 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 51 
 
 distinction. He made large use of mercenary troops and 
 encouraged foreign merchants. His reign was a brilliant 
 one. It had the defect of lasting too long. The king 
 became so old that he ceased to be formidable or active. 
 His successors had to struggle in order to preserve the 
 Egyptian state. 
 
 It is interesting to note, in connection with the long 
 reign of Ramses II, the fortunes of Babylonia and 
 Assyria. While the Kassites were establishing themselves 
 in Babylonia (§23) the offshoot colony of Assyria which 
 had settled on the upper Tigris had gained absolute control 
 of that fine territory. This vigorous kingdom bid fair 
 under Tukulti-Ninib (c. 1290-1250 b.c.) to take the 
 Semitic leadership of Western Asia away from Baby- 
 lonia and to dispute with the Hittites the sovereignty 
 of the " Westland," between the Euphrates and the 
 Mediterranean. A successful revival of Babylonian 
 energy put an end to such dreams for over a century. 
 But the Asiatic world had been warned to beware of the 
 young giant whose full strength had yet to be developed. 
 
 (100.) The Duration of the Sojourn in Egypt. The 
 Biblical statements regarding the sojourn of the Hebrews 
 in Egypt vary between affirming that the period was 
 about four centuries (Gen. 15:13; Exod. 12 : 40) and that 
 it lasted for four generations (Gen. 15: 15, supported by 
 Exod. 6: 16-20). Egyptian records, as far as known, seem 
 rather in favor of the shorter estimate. One hundred and 
 fifty years would be long enough to account for the 
 increase in the number of the people which this chapter 
 records. The longer period is likewise supported by good 
 authorities. Those who hold to it place the Pharaoh of 
 Joseph among the Hyksos, about 1600 B.C. (§87.) 
 
 (101.) The Influence of the Sojourn upon the He- 
 brews. Living, as the Hebrews did, near the eastern 
 frontier of Egypt, and maintaining, as they must have 
 done in the main, their earlier traditions and habits, it 
 is possible that on the great mass of the Hebrew people 
 the residence in Egypt had little effect. They certainly 
 kept apart from the Egyptians as a people. Their en- 
 
52 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 vironment may have given them a taste for the art of 
 agriculture, and a familiarity with warfare, which stood 
 them afterwards in good stead. The suggestions of the 
 historian Ebers, that their exceptional men, such as 
 Moses and Joshua, would have had a fine opportunity in 
 the Egypt of that day to receive a preparation for leader- 
 ship, seems altogether probable. ' It is doubtful whether 
 the religious usages of Egypt made much impression upon 
 the Hebrews. Their undeserved sufferings caused by the 
 ambitions and arrogance of the sovereign seem to have 
 partly deadened them and partly united them in a pas- 
 sionate desire for freedom. 
 
 2. The Preparation of Moses for Leadership. 
 (Exod. 2 to 4.) 
 
 (102.) This section relates the romantic and beautiful 
 story of the birth of Moses, his nurture in the Egyptian 
 court, his outburst of loyalty to his own people, his long 
 stay in Midian, and reluctant acceptance of the task of 
 giving his people freedom. 
 
 To what tribe did Moses belong? (2: 1.) How did his 
 mother try to save him from being put to death ? (2:3,4.) 
 Who adopted the little child? (2: 5, 10.) What act of 
 his identified Moses with his people? (2: 11-14.) What 
 was its immediate consequence? (2:15.) Years after- 
 ward, in the wilderness, what great experience came to 
 Moses? (3:1-6.) What commission did he receive from 
 God? (3:9, 10.) For what reasons did he hesitate? 
 (3: 11, 13; 4:1, 10.) How did God reassure him ? (3:12, 
 14, 16; 4:8, 9, 12, 15.) How was he received by his 
 people? (4:29-31.) 
 
 (103.) The Early Life of Moses. The second chapter 
 of Exodus is a wonderful story, conveying an ordinary 
 lifetime of incident in a few beautiful phrases. Jewish 
 tradition, as voiced by Stephen in Acts 7:20-29, dwelt 
 fondly upon the attractiveness of Moses, his mastery of 
 all that Egypt could teach and his efficient leadership. 
 The narrative of Exodus fairly implies these qualities. 
 Moses, as a recognized member of the royal house, must 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 53 
 
 have received a training in statesmanship and geno:ral 
 culture far exceeding that of average men. There came 
 a day when he made himself the champion of his oppressed 
 people. His act was unpremeditated but generous and 
 significant. He definitely yielded all of his luxuries and 
 advantages in order to. range himself with his kindred. 
 Thus he exhibited the fine quality of his soul. 
 
 (104.) His Life in Midian. Moses fled out upon the 
 eastern desert to the wandering tribes on the border of 
 Edom, near the eastern arm of the Red Sea. Here he 
 settled down among a people, the Midianites, whose re- 
 ligious traditions were like those of his own forefathers. 
 His svirroundings were not uncongenial and his education 
 went right on. In the freedom and quiet of those peace- 
 ful years, Moses must have been turning over and over in 
 his mind the deliverance of his people. How and when 
 the opportunity would come he could not know, but his 
 purpose did not change. The wonderful command of 
 every situation which he exhibited later on is only ex- 
 plainable by years of thoughtful planning. 
 
 (105.) His New Program. The story of chapters three 
 and four lays stress upon three great reasons for the de- 
 termination of Moses to leave the desert and return to 
 Egypt to champion his people and deliver them. The 
 greatest reason was that he had gained a fresh vision of 
 God as the holy, friendly One, adequate in power to deal 
 with any situation. It was a very real companionship 
 with God which began on that day at Horeb. But the 
 God who came to mean so much to his own life was also 
 the God of his fathers and must be made known to his 
 people. The second reason was a conviction that the 
 time had come for the execution of his long-pondered 
 plans. The narrative declares incidentally that the old 
 king had died. Egyptian records indicate that the short 
 reign of the successor of Ramses II was followed by at 
 least a dozen years of weak government. Rival pre- 
 tenders contended for the throne. To a bold and resolute 
 man like Moses, the situation might well have seemed an 
 opportunity which God was summoning him to seize. 
 
54 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 The third reason was an overwhelming sense of personal 
 responsibility. God made him see his duty, over-ruling 
 every objection. Great prophetic leaders are fashioned 
 out of deep spiritual experiences of this sort. Whether it 
 all happened in one day or was a more gradual experience, 
 no one can surely say. In either case, at Horeb Moses 
 came to his spiritual manhood. 
 
 (106.) The New Name of God. The third chapter of 
 Exodus seems to declare that God announced himself to 
 Moses under a new name, full of meaning, one that was 
 not wholly unknown to the Hebrews, since it forms a part 
 of the name of the mother of Moses, Jochebed, and since 
 Moses was able to use it with effect in appealing to his 
 countrymen ; but a name that came to his generation with 
 at least freshened force. The name somehow betokened 
 an inspiring idea. What that was is not very clear to the 
 casual reader of 3: 14. Probably, however, it suggested 
 an active Personality, manifesting Himself in gracious 
 ways, the eternal Providence of His people. The real 
 name was not pronounced with three syllables, Jehovah. 
 Probably it was bi-syllabic, Yahweh, but there is no harm 
 in using the more familiar form, Jehovah, although it is 
 philologically incorrect. 
 
 3. The Departure of the People from Egypt. 
 (Exod. 5:1 to 12:39.) 
 
 (107.) These chapters tell the vivid story of the appeals 
 of Moses to the Pharaoh; of his adding to the burdens of 
 the Hebrews in reply; of the calamities, one by one, from 
 the pollution of the sacred river to the sudden and terrible 
 pestilence affecting every Egyptian home, which finally 
 convinced the Egyptians that the God of the Hebrews 
 was fighting for His people. 
 
 With what two reasons did Moses support his first re- 
 quest to Pharaoh? (5:3.) What was the sovereign's 
 response? (5:6-9.) What ten successive plagues broke 
 the spirit of the haughty monarch? (7-11.) Which was 
 the crowning calamity? By what symbolic act of wor- 
 ship was it averted from the Hebrews? (12:21-23.) 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 55 
 
 What indicated the haste with which the Egyptians urged 
 the departiire of the Hebrews? (12:34.) What great 
 national festival commemorated both the hasty departure 
 and the deliverance? 
 
 (108.) The Three Sources of the Exodus Story. The 
 careful reader will notice, beginning with chapter three, 
 a change from the simple directness of the preceding nar- 
 rative. The story goes on but with more repetition and 
 formal phrasing. The explanation of this is very simple. 
 Throughout these books of the Old Testament, which 
 furnish the historical facts which we are studying, the 
 writer had available as sources more than one narrative. 
 Each of these sources was a complete story of the early 
 history of the Hebrews. The narrative we find in Genesis 
 and Exodus is a compilation from these earlier narra- 
 tives with largest use made of what is generally regarded 
 as the earliest one. That narrative, for instance, reported 
 among the plagues, the pollution of the Nile, the frogs, 
 the flies, the murrain, the hail, the locusts and the death 
 of the first-bom. Another source reported as impressive 
 deeds or " wonders " (7:9), the turning of Aaron's rod 
 into a serpent, the turning of the Nile into blood, the 
 frogs, the lice and the boils, and probably the darkness 
 and the death of the first-bom. These earlier stories of 
 the deliverance all agreed upon the call and commission 
 of Moses, the series of calamities and their divine source 
 and the sudden departure of the people at the end of the 
 struggle. Each one of them was so important in its 
 testimony that the writer of the book of Exodus preserved 
 many portions of each narrative, even at the expense of 
 repetition. The historical value of the first six books of 
 the Old Testament is greatly enhanced by the recognition 
 of these underlying earlier narratives. It emphasizes the 
 care with which these books were prepared, and the long 
 range of national thinking which they reproduce. 
 
 (109.) The Plagues. It has been pointed out that the 
 majority of the plagues were events which were always 
 possible in Egypt, remarkable only because of their sever- 
 ity, and that one would have led to another. The poUu- 
 
56 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 tion of the water of the Nile would cause swarms of frogs, 
 whose carcasses would breed flies, and so on. If each 
 wonder could be thus accounted for, it would not invali- 
 date the claim of these writers that God thus prepared 
 the way for the deliverance of the Hebrews. So it seemed 
 to the Egyptians and so it may seem to the sober judg- 
 ment of any one who believes that God rules the universe. 
 
 (110.) The Passover Feast. The Bible is very clear in 
 tracing the origin of the feast of the Passover to the de- 
 liverance from Egypt. To make this identification im- 
 pressive, the writer of Exodus included the Passover law 
 in his historical narrative (12: 1-14, 43-50). But there 
 are several passages in this narrative (5:1-3; 7:16; 
 8: 25-30; 10: 8-11, 24-26), which declare that the original 
 request of Moses was for permission to go out three days' 
 journey into the desert to acknowledge by solemn sacri- 
 fices after the fashion of their forefathers the fealty of 
 the Hebrews to Jehovah, their God. Whatever this 
 proposed national festival may have been, the Passover 
 displaced it as the great annual festival of the Hebrew 
 race. The night of the Exodus became for all time the 
 birth-night of the people. 
 
 (111.) The Number who Departed. The variations in 
 the estimates of the number of people who escaped from 
 Egypt raises one of the unsolved puzzles of early history. 
 Such passages as Exod. 1 : 1-5, 15-20, or Judges 5 : 8, indi- 
 cate that the people would be counted by multiples of ten 
 thousand rather than of one hundred thousand. On the 
 other hand, such specific estimates as Exod. 12 : 37 (com- 
 pare Num. 1 : 46; 26: 51) imply a total population of two 
 million. If the Hebrews had a fighting force of over half 
 a million men, such statements as Exod. 23 : 30 or Num. 
 13 : 31 are perplexing. The historical probabilities are in 
 favor of the smaller estimate, but the persistence of the 
 larger one is a puzzling fact. The large numbers may 
 possibly be accounted for by the idealizing habit of the 
 priestly writers, from whom they come. These writers 
 treated history in a rather mechanical, unimaginative 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 57 
 
 fashion. They tended to interpret ancient conditions in 
 terms of their own day. 
 
 4. The Great Deliverance at the Red Sea. 
 (Exod. 13: 17 to 15:21.) 
 
 (112.) This describes the departure of the Hebrews, their 
 pursuit by the Pharaoh and his army, the remarkable 
 escape of the Hebrews and the disaster which overtook 
 their foes. 
 
 Why did the Hebrews choose the route out into the 
 eastern desert rather than the " way of the PhiHstines " ? 
 (13:17, 18.) How were they guided on the march? 
 (13:21.) What did the Pharaoh determine to do? 
 (14: 5-7.) How did Moses still the fear of the Hebrews 
 when the Egyptian army appeared? (14: 13, 14.) How 
 did Jehovah open the way of escape? (14:21.) What 
 happened to the pursuing Egyptians? (14: 27, 28.) To 
 whom did the Hebrew people ascribe their great deliver- 
 ance? (14:30; 15:1.) 
 
 (113.) The Highways and Frontier Defenses. There 
 is reference in the narrative to two great highways, which 
 travelers leaving Egypt were wont to use. The " Way of 
 the Philistines " was the direct and ancient route north- 
 ward into Canaan and Syria. Here the Hebrews were 
 likely to encounter armed opposition. The other route 
 ran directly east into the desert. Egyptian records show 
 that its traffic was regulated, in the days of Ramses II 
 at least, by a line of garrisoned fortresses from Lake 
 Timsah to the Mediterranean. This was the obvious 
 route for the Hebrews to take, in view of their expressed 
 purpose to go three days' journey into the desert to sacri- 
 fice to Jehovah. When they reached the gateway, how- 
 ever, it was closed against them. The Egyptian army 
 behind them seemed to have the fugitives at its mercy. 
 Only Jehovah could help his people in such an emergency, 
 but Moses assured them that He would surely do so. 
 
 (114.) The Wonderful Deliverance. Two accounts of 
 the crossing of the Red Sea are intermingled in chapter 
 fourteen, one poetical, reflected in the beautiful ode in 
 
58 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 the next chapter, the other a straightforward narrative. 
 The former emphasizes each stage in the episode as 
 " commanded " by Moses, and pictures the water stand- 
 ing as a wall on either side, making a lane of dry land 
 through a sea of some depth. (14:29.) The latter de- 
 clares that a strong east wind blew back the waters of 
 the arm of the sea, so that the Hebrews were able to escape 
 around the usual barriers into the desert, and that, when 
 the Egyptian warriors attempted to do similarly they 
 perished in the returning waters. For such a power of 
 wind over shallow water there are historical analogies. 
 Moreover, the power of God was just as clearly in the 
 providential blowing of the wind as in the creation of up- 
 right walls of water. The former account may have 
 arisen from too literal an interpretation of such poetry as 
 15:8. 
 
 (115.) The Leadership of Jehovah. In a narrative like 
 this, so dear to a religiously minded nation, and intended 
 to acknowledge its indebtedness to Jehovah, the line is 
 sometimes obscure between symbolism and facts. The 
 " pillar of cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night " is 
 a good example. Nothing is more characteristic of cara- 
 van travel in the desert than the use of a brazier at the 
 end of a long pole, whereby a caravan strung out over the 
 desert may be made aware of the whereabouts of the 
 leader. In this fashion God is said to have led the people. 
 Whether the assertion of Exod. 13: 21, 22, is to be under- 
 stood figuratively or literally is not easily answered. 
 Jehovah's leadership was a real fact in either case. 
 
 The Bible is full of beautiful and instructive symbolism, 
 so much so that a reverent student is often puzzled to 
 distinguish between it and plain statements of fact. As 
 in case of a parable, the symbolism centers attention upon 
 the essential idea by putting it in the form of an image 
 readily pictured in the mind. To say that God walked 
 and talked with a man is more impressive than to declare 
 that He is near a man to help him. Both statements 
 point to the same historical fact. One is concrete, 
 the other abstract. To teach a truth, such as the leader- 
 
CHILDHOOD OP THE HEBREW PEOPLE 59 
 
 ship of God at this crisis, by symbols is to make it doubly 
 impressive. 
 
 (116.) The Results of the Deliverance. The escape 
 from Egypt had many consequences, some of them un- 
 anticipated, but all important. The authority and influ- 
 ence of Moses over his people were greatly strengthened. 
 All thoughts of a return to their homes in Egypt were 
 abandoned. The popular conviction of the goodness and 
 power of Jehovah, their God, was settled. The people 
 were ready to accept His leadership and protection, and 
 to enter into a solemn covenant of mutual loyalty. They 
 needed at the same time to be spiritualized in their think- 
 ing about God and religion. These were the next great 
 steps to be taken in their development as a people. 
 
 IV 
 
 THE LIFE IN THE WILDERNESS, FROM THE IVIAKING OF A 
 
 COVENANT WITH JEHOVAH AT SINAI TO THE DEATH 
 
 OF MOSES. ABOUT 1200 TO 1150 B.C. 
 
 (Exodus to Deuteronomy, '^a^^iw.) 
 
 (117.) The last stage in the childhood of the Hebrew 
 people lasted less than half a century. Its exact duration 
 cannot be determined. The estimate of forty years 
 (Acts 7 : 36) is a round number, and really means a period 
 of some length, the exact duration of which is unlmown. 
 The solemn covenanting at Mt. Sinai, with the legislation 
 which grew out of the attempt to express the will of God 
 in the regulation of the affairs of His people, occupy the 
 forefront of the narrative of Exodus. Other historical 
 data are relatively few. 
 
 Such facts as are recorded are found in the four'books of 
 Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and. Deuteronomy. Of 
 these, Leviticus entirely, Deuteronomy for the rnost part, 
 and Exodus and Numbers in varying proportions, are 
 filled with legal material. The authors of these books 
 were more interested in accurately preserving the wntten 
 law than they were in making a full record of the desert 
 life of the Hebrews. A few outstanding facts are all we 
 have on which to build our conception of this period. 
 
60 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 1. The March Through the Desert to Sinai-Horeb. 
 (Exodus 15: 22 to 17: 16; 19: 1, 2.) 
 
 (118.) This section describes the march of the Hebrews 
 through the desert to Mt. Sinai. 
 
 What was the first difficulty encountered by the people 
 in the desert? (15:22.) At what places did they en- 
 camp during the march to Sinai? (Num. 33:8-15.) 
 How was their hunger satisfied? (16.) What powerful 
 desert tribe disputed the right of the Hebrews to enter its 
 territory? (17:8-15.) 
 
 (119.) The Desert Itinerary. To identify with any 
 certainty at the present time the stations at which the 
 people stopped is an impossible task. The complete list 
 is given in Numbers thirty-three. There are two expla- 
 nations of the journey. The more common one assumes 
 that Mt. Sinai was situated at the lower end of the penin- 
 sula formed by the two arms of the Red Sea, the Gulf of 
 Suez and the GuK of Akabah. The line of march would 
 in that case have been almost southward, comparatively 
 near the shore of the Gulf of Suez. Here they would have 
 passed the highly prized mines which were guarded by 
 Egyptian soldiers. The other explanation is based upon 
 the conviction that Sinai was located in the land of 
 Midian, near Edom, in the Mt. Seir region. (Jud. 5 : 4, 
 5 ; Deut. 33 : 2.) The line of march in that case would 
 have been eastward straight across the desert, on the 
 very pathway trodden twice already by Moses. There 
 seems to be no means of making an absolute decision 
 regarding these views. 
 
 (120.) The Manna and the Quails. Notwithstanding 
 their possession of flocks and herds and the provisions 
 they took with them, the Hebrews experienced more or 
 less privation because of the lack of sufficient food. They 
 often thought of the good things which grew back in 
 Egypt. (Exod. 16:3; Num. 11:5.) But they came to 
 recognize with devout thankfulness that Jehovah at times 
 of acute distress sent to them what they really needed. 
 The quails and the manna were natural products of the 
 wilderness. God's power was not needed for their crea- 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 61 
 
 tion, but only for their provision in sufficient abundance. 
 (121.) Sinai-Horeb. The sacred mountain is called 
 Horeb in Exod. 3:1; 17: 6; in Deuteronomy; in I Kings 
 19: 8 and Ps. 106: 19. It is even more frequently known 
 as Sinai. The tradition which locates this mountain in 
 the peninsula of Arabia has no known support earlier than 
 the third century of the Christian era. It may have no 
 better basis than the conjecture of a pious monk who 
 enjoyed locating scenes of religious significance. Archae- 
 ologists are beginning to favor a location in the Mt. 
 Seir region. These differences of opinion do not affect 
 the historical reality of the mountain or the certainty 
 that near its base the most important event in the history 
 of the Hebrew people took place. The holy mountain 
 wherever it stood was the birthplace of Israel, Jehovah's 
 people. 
 
 2. The Year at the Sacred Mountain. 
 (Exod. 18 ; 19 : 2-25 ; 20 ; 24 ; 32-34.) 
 
 (122.) This section describes the events at Sinai, the 
 solemn covenanting in the presence of Jehovah, the rati- 
 fication by the people of the terms of the covenant, and 
 the giving of the law. 
 
 In what awe-inspiring ways did Jehovah seem to make 
 His presence on the mountain top known? (19: 16-18.) 
 What was the effect upon the people? (20:18,19.) 
 What covenant did they make through Moses? (24: 1-3.) 
 With what solemn ceremonies was it ratified ? (24 : 4-8.) 
 What ideas regarding Jehovah did they receive ? (19 : 4-6 ; 
 20:20; 33: 14-16.) What specific things did they cove- 
 nant to do? (34:14-27.) 
 
 (123.) The Four-fold Record. No event in history was 
 ever better attested than the stay of the Hebrews at 
 Sinai. The narrative in Exodus is confusing, largely be- 
 cause of the fact that it is made up of extracts from three 
 earlier narratives describing the important occasion. Be- 
 sides these, a fourth description is found in Deuteronomy. 
 They all agree in declaring that Jehovah made His will 
 known through Moses, that a solemn covenant was 
 
62 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 established between Jehovah and His people, that they 
 were taught a larger conception of God, and that a body 
 of laws was promulgated to them and accepted by them. 
 
 (124.) The Solemn Covenant. Under the guidance of 
 Moses and amidst the grandly impressive mountain 
 scenery of Sinai, the Hebrew people entered into relations 
 of loyalty, worship and service with Jehovah. They made 
 a blood covenant, the most sacred and inviolable cere- 
 mony known to the ancients. In the case of two men 
 this was accomplished by the exchange of blood. As 
 between Jehovah and the people, this exchange was 
 symbolized by sprinkling half of the blood upon the 
 altar and half of it upon the people (24: 6-8), all consent- 
 ing to the terms of the covenant. Thus in solemn fashion 
 they established an inviolable bond of fealty. 
 
 (125.) The Ceremonial Decalogue. The obligations 
 involved in the covenant were formulated in a decalogue 
 of worship which is reported in chapter thirty-four. The 
 loyalty of the people to Jehovah was to be expressed by 
 keeping the regular festivals, by generous gifts for sacrifice 
 from flocks and herds, by Sabbath observance and by care 
 in matters of ritual. Similar regulations are found, here 
 and there, in the code of social and ceremonial laws, 
 Exod. 20: 22 to 23: 33, generally known as the " book of 
 the covenant " (24: 7) which is generally regarded as the 
 earliest attempt at a codification of Israelitish law. They 
 express reUgious obligations in terms of the religious 
 activities of that age. 
 
 (126.) The Ethical Decalogue. An infinitely greater 
 decalogue is the more familiar one of Exod. 20: 1-17, and 
 Deut. 5: 6-21. It expresses personal rather than national 
 obligations. Its standards are so lofty that many scholars 
 think that it belongs to the prophetic age nearly five 
 hundred years later. They also raise the question whether 
 the second and fourth commandments could have been 
 observed by the Hebrews of the time of Moses. But one 
 may well question whether the ideas represented by these 
 and the other commandments could not have been ex- 
 pressed, understood, and, in a reasonable sense, obeyed in 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 63 
 
 the days of Moses. A comparison of the two versions of 
 this decalogue in Exodus and Deuteronomy reveals the 
 fact that both of them are explanatory expansions of the 
 decalogue as it was declared through the great lawgiver. 
 Eliminating the explanations reduces the decalogue in 
 each case to ten terse commandments, each a single sen- 
 tence. 
 
 THOU SHALT HAVE NO OTHER GODS BEFORE ME. 
 
 THOU SHALT NOT MAKE FOR THYSELF ANY GRAVEN 
 IMAGE. 
 
 THOU SHALT NOT TAKE THE NAME OF THE LORD THY 
 GOD IN VAIN. 
 
 REMEMBER THE SABBATH DAY TO KEEP IT HOLY. 
 
 HONOR THY FATHER AND THY MOTHER. 
 
 THOU SHALT NOT KILL. 
 
 THOU SHALT NOT COMMIT ADULTERY. 
 
 THOU SHALT NOT STEAL. 
 
 THOU SHALT NOT BEAR FALSE WITNESS. 
 
 THOU SHALT NOT COVET. 
 
 The two decalogues are not opposed to each other but 
 supplemental. Quite possibly much of the teaching of 
 Moses at Sinai, which must have been phrased in simple 
 easily comprehensible form, was expressed in grouped 
 declarations. Scholars have found many traces of this 
 habit in the great law codes of Leviticus. The laws are 
 frequently arranged in pentads. It is not unlikely that 
 the habit of counting on the fingers will explain this legal 
 method. 
 
 The Jehovah exhibited in these teachings concerning 
 religious and moral obligations was a God who would 
 punish wrongdoing and reward righteousness. He was 
 not to be worshipped by images. He upheld parental 
 authority. He branded theft, murder, impurity, falsity 
 of speech and even covetousness as crimes. He was to be 
 Israel's God and they to be His people. This was a 
 necessary limitation of His range of power and interest. 
 The world was not yet ready, nor were the Hebrews ready, 
 to understand and act upon that ethical monotheism to 
 
()4 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 which the nation gave its glad assent in later days. At 
 Sinai, Jehovah was thought of as a national deity, moving 
 with the nation and sharing its fortunes, while using His 
 power to promote them. 
 
 (127.) The Gradual Organization of the People. Moses 
 was both the interpreter of the divine will to the people 
 and the judge who applied the divine standards in a dis- 
 puted case. (18: 15, 16.) He deputed most of the work 
 of judging to able men to whom he gave authority. 
 (18:25.) He established the standards; they applied 
 them to daily life. 
 
 The remainder of Exodus, all of Leviticus, a portion of 
 Numbers, and most of Deuteronomy, purport to describe 
 the regulations which he established, socially, ceremonially 
 and religiously. These books record these laws in their 
 final form. 
 
 Including the Covenant code, mentioned above (§125), 
 they comprise three fairly distinct formulations of He- 
 brew jurisprudence, of which the Covenant code is the 
 most simple, the code of Deuteronomy the next in com- 
 plexity and comprehensiveness and the Levitical code is 
 the all-inclusive one. It is altogether likely that the 
 activity of Moses at Sinai was limited to the provision of 
 regular public worship, of a simple sanctuary with its 
 special attendants, and of regulations which ensured 
 justice, sanitation, public health, orderliness and imity. 
 His people were mainly slaves. They needed simple 
 regulations steadily applied. The great leader was fortu- 
 nate in the men who were available to give him counsel 
 and to execute his commands. The narrative singles out 
 Jethro, Joshua and Aaron for special mention, but indi- 
 cates that there were many others available. Their task 
 and his was to train the Hebrews into a fair-minded, 
 honest. God-fearing people in whose minds religion of a 
 noble order should have a foremost place. The reality 
 was doubtless far below their ideal, but there was an 
 ideal. 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 65 
 
 3. The Training of the Wilderness. 
 
 (Num. 10: 11 to 14: 45; 20 to 25.) 
 
 _ (128.) These narratives describe the departure from 
 Sinai, the ineffectual attempt to go straight into Pales- 
 tine, the long delay at Kadesh and the final advance to 
 the cotmtry east of the river Jordan. 
 
 What sacred object led the line of Israel's march? 
 (10 : 33, 35.) What was Moses accustomed to say when it 
 started and stopped? (10: 35, 36.) To what oasis in the 
 desert country did they make their way ? (12:16;13:26.) 
 Why were the spies sent northward? (13: 17-20.) What 
 was the majority report ? (13 : 27, 28.) What did Joshua 
 and Caleb say? (14:6-9.) What was the outcome? 
 (14:22-24.) By what route did they finally go from 
 Kadesh to the Jordan? (20: 22; 21: 4, 10-20, 33; 22: 1.) 
 How did Balak try to hinder them? (22: 2 to 24: 25.) 
 (129.) The Ark and the Tent of Meeting, Moses 
 understood well the value of sacred symbolism. Je- 
 hovah could not be represented by an image, but the ark 
 could be the symbol of His presence with the people. 
 They needed something which they could see. Its pres- 
 ence secured His presence. Moses invoked it in the 
 morning on the march with the words, " Rise, Jehovah, 
 and let thine enemies be scattered," and at night, when it 
 rested, he said, " Return, Jehovah, to the myriad thou- 
 sands of Israel. " (Num. 10 : 35, 36). The Tent of Meeting 
 (R. V.) or Tabernacle of the Congregation (A. V.) (Exod. 
 33 : 7-11) was the resting place of the ark and the abode of 
 Jehovah, and Joshua was its guardian. Here Moses re- 
 tired to commune with God. (Exod. 33: 10, 11.) 
 
 (130.) Kadesh-bamea. According to Deut. 1 : 2, Ka- 
 desh was eleven days' journey from the sacred mountain. 
 It was about fifty miles south of Beer-sheba, a well-known 
 oasis with an abundant water supply. Kadesh became 
 the headquarters of the Israelites during their long stay 
 in the desert. (Num. 20 : 1 ; Deut. 1 : 46.) The country 
 was less barren than the southern desert, but could only 
 be occupied by a people moving about here and there. 
 
60 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 The method of life of a large Arab tribe today offers 
 probably the closest analogy to the life of the Hebrews 
 during these years. These years in the desert were of 
 untold value to the fugitives from Egypt. They learned 
 resourcefulness, endurance, skill in warfare, dependence 
 upon God and above all a sense of unity. 
 
 (131.) The Attempt to enter Canaan from the South. 
 (Num. 13, 14). A journey of one hundred miles from 
 Kadesh would place a traveler in the very heart of south- 
 em Canaan. Moses sent the spies to find out whether it 
 was possible to conquer that land. They reported an 
 attractive but well -defended country. In consequence 
 of this report, no advance was made, notwithstanding the 
 urgent appeal of Caleb. The people felt themselves in- 
 adequate to the task of conquest. Humanly speaking, 
 they were correct in that judgment. The inhabitants of 
 Canaan were accustomed to attacks from the south or 
 the north and prepared to meet them. The long delay 
 not only added to the strength and the fighting ability of 
 the Hebrews, but caused them to seek another point of 
 attack, the country east of Jordan. (Num. 22: 1.) 
 
 (132.) From Kadesh to the Jordan. The story of the 
 movements of the people after leaving Kadesh shows that 
 failing to get permission from the Edomites, their kins- 
 men, to make a short cut through their territory (Niun. 
 20 : 14-21) the Hebrews made a long circuit around Edom. 
 They also passed around the country of the Moabites, 
 coming finally to the river Amon (Deut. 2:8, 9, 36). 
 Here they came into conflict with the Amorite kingdom of 
 Sihon, which they captured and possessed. The Amorites 
 were a people whose presence in Palestine and Syria can 
 be traced as far back as 2500 B.C. (§57) 'and, perhaps, 
 more than a thousand years earlier. They were Semites, 
 but the Hebrews looked upon them as enemies. After 
 the conquest of Canaan by the Hebrews they disappeared 
 from history, probably by extermination or absorption. 
 
 (133.) The Predictions of Balaam. (Num. 22-24.) 
 The Moabites looked with concern upon the settlement of 
 the victorious Hebrews just north of their border. Balak, 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 67 
 
 their king, tried to cripple Israel by having a curse placed 
 upon the people by a famous soothsayer, Balaam. The 
 dramatic element in the story lies in the fact that at each 
 attempt Balaam was forced to testify to Israel's advant- 
 age, and to predict her future greatness. 
 
 4. The Last Days of Moses. 
 (Num. 27: 12-23; Deut. 31, 32, 34.) 
 
 (134.) This section describes the vision which Moses 
 was given of the coveted land, the appointment of Joshua 
 as leader in his place, his words of farewell and his death. 
 
 From what mountain did Moses get a view of Canaan ? 
 (Deut. 32: 49.) To whom was his authority transferred? 
 (Deut. 31 : 14, 15, 23.) What did he say by way of fare- 
 well to the people? (Deut. 31:1-8.) Where was he 
 buried? (Deut. 34: 5, 6.) 
 
 (135.) The Character of Moses. The story of the life 
 of Moses reveals a greatness which places him in the fore- 
 front of 'the world's heroes. Such a man as' he was ex- 
 plains the remarkable development of the Hebrews from a 
 people cowed by servitude and with the careless habits of 
 nomads into a conquering people made irresistible by a 
 sense of unity, arising out of a common belief in the guid- 
 ance of Jehovah. He accounts in part for the great di- 
 vergence between the Hebrews and the peoples kindred 
 to them. 
 
 The casual references of these narratives to Moses are 
 interesting. They exhibit a real manhood. Moses had 
 plenty of spirit. (Exod. 2:12, 17; 10:29; 11:8; Num. 
 16 : 15 ; 20 : 10). But he was great-souled enough to be self- 
 distrustful in the fact of a great task (Exod. 3: 11; 4: 10), 
 unwilUng to aggrandize himself at the expense of his 
 people (Exod. 32 : 1 1 ; Num. 14 : 17) , and generous in recog- 
 nizing others (Num. 11:27-29). He contended success- 
 fully with a cowardly and discontented people (Num. 
 11:4-6), with disloyal chieftains (Num. 16:12-15) and 
 with jealous relatives (Num. 12:2). But his greatest 
 quality was his prophetic faith, which not only sustained 
 
68 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 his own life, but made him the herald and spokesman of 
 a people who came to have a sense of destiny. 
 
 (136.) His Significant Place in Israel's History. If the 
 
 records of Hebrew history had begun with the entrance 
 of the people into Canaan, a personality like that of 
 Moses would be presupposed by the development they 
 had then attained. Humanly speaking, he was Israel's 
 creator. As a leader, he found the people disheartened 
 and imtrained, and left them disciplined and inspired by 
 ideals. As a prophet, he taught them ideals of social 
 . justice, of purity and honor, which contributed to their 
 rapid upward growth. ^4^ a lawgiver, he formulated a 
 scheme of civil, sanitary, and religious jurisprudence 
 which transformed them into a sober, healthy, moral, 
 right-minded people. As the founder of a religion, he 
 drew his people into a real loyalty to Jehovah, as their 
 own God, whose character and requirements were such 
 as to stimulate their growth in goodness. It is not 
 strange that Jewish tradition spoke of him in superlatives 
 (Deut. 34: 10-12), and loved to refer to him as " Jehovah's 
 servant" (Deut. 34:5) and as "the man of God " 
 (Ezra. 3: 2; Ps. 90:1). 
 
 5. The New Israel. 
 
 (137.) A Review of the Mosaic Period. 
 
 The Duration of the Period. Measuring from the death 
 of Joseph, what is the approximate length of the period 
 under review? 
 
 Its Great Events. Thinking back over its details, what 
 ten events should be regarded as of first importance? 
 
 Its Noteworthy Leaders. More than a dozen people 
 are sketched in the course of these narratives. Leaving 
 out Moses, Joshua or Aaron, who are the next four in 
 importance? 
 
 The Nations mentioned with whom the Hebrews were 
 in Contact. At least seven nations and tribes are recorded 
 as having direct dealings with the Hebrews. Mention 
 four of them. 
 
 The Narratives as Literature. Which of the four Bibli- 
 
CHILDHOOD OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE 69 
 
 cal books describing this period has the best stories ? Which 
 one is a model of oratorical dignity and force? Which 
 one is entirely given over to legal material ? Select three 
 passages which, for some good reason, seem beautiful. 
 
 The Narratives Viewed Archaeologically. Find three 
 passages which throw light on the manners and customs 
 of the age described. 
 
 Their Historical Information. Put into a careful state- 
 ment the historical information regarding the Hebrews 
 which these books give. 
 
 What had been Gained. What three tremendous for- 
 ward steps had the Hebrew people taken under the leader- 
 ship of Moses? 
 
THE ADOLESCENT 
 
 OR 
 
 GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S 
 DEVELOPMENT 
 
THE ADOLESCENT OR GROWING AGE OF 
 ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 
 
 From the Crossing of the Jordan to the Disruption of the 
 Newly Organized Kingdom. About 1150 B.C. to 937 B.C. 
 {Joshua, Judges, Ruth, I and II Samuel, I Kings 1-11.) 
 
 (138.) This period of a little over two hundred years 
 witnessed the settlement of the Hebrew tribes in Canaan, 
 their gradual consolidation into three well-defined sec- 
 tions, their final achievement of national organization 
 with a capital, a national consciousness and an outlook, 
 and the brief glory of the kingdom thus established. 
 Roughly speaking, the occupation and mastery of Canaan 
 required one of these two centuries and the development 
 of the kingdom the other. The records which describe 
 the second century are unsurpassed in the Old Testament 
 for interest or in value. They furnish an adequate picture 
 of the political, social and religious practises and ideals 
 of the Hebrew people in the days of David. The records 
 of the first century contain the facts which the historian 
 needs to know, but present them less effectively. 
 Throughout the six historical books, however, the history 
 continues to be told in personalized fashion. In large 
 measure it is the story of leader after leader, and what he 
 did. The Biblical historians do not hesitate at times to 
 interpret the history of the periods they treat (Judges 
 2: 11-23), but the most valuable portions of their record 
 are those which incorporate the original stories with the 
 least amount of editorial comment. The idealism which 
 gripped and governed the rudest of the heroes. of Israel 
 enables us to understand why they builded so much better 
 than they knew. The rapid ripening of such a personality 
 as David's likewise exhibits the possibilities of the He- 
 brew stock. But Gideon, Deborah, Jonathan and Sam- 
 uel were worthy representatives of its strength, 
 
 73 
 
74 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 V. 
 
 THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF CANAAN. ABOUT 
 
 1150 TO 1050 B.C. (JOSHUA, JUDGES, RUTH, 
 
 FIRST SAMUEL 1-3.) 
 
 (139.) With the crossing of the river Jordan and the 
 conquest of Southern and Central Canaan, Hebrew 
 history really begins. The overcoming of armed opposi- 
 tion to the settlement of the invaders was a matter of a 
 few years. The consoHdation of the Hebrew tribes, their 
 mastery of the whole country, and the absorption or dis- 
 appearance of all hostile elements in the population took 
 a long while, at least a century. The chronological esti- 
 mates of the book of Judges, taken consecutively, imply 
 much more time than one hundred years for this process, 
 but, without doubt, many of the judges were contempo- 
 raneous. It is impossible to be very certain about dates 
 in this early period. We can, however, be very sure re- 
 garding the general trend of events. The great leaders 
 are Joshua and the " judges " who arose in times of 
 emergency. It is rather imforttmate that they should 
 have been described by that title. They were really 
 natural leaders of the people, who at times of crisis and by 
 common consent assumed command until the danger had 
 been passed. In consequence of their great service to the 
 people they exercised much popular influence as long as 
 they lived. They were not magistrates but men of influ- 
 ence, preparing their countrymen by their prowess and 
 their faith to enter upon a real national Hfe under chosen 
 leaders. Like any pioneering age in history, our North 
 American beginnings not excepted, this early period re- 
 flects crudeness, cruelty and crime. It also exhibits 
 enterprise and idealism, which redeem in some measure 
 the violence and ruthlessness. The men of Israel in these 
 early days must be judged by the most enlightened stand- 
 ards of their age, but such standards were far inferior to 
 those of the time of Christ or of today. They had not 
 reached their full moral growth. 
 
 The most important authority for this early period is 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 75 
 
 the book of Judges, supplemented by the books of Ruth, 
 Joshua and First Samuel 1-3 for many details. 
 
 The book of Judges, like those which we have been 
 studying, is the work of more than one writer. It has 
 a preface (1:1 to 2:5) designed to explain the condition 
 of affairs at the beginning of the history which the book 
 relates; a main portion (2:6 to 16:31) which tells the 
 stories of the judges; and an appendix (17 to 21) which 
 describes the origin of the sanctuary at Dan and the out- 
 rage at Gibeah. The main portion has an introduction 
 (2 : 6 to 3 : 6) which sets forth the principles of interpreta- 
 tion illustrated in what follows. The remaining chapters 
 (3 : 7 to 16 : 31) give seven stirring stories of the hero days 
 when the men of Israel fought for their homes. Each 
 story is set in a sort of framework, best illustrated in case 
 of Othniel (3: 7-11), which gives a chronological 'estimate 
 and interprets the occasion and the nature of the work of 
 each judge. Evidently the one who set the earlier, popu- 
 lar tales about the judge-heroes into this interpretative 
 framework was the real author of the book of Judges. 
 
 (140.) Palestine Considered Geographically. We have 
 already noted (§26) the strategic location of Palestine in 
 the ancient world. It was a highway of nations and an 
 excellent post of observation and education. But it was 
 to become for the Hebrew people a home for centuries. 
 From the day they entered Palestine, the Hebrews began 
 to develop into the resourceful, patriotic, democratic, 
 thoughtful people who taught the world about God. The 
 country in which they lived had something to do with this 
 growth. 
 
 To know Palestine geographically, one must distinguish 
 clearly at least nine details. (1) the coast plains, espe- 
 cially of Sharon and Philistia; (2) The mountainous hack- 
 hone of western Palestine, distinguished in the Bible by 
 locality as the " hill-country " of Galilee, Ephraim, or 
 Judah (Joshua 20: 7); (3) The " lowland " (shephelah) or 
 the foothills between the PhiUstine plain and the elevated 
 Judaean plateau (Joshua 11:16); (4) The "South" 
 {Negeh, " the dry "), which is the gradual descent of the 
 
76 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Judaean plateau into the desert; (5) The "wilderness," 
 the dry, rounded hills on the east of the Judaean plateau, 
 descending in three great terraces to the Jordan valley 
 below; (6) The Jordan valley, the deep depression known 
 as the Arabah, running from Mt. Hermon to the Gulf of 
 Akabah; (7) The great plateau of Bashan, Moab and Edom, 
 climbing very abruptly on the western side, but edging off 
 into the desert ; (8) The plain of Esdraelon, which breaks 
 the continuity of the mountain range of western Palestine, 
 and (9) The three mountains. Mount Hermon, Mount 
 Carmel and Mount Gerizim. 
 
 These closely knit plains, vaUeys, plateaus, gorges and 
 mountains afforded, on the one hand, a wonderful variety 
 of climate and product, and fashioned, on the other, many 
 little pockets of land, each capable of supporting a group 
 of people, who were secluded enough to be able to de- 
 velop in their own individual way. The Rechabites who 
 at the command of their ancestor preserved their desert 
 asceticism for two centuries and a half (Jer. 35:1-10), 
 were no anomaly. All kinds of people could live and 
 grow in Palestine, side by side. The conditions fostered 
 independence rather than imitation. They explain the 
 slowness of the actual conquest and the long continuance 
 of such foes as the Jebusites at Jerusalem, who maintained 
 their independence until the days of David's kingdom. 
 
 (141.) The Nations Inhabiting and Siirrounding Pales- 
 tine. Such passages as Gen. 15 : 19-21 ; Exod. 3:8, or 
 Joshua 3 : 10, suggest that little Palestine was crowded 
 with warlike nations. Of these seven peoples, however, 
 the Hittites were, at the time of the invasion, represented 
 only by small and scattered groups, not very dangerous; 
 the Girgashites, Perizzites and Hivites were', in all proba- 
 bility, small Canaanitish groups ; the Jebusites were the 
 inhabitants of Jebus or Jerusalem. The Amorites and 
 Canaanites were either the same people or closely related 
 peoples, representing two successive invasions of the 
 country. Both names are found on the monuments. 
 Practically speaking, the Hebrews had only one formidable 
 people to displace, the Canaanite-Amorite contingent. 
 
PALESTINE at the time of the CONQUEST 
 
 PLATE 
 
 PALESTINE after the CONQUEST 
 
 f^ AniHlebltt 
 Moablteu 
 I ILdoniltea 
 I l Anunoiillen 
 1 [FhlllstliieB 
 I I Cauaanltes 
 ^^HebrewB 
 
 FAIiESTENE niider DATID 
 
 TUE BITIUED KINGOOM 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 77 
 
 The Canaanites had entered Canaan some six centuries 
 earlier, the Amorites perhaps four centuries earHer still. 
 They were virtually one people, but they lived in small, 
 separated groups, which were relatively easy to subdue. 
 
 Round about the country was a chain of kingdoms, 
 large and small. Down on the fertile maritime plain west 
 of Judah, the Philistines had just established themselves. 
 The records of the reign of Ramses III in Egypt declare 
 that among the aggressive hordes from the north which 
 twice threatened to invade and plunder his kingdom and 
 whose destruction practically wrecked its strength for 
 generations were the Ptilista or Peleset (Philistines). 
 They gained a foothold on the coast of Palestine and 
 stayed there. They were a hardy and warlike people and 
 became Israel's most dangerous foe during the early days 
 of national growth. 
 
 Fiirther to the north the Phoenician kingdoms were 
 already ancient. The Aramaeans or Syrians were just in 
 the process of pushing down toward Damascus from the , 
 northeast. On the east and southeast were the peoples 
 akin to the Hebrews, — -the Ammonites, Moabites and 
 Edomites. 
 
 (142.) Israel's Providential Opportunity. The stu- 
 dent of ancient history realizes that the Hebrews entered 
 Canaan at exactly the right time. Prior to the devastat- 
 ing warfare of the Egyptians with the Hittites, the people 
 of Canaan would have been too powerful for the Hebrews 
 to conquer. The invasions of the northern hordes down 
 through Syria and Palestine, which broke the power of 
 both Egypt and the Hittites, were also fatal to that of the 
 Canaanites, and made the task of the Hebrews far easier, 
 They entered the land at a time when its defensive power 
 had been reduced to its minimum. 
 
 In another way the Hebrew people were very fortunate. 
 No great Asiatic power was in a position for several 
 centtiries to deal aggressively with the people of Palestine. 
 Assyria under the great Tiglath-pileser I (about 1120- 
 1090 B.C.) greatly increased her territory and influence. 
 He made his way even to the Phoenician coast, but 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 luckily went no further. His successes made Assyria 
 feared by all other peoples, and secured a peaceful develop- 
 ment of his own country. His successors were men of 
 moderate ability. Babylonia was not strong enough to 
 displace Assyria as an Asiatic power, but was just strong 
 enough to dispute her supremacy. Neither nation was 
 able for over two hundred years to assume the role of a 
 world conquering power. Their weakness combined with 
 that of Egypt and of the Hittites gave to the Aramaeans 
 and to the Hebrews their chance for development. 
 
 1. The Speedy Conquest of Canaan. 
 (Joshua 1-12; Judges 1.) 
 
 (143.) This section describes the crossing of the Jordan 
 imder Joshua's leadership, the capture of Jericho and Ai, 
 the defeat of the allied kings of the southern country, and 
 the equally successful northern campaign. 
 
 From what headquarters did Joshua plan the campaign 
 against Jericho ? (Jos. 2:1; Num. 33 : 49.) Why was it 
 desirable to capture Jericho ? What did his spies discover 
 regarding the feeling in Jericho? (Jos. 2: 11, 24.) What 
 made the Israelites sure that Jehovah was still guiding 
 their way? (Jos. 3:7-17.) What solemn memorial was 
 set up of His wonderful providence ? (4 : 4-8.) How was 
 Jericho captured? (6: 3-5.) By what stratagem was Ai 
 taken? (8:10-29.) How did the Gibeonites save them- 
 selves from destruction? (9:3-6, 9-15.) What enabled 
 Joshua to win the battle of Beth-horon against the five 
 allied kings ? (10 : 5-14.) What was his policy in dealing 
 with these Canaanitish peoples? (10:28-39.) What 
 special privilege did the aged Caleb ask and receive? 
 (Jos. 14: 6-15; Jud. 1: 20.) What happened to many of 
 the conquered Canaanites? (Jud. 1: 19, 21, 27, 28.) 
 
 (144.) The Crossing of the Jordan and the Fall of 
 Jericho. These two events were of first importance in 
 the story of the Hebrew people, almost as much so as the 
 great Deliverance. Hebrew poets and story tellers loved 
 to recount the thrilling episodes which introduced the 
 acquisition of their national home. God's share in the 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 79 
 
 task was very clear to them. 'As in the case of the narra- 
 tive of the DeHverance (§ 114) the story of the crossing 
 of the Jordan is a combination of more than one earlier 
 account M the event. One of these, apparently the 
 earliest, was relatively straightforward and simple. It 
 represented Joshua as encoiuraging his people to expect 
 the aid of Jehovah in their emergency, and declared that, 
 at a time when the crossing was unanticipated (3:15) 
 by the Canaanites and unopposed, something happened 
 far up the river, perhaps a distant landslide, which 
 dammed the river temporarily and left its bed exposed, 
 so that the Israelites got across.* The other narrative 
 greatly magnified Joshua (3:7, 8; 4:9, 10, 14) and the part 
 played by the priests and the sacred ark. It also seemed 
 to state that the water of the Jordan stood just above 
 the pathway of Israel, like a wall (3:16a). The second 
 narrative is no more reverent than the first. It seems to 
 reflect a priestly idealization of the scene. In the story 
 of the capture of Jericho the oldest narrative stated 
 that the little army marched around the city in silence 
 for six days, then captured it with a cheer and a sudden 
 dash. Such tactics agree with Joshua's generalship in 
 other battles (8:10-21; 10:9). Whether the sudden 
 collapse of the city walls is to be explained by a divinely 
 ordered earthquake or figuratively, as an expression of 
 the astonishing ease with which it was captured, no one 
 can surely say. The capture of Jericho was followed by 
 its destruction. The way was then wide open for the 
 advance of the Hebrews into Western Palestine by either 
 or each of three roads, one leading to the central part 
 
 *The blending of narratives is quite apparent to a careful reader. 3:17 
 implies that the people have crossed over; 4:4,5 assumes that they are 
 stiU about to cross. 3:12 and 4:2 are obvious duplicates. 4:9 says that the 
 memorial stones were set up in the middle of the river; 4:20 declares that 
 they were set up in Gilgal. These narratives agreed on the essential 
 facts, but seem to have varied in details. 
 
 To get the oldest narrative underscore with a pencil the following (R. V.) , 
 3: 1, 6, 9, 10a (to " you "), 11, 13, 15o (to " Jordan "), 15c (from " for "), 
 16 (omitting from " which " to " and ") ; 4 : 1 (last phrase only) , 3 (omitting 
 the first phrase to " saying," and from " out " to firm," 6, 7, 8 (omitting 
 the first fjhrase to " commanded " and the words from " as " to " Israel "), 
 10 (last seven words only), 11, 18. 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 of the country, a very difficult one leading quite directly 
 to Jerusalem, and a third which turned to the southwest 
 leading to the center and south of what came to be called 
 Judah.* 
 
 (145.) The Conquest of the South. The first twelve 
 chapters of the book of Joshua must be supplemented by 
 the first chapter of the book of Judges. The latter 
 shows that the swift campaigning of Joshua merely 
 crushed the active and dangerous Canaanitish opposition. 
 Canaan was really won piecemeal. Since it was a country 
 of little cities and towns, very independent and usually 
 hostile to one another, the task of getting an individual 
 foothold was relatively easy for the Hebrew tribesmen. 
 The process of making Palestine the land of the Hebrews 
 was tediously slow. It was in large measure a process 
 of incorporation and assimilation. Such passages as 
 Joshua 10:29-43 or 11:10-23, which declare the merciless 
 slaughter of all the Canaanites, must be regarded as the 
 application by the editor to the whole campaign of what 
 was true here and there. Jericho was " devoted " 
 (6:17) and Ai and Bethel (Jud. 1:22-25). Such whole- 
 sale slaughter of captives taken in war seemed wholly 
 justifiable to the Hebrews whom Joshua led. They 
 may have practised it wherever possible. But the restdt 
 was not an extirpation of the Canaanites; it was merely 
 the gaining of a foothold in Western Palestine. 
 
 When the centrg,l camp had been established at Gilgal 
 (Joshua 5:10; 9:6) the Hebrews advanced by two lines 
 of invasion, one toward the southwest into the highlands 
 of Judah, one in a northwesterly direction into the 
 highlands of southern Samaria. The tribes of Judah 
 and Simeon with the Kenites (Jud. 1:1-20) established 
 themselves in the hill-country south of Jerusalem and 
 gradually extended their possessions southward. For 
 the next century they were rather isolated from the other 
 tribes by a barrier of uncapttired Canaanitish strongholds 
 
 *For a map drawn on a scale which shows these roads see George Adam 
 Smith, Histor., Geog., Holy Land, Plate IV facing page 167. 
 
GROWING AGE OP ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 81 
 
 from Gezer to Jerusalem, including Gibeon, Ajalon and 
 Shaalbim (Jud. 1:35). 
 
 (146.) The Conquest of the Central and Northern 
 Country. When Judges 1:22-36 is carefully compared 
 with Joshua 7-12, it is clear that Ephraim and Manasseh 
 (Jud. 1:22) under Joshua's leadership took the north- 
 easterly road to the central uplands. They captured 
 Ai and Bethel, made a treaty with the Gibeonites, defeated 
 an alliance of Canaanitish kinglets who had combined 
 to punish Gibeon, and pursued the routed army down 
 into the maritime plain. How much more these tribes 
 achieved and what the others did are obscure. Joshua 
 8:30-35 describes a solemn service held near Shechem, 
 which assumes that central Palestine has been conquered. 
 The eleventh chapter records the defeat at Merom by 
 Joshua of a coalition of northern kings, after which the 
 whole land was at rest. But Judges 1:27 explicitly 
 declares that a second barrier of strong, uncaptured 
 Canaanitish cities, Megiddo, Taanach, Ibleam and 
 Bethshean, extended across the plain of Esdraelon. 
 Apparently, therefore, such passages as Joshua 10:40-42; 
 11:16-23; 21:43-45 and chapter 23 cannot be interpreted 
 with entire Hteralness. Jehovah's promise stood ful- 
 filled for the man who had the eye of faith to see the 
 fulfilment. The factors were at work which would event- 
 ually bring success. Jehovah's purpose for His people 
 was very clear. But for the Hebrews of the later days 
 of Joshua's life there was 'still very much to be achieved. 
 
 (147.) The Work of Joshua. Joshua was a soldier 
 with a soldier's virtues and weaknesses. He had been 
 the loyal minister of Moses (Josh. 1 : 1) and inherited some 
 of his strength. (Deut. 34: 9; Num. 27: 18-23). _ On his 
 own account he was resourceful, brave, and straightfor- 
 ward, a keen strategist and good leader. (Josh. 1 : 10, 
 11 ; 2 : 1.) He scarcely seems to be on a plane with Moses 
 or with David, but he served Israel's interests well in the 
 time of need, and deserves a high place in the Hebrew 
 roll of honor. 
 
 (148.) The Entrance into Canaan a Step upward. When 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 the Hebrews crossed the Jordan they exchanged desert 
 life for the settled life of farmers. Instead of being herds- 
 men, ranging the desert, they dwelt in towns and villages, 
 owning land and tilling the soil. Politically, this helped to 
 bind them together more closely; socially, it introduced 
 them to a far more complex and cultured life; religiously, 
 it enriched their worship, emphasizing the share of com- 
 munity, family and individual in it. All this was a great 
 advance over earlier conditions. It has been customary 
 to think of the entrance into Canaan as a step downward 
 religiously. So it was in many respects. As the Hebrews 
 gave up their nomadic habits and became accustomed 
 to the life of Canaan, they tended to adopt the sacred 
 places and many of the religious customs of the Canaan- 
 ites. They sacrificed on the village " high places " 
 (I Sam. 9:11-14), confused Jehovah with the local Baals 
 of Canaan, made use of the symbolic " pillars " and the 
 " asherah" (Jud. 6:26) and utilized soothsaying and 
 necromancy. Even so, we may maintain that community 
 religion was better than camping religion. The Hebrews 
 were now in circumstances which promoted their rapid ad- 
 vance to higher levels. They remained loyal to Jehovah ; 
 they had from time to time leaders who realized what 
 true loyalty meant and they had glorious traditions and 
 sound ideals as a people. - 
 
 2. The Migration of the Danites to the North. 
 (Judges 17, 18; Josh. 19: 40-48; Judges 1 : 34-36.) 
 
 (149.) This vivid story from the appendix to the book 
 of Judges both explains the history of the location of the 
 Danites in the northernmost part of Canaan, and throws 
 much light upon the rude days immediately following the 
 settlement in Canaan. 
 
 Where was the tribe of Dan first located? (Joshua 
 19:41-46.) What forced it to find a new territory? 
 (Judges 1 : 34, 35.) At whose house did its explorers 
 receive hospitality? (18:2.) How had a shrine dedi- 
 cated to Jehovah been established at this house? (17: 
 1-4.) By what addition had this shrine come to be 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 83 
 
 highly valued by Micah? (17:7-13.) Where did the 
 exploring party find a city that could be captured? 
 (18: 7.) How did the migrating tribe provide itself with 
 a shrine and a priest? (18: 14-27.) What sort of law 
 did these rude pioneers seem to recognize? (17: 6.) To 
 what redeeming fact do these rough, selfish impulses 
 testify ? 
 
 (150.) The Low Standards of a Rude Age. This narra- 
 tive helps the student to understand the Hebrews of this 
 early age. They were thoroughly loyal to Jehovah, their 
 God, but committed many evils in His name. They were 
 a crude, ambitious people, eager for settled homes and 
 ready to capture them. They needed much training and 
 enlightenment before they could in any sense become 
 God's true representatives. 
 
 (151.) The New Sanctuary. The narrative describes 
 the founding of the famous northern sanctuary at Dan. 
 At first thought the acceptance as a sanctuary by the 
 people of a shrine produced under the conditions so graphi- 
 cally related seems incredible. We must remember that 
 the people of that day showed their loyalty to their God 
 by having a sacred place and by making regularly certain 
 prescribed or voluntary offerings. The moral element in 
 worship was less clearly emphasized. A mean, cruel or 
 thievish man might regard himself as a very acceptable 
 worshipper if he performed his religious duties at the 
 right time. 
 
 3. The Victory Over the Canaanitish Coalition. 
 (Judges 4, 5.) 
 
 (152.) These chapters describe, in prose and in poetry, 
 the final attempt of the Canaanites to combine to crush 
 the Hebrews and how at the challenge of Deborah the 
 tribesmen rallied to Jehovah's standard and won a decisive 
 victory. 
 
 Under what general did the Canaanites assemble to 
 crush the Hebrews? (4:2; 5:19, 20.) Who put fresh 
 courage into the latter? (4:4-6; 5:7.) What tribes 
 volunteered under the leadership of Barak? (5: 14, 15, 
 
84. HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 18.) What northern tribes contributed no warriors? (5: 
 16, 17.) Where did the battle take place? (4:13; 5:19.) 
 What put those fighting in chariots at a disadvantage? 
 (5:4, 20, 21.) What happened to the defeated leader? 
 (4 : 17-22 ; 5 : 24-27.) What was the result of this victory ? 
 (4:24.) 
 
 (153.) The Song of Deborah (Judges 5). This vigorous 
 poem is one of the oldest and finest examples of Hebrew 
 poetical composition. It well illustrates the original rec- 
 ords out of which such a history as that of the Hebrews 
 at this period was made. It describes dramatically the 
 crisis, the assembling of the tribal warriors, the fierce 
 battle on the plain of Esdraelon, the death of Sisera and 
 the hopeless waiting of his mother for his return, laden 
 with spoil. Three interesting inferences may be made 
 from the poem. (1) That the Hebrews thought of 
 Jehovah as still making his chief abode at Sinai and as 
 coming forth to lead His people to battle and traveling in 
 the tempest to their aid; (2) that they could be stirred 
 to their hearts by an appeal to their sense of unity; (3) 
 that their political union had scarcely begiui. 
 
 Both the poem and the prose account give first place to 
 Deborah. In lofty patriotism, good judgment, vigor, and 
 aU quahties of leadership, she was worthy of this recogni- 
 tion, a remarkable woman. 
 
 (154.) The Political and Religious Conditions Reflected 
 by the Song. To determine what a poet actually means 
 is not easy. But this poem seems to suggest that Jeho- 
 vah, Israel's God, came from Sinai to lead His people to 
 battle, manifesting His presence by a terrible storm; that 
 the people were rallied with difficulty; that the challenge 
 to prove their loyalty to Jehovah was a successful war 
 cry; and that the victory not only gave the Hebrews 
 ascendancy over their foes, but knit them together more 
 firmly than before. This great contest was really the 
 first step toward the kingdom. 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 85 
 
 4. The Exploits of the Hebrew Heroes. 
 (Judges3:7tol6:31.) 
 ^^ (155.) These chapters describe the exploits of thirteen 
 " judges " (if Abimelech is counted), seven of whom are 
 scarcely more than names. The stories about Gideon, 
 Jepthah and Samson are representative. 
 
 With what invaders did Gideon have to deal ? (6 : 3-6.) 
 How did he assure himself of Jehovah's summons to 
 leadership? (6: 11-24.) By what strategem did he en- 
 able his little band of warriors to surprise and defeat his 
 foes? (7.) What honor did his people desire to give 
 him? (8:22.) Why did the elders of Gilead invite 
 Jepthah, the freebooter, to become their general? (11: 
 4-10.) What vow did Jepthah make? (11:30-31.) How 
 was it performed? (11:34-40.) What was peculiar 
 about Samson? (13:5.) In what ways did he show his 
 wonderful strength? (14:5-6; 15:9-16.) Against what 
 people did he perform his exploits ? 
 
 (156.) Gideon in Central Palestine. Gideon is the 
 greatest of these heroes. He was a reformer as well as a 
 military leader. Like Deborah, his soul was fired with 
 religious patriotism. He helped to protect his people 
 from the forays of the desert tribes, to which their situa- 
 tion made them liable. Apparently the sacred duty of 
 blood vengeance (8: 18-21) served as an immediate reason 
 for his brave deed, but he acted for the tribes. He stands 
 as a type of the resourceful, independent, sturdy men who 
 were ready to defend their new homes against all comers. 
 The defeat he inflicted was so thorough that " the day of 
 Midian " became a current illustration of Jehovah's in- 
 tervention to save Israel (Isa. 9: 4; 10: 26; Ps. 83: 9-12). 
 
 (157.) Jepthah in the East Jordan Country. Jepthah 
 belonged in Gilead, across the Jordan, where his people 
 were subjected to cruel pressure from the Ammonites. 
 He was a man for the emergency, but otherwise he repre- 
 sented the least progressive among his people. His vow 
 was sincere, but superstitious. No doubt he carried it 
 out literally, as Saul was prepared to do later on. (I Sam. 
 14:39,44.) 
 
86 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (158.) Samson in the South. The story of Samson has 
 little religious value, but gives much insight into the 
 popular life of the tiftie. He is the sort of a hero whom 
 the country people would love. His feats of strength, his 
 tricks, his grim humor and his tragic death are what 
 story-tellers deHght to repeat. He was a Nazirite, that is, 
 a man devoted by a special vow to Jehovah's service. 
 The outward signs of his consecration were abstention 
 from wine, keeping the hair uncut and ceremonial purity. 
 Samuel (I Sam. 1 :11) was a Nazirite and one who seemed 
 to live in full accordance with the true religious ideal. 
 Samson performed . some brilliant exploits against the 
 Philistines, who were beginning to threaten the Hebrews 
 on the west. But he did all this individually and fit- 
 fully. His great powers were unregulated, his exploits 
 were selfish and his life was immoral. 
 
 The Samson stories show that the Philistines were 
 growing stronger and more aggressive. They had organ- 
 ized a federated state governed by five "lords" (Jud. 3: 3) 
 and were pushing vigorously east and north. 
 
 5. Glimpses of the Finer Life of these Rude 
 Days. (Ruth; I Sam. 1-3.) 
 
 (159.) These narratives set forth the reverse of the 
 preceding pictures and enable us to understand the rapid 
 advance of the Hebrews. 
 
 What fine devotion led Ruth, the Moabitess, to become 
 a woman of Judah? (Ruth 1.) In whose fields was she 
 permitted to glean? (Ruth 2.) Of what great leader 
 did she become the great- grandmother? How do we 
 know that the family of Samuel were God-fearing people ? 
 (I Sam. 1 : 1-18.) What did Samuel's mother do with her 
 boy? (1 : 19-28; 2: 19.) What were his duties at Shiloh? 
 (2:18; 3:1-3.) By what vision was he shown to be 
 Jehovah's spokesman? (3:4-20.) 
 
 (160.) The Story of Ruth. This charming story testi- 
 fies to its having been written long after the date of the 
 incidents recorded, probably after the exile, when feeling 
 ran high against those of foreign birth, and as an argu- 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 87 
 
 ment for toleration. The fact that Ruth, the Moabitess, 
 was an ancestress of David was a blow to bigotry and 
 narrowness. The social setting of the story gives it 
 great value in emphasizing the finer side of Hebrew life. 
 Probably it reflects that life at its best, like such passages 
 as Ps. 127, 128; Prov. 31 : 10-31 ; Job 29. But if idealized 
 the story testifies to what the historian must assume to be 
 true, viz., that there was a God-fearing, friendly, indus- 
 trious, happy community life in early Israel. 
 
 (161.) The Boy Samuel and His Mother. An equally 
 instructive and beautiful picture is given by the early 
 chapters of First Samuel, recounting the birth and early 
 training of Samuel. The quality of the mother of Samuel 
 explains his own greatness and suggests the important 
 share of the godly women of the Hebrew race in its uplift. 
 His contact as a boy with the venerable and godly, 
 though weak-willed, Eli and his duties at the sanctuary, 
 made him a sober-minded, clear-thinking, promising lad, 
 a sharp contrast to the self-seeking sons of Eli. . 
 
 6. The Israel of 1050 B.C. 
 (162.) A Survey at the Close of the Judges Period. 
 
 Viewed geographically. The Hebrews had become well 
 established in their permanent homes, mainly on the 
 hills. They were in four rather distinct sections. A 
 little wedge of Canaanitish cities still intervened (§ 145) 
 between the southern tribes, Judah and Simeon, and the 
 central tribes, Benjamin, Ephraim and Manasseh. The 
 plain of Esdraelon divided the central tribes from those 
 in the north, Issachar, Zebulon, Naphtali, Asher and 
 Dan. The cities which had once made a hostile zone of 
 defense (§ 146) had been captured or weakened, yet the 
 plain remained a natural barrier. The fourth group, 
 Reuben and Gad, or Gilead, occupied the country east of 
 Jordan. This four-fold distinction continued as long as 
 the Hebrews did. In New Testament times the divisions 
 were called Judah, Samaria, Galilee and Perea. 
 
 Viewed politically. The attacks by Moab, Edom 
 and Ammon had ceased, but the Philistines had begun to 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 show, their strength and aggressiveness. The Hebrews 
 were very democratic and hesitated to acknowledge one 
 permanent leader. They showed, however, that they 
 cherished a sense of imity and could get together when 
 they had to do so. 
 
 Viewed socially. The change from pastoral to agri- 
 cultural life opened a new and enticing world of ex- 
 perience to the Hebrew. The influence of Canaanitish 
 civilization was very strong and not, by any means, en- 
 tirely objectionable. The people of Canaan represented 
 a higher stage of social efificiency. 
 
 Viewed religiously. This century prepared the way 
 for progress, but showed very little of it. Jehovah 
 was the God of Israel and the people were loyal to Him, 
 but they recognized the existence of the gods of other 
 peoples, too (Judges 11:21-24). The Ark, which sym- 
 bolized His presence, was kept with every token of rever- 
 ence in a sanctuary at Shiloh in charge of a priest of digni- 
 fied standing. There were other sanctuaries at Dan 
 (Jud. 18: 30), Ophrah (8: 27), Mizpah (11: 11), Gilgal and 
 Bethel. Regular sacrifices, feasts and special vows were 
 a part of the religious life. Probably the most representa- 
 tive Hebrews practised a simple family religion (I Sam. 
 1:3, 4, 9-18, 22, 24-28; 2:18-20; 9:14,22-24; 20:6, 29), 
 which was an active, healthy moral force. Other Israel- 
 ites came perilously near to idolatry and Canaanitish 
 excesses. 
 
 VI. 
 
 THE GRADUAL ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREW KINGDOM, 
 1050 TO 937 B.C. (I AND H SAM; I KINGS 1-11.) 
 
 (163.) The century or more which includes the careers 
 of Samuel, Saul, David and Solomon was in some respects 
 the most brilliant period of Israel's life. The record of 
 its events describes the gradual organization of the inde- 
 pendent groups of people into a real nation, mainly imder 
 the resistless leadership of David, and the brief glory of 
 the empire he established. The story of the age is told in 
 the finest series of historical sketches in the whole Bible, 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 89 
 
 crowded with incident, character portrayal and surveys. 
 The date of the beginning of the period is only relatively 
 certain; the date of its conclusion is supported by inde- 
 pendent chronological data. 
 
 (164.) The Books of Samuel. These two books were 
 originally one. They tell a connected story about Sam- 
 uel, Saul and David, which concludes with I Kings 2. 
 They represent the finest standards of Hebrew history 
 writing. The author of these books, whose name no one 
 will ever know, was a man of prophetic spirit, who 
 preached to his generation through these historical details. 
 His real theme was the share of Jehovah in the founding 
 of the kingdom. He devoutly believed in the Providen- 
 tial guidance of the whole movement, and wrote the 
 history to give his countrymen a similar conviction. It 
 seems probable that he had before him as sources not 
 only such original material as the Song of the Bow from 
 the book of Jashar (II vSam. 1 : 17-27) or the official sum- 
 mary of the royal recorder (II Sam. 8: 15-18), but more 
 than one collection in written form of stories about Sam- 
 uel and about David and Saul. From this wealth of 
 material, which was interesting and varied, he occasion- 
 ally made long extracts (II Sam. 9-20). His work 
 was not, however, a mechanical piecing together of 
 extracts. He forced the data to tell a straightforward, 
 convincing and fascinating story of the rapid unification 
 of the Hebrews under the masterly leadership of Samuel 
 and David. The history separates into four natural 
 sections: (1) I Sam. 4-14, the story of the establishment 
 of Saul as king with Samuel's help; (2) I Sam. 15 to II 
 Sam. 5 : 5, the preparation of David at court and in exile 
 for the kingship; (3) II Sam. 6-20 and I Kings 1, 2, the 
 brilliant but varied reign of David over all Israel; (4) II 
 Sam. 21-24, an appendix of miscellaneous content. These 
 two books are thus the product of a long literary history 
 (§ 19). The author's habit of quoting from his sources 
 makes the books a source-collection of great value to the 
 student of the events, personalities, religious ideas and 
 rehgious growth of the days of the kingdom. 
 
90 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 1. The Inauguration of the Kingdom Under Samuel. 
 (I Sam. 4-14.) 
 
 (165.) As Samuel grew to manhood he seemed to win 
 the confidence of his people. They recognized him as a 
 real " man of God." He became somehow the one man 
 in Israel who could lead the people. Thus he was able 
 to render the supreme service of his life, the inauguration 
 of the kingdom. How this came about is not wholly- 
 clear to the historian. There are two strands of narrative 
 in these chapters, one an early, clear and consistent story, 
 which represents the kingdom as a gracious gift of Jehovah 
 for the blessing of his people, Samuel, at Jehovah's 
 command, anointing Saul as the first king (9:16). This 
 early narrative (9:1 to 10:16; 11; 13; 14) begins abruptly 
 with the introduction of Saul and recognizes Samuel as 
 an influential local prophet and patriot of Ephraim. 
 The much later narrative (7:3 to 8:22; 10:17-27; 12) 
 represents Samuel as the recognized " judge " of all 
 Israel, a man of supreme authority, who thought that 
 the desire for a king was a rejection of Jehovah, and 
 furthered it with reluctance. The two points of view were 
 skilfully knit into one narrative by the author of the 
 books of Samuel, but they are not readily reconcilable in 
 details. The outstanding and certain fact is that Samuel 
 was the link which bound together the period of the 
 judges and that of the monarchy. He launched Israel's 
 first king on his strange career. 
 
 (1.) the humiliation of the HEBREWS BY THEIR PHILIS- 
 TINE NEIGHBORS. (I Sam. 4: 1 to 7: 2; 13: 3-6, 16-23.) 
 (166.) These chapters recount the war with the Philis- 
 tines which resulted in Israel's defeat and the capture of 
 the Ark, the adventures of the Ark and the severity of the 
 Philistine yoke. 
 
 When the Philistines had won the first battle with the 
 Israelites, of what expedient did the latter make use to 
 insure a victory? (4:2-4.) What effect did this have 
 upon the Philistines? (4:6-10.) What series of mis- 
 fortunes resulted at Shiloh from the tidings of their cap- 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 9 1 
 
 tvire of the sacred Ark? (4:11-22.) What series of 
 misfortunes befell the Phihstines in their own country, 
 making them glad to return the Ark? (5:1 to 6: 16.) 
 Where did the Ark rest for a long time? (7:1,2.) How 
 did the Philistines keep their hold upon the Hebrews? 
 (10: 5; 13 : 3, 19, 22.) What showed the severity of their 
 dealings? (13:5-7; 9:16.) 
 
 (167.) The Philistines. This strong people Hved in the 
 maritime plain from the days of Joshua until at least the 
 sixth century B.C. They came over the sea, perhaps 
 from Crete (Amos 9:7; Jer. 47: 4), and were, according 
 to the records of Ramses III of the twentieth dynasty, a 
 part of the northern horde which nearly conquered Egypt. 
 Five strong Philistine cities each ruled by a " lord " 
 formed a confederacy, effective for defense or offense. 
 The Philistines were an enterprising, energetic people, 
 sure to come, sooner or later, into conflict with the 
 Hebrews (§ 141) . 
 
 (168.) The Capture of the Ark. There was no marked 
 inequality between the Hebrews and the Philistines. The 
 latter were better organized and led, hence they defeated 
 the Hebrews, notwithstanding the heartening presence 
 of the Ark. The carrying of the Ark in triumph to 
 Ashdod was a natural method of celebrating the victory 
 over the Hebrews and their Jehovah. The pestilence 
 which attacked the Philistines they interpreted as Jeho- 
 vah's answer to this desecration and lost no time in restor- 
 ing the Ark to its own land, with every mark of honor. 
 
 (1j69.) The Philistine Supremacy. It is evident that 
 the Philistines followed up the victories at Ebenezer. 
 They established fortresses at various points in central 
 Palestine, and quickly suppressed any manifestation of 
 rebellion against their authority. They also deprived 
 the Hebrews of weapons as far as possible (13: 19, 22). 
 No wonder that " a cry " (9: 16) had gone up from many 
 loyal Israelitish hearts to Jehovah, their divine leader for 
 deliverance from this hated yoke. 
 
92 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (2.) THE CHOICE OF SAUL AS KING THROUGH SAMUEL, THE 
 
 PROPHET. (I Sam. 9: 1 to 11: 15.) 
 
 (170.) This fascinating narrative introduces us to Saul, 
 the brave warrior. It describes his meeting with Samuel, 
 the latter's announcement to Saul of what God had in 
 store for him, and how Saul gave clear evidence to all of 
 his powers of leadership. 
 
 What sort of a man was Saul ? (9:2.) What errand on 
 his father's behalf brought him near Samuel's home? 
 (9: 3-5.) What led him to look for Samuel? (9: 6-10.) 
 For whom had Samuel been watching that day? (9: 15- 
 17.) What four surprising statements did he make to 
 Saul? (9:19-21.) In what four ways did Samuel seek 
 to impress Saul with the. great responsibility to which he 
 was called? (9:22 to 10:8.) In what way was this call 
 confirmed at Mizpah? (10:17-24.) By what brave 
 exploit did Saul win the hearts of the people? (11:1-15.) 
 
 (171.) The Yoting Man Saul. If the Israelites were 
 groaning under the Philistine yoke and longing for a 
 leader, Saul was well fitted to arouse their enthusiastic 
 loyalty. He was of noble family, attractive in person, of 
 kingly stature. While modest in estimating his own 
 powers (9:21; 10:22) he had been dreaming of deliver- 
 ance. (9 : 19.) When Samuel gave him the place of 
 distinction at the feast at Ramah, personally cared for 
 his comfort, consecrated him for his great task, furnished 
 him with a series of tests whose fulfilment might give 
 him certitude, and then warned him to be ready for God's 
 summons to duty (10: 7), Saul was brought face to face 
 with the great task of leadership. The quietness (10: 16), 
 with which he awaited God's own signal for action was a 
 further proof of his capacity. 
 
 (172.) The Prophet Bands. On his way homeward 
 Saul was met by a band of prophets in procession led by 
 music. Such bands are first mentioned in this age and in 
 connection with Samuel. They seem to be religious 
 enthusiasts whose principal purpose in banding themselves 
 together was to arouse the patriotic zeal of the people so 
 that they would fight for Jehovah and their homeland. 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 93 
 
 With their motives and methods Saul was in full sympa- 
 thy. Out of such dervish-like groups as these came the 
 men of religious fervor and patriotic zeal, who, under 
 Samuel's leadership, organized the prophetic brotherhood 
 which played so iraportant a part in the religious develop- 
 ment of the nation for the next few centuries. Zeal rather 
 than culture was their distinguishing characteristic in 
 Saul's day, but men who are at least thoroughly in earnest 
 concerning matters of moment are the very men whom 
 God can develop into men of rare usefulness. 
 
 (173.) The Choice of Saul as King. The attack of the 
 Ammonites upon Jabesh-Gilead gave Saul his eagerly 
 awaited opportunity. Summoning the tribesmen far and 
 near to. rally to the relief of their beleaguered kinsmen, he 
 made a forced march, surprised the Ammonites and scat- 
 tered them. Returning to Gilgal, the victorious Hebrews, 
 tmder the advice of Samuel, and with solemn ceremony, 
 made Saul their king. It was an (auspicious beginning of 
 a new order of social and political life, in which the He- 
 brews were to learn the blessings of a spirit of unity. 
 They had far to go, for they were an independent, self- 
 reliant people by nature. But the hearty support of 
 Samuel, the proven prowess of Saul, and the dangerous 
 dominance of the Philistines combined to create a strong 
 sentiment in favor of a permanent king and all that such 
 royalty involved. Several centuries later a historian of 
 these days regarded the step taken by the people at this 
 time as a retrogression from an earlier ideal condition. To 
 his mind the kingdom was the only feasible outcome of a 
 difficult situation, but one to be deplored. The historian 
 of today inclines rather to the view of the earliest source 
 that the establishment of the kingdom was a real step of 
 progress. 
 
 (3.) saul's splendid deliverance of his people from 
 THEIR FOES. (I Sam. 13, 14.) 
 (174.) This stirring narrative recounts the attempt of 
 the Philistines to crush promptly the movement toward 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Hebrew unity, the heroic exploit of Jonathan, and the 
 great victory of the Hebrews over the PhiHstines. 
 
 By whose act was war declared against the Philistines ? 
 (13:3.) What was the first effect upon Saul's forces of 
 the prompt Philistine advance? (Compare 13:2 with 
 13 : 6, 8, 15.) How did the Philistines show their over- 
 confidence? ' (13: 17, 18; 14:11, 12.) What was the 
 secret of Jonathan's courage? (14: 6.) By what exploit 
 did he throw the Philistine garrison at Michmash into a 
 panic? (14:6-15.) How was this turned by Saul and 
 others into a rout? (14 : 19-22.) What unwise command 
 did Saul issue ? (14:24.) Who unwittingly violated the 
 ban he imposed? (14:27.) When Saul discovered by 
 the sacred lot that Jonathan was the culprit, what-was he 
 about to do? (14:36-44.) Were the people right in pre- 
 venting the act? (14:45.) How did Saul strengthen 
 his kingdom? (14:47,48,52.) 
 
 (175.) The Over-Confidence of the Philistines. The 
 Philistines evidently underrated the Hebrews. Hearing 
 of Jonathan's attack upon their outpost at Gibeah, they 
 promptly advanced up the pass of Beth-horon to Mich- 
 mash. Saul's levies became panic stricken, and most of 
 them fled. Finding no opposition, the Philistines sent 
 out parties to plunder. This was Jonathan's opportun- 
 ity. His test questions (14: 9, 10), revealed to him their 
 spirit of over-confidence. His intrepidity took them by 
 surprise, and threw them into a confusion from which 
 they had no chance to rally. They really defeated them- 
 selves. 
 
 (176.) Saul's Foolish Vow. With the PhiUstines in 
 full flight toward the vaUe^^ of Ajalon, Saul, in his anxiety 
 to win a decisive victory, laid a ban on the Hebrew who 
 should stop to eat before nightfall. It was a rash, un- 
 discriminating measure, which Jonathan with his usual 
 good sense condemned as soon as he heard of it. Before 
 the day was over the energies of the pursuing Hebrews 
 were wholly exhausted and their overwhelming advantage 
 was lost. 
 
 Later on, when Saul discovered that Jonathan, his son. 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 95 
 
 had broken the ban, it seemed to him, as to Jepthah, that 
 the punishment of death must be executed, or else God 
 would be dishonored. With fine manhood, Jonathan 
 calmly accepted the consequences of his unwitting sin. 
 " I did, indeed, taste . . . ; here I am. I will die." (14: 
 43.) There was no note of complaint in his answer. 
 Fortunately the good sense of the people prevailed over 
 their superstition, and prevented the useless sacrifice. 
 
 (177.) Saul's Early Reign. The length of time covered 
 by these chapters is unknown. Even 13: 1 throws no 
 light when properly rendered. It should read " Saul 
 was (?) years old when he began to reign, and he reigned 
 (?) and two years over Israel." An exact parallel with 
 the figures inserted instead of being omitted is found in 
 I Kings 22 : 42. It is the customary formula with which 
 the story of a reign is introduced. The only Biblical 
 estimate of the length of Saul's reign is found in Acts 
 13: 21, which uses the round number " forty." Modem 
 estimates are but little more than half that number of 
 years. 
 
 As the summary in 14 : 47-52 shows, the earlier part of 
 Saul's reign was full of activity. The Philistines made 
 no united attempt to win back the control of central 
 Canaan imtil the very close of his reign. They were often 
 making skirmishes or raids, however. The other petty 
 nationalities, such as Ammon, Moab, Edom and such 
 tribesmen as the Amalekites, Saul soon inspired with a 
 wholesome respect for his prowess. 
 
 Gibeah, Saul's home, was a central, well-protected, 
 commanding situation. He made it his capital, and held 
 court out " under the tamarisk tree on the hill." He 
 cared little for the trappings of royalty, bearing himself 
 like a chieftain among his vassals rather than like a king 
 encircled by courtiers. His was a democratic rough-and- 
 ready sovereignty, his own tribesmen forming his immedi- 
 ate and dependable circle (22: 6-8). 
 
96 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 2. The Deterioration of Saul and the Gradual 
 Preparation of David for Leadership. (I Sam. 
 
 15-31; II Sam. 1:1 to 5: 5.) 
 (178.) The interest of the reader is transferred abruptly 
 from Saul to David. The former is discredited ; the latter 
 is the man of promise to whom every one is looking. The 
 tragedy of Saul's life contrasts in striking fashion with 
 the grovnng strength and success of David. The career 
 of David is sketched in a series of connected, vivid narra- 
 tives of high literary merit, invaluable to the student of 
 Israel's religious, social and political life. Occasional 
 duplications reveal the varied sources on which the writer 
 drew. The resultant impression of these fine tales is the 
 conviction that Jehovah planned and guided the whole 
 course of events. 
 
 (1.) David's training for leadership at court and as 
 AN outlaw. (I Sam. 15-26.) 
 
 (179.) These chapters trace David's consecration, ap- 
 pointment at court, victory, promotion, court life, flight, 
 and life in the desert. For the continuous story of his 
 appointment to court and fight with Goliath pass from 
 17:llditectly to 17:32. 
 
 How did Samuel become wholly estranged from Saul? 
 (15.) Where was Samuel directed to find a successor for 
 him? (16:1-5.) How was his mission accomplished? 
 (16: 6-13.) How came David to be made one of Saul's 
 attendants? (16: 14-23.) What was the boastful chal- 
 lenge of the Philistine champion? (17: 1-11.) How did 
 David persuade Saul to permit him to meet it ? (17 : 32- 
 37.) What was the outcome of the encounter ? (17 : 40- 
 54.) How was Saul's jealousy aroused? (18:6-9, 16.) 
 In what ways did Saul try to get rid of him ? (18 :10 to 19 : 
 10.) When David fled to Ramah and Saul followed him, 
 what happened to Saul ? (19:18-24.) How did Jonathan 
 discover that Saul was fixed in his murderous purpose? 
 (20.) What was Jonathan's attitude to David ? (18 • 1-4 • 
 19: 1-7; 20: 1-4, 12-17, 41-42; 23: 16-18.) How did Ahim- 
 elech the priest help David in his flight from Saul? 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 97 
 
 (21 : 1-9.) What were the sad consequences of his friend- 
 Hness? (22:6-19.) Trace David's wanderings until he 
 returned to Judah? (21: 10 to 22: 5.) How did he get 
 a band of followers? (22: 1, 2.) What action did Saul 
 take regarding David? (23, 24.) Show how the story 
 of Abigail reveals David's growing strength? (25.) In 
 what way was Saul finally induced to forego his ptursuit 
 of David? (26.) 
 
 (180.) The Knightly Jonathan. One of the most at- 
 tractive portraits in the Old Testament is that of Jona- 
 than. He had a brave and noble soul. He was all that 
 Saul should have been. His prowess (13:3; 14:6-14), 
 good judgment (14:29, 30; 20:2), frankness (14:43), 
 warmheartedness (18:3, 4), and clear visioned loyalty to 
 David (20; 23: 16-18), were admirable. In David's im- 
 pressionable years his close friendship with such a trust- 
 worthy, faithful, large-minded, disinterested, self-sacrific- 
 ing nature was providential. David did not overstate 
 Jonathan's affectionate friendship in II Sam. 1 : 26. 
 
 (181.) Saul's Growing Madness. The closing years 
 of Saul's reign were unhappy ones. He had forfeited the 
 support and friendship of Samuel. He became bitterly 
 jealous of David, his popular officer. With occasional 
 flashes of his old, energetic, companionable self, he settled 
 into a morose brooding, which was dangerous. Hpw 
 much this was due to disease and how far to the stirrings 
 of conscience we are not told. The effect of it all was to 
 make him an uncontrollable and dangerous despot, feared 
 by all, rapidly losing his hold upon people and kingdom. 
 
 (182.) David's Experience at Court. David came to 
 Saul's court a young man of unusual physique and prow- 
 ess. His surroundings there were a good school for the 
 future ruler. All the people could know him. He met 
 constantly the leaders of every class. He became ac- 
 quainted with the problems and needs of the people. He 
 was trained as a soldier in managing bodies of men. All 
 phases of his experience were of great value to David. 
 So wonderfully did he respond to their stimulus that 
 among the people (25:28-31) and the leaders alike 
 
98 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (23 : 17) arose the conviction that David was the coming 
 ruler of the Hebrew people. 
 
 (183.) His Career as an Outlaw. The description of 
 David's men in 22:2 may be misunderstood. His six 
 hundred men were not a collection of rascals but of men 
 broken in fortune, often, probably, through persecution. 
 Such deeds as theirs were deeds of brave men, wholly 
 loyal to David. Many of them became David's trusted 
 nobles. His intimate companionship with such men 
 among the vicissitudes of outlaw life was a valuable 
 factor in preparing him for royalty. The close and 
 friendly contact with the people who were to be his sub- 
 jects was equally helpful. David did not need to wage 
 war with Saul. His battle was being fought for him. 
 For three illustrations of his need of growth note 25 : 21, 
 22; 26: 19 and 27: 9-11. He was the idol of his men, the 
 devoted servant of Jehovah, yet crude in his religious 
 ideas and capable of deeds of great cruelty. He needed 
 all kinds of experience and instruction before he could 
 become the man of God's choice. 
 
 (2.) Saul's death and david's election as king. 
 
 (I Sam. 27-31 ; II Sam. 1 : 1 to 5: 5.) 
 (184.) This section describes the events which con- 
 cluded in the attack of the Philistines which caused Saul's 
 death, thus opening the way for the choice of David as 
 king. 
 
 Into what adjoining country did David finally take 
 refuge? (27:1-4.) Where did he make his home? 
 (27:5-7.) How did he show loyalty to Achish, while 
 refraining from injxoring his own people? (27:8-12.) 
 How did Achish reward him? (28:1-2.) When the 
 Philistines invaded central Canaan to attack Saul, how 
 was David saved from disloyalty? (29.) How did he 
 turn to good advantage the Amalekite raid on Ziklag? 
 (30.) What did Saul do in his despair, when he faced the 
 Philistines? (28:3-25.) What was his fate? (31: 1-6.) 
 How did the men of Jabesh-Gilead honor him? (31 : 8- 
 13.) How did David hear the sad news? (II Sam. 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 99 
 
 1 : 1-16.) How did he express his grief? (1 : 17-27.) By 
 what portion of the Hebrew tribes was David accepted as 
 king and where was his capital? (2: 1-4, 11, 32; 3: 2-5, 
 19-21.) Who ruled over the other tribes? (2:8-10.) 
 How did Abner get into a blood feud with Joab? (2: 12- 
 32.) How did this feud interfere with David's plans? 
 (3: 12-39.) After the murder of Ishbosheth, what action 
 did the people of all Israel take toward David? (5: 1-5.) 
 
 (185.) The Providence Surrounding David. No better 
 illustration of the way in which David was saved from 
 fatal errors can be found than that given during the 
 closing year or two of the life of Saul. Forced to become 
 a vassal of Achish, the Philistine, David was enabled to 
 avoid a breaking of faith on the one hand or the injury of 
 his countrymen on the other. Right at the moment of 
 his severest test (I Sam. 28: 1, 2; 29:2-11), the jealousy 
 of the Philistine chieftains set him free. His great- mis- 
 fortiuie at Ziklag he converted into an occasion for 
 making an important ruling (I Sam. 30 : 24) recognized 
 everywhere as just, and an opportunity to reward those 
 who had befriended him when a homeless chieftain 
 (30:26-31). Every experience seemed to contribute to 
 his strength. 
 
 (186.) The Melancholy Close of Saul's Career. The 
 story of Saul's last days is full of gloom. His treatment 
 had driven from him his ablest followers ; he had alienated 
 those who were devout (22:11-19); a clear-headed wo- 
 man and his own great-hearted son (25: 28; 23: 17) had 
 expressed their certainty that his kingdom would pass 
 to David; even Saul himself held that opinion (23 : 17) ; he 
 felt quite unable to cope with the Philistine army (28: 5). 
 It was good evidence of his mental and moral collapse 
 that he turned on the last night of his life to a medium 
 that he might consult his old friend and guide, Samuel. 
 
 His actual death in the midst of the battle was char- 
 acteristic of his old self. His army fled in confusion, but 
 Saul and his sons bravely met their fate. 
 
 ('187.') David's Elesv. There was a general feeling of 
 
100 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 sons, but none of those who mourned were more sincere 
 or more impressive in their grief than David. The 
 touching poem of II Sam. 1 came from his heart. It is 
 interesting not only because of its poetical beauty and 
 its high-mindedness, but because it is a good specimen of 
 the original material that must underlie and contribute 
 to such a historical survey as First and Second Samuel. 
 (Compare § 19, 164.) 
 
 (188.) The Two Little Kingdoms. It is quite probable 
 that both David and Ishbosheth, whose real name was, 
 probably, Ishbaal (I Chron. 9 : 39), were regarded as vassals 
 by the Philistines and that each paid tribute. Under 
 such conditions, the Philistines left them free to do as 
 they would. Each king had a miUtary leader of the first 
 rank, who was jealous of the other. Their incidental 
 warfare is described in order to introduce the men them- 
 selves, Joab and Abner, men without fear or .conscience, 
 ready for any act of violence, difficult of management 
 even by David, whose policy had to be a waiting and 
 watchful one. His effort at conciliation was thwarted 
 by Joab, whose murder of Abner, however, gave the cov- 
 eted throne of Israel to his master, David. 
 
 (189.) The Reign of Saul over Israel. Reviewing the 
 whole reign of Saul from the standpoint of a secular his- 
 torian, it seems to deserve more credit than First Samuel 
 conveys. He was a capable and brave soldier and re- 
 tained to the last the control of his people. In his day 
 the leading tribes of the north and south were brought 
 together. He extended his kingdom southward and 
 northward (I Sam. 14:47, 48). The hostile Canaanitish 
 strongholds (§145) were reduced to one, that at Jeru.salem. 
 Moreover, his authority was so well established across the 
 Jordan that Mahanaim became the refuge and capital of 
 his son (II Sam. 2:8). The savagery and vindictiveness 
 of his last years were due largely, no doubt, to mental dis- 
 ease. But with all his bravery he combined rashness, self- 
 will and insubordination. His career u-as ruined by him- 
 self. He was religious after a fashion (I Sam. 28:9; 14: 
 35) , but he could not understand such a man as Samuel nor 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 101 
 
 the great issues which he represented. Consequently he 
 deprived himself and his throne of its strongest support 
 and made ultimate failure a certainty. Notwithstanding 
 aU this, it is also true that David's brilliant reign was 
 made possible by reason of Saiil's achievements. 
 
 3. The Firm Establishment of the United Kingdom 
 Under David. (II Sam. 5: 6 to I Ki. 2: 11.) 
 
 (190.) The story of the reign of David over united 
 Israel is, in the main, an unbroken narrative, compelling 
 in its interest and of great ethical value. It tells the story 
 of David, not merely to call attention to his greatness, but 
 to show also the plain secret of his misfortunes. It sets 
 forth vividly the long train of inevitable consequences 
 that followed upon his deliberate sin against his faithful 
 henchman and against his own conscience. He was his 
 own worst foe. This long narrative which extends from 
 the ninth chapter to the appendix, and originally included 
 the first two chapters of First Kings, is so crowded with 
 lifelike details that it must have been substantially 
 contemporaneous. The writer of the present books of 
 Samuel incorporated it with little or no change. 
 
 The chronology of David's reign is almost as obsciu"e 
 as that of the reign of Saul. The number " forty " 
 (5 : 4) is so uniformly a round number in the Old Testa- 
 ment that even the exactness of the verse following is not 
 convincing. Unquestionably, however, the reign of 
 David over the whole nation was relatively long, for much 
 was achieved in the coiurse of it. Perhaps the existence 
 of a keeper of chronicles or " recorder " as a royal officer 
 (8: 16) at David's coturt should increase the probability of 
 the estimate recorded in 5:5. 
 
 (1.) JERUSALEM CAPTURED AND MADE THE CAPITAL OF THE 
 UNITED AND EMANCIPATED KINGDOM. (II Sam, 5 : 6 
 
 to 6: 23; 21: 15-22; 23: 8-19.) 
 (191.) These passages describe the severe but victori- 
 ous contests of David with the PhiUstines, his capture of 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Jerusalem in order to make it his capital and his central- 
 ization there of all the interests of his people. 
 
 What was the outcome of the prompt invasion of 
 David's territory by the Philistines? (5: 17-25; 21: 15- 
 22.) What value did David's men place upon him at 
 this time? (21 : 17.) What fine deed of heroism did the 
 Three do? (23: 13-17.) How did David get possession 
 of the Jebusite fortress? (5:6-8, Compare I Chr. 11: 
 5, 6.) What two important building enterprises did he 
 carry through? (5:9-11.) In what other way did he 
 try to extend his influence? (5:13.) What treasured 
 religious possession of the people did he bring to the new 
 capital? (6:1, 2.) How did the king show his reverence 
 for it and his joy over its transfer? (6:3-5.) What 
 imfortunate accident occurred on the road ? (6 : 6-9.) 
 What encouraged David to renew his task? (6: 10-12.) 
 What new honor did the king pay to the symlaol of Je- 
 hovah's presence? (6: 13-15.) How was it sheltered at 
 Jerusalem? (6:17.) How was its coming signalized? 
 (6: 17-19.) How did David justify his laying aside of 
 roval dignity ? (6 : 20-22.) 
 
 (192.) The Decisive Conflict with the Philistines. The 
 Philistines rightly interpreted the acceptance by David 
 of the crown of all Israel as. a declaration of war, and lost 
 no time in sending an army into the Hebrew hill country. 
 The struggle was hotly contested and lasted for some 
 time. At one time David was forced to take refuge in 
 the cave or fortress of Adullam, twelve miles from Bethle- 
 hem by a very rough trail. He chanced to remember with 
 longing the cool, delicious water of the well at Bethlehem, 
 " which is by the gate." Three of his sturdy warriors 
 instantly made their way through the Philistine army, 
 got the water and fought their way through again success- 
 fully. Such devotedness hallowed the brave and loving 
 deed. David could not drink the water, but offered it 
 to Jehovah as a precious gift (23: 13-17). 
 
 In the wide ranging valley of Rephaim, southwest of 
 Jerusalem, two fierce battles were fought, the last one 
 being a crushing defeat for the Philistines, which cleared 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 103 
 
 them out of David's dominions, compelled a lasting peace, 
 and left him free to strengthen and consolidate his king- 
 dom. 
 
 (193.) Jerusalem captured and made David's Capital. 
 
 From the time of the Conquest under Joshua down to 
 David's day, Jerusalem had remained a Canaanitish 
 stronghold. It was an ancient city in Joshua's day and 
 was one of a chain of Canaanitish strongholds, extending 
 westward as far as Gezer, which the men of Israel had 
 been imable to capture (§ 145, 162). This line of fortresses 
 had been an important factor in the separation of south- 
 em from central Canaan. David had already asserted 
 his mastery over the rest of the debatable region (5 : 25) 
 and now set himself with new vigor to the capture of the 
 fortress of Jebus, which, from the East Hill above the 
 spring Gihon, dominated and controlled Jerusalem. 
 
 The passage which reports the capture (5 : 6-8) is rather 
 obscure. It seems to indicate that the Jebusites were 
 over-confident and that David managed to surprise them. 
 The parallel passage in I Chron. 11 : 4-6, states that David 
 offered the post of commander-in-chief to its captor. 
 Joab, his own kinsman (I Chron. 2 : 16) won the prize. 
 David was large-minded enough to respect his foes. He 
 deprived them of their power, but spared them otherwise 
 (II Sam. 24: 18). They were made citizens of the new 
 capital. More than four centuries later the prophet 
 Ezekiel in explaining Jerusalem's wickedness attributed 
 it to the fact that the city was heathen in origin. (Ezek. 
 16:3.) 
 
 David showed excellent judgment in the choice of 
 Jerusalem to be his capital. It belonged to no one tribe ; 
 it was identified with neither north nor south; it was 
 conveniently situated, tolerably well-watered, readily de- 
 fensible, hard to attack, and yet in quick communication 
 with all parts of the cotmtry. It had the possibilities 
 of a real capital. He could not have foreseen its real 
 greatness, but he laid well the foundations. For twenty- 
 nine centuries Jerusalem has remained a city of note. In 
 David's time it was perhaps about the size of Gezer. a 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 royal Canaanite city, which measured 4500 feet aroimd 
 the walls. People lived compactly in those days. 
 
 (194.) David's Nationalizing Policy. David's genius 
 as a ruler was quickly exhibited by the measures he took. 
 He built a palace and other appropriate buildings, he 
 maintained a bodyguard of "mighty men," he rapidly 
 increased the population of the city, he organized his 
 court, he encouraged trade and greatly enhanced the im- 
 portance and strength of Jerusalem. The step of great- 
 est importance was the bringing of the sacred Ark from 
 Kirjath-jearim to the capital. It symbolized the pres- 
 ence of Jehovah to hallow and bless the new city. 
 
 As George Adam Smith has pointed out, the realization 
 by Jerusalem of her greatest dignity and influence was a 
 work of centuries. David's policy involved much fore- 
 handedness and far-sightedness. But such characteristics 
 seem appropriate to the David of history. He had set 
 his heart upon making a real nation. He shrewdly under- 
 stood the weakness of Saul's policy and set himself to the 
 task of building up a national center of political, social and 
 religious influence which should soon quicken a sense of 
 pride and loyalty in the hearts of every man of Israel, 
 south or north. It was a little city, with a tiny palace 
 and crude conditions, but it was big with promise. 
 
 (195.) The Transfer of the Ark. The circumstances 
 of the transfer of the Ark throw much light upon the re- 
 ligious ideas of the day. It was so sacred that the death 
 of Uzzah was attributed to his rash handling of it, even 
 to save it from harm. It was borne on a cart never used 
 before (6:3). The emotions of the worshippers had to 
 find vent in the loud playing of musical instruments and 
 in frenzied dancing. The Ark was brought into the for- 
 tress and placed near David's palace. Here it was shel- 
 tered in a tent, which David prepared. I Kings 8 : 4 calls 
 this the " tent of meeting" (§ 129), the historic tent which 
 Moses had frequented (rendered in the Authorized Version 
 " tabernacle of the congregation "). The fortified hill- 
 top known as " David's City " was unquestionably the 
 best and safest place for the Ark at that time, but, as we 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 105 
 
 shall see, the close proximity of the palace and the shrine 
 was not always to the advantage of the latter. 
 
 (2.) THE NEW KINGDOM MADE SUPREME IN SYRIA AND 
 
 PALESTINE. (II Sam. 7:1 to 11:1; 12:26-31; 
 21: 1-14; 23: 8 to 24: 25.) 
 
 (196.) These passages describe the wars by which 
 David made himself the most important monarch of his 
 region, various incidents of his early reign, and the or- 
 ganization of his kingdom. 
 
 What very distasteful duty did David im.pose upon 
 Joab, his general? (24:1-4.) What was Joab's report? 
 (24: 9.) Later on, in what light did David regard this 
 procedure? (24:10.) What was its punishment? (24: 
 15.) How did he get the land on which to build an altar 
 for the atoning sacrifice? (24: 19-25.) In the course of 
 the warfare of his early reign, how many nations did 
 David defeat and where were they situated? (8; 10; 
 11:1; 12:26-31.) What did he do with the spoil he 
 accum\ilated? (8:7, 8, 10-12; 12:30.) What high offi- 
 cials of court did he appoint? (8: 15-18.) What sort of 
 deeds brought distinction to his soldiers? (23:8-12.) 
 How was the famine atoned for? (21: 1-9.) How did 
 David reward the faithfulness of Rizpah to her beloved 
 dead? (21:10-14.) 
 
 (197.) The Extent of David's Kingdom. King David 
 began his royal career (2 : 4) with a kingdom no larger 
 than a fair-sized county. From Bethel to Beersheba was 
 about fifty-five miles. The average breadth of Judah 
 was between twenty-five and thirty miles. One half of 
 this area was desert. He left a small empire ranging 
 from the Lebanon Mountains to the border of Egypt 
 on the south. Its area was, roughly speaking, two 
 hundred miles in length and from seventy to a hundred 
 miles in breadth, a little larger than the state of Vermont. 
 His dominance was acknowledged by the Aramaean states, 
 by Moab, Ammon and Edom, by the Philistines and by the 
 desert tribes, while other countries held him in high 
 respect. His aggressive policy was a factor of great 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 importance in transforming his own people from dis- 
 couraged, disunited peasants into men of racial pride, 
 masterfulness and outlook. His new capital became 
 an important and busy center with its throng of officials 
 and their families, of princes and their retinues, of soldiers, 
 merchants, temple people and visitors. Jerusalem must 
 have grown rapidly during David's reign. 
 
 (198.) Its Organization. (II Sam. 8:16-18; 15:37; 
 16: 16; 20: 23-26; I Chron. 27: 33.) These references in- 
 dicate the great advance made by David in the organiza- 
 tion of a well-ordered kingdom. His people in their own 
 districts were ruled, according to traditional custom, by 
 their elders and men of rank, through whom any local 
 demand could readily be made known to the king. He 
 often deputized (15 : 3) others to act for him, but re- 
 mained the high court of justice to whom anybody could 
 appeal (14: 4). 
 
 At David's right hand were three men, the scribe or 
 secretary of state; the recorder or keeper of the royal 
 archives; and the " king's friend," a valued counselor. The 
 two priests of highest rank, Zadok and Abiathar, were 
 probably ranked as advisers of state also. To these 
 David added during the latter part of his reign a master 
 of the levies. (20:24.) 
 
 Two other officers were of great importance, the com- 
 mander of the picked bodyguard of warriors who were in 
 close attendance on the king, Benaiah, and the general of 
 the " host " or army which was recruited whenever 
 needed, Joab. Each was a trusted warrior. The mis- 
 cellaneous notes of chapter twenty-three suggest that 
 among the bodyguard of six hundred were not a few re- 
 doubtable warriors, who had proven their prowess on many 
 battlefields. The absolute loyalty of Ittai of Gath to 
 David in the days of his misfortune (15: 19-22) was but 
 one indication of their fideUty to their chosen liege. 
 
 (199.) Its Inner Spirit. David's reign was a time of 
 transition and experiment and occasional crudity. The 
 execution of seven of the descendants of Saul as a proper 
 atonement for his violation of the covenant v,-ith the 
 
GROWING AGE (3f ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 107 
 
 Gibeonites and the general feeling that such an expiation 
 was the only way to free the nation from guilt (21 : 1-14) 
 shows the bondage of David and his people to supersti- 
 tion. On the other hand the judgment of the prophet Gad 
 that David's census-taking indicated a desire to set up an 
 autocracy or an over-reliance upon material strength and 
 his declaration that Jehovah would surely punish such an 
 attitudQ indicates a healthy moral sense. 
 
 The new Israel of David's day is indicated in two im- 
 portant ways. When Nathan, the prophet, dissuaded 
 David from attempting to^build the temple he gave voice 
 to the growing national sense of destiny (7) . David's suc- 
 cesses put a new aspiration into his people. They began 
 to look far ahead, and to think in terms of a permanent 
 kingdom. 
 
 Scholars think that the same prosperity stirred into 
 action the creative power of the people. They gave ex- 
 pression to their ambitions in forms of literature. To this 
 age are generally credited the Oracles of Balaam in their 
 present form, the Blessing of Jacob (Gen. 50) , the book of 
 Jashar and the book of the Wars of Jehovah (Num. 21 : 14 ; 
 II Sam. 1: 18). Tradition has credited to King David 
 the authorship of many of the psalms. He was certainly 
 a musician and a poet, as well as a very zealous worshipper 
 of Jehovah. His exact share in the Psalter it is useless to 
 try to determine. The psalms, as we know them, repre- 
 sent the work of centuries, during which they underwent 
 repeated revision. It would probably be correct to at- 
 tribute to the prophets and priests of David's day much 
 of the credit for the literary interest of the period. 
 
 (3.) David's great sin and its lamentable train of 
 BITTER consequences. (II Sam. 11-20.) 
 
 (200.) This vivid narrative, unsurpassed in the Old 
 Testament for vividness and ethical insight, relates the 
 deliberate crime of David, its consequences, immediate 
 and remote, of lust, murder, rebellion and disloyalty, and 
 the loss of prestige to the throne. 
 
 Whose wife did David take to himself while her hus- 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 band was living? (11:3.) What second crime did he 
 commit deliberately in order to hide the first? (11: 14- 
 17.) How was David's wickedness brought home to him? 
 (12: 1-15.) How did Absalom revenge the insult offered 
 by his elder brother Amnon to his sister Tamar? (13: 
 22-36.) How did Joab manage to get David's permission 
 for Absalom to return to Jerusalem? (14: 1-23.) What 
 disloyalty did Absalom plan? (15:1-6.) What sudden 
 disaster came to David at Jerusalem? (15": 13-18.) 
 What interesting examples of devotedness to him are 
 recorded? (15: 19-21, 27-29, .32-37.) How did Hushai 
 succeed in persuading Absalom to delay the attack upon 
 David? (17:1-14.) What was the outcome of the great 
 battle near Mahanaim? (17:24 to 18:15.) How did 
 David receive the news? (18: 19 to 19: 8.) Which part 
 of the kingdom was foremost in restoring the king to his 
 throne? (19:11-15, 40.) What quarrel did this raise? 
 (19:41-43.) How was the rebellion of Sheba quelled? 
 (20:1-22.) 
 
 (201.) David's Great Sin. David's chivalry could not 
 stand against the enervating influences of a growing 
 harem and constant palace life. (21 : 17.) He coveted 
 and took the wife of one of his brave warriors. It is 
 significant that the Israelites regarded this as a shameful 
 act, not one conferring honor. Their ideals were sound. 
 Nathan spoke for the heart of the people when he appealed 
 to the justice and pity of the king, and declared that 
 Jehovah would punish him for his mean and dastardly 
 crimes. 
 
 (202.) The Chain of Bitter Consequences. David's 
 gratification of his mad passion made it harder for him to 
 discipline his oldest son, Amnon, for a similar outrage and, 
 consequently, Absalom, regarding adequate vengeance 
 as his duty, murdered Amnon. With Absalom's case the 
 king failed to deal in his old, vigorous fashion, so that 
 again that ambitious prince felt himself aggrieved and 
 justified in conspiring to dethrone his father, whose with- 
 drawal from public life gave him free opportunity to carry 
 out his plans. The rebellion, although it was crushed, 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 109 
 
 left so much ill feeling behind it that Sheba was embold- 
 ened to revolt. By his lack of self control and respect 
 for another's home, king David brought his promising 
 kingdom almost to destruction. 
 
 (203.) The Growing Influence of the Prophets. There 
 is no mention in the records of David's reign of the pro- 
 phetic brotherhood at Ramah, to whose protection David 
 fled when he was pursued by Saul. (I Sam. 19 : 18-24.) 
 That it was in existence is indicated by the fact that 
 similar organizations were a feature of the life of Israel a 
 little later on. Two prophetic leaders, Nathan and Gad, 
 were close to David and highly respected by him. To 
 the influence of these men of religious fervor, intellectual 
 capacity, and keen spiritual insight, may be attributed 
 Israel's rapid advance in public morality and national 
 idealism. 
 
 (4.) David's last days. (I Kings 1: 1 to 2: U.) 
 (204.) This passage relates the attempt of Adonijah to 
 seize the throne of all Israel and its result in the immediate 
 enthronement of Solomon as king. 
 
 What ambition fired the heart of Adonijah? (1:5.) 
 What four reasons had he for believing that he could suc- 
 ceed? (1:6-7.) How was David warned of the plot? 
 (1:11-27.) What measures were taken to defeat it? 
 (1:32-40.) What became of Adonijah? (1:49-53.) 
 What various commands did the dying David give to 
 Solomon, the new king? (2: 1-9.) 
 
 (205.) The Plot of Adonijah. In his last years David 
 was weak and inert. His court was the scene of much 
 plotting concerning the succession. David, apparently, 
 had made no public announcement of his purpose to select 
 Solomon as his successor. (1 : 20.) A strong party to 
 which Joab and Abiathar belonged favored the claims of 
 Adonijah, the eldest living son of David, and he even went 
 so far as to call his supporters together to proclaim him 
 king and seize the throne. By the shrewd promptness of 
 Nathan, David was roused to decisive action. Solomon 
 was placed on the royal mule, led at David's command 
 
110 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 down to the spring of Gihon, anointed king, proclaimed 
 to the people and seated on the throne. Adonijah's party- 
 dispersed in fear and the ringleader was only spared by- 
 reason of the clemency of his new sovereign. 
 
 (206.) The Dying liajiinctions of David. The greatest 
 blot on David's character is occasioned by his charge to 
 Solomon on his deathbed. Such vindictiveness does not 
 seem in keeping with the great and generous leader who 
 was patient (II Sam. 16 : 5-13) under the insults of 
 Shimei and owed so much for faithful service to Joab. 
 We can only explain it by supposing that David was 
 no longer his manful self. 
 
 (207.) The Character and Work of David. David was 
 the real creator of the Israelitish nation. He took a 
 badly disorganized people and made it into a well organ- 
 ized nation with an ample country, a central capital, a 
 national consciousness and an outlook. Israel began to 
 feel itself a power in the world; the prophets, at least, 
 were anxious that it should be a power for good. 
 
 He was a military genius, a resourceful ruler and one in 
 sympathy with the best ideals of his age. He could sin 
 deeply, but he also repented sincerely. His greatest 
 weaknesses were displayed in the realm of the affections. 
 He inspired the most touching and loyal devotion in his 
 followers and seemed to gather about him those of the 
 highest type. Intensely human in his faults and virtues 
 alike, the weight of his life's influence was in favor of all 
 that contributed to the growth of his people, politically 
 and religiously. 
 
 4. Solomon's Splendid and Peaceful but Disinte- 
 grating Reign. (I Kings 2: 12 to 11: 43.) 
 (208.) The story of Solomon's reign differs in form from 
 any of the narratives heretofore read in that it is a mass 
 of details rather than an unbroken story. The central 
 fact of interest is the description of Solomon's buildings, 
 notably the Temple. The other facts related are of real 
 importance, but they seem to be loosely arranged. 
 4 : 20-26 is an evident interpolation, since verse 27 be- 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 111 
 
 longs with verse 19. Moreover, it seems to be an exilic 
 interpolation, for verse 24, read accurately (see marginal 
 notes) implies a Babylonian standpoint. Moreover, the 
 order of the chapters is no key to the order of the occur- 
 rence of the events related in them. The text of the Greek 
 Old Testament is in even worse condition. The reason 
 for the anecdotal character of the chapters devoted to 
 the reign of Solomon is not apparent, and the fact is not 
 important. They are mainly quite eulogistic. 
 
 (1.) THE PROMISING BEGINNINGS OF SOLOMON's REIGN. 
 
 (I Kings 2: 12 to 5: 12; 9: 10 to 10: 29.) 
 
 (209.) These data describe the spirit in which Solomon 
 undertook his great task, his plans for the splendor of his 
 capital and the security and prosperity of his people. 
 
 What three men did Solomon put to death as dangerous 
 foes? (2:19-46.) What kind of ability did he ask from 
 God? (3:5-15.) How did he show that his petition had 
 been granted? (3:16-28.) How did he provide the cost 
 of his court? (4:7, 27, 28.) For what was he justly 
 famed? (4: 29-34.) Who came from a distance to visit 
 him? (10:1-10, 13.) What building operations did he 
 put through, besides the Temple? (3 : 1 ; 9 : 10, 15, 17-19, 
 24; 10: 17.) 
 
 (210.) His Quick Exhibit of Capacity to Rule. Solo- 
 mon was given a kingdom but he showed at once that he 
 was a bom ruler. He took no action with reference to 
 those who had conspired against him until he had reason 
 to think that they were still contemplating treason. Then 
 with three swift blows he removed the three men who 
 questioned his legitimacy and the other man who dis- 
 obeyed his express command. There was no hint there- 
 after of rebellion in his vicinity. 
 
 He took a lofty view of his responsibilities, choosing for 
 himself neither wealth, honor nor the life of his foes, but 
 the ability to govern his people wisely. He rose to the 
 level of his splendid heritage and seemed to take the 
 worthy resolve to give it permanence. 
 
 A strong factor in his influence may have been his versa- 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 tility. He was celebrated far and wide for his cleverness 
 and his ctdture, and is credited with the originating im- 
 piolse in the case of Hebrew proverbial literature. In 
 these and many ways Solomon showed himself capable of 
 taking the lead of his people. 
 
 (211.) The Organization of his Kingdom. Solomon 
 improved in various ways upon David's scheme of or- 
 ganization. His division of the kingdom into twelve 
 provinces, each providing supplies for the court for one 
 month each year may not have been made early in his 
 reign, but it was in active operation long before its close. 
 There is reason to think that it involved some favoritism. 
 Judah, at least, is not included within the boundaries of 
 the provinces. 
 
 Solomon added to David's court Officials another scribe, 
 a steward or officer of the household and a minister of 
 finance. He also increased the dignity of the " King's 
 Friend" and used hundreds of minor officials. (9:23, 
 compare 5: 16.) 
 
 (212.) His Building Enterprises in Jerusalem. What 
 Solomon did for Jerusalem and his kingdom in the way of 
 building was his most lasting service. He found a Jerusa- 
 lem which was little better than a fortress, crowded and 
 inconvenient, surrounded by growing suburbs. He left 
 Jerusalem an imposing city, ranking weU among the minor 
 capitals of that era. 
 
 On the East Hill, above David's fortress, Solomon 
 erected a complex of bmldings and courts within one 
 greater court which was surrounded by a strong wall. 
 The Temple was on the highest point, siurounded with 
 its forecourt by a low wall. (6 : 36.) On a terrace below 
 was a larger, middle or "other" court (7: 8) containing the 
 royal palace and the House of the Daughter of Pharaoh. 
 Just below these structures were the great Throne Hall 
 (7: 7; 10: 18-20), the Hall of Pillars (7:6), and the House 
 of the Forest of Lebanon (7: 2-5; 10: 17, 21). 
 
 As materials for these costly structures and for the 
 Temple the records enumerate cedar wood, gold, ivory, 
 
GROWING AGE OP ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 113 
 
 PLAIf OF SOLOMON'S PALACE 
 
 (ACCORDING TO STADEJ 
 
114 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 silver, iron, copper, sandal wood (10:11) fir, precious 
 stones and huge hewn stones. (6: 17; 6: 7.) 
 
 The records mention somewhat obscurely a work of 
 fortification at Jerusalem. The Millo (9:24, 15; 11:27) 
 may have been an earthwork or bastion at the south end 
 of Davidsburg, as Smith names the original fortification. 
 The wall of Jerusalem was btiilt (3 : 1 ; 9 : 15) , but whether 
 it was more than the wall surrounding the Temple and the 
 palace buildings is uncertain. Solomon put Jerusalem 
 into fine defensive condition. 
 
 (213.) His Building Enterprises in Palestine. Six 
 fortresses were built by Solomon to protect his people 
 from invasion, but also to enable him to police the main 
 lines of international traffic (9:15, 17). Hazor com- 
 manded the main entrance from the north, Megiddo, the 
 cross passage from Esdraelon to the plain of Sharon, 
 Bethhoron the most open ascent to Judah from Sharon, 
 Gezer the entrance to the valley of Ajalon, Baalath a yet 
 more southerly approach from the seacoast and Tamar 
 the road from the south to Hebron. The capital was thus 
 adequately protected. Such fortresses' were also an in- 
 vestment. In return for the protection of regular traffic, 
 Solomon doubtless exacted a caravan toll. ■ 
 
 Besides these are mentioned " store cities and cities 
 for chariots and cities for horsemen " (9: 19). Solomon 
 had quite an army and introduced the use of chariots. 
 This portion of his army, for topographical reasons, he 
 could not keep at Jerusalem. Only individual chariots 
 are mentioned as coming to the city. .(H Kings 9:28; 
 II Chron. 35:24). 
 
 (2.) THE BUILDING AND DEDICATJON OF THE TEMPLE. 
 
 (I Kings 5-8.) 
 
 (214.) These chapters give the details concerning the 
 Temple and its dedication. 
 
 From what king did Solomon request assistance in the 
 building of the Temple? (5:1-6.) What was their 
 mutual contract? (5:7-11.) Whence came the needful 
 labor? (5: 13-18.) How long was the Temple in build- 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 115 
 
 ing? (6:38.) How were the needed resources obtained? 
 (7:51; 9:11.) With what solemnity was the Temple 
 dedicated? (8.) 
 
 (215.) The Preparations Made for Building. The rec- 
 ord in Kings ignores any share of the people in the build- 
 ing of the Temple, except that which was forced upon 
 them. I Chron. 29 mentions generous gifts of the wealthy 
 among the people. Probably the spoils of David's wars 
 furnished the greater part of the resources on which 
 Solomon drew. He enlisted the aid of King Hiram and 
 his Phoenician artisans for the actual work of erection. 
 
 (216.) The Plan of the Temple. The Temple was a 
 rectangular, thick walled building of large square stones 
 and cedar beams, 124 by 55 by 52 feet, with a porch at the 
 east front, and side chambers on the three sides. Its 
 interior was divided by a wall into two apartments. The 
 outer apartment, called the Holy Place (8: 10), was 70 by 
 34^ feet in extent. The inner sanctuary or Most Holy 
 Place (8 : 6) was a cube of 34| feet with a small chamber 
 above (6 : 20) . The whole building was panelled with 
 carved cedar, floored with cypress, and, according to 
 6: 21, overlaid with gold. The Temple was not imposing 
 in size, but it did not need to be. It was not a home for 
 worshippers; they used the court. It was simply a 
 dwelling for Jehovah. 
 
 (217.) Its Furniture. At the very apex of the East 
 Hill was the great Altar of Burnt Offering, now the rock 
 es-Sakhra, under the dome of the mosque of Omar. Near 
 the altar was the Bronze Sea (7:23-37), a huge tank, 
 seventeen feet in diameter, supported by twelve bronze 
 bulls. In the court with them were ten movable lavers 
 for use in sacrifices. Where the Bronze Serpent stood 
 (II Kings 18 : 4) we do not know. From the Great Altar 
 steps led down to the Porch of the Temple, which was 
 flanked on either side by beautiful bronze pillars, Jachin 
 and Boaz (7: 15-22). In the Holy Place stood the Table 
 of Shewbread and the lampstands. The Most Holy 
 ' Place was unlighted. It contained the Ark and the 
 Cherubim. (8: 6-9.) Thus, provision was made for the 
 
116 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 simple but stately ceremonial worship believed to be 
 acceptable to Jehovah. Solomon could do no more. 
 
 (218.) Its Religious Significance. The Greek Old 
 Testament supplies the missing line of the two couplets 
 in 8: 12, 13, making it read: 
 
 The sun hath Jehovah set in the heavens, 
 
 But He hath Himself decreed to dwell in thick darkness 
 
 I have built thee a House, an abode 
 
 A seat of thy habitation forever. 
 
 This is a significant and early declaration. The Greek 
 version credits it to the book of Jashar. It recognizes 
 the creative power of Jehovah, His invisibleness, and His 
 presence with men. It gives us a far clearer assurance of 
 the thoughts which the completed Temple inspired than 
 the elaborated prayer of dedication, which betrays the 
 mind of the age when the books of Kings were written. 
 
 The religious symbolism represented by the Cherubim, 
 the Sea, the Serpent and the Pillars was an inheritance 
 from the past. It is interesting to note that they gradu- 
 ally disappeared. They were really unnecessary, and 
 incompatible with a true spirituality. 
 
 The Temple at the outset was more a royal than a na- 
 tional sanctuary. It had important rivals at Bethel, 
 Dan and Beer-sheba. But being at the capital and con- 
 taining the ark and in charge of the family of Zadok, it 
 rapidly gained prestige. 
 
 (3.) THE DISASTROUS OUTCOME OF HIS POLICY. 
 
 (1 Kings 4:22-26; 5: 13-16; 9:1 to 11:43). 
 
 (219.) These passages testify to the splendor of Solo- 
 mon's reign, the heavy burdens it laid upon his people and 
 their growing discontent. 
 
 What was one good feature of Solomon's reign? (4: 
 24, 25.) How were the laborers secured for executing 
 Solomon's ambitious plans? (4:6; 5:13-16; 7:45-47; 
 9: 20-22.) Who had to pay for them? What did Solo- 
 mon do to stimulate trade? (9:26 to 10:13, 22-29.) 
 What caused his deterioration? (11:1-8.) Wliat two 
 important foe? only watched for a chance to attack his 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 117 
 
 kingdom? (11:14-25.) What two very significant 
 groups of opposition to Solomon are revealed by the story 
 of Jeroboam? (11 : 26-40.) 
 
 (220.) Solomon's Passion for Imperialism. King Solo- 
 mon was a monarch who was larger than his country. 
 His ideas were far in advance of his real resources. His 
 failure was in being unwiUing to recognize his limitations 
 and to adjust himself to them; and in assuming that his 
 freedom-loving people would endure indefinitely whatever 
 he chose to put into practise. He had an instinct for 
 international dealings. Up and down through all of 
 Palestine and Syria he made his country felt. He pro- 
 moted ambitious voyages, which seem to have been suc- 
 cessful. (10:22.) He made many alliances (11:1-8), 
 with the daughters of surrounding monarchs, his motive in 
 the main being the promotion of amity and free com- 
 merce. 
 
 (221.) The Unsoimdness of this Policy. The bold 
 act of Ahijah, the prophet of Shiloh, showed that he 
 and other leaders came to disapprove of Solomon's 
 policy, and to regard it as unfaithful to Jehovah. How- 
 ever excellent his motives may have been, the effect of 
 Solomon's policy was to cause his own religious deteriora- 
 tion, to introduce into Israel elements which favored cor- 
 ruption and to overstrain the resources of his subjects. 
 The splendor and influence of his reign were purchased at 
 too heavy a cost. Instead of adding to the strength of 
 his subjects he weakened them by galling taxation and 
 enforced labor. If he consciously made slaves of those 
 subjects who had been incorporated into his dominions 
 by David, he was quite as unjust as if he had dealt with 
 pure-blooded Hebrews. If he showed favoritism to Judah 
 as over against the northern sections, they were justified 
 in demanding redress from his son. (12:4.) Whatever 
 the reasons were, the greater portion of his subjects 
 waited with ill-concealed impatience for Solomon's death. 
 
 (222.) The S5miptoms of Revolt. It is not very prob- 
 able that Solomon's subjects objected strongly to his 
 alliances with other kings or to his marriages with their 
 
118 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 daughters or to his erection in Jerusalem of suitable places 
 of worship for his foreign queens. To most of them, such 
 arrangements would have seemed only courteous and 
 inevitable. The prophets of that day, as well as of the 
 days of the writer of Kings, seemed to take a different 
 view. They saw the danger to the purity and strength 
 of their own rehgion of such religious hospitality. They 
 declared that Jehovah would divide the kingdom. 
 
 Solomon was indifferent alike to the mutterings of his 
 subjects and to the threats of the prophets. But when a. 
 young leader developed in the person of Jeroboam, a man° 
 of Ephraim, one of his own overseers, he was aroused 
 to action. Jeroboam escaped to the court of Pharaoh, 
 where he waited for Solomon's death. 
 
 (223.) The Work of Solomon. King Solomon found 
 Jerusalem a military stronghold and left it a beautiful 
 city, imposing for that day. He developed the resources 
 of his kingdom and gave his people a greater security than 
 they had known before. He gave Israel's religion an ade- 
 quate setting and opportunity by building the Temple. 
 He wrought into enduring forms other ambitions of 
 David. The peacefulness of his reign permitted him to 
 be the patron of literature and art. His great defect 
 wovdd seem to be his overweening ambition, which 
 fostered self-indulgence, lack of sympathy with his sub- 
 jects and a polygamous habit of life. The promise of his 
 early years was exchanged for a folly that greatly dis- 
 credits his fame. 
 
 5. The Israel of 937 B.C. 
 (224.) A Review of the Century of Establishment. 
 
 Its Records. In what books of the Bible do we find 
 some data concerning this period ? 
 
 Its Development. Into what four or five natural 
 periods is the century divisible? 
 
 The Great Leaders. Out of the many who are men- 
 tioned by name in the records, and omitting Samuel, 
 Saul, David and Solomon, what five men are entitled to 
 rank highest in importance? 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 119 
 
 The Narratives as Literature. Mention three pas- 
 sages which seem to be distinctively fine as literature. 
 
 The Contribution of the Age. What definite additions 
 to Israel's possessions in territory or belongings can be 
 attributed to the age between Samuel's boyhood and Solo- 
 mon's death? 
 
 The Political Situation. What new nationality came 
 in touch with Israel during the century? 
 
 Religious Development. What advances were made 
 in the expression of the religious life of the nation ? 
 
 The Period as a Whole. Put into a concise state- 
 ment a summary of the century. 
 
 VII 
 
 SOME QUESTIONS IN GENERAL REVIEW OF HEBREW 
 HISTORY TO 1000 B.C. 
 
 (225.) 1. Why is the history of the Hebrew people a 
 suitable starting-point in the study of universal history? 
 
 2. To what great family of nations did the Hebrews 
 belong? Mention other nations who belonged to the 
 same family. What were its marked characteristics ? 
 
 3. From what two great centers did the civilization of 
 the centuries preceding the Exodus spring? 
 
 4. What seven nations, not inferior in strength to the 
 Hebrew people, do the centuries preceding 1000 B.C. 
 bring into view? 
 
 5. How many smaller peoples have been mentioned in 
 the records of these early centuries ? 
 
 6. Which of the greater nations wielded an influence 
 which could properly be termed imperial? 
 
 7. Make a sketch map of the western Asiatic world 
 and locate thereon these nations of imperial influence in 
 large letters and the petty peoples in smaller letters. 
 Locate also the principal city of each. Locate the Eu- 
 phrates, Tigris and Jordan Rivers, the Persian Gulf, the 
 Red Sea, the Mediterranean Sea, the Zagros Mountains 
 and the Armenian Mountains. Indicate by the western 
 edge of the sketch-map your idea of the westward range 
 of Israel's knowledge in the days of Solomon. 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 8. Counting the days of Abraham as approximating 
 2000 B.C., how long previous to that time had Babylonia 
 had a distinctive civilization? Was this civilization in its 
 beginnings in his time or was it well-developed? Sketch 
 the history of Babylonia down to the days of Hammurabi. 
 What did this great sovereign do for his country? 
 
 9. How can we account for the gradual decline in Baby- 
 lonian supremacy during the millenium following the 
 days of Hammurabi ? 
 
 10. In what ways did Babylonia affect the Israelitish 
 people? 
 
 11. What do we know about the history of Egypt prior 
 to the eighteenth dynasty? What great change in the 
 national Hfe did its kings bring about ? 
 
 12. What light do the Tel-el- Amama letters throw upon 
 the Palestine and Syria of their day? 
 
 13. Why is the Hebrew historian particularly inter- 
 ested in the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth dy- 
 nasties in Egypt ? 
 
 14. Sketch the political adjustments of the Western 
 Asiatic worid about 2000 B.C. 
 
 15. Show that the twelfth century B.C. was a great 
 turning point in Asiatic conditions. 
 
 16. When and how did Assyria originate? Sketch her 
 early history until about 1000 B.C. 
 
 17. When and how were the Philistines made a part 
 of the permanent population of Palestine. Describe 
 them as portrayed in the Bible. 
 
 18. When did the Aramaeans begin to figure in the 
 life of Syria and Palestine? What character mentioned 
 in Genesis was most representative of them? 
 
 19. "Vllien did the Phoenicians get a foothold in Canaan? 
 Why were their relations with Israel so uniformly friendly ? 
 
 20. About when did the Hittites as a nation begin to 
 influence the history of Palestine? Where was their seat 
 of power? With what nation did they struggle for the 
 control of Palestine? What was the cause of their loss 
 of power and withdrawal to upper Syria before Joshua's 
 day? 
 
GROWING AGE OF ISRAEL'vS DEVELOPMENT 121 
 
 21. Who were the earliest settlers of Canaan of whom 
 there is any trace? When did the Amorites enter the 
 coiintry ? If the Canaanites are to be counted as a second 
 group of Semitic immigrants, when did they enter? 
 
 22. How early in history was Palestine an object of 
 desire on the part of Babylonian sovereigns? Why did 
 they wish to control or influence so distant a country ? 
 
 23. What three little peoples on the outskirts of 
 Palestine were regarded as having kinship with the He- 
 brews, but were rarely in relations of amity with them? 
 
 24. What little peoples can be mentioned which were 
 incorporated into Israel. 
 
 25. With great and powerful empires within striking 
 distance of Palestine, how did the kingdom of united 
 Israel come to have several undisturbed centuries in which 
 to grow? 
 
 26. What two great periods of the developm.ent of the 
 Hebrew race have been covered in this study? 
 
 27. Assuming 2000 B.C. as the approximate date of 
 Abraham's departure, how many centuries have been 
 spanned? 
 
 28. Into what six significant stages may this history be 
 diyided? 
 
 29. Inasmuch as the Hebrews were in intimate contact 
 from the beginning with kindred Semitic peoples and 
 surrounded by them, how may one-account for the unique- 
 ness of their development ? 
 
 30. What are the outstanding differences between the 
 Semitic traditions of the beginnings of the world as other- 
 Semites told them and as the Hebrews told them? 
 
 31. What distinctive use did the Biblical writers make 
 of these traditions? 
 
 32. What is the element of greatest value to you in 
 Genesis 1-11? 
 
 33. What are the strictly historical data given us by 
 the patriarchal narratives of Genesis 12-50? 
 
 34. Characterize the portraiture of each great leader. 
 
 35. What social type of life was exhibited by these 
 ancestors of the Hebrews? 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 36. What probable advantages came to the Israelites 
 by reason of the sojourn in Egypt? 
 
 37. What did Moses do for his people? 
 
 38. Why were the Hebrews so slow in electing a king 
 and developing a kingdom? 
 
 39. What influences caused them to initiate the mon- 
 archy ? 
 
 40. Why was David better adapted to the real work of 
 organization than Saul? 
 
 41. Compare the four stages of monarchical growth: 
 under Gideon and Abimelech, under Saul, under David 
 and tmder Solomon. 
 
 42. Of the many personalities described in these ten 
 books of the Old Testament, indicate five to whom you 
 would assign the first rank as worthy of recognition as 
 one of the world's great minds, five who rank as men of 
 exceptional but not supreme ability and five who were 
 leaders of merely local importance. 
 
 43. Think back through these ten books of the Bible 
 and mention the two books to which you would assign the 
 highest rank as literature. Select also the ten passages 
 of greatest literary merit. 
 
 44. Select ten passages which throw a vivid light upon 
 the social usages of these centuries. 
 
 45. Formulate jn mind the social difference between 
 the Hebrews of the desert and the Hebrews of Canaan. 
 
 46. Trace the religious growth of the people from the 
 days of Abraham in respect to their ideas of God and of 
 His worship. 
 
 47. When do you understand that the Hebrews began 
 to feel that they were a people with a destiny ? 
 
 48. Who was, humanly speaking, most helpful in giving 
 them this impression ? 
 
 49. Prior to 1000 B.C., what influences helped the He- 
 brew people to make religion a great reality in life and to 
 develop increasingly higher religious ideals? 
 
 50. What great impressions does the study of this 
 history leave upon the mind? 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY: 
 
 ISRAEL'S POLITICAL, SOCIAL, ETHICAL 
 
 AND SPIRITUAL DEVELOPMENT. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY: IS- 
 RAEL'S POLITICAL, SOCIAL, ETHICAL 
 AND SPIRITUAL DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 From the Description to the Babylonian Exile. 937-586 
 B.C. {First and Second Kings and Nine Prophetical Books.) 
 
 (226.) The three centuries and a half between the end 
 of Solomon's reign and the Exile of Judah were, on the 
 whole, the most important, as also the most brilliant 
 period in the history of the Israehtish people. It was a 
 time of rapid transformation. The people of the days 
 of Jeremiah were direct descendants of the subjects of 
 Rehoboam and Asa, but they lived in a world which was 
 practically new. From being a people of limited experi- 
 ence and a provincial habit of mind, they grew into a 
 cultured, wide-visioned nation, originating sound and 
 progressive religious ideas and planning for them world- 
 wide acceptance. The experiences through which they 
 went, bitter and splendid alike, served to quicken the 
 power of Israel's representative men to appreciate and 
 interpret the plans of God. Those tendencies to strict 
 monotheism, which were innate in the worship of Jehovah, 
 had an opportunity to develop. The primitive animism 
 of which Israel's reverence for holy objects left an oc- 
 casional trace and the aggressive heathenism^of Canaan, 
 which the nation drew into itself by the incorporation 
 of its earlier inhabitants, each came to be estimated in 
 its true light as an obstacle to pure worship and to be 
 attacked by Jehovah's representatives and put under 
 the ban. "The higher and finer side of the reHgion of 
 Jehovah received increasingly adequate expression. Men 
 of great religious genius led the people in the formation 
 of right ideals,, not without opposition and reverses, but 
 with much success. Kings, nobles, priests, prophets, 
 men of wisdom, poets, gradually discovered their relative 
 responsibilities and built up a balanced social and religious 
 
 126 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 life of a high order. The representative thinkers of the 
 last century and a half of this period were men whose 
 judgment commands respect today on questions of life. 
 
 (227.) The Chronology of the Age. With this age 
 we reach a reasonable certainty on details of chronology 
 due in part to the existence of court officials whose 
 records were available to those who produced the writings 
 on which the student of today relies, and in part to 
 Assyrian practice. The Hebrews were not much con- 
 cerned, as a people, with such details. They had no 
 national scheme of chronology until after the Exile. 
 Such an estimate as that in I Kings 6: 1 was probably 
 reached by editorial computation. They were satisfied 
 to estimate the date of events in the proper year of the 
 reigning king (II Ki. 18: 10, 13). From such data, 
 which must have been reasonably abundant, the writers 
 of Kings were able to work out the synchronistic estimates, 
 which date the accession of each king by the regnal year 
 of his contemporary in the other kingdom. In reducing 
 the resulting estimates to exact dates, one must reckon 
 with the Hebrew habit of treating a fraction of a year 
 as a whole year, or of ignoring it altogether, and with the 
 possibility of errors of transmission. 
 
 The exact dates given in this volume are reasonably 
 reliable. They represent, however, no more than the 
 best judgment of a group of students who have compared 
 the Biblical estimates with those available in the As- 
 syrian records of this same period. The Assyrians 
 developed a chronological system which their scribes 
 kept with painstaking regularity. Their chronological 
 records are thus of great value as a check on the Hebrew 
 records. 
 
 (228.) The Books of Kings. The source of greatest 
 value for the history of these three and a half centuries 
 is the two books of Kings. As in the case of the books 
 of Samuel they were originally one book. In structure 
 and method they recall the book of Judges. The author 
 adopted a fixed method of beginning and ending the 
 storjr of each reign (I Ki. 15: 25, 26, 81), which makes his 
 
THE AGE OP RIPENING MATURITY 127 
 
 work seem more orderly and precise than that of the 
 author of Samuel. Within this framework, which in- 
 dicated the date of accession, the length of the reign, 
 an estimate of royal character and policy and, usually, 
 the source of information regarding the king, the author 
 or editor, who was probably a contemporary of Jeremiah 
 or of Ezekiel, placed his actual statements concerning 
 the reign. These were brief or extended according to 
 the data available or, better, according to his judgment 
 of their relative value. The story of Solomon's reign 
 covers eleven chapters ; the equally long reign of Jeroboam 
 II is described in seven verses (II Ki. 14: 23-29), and the 
 longer reign of Manasseh in eighteen (21:1-18). In 
 historical interest the three were not so unequal. 
 
 The author of Kings had at least five earlier works 
 which he used as sources of information. Three he men- 
 tions by name, the Annals of the Kings of Israel (I Ki. 
 15: 31), the Annals of the Kings of Judah (I Ki. 15: 23), 
 and the Book of the Acts of Solomon (I Ki. 11:41). 
 Besides these there must have been a prophetical history 
 and a Temple chronicle. From these sources the author 
 drew with freedom, using what suited his purpose. We 
 may assume that he was a prophet, because the marked 
 purpose of his work was to rouse his coimtrymen to a 
 sense of the moral interpretation of their past history 
 and of their consequent duty. 
 
 (229.) The Books of Chronicles. A parallel account 
 of these reigns from the standpoint of those who were 
 chiefly interested in the history of the Temple and in 
 matters of ecclesiastical importance is given in the books 
 of Chronicles, which with Ezra and Nehemiah formed, 
 originally, one continuous work. Its date is generally 
 placed about 300 B.C. It supplements the narrative of 
 Kings, but has to be used with caution, since it idealizes 
 those who had to do with the Temple or with Judah, 
 and their achievements. 
 
 (230.) The Prophetical Books and Other Sources. The 
 historical narratives are wonderfully supplemented by 
 the prophetical utterances of these centuries. Nine 
 
128 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 prophets, Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, Micah, Nahuiii, Zeph- 
 aniah, Jeremiah, Habakkuk, and Ezekiel, shared in 
 the life of the people, and contributed to their develop- 
 ment. The records of their activity throw much Hght 
 upon the conditions of the time. 
 
 The important inscriptions and records of Assjoia 
 and Babylonia, Egypt, Syria and Palestine are invaluable 
 sources of knowledge. They help in many ways to inter- 
 pret and supplement the Hebrew records. Of these the 
 most abundant and convincing are those of the Assyrian 
 kings. There are in existence a few Palestinian records, 
 such as the Moabite Stone, and a profusion of Hittite 
 records. The latter are, as yet, unavailable, because no 
 one has discovered how to read them. 
 
 (231.) The Causes of the Disruption. The two out- 
 standing causes of the revolt of the northern tribesmen 
 against Rehoboam were their growing discontent over 
 the drain of men and money needed to execute Solomon's 
 ambitious projects and the amazing short-sightedness of 
 the young king. But back of these immediate incite- 
 ments were several important contributing causes. Both 
 David and Solomon were suspected of favoritism toward 
 the south. The leading northern tribe, Ephraim, had 
 lost its pre-eminence to Judah. There were real geo- 
 graphical and racial differences between the north and 
 south, which had never been obliterated. The northern 
 tribesmen were very independent and ready to experi- 
 ment. The prophets seemed to favor their hopes. 
 
 The Septuagint or Greek Old Testament intimates that 
 Rehoboam succeeded without opposition to the throne, 
 but went to Shechem, after a while, to receive the homage 
 of his northern subjects. Under the leadership of Jero- 
 boam, who had returned from Egypt, the northern tribes 
 requested a Hghtening of their burdens. The foolish 
 royal youth not only insulted his free people, but chose 
 as his messenger in dealing with his disloyal subjects 
 the most hated man in his dominions. The result was 
 inevitable. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 12g 
 
 (232.) The Results of the Disruption. The outcome 
 of the successful revolt was a division of the strong, self- 
 protecting kingdom of Solomon into two little monarchies, 
 but slightly superior in power to those round about. 
 Judah was very small in size, but was well protected 
 by nature from attack. She retained Jerusalem and 
 the Temple, the dynasty of David and a conservative 
 habit of mind. Israel, as the northern kingdom rather 
 boldly called itself, had five times the territory, a far 
 more fertile and wealthy coimtry, double the population, 
 three popular sanctuaries (I Ki. 12:29; Amos 4:4) and 
 great self-reliance. Of the two, as they developed, 
 Israel was the pioneering, progressive, experimenting 
 nation; Judah could be relied upon to be conservative 
 and watchful. Israel's situation made her more sensitive 
 to outside influences than Judah, and Hkewise made her 
 political life less stable. The splendid Temple at Jeru- 
 salem and the unbroken dynasty were powerful factors 
 for good in Judah. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 THE CENTURY OF CONFLICT AND ALLIANCE BETWEEN ISRAEL 
 
 AND JUDAH. 937-842 B.C. (FIRST KINGS 12 TO 
 
 SECOND KINGS 10) 
 
 (233.) The first century of the existence of the separated 
 Israelitish kingdoms was tragically concluded by the execu- 
 tion of a king of each line on the same day (II Ki. 9 : 24, 
 27). During this century the interests of the kingdoms 
 were mainly local. Their inveterate hostility, maintained 
 for sixty years, altered at last to a friendly alliance, 
 strengthened by the intermarriage of the reigning houses. 
 The century witnessed two religious movements. On the 
 one hand Canaanitish heathenism gained much head- 
 way in Judah only to be suppressed by Asa ; on the other 
 Phoenician Baalism, a far more dangerous form of anti- 
 Jehovistic religion, was introduced by Jezebel, requiring 
 a prophetic agitation and a dynastic revolution to drive 
 it out again. In spite of these movements and, perhaps, 
 because of them, the prevailing religious tendency of 
 
130 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 the century was upward. At its close the Israelitish 
 people had practically settled the question of their alle- 
 giance to Jehovah. 
 
 The sovereigns of each kingdom with their approximate 
 dates are given below. Added together the Biblical 
 estimates for the two lines of kings vary 'by three years, 
 one totalling ninety-five years, the other ninety-eight. 
 To make them balance, three years are arbitrarily de- 
 ducted from the twelve years assigned to Jehoram of 
 Israel (II Ki. 3:1). 
 
 JUDAH 
 
 Rehoboam 937-920 
 
 Abijam, 920-917 
 Asa, 917-876 
 
 Jehoshaphat, 876-851 
 
 Jehoram, 851-843 
 Ahaziah, 843-842 
 
 937 ISRAEL 
 
 Jeroboam I, 937-915 
 
 Nadab, 915-913 
 Baasha, 913-889 
 Elah, 889-887 
 Zimri, a week 
 Omri, 887-875 
 Ahab, 875-853 
 
 Ahaziah, 853-851 
 Jehoram, 851-842 
 
 First Dynasty 
 
 Second Dynasty 
 
 Third Dynasty 
 
 Fourth Dynasty 
 
 842 
 
 1. The Half Century of Petty Warfare between 
 THE Two Kingdoms. (I Kings 12: 1 to 16:34.) 
 
 (234.) These chapters recount the measures taken by 
 Jeroboam I to complete the separation between the king- 
 doms, the misfortunes of Judah and the steady warfare 
 of the rival kings. 
 
 Who was chosen by the revolting tribes to be their 
 king? (12:20.) Where was his capital ? (12:25.) How 
 did he seek to forestall any renewal of allegiance to 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 131 
 
 Rehoboam? (12:28-32.) What was the attitude of tlie 
 prophets? (13.) What calamity did Rehoboam meet? 
 (14:25-28.) What was his reUgious attitude? (14:22- 
 24.) What reforms did Asa institute ? (15:12-15.) How 
 did he circumvent Baasha's ambition and strengthen 
 his own frontier? (15: 17-22.) Whose dynasty lasted 
 but a week? (16: 10-20.) What city did Omri found as 
 his capital? (16:24.) Who put an end to the half- 
 century's warfare? (14:30; 15:6, 16; 22:44.) 
 
 (235.) Jeroboam's Separative Policy. In setting up 
 the golden bulls at Bethel and Dan it is improbable that 
 Jeroboam was consciously disloyal to Jehovah. He was 
 certainly unspiritual in temperament. Such a move 
 seemed to him very shrewd. His desire was to popularize 
 the two sanctuaries of Bethel and Dan, so that his people 
 would never care to go to Jerusalem to worship. His 
 shifting of the date of the great harvest festival and his 
 appointment of priests on a basis of fitness or merit, 
 rather than of birth or tribal relationship, may have 
 emphasized this independence of Jerusalem. At any 
 rate, these measures were very effective in isolating 
 Judah (compare II Chron. 11:13-17). For the next 
 half century or more, there is no evidence that the northern 
 tribesmen took the slightest interest in Jerusalem or 
 the Temple. 
 
 (236.) The Moral and Political Weakness of Rehoboam. 
 The disruption left Rehoboam and his people almost 
 at the mercy of any invader. The northern boundary 
 of the kingdom was just a little north of Jerusalem. 
 Had Jeroboam not been so busied with the organization 
 of his new realm, he might have invaded Judah with 
 fair assurance of success. To crown the misfortunes of 
 Rehoboam, the reigning Pharaoh of the twenty-first 
 Egyptian dynasty invaded Judah and despoiled the 
 Temple and palace of their treasures. (14 : 25-28.) 
 Rehoboam substituted shields of bronze for the captured 
 golden shields and kept up the wonted ceremonies. The 
 records give the impression that Rehoboam was a weak 
 character, liking the palace and the harem (II Chron, 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 11: 21) better than the battlefield, and paying little heed 
 to the revival of Canaanitish heathenism, patronized 
 by members of the royal family (15:2, 3, 10, 13). His 
 long reign marked nothing but decadence. 
 
 (237.) The Strong Reign of Asa. Asa's long reign 
 over Judah restored the balance of affairs. He had 
 a vigorous personality. He dared to clear away from 
 Judah the heathenish practises so persistent among the 
 peasantry and to discipline the queen mother for her 
 participation and leadership. He took steps, which we 
 cannot fully explain, to honor the Temple (15: 15), and 
 was apparently successful in attracting to its worship 
 some of the purer souls in Israel (II Chron. 15:9-13). 
 According to Chronicles, he administered a crushing 
 defeat to Zerah, the Cushite (II Chron. 14:9-15), who 
 was probably an Arab chieftain rather than an Ethiopian 
 of Africa (II Chron. 14:15). Asa was constantly at 
 war (15:16) with Baasha, his northern contemporary. 
 Baasha gained a great advantage by fortifying Ramah, 
 a city which stood at the intersection of the great high- 
 ways of travel, north and south, east and west. Thus 
 Asa was effectually cut off from trade. He retaliated, 
 with more cleverness than statesmanship, by hiring 
 Benhadad, the Aramean king at Damascus, to attack 
 Baasha's dominions and compel him to withdraw his 
 forces from Ramah. No sooner had the withdrawal 
 taken place than Asa destroyed the fortress and built 
 two strongholds of his own, one at Geba, which con- 
 trolled the main road from the Jordan to the Maritime 
 Plain, the other at Mizpah on the frontier. Asa's king- 
 dom was not yet able to stand against its sister kingdom, 
 but he gave it a strong impulse, which his son sustained. 
 
 (238.) The Third Dynasty of Israel. It seems almost 
 ridiculous to call the seven days' reign of Zimri a dynasty, 
 but so it is counted by the Hebrew historian. Zimri is 
 accorded as careful a statement as any other king (16 : 15- 
 20). He lived but a week after he murdered his master 
 (II Ki. 9:31), did not leave the city of Tirzah, and in 
 no true sense could have been a responsible sovereign. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 133 
 
 (239.) The Founding of Samaria. With the seizure 
 of the throne of Israel by Omri, another ruler, who was 
 also a statesman, dealt with Palestinian affairs in shrewd, 
 wise fashion. He abandoned Tirzah, which had been 
 the capital of Israel since Jeroboam's day, and founded 
 a new capital, Samaria, which quickly became a city of 
 leading importance. It was built on an isolated hill, 
 three-quarters of a mile in length, descending precipi- 
 tously for several hundred feet on three sides into a broad 
 valley. When surrounded by a strong wall, the city 
 was practically impregnable. The view from its battle- 
 ments was far-ranging and beautiful. Samaria was reason- 
 ably central in location, and well adapted in every way 
 for its purposes. It disputed Jerusalem's fame during 
 the next century and a half, and greatly exceeded her in 
 resources and leadership. Ezekiel (23 : 4) calls Samaria 
 the elder of two sisters, by which he must have meant 
 the more influential. 
 
 2. The Alliance of Omri's Dynasty with Phoenicia 
 and judah and the religious consequences. 
 (I Ki. 16: 21-34; 18: 17-19; 19: 1, 2; 22; Micah 
 6: 16.) 
 
 (240.) These passages describe Omri's policy and its 
 religious results. 
 
 What was the prophetic estimate of Omri? (I Ki. 
 16:25; Micah 6:16.) With what adjoining nation did 
 he cement an alliance by the marriage of his son, Ahab? 
 (16:31.) Who became Ahab's wife? (16:31.) How 
 was the peace between Jehoshaphat and Ahab con- 
 firmed? (II Ki. 8:18, 26.) What religious results fol- 
 lowed? (II Ki. 8: 18.) What did Jezebel succeed in 
 doing? (II Ki. 3: 13; I Ki. 16: 32, 33; 18: 4; 21, 25, 26.) 
 
 (241.) Omri's Policy of Alliance. Omri was a soldier 
 and gave much of his energy to warfare. After uniting 
 all factions in his own dominions (16:21, 22), and, 
 probably, dealing with the Philistines (16:17), he re- 
 asserted Israel's dominance over Moab, according to 
 the unimpeachable testimony of the Moabite Stone, 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 discovered in 1868 at Dibon. Mesha, the contemporary 
 of Ahab (II Ki. 3:4, 5), set it up to commemorate the 
 deliverance of his people from this yoke. In relations 
 with his northern foes, Omri was less fortunate. The 
 king of Syria forced him to conclude a humiliating peace. 
 (20 : 34.) Just at the close of Omri's reign, the savage, 
 relentless Assyrian sovereign, Ashumazirpal, made his 
 unchallenged way to the slopes of the Lebanon and there 
 received gifts from several Palestinian peoples. From 
 that day forth, the Assyrian policy was clear. The ag- 
 gressive successors of Ashumazirpal believed that the 
 western people cared more for their commerce than for 
 their liberty and determined to master them. Omri 
 revealed his capacity as a ruler by making wise alliances 
 with the kingdoms most closely related to his own. 
 Following time-honored policy, these alliances were 
 cemented by intermarriages. Probably Omri had chiefly 
 in mind the commercial and defensive advantages which 
 would result from such arrangements. Other results 
 there were which were very detrimental. 
 
 (242.) The. Religious Results. The son of Omri, Ahab, 
 was married to Jezebel, the Sidonian princess. Jezebel 
 was a remarkable woman, masterful, loyal to her in- 
 herited convictions and ambitious to advance the interests 
 of her people. The Baalism she introduced was far 
 more dangerous than the inherited Baalism of Canaan. 
 The Phoenician Baal was a rival of Jehovah. The 
 development of his worship involved the relaxation of 
 national loyalty to Jehovah. Had Jezebel been con- 
 tented with a sanctuary, however splendid, for her 
 own use, and for her household, the prophets might 
 not have interfered, since such an arrangement was often 
 allowed as an act of international courtesy. When she 
 began an aggressive campaign against Jehovah worship, 
 they too declared war. Through the marriage of her 
 daughter, AthaUah, to the son of Jehoshaphat, the cam- 
 paign extended into Judah also. 
 
 (243.) The Splendid Reign of Jehoshaphat over Judah. 
 Under Jehoshaphat the good start given by Asa to Judah's 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 135 
 
 prosperity was continued. Jehoshaphat kept strict faith 
 with Ahab, the son of Omri (I Ki. 22:4), and with his 
 son (II Ki. 3:7), but in many ways he showed himself 
 a ruler of independence (I Ki. 22 : 48, 49) and of insight 
 (I Ki. 22: 7; II Ki. 3: 12). The prophets respected him 
 (II Ki. 3: 14). The Chronicler gives a glowing account 
 (II Chron. 17) of his regulation and stimulation of the 
 religious life of his people. He seems to have taken 
 his responsibilities seriously and to have given his king- 
 dom a great uplift. 
 
 (244.) The Literary Activity of this Age. Three im- 
 portant literary achievements are generally credited to 
 the orderliness and zeal of these days of Judean develop- 
 ment. The Book of the Covenant (Exod. 20:22 to 
 23: 19) may well have been that " book of the law of 
 Jehovah " (II Chron. 17: 9), which the priests taught to 
 Jehoshaphat 's people. There are indications that it 
 closely represents the standards of the age. Of course, 
 it was, in any case, the mere formulation of acknowledged 
 laws. The fine, ethical narratives of the days of Samuel, 
 Saul, David and Solomon, which were, later on, incor- 
 porated in the books of Samuel and Kings, were surely 
 written at no later date than this. The greatest work of 
 the period was that of the unknown prophet 'of . Judah 
 who prepared for his people that wonderful history of 
 his race from the time of creation to which the second 
 chapter of Genesis introduced us. This was the first 
 " Bible before the Bible " (§ 32), the oldest history of 
 the Hebrews, a clear, consistent record of the national 
 development down to the accession of Solomon. Its 
 vividness and concreteness, its patriotism and fervor, 
 its fine historic sense and noble interpretation of Israel's 
 history gave it an immediate importance. Whether 
 it was written by one prophet or by a group, whether in 
 Jehoshaphat's day or fifty years later, — these are purely 
 matters of conjecture. It almost certainly should be 
 credited to the ninth century, B.C. It is universally 
 referred to as the Judean history, "J." If Deut. 33 is 
 
136 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 a poem of this age, as some think, it was written by a 
 northerner. 
 
 3. The Prophetic Reform led by Elijah and Com- 
 pleted BY Elisha and Jehu. (I Ki. 17 to II Ki. 10.) 
 
 (245.) These chapters describe the reigns of Ahab and 
 his two successors, the great poptdar struggle over 
 BaaHsm and the great leaders of that contest. 
 
 With what stem announcement of calamity did Elijah 
 appear in Israel? (17: 1.) How were his needs provided 
 for in the months that followed? (17:2-16.) In what 
 manner did he challenge and defeat the prophets of 
 Baal? (18.) How do you explain his subsequent de- 
 spondency? (19:1-7.) What encouraging revelation did 
 Jehovah give him at Horeb? (19: 8-18.) Whom did he 
 select as his successor? (19:19-21.) In the story of 
 Naboth, who most deserved Elijah's condemnation, 
 Ahab, Jezebel, or the elders of Jezreel? (21.) What 
 was the secret of Ahab's two victories over the Aramaeans? 
 (20: 1-34.) What did the prophets think of his leniency 
 to Benhadad? (20:35-43.) How did the prophet, 
 Micaiah, account for the difference between his message 
 to Ahab and that of the four hundred court prophets? 
 (22: 1-28.-) What was the manner of Ahab's death? 
 (22:29-40.) For what two purposes did Elijah again 
 appear? (II Ki. 1:2-8; 2: 1-12.) What was the secret 
 of Elisha's greatness? (2: 1-14.) Which of the stories 
 concerning Elisha, in chapters 2; 4 to 8: 15; 13:14-21, 
 exhibit him as a helpful friend of the people? Which 
 illustrate the encomium of Joash? (13:14.) Which 
 two are the finest as stories? What information do they 
 give concerning the prophetic guilds ? By what dramatic 
 act did- Elisha insure the completion of Elijah's work of 
 reformation? (9: 1-13.) By what series of bloody acts 
 did Jehu accomplish the task? (9: 14 to 10:28.) 
 
 (246.) The Elijah and Elisha Stories. One of the 
 finest sections of the Old Testament is these chapters 
 which recount the stories that the people loved to 
 repeat concerning their great prophetic leaders. They 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 137 
 
 are of very great value as illustrations of the social, re- 
 ligious, moral and political ideas of the time. Some of the 
 narratives are remarkable as literature, both of a dramatic 
 type (I Ki. 18, 20; II Ki. 5, 7, 9), and of a spiritual type 
 (I Ki. 19 ; II Ki. 4 ; 6 : 8-23.) The portraits of the masterful 
 queen, of the great lady of Shunem, of Naaman, and of 
 the honest and fearless prophet, Micaiah, are inimitable. 
 
 (247.) The Prophetic Order. These narratives bring 
 into prominence the members of the prophetic guilds, 
 who seem to be numerous enough to be counted by 
 scores or hundreds (I Ki. 18 : 13 ; 22 : 6 ; II Ki. 2 : 7.) They 
 were organized into guilds and lived together near the 
 sanctuaries of Bethel, ] Gilgal and Samaria. They served 
 an important purpose by stirring the patriotism and the 
 religious loyalty of the people. For some reason, probably 
 because of the esteem in which they were held, there 
 were among them many prophets who were unworthy, 
 who looked upon their activity as an easy and profitable 
 way of getting a living (Micah 3:5). For such men, 
 the real prophetic leaders like Elijah, Elisha or Micaiah 
 had only contempt. That they did not represent fairly 
 the vast body of ordinary prophets is evidenced by the 
 great influence which the prophetic order exerted. While 
 maintaining some of the old customs (II Ki. 3:15) of 
 Samuel's day, the prophets as a class seem to have steadily 
 grown into large usefulness as popular advisers, as makers 
 of public sentiment and as interpreters of the past. 
 They, as well as the priesthood, furnished the educated 
 men of the nation, who studied its problems and made 
 them plain. '' 
 
 (248.) The Great Contest at Mount Carmel. (I Ki. 
 18.) Even such men required leadership. They found 
 two commanding personalities in Elijah and his great 
 disciple. Elijah's sudden appearance was due to his 
 conviction that a crisis had been reached in Israel's life. 
 The ambitious policy of Ahab had committed him to an 
 increasing compromise with influences from the outside. 
 Queen Jezebel, a woman of extraordinary genius and 
 force, was rapidly, and with much success, giving the 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 worship of Baal an equal standing with that of Jehovah 
 (I Ki. 18: 4, 13; 19: 14). An ascetic of the desert, Elijah 
 was unalterably hostile to any policy which did not 
 maintain for Israel her absolute loyalty to Jehovah. 
 Following the prolonged drought, which he had pre- 
 dicted as a judgment and warning for the people, Elijah 
 summoned a great assembly of the people at Mount 
 Carmel, an easily accessible gathering place with a sub- 
 lime prospect on every side. Here he placed plainly 
 before the people the choice which they must make. 
 Impressed by the demonstration of Jehovah's power, 
 the people declared anew their loyalty and put to death 
 the representatives of Baalism. It was an impulsive, 
 but a loyal act. 
 
 (249.) Elijah, the Reformer and Champion. The 
 desert-bred prophet was no match for the unscrupulous 
 and fearless queen. He fled before her in fear and dis- 
 couragement; yet he had achieved rhore than he 
 realized, as God made him to know at the holy mountain. 
 The work of conviction in the hearts of the people was 
 sure to be slow, but it would be resistless. There were 
 men like Elisha who cotdd give it increasing definiteness 
 and force. 
 
 Elijah's strength lay in his moral convictions and 
 absolute fearlessness. He dared to champion the civil 
 as well as the reUgious rights of his people, and to de- 
 nounce the guilty king to his face. He thus taught the 
 people of Israel that Jehovah was an upholder of righteous- 
 ness. Religion might be a sort of political game to 
 Jezebel; to him it was Israel's life. He compelled his 
 people to realize that they could not tolerate a divided 
 religious allegiance and remain worthy Israelites. 
 
 (250.) Ahab and Jezebel. Jezebel was Ahab's evil 
 spirit. Her ideas of royal prerogative and of reHgion, 
 and her unbending, remorseless pursuit of her ambitions, 
 had much to do with his failure to carry out the early 
 promise of his career. He was brave and far-sighted. 
 The brilliancy of his reign must be credited in part to 
 his great father, Omri; but Ahab was a strong ruler. 
 
PLATE 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 139 
 
 The very conciliatoriness toward Damascus, for which the 
 unknown prophet denounced him (I Ki. 20 : 32-34, 42) 
 appears to a historian of today an act of statesmanship. 
 He needed Damascus, with its full strength, as a bufifer 
 state, to remain between him and Assyrian aggression. 
 It is true, however, that he was a maker of alliances and 
 promoter of compromises, rather than a man of principle. 
 He thought of Elijah as an irresponsible fanatic, with 
 one idea. Ahab's greatest weakness lay in preferring 
 his own advantage to that of his people. .Yet Biblical 
 and Assyrian records unite to show that in the closing 
 years of his life he played manfully a sovereign's part, 
 not only seeking to win back the control of the frontier 
 fortress of Ramoth-Gilead (I Ki. 22), but sending in 
 854 B.C. a large force to assist in opposing Shalmaneser, 
 who threatened to invade southern Syria. 
 
 (251.) The Growing Menace of Assyria. The reigning 
 Assyrian monarch in the latter days of Ahab was Shal- 
 maneser II (860-825 B.C.), the son of Ashurnazirpal. 
 He was an inveterate campaigner. His predecessor had 
 made Assyria dreaded from the Tigris to the Mediter- 
 ranean. He determined to conquer southward through 
 Syria from the Amanus Mountains to the Lebanons. 
 The present city of Aleppo was on his southern boundary 
 in Syria. The region below was controlled, directly, or 
 through alliances, by three principal states, Hamath, 
 Damascus and Israel. These were more or less continually 
 at warfare with one another, but could combine for the 
 common defense. In 854 B.C., Shalmaneser invaded 
 Hamath and was met at Qarqar on the river Orontes 
 by an army to which Ahab contributed 2000 chariots 
 and 10,000 soldiers. The result was indecisive, but 
 Hamath retained her identity. Twice more during 
 Jehoram's reign Shalmaneser attacked Hamath, and was 
 met in similar fashion. Each time Shalmaneser claimed 
 a victory which must have been more or less hollow. 
 In 842, after Benhadad had been replaced as king of 
 Syria by the crafty Hazael, and Jehu was seated on 
 Israel's throne, the persistent Assyrian tried again. 
 
140 THE HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Hamath appears to have submitted, and Jehu hastened 
 to send a costly tribute, but Hazael met the Assyrian 
 attack gallantly and succeeded in maintaining his inde- 
 pendence. Shalmaneser II had gained little glory in 
 these Syrian campaigns, but had inspired much fear 
 of his cruel prowess and had established a flexible policy 
 of conquest, extending the rule of Assyria even to the 
 western bounds of Egypt. For the next two centuries 
 this policy overshadowed Palestinian politics. 
 
 (252.) The Prophet Elisha. It does not seem possible 
 to place the 'events of Elisha's life in chronological se- 
 quence. The stories about him may have come from 
 various sources, and seem to be arranged topically. 
 They make clear his unusual personality. He was more 
 gentle and gracious than Elijah, as a rule, although he, 
 too, could be uncompromising. (II Ki. 5 : 27 ; 3 : 13.) A man 
 of the border, and interested in the warfare with Damas- 
 cus, Elisha rendered much service to his king, who, on 
 one occasion, at least, paid a real tribute to his public 
 influence (6:31). He war a moral bulwark of Israel, 
 too (6: 15-17) as well as the one in whom Israel trusted 
 (13: 14). He was welcomed in the homes of the people 
 and at court, alike, and thus had the power to mould 
 the popular ideals and accomplish the hopes of Elijah. 
 Each prophet played an impressive and important part 
 in Israel's history. 
 
 (253.) Jehu's Bloody Reform. The concluding act in 
 the great religious struggle of this century, one which 
 brought the rival dynasties to a simultaneous close, was 
 the revolt of Jehu at the bidding of Elisha. He was the 
 general of the army of Israel and commanding the opera- 
 tions against Ramoth-Gilead. The story of his anoint- 
 ing by the young prophet, his cautious sounding of his 
 fellow officers, their instant response, his ruthless and 
 rapid execution, not alone of the supporters of Baalism, 
 but likewise of Ahab's whole house, the leaders of Israel, 
 who had been close to him (10: 11), the king and princes 
 of Judah (10: 12-14) makes vivid reading. Jehu's blind 
 and bloody zeal outran all bounds. By these massacres. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 141 
 
 he put an end to the friendly relations with Judah and 
 Phoenicia, and greatly weakened his kingdom. His 
 character warrants the adverse judgment of Hosea about 
 a century later (Hos. 1:4). 
 
 IX. 
 
 THE CENTURY OF INVASION BY ARAM AND ASSYRIA, AND OF 
 
 THE STEADY INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF ISRAEL AND 
 
 JUDAH. 842-740 B.C. (SECOND KINGS 10: 29 to 15 : 7) 
 
 (254.) The next one hundred years following the 
 accession of Jehu divides about equally into a period of 
 humiliating oppression at the hands of Aram and a period 
 of rapidly growing prosperity under wise, powerful and 
 enterprising rulers. The itifiuences which surrounded 
 the Hebrew people were such as to broaden their contact 
 with the world. They began to realize how great the 
 world was and that its peoples were in inevitable relation- 
 ship. The end of the century found them intellectually 
 a people in touch with wide ranging affairs. 
 
 We miss the stirring prophetic narratives in these 
 chapters, yet they are not devoid of intense human 
 interest. The stories of the coronation of Jehoash, of 
 the boastfulness of Amaziah and of the repair of the 
 Temple, enliven the record. In the main, however, it 
 is an annalistic record, which has to be supplemented 
 from other sources. 
 
 The exact chronology of this century is beyond any 
 historian's power to determine. Each kingdom had four 
 sovereigns, counting Athaliah as one. The sum of the 
 regnal years attributed to the kings of Israel is 102 years. 
 The sum of those attributed to the sovereigns of Judah 
 amounts to 127 years. It seems certain, however, that 
 the close of the reign of Jeroboam II was of almost the 
 same date as that of Uzziah. What to do with the 
 extra twenty-five years is uncertain. The reign of 
 Athaliah is not ignored by the editor of Kings (12: 1). 
 It is possible that the reign of Amaziah was much less 
 than twenty-nine years (14:2). The dates indicated 
 below are relatively correct. 
 
U2 
 
 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 JUDAH 
 
 Athaliah, 842-836 
 Joash, 836-796 (8) 
 
 Amaziah 796 (8)— 782 
 
 or 789 
 Uzziah 782 or 789-740 
 
 842 ISRAEL 
 
 Jehu, 842-814 
 
 Jehoahaz, 814-797 
 Jehoash, 797-781 
 Jeroboam II, 781-740 
 
 (Jotham co-regent, 751- 
 740) 
 
 Fifth Dynasty 
 
 740 
 
 1. Fifty Years of Aramean Ascendancy. (II Kings 
 8:7-29; 10:32 to 13:25). 
 
 (255.) These passages describe the attacks of the 
 Arameans of Damascus upon Israel, the usurpation of 
 the throne of Judah by AthaHah, her dethronement and 
 the long reign of Jehoash. 
 
 How did Hazael come to succeed Benhadad on the 
 throne of Damascus? (8:7-15.) What was his attitude 
 toward Israel? (10:32, 33; 8:12; 12:17, 18; 13:22; 
 Amos 1:3.) How successful was he? (13:7, 22.) 
 What Israeli tish king turned the tide of war back again? 
 (13 : 14-19, 25.) What was the religious verdict of history 
 concerning Jehu? (10:31.) What portion of his king- 
 dom did he lose? (10:32, 33.) How did his son fare? 
 (13 : 7.) How did Athaliah try to secure the throne 
 of Judah for herself? (11: 1.) How was the little 
 prince Jehoash saved? (11:2-3.) How was Jehoash 
 restored to his rightful place? (11:4-16.) What four 
 factors took part in this revolution ? (11:4, 14.) What 
 religious reform immediately followed? (11:17-18.) 
 What did the young king plan for the Temple ? (12 : 4-5.) 
 Who was at fault in its delay? (12:6-8.) By whom 
 was the work completed? (12:15.) 
 
 (256.) The Aramean Oppression. Whether it was 
 cowardice or policy which moved Jehu to send tribute 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 143 
 
 to Shalmaneser II, instead of joining Hazael of Damas- 
 cus, in resisting the Assyrian advance, his dominions paid 
 dearly for the act. Hazael was promt top take vengeance. 
 He ravaged the East-Jordan territory (10: 32, 33) as far as 
 the Amon. Quite possibly Amos (1 : 3, 13) refers to 
 the barbarities of this campaign. If so, he suggests that 
 Ammon joined with Hazael, hoping for some of the 
 coveted territory. The loss of Gilead must have been 
 sorely felt by the northern kingdom. 
 
 Under Jehoahaz, the son of Jehu, the humiHation of 
 Israel was complete (13:7) and Judah was saved from 
 invasion only by the prompt submission of Jehoash 
 (12:18) to Hazael. The Israelitish army was rediiced 
 to !' fifty horsemen, ten chariots and ten thousand 
 footmen." (13:7.) 
 
 According to the Biblical narrative, Jehoash, Jehu's 
 grandson, was enabled by some "saviour" (13:5) to 
 take the aggressive against Benhadad III, the son of 
 Hazael (13:25, 18, 19), and to win back some of his 
 lost territory. It has been generally supposed that 
 this " saviour " was the Assyrian Adad-nirari, who 
 compelled Mari, the son of Benhadad III, to capitulate 
 and pay a heavy booty. M. Pognon, the French consul 
 in Mesopotamia, thinks, however, that the cause of the 
 weakness of Damascus was another Aramean kingdom 
 of Hazrak, which flourished for about fifty years. 
 
 (257.) Queen Athaliah's Seizure of the Throne. 
 Athaliah, the wife of Jehoram, was not unlike her mother, 
 Jezebel, in pride and audacity. When Ahaziah became 
 king, she was the queen mother, a personage of great 
 influence. At his sudden death she seized the throne 
 of Judah for herself, slaying, as she supposed, all the 
 young princes. How this could take place and her 
 reign be undisturbed for six years, may be explained by 
 noting that she could rely upon her bodyguard of foreign- 
 ers (11:4); that she did not disturb the worship at the 
 Temple, and that she probably had a fairly strong party 
 behind her. In the narratives Jehoiada relies on the 
 " people of the land," who are, perhaps, intentionally 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 contrasted with "the city." (11:20.) Athaliah was a 
 woman of unusual capacity. It is clear that the high 
 priest gave her no chance to interfere with the revolt. 
 
 (258.) The Enthronement of Joash. The story of the 
 coronation of the little boy Joash is most dramatic. 
 The details are not absolutely clear, but are sufficiently 
 so. The high priest, Jehoiada, whose wife was the little 
 king's aunt, secured the support of the soldiers and 
 relied upon the enthusiastic acceptance of the king by 
 the " people of the land." The revolution was a whole- 
 some one over which the best people rejoiced. It had 
 a religious, no less than a political significance, and was 
 immediately followed both by the destruction of the 
 temple of Baal and the death of its priest, and by a 
 solemn renewal of the national covenant with Jehovah. 
 
 (259.) His Long Reign over Judah. The young king 
 had a long reign. The event which does him most 
 honor was the improvement of the Temple, which took 
 place while he was still a young man. He found the 
 Temple in need of repairs. He urged the priests to use 
 the money realized by assessments upon individuals and 
 from free will offerings (12: 4) for this purpose, retaining 
 the trespass offerings for themselves. (12: 16.) Nearly 
 half of his reign had passed without any action on the 
 part of the priests, when the young monarch took matters 
 into his own hands, and had the income referred to above 
 paid directly to the contractors, who took pride in the 
 faithful performance of the work. 
 
 After Jehoiada's death, Joash deteriorated. Accord- 
 ing to the Chronicler, he relapsed in his loyalty to Jehovah 
 (II Chron. 24: 17-19) and, when criticized by Zechariah, 
 the son of Jehoiada, he ordered that the priest be stoned 
 to death. (24:20-22.) The Chronicler connects this 
 dastardly deed with the expedition of Hazael, which 
 caused Joash to strip the Temple in order to buy the 
 invader off. (II Ki. 12: 17, 18.) This display of weak- 
 ness led to a conspiracy which ended his life. (II Ki. 
 12:20.) 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 145 
 
 2. The Glorious and Prosperous Reigns of Uzziah 
 AND Jeroboam II. (II Ki. 14:1 to 15:7; 
 II Chron. 26.) 
 (260.) These chapters describe the reigns of Amaziah, 
 Uzziah and Jeroboam 11. It is one of the puzzles of 
 Biblical history why such noteworthy reigns had such 
 scant mention. 
 
 What important betterment of the moral code of 
 Judah did Amaziah recognize? (14:6. Compare Josh. 
 7:24, 25; II Sam. 21:1-6; II Ki. 9:26.) Against what 
 country did he wage successful war? (14:7.) What 
 was the occasion of his defeat by Jehoash, of Israel? 
 (14:8-14.) How did he die? (14:19, 20.) What was 
 the length of the reigns of Uzziah and Jeroboam ? (14 : 23 ; 
 15:2.) What did Uzziah do for his army? (II Chr. 
 26:11-14.) With what nations did he war? (II Chr. 
 26:6-8.) How did he command peace and security? 
 (II Chr. 26:10, 15.) What disease laid hold on him? 
 (II ' Chr. 26:21.) What was the great achievement 
 recorded concerning Jeroboam II? (II Ki. 14:25.) 
 
 (261.) Interesting Indications of Ethical and Religious 
 Advance. Three items of the data recorded about this 
 general period are worthy of recapitulation as showing 
 progress ethically and religiously. The first is the 
 leniency which Ainaziah showed to the kinsmen of the 
 conspirators. (14:6.) He virtually denied the binding 
 force of a custom to which Joshua, David and Ahab had 
 yielded. It was a great ethical advance to deny the 
 moral solidarity of the family or clan. Another item is 
 the recognition by Joash of vested rights of the priest- 
 hood. Still another is the growing popularity of the 
 Temple and independence of its priesthood. They were 
 beginning to assert themselves and their rights as against 
 the whims of the king. (II Chr. 26: 17-19.) The forces 
 were at work which created the Jerusalem of Isaiah 
 and Josiah. 
 
 (262.) The Rapid Prosperity of Judah. The reign of 
 Amaziah was promising but ended in dfsaster. The good 
 judgment which he displayed in dealing with his father's 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 murderers and in opening the highway to Elath by- 
 defeating Edom, stand in curious contrast to his chal- 
 lenge of Jehoash, which resulted in a crushing defeat, a 
 weakened capital and his own death. 
 
 His son Uzziah had a very long and prosperous reign. 
 Why the editor of the books of Kings virtually ignored 
 it is a mystery. The Chronicler gives a very complete 
 account of Uzziah's achievements. He extended the 
 boundaries of his dominions in every available direction, 
 southward, westward and eastward.' (II Chr. 26 : 6-8.) 
 He encouraged agriculture, built towers along the desert 
 highways for the protection of commerce (26:10), re- 
 equipped his army, and strongly fortified Jerusalem 
 (26 : 9.) He gave a great impulse to business of all 
 kinds, to building enterprises within and without the 
 city, and to the increase of wealth. Jerusalem grew 
 rapidly in population, resources, leadership and dis- 
 tinction. Its greatest danger lay in its mixed population. 
 The descriptions of Isaiah in his earliest addresses (2 : 6-9 ; 
 3:1-5, 14, 15, 16-23) give a picture of the city which 
 Uzziah left at his death, with its luxury and vice, its 
 excesses and tyranny in high places, its foreigners, its 
 crowds, its perversions of justice (5:7), its great ladies 
 in proud array, — all the accompaniments of outward 
 success. At the same time, the prophet thought of 
 her as the Zion which was Jehovah's abode, great in her 
 possibilities. 
 
 (263.) Jeroboam II of Israel. The reign of Jeroboam 
 II over Israel almost exactly paralleled that of Uzziah 
 over Judah. It was equally successful, and even more 
 glorious. Jeroboam reconquered the lost territory east 
 of Jordan, and laid the Moabites under tribute (as im- 
 plied by Amos 6:14). He extended his authority to 
 the gateway between the Lebanons, that marked the 
 southern boundary of Hamath, and apparently occupied 
 some of the territory of Damascus (14: 28). His people, 
 freed from all outward dangers, were enabled to develop 
 a marked prosperity, which the sermons of Amos reflect 
 with startling clearness. Amos declares that the nobles 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 147 
 
 and men of wealth and power vied in building luxurious 
 palaces, urged on by ease-loving wives. He charges that 
 in their greed for wealth, they used their advantage of 
 authority or power to make themselves rich at any cost 
 of fairness. He claims that the rapid increase of material 
 prosperity was blunting the national conscience. But 
 every average Israelite was full of enthusiasm over his 
 king and his country. 
 
 (264.) The Literature of Israel, It is quite useless to 
 give exact dates to writings about which we can merely 
 conjecture. At some date within the two centuries 
 which we have reviewed, a prophet, or group of prophets, 
 in the northern kingdom prepared a history of the Hebrew 
 People, which paralleled the one already mentioned 
 (§ 244). It once was called the Elohistic History, but 
 is generally known as the Ephraimitish History, and 
 referred to as " E." This history began with the story 
 of Abraham. It was full of details, traditions, customs 
 and principles. It emphasized the great personalities 
 through whom Jehovah did His work of providential 
 guidance for Israel. Much of the rich biographical 
 material of the Hexateuch was taken from " E." It 
 recalled the forms and modes through which at holy 
 places and elsewhere God revealed Himself to His people. 
 The early reign of Jeroboam may well have inspired 
 these men of God to attempt such a task. The alter- 
 native date would seem to be the days of Ahab. 
 
 The prophet Amos must have completed his ministry 
 (Amos 7: 10, 11) and Hosea have begun his work before 
 the death of Jeroboam, but the discussion of their ac- 
 tivities is reserved for the next section. 
 
 The prophetic order in Israel very evidently gathered 
 up the records of their own great leaders and committed 
 them to writing. Such work is all that we can definitely 
 assign to this century, 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 3. The Growing Northern Menace. (II. Ki. 
 15:19, 20, 29.) 
 
 (265.) It is extremely fortunate for the student of 
 Hebrew history that the Assyrian kings had the habit 
 of recording their campaigns in so detailed a fashion. 
 Otherwise, the participation of Ahab in the battle of 
 Qarqar in 854 B.C. (§ 251), and in the confederated 
 resistances of 849 B.C. and 846 B.C., and the tribute 
 which Jehu hastened to forward to king Shalmaneser 
 II, in 842 B.C., and the repeated attempts by Shal- 
 maneser and Adad-nirari to subdue Damascus, would be 
 unknown. When the books of Kings were put into 
 form, Assyria had ceased to exist. Details about her 
 campaigns may have seemed relatively unimportant. 
 
 For a comprehension of the world which Amos and 
 Isaiah faced, and of their attitude, we need to review 
 the situation in Palestine, as influenced by the great 
 powers of the day. Ashurnazirpal, the king of Assyria, 
 the contemporary of Ahab of Israel and Jehoshaphat 
 of Judah, not only established a real empire, but set 
 a standard of savagery and relentlessness in conquest 
 which made the Assyrian a dreaded foe for centuries. 
 His campaigning son, Shalmaneser 11, the antagonist 
 against whom Ahab, with the confederated kings, fought 
 so many drawn battles, and to whom Jehu promptly 
 proffered his submission, determined, at all costs, to win 
 the " Westland " from Hamath to Egypt. He left this 
 ambition as a legacy to his successors. Adad-nirari III 
 of Assyria (811-783 B.C.), a contemporary of Jehoahaz 
 and Joash of Israel, and of Mari of Damascus, repeatedly 
 attacked northern Syria, weakened the power of Damas- 
 cus, and increased Assyrian prestige in the " Westland." 
 For the next half century, practically during the reigns 
 of Jeroboam II, and Uzziah, the three sovereigns on the 
 throne of Assyria were able to do little more than hold 
 their own. They did not actually interfere with the 
 interests or the aggressions of Israel or Judah. But the 
 poHcy of the empire was unchanged. An observer 
 like Amos (Am. 5: 27; 6: 14) might not know just when 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 149 
 
 it would happen, but could be sure that eventually the 
 Assyrian would become a scourge of Israel. 
 
 The accession to the Assyrian throne in 745 B.C. of 
 Tiglath-pileser III, a great soldier and strong adminis- 
 trator, revived the policy of conquest and added that 
 of the deportation of captives and the settlement of 
 other peoples in the conquered districts. This policy 
 was not entirely original, but henceforth it was con- 
 sistently followed. Tiglath-pileser attacked Urartu, his 
 only rival empire on the north and west, and broke its 
 power. The only remaining rival was Egypt, a country 
 with traditions, but no power. Isaiah well characterized 
 her as a great promiser, but poor fulfiller (30:7; 31:1, 
 3). But a party in Palestine was inclined at times to 
 rely upon her prowess (Isa. 30:1-3). Hosea (9:3) was 
 not quite certain whether his people would be captives 
 in Assyria or Egypt. 
 
 X. 
 
 THE HALF CENTURY OF PROPHETIC REINTERPRETATION OF 
 
 THE RELATIONS OF JEHOVAH WITH HIS PEOPLE. About 
 
 755-686 B.C. (AMOS, HOSEA, ISAIAH 1-39, MICAH 
 
 AND SECOND KINGS 15:8 to 20:21) 
 
 (266.) The period from a Httle before 755 B.C. to about 
 700 B.C., was in many respects the most important half 
 century of Old Testament times. During it the first 
 great step in the creation of the rehgious life of the world 
 of today was taken. The prophet Amos introduced a 
 religious renaissance, whose most important factor was 
 a change of emphasis from ritual exactness to approvable 
 character, as the significant expression of religion. Up to 
 this time the Hebrew people, like other peoples around 
 them, had thought of Jehovah as demanding worship; 
 Amos and the other prophets insisted that He demanded 
 moral conduct. Such a message was not altogether new, 
 but Amos and his colleagues gave it convincingness. The 
 four prophets of this half century, Amos, Hosea, Isaiah 
 and Micah, have a marked unity of general viewpoint, 
 with an equally marked variety of application. No one 
 of them gives expression to the full-orbed religious think- 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 ing of this half century. Each contributed his especial 
 share, Isaiah most of all. Their great insistence was that 
 Jehovah must be thought of principally in terms of 
 character, that His approval and blessing of His people 
 rested on that basis, and that His sphere of influence 
 and interest was the whole world of humankind. 
 
 This half century included, just before its close, one 
 of the events of great importance in human history, 
 the deliverance of the beleaguered city of Jerusalem, 
 through the sudden wasting by pestilence of the army 
 of Sennacherib (II Ki. 19 : 35, 36) in 701 B.C. The many- 
 sided significance of that relief is discussed- below (§298). 
 
 (267.) The sources drawn upon for information are 
 of unusual value. The book of Amos is essentially 
 a first-hand record. Hosea is equally so, although the 
 thought is less connected and intelligible. The book 
 of Micah seems to include chapters which date later than 
 this half century, but the pertinent material is of very 
 great value. Isaiah 1-39 includes some chapters of later 
 date, and requires much rearrangement of the order of 
 the chapters which relate to the days of Isaiah's active 
 ministry, but throws a brilliant light upon the age. 
 The chapters of Second Kings contain short notices 
 regarding the kings and their reigns, taken from the 
 annals of Israel and Judah (15:8 to 16:9; 17:1-6), an 
 extract from the Temple records, perhaps (16:10-18), 
 the editor's summing up of the history of Northern 
 Israel (17:7-23), his explanation of the origin of the 
 Samaritans (17:24-41), and a stirring account, in the 
 noblest prophetic style, of Sennacherib's invasion (18: 13 
 to 19:37), preceded by data from the Judean annals 
 (18: 1-12), and followed by extracts from a collection 
 of stories about Isaiah (20). Out of all these, aided 
 by the records of Tiglath-pileser, Shalmaneser, Sargon 
 and Sennacherib, we can constrtxct today a narrative 
 which clears up some of the uncertainties of the Old 
 Testament record. 
 
 (268.) The chronology of the period is puzzling. 
 Assixming that Jeroboam II died in 740 B.C., a date 
 
THE AGE OP RIPENING MATURITY 151 
 
 which must be approximately correct, the total number 
 of years allotted by the Biblical record to the six kings 
 who followed him on the throne of Israel, is forty-two 
 years. But Samaria fell in 721 B.C. Probably the ten 
 years of Menahem and the twenty years of Pekah, are 
 round numbers, intended to indicate unknown ' but 
 relatively brief periods. Ahaz was on the throne in 
 735 B.C. Hezekiah came to the throne about 715, if 
 18:13 is correct and 18:9 is not. Jotham's sixteen 
 years (15 : 33) can only be given him by supposing that 
 most of them were years of the regency (15:5). The 
 following table is, at best, a conjectural adjustment, 
 taking all data into account. 
 
 JUDAH 740 ISRAEL 
 
 Uzziah to 737 
 
 Jotham, 737-735 
 Ahaz, 735-715? 
 
 Zechariah and Shallum. 740 B.C. Sixth 
 
 Dynasty 
 Menahem, 740-736 \ o , , t-, 
 Pekahiah, 736-735 / ^^^^"*^ Dynasty 
 Pekah, 736-735. Eighth Dynasty 
 Hoshea, 732-722-1. Ninth Dynasty 
 
 The downfall of Samaria, 722-1 
 
 Hezekiah, 715-686 
 
 Isaiah dramatically blocks the proposed revolt against Sargon, 711. 
 710 
 
 M's emb. to J. 705 
 
 Sennacherib's first inva- 
 sion, 701. 
 
 Sennacherib's second 
 invasion, 689. 
 
 Hezek's reform 
 measures, 688. 
 
 686 
 
 1. The Messages of Amos (c745 B.C.) and Hosea 
 (c745-735 B.C.) to Northern Israel. 
 
 (269.) The Book of Amos.* This is the earKest com- 
 plete portion of the Bible which we may read today 
 substantially as it was first put into writing over twenty- 
 six centuries ago. The following outline will serve to 
 guide the student in reading it intelligently. The portions 
 
 * The usual questions are omitted in this section, since ea,Qh student 
 should read both books, guided by the very full outline. 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 bracketed are probably later additions to the original 
 utterances of Amos. 
 
 1. [The superscription. 1:1.] 
 
 2. [The theme or text. 1 : 2.] 
 
 3. Jehovah will certainly act in judgment against Israel's neighbors 
 and against Israel herself. 1: 3 to 2: 16. 
 
 4. The incredible wickedness of Samaria, her luxury and greed, justify 
 the prophet's message. 3: 1 to 4: 3. 
 
 5. Israel, in spite of repeated warnings, offers Jehovah ceremonialism 
 rather than repentance. 4:4-13. 
 
 6. Repentance is the only, and yet the unlikely, way of escape from 
 judgment. 5: 1-17. 
 
 7. Only righteousness can make the Day of Jehovah other than a 
 time of doom. 5: 18-27. 
 
 8. You who with confidence indulge your appetites and forget those 
 who are in need, will surely taste the bitter doom of exile. 6: 1-14. 
 
 9. Three visions of approaching judgment; the locusts, the scorching 
 drought, and the wall ready to tumble down. 7: 1-9. 
 
 10. The account of the charge of conspiracy and Amos' reply. 7: 10-17. 
 
 11. The fourth vision of judgment : Israel's end imminent. 8:1-3. 
 
 12. The social sins and religious unfaithfulness of Israel will cause 
 Jehovah to ignore her pleas. 8: 4-14. 
 
 13. The fifth vision: Jehovah's unescapable vengeance. 9:1-4.' 
 
 14. The mighty Jehovah's all-seeing eye regards only Israel's persistent 
 sinfulness. 9: 5-8o. 
 
 15. [The scattering of the people will be a sifting, with happy days yet 
 in store. 9:8J-15.] 
 
 (270.) The Prophet Amos. Amos was a native of 
 Tekoa in Judah (1:1; 7:12). He delivered this stern 
 message to the people of the northern kingdom during 
 the last decade of the splendid reign of Jeroboam II. 
 He was a shepherd or small farmer (1:1; 7:14, 15). 
 Jerusalem and Hebron were not far away, and Bethel 
 only twenty-five miles distant. To dispose of his wool, 
 he may often have visited these larger places, where 
 he cotild observe the conditions of life on which he com- 
 ments and could hear of the outside world. The luxury, 
 injustice, and evil-doing of the social world of his day 
 seemed terribly wrong to him. He pondered over the 
 contrasts between Jehovah's expectations and the public 
 life of his people, until the impulse to point out the danger 
 and give a warning became irresistible. He spoke to 
 Israel rather than to Judah, because the kindred nation 
 was nearing a crisis. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 153 
 
 (271.) His Message to Israel. Amos assumed that 
 Jehovah is Israel's God (3:2). He has guided His 
 people providentially (2:9). The land of the Hebrews 
 is hallowed by His presence (7: 17). Jehovah is dis- 
 tinctively a righteous Being. He lays stress upon the 
 right conduct of His people, not upon their activity in 
 'pilgrimages or festivals or sacrifice (4:4, 5; 5:4-7, 12, 
 14, 15, 21-24). Israel's sins of greed, injustice and 
 extortion would astonish even the Philistines (3:9). 
 Warnings have been of no avail (4:6-10; 7:1-9). The 
 end is near (8: 1-3). Jehovah cannot condone such 
 persistency in evil. As the guardian of the moral order 
 of the world (1:3; 9:7), He will bring upon Israel a com- 
 plete and irremediable destruction (9 : 8a) through a 
 northern foe (2: 14-16; 5: 27; 6: 14; 7: 9). 
 
 (272.) The Book of Hosea. The prophecies of Hosea 
 are harder to understand in detail than those of Amos, 
 but the trend of thought can be followed with the aid 
 of the outline. There are two distinct sections, chs. 
 1-3 and chs. 4-14. No logical arrangement is discernible. 
 
 1. [The superscription. 1:1.] 
 
 2. Hosea, at God's command, marries a harlot and has three children 
 with names which imply God s purpose to punish Israel (1 : 2-9). 
 
 3. [In due time, Israel shall be restored to favor. 1 : 10 to 2: 1.] 
 
 4. Israel's sin of unfaithfulness to Jehovah (2: 2-5) and her disciplinary 
 experience. 2:8-13. 
 
 5. Jehovah's redemptive earnestness and Israel's repentance and 
 restoration. 2: 14-23. 
 
 6. As Hosea's wife had to be disciplined in seclusion, so would Israel 
 be disciplined by exile. 3:1-6. 
 
 7. Israel's crimes are flagrant, the priests abetting the people. 4: 1-10. 
 
 8. Israel's unfaithfulness to Jehovah seems incurable. 4: 11-19. 
 
 9. So great is her ignorance and wilfulness that the impending disaster 
 cannot be averted. 5:1-14. 
 
 10. Realizing her plight, Israel will express repentance; but it will be 
 superficial and useless, she is so corrupt. 6: 1 to 7: 7. 
 
 11. Israel is without a consistent policy, political or religious; she is 
 insincere and unfaithful. 7:8-16. 
 
 12. Her rulers and gods and policies are alike hostile to Jehovah, her 
 worship unacceptable. 8: 1-14. 
 
 13. Israel's unfaithfulness will be punished by exile, swift and sweeping. 
 9: 1-17. 
 
 14. Her shrines and images shall be destroyed; her deep-rooted wicked- 
 ness deserves invasion. 10: 1-15. 
 
154 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 15. Jehovah has dealt with Israel as with a son; she is ungrateful, 
 but He passionately longs to forgive her. 11 : 1-11. 
 
 16. Israel's habit of deceitfulness cannot be overlooked. 12: 1-14. 
 
 17. Baalism, the worship of images, ruined Ephraim; the people ignore 
 Jehovah; no one can protect them from His just judgment. 13 : 1-16. 
 
 18. O, Israel, repent of your iniquity and trust in Jehovah alone. 14: 1-3. 
 
 19. He will pardon you and give you great prosperity. 14: 4-8. 
 
 20. [An editorial " word to the wise." 14: 9.] 
 
 (273.) The Prophet Hosea. Fortunately, this con- 
 temporary of Amos was his opposite. Their natures and 
 their messages were complemental. Hosea was a citizen 
 of the Northern Kingdom (1 : 2 ; 7 : 5 ; 6 : 10). He spoke 
 as a patriot who longed to save his people. His view of 
 the situation was just as clear as that of Amos. He even 
 made out a stronger case of national corruption. But 
 his spirit was tender and sympathetic, rather than 
 critical. He dealt with his theme in a more emotional 
 way, speaking from the depths of bitter patriotic con- 
 viction. He seems more spiritually minded than Amos. 
 
 We know nothing about his personal life, except through 
 the domestic tragedy described in chs. 1-3. Students 
 differ regarding its interpretation. Some think that 
 Hosea fell in love with a woman in whom he believed 
 and trusted, and married her. He soon discovered her 
 unfaithfulness and was at length deserted by her for 
 another. His persistent love for her led him to buy her 
 back with the purpose of restoring her honorable status 
 after the discipline of seclusion and after her repentance. 
 Reflecting on this experience, he saw that it was a revela- 
 tion to him of Jehovah's experience with Israel. Other 
 scholars take 1 : 2 very literally. Hosea married an 
 unchaste woman in obedience to Jehovah's command, 
 and as a public object-lesson, intended to provoke ques- 
 tioning, and to enable Hosea to deliver his pectiliar 
 message. Such a step would impress all Israel with a 
 sense of the shocking relationship to Jehovah, in which 
 the nation had placed itself. This view greatly em- 
 phasizes the self-sacrifice of Hosea and his dramatic 
 genius. It implies that, after the children were bom, 
 Hosea . placed Gomer in seclusion as a further symbol 
 of the captivity and discipline which Israel needed. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 155 
 
 (274.) His Message to Israel. Like Amos, Hosea saw 
 the selfish wickedness of Israel and the necessity and 
 certainty of judgment, but he made much clearer than 
 Amos did the divine attitude toward his guilty people. 
 Jehovah was not merely Israel's master, exacting obedi- 
 ence to his ideals, but rather Israel's husband, cleaving 
 to her and caring for her in spite of her gross unfaithful- 
 ness, and her father, tenderly training her. He was a 
 god of righteousness and justice, but also One whose 
 love was inextinguishable. Israel's case seemed hopeless. 
 Her judgment could not be averted, but since Jehovah 
 was a husband and a father, the punishment would be 
 redemptive in its purpose and effect. Israel must con- 
 tinue to trust Him. 
 
 This was a great message, deeply spiritual, recognizing 
 the seriousness of sin, but proclaiming the equally per- 
 sistent love of God. It lifted the relationship of Jehovah 
 with his people onto a new moral and religious plane. 
 The difference between the thinking of Amos and Hosea 
 and the thinking of Elijah and Elisha seems phenomenal. 
 Amos had criticised the popular worship of Jehovah as 
 a substitute for every-day right conduct; Hosea attacked 
 it as the expression of a low, materialistic conception 
 of God's character. A right knowledge of Jehovah 
 (2:8, 20; 4:1; 5:4; 6:3, 4) and a deliberate responsive- 
 ness to His loving approach, Hosea declared to be the 
 two real remedies for his country's troubles. The twenty- 
 six centuries since Hosea's day have not belied his judg- 
 ment. 
 
 2. The Assumption of Political Control over Pal- 
 estine BY Assyria and the Downfall of the 
 Northern Kingdom. 740-721-2 B.C. (II Kings 
 15 : 8 to 17 : 41, Isaiah 7 : 1-9.) 
 
 (275.) These passages describe the quick succession 
 of kings and dynasties in Israel after Jeroboam's death, 
 the weakness of Ahaz, the rapid encroachments of the 
 Assyrians, and the downfall of Samaria. 
 
 How many dynasties were represented by the six 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Israelitish kings to Hoshea ? (15 : 8 to 17 : 6.) How many- 
 dynasties were there during the two centuries and more 
 of Israel's existence as a separate people? How many 
 were there in Judah during the same period? What 
 misfortime happened to Israel in the days of Menahem? 
 (15: 19, 20.) What step did the kings of Damascus and 
 Israel take against Ahaz to force him into a coalition 
 against Assyria? (16:5; Isa. 7:1-9.) How did Ahaz, 
 despite Isaiah's advice, deal with this dangerous situa- 
 tion? (16:7, 8.) What was the first political result in 
 734 B.C.? (15:29.) What was the next result in 732 
 B.C.? (16:9.) When Ahaz went to Damascus to pay 
 homage to the Assyrian King, what religious impression 
 was made on him? (16 : 10-16.) What frightful sacrifices 
 did the regular Assyrian tribute impose upon his people? 
 (16:8, 17, 18.) For what reason did Shalmaneser IV, 
 the son of Tiglath-pileser, beseige Samaria? (17:3-5.) 
 How long did the city hold out? (17:5.) What was 
 done by Sargon, Shalmaneser's son, to the captured 
 people? (17:6.) What is the explanation by the editor 
 of the Books of Kings of this disaster? (17 : 7-23.) How 
 did the half -heathen Samaritan community of later days 
 develop? (17:24-41.) 
 
 (276.) Israel's Two Decades after Jeroboam 11. The 
 prosperity which characterized the realm of Jeroboam II 
 disappeared rapidly after his death. Internal strife, 
 foreign invasion, and crushing tribute brought the 
 northern kingdom to sudden ruin. Hosea alludes to 
 rapid dynastic changes, dissensions, conspiracies, appeals 
 for foreign aid. In seven years there were six recognized 
 rulers and four changes of dynasty. Political and social, 
 as well as religious conditions, were chaotic. In 738 
 Menahem had to pay Tiglath-pileser (whose Babylonian 
 name, 15: 19, was Pulu) an enormous tribute (15: 19, 20). 
 In 734 B.C. the same invader annexed all of Galilee and 
 East- Jordan, leaving only central Palestine to Pekah, 
 Israel's king. In 732 B.C. he overran, completely 
 crushed, and absorbed into the Assyrian empire the 
 kingdom of Damascus, so long the bold, resourceful and 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 157 
 
 energetic bulwark of Israel against Assyrian aggression. 
 A decade later his grandson, Sargon, just ascending the 
 throne, received the news of Samaria's fall. 
 
 (277.) The Lost Ten Tribes. Sargon states in his 
 inscription relating to the fall of Samaria that he carried 
 away into exile twenty -seven thousand, two hundred and 
 ninety of its inhabitants. This small number must have 
 represented the leaders of Israel, those whose presence 
 would endanger the peace he wished to assure. These 
 captives and those of the earlier invasion were settled 
 in different parts of the vast Assyrian empire (17:6). 
 The great bulk of the people of Samaria were not dis- 
 turbed. Sargon settled among them some of his own 
 faithful subjects. Henceforth the northern kingdom- 
 was merged into the Assyrian empire. 
 
 Some of the exiled Israelites may have found their 
 way back again to Palestine, but the majority were 
 absorbed by the peoples among whom they were settled. 
 The Ten Tribes were effectually lost. The idea that 
 they will be found again has no foundation. 
 
 (278.) Tiglath-pileser IV (745-727), Shalmaneser IV 
 (727-722), and Sargon II (722-705). It was Israel's 
 misfortime to be opposed at her time of crisis by rulers 
 of commanding ability. Tiglath-pileser IV died in 727 
 B.C., having wrought Assyria by his organizing genius 
 into a true empire, greater than ever before. His im- 
 mediate successor, Shalmaneser IV (727-722 B.C.) had 
 no opportxmity to make an equal fame, but he dealt the 
 final blow to the northern Israelitish kingdom. Hoshea, 
 made king over " the house of Omri " by Tiglath-pileser 
 IV, was persuaded by Egypt (II Kings 17 : 4) to revolt 
 against Shalmaneser. He refused the annual tribute. 
 Shalmaneser marched against northern Israel, defeated 
 and captured Hoshea, and determined to capture Samaria 
 and put an end to the independent hfe of the kingdom. 
 Just as Samaria was about to fall, after holding out for 
 three years (17:5), Shalmaneser died. His successor, 
 Sargon II (722-705 B.C.), carried out his plans for Israel. 
 (17:6). Sargon was a ruler of wonderful energy and 
 
158 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 capacity. During his reign he broke the power of 
 Urartu and Babylonia, the long time centres of dis- 
 affection and danger, reorganized the empire and left 
 it to his successor fairly well unified. In the grip of such 
 a sovereign the little states of the ' ' Westland ' ' were 
 wholly helpless (Isa. 10: 14), unless they acted absolutely 
 as a unit or unless they were efficiently assisted by Egypt. 
 Every resistance to Assyrian aggression from this time 
 onward was based on an attempted alliance or on the 
 promises of Egypt. 
 
 3. Isaiah's Early Messages to Judah in the Days 
 OF JoTHAM AND Ahaz. (II Kings 15: 32 to 16: 20; 
 Isaiah 1-12, 17.) 
 
 (279.) These passages give us the secret of Isaiah's 
 steadiness and serenity, as he faced the bitter problems 
 at home and the pressing dangers abroad. 
 
 Isaiah's Earliest Sermons (738-734 B.C.). 
 
 1. The vision of Jehovali's majesty and holiness which made Isaiah a 
 prophet. 6. 
 
 2. Jehovah's vineyard and its wild grapes: greed for land, drunken- 
 ness, skepticism, sophistry, conceit and injustice. 5: 1-24. 
 
 3. The popular ideal of Jerusalem and the sad reality, a city of super- 
 stition, corruption, pride, and luxury. 2: 1 to 4: 6. 
 
 4. The judgment about to fall upon Israel: war, disaster, anarchy, 
 calamity, invasion. 9:8 to 10: 4; 5: 25-30. 
 
 0. Israel's bulwark and Israel herself are doomed. 17: 1-11. 
 
 6. Faith, not fear, is our true attitude, O Ahaz. (7: 1-17.) Your 
 action means that Judah will be ravaged (7: 17-23), Damascus and 
 Samaria will fall and Judah will be invaded. (8: 1-8.) Fear 
 Jehovah only. (8: 9-15.) The blinded people will be reduced to 
 deep despair (8: 16-22), but a great Deliverer will arise, capable of 
 establishing peace and righteousness. (9: 1-7.) 7: 1 to 9:7. 
 
 (280.) When did Isaiah receive his call to be a prophet? 
 (Isa. 6: 1.) Where was he at the time? (6:2.) What 
 two ideas about Jehovah were impressed upon him? 
 (6:1-3). What twofold effect was produced? (6:5-8). 
 What lifelong prospect was placed before him? (6:9- 
 13.) What evils of the Judah of that early day did he 
 attack as being wild grapes from Jehovah's vineyard? 
 (5:1-24.) What evils did he point out in Jerusalem? 
 (2:6-9, 12, 17; 3:5-12, 14-16.) What judgments did 
 
THE AGE OP RIPENING MATURITY 159 
 
 he declare would fall on Israel? (9: 8 to 10: 4; 5: 25-30.) 
 What plot was planned against Judah in the last days 
 of Jotham's reign? (II Ki. 15:37.) Under what king 
 of Judah was it executed? (Isa. 7:1.) What effect 
 did the rumor have? (7:2.) What noble advice did 
 Isaiah give Ahaz? (7:3-9.) What sign did he thrust 
 indignantly upon the obstinate king? (7: 10-16.) How 
 did he appeal to the people of Judah? (8: 1-4.) What 
 was the course of action taken by Ahaz ? (II Ki. 16 : 7-9.) 
 What especially impressed Ahaz at the temporary Assyrian 
 headquarters? (16:10-16.) What did the continued 
 payment of tribute force him to do at the Temple? 
 (16: 17, 18.) What results of this alliance with Assyria 
 did Isaiah foresee? (Isa. 7:17-25; 8:5-8.) What two 
 splendid promises developed out of the dark background 
 of national disaster? (7:3; 9: 1-7.) 
 
 (281.) The Book of Isaiah. This book is almost a 
 literature. It is a collection of prophetic collections of 
 varying dates. It contains prophecies of the days of 
 Isaiah, the son of Amos, together with those which have 
 no reference whatever to his age. In this historical 
 survey the portions which relate to each period are 
 discussed in connection with that period. The book as 
 a whole divides into two great sections, 1-39, 40-66. 
 The former may be analyzed thus: (1) An introductory, 
 representative prophecy hard to date; (2) a little volume 
 of discourses about Judah and Jerusalem (2-12); (3) 
 a group of " burdens " or oracles mainly against foreign 
 nations (15-23) ; (4) an apocalyptic vision of world 
 judgment on the " day of Jehovah " intermingled with 
 lyrics of uncertain date (24-27); (5) a group of " woes " 
 or warnings and consolations to Jerusalem (28-33) ; 
 (6) a brilliant apocalyptical vision of the golden age, 
 which is a conclusion to this first great group of proph- 
 ecies (34, 35). To this .collection was added a his- 
 torical appendix, quite probably taken from the narrative 
 of II Kings (36-39). The analysis of chapters 40-66 
 will be given at the periods to which they relate. 
 
160 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (282.) Isaiah's Call to be a Prophet. Isaiah was one 
 of the few master-minds of history. He had a task 
 of tremendous difficulty. He faced it with a serenity 
 and consistency which are fully explained by the glorious 
 vision which initiated his prophetic career and established 
 the great convictions which gripped and enlightened 
 him. He saw Jehovah upon His throne, majestic and 
 holy. Thenceforth He was a sublime spiritual Presence 
 whose glory fills the universe, whose invincible purpose 
 (14:26) directs all history, the "Holy One of Israel," 
 a great religious reality. 
 
 (283.) His First Few Years of Prophetic Activity. 
 Three distinct periods in his prophetic life are reflected 
 in the first twelve chapters of the book of Isaiah. The 
 fine introductory chapter, which emphasized several of 
 Isaiah's great ideas, is usually allotted to the later period 
 of his ministry (about 701 B.C.), along with 10:5 to 
 11:9. Chapters 2:1 to 6:13; 9:5 to 10:4 form an 
 all too brief record of his fine, clear insight into the social 
 and spiritual conditions of Jerusalem and Judah just 
 prior to 735 B.C., which went straight to their causes 
 and consequences. It is worth while to study these 
 prophecies from the standpoint of literature. Isaiah 
 was a master of noble speech, incisive, clear, figurative; 
 with words that bum he revealed the corruption, materi- 
 alism, frivolity, depravity and skepticism of Judean 
 society and the sweeping judgments by which Jehovah 
 would bring His people to their senses. Chapters 7 : 1 
 to 10:4 set forth the earnest appeals of Isaiah in 735 
 B.C. to Ahaz and the people to dissuade them from an 
 alliance with Tiglath-pileser, affirming the wisdom of 
 trusting Jehovah (7:9), the certainty that the action 
 of Ahaz would insure disaster to his own land (7: 17-25; 
 8: 5-8) and a fine message of hope (9: 1-7). 
 
 (284.) His Early Ideas. Isaiah, like Amos and Hosea, 
 prophesied a divine judgment upon his people. But he 
 clarified and organized the ideas which he shared with 
 these great predecessors. His favorite phrase for Jehovah, 
 the " Holy One of Israel," carried with it the righteous- 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 161 
 
 ness of Amos and the redemptive love of Hosea, but 
 implied besides His freedom from all limitations and 
 His moral perfection. From His exalted viewpoint 
 righteousness, not ritual, was the real expression of 
 reHgion, but His people were hopelessly sinful. Hence 
 Jehovah must send judgments upon Judah. These 
 would take the form of invasion by an army (5:26-29), 
 involving distress and humiliation; but not the failure 
 of God's plans. There would be a " Remnant," a better 
 Israel, whose right development would be assured by 
 the leader whom Jehovah would produce, the four- 
 named King of peace, justice, and strength (Isa. 9:6). 
 
 (285.) The Crisis of 735 B.C. and the Fatal Resolve 
 of Ahaz. It is evident that Ahaz, who came to the 
 throne rather young, was an obstinate weakling, unwilling 
 to take covinsel. When threatened by Pekah of Israel 
 and Rezon of Damascus, who were aiming to form a 
 coalition of Palestinian states against Assyria, and 
 proposed, if necessary, to compel Ahaz to join them, 
 Ahaz meditated submission to Assyria as a means of 
 counteracting their attack. Isaiah advised the king 
 to trust calmly in Jehovah and avoid all entangling 
 alliances. But Ahaz had already committed himself 
 and began to negotiate with Tiglath-pileser III of Assyria. 
 He paid homage in person to the great king at Damascus, 
 and aped his customs. Isaiah could do nothing more. 
 For about twenty years Ahaz continued to reign. His 
 people felt the galling yoke of Assyria with growing 
 impatience, but dared not rise against the terrible Sargon. 
 The next datable word of Isaiah was given expression 
 a quarter of a century after the encounter with Ahaz. 
 The prophet probably lived a quiet life, surrounded by 
 disciples. The "teaching" was "sealed" (8:16). His 
 children, " Speed-spoil-hurry-prey " and " Remnant shall 
 turn " were continually preaching two of his great ideas. 
 There was little that he could do publicly. His fine and 
 noble character and the gradual confirmation of his 
 words gave him a growing place in the minds of his people. 
 
162 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 4. The Work op Isaiah and Micah in the Decade 
 
 PRECEDING Sennacherib's Invasion of Palestine 
 
 IN 701 B.C. (Isaiah 20: 1-6; 28-33 mainly; II 
 
 Ki. 20: 12-20; II Chron. 32: 30, 4, 5; II Ki. 
 
 18:1-8; Micah 1-3.) 
 
 (286.) These passages relate the stirring history -of the 
 days when Judah and other states were restless under 
 Assyrian control and ready to revolt. 
 
 The Messages of Isaiah between 710 and 701 B.C. 
 
 7. How Isaiah prevented the people from making an alliance against 
 Sargon with Egypt about 711 B.C. 20: 1-6. 
 
 8. A group of prophecies (prefixed by one which had been uttered 
 about Samaria before 721, 28: 1-6) in which Isaiah opposes vigorously 
 the proposed alliance with Egypt against Sennacherib. Read 
 28: 7-13 (" those who are impatient over Isaiah's reiteration of his 
 message will hear Jehovah's message in Assyrian "), 28: 14-22; 
 30: 1-5, 6-7; 31: 1-4 (warnings against trusting in Egypt) and 
 29: 1-8 (the impending fate of Jerusalem). Over against each 
 warning is placed a word of promise, which cannot be dated with 
 any certainty. 28-33. 
 
 The Messages of Micah, c. 722-701. 
 
 1. The superscription of the editor. 1 : 1. 
 
 2. The sad and certain doom of Samaria and Judah. 1 : 2-9. 
 
 3. The army of conquest advancing from the seacoast to Jerusalem, 
 a series of remarkable paranomasias. 1: 10-16. 
 
 4. The grasping, unscrupulous rich Judeans will suffer deserved 
 exile. 2: 1-11. 
 
 5. Judah's leaders are so hopelessly corrupt that judgment is sure. 
 3: 1-12. 
 
 (287.) By what striking symbolism did Isaiah prevent 
 the people of Judah from making an alliance with Egypt 
 in 711 B.C.? (Isa. 20: 1-6.) Who was then on Judah's 
 throne? (II Ki. 18: 1.) What was his religious attitude? 
 (18:3-6.) What showed his vigor as a ruler? (20:20.) 
 How did the embassy of Merodach-baladan affect him? 
 (20:12-15.) What was Isaiah's opinion? (20:16-19.) 
 Why were the Judeans peculiarly restive about 705 
 B.C. and desirous of making a coalition with Egypt? 
 What was Isaiah's opinion of the policy of alHance 
 (30:1-3; 31:1-3) and of Egypt as an ally? (30:7.) 
 What social wrongs did Micah attack? (Mi. 2, 3.) 
 On what ground did he predict the destruction of the 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 163 
 
 two great Israelitish cities? (Mi. 1:3-7; 3:9-12.) On 
 whose behalf did Micah speak? 
 
 (288.) The Early Reign of Hezekiah. Hezekiah came 
 to the throne of Judah certainly not later than 715 B.C.* 
 He inherited, a social situation which Micah condemns 
 unsparingly. He entered vigorously into his royal duties. 
 The Chronicler dates many religious reforms (II Chr. 
 29) in his first year, but the question whether the reforms 
 mentioned in II Ki. 18:4 were in the beginning or at the 
 end of his reign is unsettled; 18: 22 seems to show that 
 something was done. Hezekiah was a noble prince. 
 He may have been under Isaiah's influence during his 
 boyhood, since the prophet had much influence over 
 him as a king. He was a farsighted sovereign. He 
 strengthened Jerusalem (20 : 20) , so as to prepare his 
 country for war. During the last years of Sargon there 
 was a growing restlessness throughout Palestine. A new 
 Ethiopian dynasty had arisen in Egypt, which made 
 many promises of help to the little states of Palestine. 
 The annual tribute to Assyria was a great burden. Baby- 
 lonia had made herself independent of Assyria since 
 721 B.C. In 711 B.C. the Philistine cities of Ashdod 
 and Oath did rebel. Isaiah wisely prevented the people 
 of Judah from this rashness (Isa. 20: 1-6) by walking 
 the streets for months in the garb of a captive. . 
 
 (289.) Micah's Denunciation of Judah's Leaders. At 
 some time in this period the peasant prophet Micah 
 must have delivered the vigorous messages found in 
 chapters 1-3. Criticism tends to attribute to him only 
 these chapters in the book which bears his name. It is 
 clear that the other chapters contain some material of a 
 later date than the probable life of Micah, but they also 
 express ideas which seem entirely congruous with an age of 
 such glorious idealism as that of Hezekiah. The first three 
 chapters use the fall of Samaria, either imminent or 
 already a fact (1:6) as an impressive warning to Judah 
 
 'According to II Ki. 18: 10 his first regnal year was 727 B.C.; according 
 to II Ki. 18: 13 his first regnal year was 715 B.C. It seems impossible 
 to decide absolutelv between these estimates, 
 
164 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (1:9). The prophet uses a remarkable series of plays 
 upon the names of villages on the way to express the 
 certainty of the invasion of an army up from the Philistine 
 plain through the western passes to Jerusalem (1: 10-16). 
 He then lays bare the flagrant social crimes of the rich 
 and powerful. They were like cannibals in their greed 
 (3:2, 3). He denounced the mercenary prophets (3:5), 
 to whom Jehovah gives no message (3: 6-8), and other 
 self-seeking leaders (3:9-11), and declared that both 
 Jerusalem and its temple would be destroyed (3: 12). 
 That Micah's words deeply impressed the nation is 
 indicated by Jeremiah 26. 
 
 (290.) The New Assjnrian King, Sennacherib. Sargon 
 died in 705 B.C. and was succeeded by his son, Sen- 
 nacherib, a man of iron and blood. His reign of twenty- 
 five years (705-680 B.C.) was chiefly distinguished by his 
 operations against Babylonia, which he crushed, and 
 against Palestine. 
 
 (291.) The Great Palestinian Revolt of 703 B.C. 
 When Sargon died the nations subject to Assyria could 
 not resist the temptation to revolt. Merodach-baladan, 
 whom Sargon had expelled from Babylonia in 710 B.C., 
 began another revolution in that country and sent 
 emissaries to Palestine to stir up disaffection (Isa. 39). 
 Tyre, Edom, Moab, Ammon, several Philistine cities 
 and certain Arab tribes made a coalition into which Judah, 
 despite Isaiah's opposition, was drawn. 
 
 (292.) Isaiah's Vain Protests. Some of the finest 
 prophecies of Isaiah were delivered in the vain attempt 
 to prevent Judah from taking this step. A strong party 
 trusted in the promises of aid which Egypt was making, 
 and was in favor of revolting. Isaiah declared that 
 Egypt was a land of ample promises and slender per- 
 formances, " Madame Brag and Stay-at-Home " (30:7). 
 It was far wiser to trust in Jehovah than in Egypt's 
 cavalry (31:1-3). Judah's security depended wholly 
 upon her trust in Him (30: 8-16), not at all on diplomacy 
 or alliances. These pleadings had little effect. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 165 
 
 5. The Invasion of Palestine by Sennacherib and 
 THE Deliverance of Jerusalem (Isaiah 1:2-26- 
 10:5-34; 17:12-14; 18:1-7; 22; 29-33 passim; 
 II Kings 18: 13 to 19: 37; Mieah 4: 1 to 7: 6.) 
 
 (293.) These passages describe the events and emotions 
 of this great crisis, and the closing years of Hezekiah's 
 reign. 
 
 Isaiah's Prophecies from 701 B.C. onward. 
 
 9. Judah's distress due to her sins. 1 : 2-26. 
 
 10. Jerusalem's unpardonable frivolity. 22: 1-14. 
 
 11. The Assyrian only the tool of Jehovah. 10: 5-15. 
 
 12. His arrogance an assurance of his downfall. 10: 16-34. 
 
 13. Jehovah's purpose is world-wide. 14: 24-27. 
 
 14. The destruction of theAssyrian will be sudden. 17: 12-14; 18: 1-7. 
 
 15. Jerusalem shall be inviolate. 33. 
 
 16. The character and reign of the future king. 11: 1-9; 32: 1-8, 15-20. 
 
 17. A group of tender promises of the later days, which, if Isaiah's, 
 belongs to the end of his life. 28-33 passim. 
 
 Prophecies which may come from. Micah's Later Life. 
 
 6. Jerusalem to be the teaching center of the world. 4: 1-5. 
 
 7. [Predictions of the triumphant future of the Hebrew race, restored 
 from exile. 4: 6 to 5: 15.] 
 
 8. The true definition of religion. 6: 1-8. 
 
 9. Judah is as wicked as northern Israel was. 6: 9-16. 
 
 10. Godly men are scarce; every one is faithless. 7: 1-6. 
 
 11. [Exiled Judah's contrition and hope for deliverance. 7: 7-20.] 
 
 (294.) As a result of the revolt in Palestine what did 
 Sennacherib do? (II Ki. 18: 13.) To what condition 
 did he reduce Judah? (Isa. 1:7-9. Compare 22:5-11.) 
 What did Hezekiah do ? (II Ki. 18 : 14-15.) What insolent 
 summons did Sennacherib send by his Rabshakeh from 
 Lachish? (18:17-37.) What was Isaiah's advice regard- 
 ing the answer? (19: 1-8.) What later demand for 
 Jerusalem's surrender was made by letter? (19:9-13.) 
 What did Hezekiah do with the letter? (19:14-19.) 
 What was Isaiah's prophetic answer? (19:20, 32-34.) 
 What did Isaiah think about the haughty Assyrian (II 
 Ki. 19:21-31; Isa. 10:5-34; 14:24-27) and about Jeru- 
 salem? (Isa. 37: 35; 28: 16; 31 : 5; 33: 20.) What sudden 
 calamity forced Sennacherib to return to Nineveh? 
 (II Ki. 19:35, 36.) What thoroughgoing reforms did 
 Hezekiah probably make in the years that followed? 
 (II Chron. 29-31 passim) What words of Isaiah and 
 
166 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Micah may be assigned to the last few years of Hezekiah's 
 reign? (See above.) 
 
 (295.) Sennacherib's First Campaign. Sennacherib 
 was unable in 703 B.C. to discipline all of his revolting 
 vassals at once. He first campaigned against Babylonia, 
 then against Media, and finally, in 701 B.C., was ready 
 to deal with Palestine and Phoenicia. He promptly 
 crushed the Phoenician opposition, but the Palestinian 
 alliance (§ 291) confronted him. He marched down the 
 seacoast, capturing Ashkelon and Ekron and their 
 regions. Then he defeated at Eltekeh the southern 
 army which was marching to the aid of the allies. Moab, 
 Edom and Ammon promptly submitted, so he turned 
 his attention to Jerusalem. 
 
 (296.) His Occupation of Judah and Hezekiah's Sub- 
 mission. Instead of directly attacking Jerusalem, Sen- 
 nacherib's army ravaged Judah (Isa. 1 : 7-8) and blockaded 
 the city, shutting up Hezekiah, to use the language of 
 the inscription, " like a bird in a cage." This brought 
 Hezekiah to terms. He surrendered and paid a heavy, 
 humihating tribute (H Ki. 18: 13-16). 
 
 (297.) Sennacherib's Fresh Demand and its Rejection. 
 It is clear that the passage II Kings 18:17 to 19:37 
 represents two distinguishable narratives. The first 
 (18: 17 to 19: 8) relates a demand from Sennacherib for 
 the surrender of Jerusalem which was rejected by Heze- 
 kiah. The second describes a later demand, couched 
 in similar terms, and received with the same confident 
 declaration by Isaiah that Jehovah would defend his 
 city. Scholars differ widely in their explanation of these 
 demands. Some think that both demands were made 
 in 701 B.C.; some that the first demand was made in 
 701 and the second nearly twelve years later, when there 
 is good evidence that Sennacherib made a second expedi- 
 tion to the Westland. Still others think that both de- 
 mands are to be dated in connection with the second 
 expedition and regarded as duplicate versions of the 
 same story. To decide between these views is not 
 really necessary. It is certain that Sennacherib after 
 
THE AGE OP RIPENING MATURITY 167 
 
 Hezekiah's submission tried at least once again to compel 
 Jerusalem to surrender. It is probable that this hap- 
 pened about 689 B.C., when Sennacherib made a second 
 campaign to southern Palestine. It is sure that Isaiah 
 declared again that Jehovah would protect his city, the 
 altar-hearth of true religion, the needful home of the 
 Remnant, Jehovah's inviolable sanctuary. 
 
 (298.) The Great Deliverance. In 691 or 690 B.C. 
 Tirhakah (II Ki. 19:9) ascended the throne of Egypt. 
 He was a formidable foe, capable of making much trouble 
 for Assyria in the west. Sennacherib marched against 
 him, making an attempt on the way to get Jerusalem 
 under his control. Before the Assyrian army met the 
 Egyptians it was stricken by a pestilence which frightened 
 Sennacherib and sent him ingloriously home. A few 
 years later, in 681, he was murdered (II Ki. 19:35-37). 
 This sudden deliverance of Jerusalem seemed nothing 
 short of miraculous. Zion's holiness was vindicated, and 
 Isaiah's prediction that Jehovah wotild put forth His 
 hand to save His people and His city was fulfilled. 
 
 (299.) The Great Reformation. The thoroughgoing 
 reformation in Hezekiah's day, implied not only by the 
 Chronicler but by II Kings 18:4, especially the removal 
 of the high places, would have been aided by the desecrat- 
 ing ravages of the Assyrian soldiery in 701 B.C. and by 
 the demonstration of the inviolableness of Jerusalem 
 in 689 B.C. It aimed, religiously, to centralize all 
 worship at Jerusalem and socially, as Professor Kent 
 has pointed out, to correct the glaring social abuses 
 which were so contrary to prophetic ideals. Something 
 had been done by Hezekiah earlier than 701 B.C. (Isa. 
 36: 7), but probably the completion of these reforms may 
 be credited to the last years of Hezekiah's reign. 
 
 (300.) Prophecies of Isaiah and Micah about the 
 Future. Chapters 28-33 of the book of Isaiah and 
 chapters 4-7 of the book of Micah include several passages 
 which differ markedly in tone and temper from the 
 declarations of doom with which they are associated. 
 Such contrasting passages can hardly be contemporaneous. 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Their juxtaposition may be due to editorial love of con- 
 trast. Many students declare them to be exilic in date. 
 The alternative is to regard them as dating late in Isaiah's 
 life. 
 
 The fourth and fifth chapters of Micah contain a 
 series of interesting visions of the future of the Hebrew 
 race after exile. Such passages, however, as 4: 1-5, 
 11-13; 5: l-5a may belong to Micah's time. 
 
 (301.) The Prophet Isaiah. For not less than forty 
 years and perhaps for more than half a century the 
 prophet Isaiah was a familiar and commanding figure 
 in Jerusalem. He was characteristically a citizen, just 
 as Amos was a farmer. He was an aristocrat, a repre- 
 sentative of the finely educated classes, one whose range 
 of thinking was comprehensive and constructive. He 
 was in full sympathy with what Amos and Hosea had 
 said, but added the ideas which were complemental. 
 Their declarations implied the greatness and glory of 
 Jehovah, but he spoke of Jehovah of Hosts exalted and 
 holy with His world-plan. Hosea emphasized the love 
 of Jehovah which made His judgments redemptive in 
 purpose, but Isaiah added the supplemental ideas of the 
 Remnant, of its Leader, of Jehovah's majestic purpose 
 unfolding in human history and of Jerusalem as the 
 precious working center of His plans. Isaiah had the 
 organizing or theological mind. He was also a gifted 
 statesman and reformer, farsighted, eloquent, a master of 
 expression. His writings abound in passages of remark- 
 able force and beauty, such as 2: 12-17; 5: 26-29; 10: 5-15; 
 11:1-9, etc., but his power was due to his straight- 
 forward, unquestioning faith in Jehovah and His good 
 purpose (7: 9; 28:" 16; 30: 15). 
 
 (302.) The Last Days of Hezekiah and Isaiah. Noth- 
 ing is definitely known concerning the concluding years 
 of Hezekiah's reign. The land was recuperating from 
 the frightful losses of Sennacherib's first campaign, and 
 the people were probably loyal and grateful over the 
 services of the king and his great prophet at the subse- 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 169 
 
 quent deliverance. A great and sudden change, however, 
 was right ahead. • 
 
 (303.) Micah's Summary of Eighth Century Prophecy. 
 
 The passage, Micah 6: 1 to 7: 6, dated by many scholars 
 in the later life of Micah during the early years of 
 Manasseh's reign over Judah, concludes appropriately 
 the prophetic thinking of the preceding half century. 
 The conclusion of the dramatic dialogue between Jehovah 
 and His people regarding what was due to Him is the 
 remarkable saying of 6:8, which summarizes the vital 
 messages of Amos, Hosea and Isaiah into a simple but 
 noble declaration of religious duty. 
 
 (304.) The Four Prophets of the Half Century. The 
 significance of the work of Amos, Hosea, Isaiah and Micah 
 and thus of the half century during which they labored 
 is not easily overstated. Each contributed in his own 
 way his peculiar share toward a revolutionizing of the 
 religious ideals of the age. Affirming that Jehovah was 
 distinctively a moral Being to be described in terms of 
 character as righteous, holy, loving and wise, they 
 declared that He was the sovereign Ruler of the universe 
 Even invincible Assyria was His tool. The Hebrews 
 were His covenanted people, but that implied their 
 loyalty to His ideals, which their unsound social, economic 
 and religious life prevented. To awaken their consciences 
 Jehovah was forced to send upon them sweeping judg- 
 ments, using the Assyrians as His agent. But the judg- 
 ments, being redemptive, not punitive, would at some 
 future time result in a new Israel, a purified Remnant, 
 led by a wise, fine leader. Then Jerusalem would become 
 a center of world benefit. 
 
 Four great ideas underlie the spiritual religion of the 
 Old Testament: (1) Jehovah the holy, just, loving Ruler 
 of the world; (2) man in loving fellowship with Him; 
 (3) the moral and spiritual demands of this relationship, 
 and (4) the future Kingdom exhibiting true social 
 righteousness. These prophets made great progress 
 toward the expression of these ideas. Ethically they 
 left little to be said, but they were strongly nationalistic. 
 
170 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Jehovah's presence and the benefits of worsnip were 
 confined to His land and people and abiding-place. The 
 real missionary idea had not yet taken hold of the Hebrew 
 mind. Again they looked at the future in terms of a 
 new nation which would live in Palestine. It also took 
 another century to establish the principle of personal 
 responsibility. 
 
 XI. 
 
 THE HALF CENTURY OF REACTION UNDER MANASSEH: AS- 
 SYRIA TUDAH'S UNDISPUTED MISTRESS. About 686-641 B.C. 
 (SECOND KINGS 21; SECOND CHRONICLES 33) 
 
 (305.) The half century following the reign of Hezekiah 
 witnessed a great overturning of the religious conditions 
 which he and Isaiah had established. Assyria enlarged 
 her greatness by making the conquest of Egypt. No 
 great nation remained to dispute her imperial purpose. 
 Little Judah was her acknowledged vassal, and came 
 willingly under her influence in matters pertaining to 
 religion and culture. This influence was not wholly 
 evil. It gave Judah a close contact with the ripest 
 culture of the age, and fertilized the popular mind. The 
 half century was peaceful and prosperous, but religiously 
 decadent. Manasseh, the young king, sanctioned not 
 merely the introduction of Assyrian star worship into 
 Jerusalem but also the revival of Canaanitish idolatry. 
 Both were so thoroughly adopted by the people that 
 Ezekiel, a century later, described these rites as prevail- 
 ing in Jerusalem. Moreover, Manasseh sternly repressed 
 Jehovah worship. 
 
 The length of Manasseh 's reign is given as fifty -five 
 years (II Ki. 21:1). Josiah's reign, however, began 
 quite certainly in 639 B.C. This places the end of 
 Manasseh's reign in 641 B.C. How to find the other 
 ten years is a puzzle in Biblical chronology. 
 
 The record of Manasseh's reign is quite unsatisfactory. 
 It is entirely from the pen of the editor. Jeremiah, 
 however, felt quite as the editor did about the king (Jer. 
 15:4). The historical details given by the Chronicler 
 are not improbable, but lack clear confirmation. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 171 
 
 1. The Religious Reaction of Manasseh's Reign. 
 (II Kings 21; II Chron. 33; 10-20; Micah 6: 9 to 7: 6.) 
 
 (306.) These chapters describe the events of Manasseh's 
 long reign and his relations with Assyria. 
 
 How old was Manasseh when he came to the throne? 
 (II Ki. 21:1.) What religious changes did he support? 
 (21 : 2-9.) What threats did the prophets make ? (21 : 10- 
 15.) Whose innocent blood did Manasseh shed? 21 : 16; 
 24:4; Jer. 2:30.) According to the Chronicler what 
 calamities did he suffer? (II Chron. 33:11.) What 
 changes did he make at Jerusalem? (33 : 14.) 
 
 (307.) The Outside World in the First Half of the 
 Seventh Century. When Manasseh was seventeen years 
 old, Sennacherib was murdered (§ 298) in his own capital 
 by his sons, and was succeeded, after several months of 
 civil war, by the rightful heir, Esarhaddon. The new 
 king was quite the opposite of his father. He was 
 energetic and persistent, yet generous. He voluntarily 
 restored Babylonia to her former position of reasonable 
 independence. He added Arabia and Egypt to his do- 
 minions. He faced the invading Cimmerians, and 
 diverted them from his realm, whereupon they con- 
 quered Cappadocia and settled there. He colonized 
 Samaria (Ezra 4:2). He must be ranked high among 
 the rulers of the Assyrian empire. In his days, however, 
 one ominous event took place. The Medes had settled 
 during the preceding century in the mountains northeast 
 of Assyria and beyond Elam. They had given Assyria 
 little trouble, but could not be driven away. In Esar- 
 haddon's time a new horde, closely related to the Medes, 
 had swept down from the northern shores of the Black 
 Sea and settled among the Medes and in the northeastern 
 provinces of the empire. Within a century these com- 
 bined peoples were to become extremely formidable. 
 
 In 668 B.C. Esarhaddon was succeeded by his son, 
 Ashurbanipal, who had a long and brilliant reign of 
 forty-two years. He retained outward control of his 
 vast empire, but with many indications that the grip of 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 earlier days was weakening. He was the last real world 
 ruler of his race. He is the " Osnapper " mentioned in 
 Ezra 4: 9, 10. 
 
 (308.) The Reign of Manasseh in Judah. Manasseh's 
 long reign was marked by two great religious changes, 
 a return to the Canaanitish idolatry of earlier times and 
 a hospitality to Assyrian religious customs. He was 
 influenced to make the first change by the palace women 
 and by the strong anti-prophetic party in Jerusalem. 
 He made the second as a loyal vassal, introducing the 
 worship of the " host of heaven " into the very courts 
 of the Temple. It became so popular that it was prac- 
 tised on the housetops (Jer. 19: 13; Zeph. 1:5). 
 
 Manasseh is mentioned by Esarhaddon as a tributary 
 in 676 B.C. and by Ashurbanipal as one who helped 
 him in his first campaign against Egypt in 668 B.C. 
 He may have participated in a revolt and been punished 
 by a temporary exile in Babylon, but no record of it 
 is known. 
 
 Four good results followed his loyalty to Assyria: (1) 
 Judah had a much needed opportunity for peaceful 
 recruiting; (2) the trade of Jerusalem improved through 
 the increased commerce within the empire which now 
 included western Asia and Egypt; (3) a strong impulse 
 to culttire was given, especially in the days of Ashur- 
 banipal; and (4) the Babylonian calendar was probably 
 " adopted by the Hebrews in place of their own cumbrous 
 system of dating (Ex. 34: 22). 
 
 (309.) The Religious Changes. The anti-prophetic 
 reaction is not hard to understand. The prophets, 
 Isaiah and Micah, had not hesitated to denounce the 
 monopolists and grafters and the religious formalists 
 of their day, and, with Hezekiah's aid, to institute 
 sweeping social and religious reforms. At least a genera- 
 tion was needed for the complete establishment of such 
 innovations. With the quick succession of the very 
 young Manasseh the believers in religious institutions 
 and ceremonies and the conservatively minded and the 
 religious grafters and the social monopolists had a chance 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 173 
 
 to restore the conditions in which they deHghted. A 
 bitter conflict was inevitable. The prophets could 
 not keep silence (21:10-13), but now their speech was 
 treasonable. Their blood flowed freely (21 : 16), but they 
 were driven into seclusion. This forced them to find 
 new ways of promoting their ideals. 
 
 (310.) The Literary Work of the Age. Such references 
 as Proverbs 25; 1 remind us that the whole century 
 including the reign of Hezekiah was a period of possible 
 literary activity, how extended we can only conjecture. 
 The enforced retirement of Jehovah's adherents in 
 Manasseh's reign probably gave an impulse to such pro- 
 ductiveness. The prophetic sermons of the four great 
 prophets of the eighth century were collected, edited, 
 and reproduced. Not improbably the two great histories 
 of the Hebrew people in current use ("J" and " E," 
 see §§ 244, 264) were combined about this time into one 
 continuous narrative (" JE "). This made a new and 
 larger " Bible," preserving all that was most char- 
 acteristic and valuable in each of these noble works, 
 so dear to the religious heart of Israel. 
 
 The motive for the undertaking of such a task by a 
 prophet of Judah is readily conjectured. Quite probably 
 also the important revision and expansion of the ancient 
 Covenant code (§ 125) into a new " book of the law " 
 which interpreted the covenant obligations in the clearer 
 light of the prophetic principles of Amos and Isaiah 
 was executed during these days. If all these activities 
 took place, the reign of Manasseh was of great importance 
 in the history of IsraeUtish growth. 
 
 XII. 
 
 THE REFORM UNDER JOSIAH AND HIS PROPHETIC ASSOCIATES. 
 639-608 B.C. 
 (SECOND KINGS 22:1 TO 23:27; SECOND CHRONICLES 34, 
 35; ZEPHANIAH; JEREIVUAH 1-6; DEUTERONOMY.) 
 
 (311.) The thirty years following the reigns of Manas- 
 seh and Amon were significant years for Judah. Once 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 more the prophetic party held the friendship and support 
 of the king and thus an ascendancy in the national life. 
 Under the leadership of Zephaniah, Jeremiah and others, 
 a strong program of reform was initiated and executed. 
 Persistent evils were abated, the Temple was repaired, 
 Judah's worship was officially centralized at Jerusalem 
 and the Temple, and the principles which the prophets 
 of the preceding century had laid down were expressed 
 for popular guidance in the form of reformulated statutes. 
 So long as Josiah lived the nation seemed to be trans- 
 formed. Josiah's death revealed the eternal fact that a 
 reformation of ordinances does not convert a nation. 
 There was a sharp reaction. Nevertheless the work of 
 Josiah and his lieutenants left an ineffaceable stamp upon 
 the nation. 
 
 1. The Early Years of Josiah's Reign; Zephaniah's 
 Announcement of Jehovah's "Day." 639- 
 625 B.C. (IIKi. 22: l,2;IIChron. 
 34: 1-7; Zephaniah.) 
 
 (312.) This material brings the student face to face 
 with new conditions in Judah and in the outside world. 
 Zephaniah's Message about Jehovah's " Day." 
 
 1. The superscription. 1: 1. 
 
 2. A day of doom approaching Judah and Jerusalem. 1 : 2-6. 
 
 3. The terrors of Jehovah's " Day." 1: 7-18. 
 
 4. A day of doom upon Philistia. 2: 1-7. 
 
 5. Jehovah's vengeance upon Moab and Ammon. 2: 8-11. 
 
 6. The doom of Ethiopia and Assyria. 2: 12-15. 
 
 7. Jerusalem's sin and Jehovah's righteousness. 3: 1-7. 
 
 8. After purification Jerusalem will be delivered. 3: 8-13. 
 
 9. [The world-wide renown of redeemed Israel. 3: 14-20.] 
 
 Who was the new king of Judah? (II Ki. 22: 1.) 
 How did he come to the throne? (21:5.) At what 
 age did he begin to show a definite interest in the better- 
 ment of his kingdom? (II Chron. 34: 24.) At what age 
 did he begin to think of needed reforms ? (34:3.) What 
 prophet delivered his message in this early part of Josiah's 
 reign? (Zeph. 1:1.) How did he describe existing 
 religious conditions? (1:4-6, 17; 3:4, 13.) What did 
 he have to say about the social situation? (1:8, 9, 12; 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 175 
 
 3:3.) What did he predict? (1:7, 14; 3:8.) What 
 was to happen on "that day"? (1:15-18.) Which 
 seems more characteristic in Zephaniah, doom or hope? 
 
 (313.) Ashurbanipal's Closing Years. Ashurbanipal's 
 many campaigns, especially those against Babylonia, 
 Elam, Egypt and the northern hordes, drained Assyria 
 of blood and treasure. To the very last, however, he 
 maintained his hold upon his empire. But the desperate 
 struggles of the dozen years preceding 640 B.C. were 
 won at terrible cost. Of the years which were con- 
 temporaneous with Josiah we know comparatively little 
 in detail. They were quite certainly spent at Nineveh 
 and filled with the activities of peace in which the cul- 
 tured monarch took great delight, — the erection of 
 magnificent buildings and the collection of a remarkable 
 library. For the farsighted among his loyal courtiers 
 they must have been years of growing anxiety. Assyria's 
 real power was rapidly being curtailed and her pride 
 rebuked. It was becoming evident that the days of 
 the great empire were numbered, unless Ashurbanipal 
 should have a greater successor. 
 
 (314.) The Scythian Advance. New peoples were 
 thrusting themselves into western Asia. According to 
 Herodotus the Scythians, a fierce and warlike people, 
 came pouring at this time out of the distant north into 
 the Assyrian empire, sweeping every obstacle out of 
 their pathway. It was like an invasion of Europe by 
 hordes of Tartars. They could not endanger well 
 fortified cities or threaten well-defended Assyria proper, 
 but they ravaged the lands through which they wandered. 
 They followed down the coast through Palestine almost 
 to the very border of Egypt, but Psamtik I, a new and 
 very able ruler of Egypt, bought or drove them off and 
 delivered his land. The horde seems to have left Jeru- 
 salem untouched both on the way down and on the 
 return. This seems quite probable to one who knows 
 Palestinian topography and recalls the consuming desire 
 of the invaders for easy plunder. They constituted, 
 however, a very real menace, and their invasion seems to 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 be echoed in Zephaniah and in Jeremiah 4-6. As an 
 organized aggressive force they gradually disintegrated, 
 but not until they had made evident the weakness of 
 the Assyrian empire. 
 
 (315.) The Early Reign of Josiah. Diiring the first 
 half of Josiah's reign Judah was imdisturbed by Assyria. 
 The nation probably paid its tribute regularly. The 
 young king was growing from childhood to maturity. 
 He was evidently in sympathy with the prophetical 
 party and under the influence of its leaders. The Chroni- 
 cler records his very definite acceptance of their principles 
 in his sixteenth year. He may have taken a place of 
 leadership then. The record also states that when 
 twenty years old (about 627 B.C.) he began a work of 
 reform. In view of the definite statements of the book 
 of Kings, which places the removal of the high places 
 and images after the discovery of the book of the law 
 in the twenty-sixth year of his age and eighteenth of 
 his reign, this prior reformation must be rated as tentative. 
 
 (316.) Zephaniah's Declaration of Doom for Im- 
 penitents. Just at the end of this period, about 626 
 B.'C, the prophet Zephaniah, speaking primarily for 
 Judah and Jerusalem, declared that Jehovah was about 
 to punish defiant iniquity everywhere, even the wicked 
 pride of Assyria. His " Day " would be a day of reckon- 
 ing. No longer wotdd He endure the idolatry and 
 skepticism of His own people. In His wrath He was 
 preparing a solemn banquet whose guests would be the 
 unnamed northerners. A few repentant ones only would 
 be saved, the humble and righteous (2:1-3; 3:11-13). 
 It was an austere message, combating the social and 
 religious evils which had eaten the heart out of Israel's 
 life (1: 12). Like a Puritan, Zephaniah recognizes only 
 moral values. 
 
 Verses 8-10 and 14-20 of chapter three, describing the 
 conversion of the heathen and the joy of the returned 
 exiles, refer to later times and may represent a later 
 addition to the original predictions of Zephaniah in these 
 early days. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 177 
 
 2. Jeremiah's Summons to Prophetic Duty: His 
 Early Sermons. 626-621 B.C. (Jeremiah 1-6.) 
 
 (317.) These chapters describe Jeremiah's call and his 
 early prophetic activity. 
 
 Jeremiah's Early Sermons 
 
 1. Jeremiah's vision and summons at Anathoth. 1. 
 
 2. The verdict on Israel's heathenish history. 2: 1 to 4: 4. 
 
 3. The judgment of Jehovah through the northern foe. 4:5 to 6: 29. 
 
 Where was the prophet Jeremiah bom? (Jer. 1:1.) 
 When did he begin his prophetic work? (1:1.) What 
 priestly blood probably ran in his veins? (I Ki. 2: 26.) 
 What was his attitude with reference to the work of a 
 prophet ? (Jer. 1 : 4-6.) In what two ways did he receive 
 encouragement? (1:7-10.) What two emblems did he 
 see and what did they mean? (1:11-15.) What sort 
 of a prophetic life was he to expect? (1 : 18, 19.) Under 
 what figures did Jeremiah illustrate God's tender care 
 for His people and their unresponsiveness? (2:2, 13, 
 20, 21, 23, 24, 26; 3:4.) What strong appeal did he 
 make, again and again? (3:12-15, 22; 4:1-4.) How 
 did he describe existing religious conditions? (1:16; 
 2: 18, 28, 30; 3: 13; 4:1.) What judgment did he fore- 
 see? (4: 7, 13, 29; 5: 15-18; 6: 1, 6, 22-26.) 
 
 (318.) The Book of Jeremiah. The book of Jeremiah 
 is chronologically in great disorder and topically not 
 clearly arranged. According to Jer. 36 : 2-4 Baruch, at 
 Jeremiah's dictation, wrote down the prophecies which 
 had been delivered by Jeremiah up to that date, during 
 twenty-two years. Later on Baruch rewrote these same 
 prophecies and added to them. (36 : 32.) The first 
 edition probably included chs. 2-9 and perhaps chs. 
 2-12. The second edition may have included the chapters 
 (with some later additions) as far as ch. 20, ch. 25 and 
 the introductory chapter. All the rest of the book of 
 Jeremiah is of later date, belonging to the reigns of 
 Jehoiakim and Zedekiah and to the exilic period. A few 
 representative passages of each epoch will be considered. 
 They furnish a vivid, first-hand story of the inner and 
 outer struggles incident to the nation's downfall. The 
 
178 HLSTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 " Book of Consolation " (30-33) which dates from the 
 second siege of Jerusalem is generally counted as including 
 the finest exhibit of Jeremiah's thinking. 
 
 (319.) Jeremiah's Call. It was about 625 B.C. that 
 Jeremiah became conscious that God had destined him 
 to be a prophet. (Jer. 1 : 2.) His active ministry lasted 
 more than forty years, so he must have been in the full 
 vigor of young manhood. He hesitated in view of the 
 stupendous difficulty of the task, but God encouraged 
 him with two visions, the blossoming almond, symbolic 
 of Divine watchfulness, and the huge caldron in the 
 north ready to spill its seething contents over the land, 
 a symbol of the fiery flood of war with which Jehovah 
 would make good the judgments against his apostate 
 people. The picture was not attractive to a man of 
 Jeremiah's temperament, but Jehovah declared that 
 amidst all opposition he would be perfectly secure 
 (Jer. 1:18). Yet he became a prophet almost against 
 his will. 
 
 (320.) His Early Sermons. Jeremiah plunged into 
 his work without delay. Chapters 2-6 represent his 
 activity for the first five years (626-621 B.C.). They 
 are, of course, a condensation, reproduced from memory 
 (§ 318), of what Jeremiah actually preached during these 
 years, merely the substance of it. They recall the 
 messages of Amos and Isaiah and especially of Hosea. 
 The young prophet was an earnest student of his great 
 predecessors, and quite as vigorous. Judah, he declared, 
 was worse than Israel had been. Jerusalem was hope- 
 lessly corrupt, leaders and all. Divine judgment seemed 
 imminent. Such preaching must have helped greatly 
 to quicken the public conscience. 
 
 3. The Decision of King Josiah to Repair the 
 Temple AND the Discovery of the Book of 
 THE Law. 621 B.C. 
 (II Kings 22 : 3 to 23 : 3 ; II Chron. 34 : 8-32.) 
 (321.) These passages describe the repair of the Temple, 
 the discovery of the " book of the law," and the remark- 
 able impression it aroused. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 179 
 
 How old was Josiah when he gave orders to have the 
 Temple repaired? (22:1, 3.) What directions did he 
 give to the royal secretary? (22:4-6.) In what fine 
 spirit was the work done? (22:7.) What discovery 
 was made? (22:8.) What effect did the knowledge 
 of it have upon the king? (22: 10, 11, 13.) Whom did 
 the king consult regarding its authenticity? (22:14.) 
 What was her twofold reply? (22:15-20.) What did 
 the king proceed to do? (23:1, 2.) What solemn 
 covenant did he and the people make? (23:3.) What 
 slight changes did the Chronicler make in this account, 
 which he took probably from Kings? (Compare II 
 Chron. 34: 9, 11-13, 31 and 32 with II Ki. 22: 4, 6 and 
 23:3.) 
 
 (322.) Various Factors Promoting Reform. In ad- 
 dition to the direct effect of the vigorous prophesying of 
 Zephaniah and Jeremiah and the concurrence of King 
 Josiah, it is interesting to notice three other factors. 
 The death of Ashurbanipal in 626-5 B.C. and the accession 
 of a feeble successor gave a freedom of religious action 
 in Judah unknown for decades. The faithful prophetic 
 partisans who had endured for long years a fiery persecu- 
 tion must have been among those who heartily sup- 
 ported each movement made by the young king. To 
 all these must be added Hilkiah the priest and the officers 
 of Josiah's court, whose friendly influence continued to 
 be exerted even in darker days. 
 
 (323.) The Discovery of the Lawbook in the Temple. 
 The prosecution of the repairs upon the Temple which 
 Josiah ordered led to the discovery of a book of law, 
 which was short enough to be read aloud easily, which 
 evidently contained exhortations, warnings, threats and 
 promises as well as laws. It was taken to the king and 
 read by him. Having had it confirmed by the prophetess 
 Huldah, Josiah had it publicly read, after which, with 
 due ceremonies and as representing the people who 
 were acquiescent, he made a covenant before God to 
 keep its words. 
 
180 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (324.) This Lawbook was Deuteronomy. Without 
 doubt the book which formed the basis of this national 
 covenant was the original Deuteronomy. It was called 
 by the very names which are used in Deuteronomy. 
 The temper of that book and its requirements correspond 
 closely to the effect this book produced and to the reforms 
 which were immediately carried through. No other 
 early code requires the removal of the high places of the 
 land and the centralization of all proper worship at the 
 Temple. Whether it had been laid away for safe keeping 
 and forgotten and why Josiah was wholly unacquainted 
 with it are questions to which varying answers are given. 
 The most probable view of the origin of the book makes 
 it the product of the activity of the previous century 
 (§ 310). 
 
 (325.) Deuteronomy a Reformulation of Older Law 
 and Narrative. The book of Deuteronomy puts into 
 concrete regulations the prophetic ideals of Amos, Hosea, 
 and Isaiah. It is an appeal to the popular conscience, 
 providing definite regulations for adoption. An unusual 
 book, it has had an extraordinary influence. Its history 
 (1-3) is a repetition of the prophetic history, JE; its law 
 is a restatement of the provisions of the early. Covenant 
 code (§ 125) with changes and additions which made 
 it give clear expression to a monotheistic conception of 
 Jehovah (Deut. 4: 32-40; 6: 1-15; 10: 12 to 11: 1) and to a 
 noble view of history (8:1-19; 11:2-12) and gave it a 
 far more detailed and friendly application to daily, 
 personal and social life, inculcating the idea that 
 religion must be carefully studied, discussed and taught. 
 Its ordinances made one fundamental change in Judah's 
 religious customs. Deuteronomy centralized all sacri- 
 ficial worship at the Temple in Jerusalem, evidently as 
 a means of promoting the establishment of prophetic 
 ideals. The book is definitely attributed to Moses. 
 This is true in the sense that the original, basic material 
 was Mosaic. The work must have been done in the 
 century preceding Josiah. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 181 
 
 (326.) The Historical Influence of Deuteronomy on 
 Other Literature. Comill declared Deuteronomy to be 
 the most influential book ever written. It shaped and 
 standardized religious thought and practise, but it also 
 furnished a religious vocabulary and point of view, which 
 every student of the Bible recognizes at a glance. During 
 the century following Josiah's reformation a school of 
 thinkers and writers grew up who were interested to 
 interpret the records of earlier ages for the sake of point- 
 ing out the errors made and the obvious reforms which 
 were necessary. This DeuteronomJc school produced the 
 main portion of the Book of Judges in the form familiar 
 to us, furnishing the interpretative framework (§ 139). 
 They made certain readily recognized additions to the JE 
 narrative of the Conquest (Joshua 1: 1-9; 3: 7, 10b; 4: 14; 
 5:1; 8:30-35; 10:40-42; 11:14-23; 21:43-45; 23:9,146; 
 24: lib, 13) which idealize, or at least, generalize the 
 records. They made relatively slight additions to the 
 books of Samuel, and set themselves to the glorious task 
 of compiling a similar history of the Hebrew people from 
 the days of Solomon, which resulted in the books of 
 Kings. The framework of the story of each reign, already 
 noted (§ 228) was their contribution. The men of this 
 Deuteronomic school were intensely in earnest. They 
 converted folk-tales into historical literature illustrative 
 of the out-working of the. Divine purpose in past his- 
 tory. With their day the primitive elements in Israelitish 
 thinking wholly disappear. 
 
 4. The Great Reformation. 621 B.C. 
 (II Kings 23:4-27; II Chron. 34:33 to 35:19) 
 
 (327.) These passages describe the steps which were 
 taken to carry out the provisions of the Deuteronomic 
 law in Judah. 
 
 What was the initial step of reform? (II Ki. 23: 4-7.) 
 What was done with the " high places " or village shrines? 
 (23:8.) What became of their priests? (23:8, J.) 
 What further measures were taken? (23:10-14, 24.) 
 What especially famous shrine was destroyed? (23: 15- 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 16.) How was the completion of the reform movement 
 signalized? (23: 21-24; II Chron. 35.) 
 
 (328.) The Sweeping Reforms. Omitting minor de- 
 tails it is clear that the Temple, Jerusalem and the suburbs 
 were cleansed of the altars and symbols of the older 
 Canaanite and newer Assyrian worship and that within 
 the limits of Judah, — from Geba to Beersheba, — the 
 high places in the villages were defiled and their priesthood 
 brought to Jerusalem, where alone sacrifices and festivals 
 were to be held. The work of centralization was final. 
 The Temple became the only recognized abode of Jehovah 
 worship. Never before had this been true. It was a 
 great help to monotheism. 
 
 (329.) The Remainder of Josiah's Reign. The decade 
 or more that followed the great reformation was a period 
 of happiness and prosperity. The nation increased 
 steadily in population, wealth and strength. It obeyed 
 the new law, whether contentedly or not. A brief 
 passage in Jeremiah (11:1-8) implies that he assisted 
 in urging upon the people its faithful observance. Certain 
 hints in tlie record indicate that Josiah's authority ex- 
 tended beyond Geba or even Bethel into the old territory 
 of the northern kingdom. The weakening of the Assyrian 
 empire made this possible. Josiah seems to have con- 
 siderably enlarged his boundaries. At all events he was 
 a strong, patriotic, high-minded ruler. 
 
 (330.) The Silence of Jeremiah. From the days 
 preceding the discovery of the Deuteronomic lawbook 
 until the days of Jehoiakim, the successor of Josiah, 
 there is no sure* record of Jeremiah's prophetic activity. 
 Either he kept aloof, or did not care to include in the book 
 which he dictated to Baruch any memoranda of this 
 period. Perhaps we are justified in thinking that he 
 was gradually disillusioned, coming to realize the tem- 
 porary character of a reform based upon ordinances, 
 however excellent, and not necessarily affecting the heart. 
 
 * Professor Kent in StOTiii, 186-190, presents strong arguments for 
 '■J-. 6-16 and 31: 2-.30 as belonging to the latter part of Josiah's reign. 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 183 
 XIII. 
 
 THE RAPID DECLINE OF JUDAH. (608-586 B.C.) (11 KINGS 
 
 23: 28 TO 25:30; NAHUM; JEREMIAH: 
 
 HABAKKUK; EZEKIEL 1-24.) 
 
 (331.) The peaceful and prosperous reign of Josiah 
 was brought to a sudden and tragic close by the death 
 of Josiah on the field of battle in 608 B.C. His promising 
 son, Jehoahaz, who succeeded him, was dethroned by 
 Pharaoh Necho, who, by right of conquest, was Judah's 
 lord paramount. Necho placed on the throne of Judah 
 a brother, Jehoiakim, a prince who was in most respects 
 the opposite of his father. His reign of eleven years 
 witnessed the crushing of Necho's aspirations toward 
 Asiatic leadership, the passing of Assyria, and the rise 
 of Chaldea to supremacy in Mesopotamia and the west. 
 In his day and through his influence there was a sharp 
 reaction away from Deuteronomic ideals and a re-estab- 
 lishment of popular idolatry. Jeremiah saw that the 
 collapse of the state and the destruction of the city was 
 inevitable. The expression of his views gave him a 
 living martyrdom for twenty years. The story of the 
 , reigns of Jehoiakim and Zedekiah, told briefly in the book 
 of Second Kings but in graphic detail through the words 
 of Jeremiah, is a narrative of steady decline and impending 
 disaster for the nation, but of growing clearness of vision 
 for the prophet. There are few questions regarding the 
 dates of the principal events. The adjustment of Jere- 
 miah's prophecies and of the predictions of Nahum and 
 Habakkuk is exact enough for all practical purposes. 
 
 1. Josiah's Tragic Death and the Accession of 
 Jehoiakim. Nahum's Anticipation of the Pall 
 
 OF Nineveh. 608-605 B.C. 
 (II Kings 23:28-37; Nahum; Jeremiah 7-17, 19, 20, 
 26, 36.) 
 
 (332.) This section describes the death of Josiah at 
 Megiddo, the deposition of his successor by Necho, the 
 early reign of Jehoiakim, the exulting cry of Nahum, and 
 the distressed situation of Jeremiah, 
 
184 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 The Prophecy of Nahum. 
 
 1. Jehovah's nature a pledge of His certain vengeance on the wicked. 
 1:1-15; 2:2. 
 
 2. The capture and plunder of the lion's lair. 2: 1, 3-13. 
 
 3. Nineveh's unlamented fall absolutely certain. 3: 1-19. 
 
 The Prophecies of Jeremiah during the Early Years of Jehoiakim. 
 (Prior to 605 B.C.) 
 
 4. The plot at Anathoth against Jeremiah and his tragic personal 
 problem. 11: 9 to 12: 6. 
 
 5. The lesson from the potter : Jehovah can shape a willing people. 18. 
 
 6. The Temple address: the Temple and Jerusalem are doomed because 
 of Judah's flagrant wickedness. 26; 7: 1 to 8: 3. 
 
 7. The inevitable fate awaiting guilty Judah. 8:4 to 10: 25. 
 
 8. Two symbolic sermons on the coming ruin. 13: 1-14. 
 
 9. Judah's great guilt and Jeremiah's tragic duty of proclaiming it. 
 14-17. 
 
 10. The sermon of the broken water- jar: Jehovah's overwhelming 
 judgment. 19. 
 
 11. The public insult given to Jeremiah by Pashhur the priest. 20. 
 
 12. The making, destruction and remaking of the collection of Jeremiah 's 
 sermons. 36. 
 
 (333.) What king of Egypt determined to contest with 
 Assyria for Asiatic leadership? (II Ki. 23:29.) What 
 did Josiah try to do? (23:29.) What was the tragic 
 result? (23:29, 30.) Who was chosen king in Josiah's 
 place? (23:30; Jer. 22:10-12.) What action did the 
 Pharaoh take? (23:33, 34.) Who became the king of 
 Judah? (23:33-37.) What prophet exultantly predicted 
 the certain doom of Nineveh? By what three note- 
 worthy figures did the prophets characterize the Assyrian 
 nation? (Isa. 10: 15; Nahum 2: 11, 12; Ezek. 31: 1-14.) 
 What characteristic prophetic method did Jeremiah use 
 in much of his prophesying at this era of general hostility 
 to him? (18, 13, 19.) What was the outstanding theme 
 of his sermons? How was he treated by the people? 
 (11:8-23; 26:8-11; 15:10-14.) When he complained 
 what did Jehovah say to him? (15: 15 to 16: 21.) 
 
 (334.) The Death of King Josiah. In 609 B.C. Necho 
 succeeded his father Psamtik I on the throne of Egypt. 
 He inherited a strong and prosperous empire and thought 
 he saw in the imminent collapse of Assyria the opportunity 
 to re-establish an Egyptian overlordship over Western 
 Asia. He enlisted a large army of Greek mercenaries, 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 18.") 
 
 and with this well-organized force had little difficulty 
 in defeating King Josiah, who at the head of his loyal 
 army marched out bravely to meet him at Megiddo. 
 According to the Chronicler, Necho had sent Josiah a 
 conciliatory message (II Chron. 35:20-24). 
 
 Students of history are perplexed over Josiah's ap- 
 parent foolhardiness. Was he over-confident in the 
 Divine protection or was his resolve to fight a noble 
 determination to resist to the last the exchange of a 
 nominal vassalage to Assyria for a certain subjection to 
 Egypt? 
 
 (335.) The Brief Egyptian Overlordship. Thus Judah 
 came under Egyptian control. Necho pressed onward 
 to the Euphrates, expecting to be met by an Assyrian 
 army. Finding none he returned to Riblah on the 
 Orontes, which was favorably situated for controlling 
 both Palestine and Syria. Here he sent for the new 
 king of Judah, Jehoahaz, who had been placed on the 
 throne by the "people of the land" (II Ki. 23:30). 
 It is not unlikely that the anti-Egyptian party chose him 
 in place of his older brother because the latter was pro- 
 Egyptian. At any rate Jehoahaz was not merely deposed, 
 but loaded with chains and taken with every mark of 
 ignominy to Egypt, where he died (Jer. 22: 10-12). 
 Necho then appointed Eliakim, the rejected son, to be 
 King of Judah, giving him the name of Jehoiakim (23 : 34) . 
 Judah was heavily fined and the money collected promptly 
 from the rash enthusiasts. (23:35.) Some two years 
 later the Chaldean King, Nabopolassar, was ready to 
 try conclusions with Necho, with reference to the over- 
 lordship of Syria and Palestine. He intrusted the com- 
 mand of his army to his son, Nebuchadrezzar, a young 
 man of about twenty-one years of age. Necho hastened 
 to meet the Chaldean army at the northern frontier of 
 his new empire. He was decisively defeated at Car- 
 chemish in 605 B.C. and ceased to dream of northern 
 conquests (24:7). His inglorious retreat made a deep 
 impression upon the Hebrews (Jer. 46:1-12). 
 
186 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (336.) Internal Conditions in Judah. With the death 
 of Josiah and the elevation of Jehoiakim to the throne 
 rapid changes ensued in Judah. Reform conditions dis- 
 appeared (Jer. 11: 9-13). and the old forms of worship 
 were set up again (7:9; 8:2, 19). This does not mean 
 that Jehovah was no longer worshipped, but that the 
 prophetic standards were abandoned in favor of practises 
 dear to many of the people. It was really a triumph of ■ 
 religious conservatism. The popular belief that Jerusalem 
 was invincible had grown into a superstition which 
 Jeremiah had to* attack later on (7:8-15). Jeremiah's 
 descriptions of the Divine purpose seemed to people 
 and prince alike to be little short of blasphemous. 
 They derided and persecuted him. 
 
 (337.) Jeremiah's Sad but Busy Life. A relatively 
 large share of Jeremiah's prophecies date within these 
 few years. He was dead in earnest. He felt compelled 
 to utter message after message of condemnation and 
 ruin. These cut him off from human fellowship. His 
 own neighbors in Anathoth conspired against him, trying 
 to prevent him from preaching (11:21); the people and 
 his fellow prophets mobbed him (26 : 8) ; Pashhur, the 
 priest, put him in the stocks (20:2), and Jehoiakim's 
 wrath forced him into hiding (36 : 26) . Though a man 
 of great tenderness he was forbidden to marry and have a 
 home and family (16: 1-4). He was bewildered by 
 these bitter experiences, and even wondered how Jehovah 
 in His providence could permit them to happen to him 
 (12: 1-4). He was told in reply that he would meet 
 yet greater trials (12:5). Jeremiah, thus trained by 
 discipline, became a man of resistless conviction, powerful 
 because he vividly realized his close, conscious fellowship 
 with God. Without fully knowing it he was through 
 his own experience in the process of discovering a great 
 forward step in religion, the recognition of the individual. 
 
 (338.) The Prophecy of Nahum. The prophecy of 
 Nahum is unique in several ways. It is a study of 
 Nineveh as the long triumphant but rapidly failing 
 embodiment of savagery, pride and greed, all bringing 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 187 
 
 her to unlamented ruin. It is a poem of wonderful 
 vividness. It expresses in brief compass the " hope, 
 wrath and just passion of vengeance " which had been 
 gathering in the mind of all peoples for many decades. 
 The devout reader need not be repelled by it as a wild 
 cry for vengeance, unworthy of a true Israehtish mind. 
 Assyria had been for a century the greatest human obstacle 
 in the pathway of Jehovah's people. Nahum's message 
 to the mind of a faithful Judean was really an assurance 
 of the prospect of leeway, outlook and achievement. It 
 may be dated about 610-608 B.C., shortly before Nine- 
 veh's fall. 
 
 (339.) The Siege and Capture of Nineveh. The As- 
 syrian empire went to pieces after the death of Ashur- 
 banipal as rapidly as the northern kingdom did after 
 the death of Jeroboam II. The end came with the 
 capture of Nineveh by the Medes in 606 B.C. Those 
 resolute and hardy mountaineers had by the middle of 
 the seventh century B.C. become united under one 
 sovereignty with Ecbatana as its capital. They made 
 repeated attempts after Ashurbanipal's death, under Cyax- 
 ares (625-584 B.C.) their king, to capture Nineveh, but 
 without success until joined by the Chaldeans under 
 Nabopolassar who had been made viceroy of Babylonia 
 under Ashurbanipal's successor. This prince soon gained 
 independence, and founded an empire which lasted only 
 about eighty years but was very glorious. It is called 
 either the Chaldean or new Babylonian empire. Nineveh 
 was so absolutely destroyed that two hundred years 
 later Xenophon led his ten thousand troops close by 
 its site and never suspected that a buried city lay beneath 
 the sod. The two conquering peoples divided Central 
 and Western Asia between them. The Medes were 
 mountaineers and took the regions east and north of the 
 Tigris. This arrangement endured for decades. 
 
 2. The Chaldean Mastery of Palestine, 605 B.C. 
 
 (II Kings 24:7; Jeremiah 46:1-12; 25; [46-51]; Ha- 
 bakkuk.) 
 
188 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (•340.) These passages reflect the overthrow of Necho 
 by Nebuchadrezzar and the coming of the Chaldeans 
 into touch with Judah. 
 
 The Words of Jeremiah. 
 
 13. A taunt song commemorating Egypt's overthrow. 46: 1-12. 
 
 14. Later prophecies of uncertain dates concerning the ten foreign 
 nations. 46: 13 to 51: 58. 
 
 15. The Chaldeans to be the executors of Jehovah's judgment. 25. ' 
 
 The Prophecy of Habakkuk. 
 
 1. The swift and terrible Chaldeans are to be Jehovah's agents in 
 judgments on iniquitous Judah. 1 : 1-11. 
 
 2. Shall such an insatiable conqueror have free range? 1:12-17. 
 
 3. True righteousness will outlast aU. evil. 2: 1-4. 
 
 4. A fivefold woe upon the pride, greed, rapacity and idolatry of the 
 conqueror. 2: 5-20. 
 
 [o. A lyric of Divine redemption, power, and purpose. 3.] 
 
 How did the mastery of Palestine pass from Necho 
 to Nebuchadrezzar? (II Ki. 24:7; Jer. 46:2.) What 
 did Jeremiah declare that Nebuchadrezzar would do? 
 (Jer. 25 : 9.) How many years did he think that the 
 Chaldeans would have power? (25: 11.) How did Ha- 
 bakkuk describe the Chaldeans? How did he justify 
 the Divine method? (Hab. 2:2-4.) 
 
 (341.) The Chaldean Victory at Carchemish. History 
 was made at Carchemish in 605 B.C. where the young 
 Nebuchadrezzar defeated the forces of Necho so decisively. 
 The victory determined the trend of Asiatic influence for 
 several centuries. In particular it connected the Hebrew 
 people with the conquerors for many decades, an experi- 
 ence of untold value to the former. The forecast of 
 Jeremiah that Judah 's immediate future was Chaldean 
 proved wholly correct. 
 
 (342.) The Prophecy of Habakkuk. This little book 
 is packed with educative thought. Intellectually and 
 morally it is impressive. Jehovah's exaltation, His 
 providence, His control of the world. His justice and con- 
 sistency, the crime of national oppression, the function 
 of world-powers as moral scourges, the self-destructive- 
 ness of wrongdoing, the security of rectitude, the serene 
 confidence which trust in Jehovah affords are some of 
 
THE AGE OP RIPENING MATURITY 189 
 
 its themes. It really discusses the Chaldean power in 
 relation to Judah's discipline. Chaldea's mission is to 
 sift and test Judah, but she is an organization for spolia- 
 tion, sure to work out her own punishment. The righteous 
 Hebrew can afford to wait patiently, steadfastly, trusting 
 God and doing the right. This strong, serene word must 
 have helped many a questioning soul in later days. 
 
 3. Jehoiakim's Last Seven Years; Jeremiah's Con- 
 sistency. 604-597. 
 (II Kings 24: 1-6; Jeremiah 22: 13-23; 12: 7-12; 13: 15- 
 27; 35.) 
 
 (343.) These verses describe the rest of Jehoiakim's 
 reign, his submission to Nebuchadrezzar, his subsequent 
 rebellion and the means taken by the great king to harass 
 Judah. 
 
 Jeremiah's Words after 601. 
 
 16. His denunciation of Jehoiakim. 22: 13-23. 
 
 17. His appeal to the people to repent before it is too late. 13: 15-27. 
 
 18. A lamentation over Judah's certain fate. 12:7-12. 
 
 19. A lesson from the Rechabites on obedience. 35. 
 
 How many years did Jehoiakim remain loyal to the 
 Chaldeans? (II Ki. 24: 1.) How did Nebuchadrezzar 
 punish him at first ? (24 : 2.) What was the great 
 king's further program? (24: 10.) How did Jeremiah 
 describe Jehoiakim? (Jer. 22: 13-15, 17.) What did he 
 predict about the king? (Jer. 22: 18, 19.) How did he 
 test the Rechabites ? (35 : 2, 5.) How did they justify 
 their refusal? (35: 6-10.) For what did Jeremiah com- 
 mend them as a public example? 
 
 (344.) The Chaldean Conqueror, Nebuchadrezzar. 
 News of his father's death came to Prince Nebuchad- 
 rezzar while following up the retreating Egyptians. 
 He hastened to Babylon and was accepted without 
 question as his father's successor. He thus began a 
 reign of over forty years (604-562 B.C.) remarkable alike 
 for splendor, achievement and wisdom. * The treaty 
 with the Medes left him free to develop the resources 
 of his empire. He made the city of Babylon a wonder 
 of the world for strength and glory. He developed 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 commerce, united his empire, ruled it sternly but fairly, 
 and promoted peace by pitilessly punishing disturbers. 
 A man of deep religious spirit, he gloried in his civic 
 achievements as the finest tribute of service he was 
 able to pay to his gods. 
 
 (345.) Jehoiakim's Later Reign. For three years 
 Jehoiakim paid tribute regularly to Chaldea (II Ki. 
 24: 1). The reason for his refusal to continue to do this 
 is not given in Kings. It would seem incredible that he 
 could listen to any promises or suggestions from Egypt 
 after her recent humiliation, but no better explanation 
 is available. There were always in Judah those who 
 " drank the waters of the Nile " (Jer. 2: 18). No other 
 people joined Judah. The great king did not at once 
 move against Jehoiakim, but sent against him the bands 
 of Chaldean soldiers left here and there in the Westland 
 and the Syrian, Moabite and Ammonite auxiliaries. 
 Such guerilla warfare continued for several years. 
 
 In 597 B.C. Nebuchadrezzar sent an army to besiege 
 Jerusalem, following it to take personal charge of the 
 campaign (II Ki. 24: 11). At or just before this crisis 
 Jehoiakim died. II Kings 24 : 6 implies that he died 
 a natural death. The statement of the Chronicler 
 (36 : 6) that he was taken into exile lacks confirmation 
 from any source. 
 
 (346.) Jeremiah's Sermons at the Crisis. The recorded 
 utterances of Jeremiah at this time all seem to belong 
 to the very end of Jehoiakim's reign. He saw no hope, 
 and simply expressed the serious guilt of king and people 
 and declared their inevitable fate. With his genius for 
 dramatic illustration he used the men of .the nomad 
 tribe of Rechabites, whose ancestor had been an adherent 
 of Jehu in the work of reform (II Ki. 10: 15-17), as strik- 
 ing illustrations, in their firm adherence to ancestral 
 commands, of the sort of obedience which the people 
 of Judah ought to render to the clear commands of 
 Jehovah (Jer. 35). 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 191 
 
 4. The Accession of JehoiacHin, the Capitulation 
 OF Jerusalem and the First Captivity. 597 B.C. 
 
 (II Kings 24: 8-16; Jeremiah 13: 18, 19; 22: 24-30.) 
 
 (347.) These passages describe the succession of Jehoia- 
 chin, his quick surrender of Jerusalem, and the deporta- 
 tion of many of the better classes by Nebuchadrezzar. 
 
 Who succeeded Jehoiakim on the throne of Judah? 
 (II Ki. 24:6.) How old was he? (24:8.) What was 
 his name before ascending the throne ? (Jer. 22 : 24.) 
 How long did he reign? (II Ki. 24:8.) What did 
 Jeremiah say about his prospects of re-establishment? 
 (Jer. 22:27, 30.) How did Jehoiachin end the siege? 
 (II Ki. 24: 12.) Who were carried away into exile? 
 (24:14-16; Jer. 24:1, 5.) 
 
 (348.) The Brief Reign of Jehoiachin. Jehoiakim 
 was succeeded on the throne by Coniah, his son, a youth 
 of eighteen. His mother was apparently a woman of 
 some ascendancy, to judge from the prominence given 
 her in the record and by Jeremiah. The name of Jehoia- 
 chin was taken by the king as his royal name. He had 
 no chance to show his ability. The great king came in 
 person to push the siege of Jerusalem. With wisdom the 
 young ruler surrendered unconditionally. 
 
 (349.) The First Captivity. The prompt surrender 
 of the king and his people to Nebuchadrezzar secured for 
 them a relatively mild punishment. Apparently none 
 were put to death. The great king deported the royal 
 family, the court, the important leaders and many 
 artizans. It was Jeremiah's opinion (Jer. 24) that the 
 very flower of the population was carried away. 
 Nebuchadrezzar clearly intended to take away those 
 who were most likely to raise the standard of rebellion. 
 Estimates of the number deported vary. Jeremiah 
 52 : 28 enumerates 3320; II Kings 24: 14 mentions 10,000, 
 a round number probably. Perhaps the former estimate 
 counted only heads of families. They were settled in 
 distant Babylonia, in villages, along the canal Kabaru 
 or Chebar (Ezek. 1:3), where they were allowed to form 
 an organized community and to live a relatively free. 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 quiet life under their own leaders. According to II 
 Ki. 24:13 and Jer. 27:19 Nebuchadrezzar partially- 
 stripped the Temple, but he did not cripple its service 
 or place a foreign governor on the throne. 
 
 5. The Early Reign of Zedekiah, 597-592. (II Kings 
 24:17-20a; Jeremiah 22:1-9; 23; 24:27-29.) 
 (350.) These passages throw a vivid light on the spirit 
 of the Jewish people during the first five years of Zede- 
 kiah's reign. 
 
 Jeremiah's Prophetic Words. 
 
 20. His letter of advice to the captives in Babylon: settle down, pay no 
 attention to false advisers; your cai^tivity will last seventy years. 29. 
 
 21. His estimate of the relative value of the exiles and of those left in 
 Judah. 2i. 
 
 22. His warning to King Zedekiah. 22: 1-9. 
 
 23. His denunciation of the false prophets who were deceiving the 
 people. 23:9-40. 
 
 24. His object lesson (27: 1 must be an error) in opposition to the am- 
 bassadors and prophets who urged rebellion. 27. 
 
 2.5. His strenuous conflict with Hananiah. 28. 
 
 Who was made king of Judah after Jehoiachin's 
 deposition? (II Ki. 24: 17.) How did Jeremiah con- 
 trast his subjects with those taken away to Babylonia? 
 (Jer. 24.) What advice did he give by letter to the im- 
 patient exiles? (29:5-7.) Against what did he warn 
 them ? (29 : 8.) What encouraging promises did he 
 make? (24:6; 29:10.) What charges did Jeremiah 
 make against some of the prophets of Judah? (23: 11, 
 14, 16, 25-7, 31, 32.) By what symbolic prediction did 
 Jeremiah oppose the confederacy with surrounding 
 countries? (27:2, 7, 11.) How did Hananiah aim to 
 neutralize its efifect ? (28:10,11.) What was Jeremiah's 
 rejoinder? (28:14.) 
 
 (351.) The New King, Zedekiah. Nebuchadrezzar 
 placed upon the throne of Judah another son of Josiah, 
 named Mattaniah, whose name was changed to Zedekiah. 
 The conqueror counted confidently upon his obedience, 
 seeking to assure this by transferring to Babylonia all 
 the leaders of the professional, intellectual, and religious 
 classes. Hence Zedekiah had to find his advisers among 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 193 
 
 their inferiors. Ezekiel draws a picture of these lead- 
 ers quite as striking as Jeremiah's (Ezek. 11 : 1-3 ; 8 : 7-18) . 
 They were headstrong and foolish, blind to the real 
 situation and bent on playing the game of politics. 
 Zedekiah was too weak to cope with them. Only by 
 the bold and outspoken stand of Jeremiah was an alUance 
 with Moab, Ammon and other countries prevented. 
 
 (352.) Jeremiah Against the Prophets. The great 
 body of prophets evidently favored the plan of revolution. 
 Jeremiah had to manifest the most uncompromising 
 opposition to them and their words. Hananiah, their 
 leader, even dared to declare publicly in Jehovah's name, 
 in contradiction to Jeremiah, that within two years the 
 Chaldean empire would be shattered ( Jer. 28 : 1 1) . 
 Jeremiah denounced these prophets as mercenary de- 
 ceivers (compare Micah 3:5), immoral, blinded, deluded 
 partisans, who knew neither Jehovah nor His purposes 
 and ways. These false prophets were a great stumbling- 
 block to Judah. 
 
 6. The Ministry of Ezekiel to the Exiled 
 JUDEANS 592-586 B.C. 
 
 (Ezekiel 1-24.) 
 
 (353.) These chapters tell the story of the ministry 
 
 of Ezekiel to the exileg during the last six years of Zede- 
 
 kiah's reign. 
 
 The Early Prophecies of Ezekiel. 
 
 1. His vision of Jehovah on His throne guarded by the four living 
 creatures. 1. 
 
 2. His prophetic commission. 2: 1 to 3: 11. 
 
 3. His appointment as a watchman. 3: 12-21. 
 
 4. The Divine direction to cease public preaching for a time. 3:22-27. 
 
 5. Four symbolic actions predicting Jerusalem's certain fate. 4: 1 
 to 5: 17. 
 
 6. The certain devastation of the land of Israel. 6. 
 
 7. The abominable wickedness of Jerusalem and her punishment. 
 8:1 to 11: 12. 
 
 8. A restoration sure. 11: 13-25. 
 
 9. Jehovah's past dealings with His people. 20: 1-44. 
 
 10. The symbolic declaration of certain exile for King Zedekiah and his 
 people. 12: 1-20. 
 
 11. Ezekiel's condemnation of the false prophets, 12: 21 to 13: 23. 
 
 12. The hopeless corruption of Judah. 14. 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 13. Jerusalem a worthless vine. 15. 
 
 14. Her shameful moral record since the beginning. 16. 
 
 15. Zedekiah's breach of faith with Nebuchadrezzar. 17. 
 
 ■ 16. Every man is held responsible by Jehovah for his own acts. 18. 
 
 17. Jehovah will unsheath His avenging sword against Judah and 
 Ammon. 20: 45 to 21: 32. 
 
 18. The imminent doom of the nation. 7. 
 
 19. The extreme wickedness of Jerusalem. 22. 
 
 20. The two unfaithful wives of Jehovah, Samaria and Jerusalem. 23. 
 
 21. The report of the siege: Jerusalem a rusty caldron to be cleansed 
 by fire. 24. 
 
 (354.) The Book* of Ezekiel. The book of Ezekiel is 
 exactly divided into two great sections. Chapters 1-24 
 record the work of the prophet before the fall of Jerusalem. 
 The second half consists of chapters 25-32, predictions 
 against various nations; chapters 33-39 a group of com- 
 forting messages; and chapters 40-48 the vision of the 
 reconstructed city and temple. It is a carefully edited 
 book of remarkable interest, but especially valuable for 
 its record of the methods by which Ezekiel ministered 
 wisely to the exiles of his day. 
 
 (355.) Ezekiel the Priest. Ezekiel was both priest 
 and prophet. He exercised no sacerdotal functions, but 
 he belonged to the priestly caste and had the priestly 
 habit of mind. He was, distinctively, a man of the 
 study, yet statesmanlike. One who reviews his writings 
 with care is impressed by the depth and range of his 
 thought. His curious visions embodied strong con- 
 victions. He was evidently a man of broad culture, 
 a master of civil and ritual law and of the historical and 
 prophetic writings of his people. In many ways he was 
 rarely fitted for the two-fold task of being a pastor to 
 the bewildered people in exile with him and of discovering 
 and developing a new ritual basis to fit the Divine re- 
 quirements. 
 
 (356.) Ezekiel's Vision and Call. The record in 
 chapters 1:1 to 3:21 conveys Ezekiel's own description 
 of the vision through which he received his summons to 
 responsible leadership. With a complicated symbolism 
 that is rather bewildering and probably reflects the 
 grotesque imagery which faced one on every palace or 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 195 
 
 temple in Babylonia, Ezekiel set forth his conviction that 
 Jehovah's presence was with His people in exile with 
 all His power and knowledge and purpose and that He 
 called the prophet to significant service for them. 
 
 (357.) His Sermons for Five Years. Ezekiel repre- 
 sents himself as being most of the time in retirement. 
 He acted out some of his symbolic prophecies, but made 
 no attempt to deal with men except in private or by the 
 written message. Probably the people were not in a 
 listening mood. His symbolic actions preached to them 
 for him, making them think. The general result of his 
 efforts was their gradual reconciliation to their conditions. 
 But Ezekiel was a thinker. He not only set forth a noble 
 conception of Jehovah and of His providence (20), but 
 he co-operated with Jeremiah by declaring the need of 
 new hearts and right spirits (11:19; 18:31. cf. Jer. 
 24 : 7) and by setting forth more clearly the great principle 
 of individual responsibility (18). 
 
 7. The Rebellion of Zedekiah and the Capture 
 AND Destruction of Jerusalem. 586 B.C. 
 
 (II Kings 24:206 to 25:21; Jeremiah 21, 31-34, 37:1 
 to 40: 6.) 
 
 (358.) These passages relate the details of the rebellion 
 of Zedekiah, the investment of Jerusalem by Nebuchad- 
 rezzar, the capture of the city, its destruction and the 
 deportation of the inhabitants. 
 
 .Jeremiah's Prophecies in Connection with the Fall of Jerusalem. 
 
 26. His reply to King Zedekiah's inquiry. 21. 
 
 27. His later advice: resistance is useless; submit. 34: 1-7. 
 
 28. His denunciation of the perfidy of the people. 34: 8-22. 
 
 29. His declaration that Nebuchadrezzar would return to prosecute 
 the siege of the city. 37: 1-10. 
 
 30. Jeremiah's confinement during the siege. 37: 11-21; 38; 39: 15-18. 
 
 31. The object lesson by which Jeremiah testified to his belief in a 
 restoration of the nation to its own land. 32 (especially verses 
 6-15.) 
 
 32. Jeremiah's vision of the future with its new spiritual and individual 
 covenant. 31:31-40. 
 
 33. A similar declaration, undeniably exilic as a whole, but containing 
 passages, such as verses 7-10, 14-16, from Jeremiah. 33. 
 
 34. Miscellaneous data concerning the capture of the city. 39., 
 
 35. Jeremiah's determination to stay in Judah. 40: 1-6. 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (359.) In which regnal year of Zedekiah did Nebucha- 
 drezzar come to Palestine to punish his rebellion? (II 
 Ki. 25: 1.) What advice did Jeremiah give to the king? 
 (Jer. 21 : 2, 6, 7, 9.) What move did Egypt make which 
 temporarily lifted the siege? (37:5, 11.) What act of 
 perfidy did the people commit, when the besiegers went 
 away? (34:15,16,18-20.) How did Jeremiah denounce 
 them? (34:17, 20-22.) On what charge was Jeremiah 
 arrested ? (37 : 1-14;) Where was he confined ? (37.: 15.)" 
 How did the king lighten his punishment? (37:21). 
 What further charge was made against him ? (38 : 4) . 
 Where, was he then confined? (38:6). Who gave him 
 friendly help ? (38 : 7-13.) What was the eunuch's reward ? 
 (39: 15-18.) What was Jeremiah's last word to Zede- 
 kiah? (38:14-23). In what vivid, symbolic fashion 
 did he testify to his belief in a restoration to Judah after a 
 long exile? (32:6-15.) What two great promises did 
 Jeremiah make? (31 : 31-34.) When the Chaldean army 
 made a breach in the wall of Jerusalem, what happened to 
 Zedekiah ? (39 : 4-7.) What was done to Jeremiah ? ' (39 : 
 11-14.) What was done to the city and Temple? (II Ki. 
 25 : 9-10 , 13-17.) What was done to some selected leaders ? 
 (25: 18-21.) What happened to the mass of the people? 
 (25:11.) What happened to the peasantry? (25:12.) 
 
 (360.) The Rebellion of Zedekiah. In 588 B.C. a 
 new, vigorous, and ambitious king, Hophra or Apries, 
 ascended the throne of Egypt. He had longings for 
 Asiatic conquest and joined with the false prophets of 
 Judah and with Judah's little sister peoples in urging Zede- 
 kiah to revolt. This combination was quite too much 
 for the weak king to withstand. Notwithstanding the 
 steady opposition of Jeremiah, Judah revolted. By the 
 end of the year the Chaldeans had overrun Palestine, 
 conquering without serious opposition every opponent 
 but Tyre, Lachish, Azekah, and Jerusalem (Jer. 34 : 7) . 
 The great king placed his headquarters at Riblah on the 
 Orontes, a favorite site for the permanent camp of many 
 of his predecessors. Jerusalem held out bravely for over 
 a year against the Chaldean besiegers. No doubt many 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 197 
 
 of the defenders hoped for Egyptian aid. Jeremiah- 
 when interrogated by Zedekiah, held out no hope. He 
 declared that unconditional surrender was the only 
 practicable step to take. 
 
 (361.) The Sudden Raising of the Siege. For the 
 sake of winning Jehovah's favor the leading Jerusalemites 
 had bound themselves by a solemn covenant (Jer. 34 : 8- 
 10) to comply with the Deuteronomic law which called 
 for the freeing of every Hebrew slave who had served 
 his master six years (Deut. 15: 12-15). Hardly was the 
 ceremony over, when the Chaldean army moved away 
 from the walls of the city. With equal promptness the 
 slave owners broke the covenant and re-enslaved the 
 freed men (Jer. 34: 11). This cynical and shameless 
 procedure evoked a sharp rebuke from the prophet. 
 The real reason for the withdrawal of the Chaldeans 
 had been the tidings of an advancing Egyptian army 
 (Jer. 37 : 5) . The Chaldean forces met it and drove it 
 back to Egypt without much trouble. Egyptian aid 
 had again proved of no real value. The siege of Jeru- 
 salem was very soon tighter than ever. 
 
 (362.) The Persecution of Jeremiah. The prophet's 
 unmeasured denunciation of the bad faith of these Judaean 
 magnates and his continued declaration that the siege 
 would be renewed and Jerusalem captured infuriated the 
 leaders. They threw him into prison on a sudden 
 charge of treason (Jer. 37: 11-15). Zedekiah managed 
 to lighten the severity of Jeremiah's imprisonment 
 (37: 16-21), but not for long. The prophet was thrown 
 into a cistern to starve (38: 1-6). Only the secret support 
 of the king and the courage of a friendly eunuch of the 
 palace (38:7-13) saved him from death. Thereafter he 
 was kept a prisoner in the palace until the end of the 
 siege (38:28). 
 
 (363.) His Demonstration of his Confidence in the 
 Future. During these final days, while Jeremiah was 
 a prisoner, he showed in a striking way his entire con- 
 fidence in his own predictions of the future. An ancestral 
 piece of property was purchased by him and the title 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 registered in the belief that Judean land would once 
 again have value (32: 6-15). No declaration could have 
 sounded so loudly as that formal business transaction. 
 
 (364.) The Capture and Destruction of the City. In 
 July, 586 B.C., a year and a half after the first appearance 
 of the Chaldeans (II Ki. 25: 1-3), a breach was made in 
 the wall of Jerusalem and their soldiers poured into the 
 doomed city. Zedekiah and a band of warriors escaped 
 through the southern gate of the city by night (25 : 4) 
 and fled toward the Jordan valley. They were overtaken 
 by the Chaldean horsemen and taken before Nebuchad- 
 rezzar at Riblah, where the king and his sons were 
 made to realize the bitterness and anguish of defeat 
 (25 : 5-7) . They were put to death and he was blinded 
 and taken in chains to Babylon. 
 
 By its unprovoked rebellion and long-continued re- 
 sistance Jerusalem had marked itself in Chaldean eyes 
 for destruction. The army went about its work with 
 great thoroughness. The Temple was stripped of every- 
 thing of value and then burnt, together with the royal 
 palace and much of the city (25:9, 13-17). The walls 
 were also demolished (25: 10), and Jerusalem made a 
 ruin, which should witness to the folly of braving the dis- 
 pleasure of the great king. 
 
 (365.) The Disposal of the Survivors. With similar 
 care the Chaldeans dealt with the remaining population. 
 The ringleaders, such as the chief priest and the leading 
 officials, were taken to Riblah and there put to death. 
 (II Ki. 25:18-21). Jeremiah, whose work had become 
 known to the victors, was given permission to choose 
 his own fate (Jer. . 40: 1-6). Many were deported to 
 Babylonia, but most of the peasantry were undisturbed 
 (II Ki. 25: 12). Nebuchadrezzar had no desire to make 
 the land a wilderness, but he proposed to put an end 
 forever to national activity. The actual number of 
 those deported is reckoned in Jer. 52 : 29 as eight hundred 
 and thirty-two, which seems incredibly small, even if 
 reckoned as heads of families. Over the few whom war 
 and pillage had left in the land, Nebuchadrezzar appointed 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 199 
 
 a governor, Gedaliah, the grandson of Josiah's faithful 
 counsellor, a choice man, to whom all the Jews round 
 about began quickly to rally (25:22-23). He estab- 
 lished his seat of government at Mizpah and began the 
 work of allaying fear and recuperating the land. His 
 choice, instead of that of a Chaldean, was a fair proof 
 that the great king wished well of the conquered land. 
 
 8. Judah's Last Half Century. 639-586 B.C. 
 
 (366.) A survey of the period from Josiah's accession 
 until the destruction of Jerusalem recalls the active 
 struggle for the mastery between the forces which aimed 
 to establish an ideal state ruled in the fear of Jehovah 
 and the influential group, often supported by royal 
 example, which loved the old ways in religion and busi- 
 ness. Josiah and the prophetic and priestly leaders who 
 set up the Deuteronomic regime were men of deep sincerity 
 and earnestness. They hoped by strict obedience to 
 the law as interpreted in Deuteronomy to bring about a 
 national situation which Jehovah would assuredly bless. 
 Jeremiah seems to have joined them heartily at the 
 first. But he had little to say after a while, and probably 
 became increasingly doubtful of the permanence of that 
 sort of reform. He realized the strength of the con- 
 genital Canaanitish heathenism in the popular affection, 
 and saw that no ordinances, however good, could change 
 a heart. The sudden breakdown of the Deuteronomic 
 reform after Josiah's death and the accession of Jehoia- 
 kim confirmed him in this view. The battle he fought 
 during the next twenty years was for the individual 
 recognition of Jehovah and obedience to him. He 
 placed less and less confidence in the forms or props of 
 religion, even predicting calmly the destruction of Jeru- 
 salem and the Temple, of whose inviolableness Isaiah 
 had been confident, and the passing of the state. To 
 him the one thing needful was a personal knowledge of 
 Jehovah and allegiance to Him. 
 
 (367.) The Prophetic Teaching of the Seventh Century. 
 The five prophets who declared the Divine will to the 
 
200 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Judean people between the days of Isaiah and the down- 
 fall of Jerusalem make a group, less compact and unified, 
 but quite as interesting and important as the quartet 
 of eighth century leaders. These seventh century 
 prophets did their work within a relatively short period, 
 the last forty years (626-586), Zephaniah leading off, 
 Jeremiah continuing throughout. Nahum and Habak- 
 kuk represented the religious survey of the character, 
 career and significance of the two great empires which 
 shaped most decisively the Israelitish mind and gave it 
 an outlook upon the real world. Nahum may well have 
 influenced Habakkuk. The latter sees with equal clear- 
 ness the essential weakness of the policy of plunder and 
 greed. He states less forcibly the avenging wrath of 
 Jehovah, who makes thorough work with corruption 
 (Na. 1:9), but emphasizes the enduring holiness and 
 wisdom that gives a religious minded man the readiness 
 to wait for His Divine purpose to come to expression. 
 Habakkuk is the greater thinker. He may well have 
 influenced Jeremiah to take that broad-ranging view of 
 Divine Providence which gave him support in his twenty 
 years of controversy with narrow-visioned men of power. 
 Zephaniah's value was in his clear-cut analysis of the 
 religious situation which existed in the early days of 
 Josiah, and his very definite declaration of the Divine 
 attitude toward it. 
 
 (368.) Its Comparison with Earlier Prophecy. In the 
 earlier review (§ 304) of the prophets of the latter half 
 of the eighth century, we noted nine rather distinct ideas : 
 Jehovah a moral Being; the ruler of the world; requiring. 
 His covenanted people to be loyal to His ideals ; observing 
 that their real life precluded this loyalty and was 
 too firmly rooted to be altered; concluding, therefore, 
 to bring them to conscious repentance by the way of 
 judgments through the Assyrian; intending the judg- 
 ment to be disciplinary, redemptive, and resulting in a 
 " remnant "; planning to furnish the " remnant " with 
 adequate leadership; deciding for its sake to preserve 
 
THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY 201 
 
 Jerusalem intact; and expecting that thus Israel would 
 rise to the height of her real task. 
 
 The prophets of the latter part of the seventh century- 
 were familiar with these great ideas and built upon them 
 to a large extent. They dwelt upon Jehovah's imiversal 
 moral sovereignty which led him to demand of all nations 
 that they recognize moral and spiritual obligations. 
 Habakkuk speaks of God's eternal goodness on which 
 humanity may rely with absoluteness. These permanent 
 and universal qualities of the Divine took a new hold 
 upon the prophets who were struggling with intensely 
 perplexing conditions, politically and socially. Whether 
 Zephaniah was as interested in the future work of the 
 righteous " remnant " as he was in predicting the sure 
 destruction that was bound to come upon haughty and 
 self-satisfied (Zeph. 2: 15) Nineveh is a matter for specula- 
 tion. There can be no doubt, however, that Jeremiah, 
 whose thinking compassed the days of his three con- 
 temporaries, was gradually led, through his very accept- 
 ance of the facts that Judah was too far involved in guilt 
 to be able to repent and that she was sure to be humiliated 
 and her national existence brought to an end, even the 
 Temple being destroyed, to declare more clearly than 
 ever Jehovah's continuing purpose for the world through 
 His people, their certain preservation in a form which 
 would maintain their usefulness, their return after a time 
 of indefinite length, seventy years, their assured leader- 
 ship* (33:15; 23:5, 6), and a future which seems more 
 distinctively missionary in its outlook than that formu- 
 lated by Isaiah (3: 14-18; 12: 14-17; 16: 19-21). He was 
 driven, besides, to his greatest religious contribution 
 to human thinking, the new and vital relationship which 
 Jehovah was going to establish with every worshipper, 
 the " new covenant written on the heart," expressed in 
 the definite knowledge of Jehovah by each one (9 : 24) 
 
 * These passages are regarded as post-exilic by many on the ground 
 that Jeremiah would not anticipate that national development would 
 come through the degenerate Judean royal race. Very naturally, however, 
 he might use the form of words while stUl thinking of a real spiritual 
 leader. 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 and in doing His will in thought, word and deed. The 
 moment people began to think of themselves individually 
 as children of God, directly responsible to Him and not 
 merely as members of a religious community, responsible 
 to its rulers, a new spiritual era dawned in religious 
 history. 
 
 (369.) The Other Literature of the Century. In addi- 
 tion to this prophetic literature, the Deuteronomic code 
 (§ 324), the great combined prophetical History of the 
 Hebrews, JE (§ 310) and the official chronicles which 
 were kept concerning each king, three sorts of literature 
 may be specified which were probably " under way." 
 The history of Samuel as a judge, from which were taken 
 chapters 1: 1 to 4: la; 7:3 to 8: 21; 12 and 15 of the book 
 of First Samuel, passages which interpret the history 
 of that day quite differently from the fairly contemporary 
 narrative of the founding of the kingdom in I Sam. 
 9-11, 13, 14, cannot have been later than the seventh 
 century and probably belongs to the early portion of 
 the century. The whole book of Samuel may have been 
 completed during the century. The Psalter, as a whole, 
 is clearly a post-exilic collection. It was the hymnal of 
 Judaism. Most, if not all, of the psalms have gone 
 through much editing and adaptation. Versef 7-10 of 
 psalm 24 might conceivably be very early; but verses 
 1-6 required the insight of a long range of prophets for 
 their development. Psalm 60 illustrates the clearly 
 post-exilic envelopment, verses 1-5 and 106-12, of an early 
 poem which reflects with equal clearness the days of 
 Israel's pride. There is no more complex and puzzling 
 problem than the real history of the Psalter. It is fair 
 to say, however, that there were people in these cen- 
 turies capable of writing psalms and that such collections 
 as the Korahite and Asaphite groups may fairly repre- 
 sent relatively early specimens. It is quite impossible, 
 however, to give dates. The Proverbs must be similarly 
 treated. We have no reason for declaring that no 
 proverbial collections had been made before 586 B.C. 
 Proverbs 25 : 1 is some evidence to the contrary. But how 
 
THE AGE OP RIPENING MATURITY 203 
 
 extensive they were is very conjectural. The book of 
 Proverbs is a post-exilic book. 
 
 The literary history of northern Israel ended when 
 it had just fairly begun. Possibly many treasures were 
 lost in the struggles with 'Ciglath-pileser and Shalmaneser. 
 Whatever we have was preserved and generally was 
 edited by scholars of Judah. The age of Manasseh 
 deepened the literary interest of the Judean prophetic 
 circles and the success of Deuteronomy developed a 
 literary passion among them. From the days of the 
 exile the making and preservation of literature was a 
 highly honored professional duty. 
 
 (370.) A Review of Israel's and Judah's Careers. 
 
 Duration of the Period. What was its exact length? 
 What four dates seem most significant ? 
 
 Its Great Events. Thinking back over these centuries, 
 name the ten events of first importance. 
 
 Its Noteworthy Leaders. Name the five greatest kings 
 of Israel or Judah ; the five greatest names in history out- 
 side of these countries; the five greatest prophets in the 
 order of their importance; five men of importance men- 
 tioned in the history, not belonging to any of these 
 groups. 
 
 The Nations with which the Hebrews were in Contact. 
 In the course of our study of these centuries since the 
 Disruption at least fourteen nationalities have been 
 mentioned. Mention three great ones and three of 
 second rank. 
 
 The Records of Literature. How many Biblical books 
 have been wholly or substantially considered during our 
 study of the period? Which were noteworthy from 
 the viewpoint of literary charm? Mention ten great 
 passages which every one should know and enjoy. 
 
 Their Value as descriptive of the Life of the Hebrews 
 in their day. What records give the reader a peculiarly 
 vivid understanding of the life of the people? Give half 
 a dozen illustrations of this. 
 
 Their History of Prophecy. Think back through 
 them, placing each of the thirteen prophetic leaders men- 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 tioned in his historical order, and stating what each one 
 stood for in his day. 
 
 Their History of the Temple. Review the history of 
 the Temple, its priesthood and its service. 
 
 Their Story of Political Development. Review the 
 shaping influence upon the Hebrew people of their political 
 history? What were the political and religious causes of 
 the decline and fall of the kingdom? 
 
 Their Story of Social Development. By what stages 
 did the Hebrew people become the cultured community 
 which could boast such thinkers as Habakkuk and 
 Jeremiah ? 
 
 Their Story of Religious Development. Formulate to 
 yourself the religious consciousness of the average man 
 of Solomon's day and compare it with that of the average 
 man of Zedekiah's day. Compare similarly the religious 
 leaders of each epoch. In what respects was the nation 
 which faced exile at an advantage over the nation which 
 suffered disruption? 
 
 A True Title for the Age.. What title seems more 
 descriptive of the age as a whole than the one used in the 
 book? 
 
 Its Supremely Distinctive Factor. What one influence 
 predominated in shaping the development of the Hebrew 
 people during the age? Would religious reform have 
 prevented the decadence of the kingdom? 
 
THE AGE OF MENTAL AND 
 SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 
 
THE AGE OF MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL 
 PRODUCTIVITY 
 
 From the Babylonian Exile to the Establishment of 
 Judaism under Ezra and Nehemiah, 586-400 B.C. {Ezra, 
 Nehemiah, Lamentations and five prophetical books.) 
 
 (37 L) The glory of the Hebrew race was its leadership 
 of the world in religious appreciation. It became the 
 world's teacher of enduring religion, formulated in terms 
 which have a universal appeal. The slightly less than 
 two centuries following the destruction of Jerusalem was 
 the period during which this formulation of eternal truth 
 took place. It was the truly creative period of the national 
 history. The exile seemed to the Hebrews in far-off 
 Babylonia and Egypt a grievous punishment for the sins 
 of their race. But it was far more than a retribution. 
 God made it a wonderftd opportunity. Through its 
 experiences and necessary adjustments the Hebrew 
 people became true Israelites, a people whose particular 
 genius found expression in religious advancement. Cut 
 off from national interests, even after they were permitted 
 to found a community at Jerusalem, they turned their 
 energies to matters of religion. While the dominant 
 religious interests were those of organization and of 
 literary co-ordination and codification, there were always, 
 as in earlier days, great original souls, who dwelt on the 
 religious and moral issues of the day and interpreted them 
 in terms of the divine character and purpose. The 
 sublimest and most brilHant prophecy of any nation or 
 any age found expression in the attempt to show to 
 Israel that Jehovah's ways were nobly consistent, His 
 purposes unchanging, and His goodness and mercy as 
 enduring as the earth itself. One great result of the 
 exile was the ehmination of idolatry. In the days of 
 Ezra and Nehemiah the polytheism of the great empire 
 to which the Jews were subject had ceased to be attractive. 
 
 207 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 A still greater result was the conversion of the Hebrews 
 from a people with strong local affections into a cos- 
 mopolitan people with a genius for business and a willing- 
 ness to travel. After the exile only a small fraction of 
 the race ever resided in Judea. At this time also they 
 came to be generally known as " Jews " (Ezra 4:12; 
 6:7), by which name they will henceforth be called. 
 
 (372.) The Chronology of the Age. It was the habit 
 of this age to give exact dates and many of them. The 
 difficulties of chronology arise almost wholly from the 
 meagemess of records. The Assyrians and Chaldeans 
 were interested in knowing accurate dates and developed 
 excellent systems of record. From them the Jewish 
 people caught the habit and maintained it (Hag. 1:1; 
 2: 20; Zech. 1 : 1, 7), generally dating events in the proper 
 year of the reigning emperor. 
 
 (373.) The Historical Sources. The book of Second 
 Kings contributes only one or two details to the history 
 of this period. No record of the exile proper exists. 
 The book of Daniel cannot be used as a historical source 
 for the reasons that the author, who lived some centuries 
 later in the early Maccabean age, misunderstood the 
 historical sources to which he had access, unwittingly 
 made them contravene records which are indisputable, 
 and used them for his own special purpose of stirring 
 up his fellow-countrymen to a great loyalty to God. 
 The result was a wonderful book, one of the most in- 
 fluential books ever written, but unadapted for historical 
 reference purposes. 
 
 An important share of the incidental facts of history 
 available for the period is derived from the prophetical 
 writings. Three well-known prophets, Ezekiel, Haggai 
 and Zechariah, and one whom we know only by a name, 
 which may not be a personal one, Malachi, make many 
 historical allusions which are helpful. The unknown 
 writers of the exilic and post-exilic portions of the book 
 of Isaiah are less directly interested in mundane affairs, 
 but afford a few historical clues. 
 
 The inscriptions and records of the Chaldean and 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 209 
 
 Persian empires are invaluable to the student of history. 
 Since they have been available many of the ideas regarding 
 the Median empire and the capture of Babylon which 
 were accepted by an earlier age without question have 
 been corrected. Greek writers like Herodotus begin 
 to be available. All of these sources help the careful 
 student to interpret the scanty Jewish records and supple- 
 ment them. 
 
 (374.) The Books of Ezra and Nehemiah. The best 
 historical document available is the remainder of the 
 great historical work carried through by the Chronicler 
 or by a group of writers (§ 229). One who compares 
 the close of Second Chronicles (36 : 22-23) with the begin- 
 ning of the book of Ezra (1 : l-3a) will see that the two 
 books were originally continuous. The books of Ezra 
 and Nehemiah were originally one work and must be 
 used as such. They include quite varied materials, 
 which tell the story of the return to Judah and of the 
 rebuilding of the Temple and city. The narrative is 
 not continuous in itself, and is manifestly a compilation 
 by some one who wrote long after the age of Nehemiah 
 and had at his disposal authentic memoirs of Nehemiah 
 and probably of Ezra, as well as other materials. The 
 genealogy of Neh. 12: 11 extends to three generations 
 after Nehemiah (Eliashib was his contemporary). Some 
 of the references to Nehemiah and to Ezra make them 
 figures of past history (Neh. 12:26, 47; Ezra 7:6, 10). 
 These memoirs, with the exception of some extracts 
 from those of Nehemiah (Neh. 1-6; 13 : 4-31), the compiler 
 rewrote in his own fashion. The difference between his 
 reproduction of the Nehemiah memoirs and those of 
 Ezra does not suggest, as some scholars seem to hold, 
 that the Chronicler invented Ezra and his share in the 
 establishment of Judaism; it rather explains his un- 
 certainty regarding the exact order of events in Ne- 
 hemiah's time. Such facts as these justify scholars 
 in differing quite a little in their interpretation of the 
 order of events from the permission of Cyrus to return 
 to the rehabilitation of Jerusalem about a century later. 
 
210 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 XIV 
 
 THE SEVENTY YEARS OF HOMELESSNESS. 686-516 B.C. 
 
 (JEREMIAH 40-44; EZEKIEL 25-48; LAMENTATIONS; 
 
 ISAIAH 13, 14, 40-48; HAGGAI; ZECHARIAH 1-8; 
 
 II KINGS 25:22-30; EZRA 1-6.) 
 
 (375.) The period of the exile was placed by Jeremiah 
 at seventy years. (Jer. 29: 10.) This seems Hke a round 
 number, not to be dealt with as an exact estimate. Cur 
 riously enough, however, the years which elapsed between 
 the destruction of one Temple and the completion of 
 another was exactly in accordance with his statement. 
 It may also be said that in a true sense the exile was not 
 over until the return to Judah was made permanent 
 by the erection of a worshipping center. Until that was 
 obtained the Jews were not really at home again. Never- 
 theless the estimate was probably a general one and was 
 fulfilled by the half century of detention in Babylonia. 
 
 The period of the exile in Babylonia and Egypt was 
 of very great importance to the Jewish people. They 
 went into it disheartened, disillusioned, disinclined to do 
 otherwise than drift for the time being. The destruction 
 of Jerusalem and of the Temple was a blow which dazed 
 them by its suddenness and unexpectedness. Isaiah's 
 declaration of Jerusalem's inviolableness had passed into 
 a dogma, which none of the counter-declarations of 
 Jeremiah could affect. The catastrophe was a calamity 
 to them beyond our powers of easy realization. But 
 under the leadership of such men as Ezekiel and the 
 prophets, priests and princes whom we cannot name, 
 they recovered their hopefulness, discovered the ad- 
 vantages and opportunities of the larger world, and entered 
 into these so fully that they henceforth became a cosmo- 
 politan people rather than a Judean people. Jerusalem 
 came to be of importance as representing a Divine pur- 
 pose rather than as an actual abode of the Jewish race. 
 The greater and more important " Israel " was the 
 Israel abroad rather than the portion of the race which 
 made its home in Judea. They belonged to the world, 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 211 
 
 Jerusalem being a rallying center which kept them 
 unified. 
 
 1. The Hebrew People immediately after the 
 Great Calamity. (II Ki. 25:22, 26; Jer. 40-44; 
 Ezek. 25-32; Lamentations). 
 . (376.) This materia,l combines to afford a striking 
 picture of the fortunes and the feelings of the exiled 
 Hebrews. 
 
 Jeremiah's Experiences with the Egyptian Fugitives. 
 
 36. The reassembling of many fugitives near Mizpah. 40: 7-12. 
 
 37. The murder of Gedaliah the governor and others by Ishmael. 40 : 13 
 to 41:10. 
 
 38. Johanan's rescue of Ishmael's captives. 41: 11-18. 
 
 39. Jeremiah's advice to those who thought of fleeing to Egypt. 42. 
 
 40. Their flight to Egypt, accompanied by Jeremiah and Baruch. 
 43: 1-7. 
 
 41. His prediction at Tahpanhes of Egypt's conquest. 43:8-13. 
 
 42. The idolatry of the Jews in Egypt and their punishment. 44. 
 
 Ezekiel's Encouraging Messages to the Scattered Exiles. 
 
 22. Judgments upon Ammon, Moab, Edom and Philistia for their 
 unfriendliness in the days of Judah's trouble. 25. 
 
 23. Tyre sure to be captured by Nebuchadrezzar. 26. 
 
 24. A dirge over the ruin of the splendid and beautiful queen of the 
 sea. 27. 
 
 25. Tyre's fate due to her pride and greed. 28: 1-19. 
 
 26. Egypt, the fallen cedar, the captured crocodile, will meet the fate 
 of other great nations of the past. 29-32. 
 
 27. Judah shall be restored when all have been dealt with. 28: 20-26. 
 
 The Lamentations. 
 
 1. An alphabetical acrostic poem: the desolation and misery of Jeru- 
 salem. 1. 
 
 2. An acrostic poem: Jehovah's anger with His people. 2. 
 
 3. An acrostic poem: The nation's complaint but assurance of God's 
 compassion. 3. 
 
 4. An acrostic poem: The past and the present of Zion. 4. 
 
 5. The nation's appeal for Jehovah's compassionate regard. 5. 
 
 (877.) Who was made governor of the people of Judea 
 by Nebuchadrezzar? (Jer. 40:7.) What was the first 
 effect of this appointment upon the fugitives near at 
 hand? (40:11,12.) By whom was Gedaliah murdered? 
 (41:1-3.) What did the murderer do with the people? 
 (41 : 10.) When Johanan had rescued them, what ques- 
 tion did he put to Jeremiah? (42:1-3.) What was 
 
212 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Jeremiah's advice? _ (42: 10-12.) What did the people 
 do, on hearing it? (43:1-4.) At Tahpanhes what was 
 Jeremiah's message? (43:8-13.) What beautiful figure 
 did- Ezekiel elaborate in describing Tyre ? (Ezek. 27.) 
 By what figures did he refer to Egypt ? (29-32.) 
 
 (378.) The Scattered People of Judah. The first 
 few years after the destruction of Jerusalem found Judah's 
 population in three countries: Judea, Babylonia, and 
 Egypt. Dr. Smith's estimate of the Judean people at 
 the end of the seventh century is not less than a quarter 
 of a million. He thinks also that an outside estimate 
 of every man, woman and child taken to Babylonia 
 in the three deportations (Jer. 52 : 28-30) would stand at 
 from sixty to seventy thousand. In Egypt had gathered 
 many who had fled from Judea at one time and another. 
 These were joined by the fugitives who abandoned 
 Judea after the murder of Gedaliah (Jer. 43 : 7) . They 
 settled in Tahpanhes, Migdol, Memphis and Pathros 
 (Jer. 44:1). They must have been numbered by 
 thousands. Tahpanhes, where Jeremiah and the fugi- 
 tives from Judea remained, was a frontier town where 
 Asiatics and Egyptians met on freest terms. The next 
 king of Egypt, Amasis, changed this freedom, but it 
 lasted for more than twenty years. Other parts of 
 Egypt, moreover, were free to them. Comparatively 
 recent discoveries of records of the next century show that 
 on the island of Elephantine were many Jewish residents, 
 who lived a free and prosperous life. They built a 
 temple to Jehovah there and sought to preserve their 
 racial unity in every way. There must have been quite 
 as many in Egypt as in Babylonia. Even so and not- 
 withstanding the misfortunes of war a larger number 
 still were probably left in Palestine. The Babylonians, 
 who had no intention of devastating the country, did 
 not deem it necessary to import any colonists. Those 
 who remained were peasantry, disorganized and depressed, 
 an easy prey to their encroaching neighbors. 
 
 (379.) GedaUah's Brief Four Years' Reign. The Chal- 
 deans gave to the people left in Judea their own ruler, 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 213 
 
 Gedaliah, a high-minded, patient, loyal and brave grand- 
 son of Josiah's trusted adviser. No better appointment 
 could have been made. He drew back to Judea many- 
 fugitives; he promoted the revival of agriculture; he 
 mediatized happily between the Chaldeans and his own 
 people. His generous friendliness cost him his life and 
 the community its hopeful start. He was murdered 
 before, but not long before, 581 B.C. (Jer. 52:30) by 
 a jealous scion of the royal house of Judah, with whom 
 the king of Ammon conspired. The surrounding peoples 
 did not wish for Judah's rehabilitation. 
 
 (380.) Jeremiah and the Fugitives. While GedaHah 
 lived, Jeremiah must have enjoyed the confidence and 
 reverence of the people and felt repaid for his loyalty 
 to them (Jer. 40 : 6) . At the crisis which resulted from 
 the murder of the governor, the people turned to him 
 for advice (42: 1-3). He delayed ten days before making 
 reply (42:7). This was unfortunate since by that time 
 the people were not in a mood to take his counsel, and 
 their leaders had determined upon a policy of flight to 
 Egypt. Jeremiah urged them to remain in Judea, 
 promising that Nebuchadrezzar would not take vengeance, 
 and declaring that going to Egypt would be virtual suicide 
 (42:9-22). The leaders suspected that the message was 
 one which Jeremiah and Baruch had hatched between 
 them (43 ; 2, 3) and refused to obey the message. They 
 set out for Egypt, taking Jeremiah and Baruch along 
 with them (43: 6, 7). They settled at first at Tahpanhes 
 or Daphne, a frontier city biiilt by Psamtik I, where 
 many foreigners lived under the protection of the Pharaoh. 
 Jeremiah showed them by one of his characteristic 
 symbolic prophecies that their exchange of masters 
 would profit them but little. He buried some large 
 stones in the open-air platform of brickwork, which was 
 near the palace, taking pains to be noticed by the fugi- 
 tives, declaring that on these stones Nebuchadrezzar 
 would place his royal throne and pass judgment upon 
 Egypt (43: 8-13). We know little more about the noble 
 prophet. Tradition declares that the Jewish rabble, 
 
214 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 stung by his fierce invective, stoned him to death. Such 
 a martyrdom would not have been an unfitting con- 
 clusion to his life of sacrifice. The occasion for it is 
 suggested by Jer. 44, a denunciation of the idolatrous 
 unfaithfulness of some of the fugitives, unparalleled for 
 vigor and directness. 
 
 (381.) The Prophet Jeremiah. It is idle to compare 
 Jeremiah even with Isaiah, his most distinguished pred- 
 ecessor. Each had a long ministry which covered a 
 critical period in the national life and dealt with a very 
 complicated state of affairs. Each was a statesman 
 in his way ; each witnessed the devastation of his country. 
 Jeremiah faced a more hopeless situation than Isaiah. 
 He had to reverse the declarations of Isaiah about Jeru- 
 salem and to declare her certain doom. He held a dif- 
 ferent view from Isaiah about exile, probably sharing in 
 the view that a thoroughgoing cleaning up (II Ki. 21 : 13) 
 was Jehovah's definite intention, after which the people 
 would return, the exile being a divine means of redemp- 
 tion. 
 
 Jeremiah deserves a high place in the estimate of the 
 religious historian. Not only did he show remarkable 
 bravery and independence, but he refused, as Jehovah's 
 servant, to sanction as nationally right what he personally 
 believed to be wrong. He was a poor diplomat, but a 
 great soul, a true and loyal patriot, a sacrificial example. 
 
 (382.) Ezekiel's Prophecies about Certain Nations. 
 During the period roimd about the fall of Jerusalem 
 Ezekiel uttered the larger number of the predictions 
 grouped between chapters 25 and 32. These are not 
 outbursts of vindictiveness or expressions of national 
 jealousy, nor mere predictions of a just retribution to 
 come upon those who have inflicted injuries upon the 
 people of Judah. They are rather the assertion of 
 Jehovah's sovereignty over these peoples also and the 
 certainty that He will deal with them and with His own 
 people on principles of eternal justice. They claim the 
 certain subjection of Egypt, the old crocodile (Ezek. 
 29 : 3-5) to Nebuchadrezzar, Jehovah's agent. The stately 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 215 
 
 cedar is doomed to be felled by skilful axemen (31 : 10-14). 
 The most interesting of this group of prophecies is the 
 dirge over Tyre (27) wherein she is likened to a stately 
 trireme, laden with the wealth of all nations, but founder- 
 ing because of the storm from the east. It portrays the 
 extensive commerce of that city of merchants. 
 
 (383.) The Five Lamentations. Two at least, the 
 second and fourth, and probably the first four of the 
 five dirges in the book of Lamentations, are the product 
 of an eye-witness. They are not, however, unstudied 
 expressions of emotion, but carefully elaborated poems, 
 exquisite but artistic. Each of the first four is an al- 
 phabetical acrostic, written in a peculiar rhythm.* They 
 afford a vivid picture of the calamities attending the 
 siege and sacking of the city. They are more likely 
 to have been composed by a disciple of Jeremiah than 
 by the prophet himself. The author was an artist beyond 
 doubt. 
 
 2. Ezekiel's Work of Comforting, Heartening and 
 
 Construction for the Babylonian Exiles. 
 
 586-570 B.C. (Ezekiel 33 to 48.) 
 
 (384.) These chapters tell a clear story of Ezekiel's 
 
 remarkable work as a pastor among the discouraged exiles 
 
 and as one with the power of constructing a future. 
 
 Ezekiel's Messages of Comfort and Cheer. 
 
 28. God's appointment of Ezekiel to announce the future possible for 
 Judah. 33. 
 
 29. A lament over Judah's rulers, Jehoahaz, Jehoiachin and Zedekiah. 19. 
 
 30. Jehovah the true ruler of His people through a Davidic prince. 34. 
 
 31. The well-deserved desolation of Edom. 35. 
 
 32. The certain restoration of Israel to Judah and Jehovah's motive in 
 bringing it about. 36. 
 
 33. The vision of the valley of dry bones: Jehovah can make a new 
 nation. 37: 1-14. 
 
 34. The symbol of the two sticks: the future Israel to be a united king- 
 dom. 37: 15-28. 
 
 35. The complete overthrow of the aggressive heathen world and full 
 establishment of Jehovah's authority everywhere. 38, 39. 
 
 * See the illustrations quoted from The Psalms Chronologically Arranged 
 by Fowler Lit. Ancient Israel, 247, 248, and the full translations in G. A. 
 Smith, Jerusalem, vol. ii, 274-283 and in Kent, StOT, vol. v. 
 
216 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Ezekiel's Vision of the Restored Hebrew State. 
 
 36. The new sanctuary on the Temple mount: its gateways, courts, 
 temple and adjuncts, buildings and its consecration. 40-43. 
 
 37. Ordinances relating to the Levites and priests, the prince and the 
 offerings. 44-46. 
 
 38. The blessings which the Temple would bring to the land. 47: 1-12. 
 
 39. The allotment of the land to the people. 47: 13 to 48: 29. 
 
 40. The name of the new city. 48: 30-35. 
 
 (385.) What oflfice did God commit to Ezekiel ? (Ezek. 
 33 : 2.) What had been true of many of Israel's rulers in 
 past time? (34:2-7.) What beautiful promise did that 
 fact suggest? (34: 11-31.) How did the exUed people 
 express their despair? (37: 11.) By what remarkable 
 vision did the prophet comfort them? (37:1-10.) WTiat 
 did he mean by the vision of the two sticks? (37: 15-23.) 
 What was to happen to the aggressive nations who united 
 to destroy Israel? (38, 39.) What was the theme of 
 the closing chapters of the book of Ezekiel? (40-48.) 
 What beautiful promise was to be realized through the 
 completion of the Temple ? (47:1-12.) What significant 
 name was the city to receive? (48: 35.) 
 
 (386.) The People in Babylonia. The colonies of 
 exiles in Babylonia were, so far as the evidence goes, 
 not badly located. They were given all reasonable 
 freedom, controlled their own social affairs, and main- 
 tained to a remarkable degree their racial integrity. 
 They yielded to the opportunities of that " land of 
 traffic and of merchants" (Ezek. 17:4), and gradually 
 exchanged agrictiltural for commercial habits. The stories 
 regarding Daniel and his companions and the office 
 occupied later on by Nehemiah give indication that some 
 of them even rose to high office. They were greatly 
 tempted to throw themselves into the life of Babylonia 
 and forget their race and religion. Many of them felt 
 that Jehovah had abandoned His land and probably His 
 people. They found it hard to get over the shock of the 
 failure of hopes in which they had trusted. Under' "these 
 circumstances Ezekiel and the loyal sons of Judah who 
 supported him were of great importance. They com-" 
 forted, cheered and inspired their people. They en- 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 217 
 
 couraged the habit of meeting on the Sabbath to read 
 the prophetic and historical writings, a practice which 
 soon developed the synagogue as an institution. 
 
 (387.) Ezekiel's Messages of Comfort. (33-39.) It is 
 difficult to overestimate the services of Ezekiel at this 
 crisis. In words that glow and stir he dealt with the 
 people's disappointments and distresses. Chapters 33- 
 39 report the substance of his appeals and exhortations 
 in the years immediately following the fall of Jerusalem. 
 The people were very despondent (37:11b). They 
 seemed to themselves to be nothing but dried bones. 
 Ezekiel declared that out of a valley fuU of such bones 
 Jehovah could create a great army of living men (37: 
 10-12), that Jehovah would restore them to Judah, give 
 them a true leader (37:24; 34:23, 24) and eventually 
 destroy their foes (38, 3.9). Such promises put new life 
 and hope into the exiles. 
 
 (388.) His Plan of the Restored Temple and State. 
 (40-48.) One of the boldest prophecies in the Old Testa- 
 ment is that implied by the Temple plan set forth in these 
 chapters. When it was given out, the city and Temple 
 were in ruins, the people were widely scattered, and the 
 great controlling empire was at the height of its power. 
 Yet the prophet gives the details of a Temple to be erected 
 on the old site. For sublime confidence his act was 
 only matched by Jeremiah's purchase of the fields at 
 Anathoth (§ 363) just before Jerusalem's downfall. It 
 was a challenge to despondency. 
 
 But these chapters embody more than an -architect's 
 dream. Ezekiel's plan for the Temple and land was 
 really a scheme for promoting popular holiness. It laid 
 down exact details of ritual, it emancipated the ecclesias- 
 tical authorities from contact with the civil ruler and from 
 his caprice, — so often endured in preceding centuries, — 
 by removing him and his palace and his private cemetery 
 (43 : 9) at least four miles from the Temple mountain 
 (45 : 1-8) ; it carefully guarded the sacred courts from 
 intrusion, even keeping the people and their ruler out 
 of the main court where the Temple proper and the 
 
218 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 great altar stood. This provision of two courts is ap- 
 parently an innovation. So long as the palace stood near 
 the Temple there was no room for an outer court of the 
 sort contemplated. As a matter of fact Ezekiel's idea 
 was not carried out before Herod's time. 
 
 It was clearly Ezekiel's purpose to reduce personal 
 initiative in religion to a minimum. A Jew was to 
 stand at a distance and watch, while the proper officials 
 performed the symbolic rites for him. This was a long 
 move from the methods described in I Sam. 2: 12-17; 
 9:12-14, 22-24, or in Deut. 12:13, 14, 27. Apparently 
 Ezekiel and his friends saw so clearly the evil results 
 of the old religious freedom that they hoped to crystallize 
 into a very definite scheme of worship tendencies which 
 had been developing ever since the building of the Temple. 
 He permitted the priests of the former village sanctuaries, 
 abolished at last by Josiah, to rank as Levites in the 
 service of this Temple, but reserved the priesthood to 
 the family of Zadok (44: 10-16). 
 
 Ezekiel's scheme, as outlined in these chapters, fore- 
 shadowed the stricter adjustments of the full Levitical 
 law. He has properly been termed the father of Judaism. 
 His was the master mind which guided the thinking of 
 many earnest students of the religious problems of the 
 race and gave an impulse toward the great and important 
 transformation of the future days. His plan was not 
 carried out when the second Temple was built, but his 
 ideas prevailed. 
 
 (389.) The Reign of Nebuchadrezzar. The latest proph- 
 ecy of Ezekiel was dated in 570 B.C., sixteen years after 
 the fall of Jerusalem (29: 17-21). The long siege of Tyre 
 by Nebuchadrezzar had come to a disappointing end in 
 573. Ezekiel declared that the king would recompense 
 himself with Egypt. He accomplished this in 567, 
 plundering the country, but not attempting to manage 
 it. Whether Nebuchadrezzar was a really great organizer 
 and campaigner is one of the puzzles of history. He had 
 to do much fighting, and he held his vast empire together, 
 but his heart of hearts was in Babylonia, its development. 
 
PLATE IV 
 
MENTAL AND SI IRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 219 
 
 beautification, and protection. In great works of build- 
 ing, irrigation, and defense he took the utmost delight. 
 He found Babylonia a land ravaged by war and, as he 
 put it, abandoned by the gods. He left it fertile, beauti- 
 ful, prosperous, with a well-supported worship and ap- 
 parently impregnable against attack from without. 
 But he chose to lavish most of his energy upon the capital 
 city, ignoring the other great centers of population, a 
 measure which proved to be costly to his successors. 
 He died in 562 after a long and brilliant reign of forty- 
 two years. 
 
 3. The Closing Years of Chaldean Rule and the 
 Rise of Cyrus. 562-545 B.C. (II Ki. 25:27-30.) 
 (390.) Between the latest prediction of Ezekiel in 
 570 B.C. and the prophetical anticipations of the capture 
 of Babylon by Cyrus, which may be dated between 
 545 and 540 B.C., there is a quarter of a century un- 
 marked by any specific event except the liberation of 
 Jehoiachin by Amil-Marduk (Evil-Merodach), the son 
 of Nebuchadrezzar, at his accession in 561 B.C. But 
 these years were really full of activity. 
 
 (391.) The Liberation of Jehoiachin. The hapless 
 royal captive who had been in prison for thirty-six years 
 may not have long enjoyed his freedom during the dis- 
 turbed days that followed. In any event, it was probably 
 not a severe imprisonment that he had to endure, certainly 
 not a solitary one. Zerubbabel, his son, was, at the 
 end of the exile, a young man of distinction and authority, 
 a recognized leader of his people, the embodiment of 
 their kingly hopes. He was a choice young prince. 
 
 (392.) The Literary Activity of the Exile. It has been 
 well said that the destruction of Jerusalem and the 
 widespread dispersion of the exiles transformed them 
 into a literary people. The habit of writing, care in 
 literary form, and the production of artistic literature were 
 Babylonian national traits, which influenced the Jews 
 no less than the sheer necessities of communication and 
 the preservation of valued writings. There were an 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 abundance of trained minds among the exiles who joyfully 
 gave themselves up to the tasks incidental to the new 
 needs of the nation. They were indefatigable in col- 
 lecting, compiling and editing the earlier historical 
 writings. At this period Deuteronomy, Judges, Samuel 
 and Kings must have received their final touches. Quite 
 probably Deuteronomy was united with JE (§310). 
 After the exile they were available in the form with which 
 we are familiar. The group of historians who did this 
 work belonged to the " Deuteronomic " school (§326). 
 They put a clear-cut stamp upon the historical records 
 they handled. The books of Kings are their chief monu- 
 ment. Their peculiar and recognizable style, modelled 
 after that of Deuteronomy, while losing the direct, story- 
 telling charm of the days of heroic adventure, makes a 
 deep impression by its earnestness and conviction. These 
 men had been trained in a stem school to think seriously 
 and to interpret for religious profit. They altered interest- 
 ing narratives into instructive religious history. 
 
 At or before this time there was some revising and 
 editing of the sermons of the nine prophets. No doubt 
 floating fragments were attached to prophetical rolls in 
 accordance with the best judgment of these devoted 
 scholars. In case of such a curiously alternating group 
 of predictions of doom and blessing as in Isaiah 28-33 
 and Micah 4-7 (§ 300) the insertion of the later passages 
 may have been made at this time. 
 
 (393.) The Holiness Code. Another exceedingly im- 
 portant literary task of this period was that of collecting 
 and codifying groups of laws and ordinances relating to 
 Temple worship. These, where needful, were adapted 
 to the future to which Ezekiel had encouraged all brave 
 and godly men to look forward. Ezekiel's own little 
 code (40-48) was an inspiration to such enterprise. It is 
 generally held by scholars that the fine group of laws 
 found in Leviticus 17-26, commonly known as the Holiness 
 Code, because of its emphasis upon ceremonial and moral 
 holiness and its frequent reference to the holiness of 
 Jehovah, antedated Ezekiel slightly. This code is closely 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 221 
 
 related to Deuteronomy in spirit and may well belong 
 to the very earliest stages of tKe exile. 
 
 (394.) The Successors of Nebuchadrezzar. When the 
 great Nebuchadrezzar died, his dynasty quickly passed. 
 He was succeeded by his son, Ainil-Marduk, " servant 
 of Marduk," whose reign lasted but two years and ended 
 tragically. He was slain by his brother-in-law, Nergal- 
 sharezer, who succeeded him. This king may have been 
 the official mentioned in Jer. 39:3, 13, who directed the 
 final disposition of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. If so his brief 
 but vigorous reign of four years (559-556 B.C.) may have 
 ended so quickly because of his age. He left the throne 
 to his young son, Labasi-Marduk, who reigned but nine 
 months, when he fell a victim to a conspiracy of nobles. 
 They placed on the throne, as the founder of the third 
 Chaldean dynasty, Nabuna'id, who ruled until the down- 
 fall of the empire (556-539), a period of seventeen years. 
 He had two marked characteristics, piety of the Babylo- 
 nian sort and antiquarian zeal. He loved above all 
 other pursuits to explore ancient ruins, determine their 
 date, renew temples and honor the gods. These were not 
 the traits most needed in its official head by his empire 
 at this time. Probably he left the actual management 
 of the kingdom very largely to his son, Belshazzar, 
 who is mistakenly but not unnaturally called "the 
 King " in Daniel 5. 
 
 (395.) The Rise of Cyrus. Under the policy of friend- 
 ship and tolerance established by Cyaxares the Mede 
 and Nabopolassar, the father of Nebuchadrezzar, the 
 Medes had gained control of all northwestern Asia as 
 far as the river Halys. Alyattes HI, the king of Lydia, 
 had forced him to stop at that point in 585 B.C. There- 
 after the three nations — Babylonia, Media, and Lydia 
 — controlled between them all the western half of Asia.* 
 In 560 Alyattes was succeeded by Croesus and in 584 
 Cyaxares was succeeded by Astyages, who was possibly 
 not his son but a Scythian. But the real inheritor of 
 these- three empires was destined to be a fourth man, 
 
 *Por this division of Western Asia see the map facing page 218, 
 
222 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Cyrus the Persian. He was bom about 590 B.C. and 
 first emerges into history as king of the little state of 
 Anshan in southern Elam. For a reason which is obscure, 
 perhaps because he represented the true Iranians against 
 a usurper, a war arose between Cyrus and Astyages. 
 Before the actual battle began the troops of the latter 
 rebelled and went over to Cyrus, taking their king along 
 as a prisoner. Thus without a blow Cyrus became the 
 ruler of the Median empire in 549 B.C. Within two 
 years he had crossed the Tigris and conquered Mesopo- 
 tamia. In the following year he continued westward to 
 meet the approach of Croesus, who wished to crush 
 him. In a quick campaign he defeated Croesus, captured 
 Sardis, which became the permanent center of Persian 
 power in the west, and ultimately, through his generals, 
 conquered the Greek cities and colonies of Asia Minor. 
 Meanwhile he soon made himself recognized head of 
 all the Iranian peoples. In three years he had made his 
 empire range from the Indus to the Aegean. The reputa- 
 tion for generosity and clemency to the conquered which 
 he won in these campaigns assisted his further successes. 
 
 4. Prophetical Foreshadowings of Babylon's Fate 
 
 AND OF ITS Significance for Israel and for the 
 
 World. Between 550 and 538 C.B. (Isaiah 
 
 13, 14; 21: 1-10; Jeremiah 50, 51; 
 
 Isaiah 40-55.) 
 
 (396.) These prophetic passages bear clearly upon the 
 approaching downfall of Babylon. 
 
 Doom Prophecies of Babylon's Fall. 
 
 The well-merited doom of Babylon and her king at hand. Isa. 
 
 13: 2 to 14: 23. 
 
 Babylon, the oppressor, is to receive her rich deserts. Ter. 50: 2 
 
 to 61:58. 
 
 What Babylon's fall will mean to Judah (v. 10). Isa. 21: 1-10. 
 
 The Exiles' Book of Consolation: The Omnipotent Jehovah is about 
 to deliver His People. 
 
 1. The joyful tidings: redemption is near. 40: 1-11. 
 
 2. The omnipotent and incomparable Jehovah assures it. 40: 12-31. 
 
 3. His sovereignty is shown in history. 41. 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 223 
 
 4. Israel is Jehovah's Servant. 42: 1-9. 
 
 5. Let the world rejoice; Jehovah is eager to act. 42: 10-17. 
 
 6. Israel does not appreciate Jehovah's past dealings. 42: 18-25. 
 
 7. But He loves her and will bring her scattered children home. 43 : 1-7. 
 
 8. Israel has the splendid task of witnessing to the world concerning 
 Jehovah. 43: 8-13. 
 
 9. The new deliverance, more wonderful than that from Egypt, is not 
 due to Israel's merits, but to Jehovah's goodness and grace. 43: 14 
 to 44: 5. 
 
 10. Jehovah's uniqueness and the folly of idolatry. 44: 6-23. 
 
 11. Jehovah, the world's Director, will give victory, riches and success 
 to His Anointed. 44.: 24 to 45: 13. 
 
 12. His real objective is the collapse of idolatry and the salvation of the 
 world. 45: 14-25. 
 
 13. Babylon's hand-made gods are carried here and there; Jehovah, 
 the incomparable, sustains His people always. 46. 
 
 14. Babylon, the haughty queen of the nations, is doomed; neither 
 magicians, wise men nor astrologers can save her. 47. 
 
 15. Recapitulation: the fulfilment of earlier predictions should give 
 confidence and obedience; the Eternal is summoning His servant 
 for service; let Israel be faithful; go forth. 48. 
 
 The Exiles' Book of Consolation: Glory and Privilege will come to Zion 
 through her Sufferings. 
 
 1. The Servant, despondent because of exile, has a great destiny. 
 49: 1-6. 
 
 2. His return to Judea will impress the world leaders. 49: 7-13. 
 
 3. Devastated Zion shall be popidated and beautified. 49: 14-21. 
 
 4. At the word of Jehovah, the omnipotent, persistently faithful One, 
 the nations will bring Israel back home. 49: 22 to 50: 3. 
 
 5. The vigilant, docile Servant endures suffering with confidence. 
 50: 4-11. 
 
 6. Faithful Israel may remember that her religion is to be universal 
 and permanent, and that deliverance is sure. 51 : 1-16. 
 
 7. O, humiliated Jerusalem, prepare to welcome Jehovah and depart 
 from Babylon. 51: 17 to 52: 12. 
 
 8. The undeserved martyrdom of the Servant and his glorious exalta- 
 tion through death. 52: 13 to 53: 12. 
 
 9. 'The future Jerusalem to be large, populous, beautiful and secure. 
 54. 
 
 10. Let every one be eager to share the great blessings which are in 
 store; Jehovah's gracious purpose is about to be fulfilled. 55. 
 
 (397.) How is Babylon described in the doom prophecy 
 of Isaiah 13:2 to 14:23? (13:19; 14:4.) Who was 
 to be the invader? (13:17.) How were they to deal 
 with Babylon? (13: 12, 14-22; 14: 21-23.) How are the 
 invaders described in Jer. 50, 51? (Jer. 50:3, 9, 29, 
 41-42.) Under what interesting figure is Israel described? 
 (Jer. 50:17; 51:34.) Put together the descriptions of 
 Babylon (50:35-38, 12, 13, 23; 51:7, 13, 21-23, 25, 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 30-32, 33, etc). What great thoughts about Jehovah 
 are found in Isa. 40-48 ? What do these chapters declare 
 about the significance of Babylon's fall to the Jews? 
 Under what significant name are the Jews referred to? 
 What is Jehovah's purpose in restoring .His people? 
 How is the work of the Servant described in 49-55? 
 
 (398.) Annoxoncements of Babylon's Fall. It is natural 
 to date the vigorous doom prophecies of Isaiah 13, 14, 
 21, and Jeremiah 50, 51, between 548 and 540 B.C. 
 They mention quite specifically the destruction of Babylon 
 by the Medes. The lyrical splendor of many passages 
 in these prophecies is remarkable, as well as their definite 
 statements. The writers dwell on the details of warfare; 
 yet the fate of Babylon is viewed as the natural con- 
 clusion of the four centuries of historic tyranny, when 
 one lion after another made a meal of the hunted sheep, 
 Israel (Jer. 50: 17). The greatness of the catastrophe 
 is what the writers emphasize. A spirit of bitterness 
 and revenge is dominant. The absolute ruin of Babylonia 
 (Isa. 14: 22, 23), however, stands over against the restora- 
 tion of the Jewish nation. (14: 1, 2.) 
 
 (399.) Isaiah 40 to 66. With the last decade of the 
 Babylonian exile, we reach the period when the pre- 
 dictions contained in these twenty-seven chapters of the 
 book of Isaiah begin to find their historical fulfilment. 
 To the Jewish people, living in this age or later, these 
 words were profoundly significant. To those living at 
 any earlier time they would have been destitute of force. 
 These chapters fall into three fairly recognizable sections, 
 40-48, 49-55 and 56-66. The first section emphasizes 
 the thought that the omnipotent Jehovah is ready to 
 deliver His people from exile; the second describes the 
 Servant of Jehovah and the future glory of Zion; the 
 third deals with the character which must prevail in the 
 Judea that Jehovah will bless. 
 
 The proper dating of these chapters is a perplexing 
 question. It is quite generally agreed that chapters 
 56-66 find their natural setting in the decades beween 
 the building of the second Temple and the work of 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 225 
 
 Nehemiah and Ezra and probably not long before Nehe- 
 miah appeared. Malachi represents similar conditions 
 and, probably, about the same date. Regarding the 
 proper background of chapters 40-55 expert opinion is 
 divided. Some hold that these chapters betray a Pales- 
 tinian background, that the specific references to Cyrus 
 (44: 28; 45: 1) and to Babylon and the Chaldeans (48: 14, 
 20) are evident insertions, that other general references 
 to an invader (41: 25; 45: 13; 46: 11) may be better ex- 
 plained as referring to Israel, and that the inspiring 
 appeals and illustrations follow appropriately and in 
 culminating fashion after such prophecies as Zechariah 
 2 and 8 (§415). Other students assert quite as positively 
 that the background of these chapters is Babylonia, the 
 doomed empire (47: 5-7) and her gods (46: 1), that Judea 
 (Zion or Jerusalem) lies waste and needs rebuilding 
 (44:28; 49:14-21; 51:19; 52:7-12; 54) and that Cyrus 
 is almost certainly referred to in such passages as 41 : 25; 
 45:1, 13; 46:11,* even supposing that the words "to 
 Cyrus " in 45 : 1 are a gloss. It is not supremely important 
 to decide one way or the other. In view, however, of the 
 sweepingly enthusiastic conviction given such constant 
 expression, it would seem highly probable that the last 
 decade of the exile accounts most satisfactorily for the 
 prophetic conviction that Jehovah's plans are in process 
 of speedy execution. 
 
 (400.) Israel's Jehovah and His Long-Cherished 
 Purpose. (Isa. 40-48.) With these wonderful chapters 
 we begin to realize the ripened fruitage of the thinking 
 of the prophets. They are unsurpassed in sublimity, 
 impressiveness or spirituality. The Jehovah of these 
 chapters is the omnipotent sovereign of the world, but 
 also the tender and gracious guardian of His people 
 Israel, who now is ready to execute His long-cherished 
 plan for the world through His servant Israel. He, the 
 ruler of the universe, exhibiting His glory in nature and 
 in history alike, is preparing to set His people free. His 
 
 *The references quoted in Appendix II will state each argument 
 completely. 
 
226 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 agent will be a conquering hero from the north, who 
 will execute His judgment against Babylon. Israel's 
 deliverance will be the greatest event in her history. 
 It is sure because the power of Jehovah is behind it, 
 the might of the incomparable Jehovah, in comparison 
 with whom the idols of Babylon are not to be mentioned, 
 those idols which can be made to order, and have to be 
 carried around. Jehovah is bringing this deliverance 
 to pass in order that Israel, now so apathetic, so blinded 
 by her sorrows, may be impelled to proclaim His char- 
 acter and establish His worship throughout the whole 
 inhabited world. 
 
 These chapters are full of wonderful passages and 
 beautiful conceptions. There are a few passages (48: 16, 
 4, 56, 86) which represent Israel as obstinate, insincere, 
 treacherous, idolatrous. These charges seem surprising. 
 Quite possibly they are additions of a later period. If 
 this is true, they strengthen the argument that the 
 original prophecy belonged to the close of the exile. 
 
 (401.) Israel, the Servant of Jehovah. In these 
 chapters the crowning theme of Old Testament revela- 
 tion is adequately developed, the sufferings and destiny 
 of the Servant of Jehovah. There are four passages 
 relating to the Servant, 42:1-7; 49:1-6; 50:4-9, and 
 52: 13 to 53: 12. These songs, for such they are, unfold 
 a gradually broadening conception of the idea. The 
 first describes his mission and the unobtrusive and 
 persistent way in which he will achieve it. In the second 
 (49: 1-6) the Servant, with an active sense of his divine 
 call, equipment and protection, sees through his tem- 
 porary failure to his ultimately successful task. The 
 third (50 : 4-9) elaborates the sorrow and indignity which 
 he has had to endure (Ps. 129 : 3) , but sets over against 
 it his invincible faith in God and assurance of the final 
 triumph of his cause. The climax of the conception is 
 reached with the fourth song (52:13 to 53:12), which 
 embodies in one complete and coherent picture the 
 character, sufferings and destiny of the Servant. Rever- 
 ent homage will eventually be paid to him (52: 13-15). 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 227 
 
 His life will, however, be a martyrdom. Stripped of 
 health, possessions and reputation, the victim of disease, 
 injustice and derision, misunderstanding will follow him 
 to a dishonored grave. Yet his sufferings he will endure 
 obediently and without complaint, that many may be 
 made righteous. This is Jehovah's doing, in order that 
 the wicked in heart may be conscience-smitten and 
 finally won to God, accepting Jehovah's salvation. Then 
 shall great exaltation and glory be given to His Servant. 
 
 This interpretation of suffering is profound. The 
 average Jew believed that suffering as a rule was an indica- 
 tion of sin. Here the suffering of one who was innocent 
 is explained as redemptive in purpose, accepted by the 
 Servant as imposed by Jehovah for the sake of others. 
 Such suffering, when recognized as undeserved and 
 voluntary, is an invincible force for turning the wicked 
 from a defiant attitude to one of penitence. 
 
 It seems quite clear that the great prophet had in 
 mind as the Servant, not any individual of his race, like 
 Jeremiah or Zerubbabel, as some have believed, but 
 Israel. The nation is so termed, explicitly, in chapters 
 40-48 (41:8; 44:1, 21; 45:4). In the Servant poems, 
 however, Israel is ideally conceived. " They are not a 
 description, but a splendidly original interpretation of 
 her sufferings and destiny." The nation, as a matter of 
 fact, never did fulfil 'this program. It found its only 
 satisfying interpretation and real fulfilment in the sacri- 
 ficial life and death of our Lord. Prophecy could not 
 create a greater ideal; One alone could give it the signif- 
 icance of life. 
 
 (402.) Israel's High Destiny and her Future Glory. 
 The remaining sections of Isaiah, 49-55, to which it is 
 quite possible that 60-62 should be added, center atten- 
 tion upon Israel herself and upon Zion, the holy city. 
 With language of great beauty, the prophet describes 
 the wonderful work before the nation, and the glory into 
 which she will soon be introduced. It seems too much 
 for the disappointed people to credit (49: 14), but the 
 prophet assures them of Jehovah's tender love, which 
 
228 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 never forgets (49: 15, 16). Jerusalem will be astonished 
 at the number of her children (49 : 21) . She will be beauti- 
 ful, joyous, and absolutely safe (54). Like little children, 
 the people will be tenderly taken home (49 ; 22) , because 
 Jehovah is again ready to show His goodness and because 
 His power is adequate (54 : 8) to every need. The only 
 condition is responsiveness (55). The repentant people 
 are to enter at once upon their glorious task of witnessing 
 for Jehovah (55 : 4) . 
 
 (403.) The Culmination of Prophetic Thinking. Noth- 
 ing in the Old Testament surpasses the breadth, the 
 insight and forcefulness of chapters 40-55 of the book 
 of Isaiah. Its nine great ideas stand out as compre- 
 hensive and final statements of the conceptions whose 
 growth we have been following: (1) the omnipotent 
 Jehovah, ruler of the physical and moral universe, guar- 
 dian of the affairs of men, directing all history; (2) His 
 great world-plan which had been slowly shaping human 
 affairs in the past and had now come to a time of mani- 
 festation; (3) His free use of world rulers as His tools 
 to execute His will; (4) His gracious love for Israel, 
 very tender and persistent, rejoicing over the opportunity 
 to offer full forgiveness to His erring people, and to take 
 them into partnership again; (5) His eternal purpose for 
 Israel that she should do a great, missionary service; 
 (6) His significant treatment of godly Israel, the " rem- 
 nant," whereby they were to become fitted to evangelize 
 the world; (7) the great destiny He had in store for the 
 true Israel ; (8) the speedy return to Judah of the people 
 to take up their great task, and (9) the great and im- 
 pressive glory that the future had in store for Israel, 
 amazing the whole world. In these chapters we have 
 clearly developed the philosophy of Israel's history. 
 To a reverent mind the experiences, good and bad, 
 trifling and tremendous, found a satisfying explanation, 
 Israel had been chosen and trained by Jehovah in order 
 that the whole world might eventually fall in worshipful 
 devotion at His feet. 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 229 
 
 5. The Capture of Babylon, Inauguration of the 
 
 Persian Empire and Restoration of the Altar 
 
 Service AT Jerusalem. 539-537 B.C. (Daniel 5; 
 
 Ezra 1; 3:2 to 4:5; 5: 13-15; 6:3-5). 
 
 (404.) The actual capture of Babylon is assumed both 
 by Ezra 1 : 1 and Daniel 5 : 30. For reliable information 
 regarding the catastrophe and the events which led up 
 to it, there are available the inscriptions of Nabuna'id 
 and Cyrus. The book of Ezra describes what happened 
 after the surrender of the city and empire. 
 
 According to the narrative in the book of Daniel, 
 who was in command at Babylon on the night before the 
 fall of that city? (Dan. 5:1.) Who was the real ruler 
 of the empire? (§ 394.) Who was the ruler of the 
 new empire? (Ezra 1:1.) What three-fold permission 
 did Cyrus give to the Jews whom he found in Babylonia? 
 (Ezra 1 : 3-4.) What did those who availed themselves 
 of this permission take with them to Judah? (1,:6-11; 
 5: 13-15.) Who were numbered among these volunteers? 
 (1 : 5.) What were the 'exact details of the decree of 
 Cyrus concerning the new Temple? (6: 2-5.) When the 
 returning exiles reached Jerusalem, what did they proceed 
 to do? (3:2, 3.) Whiat preparations did they make 
 for building the Temple ? (3 : 7.) With what ceremonies 
 did they lay its foundations? (3:8-11.) What double 
 effect was produced upon the onlookers? (3:12, 13.) 
 What request was made to the leaders which they refused ? 
 (4: 1-3.) What was the outcome of this refusal? (4: 4, 5.) 
 
 (405.) The Closing Years of the Chaldean Empire. 
 It seems incredible that Nabuna'id, the last king of 
 Babylonia, should have shown so little interest in the 
 affairs of his empire, while Cyrus was a possible foe. 
 Perhaps he regarded Babylon as impregnable and pre- 
 ferred to leave affairs of state to his vigorous son, Bel- 
 shazzar. He neither built new fortifications nor developed 
 armies of defense. He ignored his part in the great 
 feast of the new year, the one annual, solemn, official 
 duty of the sovereign. He spent his time between 547 
 and 539 B.C. in his favorite antiquarian researches. 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 During these same years Cyrus made no real attempt 
 to attack the Chaldean empire, but contented himself, 
 in the main, with completing the conquest of Asia Minor. 
 In 539 B.C., however, Cyrus advanced for the conquest 
 of Babylonia. This movement roused Nabuna'id, who 
 not only held the New Year's festival with appropriate 
 stateliness, but proceeded to bring the important deities 
 of his provincial cities to Babylon, that he might have 
 an ample force of protectors! It was a procedure to 
 arouse the sarcasm of a prophet of Jehovah (Isa. 
 46: 1-11) and caused the bitter resentment of the cities 
 whose gods had been taken away. These divinities 
 did not prevent Cyrus from advancing, winning several 
 skirmishes and one battle. Sippar was taken without a 
 blow and, two days later, the van of the army of Cyrus 
 entered Babylon, whose gates, probably through treachery, 
 were opened to admit it. Nabuna'id was captured, and 
 the city welcomed Cyrus. Thus closed the Semitic 
 dominance, which in one form or another had widely 
 influenced the Western Asiatic world since the days of 
 Hammurabi (§ 23), for nearly two millennia. With the 
 fall of the imperial city, the empire passed without 
 contention under the rule of Cyrus. He dignified it 
 by recognizing its independent status as a co-ordinate 
 kingdom and by having his son, Cambyses, consecrated 
 as his heir by the priests of Marduk. Thus the ruling 
 force in Syria and Palestine became Aryan rather than 
 Semitic for the next millennium. 
 
 (406.) The Policy of the New Regime. Cyrus had 
 wonderful skill in the management of peoples. Xenophon 
 declared that he could rule a world as easily as any other 
 king could manage his particular realm. He accomplished 
 this by the magic of undeniable power used in friendly 
 fashion. He set himself to assure a conquered foe of 
 his own desire to convert him into an ally. In particular, 
 he was accustomed to treat the religion of such a people 
 with considerateness. Consequently, Cyrus had few or no 
 rebellions. His great empire was full of contented 
 peoples, who willingly lived their lives submissive to 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 231 
 
 his firm but just authority, which contrasted so keenly 
 with the barbaric use of power by his predecessors. 
 
 This quality of Cyrus was manifested at once after 
 the conquest of Babylonia. He gave prompt permission 
 to the captive peoples found there to return to their 
 homes. As far as possible, he sent back their national 
 deities, which had been transported to Babylonia by 
 earlier conquerors. The decree he made concerning the 
 Jewish temple is given in part in the Aramaic docu- 
 ment quoted in Ezra 6 : 1-5. Other details are given 
 freely in Ezra 1. . Evidently Cyrus gave specific permis- 
 sion to the Jews in Babylonia to return to Judea and to 
 rebuild their national sanctuary, giving orders at the 
 same time that they should be assisted and that the 
 Temple vessels at Babylon should be restored. Cyrus 
 appointed Sheshbazzar, an imperial officer (Ezra 5 : 14- 
 16), to be in charge of the movement to Judea. It is 
 not easy, in view of the few details given, to be absolutely 
 certain regarding the exact facts. Ezra 2 states that 
 about forty thousand Jews responded to the invitation 
 of Cyrus. But the list given there is exactly repeated 
 in Neh. 7 : 5-73, where it seems to be a census of the 
 community a century later. So far as one may judge 
 from the events which took place, there was a relatively 
 small response in 537 B.C. Those who did go had 
 choice leadership, Joshua, the lineal heir of the priestly 
 line of Zadok, and Zerubbabel, a descendant of the royal 
 faniily of Judah. Their families, retainers, friends and 
 a small company of very loyal Jews, priests, Levites and 
 people made up the caravan. Perhaps these were but 
 the vanguard of the movement which was expected to 
 follow. Quite as probably the freedom, attractiveness, 
 opportunities and attachments of Babylonia tied the 
 great mass of Jews to their homes there. Moreover, it 
 was not a part of God's purpose to execute the splendid 
 hopes of Isaiah 40-55 in the way anticipated by that 
 great evangelist. The Israel scattered over the wide 
 world was to become a leavening influence and a teaching 
 agency of far greater practical value than the 'Israel 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 in Judea. Through Israel abroad the divine plan was 
 to be set going. At first, however, the limited response 
 to the sudden opportunity to return and build up the 
 waste places of Judea may have seemed disheartening 
 to the patriotic souls who adventured themselves under 
 Zerubbabel. 
 
 (407.) The Restoration of the Altar Service on the 
 Temple Mountain. 536 B.C. We know from Jer. 41: 5 
 that occasional attempts had been made to offer sacrifices 
 on the sacred spot where the Temple had stood, but 
 in all probability these were sporadic. Ezekiel (33:24, 
 25) accuses those living in Judea during the exile of being 
 idolatrous. But the pilgrims from Babylonia were 
 eager to renew a regular form of public worship. To 
 them it was the great immediate task before them. 
 They repaired the altar of burnt offering and resumed 
 the regular morning and evening oblations. They ob- 
 served the feast of Tabernacles and other feasts and 
 established a regular system of worship (Ezra 3:5, 6 ; 
 Haggai 2: 10-16; Zech. 3; 7: 2, 3.) 
 
 (408.) The Laying of the Temple Foundations. There 
 is a marked difference of opinion among scholars concern- 
 ing this event. The compiler of the book of Ezra implies 
 (3 : 7) that the newly returned exiles engaged masons and 
 carpenters for building the Temple, and Phoenicians 
 to bring down to them the timber they required. He 
 also is authority for the statement that in the second 
 year (536 B.C.) the foundation stone of the Temple was 
 laid with due ceremony, and to the mingled joy and 
 grief of the people, as they saw the realization of their 
 hopes, or thought of the past (3:8-13). He further 
 states that the " adversaries," by whom he seems to mean 
 Samaritans, demanded a share in the proceedings. When 
 this was rather curtly refused by the leaders, Joshua and 
 Zerubbabel, the " people of the land," blocked the 
 building of the Temple, perhaps by preventing the 
 importation of the needed timber, for sixteen years 
 (4: 1-5, 24). Ezra 4: 6-23 is a passage which deals with 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 233 
 
 similar opposition in later reigns. It has nothing to 
 do with the episode in the days of Cyrus. 
 
 There are many good authorities who think that 
 the contemporary statements of Haggai and Zechariah 
 contradict these statements of the Chronicler. No con- 
 clusive arguments can be formulated in the vagueness 
 and the scantiness of the data. But it does not seem 
 unreasonable to follow the general judgment of the 
 Chronicler, even though his work was done 250 years 
 later. The people who could be appealed to for a work 
 of reform were not the htimble peasantry, left scornfully 
 on their farms by Nebuchadrezzar, and characterized 
 by Ezekiel as half heathenish in their religious life. The 
 work of reconstruction must have needed a small com- 
 munity at least of those whose ideals were fine and whose 
 plans were definite. 
 
 6. The Appeals of the Prophets, Haggai and 
 
 Zechariah, to their Countrymen to Build 
 
 THE Temple. 520-516 B.C. (Ezra 5:1, 2; 
 
 Haggai; Zechariah 1-8.) 
 
 (409.) These passages show how these two prophets, 
 
 seizing an opportunity, urged their countrymen to build 
 
 the second Temple, and encouraged them to make it all 
 
 that it ought to be. 
 
 The Exhortations of Haggai. 
 
 1. September, 520 B.C. " Arise and build the Temple." 1. 
 
 2. November, 520 B.C. " This Temple will far exceed the former 
 one in glory." 2: 1-9. 
 
 3 January, 519 B.C. " So long as the Temple is unbuilt, you are 
 tainted with guUt." 2: 10-19. 
 
 4 January, 519 B.C. " O, Zerubbabel, you shall be Jehovah's vice- 
 gerent." 2:20-23. 
 
 The Visions and Sermons of Zechariah. 
 
 1 Deeernber, 620 B.C. A call to repentance. "Be not like your 
 fathers." 1: 1-6. 
 
 2. February, 519 B.C. First Vision. The four horsemen. " The 
 world is at peace." Second Vision. The four horns. " For each 
 one there is a destroyer." Third Vision. The man with the measur- 
 ir^ line. " No use for a survey. Jerusalem will spread over all 
 bounds." Fourth Vision. The high priest cleansed. " The guilt 
 of the people is forgiven." Fifth Vision. The candelabrum and 
 
234 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 the two olive trees. " Joshua and Zerubbabel are men of Jehovah's 
 spirit." Sixth Vision. The flying roll. " No thief or perjurer in 
 Israel." Seventh Vision. The woman in the jar. " Madame 
 Wickedness belongs in Babylonia." Eighth Vision. The four 
 chariots. " My messengers will execute my purpose in the Persian 
 empire." 1: 7 to 6: 8. 
 
 3. Make a crown for the future ruler with whom Joshua shall be at 
 peace. 6:9-15. 
 
 4. January, 518 B.C. " Whether you feast or fast, do deeds of justice 
 and mercy." 7. 
 
 5. Ten expressions of brightness and hope for the future Jerusalem. 8. 
 
 (410.) In whose reign over Persia was the second 
 Temple begun? (Ezra 4: 24.) What two prophets were 
 instrumental in stirring up the people ? (5:1.) Who were 
 still the leaders of the community ? (5 : 2.) When did 
 Haggai begin? (Hag. 1:1.) How frequently did he 
 appeal to the people? (Hag. 1:1, 3, 13; 2:1, 10, 20.) 
 What condition of the people did his words imply? (Hag. 
 1:4-6, 9-11.) How did they respond to his call to arise 
 and build? (1:12-15.) What did he promise with re- 
 gard to the second Temple? (2:7-9.) How did he ex- 
 plain the lack of material blessings ? (2 : 14.) What did 
 he predict regarding Zerubbabel? (2: 21-23.) What action 
 did Zechariah urge upon the people? (Zech. 1:1-6.) 
 Name each one of the eight visions, and indicate what sig- 
 nificance each one had for the Temple. (1:7 to 6 : 8.) 
 What did he urge to do with the gifts of the faithful in 
 Babylonia? (6: 9-15.) When asked about the propriety 
 of fasting by the deputation, what did he reply? (7: 1-7.) 
 What beautiful promises did he express regarding Jeru- 
 salem? (8: 1-8.) What was his promise for Judea? 
 (8: 9-15, 20-23.) What were the conditions? (8: 16-19.) 
 
 (411.) The Sixteen Years' Interval. After a brilliant 
 reign of nine years over his vast empire, Cyrus died in 
 529 B.C., leaving it to his son, Cambyses. The new 
 king inherited his father's love of conquest, but lacked 
 his statesmanlike qualities. He added Egypt to his 
 realm in 525, just after the death of the great Amasis, 
 but needlessly and wantonly maddened the conquered 
 people, who rejoiced over the misfortunes which attended 
 his later Ethiopian ventures. Returning, homeward in 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 235 
 
 522, Cambyses was met by the news that Bardiya, his 
 younger brother, was seated on the throne of Persia. 
 In a fit of drunken rage, he took his own life. That 
 brother he had murdered, and the occupant of the throne 
 was really a pretender. After some months, a group 
 of noble conspirators, who became convinced that their 
 sovereign was an impostor, broke into the royal palace, 
 slew the king, and elected one of their own number, 
 Darius, as sovereign. Darius claimed to be of royal 
 blood, and married Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus. 
 Nevertheless, he was not really a rightful heir, and the 
 beginning of his reign was signalized by revolts on every 
 side. Pretenders were the fashion. Darius had to 
 reconquer Susiana, Babylon, Persia, Media, Assyria, 
 Armenia, Parthia, Margiana, Sattagydia, and Dacia. 
 It took nineteen hard-fought, although victorious, battles 
 against nine pretenders, before his authority was fully 
 established in the spring of 519 B.C. For some time, 
 the integrity of the empire was much in question. 
 
 (412.) The Policy of Darius. King Darius,* who 
 directed the destinies of Asia for thirty -six years (521- 
 485 B.C.) was a stem but just ruler, very ambitious but 
 not vengeful. He organized the Persian empire on new. 
 principles. Instead of permitting each subject state to 
 manage itself under its own dynasty, he preferred the 
 policy of having a royal appointee as governor. His 
 vast fealm was divided into districts with satraps in 
 responsible charge. Thus the vast realm was kept in 
 order and responsive to one single will. 
 
 (413.) The Appeal of the Prophet Haggai to the 
 Judeans to Build the Temple. There can be no doubt 
 that the political upheavals which attended the beginning 
 of the reign of Darius aroused the prophets of Judah 
 to a sense of sudden opporttmity and possible freedom. 
 There seemed little hope that even Darius could unify 
 and control the vast dominion to which he aspired. 
 The " shaking of the nations " seemed to open the way 
 for the realization of Judah's hopes as never before. 
 
 *For the vast extent of his empire see the map facing page 230. 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 The immediate task for Judah to undertake was to rebuild 
 the Temple and deserve divine favor. The great stones 
 were doubtless right at hand, and many of them in place. 
 The upper walls, the roof and porch, and the interior 
 fittings needed to be supplied. With a summons like 
 a trumpet-call, Haggai appealed to the people in Septem- 
 ber, 520, urging them to " arise and build." They 
 responded with a will, whereupon he gave a brief, en- 
 couraging word (1:13). Some seven weeks later, when 
 the visible results seemed all too pitiful, especially to 
 some of the older people who dwelt fondly on the splendor 
 of the former Temple, Haggai came forward with another 
 encouraging word, "Are you belittling this structure? 
 The whole world will contribute toward making it more 
 glorious than the former Temple." (2: 1-9.) Two 
 months later, by means of replies drawn cleverly from 
 the priests on two points of ceremonial observance, 
 Haggai taught the people that so long as the Temple 
 remained unbuilt their worldliness rendered them unholy 
 and their offerings unacceptable. (2: 10-19.) On the 
 same day he reiterated the prediction of the overthrow 
 of world powers and of the security and distinction 
 assured to Zerubbabel. (2: 20-23.) 
 
 Evidently Haggai believed that the disturbances among 
 the nations would spread and would, perhaps, issue in 
 an overthrow of the heathen powers. He thought of 
 the Temple as the religious center of the world, peoples 
 pouring their gifts into it, and making it more glorious 
 than Solomon's Temple. He expected that through 
 Zerubbabel would be fulfilled the patriotic hopes of 
 Israel. We know little about Haggai except his direct- 
 ness. He had no poetical soul, but he dealt with a real 
 situation in a fine, large and effective way. 
 
 (414.) The Book of Zechariah. The fourteen chapters 
 included in the book of the prophet Zechariah fall clearly 
 into two distinct sections, chapters 1 to 8, and chapters 
 9 to 14. The former group were written by the young 
 contemporary of Haggai and give abundant and indis- 
 putable evidences of their authenticity and date. The 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 237 
 
 remainder of the book seems to deal with a very different 
 situation, and to breathe another spirit. One section 
 is almost wholly concerned with the Temple, the other 
 makes no allusion to it. They use different phraseologies, 
 discuss different interests and move in a different circle 
 of ideas. The age which seems clearly reflected by 
 chapters 9-14 is the Greek age. 
 
 (415.) Zechariah's Prophecies in Relation to the 
 Second Temple. (Zech. 1-8.) The predictions found 
 in chapters 1-8 of the book of Zechariah' belong to the 
 same period as those of Haggai, but are of a much higher 
 order. Zechariah was not only an apt pupil of the great 
 prophets who preceded him, but a man with a genius 
 all his own. He voiced the lessons of the past, but also 
 interpreted to the public conscience the situation of his 
 own day in a daring and impressive manner. He is as 
 direct and simple as Haggai in his first appeal for repent- 
 ance. (1 : 1-6.) When he used imagery, its elaborate- 
 ness did not result in lack of effectiveness. The eight 
 visions of chapters 1:7 to 6:8 reward careful study. 
 The first two and the last deal with the relations of 
 Israel with the great world without. Zechariah seemed 
 to delight in emphasizing the security which Israel should 
 feel with Jehovah as a protector and supporter. The 
 messengers report the earth at rest. (1:8-11.) The 
 " shaking " is over. Darius is victorious. Israel almost 
 wonders whether Jehovah has not forgotten His people. 
 So the prophet sets forth His tender and ardent love 
 (1 : 14). Every promise would be kept (1 : 16, 17). Again 
 the thought comes up of Israel's oppressive foes (1: 19). 
 But for every horn there is a brawny man with a sledge, 
 ready at Jehovah's word to smash it into bits. Again 
 thoughts of the persistency of oppression suggest Jehovah's 
 power, ready to manifest itself in any quarter at His will 
 (6 : 1-8) . This conviction of the absolute adequacy of 
 Jehovah's power, should He exert it, is a marked charac- 
 teristic of the age. Alongside of it in Zechariah's visions 
 is the assurance of the fulfilment of Jehovah's promises. 
 The surveyor is seen about to take measurements for the 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem. The word to him 
 is that Jerusalem's population will far outrun any walls, 
 and Jehovah is wall enough. (2 : 1-5.) A declaration 
 of equal cheer is that Zerubbabel and Joshua are under 
 the watchful protection of Jehovah and will be filled by 
 His spirit (4).* A third series of visions lays stress upon 
 the moral conditions which the new Temple should 
 greet. The people are forgiven, cleansed and their 
 religious leader honored (3). Sinners will be exter- 
 minated (5: 1-4) in the Judah of the future; and Madame 
 Wickedness will be shipped off to Babylonia, where she 
 belongs. (5: 5-11.) These prophetic words are as clear- 
 cut and forceful as any found anywhere. They are 
 worthily buttressed by the remaining passages: the 
 symbolic prediction (6:9-15) that Zerubbabel would 
 successfully complete the Temple and that he and Joshua 
 would then rule side by side, the one as the Messianic 
 king, the other as priest ; f the tender and glowing rhapsody 
 (2:6-13) over Zion, the "apple" of Jehovah's eye, 
 whom He watches devotedly; the noble reply (7) to the 
 question about fasting, which went to the very heart 
 of practical religion ;t and the series of splendid promises 
 (8), inspired by the rapidly completing Temple, con- 
 cerning the Jerusalem of the future, its happy people, 
 and its widespread religious influence. 
 
 Whether the ideas of Zechariah fit worthily into the 
 thinking of an age inspired and almost enthralled by the 
 majestic ideals of Isaiah 40-55, each student can judge 
 for himself. It is evident that the two prophets of the 
 
 * It is quite generally agreed today that the text of this chapter has 
 become displaced. To get the right order read verses 1-5, 60 (tc " saying"), 
 106 (after " Zerubbabel ") to 14 (perhaps omitting 12), 6i to 10a. This 
 arrangement makes good sense and gives a suitable conclusion. 
 
 t The text of verses 11-13 requires some amendment. Verses 12 and 
 13a, b, almost certainly refer to Zerubbabel, while 13c refers to Joshua, 
 and 13d to the two. Either Zerubbabel's name should be inserted in 
 116 or it should be substituted for the name of Joshua. 
 
 t Practically all students of the prophecies of Zechariah agree that 
 verse 8 is a gloss and that verses 9 and 10 explain verse 7. Chapter 7 is 
 cne uninterrupted section. 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 239 
 
 rebuilding of the Temple were filled with a noble idealism 
 that painted the immediate future in glowing colors. 
 
 7. The Rapid Completion and Dedication, of the 
 . Second Temple. 516 B.C. (Ezra 5 : 2 to 6 : 22.) 
 (416.) This passage brings before us the attempts 
 made to prevent the work upon the Temple, their failure, 
 its final completion, and the joyous dedication. 
 
 What four leaders co-operated in pushing along the 
 rebuilding of the Temple? (5:1, 2.) What Persian 
 officials interfered and how? (5:3.) What means did 
 the governor of " Beyond-River " take to have the ques- 
 tion of the legitimacy of the work settled? (5:6-16.) 
 What proof did he request the king to find? (5:17.) 
 What was found during the search? (6:1, 2.) What 
 was the substance of the decree of Darius? (6:6-12.) 
 What was the result of it? (6: 13-14.) When was the 
 Temple completed? (6:15.) What was the most signifi- 
 cant detail at the dedication? (6: 16-18.) What great 
 national festival was celebrated? (6: 19-22.) 
 
 (417.) The Suspicious Governor and Generous Sov- 
 ereign. The story of Tattenai's interposition and of the 
 attitude of Darius is taken from a trustworthy source, 
 written in Aramaic. It bears upon its face the stamp 
 of truth. The new governor of the province of Beyond- 
 River, the country, west of the Euphrates, heard of what 
 was going on in the southern part of his district, and 
 naturally determined to examine into it. The responsible 
 Judean leaders gave their names and declared triithfuUy 
 that they were doing what Cyrus had given them permis-, 
 sion to do, so many years before, requesting that the matter 
 be looked up, while they continued at the work. Darius 
 caused a search to be made, found the original decree, 
 and then issued one of his own, couched in generous 
 terms. Tattenai was to offer no further opposition to 
 the completion of the Temple. Moreover, he was 4o 
 help them in the task, and to assist in providing for the 
 daily offerings. 
 
 Darius, the Great, was renowned for his fair-minded- 
 
240 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 ness. He could be stem and unyielding, but he delighted 
 ia keeping a sacred obligation. When the original decree 
 was found in the royal archives and he felt certain that 
 it had not been forfeited by misconduct, he both con- 
 firmed it and added graciously to it. 
 
 (418.) The New Temple. The new Temple was 
 probably in the matter of size and general arrangements 
 a duplicate of the old one. It had a Holy Place, and a 
 Holy of Holies. In front of the former was a porch, 
 and before that the great Altar of Burnt Offering. Against 
 the three sidesof the Temple were store-chambers (Ezek. 
 8: 29; Neh. 10: 37, 38; 13: 4, 7-9), as in case of the former 
 one. 
 
 The question of its furniture at the outset is perplexing. 
 The Holy of Holies had no Ark, for it had disappeared. 
 In the Holy Place stood the Table of Shewbread. In- 
 stead of several candlesticks one seven-branched candela- 
 brum was used. An altar of incense stood eventually 
 in the Holy Place, but how soon it was introduced is 
 uncertain. The pillars and the great laver with its 
 bronze bulls were gone. The new Temple was plainer 
 than the old one, but it had one great advantage in its 
 solitariness. It crowned Mt. Zion; no other building 
 disputed its supremacy. 
 
 (419.) Its Significance. Whether this Temple was 
 glorious to the eye or not, it was of untold value to the 
 Jewish people. It rneant the return of Jehovah to His 
 city and His people. It gave definiteness to the loyalty 
 of every Israelite wherever he might be living. Its 
 completion kindled anew in the minds of the people 
 their distinctive hopes. Jerusalem became more of a 
 rallying-place ; once more it had a chance of becoming 
 important. 
 
 (420.) The Disappearance of Zerubbabel. The patri- 
 otic expectations of Haggai, Zechariah and their country- 
 men concerning Zerubbabel were doomed to disappoint- 
 ment. Zerubbabel disappeared from view, and with him 
 the house of David. Various conjectural reasons are 
 given for this. Quite probably the scheme of organiza- 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 241 
 
 tion which Darius favored, that of dividing his vast 
 realm into twenty provinces, each ruled by a satrap 
 whom he could trust, and of substituting Persian governors 
 for local princes, led to the quiet setting aside of Zerub- 
 babel and his family. Possibly he attempted an intrigue 
 of some sort, or a revolt, and was removed decisively 
 from his sphere of influence. All that can be surely 
 affirmed is that the Davidic dynasty came to an end, 
 and with it the vigorous and wonderful prophetic dream- 
 ing of world-wide destiny. 
 
 (421.) New Developments in Religious Thought and 
 Worship. The period of the exile gave rise to six marked 
 religious changes which are worth recapitulating. In the 
 first place there grew up in the minds of the people an 
 apocalyptic tendency, whereby they seemed to expect 
 that Jehovah would bring His promises to realization 
 through the exercise of His overwhelming and catas- 
 trophic power. He wotild destroy Israel's foes and thus 
 give her the chance which otherwise began to seem 
 hopeless. This cropped out in Zephaniah, Ezekiel, 
 Haggai and Zechariah, not dominantly, but suggestively. 
 Again there developed a growing sense of Jehovah's 
 aloofness and awfukiess alongside of the sense of His 
 greatness. The tmusual element in these two ideas 
 seemed to favor a development of angelology, a belief 
 in the presence of superhuman beings, who were Jehovah's 
 intermediaries. The prophets of the later exile frequently 
 refer to them. Another noticeable characteristic of 
 the religious life of this era was the growth of ritual. 
 The discovery that the Jewish people could be very 
 religious without any Temple or altar at all did not pre- 
 vent them from eagerly awaiting their opporttmity to 
 re-estabKsh a better, more detailed sacrificial system, 
 which should give more adequate expression to the 
 national conviction of sin and the need of holiness. With 
 this growth of ritual went a decided increase in the power 
 and dignity of the priesthood. Finally, the working 
 conditions of the exile had developed a form of social 
 religious life with reading of the Scriptures, prayer and 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 interpretation which became a permanent part ot the 
 " inheritance of Israel." 
 
 (422.) The Literature of the Exile. We have already 
 seen how important, creative and impressive the prophetic 
 utterances were in the days of the exile and restoration. 
 It is only necessary to add th.at the experiences of the 
 exile gave rise to many beautiful lyrics which are found 
 in the book of Psalms (137; 9, 10; 6; 32). Doubtless 
 also the trying experiences of the two generations gave 
 rise to many pithy proverbs. 
 
 XV 
 
 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF JUDAISM UNDER SCRIBAL INFLUENCE 
 ON THE BASIS OF THE FULL LEVITICAL LAW. 516-400 B.C. 
 (EZRA 4:6-23; 7-10; NEHEMIAH; ISAIAH 34, 35, 55-66; 
 MALACHI; OBADLUI.) 
 
 (423.) The century and more which followed the build- 
 ing of the second Temple witnessed the slow fruition of 
 those tendencies to form and authority in religion which 
 have already been noted. Ceremonialism seemed to 
 suit the age. No more than a glimpse is given of the 
 events of this .lengthy period until its last half century. 
 We know littie of the Israel within Judea and even less 
 of the greater Israel abroad. Yet these unchronicled 
 years must have been a time of burning zeal and steady 
 activity, which came to their expression in the great 
 ceremonial Code of Judaism, and in the holy enthusiasm 
 of the two great leaders who reconstructed the com- 
 munity at Jerusalem, and gave it once more a measure 
 of confidence and strength. 
 
 The critical problems raised by the books of Ezra 
 and Nehemiah are very perplexing. One may question 
 whether they will ever be settled to the unanimous 
 satisfaction of all students. These books are clearly 
 a compilation from very varied sources : memoirs of 
 Nehemiah and of Ezra, along Aramaic document (Ezek. 
 4: 8 to 6: 18) of much historical value, and other material. 
 The historical order of events is not at all the order 
 of their narration. The historian is, therefore, com- 
 pelled to adopt some order of his own, which is' neces- 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 243 
 
 sarily open to criticism. Six events stand out from the 
 disjointed narrative: (1) Frastrated efforts, in the days 
 of Xerxes and Artaxerxes, to rebuild the walls of the 
 city (Ezra 4:6-23); (2) an attempt by Ezra to bring 
 about a reform through his band of pilgrims (Ezek. 7-10) ; 
 (3) the rebuilding of the walls of the city under Nehe- 
 miah's leadership; (4) a second visit of Nehemiah to 
 Judah thirteen years later; (5) the promulgation of the 
 Law by Ezra, and (6) its formal adoption by the com- 
 munity. With regard to the priority of Ezra or Nehe- 
 miah, the very existence of Ezra as an individual and the 
 extent of the " Law " adopted, there are very persistent 
 differences of opinion among those entitled to hold 
 opinions. The student is justified in forming his opinion 
 in part on general principles. During the half century 
 following 450 B.C., several remarkable events took place. 
 The general explanation of these events, as furnished 
 by the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, seems reasonable 
 and worthy of credence. Under two great leaders, each 
 a remarkable man in his own way, the Jerusalem com- 
 munity was not only given new life and hope, but was 
 led to adopt as its rule of social and religious life the 
 drastic laws which the earnest scribes in Babylonia had 
 indefatigably collected, arranged and issued. By their 
 advice also the people took the last step necessary for 
 placing their community life definitely and permanently 
 under priestly control, and for making the outward 
 expression of their reHgious life distinctively ritualistic. 
 
 1. Sixty Years without Historical Record. 516 to 
 
 458 or 444 B.C. (Isaiah 34, 35, 55-66; Malachi- 
 
 Obadiah.) 
 
 (424.) This period of sixty or seventy years is without 
 any record from the pen of the Chronicler, except possibly 
 the vague verse Ezra 4:6. Three prophetic writings, 
 however, may be, with reasonable assurance, assigned 
 to the period. 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Israel's Golden Age, 
 
 1. Jehovah is wroth with the heathen and will destroy them. Isa. 
 34: 1-4. 
 
 2. He will bring Edom to desolation and ruin. 34:6-17. 
 
 3. The joy, peace and beauty of Israel, where the redeemed will live. 
 35. 
 
 Problems and Promises. 
 
 4. Words of cheer to those in danger of exclusion from the community. 
 Isa. 56: 1-8. 
 
 5. Both sensuous leaders and idolatrous people are demoralized. 
 56: 9 to 57: 13. 
 
 6. For the faithfid Jehovah has blessings in store. 57: 14-21. 
 
 7. True religion manifests itself in thoughtful kindness and in scrupulous 
 obedience. 58: 1-14. 
 
 8. The sinful people and the divine deliverance. 59. 
 
 9. The new Jerusalem shall be very glorious. 60. 
 
 10. In the coming day she shall be secure. 61, 62. 
 
 11. Zion's foes will all be destroyed. 63: 1-6. 
 
 12. O, Jehovah, return and manifest Thy ancient power. 63 : 7 to 
 64: 12. 
 
 13. The blessedness which will come to the faithful, and the doom cf 
 those who oppose Jehovah. 65, 66. 
 
 The Vision of Obadiali. 
 
 1. Edom's time of humbling has come at last. vss. 1-9. 
 
 2. This is because of her persistent malignity, vss. 10-14. 
 
 3. The real future will be Judah's. vss. 15-21. 
 
 The Messages of Malachi. 
 
 1. Jehovah's great love for his own people. 1 : 2-5. 
 
 2. The very priests, however, are neglectful and contemptible; Jehovah 
 may disgrace them openly. 1 : 6 to 2 : 9. 
 
 3. The practise of divorce is hateful to Jehovah. 2: 10-16. 
 
 4. Jehovah's judgment will come suddenly. 2: 17 to 3: 6. 
 
 5. Be conscientious in serving Jehovah and He will abundantly bless 
 you. 3:7-12. 
 
 6. The day is coming when the godless and the faithful will gain their 
 just rewards. 3: 13 to 4: 3. 
 
 7. Be obedient to the Law. 4: 4-6. 
 
 (425.) What three prophetic books are represented in 
 these writings? How many of them refer to Edom? 
 What characteristics of Edom seemed to be emphasized? 
 What is the picture of Judah given in these prophecies ? 
 What splendid prophecies looking toward the future 
 were made? 
 
 (426.) The Course of Asiatic History. The hopes of 
 freedom and glory to which Haggai and Zechariah gave 
 occasional expression were not realized by the Jewish 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 245 
 
 community. Darius crushed his adversaries and re- 
 organized his great empire in peace. He had a long 
 reign (521-485 B.C.) of thirty-six years. Having put his 
 dominions into the order in which he delighted with an 
 organization of satrapies, ruled by great administrators 
 directly responsible to him, which gave it uniformity 
 and unity, he turned his attention to the lands beyond 
 the Bosphorus. In 513 B.C., with an army of 700,000 
 soldiers, he marched to the Danube and attacked the 
 Scythians. The expedition was a failure because he 
 could never compel his foes to come to a decisive battle 
 with him. On his return he left Megabyzus with 80,000 
 men to conquer Thrace, while he extended his authority 
 eastward. About 501 B.C., the Greek cities of Asia 
 Minor, backed by help from Greece, gave Darius much 
 trouble for a series of years, so he determined to sub- 
 jugate the whole Hellenic peninsula. In 492 B.C., he 
 sent Mardonius with a large army into Thrace and Mace- 
 donia, and also sent a fleet to the Peloponnesus. Both 
 attacks were repulsed with loss. In 490 another Persian 
 army was defeated at Marathon by the Athenians under 
 Miltiades. In the midst of his preparations for a third 
 expedition Darius died. 
 
 The first task of the son of Darius, Xerxes I (486-466 
 B.C.) was to subdue a revolt in Egypt (486 B.C.), but 
 he continued his father's purpose to crush at all costs 
 the defiant Greeks. He raised the largest army the 
 world had ever seen for their subjugation, and organized 
 a great fleet. He accompanied the expedition in 480 
 B.C., but was a terror-stricken witness of the overwhelm- 
 ing defeat of the fleet at Salamis. The next year at 
 Plataea, his huge army was defeated and scattered, 
 while the reconstructed fleet was again defeated at 
 Mycale. Henceforth the Greeks were aggressive and 
 Persia had to fight for its life. 
 
 Artaxerxes I (466-425 B.C.), the next in succession, 
 was the head of a decadent empire, so well organized, 
 and with such colossal resources, that its weakening was 
 hardly perceptible for a long while. Artaxerxes crushed 
 
246 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 a formidable rebellion in Egypt, but was invariably 
 unsuccessful in his wars with the lonians and Greeks. 
 His reign was of great importance to Israel, for he was 
 the one whose friendliness for Nehemiah made it possible 
 for a new Jerusalem to grow up. 
 
 (427.) The Edomites. These hereditary foes of Israel, 
 first conquered by David (II Sam. 8: 13, 14), reconquered, 
 after a period of independence, by Jehoshaphat (I Ki. 
 22:47, 48), and again conquered by Amaziah (II Ki. 
 14:7), never failed to win their independence at the 
 earliest opportunity, and to show their undying hatred 
 for Judah (Amos 1:11). The overthrow of Judah by 
 Nebuchadrezzar caused the Edomites to rejoice, which, 
 in turn, embittered Israel's prophets (Ezek. 25: 12-14; 
 Isa. 63:1, 3, 4; Obad. 11-14), who looked upon Edom 
 as typically godless. 
 
 From their secure city of Petra, hewn out of the very 
 rocks, the Edomites were expelled at some unknown date 
 between 500 and 450 B.C., by the Nabataeans. This 
 is the invasion mentioned in Mai. 1:3. Soon after that 
 they settled in southern Judah, their northern border 
 at Beth-sur being less than twenty miles from Jerusalem. 
 This region remained in their hands and was the Idumaea 
 of the New Testament. From it they manifested hos- 
 tility for three centuries until John Hyrcanus thoroughly 
 subdued, circumcised and annexed them, putting an 
 end to their national history. 
 
 (428.) The Cry of Obadiah for Vengeance upon Edom. 
 The little book of Obadiah may possibly belong to the 
 days immediately after the destruction of Jerusalem, 
 to which clear reference is made in verses 10-14. The 
 memory of those days of wanton insult rankled in the 
 heart of every son of Judah (Ps. 108:9). Probably, 
 however, it belongs to the days just after Edom's seizure 
 of the territory of southern Judah (vss. 19, 21). The 
 " pride " of Edom had support in the sense of security 
 afforded by the unique location of Petra in the heart of 
 the Mt. Seir range. The irregular, well-watered valley, 
 a mile or two in length, shut in by lofty cliffs and ap- 
 
MENTAL AND vSPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 247 
 
 proachable from the desert by a long, narrow, winding 
 gorge, was proof against any ordinary attacks. The 
 cliffs were of soft rock, and within them the men of 
 Edom excavated their homes. (Obad. 3.) 
 
 It is quite probable that Obad. 1-9 is an oracle of 
 earlier date, perhaps of early exilic days, completed by 
 a prophet who was a contemporary of Malachi. The 
 book declares that the exultation which Edom exhibited 
 long ago will be changed into humiliation. Jehovah's 
 ctu-se rests upon treachery. Edom's punishment is 
 certain and Judah's return and mastery of Palestine is no 
 less assured. 
 
 (429.) The Character of the People Jehovah can 
 Bless. (Isa. 34, 35, 56-66.) Set over against the thoughts 
 that Jehovah will destroy those who deliberately stand 
 in the pathway of His purpose and that He plans a happy, 
 peaceful, prosperous, even splendid and glorious future 
 for His own people and for His city, to which the whole 
 world will be tributary, the distinctive prophetic declara- 
 tions have to do with the character of those to whom 
 He is intrusting His work of world salvation. Chapter 
 58 is a notable expression of the gospel of helpfulness; 
 61:1-3 declares the program of a true prophet; but 
 everywhere the prophet extols the courageous (35 : 3, 
 4), the righteous (56:1", 2), the helpful (58:6-10), the 
 joyous (35:10; 58:10-12), and the energetic (35:5, 6), 
 — aU who look forward with earnestness to a real work 
 to do. This demand for higher standards of religious 
 life sounds the old prophetic keynote for which we have 
 learned to look. 
 
 (430.) Malachi's Presentation of the Moral Problems 
 of the Day. The book of Malachi is virtually anonymous. 
 We cannot be sure that the name Malachi is a personal 
 name. We do know, however, that some great-souled 
 prophet gave expression to the words of the book not 
 long before the days of, Ezra and Nehemiah. He sounded 
 just the note of reform that seems to have been needed 
 by the corrupt and careless priesthood who neglected 
 the Temple services, and the downcast, questioning com- 
 
248 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 munity of good Israelites, who found themselves at a 
 great disadvantage. Malachi stands midway between 
 the seer and the sage. He has the devotedness, en- 
 thusiasm and ideas of the former and the formal method 
 of the latter. He almost reviews preceding prophecy, 
 enumerating Jehovah's persistent love for Israel (1:2; 
 2:10; 3:17), His fatherhood (1:6; 3:17), His holiness 
 (1:6; 2:11), His unchanged ideals for priesthood and 
 people (2: 4-9, 17; 3: 4-6), the need of repentance proven 
 by deeds (2: 15, 16; 3:4), the sure prosperity which will 
 follow upon it (3: 10-12), the " Day " of Jehovah (4:5) 
 and its judgments (4:1), and the world-wide future 
 (1: 11; 3: 12). He is curiously catholic in his sentiments. 
 He rejoices at the way in which Jehovah is honored in 
 the midst of the heathen world (1: 11), which must be 
 a tribute to the better side of paganism, so far as it is 
 religiously in earnest. 
 
 Malachi had good reason for his campaign. His 
 people were depressed and careless, leaders and laity 
 alike. They were losing the reality out of their religion. 
 They were no better than many in the great heathen world. 
 He uttered a ringing message of reform; no more 
 cheapened religion, priestly irreverence, unbrotherly 
 standards, " penny " offerings, righteous grumbling. 
 
 The description of Jehovah's " Day " (4: 1-3) is a good 
 sample of the apocalyptic temper which prophets begin 
 to exhibit occasionally. The wicked are to be destroyed, 
 root and branch, like stubble. They are to be trodden 
 vmder foot by the righteous. Compare such a hope with 
 Isaiah 49: 6. 
 
 2. The Mission of Ezra, the Scribe, to Judah. 
 458 B.C. (?). (Ezra 7-10; 4:7-23.) 
 
 (431.) These passages describe the important mission 
 of the scribe Ezra to Judah with the " book of the Law," 
 with which he sought to accomplish a thoroughgoing 
 reform. 
 
 In whose reign did Ezra plan the work of reform? 
 (Ezra 7:1.) What was Ezra's lineage and profession? 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 249 
 
 (7 : 1-6.) What request did he make of the king ? (7 : 10.) 
 What seven privileges did the king grant? (7:13, 16, 
 17, 20, 24-26.) To what office did he appoint Ezra? 
 (7 ; 25.) How much money did he promise for the enter- 
 prise ? (7 : 22.) What class of people did not at first 
 volunteer? (8:15-20.) What mistake had Ezra un- 
 wittingly made while presenting his case to the king? 
 (8:22.) How did he meet the exigency? (8:21, 23.) 
 How much treasure did they take up? (8:26-30.) 
 What was the character of the journey? (8:31.) In 
 what way did the pilgrims show their gratitude for divine 
 protection ? (8 : 35, 36.) '^liat charge was pubHcly made 
 to Ezra later on concerning the community? (9:1, 2.) 
 How did it aflEect him 't (9:3.) What confession did 
 he make in his prayer? (9:6-15.) How did this affect 
 the commtmity? (10:1.) What was Shecaniah's pro- 
 posal? (10:2-4.) How did Ezra clinch it? (10:5.) 
 What proclamation was issued ? (10 : 7, 8.) What in- 
 dicates Ezra's forgetfulness of all else than his immediate 
 purpose? (10: 9, 13.) What measure of reform did he 
 put through? (10: 11.) "UTiat sensible suggestion pre- 
 vailed? (10:14.) How long did it take for Ezra's 
 commission to do its work' (10:16, 17.) TMiat later 
 enterprise was complained of to Artaxerxes by the sur- 
 rounding peoples? (4:8-12.) What charge was made 
 against the Jewish community ? (4 : 13-16.) What reply 
 did the king make? (4: 17-22.) "^Tiat was the result? 
 (4:23.) 
 
 (432.) Ezra, the Ready Scribe, in the Law of Moses. 
 Professor Torrey, and other reverent and dispassionate 
 students of the Ezra narratives, have shown conclusively 
 that Ezra 7-10 comes from the pen of the Chronicler who 
 lived over two hundred years later than Ezra's time, 
 and unquestionably idealized Ezra's own work. With 
 his conclusion that Ezra is Uttle more than a personifica- 
 tion of the great historical movement that shaped the 
 life of the Jewish people in the centurj^ immediately 
 following the work of Xehemiah, it is permissible to differ. 
 Ezra, in his way, is as clear-cut a personaHty as Xehemiah. 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 He is as surely demanded by the developing situation as 
 that great leader. It is very strange that the records 
 concerning the work of both leaders are in such confused 
 order, that each ignores the other in such portions of 
 the record as seem reasonably original, and that Ben- 
 Sirach, in his review of the famous men of Israel, about 
 200 B.C. (Ecclesiasticus 44: 1 to 50:24) mentions Nehe- 
 miah, but not Ezra. Notwithstanding these unques- 
 tionable facts, the omission of Ezra as a personality seems 
 to narrow and misinterpret the movement of the times 
 for religious reforms based upon the newly edited Law. 
 Even if Ezra 7-10 cannot be given the value of an original 
 memoir Hke Neh. 1-6, it must have been based upon 
 original material in order to produce a portraiture like 
 that of Ezra. On the other hand, the Chronicler used 
 his material with freedom^ Whether Ezra appeared in 
 Judah before or after Nehemiah must be regarded as an 
 open question, although not one of vital importance. 
 The order adopted below for the events of this whole 
 period is one from which many good authorities may 
 differ. 
 
 (433.) His Sweeping Work of Reform at Jerusalem. 
 The story is as follows: Ezra, a famous and learned scribe, 
 passionately devoted to the institutional development of 
 religion, believing that his kinsmen in Judah were ignorant 
 of the splendid standards of religious and social life 
 which he and his brethren had worked out to a successful 
 completion in Babylonia, and burning with zeal to secure 
 their adoption in the Holy Land and city, so as to make 
 it the real religious center of Israel, secured permission 
 from Artaxerxes to head a new pilgrimage to Judah. 
 The narrative credits him with getting remarkable 
 privileges from Artaxerxes. Both the extent of the 
 authority, and the amount of the treasure, may be sus- 
 pected by the historian. In B.C. 458 Ezra collected a 
 band of about fifteen hundred men, every man reliable 
 and dead in earnest. Soon after his safe arrival at 
 Jerusalerh, he learned of the prevalent carelessness about 
 intermarrying with the mixed peoples of Palestine. 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 251 
 
 He saw the serious consequences of this laxity, and stirred 
 the consciences of the people. They begged him to 
 set the situation right. A commission in the course 
 of three months carried a drastic reform through to the 
 finish. 
 
 (434.) The Attempt to Build up Jerusalem. It is not 
 unlikely that such an impulsive, one-idead leader as 
 Ezra should have led the community in a movement, 
 soon after, to put Jerusalem into a more secure state. 
 If Ezra 4 : 8-22 implies an attempt to build the walls, it 
 must refer either to such an attempt under Ezra's leader- 
 ship or to Nehemiah's enterprise. The former alterna- 
 tive seems more probable. At any rate, the surrounding 
 peoples objected strongly to the strengthening of Jeru- 
 salem, and managed to get a restraining order from 
 Artaxerxes. That the king should be capable of graciously 
 giving a firman to Ezra in one year, and then of reversing 
 his action several years later is not remarkable. Judah 
 was the smallest possible spot in his vast dominions. It 
 is quite unlikely that either matter bulked largely in his 
 thinking. But the effect in Judah was tremendous. 
 In a moment, the plans of Ezra were broken. 
 
 3. The Rehabilitation of Jerusalem under Nehe- 
 miah's Leadership. 445-430 B.C., or later. (Nehe- 
 miah 1-7; 11: 1, 2; 12:27-43; 13:4-31.) 
 
 (435.) These vividly written narratives, mainly ex- 
 tracts from the memoirs of Nehemiah, describe his 
 appointment as governor, his quick journey to Jerusalem, 
 the rapid building of the wall, the organization of the 
 city and the various reforms which he instituted. 
 
 By what means was Nehemiah made aware of Judah's 
 need? (1:1-3.) On receipt of the news, what did he 
 do? (1:4-11.) What was his official position at court? 
 (1:11.) What gave him a sudden chance to speak to 
 the king? (2:1, 2.) How did Nehemiah explain his 
 soberness? (2:3.) For what favors did he ask? (2:5, 
 7, 8.) What effect did the news of his appointment have 
 on the non-Judeans in Palestine? (2:10.) What was 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS ■ 
 
 Nehemiah's first act on reaching Jerusalem? ■ (2: 12-16.) 
 What appeal did he then make? (2:17, 18.) Under 
 what general plan was the work of rebuilding the walls 
 carried on? (3.) How did Sanballat and his friends 
 view the enterprise in its beginnings? (2: 19, 20; 4: 1-3.) 
 When the wall was half repaired, what did these op- 
 ponents plan to do ? (4 : 7, 8, 11, 12.) How did Nehemiah 
 frustrate such plans? (4:9, 13-23.) What different 
 stratagems did they try against Nehemiah? (6: 1-14, 
 19.) How soon was the wall completed? (6: 15.) Who 
 was put in charge of the secure city? (7: 1-3.) What 
 measures were taken to make it populous? (11:1, 2.) 
 In what ways was the dedicatory service made im- 
 pressive ? (12 : 27-43.) When Nehemiah came the second 
 time to Jerusalem, what five drastic measures of reform 
 did he put through ? (13:4-31.) 
 
 (436.) The Records of Nehemiah's Activity. The book 
 of Nehemiah is a strange commingling of narrative of the 
 very highest historical value (1-6), with less reliable 
 material (8-10) thoroughly worked over by the Chronicler, 
 describing the public adoption of the Law, and lists and 
 notices whose dates and meaning are very uncertain. 
 The passages essential for our purpose of studying Nehe- 
 miah's contribution to the period are fortunately unques- 
 tionable. His first-hand memoirs err only in their 
 brevity. 
 
 (437.) Nehemiah, the Man. Few characters in the 
 Old Testament are more engaging than Nehemiah. 
 Occupying a post of great influence, dignity and attractive- 
 ness at the splendid Persian court, he had, nevertheless, 
 a noble Jewish heart, which had often shown itself in 
 acts of friendliness to Jews sold as slaves (5:8). When 
 conditions at Jerusalem seemed altogether desperate, a 
 small deputation of Jews made the long journey from 
 Jerusalem to Susa to appeal to him. They did not 
 reckon in vain on his loyalty. Seeing clearly what 
 was needed at Jerusalem, and knowing his own power, 
 Nehemiah dedicated himself unhesitatingly but prayer- 
 fully to the task of rehabilitating the holy city. He v.'cll 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 253 
 
 knew the precarious nature of royal favor and the un- 
 certainty of Artaxerxes' attitude, but bided his time, asked 
 for the favor of Jehovah and waited. The wished-for 
 moment came imexpectedly, but he was ready. Putting 
 up a silent prayer for wisdom (2 : 4) he told the great king 
 frankly why his face had betrayed his sorrow and made 
 several comprehensive requests which the king granted. 
 These details portray the man, his large-heartedness, 
 true piety, fine courage, and his capacity for managing 
 men and affairs. That there were many like him in the 
 great world of that day accounts for the widespread 
 influence and rapid success of Judaism abroad. 
 
 (438.) The Building of the Wall. The new governor 
 reached Jerusalem, properly escorted (2:9). As the 
 king's friend, he was a very different opponent -from 
 Ezra in the eyes of Judah's enemies (2: 10). His shrewd- 
 ness was manifested in his determination to see the situa- 
 tion with his own eyes before announcing his program. 
 Then, with burning conviction that the opportunity 
 of lifting the " reproach " had come, he thrilled the 
 people to united action, and the wall began to rise at 
 once. Apparently social and professional groups worked 
 together, each with a specific portion of the wall assigned 
 to it, so that a friendly spirit of emulation might be 
 active. Nehemiah was director, architect, defender and 
 diplomat all in one. His accounts of the measures taken 
 by the triad directing the opposition forces are amusing. 
 They throw a vivid light upon Nehemiah himself. Their 
 derision did not move him (2:19, 20); their mockery, 
 especially that of Tobiah, touched him on the quick 
 (4 : 1-5) ; their threats he met by closer and more careful 
 organization of his forces (4 : 7-23) ; their schemes he 
 saw through (6 : 1-4) ; their accusation of treason, so 
 dangerous in an empire where they executed an accused 
 man and then investigated, he met with a noble denial 
 (6 : 5-9) ; the diabolically deceptive advice of Shemaiah, 
 the prophet, he did not take because of his natural 
 modesty and fineness of spirit (6:10-13). Only a very 
 genuinely great man would have passed these ordeals 
 
254 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 unscathed. But Nehemiah kept his head and busied 
 his hands, and the wall went to completion in a very 
 short time. Many portions, of course, needed relatively 
 little repair. 
 
 (439.) The Organization of Jerusalem and Dedication 
 of the Wall. In September, 444 B.C., the great task 
 being completed, Nehemiah turned his attention to three 
 essential measures, the populating of the city, the organiza- 
 tion of its control, and the formal dedication of the 
 wall. During the preceding century or less it had been 
 impracticable for many Judeans to live within the ruined 
 city. The great bulk of the people in the little com- 
 munity, as an inspection of the villages mentioned in 
 chapter 3 suggests, were living within twenty miles or 
 less of Jerusalem. Many of these volunteered to reside 
 in Jerusalem. A few may have been forced to follow 
 their example. The city was placed in charge of a 
 special governor, Hanani, and well organized (7:1-3). 
 Nehemiah showed his genius for leadership by holding 
 a solemn festival of dedication. The account of it is 
 given partly in the characteristic style of the Chronicler 
 (12:27-30, 41-42), and partly in a Chronicler's revision 
 of Nehemiah's memoir (12:31-40, 43). All the notable 
 people in the community shared with him in the solemn 
 service, which indicated to every spectator the larger 
 significance of the enterprise so well concluded. 
 
 (440.) Nehemiah's Social Reforms. The thirteenth 
 chapter of the book of Nehemiah has evidently been 
 recast by the Chronicler, yet it is so lifelike that we must 
 suppose that it records the events of Nehemiah's second 
 visit, at a time subsequent to the thirty-second year of 
 Artaxerxes, 432 B.C. The fifth chapter illustrates the 
 fine spirit which made him an effective reformer. He 
 found the well-to-do preying mercilessly upon the helpless 
 and needy, breaking the acknowledged law (Deut. 
 23:20). He summoned the people to a great council 
 (5:7) and denounced them unsparingly (5:8). He was 
 able to point to his own generous example and urge a 
 reform, which was carried through (5:9-13). 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 255 
 
 At some later time Nehemiah carried through five 
 important reforming measures in a strenuous way. He 
 found Tobiah, the Ammonite, occupying a room within 
 the Temple precincts, which was really needed for storing 
 the tithes brought, in accordance with the Deuteronomic 
 law (Deut. 18 : 4 ; 14 : 27, 28) , to the Temple for the Levites. 
 Expelling Tobiah, he also appointed a representative 
 committee (13:13), to which he intrusted the work of 
 receiving and distributing these tithes. The proper 
 observance of the Sabbath (13 : 15-22) and the abstention 
 from marriage alliances with Gentiles (13 : 23-27) he 
 insisted upon. Finally he found that a chief offender 
 was a grandson of the high priest. This man had married 
 a daughter of Sanballat. Nehemiah expelled him from 
 Judah. These were salutary measures, and tended to 
 unify and hearten the Jewish community. 
 
 (441.) The Significance of Nehemiah's Work. Nehe- 
 miah did more than build a wall. He created a new and 
 hopeful commvmity, self-respecting and aggressive. He 
 linked all Jewry with a bond of brotherliness. He did 
 his work so finely that he aroused a new sense of national 
 importance in the minds of his disheartened people. 
 They .saw in Nehemiah the best characteristics of their 
 people, — patriotism, efficiency, zeal, spirituality, far- 
 sightedness and friendliness. His work meant much to 
 Israel. 
 
 4. The Adoption of the New Law. Somewhere between 
 445 B.C. and 400 B.C. (Nehemiah 8-10; 12 : 44 to 13 : 3.) 
 
 (442.) These passages describe the public adoption 
 by the Judean community of the new law which Ezra 
 set forth. 
 
 Who gave the impulse toward the formal teaching of the 
 law by Ezra? (8: 1.) How long was the service on the 
 first day? (8:3.) What details are reported? (8:4-8.) 
 What effect was produced upon the people? (8:9.) 
 What fine message did Nehemiah or Ezra give them? 
 (8: 9, 10.) What particularly pleased the people? (8: 12.) 
 What feast was held properly because of what the people 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 heard? (8: 14-18.) Two weeks later what solemn act 
 was carried out ? (9 : 2.) What did the representatives 
 of the people covenant to do? (10:29.) What specific 
 things did the covenant include? (10:30-39.) In what 
 form was the covenant ratified ? (9 : 38.) 
 
 (443.) Ezra Redivivus. One of the questions which 
 these books do not enable us to answer with absolute 
 satisfaction is the position of Ezra during Nehemiah's 
 active years. Quite possibly he was in retirement. 
 He may have gone back to Babylonia. Nehemiah did 
 not mention him, but why should he have done so? 
 In the narrative of the dedication of the wall (Neh. 
 12:27-43) the references to Ezra (12:33, 36) may be 
 insertions. In the story of the national assembly and 
 the adoption of the new covenant, the Chronicler has 
 freely revised the data. Yet the introduction of Ezra' 
 and the essential details of the solemn assembly seem 
 historical. The time came when the rebuilding of the 
 wall involved also the raising of a " fence of the law " 
 to maintain the purity of the Jewish blood, language, 
 worship and morals. 
 
 (444.) The Great Assembly. At a time which cannot 
 now be determined, the whole people were gathered 
 together with some spontaneity to listen to Ezra as he' 
 expounded the law to them. Ezra was a man of God 
 who commanded the profound respect of the people. 
 The result of the impulse given by Nehemiah was to 
 quicken the popular conscience, and make every-one 
 receptive. It was Ezra's opportunity, and he seized it. 
 For hours he read to the people the book of the Law, 
 while his associates reinterpreted the Hebrew into 
 Aramaic, the people's language. It was a wonderful 
 day, moving many to tears. The leaders encouraged 
 them to rejoice over the purpose that was uppermost 
 in each mind. A wave of glad obedience swept through 
 the throng. They found the record of the proper keeping 
 of the feast of Tabernacles and willingly set themselves 
 to celebrate as they never had before. The great mean- 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 257 
 
 ing and value of ceremonialism as a system of holiness 
 dawned upon their minds. 
 
 (445.) The Solemn Covenant. The outcome of all this 
 was a solemn rededication of themselves to God'p service, 
 and the signing of a covenant to order their lives by the 
 law, under new standards, as recommended by Ezra. 
 Possibly no one but a priest or a scribe would have 
 thought of getting the pledge in black and white. As an 
 ideal, it contrasted oddly with Jeremiah's noble concep- 
 tion (Jer. 31:33) of a covenant. The people, through 
 their representatives (10: 1-27) agreed to obey the law 
 in respect to (1) abstention from marriage with those 
 of alien blood, (2) the observance of the Sabbath, (3) 
 the observance of the sabbatical year, and (4) the regular 
 and responsible provision of supplies for the Temple 
 and its ministry. They thus bound themselves to enter 
 seriously and heartily into the support of a far stricter 
 ceremonial law. 
 
 (446.) The Book of Ruth a Protest against the Measures 
 against Aliens. It is generally held that the beautiful 
 idyll of Ruth was written at this period as a " Tract 
 for the Time." It indirectly argues for the views of 
 those who, in the spirit of the great prophet of the exile, 
 believed that Israel had a mission to the heathen and 
 must cultivate relations with them. It simply shows 
 that Ruth, the ancestress of David, was a Moabitess and 
 yet a great and noble-minded lady. It pointed its own 
 moral. But Ezra would not have been moved by argu- 
 ment. The times had changed; and in his judgment 
 Israel's only safety lay in exclusiveness. 
 
 5. The Establishment of Judaism as a Social and 
 Religious Corporate Unity. About 400 B.C. 
 (447.) The Priests' Code. The original records of the 
 history of the Hebrew people, examined in due course, 
 have made it very clear that from the days of Josiah 
 in 621 B.C. to the time of Ezra's reform, the standard, 
 law of Jewish life had been the Deuteronomic law. Nehe- 
 miah and Ezra based their reforms upon another code of 
 
258 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 law, much more elaborate than the one in the book of 
 Deuteronomy, and found, at present, in the books of 
 Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers. It is known as the 
 Levitical or Priestly Code. It was new to the Palestinian 
 community. (Ezra 7: 14, 25; Neh. 8: 9-18.) 
 
 The Priestly Code is not a well-constructed whole, 
 but rather a series of smaller groups of ceremonial legis- 
 lation. Some of the laws reiterate in slightly different 
 form those of the older, primitive or Deuteronomic codes, 
 but generally they supplement these earlier codes. The 
 collation, formulation and codification of these laws 
 was part of a movement beginning in the Exile with the 
 Holiness legislation (§ 393), furthered by Ezekiel in his 
 scheme for Israel's future (§ 388) and vigorously con- 
 tinued by the prophets and priests who gave themselves 
 to the Hterary tasks of the Exile (§ 392). 
 
 The purpose of these editors was a high and holy one. 
 They longed to make Israel a holy, righteous people. 
 So (1) they centered all life at the Temple; (2) guarded 
 the Temple from pollution from any source, even honest 
 worshippers; (3) made its worship attractive; (4) insured 
 the ceremonial purity of the priesthood ; (5) tried to insure 
 likewise the ceremonial cleanliness of the people b}^ 
 strict rules of purification and eating; (6) provided an 
 elaborate system of offerings which emphasized the guilt 
 of indifference ; (7) prohibited marriage with the heathen ; 
 (8) emphasized the rigid observance of the Sabbath, 
 of circumcision and other institutional acts. The motive 
 in all this was noble, but the historian is bound to think 
 that it was a departure, not intentionally so much as 
 in reality, from the prophetic ideals. It defined duty 
 in terms of ceremonial rather than in terms of spirituality. 
 
 (448.) The Third Great National History. The very 
 motives which sustained this movement explain a parallel 
 achievement of great importance. Among this same 
 priestly group were men who rejoiced, no doubt, in the 
 .splendid, combined, prophetic history and law book 
 JED (§ 392), which preserved for their generation the 
 noble idealism and sympathetic interpretations of the 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 259 
 
 two great historians of pre-exilic Israel (§§ 244, 264), 
 and yet felt that some details of real importance were 
 lacking in that work. They had come to feel that the 
 institutions which Israel had developed during her long 
 history were supremely valuable, but JED said com- 
 paratively little about them. These men set themselves 
 to the task of writing a history which should adequately 
 explain the origin and value of Israel's peculiar institu- 
 tions and trace the genealogical data regarded by these 
 men as of such supreme value. The origins of various 
 customs, the gradual development of the sense of a 
 covenant relationship, the institution of ritual practices 
 were the themes which seemed momentous and worthy 
 of recounting.. Accustomed to ascribe all legislation to 
 Moses in the literal sense, they conceived of it all as 
 being promulgated at Sinai. It is known as P. 
 
 This history began with the stately poem of Genesis 1. 
 The. reader can now understand the remark of a historian 
 who declared that Genesis 1 stands side by side with 
 Isaiah 40-48 in its conception of Jehovah and could 
 hardly have been thought out earlier than the exile. 
 The work followed mainly the dreary lines of an in- 
 stitutional history, intensely interesting to those whose 
 minds run in a priestly channel, quite devoid of charm to 
 a literary soul. It did not run in human lines, but over- 
 emphasized the divine power and the ritualistic form. 
 The priestly history, almost certainly in its picture of 
 an elaborately fitted Tabernacle and a mathematically 
 arranged camp in the wilderness and in its huge estimates 
 of time or number, represents an idealization. The 
 simplicity of the prophetical traditions must be nearer 
 the historic reality. 
 
 (449.), The Hexateuch, JEDP. The final step of 
 literary growth which united JED with P into our present 
 noble historico-legal work, the Hexateuch, must have 
 been taken not far from 400 B.C. The viewpoint of 
 the writers of P, which included both the priestly history 
 and the laws, was the dominant feeling of the age. Still 
 they deeply valued the prophetical histories, which had 
 
260 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 for not less than three centuries been recognized as a 
 family " Bible " for godly Hebrews, placed side by side 
 with the prophetical writings. The natitral solution 
 was the use of the priestly material as the grotmdwork 
 of a new combination into which the earlier prophetical 
 history was fitted. 
 
 We thus come to understand the presence in the 
 Hexateuch of childlike narrative, of prophetic idealism, 
 of matured theology and of ritualism. It is a thesaurus 
 of law, literature, history and religion. It represents a 
 direct literary history of not less than three or four 
 centuries and makes abundant use of far older material. 
 It combines in interesting fashion the two great elements 
 in religion which struggle today in the Christian church, 
 the moral and the institutional. It grew out of a wonder- 
 ful composite experience of God and appeals today to 
 most varied religious need. We may be devoutly thanlrful 
 that God permitted His Word to grow in just such a 
 way. 
 
 (450.) What Judaism Meant as a Working System. 
 The adoption by the community at Jerusalem of the 
 Levitical law meant that henceforth they were wholly 
 dominated by the priesthood, who controlled the Temple. 
 It became the center of their life. In its services the 
 people found great joy. The cost of the stately and 
 beautiful service was heavy, but was cheerfully borne. 
 Life became standardized to a degree unknown before. 
 Each day's duties were so complicated and numerous 
 that there was less and less of individual initiative in 
 worship. The most important interests came to be 
 those of religion. Such a life seemed, however, far from 
 burdensome. Obedience seemed a glad privilege and 
 faithfulness a blessing. 
 
 " Oh, how I love thy Law, 
 It is my meditation all the day.". 
 
 The fifteenth psalm exhibits impressively the com- 
 mingling of prophetic standards and institutional forms, 
 which might characterize the religious life of a representa- 
 tive Jew of early Judaism. 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 261 
 
 (451.) The Significance of Judaism. Judaism was far 
 from being an ideal religious system. It was a lowering 
 of the noble standards of the great prophetic thinkers. 
 It tended to place the form before the reality, the act 
 for the religious feeling behind it. Jesus had to condemn 
 without reserve Pharisaism, its extreme one-sided 
 development. But Judaism kept alive and protected 
 a very vital and real religious spirit. Such personalities 
 as Zechariah, Elizabeth, Simeon, Anna, and Mary were 
 not abnormal but the truest representatives of the strong 
 heart of Israel, which beat beneath the shell of Judaism. 
 We shall come to realize the fiery trials through which 
 the Jewish people passed in the next four centuries. 
 Humanly speaking, this organization of their religious 
 life, which gave it definiteness and yet permitted a free 
 spiritual growth of the individual, was all that kept the 
 people loyal to their ideals and triumphant in their faith. 
 
 (452.) The Old Testament about B.C. 400. The last 
 question the student may well ask will concern the 
 Scriptures in the year 400 B.C. As we have just seen, 
 the Hexateuch, practically in its present form, had been 
 wrought out, and the historical books as far as Second 
 Kings inclusive. ' Doubtless many psalms and many 
 proverbs were familiar treastires; and small collections of 
 these abounded. Thirteen prophetical writings were 
 available, but the later grouping of the Old Testament 
 had not yet been thought of. The adoption of the 
 Levitical law was the last and most decisive step in a 
 process of growing dependence upon the written word of 
 Jehovah, which led to formal canonical recognition, first 
 of the Pentateuch, then of the histories and prophetical 
 writings. This recognition was completed not later than 
 200 B.C., and may have taken place much earlier. The 
 matter of importance is to see that the nation now was 
 in the mood to reahze that Jehovah had been speaking 
 to them for many generations in varied ways and with 
 many messages, all of which acquired a new and sacred 
 value to all on whose hearts God set His seal. 
 
262 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 6. The Israel op the Exile. 
 (453.) A Review of the Period Preparatory to Judaism. 
 
 Duration of the Period. What was its length? Men- 
 tion three significant dates. 
 
 Its Great Events. Thinking back to the beginning of 
 the exile, what five events seem of most importance? 
 
 Its Notable Leaders. Name in the order of their im- 
 portance the five most important men of Israel mentioned 
 in the narratives. 
 
 The Nations with which the Jews were in Contact. In 
 these two centuries or less, seven or eight nationalities, 
 little and big, have been mentioned. Mention two of 
 the first rank and two of the second rank. 
 
 The Records. What Biblical books have been wholly 
 or partially considered during our study of the period? 
 How many classes of literature do they represent ? Men- 
 tion at least six great passages which have interested 
 you. 
 
 Their History of Prophecy. Place in order the six 
 prophets of this era, and indicate the principal message 
 of each one. 
 
 Their History of the Temple. Review the history of 
 the Temple during this period. 
 
 Their Story of Religious Development. How did a 
 religiously minded man of Ezra's day differ from such 
 a man at the beginning of the exile ? 
 
 Their Story of Literary Development. What great 
 literary advances did the age witness? 
 
 Their Political Story. What became of the royal 
 family of Judah and its authority? 
 
 A True Title for the Age. Is " productivity " the most 
 characteristic fact about the age? 
 
 Its Dominating Factor. What influence predominated 
 to bring the age to its conclusion ? 
 
 Its Contribution to Religion. Was the increased 
 emphasis on law and ceremonial an advance in religion? 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 263 
 
 XVI 
 
 SOME QUESTIONS IN GENERAL REVIEW OF HEBREW AND 
 JEWISH HISTORY FROM 1000 B.C. TO 400 B.C. 
 
 (454.) 1. Picture the western Asiatic world at the end 
 of Solomon's reign, classifying the nationalities as greater 
 than the Hebrew kingdom, measurably equal to it, or 
 inferior in power. 
 
 2. What kings of either Hebrew kingdom followed 
 Solomon's example in the fostering of trade ? 
 
 3. When and how did the leading people of these two 
 kingdoms become inhabitants of cities rather than peasant 
 farmers? 
 
 4. Were the editors of the books of Kings justified in 
 their repeated condemnation of Jeroboam I (I Kings 
 14: 16; 15: 30; 16: 2, 26)? Did they mean to imply that 
 he was unusually wicked? 
 
 5. Who was the first Hebrew king to introduce the 
 Aramean scourge into Palestine? Were his probable 
 reasons such as to justify his policy? 
 
 6. Compare in royal values Jeroboam I, Omri, Ahab, 
 Jehu, Joash and Jeroboam II, and arrange them in the 
 order of greatness. 
 
 7. What were the causes, remote and immediate, for 
 the disruption of Solomon's kingdom? 
 
 8. Compare the two resultant kingdoms in area, re- 
 sources, population, security and characteristics. 
 
 9. In what two opposite ways did Phoenicia impress 
 herself upon Israel and Judah? Why did they never go 
 to war with her, although often warring with Philistia, 
 south of Phoenicia, and with the Aramean peoples to the 
 north? 
 
 10. Why did Samaria so quickly become a city of im- 
 portance? How long did it exist in history as a city? 
 
 11. When was the northern kingdom at its height of 
 prosperity and power? When did it include the greatest 
 extent of territory? What was its finest contribution to 
 Hebrew civilization? 
 
 12. What was the dangerous difference between the 
 inherited Canaanitish Baalism, undisturbed by Elijah and 
 
264 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Elisha, and the imported Phoenician Baahsm against 
 which they waged deadly warfare? In what respects did 
 the inherited Baalism affect Jehovah worship ? Why did 
 the prophets after Amos attack it also ? 
 
 13. From what is recorded concerning the prophets, 
 Micaiah, Elijah and Elisha, what would be a fair inference 
 regarding the legitimate duties of a prophetic leader in 
 Israel, in the ninth century B.C. ? How would the history 
 of the later prophets alter that conclusion? 
 
 14. Trace the history of the Temple from Solomon's 
 day to the exile. What altered it from a favorite royal 
 chapel or shrine into the distinctively national religious 
 center? What was the real value of the second Temple? 
 
 15. How many dynasties occupied the throne of the 
 northern kingdom? Which dynasty did the' most for the 
 kingdom? How many dynasties lasted less than a year? 
 
 16. What four great nations assumed the overlordship 
 of Palestine between 937 and 400 B.C.? and for what 
 respective periods? Which one of the four most vitally 
 influenced Israel and Judah and in what particular ways ? 
 
 17. For what historical reasons did the Hebrew people 
 have the opportunity to build up their little kingdoms, 
 undisturbed by powerful and ambitious world rulers, until 
 the eighth century B.C. ? 
 
 18. Trace the growth of Jerusalem from its founding 
 down to its destruction in 586 B.C. What influences con- 
 tributed to her gradual supremacy? How could Isaiah 
 believe Jerusalem to be inviolable and declare that Jehovah 
 would not permit the Assyrians to set foot within the city, 
 and yet Jeremiah declare that Jehovah was in favor of 
 her surrender? 
 
 19. When and why did Jerusalem become of greater 
 importance as an ideal than as an actual city ? 
 
 20. Why was the work of Nehemiah in rebuilding the 
 walls and reorganizing the city of such great importance? 
 
 21. When did the Hebrew people begin to be a literary 
 people in any reasonable sense ? What century of the six 
 centuries under consideration might be termed the "golden 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY 265 
 
 age " of their literature? To what outside influence were 
 they most indebted for literary advance ? 
 
 22. Trace the steps of the religious growth of the 
 Hebrew peoples from the conventional loyalty to Jehovah 
 of the days of Solomon to the deliberate reliance upon the 
 one universal Deity characteristic of the Jew after the 
 exile. 
 
 23. What four prophets did their work in the latter half 
 of the eighth century B.C.? What distinctive contribu- 
 tions did they make to religious thinking? What were 
 their limitations as religious thinkers? 
 
 24. What five prophets were active in the half century 
 just preceding the exile? Which one paralleled all the 
 others? What new ideas did they express? What two 
 great forward steps in religious thinking did the two most 
 prominent ones establish? 
 
 25. How many prophetic utterances can be ascribed to 
 the two centuries from 586 to 400. B.C.? What great 
 prophetic ideas were characteristic of this age ? 
 
 26. When was the Messianic idea first formulated in 
 prophetic thinking? Through what phases did it pass 
 prior to 400 B.C.? 
 
 27. When did the missionary aspect of Israel's future 
 find its earliest expression? When was it given effective 
 statement ? 
 
 28. Trace the growth of Israel's legislation. At what 
 three periods during these six hundred years was there an 
 outburst of great interest in the Law? 
 
 29. What is the outstanding difference between proph- 
 ecy and apocalypse? What prophets prior to 400 B.C. 
 betrayed the influence of apocalyptical thinking? 
 
 30. What was prophecy's most fundamental idea, the 
 one by which each prophet is given a rating? What one 
 or two other ideas does nearly every prophet touch upon 
 in some form? 
 
 31. Of what value to the two Hebrew kingdoms was 
 their rivalry with Aram? 
 
 32. Of the eight great rulers of the Assyrian empire 
 between Ashumazirpal and Ashurbanipal, which one was 
 
266 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 of the greatest significance to the Hebrew people and why ? 
 
 33. How many capital cities came to their destruction 
 during these centuries ? Where were they located and by 
 whom were they captured and destroyed ? 
 
 34. How many Hebrew prophets predicted the down- 
 fall of Nineveh? How many that of Babylon? How 
 many that of Jerusalem? 
 
 35. Of the dozen or so prophetic writings published 
 during the eighth to the fourth centuries inclusive, which 
 one seems on the whole to be most representative of all 
 the elements in Israelitish prophecy? 
 
 36. Distinguish between the eternal elements in proph- 
 ecy, those which were emphasized by every prophet, and 
 the temporary elements, essential to the message of their 
 day that it might be intelligible, but destined to drop out 
 of consideration. 
 
 37. Which king of Judah is on the whole entitled to pre- 
 eminence as the one who did most for his people ? Which 
 one was the worst king? 
 
 38. Compare as world rulers Ashumazirpal, Tiglath- 
 pileser III, Ashurbanipal, Nebuchadrezzar, Cyrus and 
 Darius. Which one made the greatest success and why? 
 
 39. Among the Hebrews portrayed in the writings of 
 these six centuries, who is the most attractive? 
 
 40. Among the varied writings of these centuries, which 
 three should be ranked as in the foremost class? 
 
 41. What was the secret of the rapid decline of the 
 kingdom of Judah after Hezeldah's day? 
 
 42. In what respects was the exile a blessing to the 
 Jewish race? Where was its home and what were its 
 ambitions thereafter? 
 
 43. Was the second Temple a help or a hindrance to 
 the ideal religious development of the Jewish people ? 
 
 44. Was the ceremonial law as completed by Ezra and 
 his colleagues a means of grace or a stumbling block to the 
 Jews of Ezra's time? 
 
 45. Was Judaism as a system' a historical blunder of 
 great magnitude or a real stage of advancing religious 
 growth? 
 
MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL PRODUCTIVITY -267 
 
 46. In the days of Ezra and Nehemiah, where were the 
 Jews to be found outside of Judea? What were the two 
 other centers of unusual importance? 
 
 47. Of all the influences within and without concerned 
 in the education of the Hebrew people, ■ — the priesthood, 
 the Temple, the ritual, the Law, prophecy, wisdom, 
 nationalism, ambitious kings, the ideal future, foreign 
 ideals and customs, the greater world, inherited ideals, — 
 to which should be given the foremost place ? 
 
 48. When may the nation be said to have attained the 
 lofty position — so long her divinely directed goal — of 
 the world's teacher of religion ? 
 
 49. What element in the history of the Jewish people 
 makes it religiously valuable beyond that of other peoples ? 
 
 50. What are the elements which give to Israel's history 
 and literature an unending value of an intimate, personal 
 nature ? 
 
THE AGE OF FIXED CONVICTIONS: 
 
 THE JEWS A PEOPLE LIVING UNDER A 
 WRITTEN LAW 
 
 (Note : The remainder of this volume is intended to promote a hasty sur- 
 vey of the five centuries and more during which Judaism developed. The 
 treatment is limited to essential details.) 
 
THE AGE OF FIXED CONVICTIONS: THE JEWS 
 A PEOPLE LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 
 
 From the Establishment of Judaism to the Complete De- 
 struction of Jewish Nationality. JfiO B.C. to 135 A.D. 
 {Four Prophetical Books or Portions; one Apocalypse; the 
 Wisdom Writings; the Chronicler's History; the Psalter; 
 Esther; First and Second Maccabees; Tobit; Judith; Jo- 
 sephus; and many Other Uncanonical Writings.) 
 
 (455.) The greater portion of this period of more than 
 five hundred years has been termed ' ' the period of silence, ' ' 
 because no direct record of it is found in the Old Testa- 
 ment. The title is curiously inept. These centuries were 
 not illumined by such flashes of creative idealism as those 
 which stirred the souls of loyal Jews in the later exile and 
 thereafter, but they had their own peculiar significance. 
 With the real establishment of Judaism as a religious 
 system, it seemed to exhaust the creative impulse of the 
 race. There seemed nothing more to know about God or 
 humanity, obligation or opportunity. These great mat- 
 ters had been given a development beyond which the He- 
 brew mind did not feel the need of going. It felt that it 
 had received a perfect revelation. The task remaining 
 was to interpret and apply that revelation to the needs 
 both of the Jewish people and of humankind. Out of. the 
 necessity of maintaining all that had been gained religi- 
 ously grew the supreme importance of the priesthood in 
 the Israel of these centuries; but second only to the 
 hierarchy in public esteem were the scholarly interpreters, 
 the earnest teachers and the wise thinkers, who were inde- 
 fatigable in determining the duty of every man in the 
 light of the sane and splendid revelation of Jehovah 
 through His priests and prophets. With the passing of 
 dynastic hopes (§ 420) the apocalyptic type' of thinking 
 
 271 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (§ 500) steadily gained ground in the popular mind. No 
 one doubted that God would carry out His plans in His 
 own good time. Most men interpreted those plans in a 
 political sense, expecting that their fulfilment meant the 
 political headship of the world for Israel, and a centraliz- 
 ing of all influence, political and religious alike, at Jerusa- 
 lem. How this could come about, except by catastrophic 
 action on the part of God, who would sweep away aU 
 those opposing His purpose, they could not see. They 
 quite forgot or failed to appreciate the real meaning of 
 Isaiah 52 : 13 to 53 : 12 with its picture of triumph through 
 suffering, not through conquest. During the last three 
 centtuies of this period the apocalyptic type of thinking 
 quite overshadowed other types, inflaming the popular 
 mind with unwholesome hopes. Still, as the older proph- 
 ets so truly declared, God always had a " remnant," a 
 group of choice, spiritually-minded, faithful souls, who 
 longed, like the aged Simeon and Anna (Luke 2 : 25-38) , 
 for the manifestation of the grace and redemptive power 
 of God. 
 
 Within these centuries Judaism received a testing which 
 was indeed a baptism of flre. The Persian empire gave 
 way before the swift, resistless attack of the Grecian 
 conqueror, Alexander the Great. The Jewish people be- 
 came subjects of various Grecian powers. This brought 
 Judaism as the characteristic expression of the Jewish 
 mind and heart, into contrast, and, at last, into conflict 
 with Hellenism as the embodied idealism and ambition of 
 the aggressive Greeks. Out of this struggle emerged a 
 stronger Judaism, improved in some rCvSpects, but stimu- 
 lated in several unhealthy tendencies, which developed 
 disadvantageously. The story of Judaism's struggles is 
 fascinating. No one can understand the nation of our 
 Lord's day with its bitter prejudices, its splendid ideals, 
 its scoTO of compromise, its inveterate pride, its responsive- 
 ness to Jesus individually and its absolute indifference, as 
 a religious organization, to Him, unless he appreciates the 
 varied forces at work within and upon the nation from 
 the days of Ezra to those of the Herods. Except for the 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 273 
 
 brief Maccabean period, its history must be told prosai- 
 cally. Great personalities give way, not in reality, but 
 apparently, to professional guilds and parties and racial 
 movements. Yet life was very active and well worth the 
 living. Judaism grew steadily stronger and worthily per- 
 formed her task of preserving for the world the spiritual 
 treasures her noblest souls had discovered. 
 
 XVII 
 
 THE LAST SEVENTY YEARS OF PERSIAN RULE. 400 TO 332 B.C. 
 (JOEL, JOB, THE CHRONICLER, AND SOME PSALMS.) 
 
 (456.) From the days of Nehemiah to the conguest of 
 the Persian empire by Alexander the Great, a period of 
 about a century in length, the affairs of Judea become ob- 
 scure. Only indirect testimony is available concerning 
 them. Nevertheless, certain facts seem sure. During 
 these years the two sovereigns of greatest importance were 
 Artaxerxes II (called Mnemon), who reigned over the 
 Persian empire from 404 to 358 B.C., and his son, Arta- 
 xerxes III (Ochus), who reigned twenty-one years until 
 337 B.C. The last Persian king, Darius, was decisively 
 defeated by Alexander at Arbela, in 331 B.C. The real 
 rulers of the Judean commtmity were the successive high 
 priests Eliashib, Joiada, Johanan and Jaddua. The last 
 mentioned was a contemporary of Alexander the Great. 
 Their autocracy was tempered by the written law, a fact 
 which helps to explain its rapid attainment of unques- 
 tioned authority in the community life. Only twice do 
 we know of any interference with the peace and prosperity 
 of the little people. Josephus tells us that the high priest 
 Johanan murdered his own brother, Joshua, in the very 
 Temple court, whereupon the satrap of Syria inflicted a 
 heavy fine upon the Jews. In the days of Ochus the Jews 
 seem to have been drawn into a rebellion along with the 
 Phoenicians. The great king took suraraary vengeance 
 upon Jerusalem, and his representative forced an entrance 
 into the sacred Temple, but the city was not destroyed. 
 
 The most important facts of the period were the gradual 
 completion of the ceremonial code and of the Pentateuch, 
 
274 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 until, in all details, they became the group of books with 
 which we are familiar today, and their general recognition 
 as sacred literatvire, establishing the first stage of the 
 canonical growth of the Old Testament. The Jews of this 
 period were gradually settling into those distinctive habits 
 which they ever afterwards maintained. Nehemiah and 
 the leaders of his day had to take note of the popiolar neg- 
 lect of the Sabbath, but early in the Greek period, years 
 afterward. King Ptolemy captured Jerusalem with ridicu- 
 lous ease, because no Jew would take up arms on the 
 Sabbath. Sabbath usages, the great festivals, the sacri- 
 ficial system, the careful adjustment of daily living to 
 ritual requirements, the elaboration of the laws respecting 
 priests and Levites,-the development of liturgical services, 
 the recognition of an administrative or advisory group of 
 priests and nobles — these were the interests of the period. 
 We can see quite a difference between the average Jew of 
 Nehemiah's day and the Jew of the early Greek age, as 
 the latter is reflected in the Chronicler's writings and in 
 current history. His energies centered to an extraordinary 
 degree in the Temple and its interests. He supported 
 cheerfully a relatively large mmiber of Temple officers 
 and ministrants. He rejoiced in the dignity and impres- 
 siveness of the regulated ceremonial. He bent himself 
 quite seriously to the task of doing his individual share in 
 its support. In course of the peaceful years the commu- 
 nity grew in ntmibers and in resources, as well as in these 
 institutional ways. The scribes increased in importance 
 as rapidly as the priesthood. I Chron. 2: 55 is an indica- 
 tion of their organization into guilds of some sort. They 
 were held in high respect as the interpreters of the sacred 
 Law. 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 275 
 
 1. Joel's Interpretation of Locust Ravages as a 
 
 Manifestation of Divine Alertness and a 
 
 Summons to Repentance. 
 
 The Prophecy of JoeL 
 
 (457.) 1. The unprecedented character and extent of the locust 
 plague. 1 : 2-4. 
 
 2. The distress of wine drinkers, priests and farmers. 1: 5-12. 
 
 3. The summons of the people to a penitential assembly. 1 : 13, 14. 
 
 4. The terribleness of the visitation. 1 : 16-20. 
 
 5. The devastation wrought by the locust army and its irresistible 
 advance. 2: 1-9. 
 
 6. A call to heartfelt and timely repentance. 2: 10-14. 
 
 7. The great penitential assembly and its prayer for mercy. 2: 15-17. 
 
 8. Jehovah's answer and gracious promises of relief and restoration. 
 2: 18-27. 
 
 9. Signs of the coming Day of Jehovah. 2: 28-32. 
 
 10. The judgment of the nations in the valley of Jehoshaphat. 3: 1-3. 
 
 11. The special punishment for Phoenicia and Philistia. 3: 4-8. 
 
 12. The summoning of the nations for the conflict. 3: 9-12. 
 
 13. The great battle and its outcome. 3: 14-17. 
 
 14. The future blessedness of Judah. 3: 18-21. 
 
 The book of Joel is remarkable for its quotations from 
 other prophetic writings — Amos, Zephaniah, Ezekiel, 
 Isaiah, Malachi and Obadiah . Some scholars regard these 
 quotations as the insertions of an editor on the ground 
 that they are less forceful than the passages which are 
 directly attributable to Joel. He was more of a church- 
 man than an old-time prophet. His poetical power was 
 of the first order. 
 
 (458.) The Message of Joel. It is clear that Joel spoke 
 to the post-exilic community of the last Persian century, 
 but before the days of Ochus. Religious interests domi- 
 nate all others in his prophecy and center at the Temple. 
 The people can all get together. Jehovah's discipline 
 demands united prayer and fasting, a greater care in wor- 
 ship, as an expression of sincere repentance. These were 
 the conditions of 400 B.C. Locust swarms unprecedented 
 in number had visited Judah with destruction. The 
 prophet interpreted this calamity as a summons to re- 
 pentance. He calls a great penitential assembly. No 
 finer descriptive passages than his graphic appeals for 
 repentance are in the Old Testament. Jehovah responds 
 
276 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 with promises that blessings shall make up the dearth and 
 that a new spirit, purifying and enlightening, shall possess 
 the people. He voices the attitude of his people toward 
 the outside world in the prediction of the sweeping judg- 
 ment in the valley of Jehoshaphat upon the nations, re- 
 sulting in a Jerusalem in which there shall be no strangers 
 (3:17). 
 
 2. The Samaritan Schism and its Outcome. 
 (Neh. 13:28.) 
 (459.) There is some question regarding the date of 
 the religious rupture between the Jewish community and 
 the Samaritans. Josephus dates it in the high priesthood 
 of Jaddua, the contemporary of Alexander, and many 
 other facts tend to confirm his statement. Neh. 13 : 28 
 gives the essential facts. A member of the high-priestly 
 family of Judah married a daughter of Sanballat, the 
 Samaritan chief, in express disobedience to the newly 
 adopted Law, and was expelled from Judah. He took 
 with him a copy of the sacred Law and became the high 
 priest of a new Temple which Sanballat built for him on 
 Mount Gerizim. This Temple and its services were vir- 
 tually duplicates of those at Jerusalem. The two com- 
 munities shared the same traditions and ideals, but their 
 rivalry developed a bitter, mutual hatred, which, in course 
 of time, grew beyond healing. 
 
 3. The Two Literary Triumphs of the Age: Job 
 AND THE Chronicler's History. 
 
 (460.) We shoiild expect that many liturgical psalms 
 would make their appearance at this time, and that pro- 
 verbial collections would begin to take form. Psalms and 
 proverbs became increasingly popular, and yet the two 
 works which gave greatest lustre to the close of the Persian 
 period were the masterpiece of Wisdom composition, the 
 book of Job, and the second great production of ecclesi- 
 astical circles, the historical work of the Chronicler and 
 his group, the books of Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah. 
 
 (461.) The Book of Job. The writer of the book of 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 277 
 
 Job was a great poet as well as a sage. He gave the 
 world of his day and ours a powerful study of the problem 
 of the suffering of good people. The Hebrews were 
 tempted to think that goodness should guarantee health, 
 wealth and happiness in this life (John 9:2). Such a 
 view degraded religion by making it a bargain counter 
 experience, and endangered it by encouraging good men 
 and women to resent a calamity they could not imder- 
 stand. The problem came close home to loyal Israel- 
 ites of the fourth century B.C. Although they seemed 
 to be doing their best to live up to the standards ap- 
 proved by Jehovah, they found the coveted prosperity 
 and glory Httle more than a dream. The author of 
 the dramatic poem introduces Job as a man who had 
 not consciously sinned and yet, for reasons hidden to 
 him, was deprived of wealth, posterity and respect, and 
 was afflicted with a loathsome disease. Naturally, he 
 was perplexed, but submitted uncomplainingly to God's 
 will (1:20-22; 2:10). The sympathy of his lifelong 
 friends (2: 11-13) broke down the reserve of his tortured 
 soul, and led him to curse the day of his birth, and to ask 
 why God should prolong his misery (3). This outcry 
 shocked the friends who had come to comfort him. They 
 felt that he had lost his religion. They undertook to 
 bring him back to normal views of life and God. They 
 remembered, however, that he had been a righteous man 
 all his days, and began, very gently, a long discussion of 
 his case, in which each friend reveals an individuality of 
 his own — Eliphaz-being the dignified, thoughtful, slightly 
 mystical student of life, Bildad a commonplace mind, 
 satisfied by tradition, and Zophar a blunt, opinionated 
 man. They really represent three natiu"al and universal 
 types of mind and approaches to truth. When Job re- 
 futed their assertions, he had traversed the customary 
 arguments of men with reference to suffering. In the 
 first round of the discussion (4-14), the friends reminded 
 Job of the nature of God, His purity, righteousness and 
 wisdom, and urged Job assume that He was just and to 
 submit to Him. Job admitted God's power, but denied 
 
278 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 God's just use of that power in his case. In the second 
 round (15-21), they pointed out the sure and distressing 
 fate of the wicked, whose tormented lives are tragically 
 brief and without posterity. They apparently hoped that 
 Job woidd make the application to himself. Job denied 
 the truth of their descriptions, scouted the aptness of the 
 parallel, and expressed only the desire for a chance to 
 make his innocence known to God. In the third round 
 (22-31), the friends charged him directly with intentional 
 wickedness. This he denied and, in a wonderful review 
 of his life (29-31), appealed to God for a chance to meet 
 Him face to face as a fair-minded Judge. Jehovah ap- 
 peared in the storm cloud and gave Job a vision of divine 
 reality and of the divine presence and power which satis- 
 fied him (38-42). The growth of Job's own spiritual self 
 is the finest element in this marvellous study of the human 
 soul. Through suffering and by loyalty to his convictions, 
 Job won confident faith in God; this very assurance led 
 him to believe in a future life (19:25-27). Meanwhile, 
 the sense which he gained of God's presence brought heal- 
 ing and blessedness to his soul. The book of Job goes 
 straight to the heart of the world's perennial problem, and 
 gives it a human and adequate solution, not philosophical, 
 but religious. The man whose faith is deep and strong 
 endures misfortune bravely, and wins something infinitely 
 better than wealth or children or freedom from pain. 
 
 (462.) The Chronicler's History of Judah. One who 
 thinks back to the days of the two kingdoms can readily 
 appreciate the motives which would have moved a group 
 of priests or scribes of the fourth century B.C. to rewrite 
 the history covered by the books of Samuel and Ejngs, so 
 far as it applied to Judah or the Temple. The Judea of 
 the fotirth century lived in another world than the Judah 
 of 1000 B.C. The Chronicler attributed the absence in 
 the prophetic histories of the ecclesiastical details, so 
 important in his own day, to a lack of interest on the part 
 of the prophetic historians and proceeded to study the 
 days of David, Jehoshaphat, Asa, Hezekiah, and Josiah 
 afresh, and to bring out the facts as he saw them. Neces- 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 279 
 
 sarily, his picture of the pre-exilic age was somewhat 
 ideaUzed. His account of the ceremonies on great occa- 
 sions (II Chron. 29, 31, 35) throws more light upon the 
 usages of his own day than upon those of the earlier 
 centuries. But, like the writer of P, he contributed 
 what in his day was deemed a proper emphasis upon 
 Israel's institutional life. Professor Fowler* calls atten- 
 tion to the three eras of historical writing in Israel: (1) 
 diuing the three centuries from 950-650 B.C., when writ- 
 ers pictured human experience in charming, simple, 
 natural narratives, forming the substance of the propheti- 
 cal histories ; (2) during the age of Deuteronomic influence 
 from 650-450 B.C., when the religious interpretation of 
 those narratives of experience created the historical works 
 of Judges, Samuel, and Kings, which emphasize the active 
 presence of God and hvixn with moral conviction ; (3) from 
 the days of Judaism onward, when these writings were 
 reinterpreted and made to exhibit the orderly develop- 
 ment of Israel's ceremonial religion. We may be very 
 thankful for each type of history. A great and perma- 
 nent aspect of religion is behind each one. 
 
 XVIII 
 
 ALEXANDER THE GREAT'S CONQUEST OF ASIA AND INTRO- 
 DUCTION OF AGGRESSIVE HELLENISM. 332-168 B.C. 
 (JONAH; ISAIAH 24-27; ZECHARIAH 9-14; THE SONG 
 OF SONGS; PROVERBS; ECCLESIASTES; 
 ECCELSIASTICUS; DANIEL 2, 7, 8, 11.) 
 
 (463.) Historians have often pointed out the dramatic 
 suddenness with which Alexander the Great converted 
 the Persian empire into a Hellenic dominion.. The writer 
 of the book of Daniel described him (8:5, 21) as the he- 
 goat leaping out of the west so swiftly that he scarcely 
 seemed to touch the ground at all. His military exploits 
 have remained for centimes one of the wonders of the 
 world. But the great Macedonian conqueror began with 
 this invasion a greater conquest, the significance of which 
 has not been so clearly seen. He was the enthusiastic 
 
 *The Literature of Ancient Israel, S07f. 
 
280 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 champion of Hellenism, and dreamed of making it the 
 dominant force in the world of his day. His motives were, 
 no doubt, mixed, partly selfish, at least racially so, and 
 partly altruistic. Conscious of a civilization far superior 
 to that of the rest of the world, he desired to establish it 
 everywhere. His own career was too brief for the comple- 
 tion of such a colossal ambition as this, but his successors 
 cherished and furthered it in their less effective way. 
 Neither barbarism nor the semi-civilization of the Persians 
 could withstand the attacks of Hellenism. It soon domi- 
 nated most of the Asiatic world as far east as the Indies.* 
 In Judaism, however, this pan-Hellenic movement found 
 a worthy and persistent foe, desirous of avoiding a need- 
 less conflict, but determined to maintain its own identity 
 and vitality. The story of the Greek dominance over 
 Judea and the Jewish people wherever they were living is 
 that of a century and a half of submission politically, but 
 of slow and steady consolidation and concentration reli- 
 giously. Judaism may not have been aware of a coming 
 conflict, but she was being strengthened for it. Her multi- 
 form activity was all of a character to intensify and 
 strengthen the loyalty of the Jewish people to their dis- 
 tinctive institutions and their ancient ideals. 
 
 For the history of this Greek period the chief Jewish 
 sources of information are Daniel 7-12, Ecclesiasticus, 
 I Maccabees 1, II Maccabees 1-7, and, most definitely, the 
 writings of Josephus, who mingles tradition and fact in 
 his " Antiquities " and evidently aims to glorify his 
 people, but after all affords a true perspective. He says 
 but little about the Greek period, and must be supple- 
 mented by the Greek historians, Polybius, Diodorus 
 Siculus, and Appian, who, however, dwell chiefly on data 
 of interest to a Greek. 
 
 (464.) Alexander the Great, and his Campaigns. (334- 
 323 B.C.) Alexander was a marvel alike for his skill in 
 war and for his statesmanship. Inheriting from his 
 father, Philip, in 336 B.C., the control of Thrace and 
 
 *For the extent of Alexander's dominions see the comparative map 
 facing page 218 and the larger map of Asia facing page 230. 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 281 
 
 Thessaly, the headship of Greece, an annual revenue of 
 one thousand talents, and the dream of a pan-Hellenic 
 empire, Alexander speedily established himself as the 
 recognized leader of the Greek armies against the Persians. 
 Early in 334 B.C. he crossed with a small army of skilled 
 veterans into Asia. The battle of Granicus in that year 
 made him master of the Greek colonies of Asia Minor; 
 the battle of Issus a year later opened the way to Syria and 
 Egjrpt, the siege and capture of Tyre in July, 332 B.C., 
 and the founding of Alexandria at the mouth of the Nile 
 in the same year; the battle of Arbela, October 1, 331 B.C., 
 gave him the control of the Asiatic world. Within three 
 years he had established his authority to the boundary 
 of India. In three years more, by the summer of 325 B.C., 
 he had compelled submission to his authority as far as 
 the river Indus. Two years later, in Jtme, 323 B.C., he 
 died in the midst of plans for the heUenization of Asia 
 and the unification of the world. His tolerance, enthusi- 
 asm, insight and ambition made him the creator of a new 
 type of empire, one which should enlist aU the virtues 
 and powers of Asiatic kingdoms, but organize them into 
 a new social unity and infuse them with the Hellenic 
 spirit. 
 
 Before Alexander's day the Greeks came into Httle 
 touch, except in Egypt, with the Jews. The traditions, 
 recounted by Josephus, of Alexander's visit to the Temple, 
 where he worshipped, and of the special privileges which 
 he granted to the Jews, are rather questionable. Quite 
 probably, however, some Jews were of service to him, 
 and with equal probabiHty, the Greek scholars who fol- 
 lowed in his train found the Jews the most interesting and 
 sympathetic of all the peoples they met. 
 
 (465.) Hellenism versus Judaism. Under Alexander 
 and his successors the Jews were welcomed at Alexandria 
 as valuable citizens. In the northeastern quarter of that 
 wonderftd city the Jews Hved together as a great com- 
 mimity under their own laws and leaders, just as in 
 Palestine. Here they grew wealthy, influential and liber- 
 ally minded. The ctdture of Greece met Hebrew faith 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 at Alexandria on even terms. The immediate eflfect of 
 Alexander's conquest of Asia was, therefore, beneficial 
 to the Jews. Alexandria quickly supplanted Babylon, 
 vSusa and every other city as a foreign home for Jews. 
 The Jews in Alexandria surpassed in numbers, as in wealth 
 or breadth of mind, their brethren in Palestine. 
 
 In Alexandria or other great commercial centers the 
 natural conflict between Hellenic culture, ideas and insti- 
 tutions and those of Judaism did not become acute, be- 
 cause the Jews kept their business life and their private, 
 social or religious life distinct. On the soil of Palestine 
 the situation was different. The two types of life were 
 boimd to clash. Hellenism was a social movement, kind- 
 ling patriotism, inspiring decadent peoples to a higher and 
 broader type of life, preaching the brilliant, joyous, virile, 
 artistic use of power. Judaism was a religious faith, 
 sturdy, serious, believing in moral ideals and issues, and 
 cultivating holiness. To a Jew a Greek seemed light- 
 minded, unmoral, often godless; to a Greek a Jew seemed 
 intolerant, narrow and stupid, concerned with trifles. 
 The greatest difference was that the Greek ideal was at 
 heart a selfish one; the Hebrew ideal was at heart sacri- 
 ficial. 
 
 (466.) The Century-long Struggle between Alexander's 
 Two Principal Successors, the Ptolemies of Egypt and 
 the Seleucids of Syria, over the Possession of Palestine. 
 (301-198 B.C.) When Alexander the Great died in 
 323 B.C., his empire was soon partitioned between his 
 generals. Their fortunes varied during the next two 
 decades; but at the battle of Ipsus in 301 B.C., Western 
 Asia was virtually divided between Ptolemy, who took 
 Egypt, and Seleucus, who ruled the rest of Asia.* Pales- 
 tine, lying just between Egypt and Syria, was awarded to 
 Ptolemy, who, with his successors, managed to hold it for 
 upwards of a century. Alexandria was the center of the 
 outside world to Judea. The Jews were happy and 
 prosperous under the mild rule of the Ptolemies, the city 
 grew strong, and the distinctive developments of Judaism 
 *For Western Asia after the battle of Ipsus, see the map facing page 218 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 283 
 
 were emphasized. Judaism had a chance to " get set." 
 The Seleucids of Syria coveted the control of Palestine. 
 This was natural, since Palestine is really a physical part 
 of Syria. Moreover in the forests of the Lebanons was 
 timber of great value, and through the plains and passes 
 of Palestine flowed the steady stream of southern com- 
 merce. Most of all, Palestine was the eastern gateway 
 to Egypt. They warred with Ptolemy Philadelphus 
 (285-246 B.C.), and Ptolemy Euergetes (246-221 B.C.), 
 but without avail. Finally Antiochus III, the Great 
 (223-187 B.C.), found himself opposed by Ptolemy IV 
 (221-204 B.C.), whom he despised. He overran Pales- 
 tine in 218 B.C., but was badly defeated the next year at 
 Raphia and forced to retreat. When Ptolemy V, Epi- 
 phanes (204-181 B.C.) came to the throne, a mere child, 
 Antiochus had become a famous conqueror. He again 
 invaded Palestine and, after one reverse, drove out the 
 Egyptians and assumed control in 198 B.C. The Jews 
 were losers rather than gainers by the change. Their 
 new masters were not as easy going and tolerant as the 
 Ptolemies had been. 
 
 (467.) The Check Administered to Antiochus III by 
 the Romans. Having taken Palestine from Egypt, Anti- 
 ochus the Great was intending to add Egypt to his ex- 
 tensive dominions, but he was forbidden by the Romans, 
 who had no desire to see all Asia under one ruler. He 
 vowed to drive them out of the Greek world; but at 
 Thermopylae in 191 B.C., and at Magnesia in 190, he was 
 crushingly defeated, forced to yield all Asia Minor north 
 of the Taurus Mountains, and to pay fifteen thousand 
 talents. While plundering a temple to get the money to 
 pay this fine he lost his life. 
 
 (468.) The Sages of Israel and their Writings. During 
 this century the learned men of Judea belonged pre- 
 dominantly to one of two groups, the scribes and the sages. 
 The scribal profession was highly regarded. Its mem- 
 bers were the interpreters, teachers and guardians of the 
 Law. To it could aspire any able youth ; in it he found a 
 real career. The scribes of this age were liberal of mind, 
 
284 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 keen and truly studious. More or less closely related to 
 them were the wise men, another influential class in the 
 community, distinguishable chiefly by the object of their 
 efforts as scholars and teachers. Jer. 18 : 18 bears witness 
 to the existence of these sages in earlier days. They even 
 go back as far as David's time. (II Sam. 14: 2.) 
 
 The Greek period was a harvest time of Hebrew wis- 
 dom. It found then its ripest expression and its oppor- 
 tunity for publication. To this century may be ascribed 
 with considerable confidence the completion and issue of 
 the Proverb collections, many of the reflective psalms, 
 and the book of Ecclesiastes, together with the apocry- 
 phal book of Ecclesiasticus. 
 
 The wisdom psalms are those which deal with the 
 moral order of the universe, such as Psalms 73 and 49 
 and 37, or with divine providence, such as Psalms 90 and 
 1, or 121 and 112. They express the point of view of 
 wisdom more by flashes of insight than by any sustained 
 argument. Their answer to the anomalies of the world 
 is the existence and power of Almighty God. 
 
 (469.) The Book of Proverbs. The book of Proverbs 
 is a collection of collections and represents some seven 
 centuries of history. It is the most representative speci- 
 men of the wisdom literature of the Bible, repeating the 
 practical everyday wisdom of good men. It classifies 
 into eleven sections: (1) a title which is purely editorial 
 and perfunctory (1:1); (2) a statement of the varied pur- 
 pose of the type of wisdom writing represented in the 
 book (1 : 2-6) ; (3) a. sort of text for the prologue which 
 follows (1 : 7)'; (4) the prologue or introduction to the 
 whole book, the "Praise of Wisdom" (1:8 to 9:18); 
 (5) a collection of 375 aphorisms entitled " Proverbs of 
 Solomon " (10: 1 to 22: 16); (6) a smaller collection, the 
 " Words of the Wise " (22: 17 to 24: 22); (7) an appendix 
 to that collection, " More Words of the Wise " (24 : 23-34) ; 
 (8) a second collection of Solomonic proverbs (25-29) 
 and three appendices; (9) the "Words of Agtir " (30); 
 (10) the "Words of King Lemuel" (31:1-9); and (11) 
 the alphabetical acrostic on " the ideal housewife." 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 285 
 
 The Proverbs identify righteousness for the most part 
 with prudence. They follow the pathway of expediency, 
 yet their advice was wholesome and helpful. 
 
 (470.) The Book of Ecclesiasticus. The apocryphal 
 book of Ecclesiasticus or The Wisdom of Jesus ben Sirach 
 was written at some date in this century, perhaps toward 
 its close- It was recognized as a part of the Old Testa- 
 ment by the Alexandrian Jews (§11). It is a fine book, a 
 natural sequel to Proverbs, in the main a series of little 
 essays in practical ethics, such as honor to parents, con- 
 si^erateness, niggardliness, choice of company and the 
 use of the tongue. Chapters 44 to 50 contain a rhetorical 
 section in " Praise of Famous Men," which is imique, a 
 natural predecessor of Hebrews 11. 
 
 (471.) The Book of Ecclesiastes. To this same age 
 must be attributed the book of Ecclesiastes, one of the 
 strangest books in the Old Testament. The writer called 
 himself Koheleth, which means a debater or collector of 
 sentences. His question was, Wherein is the value of 
 living? What is its wages, its profit? He made a study 
 of values and detailed his search for a satisfying object of 
 effort in life, and its failure. Coming to the conclusion 
 that life was a hopeless round, with nothing left over for 
 a future life, he declared that it should be enjoyed and 
 used to the full in the present time, every one making the 
 best of it and taking the joy of the day's work as the day 
 goes. Ecclesiastes is valuable in revealing the limitations 
 of a Hebrew thinker who took neither immortality nor 
 fine idealism into account. He had a brave soul, but his 
 message fell far short of the noblest teachings of Israel's 
 prophets. 
 
 (472.) Two Prophetic Apocalypses: Isaiah 24-27 and 
 Zech. 9-14. Two final prophetic sections seem to belong 
 to this age. The first is Isaiah 24-27, a unique, apocalyp- 
 tic description of the Day of Jehovah, which may belong 
 to the days of Alexander's victories, interspersed with a 
 series of beautiful songs of rejoicing. It declares that the 
 world is about to be judged because of its sins. Jehovah 
 will assume sovereignty on Zion (24 : 23) . With a ban- 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 quet He will welcome the tear-stained world to a life of 
 joyful satisfaction. Jehovah's own people will be pre- 
 served (26 : 20 to 27 : 1) and at the sound of the trumpet 
 shall gather from every quarter (27: 12, 13). 
 
 It is only necessary to read Zechariah 9-14 to realize 
 the marked differences between its extravagance and 
 bitterness and the sobriety of Zechariah 1-8. The six 
 chapters separate into two weU-defined sections: 9: 1 to 
 1 1 : 17 ; 13 : 7-9 and 12 : 1 to 13 : 6 ; 14. The former section 
 annoimces doom upon the neighbors of Israel, with prom- 
 ises of dominion and prosperity for restored Israel and a 
 king of peace. Then comes successful resistance to the 
 Greeks, a glorious victory and the strengthening and 
 restoration of Jehovah's people. The false shepherds, 
 who have frustrated God's purpose, and the obstinate 
 people shall be cut off (11:4-17; 13:7-9). The second 
 section is highly apocalyptic. The nations are assembled 
 at Jerusalem, but only to be consumed, along with idols, 
 prophets and the unclean spirit (12:1 to 13:6). After 
 terrible affliction Israel's enemies shall be discomfited 
 (14). This chapter vividly shows the vengeftd narrow- 
 ness of apocalypse. 
 
 (473.) The Lyric Poetry of the Age. As Fowler has 
 pointed out, the Song of Songs was fortunately preserved 
 in the Bible to give us an idea of what the love songs of 
 the people of Judah were like. It is not, strictly speak- 
 ing, a love drama nor a mere collection of folk songs sung 
 at a wedding, nor, indeed, an allegory representing the 
 love of God and Israel. It is a tyrical glorification of 
 true and tender love that is faithful in spite of the proffer 
 of worldly splendor and that ultimately rewards the rustic 
 lover. 
 
 During this age many psalms were added to the grow- 
 ing collections. Probably Psalms 1-89 may be thought 
 of as already grouped together. A fresh group of lyrics 
 originating in the Greek age is the Pilgrim Psalms (120- 
 134). They are very choice and stirring. Another group, 
 equally remarkable, is the Hallel or Praise collection. 
 They are scattered along between Psalm 104 and Psalm 150. 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 287 
 
 (474.) A Prophetic Story of God's Love for Hiiman- 
 kind : the Book of Jonah. To the age must probably be 
 also credited one of the finest and most misunderstood 
 portions of the Old Testament, the story of Jonah. It is 
 not a bit of history, but, like the Good Samaritan, a story 
 with a moral. Jonah represented the Jewish people. 
 They had a message for the world, but were reluctant to 
 deliver it. In their blind prejudice they forgot that the 
 love of God covers the whole world, and that He longs 
 for it to repent and turn to Him (4:2.) The point of the 
 story, as in all good stories, is the closing verse. 
 
 (475.) The Varied Activities of Jewish Minds. The 
 preceding paragraphs illustrate the vigor, value and 
 variety of Jewish thinking in this first century of contact 
 with Hellenic civilization. There were men of God with 
 a deep and true insight into God's purposes, such as the 
 author of the book of Jonah, and with deeply reverent 
 hearts like the writers of Psalms 121 or 125. There were 
 intolerant nationalists such as the author of Zechariah 14. 
 There were strict legalists like the writer of the story 
 about Daniel and his three companions in Daniel 1 . These 
 rejoiced in the scrupulous keeping of the letter of the Law. 
 There were scribes who took pride in the record of the 
 institutional development of the nation, and wise men who 
 pondered over the Hfe problems which divine ideals raised. 
 A stimulating freedom of thought prevailed along with a 
 deep and earnest piety. 
 
 (476.) The Accession of Antiochus Epiphanes in 176 
 B.C. to the Throne of Sjrria: His Great Ambition. The 
 grandson of Antiochus the Great, Antiochus Epiphanes 
 (175-164 B.C.), inherited the ambition of his grandfather 
 to teach the Romans a lesson. He planned to organize 
 a pan-Hellenic confederation which should unite all 
 Greek-speaking Asia and Africa against Rome.* In re- 
 gard to the means and methods by which this goal should 
 be reached he was wholly unscrupulous. He was ready 
 to make any sacrifice or to commit any crime which would 
 
 *For Western Asia in the days of Antiochus, see the map facing page 290. 
 
2SS HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 further his ambition. Moreover, his natural extrava- 
 gance and love of luxirn,' caused him to be always needing 
 money. 
 
 Antiochus developed during the first few years of his 
 reign a hatred for the Jews of Judea, which led him to 
 resolve at all costs to compel them to hellenize. He had 
 planned to add Eg\T5t with its resources to his dominions 
 as a first step in the execution of his anti-Roman poHcy. 
 The reigning Ptolemy was young and weak. Just as 
 Antiochus was on the brink of success, Rome inten'^ened 
 and compelled him to relinquish his prize. This check 
 made Antiochus a madman. At this inopportune mo- 
 ment he heard that Jerusalem was in revolt against him. 
 He not only looted the Temple and slew many citizens, 
 but conceived a deadly dislike to the Jews as a race. He 
 realized that the^' would stand out against his policy of 
 heUenization, and set himself with everj" resource to crush 
 their resolution. 
 
 (477.) His Relentless Policy of Hellenization from 169 
 to 167 B.C. The measures of Antiochus were \dgorous 
 and sweeping. The defenses of Jerusalem were broken 
 down; a garrison of Syrian soldiers was settled in the 
 fortress on the rock which commanded the lower city; 
 the Temple was deUberately desecrated; the reading or 
 ownership of copies of the sacred Law was forbidden, and 
 ever}- copy obtainable was destroj^ed; the observance of 
 the Sabbath, sj-nagogue worship afld the practise of 
 circumcision were forbidden on pain of death; and sacri- 
 fice to Olympian Zeus was made a regular dut}-. He 
 " waxed great toward the Glor\- (Holy Land) " (Dan. 
 8:9). Apparently Judaism was doomed in its own home. 
 
 XIX 
 
 THE SUCCESSFUL UPRISDIG OF THE JEWS UNDER MACCA- 
 
 BEAN LEADERSHIP. 167-143 B.C. (FIRST AND SECOND 
 
 MACCABEES, DANIEL, ENOCH, TOBIT, ESTHER, 
 
 THE COMPLETED PSALTER.) 
 
 (478.) The exactions of Antiochus were just what 
 was needed to draw out the dauntless spirit of the He- 
 
LIVING UNDER A WiaTTEX LAW 2S9 
 
 brew people. They were overvrhelmed and paralyzed 
 r.t first, but not for long. The veiy- moment of the 
 triumph of Aiitiochus was the beginning of his downfall. 
 ReUgion was a matter of small moment to him, but to 
 the Jndeans it was infiniteh" precious, more so than life. 
 Antiochus had sacked and burnt the city of Jerusalem; 
 he had murdered thousands of the inhabitants: he had 
 settled ia Jerusalem many Greeks and apostate Jews; 
 he had laid waste the Temple. Xone of these deeds paral- 
 leled in Jewish eyes the profanation of the sanctuary- and 
 the offering of sacrinces to Ohnnpian Zeus on the altar 
 of burnt offering. This was the " abomination that 
 maketh desolate" (Dan. 11:31; 12:11; 9:27; compare 
 S: 13), or, as Smith prefers to render it, the " appalling 
 abomination.'' That act of sacrilege made clear the de- 
 Kbei-ate purpose of Antiochus to destroy Judaism, root 
 and branch. It nen,-ed the people to risk ever\-thing they 
 had in resistance. The moment a real leader appteared 
 there were plenr\" of loyal-hearted Jews to join his for- 
 tunes. A struggle commenced, which, while it seemed 
 hopeless at the nrst. was desperate and un\'ielding. The 
 Te-;vs were fighting for the existence of ever3'thing the^" 
 held most dear. Against such men, patriotic, devoted, 
 well led. no ordinary" methods would ser\-e. The^' won 
 their way by strategy.", skill and good fortune imtil, in 
 three years from the date of its pollution, the altar was 
 rebuilt, the sacred fire was rekindled and the legal sacri- 
 fices restuned at the Temple. For twent\--two years more 
 a Jewish garrison on the weU-fortified Temple hill faced 
 a Greek garrison in the citadel, or Akra, which was on 
 the hiU of Ophel, the old Da\-idic stronghold, less than a 
 quarter of a mile away. This garrison could not be dis- 
 lodged. It was a constant m.enace to the peace of Jerusa- 
 lem and the freedom of Temple worship. During most of 
 these years Jerusalem was not a safe poUtical center for 
 Judaism. The headquarters of the Hasmonean leaders 
 and their little armies were at first in the field. Dimng 
 Jonathan's leadership he settled in Jerusalem. L"nable to 
 capture the citadel from the Greeks, Jonathan reared a 
 
290 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 great rampart, which isolated it and made it harmless. 
 In 142 B.C. the starved garrison surrendered to his 
 successor, Simon, and the Jews once more had entire 
 control of their holy city and of their land. 
 
 For the story of this quarter century we turn to First 
 and Second Maccabees, and to Josephus. The latter gives 
 the background of the whole period in his writings; the 
 former have the vivid interest of a first-hand, fairly de- 
 tailed narrative. First Maccabees is a fine, well-balanced 
 history, written in a true religious spirit, well worthy 
 of study. It was probably completed by 125 B.C., soon 
 after Simon's reign. Second Maccabees supplements it 
 on many important points and often goes into fresh de- 
 tails. Second Maccabees is of value, if used with care; 
 for, after the manner of Chronicles, it epitomizes a much 
 larger history of the period by Jason of Cyrene and was 
 evidently written, not far from 50 B.C., to combat the 
 secularizing tendency of that age and to glorify the part 
 which the Jews had taken more than a century before. 
 
 (479.) The Raising of the Standard of Revolt against 
 Antiochus Epiphanes by Mattathias, the Aged Priest of 
 Modein, and his Five Sons. (167 B.C.) With the sup- 
 port of the Greek party in Jerusalem, headed by the 
 high priest Menelaus, a base, treacherous, venial tool of 
 Antiochus, the measures of the Syrian despot seemed at 
 first successful. Many Jews professed their allegiance to 
 the heathen cult. But the utter godlessness of the whole 
 procedure awakened the real patriots, who suffered un- 
 namable tortures rather than hellenize. They fled to the 
 desert and the mountains, determined to perish rather 
 than apostatize. Meanwhile, the Syrians and their 
 Jewish allies made a systematic search of all Judea, forcing 
 each group of people to submit. At the village of Modein, 
 some twenty miles northwest of Jerusalem, at the extreme 
 comer of Judea, they fotmd a priest named Mattathias, 
 of the family of Hasmon, who with his five stalwart sons 
 had retired thither to await the will of God. When 
 offered rewards if he and his followers would peaceably 
 comply with the commands of Antiochus, Mattathias not 
 
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 M.-M. WORKS 
 
 JUDEA under JUDAS and JONATUAN 
 1 84-148 B.O. 
 
 JUVEA under AI^ITXANDEB JANNAEUS 
 104-78 B.C. 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 291 
 
 only refused to " forsake the law," but slew both a neigh- 
 bor who stepped forward to make the detested sacrifice 
 and the Syrian commissioner. His impulsive act inaugu- 
 rated a new chapter in the history of the Hebrew race. 
 Professor Kent aptly compares it in its far-reaching 
 consequences to the slaying of the Egyptian by Moses 
 (§103). 
 
 The five sons of Mattathias shared his principles and 
 threw themselves into the conflict. Simon, the eldest, 
 was wise and modest ; Judas was an able strategist ; Jona- 
 than was crafty and diplomatic, but brave. Each con- 
 tributed in his own way to the successes of the next quarter 
 century. With their father and " all who were zealous 
 for the covenant," they fled across the central motintain 
 ridge to the fastnesses of the wilderness above the Dead 
 Sea (§140). Here the Syrian soldiers attacked them on a 
 Sabbath, and slaughtered a thousand of them without 
 mercy and with ease, because they would not defend 
 themselves on that day. Soon after, however, the brave 
 priest, his sons and those who rallied to his standard, came 
 to a deliberate conclusion that God's will would be more 
 obeyed and honored by fighting than by perishing. They 
 began a warfare which yielded no advantage to their foes, 
 and rapidly drew into their ranks the patriotic Jews. 
 
 (480.) Judas, the Warrior Son, made Leader. Within 
 a year Mattathias died, appointing Judas the military 
 leader and Simon as his trusted coimsellor, urging them 
 to avenge the wrong of their people and give heed to the 
 commands of the Law (I Mac. 2 : 67, 68) . Judas was 
 courageous, devoted, patriotic and ftill of energy. As a 
 strategist he excelled in discovering the enemy's weakness 
 and making it the object of his attack. He gathered 
 about him a fine set of soldiers, men inspired with intense 
 reli^ous zeal, like Cromwell's " Ironsides." He had to 
 fight the trained soldiers of Syria led by experienced 
 generals, outnumbering his army six to one, and often 
 aided by hellenized Jews, who acted as spies ; but, by his 
 skill in the only kind of warfare they could not combat, 
 he won victory after victory. 
 
292 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (481.) The Book of Daniel a Notable Factor in the 
 Judaistic Uprising. (About 166 B.C.) The visions of the 
 book of Daniel describe with such growing accuracy the 
 great world movements of the Babylonian, Persian and 
 Greek periods, each vision culminating in a description 
 of the persecuting rule of Antiochus Epiphanes (7 : 25 ; 
 8: 11, 12; 11:21-45), that the conclusion is natural that 
 the book was a production of these strenuous years of 
 warfare. The historical reviews turn into predictions of 
 the death of Antiochus, the establishment of God's king- 
 dom and the reward of the faithful. These predictions 
 evidently antedate both the recovery of Jerusalem in 
 165 B.C., and the actual death of Antiochus in the far 
 East in 164 B.C. 
 
 The Narratives of Human and Divine Faithfulness. Daniel 1, 4-6. 
 
 1. How Daniel and his three companions were blessed because they were 
 faithfiil to the Law. 1. 
 
 2. How Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego, who would not worship the 
 golden image, were unhurt by the fiery furnace, protected by His 
 angel. 3. 
 
 3. How Nebuchadrezzar, the mighty king, was punished for his pride and 
 acknowledged the Most High. 4. 
 
 4. How Belshazzar was punished for his defiance of Jehovah by the 
 sudden loss of his kingdom. 5. 
 
 5. How God preserved His servant Daniel even in the den of lions. 6. 
 
 Visions of World Empires and of the Heavenly Kingdom. Daniel 2, 7-12. 
 
 1. The great image of gold, silver, brass, iron and clay, representing 
 successive kingdoms to be finally replaced by God's eternal kingdom. 
 2. 
 
 2. The Four Great Beasts, the fourth an all-conquering kingdom (7: 24), 
 whose final representative, the little horn (7: 8) shall persecute the 
 righteous for three and one-half " times " (7: 25), only to be overcome 
 in the end. 7. 
 
 3. The Ram and the He-Goat, the latter Alexander the Great (8: 21), 
 whose distant successor, the " little horn "(8:9, 23), did great damage 
 to Jerusalem (8: 9, 11, 12, 24), but shall be eventually destroyed 
 (8:25). 8. , . . 
 
 4. The Seventy Weeks of which the final week is disastrous to the holy 
 city, the temple being defiled (9: 27) in the rniddle of it. 9. 
 
 5. The Greek kingdoms in Asia and their conflicts, concluding with the 
 career of Antiochus (11: 21-39) and a prediction of his end (11: 40-45). 
 
 10, 11. 
 
 6. The assurance that God through His angel will establish His glorious 
 kingdom. 12. 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 293 
 
 These stories and visions were of supreme value in giv- 
 ing staying power to the resolute band of faithful Judeans. 
 They declare the power of God, the transi,toriness of 
 earthly kingdoms, the certainty of the establishment of 
 His glorious kingdom when martyrs and survivors alike 
 will receive a great reward. The hope of immortality 
 flashes out to illumine the future of the faithful. When- 
 ever the book of Daniel was written, it was a " tract for 
 Maccabean times." 
 
 (482.) Enoch 83-90. This portion of the book of Enoch 
 contains two great visions, one of a world-judgment, and 
 one of the history of the world up to the judgment, and 
 predictions of divine intervention, which, like those of 
 the book of Daniel, brought a message of comfort and 
 encouragement to the persecuted people of the Maccabean 
 struggle. It seems to belong to the days of Judas. In 
 90:15-39 is the earliest unquestionable apocalyptical 
 reference to the Messiah. 
 
 (483.) The Recovery of Jerusalem by Judas in 165 B.C., 
 and the Rededication of the Temple. Judas was a shrewd 
 leader. He knew his own country well, and chose his 
 battlegrounds where a few brave men could match an 
 army, or where he could surprise his foes. He defeated 
 in succession Apolonius, the Syrian governor of Samaria, 
 Seron, the governor of southern Syria, whose large anny 
 was attacked while it was climbing the steep ascent of 
 Bethhoron, and the three generals sent against him by 
 Lysias, the regent of the Seleucidean empire. Finally 
 Lysias himself assembled a huge army which reached the 
 Judean plateau from Philistia. Near Bethsur a great 
 battle took place. Neither side won a decisive victory, 
 but Lysias was forced to retire to Antioch. 
 
 Judas and his followers, heartened, enriched with 
 Syrian spoil and jubilant, went at once to Jerusalem and 
 gave themselves to the task of restoring the desecrated 
 Temple, after several years of Syrian control. He 
 cleansed the sanctuary, tore down the altar of Zeus, built 
 a new altar, refurnished the sanctuary and re-established 
 the regular order of worship. Its completion was marked 
 
294 HISTORY OP THE HEBREWS 
 
 by a day of great rejoicing and the initiation of an annual 
 feast, known as the Feast of Lights or Dedication, which 
 is still kept by Jews. 
 
 (484.) The Books of Esther, Tobit and Judith. The 
 Jews at this time were full of hatred and contempt for a 
 Gentile world which dealt so harshly with their interests. 
 They felt that the destruction of the heathen would be 
 the only adequate vindication of God's justice. The 
 spirit of the age is observable, not alone in the apocalypses, 
 but in such a book as Esther. Racial prejudice over- 
 masters religious fervor. The story of Esther exalts 
 loyalty and depicts a fine character, yet it rejoices over 
 precisely what Jonah condemned. A close reading shows 
 that it could not have been written in the Persian age; 
 its spirit of glorification seems to fit right into the stirring 
 days of the Maccabean contest. 
 
 Much like Esther is the heroine of the book of Judith, 
 who risked her honor in order to rid her country of a 
 tyrant, and inspired her people to rout their enemies. 
 
 Of another character was the book of Tobit, written 
 not much later, and more in the spirit of the book of 
 Jonah. It represents the opinion of the traveled Jew, 
 acquainted with other peoples, famiUar with Greek, 
 liberalized in thought and custom. In the case of such a 
 Jew the intense religious pride and bigotry of his Judean 
 relatives shaded into a devotion and reverence which 
 recognized fhe opportunity which God had given the He- 
 brew to convert the world. 
 
 (485.) The Last Four Years of the Leadership of 
 Judas. Judas lost no time in dealing repeated and vigor- 
 ous blows against the surrounding enemies of the Jews, 
 the Idumeans, Ammonites and the Syrians of Galilee. 
 In a very brief time he overran a territory larger than 
 David's kingdom. He thus gained great prestige, dis- 
 heartened his enemies, rescued multitudes of Jews and 
 built up the population of Judea into strength.* 
 
 He attempted to capture the citadel of Jerusalem, 
 
 *For Palestine under his rule and that of Jonathan, see the map facing 
 page 290. 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 295 
 
 which was garrisoned by Syrian soldiers. This roused 
 Antiochus V, Eupator, the son and heir of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes, who sent a huge army against Judas, defeated 
 him, besieged him in Jerusalem, and might have ended 
 the Maccabean struggle, had not complications at Antioch 
 made a withdrawal advisable. Before going, Antiochus 
 made a treaty with Judas which granted full religious 
 liberty to the Jews. With this many of the followers of 
 Judas were satisfied, and were unwilling to fight longer. 
 Antiochus appointed as high priest Alcimus, a leader of 
 the hellenizing party, whom Judas distrusted and pre- 
 vented from the exercise of his functions. Alcimus fled 
 to Antioch, complained to the new king, Demetrius, that 
 Judas was plotting high treason, and was sent back with 
 an army behind him, which, though twice defeated, was 
 replaced by another. Terror or jealousy had thinned 
 the ranks of the army of Judas, until he was obliged to 
 face more than twenty thousand soldiers under Bacchides 
 with eight hundred men. In the fierce struggle that 
 followed the heroic leader fell. 
 
 (486.) The Work of Judas. At Eleasa perished a 
 brave and noble soul. He had won for his people the 
 priceless boon of religious freedom, he had built up Judea, 
 he had set a fine example of devotedness and persistency, 
 and had inspired many with a vision of political inde- 
 pendence. In many respects he repeated the work of 
 Joshua. 
 
 (487.) The Leadership of Jonathan. (161-143 B.C.) 
 With the death of Judas the three remaining brothers 
 and their followers became outlaws. The hellenistic 
 faction, led by Alcimus and supported by Bacchides, was 
 supreme. Alcimus even dared to order the barrier which 
 separated the outer and inner courts of the Temple to be 
 pulled down, so that there would be no difference between 
 Jews and Gentiles. His sudden death in 160 B.C. stopped 
 this work and was regarded by loyal Jews as an act of 
 divine retribution. Such measures soon caused the faith- 
 ful to long for their old leadership. Jonathan was chosen 
 " ruler and captain." He was a clever leader, quick to 
 
296 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 take advantage of sudden openings. In his day the 
 possession of the throne of Syria was bitterly contested, 
 especially after 152 B.C., when a pretender, Alexander 
 Balas, raised the standard of revolt against Demetrius I. 
 By 150 B.C., Balas succeeded in defeating Demetrius, 
 put him to death and ascended the throne for five years 
 (150-145 B.C.). In 158 B.C. Demetrius permitted Jona- 
 than to settle at Micmash within the bounds of Judea and 
 to become the ruler of the Judeans as his vassal, kept in 
 check by the garrisons at the citadel at Jerusalem and in 
 a series of fortresses built by Bacchides at strategic points, 
 such as Jericho, Emmaus, Bethhoron, Bethel, Bethsur, 
 and other unidentified places. For six years Jonathan 
 quietly grew in strength under these conditions. In 153 
 he made Jerusalem his residence. When Alexander Balas 
 attacked Demetrius in 152 B.C., Demetrius, to keep 
 Jonathan loyal, permitted him to organize a small stand- 
 ing army and to rebuild the fortifications of Mt. Zion and 
 of Jerusalem. Syrian soldiery were left only in the citadel 
 at Jerusalem and at Bethsur. Hearing what Demetrius 
 had done, Alexander Balas appointed Jonathan to the 
 vacant high priesthood and sent him princely insignia, 
 thus recognizing him as the civil and religious head of the 
 Jewish state. Under Balas (150-145 B.C.), Jonathan's 
 power rapidly increased. He was made governor of 
 Judea. When Balas was threatened by Demetrius II, 
 Jonathan obtained control of much of Philistia by fighting 
 on his sovereign's behalf. Balas was defeated in 145 B.C., 
 and Demetrius II (145-140 B.C.) ascended the Syrian 
 throne. Jonathan had already begun to lay siege to the 
 citadel in Jerusalem. Summoned to the presence of 
 Demetrius to explain this hostile act, he succeeded by 
 gifts and diplomacy in winning the friendship of Demet- 
 rius, a strip of Samaritan territory, and a promise of 
 exemption from tribute in return for the lump sum of 
 three hundred talents. Unable to take the citadel, he 
 built the great waU which isolated it (§478), and led to its 
 surrender to Simon. Soon afterwards Jonathan fell a 
 victim to treachery, and was immediately succeeded in 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 297 
 
 the leadership by Simon, the one remaining brother of the 
 original Hasmonean leaders and, in many respects, 
 the noblest and most able of them aU, the one who had 
 modestly and steadily upheld the authority of his brothers 
 for twenty-three years. Demetrius needed Simon's loyal 
 adhesion and, being assured of his support, recognized 
 Simon as high priest, confinned the promises made to 
 Jonathan and remitted the payment of tribute. Thus 
 the year 143 B.C. became the starting point of a real 
 Jewish independence. 
 
 XX 
 
 THE PERIOD OF JEWISH INDEPENDENCE. 143 TO 63 B.C. 
 
 (FIRST MACCABEES 13-16; JOSEPHUS; SIMILITIIDES OF 
 
 ENOCH; EARLY SIBYLLINE ORACLES; WISDOM 
 
 OF SOLOMON.) 
 
 (488.) From the beginning of Simon's beneficent rule 
 until Pompey's virtual annexation of Judea to Rome's 
 dominions was only eighty years. They were years of 
 disappointment and distress in many particulars, yet 
 significant, after all, for Judaism. They had particular 
 value in binding together the great Jewish world, in in- 
 tensifying the dedication of the Jews as a people to God's 
 service, in developing the expectation of a Messiah and 
 in impressing upon the thinking outside world some sense 
 of the truths which were great and living realities to a 
 Jew. The history of the period, even when told by a Jew 
 who loved his people, reveals the fact that the people of 
 Judea were their own worst foes. Internal dissensions 
 were chiefly responsible for wrecking the Hasmonean 
 kingdom. The rulers were not quite strong enough to 
 carry their discordant, perhaps incompatible' duties as 
 civil and religious rulers, and found it hardly possible to 
 hold the loyalty of both of the two rapidly diverging 
 parties, the Pharisees and Sadducees. Their method of 
 meeting emergencies was to ignore them and to pltmge 
 into such conquests as were possible. They thus increased 
 their domxinions and their prestige, but permitted the 
 state to become gradually a camp of warring factions, who 
 hated one another more than they did an outside foe. 
 
298 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 The Hasmonean kings did much for Jerusalem by way of 
 its embellishment and strengthening. They made three 
 marked changes. They built a palace on the southwest 
 hill, lowered the level of the old citadel south of the 
 Temple to that of the rest of the ridge, and built a new 
 citadel to the northwest of the Temple to replace the old 
 one. 
 
 (489.) The Happy Rule of Simon. (143-135 B.C.) 
 Simon was a real father of his people who brought great 
 peace and prosperity to them. Having expelled the 
 Syrian garrison from Jerusalem, he fortified the Temple 
 area. Called to account by Antiochus Sidetes for these 
 acts and for the conquest of Gezer and Joppa, his son, 
 John Hyrcanus, thoroughly defeated the army of Anti- 
 ochus. Thereafter Simon was left in peace. His grate- 
 ful people proclaimed him the civil, military and religious 
 head of Judea. He refrained from calling himself king, 
 but he was a true sovereign. Like his predecessors, he 
 cultivated friendly relations with Rome. Whether this 
 measure was wise or not is open to question; Rome's 
 friendship was somewhat dangerous for little states. 
 
 (490.) The Completion of the Psalter. Not later than 
 the reign of Simon and perhaps much earlier, the Psalter 
 was brought to completion. The date rests especially 
 upon the question of the existence of Maccabean psalms. 
 Psalm 74 is thought to refer rather clearly to the spolia- 
 tion of the Temple by Antiochus. The question whether 
 the Psalter was completed in the Greek or in the Macca- 
 bean age is not of great importance. The Psalter as now 
 printed is separated into five books. This is regarded as 
 a technical division, paralleling the Pentateuch, and of no 
 great significance. The three great divisions, 1-41, 42-89 
 and 90-150, represent stages of editing into compact col- 
 lections. The Psalter was Judaism's great religious 
 hymnal. From a time to which no one can give a date, 
 but probably at least four centuries earlier than Simon's 
 day, it had been at once the expression and the incentive 
 of every phase of religious aspiration. It reflects the 
 inner consciousness of Israel, but likewise of all godly souls. 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 299 
 
 The imprecations and the low ideals which may be found 
 here and there are found in the same proportion in the 
 average heart and for similar reasons. The Psalter is 
 the world's interpreter of God to man. God is its great 
 reality. It seizes upon eternal things and interprets them 
 to human need. Hence, mankind will use these " praises 
 of Israel" while the world stands. 
 
 (49L) The Vigorous and Prosperous Reign of John 
 Hyrcanus. (135-105 B.C.) Simon did not escape the 
 customary fate of the 'sons of Mattathias. His very 
 prosperity made him the object of envy and hatred. His 
 own trusted son-in-law, Ptolemy, murdered Simon and 
 two of his sons at a banquet given in Simon's honor. No 
 doubt Ptolemy expected to succeed Simon, but the third 
 son, John Hyrcanus, escaped to Jerusalem, where he was 
 welcomed. The murderer escaped, after putting the 
 mother of John to death. Antiochus Sidetes, the reigning 
 Syrian king, seized the opportunity to invade Judea. 
 Jerusalem was besieged and capitulated, the walls being 
 partially destroyed and a heavy war tax imposed. Five 
 years later the death of Antiochus left John Hyrcanus 
 practically free, a condition which endured for half a 
 century. For half of this time, Hyrcanus niled without a 
 rival. He set himself to the task of enlarging his domin- 
 ions and making them secure. Employing mercenaries 
 he campaigned, first across the Jordan, then in Samaria. 
 He destroyed the Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim, 
 which for at least two centuries had been a defiant rival 
 of the Temple at Jerusalem. This act intensified the 
 hatred which had been growing up between the Jews and 
 their vSamaritan neighbors. Idumea was next visited. 
 The Edomites had been the persistent foes of the Jews on 
 their southern border. Hyrcanus soon conquered them 
 and compelled the inhabitants to choose between Judaism 
 or exile. It was a mistaken policy, since the absorption 
 of the Edomites opened the way to a series of fatal mis- 
 fortunes to his family. Samaria was the last country to 
 submit to his prowess. Eventually Hyrcanus ruled over 
 a small empire ranging from the southern hills of Galilee 
 
300 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 to the southern desert, and from the Mediterranean to the 
 eastern desert. The captives and treasure he had won 
 enabled Hyrcanus to beautify and strengthen Jerusalem. 
 He built the new castle which remained thenceforth the 
 stronghold for the masters of the city (Acts 21 : 34, 37), a 
 new palace, and probably the high level aqueduct of which 
 Philo writes. Hyrcanus was more of a king than a high 
 priest ; the absurdity of his exercise of the holy ofifice was 
 patent. A large and influential party among his subjects 
 felt outraged by its continuance, and gave expression to 
 their opinion. Hyrcanus did not yield to their desires, but 
 treated them as conspirators against the peace and dig- 
 nity of his kingdom. Fortunately for him there was no 
 rupture during his life. 
 
 (492.) The Three Jewish Parties: Pharisees, Sad- 
 ducees and Essenes. During the reigns of Jonathan, 
 Simon and John, the lines were being drawn which created 
 the two great parties of later Judaism. The Pharisees 
 grew out of that body of devout and loyal men who stood 
 by Judas in his struggles on behalf of Judaism. They 
 were essentially a religious group, not as anxious for 
 political independence as for holiness; indeed, political 
 ambitions did not stir them at all. When religious free- 
 dom had been won they were satisfied, and felt that the 
 nation's energies should be centered on obedience to the 
 Law with full faith in God's power to take care of His 
 people. They spent their energies and resources on the 
 teaching and interpretation of the Law, so that the nation 
 could be indeed holy in God's sight. They looked for 
 the Messiah, and believed that when He appeared the 
 faithful would be raised from the dead to live with Him. 
 Theirs was a clear, consistent, attractive faith, which 
 won the adhesion of the masses. 
 
 The Sadducees were fewer in numbers than the Phari- 
 sees, but were powerful. They were mainly aristocrats, 
 worldly minded priests, obeying the literal commands of 
 the Law, but not stretching them, questioning the resur- 
 rection and a future retribution as being new additions 
 to Jewish faith. They naturally welcomed Hellenic 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 301 
 
 culture, and were willing to gain advantage through for- 
 eign alliances or clever diplomacy or mercenary troops or 
 in any other available way. They seemed to the Phari- 
 sees to lack seriousness or real piety and were despised. 
 The two parties developed so bitter an antagonism that 
 they wrecked the Hasmonean kingdom rather than to get 
 together. 
 
 The Essenes were a sect rather than a party. They 
 sought purity and goodness, but represented an extreme 
 Pharisaism in their methods of attainment. They were 
 ascetics who lived apart from social or civil life in com- 
 mimities. Their life was simple, devout and orderly, 
 that of a monastic brotherhood. They had neither the 
 fierce pride of the Pharisee nor the scornful skepticism of 
 the Sadducee. They delighted in ministering to the 
 humble, poor and feeble. John the Baptist may have 
 spent his early years with them. There never were more 
 than four thousand of the Essenes. The whole movement 
 blended into monasticism. 
 
 (493.) The Complete Translation for Alexandrian Jews 
 of the Old Testament into Greek. As early as the days of 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus (about 250 B.C.), a monumental 
 task of great importance and interest began at Alexandria 
 in Egypt, which was continued for upwards of a century, 
 until it was completed. This task was the translation of 
 the Hebrew Old Testament into Hellenistic Greek. Alex- 
 andria was the great intellectual capital of Judaism. In 
 the days of Simon it has been estimated that a million 
 Jews lived in Egypt. Many of these were wealthy and 
 cultured, but also devout. They had built a temple at 
 Leontopolis as a rallying place in the days when the 
 Syrian persecutions made pilgrimages to Jerusalem im- 
 possible. The new Greek translation was a far greater 
 achievement. It put the Scriptures into a handy book 
 form (§14); it arranged the books in a literary order; it 
 made the Scriptures available to the widespread Greek- 
 speaking world. But best of all, it was the first of a long 
 line of noble translations of which the American Standard 
 Revised Version is the conclusion and crown. The Greek 
 
302 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 version came to be known as the Septuaginta or Seventy, 
 because of the tradition, wholly without foundation, of 
 course, that it was produced by seventy-two rabbis in as 
 many days, each making a separate version, and all agree- 
 ing absolutely. This tradition, entertainingly told with 
 much additional information concerning Palestinian and 
 Egyptian affairs in the second century, may be found in 
 the Letter of Aristaeas, written about 200 B.C. 
 
 (494.) The Completion of the Old Testament Canon. 
 It is not easy to give a date to the virtual completion of 
 the Old Testament in Hebrew. The Pentateuch, as we 
 have seen (§447), was recognized as sacred Scripture about 
 400 B.C. The historical writings (except those of the 
 Chronicler and Ruth and Esther) and the prophetical 
 writings (except Daniel) were recognized in their present 
 form not later than 200 B.C., and possibly half a century 
 earlier. The " Writings " may well have been collected, 
 edited and published in their present form during the 
 years preceding 100 B.C. The status of Daniel, Ecclesi- 
 astes and Esther was not officially settled until 90 A.D., 
 at the rabbinical council of Jamnia (§ 528) , but, practically 
 speaking, they were regarded as Scriptural for the two pre- 
 ceding centuries. 
 
 (495.) The Growth of Scribal Influence. During the 
 Maccabean era the Jews grew to be a " people of the 
 book." They had a profound respect for the authority 
 of their Scriptures as expressing the will of God. The 
 scribes who were the interpreters of these treasures gained 
 a new prominence. The synagogue became more and 
 more the working center of community life. The great 
 desire of the Pharisees to render strict and complete obedi- 
 ence to the Law began to develop that exaltation of petty 
 details and the marvelously intricate scheme of obedience 
 which gradually made Pharisaic Judaism a social burden 
 and a religious hindrance. 
 
 (496.) The Ambitious but Disastrous Reigns of Aris- 
 tobulus (105-104 B.C.) and Alexander Jannaeus (104-78 
 B.C.) When Hyrcanus died he tried to placate the 
 factions in his kingdom by making his eldest son, Aristo- 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 303 
 
 bulus, high priest and leaving the government to his 
 wife. But Aristobulus imprisoned his mother and as- 
 sumed entire control. He was a natural despot and a 
 Hellenist in sympathies. He added a part of Iturea and 
 perhaps of Galilee to his dominions, but died soon after- 
 ward. He was succeeded by the third son of Hyrcanus, 
 the least religious, the most unscrupulous and ambitious 
 of his race^ a man of despotic tendencies, treacherous and 
 revengeful. This ruler was most offensive as a high 
 priest to the religiously minded of Judea. Ministering 
 once at the Temple he ignored the strict rules of proced- 
 ure, whereupon there was a riot, resulting in a massacre 
 of the people and the erection of a permanent barrier 
 aroimd the Temple and altar which wholly excluded the 
 laity. Jannaeus depended for support and counsel more 
 and more upon the Sadducees; while, despite the loyalty 
 of Alexandra, his wife, to the Pharisees, they, as a party, 
 developed a deadly hatred for the king. He was usually 
 at war, and managed to maintain himself and add to his 
 dominions.* But his reign accomplished three deplor- 
 able resiilts. It estranged the loyalty of the finest Ju- 
 deans to the Hasmonean dynasty; it developed a mur- 
 derous rivalry between Pharisees and Sadducees; and it 
 drained the resources of his conglomerate kingdom. Its 
 glory was unsubstantial. 
 
 (497.) The " Golden Age " of Alexandra. (78-69 
 B.C.) Alexandra, the wife of Jannaeus, succeeded to his 
 throne, the second queen in Israel's history. She reversed 
 her husband's policy, for her sympathies were with the 
 Pharisees, who had full control during her reign. Her 
 famous brother, Simon ben Shetach, was a leader in what- 
 ever was done. Naturally there was little war and much 
 internal reorganization. According to the Talmud, Simon 
 introduced elementary schooling in connection with each 
 synagogue, and instruction became the duty of the scribes 
 instead of parents. A regular annual Temple tax was also 
 imposed on every Israelite. These two changes were of 
 great importance to Judaism. In Alexandra's day also 
 *For the extent of his dominions, see the map facing page 290. 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 the Sanhedrin was reorganized and scribes were admitted 
 to its membership. Her nine years were golden days for 
 the Pharisees. They misused their power, however, by 
 putting many Sadducees to death, whereupon Alexandra 
 made the mistake of permitting the Sadducees to retire to 
 the greater portion of the fortresses of the land for protec- 
 tion. They waited there in security for a turn of fortune. 
 
 (498.) The Apologetic Jewish Writings. The conten- 
 tions of Judaism with Hellenism for more than a century 
 seemed incomprehensible to the average Greek. He dis- 
 liked and despised, just as the average Roman did, so 
 peculiar a people. The Jews of the greater Hellenic 
 world were exposed to all sorts of attack. They were 
 treated unjustly by Greek and Roman writers. In de- 
 fense of their own ideas and practises the Jews not only 
 translated their Scriptures into Greek (§493), but wrote 
 apologetic literature. Demetrius, about 215 B.C., wrote 
 a fulsome history of the Jewish kings. Aristobulus, the 
 philosopher, tried to harmonize Jewish with Greek con- 
 ceptions. Some writers took such a historian as Heca- 
 taeus, who had written in friendly fashion about the Jews, 
 and expanded what he had written. The crowning ex- 
 ample of their activity is the third book of the Sibjdline 
 Oracles, lines 97-817, which sketched the history of the 
 world to Roman times, prophesied Israel's future and the 
 Messianic blessings and appealed to the world to abandon 
 idolatry and worship the one true God. Multitudes who 
 ignored the philosophers were really impressed by these 
 Homeric hexameters, which were unquestionably the 
 product of Jewish minds. 
 
 (499.) The Book of the Wisdom of Solomon. One of 
 the finest products of this age, composed in Egypt by a 
 Jew, who was very familiar with the literature and point 
 of view of Hellenism, was the Book of Wisdom. Its 
 author was a loyal, but enlightened Jew. His work was 
 a study of the problems already considered in Ecclesiastes 
 (§471), but it came to a more satisfying conclusion. It 
 consists of five elaborate discourses : 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 305 
 
 The Book of Wisdom. 
 
 1. Wisdom and an indulgence in wickedness do not go together. There 
 must be singleness of heart. 1: 1-11. 
 
 2. The wisdom of the world ignores immortality and thus belittles 
 character and is satisfied with superficial joy. 1: 12 to 6: 11. 
 
 3. Wisdom is desirable because she brings with her the knowledge of 
 humankind, of the universe and of God's will. 6: 12 to 9: 18. 
 
 4. Wisdom saved the world through the great leaders of Israel she 
 inspired. 10: 1 to 11: 6. 
 
 5. Through Wisdom's aid judgments on the wicked have often been 
 transformed into blessings to God's people. 11 : 6 to 19: 22. 
 
 This book was highly esteemed and deserved its repu- 
 tation. It advances beyond Ecclesiastes by reason of 
 its confident grasp of immortality and because it surveys 
 this life and its happenings in the light of eternity. Our 
 Lord and St. Paul may have found much that was at- 
 tractive in this noble work of reflection. 
 
 (500.) The Impulse given by the Age to Apocalyptical 
 Composition. Attention has been called in earlier para- 
 graphs (§§316, 421, 453, 456, 470) to passages in the 
 prophetical writings, such as Zeph., Isa. 24-27, Joel, 
 Zech. 12-14, which betrayed the growth of the apocalyp- 
 tical temper. Apocalypse may be defined as a looking 
 forward to the achievement of God's purposes by His 
 sudden, supernatural intervention. It must be distin- 
 guished from genuine prophecy, which conceives the 
 future as a time when nations and individuals will be in- 
 wardly transformed into loyal children of God. Prophecy 
 hopes to convert the wicked; apocalypse would destroy 
 them and thus give room for righteousness. The bitter 
 experiences of faithful Jews during the Greek and Macca- 
 bean periods tended to center their attention upon the 
 probability of a divine overturning of the existing world. 
 How and when this would take place they did not know, 
 but it seemed to them the clear pathway for Almighty 
 power. 'Naturally such devout souls took delight in the 
 book of Daniel, and kept anticipating the establishment 
 of the " heavenly kingdom which shall never be destroyed 
 but shall stand forever." (Dan. 2:44.) 
 
 Two noteworthy books were issued probably before the 
 close of Alexandra's reign, the book of Enoch and the book 
 
306 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 of Jubilees. The book of Enoch contains material as 
 old as the Maccabean struggle and as late as the first half 
 of the first century B.C. It is a sort of Judaistic " Dante" 
 explaining the mysteries of the angelic world and God's 
 purposes for the future, all put into the mouth of Enoch, 
 because of his supposed transference to the heavenly 
 sphere while alive (Gen. 5:24). It throws more light 
 upon Jewish ideas concerning the resurrection, the judg- 
 ment, the Messiah, angelology, demonology, the vindica- 
 tion of the righteous and the Messianic age than any 
 other one book. All these ideas are clothed in strange 
 and often wderd symbolism, a feature characteristic of 
 apocalypse, not infrequently, perhaps, because this sort 
 of literature was meant to be illuminating and comfort- 
 ing to those who could interpret it and to be quite mean- 
 ingless to outsiders. The early Christians thought highly 
 of this book. The Fathers often quoted from it. 
 
 The book of Jubilees was a sort of commentary on 
 Genesis intended to arouse the Jews to a deeper devoted- 
 ness to the Law, and to Levitical ordinances, which it 
 traced back in all their strictness to earliest times. Its 
 expositions reveal the hopes of a loyal Jew as he looked 
 forward, and the basis of his conviction that the day of 
 the Messiah would not be long delayed. Its date may 
 possibly be placed fifty years before Alexandra's reign. 
 
 The three books, Daniel, Enoch and Jubilees, were 
 among the choicest examples of a numerous apocalyptic 
 literature which explains much that is mysterious in the 
 thinking of the Jewish people as expressed in the New 
 Testament. 
 
 (501.) The Civil Strife between Hsrrcanus n and Aristo- 
 biilus II, resulting in an Appeal to Pompey, who made 
 Judea the Tributary of Rome in 63 B.C. (69-63 B.C.) 
 Hyrcanus, the elder son of Alexandra, was inefficient and 
 spiritless. He had been made high priest during Alex- 
 andra's reign. Aristobulus, his brother, was ambitious 
 and energetic. The latter had sided with the Sadduceans 
 and helped them to gain permission to occupy the for- 
 tresses of the kingdom (§497). At his mother's death 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 307 
 
 Aristobulus was ready to seize the throne, but was willing 
 to permit his brother to continue as high priest. Hyr- 
 canus might have acceded to this arrangement had not 
 Antipater, the governor of Idumea and the evil genius 
 of the Hasmonean family, persuaded him to flee to Petra 
 and secure the help of the Arab prince, Aretas, in winning 
 the throne of Judea. Aristobulus was defeated and 
 sought refuge on the fortified Temple mountain. About 
 this time the Roman general, Pompey, successfully con- 
 quered Pontus and Armenia and planned to establish the 
 authority of Rome as far as the Euphrates. His lieuten- 
 ant, Scaurus, was in Syria. Hearing of the siege of Aristo- 
 bulus, Scaurus hastened to Palestine. Appealed to by 
 both brothers, he ordered Aretas to withdraw. For a 
 brief period Aristobulus was the master of the situation. 
 But in the spring of 63 B.C. three deputations met Pompey 
 at Damascus, one representing Hyrcanus, one Aristobulus, 
 and a third the Pharisaic party, which declared their wish 
 that Rome should assume political control of Palestine 
 and leave its people free to worship God in their own way. 
 Pompey's decision was in favor of annexation. The fol- 
 owers of Aristobulus held out so bitterly that Pompey 
 carried Aristobulus and his family away to grace his 
 Roman triumph. Thus the Hasmonean monarchy came 
 to an end. 
 
 (502.) The Permanent Results of the Maccabean Age. 
 We have already noted the increase of the Jewish popula- 
 tion of Judea and the extension of the kingdom until it 
 covered the greater part of Palestine, the broadening of 
 Jewish culture and the development of racial loyalty to 
 the oral as well as to the written Law. To these results of 
 the past century might be added a new sense of racial 
 unity. Henceforth all loyal Jews regarded Jerusalem as 
 the one center of their religious world. There was also a 
 fresh sense of the larger unity of mankind, a scholastic 
 idea, however, rather than a popular one. With all these 
 changes, there had come an increasing emphasis upon the 
 royal hopes of the race. The century of independence 
 abounded in contrasts all the way from valiant achieve- 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 ment to basest treachery, from supreme devotedness to 
 the Law to entire indifference to all religion, from wonder- 
 ful advances to astonishing failures but it threshed 
 Judaism into its final form. 
 
 XXI 
 
 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF ROMAN OVERLORDSHIP IN JUDEA 
 
 AND PALESTINE. 63 TO 37 B.C. (JOSEPHUS, SECOND 
 
 MACCABEES, THE PSALMS OF SOLOMON.) 
 
 (503.) The quarrels of Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II 
 not only invited the interference of the Romans, who were 
 quick to notice the internal weakness of the little kingdoms 
 within their sphere of influence, but introduced as a 
 prominent factor in Jewish affairs a new and fateful influ- 
 ence in the person of Antipater, the Idumean. His 
 family held all the real power there was outside of Rome's 
 direct sovereignty until the downfall of Jerusalem in 
 70 A.D. 
 
 When Pompey reinstated Hyrcanus as high priest and 
 administrator with the title of ethnarch, the Pharisees 
 were satisfied, but not the people, who fretted under the 
 Roman yoke. Their religious teachers declared that the 
 Messiah would right all Jewish wrongs in good time if 
 they were religiously faithful, but they had their ears open 
 to every summons to fight for freedom. Pompey re- 
 organized Palestine, restored their local liberty to many 
 Greek cities, reduced Judea to its earlier smallness of 
 size and organized the Decapolis league in East Jordan. 
 If he hoped by strengthening the independent Greek com- 
 munities and by encouraging the rebuilding of the ruined 
 cities to balance the power of the Jews by that of more 
 loyal Greek districts, he did not appreciate the Jewish 
 people. Reckless of results, they followed their impulses. 
 Whenever a claimant to the Jewish throne appeared, an 
 army rallied to his support. For twenty-three years 
 Hyrcanus was the nominal ruler; but these were years of 
 turmoil which only made more inevitable the rule of 
 Rome. The Senate finally made Herod the king of 
 Judea, because it recognized him as a man of commanding 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 309 
 
 ability who could bring order into the distracted land. 
 
 (504.) The First Twelve Years after Pompey's Con- 
 quest. (63-52 B.C.) For several years peace reigned in 
 Palestine, but in 57 B.C. Alexander, the son of Aristo- 
 bulus, escaped from Rome, appeared in Judea, and ap- 
 pealed to his countrymen. His army was defeated by 
 Gabinius, the proconsul of Syria, who proceeded to divide 
 Judea into districts, and to rebuild the old Greek cities, 
 in order to make Judea less unified and dangerous. Al- 
 most immediately Aristobulus himself escaped from Rome 
 with his son Antigonus, and raised again the standard of 
 revolt. This uprising was quelled and Aristobulus sent 
 back to Rome, but his sons were permitted to live in 
 Judea. The absence of Gabinius in Egypt encouraged 
 Alexander to attempt a third uprising, which was de- 
 feated more disastrously than ever. These revolts had 
 merely confirmed Rome in the opinion that the Jews were 
 a turbulent, rebellious people, had intensified the Jewish 
 hatred of their conquerors and had forwarded the interests 
 of Antipater, who in a way almost uncanny seemed al- 
 ways to reap advantage from the misfortunes of the 
 others. He served alike the interests of the Romans and 
 of the Jews. He could not prevent Crassus, as consul in 
 Syria, from plundering the Temple, nor his people from 
 revolting once more because of the deed, but he was not 
 held responsible for the outrage nor for its outcome. In 
 52 B.C. this fourth revolt was quelled with such severity 
 that the people remained quiet for some years. 
 
 (505.) The Psalms of Solomon. These eighteen psalms 
 express the ideas and hopes of loyal Pharisees in the days 
 which followed Pompey's conquest. They dwell upon 
 God's righteousness. His treatment of sinners. His sure 
 mercy toward Israel. They long for the Messiah, con- 
 ceiving Him as a human ruler with noble ideals of govern- 
 ment and religion. They express a confident belief in 
 the resurrection and immortality of the righteous, while 
 they realize that the nation is suffering under the just 
 judgments of a loving God. 
 
 (506.) The Appointment of Herod by Julius Caesar as 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 Governor of GalUee. About 45 B.C. The struggle for 
 supremacy between Caesar and Pompey, which was 
 decided in Caesar's favor at Pharsalia, August, 48 B.C., 
 was the occasion of the death of two of the claimants to 
 Judea's throne, Aristobulus and his son, Alexander. It 
 left Antigonus, the other son, as the only rival of his uncle, 
 Hyrcanus, the puppet of Antipater. Antipater had 
 naturally sided with Pompey, who ruled the East ; but he 
 managed to perform such valuable services to Caesar in 
 the months following Pharsalia that the conqueror re- 
 warded him and his people generously. The districts of 
 Gabinius were abolished, Antipater was made a Roman 
 citizen, Hyrcanus was again made ethnarch and high 
 priest with Antipater as his prime minister, the Sanhedrin 
 was given authority over local Jewish interests, the Ju- 
 deans were granted religious freedom and exempted from 
 supporting Roman legions and from serving in them. 
 Antipater showed wonderful judgment in the requests 
 which he made. He did not fail to think of his own family 
 and secured from Caesar the appointment of his son 
 Phasael as governor of Jerusalem and of his son Herod 
 as governor of Galilee. Herod was young and ambitious. 
 He signalized his accession to ofhce by clearing Galilee of 
 the robbers who infested it. With their customary folly, 
 the Sanhedrists summoned him to answer to them for 
 exercising the death penalty without permission. Such 
 treatment angered him, and only his father's counsels 
 prevented him from attacking Jerusalem and putting the 
 Sanhedrists to death. With two such sons Antipater 
 might well feel secure concerning his hold upon Judea. 
 His hopes, whatever they were, were blasted by Caesar's 
 assassination in 44 B.C. With his wonderful talent for 
 diplomacy, however, he and his sons managed to keep the 
 favor, first of Cassius, then of Antony. Antipater met 
 his death by poisoning, but Phasael and Herod were given 
 full control of Judean affairs in 42 B.C. 
 
 (507.) The Parthian Invasion of Palestine the Occa- 
 sion of Herod's Appointment as King of Judea. While 
 Rome was in disturbance the Parthians, the long-time 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 311 
 
 foes of Rome, seized Syria. Encouraged by them, Anti- 
 gonus returned to Palestine in 41 B.C., and with their aid 
 and that of the Jews who hated Herod, he actually estab- 
 lished himself in Jerusalem. Hyrcanus and Phasael fell 
 victims to his treachery; Herod had to flee, first to the 
 fortress of Masada, then to Egypt and Rome. He urged 
 Anthony, and Octavian to appoint Aristobulus III, the 
 grandson of Hyrcanus, as king of Judea and to give him 
 the post of prime minister to Aristobulus. They were 
 rightly suspicious of Hasmoneans, and, recognizing Herod's 
 ability and friendship, offered him the kingship, an ap- 
 pointment speedily confirmed by the senate in the autumn 
 of 40 B.C. Herod went right to work to make the title a 
 real one. It took three years of persistent fighting, but 
 finally, in the fall of 37 B.C., Jerusalem was taken and 
 Antigonus was ignominiously beheaded. Herod strength- 
 ened his hold upon the throne by marrying Mariamne, the 
 beautiful granddaughter of Hyrcanus II, to whom he had 
 been betrothed for five of six years. 
 
 XXII 
 
 HEROD THE GREAT, THE KIKG OF THE JEWS. 
 37 TO 4 B.C. (JOSEPHUS.) 
 
 (508.) With the establishment of Herod on the throne 
 of Judea a remarkable career began. Herod was an 
 unusual man. He was successful as a soldier and diplo- 
 mat, keen as a leader and judge of men, and masterful, 
 shrewd and efficient as an administrator. He was also 
 ruthless in method, relentless in pursuit of those whom he 
 regarded as his enemies, impatient of opposition or con- 
 trol and a slave to his passions. He was never common- 
 place, but his greatness was that of the egotistical tyrant, 
 never that of the disinterested or even broadminded 
 statesman. He played with skill and assurance a most 
 difficult part in keeping the balance between a fanatical 
 people and their aggressive masters, between Judaism as 
 expounded by the very learned and wholly unyielding 
 scribes of his day and the Hellenism in which he really 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 rejoiced. He was not wholly successful. His subjects 
 were neither blind nor stupid. They admired his genius 
 and feared his prowess, but they hated him throughout 
 his reign, notwithstanding his great services to Juclea and 
 to the greater Jewish world. Had he used his unusual 
 powers for ends which were truly great and worthy, the 
 course of Palestinian history might have greatly altered. 
 Yet the Jewish people were already heading towards their 
 doom. They were in these decades, as so often before, 
 their own worst foes. 
 
 (509.) The Meaning to Western Asia of the Dominion 
 of Rome. The overlordship of Rome had much signifi- 
 cance for the Asiatic world and for the Judea of Herod's 
 day. It meant, of course, the transfer of the seat of 
 authority and power to Rome, the shifting, likewise, of 
 the center of commercial life from Alexandria to the im- 
 perial city. But it meant at the same time the vast 
 increase of traffic and business and national interchange 
 because of the security which Rome established on land 
 and sea alike. A trip to Palestine from Italy became 
 no more of a venture than a voyage from California to 
 China or Japan becomes today. Most of all the rule of 
 Rome gave a unity to the world never known before 
 through its wonderful scheme of imperial highways, its 
 genius for discipline and organization, and its great system 
 of law. 
 
 (510.) Herod's Slow Establishment of His Dynasty 
 (37-25 B.C.) Herod's genius fitted into Roman plans. He 
 had the imperial vision and a fundamental sense of order. 
 For some years his throne was wholly dependent on the 
 caprice of Antony and was endangered by the intrigues of 
 Cleopatra of Egypt, and of Alexandra, the daughter of 
 Hyrcanus, who hated Herod with ample reason. Salome, 
 Herod's sister, hated Mariamne, his beautiful, imperious 
 wife, and sought to stir him to jealousy, so that he would 
 put her to death. He managed to evade his political 
 dangers, but became more and more a victim of jealous 
 rage. Throwing in his fortunes with Octavian, Herod 
 was confirmed in his kingdom, which was enlarged by 
 
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LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 313 
 
 districts in the East Jordan country, Samaria and Phil- 
 istia. But led by trickery to believe in Mariamne's un- 
 faithfulness he put her to death and, soon after, the 
 tricky Alexandra and all the remaining kindred of the 
 Hasmonean house. There were then no possible rivals 
 to Herod's own family. 
 
 (511.) The Brilliant Period of His Reign (25-13 B.C.) 
 By 25 B.C. Octavian had begun to be termed Augustus 
 and to organize his dominions in imperial fashion. Herod 
 was of much use to him in the maintenance of peace on 
 his eastern border, so Herod's territory was gradually 
 enlarged until it included virtually the whole of Palestine.* 
 He was also in sympathy with the imperial desire to pro- 
 mote the unity of the world through the spread of Hellenic 
 culture. During the next decade and more Herod set 
 himself to the task of using his resources in the promotion 
 of this policy. He safeguarded his authority by the con- 
 struction of fortresses. He tried to develop a love of the 
 ways of Hellenism by instituting games every quodren- 
 nium, by erecting gymnasia, statues and temples both in 
 Palestine and in outside cities, and by focalizing at Jeru- 
 salem many social and literary interests. He gave Rome 
 a secure harbor and safe administrative center by building 
 the port and city of Caesarea. Other beautiful cities he 
 built or rebuilt, Sebaste, Antipatris, Agrippeion and 
 Phasaelis. He did not neglect the prosperity of his own 
 land. Jerusalem increased greatly in security, popula- 
 tion, commerce and size. He repaired the walls, erected 
 four strong and lofty towers provided with battlements 
 and turrets, increased the palace area and constructed a 
 new palace on the southwest hill. This became the Prae- 
 torium of the Roman procurators. He had, also, some- 
 what earlier, rebuilt and enlarged the citadel at vast 
 expense, naming it Antonia. 
 
 (512.) The Rebuilding of the Temple. Herod's new 
 and beautiful structures in the most conspciuous part of 
 Jerusalem made Zerubbabel's Temple look rather small 
 and shabby. He thought to add to his glorj'' and popu- 
 
 *For his kingdom, see the map facing page 312. 
 
314 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 larity by rebuilding the Temple. With great difficulty 
 he gained the consent of his people by promising that the 
 old structure should not be pulled dowTi until he was 
 ready to build the new one, and by arrangiijj| that no 
 heathen hands should touch the Sanctuary-. He put a 
 thousand priests into training as masons and carpenters. 
 About the beginning of 19 B.C., the enterprise was begun. 
 The Sanctuary was finished in eighteen months, but the 
 completion of the larger group of buildings was seven 3^ears 
 later. The Temple was not completed in ever}' detail, 
 according to Josephus, until about 63 A.D., six or seven 
 years before its destruction. 
 
 Herod's Temple differed from Zerubbabel's in several 
 respects. He doubled the area about it at vast expense, 
 made the Porch into a tall facade one hundred and 
 seventy feet high, and so adjusted the sturounding space 
 that around the Sanctuary was a court for priests only, 
 outside of that the court of Israel and the coiut for 
 women, and outside both of these the court of the Gen- 
 tiles, where any one could go. 
 
 The worship at this Temple was very elaborate. Ac- 
 cording to Josephus twenty thousand priests ministered 
 at the Temple in twenty-four squads, each serving a week 
 at a time. Two pubHc services were held each day, at 
 sunrise and at sunset. On great days a very elaborate 
 ritual was followed, which must have deepty impressed 
 every reverent soul. It helped to give their religion a 
 stronger hold than ever on the hearts of loyal Jews. 
 
 (513.) The Messianic Expectation. We have noted 
 in our study of prophecy and apocalypse, three ways 
 in which Israel's hopes for the future found expression. 
 In the earlier, nationaUstic days (§304) Jehovah's plans 
 for the world were to be carried out through a Davidic 
 king or ruler who was to direct the affairs of the repentant 
 nation with wisdom tmder Divine blessing and protection. 
 Parallel -with that idea another developed, which looked 
 for a leadership which would fit the nation through self- 
 renunciation to evangelize the world and bring it in re- 
 pentance to Jehovah's feet (§401.) • A third conception 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 315 
 
 was that Jehovah would intervene in majesty to destroy 
 the wicked and thus open the way for Israel to do her 
 work (§500.) The common elements in all these con- 
 ceptions were the unquestioned power and purpose of 
 Almighty God, the universality of His worship and Israel's 
 part in bringing it about. 
 
 The Jews of Herod's day had no clear program of the 
 future in mind. They were much under the influence 
 of the apocalyptical writings which declared that God 
 would intervene some day supematurally, and make the 
 Jewish nation supreme over its enemies. They pictured 
 the Messiah as coming from God to deliver and preserve 
 Israel, to rule and judge the world. Apparently the 
 recognized leaders of the national thinking ignored the 
 spiritual interpretation of prophetic hopes found in Isaiah 
 53 and expected a Hteral fulfilment of the nationalistic 
 declarations of the earlier prophets. They made the 
 fatal error, so common even today among students of 
 prophecy, of emphasizing the letter of prophecy and 
 overlooking its essential meaning. Properly and histori- 
 cally interpreted, the true religious thinking of Israel, as 
 outlined and guided by the prophets, reveals a steady, 
 almost even progress from Amos 3:1, 2 to Isaiah 52: 12 
 to 53 : 12. In Herod's day, however, as in the twen- 
 tieth century, interpreters abounded who ignored all 
 progress. 
 
 (514.) The Last Years of Herod (13-4 B.C.) The task 
 which Herod set himself of making the Jews an integral 
 part of the Graeco-Roman world was hopeless. The 
 spirit of Judaism was unconquerable and immovable. 
 The task was all the more impossible, however, because 
 the king became so degenerate. The last years of his life 
 were one continuous tangle of suspicions, intrigue and 
 murder. Even when death was staring in his face, in- 
 stead of seeking to make his memory honored by some 
 last act of friendliness, he planned the worst crime of all. 
 He sent for Salome, and directed her to summon all the 
 principal men of the nation, to shut them up in the hippo- 
 drome and, at the announcement of his death, to massacre 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 XXIV 
 
 THE LAST TRAGIC QUARTER CENTURY OF A GLORIOUS 
 NATIONAL LIFE. 44 TO 70 A.D. (JOSEPHUS.) 
 
 (521.) The Jewish people dominated and directed by- 
 Pharisaic bigotry and shortsightedness and stirred by 
 Messianic expectations were in no condition to endure 
 the outrages to which they were subjected by the seven 
 procurators who quickly succeeded one another in the 
 administration of Palestine after the death of Agrippa, 
 his young son being regarded as too inexperienced for 
 such responsibilities. They were fairly goaded into re- 
 bellion by the stupid brutality of these men of power, 
 whose only ambition was to line their pockets. 
 
 Agrippa II, when twenty -one years of age, in 48 A.D. 
 was given by Claudius the small kingdom of Chalcis, 
 and, five years later, the tetrarchies of Philip and 
 Lysanias with the title of King. To these dominions 
 Nero added. He was "expert " in matters Jewish (Acts 
 25 : 13 to 26 : 32), but corrupt. He sided with the Romans, 
 was rewarded by them and spent his last years in the 
 imperial city. 
 
 (522.) The Seven Imperial Procurators. (44-66 A.D.) 
 The authority and responsibility of a procurator was just 
 enough undefined to permit an unscrupulous one to 
 wrong his subjects in a thousand ways, petty and serious. 
 The seven were in succession: (1) Cuspius Fadus (44-45), 
 a short-sighted blunderer; (2) Tiberius Alexander (45-48), 
 an apostate, whom the people hated for that reason; (3) 
 Cumanus (48-52) , a very corrupt and cruel man ; (4) Felix 
 (52-60), a cruel and severe ruler; (5) Porcius Festus (60- 
 62), a weak man; (6) Albinus (62-64), a plunderer; and 
 (7) Gessius Floras (64-66) , cruel, infamous and grasping. 
 These rulers took no pains to study their Jewish charges. 
 Their stupid blunders or wilful crimes fanned prejudice 
 and fanaticism into flame. 
 
 (523.) The Refusal of the Jews to Honor the Emperor 
 and their Defeat of Gallus, the Legate of Syria. (66 A.D.) 
 At last, exasperated beyond self control by the insolence 
 and greed of these Roman procurators, of whom Florus 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 319 
 
 was the very worst, the people of Judea declared war in 
 66 A.D. by formally refusing to offer the daily sacrifice 
 at the Temple for the emperor, a practise which they had 
 faithfully observed for not less than half a century. It 
 was a direct and public refusal of respect and defiance of 
 authority. 
 
 During the first year, when the Jews had to deal only 
 with the small Roman garrisons in Judea and with the 
 army of Gallus, the legate of Syria, they gained several 
 victories. They were not a unit, however. The extreme 
 revolutionists fought the temporizers as readily as they 
 attacked the Roman soldiers. But the menace of the 
 vengeance of Rome ultimately drew them together. 
 
 (524.) The Gradual Mastery of Palestine by Vespasian 
 and Titus (67-70 A.D.) Realizing the seriousness of the 
 rebellion the emperor, Nero, ordered Vespasian, one of 
 his most experienced and reliable generals, to go to Pales- 
 tine and direct the campaign. He planned with wisdom 
 to subdue the country and make the capture of Jerusalem 
 the closing event of his conquest. A year of fierce fight- 
 ing gave him the undisputed mastery of Galilee. The 
 next few months added the regions east of Jordan and 
 south and west of Jerusalem. The death of the emperor 
 Nero and the confusion in Italy delayed direct operations 
 for nearly a year, until Vespasian himself had been chosen 
 emperor (July 69) and placed on the throne of the Caesars. 
 He appointed his son, Titus, to be the general of the 
 forces in Judea. After a further delay, during which the 
 Christians and such as took their friendly warnings es- 
 caped to Pella across the Jordan, and factionalism ran 
 riot in Jerusalem, Titus advanced to attack the city. For 
 over a year Jerusalem had been a scene of insane civil war 
 to an extent almost unbelievable. The reverses of the 
 Jewish forces in Galilee, commanded and controlled by 
 the aristocratic Sadducean leaders, caused the Zealots, 
 led by John of Gishcala, to assimie control. The Saddu- 
 ceans appealed to the citizens, whereupon the Zealots 
 appealed to the Idumeans, with a consequent flowing of 
 the best blood of Jerusalem for weeks. Finally the Sad- 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 duceans invited a certain Simon, a successful adventurer, 
 to enter Jerusalem to protect them from John. The 
 remedy was as bad as the disease. Three small hostile 
 factions soon developed, one holding the inner court of 
 the Temple which was well defended, another holding the 
 Temple mountain and the third, under Simon's leadership, 
 holding the city. The insane fury of their contention 
 amounted to national suicide. Only after the siege began 
 did these factions unite against their common foe. 
 
 Finally, in April 70 A.D., the Roman army began a 
 siege which continued for five months. It was bitterly 
 contested, foot by foot. When it was over, beautiful 
 Jerusalem and the stately Temple were in ruins. With 
 indomitable spirit the people fought on to the melancholy 
 end. Masada, the last fortress to be starved into sur- 
 render in April A.D. 73, yielded no prisoners. 
 
 (525.) The Writings of this Quarter Century. It is 
 interesting to recall the fact that within this quarter 
 century the writings of the New Testament began to ap- 
 pear. Paul's fifteen years of active, missionary service 
 with the stirring letters through which he comforted, en- 
 couraged, educated and inspired his churches had come 
 to an end before 65 A.D. The Gospel according to Mark 
 had probably appeared before 70 A.D., the first interpre- 
 tation in the form familiar to us of the life of Jesus. Of 
 apocalyptic literature two books may have been in circu- 
 lation which are usually ascribed to the first century A.D., 
 the Secrets of Enoch and the Testament of the Twelve 
 Patriarchs. The former contains a curiously elaborate 
 explanation of the various heavens (Deut. 10: 14; II Cor. 
 12:2), and discusses the millenium and existence after 
 death. It illustrates the thinking of the average Jew of 
 this century. The latter is a review of the dying com- 
 mands of the sons of Jacob to their children, each review- 
 ing his life and setting forth in view of its events certain 
 moral principles. It has many details in common with 
 the book of Jubilees (§500). Each book was the product 
 of the nobler Judaism, and reveals the substratum of 
 intelligent, loyal, truly religious people with which any 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 321 
 
 student of this period must reckon. Quite possibly the 
 Assumption of Moses, a review of world history from the 
 time of Moses to the days of Pompey, ending with a 
 picture of the end of the age and the blessed future, be- 
 longs to this period or earlier. Many such works must 
 have been written to nerve or comfort the people. 
 
 XXV 
 
 THE EPILOGUE TO THE HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS: OBEDI- 
 ENCE TO THE RABBINICAL LAW. (70 TO 136 A.D.) 
 
 (526.) Judaism, though overmastered and deprived of 
 any control of Palestine, was neither destroyed nor wholly 
 deprived of hope. The synagogue and the rabbi were 
 greater unifying forces than Temple or city. The Jewish 
 people were a religious unit all over the Roman empire. 
 With the destruction of the holy city and the sanctuary 
 went the Sanhedrin, the Sadduceans as a party, the priest- 
 hood as leaders, and all national recognition of any sort. 
 The one unifying influence was the Law and the one 
 dominant purpose of all faithful Jews was the achievement 
 of such exact obedience to it that God could once more 
 bless His people and give the Messiah. Rabbinism was 
 blind to the splendid historic fulfillment of Israel's ex- 
 pectations which Judea had already witnessed but ignored. 
 
 (527.) The Rabbinical Headquarters at Jamnia. Mea- 
 greness of information prevents the historian from pictur- 
 ing accurately the conditions in Palestine for the half 
 century or more after 70 A.D. Christianity had its active 
 centres elsewhere. The vast majority of the Jews were 
 to be found in the great commercial cities of the empire, 
 in Asia Minor, Greece, Italy and Egypt. Palestine was 
 governed by a praetor. The Jews who chose to settle 
 there were permitted to do so and allowed to follow their 
 religious customs, but they were treated as direct sub- 
 jects of Rome. Jamnia on the western side of the Philis- 
 tian plain near Ashdod became a rabbinical center. A 
 sort of high court or Sanhedrin was organized there, whose 
 decisions became authoritative for Judaism everywhere. 
 
322 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 (528.) The Authoritative Completion of the Old Testa- 
 ment. It was at Jarrmia at a formal council about 90 A. D. 
 that the Old Testament as we have it today was formally 
 pronounced complete by these recognized leaders of 
 Judaism. Up to their time there had been questionings 
 whether several books such as Esther, Ecclesiastes, and 
 the Song of Songs belonged in the sacred Canon. The 
 decision of the Council was in favor of these books. 
 
 (529.) The Apocaljrpses of Ezra (Second Esdras) and 
 Baruch. These two books were written within this 
 period. The first mentioned is to be found among the 
 Apocrypha under the title of Second Esdras, but it is 
 really an apocalyptical work. Of the sixteen chapters, 
 the first and last pairs remind the reader occasionally of 
 the Gospels (compare 1:30-33 with Matt. 23:37, 38; 
 2: 13 with Matt. 25: 34; 15: 8 with Rev. 6: 10 and 16: 54 
 with Luke 16: 15). These chapters rebuke Israel for her 
 rebelliousness and summon the Gentiles to enter into her 
 inheritance. Chapters 3-14 are distinctly Jewish. They 
 argue that God, though inscrutable, is surely working 
 for the triumph of righteousness. Iniquity has its ap- 
 pointed limit. In due time the Anointed One shall reign, 
 and Israel be gathered to Zion. Meanwhile, Ezra (14 : 13) 
 was to write out for the people, not only the recognized 
 Scriptures, but seventy extra canonical books as well. 
 The elaborate vision of the eagle (11, 12) alludes to the 
 successive emperors of Rome, concluding with Domitian. 
 
 The Apocalypse of Baruch was much like that of Ezra. 
 It purports to be written by Baruch, the scribe of Jere- 
 miah (§318), foretelling the destruction of Jerusalem and 
 its subsequent restoration. It concludes with a letter 
 from Baruch to the tribes in captivity. By analogy its 
 hopeful views of the future helped to console and hearten 
 the despondent Jews. 
 
 (530.) The Rebellions of the Jewish Dispersion (115- 
 118 A.D.) During the imperial reigns of Titus (79-81 
 A.D.), Domitian (81-96 A.D.), Nerva (96-98 A.D.), and 
 most of Trajan's long reign (98-117 A.D.) the Jews were 
 treated with considerable rigor, and yet they flourished 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRIITEN LAW 323 
 
 everywhere. With the attainment of vitality their 
 national spirit broke out afresh. In the last years of 
 Trajan their resolute maintenance of community indi- 
 viduaUty brought upon them such exactions that revolts 
 broke out in Cyrene, Egypt, Cyprus and Mesopotamia. 
 In Palestine the outbreak was retarded by the influence 
 of the aged Joshua, the Taonite. This great uprising was 
 finally quelled. 
 
 (531.) The Rebellion in Palestine under Rabbi AMba 
 and Bar-Cochba (132-135 A.D.) When the emperor 
 Hadrian came to the throne, he at first listened to a plea 
 of the Jewish people in Judea for permission to rebuild 
 their Temple. Later on, becoming convinced of their 
 disloyal spirit, he revoked this permission. This pro- 
 voked a rebellion endorsed by a famous rabbi and led 
 by the successor of Joshua, one Simon bar-Cochba 
 (" Son of a star "), who declared himself to be the antici- 
 pated Messiah. From aU over the oriental world Jews 
 flocked to his standard. Simon actually captured Jeru- 
 salem, proclaimed himself king, and struck coins to com- 
 memorate the event (132 A.D.). The war was bloody 
 and the emperor relentless. Hadrian was so exasperated 
 that he determined to erase the very name of Jerusalem 
 from the map. On the site of the city he founded a 
 Roman colony and erected a temple of Jupiter. Thus 
 was absolutely concluded the history of the Hebrew people 
 as an organized nation. For eighteen centuries Judaism 
 has been no more than a racial and religious fellowship. 
 
 (532.) The Transfer of Judaism's Spiritual Task. Dur- 
 ing these sixty-five years of impotency on Judaism's part 
 and of her devotedness to ideals which had become barren 
 and selfish, the greater mission of Judaism, the task of 
 enlightenment and world redemption, was taken up by 
 Christianity, which, as set forth in the writings of Paul, 
 in Hebrews, in the Gospel of Matthew and in Revelation, 
 regarded itself as the legitimate heir of Jewish hopes and 
 policies. To his followers Jesus had taken the place of 
 Temple, altar, ritual and priesthood; he had adequately 
 fvdfilled the real prophetic promises and expectations and 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 was the true Messiah; he advocated and exempHfied the 
 true method of redemption through self sacrifice and war- 
 fare against sin. The early Christians were slow to real- 
 ize all this. It was the influx of extra-Jewish members 
 into the Christian Church which led to a gradual clearing 
 of views and to the writing of such catholic interpretations 
 of the spirit of Christianity as the Gospels of Luke and 
 John. In the unique personality of Jesus was the secret 
 of the tmity, the power and the permanence of the new 
 expression of faith. It was universal and eternal because 
 it accepted and interpreted loyally all that was central 
 and permanent in the religion of Israel. Judaism was 
 convicted of narrowness and "destined to be laid aside; 
 but the revelation of God's nature and will which Israel 
 transmitted and the great truths of religion which her 
 noble men had worked out were carried on into the fresher, 
 more gracious and sufficient relationship expressed in 
 Jesus. 
 
 (533.) The Significance of Hebrew and Jewish History 
 to the World. Notwithstanding this tragic close, the 
 twenty centuries of Hebrew and Jewish history merit 
 much honor. The race made permanent contributions of 
 eternal value to the world of those days and of every age. 
 These were contributions to religion. In other ways the 
 Hebrews have shown capacity, but in religion they were 
 supreme. Their contributions to the world's religious 
 heritage may be summed up under five specifications. 
 (1) They made religion a great reality. They gave it 
 its proper place in the life of human beings, not as a con- 
 venience, not as a luxury, but as a deep and essential need 
 for the enrichment and perfection of life. (2) They de- 
 veloped the true and permanent conception of God as a 
 moral personality. This opened the way to monotheism, 
 and to sonship. Other nations had ideas which are 
 worthy of recognition, but Israel had the only adequate 
 conception of God in His relations with the universe. 
 (3) They developed an impressive conception of the dignity 
 of human personality. Israel was the only nation which 
 brought God and man together in a relationship which 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 325 
 
 recognized human freedom and the possibihty of Gcd- 
 likeness for men. ' (4) They assigned to mankind a task 
 which satisfies the cultured religious mind of today. Organ- 
 ized Christianity is carrying out at the present time the 
 ideals of Judaism's keenest and noblest minds. Judaism 
 was not their ideal nor Rabbinism, but such a condition 
 as that exhibited by real Christianity, aglow with its 
 mission of world redemption and blessedness. (5) They 
 embodied their ideals in literary masterpieces. From these, 
 godly men and women will take comfort, courage and 
 vision in all ages. 
 
 The more thoroughly the Old Testament is studied, 
 the greater is the respect of the student for it. He finds 
 noble and dignified conceptions expressed in fitting, oft- 
 times in remarkable literary forms. There is nothing 
 finer in universal literature than Job, Isaiah 40-66, Jonah, 
 Ruth and many of the shorter passages in the historical, 
 prophetic and wisdom books as well as many of the 
 psalms. Compared with other sacred literatures, that 
 which was wrought out through the Hebrew people is in a 
 class by itself. Interpreted historically, in full sympathy 
 with the conditions which influenced it, it is increasingly 
 to the faithful student a revelation of the very heart of 
 God and of His gracious purpose to promote the task of 
 proclaiming His goodness and love to the world until all 
 mankind shall bow at His feet. 
 
 XXVI 
 
 SOME GENERAL QUESTIONS IN REVIEW OF JEWISH HISTORY 
 FROM 400 B.C. TO 135 A.D. 
 
 (534.) L How did the Samaritan people originate? 
 Why did the Jews refuse to unite with them? Trace the 
 development of the historical antagonism. When did 
 they cease to be dangerous rivals of the Jews? 
 
 2. Out of the professionally influential classes in He- 
 brew commtmity life: the court, the priesthood, the 
 prophets, the sages and the scribes, which retained or 
 gained influence in this age? Which class outlived in 
 influence all the others? 
 
326 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 3. How many women attained to recorded prominence 
 among the Hebrews from the days qf Sarah, the wife of 
 Abraham to those of Alexandra, the Hasmonean queen? 
 What was the position of women among the Hebrews as 
 compared with their position generally among Oriental 
 peoples? 
 
 4. Which portion of the Jewish race rendered during 
 these centuries the more important service to humankind, 
 those in Judea or those abroad? What were the great 
 outside Jewish centres after the Maccabean age? 
 
 5. Contrast Judaism with Hellenism. Why were they 
 so antagonistic? Has that antagonism ever been over- 
 come and how? 
 
 6. What was the historical justification of Judaism with 
 all its exclusiveness and narrowness? What proof can be 
 given of its sound, spiritual heart? 
 
 7. What permanent benefits came to the Jewish people 
 out of Persian overlordship ? Of the Persian sovereigns 
 after Darius who was on the whole most able and worthy ? 
 
 8. To what three great powers were the Jewish people 
 successively in subjection during these centuries? Did 
 the Jews gain or lose thereby ? 
 
 9. A writer has said that the Hasmonean kingdom ex- 
 isted because of the weakness of surrounding states rather 
 than because of its own strength. Is this statement a 
 fair explanation of the facts? 
 
 10. Of what advantage to Judaism was the Maccabean 
 uprising and the subsequent independence? 
 
 11. What caused prophecy to give way in the popular 
 mind to apocalyptical thought? What two Biblical 
 books mark the beginning and almost the conclusion of 
 this latter literary type ? Mention three other important 
 examples of apocalyptical literature. 
 
 12. What was the place of the scribe in organized 
 Judaism? What religious institution of the exile did he 
 control ? 
 
 13. How long in the making was the Psalter? What 
 important fvmctions did it play in the religious life of 
 
LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 327 
 
 Judaism? What accounts for its continuing power to all 
 ages? 
 
 14. What prophetic writings fall within the limits of 
 these centuries? Why should such a book as Joel or 
 Isaiah 24-27 or Zechariah 9-14 be classified as prophecy 
 rather than as apocalypse ? 
 
 15. Aside from the wisdom psalms, what portions of the 
 Old Testament classify as " Wisdom? " Compare Pro- 
 verbs with the apochryphal Ecclesiasticus and Ecclesi- 
 astes with the apochryphal Book of Wisdom. How did 
 the latter in each case improve upon the former? 
 
 16. About what proportion of the Old Testament dates 
 after 400 B.C.? By what stages was the Old Testament 
 officially recognized as sacred? When was its content 
 absolutely settled? 
 
 17. What great changes in the Old Testament as then 
 known were made by the translators of the Septuagint ? 
 
 18. Compare Alexander the Great with Cyrus in the 
 ability he exhibited, his statesmanship and his value to 
 the Jewish people. 
 
 19. In view of Hellenism's insidious and almost irre- 
 sistible advances, felt even by Judaism, does it seem to 
 one who resurveys the second century B.C. that the cruel 
 persecutions of Antiochus were wholly injurious to 
 Judaism? 
 
 20. Of the three forms of the Messianic expectation — 
 the nationalistic, the catastrophic and the redemptive — 
 which were prevalent in these centuries? Which did 
 Jesus of Nazareth emphasize? 
 
 21. What strong and clear missionary notes were struck 
 within the age? 
 
 22. It has been said that the growth of the two great 
 parties in Judaism, the Pharisees and Sadducees, forever 
 blocked Jewish advance and really opened the wide road 
 to national ruin. If this is true, why was the useftilness 
 of the Jewish people as a people ended thus ? 
 
 23. Was the Herodian regime a calamity or an asset? 
 
 24. What historical reasons can be given for the refusal 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 of the Jewish people to accept Jesus of Nazareth as their 
 Messiah and for His condemnation ? 
 
 25. As a matter of fact, did early Christianity continue 
 and develop all of the finer and truer features of the 
 religion of the Jewish people? 
 
 26. Which is entitled to be called the true Israel today, 
 the Israel of the prophets and histories or the Israel of 
 the apocalyptical writers, of the scribes and priests? 
 
 27. In their two thousand years of splendid history 
 through how many revolutionary experiences did the 
 Hebrew people pass ? What were the distinctive and sub- 
 stantial possessions to which they always clung? 
 
 28. Wliat was the great unifying, purifying and organiz- 
 ing force at work in Hebrew life from the beginning to the 
 end? 
 
 29. What great religious inheritances came directly to 
 Christianity from Judaism? 
 
 30. When the Judaism of Bar-Cochba's day became a 
 religious fellowship, did the Hebrew people cease to be? 
 
APPENDIX 
 I 
 
 AN OUTLINE OF HEBREW HISTORY, ARRANGED TO PRO- 
 MOTE ITS READY MEMORIZATION OR MASTERY 
 
 This outline is intended to promote the ready grasp of Hebrew 
 history, as a whole, and to enable the student to view each period in 
 its larger relations and in its relative importance. The six ages por- 
 tray the great eras of development. The twenty-five periods repre- 
 sent its distinct stages during twenty centuries or so. The one hundred 
 items bring out the essential steps of advance, sometimes personal, 
 sometimes historical. Whoever will take the trouble to familiarize 
 himself with the whole will gain a well-balanced, sufficiently detailed 
 survey of the complete range of Biblical history and will see for him- 
 self its remarkable character. 
 
 I. THE CHILDHOOD OF THE RACE 
 
 1. THE BEGINNINGS OF HUMAN HISTORY (Gen. 1-11). 
 
 (1) The Creation of Man in God's Image and his Develop- 
 ment AS THE Responsible Ruler of the Visible World 
 (Gen. 1-5). 
 
 (2) The Divine Share in the Rescue, the Organization and 
 the Spread of Mankind (Gen. 6-11). 
 
 2. THE ANCESTORS OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE (Gen. 12-50). 
 
 (3) The Two Great Originators of the Hebrews: Abraham, 
 the Pioneering Man of Faith, and Jacob, the Man of 
 Moral Growth (Gen. 12-35). 
 
 (4) Joseph, the Upright Administrator, who Gave his 
 People a Secure Shelter in Egypt (Gen. 37-50.) 
 
 3. THE TRIUMPHANT DELIVERANCE OF THE HEBREWS 
 
 FROM EGYPT THROUGH MOSES. ABOUT 1200 B.C. 
 (Exod. 1-15). 
 
 (5) The Preparation of Moses in Egypt and Midian for 
 his Work of Leadership (Exod. 1-4). 
 
 (6) The Departure of the Hebrews from Egypt (Exod. 5-13). 
 
 (7) The Great Deliverance at the Red Sea (Exod. 13: 7 to 
 15:21). 
 
 4. THE LIFE IN THE WILDERNESS (Exodus to Deuteronomy). 
 
 (8) The March through the Desert to Sinai-Horeb (Exod. 
 15:22 to 17:16; 19:1, 2). 
 
 329 
 
830 APPENDIX 
 
 (9) The Year at the Sacred Mountain (Exod. 18; 19:2-25; 
 20; 24; 32-34). 
 
 (10) The Training op the Wilderness (Num. 10: 11 to 14:45; 
 20 to 25). 
 
 (11) The Last Days op Moses and the Appointment of his 
 Successor (Num. 27: 12-^3; Deut. 31, 32, 34). 
 
 n. THE ADOLESCENT OR GROWING AGE OF 
 ISRAEL'S DEVELOPMENT 
 
 5. THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF CANAAN (Joshua, 
 
 Judges, Ruth, First Samuel 1-3). 
 
 (12) The Speedy Conquest op Canaan (Josh. 1-12; Jud. 1). 
 
 (13) The Migration op the Danites Northward (Jud. 17, 18). 
 
 (14) The Victory op the Tribes op Central Cannaan over 
 the Canaanitish Coalition (Jud. 4, 5). 
 
 (15) The Exploits op the Hebrew Heroes Ehud, Gideon, 
 Jepthah and Samson (Jud. 3-16). 
 
 (16) Glimpses op the Finer Life op those Rude Days (Ruth, 
 I Sam. 1-3). 
 
 6. THE GRADUAL ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREW 
 
 KINGDOM (First and Second Samuel; First Kings 1-11). 
 The Inauguration of the Kingdom Under Samuel 
 
 (17) The Humiliation op the Hebrews by their Philistine 
 Neighbors (I Sam. 4-7). 
 
 (18) The Choice op Saul as King through Samuel, the 
 Prophet (I Sam. 9-11). 
 
 (19) Saul's Deliverance of his People prom the Philistines 
 (I Sam. 13, 14). 
 
 The Deterioration of Saul and the Gradtud Preparation of David for 
 
 Leadership 
 
 (20) David's Training por Leadership at the Court and as 
 AN Outlaw (I Sam. 15-26). 
 
 (21) Saul's Death and David's Election as King (I Sam. 27 
 to II Sam. 5: 5). 
 
 The Firm Establishment of the United Kingdom Under David 
 
 (22) Jerusalem Captured and made the Capital op the New 
 United Kingdom (II Sam. 5, 6). 
 
 (23) The New Kingdom made Supreme in Syria and Palestine 
 (II Sam. 8-12; 21, 23). 
 
 (24) David's Great Sin and its Lamentable Train op Bitteii 
 Consequences (II Sam. 11-20; I Ki. 1, 2). 
 
APPENDIX 331 
 
 Solomon's Splendid and Pmceful but Disintegrating Reign 
 
 (25) The Promising Beginnings of Solomon's Reign (I Ki. 
 2: 12 to 5: 12; 9, 10). 
 
 (26) The Building and Dedication of the Temple (I Ki. 5-8). 
 
 (27) The Disastrous Outcome of Solomon's Policy (I Ki. 
 4:24-26; 5:13-16; 9-11). 
 
 m. THE AGE OF RIPENING MATURITY: ISRAEL'S 
 
 POLITICAL, SOCIAL, ETHICAL AND SPIRITUAL 
 
 DEVELOPMENT 
 
 7. THE CENTURY OF CONFLICT AND ALLIANCE BETWEEN 
 
 ISRAEL AND JUDAH. 9S7-8J^ B.C. (First Kings 
 12 to Second Kings 10). 
 
 (28) The Half Century of Petty Warfare Between the 
 Two Kingdoms. (I Ki. 12: 1 to 16:34). 
 
 (29) The Alliance of Omri's Dynasty with Phoenicia 
 and judah and the religious conseqxfencbs. (i ki. 
 16: 21-34; 18: 17-19; 19: 1, 2; 22). 
 
 (30) The Prophetic Reform led by Elijah and Completed 
 BY Elisha and Jehu (I Ki. 17 to II Ki. 10). 
 
 8. THE CENTURY OF INVASION BY ARAM AND ASSYRIA 
 
 ANDOF THE STEADY INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 
 OF ISRAEL AND JUDAH. 842-7 AO B.C. (Second 
 Kings 10:29 to 15:7). 
 
 (31) Fifty Years of Aramean Ascendancy (II Ki. 8:7-29; 
 10: 32 to 13:25). 
 
 (32) The Glorious and Prosperous Reigns op Uzziah 
 AND Jeroboam II (II Ki. 14: 1 to 15: 7; II Chron. 26). 
 
 (33) The Growing Northern Menace (II Ki. 15: 19, 20, 29). 
 
 9. THE HALF CENTURY OF PROPHETIC REINTERPRETA- 
 
 TION OF THE RELATIONS OF JEHOVAH WITH 
 HIS PEOPLE. 755-686 B.C. (Amos, Hosea, Isaiah 1-39, 
 Micah and II Ki. 15: 8 to 20: 21). 
 
 (34) The Messages op Amos and Hosea to Northern Israel. 
 
 (35) The Assumption op Political Control over Palestine 
 by Assyria, and the Downfall op the Northern 
 Kingdom (II Ki. 15: 8 to 17: 41; Isaiah 7: 1-9). 
 
 (36) Isaiah's Early Messages to Judah in the Days of 
 Jotham and Ahaz (II Ki. 15: 32 to 16: 20; Isaiah 1-12, 17). 
 
 (37) The Work of Isaiah and Micah in the Decade Preced- 
 ing Sennacherib's Invasion of Palestine in 701 B.C. 
 (Isaiah 20:1-6; 28:33; II Ki. 20:12-20; 18:1-8; Micah 
 1-3). 
 
332 APPENDIX 
 
 (38) The Invasion of Palestine by Sennacherib and the 
 Deliverance op Jerusalem (II Ki. 18: 13 to 19: 37; Isaiah 
 1; 10: 5-34; 17: 12-14; 18: 1-7; 22; 29-33; Micah 4: 1 to 7: 6). 
 
 10. THE HALF CENTURY OF REACTION UNDER MANAS- 
 
 SEH: ASSYRIA JUDAH'S UNDISPUTED MISTRESS. 
 686-6^1 B.C. (Second Kings 21). 
 
 (39) The Religious Reaction of Manasseh's Reign (II Ki. 
 21; Micah 6: 9 to 7: 6). 
 
 11. THE REFORM UNDER JOSIAH AND HIS PROPHETIC 
 
 ASSOCIATES. 639-608 B.C. (Second Kings 22: 1 to 23: 
 27; Zephaniah; Jeremiah 1-6; Deuteronomy). 
 
 (40) The Early Years op Josiah's Reign: Zbphaniah's 
 Announcement op Jehovah's "Day" (II Ki. 22: 1, 2; 
 Zephaniah). 
 
 (41) Jeremiah's Summons to Prophetic Duty; His Early 
 Sermons (Jer. 1-6). 
 
 (42) The Decision op King Josiah to Repair the Temple 
 AND THE Discovery op the Book of the Law (II Ki. 
 22:3 to 23: 3). 
 
 (43) The Great Reformation (II Ki. 23: 4r-27). 
 
 12. THE RAPID DECLINE OF JUDAH. (Second Kings 23:28 
 
 to 25:30; Nahum; Jeremiah passim. Habakkuk; Ezekiel 
 1-24). 
 
 (44) Josiah's Tragic Death and the Accession op Jehoiakim: 
 Nahum's Anticipation of the Fall op Nineveh (II Ki. 
 23: 28-37; Nahum; Jer. 7-17, 19, 20, 26, 36). 
 
 (45) The Chaldean Mastery op Palestine (II Ki. 24: 7; Jer. 
 46: 1-12; 25 [46-57]; Habakkuk). 
 
 (46) Jehoiakim's Last Seven Years: Jeremiah's Consistency 
 (II Ki. 24: 1-6; Jer. 22: 13-23; 12: 7-12; 13: 15-27; 35). 
 
 (47) The Accession op Jehoiachin, the Capitulation op 
 Jerusalem and the First Captivity (II Ki. 24:8-16; 
 Jer. 13:18, 19; 22:24-30). 
 
 (48) The Early Reign of Zedekiah (II Ki. 24: 17-20a; Jer. 
 22: 1-9; 23; 24: 27-29). 
 
 (49) The Ministry op Ezekiel to the Exiled Judaeans 
 (Ezekiel 1-24). 
 
 (50) 'The Rebellion op Zedekiah and the Capture and 
 Destruction op Jerusalem (II Ki. 24: 20b to 25: 26; Jer. 
 21, 31-34, 37:1 to 40: 6). 
 
 IV. THE AGE OF MENTAL AND SPIRITUAL 
 PRODUCTIVITY 
 
 13. THE SEVENTY YEARS OF HOMELESSNESS. 586-516 B.C. 
 
 (Jer. 40-44; Ezek. 25-48; Lam.; Isa. 13, 14, 40-55; Haggai; 
 Zech.; II Ki. 25:25-30.) 
 
APPENDIX 333 
 
 (51) The Paralyzing Effect of the Geeat Calamity upon 
 THE Hebeew People (II Ki. 25:25, 26; Jer. 40-44: Ezek 
 25-32; Lam.). 
 
 (52) Ezekiel's Work of Comfort, Heartening and Con- 
 struction fob the Babylonian Exiles. 586-570 B.C 
 (Ezeli. 33-48). 
 
 (53) The Closing Years of Chaldean Rule and the Rise of 
 Cyrus. 562-545 B.C. (II Ki. 25: 27-30.) 
 
 (54) Prophetical Foreshadowings of Babylon's Fate and 
 OF ITS Significance fob Israel and for the World. 
 Between 550 and 538 B.C. (Isa. 13, 14, 21:1-10; Jer. 
 50, 51; Isa. 40-55.) 
 
 (55) The Capture of Babylon, the Inauguration of the 
 Persian Empire and the Restoration of the Altar 
 Service at Jerusalem. 539-537 B.C. (Dan. 5; Ezra 1; 
 3: 2 to 4: 5; 5: 13-15; 6: 3-5.) 
 
 (56) The Appeals of the Prophets, Haggai and Zechariah, 
 to their Countrymen to Build the Temple. 520-516 
 B.C. (Ezra 5: 1, 2; Haggai; Zechariah 1-8.) 
 
 (57) The Rapid Completion and Dedication of the Second 
 Temple. 516 B.C. (Ezra 5: 2 to 6:22.) 
 
 14. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF JUDAISM UNDER SCRIBAL 
 
 INFLUENCE ON THE BASIS OF THE FULL 
 LEVITICAL LAW. 516-400 B.C. (Ezra 4:6-23; 7-10; 
 Nehemiah; Isa. 34, 35, 56-66; Malachi; Obadiah.) 
 
 (58) Sixty Years without Historical Record. 516-457 or 
 444 B.C. (Isa. 34, 35, 56-66; Malachi; Obadiah.) 
 
 (59) The Mission of Ezra, the Scribe, to Judah. 458 B.C. 
 (Ezra 7-10; 4: 6-23.) 
 
 (60) The Rehabilitation of Jerusalem under Nehbmiah's 
 Leadership. 445-430 B.C., or later. (Neh. 1-7; 11: 1, 2; 
 12: 27-43; 13: 4-31.) 
 
 (61) The Adoption of the New Law. 445-400 B.C. (Neh. 
 8-10; 12: 44 to 13:3.) 
 
 (62) The Establishment of Judaism as a Social and Re- 
 ligious Unity. About 400 B.C. 
 
 V. THE AGE OF FIXED CONVICTIONS: THE JEWS 
 A PEOPLE LIVING UNDER A WRITTEN LAW 
 
 15. THE LAST SEVENTY YEARS OF PERSIAN RULE. 400- 
 
 332 B.C. (Joel, Job, the Chronicler and some Psalms.) 
 
 (63) Joel's Interpretation op the Locust Ravages as a 
 Summons to Repentance (Joel 1-3). 
 
334 APPENDIX 
 
 (64) The Samaeitan Schism and its Outcome (Neh. 13: 28). 
 
 (65) The Two Literary Triumphs of the Age: Job and the 
 Chronicler's History. 
 
 16. ALEXANDER THE GREAT'S CONQUEST OF ASIA AND 
 
 INTRODUCTION OF AGGRESSIVE HELLENISM. 
 332-168 B.C. (Jonah; Isa. 24-27.) 
 
 (66) The Collapse op the Persian Empire at Alexander's 
 Attack. 333-323 B.C. 
 
 (67) The Century-long Struggle between Alexander's 
 Two Principal Successors, the Ptolemies of Egypt 
 and the Seleucids of Syria, over the Possession of 
 Palestine. 301-198 B.C. 
 
 (68) The Prominence of the Hebrew Sages and their Note- 
 worthy Productions: Proverbs, Ecclesiastes and 
 ecclesiasticus. 
 
 (69) The Beginning of the Translation of the Old Testa- 
 ment into Greek. 250 B.C. 
 
 (70) The Dream of a Pan-Hellenic Empire, the Rival of 
 Rome, which was Blocked by Jewish Loyalty to 
 Judaism. 
 
 (71) The Relentless and Ruthless Policy of Helleniza- 
 TioN Pursued in Judea by Antiochus Epiphanes. 169- 
 167 B.C. 
 
 17. THE SUCCESSFUL UPRISING OF THE JEWS UNDER 
 
 MACCABEAN LEADERSHIP. 167-143 B.C. (I, II 
 Maccabees; Daniel; Esther; the Psalter.) 
 
 (72) The Raising of the Standard of Revolt against Anti- 
 ochus BY Mattathias, the Aged Priest of Modein, 
 and his Five Sons. 167 B.C. 
 
 (73) The Visions of the Book of Daniel a Powerful Stimu- 
 lus to THE Brave and Loyal Heroes (Dan. 2, 6-11), 
 and an Impulse to Apocalyptical Composition. 
 
 (74) The Gradual Establishment of National Freedom 
 through the leadership op judas and jonathan. 168- 
 143 B.C. 
 
 18. THE PERIOD OF JEWISH INDEPENDENCE. 143-63 B.C. 
 
 (I Mac. 13-16; Similitudes of Enoch, Wisdom of Solomon.) 
 
 (75) The Happy and Prosperous Reigns op Simon and John 
 Hyrcanus. 143-105 B.C. 
 
 (76) The Development of the Three Great Jewish Parties: 
 Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes. 
 
 (77) The Growing Hold of the Scribes and the Scriptures 
 upon the Jewish Mind, and Virtual Completion of the 
 Sacred Canon. 
 
APPENDIX 335 
 
 (78) The Growth of Religious Paktisanship in the Reigns 
 OF Jannaeus and Alexandra. 104-69 B.C. 
 
 (79) The Emphasis upon Apocalypse in this Age and in the 
 . Ages Following. 
 
 (80) The Civil Strife between Hyrcanus II, stirred by 
 . Antipater the Idumean, and Aristobulus II, the two 
 
 Hasmonean Claimants of the Throne. 69-63 B.C. 
 
 (81) Their Appeal to Pompey, the Roman General, and his 
 Annexation of their Kingdom. 63 B.C. 
 
 19. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF ROMAN OVERLORDSHIP IN 
 
 JUDEA AND PALESTINE. 63-37 B.C. (Josephus; 
 II Maccabees; Psalms of Solomon.) 
 
 (82) The Prompt and Ruthless Quelling of Several Suc- 
 cessive Revolts op the Jews against Roman Rule. 
 63-52 B.C. 
 
 (83) The Rapidly Growing Influence of Antipater and 
 HIS Family. 
 
 (84) Herod's Appointment and Fine Record as Governor 
 of Galilee. 45-40 B.C. 
 
 (85) His Unanticipated Appointment by Julius Caesar as 
 King of Judea and Slow Winning of His Throne. 40- 
 37 B.C. 
 
 20. HEROD THE GREAT THE KING OF THE JEWS. 37-4 B.C. 
 
 (Josephus.) 
 
 (86) His Slow Establishment of his Dynasty upon the 
 Throne. 37-25 B.C. 
 
 (87) His Magnificent Policy^of Building Fortresses, Cities 
 AND THE Temple. 2.5-13' B.C. 
 
 (88) The Great Emphasis in His Day on Messianic Expec- 
 tation. 
 
 (89) The Hostile Attitude op the Pharisees to Him. 
 
 (90) The Tragedy of Herod's Last Years. 13-4 B.C. 
 
 21. THE HALF CENTURY OF GOVERNMENT BY THE 
 
 HERODIAN FAMILY. 4 B.C. to 44 A.D. 
 
 (91) The Weak and Disappointing Reign op Archelaus. 
 4 B.C. TO 6 A.D. 
 
 (92) The Reign op Herod Antipas over Galilee and Perea. 
 4 B.C. TO 39 A.D. 
 
 (93) The Quiet but Prosperous Reign op Herod Philip over 
 THE Northeast. 4 B.C. to 33 A.D. 
 
 (94) The Reign op Herod Agrippa I over Philip's Domain, 
 then that of Antipas also, and Finally, for Four 
 Years, over All the Domain of Herod the Great. 
 37-44 A.D. 
 
336 APPENDIX 
 
 22. THE DIRECT ADMINISTRATION BY ROME OF JUDEAN 
 
 INTERESTS. 4ASQ A.D. 
 
 (95) The Rule of Procuhators in Judea. 6-40 A.D. 
 
 (96) Their Inefficient and Tyrannical Successors in the 
 Administration op All Palestine. 
 
 23. THE CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM BY 
 
 TITUS THE ROMAN. 70 A.D. 
 
 (97) The Refusal of the Exasperated Jews, led by the 
 Zealots, to Honor the Emperor, their Rejection op 
 Agrippa II's Counsel, and their Defeat of Gallus, 
 THE Legate of Syria. 66 A.D. 
 
 (98) The Gradual but Inevitable Mastery of Judea by the 
 Roman Armies and the Capture and Sacking of Jeru- 
 salem. 67-70 A.D. 
 
 VI. THE TRAGIC AGE OF HELPLESS AND 
 HOPELESS OBEDIENCE 
 
 24. THE LONG PERIOD OF QUIESCENCE WITH RABBINICAL 
 
 HEADQUARTERS AT JAMNIA. 70-115 A.D. 
 
 (99) The Absolute Completion of the Old Testament by 
 THE Formal Edict of the Rabbinical Council of Jamnia, 
 About 90 A.D. 
 
 25. THE FATAL REBELLIONS OF THE DISPERSION AND' IN 
 
 PALESTINE, BRINGING ABOUT THE DESTRUC- 
 TION OF ALL VESTIGES OF A JEWISH STATE. 
 115-135 A.D. 
 (100) The Decision of thiI Emperor Hadrian, because of the 
 Stubborn Resistance of the Jews, to Destroy the 
 Very Name of Jerusalem and to Substitute a Roman 
 City and Temple. 135 A.D. Henceforth Judaism was 
 ONLY A Religious Fellowship. 
 
APPENDIX 
 II 
 
 REFERENCES FOR THE TEACHER AND STUDENT 
 An acquaintance with the reference hterature of Hebrew history is 
 of "great value to any student. To encourage his habit of looking up 
 a more extended treatment of an interesting theme is -ivisdom on the 
 part of the teacher. Attention is called below to some of the best 
 untechnical literature available today. The books most frequently 
 referred to are given abbreviations. Each group of references follows 
 a number which corresponds to the number of the proper paragraph 
 in the volume. 
 
 GENERAL BOOKS OF REFERENCE 
 Dictionary of the Bible. Rev. James Hastings, editor. One volume 
 edition. (HastDB) 
 
 The Standard Dictionary of the Bible. Dean M. W. Jacobus, editor. 
 One volume edition. (StanDB) 
 
 A History of the Literature of Ancient Israel. Prof. H. T. Fowler, 
 1912. (LAI) 
 
 OvMines for the Stvdy of Biblical History and Literature. Sanders 
 and Fowler, 1906. (OSBL) 
 
 A History of Babylonia and Assyria. Prof. R. W. Rogers. (RogBA) 
 A History of the Babylonians and Assyrians. Prof. Geo. S. Good- 
 speed. (GoodBA) 
 
 The Historical Geography of the Holy Land. Priacipal George Adam 
 Smith, 1894. (HGHL) 
 
 Biblical Geography and History. Prof. Charles F; Kent, 1911. (BGH) 
 The Historical Bible, Professor Kent, in four volumes. The Heroes 
 and Crises of Early Hebrew History, 1908 (HBi), The Founders and 
 Rulers of United Israel, 1908 (HBii), The Kings and Prophets of Israel 
 and Judah, 1909 (HBiii), and The Makers and Teachers of Judaism, 
 1911. (HBiv) 
 
 An Introdnction to the Literature of the Old Testament. Driver. Re- 
 vised edition of 1913. (LOT) 
 
 A Critical Introduction to the Old Testament, 1913, Gray. (GrayOT) 
 The Students' Old Testament, Kent, Narratives of the Beginnings of 
 Hebrew History, 1903 (StOTi), Historical and Biographical Narra- 
 tives, 1905 (StOTii), Sermons, Epistles and Apocalypses of Israel's 
 Prophets, 1910. (StOTiii) 
 
 Jerusalem, from the Earliest Times to A.D. 70, two voliunes. Princi- 
 pal George Adam Smith, 1908. (SmJerus) 
 
 Old Testament History. Wade, G. W., fourth ed., 1906. (Wade. OTH) 
 
 337 
 
338 APPENDIX 
 
 History of the Jewish Church. Stanley, three vols. (JC, i, ii, iii) 
 
 The Messages of the Bible. Sanders and Kent. (Mess.) 
 
 History, Prophecy and the Monuments. Prof. J. F. McCurdy, one 
 
 volume edition, 1911. (HPM) 
 
 The Greater Men and Women of the Bible. Rev. James Hastings, 
 
 editor. (GMW) 
 
 A History of the Ancient Egyptians. Prof. James H. Breasted, 1905. 
 
 (BrHA.E) 
 
 The International Critical Commentary. (IntCC) 
 
 The Bible for Home and School. (BHS) 
 
 The Century Bible. (CentB) 
 
 The Cambridge Bible. (CamB) 
 
 The One Volume Bible Commentary. Edited by Dummelow, 1909. 
 
 (Dum) 
 
 The Expositor's Bible. (ExposB) 
 
 READING REFERENCES 
 (2) Compare George Adam Smith's preface to the first volume of 
 Jerusalem, or Kent's opening chapter in HBi. 
 
 (11) HastDB "Apocrypha," 41-43, and "Greek Versions OT," 316- 
 7; Smyth, Bible in the Making, 141-162 is full and clear. 
 (21) For a broader definition see BGH, 1-11, and the map facing p. 3; 
 see also Wade OTH, 63 and HPM, 18, 19. 
 
 (23) The first volume of RogBA makes a clear and ample study of the 
 land, its early history, and of the explorations. Read pp. 349-429 
 and chs. 10, 11. Goodspeed HBA, 71-106 is more condensed. Johns 
 in HastDB, 67-70 is greatly condensed, but rehable. Note also HBi, 
 5-10. McCurdy, HPM, is very useful for a broad survey. 
 
 (24) BrHAE is a compactly written, but very clear and reliable, 
 liistory of Egypt. Newberry and Garstang, A Short History of Ancient 
 Egypt, is very brief, but good. Whatever Erman, Maspero or Budge 
 have written is worth studying. HBi, 10-12. 
 
 (26) BGH, 19. HGHL, 3-41. GMWi, 158-163. 
 (28) HBi, 18-21. HGHL, 5-7. HPM, 5. 
 
 (30) Compare the fine section entitled "The History in the Literature," 
 in Robinson's "Religious Ideas of the Old Testament" (1913). 
 (S2) For a scholarly and helpful discussion of the origin of the ideas 
 of these chapters, see Jastrow, Hebrew and Babylonian Traditions, 1914. 
 Ryle, The Early Narratives of Genesis, 1890; Worcester, Genesis in the 
 Light Of Modem Knowledge, and Davis, Genesis and Semitic Tradition 
 are popXllar and good. The most helpful commentary is that by 
 Driver (Westminster Comm). Skinner's Genesis (IntCC) is compre- 
 hensive, and Mitchell's (BHS) is handy, but almost too brief. Wade 
 OTH, 37-39. 
 
 (33-35) HBi, 36, 231-3; Wade OTH, 39-41; Driver Gen 2; HastDB, 
 165; Jastrow HBT, 65-133. 
 
 (36-38) HBi, 31-37; Wade OTH, 41-42; Driver Gen 35-43, 57-60; 
 Skinner Gen 51-71; GMWi, 8-10. 
 
APPENDIX 339 
 
 (39-41) HBi, 37-42; Wade OTH, 48-53; Driver Gen 44, 51-57; HastDB 
 
 856. 
 
 (42^4) HBi, 52-65; Wade OTH, 57-62; HastDB, 184-5; Driver Gen 
 
 99-112; Skinner Gen 174-181. 
 
 (45-47) HBi, 65-72; Wade OTH, 63-74. 
 
 (48, 49) HastDB, 165; Driver Gen Ixx. 
 
 (51) This subject is discussed by Driver Gen liv-lxi; Wade OTH, 81, 
 82; HBi, 78; GMWi, 112; HPM, 961. 
 
 (52) Fowler LAI, 75 quotes approvingly Professor Gardiner's high 
 encomium in his Bibk as English Literature, 37; HBi, 74. 
 
 (54) Some interesting remarks about the route are quoted in GMWi, 
 153-7, and JCi, 1-9. 
 
 (55) For descriptions of Ur and Haran see RogBAi, 290, 300; Driver 
 Gen 142; GMWi, 120-126; HBi, 76. 
 
 (56) GMWi, 134r-150 brings together interesting suggestions. JCi, 
 11-22; HBi, 77. MessagesPPHistorians 29. Skinner Gen xxvi- 
 xxviii states the enduring basis of a confidence in Abraham. 
 
 (57) Paton, Early History of Syria and Palestine, passim ; HPM, 167- 
 171. 
 
 (59) JCi, 27; GMWi, 177-8; HBi, 77-8; HastDB, 554. 
 
 (62) GMWi, 173-5, 234-243; HBi, 82-3. 
 
 (63) HGHL, 504-510 and HBi, 87-90 discuss this theme thoroughly. 
 See also Driver Gen, 202-3 aijd GMWi, 233. 
 
 (65) Paton, Early Hist Syria Pal 25-46 regards the two names of 
 Abraham as due to the fusion in tradition of two originally distinct 
 persons. Gray, Hebrew Proper Names, 1896, is a standard authority 
 on names. See also HastDB, 643-4; StanDB, 570-2. 
 
 (66) HBi, 92-4; Driver Gen, 216, 221-2; GMWi, 265-285; Mitchell 
 Gen, 169; CorniU, Culture Anc. Isr. 9, 10. 
 
 (67) HastDB, 5, 6; MessPPHist, 29, 30; GMWi, 112, 116; HPM, 959. 
 
 (68) Note Skinner's remarks in Gen, 356-7. 
 
 (70) HBi, 99-101; JCi, 32-3; Skinner Gen, 339; GMWi, 389-394. 
 
 (71) Driver Gen, 249; MessPPHist, 30; JCi, 46-48; HBi, 106; GMWi, 
 406-411. 
 
 (73) Driver Gen, 255; Skinner Gen, 362; HastDB, 263; StandDB, 254; 
 WadeOTH, 156. 
 
 (74) MessPPHist, 44, 31. • 
 (76) HBi, 112; GMWi, 412-417. 
 
 (79) HBi, 113; Driver Gen, 209; GMWi, 418-9. 
 
 (80) MessPPHist, 46-7; JCi, 57-59; Driver Gen, 296-7; HGHL, 583-4; 
 HBi, 119. 
 
 (81) JCi, 56-58; GMWi, 435-6. 
 
 (82) HBi, 113-4; HastDB, 947-8 gives an excellent summary of 
 Guthe's theory by Craig; StanDB, 877. 
 
 (83) Skinner Gen, 440; Driver Gen, 319-20; GMWi, 479-80; Fowler 
 LAI, 103; HBi, 124, 141; HPM, 960. 
 
 (87) HBi, 149-150; GMWii, 15; Driver Gen, 347; Breasted HAE, 200. 
 For the Amarna letters and their significance see BmJerusii, 6-14; 
 
340 APPENDIX 
 
 HBi, 16, 17; HPM, 175-189. Winckler, The Tel-El-Amama Letters 
 
 translates them in full. 
 
 (88) HBi, 133. 
 
 (90) GMWi, 509-515; HBi, 141-3, 146-7. 
 
 (92) See remarks by Mitchell Gen, 339; Skinner Gen, 492, 3; Driver 
 Gen, 365, xxxix in addenda; Orr, Problem of the Old Testament, 1906, 
 366-7. 
 
 (93) For its discussion see Driver Geii, 379 ff ; Skinner Gen, 507 -ff, or 
 any commentary. 
 
 (94) MessagesPPHist, 31-2; Driver Gen, 400. 
 
 (95) HBi, 148; Driver Gen, 1, li; Skinner Gen, 440-442 states the case 
 with full reserve as compared with Sayce or Orr. 
 
 (96) Skinner Gen, xiv-xv. 
 
 (99) HBi, 152-4; Breasted HAG, 301-326 gives a fine characterization 
 of Ramses; HPM, 190-203 discusses the Hittites, 213-26 Assyria; 
 Rogers BA, 6-16 and Goodspeed BA, 143-154 are important. 
 
 (100) HBi, 154-5; Driver Gen, favors the longer estimate; GMWii, 
 15-16; Wade OTH, 98. 
 
 (101) GMWii, 16, 19, 29-30; HBi, 155-7; Wade OTH, 99-100. 
 
 (103) HBi, 158-9; MessPPHist, 52-4; GMWii, 30-47; Wade OTH, 101; 
 Ebers' Joshua. 
 
 (104) HBi, 159-161; GMWii, 51-55; Wade OTH, 102-4. 
 
 (106) HBi, 168; Driver Gen, 402-409 "names of God"; HastDB, 299- 
 300; StanDB, 296-7; GMWii, 85-94; Wade "OTH, 104. 
 
 (108) HBi, 166-7, 181; MessPPHist, 54. 
 
 (109) HBi, 175-7; GMWii, 110-119; Wade OTH, 105-108. 
 
 (110) HBi, 178; Wade OTH, 108; Gray, Com on Numbers, 404-7; 
 StanDB, 255-8; HastDB, 683-4; GMWii, 119-124. 
 
 (111) HBi, 181; Wade OTH, 110; GMWii, 128-9 refers to Prof. Petrie's 
 suggestion. 
 
 (113) HBi, 182; Trumbull, Kadesh-barnea minutely discusses the situa- 
 tion; Kent BGH, 73-78. 
 
 (114) HBi, 183; Wade OTH, 108-9; GMWii, 133-141. 
 
 (115) HBi, 182-3; Wade OTH, 110. 
 
 (119) HBi, 187-9; GMWii, 130-131; Ebers' Joshua. 
 
 (120) Wade OTH, 112; GMWii, 154-8. 
 
 (121) HBi, 188-9; GMWii, 167-176; Harper, Bible and Modern Dis- 
 coveries, 105, 111, strongly urges the location of Sinai in the peninsula; 
 but see BGH, 115-6. Robinson in StandDB, 816, opposes and Mac- 
 alister in HastDB, 863, does not support the new view. 
 
 (123) HBi, 187, 189; Wade OTH, 115. 
 
 (124) Trumbull, The Blood Covenant, is a classic. Robinson Rel 
 Ideas OT, 186. 
 
 (125) HBi, 191-3; Messages of Israel's Lawgivers, 21-24. 
 
 (126) HBi, 191, 193-6; Wade OTH, 137-9; Woods in HastDB, 905-6, 
 and Zenos in StanDB, 175 are good; Cornill, Culture Ancient Israel, 
 1914, 43-47, thinlcs that the second and fourth commandments could 
 not have seemed binding to the Israel of Moses' day. But compare 
 
APPENDIX 341 
 
 Jastrow's fine chapter on the Sabbath in Heh. Bab. Trads, 1914, in 
 which he takes opposite ground. Kent StOTiv, 26-27 instances a 
 number of pentads. 
 
 (127) HBi, 200-1; Wade OTH, 135-7; a fine study is made by Mc- 
 Curdy, HPM, 93-105. 
 
 (129) See Robinson's remarks in Rel Ideas OT, 130-3; Wade OTH, 
 115, 139, 140; HBi, 209-10. 
 
 (130) HBi, 207; BGH, 116-8; HastDB, 511; Trumbull, Kadesh- 
 bamea, 1884, treats all questions relating to Kadesh. 
 
 (131) HBi, 214-6; BGH, 118-120; Note HPM, 112. 
 
 (132) HBi, 221-2, 226; BGH, 120-3; HGHL, 557-562. 
 
 (133) HBi, 222-4; HGHL, 565-6; HastDB, 80; JCi, 168-175. 
 
 (135) HGHL, 565; HastDB, 632-5; Wade OTH, 132-3; StanDB, 561; 
 Driver Exodus Ixix; JCi, 180; Cornill Culture Anc Isr, 38-67. 
 
 (136) MessPPHist, 68; HBi, 227-8; GMWii, 297-312; HPM, 92,- 93. 
 
 (139) Curtis BHS Judges, is an admirable commentary to use in con- 
 nection with the reading of the Book of Judges; see particularly 9-13; 
 LOT 160-171; IntCC Judges; MessPPHist, 121-126; Dum, 155-8; 
 HBii, 3; Cooke Judges, xxiv-xxvii. 
 
 (140) BGH, 13-63 is a thorough survey of the land. Smith HGHL 
 45-53 should be read. There are good articles in StanDB, 612-623 
 and HastDB, 672. See also Wade OTH, 165-7. 
 
 (141) Look up references under these names in HPM, HastDB, and 
 StanDB. Note also HBi, 13-21; for the pre-Amorite period and the 
 Amorite immigration see GAS Jerusi, 284-5; Paton, Early Hist. Syria 
 Pal. ch. 1; Winckler, Die Volker Vorderasiens (Der Alte Orient i, Hefti). 
 
 (142) HPM, § 182-4; Wade OTH, 169-170. 
 
 (144) HBii, 2-6, 11-13; Wade OTH, 170-2; BGH, 124-7; JCi, 208; 
 HBHL, 267-8, 276; GMWii, 387-8. 
 
 (145) Read McFadyen's comment in MessPPHist, 107-8 on the Deut. 
 editor's idea of the Conquest. HGHL, 273-8, 659-662 and HPM, 
 § 186, 473; HBii, 19, 20; BGH, 127-8. 
 
 (146) HBii, 20-21; BGH, 129, HGHL, 210, 250; HastDB, 396. 
 
 (147) HBii, 15; GMWii, 362-4, 407-410; Wade OTH, 190, 187. 
 
 (148) HGHL, 85-90 is a classic passage; Wade OTH, 277-9; HPM, 
 § 465-510 is very valuable; HastDB, 56, 411, 412, GASJerusi, 278-281 
 discusses the ultimate evils involved. 
 
 (149) HGHL, 220, 473; BGH, 130; HastDB, 175; HPM, § 50, 62, 193. 
 (151) HBii, 25-27; JC, 261-6; HastDB, 412; Wade OTH, 190-1. 
 (153-4) HBii, 37-41; Wade OTH, 198-200; LOT, 171; Cooke, The 
 History and Song of Deborah, 1892, and CambB, Judges, 1913; HGHI , 
 391-7; BGH, 131-3; JCi, 279-299; GMW, 444-457; HPM, §479. 
 
 (156) HBii, 46-50; BGH, 136-8; HPM, § 189; Wade OTH, 200-4; JCi, 
 300-314; GMWii, 461-479. 
 
 (157) HBii, 52-4; Wade OTH, 205-7; JCi, 315-320; GMWii, 483-494. 
 
 (158) HBii, 60-2; BGH, 138-9; HPM, § 166, 192-4; Wade OTH, 
 320-330; GMWii, 497-520. 
 
342 APPENDIX 
 
 (160) JCi, 268-70; Dum, 172-7; Wade OTH, 186, 223; HPM, § 503-510 
 is a capital study of the social and civic life of a man like Boaz. 
 
 (161) HPM, § 195; Kirkpatrick, CamB Samuel; StanDB, 768; 
 HastDB, 214; JCi, 332-7. 
 
 (162) HGHL, 389-90, 358; BGH, 129. 
 
 (164) Fowler LAI, 46-8 makes an interesting comparison between 
 early English prose writing and that of Israel. Note also 210, 255, 
 308; Smith in HastDB, 823-5; HBii, 65-6; LOT, 172-183. For reading 
 purposes and vivid comment Kirkpatrick's (CambB) commentary 
 has never been surpassed. 
 
 (165) Wade OTH, 213; MessPPHist, 139-142; StanDB, 768-771; 
 HastDB, 824. 
 
 (167) HBii, 67; BGH, 138; HGHL, 169-198; Wade OTH, 169, 208-12; 
 HPM, § 166, 192-195. 
 
 (168) HBii, 68-9; BGH, 140-1; HGHL, 223-6. 
 
 (169) HBii, 73-4; Wade OTH, 218; HGHL, 211. 
 
 (171) HBii, 75-6; BGH, 141-2; Wade OTH, 214-5; HPM, § 196; JCii, 
 3-8 
 
 (172) HBii, 74-5; Wade OTH, 287-9; Messages EProph, 6; Harper, 
 Amos and Hosea, hi-lviii, Kirkpatrick, First Samuel (CambB), introd.; 
 Batten, The Hebrew Prophet, 27-72; HastDB, 413; Fowler LAI, 35. 
 
 (173) HBi, 76; Wade OTH, 216-7; Messages PPHist, 141; JCii, 8-9. 
 
 (175) HBi, 81-2; BGH, 144-5; Wade OTH, 218; JCii, 9-13. 
 
 (176) HBi, 82; Wade OTH, 219-220; JCii, 13-14; Kirkp, Samuel. 
 
 (177) HBi, 82-3; BGH, 145; Wade OTH, 220-l;HPM, § 197; StanDB, 
 774-5; HastDB, 397. Note also HPM, § 517. ' 
 
 (180) HastDB, 492; Wade OTH, 226-8; HBi, 97-8; JCii, 11, 12, 22. 
 
 (182) HastDB, 177-8; HBi, 89-92. 
 
 (183) HastDB, 178; HPM, § 197; Wade OTH, 229-233; BGH, 149- 
 151; HBi, 98; HGHL, 229-30, 270, note 2, 306-7. 
 
 (185) HBi, 112-4. 
 
 (186) Wade OTH, 235; HGHL, 400-403; HBii, 118-9; BGH, 151-2, 
 HPM, § 198. 
 
 (187) HGHL, 404-5; Fowler LAI, 37-9; HBii, 119; Dum, 196; JCii, 31-3. 
 
 (188) HBii, 126-7; BGH, 153-4; HPM, § 203; HastDB, 4, 468; 
 StanDB, 4. 
 
 (189) HBu, 120; Wade OTH, 236-8; Fowler LAI, 35-6; JCii, 30-31. 
 
 (192) HBii, 131-2; BGH, 153-156; Wade OTH, 245-6; HPM, § 204; 
 HGHL, 229, 218. 
 
 (193) HBii, 132-3; BGH, 157ff; GASJerusi, introd. 3-28 (a graphic 
 description), 142-3; 250-259 (name), 108, 140, 144-154 (details), ii, 
 26-32, 47; JCii, 66-81; Wade OTH, 246-8; HPM, §204; HGHL, 
 319-20. 
 
 (194) HBii, 133-4; GAS Jerusii, 32-38; JCii, 75-6. 
 
 (195) HBii, 133; GAS Jerusn, 38-39; Wade OTH, 248; JCii, 68-71. 
 (197) HBii, 145; BGH, 157-160, 13; JCii, 82-88; Wade OTH, 250-7; 
 HGHL, 260; HPM, § 204, 552. 
 
APPENDIX 343 
 
 (198) HBii, 144, 133-4; JCii, 76-82; Wade OTH, 258-262; GAS Jerusil 
 52; HPM, § 205, 518-520. 
 
 (199) HBii, 138-140; Wade OTH, 249-50, 275-6. 
 
 (200) See Fowler's characterization in LAI, 61-65, and Driver's in 
 LOT, 183; GAS Jerusii, 48 and Budde's remark in the footnote. 
 
 (201) HBii, 150-152; JCii, 89-94; Wade OTH, 262. 
 
 (202) HGHL, 579-80; HBii, 157-9, 173-5; BGH, 160-1; JCii, 95-111. 
 
 (203) Wade OTH, 289-293. 
 
 (205) Wade OTH, 271-2; HBii, 179-180; BGH, 161-2; JCii, 144-8; 
 GAS Jerusi, 180 (for Gilion and Rogel). 
 
 (206) Wade OTH, 272; HBii, 180. 
 
 (207.) Wade OTH, 272-6; HBii, 180-182; JCii, 120-1; HastDB, 179; 
 
 StanDB, 173-4; GAS /erosii, 47. 
 
 (208) Fowler LAI, 257-8; Messages PPHist, 178-80; LOT, 189-193. 
 
 (210) GAS JerusJi, 49-52; Wade OTH, 294-6; HBii, 189-191. 
 
 (211) GAS/entsi, 347-9; ii, 52-3; Wade OTH, 306-8; JCii, 162-4; 
 HBii, 189-90; StanDB, 821. 
 
 (212) HBii, 205-6; Wade OTH, 304-5; JCii, 164-7; GASJenisii, 57-72 
 works out full details; StanDB, 822. 
 
 (213) HBii, 206; BGH, 162-3; Wade OTH, 297; JCii, 167-70; GAS- 
 Jermi, 343; HGHL, 270, note 2. 
 
 (215) HBii, 198-9; BGH, 164; GABJerusi, 351-3; StanDB "Temple," 
 848-9 (well illustrated); HastDB, 898. 
 
 (216) HBii, 199; Wade OTH, 300-302; JCii, 174-180; StanDB, 849- 
 50; HastDB, 898-9. 
 
 (217) HBii, 199-200; Wade OTH, 302-3; StanDB, 850-3; HastDB, 
 899-900. 
 
 (218) HBii, 201-2; JCii, 180-192; GAQJerusii, 72-80 is of great value; 
 HGHL, 488 (foundries); HastDB, 869-900. 
 
 (220) GAS/ermi, 324, 328, 354r-60; HBii, 206-7; Wade OTH, 298-300, 
 305; HPM, § 206; HGHL, 580; StanDB, 822; HastDB, 869. 
 
 (221) HBii, 207-8; JCii, 211-4; HastDB, 869. 
 
 (222) HBu, 208; Wade OTH, 308; HPM, § 206, 209. 
 
 (224) Wade OTH, 309-11; BGH, 164-6; JCii, 215; GASJerusii, 49-52. 
 80-82; HPM, § 206; Kent's whole <;hapter in The Divided Kingdom, 
 1897, is worth reading as a review; StanDB, 822-3; HastDB, 869-870. 
 
 (227) HPM, § 216 and note 6, pp. 409-411; StOTii, 492-4 (very clear 
 statement); Wade OTH, 317-321; Kent Divided Kingdom, 12-15. 
 
 (228) HBiii, 3, 4; Kent DK, 3-7; StOTii, 3-7; LAI, 257-260; Wade 
 OTH, 9, 10; LOT, 185-9. 
 
 (229) Curtis Chronicles (IntCCom); StOTii, 7; LAI, 303-6; HastDB, 
 131-2; StanDB, 124-6. 
 
 (230) Kent DK, 11, 58-60; Rogers BA, vol. i; GoodBA, 32. 
 
 (231) HBiii, 4, 5; Kent DK, 16-23; Wade OTH, 310-313; HastDB, 
 399; HPM, § 206, 208, 511-529; BGH, 165-7; JCii, 231. 
 
 (232) HBiii, 7, 119; Kent DK, 24, 25; Wade OTH, 321-2; HPM, § 210, 
 272-8; BGH, 167-8; HGHL, 331; JCii, 235-6; Sm Jems ii, 83. 
 
 (235) HPM, § 979, 1357; JCii, 239-40; Sm Jenis ii, 86-7; HBiii, 6. 
 
344 APPENDIX 
 
 (236) HBiii, 120; Wade OTH, 323-5; HPM, § 210. 
 
 (237) HBiii, 120; Wade OTH, 326-8; HPM, § 211, 215. 
 
 (238) Wade OTH, 329. 
 
 (239) HBiii, 13, 14; Wade OTH 329; BGH, 168-170, 70-72; HGHL, 
 345-7; Sm Jerus ii, 93-4; JCii, 242-3. 
 
 (241) HBiii, 14; Wade OTH, 330; HPM, § 212-3, 216-220; RogBAii, 
 46-71; GoodBA, 187-202; HastDB, 400; StOTii, 294-6. 
 
 (242) HBiii, 15-17; Wade OTH, 400; JCii, 244-7; BGH, 171. 
 
 (243) Sm Jerus ii, 96-99; Wade OTH, 331; JCii, 332-8. 
 
 (244) HPM, § 912-924, 927, 931-4; LAI, 46-86; QmJerus ii, 95. 
 
 (246) HBiii, 25, 26; AIL, 90-93; Wade OTH, 336-9; MessPPHist, 
 198-201. 
 
 (247) Kent DK, 62-4; Wade OTH, 400-402; HPM, § 214, 295-7; 
 HastDB, 761; MessEPr, 3-10 Smith Prophet and His Problems, 3-58. 
 
 (248) BGH, 172; KetitDK, 61-53; HGHL, 337-341; HBiii, 26-7; 
 Wade OTH, 335; JCii, 249-261. 
 
 (249) BGH, 172; HBiii, 27-29; JCii, 261-9; HPM, § 982-3. 
 
 (250) HBiii, 36-38; HPM, § 213; Wade OTH, 335, 337, 400; HastDB, 
 468. 
 
 (251) Kent DK, 70-71; Good BA, 212-222; RogBA, 72-91; HBiii, 
 35, 36. 
 
 (252) HBiii, 28, 48; Wade OTH, 341-3; JCii, 276-281; HGHL, 581-2; 
 MessPPHist, 207-212. 
 
 (253) HBiii, 48-50; Kent DK, 65-9; BGH, 174-6; Wade OTH, 344-7; 
 JCii, 282-291; HastDB, 431. 
 
 (256) HBiii, 51-3; Kent DK, 71-3; JCii, 292-300; HPM, § 244-6, 252. 
 
 (257) HBiii, 121; Wade OTH, 348; JCii, 338; Sm Jerus ii, 100-2. 
 
 (258) Kent DK, 120-1; Wade OTH, 349; JCii, 339-342; Sm Jerus i, 
 102-6. 
 
 (259) Kent DK, 121-2; Wade OTH, 350; JCii, 342-7; Sm Jerus ii, 
 106-112. 
 
 (261) HBiii, 123; Sm Jerus ii, 108-113. 
 
 (262) HBiii, 122-3, 126-7; Wade OTH, 355-7; JCii, 371-9; Sm Jerus ii, 
 117-125; HPM, § 268-9, 306, 308. 
 
 (263) HBiii, 51-53; BGH, 176; Wade OTH, 353-4; JCii, 307-12; 
 HPM, § 262-6. 
 
 (264) HBiii, 121-2; LAI, 96-104; LOT, 118, 122-5; HPM, § 926, 928, 
 930; MessPPHist, 5-26; StOTi, Introd. 
 
 (265) HBiii, 105; Kent DK, 76-7, 98-9; BGH, 176; Sm Jerus ii, 125-6; 
 HPM, § 635-8, 307-8, 310-11. 
 
 (268) Wade OTH, 321; Sm Jefus ii, 148, 180; Kent DK, 59, 60, 
 117-9; HPM, § 635-8. 
 
 (269) A capital commentary on Amos, Hosea and Micah is that by 
 Prof. J. M. P. Smith (BHS, 1914). W. R. Harper, Amos and Hosea 
 (IntCCom, 1905) ; Driver, Joel and Amos (CambB, 1897) ; Horton in 
 Minor Prophets (CentB, two vols, 1904) ; and G. A. Smith, The Book 
 of the Twelve, vol. i (ExposB, 1896) are excellent. Note also MessEPr, 
 23-44; HBiii, 57-79. 
 
APPENDIX 345 
 
 (270) HBiii, 58-60; JMPSmith Amos, 7, 8; MessEPr, 23-28; GAS 
 Twelve i, 73-120; BGH, 177-8. 
 
 (271) McFadyea A Cry for Justice (Short Course Series) is an admir- 
 able study of the message of Amos; HPM, § 867, 264, 302-4; LOT, 
 313-8; LAI, 105-119; JMPSmith Amos, 8-12; MessEPr, 29-44 para- 
 phrases the message; HBiii, 61-79; GASm Twelve; 121-207. 
 
 (272) HBiii, 83, 94; JMPSmith Hosea, 71-75; GASmTwelve i, 24-226. 
 
 (273) HBiii, 84-86; JMPSm Hosea, 75-82; id. Prophet and His Prob- 
 lems, 1914, 109-136; GASm Twelve i, 227-252; BGH, 178-180. 
 
 (274) HBiii, 86-102; LAI, 119-129; MessEPr, 47-76; JMPSm Hosea, 
 83-85; GASm Twelve i, 253-354. 
 
 (276) HBiii, 105-7; BGH, 180-181; JCii, 312-320; HPM, § 267, 306-7, 
 310, 316, 331-2, 342-353. 
 
 (277) HBiu, 107-111; JCii, 321-4; HPM, § 360-364. 
 
 (278) HBui, 105-7; RogBAii, 137-156; GoodBA, 240-246. 
 
 (281) HBiii, 136-7; MessEPr, 84-6; HastDB, 387-392. McFadyen 
 Isaiah (BHS, 1910) is a choice commentary for the average reader. 
 Whitehouse Isaiah (2 vols. CentB, 1908) is especially good for the 
 historical setting. Skinner Isaiah {2 vols. Camb. B, 1905) is equally 
 strong in interpretation. G. A. Smith Isaiah (2 vols. Expos. B., 1896) 
 is generally illuminating, but must be occasionally revised in accord- 
 ance with Smith's fine article in the larger Hastings Dictionary of the 
 Bible. 
 
 (282) HBiii, 127-130; MessEPr, 86-8; LAI, 140-2; JCii, 383-9. 
 
 (283) HBiii, 137-141, 146-150; HPM, § 318-324; MessEPr, 88-96 
 LAI, 143-150; Sm Jems ii, 132-141. 
 
 (285) HBiii, 146-150; HPM, § 639-641, 325-330; MessEPr, 96-107 
 LAI, 150-1; Sm Jems ii, 125-130, 144-7. 
 
 (288) HBiii, 157-8; RogBAii, 169; HPM, § 649-659; GoodBA, 248-250 
 Sm Jems ii, 138, 148-150, 179-180. 
 
 (289) HBiii, 165-9; MessEPr, 111-122; JMPSmith Micah, 157-164, 
 165-8. 
 
 (290) GoodBA, 265-283; RogBAii, 183-215. 
 
 (291) HBiii, 158; MessEPr, 135-7; RogBAii, 191-202. 
 
 (292) HBiii, 158-9; MessEPr, 145-156. 
 
 (295) HBui, 159-161.; MessEPr, 163-7; HPM, § 680-685. 
 
 (296) HPM, § 685-8; RogBA, 200. 
 
 (297) HBiii, 176-8; MessEPr, 167-9; HPM, § 698-704. 
 
 (298) HBiii, 179-181; Sm Jerus ii, 142, 224-6; JCii, 410-2; HPM, 
 § 796, 732. 
 
 (299) HBiii, 169-170; HPM, § 796; Sm Jerus ii, 175-7; JCii, 400-1. 
 
 (300) McFad Isa, 2, 180-216; MessEPr, 122-130; HastDB, 614; LAI, 
 165-191. 
 
 (301) HBiii, 179-181; McFad Isa, 8-13; HastDB, 386-7. 
 
 (302) Sm Jerus ii, 178-180; HPM, § 791-5. 
 
 (303) HBiii, 181; MessEPr, 126; LAI, 166-9; HPM, § 1006-7. 
 
 (304) LAI, 169-174; Robinson Relig. Ideas O.T., 223; JMPSmith 
 Prophet and His Problems, 137-167; Wade OTH, 422-436; HBiii, 190. 
 
346 APPENDIX 
 
 (307) HBiii, 188-9; Wade OTH, 373-4; RogBA, 216-245; GoodBA, 
 284-301; HPM, §745-762. 
 
 (308) HBiii, 186; Wade OTH, 373, 375; Kent DK, 159-162; Sm 
 Jerus u, 181-190; BGH, 188; JCii, 420-4; HastDB, 576. 
 
 (309) HBiii, 187; LAI, 176; Sm Jerus ii, 190-195; Wade OTH, 437. 
 
 (310) LAI, 203-211; HastDB, 350; StOTi, Introd. HPM, § 935 dates 
 JE about 700 B.C. 
 
 (313) HBiii, 313; RogBA, 246-282; GoodBA; 302-319; HPM, § 763- 
 790, 816-819; JMPSmith Zephaniah (Int.CCom, 1911), 159-162. 
 
 (314) HBiii, 196-7; GoodBA, 323; Sm Jerus ii, 228-9, 234-5; HPM, 
 § 809-15; Breasted. HAE, 387-403; JMPSmith Zephaniah, 163. 
 
 (315) HBiii, 195-6; Wade OTH, 376; HPM, §835-841; GASmith 
 Twelve ii, 199-202. 
 
 (316) HBiii, 196-8; HPM, § 814, 380, 1138; Driver Zephaniah (New 
 Cent.B); GASmith Twelve ii, 35-74; MessEPr, 187-197; JMPSmith 
 Zephaniah. 
 
 (318) HastDB, 435-6; HBiii, 250-4; LOT, 249, 271-2; LAI, 214; 
 HPM, § 1082, note. 
 
 (319) HBiii, 206-7; HastDB, 434; LAI, 192-4; LOT, 250; MessEPr, 
 205-6; BGH, 188-189; GASm Jerus i\, 228; Wade OTH, 376. 
 
 (320) HastDB, 434; HBiii, 207-9; LAI, 194-9; LOT, 250-253; MessEPr, 
 206-216; HPM, § 1085-7; Sm Jenis ii, 233-239. 
 
 (322) HBiii, 214; HPM, § 839-845; Sm Jerus ii, 199-200. 
 
 (323) HBiii, 214; Jordan Deuteronomy (BHS, 1911), 11-13; JCii, 427-8; 
 HPM, § 846-851; Sm Jerus ii, 201-5. 
 
 (324) LAI, 176-8; Sm Jerus ii, 205-8; HBiii, 215-6; StOTiv (useful 
 for any comparative study of the codes); McFadyen MessPPHist, 
 87-99. 
 
 (325) LAI, 178-189; Sm Jerus ii, 208-220; Driver Deuteronomy; Jordan 
 Deut. Introd.; HBiii, 216-236. 
 
 (326) LAI, 251-261; HPM, §865-945; LOT, 102-4, 164, 185, 274. 
 
 (328) HBiii, 214-5; HPM, § 852-863, 1019. 
 
 (329) HBiii, 243-4; HPM, § 1027. 
 
 (330) Sm Jerus ii, 223-226; LAI, 199-201; HPM, § 1020-1026, 1069-70. 
 
 (334) HPM, § 1027-1037; Breasted HAE, 404-5; StOTiii, 191; HBiii, 
 244. 
 
 (335) HPM, § 1038-1040; HBiii, 244-5; Sm Jerus ii, 246; BrHAE, 
 405-7; Wade OTH 380. To note strategic position of Riblah see 
 special map facing p. 73 in BGH and read p. 80. 
 
 (336) HBiii, 245; Sm Jerus ii, 224-6, 239^0; LAI, 214-6. 
 
 (337) For the arrangement of Jeremiah's prophecies during this per- 
 plexing period consult Kent StOTiii, 191-217; HBiii, 245-7; Wade 
 OTH, 382; LAI, 213-8. 
 
 (338) HBiii, 190; MessEPr, 173-183; LAI, 201-2; LOT, 334-7; JMP- 
 Smith Nahum (IntCCom, 1911); HPM, § 831-3. 
 
 (339) HPM, § 820-828, 1045-1052; RogBAii, 283-295; GoodBA, 320- 
 330; Wade OTH, 379. 
 
 (341) JCii, 455; HBiii, 263-4; Wade OTH, 380. 
 
APPENDIX 347 
 
 (342) HastDB, 322 is very helpful; MessEPr, 219-226; LOT, 337- 
 340; HBiii, 264-5; HPM, § 1128-1139, 1172; LAI, 220. GASm Twelve 
 ii, 115-159; Driver Habakkuk (NewCentB, 1906); Ward Habakkuk 
 IntCCom., 1911). 
 (334) HastDB, 649; HBiii, 265-7; RogBA, 316-8; GoodBA, 347-9. 
 
 (345) HBiii; 267; KentDK, 190-192; HastDB, 404. 
 
 (346) MessEPr, 243-262; StOTiii, 226-9. 
 
 (348) HBiii, 268; JCii, 461; KentDK, 192-3. 
 
 (349) HBiii, 268-9; KentDK, 190-194; Sm Jerus ii, 246-7; JCu, 460-4; 
 HastDB, 404. 
 
 (351) HPM, § 1148-1155; Wade OTH, 385; JCii, 440-3. 
 
 (352) HBiii, 289-291; JMPSmith Prophet and His Problems, 59-86; 
 JCii, 442-6. 
 
 (354) HastDB, 251; LAI, 234; LOT, 278-286. 
 
 (355) HBiii, 275-6; HastDB, 251; LAI, 233; JCii, 482-93; MessLPr, 
 19-28. 
 
 (356) HBiii, 276-7; LAI, 235-7; MessLPr, 28-31. 
 
 (357) HBiii, 277-9; LAI, 234, 237-9; MessLPr, 35-60; HPM, § 1174- 
 1206. 
 
 (36) HPM, § 1207-1217; HBiii, 291-2; Wade OTH, 384-5; Sm Jerus 
 ii, 251. 
 
 (361) HPM, § 1218-1222; HBui, 292; Sm Jerus ii, 251-2. 
 
 (362) HPM, § 1223-4; HBiii, 292; Wade OTH, 385; JCii, 467. 
 
 (363) HPM, § 1225-6; HBiii, 293; JCii, 469; Sm Jeru^ ii, 253. 
 
 (364) HPM, § 1227-1233; HBiii, 301; Wade OTH, 386; JCii, 469-71; 
 Sm Jerus ii, 254. 
 
 (365) HPM, § 1234-1236; HBiii, 302; JCii, 471-4. 
 
 (367) MessEPr, 173-296 covers the whole ground. Kirkpatrick's 
 Doctrine of the Prophets is helpful and Jordan's Prophetic Ideas and 
 Ideals. 
 
 (368) For this comparison read Barton's fine article in HastDB, 413-4. 
 
 (369) LAI, 175-232 may be wisely reviewed at this point, with regard 
 to the Psalter see StOTv, which freshly and thoroughly traverses 
 its history. 
 
 (372) HastDB, 132. 
 
 (373) HastDB, 176; LOT, 511. 
 
 (374) For a strong defense of the generally accepted order of events 
 see GASm Twelve ii, 198-221 and Jerusn, 295-30U; for an opposing 
 view see HBiv, 38-40 and Kent HistJP, 101-111, 126-136. Professor 
 Charles C. Torreyinfera Studies, 1910, makes a brilliant and original 
 study of the book of Ezra, concluding that it is little better than 
 romance and unreUable as history. The commentaries by Batten 
 (IntCCom, 1913) and by Ryle (CambB, 1900) are very good. Note 
 also HastDB, 393, 254, 651; MessPPHist, 314-318. 
 
 (375) HPM, § 1263-7; HBiv, 5; Wade OTH, 452-'3. 
 
 (378) SmJenisii, 266-271; HastDB, 405; HBiv, 7-12; BGH, 194-9. 
 
 (379) HBiii, 303-4; HastDB, 284; HPM § 1240-1250; Wade OTH, 
 387-8. 
 
348 APPENDIX 
 
 (380) HPM § 1252-7; Wade OTH, 388-9. 
 
 (381) HBiii, 304-7; HPM § 1258-1262. 
 
 (382) HastDB, 252a; LAI, 242-7; Davidson Ezekiel (CambB); 
 Skinner, Ezekiel (ExposB). 
 
 (383) HBiv, 5-7; HPM § 1236-9; KentJP, 11-13, 62; Sm/erwsii, 
 271-283; LAI 247-250; LOT, 456-465; HastDB, 527; Peters, Hebrew 
 and Christian Literature has a capital translation of these poems; 
 also StOTv, 18-21, 73-82. 
 
 (386) HBiv, 18-20; Wade OTH, 389-392; BGH, 197-8; HPM § 1272- 
 1349, a very elaborate and valuable study. 
 
 (387) LAI, 239-241; HBiv, 20-22; MessLPr, 99-108; Skinner Ezekiel 
 (ExposB); Davidson Ezekiel (CambB). 
 
 (388) HPM § 1344-5; LAI, 241; HBiv, 22-23; StOTiv, 182 gives 
 an illuminating diagram, illustrating Ezekiel's scheme of allotment, 
 Davidson's Ezekiel (CambB) also has excellent diagrams; StanDB, 
 854 illustrating the Temple; MessLPr, 111-128. 
 
 (389) HBiii, 265-7; HPM § 1052, 1364-8; RogBA, 316-353. 
 
 (391) HPM § 1147; KentJP, 66; RogBA, 354-5. 
 
 (392) HPM § 1350-1363; HBiv, 27, 28; LAI, 233-261; HastDB, 405. 
 
 (393) HPM § 1362; HBiv, 28-30; LOT, 47-59, 145-152; HastDB, 
 356; StOTiv, 36-42. 
 
 (394) HBiv, 30-32; KentJP, 66-72; HPM § 1364-72; GoodBA, 349- 
 368; RogBAii, 354-368. 
 
 (395) HBiv, 32-3; KentJP, 72-76; HPM § 1373-89; HastDB, 173; 
 JCiii, 47-49; GoodBA, 368-372; RogBAii, 368-373. 
 
 (398) KentJP, 6-7, 77-8; HPM § 1450-4; LAI, 262-6; McFad/sa, 
 108-119, 143-8; MessLPr, 137-145. 
 
 (399) HPM § 1405-7; LAI, 266; HBiv, 60-3; McFad/sa, 247-249; 
 MessLPr, 149-154. 
 
 (400) HPM § 1408-11; LAI, 267-272; HBiv, 63-4; MessLPr, 160-179. 
 
 (401) LAI, 272-4; HBiv, 99-104, 72; McFad/sa, 252-6; Robinson 
 Rel. Ideas OT, 176; MessLPr, 155-160. 
 
 (402) HBiv, 100; McFad/sa, 319-353; MessLPr, 180-193. 
 
 (403) LAI, 274-7; HPM § 1465; McFad/sa, 249-252. 
 
 (405) LAI, 277; HBiv, 30-2; GoodBA, 372-6; RogBA, 373-381. 
 
 (406) HPM § 1412-1420; HBiv, 32-4; SmJerusii, 294-8; JCiii, 74-81; 
 StOTii, 339-342; Xenophon's Cyropedia. 
 
 (407) HBiv, 34; Wade OTH, 465-8; for a close and vivid study of 
 the remainder of the postexilic period from a conservative standpoint 
 see Hunter After the Exile, 2 vols., 1900; SmJerusii, 299; JCiii, 82-88. 
 
 (408) HBiv, 34; Wade OTH, 468; Sm,/erMsii, 299; JCiii, 88-90. 
 
 (411) SmJerum, 300; KentJP, 137-8; HBiv, 41; Persia (Story of 
 Nations) ; Ebers, The Egyptian Princess is a romance founded on the 
 facts mentioned in this paragraph; Hunter After the Exile describes 
 the period well. 
 
 (412) HBiv, 51. 
 
 (413) SmJerusii, 300-2; LOT, 343-4: KentJP, 139-143; HBiv, 41-2; 
 LAI, 278; MessLPr, 197-212. 
 
APPENDIX 349 
 
 (414) LOT, 344; HBiv, 49; MessLPr, 323-326. 
 
 (415) LOT, 344-6. KeutJP, 144-151; HBiv, 49-52; LAI, 278-280; 
 MessLPr, 212-233 
 
 (417) KentJP,- 148-9; HBiv, 42; Read the article "Darius the Great" 
 in any good encyclopedia, especially the last edition of the' Brittanica. 
 
 (418) SmJentsii, 305-310; StanDB, 854-5; HastDB, 900-901. An idea 
 of the general arrangement of the Second Temple may be had by 
 reference to the diagram at end of Dummelow's commentary. 
 
 (419) HBiv, 42-3; SmJerus, 310-3. 
 
 (420) KentJP, 148-9; HBiv, 51-2; SmJerusii, 313-6. 
 
 (421) See Wade's long summary in OTH, 491-511. 
 
 (422) For a complete discussion of these Psalter problems see StOTv; 
 LAI, 283-6. 
 
 (423) Sm/entsii, 331-4; JCiii, 121-3 (calls attention to Ezra's ultimate 
 fame). 
 
 (426) HBiv, 60; MessLPr, 237-8; SmJerusii, 315; Persia (History of 
 Nations). 
 
 (427) HBiv, 70; HastDB, 203; Haskins and Libbey The Jordan 
 Valley and Petra, 2 vols. 1905. 
 
 (428) LAI, 250; MessLPr, 63-72; KentJP, 26, 10; StOTiii, 399-401; 
 Bewer, Obadiah (IntCCom, 1911); Horton Obadiah (NewCentB); 
 GASmith Twelveii, 163-184. 
 
 (429) SmJerusii, 317, 321-4; HBiv, 123-4; LAI, 280-283; MessLPr, 
 252-285; McFadyen, Isaiah. 
 
 (430) GASnj. Twelveii, 331-372; HBiv, 70-72; LAI, 287-290; MessLPr, 
 237-252; JMPSmith, Malachi (IntCCom, 1912); Driver Malachi 
 (NewCentB). 
 
 (432) SmJerusii, 329-331, 343-4; HBiv, 130-3; HastDB, 253; Hunter 
 After the Exile; JCiii, 101-103, 123-6; KentJP, 195-199; Ryle, Ezra 
 and Nehemiah (CambB); Torrey Ezra Studies, 1910; Batten Ezra and 
 Nehemiah (IntCCom, 1913). 
 
 (433) HastDB, 253; Hunter AE; JCiii, 103-109; KentJP, 199-208 
 (an organization of the data which differs from that in this volume). 
 
 (434) BmJerusii, 334; Hunter AE states the case in full detail. 
 
 (436) BmJerusii, 325-9; HBiv, 112; LAI, 290-2; KentJP, 110; Ryle, 
 Ez. and Neh.; Batten, Ez. and Nek. 
 
 (437) SmJerusii, 335iii; HBiv, 112-3; JCiii, 109-111; KentJP, 167- 
 170; EGA, 200; Hunter AE is very vivid and readable. 
 
 (438) SmJerusii, 335-9; HBiv, 113-116; JCiii, 111-115, 118-120; 
 KentJP, 171-6; BGA, 201-5. 
 
 (439) SmJerusii, 348-9; HBiv, 116; JCiii, 115; KentJP, 178-181; 
 Hunter AE. 
 
 (440) SmJerusii, 339-343; HBiv, 123-6; JCiii, 117; KentJP, 182-192. 
 
 (441) HBiv, 117, 126; JCiii, 121; KentJP, 192-4; BGH, 205; Compare 
 Hunter, Ryle and Batten. 
 
 (443) HunterA.E discusses Ezra's work quite fully; HBiv, 131-3 
 takes an opposite view. 
 
 (444) HBiv, 131; JCiii, 126-135; KentJP, 209, 
 
350 APPENDIX 
 
 (445) HBiv, 131; KentJP, 209-212; HunterAE gives a detailed 
 account. 
 
 (446) LAI; 309-312; Jessup and Canby "The Short Story" p. 4, 
 calls Ruth "one of the best told and most beautiful stories in all 
 literature." Compare also Albright The Short Story: Its Principles 
 and Structure; KentJP, 117; 
 
 (447) HBiv, 132-4; KentJP, 212-4; SmJerusu, 345, 353, 362-3; 
 MessIsrLawgivers, 36-43. 
 
 (448) LAI, 294-301; PSmyth Bible in the Making, 115-123; MessPrP 
 Hist, 239-247; Moore "Historical Literature" m. Encyc. £i6.; Gray 
 CritlntrodOT, chs. 3-6. 
 
 (449) LAI, 301-3; StOTIntrod; LOT, 6; Gray CritlntrodOT, 
 39-51. 
 
 (450) HBiv, 134; KentJP, 239-251; QmJerusn, 361-6. 
 
 (451) HastDB, 415b, 416; KentJP, 252-267. 
 
 (456) Sm/erwsi, 384-398 traces the gradual operation of the Law 
 and increase of high-priestly authority. Compare also ii, 362-3. 
 
 (457) For a careful, sane study of the problems of Joel see Professor 
 Bewer's Joel (IntCCom, 1911); StOTiii, 409-16 offers a fine transla- 
 tion and illuminating critical notes. 
 
 (458) HBiv, 141-2; MessLPr, 289-302; GASmTweZmi, 375-436; 
 Horton's Joel (New-CentB) is good; LAI, 316-7. 
 
 (459) Sm/erwsii, 351, 374n5, 367n2, 393n, 422; HBiv, 143-5; KentJP, 
 215-223; Montgomery, The Samaritans; Rothstein, Juden und 
 Samaritaner, 1908. 
 
 (461) HBiv, 72-95; Schmidt, MessPoets, 1911; a capital commentary 
 is G. A. Barton's (BHS, 1911); Genung Epic of Inner Life, and David- 
 son's Job (CambB) are of sterling value; LAI, 321-336. 
 
 (462) LAI, 303-308; Curtis Chronicles (IntCCom) is standard; Mc- 
 Fadyen MessPPrHist, 270-285 is helpful. Note also his O.T. Intro- 
 duction and Gray Crit. Introd O.T., 87-96. 
 
 (463) Mahafify Greek Life from Alexander to the Roman Conquest, 
 1887; ScaJerusii, 367-371, espec. 371n; BGH 207; for apocryphal 
 books see Charles and others. The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha 
 of the O.T. in English, 1913. 
 
 (464) Wheeler, Alexander the Great; SmJerusii, 372-5, 398^08; 
 HBiv, 151-2; HastDB, 20; BGH, 207-9. 
 
 (465) GuUek, Life of the Ancient Greeks; Sm/erusii, 419-424; HBiv, 
 190-191; article "Diaspora," in HastDB, extra volume. 
 
 (466) Mahaffy The Ptolemaic Dynasty; SmJerusii, 375-408, 380; 
 HBiv, 152-5; Wade OTH, 488-9; BGH, 209. 
 
 (467) Mahaffy Greek Life, etc. ; E. R. Bevan, The House of Seleucus. 
 
 (468) Sm/erwsii, 413, 409; HBiv, 162-7; HastDB, 204; Kent, Wise 
 Men of Ancient Israel and Their Proverbs; Sanders, Messages of the 
 Sages, 1915; Genung, The Hebrew Literature of Wisdom (1906), 1-87. 
 
 (469) HBiv, 159-162; Kent, Wise Men, etc.; Genung, Hebr. Lit. Wis- 
 dom, 91-142; Toy Prom-&s (IntCCom, 1899); Moulton il/od. jf?. Bible, 
 single vol., 1452-58; LAI, 343-352. 
 
APPENDIX 351 
 
 (470) HBiv, 181-6; Genung Hebr. Lit. Wisdom, 251-279; Moulton 
 Mod. R. Bible, 1458-69; LAI 352-8. 
 
 (471) SmJerusii, 409-419; HBiv, 175-7; Genung Hebr. Lit. Wisdom, 
 199-247; Barton Ecclesiastes (IntCCom, 1908); Geming Words of Ko- 
 heleth, 1904; Flumptre Ecclesiastes {Ca,mhB, 1887) ; Moulton Mod. R. 
 Bible, 1469-75; LAI, 337-343. 
 
 (472) HBiv, 214; McFadyen Isaiah, 160-179; Mitchell Zechariah 
 (IntCCom, 1912), 218-357; MessLPr, 313-9, 323-36; HastDB, 986. 
 
 (473) HBiv, 140-1; LAI, 359-374; StOTv, 22-29, 47; is a fresh and 
 careful study; Schmidt, MessPoets, 213-277. 
 
 (474) SmJerusn, 399, 416, 417, 353; HBiv, 174-5; LAI, 313-6; Mess- 
 LPr, 339-354; Charles Eschatology, 115-6. 
 
 (475) HBiv, 172-4; KentJP, 311-322. 
 
 (476) Ramsay Cities of St. Paul, 181 bb.; HBiv, 189-190, 192-193; 
 Wade OTH, 489-90; KentJP, 323-6; Sm/erwsii, 424^432; JCiii, 251-6. 
 
 (477) HBiv, 193; Wade OTH, 490; KentJP, 327-330; BGH, 209-10; 
 Sm/mtsii, 432-6; JCiii, 257-264. 
 
 (478) HBiv, 189-90; On the "abomination of desolation" see the 
 excellent note on p. 453 of QmJeriisn; on the site of the citadel see ibid. 
 447-452 and the references given; Riggs JP (Histor Series Bible Stu- 
 dents, 1900), 14-24; for a good historical romance on this period see 
 Ludlow's Deborah. 
 
 (479) Conder Judas Maccabaeus; HBiv, 200-1; KentJP, 334-6; 
 Riggs JP, 24-28; BGH, 210-11; Sm/erwsii, 400 ff; JCiii, 267-270 
 (explains the well-known names). 
 
 (480) HBiv, 210-212; KentJP, 336-340; Riggs JP, 29-33; BGH, 
 211-214; JCiii, 270-272. 
 
 (481) HBiv, 201-3; KentJP, 331-4; JCiii, 265-7; RiggsJP, 7, 8; Porter 
 MessApoc. Writers; 70-166; Farrar Daniel (ExposB); Bevan Daniel 
 (1892); J. D Prince, Daniel (1899); Kennedy, Book of Daniel from 
 Christian Standpoint (1898); LOT, 448-515; LAI, 378, 384-5; McFad- 
 yen OTIntrod, 316-331, StOTiu, 33-37. 
 
 (482) Porter MessApoc.W; RiggsJP, 9; Charles Book of Enoch, 
 1893; Eschat, 220-223; DumCom. bdi; JCiii, 328-331. ■ 
 
 (483) HBiv, 212-215; BGH, 214; BmJerusn, 454-5; Riggs JP, 34; , 
 JCiii, 272-6. 
 
 (484) SmJerusu, 399; HBiv, 227-8; JCiii, 152-161 must be modified 
 by such authorities as StOTii, 471-482, 39, 40 and Baton Esther (Int- 
 CCom.); for Tobit and Judith see Charles, Apocrypha and Pseud; 
 HastDB, 42; Moulton, ModR Bible, 1380-2, 369-78, 1557-9; JCiii, 
 19; DmnCom. Iv. 
 
 (485) HBiv, 226-230; BGH, 215-220; RiggsJP. 34-52; JCiii, 276-287. 
 
 (486) HBiv, 230; BGH, 220-1; RiggsJP, 53; JCiii, 287-298. 
 
 (487) HBiv, 230-1, 237; BGH, 222-4; Sm/emsii, 457; JCiii, 308- 
 317; RiggsJP, 53-68. 
 
 (489) HBiv, 237-9; BGH, 224-5; Sm/erwsii, 458; RiggsJP, 68-71, 
 87-96; JCiii, 317-322. 
 
352 APPENDIX 
 
 (490) HBiv, 259; Cornill The Culture of Ancient Israel, 133-162; 
 StOTV; LAI, 373-4. 
 
 (491) HBiv, 244-6; BGH, 225-6; Sm/erasii, 459-463; JCiii, 323-5; 
 RiggsJP, 97-104, 114-116. 
 
 (492) HBiv, 251-4; Fair weather. Background of the Gospels, 1909; 
 HastDB, 719-20, 818, 238-9; RiggsJP, 105-114; Mathews HistNTTimes. 
 
 (493) HBiv, 260-2; JCiii, 225-232; RiggsJP, 77; HastDB, 315-317; 
 for the Letter of Aristaeas see Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha; 
 the Greek text is in Swete's Introd to OTin Greek, 1900iand an excellent 
 English translation by Thackeray is in the Jewish Quarterly Review, 
 vol. xv; note also Sm/eresii, 440n, 441n, 451n; Encyc.Britii., 494. 
 
 (494) HastDB, 111-113; StanDB, 597-601; Ryle The Caron of the 
 OT, 1895; Woods "OTCanon" in HastDB, vol. iii; Dummelow Com. 
 xiii. 
 
 (495) Fairweather, Background of Gospels; HastDB, 832; RiggsJP, 
 215-228; 'JCiii, 130-135. 
 
 (496) HBiv, 246-7, 269-70; BGH, 226-7; ^mJerusW, 463; RiggsJP, 
 117-126; JCiii, 325-6. 
 
 (497) HBiv, 270-1; HastDB, 204-5; BGH, 227; Cornill The Culture 
 of Ancient Israel, 68-100; Dummelow Com. Ixx. 
 
 (498) HBiv, 262; RiggsJP, 77-81, 85, 86; for the text of the Oracles 
 see Charles Apoch. and Pseud. See also Eschat., 207-8.. 
 
 (499) HBiv, 262-4; RiggsJP, 11, 82-4; Moulton ModR Bible one vol., 
 1021-36, 1646-56; Charles, Apoch. and Pseud.; Deane Pseudepigrapha; 
 JCiii, 241-244. 
 
 (500) Sm/erwsii, 535-9; RiggsJP,. 222; Porter, MessApoc. Writers, 
 1905; Fairweather, Background Gospels; Torrey "Apocalypse" in 
 Jewish Encyclop. i, 669-675; Charles in HastDB. vol i, 109-110; in 
 EncycBib., vol i, 213-250, Eschat, 213-20; 260-6, 235-40; Dummelow, 
 Com. Ixi-lxiv. 
 
 (501) HBiv, 271-2; BGH, 228-230; RiggsJP, 131-136; Mathews 
 HistNTTimes; Moss, From Malachi to Matthew; JCiii, 350-360. 
 
 (502) HBiv. 272^ 
 
 (504) HBiv, 281-3; BGH, 230-2; RiggsJP, 154-8; JCiii, 360-361. 
 
 (505) RiggsJP, 136-9, 150-1; Dummelow Com. Ixiv; Gray gives text 
 and comments in Charles Apoch. and Pseud, Ryle, Psalms of Solomon. 
 
 (506) HBiv, 283-4; BGH, 232; RiggsJP, 159-169; Mathews, HistNT 
 
 (507r'HBiv,' 284.5; BGH, 232; Sm/erwsii, 468; RiggsJP, 170-178; 
 
 (508) HBiv, 293-4; Sm/emsii, 469-475; HastDB, 343-4; Mathews, 
 HistNTT; Moss, Malachi to Matt. 
 
 (509) HBv, 39-42; SmJerusii, 478-481; JCm, 361-5. 
 
 (510) BGH, 233; SmJerusii, 481-2; RiggsJP, 179-190. 
 
 (511) HBiv, 294-5; SmJerusii, 482-494; RiggsJP, 191-202. 
 
 (512) HBiv, 300-302; BGH, 233-4; SmJerMsii, 499-520; RiggsJP, 
 200-2; for a ground plan of the Temple see Dummelow Com. chart at 
 end; JCiii, 383-390. 
 
APPENDIX 353 
 
 (513) HBiv, 305-310; BGH, 234^5; read GASinith's great chapter in 
 Jerusalemu, 521-555; Goodspeed, Israel's Messianic Hope; Oesterly, 
 Evolution of the Messianic Idea. 
 
 (514) HBiv, 295-6; BGH, 234; RiggsJP, 203-214; Sm/eresii, 475 
 and the very valuable note on pp.475-6. 
 
 (515) HBv, 34; RiggsJP, 232. 
 
 (516) HBv, 34; BGH, 236; RiggsJP, 232-6; Mathews, NTTimes. 
 
 (517) HBv, 35-7; BGH, 236; RiggsJP, 246-253. 
 
 (518) HBv, 37-8; BGH, 237; RiggsJP, 236-240; Mathews A^rrme-s. 
 
 (519) HBv, 39; BGH, 237; RiggsJP, 240-241; HastDB, 344. 
 
 (520) RiggsJP, 241-5; Mathews, NTT. 
 
 (522) RiggsJP, 253-259. 
 
 (523) RiggsJP, 260-265. 
 
 (524) RiggsJP, 265-277. 
 
 (525) See Charles, Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha, HastDB, 39, 40; 
 Dummelow Com. bcii-iv; RiggsJP, 153! 
 
 (526) The closing pages of JCiii, 390-420 are excellent. 
 
 (527) RiggsJP, 278-80. 
 
 (529) See the references given above under 525 and Charles Eschat, 
 323-353. 
 
 (531) Riggs JP, 280-286. 
 
 (532) Sm Jerm ii, 521-555. 
 
INDEX OF REFERENCES 
 
 (The references are to numbered paragraphs) 
 
 Genesis 
 
 1-11 32 
 
 1:1 to 2: 3a 33-35 
 
 2:36-24 36-38 
 
 3 39-41 
 
 6-8 42-44 
 
 10:1 to 11: 9 45-47 
 
 12-50 61,96 
 
 11: 10 to 25: 10 52 
 
 11: 10 to 12:9 53-57 
 
 12: 10 to 13:18 68-60 
 
 13:14^17 62 
 
 14 55 
 
 15:5 62 
 
 15:13-15 100 
 
 15: 19-21 141 
 
 17:6-8 62 
 
 18, 19 61, 63 
 
 18:19 62 
 
 21:1-6 64,65 
 
 22:1-19 66,67 
 
 23 55 
 
 24 70 
 
 26:19 to 36: 29 68 
 
 25:20-34 69-71 
 
 27:1-45 72-74,55 
 
 28: 10 to 29: 35 75-77 
 
 31-35 78-82 
 
 37-50 83 
 
 37 84, 85 
 
 39:1 to 41:67 86,87 
 
 42:1 to 45: 26 89,90 
 
 44:18-34 90 
 
 45: 27 to 47: 12 91,92 
 
 47:13-26 88 
 
 47: 27 to 50: 26 93-96 
 
 49 199 
 
 Exodus 
 
 1-15 97 
 
 1 98-101, 111 
 
 2-4 102-106 
 
 3:1 121 
 
 3:8 141 
 
 5-12 107-111 
 
 6: 16-20 100 
 
 12:1-14,43-50 110 
 
 12:37 Ill 
 
 12:40 100 
 
 13: 17 to 15: 21 112-116 
 
 13:21,22 115 
 
 14:29 114 
 
 15:8 114 
 
 15: 22 to 17:16 118-121 
 
 16 120 
 
 18 127 
 
 19: 2 to 20: 20 122-124, 126 
 
 20:1-17 126 
 
 20:22 to 23: 33 125, 244 
 
 24:7 125 
 
 24:6-8 124 
 
 25-31,35-40 447 
 
 33:7-11 129 
 
 34:10-26 125 
 
 1-27. . 
 17-26. 
 
 Leviticus 
 
 447 
 393 
 
 Numbers 
 
 1:1 to 10: 10 447 
 
 10: 11 to 14: 46 128-131 
 
 10:36, 36 129 
 
 11:27-29 135 
 
 13, 14 131 
 
 14:17 135 
 
 16:2-16 135 
 
 18, 19 447 
 
 20-25 132, 133 
 
 20:14-21 132 
 
 26-36 447 
 
 Deuteronomy 
 
 1-34 324-326 
 
 1-3 325 
 
 355 
 
356 
 
 INDEX 
 
 4:32-40 325 
 
 5:6-21 126 
 
 6:1-15 325 
 
 8:1-19 325 
 
 10:12 to 11:1 325 
 
 11:2-12 ........325 
 
 15:12-15 361 
 
 21:15-17 ..71 
 
 31, 32, 34 134-136 
 
 33 244 
 
 34:6 136 
 
 34:10-12 136 
 
 Joshua 
 
 1-12 143-146 
 
 1:1-9 326 
 
 3,4 144,326 
 
 6 144 
 
 8 .145, 146 
 
 8:30-35 146, 326 
 
 9 146, 199 
 
 10:1-14 ■...144, 146 
 
 10:29-43 145, 146,326 
 
 11:1-9 146 
 
 11:10-23 145, 146,326 
 
 19:40-48 149,151 
 
 21:43-45 141,326 
 
 23 141,326 
 
 24:116, 13 326 
 
 Judges 
 
 1 145 
 
 1:22-36 .:. 146 
 
 1:34-36 151 
 
 l:lto2:15 139 
 
 2: 6 to 3: 6 139 
 
 2: 6 to 16: 31 139 
 
 2:11-23 '..138 
 
 4 5 152, 154 
 
 6-8 156 
 
 10,11 }57 
 
 11:21-24 162 
 
 13-16 •■••158 
 
 17 18 147-151 
 
 17-21 139 
 
 Ruth 
 1.3 '.159-161, 446, 494 
 
 First Samuel 
 
 1:1 to 4: la 161-162 
 
 4: 16 to 7: 2 , 168 
 
 7:3 to 8: 22 165 
 
 9:1 to 10: 16 -. 165 
 
 9-11 170-173 
 
 9:19 171 
 
 10:17-27 165 
 
 11 ; 165 
 
 12 369 
 
 13 165, 174-177 
 
 13:1 177 
 
 13:3-6, 16-23 169 
 
 14 165, 174-177 
 
 14:6-14 .179 
 
 14:29-30 179 
 
 14:39,44 157 
 
 14:47-52 179, 189 
 
 15:31 178-189 
 
 15-26 179-183 
 
 16:1 to 18:5 179 
 
 20 180 
 
 22:2 183 
 
 22-24 183 
 
 25 185 
 
 27 185 
 
 28,29 186 
 
 30:26-31 185 
 
 31 186 
 
 Second Samuel 
 
 1:1 to 5: 5 187, 188 
 
 1:17-27 164, 187 
 
 5: 6 to I Ki. 2:11 190 
 
 5: 6 to 6:23 191-195 
 
 6:6-8 193 
 
 7 199 
 
 7-11 196-199 
 
 8:15-18 164, 198 
 
 9-20 164 
 
 11-20 200-203 
 
 15:19-22 198 
 
 15:37 198 
 
 16:5-13 206 
 
 21:1-14 199 
 
 21:16-22 192 
 
 23:8-19 192 
 
 23:13-17 ....192 
 
 24 199 
 
 First Kings 
 
 1:1 to 2: 11 204-207 
 
 2: 12 to 4: 34 210,211 
 
 2: 12 to 11:43 208 
 
 4 208, 211 
 
INDEX 
 
 357 
 
 5-8 214-218 
 
 8:12, 13 218 
 
 9, 10 212-213, 219-221 
 
 9:31 238 
 
 11 222 
 
 11:1-8 220 
 
 12: 16 to 16:34 234-239 
 
 12:26-33 235 
 
 14:25-28 236 
 
 15 236 
 
 15:9-24 237 
 
 16:9-20 238 
 
 16:24 239 
 
 16:30-32 242 
 
 17 to II Ki. 10 245-253 
 
 18-21 246-250 
 
 18 248 
 
 19 249 
 
 19:8 121 
 
 20:32-34 250 
 
 22. 243, 250 
 
 Second Kings 
 
 2:1 to 8: 15. 246,252 
 
 9:1 to 10:28 253 
 
 9:31 238 
 
 10:15-17 346 
 
 10: 29 to 15: 7 254-265 
 
 11:1-3 257 
 
 11:4^16 258 
 
 11: 17 to 12: 21 259 
 
 12:4-16 259 
 
 13:5,7 256 
 
 14:1-7 261 
 
 14:1 to 15: 7 260-263 
 
 14:23-29 263,265 
 
 15:1-7 262 
 
 15:8 to 20:21 267 
 
 15: 8 to 17: 41 275-278 
 
 17:5 278 
 
 18:1-8 286,288 
 
 18:13-16 296 
 
 18: 17 to 19: 8 297 
 
 19:9-35 297 
 
 19:36,37 298 
 
 20: 12-20 286, 288, 291 
 
 21 305-310 
 
 21:10-13, 16 309 
 
 22:1 to 23: 30 311-330 
 
 22:1,2 315 
 
 22:3 to 23: 3 323 
 
 23;4r27 328 
 
 23:28 to 25: 30 331 
 
 23:28-37 334 
 
 24:1-6 345 
 
 24:7 341 
 
 24:8-12 348 
 
 24:13-16 349 
 
 24:17-20a 351 
 
 24: 205 to 25: 21 358-365 
 
 25:1-17 364 
 
 25:18-23 .',..365 
 
 First Chronicles 
 
 1-29 494 
 
 11:4-6 193 
 
 15, 16 195,462 
 
 22-29 215 
 
 27:33 ...198 
 
 Second Chronicles 
 
 1-36 494 
 
 11:1^ 231 
 
 11:13-17 235 
 
 12:1-12 236 
 
 13:1-21 236 
 
 14:9-15 237 
 
 15:9-13 237 
 
 17:7-9 244 
 
 19 243 
 
 23 258 
 
 24:1-14 259 
 
 24:17-22 259 
 
 26 262 
 
 29 288 
 
 30 299 
 
 31 299 
 
 32 288 
 
 33 305 
 
 34, 35 311-330 
 
 34:1-7 315 
 
 34:8-32 323 
 
 34: 33 to 35: 19 327-330 
 
 35:20-24 334, 213 
 
 36:22,23 374 
 
 Ezra 
 
 1-10 374,494 
 
 1 406 
 
 l:l-3a 374 
 
 2 406 
 
 3:1-6 407, 136 
 
 3:7 408 
 
 3;10rl3 408 
 
358 
 
 INDEX 
 
 4:1-5 408 
 
 4:6 408 
 
 4:8-23 408,423,434 
 
 4:9, 10 307 
 
 4:24 408 
 
 5:1,2 413 
 
 5: 3 to 6: 14 417 
 
 6:1-5 406 
 
 6:15-22 418 
 
 7-10. ; 423,432 
 
 Nehemiah 
 
 1-13 374,494 
 
 1 437 
 
 1-6 432,436,438,440 
 
 5:7-13 440 
 
 7:1-4 439 
 
 7:5-73 406 
 
 8-10 436,445 
 
 11:1,2 439 
 
 12:27-43 443 
 
 12:44 to 13: 3 445 
 
 13:4-31 • 440 
 
 Esther 
 1-10 484,494 
 
 Job 
 
 1-42 461 
 
 1:20-22; 2:10 461 
 
 2:11-13 461 
 
 3 461 
 
 4-14 461 
 
 15-21 461 
 
 22-31 461 
 
 29-31 461 
 
 29 160 
 
 38-42 461 
 
 Psalms 
 
 1-150 490 
 
 1 468 
 
 1-41 490 
 
 1-89 473 
 
 42-89 490 
 
 37 468 
 
 49 468 
 
 83:9-12 156 
 
 73 468 
 
 74 490 
 
 90-150 490 
 
 104-150 passion .473 
 
 90: 1 .136 
 
 106:19 121 
 
 112. .-. 468 
 
 121 468,475 
 
 120-134 473 
 
 125 475 
 
 127, 128 160 
 
 Peg VERBS 
 
 1-31 469 
 
 25:1 310 
 
 31 : 10-31 160 
 
 ECCLESIASTES 
 
 1-12 468, 471, 494 
 
 Song of Solomon 
 1-8 473 
 
 Isaiah 
 
 1-66 281 
 
 1-39 281 
 
 1 283,293 
 
 2-4 279,283 
 
 5:1-24 279, 283 
 
 5:25-30 279 
 
 6 279, 282 
 
 7:1 to 9: 7 279,285 
 
 9: 8 to 10: 4 279,283 
 
 10:5-34 293,297 
 
 11:1-9 300 
 
 13, 14 396,398 
 
 15-23 281 
 
 17:12-14 277 
 
 18:1-7 297 
 
 20:1-6 288 
 
 21 396,398 
 
 22 293 
 
 24-27. '.'.'.'.'.'...'.'.'.'.'.'.281, 472,' 500 
 
 28-33 281, 293, 300, 392 
 
 30:8-16 292 
 
 34,35 424,429 
 
 36-39 281 
 
 40-48 396,400 
 
 40-55 403 
 
 40-66 399 
 
 42:1-7 401 
 
 49-55 396,401, 402 
 
 49:1-6 401 
 
 50:4-9 401 
 
 52: 13 to 53: 12 401, 455, 513 
 
 56-66 424,429 
 
 60-62 402 
 
XIN UHi-r^ 
 
 Jeremiah 
 
 1-52 318 
 
 1 319,317 
 
 2:1 to 4: 4 317,320 
 
 4:5 to 6: 29 317, 320 
 
 7:1 to 8: 3 332, 336 
 
 8:4 to 10:25 332 
 
 11:1-8 329 
 
 11: 9 to 12:6 332, 337 
 
 12:7-14 343,346 
 
 13:1-14 332, 337 
 
 13: 15-27 343, 346 
 
 14-17 332, 337 
 
 18 332 
 
 19 332 
 
 20 .332, 337 
 
 21 358 
 
 22:1-9 350, 351 
 
 22:13-23 343 
 
 22:24-30 348 
 
 23:9-40 350, 352 
 
 24 350, 349 
 
 25 ....340 
 
 26 332, 337 
 
 27 350,352 
 
 28 350, 352 
 
 29 350 
 
 31-33 358 
 
 31:-31-40 358 
 
 34 358 
 
 35 343,346 
 
 36 332,318 
 
 37-39 358,362 
 
 40:1-6 358,365 
 
 40: 7 to 44: 30 376, 378-380 
 
 46:1-12 450,341 
 
 46: 13 to 51: 58 340 
 
 50: 2 to 51: 58 396, 398 
 
 52:1-27 364 
 
 52:28-30 378 
 
 Lamentations 
 1-5 376,383 
 
 EZEKIBL 
 
 1-48 354 
 
 1-24 354, 357 
 
 1:1 to 3: 27 356,353 
 
 4:1 to 5: 17 353,357 
 
 6 353 
 
 7 353 
 
 8:1 to 11: 25 353 
 
 13:1-20 353 
 
 12:21 to 13:23 353 
 
 14-17 353 
 
 18. 353 
 
 19 335, 349 
 
 20:45 to 21: 32 353 
 
 22-24 353 
 
 25-32 376, 382 
 
 25:12-14 427 
 
 33-39 384, 387 
 
 37:1-14 387 
 
 38, 39 387 
 
 40-48 384, 388, 393 
 
 44:10-16 388 
 
 45:1-8 388 
 
 47:1-12. 384 
 
 48:30-35 384 
 
 Daniel 
 
 1-12 494, 500 
 
 1 475 
 
 2 481 
 
 3-6 481 
 
 5 404, 405 
 
 7 481 
 
 7-12 -....463 
 
 8 481 
 
 9 481 
 
 10-12 481 
 
 Hosba 
 
 1-14 272-274 
 
 1-14 (outlined) 272 
 
 1-3 273 
 
 Joel 
 1-3 457, 458, 500 
 
 Amos 
 
 1-9 269-271 
 
 1-9 (outlined) 269 
 
 3:1, 2 513 
 
 Obadiah 
 
 1-21 424,428 
 
 11-14 427 
 
 1-9 428 
 
 Jonah 
 1-4 474 
 
 MiCAH 
 
 1-7 289 
 
 1-7 (outlined) 286,293 
 
360 INDEX 
 
 1-3 286, 289 Assumption of Moses 
 
 1:10-16 289 1-40 525 
 
 4:1 to 7: 6 293, 300, 392 
 
 6: 1 to 7: 6 303 Book of Jubilees 
 
 6:8 303 1-20 500 
 
 Nahum Ecclbsiasticus 
 
 1-3 332, 338 1-51 463, 468, 470 
 
 1-3 (outlined) 332 
 
 Enoch 
 
 Habakkuk 1-90 500 
 
 1-3 340, 342 83-90 482 
 
 1-3 (outlined) 340 
 
 Judith 
 
 ZePH ANIAH 1-16 484 
 
 1-3 312,316 
 
 1-3 (outlined) 312 First Maccabees 
 
 1 463 
 
 Haggai 1-16 478 
 
 1-2 409, 413 
 
 2:1-9 413 Second Maccabees 
 
 2: 10-19 413 1-7 463 
 
 2:20-23 413 1-15 478 
 
 Zbchariah Psalms or Solomon 
 
 1-14 414 1-18 505 
 
 1-8 414, 415, 409 
 
 4 238n Secrets op Enoch 
 
 6:9-15 237n 1-25 525 
 
 7 238n 
 
 9-14 414, 472 Sibylline Oracle 
 
 14 475, 500 97-817 498 
 
 Malachi Testament of the Twelve 
 
 1-4 424,430 Patriarchs 
 
 1-15 525 
 
 Apocalypse of Baruch 
 
 1-6 529 Tobit 
 
 1-14 484 
 
 Apocalypse of Ezra 
 
 1-16 529 Wisdom of Solomon 
 
 3-14 529 1-19 499 
 
INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 
 
 (The references are to numbered paragraphs) 
 
 A.BIATHAR, 198, 205. 
 Abomination of desolation, 478. 
 Abraham, 52-67; call, 56; early 
 
 home, 55; strong qualities, 59, 62, 
 
 67; crucial test, 66. 
 Absalom, 202. 
 Achish (king), 185. 
 Adad-nirari (king), 256, 265. 
 Adonijah, 205. 
 Adullam, 192. 
 Adversaries, 408. 
 Ahab (king), 242, 243, 248, 250, 
 
 265. 
 Ahaz (king), 279, 283, 285. 
 Ahaziah (king), 253, 257. 
 Ahijah (prophet), 221. 
 Akiba (rabbi), 531. 
 Alcimus (high priest), 485. 
 Alexander the Great (king), 456, 
 
 463, 464. 
 Alexander Balas, 487. 
 Alexander Jannaeus, the Hasmon- 
 
 ean, 496. 
 Alexandra, the Hasmonean queen, 
 
 497. 
 Alexandria, 464, 465. 
 Altar of Burnt Offering, 217, 407. 
 Alyattes III (king), 395. 
 Amasis (king), 378, 411. 
 .Ajnaziah (king), 261, 262. 
 AmiWMarduk (king), 390, 394. 
 Ammonites, 141, 157, 256, 379, 485. 
 Amnon, 202. 
 Amorites, 57, 132, 141. 
 Amos, Book of, 269-271. 
 Amos (prophet), 270; his message, 
 
 271, 304. 
 .Vmraphel (see Hammurabi). 
 Anathoth, 337. 
 Angelology, 421. 
 Animism, 226. 
 Annalist (see Recorder). 
 Anshan (state), 305. 
 Antiochus the Great, 466, 467, 476. 
 
 361 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, 476-478, 479. 
 Antiochus Eupator, 485. 
 Antiochus Sidetes, 491. 
 Antipate'r, 503, 504, 506. 
 Apocalypse, 421, 472, 500, 529. 
 Apocalypse of Baruch, 529. 
 Apocalypse of Ezra, 529. 
 Apocalyptical thought, 421, 455, 
 
 458, 472, 500. 
 Apocrypha, 11. 
 
 Apologetic writings of Judaism, 498. 
 Arabah, 140. 
 Arameans, 141, 237, 256. 
 Arbela, 456, 464. 
 Archaeological accuracy, 95. 
 Archelaus (Ethnarch), 516. 
 Aristaeas, Letter of, 493. 
 Aristobulus I, the Hasmonean, 496. 
 Aristobulus II, the Hasmonean, 501 , 
 
 503, 504, 506. 
 Aristobulus III, 507. 
 Ark of Covenant, 129, 162, 168, 
 
 194, 195, 217. 
 Ark of Noah, 42, 43. 
 Artaxerxes I (king), 426, 433, 434, 
 
 437, 440. 
 Artaxerxes II (king), 456. 
 Artaxerxes III, 456. 
 Aryan supremacy, 405. 
 Asa (king), 237. 
 Ashdod, 168, 288. 
 
 Ashurbanipal (king), 307, 313, 322. 
 Ashurnazirpal (king), 134,251,265. 
 Asia Minor, 395, 405, 426. 
 Assumption of Moses, 525. 
 Assyria, 23, 99, 142, 241, 305. 
 Astyages (king), 395. 
 Athaliah (queen), 242, 257. 
 Atossa (queen), 411. 
 
 Baalath, 213. 
 
 Baalam, 133, 199. 
 
 Baalism of Canaan, 226, 233, 236. 
 
 Baalism of Phoenicia, 233, 242, 253. 
 
362 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Baasha, 237. 
 
 Babylon, 405. 
 
 Babylonia, 22, 23, 37, 288, 395, 405. 
 
 Bacchides (general), 487. 
 
 Bardiya, 411. 
 
 Baruch (scribe), 318, 380. 
 
 Baruch, Apocalypse of, 529. 
 
 Beersheba, 197, 218, 328. 
 
 Belshazzar (king), 394. 
 
 Benaiah, 198. 
 
 Benhadad II (king), 237. 
 
 Benhadad III (king), 256. 
 
 Bethel (city), 197. 
 
 Bethel (sanctuary), 77, 81, 162, 218, 
 
 235, 329. 
 Bethhoron, 213. 
 Bible, a literature, 16; five literary 
 
 tests, 17; its value, 20. 
 Bibles before the Bible, 32, 108, 244. 
 Bildad, 461. 
 
 Blessing of Jacob (Gen. 49), 93, 199. 
 Blessing of Moses (Deut. 33), 244. 
 Bodyguard of king, 198. 
 Book of the Law (Deut.), 323-325. 
 Bow, Song of the, 164. 
 
 Cabsabea, 511. 
 
 Caleb, 131. 
 
 Calendar, 308. 
 
 Cambyses (king), 405, 411. 
 
 Canaanites, 141, 142. 
 
 Canaanitish civilization, 162. 
 
 Canon of Old Testament, 494, 528. 
 
 Carchemish, 335, 341. 
 
 Carmel (mountain), 140. 
 
 Census, David's, 199. 
 
 Chaldean empire, 339, 341, 342, 360, 
 
 405. 
 Chebar (river), 349. 
 Cherubim, 217. 
 Chosen people, 29. 
 Chronicles, Books of, 229. 
 Chronicler, 334, 432, 456, 462. 
 Chronology, 100, 139, 227, 233, 254, 
 
 268, 305, 308, 372, 390. 
 Cimmerians, 307. 
 Coniah (see Jehoiachin). 
 Conquest of Canaan, 144-146; grad- 
 
 ualnessof, 145; significanceof, 148. 
 Covenant, Book of, 125, 127, 244, 
 
 310, 325. 
 Covenant, Ezra's, 445. 
 Covenant at Sinai, 124. 
 
 Creation, priestly story of, 33-35; 
 
 prophetic story of, 36-38; of man, 
 
 38; of woman, 37. 
 Croesus (king), 395. 
 Cyaxares (king), 339, 395. 
 Cyrus (king), 395, 405, 406, 411. 
 
 Damascus (kingdom), 237, 256, 263, 
 
 276. 
 Dan, sanctuary of, 151, 162, 218, 
 
 235 
 
 Daniel, Book of, 373, 475, 481, 500. 
 
 Danites, 149-151. 
 
 Daphne (see Tahpanhes). 
 
 Darius the Great, 411-413, 417, 420, 
 426. 
 
 Darius II (Codomannus), 456. 
 
 David, 138; ancestry, 160; friend- 
 ship with Jonathan, 180; outlaw 
 life, 183; providential guidance, 
 185; chronology of reign, 190; ex- 
 tent of kingdom,' 197; relation to 
 Psalter, 199; dying injunctions, 
 206; character, 207. 
 
 David's City, 195, 212, 478. 
 
 Day of Jehovah, 269, 316, 430. 
 
 Deborah, 138, 153; Song of, 153. 
 
 Decalogue, ceremonial, 125; ethical, 
 126. 
 
 Deliverance, stories of, 114; results 
 of, 116. 
 
 Demetrius the Seleucid, 485, 487. 
 
 Desert wandering, 119. 
 
 Deuteronomy, Book of, 325, 326. 
 
 Deuteronomic Code, 127, 324, 325. 
 
 Deuteronomic school of writers, 326, 
 392. 
 
 Domitian (emperor), 529, 530. 
 
 Dynasty, eighteenth, 87, 99; nine- 
 teenth, 87, 99. 
 
 Ebbnezer, 169. 
 
 Ecbatana, 3.39. 
 
 Ecclesiastes, Book of, 471. 
 
 Ecclesiasticus, Book of, 470. 
 
 Eden, Garden of, 37. 
 
 Edomites, 132, 141, 427, 428. 
 
 Egypt, 22, 24; servitude in, 97; 
 duration of, 100; effect, 101; war 
 with Hittites, 142; impotence of, 
 265, 292, 335, 361. 
 
 Eighth century prophets, 304, 368. 
 
 Elam, 307, 395, 
 
INDEX 
 
 363 
 
 Elders, 127, 198. 
 
 Elephantine, 378. 
 
 Eli, 161. 
 
 Eliashib, 456. 
 
 Elijah, 248-250, 252. 
 
 Elijah and Elisha stories, 246, 274. 
 
 Ehphaz, 461. 
 
 Elisha, 262. 
 
 Endor, wizard of, 186. 
 
 Enoch, 482, 500. 
 
 Ephraim, 231. 
 
 Ephraimitish history (E), 264. 
 
 Esarhaddon, 307. 
 
 Esau, 71, 73, 79, 80. 
 
 Esdraelon, 140. 
 
 Essenes, 492. 
 
 Esther, Book of, 484. 
 
 Evil-Merodoch (see Amil-Marduk). 
 
 Exile, its value to Hebrews, 371, 
 373; length, 375; hterary activity, 
 392, 422. 
 
 Exodus, illustration of divine good- 
 ness, 97. 
 
 Ezekiel, 351, 355-357, 387, 388. 
 
 Ezekiel, Book of, 353, 354, 373, 382, 
 384, 387, 388. 
 
 Ezra (scribe), 423, 431-434, 443-445, 
 447. 
 
 Ezra and Nehemiah, Books of, 374, 
 423. 
 
 Finance, minister of, 211. 
 Flood, 43. 
 
 Gad (prophet), 199, 203. 
 Gath, 288. 
 Geba, 237, 328, 329. 
 Gedaliah, 365, 379, 380. 
 Genesis, 32, 48, 49. 
 Gerizim (Mount), 140. 
 Gezer, 145, 193, 213. 
 Gibeah, 177. 
 Gibeonites, 146, 199. 
 Gideon, 138, 156. 
 Gihon (spring), 205. 
 Gilgal, 162. 
 Girgashites, 141. 
 God, name of, 106. 
 Gomer, 273 
 Granicus, 464. 
 Greeks, 395, 426. 
 Greek period, 463. 
 
 Habakkuk, Book of, 342, 367, 368. 
 
 Hadrian (emperor), 631. 
 
 Haggai, Book of, 373, 409, 413. 
 
 Hall of PiUars, 212. 
 
 Hammurabi (king), 23, 405. 
 
 Hannah, 161. 
 
 Hazael (king), 261, 256, 259. 
 
 Hazor, 213. 
 
 Hebrews, history of; a hnk bind- 
 ing ancient history, 2; value, 3, 7, 
 8; length, 5; name, 27; in Egypt, 
 92, 97-101; personalized form of, 
 138; real glory of, 371 ; significance 
 of, to world, 533. 
 
 Hebrew Uterature (see under Liter- 
 ature). 
 
 Hellenism, 463, 465, 498. 
 
 Hellenization, process of, 477. 
 
 Henotheism, 76, 162. 
 
 Hermon (mountain), 140. 
 
 Herod the Great, 506-508, 510-512, 
 514. 
 
 Herod Agrippa I, 520. 
 
 Herod Agrippa II, 521. 
 
 Herod Antipas, 518. 
 
 Herod Philip, 519. 
 
 Herodotus, 513. 
 
 Hezekiah, 288, 293-302; character, 
 288. 
 
 Hexateuoh, 449, 452. 
 
 High priests, 456. 
 
 Highways out of Egypt, 113. 
 
 Hilkiah (priest), 322. 
 
 Hill country, 140. 
 
 Hiram (king), 215. 
 
 Hittites, 2, 99, 141, 142. 
 
 Hivites, 141. 
 
 Holiness Code, 393. 
 
 Holy One of Israel, 284. 
 
 Holy of Hohes, 216. 
 
 Holy Place (in Temple), 216. 
 
 Horeb (mountain), 105, 121. 
 
 Hosea (prophet), 273; spiritual mes- 
 sage, 274, 304. 
 
 Hosea, Book of, 272-274. 
 
 Host of heaven (star worship), 305, 
 308. 
 
 Host (army), 198. 
 
 House of Forest of Lebanon, 212. 
 
 Huldah (prophetess), 323. 
 
 Hyksos, 24, 87, 100. 
 
 Hyrcanus II, 501, 503, 506, 507. 
 
364 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Idumeans, 427, 485. 
 
 Iranians, 395. 
 
 Isaiah (prophet), 267, 279-304; call, 
 282; early sermons, 283-284; ad- 
 vice to Ahaz, 285; opposes revolt, 
 288, 292; character, 301; message, 
 304; contrast with Jeremiah, 381. 
 
 Isaiah, Book of, 281. 
 
 Ishbosheth, 188. 
 
 Israel (Itingdom), 232. 
 
 Israel abroad, 406. 
 
 Israelites, 27. 
 
 Ittai of Gath, 198. 
 
 Jacob, 68-82, 93, 94; his vision, 76, 
 at Jabbok, 80; transformation; 
 79-81 94. 
 
 Jaddua,' 456, 459. 
 
 Jamnia, 527. 
 
 Jashar, Book of, 164, 199, 218. 
 
 Jebusites, 140, 141, 193. 
 
 Jehoahaz (king), 256, 331, 335. 
 
 Jehoaish (king), 256, 262. 
 
 Jehoiada (priest), 257-259. 
 
 Jehoiachin (king), 348, 349, 390, 
 391 
 
 Jehoiakim (\dng), 331-332,335,345. 
 
 Jehoshaphat (king), 243. 
 
 Jehovah, 106, 192. 
 
 Jehu a^ing), 253, 265. 
 
 Jepthah, 157. 
 
 Jeremiah, 311, 319, 320, 330, 337, 
 361-363, 365, 367-368, 380, 381. 
 
 Jeremiah, Book of, 317, 318, 398, 
 376. 
 
 Jeroboam I (king), 222, 231, 235. 
 
 Jeroboam II (king), 263, 270. 
 
 Jerusalem, captured by David, 193; 
 situation, 193; rivalled by Sa- 
 maria, 239; growth, 262, 511; 
 deliverance, 298; inviolableness, 
 375. 
 
 Jews, 27; number at time of exile, 
 378; in Babylonia, 386. 
 
 Jezebel, 233, 242, 248. 
 
 Joab, 193, 198,205. 
 
 Joash (king), 258, 259. 
 
 Job, 461. 
 
 Joel (prophet), 457, 458. 
 
 Johanan, 456. 
 
 John Hyrcanus, 491, 
 
 Joiada, 456. 
 
 Jonah, Book of, 474. 
 
 Jonathan, 138, 175, 176, 180, 186, 
 
 187. 
 Jonathan the Hasmonean, 478, 
 487. 
 
 Jordan (valley), 140. 
 
 Jordan (river), 144. 
 
 Joseph, 83-95; compared to Ulys- 
 ses, 90; his faith, 94. 
 
 Joshua (priest), 406. 
 
 Joshua, Book of, 139. 
 
 Joshua, guardian of Tent, 129; 
 military leader, 145-147; char- 
 acter 147. 
 
 Joshua the Taonite, 530. 
 
 Josiah (king), 315, 322-326, 329-334. 
 
 Jubilees, Book of, 500. 
 
 Judah (kingdom), 232; also Judea. 
 
 Judaism, 445, 450, 451, 455, 465, 
 466, 477, 498; the transfer of her 
 task, 532. 
 
 Judas Maccabaeus, 479, 480, 483, 
 485, 487. 
 
 .ludean history (J), 244. 
 
 Judean-Ephraimitish history (JE), 
 310, 325, 369. 
 
 Judean-Ephraimitish-Deuteronomic 
 history (JED), 448. 
 
 Judges, Book of, 139; rulers of 
 Israel, 139. 
 
 Judith, Book of, 484. 
 
 Julius Caesar, 506. 
 
 Kadbsh-barnea, 130-132. 
 Kassites (kings), 23, 24, 99. 
 Kenites, 145. 
 Khetasar (king), 99. 
 Kings, Books of, 228, 326. 
 King's friend, 198, 211. 
 
 Labashi-Mabduk (king), 394. 
 
 Lamentations, Book of, 376, 383. 
 
 Land, people of the, 408; their idola- 
 try, 407. 
 
 Levitical code, 127, ,447. 
 
 Literature, Hebrew, unique, 4; 
 sifted, 6; its classification, 11-13; 
 present arrangement, 14. 
 
 Lydia, 395. 
 
 Maccabees, First and Second Books 
 
 of, 478. 
 Maccabean period, 4.55, 502. 
 Magnesia, 467, 
 
INDEX 
 
 365 
 
 Mahanaim, 189. 
 
 Malachi, Book of, 373, 424, 430. 
 
 Manasseh (king), 305-309. 
 
 Maxathon, 426. 
 
 Mardonius, 426. 
 
 Mari (king), 256, 265. 
 
 Mariamne, wife of Herod, 507, 510. 
 
 Master of the levies, 198. 
 
 Mattaniah (see Zedekiah). 
 
 Mattathias the Hasmonean, 479. 
 
 Medes, 307, 339, 373, 395. 
 
 Megabyzus, 426. 
 
 Megiddo, 213, 334. 
 
 Memphis, 378. 
 
 Menahem, 268. 
 
 Menelaus (high priest), 479. 
 
 Merodach-baladan, 291, 
 
 Mesha (king), 241. 
 
 Messianic idea, 199, 284, 400-403, 
 
 513. 
 Micah (prophet), 289. 
 Micah, Book of, 289, 300, 303. 
 Micaiah (prophet), 246. 
 Midianites, 104, 156. 
 Millo, 212. 
 Miltiadea, 426. 
 Mizpah, sanctuary, 162, 237. 
 Moabites, 133, 141, 241. 
 Moabite stone, 230, 241. 
 Monotheism, 76, 226. 
 Moses, 102-136; early life, 103; 
 
 preparation for leadership, 104; 
 
 call, 105; work of organization, 
 
 127; character, 135; place in 
 
 history, 136. 
 
 Naaman, 246. 
 
 Nabateians, 427. 
 
 Nabopolassar (king), 335, 339, 395. 
 
 Nabuna'id (king), 394, 405. 
 
 Nahum (prophet), 332, 338, 367, 
 
 368. 
 Nathan (prophet), 199, 201, 203, 
 
 205. 
 Nazirite, 158. 
 Nebuchadrezzar (king), 335, 341, 
 
 344, 345, 349, 380, 389, 395. 
 Necho (king), 334, 335. 
 Negeb, 140. 
 
 Nehemiah, Book of, 436. 
 Nehemiah, 432, 437-441, 443-444. 
 Nergalsharezer (king), 394'.* 
 Nineveh, 339. 
 
 Obadiah, Book of, 424, 428. 
 
 OctaV^ian (emperor), 507, 611. 
 
 Omri (king), 239-242. 
 
 Ophel, 478. 
 
 Ophrah, sanctuary at, 162. 
 
 Osnapper (see Ashurbanipal), 307. 
 
 Palestine, significance of, 26. 
 Palestinian geography, 26, 140. 
 Parthians, 507. 
 Passover, 110. 
 Pathros, 378. 
 
 Patriarchal narratives, 51. 
 Pekah (king), 268, 285. 
 Pentads, arrangement of laws by, 
 
 126. 
 Pentateuch, 452. 
 Perizzites, 141. 
 Persian empire, 455; conquest by 
 
 Alexander, 456. 
 Petra, 427. 
 Pharaoh, of Joseph stories, 87; of 
 
 the oppression, 99; of the exodus, 
 
 105. 
 Pharisaism, 451. 
 
 Pharisees, 488, 492, 496,497,501. 
 Philistines, 141, 158, 162, 167-169, 
 
 173, 175, 176, 188, 192, 241. 
 Phoenicia, 141, 408. 
 Pilgrim psalms, 473. 
 Pillars of cloud and fire, 115. 
 Plagues of Egypt, 109. 
 Pompey, the Roman, 501, 503-506. 
 Priests' code, 447. 
 Priesthood, 421. 
 Priestly history (P), 32, 111, 448; 
 
 character of, HI; writer of, 462. 
 Procurators, 517, 521, 522, 523. 
 Prophets, 172, 203, 247, 264, 309, 
 
 352. 
 Proverbs, Book of, 210, 369, 469, 
 
 470. 
 Psalms of Praise, 473. 
 Psalms of Solomon, 505. 
 Psalter, 199, 369, 473, 490. 
 Psamtik I (king), 314, 334, 380. 
 Ptolemies of Egypt (kings), 466. 
 
 Rabbinical influence, 526, 527, 531. 
 Ramah, 237. 
 Ramoth-gilead, 260, 253. 
 Ramses II (king), 99, 105, 113. 
 Ramses III (king), 141, 167. 
 
366 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Rebekah, 70, 73, 74. 
 Rechabites, 140, 343, 346. 
 Recorder (annalist), 164, 190, 198. 
 Reformation of Hezekiah, 299. 
 Rehoboam (king), 231, 236. 
 Religion of the Old Testament, 304. 
 Remnant, 284, 285, 297, 316, 455. 
 Riblah, 365. 
 Rome's overlordship, significance of, 
 
 to the world, 509. 
 Ruth, 159, 160, 446. 
 
 Sadducees, 488, 492, 496. 
 
 Sages of Israel, 468. 
 
 Salamis, 436. 
 
 Samaria, 239, 268, 276, 277, 307. 
 
 Samaritans, 408. 
 
 Samaritan schism, 459. 
 
 Samson, 158. 
 
 Samuel, 138; a Nazirite, 158; early 
 
 training, 161. 
 Samuel, Books of, 19, 164; narrative 
 
 .sources of, 165, 369. 
 Sanballat, 440, 459. 
 Sanhedrin, 506. 
 Sargon I (king), 23. 
 Sargon II (king), 277, 278, 286, 288, 
 
 291. 
 Saul, 171, 173, 177, 181, 186; serv- 
 ices to Israel, 189; character, 189. 
 Scribes of Israel, 468, 423, 432, 495. 
 Scythians, 314, 426. 
 Second Esdras (see Apocalypse of 
 
 Ezra). 
 Secretary of State, 198. 
 Secrets of Enoch, 525. 
 Seleucids of Syria, 466, 483, 485, 
 
 487. 
 Semitic races, 28, 132. 
 Semitic supremacy, 405. 
 Sennacherib (king), 266, 290, 295- 
 
 298, 307. 
 Septuagint, 11, 231, 493. 
 Servant of Jehovah, 401. 
 Seventh century prophets, 367, 368. 
 Shalmaneser II, 250, 251, 265. 
 Shalmaneser IV, 278. 
 Shemaiah, 438. 
 Shephelah, 140. 
 Sheshbazzar, 406. 
 Shunem, Lady of, 246. 
 Sibylline Oracles, 498. 
 Simon bar-Cochba, 531. 
 
 Simon the Hasmonean, 479, 487, 
 
 489, 491. 
 Sinai (mount), 119, 121. 
 Sippar, 405. 
 
 Sirach, Jesus, son of, 432. 
 Solomon (king), 209-223. 
 Song of Songs, 473. 
 South country, 140. 
 Steward of palace, 211. 
 Symbolism in Bible, 115. 
 Synagogue, 421, 526. 
 
 Tabernacle of the Congregation 
 (see Tent of Meeting). 
 
 Tahpanhes, 378, 380. 
 
 Tamar, 213. 
 
 Tattenai, 417. 
 
 Tel-el-Amarna letters, 87. 
 
 Temple of Ezekiel, 388. 
 
 Temple of Herod, 512, 524, 531. 
 
 Temple, Samaritan, 440, 459, 491. 
 
 Temple of Solomon, 212, 215-218, 
 232, 328, 364. 
 
 Temple of Zerubbabel, 406, 408, 
 413, 415, 417-419, 476, 478, 483; 
 compared with Solomon's, 418. 
 
 Temptation, symbol of, 40. 
 
 Tent of Meeting, 129, 195. 
 
 Testament of the Twelve Patri- 
 archs, 525. 
 
 Thermopylae, 467. 
 
 Thrace, 426. 
 
 Tiglath-pileser III (king), 265, 276, 
 278. 
 
 Tirzah (city), 238. 
 
 Titus (general), 524, 530. 
 
 Tobiah, 438, 440. 
 
 Tobit, Book of, 484. 
 
 Tower of Babel, 47. 
 
 Trajan (emperor), 530. 
 
 Tribes, the twelve, 68, 82; their dis- 
 tribution, 162; the lost ten tribes, 
 277. 
 
 Tyre, 382, 389, 408. 
 
 Unity, charter of human, 46. 
 Urartu (kingdom), 265. 
 Uzziah (king), 262. 
 
 Vespasian (general), 524. 
 
 Wall of Jerusalem, 438, 439, 441 
 Wars of Jehovah, Book of, 199. 
 
INDEX 
 
 367 
 
 Westland (Assyrian name for Aram 
 
 and Palestine), 265, 278, 297. 
 Wilderness, 140. 
 Wisdom, Hebrew, 468-471. 
 Wisdom of Solomon, Book of, 499. 
 World of Old Testament, 21. 
 
 Xenophon, 406. 
 Xerxes I (king), 426. 
 
 Zadok, 198, 388. 
 Zealots, 517, 524. 
 
 Zechariah (priest), 259. 
 Zechariah (prophet), 373, 415. 
 Zechariah, Book of, 409, 414, 415. 
 Zedekiah (king), 351, 360, 364. 
 Zephaniah (prophet), 311, 312, 314, 
 
 316, 367, 368. 
 Zephaniah, Book of, 312, 316, 367. 
 Zerah (king), 237. 
 Zerubbabel, 391, 406, 413, 415, 420. 
 Zimri (Idng), 238. 
 Zophar, 461.