b > 1 J.., '^^ ^r^'^i' •>>m^ ^ i:;>_ m ^M > 5^V5 : -s- at?/ ^ ■> > ^> . §1 ' ■ar.~3t,-;A > > >. » 'V* •^^ ■^j ^^a %:5' ^ ^ ^yi> ":: Cornell University Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028150856 Cornell University Library DA 787.A2D41 Mary, queen of Scots. 3 1924 028 150 856 o MARY, Queen of Scots STUDY. " Behold, every one that useth proverbs shall use this proverb against ( l>f thee, saying, 'As is the mother [progenitors], so is her daughter.'" 1/ Ezekiel xvi., 44 (compare 38). BY CHARLES H. LUDWIG, PKINTEH, 10 & 12 READB STREET. 18 82. ./^ ~\ / CORNELL \ UNIVERSITY xUBRARV Entered according to Act of Congress, in tlie j'car 1882, b\- .J. Watts de Pbyster, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress,^at Washington. S '^P^EF7ICE> 1^-^ " Nebselt was dearer and nearer to Peniauk than any other of his ahbociateb. He ad- mired his learning and skill ; and when the slightly built surgeon, who was indefatigable in his wanderings, roved through the thickets by the Nile, the desert, or the mountain range, the young poet-priest accompanied him with pleasure and with great benefit to himself, for his companion observed a thousand things to which without him he would have remained forever blind ; and the objects around him, which were known to him only by their shapes, derived connection and significance from the explanations of the naturalist, whose intractable tongue moved freely when it was required to expound to his friend the peculiarities of organic beings whose development he had been the first to detect." George Eber's "'C/arda^'" 1., iii., p. 35. '' The hollow orb of moving Circumstance RoU'd round by one fix'd law." Tennyson's '"''Palace 0/ Art." '' Because all words, tho' cuU'd with choicest art, Failing to give the bitter of the sweet., IVither beneath the palate., and the heart Faints ^ faded by its heat." Tennyson's '■'' Dream of Fair Women." lECUMSTANCES, as Byron says, "mas- ters of men" — circumstances very pecu- liar, a mingling of the pleasant and the painful, led to this "Study." Its germ was a suggestion. It originated very much as if an amateur naturalist, turn- ing the page and finding a mention of a recently extinct bird — like the Dodo {Didm ineptiis) of the island of Mauritius, or V Inoonnu of the Isle de Bourbon, or the gigantic Moa of New Zealand — should become, at 4 once, so iiiudi iutere.sted as to look ii|i every accessible fact in connection with a lost species. Tlie liistorian, wIjo seel-:s to investigate tlie hidden canses of manifest results, is ni- fluenced in a great degi'ce by the same motives as tlie specialist in natural research. Psychology, likewise, fre- quently steps in with mysterious speculations which stimu- late curiosity, U7itil at length not merely a few but numer- ous dissimilar lines of thought, unite— like many variegated threads in a rich tissue — to render the researches and reflec- tions more and more interesting. Tlais the mind becomes completely absorbed in the investigation. Such a subject is the career of Mary, Queen of Scots, which has enlisted so many able jDens, excited so much feeling, and aronsed such bitter antagonisms, that, strange to say, they are^contrary to the rule — rather intensified than weakened by tlie lapse of time. Thus from works, the most superficial while agreeable, like "The Abbot" and "Tales of a Grandfather," of Sir "Walter Scott, the investigation has gone on, throiii^h many nniting the ^^ utile cum dulce,''^ to others deeper and dryer, until it has ended in the examination as well as the accumnlation of enough of books to form a small lilirarv. When this "Study" was commenced, it was intended to embrace the whole life of Mary. Ihit as it went deeiKM- and deeper into the svibject, it became aii]>aront tbat Alarv's life as an independent existence ended with \w partin- from IJothwell at Garberry Hill. In the full sense of the word she never again was a perfectly free agent. Wliat is more, her reign as a reality, terminated at that crisis. After- wards she became an ideality. The dethroned Queen Mary was not the Mary Stuart for whom men lost their senses on beholding her and listening to her. From the moment that she fell' into the hands of Elizabeth, her power consisted altogether in the imagination of those who saw in her the head of a party and a suffering saint, — a wronged princess and a victim, without assistance destined to become a martyr. There are admirable works that treat of all the phases of Mary's romantic life, but certainly the best three are John Hill Burton's "History of Scotland," — which covers lier entire career ; Leader's "Mary Queen of Scots in Cap- tivity, 1569—1584," and Schiern's "Life of Bothwell." An excellent article cm Mary appeared in Harper''' s New Monthly Magazine, No. 273, for February, 1873. The latter is perhaps the best accessible compendium. After this "Study " was elaborated and already in the hands of the printer, a book turned up, by chance, which is one of the most remarkable and interesting ever published about Mary. It is entitled, '■'■Histoire de Marie Stiiart,^'' a work in two large 12mo. volumes, and was published in Paris, in 1850. Its author is J. M. Dargaud. Tliis "7/?s- ton/'' takes very nmch the same view as this "Study" in regard to the paramount influence exercised upon Mary by Bothwell, and makes him out what he was, the in- dividual on whom Marj lavislied the matured strength of her artectioii, confidence and fealty. Dargaud's '■'History'" is almost nnsjjaring of Mary m many respects, and with these this "Study" is entirely at disagreement. Her history — even if she was as abandoned as Dargand represents her — under the circumstances of the case, in a manly heart, shonld excite only the highest degree of pity, ;ind inspire an attempt at palliation. Finally, let readers remember, that the effect of testi- mony depends on temperament, experience, observation, and other physical and mental peculiarities which are be- yond the control of the individual, because they are innate as well as the results of growth and development. Per- fectly cool and dispassionate judgment is as rare as abso- lute truth. Therefore the opinion of any student who ap- proaches his subject with a desire to do justice, examines. analyzes, criticises, and determines, his — such an opinion — is worthy of courteous consideration, and no one has a right to impugn Ids integrity or Hs honestv. This "Study" is the expression of such an opinion. If it can be shown to involve error, the author replies with the Greek champion, "Give me but light and Ajax asks no inoro." irtr^it REALITIES VERSUS IDEALITIES. "And let some strange mysterious dream Wave at his wings, in airy stream Of X\y^\y portraiture display'd, Softly on my eyelids laid." Milton's "// Penseroso^ " T\\Q portrait soothes the loss it can't repair, And sheds a comfort even on despair," Southgate's "Ma?iy Thoughts of Many Things'* "A picture is a poem without words." Horace. "Mary Stuart was an admirable actress; rarely, perhaps, on the world's stage has there been a more skilful plaj'er," Froude's ""History of England^'' VIII., 367. 'HAT no engraved portrait of Mary is pre- sented with this "Study" is due to the conviction that it is very questionable if any reliable portrait of her — in the flower of her age and charms — exists. John Daniel Leader, in his '^Mary Queen of Scots in Captivity," furnishes a likeness, "reproduced by permission of the Duke of Devonshii-e and of the Marquis of Hartington, from the famous ' Shef- field Portrait' preserved in HardM'ick Hall. The original is painted on oak panel, and represents tiie Queen, in lier tliirty-sixth year, as anything but the beautiful woman traditionally described. She has, also, a very decided cast in the right eye, which the artist, with some skill, has rendered less obvious by rej^resenting her as looking towards the left. The upper portion of the picture, down to the hands, is reproduced in this volume with striking fidelity ; but the lower part of the dress, the table on the right, and the carpet on which the Queen stands, though approximately correct, are not entirely so, owing to the diflSculty of expressing in photography so dark an image as this old painting shows." Before procee(ling with further quotations from Mr. Leader, it seems pertinent to remark that this portraiture in colors is not irreconcilable Math the portraits in words by Brantome, Michelet, and others ; always bearing in mind, however, the remark of Froude, that she was ' ' an ad- mirable actress," and "rarely, perhaps, on the world's stage has there been a more skilful player." She was accomplished in the highest degree. Even after her marriage she devoted two hours a day to study. She M'as a poet — that is, not a Sappho, but a rhymster who produced verses not much worse than the poets who made a mark at that time in France. She was a musician, doubtless a good one for her rank. She declaimed well ; and in French, which was in fact her own language, she wrote with force. r>raiit(iiiie, who kiitnv lier jicrsinuilly, hears witiiosw that her prose was excellent. She was eminent in ejiisto- larj composition, of which he says, "I have seen some very beaiititul, very eloquent and dignified specimens." Her letters, which have been preserved, if not retouched or remodelled by her secretaries, are sufficient evidence of her ability in that line. "Conversing, she used very gentle, winning and agreeable language, mingled with a suitable majesty, a very discreet and modest propriety, t>ut above all an extreme grace. Even her native tongue, which in it- self is very rustic, barbarous, harsh and inflexible, she spoke with such a grace, and managed so deftly, that she made it seem very elegant and very agreeably as coming from her lifis, although not so in the mouths of others." The French chronicler then goes on to say that, if she appeared so charming in the barbarous costume of Scotland, what a glorious picture did she present in that elegant and rich apparel made according to the French or Spanish fashion, or with an Italian head-dress, or again — when she appeared, as often styled, "Za Reine Blanche'^ — in the white other deep widow's mourning. In that she was something lovely indeed to contemplate, for, in it, the fairness of her com- plexion rivalled the whiteness of the veil which she wore, to such a degree that her skin of snoM' outshone the spot- lessness of the tissue. She shone a goddess, whom to behold there was no otlier choice than to die or succumb — ^^mourir ou (Vestre pris.^' Thus, truly captivating did 10 this princess appear in every style of dress, whether harbai-- ous, wordly, or austere. In addition, she possessed enough perfection to set the world on fire with her remarkably sweet and gentle voice, for she sang with judgment — ad- justing her tone to the lute which she played very prettily with those beautiful white hands, and lovely symmetri- cal fingers which even an Aurora might have envied. Brantome then bursts into a rhapsody, and declares that the sun in Scotland was inferior in brilliancy to her, since, at certain periods of the year, it does not shine over five hours in the day, wdiereas she shone alM'ays, so that her country and her people had no need of other light. This, however, was nothing inore than what Chastelard sang of her, that on her return voyage to her native country, amid the night and fog there was no need of lanterns and torches, for her eyes were brilliant enough to illuminate the enveloping darkness. There is nothing in all this eulogy — the generalities of characteristics rather than the details of likeness — inconsistent with the "Sheffield" or "Hardwick Portrait," which develops dignity, and is con- spicuous for an exceedingly fair complexion and well-formed hands with long, tapering fingers. Michelet, who certainly did not love Mary or her Guisan connections, says, "there never was a like bewitch- ing creature {fie). Her beauty, celebrated by contempo- raries, was the least element of her poMaM'. Trustworthy por- traits repi'csent her with decided rod (auburn?) hair, with 11 that tine transparent and pearly skin wliicli was peculiar to her mother's brother, the Cardinal of Lorraine ; piercing eyes, although brown, which, on occasion, could asswiiie a very hard expression. Marvellously acquainted with books, facts, and men, she was a politician at ten years of age. At fifteen she governed the Court, carried every one away with her conversation, with her charms, influenced every heart. This prodigy of the Guises, like every other member of that family, possessed every gift except dis- cretion and good sense. Visionary in spite of her intrigue, with so much appearance of ruse and cunning, she never- theless fell into every trap set for her. All foresaw that in this flame the royal youth (her husband Francis II.) would soon be consumed." "The Duke of Alva, a very acute observer, expressly declared, 'that he [Francis] died of Mary Stuart' — who tried on every one she sought to gain ' the various re- sources of her passionate and subtle nature.' " Again, after a long interval of silence, Michelet resumed his work upon this likeness. "All the world knows by heart the intensely beautiful verses, in which Konsard, this time the true as well as the great poet, recalls the charming im- pression, solemn and melancholy, which he experienced when he beheld Mary under her white veils of widowed queen in the forest of Fontainebleau, when the trees, the old oaks, the savage pines, bowed themselves and saluted her as 'a holy thing.' Ineft'aceable remembrance and un- 12 eeasiiifiil(l Mary appear divested of her witcheries which cannot be transferred to canvas, lier grace, lier voice which was music, lier ges- ticidation which was eh-xpience, her hundred attractions each of which was a powerful magnet to draw suseeptil>le souls to her and tix them ; or, to cliange the simile, hires like those of an existing fish, wlucli arouses tlie appetites of smaller species, invites, and then devours them. According to Chahners, her advocate and panegyrist, ■'As Mary's mother [Mary of Guise] was one of the largest of women [all the Guises were tall*], so was she [Mary] of higher statnre than Elizabeth [tall and large], as we learn from Melville, while Elizabeth considered her own as the only true standard of perfection. Eliza- beth's hair was more red than yelloiv, says Melville, while Mary's was light anbnrn ; with chestnut colored eyes. Mary had Grecian features, with a nose somewhat out of proportion long — as her father's was. The Queen of Scots seems to have been the handsomeu* of the two, ac- cording to the general opinion. [Very slight praise this.'\ Elizabeth asked Melville, whether she, or his Queen, *For instance, after Mary Stuart's cousin, Henry of Guise, liad been assassinated at Blois. by order of Henry II., the King, having stepped out the lengtli of tlie corpse as it lay, outstretched, dead, observed: "Ah! how tall he is. Even taller dead than living!" (MiCHELET, X., 299.) 14 danced best^ He said, my Queen danced not so high and disposedly as Elizabetli did; and lie might have added, that his Queen danced most gracefully, though this would have been amiss. Elizabeth had clothes of every country, which on each successive day she changed, preferring, however, the Italian dress. Mary had a great variety of dresses, as we learn from her wardrobe accounts, though they were not more munerous than Elizabeth's. Mary had ■ ten pair of woolen [wolven] hois [hose] of gold, silver, ^d silk; three pair of woven hois of worsted Guernsey. She had thirty-six pair of velvet shoes pasniental (laced) with gold and silver. She had six pair of gloves of worsted of Guernsey. The two Queens seem to have delighted in « dress ; and it is not easy to decide which of them was the best provided. ' ' "They were both learned women, according to the fashion of the tune : Elizabeth read Greek with Ascham ; Mary read Latin with Buchanan. The minds of both were highly cultivated : but Elizabeth possessed in a high de- gree the masculine faculty of decision and action. Mary, though superior, as a woman, was defective in this quality of a sovereign ; a defect this, which she had learned at the court of France, where she saw the sovereign constantly yielding an easy assent to a predominant minister. And only on two occasions, ill which she was personally inter- ested, did she act powerfidly; the first, when she resolved not to ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh ; the second, M'hen 15 she (letenniued to marry Darnley. She would have heen a hlessing, as a queen, to any civilized country, with ministers of any talents, any honesty, any honor. From her arrival among her people, to the passing moment, she had borne her faculties so meekly ; her conduct was so gracious, and her uiainier was so full of serenity and good- ness, that she was the subject of every one's eidogy, from Melville to Randolph ; all except the reformed ministers, whose charity led them to regard their sovereign as an idolater, who, as such, ought to be maligned and opposed. We have seen how familiarly she took her place in her privy council, with her work bag in her hand, and some pleasant observation on her tongue." This comparison recalls the Epigram of Catullus, translated by Elton : "Quintia [Elizabeth] is beauteous in the million's eye ; Yes, beauteous in particulars, I own : Fair-skinn'd, straight-shaped, tall-sized: yet I deny A beauteous whole : ersons who had never seen the Queen of Scots, and would be prized, not because they were likenesses, but because they were her gifts. Hence we find all those strange diversities of fea- tures and of complexion which have perplexed enquirers, and led some to ask whether the Queen of Scots were a chameleon in her frequent changes of appearance. "The month of August [1577] had been passed at Shef- field Castle, where one of the Queen's recreations w^as sit- ting for her portrait. The work was not quite completed at the end of the month, but the artist had ver}' nearly applied the last touches, and the Queen hoped to be able to send it to her friends in France by the first opi>ortiuntv that might arise. Most probably the jiicture was the one now preserved at Ilardwick Hall. * * * It is kuown as tlic 'Shejfield I'lctiir,;" and bears the date 1678. Mr. George Scharf, F. S. A., Keopei- of the National Gal- lerv, regards this })ic-tiire as tlie original from which the Morton, the llattield, and others have been painted. He says ; ' There are in existence several pictures of this type, anil all of them bearing the same inscription and date. They are on panel, and exhibit precisely the same details of dress, and peculiarities of countenance ; but they are full length, and represeut the Queen standing on a Persian carpet, the pattern of which is drawn without any regard to perspective. The feet are concealed by the long dress. Her left hand hangs down, with the fingers wide spread, touching the end of her rosary. * * * The actual original of these pictures appears to be the Caven- dish one, still preserved in Hardwick Hall, and is the prope2-ty of the Duke of Devonshire. It is the counterpart of the rest, but has on the cross wooden rail of the table, in the left hand corner, the name of the artist, a French one, thus: 'P. Ovdey, Pinxit.' "Precisely similar pictures, with the same inscription and date, 1578, on the background, are preserved at Hat- field House (probably intercepted by Burghley), Cobham Hall, the seat of the Lennox family, and at Welbeck, a seat of the Cavendish family. But the name of the artist occurs only on the Hardwick portrait." "Again, speaking of the groups of authentic portraits, Mr. Scharf savs: "In these portraits there are certain 18 destinctivc points which tliey all possess in coinnion. The most remarkable amoni^ them is the color of the eyes. They are decidedly brown, sometimes of a yellowish hue (hazel), but more frequently of an absolutely reddish eolor, lihe chestnut, or the paint known to artists as burnt sienna. With this, as seen in pictures of Venetian women, especi- ally by Paris Bordone, the white of the eye assumes a blueish tint. In all these portraits tbere is a sharp and almost a cunning expression in the eyes. The form of the nostrils is also very pecnliar. The lip often has a V-like dip in the centre, with a strong depression at the corners, and the lower lip by no means protruding. Her cheek bones are very high, and there is a singular space — especi- ally observable in the monument — between the eyes and ears. The eyebrows are raised and arched, although not strongly defined, and the forehead is lofty and capacious." "Dr. Chalmers also refers to the portraits of the Queen of Scots, in the introduction to his work on her life. He says : " It is a point of much less importance, even in the life of such a queen, to ascertain what were her character- istic features as a woman. Kobertson, the late historian of her reign, professed not to know whether her hair or eye- brows were black or brown ; whether her eyes were black or blue, whether her nose was long or short; whcthor her complexion was fair or dark." "In this state of uncertainty, in respect to her character- istic features, the late Earl of Ilardwicl: ciitcrfahifd some 19 doubts whether she had ever heen as hand some as flattery had feiyned. If liis lordship had founded his opinion on a view of the ' Hatfield ' Mary, he might well doubt. The portrait has the features of Mary, but not the youth and beauty, the elegant manners and captivating address of the Queen of Scots." '■'■To arrive at a portrait to satisfy his ideal, Chalmers entrusted Mr. Pailou, "a very ingenious artist," with a commission to construct a portrait from the different authorities, taking the Morton picture as the basis of his work. In reporting upon what he had done, Mr. Pailou said : "I found the same contour that I had obtained from sketches and drawings, the principal difference arising from the characteristic traits of the marble [of the monu- ment in "Westminster Abbey] being more strongly marked than the drawings and prints, which enabled me more ac- curately to define the true form of the features. The statue discovered also to me," he adds, "two traits which had not been expressed in any one of the drawings, viz., a small degree of flatness at the point of the nose, and a gentle indentation in the chin. A slight indication, indeed, was given in the French print, as I afterwards observed. From this inspection of the tomb, my picture was consider- ably advanced by the introduction of these two traits, and by augmenting the prominence of the upper part of the forehead, which appeared in the marble to project very much." 20 "After this great advance," continues Mr. Pailoii, "I examined several pictures of Mary, wherein I saw dark gray eyes, instead of chestnut colored, and black hair, in- stead of light auburn. The picture at Scots' Hall, Fleet Street, is a whole length in black, vs^hich we afterward dis- covered to have been copied from Lord Salisbury's Mary, at Hatfield ; the copyist^ however, hawing lost the likeness iy endeavoring to make the face handsomer than the ori- ginal. ' ' "I was now carried," continues Mr. Pailou, "to the whole length Mary in the library at Hatfield. This j^i^tnre appeared to me to have heen painted with a strict at- tention to the minuteness of nature., and has niuch more truth than taste. It gives scarcely any idea of the beauty of the personage which it represents ; it looks as if the ori- ginal had been fifty, and has an impleasant expression of sorrow and dejection ; yet, it is the only picture that I have seen of Mary, which then appeared to m,e to he an original. And the artist seemed to me to have aimed at making the face handsome, by making it very smooth ; it, however, gives a very clear and distinct idea of the real form of the features, and was of great iise to me in de- termining the particular and minute turns of those parts of the face that constitute individuality. This picture, if it were handsome, would be extremely like the figure on tlie tomb of Mary ; as it is, tliey bear, indeed, mutual testimony of each other's lilceness to the original." 21 In the examination of a small library of books (juite a number of portraits were encountered, each one differing from the other. The best looking undoubtedly is the manufactured one according to Leader. In Raumer's work ("Contributions to Modern History from the British Museum and State Paper Office") is found the following note in regard to the engraving inserted therein : ' ' The portrait of the Queen of Scots, prefixed to this volume, is reduced from a contemporary original drawing, slightly sketched with chalk, touched here and there with colored crayons, for a fac-simile of which the author is indebted to the kindness of Mr. Charles Lenormand. It belongs to a series of portraits of distinguished personages in the French Court, from Henry II. to Charles IX., which is preserved in the royal collection of engravings at Paris. The name of the artist who drew them is uncertain. Dumoustier, whose fine portraits in red chalk are well known, was of the time of Henry III.: they might rather be ascribed to Francois Chouet, named Janet, similar portraits by whom are in the possession of Earl Carlisle, in Castle Howard. Though the face may appear older, the Queen must be here represented before her marriage with Francis II., in her sixteenth year, when she received a conventual education. In the original the hair is of a light color ; and this agrees with the fact that a lock, which is preserved in a Scotch family as a relic of the Queen, is blonde." Analyzing Brantome's language, she might have pos- 22 sessed all the advantages which he enumerates, many of which are recognizable in the extraordinary portrait — strongly aiithenticated — presented in his admirable volume, by Mr. Leader, and yet not be accounted at this day a very handsome woman, or perhaps in any day except as a queen. A charming or even a fascinating woman it is very likely that she was, and in the highest degree. When she was executed she had not yet reached her forty-fifth year ; and it is extremely probable that Froude exaggerates when he speaks of her wrinkled ugliness after her head was held up by the executioner. The official report of Mary's execution by an anonymous eye-witness contradicts Froude, and states (Reaumer, 388), "she was of stature tall, cor- pulent, and somewhat roundly-shouldered ; her face fat and broad." Another authority speaks of her hair already white (Bell, II., 144), which she did not fear nevertheless while living to display, nor to curl and crimp, exactly as when it was so beautiful, so blonde, of a pale yellow. There may be some possibility of reconciling blonde hair in early youth with dark brown hair at maturity, for such a change is by no means uncommon. Many persons have witnessed tow-colored hair in children become brown at puberty and almost black long before middle life. It often happens, very curiously, that when a "Study "' like the present is undertaken, accident reveals facts and authorities which no reasonable amount of nmney could command and no ordinary research could discover. One 23 of these was a copj' of a rare engraving wliicli settles tlie relative height of Mary. She must have been an nniisually tall woman, for this picture is of herself and Darnley stand- ing side by side, and she nearly equals him in height. As it is well known that Uarnley was a very tall man, so much so that Queen Elizabeth styled him on that account "yonder long lad," Mary's height must have been such as is rarely seen in ordinary society, and this agrees with her figure as represented in the "Ilardwick" or "Sheffield Portrait. ' ' The inscription below the engraving reads as follows: "Mary Stuart, Queen of France and Scotland, and Henry Lord Darnley, her husband : Engraved by R. Dunkarton after a drawing from the unique print by E. Elstrake, in the possession of [Sir] St. Mark Masterton Sykes, Bart." Another remark is necessary. The face in this picture resembles that in Eaumer's work already referred to, but the cheeks are much fuller than in the"Hardwick Por- trait." This discrepancy is again easily reconciled, because the last named was painted after she had experienced long years of safFering, sickness and sorrow. Nevertheless, it is said that she actually took on ilesh subsequently. To present the plain truth it would seem that Mary was what would be considered a very tall woman, lithe, well formed, stately — Avith a long face, a disproportionally long nose, light chestnut hair gradually growing darker, with eyes to correspond, not large but susceptible of ex- 24 trenie brilliancy, and long, beautiful, symmetrical arms and long tapering fingers. She was very active and astonish- ingly enduring, graceful in every movement, fascinating in expression and in voice, a very charming musician, a deft embroiderer and needle-woman. Still with all this, if she had not been a queen and extolled, she might not have ranked as a surpassingly beautiful person. Her exalted rank, her careful education, her brilliant surroundings, all lent attractions to a face and figure which in ordinary life might have passed comparatively unnoticed. All "action is the result of forces" and every human being is a "product," the sura of a long process of additions of qualified sums, of less or greater values. Such was Mar}'. She was the hot-bed flower of seeds sown in suc- cessive soils stimulated to their highest capacity for the production of a rank or rich plant. If, in painting a portrait, a disciple of Holbein or of Durer, or of Michael Angelo, all realists, is to be pushed aside, and a follower of Giorgione, of Carlo Dolce, or of Raphael be substituted at the easel, what a dilFerent pic- ture will grow beneath the brush of inspiration in ch-awing and in color; the commonplace in the eye and under the hands of the latter will glow in all the perfection of delicate lines and exquisite tints. Weighing all these silent yet speaking testimonies, this " Study " has evolved a result of its own from the discord- ance, and evoked from the battlefield — almost chaotic in 25 the wreck of ceiihiries of conflicts, bloody, bitter, tnicelesH, witli which it is strewn — a new creation, the product of comparison, analysis and thought — a Mai'y Stuart who lost her head at Fotheringay Castle in 1587, but has reappeared from time to time to captivate men's hearts and wring men's souls. She lives in our generation, and will live as Ions; as the sexes are distinct. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. " Thy birth and thy nativity is of the land of Canaan ; thy father was an Amoritc and thy mother was a Hittite." Ezekiel, xvi. 3. " O, thou seed of Canaan and not of Judah, beauty hath deceived thee, and lust hath perverted thy heart." The History of Susannah, § § 56. " Thy father Genoese, thy mother Greek, Born on the seas ; ivho truth in thee would seek ? False Greece, Liguria's false, and false the sea ; False all : and all their /alsehoods are in thee." Buchanan, in " Collection of Efigranis^^'' lyss, '' She seems at point to speak : Now she lies back, and laughs, with her brows drawn, And her lips drawn, too. * * * if They will not slay him in her sight. / am sure She ivill not have him slain " " Nay\ he is dead and slain " Swinburne's " Chastelardy 'HE arrogance of man, liis over-estimate of his powers, leads him "willingly to accept the Arminian doctrine of "free will," be- cause it ministers to his self-importance. If he would only study closely and reflect conscientiously, he would recognize tlie force of the pliilosoi)hical axiom, that '*all action is the result of forces,'^ and that every liuman heing is neither more nor less than a ^^ product.^'* 27 The rigid doctrine of predestination is one of no recent promulgation. It does not date from Calvin, wlio is accepted as its stern — nay, pitiless — exponent ; nor from the great and glorious St. Paul, who taught it in language unmistakable to those wdio will analyze and compare ; bnt it is to be found throughoiit the Scriptures, the facts of which have never been successfully controverted, but always firmly corroborated by recent discoveries. It is not confined to the Old Testament, but M'as accepted by every one of the ancient religions, all of which originated iu the "Morning Land," — the East, the cradle of the Adamite or civilizing family to which we belong. These again, are children of the Ur=glaube which was an inspiration, the nerves or veins of which are to be dis- cerned by the microscope, if not by the eye, running through all the subsequent faiths: just as in a polished slab of variegated marble it is possible to detect through- out veins of certain colors. Of all the philosophers of antiquity, the purest and the noblest were the Stoics, and they held to the idea that men were the creatures of des- tiny — factors, instruments ; and a learned divine of our day, in a marvellous work, "Judaism at Kome," has shown that Stoicism was founded on the revelations of the Jewish Scriptures, of which the canon, acknowledged as inspired, was closed before Rome had a literature. Men are simply "products," creatures of time, place and circumstance. They struggle, and strive, and dream, 28 tliat, swiiimiing, tlicy caii direct, tlieii- course upon the river of Time, when, after all, the current of Destiny, with more or less rapid and imperial impetus, is only carrying them on, in spite of all their vain and furious etforts, whither it was originally intended that they should be impelled, whether to be submerged or safely thrown ashore. Inscrutable ! the force of the inevitable urges them on, and even the very philosophy Math which they passively accept, or the passion with which they frantically resist, or the weakness with which they foolishly complain, is only part and parcel of the fearfully inexorable. In- vestigation and reflection must recognize that, after all, the constructions of human reason, labor and deter- mination, single or combined, topple over like houses of cards beneath the influence of the slightest form of the irresistible — the terrible must be. Thus men are born, thus they live, and thus they die, without the slightest power to hinder, avert or change, until the}' reach — what ? Who can answer ? That which man accepts as the voice from beyond the grave in response to his anxious appeal, is nothing but the echo of his own hope, his own wish, and his own education. These remarks are an almost sufficient explanation of the life of Mary, Queen of Scots. If she had been dif- ferent from what she was, she would have been what no one ever yet has proved to be — an original creation; be- cause she would have i)re8entcd the anomaly — a product 29 which coukl not be resolved back into the original quantities of which it was composed. The Stuarts were a fated race. The decrees of Destiny seemed to pursue their steps. Read their history. It presents scarcely an exainple of what is ordinarily termed a prosperous, a peaceful or a painless career. Not to go back further than her great grandparents — although the retrospect might be continued almost indefin- itely — how clearly does investigation reveal qualities that aggregated in Mary. With characteristics brilliant and beneficial, her father, James Y., was a creature of passion. He left one legitimate child — Mary; six natural children who became invested with high dignities — one the famous Regent Murray — and a crowd of unknoMni and unrecog- nized offspring. The mother of Mary, Mary of Guise, although her chastity is not impugned, was a mistress of intrigue and a bigot with occasional glimpses of judgment, which last was particularly manifested in her last moments, when the hand of death was removing the veil with which passion had hitherto obscured her vision. One remark of hers is a revelation, nothing more is needed. To a "deputation from the Congregation," she observed : "It became not subjects to burden their princes with promises, further than it pleaseth them to keep the ^ same." (Burton, III, 360.) "As is the mother, so is the daughter." James IV., the grandfather of Mary, was little better ?,0 than her father, with this difforence, that he was less clioice in liis amours. lie was a libertine, redeemed by chivalric bravery. Througli this (juality, and characteristics whicli are often inseparable from it, he won the golden opinions of the world, and diverted censure. The same vices in his father, James III., were dealt with far more se- verely. His fiivorite mistress was known among the people by a contemptuous epithet — "the Daisy." On the other hand, the mistresses of James V. manifested themselves in splendor ; and, through the liberality of the King, were enabled to win the admiration of an ignorant peojjle. James I. was murdered ; James II. was killed by the bursting of a cannon ; James III. was assassinated ", James IV. died in battle, fighting like a common trooper, and, as in the case of Marmion, it is questionable if his body was ever identified. The corpse supposed to be his was not interred with his race, and his remains eventually experienced a most ignoble end. James V. died of a broken heart, with the prophecy on his lips that "It [the crown] came with a lass [the Stuarts obtained the throne by marrying a daughter of Bruce] and it will go with a lass." Mary was the last Sovereign of independent Scotland, and she fultilled the dreadful destiny of her family on the scaffold. On the mother's side, Mary was a Guise. With all tlic zeal and fantasmagorial surroundings of the greatest eai'thly success, calamity ])]'esided ovei- the destiny of this 31 family as well as over that of the Stuarts, nuinanity, short-sighted and deluded, forgets the marvellous saying of Solon to Croesns, that "no man should be pronounced happy until his end was known." The remembrance of this wrmig from the once prosperou.s King of Lydia that appeal to the past: " O Solon ! Solon ! Solon !" which saved him from the funeral pyre, and won him the friendship of Cyrus. The great Persian appreciated the foresight of the Greek philosopher and was touched with pity. Perhaps, he saw from the height of his mightiness, far off, in the dim futm-e, a portent of his own most disastrous end. The story of Polycrates, Tyrant of Samos, is still more pertinent. The apparent favorite of the gods ended his career in the torments of crucifixion. The first and grandest Guise, the capturer of Calais and the defender of Metz, the great idol of the Koman Catholic faction in France, was assassinated by Poltrot, a Huguenot gentleman, incited to the act by the cruelties which Guise had perpetrated iipon his co-religionists, and which the wife of the Duke had witnessed with exultation and enjoyment. Dying, he implored the pardon of his wife for his frequent early infidelities, which had stained a career otherwise resplendent. His even more popular son, Henry of Guise, the cousin of Mary, the idol of the Parisians — who, if Fate had not denied him ' ' the nail to fix the Wheel of For- tune," would have transferred the crown of France from the race of Valois to his own — tliat of Lorraine — passed 32 t'roDi tlie cinbraecs of Ih'k mistress into tfie liaiids of his assassins — assassins whose daggers drank tlie blood of his brotlier, the Cardinal, almost before they had ceased to drip with his own. Tlie exhaustions of love deprived the Duke of the astuteness which under other circumstances might have protected him against the deadly strokes which stretched his corpse at the feet of tlie king whose ven- geance he had provoked. Thus it was on the side of father and of mother that Mary inherited qualities which imj^elled her headlong to her doom. "Woman was the rock or shoal on wliich both Stuarts and Guises shattered or sunk : and Mary, the woman, struck on bar after bar of men, until her vessel, weakened by successive shocks, went to pieces on the shifting shoal of a miserable Babington. Wonder- ful exemplar of a niiglity truth: Whoever commits the helm to unbridled passion never brings craft or cargo to any port in safety. Our unbridled or unregulated passions are simply the heirlooms and the instruments of Fate. What Henry VIII. of England was, needs no telling. It is remarked of " BlutFKing Hal " that he dearly loved to look upon a man." Like him, her great uncle, Marv had the same partiality for a man, and it is to the fact that Bothwell was, indeed, a man, that she first looked upon this Earl with favor, then with affection, and finally with irresistible passion. Henry's sister, Margaret, was tlie wife of James IV. and graiulniotlier of Mai'v, of 33 whom she was ahnost a perfect type. This "English Mar- garet, whose unwomanly lust was not even hid beneath a womanly reserve — ' an ignorant, deceitful, low-minded, odious woman,' drying her widow's tears in three months to marry the handsome Earl of Angus ; divorcing him after two years to marry her paramour, Stewart of Avon- dale ; and in nine years or ten years later seeking a new divorce that she might return to her first love ; as treach- erous to her nation as to her husbands ; selling informa- tion and herself to the English government, and for poor wages, too ; and at the last pajang the penalty all traitors pay in universal neglect and contempt. ' ' Institute a parallel between Margaret the grandmother and Mary the grand-daughter. See how strangely it holds good, step by step. After losing first husbands both sought gratification in lovers. Margaret re-married in three months. Mary was anxious to re-marry, after a short de- lay, with d'Amville ; and Dargaud alludes (I. ii. 115-6), to a terrible charge, her proposition that he should make way with his wife in order to be free to marry her. D'Amville, who came from a far diiferent race than the Guises, rejected the proposition, by whomsoever it was suggested, with horror, and fled the temptation which led to such a conception. Conde preceded (?) d'Am- ville, as a lover, and to the latter succeeded Chastelard. Whatever were the relations between this brilliant man of the pen and of the sword and Mary — and this "Study" 3 34 rejects the idea that Mary gave herself up to him — there is 110 question that she did what ahnost every woman does — when the crisis arrives — she sacrificed Iiim in a vain attempt to preserve her reputation. Even Jolm Hogan, Barrister at Law, her advocate (I, 96), is compelled to ad- mit : " It is impossible to acquit the Queen of all blame in this unfortiinate affair. Chastelar was condemned to death for his audacious conduct, and she allowed him to perish on the scafiold. It may be said, and it is no doubt true, that if she had interfered to save his life, the worst con- struction would have been put upon her motives ; hxit it would have been hetter to incur such imputations than to allow a punishment to he inflicted so disproportioned to the offence^ A woman in private life with Mary's passions would most probably have governed them so as not to hazard, or lose, her social position : w^hereas Mary, as Queen, con- sidered herself above all law except her own will. It was this very treading under foot all conventionality that aroused so much feeling against her : Knox and the reformers, and the people whom they influenced, holding that a queen had no more right to break the commandments than any other individual. Mary did as she pleased with herself, and her enemies did as they pleased M'itli her. Had she remained in France she might have broken the whole Decalogue with impunity and M'ithout reproach. To a kindly critic, the sin of lier life was her extraordinary course towards iM^thwell. 35 If she loved him before she had become thoroughly dis- gusted with Darnley, why did she allow him to mari-y, to quadruple the criminality necessary to unite herself with him ? Burton (IV. 173) explains this and reasons like a man who understands hmnan nature: "That she [Mary] should fix her love on him [Both well] has always been deemed something approaching the unnatural ; but u^hen the circuinstanoes are considered, the conclusion ceases to become so absolutely startling. Mary M^as evidently one of those to whom, at times — and to her the times were apt to come in quick succession — a great affair of the heart is a necessity of life ; the necessity now [as regarded Both- well] increased in intensity by her utter disappointment in her last attachment, and the loathing she entertained towards its object [her husband, Darnley]." The real truth is, Mary Stuart, when the fit was on her, " Lov'd not wisely, but too well," and her passion for Bothw^ell was nothing more nor less than the unbridled love of a woman at the age when the passions are strongest — a woman who considered that she had no restraints to consider but those of her own royal will. She had suffered : she sought solace ; she believed that the arms of Bothwell were a harbor of rest and safety. Unfortunately the .haven was open to the very quarter from which she did not expect the tempest to come, but from which it did come and overwhelmed her. 8fi The next lover, in order, after Chastelard, a Bayard in blood and bravery, was the gallant Sir John Gordon. It is averred that she loved him dearly. Policy required his removal. She witnessed his execution, as it is implied that she looked coldly out ujjon that of Chastelard. At all events the misguided lover-troubadour bent his last gaze upon the window where he supposed her to be, and, without a word of blame, bade her an everlasting adieu ' ' as the most lovely and cruel princess in the world." The association of Mary and Chastelard is invested with a mystery beneath whichjies j^ teitriblfi^reality, in- visible to the eye but sensible to instinct, just as humanity recognizes the presence of a corpse, although its rigid out- line is not clearly perceptible beneath the drapery in which it is enveloped. The writer realized this once, under very peculiar and startling circumstances, in a hospital in Italy. Ushered suddenlj^ into a chamber, there was an indescrib- able intuition of the presence of the dead, althongh there were no indications appreciable to the senses until they were palpably manifested. Swinburne, who has made the life of Mary a long and close study, seems to pivot his Trilogy of poems — "Chastelard," "Bothwell" and "Mary "—covering her whole career, on her sacrifice of this Troubadour-Bayard. In the last, "Mary Stuart," the following lines, com- memorating her death-scene, conclude the tragedy : 37 Barbara Mmobray. — Hark ! a cry. Voice below. — So perish all found enemies of the Queen [Elizabeth] ( Another Voice. — Amen ! Mary Beaton. — I heard that very cry go up Far off, long since [when Chastelard was executed], to God, who answers here [now that Mary undergoes the same fate]." In this case, Mary Beaton seems to point out tiie con- summation of "the law of the inexorable," that terrible ' ' law of compensation, ' ' which rules all and everywhere, demonstrating how the axe at Fotheringay, 1587, avenged the stroke at Edinburgh, or at Saint Andrews, 1564. Why? Dargaud explains this, "Mary, who, when she loved, was so reckless as regards public opinion, was timid, abso- lutely cowardly, in the case of Chastelard. She was terrified by the calumnies disseminated and preached against her even in the churches by the Protestant ministers. She aban- doned to them as a pledge of her chastity this devoted head [of Chastelard]. She was deaf to all the remon- strances or appeals addressed to her in his favor. Returned [from Burnt Island] to Holyrood, she refused to commute the death penalty pronounced by fanatic judges against Chastelard, and she commanded the effacing of two lines^ incised by some unknown hand upon the plaister or wain- scotting of her room. "King's face, Gives grace." "I (Dargaud) discerned on the wall of the old palace, 38 beneath the deposits of centuries, the traces of this gener- ous reminder ; Marie must have discovered it very often in her conscience." The Eumenides of Grecian Mythology, the Furies, the Avengers were three, and a terrible Three hounded Marie to the block, her sacrifice of Chastelard to public opinion, of Sir John Gordon to policy, and of Darnley to love for Bothwell. The fool has said in his heart, there is no God ! There is ! And He reigneth, governeth, and requiteth ; not according to man's mind or measure, but His own. Who knows what faces thrust themselves up before Mary's eyes, between them and the block, when her head lay prone upon the fatal wood. That the sacrifice of the representative of the stainless Bayard, of the lofty house of Huntley, and the royal race of Lennox, lay light upon her callous conscience, is easily believable. One of our generals, U. S. A., a profound thinker, sums up thus, the character of Mar}'. "Mary was intensely selfish, and, if not cruel, totally indift'erent to the suff'erings of others. She could sacrifice her wann- est and best friends to her own pleasnre. She deemed that all things were made for Mary Stuart's pleasure and gratification. She was unprincipled, false, without any aff"ection for any one. Passion she had, but she never had love for any one bnt Mary Stuart. Love consists of two eJementH— Affection and Passion. Affection without 39 passion is Friendship. From tlie degrading custom among the Greeks, Friendsliip between members of tlie same sex sometimes was assimilattid to Love. Passion witliout Afl'ec- tion is " — Mary Stuart ! /Slie was sncli as this deeply read and reflecting officer estimates lier. She was destitute of conscience, unless, perhaps, when life and death were meet, ing, in the supreme moment, a flash of supernal light illum- inated the past, and she saw in all its hideousness a pano- ramic development of her whole career, at once, for an instant, as lightning at midnight reveals a landscape, and then, with the severance of her neck, she passed from the actual Present into the doubtful Future. Oh, eternal spirit of truth ! such a "Study" as this recognizes, knows thee, ciece, siren, aemida — Maet Stuaet ! . To Chastelard succeeded Sir John Gordon, and, next in order, followed the pliant and astute Rizzio. Sub- sequently, the vile Darnley, who owed his elevation to Rizzio, justified his low licentiousness by attributing to his wife the admission of the Italian to her embraces. No gal- lant spirit will believe Darnley against Mary in regard to Rizzio. Darnley was insanely jealous, and with reason, for Mary already belonged, in heart, to Bothwell. Cynics, like Henry IV., assigned the paternity of James VI. to Rizzio. Darnley acknowledged him (James) as his OM^n honestly begotten child, and with justice; for, like his father, the son was mean and cowardly, while he resembled 40 his mother in intellect and love of learning. It would have been inconceivable ; contrary to nature ; opjjosite to even woman's most depraved instincts, for Mary to yield her- self to the low born Italian with Darnley (legally) in her arms and Bothwell (really) in her heart of hearts. ' This "Study" — like Mary — is carried away by Both- well ! With all his stains there was an immense deal of the admirable in him ; he was out and out a man. It was said of the famous Regent d' Orleans that he was a ^'■fanfaron des vices " (a pretender to vices he did not possess) : Both- well was no pretender to anything. He was as great in his vices as iu his virtues, or redeeming qualities ; in all a man. A criminal passion in Mary for Rizzio is incredible. At this time she was already and madly in love with Bothwell ; and no woman who loves ever debases herself to sharing her favors, which she has absolutely given to the object of her affections, with a low dependent. It is claimed that true love is the greatest purifier ; that it erects a barrier insurmountable — which cannot be breached — between a man or a woman and everything that is base. There is nothing more true than this. In a man, in the true sense of the word, it ennobles even that which is intrinsically noble. It slays selfishness. It quenches every low desire. An ordinary man it converts into a hero, for the man who is not made brave and gener- ous and self-sacrificing and honest — in a word, noble, in the highest interpretation of the the tei'm — by love, does not 41 truly love. This covers everytliing ; and whatever comes short of this mingles the dross of earth with the suhlimity of spirit and is unworthy of the name. Mary became enamored, at first sight, of Darnley's physical aud superficial attractions, just as her grand- mother, Margaret, was borne away on the tide of passion for Angus. Margaret remained faithful for three months ; Mary, perhaps, as long, certainly not over six — that is, counting from her private or secret marriage which anti- dated the public ceremony by nearly three months. Mary iirst saw her cousin, Darnley, about the middle of February, 1565, at Weymiss Castle, on the Firth of Forth. "She presently fell in love with him " and was privately married to him in Stirling Castle, early in the following May. Her public nuptuals were celebrated at Holyrood, 29th July, 1565. It is curious to note that all three of Mary's mar- riages occurred in May (Old or New Style) and turned out imhappily, fulfilling the popular belief, that all es- pousals which take place in this month, inevitably bring sorrow or misfortune. " MENSE MAIO MALAS NUBERE VULGUS AIT." The ties between Mary and Darnley, through vices and infidelities which no woman will tolerate, soon becariie weakened, and their rupture was hurried with ever increas- ing force and rapidity by the devotion of Bothwell. Darn- ley paid for his folly with his life. 42 Margaret, Mary's grandmother, was constant to Angus three months, when she abandoned him for Stewart. Witliin three months after Darnley was laid be- side his victim — Rizzio — Mary — was the wife of Bothwelh He again was separated from her by the same dishjyal no- bility who had assisted in his elevation and had recom- mended the marriage. Mary was faithful to Bothwell longer than she had been to any other love. It is folly, again, to believe that within seven months she held out the hire of her hand to George Douglas, and after- wards to his boy relative. The poor wretch was almost justified in appearing to accept any assistance which could deliver her from a dungeon when she was the rightful possessor of a throne. Finally, just as Margaret tired of Stewart and sought a restoration to the arms of Angus, Mary desired to espouse the Duke of Norfolk. She would have adhered to Bothwell, if Bothwell had been within possible reach. He, her victim, as assuredly as she, in another sense, had been his, was f)erishing in a Danish dungeon as irremediably as she was pining away in an English prison. Bothwell was relieved of his pains by a premature natural death : Mary, by the axe. In view of these melancholy circumstances, Dargaud utters a sentiment which is an absolute revelation of the mental and moral constitution of Mai'y. Mary Stuart, who had been nuirried to Bothwell by double rites, spoke of 43 her alliance to liim, when slie was allnring Norfolk, as a " pretended marriage." "That," says Dargaud, "not only astonishes, but terrifies ! Her mind was [now] completely filled with Nor- folk. She beguiled her captivity with this new passion. Her marriage with the Duke would save her life, give her liberty, and restore her crown. She repeats to him, in an efifusion of sensibility, that she belongs to him, and that what she wishes most in the world is to share with him toitt heur et tout malheur — ' every hour and every mis- fortune which the hour could bring. ' This was even less than she had said to Bothwell, that she ' was willing to follow him throughout the world in a white petticoat ; ' and, again, ' to be set adrift with him in a boat, to drive wherever the Fates might will.' She assures Norfolk that ' she will be faithful to him even to the grave.' She parted with Bothwell in anguish and tears, with a like pledge. " Well may Dargaud exclaim: "She forgets everything which is not Norfolk ! She no longer knows Bothwell. She has no more either the memory of the heart, or the memory of the senses, or the memory of the conscience — remorse. She was never able either to remember or to foresee. This time, again, she is incapable of any|;hing than yielding to the impetuosity of the moment. Such M'as Mary Stuart ! For her there was neither yesterdayl nor to-morrow. Nothing but to-day. Her passion! 44 agitates and consumes like the fire in full blast ; vile wood before, ashes afterwards." Every story should have its moral, as every epigram shoidd have its point. The moral of this "Historical In- troduction" is not simple, but complex. Shakspeare says that " There's such divinity doth hedge a king That treason can but peep to what it would." This envelopes royal personages Math an aureola. Seen through such a medium the judgment is often led astray, for this halo makes that which would appear crime in ordi- nary mortals a virtue, often, in a sovereign. This was in- tensely true of Mary Stuart. In her were revived the bigotry of Jezebel, the fascination of Cleopatra, the cour- age of Zenobia, and the accomplishments of Lady Jane Gray. Virtue, in the absolute sense, she had none ; but she was far from being the abandoned woman her enemies represented her to be — a modern Messalina.* Her good qualities were negative and her bad ones positive. As the philosophical Burton remarks, she could not live without a great passion : and passion finds its best food in passion. * Of all the writers who have devoted their abilities to presenting, in poetry and prose, the truth about Mary Stuart, there is none who has come so near to it as Algernon Charles Swinburne. It may be heresy to say this, but whoever will examine carefully his " Chastelard '' and "Bothwell," will find in them extraordinary flashes of intuitive perception that are revelations. His last poem (as such, far inferior to its predecessors) is a sort of key to his conception. 45 Hers found its appropriate aliment in the audacious love of Bothwell. Descended from a long line of ancestors emi- nent for the indulgence of their passionate natures, brought up amidst a complete abandonment to voluptuous enjoy- ment, religious in form yet destitute of piety, when trans- ferred from a "Garden ofArmida" to scenes devoid of refinement and taste, she plucked the only fruits M'hich grew there that could satisfy her natural longings and educated sensibilities, and fell — for certainly the manner and measure of her attachment to Bothwell (unless it was the only true and honest love of her life) M^as a fall into moral, as it was into practical perdition. This "Study" honestly concludes that her love for Bothwell was the only real going and giving out of her heart throughout her whole career ; and her punishment for this lay in the im- mediate withering of her hopes as soon as they came to fruition. What does this prove? One of two things. Either that the supreme felicity of life — the triumph of love — is the acme of earthly bliss, and must be accepted as a " set otf " to numberless sufferings which to many is un- deniably an exquisite boon, or, that Fate M^eighs out joy and misery with the nicest precision, and, for the brief happiness of an earthly Elysium, throws into the opposite scale a fearful counterpoise of evil. Human beings who babble of self-restraint as sufficient without Supreme support, will sit in harshest judgment upon the sad career of Mary Stuart ; but philosophical 4B minds, who consider the question propounded by the Great Teacher, "Do men gathei' grapes of tliorns or tigs of thistles?" will remember His own answei- : "A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit, neither can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit." Generation after generation, Mary's ancestors had been grafting evil scions on evil stocks. How could such a development produce any other fruit than Mary — the daughter of the Stuarts and of the Guises. Nature is never false to itself; and whoever has read and reflected upon the old allegory of the struggle between Nature and Education will remember that the result was a deformity, and a inoral defornrity was the lovely and lost Mary Stuart, Queen of Scotland. "Oh Love! young Love! bound in thy rosy band, Let sage or cynic prattle as lie "will, These hours, and only these, redeem life's years of ill." " Nestor. — A woman of quick sense. Ulysses. — Fie, fie, upon her ! There's language in her eye, her cheek, her lip, Nay, her foot speaks., her wanton spirits look out At every joint and motion of her body. O, these encounterers, so glib of tongue, That give a coasting welcome ere it comes, And wide unclasp the tables of their thoughts To every ticklish reader ! " Shakspere's " Troilus and Cressida."'' "" The effect of Homoselle's appearance on Halsey was that of beauty as interpreted by Greek art in its largeness and simplicity. Her tall figure, with its generous fullness of chest ; her long, shapely limbs, round which drapery fell naturally in those flowing lines that give the beauty of life to inanimate objects ; her clear^ pale coloring ; the pose of her head, — all tended to produce the impression made by those grand, simple figures of an earlier age, which exist for us only in marble. Her movements, too, seemed to him to re- spond * + * (qi- they were without superfluous action, * * * -^^j her speech without exaggeration." Homoselle. UMAS must have had in his thoughts the ideal Mary, Queen of Scots, " when he con- ceived the in*esistible feminine sorcery with which he invests one of his charac- ters — a very incarnate spirit of seduc- tion — Lady de Winter, in his ^ ' Trois Mousquetalres. ' ' He assigns to this Circean woman a power of expression in the eye, in fact * Mary, Queen of Scots, was born in Linlitbgow Castle, 7th or 8th Dec, 1542; baptised in January, 1543, and crowned at Stirling on Sunday, 9th September, 1543. Earlier than April, 1545, she had 47 48 in every feature, but particularly in the voice, so great that whoever listened to her, unless actuated by a supreme and more powerful sentiment equivalent to the vengeance, aroused by wounded self-love, or pride, or love, proper, that " casteth out fear," was converted in an instant, from an enemy into an ally. Byron, if no other, seems to have completely compre- hended the power of woman's tongue when he wrote the lines : " The devil hath not in all his quiver's choice, An arrow for the heart like a sweet voice." Dvimas — in -working out his plot in "Zes Trois Mous- quetaires,^^ which culminates — as in the case of Mary — in the beheading of the sorceress, confides her, just previous " the small-pox, a point this, of great importance, in the biography of a beauty and a Queen." In French gallics, she sailed from the Clyde, towards the end of July, or the beginning of August, 1548, and landed at Brest, in France, 13th August. On the 24th April, 1558, in her six- teenth year, she married the Dauphin, who as Francis 11. became King of France, 10th July, 1559. He died, 5th December, 1560, and left Mary a widow at the age of eighteen. Mary was waited on by Darnley, at Orleans, and by Bothwell at Joinville, early in 1561. She quitted Paris to return to Scotland, 2l8t July, 1561, sailed from Calais on the 15th August, and landed at Leith on the 19th August. Both- well was at her wedding and some say accompanied her back to her native land. On the 16th February, 1565, she first saw Darnley at Weymiss Castle; late in April or early in May she was "handfasted" (?) or secretly married to him in Stirling Castle, " the "Windsor of Scot- land ;" and, on the 29th July, publicly espoused him in Holyrood Pal- ace. On the 9tb March, 1566, Rizzio was assassinated. Darnley was murdered by a different method on the 9tb-10th February, 1567. Set free by this violent measure, Mary married Bothwell on the 15lli May, and she saw him for the last time on C'arbcrry Hill, on the 15th June following. Bothwiil! died 14tb April, 1575(8?); Mary was beheaded 8th (18th) Feb. 1587. 49 to her execution, to the guard of two soldier-servants, who have hitlierto never either flinched, or feebled, or failed. Their master, inexorable in his just hatred of the prisoner, seems instinctively to hear her whisper to these guards, and instantly changes them with the remark : "She has spoken to them ; they are no longer trustworthy." In reading this sentence in the romance, it is impossible not to recall a similar one in a much more sad reality. When the unfortunate Duke of Norfolk was about to lay his head on the block, in consequence of yielding to the fas- cination exercised upon him by Mary, he remarked that "he would rather be committed to the Tower," than * * * ^^ marry with such a j)erson where he could not he sure of his pilloio ;''^ and again, "nothing that anybody goeth about for her, nor that else she doth her- self, prospers." Nevertheless, although he was among the first to recognize the evil in Mary's character ■when the "Silver-Casket Letters" were laid before him at York, and expressed his dread and horror of the Circe to whose jwitcheries he was so soon after to succumb, — he did suc- cumb ; and, thus, it actually appears that, in the romance as in the history, whoever was looked upon, caressingly, by Mary, and listened to her siren music, was lost. It seems incredible that there should be any doubt as to the real facts in regard to the face, features, and the personal appearance of a woman who, with the exception of Helen, Cleopatra, Zenobia, and a very few others in 5(1 lesser (lei;;rcH', liaH excited so much intcj-cHt, ho tiiiicli feel- ing, so iinicli Pyn-lioiiisiii, and ho much ])ositive and bitter antagonism. It is very (juestionable iftliere i.s a true pen- oi- brush-portrait of Mai'v. In tlie numerous descrijitions and pictures the c(^h)r of ber liair ranges according to dif- ferent authorities from blacl-; to liglit tlaxen {cendrer), yel- \(m'{flav'us), or auburn; lier eyes from light blue or gray to a more or less dark chestnut. As to the contour of her face, lier figure, heiglit, there seems to be no great dis- crepancies. There can l)e little doubt that she was grace itself and gracious — incomparable, perhaps, in manner and expi-ession — and it is most ])robable that her loveliness lay rather in the general ])otential [)lay of all her features, the j)ecidiar turee and fire of her eyes, and the intense sweetness, fiexiliility and intonation, et, the once adored Marie Antoinette. ..-■ In physical bravery Mary was ai)parently unsurpassed, especially in dying; but not more so than the convict, King, recently hung for murder, or rather sudden homicide, in the New York State prison at Clinton, in 1881. Never- 72 theless, she did not die more courageously, after all, than thousands of martyrs. Pagan, Protestant, political and patriotic, who have laid down their heads upon the block or given up the ghost amid the ghastlier horrors of the fagot and funeral pyre. She did not die more finely than those of the Scottish leaders, who, again and again, engaged in a series of plots against a forgiving woman, "betrothed, betrayer and betrayed," who condoned their treasons more than once. They all received due recompense for their crimes. All these forsworn and unprincipled wretches went to their dread accounts like heroes. The Kegent Murray lost his life through his fearlessness. Had he paid the slightest heed to repeated warnings he would have escaped the bullet of the assassin that took his life. He rode as gallantly to his doom as Mary walked to the headsman. Morton, unredeemed by any virtue but political sagacity, laid down his own head on the block like a very martyr. Kirkaldy of Grange ascended the scaifold with like calm intrepidity, and the subtle Leth- ington drank the fatal draught with the serenity of a Cato. None escaped the grasp of the inexorable lex talionis. It is startling to learn how Mary and Bothwell were avenged, in turn, upon each and all who wronged them ; but it is equally certain that M'hen the iron law of compensation took effect, it was met with the courage and composure supposed to be the peculiar acconipaninicnt of a clear conscience and a mind at peace with God and man, like Wishart — Wishart delivered over to the flames of martyr- dom by the father of Bothvrell ; a ruthless deed, fearfully avenged by Fate upon his son. In conclusion, well may Mich elet exclaim: "Knights of Mary Stuart (I speak above all to the good Schiller, dupe of his own heart to the point of writing his violent drama against his real convictions) — let us examine, I beg you, the true cause which has blinded, misled you to such a degree as to follow, as if you had no eyes, the most silly pamphlets of the Jesuits. ' ' Her trial or sentence was irregular ! No, that is not the real cause why you are so carried away by passion. Very many other analogous proceedings have passed through your hands without enlisting your sympathies. State the fact as it is and do not blush. The real motive which stirs you up, which arouses every man, is because this [the victim] was a woman. "Kill a woman ! This in fact is a horrible thing, and this, it is, that excites indignation. The death of the most criminal [woman] seems a crime on the part of the law. " I will not, however, enter upon an examination of what would have become of England if the Spanish inva- sion had found still living the dangerous creature who con- stituted the secret unity of the English-Eoman-Catholic party, its bond with the Guises, with all the conspiracies of the continent. How many women, however, then, how many thousands of English women would have experienced 74 worse tliaii deiitli in (•oiise(|iieii«' of the [spared] life of this [ouej woman. "I, prefer, puttinji; this last eoiisideration aside, to re- peat that which I have said elsewhere — more forcibly than every other writer — in my French Revolution, Vol. VII. : 'Against women there exists no real means of re]>ression. They are often guilty ; they are morally responsible ; and, nevertheless, strange fact, they are not pvnifihalAi'. Woe to the government which exhibits them on the scaffold ; it is never excused. "WTioever strikes them strikes him- self; whoever punishes them punishes himself They be- long to the world for whom there is nothing but mercy ; the law has no power over them.' " "Elizabeth felt this most cruelly, profoundly. * * She saw clearly that this death, just or not, would pursue her throughout the future. She comprehended that the odious act which wrenched peril away from her would save England, but would lose her forever in the hearts of men. " Fronde, overwhelmed with abuse by the partisans of Mary for his presentation of her, at best, dubious career, concludes it (Chap. XXXIY.,Vol. XII.) with a paragraph which is a perfect reply and justification, that sums up the case better than it lias ever been (bme anywhere, bv anv one else. "Who now doubts," asks an ehxpient modern faiiuny- nious?] writer, "that it would have been wiser in Eliza- beth to 8])are her [Mary's] bfeT' 7n To this query Fi'oiide replies: " Ratlier, the politieal wisdom of a critical and difheidt act has never in the world's histor}' been more sig-nally justitied. It cu^ away the only interest on which the Scotch and English Catho- lics could possibly have combined. It determined Philip upon the undisguised pursuit of the English throne, and it' enlisted against him and his projects the passionate patriot- ism of the Englisli nobility, who refused to be tempted, even by their creed, to betray the independence of their country. At once and forever it destroyed the hope that the Spanish Armada would find a party to welcome it. The entire Catholic organization, as directed against Eng- land, was smitten with paralysis ; and the Queen found herself, when the invader arrived at last, supported by the loyal enthusiasm of an undivided nation." 'iii^ i0ttiittfii JAMES HEPBURN, EARL OF BOTHWELL A n Usher. — " Make way there for the lord of Bothwell ; room — Place for my lord of Bothwell next the Queen." Swinburne's '"'"Chastelard" last lines. Queen [Mary]. — " Who went there ? What, hear you not ? " Mary Seyton. — " My lord of BothwelPs foot ; His tread rings iron, as to battleward." ♦ + * * • Qiieen. — " By heaven, I have no heart for any on earth, Any man else, nor any matter of man's, But love of one man ; nay, and never had. if *. it * * I have loved no man, man never hath had me whole, I am virgin toward you : O my love, love, love ! " — *' Ah God, that we were set Far out to sea alone by storm and night To drive together on one end, and know If life or death would give us good or ill And night or day receive, and heaven or earth Forget us or remember ! " * * * " Here is the end." Swinburne's " Bothiveliy ENEKAL hibtory and general report — "a common liar" — are, as a rule, hard as a flint in judging independent men, men of great individuality, who will not doff their caps to win the world's applause, and who, like steamers, flrst rates, cleave on their way, through the opposing mountain seas, by their own nuiss (inherent force) 76 77 or vast momentum (iron M'ill) and safely come to port, unless they shatter on a hidden rock, imperceptible to their sight or unrevealed by charts — charts drawn by ex- perience, education and foresight upon the tablets of the brain. We have no picture or description of James Hepbuen, Eael of Bothwell — or as he wrote his name, James, Eble Boithuille — drawn or written by a friendly hand. The idea of him is, as a rule, derived from English states- men, diplomatists, or historians, all of whom blacken his character on account of his antagonism to England and its interests, his patriotism and his thorough Scottish feeling. Murray is exalted at his expense because the former was the astute, supple, willing instrument of Elizabeth, and consequently the sly enemy of his halt-sister Mary. His was "a mind in which diplomacy stifled every instinct of man- hood, every chivalric spark of honor, loyalty, and good faith." This is one picture ; others exalt him almost into a saint. Such are the difficulties of weighing human judg- ment. Bothwell was impelled to his destruction by this wily tempter, the self-seeking Kegent, who was devoid of the frank, natural manliness of Mary's third and last hus- band of a month. Murray was the favorite of the clergy, who are evil cattle to provoke and invaluable friends if cunningly cultivated. Charles Martel preserved France from Mahometanism, but taxed the priesthood for the bene- fit of the troops which enabled him to triumph, and the priests coiisii^iR'd llic savioi- of Western Cliristeiidom to eternal tire and niisrepresentati(jii. Tlie Puritans and tiieir descendants wrote the liistor\' of the Tnited States, and they arrogate to New England the origin of a greatness due far more to NeM' York and llollandisli-IIuguenfjt inilnence. Even s(.) it was witii Ijotliwell. The ]jartie3 he opposed in ])oliey and in arms have furnislied the particu- lars of his story. The very endeavor tu depi-eciate him is an evidence of enmity, for a man who was born s<.) well, T)ore himself so hravely, and accomplished so greatly, could not have been an ordinar)- one; no common-place creation eithei' as man or devil. As far as nobility, posi- tion and property go, he was born second to but one in Scotland. The ilay ant! month and even year of his birtli are not accurately known. His best, if not his only real biographer, Schieru, says he was born in 1536 or 1537. If so he was five or six years older tlian Queen ilary. He came of a race remarkable for startling peculiarities, even among the Scottish nobility, each mendjcr of which seemed to unite in himself the strangest contrailictions, good and bad. Cruelty and magnanimity, genei'osity and greed, sanctity and sacrilege, purity and profligacy, often actu- ated the same individiial at different times and under dif- ferent circumstances. Bothwell was no exception to tliis rule. His liahits — if his enemies are to he believed — woidd shock the outward decorum of tiie pri'sent hy])ercri1 ical, h vpoci-itical genera- Y9 tion. Still his ideas of morality were better, not worse, than those of his compeers and his time. He was fond of women, but he did not soil himself as many, particularly as Darnley, even after his marriage with the Queen, un- doubtedly and habitually did. He drank deep, but who, then, did not ! lie always kept himself sober for business and ready for action : his brain was always clear — a saga- cious brain, as Mary's mother (the Regent), and Marj^ (the Queen), herself always found it when they needed supjDort or his services were wanting. Bothwell could not have been either disagreeable in appearance or deportment, as his unprincipled calumni- ators have tried to make it appear. If he had been so, Mary would not have cast her favoring glances ujion him. Mary, brought up in a circle of the grandest and most po- lished men of the most goodly piresence, was so siisceptible of appearance that she married Darnley for his general comeKness. And here, by-the-by, is one of the strongest proofs that Bothwell nmst have had a manly figure, since Marj' presented to him the rich wardrobe of the deceased Darnley, who was a tall and remarkably well-made man, and Bothwell at once put on and wore, and was at ease in, these clothes. Had be been "an ape in magniiicent attire," as the bitter Buchanan declared — a writer intensely hostile to Mary and all whom she favored — a woman of exquisite taste would have been disgusted with the contrast, whereas this was the very time when her passion manifested itself so with tlie f^reatest fervor. Honest Burton remarks that this expression "is no more to be taken as accurate than any other scolding objurgation." All the misrepresentations of Both well were in the same spirit as Hogarth's concep- tions of Frenchmen, or the caricatures of Bonaparte dur- ing England's fiercest antagonism to her most bitter ene- my. Flattery painted the portraits of Mary ; envy, hatred, jealousy and vindictiveness those of BothwelL* That the Bothwell best known, aspired to the hand of Mary Stuart, should not excite surprise when his ante- cedents are investigated. Burton clearly indicates the im- portant influence of Bothwell upon the story of Mary (IV., 273): "With all her beauty and wit, her political ability and her countless fascinations, Mary, Queen of Scots, would not have occupied nearly the half of her present place in the interest of mankind had the episode of Bothwell not belonged- to her story. ' ' His grandfather, Lord Patrick Hepburn, of Hales, was created first Earl of Bothwell by James IV., grandfather of Mary Stuart, in 1481. This king, in addition, bestowed upon him the hereditary ofl!ice of Lord High Admiral of Scotland, together with many other dignities, and extensive posses- sions. Adam, the second Earl, was slain in the battle of * " I present no list of the authorities from which my facts are de- rived, but will merely say that the result of much study may lie some- times contained in the form given to a single sentence."— "ic^cnd of Thoman Didymua." by James Fkkeman Clakkr. 1881. 81 Flodden Field, 1511, in which the flower of the Scottish nobility were cut down at the same time with their King, James lY. Patrick, the third Earl, was known as the "Fair Earl," and bore the reputation of being the proud- est and haughtiest man in all Scotland. James, the fourth Earl, was left a minor. He was brought up by his great- uncle, Patrick Hepburn, Bishop of Moray. Whatever other education he received, he certainly acquired French, and was instructed in mathematics and military matters. There are indications that he visited France while yet a youth. He was in his eighteenth or nineteenth year when his father, Patrick, died. He was not of age when, in 1557, he was a member of the Scottish parliament; and in the same year he took part in the war with England. In 1658, he was appointed Lieutenant-General of the southerly Scottish frontier — Marches or Borders — and made a destructive raid upon the English. On the 29th of JSTovember, 1558, he was again member of Parliament in Edinburgh. His first military exploits were against England, and he showed himself an enemy to the English government and to the EngKsh party in Scotland from this time forward. This is sufficient to account for the misrepresentations of English writers who always found in him an able and determined opponent to the schemes of Elizabeth, who succeeded Mary Tudor as Queen of England, on the 17th of Novem- ber, 1558. In 1559, Bothwell was particularly active against her agents and the foreign faction, and made power- 6 '82 fill eiieniiee whose unrelenting malice pursued him through- out life. This is sufficient to account for the misrejjresenta- tione of English writers, who always found in Ixim an able and determined opponent to the schemes of Elizabeth.* In 1560 and 1561 he was on the Continent and in France and thus saw Mary at her loveliest. One of these meet- ings, at Joinville, is a matter of record. In August, 1561, Mary returned to Scotland, and Bothwell either accompa- nied her or soon followed, to find that she bore him ever favorably in mind. The peculiar relations of Mary to Bothwell rest main- ly on the startling revelations of the rude but expressive verses, styled "Sonnets," and the fervent communications foimd in the "Casket," left behind him by Bothwell in Edinburgh Castle, in the custody of Balfour, the Gov- ernor, his appointee. Whether or not he betrayed his patron, the Earl, and the Queen, is not clearly sboimi ; but the party to whom he entrusted the casket was inter- cepted, and thus it came into the hands of the deadlv ene- mies of the Royal Pair. The contents of this famous " Silver Casket" — these ar- dent verses and these impassioned love-letters of Marv to Bothwell, have given rise to controversies even more pas- * When this "Study" was begun it wtis intcmiod [o omlinicc a complete, detailed exhibit of the career of Bothwell ; but, havini; al- ready tar exceeded the limits proposed, it breaks otV here, abruptly, leaving the reader to pick out the narrative of what succeeded this, from the " Study" itself. 88 sionate. These documents — of which the originals disap- peared shortly after their production as evidence — were de- clared to he "inventions" by all the legal advocates, so to speak, and devoted champions of Mary. Chalmers, Tytler, Whithaker, Goodall, Lingard and Prince Labanoif, besides other writers of lesser note, have pronounced them forgeries, totally unreliable. On the other hand, the three great his- torians of France, England and Scotland, De Thou, Hume and Robertson, considered them authentic. This trio of massive intellects do not stand alone in their judgment. Their opinion is indorsed by Sharon Turner, Hallam, Mal- colm, Laing, Raumer, Philarete Chasles — the humorous, the eloquent, and the spiritual professor, Dargaud, and finally M. Mignet, who, in a series of excellent articles, knew how to temper, by the most prudent reserve, an able, curious and learned criticism. Buchanan would be the most trustworthy witness on this subject, because he was a con- temporary, if he had not shown a bitterness, almost fiend- ish, that demonstrates his unreasonable prejudice and fierce partisanship. The Regent, Murray, half-brother to the Queen, displayed, occasionally, qualities that did honor to his times, and even to a period beyond them. He was not utterly bad, and, it is claimed^ "he kept away from scenes of tumult and bloodshed, which vexed his righteous soul, and taught him to despise his bretheren of the Scots aristoc- racy as a band of ferocious barbarians." His character was good for his era and associations. Is it likely — if this 84 be only half true — that such a man, occupying such a posi- tion as he did, woiild have Itrought forward evidence like that found in the " silver casket" against liis own father's child, if he had not believed it to be reliable ? The often- cited lines of rude poetry — the " Sonnets " — accompanying the letters in question, contain allusions so coherent with actual occurrences, that honest criticism cannot reject them; and as these were lirought forward with tlie letters and the whole are conceived in the same spirit, the entire burden of disproof rests upon the friends and advocates of Mary. Simple opinion on the part of these carries with it little or no weight, because the counter testimony has the powerful support of consistency. While the career of the Queen may excite, in a- generous and magnanimous mind, a sentiment of supreme pity which prompts it to make a mighty eflFort to lift her from the degradation into which so many seek to plunge her, it cannot clear her from the consequences of her passion for Bothwell. This is what makes the remark of Hume, hereinafter quoted textually and emphasized, so terribly decisive against her. All the special pleading, legal acumen, subtlety and oratory ; all the casuistry and blind enthusiasm of parti- sanship ; all the efforts of logic and creed, cannot overthrow the authenticity of the "Silver Casket Letters and Sonnets." James VI., meanest of men in many things, sought, after his obtaining of the English throne, to do everything to cleanse his tarnished reputation as a son and sovereion. S5 He razed Fotheringay Castle and he destroyed every original document or indication which attainted his origin or avouched his cowardice. Thus the originals of these letters disappeared from the eyes of men ; but neither he nor his emulators or imitators can annihilate the indestruc- tible effect of concurrent circumstances that renders their authenticity so apparent. No human brain, however wickedly inclined, could have conceived such a flawless, end- less chain of testimony. It is inherent, and Mary's life, Mary's acts, and Mary's peculiar line of thought, stamp them as hers as indelibly as the brand upon the Stuart race deter- mined that each in succession should terminate his or her ca- reer by a catastrophe, the assassin's knife, a broken heart, the headsman's axe, the bitter bread of exile, or, worse than all, the disgrace which attaches to an individual who is destitute of the attributes of true manhood. In a word, the "Casket Letters and Sonnets" or "Verses" cannot be inventions or forgeries. They are too natural, too consistent with themselves and with each other, and with patent facts, and with the workings of the human heart. That Mary was their author is corroborated by circumstantial evidence as irresistible as direct proof. In- ventions, that is discoveries — in the primitive sense of the Latin original word used by the writers of Mary's time — they truly were, for they were found in the ' ' Silver Casket;" but " inventions, " in the sense (yi forgeries — which is an English perversion of the radical meaning^ — Hi) tliey just as certainly were not. They are exactly such as might be written at this time by a passionate woman ; in- deed, they contain expressions, manifestations of the struggle of the better angel with the demon of passion, which find utterance every day. Many of the sentences are such as the pen of an enamored and cultured ■woman sends to the man who has won her entire heart, and whose afi^ec- tions she fears to lose ; torturing herself with a groundless fear of forfeiting his regard. Scarcely a single one of the champions for, or against, the conclusive Casket correspondence seems to have en- listed common-sense in forming an opinion or pointing a criticism. Raumer, notwithstanding his German phlegm, has a paragraph in regard to these letters which carries conviction with it : " Liugard thinks it foolish that Mary, who had spoken to Bothwell in the evening, and might speak to him again in the morning, should, instead of going quietly to sleep, have sat down to write him a letter ' of no consequence.' This ohjecMon proves nothing, unless it be that Dr. Lingard never was in love.'''' As human nature was and is — while the nature of women remains unchanged — there is nothing in the passion of Mary Stuart for Bothwell that should excite astonish- ment or pven surprise. In letters which her warmest ad- mirers admit that she did write, she explains why she re- posed such faith in Bothwell. lie was a master spirit in the land ; and when she fonnd stall' after stalf on which she 87 leaned splinter and wound the hand that grasped it, is it wonderful that she clnng to hiui with all the force of which she was capable — and no oue can deny to her the possession of tremendous force of will when once it was fully aroused. Amid all the obloquy that has been heaped upon the mighty Earl, tlie fact remains unshakable that he was a power who overtopped the powerful around him. He was acclimated to broil and battle ; as Saul said of Goliath, ' ' he [liad been] a man of war fropi his youth " — nay, boyhood, for he had "worn steel since he was twelve years old." He could "drain a deeper cup, back a wilder horse," "ride it like a whirlwind, and couch a heavier spear than the rudest of his jackmen" (border or moss-troopers); pos- sessed a fine stalwart person, divested of superfluous flesh, "biiilt more like a tower than a man;" great strength and military bearing — exercising a fascination over his savage hereditary liegemen that won while it controlled them. His features were manly — bronzed by exposure to the changing vicissitudes of his native climate — and his determined mouth was concealed beneath long drooping moustachios, that mingled with his fair curling beard. No wonder that Mary looked upon him with favor, for she had agreeable recollections of his respectful homage when she first wore the white robes of queenly widowhood ; and after her return to Scotland, still found his loyalty so 88 lofty and unchangeable that "it seemed to partake of that devotion which shed a halo over the days of chivalry." One of the epithets hurled at him by those who hated and feared him, is the stigma that he was "one-eyed." But the same epithet is applicable to Hannibal, perhaps the greatest individual, not a king, who ever trod this planet, and to Potemkin, tlie mighty Russian potentate, who never lost the heart of the Empress Catherine II. nor his control of her empire. What is more to the point, if he had lost the sight of an eye in combat, by sea or land, the orb itself was uninjured, and it has been observed that the scar on his forehead, which was the only visible vestige of the injury, "became his face as it would have become none other." Men are not always disfigured by such casualties ; and it is well known that Marie Louise, daugh- ter of imperial Austria, willingly exchanged the embraces of the Emperor Napoleon for those of Count Niepperg, an extraordinarily handsome officer, although he had lost an eye in battle. Bothwell, like Mary, was a being entirely out of the common run. His appearance was no index to his age. He was one of those, so completely imbued with vitality, that years pass over them and leave none of the traces which stamp, season after season, their impress on ordinary men, or sear them deeply, as the glaciers furrow the rocks over which they glide, grinding on age by age, leaving channels that remain indelible after the superiiu-nmbent ice has 89 melted away. There may have beeii silver mingled with his darker locks, but this was not the result of time biit of thought ; just as in the days of j)late armor a soldier could be recognized by fringes of gray where the helmet had pressed most closely and persistently, while everywhere else the original color held its own. He was a carious com- mingling of the self possession that results from deep thought and severe discipline of mind and body in war, politics and courts, and the mobility which is in- separable from an original nervous temperament, while as yet the frame has not known sufficient rest to take on su- perfluous flesh. If Michael Angelo's '■'■Penseroso'''' could have been transmuted from bronze into flesh,* the effigy would have lived in such a one as Bothwell. It is as difficult to decide what constitutes the handsome in man as in woman. Figure has as much to do with it as face, but whenever the latter indicates mind and man- liness and is susceptible of illumination, it cannot be other- * A short divergence is pardonable at tliis point. The '^Penseroso " (the "Thoughtful One," or the "Thinker"), or II Pemiero (the "Thought"), of the great Florentine sculptor, does not represent Lorenzo da Medicis the furious soldier, who comhlned all the vices and very few of the virtues of the Italian prince and general of his day — who was rotten to the core before he was mature — but his moderate, religious, deeply-reflecting uncle, Giuliano, who was absolutely and truly a " Thinker," as was evinced in his " Treatise on Suicide." The other statue of the pair with bare head, sitting erect, looking out with a fierce gaze, with short, crisp, curling hair, one hand grasping the truncheon of command, is indeed a fitting memorial of the cruel, sinful, sensuous, sensual Lorenzo. wiw tliaii liaudsoiiic. It matters not tiic color <>i' the eye for effect, in the excitement of jjassion the liglit eye often becomes dark ; and tliere are hazel eyew wliich when they scintillate or burn have no coloi- ; they are simply living tires — brown diamonds of the clearest and intensest lustre. Contemporaries attributed the domination exerciseil by Bothwell over Mary to necromancy ; but the best ansM^er to such a charge is that made by the unfortunate Leonora Galigai, daughter of the nurse of Mary de Medicis, and widow of the assassinated Concino Concini, Marshal d'An- cre, when accused of similar poM^ers over the Florentine (^ueen of Henry IV. of France. She replied, "My arts were simply the superiority of a sti'ong mind over a weak one." Hei- exact words were these : " J/ora charnu- fut celvi de P esprit svr In. hettse.''^ ("^.T charm [or ma- gic] was the ascendency of mind over inferior intelli- gence.") And, as regarded Bothwell, Mary Stuart was "weak, however strong in other cases. While so many writers have sought to degrade and even to caricature Bothwell, there is one (Dargaud), if no nu)re, who seeks to do him justice without sacriticing truth. Bothwell was a gentleman of ancient race. He had the manners of a great lord, and the haughtiness of feudal au tliority. His resolute features never blushed. His eyes were beautiful, although one had been deprived of vision ; and he was far from being distigured by the aeciilent which had occurred in his early adventurous nutritime (?) career; 91 indeed, tlie defect of liis sight m'us hardly perceptible. Tlis voice, wliicli had a genuine manly ring, was susceptible of the gentlest inflections. His mouth expressed his feeling of superiority. He had a marked nose and a patrician phj's- iognomy, and his fascinating look resembled that of a bird of prej'. This martial visage, this noble and easy figure, this soul without scruples, this mind full of audacity, am- bition and arrogance — wicked — seduced Mary and carried her away. To this must be added the attest of Sir Walter Scott, as to "the bold address and com-tly manners of Bothwell."* ' 'AH these ' gifts of hell ' were relieved by a lofty de- meanor and by an air that seemed to defy foj'tune, danger and adversity." Alas! Whence came "these gifts of hell?" In all things Bothwell was more sinned against than sinning, according to the touchstone and measur- ing rod of his times. It is said that Bothwell was in love with Mary from the first moment that he beheld * "Of all the border nobles," says Greene (II., vi., B(53), "James Hepburn, the Earl of Bothwell, was the boldest and most unscrupulous. But, Protestant as he was, he had never swerved from the side of the Crown ; he had supported the Regent, and crossed the seas to pledge as iirm a support to Mary, and his loyalty and daring alike appealed to the young Queen's heart." This elegant author adds a remark, tliat Mary's passion for him touched hira little, except that it stirred up liis ambition. This justities the presumption that it was Mary who was desperately in love with the Earl; and he, to awaken such a passion, must have been a man who appealed not only to her senses by his gallant appearance, but also through his innate gallantry. his '■'■ Reine Blanche'''' in tlie Park of Fontainebleau, as early as 1560, and that he welcomed her home with a loyalty as pure as his devotion was strong. His cap- tivity in Edinburgh Castle, by the warrant of Mary, to gratify Murray and his party, is said to have changed the whole nature of Botliwell. He felt that lie had suffered a grievous injustice from one to whom he had given heart and hand, or rather brand ; and after his release he brooded over the wrong until his naturally violent temper overcame all gentler restraints. His temper had hitherto resembled a mountain lake, confined within bounds by artificial bar- riers. Thus dyked, it fed a swift and even beneficent stream ; but, as soon as storm and flood had breached the bulwark, it poured forth a wild and unrestrainable torrent that wasted where it had formerly blessed. Botliwell was brave to a degree sufficient to encounter any peril. Still, it is true that, while he possessed the physical courage which triumphs triumphantly and succumbs without yielding, his end did not manifest tlie purest, the higher moral intrepidity inspired by fanaticism or love. If he had possessed either of these grander forms of courage, he could not have been in- duced to abandon the field at Carberry Hill without one des- perate blow stricken for the trusting woman who loved him so intensely. Nor would he have lingered out so long in a loathsome dungeon. The real bird of prey would have beaten out its life against the bars, or soon would have drooped and died. 93 Tlie anonymous author of the ' ' Life of the Celebrated Regent Moray," published at Edinburgh in 1528, fully corroborates Dargaud's portrait of Bothwell. He admits that when Bothwell was recalled from France in 1565, shortly before Mary's marriage Math Darnley, "tlie Queen pretended to be displeased at his arrival, yet it is certain she rejoiced at it." And when Moray insisted upon his being tried, and Bothwell fled because he was not power- ful enough to meet the military force assembled by his ac- cusers, "the Queen proceeded not against him, as the law requires," but allowed him to retain his property, and would not permit him to be outlawed. If there were any accounts which could be relied on of the interior life of the prominent personages of this time, the relations between Bothwell and Mary, their beginning and progress, might be comprehended. There are not : consequently everyone who examines must judge for himself. Even as Mary was already very partial, if not more, to Bothwell, when she was carried away by a burst of pas- sion awakened by the exterior attractions of Darnley — this passion was of very short duration, and, as it rapidly chilled, just so quickly her feeling for Bothwell revived and became more and more intensified. Darnley was ad- dicted to every vice which could disabuse a wife of her in- fatuation, when the honeymoon had set and the sun of common sense had arisen. Henceforward the only link that bound them together was that tie which often keeps 04 diseiicliaiited couples fVoin separating — an unborn child. Nevei'tlieless, even this was not so potent that Mary did not contemplate a divorce within seven months after her marriage ; and already Bothwell was in such high favor that he was actually hated for his influence over the Queen as much as ever Darnley or Kizzio had been. Mary cared for Bothwell, in a lesser or greater degree, long before she thought of or came in contact with Darnley ; then, carried away by something akin to insane infatuation, she sacri- ficed herself to it and to that miserable, gaudy, immature man. The revulsion rekindled the embers of her yearning for the manly Earl, and soon fanned them into flame, re-/ suiting in a conflagration which consumed her queenly dig- nity and his pre-eminence in Scotland. Not to be accused of warping evidence, the following paragraph is quoted entire, because, if the writer could use such bitter language against Bothwell, the greater is the reason for believing that his guarded praises are trustwor- thy and far less than Bothwell' s deserts : "The breach between Mary and her husband [Darnley] was becoming wider every day, and Moray hehdd it with secret satisfaction. The licentious Bothwell had acquired a great ascendancy in the national councils ; that ambition which he had long cherished now began to unfold; lie cast his aspiring eyes towards Mary, and already marked lier oiit as his own, wliile Mary only noticed him with her favor on account of his devotedness to lier service ; and he had long meditated the destruction of her Iniaband. Of insinuating manners, he !>5 easily acquired tlie Queen's eonfideiice ; and liis pretended courtesy and respect not only made favorable impressions on her, but taught her to behold liim with gratitude. He ap- peared to her the only one of her nobles whom she could trust; for she had found them all one day her friends, and the next joining in cabals against her. He was at this time almost at the head of the government, and yet he was destitute of talent and ability [this is inconsistent]. He knew nothing of politics, was insensible to glory and magnanimity, a despiser of i^a- tiiotism, a man of boisterous passions and unruly desires [this is ridiculous]. In private life he was the same unprincipled man — ambitious, licentious, prodigal and libertine. * * He was able to form the most criminal enterprises, and e(jual- ly courageous to put them to the trial. * * Jlis exterior was handsome, his manners ptleasing ; he was an adept in the practice of those allurements which attract the notice and excite the admiration of the female sex. Reckless of futurity, he only sought the gratification of his vicious, un- principled and libertine desires ; and he cared not whether he accomplished these by the sword, the dagger, or the poisonous draught. This licentious nobleman had formerly been Moray's ene- my, but now they were sworn friends. Moray, perceiving his importance, courted and flattered him; while the Queen, who knew little of Bothwell's private conduct, and who, at best, was only attached to him on account of his devotion to her service, thinking that her happiness and security consisted in the union of those two powerful noblemen, used every en- deavor to promote their friendship ; thus, while unaware of the danger, actually aiding her own ruin. Moray and Both- well, therefore, now invited each other with every appearance of friendship ; and the former, easily comprehending the rest- 96 less disposition of the latter, availed himself of his grandeur, while Uothwell, no less ambitious, was completely undermined by a man whose talents were far more profound, whose refine- ment appeared the result of prudence, and whose dissimulation and knowledge of business enabled him to lay the most effec- tual plans for hastening the downfall of his profligate asso- ciate." This presentation of the saintly (sic) Murray by his own biographer, makes him out as little better than a dissimu- lating rascal, and far worse than his victims, Bothwell and Mary. Gilbert Stuart, ' ' one of the most zealous advo- cates of Mary," admits that when he won the favor of the Queen '■'he [Bothwell] was in thej)rime of youth and ex- tremely hnndsom.e.'''' Finally, not to enlarge too much upon this topic, Throckmorton, the English envoy, who was no friend to Bothwell, reported of him : ' ' He is a glorious, rash, and hazardous young man." What is the reality of the pen portrait drawn and colored by the enmity of Murray's panegyrist? Bothwell was handsome, smart, alluring, fearless, utterly free from the superstitions and fanaticism of his era — ambitious, a lay Eichelieu, who, when he saw his objective, reached it by clearing away obstacles, as did Hannibal, Frederic or Napoleon. He was not as politic or self-restrained as Moray, or Murray, hut he was in every respect as tar su- perior to the avaricious and dissolute Morton ; to the unprincipled Huntley; and to the combined or simple 97 vices inherent in the rest of the prominent Scottish nobility as he was inferior in conduct and decorum to the Regent, in whom the shrewd instincts were in masterly ascendency over their contrasts. For his generation Bothwell was not as bad as very many whose opportunities tor evil were not in accordance with their vile desires. And not to be absolutely vicious where so many — with rare excep- tions — were altogether so, entitles him to a consideration and a fair judgment which is inconsistent with the influences of to-day. Circumstances alone make men, and men must be judged by the circumstances which environed and mastered them. Many a man and many a woman who pass for a saint in the XIX. Century, might have been very devils had they lived iu Scotland or in France three hundred and twenty-live years ago. Bothwell' s religous convictions were directly opposite to those of Mary. He was an ultra-Protestant. Such a combination of principle and the want of it in a man stigmatized by his enemies as most wicked, may be a seeming paradox, but it is not unexampled. Many a man who appears to be destitute of principle possesses, never- theless, underlying everything, a determination in regard to creed which is insurmountable, inaccessible to bribe or seduction, a bed-rock belief which defies Are itself. Evei-y- thing seemed calculated to separate the bigoted Papist, Mary, and the political Presbyterian, Bothwell. It ap- peared, however, as if even the vices of so strange a lover. 98 their divergences, united to make him irresistible in the heart of the Queen, corrupted in its first developing bud in the flagitious Coui-t of the Valois, in which the presid- ing Circe was Catherine de Medicis, surrounded by her one hundred and fifty '^JiUes (Vhonneur'''' (sic), the sirens of her Italian policy. Mary and Bothwell were physical, moral and mental enigmas while living, and they are still enigmas. It is painful, it is almost nauseating, to see how minds will abuse their powers to pervert or obscure the truth, when it is contrary to the theories they have undertaken to maintain. Mary did not give Bothwell up after he had left her at Carberry Hill. The woman who bears within her bosom the life which love has begotten there, especially if it has been engendered in the face of peril, in the midst of suifering, and in defiance of the world, very, very rarely can free her heart from the sovereign remembrance of the father of her unborn child. If ever, among subjects, con- temporaries or after generations, Mary had a champion, she possessed one in Prince LabanofF, and in his publications of her letters, united, or illustrated, by a chronological statement of events, he says, in connection with the " 18th of July, 1667, the Lords of the Secret Council proposed to Marie Stuart to disavow her marriage with Bothwell ; she refuses to do so ; unwilling to consent to render illegitimate the child which she then bore in her bosom." Raunier, in 99 his ' ' Contributions to Modern History, ' ' quotes from letters of the British Ambassador to the same effect. In the midst of all her misery, after she was cap- tured by the Confederated Lords, the first moments that she was left to herself she devoted to writing to Bothwell. And scantily as she was furnished at the time with money (Schiern, 288), "in further pruif of her inordinat affectioun towardes him she convoyit a purs with gold to him be David Kintor the same XVI. day." She again wrote to him during her imprisonment, and when delivered from Lochleven her first thought was to dispatch a messenger to find Bothwell, wherever he might be, to announce to him, that she was once more free. In this con- nection, how true the remark of Osip, the heroic serf, in Dumas' play, "The DanichefFs:" "Do you know a spot on earth, Nickepor, where a man [a lover] can go un- accompanied by the love in her [his sweetheart's] heart? If Anna [Mary] still loves the count [Earl] she will leave her soul with him and naught but an empty casket will be by my [anyone else's] side." LabanofF again, under date 1668, states, "in February (nine months after marriage) Marie Stuart gives birth, at Lochleven, to a daughter,* who is taken to France, where she became afterwards a nun, at Notre Dame de Soissons." * Labanoflf, or his editor, under date 1568, states, "In February (nine months after marriage) Marie Stuart gives birth at LochJeven to a daughter who is talien to France, where she became afterwards a nun at Notre Dame de Soissons." IIIO Botliwell ha« becTi accused of treating Mary roughly after hia marriage to her. lie had hjved her for many years and from the beginning witli tlie intense love of a tierce nature. He knew her nature. With possession her passion soon became satiated. Tiie Moor, (')thello, born under a torrid sun, when his jealousy became aroused, slew. The Idumean, Herod, first guarded, watched, and tempor- ized, until, carried away by a burst of passion, he executed. Bothwell, of a colder nature, constituted himself the senti- nel of his honor ; and the prisoner for whatever cause, especially a woman, never fails to resent stern supervision with tears and reproaches. It is asserted that Mary, re- senting BothwelTs jealousy, called for a knife to kill her- The note to this reads as follows : "The pregnancy of the Queen of Scotland has been denied by GHlbert Stuart, who wrote in 1782 ; but Dr. Lingard having reproduced this fact as unshaken in his history of England, I have considered myself compelled to adopt his version, relying especially on the testiraon)' of Le Laboureur, a very praise- worthy historian, who, in his additions to the Memoires of Castelnau (French Ambassador to Scotland at the time). Vol. I., page 010, edition of 1731, speaks^of the daughter of Marie Stuart. [This is the Castelnau to whom Alice Strickland, in her 'Life of Mary Stuart.' alludes in such very high terms.] " It must be remembered that the author (Le Lab(uireur) cited, filled a post of confidence at the (*ourt of France (he was counsellor and almoner to the King), and that he had every means of knowing the different particulars kept secret for so long a time. Resides, when he published his work, it was easy for him to consull fhe registers of the Convent of Notre Dame de Soissons ami lo assuri' himself in fact if the daughter of Marie Stuart Iwul bei'ii ii nun therein." 101 self.* She liad iitsed the same expi-ession before, while Darnley was still aliv^e. Mary's words were ominous. Both- well could not have forgotten her threat when her favorite, Tlizzio, was murdered, and that she quitted Darnley the night before he perished with an allusion to this menace. *"But under Le Croc's eyes, and even while he was explaining these views to Lethington, the aftair tooli a sudden and disagreeable change. Believing that the Queeu led a miserable life with her husband [Both- well], the confederates thought she would be easily severed from him. Her wild talk the night before, however, had led them to suspect that she was frantic to return to his arms, and she had acted so as to confirm this view. Le Croc was told by Lethington that he bad had a conver- sation with her, in which she reproached him for severing her from her husband, with whom she hoped to live and die with all the satisfaction in the world. He answered that he and his comrades were far from feeling that they did her injury by this separation ; on the contrary, they believed it to be in every way the best thing for her future honor and happiness. He tried what jealousy would do, and said her husband was still in correspondence with his former wife, and had told her that she was his real wife and the Queen his mistress. " The Queen gave an angry denial to this, and he shortly replied that the letters would show it. Lethington said the conference ended by her asking ' if she and her husband would be permitted to depart together in a ship, to sail where fortune should direct.' To this draft on t"he pre cedents of the romances the " Chameleon," as Buchanan calls him, made answer, evidently, in a vein of dry sarcasm, that, provided the pair did not happen to land in Prance, he thought it about the best thing they could do. It seems clear too, that she wrote a letter to her husband, which the messenger she had hired to convey it faithlessly delivered to the confederates. Melville renders its purport as " calling him lier dear heart, whom she should never forget nor abandon for absence ; and that she sent him away only for his own safety, willing him to be com- forted, and to be upon his guard." (Burton's " History of Scotland," Vol. IV., pp. 2.')1, 252.) 102 When morning broke Ilizzio's imirder had been avenged. It is not unlikely that Bothwell might have had some ex- perience of her temper, and, although recently married to her, his i-elations had been very intimate with her for a longer period than is usually accorded to the honeymoon. How many recently -married couples, even at this civilized time, find ample occasion for quarrels on their wedding trip, and yet live out long, loving and edifying lives, whose warmth or heat is tempered by frequent and violent storms. Should it excite any astonishment that Bothwell deemed himself worthy of the hand of Mary when Darnley, a man of inferior position and influence had obtained it, and when his own ancestors had acquired a reputation for their rela- tions to royal ladies. One of t^e Hepburns, according to tra- dition, married a sister of the celebrated Eobert Bruce, of Bannockburn fame, and King of Scotland, which his abil- ities and audacity had made independent. Hepburn of Hales held the Castle of Dunbar and in it, with him, the beautiful Jane Beaufort, widow of James I., spent her latter days and died. How or why she was thus under the same roof with Hepburn, the great-great grand- father of Bothwell — whether by her own consent or by force — was one of the undetermined problems of the day. A son of the same Hepburn was one of the suitors of Mai-y of Gueldres, widow of James U. BothweH's own father was the rival of Darnley's father for the hand of Mary of Guise, mother of Mary Stuart, who, according to the pub- 103 lications of the Baniiatyne Club, "promest t'aithfullie, be her hand writ, at twa sindre tymes, to tak the said Erie in mariage." Again, does it seem strange for the second earl in Scotland to marry his accomplice, even if a queen, in the murder of her husband, when that husband came between him and his ambitious hopes at a time when the woman was as yet unstained by any act which might not be attributed to imprudent favoritism '< Again, was it more audacious or startling for a belted earl, equal by birth, manhood, acquirements, influence and courage to any nobleman in Scotland, to expect to win a queen whose hand Elizabeth had considered not too exalted for her favorite, if not her actual lover — Leicester — who was not even born to the rank of earl, and never attained to the oflicial dignities held as hereditary rights by the Both- wells from generation to generation ? Again, justly or other- wise, Mary, although a queen, had been charged by her own husband, Darnley, with criminal intercourse with Rizzio, which was his principal excuse for the assassination of the Italian favorite ; while doubts hung over her with regard to others. Was it sublime presumption in Bothwell to raise his eyes to one of whom Mignet, Michelet and Dargaud have written so severely, and whom the ministers and population of Edinburgh did not hesitate publicly to brand with the harshest epithet that can be applied to her sex ; and when Bothwell himself counted among his mistresses the daughter of the Earl of Angus and cousin of the Earl of Morton, afterwards Regent, and wife of a gentleman of 104 distinction; likewise her sister, Lady Ticres, wlio, in lofiT, was Chaniberwoinan, or intimate confidante of Mary Stuart herself, and attainted as Both well's jjander with the Qneen. The foregoing demonstrates the condition of iriorals in Scotland at this time, indeed, throughout Europe in the Sixteenth Century; and, although this "Study" utterly rejects the idea that Mary was unchaste, except with Both- well, her associations were such that it is not astonishing that a bold and favored noble and a devoted and consistent chamj^ion should consider himself entitled by birth and position to occupy the place of a Dariiley, especially when the murder of the unhappy boy-husband was done, at best, with the tacit consent of the wife. The idea that because the highly accomplished, insinuat- ing Italian musician, Bizzio, was ugly he could not inspire passion in a susceptible woman is preposterous. Bright minds in repulsive caskets are sometimes the most success- ful wooers. Schopenhauer never uttered a greater truth than this : "Women often love ugly men, but nerer an immanly man." It is also laid to the charge of Bothwell that he was destitute of any personal advantages. Nevertheless, Mary loved him at a period of life when, as Byron makes the Devil remark in his "Deformed Transformed," " Then you are far more dillicull to pleiuse Than Cato's sister, or than Brutus' raolhor. Or Cleopatra at sixteen — an apo When love is uot less in tlie eye than heart." 105 III other words, Byroii ine.iuis to say that, in the teens, love conies through the eye as a rnle ; hut, with developed intelligence, through the mental as well as through the actual vision. This is true. Notwithstanding, if ftfary did not love Bothwell, she never loved anybody. She may have been captivated by his manliness, intrepidity, devotion, and other similar characteristics ; but, ugly or handsome, he had her affections. While on this subject, this seems the proper place to sit, again, in judgment upon Mary's half-brother, the bepraised but not the praiseworthy Kegent Muj-ray. There is the same antagonism in the estimates of the Regent Murray. It is very likely he was what Raumer cpiotes, "concealing" "his ambition under the cover of sincere piety ; he had a cold, ungrateful heart, capable and guilty of all kinds of deceit, crimes and baseness." He was ]>eii. He betrayed Mary, he betrayed Darnley, he betrayed Bothwell ; and he alone profited by this; and if an aKwassin's bullet had not cut short his subsequent admirable administration, it is most probable that his career, if it had lasted a few years longer, would have ended as did that of his associate, Morton. The object of Murray and the associate lords was to pull Mary down into the mire. Their iirst instrument was Darnley, and the next Bothwell. As the fool fell, so fell the hero — for, in barbarous times, such was Bothwell. As soon as the fearless man, BotliM'ell, was out of the way of the helpless woman, Mary became an easy victim. Mur- ray became virtual king, and Morton eventually succeeded him. Poetic justice followed the conspirators ; and, before Mary had been executed or Bothwell had died, the majority of their persecutors had preceded them before that dread tri- bunal where, if there be another life, such crimes as theirs are judged. At all events, they were judged in this world, and capital sentences awarded. Bothwellhaugh slew Mur- ray for cruelty shown by the latter' s subordinate to the former's wife. Lennox, father of Darnley, next in order as Eegent, was killed by a pistol shot in an affray ; Mar, his successor, died suddenly — poison the suspected cause ; and the "Maiden" — a sort of guillotine which Morton had introduced into Scotland — avenged upon him the wrongs of many a matron and maiden, husband and rela- tive. Nor did the series of retaliations end with him. 107 Sir William Stuart, "sum tyme lioun king of Arms," "sent to Denmark to demand the surrender of Both well," "being eonvictet of witcherie was burnt," 16th August, 15fi9, at St. Andrews. Captain John Clark, another bitter persecutor, died actually in the same prison, Dragsholm, with his intended victim. Thus, upon one after another, Bothwell's wrongs were fearfully visited. Eaumer remarks (Letter XIX.) : "Seldom has Nemesis avenged wicked deeds so rapidly as in this part of the Scotch history. Without repeating my narrative of the facts, I will merely sum them up in chronological order. Three months after the murder of Daridey, three weeks after the pretended ravishment, fourteen days after the fraudulent divorce, Mary was married to Bothwell, the murderer of her husband, according to the rites of the Roman Catholic and of the Protestant Church. Four weeks later, on the 15th of June, she was already hurled from the throne, and taken prisoner at Carberry Hills." In this world, failure, regarded as a crime, always re- ceives the severest punishment. This crime of failure hangs like a pall over Bothwell. It is like the black cur- tain covering the space which should have been filled by the portrait of Marino Faliero, and bears an inscription to the effect that this Doge was beheaded for his crimes. Crimes ? He was decapitated for seeking to give greater freedom to a people held in abject subjection by a corrupt aristocratic oligarchy. lOS No liisturiiui liMs ever done liotliwcll justice. To pre- sent him fairly, the truth lias to be winnowed out from the falsehood as grain from chatf, and then cleaned from smut. He was not more ambitious than Muri-ay, and not as stained with vices as Morton, lie was as brave and able as Kircaldy, and as sagacious as Maitland of Lethington. He was far supei-ior to the rest of the vile rabble, who, like a pack of wolves, hunted him down, not one of whom but fell far below him as a man of truth, loyalty and con- sistency. Throughout his clieckered career, Eothwell displayed hesitation and want of determination or sagacity in only one instance — at Oarberry Hill. Why he was so false to himself on this occasion is one of the nnexplained and in- explicable riddles of history. There were two ci'ises in the career of Mary — Carberry Hill, 15th of Jmie, 1567, and Langside, IStli of May, 1568, the latter the anniversary of her marriage with Bothwell. In l)oth cases it was the obvious policy of Mary to avoid a conflict, and as long as hei' person was secure, the number of her adherents would daily augment ; while, on the (jther hand, the forces of those opposed to her M'ould have diminished and their spirits become broken. This had freipiently liapi)cned, previously, in the course of her reign. A few days delay in Dunbar would have saved her and l^)othM'ell ; and had she thrown herself at once into some Scottish stronghold — Dmn barton, if 109 possible — before Laiigside, she iiiiglit have preserved hei- erowu. Chiilniers, her advocate (1. 165), admits this. John Xnox, whose general trustworthiness as a histo- rian has been questioned, was nevertheless deej) in the secrets of the associated lords whose "Band" triumphed over the lioyal Pair at Oarberry Hill, and miist have known the truth of this wlien he wrote. (Jonsequently when Ivnox, corroborated l)^' Buchaium — devilishly inimical both to Mary and Bothwell — "expressly declares that if the latter had only for two days remained cpiiet with the Queen in the fastness of Dunbar, which the lords were unable to capture, those in Edinburgh would have disbanded, and every one would have souglit to care for himself alone." This statement of Knox deserves implicit confidence. Bothwell' s issuing forth from Dunbar, to fight troops more or less disciplined with mere feudal levies, was the irrepar- able mistake. Doubtless he thought that the presence of the Queen would be as efiectnal in 15firt as it had been in 1562 and 1565, wlien at the head of a similar array she crushed or hunted other "bands" of rebel lords out of her realm. To charge Bothwell with cowardice for quit- ting the Queen at Carberry Hill, without striking a blow for himself and her, is as ungenerous as the motive imputed. There was not a drop of dastard blood in BothM'ell's veins. He did not consent to leave her until Xii'caldy of Grange, the "chivalric" {sic) representative of the " Band " of traitor nobles, bad assured her of the respect due to her. no and consideration worthj her dignity — and her consequent surrender on his assurances. Believing that a man like Kir- caldy would not submit to become the agent of the basest deception, and that Mary was safe in person and position, and would receive at least decent treatment as a woman, Eothwell left her. He had every reason to base his calcu- lations at Carberry Hill on those which had proved correct in similar emergencies. Hitherto Fate had been propi- tious. It was noM' to prove adverse. Every man is simply a tool fashioned for a particular purpose. Bothwell, as an instrument, had accomplished his work. The implement was now useless, was thrown aside to become the prey of rust — to disappear in the vast deposit of tools which had performed their office. Again and again he had left his native land because he could not successfully breast the innuediate fury of the storm, but only to return with re- newed force, to higher influence and vaster power, to put his foot on the very same "Bands" that drove him forth. It was not the first time that he had been compelled to aban- don Scotland for political reasons, and to escape the tem- porarily overwhelming strength and violence of enmity. Had he not gone forth, before, only to return stronger. Exile to him had been his mother earth, the same as to An- taeus in the struggle with Hercules. He kne-w that if faith was kept with Mary, the wretches who had associated against her would soon be at each other's throats, and that if he preserved his life again to clasp lier hand there was Ill every prospect of ultimate triumph. He did not take into ac- count Fate, and tliat, having risen so high by crime, like Macbeth, the deceitful hags whose counsels and prophesies had led him to its commission would l)ecome transnmted into Eiimenides to hunt him, as they hunted Orpheus, to his doom. And then, when this retribution had fallen with pitiless power, it is a comfort to remember that the Furies turned with fangs as sharp and whips as pitiless upon their mortal agents. If the Queen had not trusted to Kircaldy of Grange, she would not have consented to divide her lot from that of Bothwell. Retributive justice found Kircaldy out. At Carberry Hill he was the tool of Morton. Afterwards he became his adversary and was besieged in Edinburgh Castle by troops sent by Elizabeth to the assistance of the latter. To the English he surren- dered, and by them was delivered up to Morton, and as a deserter was he hanged at the market cross of the Scottish capital. At the same time, Lethington, another of these subtle fiends, was taken prisoner, and, to escape the halter, ' ' he took a drink and ' died, ' ' and justice was done upon his dead body. To follow out the story of all the enemies of Bothwell would fill a vohnne. Suffice it to say that all were punished, and the majority adequately in the fullest degree for their deviltries. Murray, in the full blossom of his dignity, fell a victim to private vengeance; Lennox was shot ; Morton was decapitated ; and so, in succession, great and small, sooner or later, Are fou)id them out. Botliwell wAn an extiauidiiiarily brave man, at a time when physical bravery was an absolute necessit}' t(j hold any public position, much more to make headway against opposing factions. His very personal encounter with the freebooter, John Elliot, demonstrates that he possessed unusual intrepidity. Schiern, Petit, and Aytoun, together, farnish all the particulars, apd these prove that Botliwell was just the man to cope with the fearlessness and reck- lessness of border desperadoes. Severely, almost mortally, wounded, and for a brief period at the mercy of his adver- sary, he roused himself up to inflict such deadly injuries that these cost Elliot his life. Kinall}', BothM^ell even from his earliest years was a sagacious leader, a wise adminis- trator, an astute di])loniatist, a judicious counsellor, an intrepid soldier, and an able general. A single I'emark of his made to the venerable Le Croc, the French Am- bassador — no friend to Both well — in regard to Le Croc's representing, on this occasion, the mediator between Han- nibal and Scipio, before Zania, indicates that Botliwell, so far from having neglected the study of the " Humanities " — as they were called — could apply the lessons derived from tlieni. Grave historians have alleged that his youthful studies in Paris and elsewhere were especially devoted to the ai't of enchantnient, and that these were subsocpiently prosecuted in the breathing spells of his boistei-oiis and laborious manhood, and that through these he had bewitched the yueen (Mary) to fall in love with him. This nonsense 113 roused up defenders, equally erudite with those who spread the report, who maintained the incredibility of admissions, credited even to Bothwell himself. He most likely was master of several languages, certainly English and French, for he was sent on diplomatic missions to both countries, and at one time he either commanded, or was an offi- cer in, the Royal Scottish Archer Guard, to whom was intrusted the protection of the person of the sovereign of France. From this appointment he came back to Scot- land, the native gem cut and polished into a brilliant. In addition, he must have possessed a colloquial acquaint- ance with the Latin, for this was the language of diplomacy and even familiar intercourse, occupying the place after- ward filled by French. A strong proof of this is shown by the fact that he found himself, at various periods of his life, in contact with personages with whom he could not otherwise have conversed. Consequently, in all human probability, Latin was perfectly familiar to him, since on no occasion is there any mention of the necessity or the presence of interpreters. His whole career presents unmistakable proofs that he was not illiterate, nor re- pulsive, nor ignoble, in person or carriage or conduct, but directly the opposite. This ' ' Study, ' ' close and careful, has led to the firm con- viction that Swinburne — whose tragedies (a Trilogy, 1865- '75 -'81, Chastelar, Bothwell and Mary) show that he had investigated with attention all the details which he wove 8 114 into lu« verse — was correct when lie makes Mary declare that Bothwell was the Urst man whom she had ever loved with the full force of a matured woman's intense affec- tion. , v Furthermore, what does Algernon Charles Swinburne say in the !< ortnightly lievievj (1. Jan. 'H2) in regard to Mary's innocence and her relations to Darnley and to Bothwell ? " Outside the range of the clerical and legal professions it should be difficult to find men of keen research and conscientious ability who can think that a woman of such working brain and burning heart as never faltered, never quailed, never rested till the end had come for them of all things, could be glorified by degradation to the likeness of a brainless, heartless, sexless and pusillanimous fool. Sup- posing she had taken pat^t in the slaying of Darnley, there is every excuse for her ; supposing she had not, there is none. Considered from any possible point of view, the tra- gic story of her life in Scotland admits hut of one interpre- tation which is not incompatible with the impression she has left on all friends and all foes alike. And this inteipre- tation is simply that she hated Darnley with a passionate hit justifiahle hatred' and lovexl Bothundl with a passion- ate hutpa/rdonahle love. For the rest of her career, I cannot but think that whatever was evil and ignoble in it was tlie work of education or of circumstance ; wliatever was irood and noble, the gifts of nature or of (lod." 116 Madame Saiul — as quoted by Saiiite-Benve — very indul- gent for Mary, considers tliat the tliree capital sins of this Queen were her abandonment of Chastelard [to the execu- tioner] ; her feigned caresses lavished upon the unhappy Darnley [when luring liim to his doom] ; and her for- yetfulness of Bothwell [who had sacrificed everything for her]. Although tliis " Study " is woven of words, its story is, nevertheless, built up of facts. "I go in for facts," quoth Frederic the Great, " that is my motto." Man, in his means, has passed through an infinitude of developments ; but his thoughts, his methods, his passions, his objects, have under- gone no change since Cain smote Abel with a club — a brand caught from a sacrificial fire, half burned, charred, but potent as a weajjon of malice. It was as fatal in the hand of the first-born of Adam as the Gatling gun which mows down a company at a volley, just as the scythe lays prostrate, at one sweep, a swathe of another develoiDment. Before the Deluge came, — chronicled on cuniform cylinders, laid aside in libraries collected before the growth of mind had formulated the alphabetic characters through which science afterward trans- mitted its discoveries with greater comparative certainty, — the Sons of God fell in love with the Daughters of men, and thence resulted what the Germans style the ©unb:f(iitl^ — the cataclysm — on which the Ark floated over a submerged world until the Dove — the emblem of Venus — brought back an olive branch as a symbpl of a new birth. Love, "Thou tyrant of gods and men — Eros!" reigned in Eden. Its sceptre was as potent in the antediluvian era as it is to-day, when thought is flashed over the wires with IIP) ;i rapidity almost transcending calculation. Before it, crowns bow their splendors and weapons lower their deadly points. It will reign when the same sun which now blazes upon this planet illumines an extinguished orb like the cold, rugged, simply reflecting moon. It will hold its own throne when life, as we understand it, is being blotted, or burned, out. Love is immortal — not in the sense of Canon Farrar, an indefinite era, an age, anything except eternal — but everlasting as that Being through whose will the universe came into existence and whose laws will govern when the starry host which now are mar- shaled into incalculable systems, revolving in circuits whose sweep is beyond the grasp of mind, ends in what the astrono- mer can neither conceive nor the ordinary mind comprehend, because it depends on the decrees of the Infinite. Amor, Om- nipotent, source and end of all true happiness, is a god ; his home is in the Spiritual world ; but he condescends to the Material, through Spiritism, and his sway is illimitable. In obedience to his gentle influences beat the hearts of the beggar and the monarch ; or, as the old proverb justly asserts, "As much pains are taken with the development of the embryo of a pauper as with the germ of a king." In the heart or mind which is capable of cold-blooded calculation, passion may have held sway, but not love. AVherever selfish considerations exert authority love does not exist, or is losing ground, or is dying. '^TKEvMVE^g. '"'■Queen \_Mary].— Life of that [my] heart, There is but one thing hath no remedy, Death ; all ills else have end or hope of end — ******* Bothwell. — Well, being sundered, we may live, And living meet \ — * * * * * * * * I will go. Till good time bring me back ; and you that stay. Keep faith with me. Queen. — My soul, my spirit, my very and only God, My truth and trust, that makes me true of heart. My life that feeds and life that lightens me, My breath and blood of living * * Bothwell. — Keep then this kiss too with the word you gave And with them both my heart and its good hope, To find time yet for you and me. Farewell ! Mary. — I do not think one can die more than this." Swinburne's ''''Both-well.^ *0 UNDEKTAKE to preseiit in detail evidence (and authorities) for the origin and devel- opment of Mary's interest in Bothwell wonld require a huge volume, for they would have to be extracted from quite a library of works, not only treating of her and of him, but of their time. Tokens of the interest she took and the confidence that she placed in him, were visible as soon as she returned to 117 118 Scotland. Tliej manifest themselves M'itli increasing force as slie came to know liini better and lietter, and njore tliorouglily to appreciate liis character. When imprisoned through adverse political influences in 1564, his escape from Edinburgh Castle was attributed to her connivance. Driven on the English coast, captured and committed to the Tower by Elizabeth, he owed his release to the earnest appeals of Marj^ 5vfl"ft=>^e'^t { fd-hm), the law of possession and force, was then almost the only law recognized in Scotland ; and Mary comprehended that Bothwell, "the reliable," was the only man on whom she (the Queen) could lean and in whom she could confidently trust to enforce her authority. Just as she was secretly "handfasted" — not married (consult John Stewart's "A Lost Chapter in the History of Mary, Queen of Scots, Kecovered," * pp. 26, 27) — to Darnley over three months * "During the spring of 1565, Mary, after mucli liesitation, finally resolved to take Darnley to be lier husband, and, it appears, from evi- dence which seems sufficient, that slie was espoused or ' handfasted' to him at Stirling in the earlj' part of April of that year." Any curious reader can get a complete understanding of what " handfasting " signifies by reading Sir Walter Scott's "Monastery" (Vol. II., chap. vii. and xviii.), in regard to Julian Avenel and Catherine Grajme. It seems hardly severe to say that even a queen who could submit to be "handfasted" to a Darnley, would commit a more venial sin in being married to a Bothwell. "'It must be admitted,' writes Mr. llosack, 'that >lary on tliis occasion kept Throgniortou | English Agent or Ambassador) in Ihc dark on a very important point. We now know that she had already privately m-irric^d Darnley, but that Ihey had determined to wait for 119 before she was publicly espoused to him, even so she had secretly given her heart, if not her person — the latter most probably — to Bothwell long before the rupture with her husband was clearly shown to be irremediable. Even while, in the iirst instance, she was exposing herself to conunent by apparently courting Darnley, the influence of Bothwell over her was already plainly visible. Two months after her marriage with Darnley, Both-well had returned to her side and was in high favor. Within three months he shared the military command in chief with Lennox, the father of her consort; and "the first open difficulty between husband and wife ' ' arose from her appointment of Bothwell as her Lieutenant-General in preference to Lennox. Within another month her affec- tion, if not her passion, for "the eminently handsome Earl," was so clearly recognizable, that foreign ambas- the Pope's dispensation, which was necessary on account of their rela- tionship, before the ceremony was celebrated in public' (Hosaoli, ' Queen Mary,' p. 103.) The ceremony thus referred to could hardly be called a marriage, as that was a sacramental rite which did not admit of being repeated. It is no doubt described as having taken place in presence of a priest ; but, so early as the thirteenth century, it was required by our canon law that espousals or handfastings should be made in presence of a priest and trustworthy witnesses. (Statut. Eccl. Scot., Vol. II., p. 68.) In a contemporary memoir addressed to Cosmo de Medici, printed by Labanoif, the ceremony is described as having occurred in Stirling Castle, in an apartment of David Riccio — Fossero da un capellano catholicamente sponsati in camera di esso David.' (Lahanoff, Vol. VII., p. 67.) " , 120 sadors saw in him the present power behind the throne, and drew inferences of what was impending. In this connection, again, another observation appears to be most pertinent. Perhaps there is no better proof that Bothwell could not have been the unprincipled villain that his enemies represent him, than Mary's piteous appeals to him not to despise her for the dissimulation she was mani- festing towards Darnley, in order to serve their interests. In regard to Darnley, Mary acted like a decoy female elephant, used by huiiters in luring the wild male into a trap, which caresses him with her trunk while the chains are being adjusted to his legs. All the while this simile holds good, Mary seemed fearful that the man for whom she was thus lowering herself as queen and woman would dis-esteem her for this proof of the very height of her love which is pulling her down into such a depth of moral degradation. v Mary's feeling for Bothwell was no sudden passion. It certainly dates back to the period when she first dis- covered hoM^ she had deceived herself in selecting the empty Darnley as her consort. Tokens of it may even be traced much farther back than this. Bothw^ell had been a favored servant of her mother, the politic Marie de Guise, one in whom the sagacious Eegent had learned to put her trust, This feminine ruler had had long and sore experience of the Scottish nobility, and for her to single out Bothwell as a champion gives him a strong title to respect and ajipre- 121 ciation. He was her right-hand man. Chambers tells us that Both well "avoided marriage as long as lie could, en- amored of the species of roving life that he led vmtil he had attained his thirtieth year," and remain free to bestow his affections and dignities where and as he willed. Burton, the historian of Scotland, whose work evinces little if any enthusiasm, and great calmness, if not cold im- partiality, is favorable to Bothwell and to the opinion ar- rived at through this ' ' Study. ' ' He agrees with Randolph, the English Ambassador, as to the tirst traces noted by a contemporary on the spot of the Queen's partiality for Bothwell. This was in April, 1565. It is much more likely, however, that her ardent affection for him was kindled in the previous year, 1564. Mary first saw Darnley in the February preceding, and was privately ' ' handfasted ' ' to him in April or May, and publicly married on the 29th of July in the same year. Swinburne intimates that there was some apparent intelligence between Mary and Bothwell as early as the execution of Chastelard in 1562. And here it may be pertinent to make an observation as to the con- nection between Mary and a number of the reputed lovers with whom she is charged with having had improper rela- tions. That she was indiscreet in her conduct cannot be explained away, however great may have been her excuse. The manners of her period, of the French court — in which she was bred — a hundred exculpations or palliations, can be adduced in her favor. She is said to have loved Conde and Marshal d' A 111 ville — both wereM'ortliyof it; Chastelard, the gallant troubadour ; Sir John Gordon, a brave young noble- man, and even Rizzio, the possessor of many refinements and acconiplishnients, and a succession of others. iSTevertheless there is nothing which amounts to positive proof that she was absolutely culpable or criminal with a single one of them. Burton observes that she M^as fond of trying upon everyone whom she desired to win the various resources of her passionate and subtle nature. She was a coquette, and, as a queen, justified herself in the exercise of the arts peculiar to this type. But did not the unmarried Elizabeth avail herself of a similar prerogative ? Yet she is accepted as the "Virgin Queen." This "Study" has now reached a point when it is necessary to consider the interest exhibited by Mary in promoting the marriage between Bothwell and Lady Jane Gordon, Mdiich occurred on the 24tli of February, 1566. Burton disposes of this eifectually in a few lines of irrefu- table philosophical sagacity: "The interest taken bv Queen Mary in this marriage has been pitted against the many presumptions that her heart then belonged to Both- well. But experience in poor hnmiDi nature teacJu's us that people terrified hy the pressure of temptation do sometimes set up harriers against it, vh/ch they after- wards make frantic efforts to (/et ore?:'" There were now two obstacles between Mary and her lover— her husband and his wife. She was already es- 123 tranged from Darnley, wlio was destitute of character, and prone to every vice which would disgrace a man and dis- gust a proud and refined woman. Nothing hut consider- ation for her unborn cliild i-endered her deaf to i)roposals for a divorce. His brutal and cowardly conduct, planning, and with his Judas kiss (Froude, VIII., 258) assisting in the murder of Rizzio, filled the cup of her indignation, and quenched any lingering sparks of feeling for the creature on whom she had bestowed her hand. Who was the first to come to her assistance in this crisis* Bothwell ! From this time onward they were indissolubly linked together. He was her champion. Listen to Burton. (IV. xlv. 162.)* Mary had made Bothwell, in 1566, sole Warden or Lieutenant of the Scottish Marches or Border Lands. In the discharge of his duties, he, riding alone, far ahead of his train, encountered, in Billhope Glen, a noted desperado, John Elliot, of "The Park." They had a hard fight. Bothwell was nearly killed, and Elliot died of his wounds. The Warden was carried to his own castle of Hermitage. When Mary learned his condition she was at Jedburgh. She got on horseback and galloped off with a scanty escort, through a country dangerous in itself, and more perilous from reckless lurking villains, to Bothwell' s side, and re- mained for two hours with him. This ride of fifty miles * Burton, IV. xlv. 163, &c. ; 172-3 ; 174 ; 176 ; 177 (1 and 2) ; 181 ; 182-191. Consult '' Biographie Qenerale," Art. ''Marie (Ecosse)," 1870, XXXIII., and Art. " Mary, Queen of Scots," Harper's Magazine. 124 across country, and much longer if she made certain detours wliicli are surmised from corroborative circumstances, in the month of October, which is a rude season in so high a lat- itude and harsh climate as that of Scotland, brought on a fever that nearly cost her her life. Leaving, however, these last considerations aside, whom did Mary dash off to the Hermitage to visit? A suffering lover, or a trusted official, wounded in the discharge of his duty ? Eulogists and excusers have shed as much ink as Bothwell lost blood in the endeavor to gloss over this adventure, so inexpli- cable as the mere gracious consideration of a queen. But the human heart, if it has had any experience of life and love, can solve the problem better than all the partisans and penmen in the world. In response to the intelligence that Bothwell lay dying, as was supposed, Marj^'s heart flew to him — flew to the man on whom her affections were fixed — and she followed it and the instincts of her woman's nature. The following detailed account of the fight between Bothwell and Elliot is a harmony of the views of Prof. Schiern, the stern Danish narrator of the career of Both- well, and of M. Petit, a perfect chevalier of Mary, and of Mr. Aytoun, no partisan of the "fair Erie." The many instances which Mary had ah-eady witnessed, both under the government of her deceased mother and her own, of Bothwell's readiness to venture his life in her cause, con- vinced her that in him. .the had found a inoxt true and truM- '125 worthy servant. The behaviour too, which he had shown during the last trying occasion [tlie murder of Rizzlo and its consequences] had recently drawn from her a fresh proof of her favour, inasmuch as she had rewarded him with the ap- pointment of " Keeper" of the Castle of Dunbar, the strongest of all the Scottish sea-fortresses, which was likewise an arsenal for the whole kingdom, in which the most of its gunpowder was kept, and which by its proximity to Bothwell's estates was of special importance to him. Nor was this all ; for it has been believed that shortly after the birth of James VI. [19th June, 1566], the Queen began to show an interest in the Eai'l which was of another and more tender nature than simply political. ******* When the Earl, in the autumn of 1566, left Edinburgh and entered upon the charge of the turbulent Border regions intrusted to him, and the peace of which happened at this period to be specially disturbed by the Elliots, the Armstrongs, and the Johnstons, this arrangement displeased the nobles of the country. They found that Bothwell had been driven to most fearful acts out of revenge and that he could not be bribed. Bothwell had already laid hold of some of the many lawless foresters in Liddesdale, the Lairds of Maugerton and White- laugh and several Armstrongs, and put them in custody in Hermitage Castle in order to have them brought to justice. One day — -the 7th of October [1566] — in a wood close in front of the Castle — Billhope Glen — he, having gone bravely in ad- vance of his attendants, met face to face with a notorious outlaw, John Elliot, also known by the name of "John of the Park." On coming up with him the latter demanded whether the Earl would spare his life, to which Bothwell answered that he would be heartily satisfied should the Court set him at liberty, but that he must appear before the Queen's Court of 12« justice. They attacked each otlier with fury. They were well matched, and their hravery, quickened by anger, was un- doubted. After a heroic fight, John Elliot had the worst of it, and was obliged to crave quarter from his adversary. Slipping down from his horse, he attempted to run away througli the wood and slough. Irritated at this evasion. Both- well then wounded him with one or two pistol-shots, and sprang from his saddle to pursue the fugitive. In dis- mounting, Bothwell lost his balance — doubtless through the excited condition of his horse — and fell over a gtump and into a slough. The fall was so violent that he lay for some moments completely stunned. As the soil was too marshy for a quick pace, Elliot had not made much progress. As soon as he saw the Earl fall he came back to where he lay, and with his sword gave him, in return for the shots by which he him- self had been struck, three wounds in succession — one in his body, one in the head, and one in the hand — until at length Bothwell, recovering himself, with his dagger stabbed his adversary twice in the breast, so that he staggered away mortally wounded, crawled to a neighboring hill, and soon breathed his last. Meanwhile, the Earl had again swooned when his followers reached him, and his servants bore him, senseless and weltering in blood, back to the Hermitage, where the imprisoned bandits had meanwhile been able to effect their liberty and to take possession of the Castle, so that it was only after having promised to them, in Bothwell's name, that their lives should be spared, and they themselves allowed to go away, that the Earl could be brought in and have a resting-place. This hand-to-hand fight alone in a wood speaks volumes in favor of Bothwell's intrepidity and force. During this time the Queen was staying in the neighborhood, having, according to the royal Scottish custom of holding Assize- 127 Courts throughout tlie country, just arrived for this purjiose at Jedburgh, the chief town in Roxburghshire, near the foot of the Cheviot Hills. Here she immediately got tidings of the accident the Earl had met witli, and wften she afterwards found an opportunity, on the 16th October, she rode at- tended by her half-brother, the Earl of Murray, and some other lords, notwithstanding the insecurity of the district, the almost impassable roads, the bad weather and a fall on the way over to the Hermitage, to visit the wounded Both- well.* With him she passed a couple of hours, and imme- diately rode back to Jedburgh, having thus accomplished a distance of about fifty miles 4n one day. In spite of her fatigue she spent a great part of the night writing to Both- well, some say on business [very iinlikely!]; others, more generous, from affection [much more probable] ; and the result was a fever so severe that it nearly cost her life. Indeed at one time she was given up for dead. Schiern attributes this malady solely to the coiise- *"The most celebrated antiquity of Liddlesdale is Hermitage Castle, which consists of a tall, massive, gloomy-looking double tower, protected by a ditch and strong rampart, and rising aloft from the centre of an extensive waste, overlooking the limpid murmuring waters of the Hermitage River, amid a scene of barrenness and desolation. This fort- ress was one of the largest and strongest on the Border. * * * When in the possession of the storied Earl of Bothwell * * * it was visited by Queen Mary. In order to attain her purpose, she penetrated the mountainous and almost trackless region which lies be- tween Teviotdale and Liddlesdale, attended by only a few followers ; returning on the same day to Jedburgh, whence she started, and per- foi'ming a journey of upwards of forty -eight miles through all conceiv- able varieties of difficulty and obstructions." "The Topographical, Statistical and Historical Gazetteer of Scotland," 1856, Art. Castletown, I, 318. 128 qxiences of this foi-ced ride. This view is incorrect- All mention is avoided by Mary's advocates that the night after this exertion, which should have been devoted to repose, was consumed in writing to Bothwell ; and the fever ■was due much more to anxiety on liis account than to purely physical exhaustion and exposure. When, subse- quently, Darnley came to pay his duty to his wife, he was promptly dismissed ; but, as soon as Bothwell had recovered sufficiently to be transported to Mary's side, he was affectionately welcomed and caressingly retained. Among the versifications or sonnets found in the "Silver Casket" already considered, is the following: Pour luy aussi ie jette mainte larme, Premier qu'il se fust de ce corps possesseur, Duquel alors il n'avait pas le coeur ; Puis me donna un autre dur alarme, Quand il versa de son sang mainte dragme, Dont de grief me vint lesser douleur Qui m'en pensa oster la vie, et frayeur De perdre, las ! le seul rempar qui m'arme. Pour luy depuis j'ay mesprise I'honneur ; Ce qui nous peult seul pourvoir de bonheur ; Pour luy j'ay hazarde grandeur et conscience : Pour luy tons mes parentz j'ay quite et amis ; Et tons autres respetz sont apart mis ; Brief de vous seul je cherche I'alliance. Well may it have been urged, as adverted to by tlie phlegmatic Danish professor, Schiern, that these lines can refer only to the severe wounding of Bothwell bv John Elliot "of the Park," on the Sth of October, ITitiB, in which the former nearly bled to death, and the almost 129 fatal fever of Mary which followed her visit to Bothwell's bedside, "and that we tlms have [in] the sonnets attrib- uted to her, a confession from herself that she had even before that event, long ere Darnley's death, entirely given herself up to Bothwell. ' ' Men and women M^ho have passed through life without experiencing any of the temptations the barriers of which yield to the tenderest impulses of the human heart, have reason for intense thanksgiving, that they have never been exposed to them or fallen. Were there windows in the bosom, strange revelations they would show that red snow does not fall only within the polar circles. In other words, many have experienced and succumbed, although they rose again, whose secrets are concealed from human ob- servation. On the other hand, the many more honest, who will acknowledge the truth to themselves, can per- fectly comprehend that a woman, a queen, above all human law, who had been deceived, betrayed, outraged, and had been brought up in circles within which principle was an unknown quantity, would, when her affections were wholly conquered by manliness and fidelity, take refuge in the arms of the brave man whom she loved to the uttermost and whom she believed loved her in the same degree, and cling to him until Fate, remorseless, irresistible, and in- evitable, absolutely wrenched her from his embrace. This "Study" — to repeat and emphasize — can arrive at no other conclusion than that Mary was attached to 9 130 Botliwcll witli all the fierce force of her underlying exceed- ingly passionate nature. Two barriers existed between them. The time had now come when these had to be breached or levelled. Of these, Darnley would naturally be tlie first object of attack. The Qu^en was an outraged wife and injured woman— both to the uttermost. Whether she deliberately, in conjunction with Bothwell, planned the death of her husband, cannot now be positively shown. •* *" Much has been said and written about this horrid crime [Darn- ley's murder] and the perpetrators of it ; and we therefore abstain, both from necessity and from inability to go over the ground already occu- pied by such men as Bishop Leslie, Buchanan, Hume, Robertson, Goodall,Whittaker, Tytlerand Laing [and others of more recent date]. We only offer a few very desultory remarks, more especially applicable to the Earl of Moray. " The question is, who committed, who were the actors in, or who were accessories to, this execrable and atrocious regicide ? One party has condemned Bothwell, and implicated Mary ; another party, how- ever, has charged Moray, Maitland, Bothwell, Morton, and others, solely with the villainy ; but Mr. Goodall has adopted the most ridiculous and extravagant hypothesis of all, and has endeavored to prove that even Bothwell was not the murderer. We are well aware that there are only two views of the transaction. ' One of two things,' says the learned Bayle, on this subject, 'must have been the case ; cither that they who forced that princess [Mary] out of her kingdom were the great- est villains in nature, or that she was the most infamous of women. * * * whatever serves to load the Queen, extenuates their crime in a like degree.' Nor are we ignorant of the illustrious men, who, after a most laborious and patient investigation, have endeavored to substantiate the charges brought against her, and which her subse. qucnt connection with the profligate Bothwell has, in appearance, at least, .sanctioned. Sir Robert Walpole observes, that ■ a /tha of xuch length serves rather to confirm tlion to weaken the eridence for the 13] This " Study" has arrived at the conclusion tliat she did. If she did, wonhl it have been an anomalous case ? Have none such been made the subjects of trial again and again, fact;' and, again, in another place, '/ have read the apologies for Mary, but Mil must believe her guilty of her husband's death. So much of the advocate, so many suppositions, appear in tliose long apologies that they shew of themselves that plain truth can hardly be on that side. Suppose her guilty, and all is easy ; there is no longer a laby- rinth and a clue ; — all is in the highway of human affairs.' And Mr. Hume has expressed himself with the most dogmatical decision, in the following language : ' An English Whig, who asserts the reality of the Popish plot ; an Irish Catholic, who denies the massacre of 1641 ; and a Scotch Jacobite, who maintains the innocence of Queen Mary; must be considered as men beyond the reach of argument or reason.' "To be considered as 'beyond the reach of argument or reason,' is not the most consolatory reflection. But, while we reject the ex- travagant and absurd assertion of Whittaker, that ' if a story so au- thenticated as the innocence of Mary is to be rejected, half of the his- tory of mankind must be rejected with it," on this very principle, because, to quote Sir Roger De Coverley's maxim, much may be said, and has been said, on both sides ; nevertheless, it appears to us that Mary has been unjustly treated in this lamentable catastrophe. For ourselves, indeed, we candidly confess that we cannot divest our- selves of the conviction that Mary was aware, or had been made aware, that some plot was in contrivance to shorten the life of her unhappy husband ; and it may be true, that, viewing the report as visionary or unfounded, she did not take the necessary steps to ensure its defeat. But, from the intimacy which subsisted between Moray, Bothwell, Morton and Maitland, at this juncture,— from a view of their conference at Craigmillar,— and from the general conduct of those confederates,— we do believe that his death was first compassed by them, without, perhaps, the actual, but certainly with the tacit, sanction of Moray ; and it is a probable case that, if Mary really did know it, as murder was held in those wretched days no great crime,— as the king had provoked her by his brutal and 132 even within the knowledge of the present generation ? And have not wives and their paramours been convicted fre- quently of equally successful guilt ? Still, give Mary the imbecile conduct,— she might after all, have lieen prevailed on to be passive in an affair which was sanctioned by the greatest and most powerful of her nobles. But it remains to be proved [?] that Mary did actually bring her husband from Glasgow to the Kirk of Field for the express purpose of getting him murdered ; * * * Morton knew of Bothwell's intention, yet he neither revealed or frus- trated it, as he afterwards confessed on the scaffold ; Moray, it is alleged, on departing for Saint Andrews to visit his lady who was sick, was heard to exclaim, ' This night, before the morning. Lord Darnley shall lose his life ; ' and, as it appears that this was still the leaven of that conspiracy set on foot in 1565, at Perth * » » But it must not be forgotten that Moray, Morton and Maitland were at that time only secondary in their influence at court, and in their assist- ance to the public administration. They cordially hated the king, because he had often betrayed them, had disappointed their hopes, and in truth had been the actual author of their several humiliations ; in any other light he was too contemptible to be regarded by them with fear or vengeance ; moreover, they could not lose by the murder of the king, and therefore it was not to be expected that they would prevent it, or avenge his cause. Their ambition had not the same incitement as Bothwell's ; to him, in truth, the king's removal was everything, though he was already in possession of a degree of power which Moray and Morton were determined to overthrow * » * though we think it is clear thai they knew of the murder, it is undeniable thai they had no hand in it themselves. * * * He and his friends were no doubt arming themselves with influence, that, wliile they were preserving an appearance of intimacy with Bothwell, who had loni; meditated the atrocious enterprise, they were working his [Bothwell's] ruin and advancing themselves ; and it is like\vise true that they aided tiie regicide in his future proceedings ;— that they insinuated into his mind what he liad already adopted, the hopes of the Queen's person— and that their influence was not wanting in that mock trial, which 133 benefit of a slight doubt as to active complicity— either in the preliminary preparations or in tlieir final fatal applica- tion — can any one who reads the inside evidence of con- temporaries rise from the examination of them— that is, provided they study them without bias and without preju- dice — without feeling assured that Mary was not ignorant that a catastrophe was impending which would result in accordance with her feelings? The annals of the French Court, in which she had been brought up, teem with ex- amples of atrocious murders, which only differ from that of Darnley in that they were quietly consummated by means of a dagger or a dose, instead of a barbarous and clumsily- contrived explosion of gunpowder. Both well's blunder lay in the means employed. It was an audacious disregard of every propriety — even as they were then understood — consistent with his fearless character, so glaring that it amounted to an insult to the prejudices of a large portion of the population. Greater crimes were, common in Scot- land, but there was always a veil of condoning circum- stance thrown over them with a sort of cynical deference ended in the regicide's challenging any one [person] to single combat, because he well knew no one could accept his challenge * * * nay, it is almost impossible that Moray, associating with the principal nobles, and intimate in particular with Morton and Lethington, knew nothing at all of the murder until it was accomplished ; still these do not make him the actual murderer, or even accessory to Bothwell's own deed of villainy." " Life of the Celebrated Regent Moray." Edinburgh, 1838, pp. 255—260. i;34 to public opinion. The gunpowder Ijlurted out a terrible secret, which, if it had been whispered in the ear, might have been passed over as a thousand similar crimes were treated in this century of blood and immorality. The report which roused Edinburgh and shook it wide awake scarcely seems to have affected Mary. Bothwell brought her the first news that she was free. ' She at once bestowed upon him the wardrobe, and even the favorite horse which Darnley loved and ordinarily rode — and her- self, i Here again a reflection is opportune. Mary's champions dwell vipon a supposititious deathbed confession of Bothwell as to Mary's innocence as regards complicity. Schiern, who is no apologist for Bothwell, dismisses this as utterly improbable, and presents argu- ments to establish his views. Leader (374-6), like^vise Bur- ton (IV., 470-2), is equally against its credibility. What is more, Prince Labanoff, Mary's latest, grandest, most enthu- siastic champion (Y. 41, 399), is constrained to coincide. The rubbish of the first barrier, heretofore alluded to — Darnley' 8 corpse — was buried beside, or near, the Italian musician, w^hose assassination was the remote or moving cause of the second crime. Mary's bitter threat when she learned that Eizzio — who received his first wound over her own shoulder — had been slain with fifty-six ghastly stabs, was ominously repeated, oi- at least alluded to, when she quitted Darnley the night before he perished. 135 Sir Walter Scott admits that, even as " Bothwell was in high favor before Darnley's death," the "Queen continued to treat Bothwell (after that catastrophe) as if he had been acquitted in the most ample and honorable manner." What is the next step in advance ? Mary, within ten days, repairs to Seton Castle, and there is happy with Bothwell. She suggests a trial to clear him of the charges with which the night resounds. He is tried. He is ac- quitted. A confederation of nobles recommend him to Mary as the fittest man to share her bed and throne. If she had not previously suggested this course, she ratified it at once. The removal of the second obstacle to this consumma- tion requires the commission of no crime which human law can arraign. Bothwell' s wife commences a suit for divorce before the proper Koman Catholic court, and Bothwell, himself, an- other, before a similar tribunal of the Reformed Church. The fii-st was decided favorably on the 3d of May ; the second on the Yth. Mary, who had been freed by Both- well' s audacity, now foimd Bothwell free by hmnan cas- uistry. Mary rides to Stirling, 21st April, to see her child, afterwards King James. Eeturning, at Almond, Foul, or Fountain, Bridge, without the then existing walls of Edinburgh, she and her escort, on the 24th, were met by Bothwell with a large body of armed retainers. Mary's par- 130 tisans shout "rape" or " ravislmieiit, " for Both well carries her oif with him to Dunbar. Mary, brave as a lioness, utters no complaint at this apparent outrage; submits quietly, counsels non-resistance, and allows herself to be led away by her audacious lover. ' ' Brutal Both well ! ' ' shout her partisans. Burton, with a lew sentences — a single paragraph — again brushes away their specious arguments. She expected Bothwell ! As one of her sex once remarked in a similar case, ' ' If restrained by honor, I did not expect you ; but, if impelled by love, I knew you would be here." Oh ! inscrutable heart of woman, when, where, did you ever admire your lover if the impvdse of honor proved more potent than the imperial promptings of his affection ? Here comes in, most appositely, the following paragraph from Sir Walter Scott's History of Scotland (II., 121). The acute David Hume, being told of a new work which had appeared, in which the author made a well-argued defence of Queen Mary: "Has he shown," said the historian, " that the Queen did not marry Bothwell ? " He was an- swered, of course, in the negative. "Then," replied Hume, " in admitting that fact he resigns the whole ques- tion." Mary was a bigoted Roman Catholic — bigoted in the ultra sense of the expression. What alone in the world can trample down the ramparts of religious bigotry 'I Love ! Notliing else? Nothing! lieligion, as a rule, never pre- vents a woman from obeying her art'ections. Mary con- 137 sents to be married according to the rites of the Church she was ever ready and willing to persecute ; and during her brief honeymoon with Bothwell his ascendancy triumphs over her religious opinions. Whether or not she was married according to the rites of her own religion is slightly susceptible of doubt. History says she was, but the ceremony was very unostentatious. She was publicly married according to the form of Both well's creed by Adam Bothwell, who had been Roman Catholic Bishop of Orkney, and was a convert to the ' ' Reformed doctrines." Mary's Roman Catholic adherents were driven away from her side by this Protestant marriage, and by her acknowledgment, under the paramount influence of love for Bothwell, of the "Reformed Church." Attempts have been made to prove that she was un- happy with Bothwell after she became his wife. That he was a jealous and therefore an exacting husband is very likely. Strong minds feel strongly. Mary was equally jealous of the divorced wife. Solomon, in the ' ' Song of Songs," uses language on this subject which can neither be added to nor improved. (Chap. VIII., 6-7.) '■'■Little do I reek^'''' she was heard to exclaim, '■'■the Zoss/b/" A*m [Bothwell] of ^r mice, Scotland and England. Rather than give him tip I would follow him to the end of the earth, v^ere it but in a v;hite under-shirt.''' Could any woman declare her absorbing love and perfect fidelity in more unmistakeable language. 188 Bothwell knew that Mary was a coniirmod and, in some respects, conscienceless co(iuette, Init liis fierce manhood could not tolerate this, once he became master of the situa- tion and of her person. '^^ To attempt to demonstrate that * It is not worth the while to combat the charge that Bothwel) was jealous of Mary. He may have been justly so. His experience of her gave him reason to feel thus. But, is there any high degree of love without jealousy? Mary, on her part, however, was even more anxious to deprecate his suspicions, and the following lines C'Sonne^")^ found with her letters and her contracts of marriage in the " Silver Casket," testify how she humbled herself to appease his distrust, and grovelled, queen as she was. at the feet of the lover she positively adored : " Et vous doutez de ma ferme Constance. O mon sent bien et ma seuie esperance Et ne vous puis asseurer de ma foy, Vous m'estimez 16gere que je voy, Et si n'avez en moi nulle asseurance, Et soupijonnez mon coL'ur sans apparence Vous defiant a trop grand tort de moy. Vous ignorez Vajnour guc je vous porte^ Vous soupt^onnez qu" autre avtour nte transporter Vous estimez mes paroles de vent, Vous depeignez de cire, mon, las, cceur, Vous me pensez femme sans jugement, Et tout cela augmenth mon ardeur." Could language go further to demonstrate the excess of the passion with which Mar>' gave herself up to the Earl! Moreover, and directly to the point, she wrote to the French Court that " among her Scotch nobility she had not found one who could enter into a comparison with the Earl of Bothwell either in the elevation {'''' reputatioiC^) of his house or lineage, his own personal merits, his wisdom, his valor, and that she had yielded with the utmost willingness to the desire of the " Three Estates" in espousing him." This is as grand and sufficient as a more recent letter of a noble lady to her knight under somewhat similar circumstances : " Of late you have filled me with so much confidence that I venture to give you some of my thoughts. My heart is overflowing with love. First I admire you for your brains, I think you have a brilliant mind. Secondly, you are a gentle gentleman and know how to please and treat a lady. Thirdly, you are a person one could lean on and feel secure. But, above all, you have much good in you ; I believe you love me and that you are true to me." Here we have almost identically the same sentiment that Mary expressed in her portraiture of Bothwell. Tf History often repeats itself. Love inevitably does. Nor docs even John Hosack, Marj-'s advocate (t. 155), fall short of this testimony. " Bothwell was the only one of the great nobles of Scotland who from first to last had remained faithful both to her [Mary's] mother and herself. ♦ * Whatever may have been his follies or his crimes, «itadc it the cloak for his ambition : though driven into exile and reduced to extreme poverty by the malice of his enemies, he nezu-r^ so far as we know, accepted 0/ a forei^i bribe, [All the others were for sale or bought,] In an age when political fidelity was the rarest of virtues, we need not be surprised that his sovereign at this linic trusted and Mary regretted the step she had taken, or that she had ceased to love Bothwell, or that the tide of her love had known the slightest ehh, is effectually disposed of by a single fact. The Confederated Lords, a "healthy crowd" — traitors to their country, to their queen, and to each other, as the passions or interests of the moment moved them to be — about as big a set of rascals as ever made an associate and better man their catspaw, and then sacrificed him — who had recommended her marriage, and entered into a bond to abet and protect it (Chalmers I., 159), now that it was coDsimimated, banded together against the very husband of their selection. They summoned their retainers, and as there was no standing army in Scotland to protect the royal pair, the latter abandoned Edinburgh and took refuge in Borthwick Castle — untenable against artillery. There they were " surprised while banqueting ' ' together, and surrounded by a strong force, eight himdred to a thousand horse, under the Earl of Morton and Lord Home (or Hume), with the avowed purpose of delivering Mary from what they undertook to show was a compulsory bond. If the Queen was not bound to her husband by the ties of undoubted affection — which her partisans undertake to gliow — all she had to do was to order the gates to be thrown open ; because Bothwell had made his escape, dis- rewarded him * * although the common people admired his liberality and courage (his "characteristic daring," i. 158) Bothwell among his brother nobles had no friends." Why ? They envied his gifts, and they envied his influence with the Queen. Need anv man ask a higher eulogv than this? 140 guised as a Presbyterian clergyman, by a secret passage. What did she do? Welcome lier deliverers? No! She tlung out to the night wind and to the rebels bitter words, and fiercer taunts, which she never would have done had she recognized those without as friends : and then, disguised as a page, in male apparel, booted and spurred, by night, she threw herself into a man's saddle and galloped off. Where ? Into the ranks of those who claimed to be her friends? Again, no! Into the arms of Bothwell. Why? Becaiise he was the unique love of her life, and she cast in her lot with him. The sophistries of those who undertake to explain, and excuse and palliate what she did before and after the death of Darnley are swept away by such an incident as a slight fog is broomed away by a sudden gust of wind. With Bothwell, Mary took refuge in Dunbar. If discretion had rilled their counsels the royal pair would have tri- umphed. With little delay the ' ' Band ' ' of the Confederated Lords would have dissolved like a rope of sand. Bothwell's audacity led him to make a sortie, and the opposing forces confronted each other at Carberry Hill. Hoping to save him — solely to save him — in view of the base desertion of her little army, Mary consented to surrender herself to her opponents — who professed dutious loyalty to her — if her lover M^as allowed to withdraw in safety. Mary and her husband parted like fond lovers, with many kisses, with anguish and mutual protestations of fidelity. 141 Bothwell wrenched liiiuself away and left the field and coimtry. Mary, in violation of the most solemn compact, was led away to a dungeon. Both were blasted in reputation. The unhappy Bothwell, falsely branded as a pirate, was driven by the elements, rather than by men, into a port of Norway. Trepanned there, and made a prisoner of State, he paid for his brief dream of happiness and love by an imprisonment, at first honorable, and gradually more or less severe, in diiferent castles and dungeons. For ten years he continued a captive, the victim of a State policy subservient to the wishes of the various Scottish adminis- trations during that period. The Danish king, Frederic II., at first treated him well and courteously, and for a long time protected him, expecting that Mary would be restored to her throne and the Earl recalled to her side. (Bothwell died 14th April, 1575. Schiern, 385.) That he died insane is one of the errors propagated by enemies, among these the Buchanans; Thomas, the Scottish representative in Denmark, and George, the scurrilous pretender to be an honest historian. (Schiern, 387, 389.) Mary, refusing to consent to a divorce from Bothwell, by whom, according to the English ambassador Throck- morton, and the French representative, the iipright Cas- telnau de Mauvissiere, "so good and honest a man," she 142 said she was with child, after a year's detention in Loch- loven escaped, had a short taste of freedoiri, was defeated at Langside ; fled into England, and on her part expiated the mistake at Carberry Hill by an imprisonment of nineteen years. The axe of the headsman terminated lier struggles and sufferings at Fotheringay Castle in 1587. Her son by Darnley, James VI. of Scotland — became James I. of England — who would not raise his voice or hand to save his mother, sought out and destroyed every evidence of her complicity in the murder of her husband, Darnley, and razed the edifice in which she perished, in deference to the opinion of posterity, whereas he had not shown the slightest sense of shame for the sentiments of contemporaries. The unique love of Mary, Queen of Scots, was James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. Her previous husbands did not possess the parts to retain the affections of such a woman. Bothwell was a man, and as such she loved him. There is no passage in history which should enlist the sympathy of men or women susceptible of real aifection, more than this bright, short, sad episode, the brief honey- moon of these two unfortunates. Both were the victims of their passions, but the great cause of their unhappiness was their undeniable, fierce love for each other. \ It is very clear that the associated Lords first impelled Bothwell to marriage to ruin the Queen and his influence, /^ \ 143 and then assailed the Queen to dispose of Bothwell forever. Their action was devilish in its inception and doiibly so in its execution. Mary was ardently in love with Bothwell, and he was devotedly in love with her. Both were sacri- ficed by Satanic Scottish cnnning and wickedness. The real beginning of Mary's misfortunes took its fatal spring in her intense abiding love for Bothwell. The remote alighting of the leap was his death in a foreign, inhuman dungeon ; hers on the block. The union of Mary and Bothwell was the finest love episode of Mary's unhappy life. This was her real love, short and sweet, the honey- moon or halcyon season of her life. The Queen was tired of boys like Francis or unbearded youths like Darnley, or swordsmen, poets, or musicians, who could turn or sing a stave, not handle one pointed and braced and shod with steel ; and she sought a man to counsel her with words of practiced wisdom, to buttress her with constant stalwart mind, to guide her with astute, audacious, adamantine will, to set her battle in array and fight it too. All this she sought, and found in James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell. He was the only man she ever loved; he was the only man she loved who was worthy of the love— criminal in whatever degree it was— that she gave so grandly, greatly to him. According to Swinburne the unique, honest, absorbing love of her life was Bothwell, and he— like so many others— expiated his devotion to her, as all her admirers 144 did, by a miserable end, and she lier passion for liini by twenty years of vitter wretchedness. Fate willed it to be so. 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