OUtO T7 f\33 CORNELL UNIVERSITV LIBRARV 924 064 87 DATE DUE ^.h.l ' f ' i'' ,«w-^' n^^t' NO^ I 2 !yc;c ARft-« aB^seSfP iH- npMjH «»9 ■53»**" .^^-^***^ «i— » -si GAYLOBD PRINTED IN U.S. A w IPPI^ Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924064187010 Production Note Cornell University Library pro- duced this volume to replace the irreparably deteriorated original. It was scanned using Xerox soft- ware and equipment at 600 dots per inch resolution and com- pressed prior to storage using CCITT Group 4 compression. The digital data were used to create Cornell's replacement volume on paper that meets the ANSI Stand- ard Z39. 48-1984. The production of this volume was supported in part by the Commission on Pres- ervation and Access and the Xerox Corporation. Digital file copy- right by Cornell University Library 1991. iK'- ajatttell Utttuetaita ffiihtatg BERNARD ALBERT SINN COLLECTION NAVAL HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY THE GIFT OF "•' BERNARD A. SINN, '97 1919 LIFE REAR-ADMIRAL John Paul Jones COMPILED FROM HIS ORWINAL JODKNALS AND COREESPONDBNOE : INCLUD- ING AN ACCOUNT OF HIS SERVICES IN THE AMERICAN REVOLU- TION AND IN THE WAR BETWEEN THE RUSSIANS AND TURKS IN THE BLACK SEA. ILLUSTRATED WITH NUMEROUS ENQRAYINQS. . PHILAI)F,I,PHIA< J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 1876. PUEFACE. The following Life of RearrAdmiral Piiul Jones, is formed on the basis of the Edinburgh " Memoirs," published under the sanction of his family connexions. Some alterations and additions have been made by the American editor, and all the naval embellishments are from original drawings, by Mr. Hamilton, the portraits by Mr. Croome and others. The following extract from the Preface to the Edinburgh " Memoirs," will show the sources from which this biography has been compiled. So much of the work was written by Joiws's own hand, that the American editor has felt reluctant ;io mafee changes. The papers from which the present work is compiled may now be enumerated : — it is, however, in the first place, worthy of notice, that though Paul Joties acted a prominent part in the Aiperjcan war, a very small portion of his public life was spent iij America- His field of enterprise was Europe. (iii) IV PREFACB. Though he had made two visits to the United States be tvveen the years 1780 and 1792, when he died in Paris, he spent but a short time in America, and that in comparative inactivity. By his will, dated at Paris on the day of his death, Paul Jones left his property and effects of all kinds to his sisters in Scotland and their cniidren. immediately on his decease a regular, or rather an official inventory was made of his volu- minous papers, which were sealed up with his other effects, till brought to Scotland by^his eldest sister, Mrs. Taylor, a lew months after his death. They have ever since remained m ttie custody of liis family ; and are now, by inheritance, become the property of fiis niece, Miss Taylor of Dumfries. They consist of several bound folio volumes of letters and documents, which are officii! Ily authenticated, so far as they are public papers; numerous scrolls and copies of lettcs; and many private communications, originating in his widely- diffused correspondence in France, Holland, America, and other quarters. There is, in addition to these, a collection of writings of the miscelhiieous kind likely to be accumulated by a man of active habits, wiio had for many years mingled both in the political and fashionable circles, wherever he ciianced to be thrown. The Journal of the Campaign of 1788 against the Turks, forms of Itself a thick MS. bound volume. This Journal was drawn up by Paul Jones for the perusal of the Empres* PREFACE. V Catherine II.; and was intended for publication if the Russian government failed to do him justice. He felt that il lotai., failed ; but death anticipated his long-contemplated purpose. To this Journal, Mr. Eton, in his Survey of the Turkish Em- pire, refers, as having been seen by him. It was, however only the ofRcial report, transmitted by Paul Jones to the Ad- miralty of the Black Sea, that this gentleman could have seen. This singular narrative, which so confidently gives the lie to all the Russian statements of that momentous cam- paign, is written in French. In the following work the language of the original is as closely adhered to as is ad- missible even in the most literal translation. Several pas- sages have been omitted, and others curtailed, as they refer merely to technical details, which might have unduly swelled this work, without adding much to its interest. Much of the voluminous oiEcial correspondence which passed be- tween Paul JonoS and the other commanders during the cam- paign is also omitted. These pieces justificatives were only intended to corroborate, or elucidate, the narrative; they are, save in a few instances which are cited, not particularly interesting. Besides the above papers and documents, the editor has been furnished with the letters written by Paul Jones to his relations in Scotland, from the time that he was a ship-boy at Whitehaven till he died an Admiral in the Russian service, tnd the wearer of several Orders. From these materials an VI PREFACE. attempt has been made to exhibit, for the first time, the leal character of this remarkable and distinguished individual, fairly, but liberally, — keeping clear of hyperbole and exag- geration on the one hand, and of prejudice and misrepresen- tation on the other. Of each of these, the reputation, and aue character of Paul Jones, have long been the alternate sport or victim. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAQK Early Life of Paul Jones. Goes to Sea. Settles in Virginia 11 CHAPTER II. Commencement of the Revolution. Jones enters the Naval service of the United States. Expedition to Providence under Commodore Hopkins. Expedition to Newfoundland. Organization of the Navy. Intercourse with Congress. Jones goes to Europe in the Ranger 23 CHAPTER III. In Paris. Plan of Naval Campaign. Goes to Quiberon. Obtains the first Salute. Cruise on the British coast. Capture of the Drake. Letter to Lady Selkirk. Correspondence with Lord Selkirk 49 CHAPTER IV. Jones in France. Prisoners and Prize Agents. New plans. Corrcspon. dence with Dr. Franklin and the Commissioners and the Frcncli Minis- ters. Letter to the King of France 76 CHAPTER V. Jones declines the Privateer service. The Bon Homme Richard and a Squadron placed under his command. Sails on a Cruise. Tlie Cruise. Operations on the British coast 10} CHAPTER VI. Engagement of the Bon Homme Richard and Serapis. Capture of the Serapis. Transactions at the Texel and L'Orient 190 (viii »iU CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. /ones at Versailles. Tlie gold Sword. Order of Merit. Landais and Arthur Lee. Mutiny. Refitting of the Scrapis. Sailing of tlio Alliance. Sailing of the Ariel. Ariel dismasted. .Tones and Delia. M. de Sar- tine's letter to the President 156 CHAPTER VIII. Jones in the United States. His Narrative of the Voyage. Trial and dis- missal of Landais. Complimentary report of the American Board of Admiralty. Thanks of Congress. Letter from Washington. Appointed to the command of the America. Disappointed. Return of peace. Jones goes to Paris. Returns to America. Receives gold medal from Con- gress. Returns to Europe. Enters the Russian service. Goes to St. Pctersburgh 175 CHAPTER IX. Jones's Journal of his Campaign in the Liman S14 CHAPTER X. State of affairs in Russia. Character of Prince Potemkiu 387 CHAPTER XI. Jones returns to St. Pctersburgh. Unpleasant affair. Leaves Russia. Cor- respondence 301 CHAPTER XII. Jones and Kosciusko. Correspondence 325 CHAPTER XIII. /ooes's domestic and literary character. Correspondence with Ladies Residence in Paris. Death. Will, Cliaracter 351 Appendix 397 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PORTRAIT OF PAUL JONES. FRONTISPIECE. TITLE PAGE. MEDALLION FROM THE CONGRESS MEDAL. TAIL PIECE Pago 6 INITIAL LETTER 11 TAIL PIECE 21 INITIAL LETTER 22 HOISTING THE AMERICAN FLAG 28 SAILING OF JONES'S SQUADRON 30 ESCAPE FROM THE SOLEBAY 34 ACTION WITH THE MILFORD 34 WRECK OF THE HAMPDEN 35 DESTRUCTION OF THE TRANSPORT 37 TAIL PIECE 43 INITIAL LE TTER 49 THE FIRST SALUTE 52 SINKING OF THE BRIGANTINE 54 ESCAPE OF THE REVENUE WHERRY 55 EXPEDITION TO WHITEHAVEN 57 DESCENT ON WHITEHAVEN 60 DESCENT ON ST. MARY'S ISLE 63 ACTION BETWEEN THE RANGER AND THE DRAKE 64 RELEASE OF THE IRISHMEN 66 TAIL PIECE 75 INITIAL LETTER 76 TAILPIECE 100 INITIAL LETTER 101 PORTRAIT— LA FA YETTE 104 STORM OFF THE COAST OF SCOTLAND 113 ADVENTURE ON THE COAST OF FIFE 117 TAIL PIECE 119 INITIAL LETTER 120 MEETING OF THE FLEETS 121 ADVENTURE OFF THE HUMBER 122 THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. Beginning of the action 124 THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS. Close action 125 ACTION BETWEEN THE RICHARD AND SERAPIS 128 SIMKING OF THE BON HOMME RICHARD 131 I'ORTRAlT— COMMODORE DALE 133 PORTRAIT— ROBERT MORRIS 151 ESCAPE OF THE ALLIANCE 153 x LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. TAIL PIECE 1 55 L\nT Af , LETTER 156 FOR TRAIT— SILAS DEANE 163 THE ARIEL RIDING OUT THE STORM 170 TAIL PIECE 174 INITIAL LETTER 175 VICTORY OF THE ARIEL 177 PORTRAIT— JOHN ADAMS 192 PORTRAIT— THOMAS JEFFERSON 200 TA IL PIECE 213 INITIAL LETTER 214 CROSSING THE BALTIC 219 GOING ON BOARD THE WOLODIMER 221 JONES HOISTS HIS FLAG ON BOARD THE WOLODIMER 223 AFFAIR OF JUNE 6th 227 COMBAT WITH THE TURKS 229 ACTION BETWEEN THE TURKS AND RUSSIAN SQUADRON.. . 232 BURNING OF THE TURKISH VESSELS 234 JONES TAKING SOUNDINGS OFF OCZAKOW 235 ATTACK ON THE SHIPS AGROUND 237 BURNING OF THE TURKISH FLEET 239 FLOTILLA ACTION 240 BURNING OF A FRIGATE 241 BURNING OF THE CAPITAN PACHA'S GALLEY 243 ACTION OF THE 2Stli OF JUNE 243 CAPTURE OF THE TURKISH CIIALOUPES 249 JONES CUTTING OUT A TURKISH VESSEL 253 THE CAPITAN PACHA SOUNDING 255 CAPTURE OF THE LODKA 257 RUSSIAN ATTACK ON OCZAKOW 203 FLOTILLA ACTION 265 JONES'S NIGHT EXPEDITION 267 BURNING OF A TURKISH VESSEL 268 TAIL PIECE 286 INITIAL LETTER 287 INITIAL LETTER 301 PORTRAIT— CATHERINE II 310 TAIL PIECE 324 INITIAL LETTER 325 PORTRAIT-KOSCIUSKO 326 PORTRAIT— WASHINGTON 330 TAIL PIECE 350 INII'IAL LETTER 351 TAIL PI ECE , 396 TAII PIECE— JONES SAVING THE BOATS 39'> LIFE OP COMMODORE JOHN PAUL JONES. CHAPTER I. ^ OHN PAUL JONES was •i -^^S- born on the 6th of July, 1747. ^^H) l^^^S' at Arbigland, in the parish of ^i^^J Kirkbean, and stewartry of Kirckudbright, in Scotland. The family of the Pauls was I originally from Fife ; but the ; gi'andfather of John Paul, — the name of Jones being long after- wards assumed, — kept a public, or as it was then called, a mail-garden in Leith, on a spot long since covered with buildings. His son, the father of John Paul Jones, followed the same profession; and, on finishing his apprenticeship, entered into the employment of Mr. Craik of Arbigland, in which he remained till his death, in 1767. A gardener at that period was understood to be a person of better education than a common operative mechanic in ordinary handicrafts. The father of Paul Jones must have been a man both of intelligence and worth. The garden of (H) 12 EARLY LIFE. Arbigland was laid out by him ; and he planted the ti-fds thai now embellish the mansion. The period of his service, and the interest which his employer took in his orphan family, established the general worth and respect ibility of his character. Shortly after entering into the employment of Mr. Craik, John Paul married Jean Macduff, the daughter of a small farmer in the neighbouring parish of New-Abliy. The Mac- duffs were a respectable rural race in their- own district; and some of them had been small landed pr )prietors in the parish of Kirkbean, for an immemorial period. Of this mar- riage there were seven children, of whom John — afterwards known as John Paul Jones — was the fifth : he may indeed be called the youngest, as two children born after him died in infancy.* The first-born of the family, William Paul, went abroad early in life, and finally settled and married in Fred- ericksburgh, in Virginia. He appears to have been a man of enterprise and judgment. Beyond his early education and virtuous habits he could have derived no advantage from his family; and, in 1772 or 1773, when he died, still a young man, he left a considerable fortune. Of the daughters, the eldest, Elizabeth, died unmarried, — Janet, the second, married Mr. Taylor, a watchmaker in Dumfries, — and the third, Mary Ann, was twice married, first to a Mr. Young, and afterwards to Mr. Louden. Of the relations of Admiral Tones, several nieces, and a grand-nephew, now in the United States, still survive. * Among the many calumnies by wliich the men^ory of Admiral Paul Jones has been loaded, and Ihe numerous vulgar traditions that hang about his reputation, and conceal his genuine character, is an absurd story of his having been the son of cither Mr. Crailj, his father's employer, of one of the liarls of Selkirk, or of some other great personage, name unknown ; as if it were impossible that u. man so distinguished by gallantry and enterprise, could be, in very deed, merely tlie fifth cliild of Mr. John Paul, th*". gardener. His corresDondence in the farther progress of his narrative will snflicicntly refute an oosolete slander which was perhaps scarcely worth notice. APPRENTICESHIP. 13 The residence of his father, near the shores of the Solway in one of the most beautiful points of the Frith, must have been favourable to the genius of one who was destined to play the part of John Paul Jones— to have, — " His march upon the mountain wave, His home upon the deep.'' In the traditions of his family, young Paul is described as launching, while a mere child, his mimic-ship, hoisting his flag, and issuing his mandates to his imaginary crew with all the firmness and dignity of one born to lead and to command his fellows. Among the numerous unfounded slanders and rumours of which this brave and misrepresented man has been the object, is the assertion, that he ran off to sea against the will of his relations. Even this transgression might have been atoned by his after life ; but it was not committed. His inclination for the bold and hardy mode of life which he adopted, appears, as it often does in boyhood, to have been a strong passion, fostered by his childish pastimes, and en- couraged by much that he saw and heard in his daily inter- course with ships and seamen. Man or boy, Paul Jones was not moulded in the slamp of character which shrinks from facing out what is once firmly resolved. A sailor's life was his decided choice ; and at the age of twelve he was sent across the Solway by his relations, and bound apprentice to Mr. Younger, of Whitehaven. This gentleman, who was then a respectable merchant in the American trade, he found a kind and liberal master. Though Paul Jones was thus early estranged from nis family, and was afterwards prevented from much personal intercourse with them, this narrative will afford abundant evidence that, like almost every other young Scottish adven •urcr — to the national honour be it told — he continued a most affectionate son and brother, even when at the highest eleva- 2 14 FIRST VOYAGE. lion ol his fortune ; giving constant proof, not mereiy of his readiness to minister to the comforts of his relations, but of his anxiety for the union, respectability, and prosperity of his sisters and their families. — To them he at last bequeathed the whole of his fortune. The education which young Paul received at the parisli- school of Kirkbean, must have terminated when he went to sea. His after acquirements — and they were considerable — were the fruits of private study, and of such casual oppor- tunities as in boyhood he had the forethought and good sense to improve as often as his ship came into port. His first voyage was made to America, the country of his after adop- tion. He sailed in the Friendship, of Whitehaven ; and, before he was thirteen, landed on the shores of Rappahannock. While the Friendship remained in port, young Paul lived in the house of his brother William, and assiduously studied navigation and other branches of learning, either connected with his profession or of general utility. In the course of a short time, his good conduct, intelligence, and knowledge of his profession, jn'ocured him the confidence and friendship of his master, who promised him his future protection and favour. From the subsequent embarrassment of his own affairs, Mr. Younger was unable to fulfil this promise; but, in giving the young seaman up his indentures, he did all he could then perform. Thus honourably released from his early engagements, Paul Jones, while still a mere boy, obtained the aj^pointment of third mate of the Ki.ig George of Whitehaven, a vessel engaged in the slave-trade. From this ship he went about the year 1706, being now nine- teen years of age, into the brigantine Two Friends, of King- ston, Jamaica, as chief mate. This ship was engaged in the same nefarious traffic. It is stated by his relatives, the only source of information on the early period of his life that is either accessible or to be relied on, that he quitted this abominable trade in disgust at its enormities ; and, in conse- APPOINTED MASTER. 15 quence of abandoning it, returned to Scotland in 17GS, as a passenger in the briganline John of Kirkcudbright, Captain Macadam, commander. On this voyage the captain and mote both died of fever; and there being no one on board so cajjable of navigating the ship, Paul assumed the command, and brought her safe into port. For this well-timed piece of service he was appointed by the owners, Gurrie, Beck, & Co., master and supercargo. This was almost the last time that young Paul had an opportunity of seeing his re- in lions. He only met them once again, about tlie middle of the year 1771. While Paul Jones was on board this vessel, a circumstance occurred which afterwards, in times of violent prejudice and party-feeling, was eagerly laid hold of to traduce and blacken his character, and to represent him as a cruel and lawless brigand, eager for plunder and thirsting for blood,* guilty of a thousand enormities, though of what precise kind no one could specify. It was confidently stated — and is still indeed very generally believed — that while in the command of the John he punished a man named Mungo Maxwell, the carpen- ter of that vessel, so severely, that he died in consequence of the stripes he received. The alhdavitsf given below clearly *It is not a Uttic reniarkal)lc, that niEiny of his own intelligent countrymen do to this day know ofPiiul Jones only as a wild reckless adventnrcr, a sort of modern buccaneer, possessed of no redeeming quality save great jjcrsonal cour. age and intrepidity, — or as the subject of vulgar ballads and marvellous legend?, daring impossible and acting horrible deeds, among which was the one abovo alluded to. " Tohago. t" Before the Honourable I.icutenant-Governor, William Young, Esq., ol the island aforesaid, personally appeared James Simpson, Esq., who, being duly sworn upon the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, dcpnscth and sailh. That some time about the beginning of M:iy, in the ye.ar of our Lord uuo thousand seven hundred and seventy, a person in the luibit of a sailor came to Ibis deponent (who was at tliat time Judge Surrogate of the Court of Vicc- Adiniralty for the island aforesaid) with a complaint against John Paul, (rom mandcr of a brigantine then lying in Rockloy Bay of the said island,) for 16 CALUMNY. refute tMs calumny, which probably originated among those of his contemporaries who envied the place and influence his superior intelligence and energy had so early acquired for him. So tenacious of life is slander, however false and liaving beat tlie then complainant, (who belonged to the said John Paul's ves- Kel,) at the same time sliowing this deponent his slioulders, wliicli liad tlieieon llie marks of several stripes, but none that were either mortal or dangerous, to the best of this deponent's opinion and belief. And tliis deponent further saith, that he did summon the said John Paul before him, who, in liis vindication, alleged that the said complainant had on all oeeasions proved vcrj' ill qualified far, as well as very negligent in, his duty; and also, that he was very lazy and inactive in the execution of his (the said John Paul's) lawful commands, at the same time declaring his sorrow for having corrected the complainant. And this deponent further saith, that having dismissed the complaint as frivolous, the complainant, as this deponent believes, returned to his duty. And thia deponent further saith, that he has since understood that the said complainant died afterwards on board of a different vessel, on her passage to some of the Leeward Islands, and that the said John Paul (as this deponent is informed) has been accused in Great Britain as the immediate author of the said com. plainant's death, by means of the said stripes herein before mentioned, which accusation this deponent, for the sake of justice and humanity, in the most solemn manner declares, and believes to be, in his judgment, witho\it any just foundation, so far as relates to the stripes before mentioned, which this depo. aent very particularly examined. And further this deponent saith not. "James SiursoN "Sworn before me, this 30th day of June, ] 772, William Young." " James Eastment, mariner, and late master of the Barcelona packet, maketh oath, and saith. That Mungo Maxwell, carpenter, formerly on board the John, Captain John Paul, master, came in good health on board his, this deponent's said vessel, then lying in Great Rockley Bay, in the island of Tobago, about the middle of the month of June, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy, in the capacity of a carpenter, aforesaid; that he acted as such m every respect in perfect health for some days after he came on board this depo- nent's said vessel, the Barcelona packet; after whieli he was taken ill of a fever and lownrss of spirits, which continued for four or five days, when he died on board the said vessel, during her passage from Tobago to Antigua. And this deponent further snith, that he never heard the said Mungo Maxwell complain of having received any ill usage from the said Captain John Paul; hut that he, this deponent, verily believes the said Mungo Rlaxwell's death waf CALUMNY. J 7 groundless, that twenty years afterwards, wlien Piiul Jones was a rear-admiral in the Russian service, the same calum- nious story was revived, though Maxwell the carpenter was then transformed u)to Jones's own nephew. This was done to injure him with the Empress Catherine, and when, instead of his ancient school-fellows of Kirkbean, or ship-mates of Kirkcudbright, his rivals were the Princes Potemkin and l)e Nassau. One of the earliest letters of Jones now extant relates to this unfortunate affair, which was calculated to make a deep impression on a young and ingenuous mind, and gave much uneasiness and pain to him. The letter is addressed to his mother and sisters, and gives a better and fairer view of his youthful character than could be given by the most laboured panegyric of a biographer : — " London, 24tl) September, 1772. " My DEAE Mother and Sisters, " I only arrived here last night from the Grenadas. I have had but poor health during the voyage ; and my success in it not having equalled my first sanguine expectations, has added very much to the asperity of my misfortunes, and, I am well assured, was the cause of my loss of health. I am now, oecasioncd by a fever and lowncss of spirits, as aforesaid, and not by or through any otlier cause or causes wliatsoever. "Jamls Eastrient " Sworn at the Mansion House, London, tliis 30tli of January, 1773, before mc, James Townsend, Mayor." "These do certify to whom it may concern, that the bearer, Captain John Paul, was two voyages master of a vessel called the John, in our employ in 'ho West India trade, during whicli time he approved himself every way ijualificd both as a navigator and supercargo; but as our present firm is dis solved, the vessel was sold, and of course lie is out of our employ, all accounts between liim and the owners being amicably adjusted. Certified at Kirkoud. bright this 1st April, 1771. "CuRRiE, Beck &. Co." 2-* 18 LETTER TO HIS FAMILY. however, belter, and I trust Providence will soon put me in a way to get bread, and (which is by far my greatest happi ness) be serviceable to my poor but much valued friends. 1 am able to give you no account of my future proceedings, as they depend upon circumstances which are not fully tletermined. " I have enclosed you a copy of an affidavit made before Governor Young, by the Judge of the Court of Vice-Admi- ralty of Tobago, by which you will see with how little reason my life has been thirsted after, and, which is much dearer to me, my honour, by maliciously loading my fair character with obloquy and vile aspersions. I believe there are few who are hard-hearted enough to tiiink I have not long since given the world every satisfaction in my power, being con- scious of my innocence before Heaven, who will one day judge even my judges. I staked my honour, life, and fortu:ie for six long months on the verdict of a British jury, notwith- standing I was sensible of the general prejudices which ran against me ; but, after all, none of my accusers had the cour- age to confront me. Yet I am willing to convince the world, if reason and facts will do it, that they have had no foundation for their harsh treatment. I mean to send Mr. Craik a copy properly proved, as his nice feelings will not perhaps be otherways satisfied ;* in the mean time, if you please, you may show him that enclosed. His ungracious conduct to me before I left Scotland I have not yet been able to get the better of. Every person of feeling must think meanly of add- ing to the load of the afflicted. It is true I bore it with seeming unconcern, but Heaven can witness for me that I suffered tiie more on that very account. But enough of this. And now a word or two in the family way, and 1 nave done." « * * # * • Mr. Craik wa> perfectly convinced of his innocence, but tliey nevei either met or cor'esponded afterwards. MR. CRAIK. 19 As the employer and patron of his deceased father, young Paul naturally looked to Mr. Craik for advice and counte- nance to himself, and for protection and kindness to his help- less female relatives. The following letter illustrates the true nature of his connexion with that gentleman, the fetters oi whose cautious kindness do not appear to have sat very easily upon him. It also throws an incidental light on his energetic and self-depending character, even at this early period of his life : — "St. George's, Grenada, 5th August, 1770. «' Sir, " Common report here says that my owners are going to finish their connexions in the West Indies as fast as possible. How far this is true I shall not pretend to judge ; but should that really prove the case, you know the disadvantages I must of course labour under. " These, however, would not have been so great had I been acquainted with the matter sooner, as in that case I believe I could have made interest with some gentleman here to have been concerned with me in a large ship out of Lon- don; and as these gentlemen have estates in this and the adjacent islands, I should have been able to make two voyages every year, and always had a full ship out and home, &c. &c. &c. " However, I by no means repine, as it is a maxim with me to do my best, and leave the rest to Providence. I shall take no step whatever without your knowledge and appro- bation. " I have had several very severe fevers lately, which hdve reduced me a good deal, though I am now perfectly recovered. 20 IN THE INDIA TRADE. " I must beg you to supply my mother should she wanl anything, as I well know your readiness. " I hope yourself and family enjoy health and happiness I am, most sincerely, " Sii', yours always, " John Paul." It has been alleged, that about this time young Paul was engaged in the contraband trade, then very generally prac- tised among the self-named fair-dealers of the towns along both shores of the Solvvay. Without entering into the ques- tion of how far at that period the act of smuggling might otherwise affect a man's moral character or estimation in society, it is certain that Jones long afterwards decidedly and indignantly repelled this degrading charge, and that the first entry of goods from England to the Isle of Man, after that nest of smugglers and centre of the contraband trade had been annexed to the crown, stands in his name in the Custom-house books of Douglas. Soon after this period Paul obtained command of the Betsy of London, a West India ship, and remained for a time in the islands engaged in commercial speculations, to which his subsequent letters refer. He appears to have left consi- derable funds in Tobago; and in 1773 we find him in Virginia arranging the affairs of his brother William, who had died intestate, and without leaving children. About this time he assumed the name of Jones. The American Revolution, of the progress of which Paul Jones could not have been an indifferent spectator, found him living in deep retirement, unoccupied, and for the time in a state of great privation, occasioned by the dilatoriness or misconduct of his agents. At this time he had subsisted for twenty months on the sum of fifty pounds. It is to this period that Jones refers in his celebrated letter to the Count RETIREMENT. 21 ess of Selkirk, when he says, " Before this war began I had at the early time of hfe withdrawn from the sea-sCTvice, in favour of 'calm contemplation and poetic ease' I have sacri- ficed not only my favourite scheme of life, but the softei affections of the heart, and my prospects of domestic happi- ness, and am ready to sacrifice my life also with cheerful- ness, if that forfeiture could restore peace and good-will among mankind." 22 ENTERS THE AMERICAN SERVICE. CHAPTER IT. ^UT Jones, whatever he might think, iwas not of tiie temperament to I which the cultivation of maize and f tobacco — which in America about 'that period must have compre- J heiided " the rural hfe in all its joy pand elegance" — could long remain the favourite scheme. He was now twenty-eight — the very prime of active existence — full of talent and enterprise, ardent and ambitious, and quite of the mind in which he seems to have held through life, that though it might be shame to be on any side but one, it was greater shame to lie idle when blows were going. Many causes combined to make him believe th? cause of the colonies the right one — the cause of liberty, justice, and humanity. A man who from the age of twelve had been a wanderer on the deep, must have been as much at home in America as in Britain. Both countries must have appeared integral portions of the same state; and in its civil dissensions, circumstances determined the part he should take. Thus right or wrong as to the side he took, .Tones stood clear in his motives to his own conscience. To him indeed the cause of America — the country, as he afterwards terms it, of his "fond election" — was the elevating source of his most brilliant actions. It is but fair to allow him to be the inter- preter of his own motives :-»-of his deeds every man is at liberty to judge. Four years after he had volunteered in the cause of America, it is thus he addresses the Baron VanJer ENTERS THE AMERICAN SERVICE. 23 Capellan, having, it. must be owned, a favourite objct io carry at Amsterdam : — " I was indeed born in Britain ; but I do not inlierit llic degenerate spirit of that fallen nation, which I at once lament and despise. It is far beneath me to reply to their hireling invectives. They are strangers to the inward approbation that greatly animates and rewards the man who draws hi? sv/ord only in support of the dignity of freedom. Americs has been the country of my fond election from the age ol thirteen, when I first saw it. I had the honour to hoist with mj own hands the flag of freedom, the first time it was displayed on the Delaware ; and I have attended it with veneratior ever since on the ocean." Though in the heat of a struggle, which, from its very na- ture, was, like the feuds of the nearest relatives, singularly ran- corous and bitter, Jones was branded as a traitor and a felon, and after his most brilliant action, the capture of the Serapis, formally denounced by the British ambassador at the ^gue as a rebel and a pirate according to the laws of war,* it must be remembered that he bore this stigma in common with the best and greatest of his contemporaries — with Franklin and Washington ; which last had actually borne arms in the service of the King of England. The memory of Paul Jones now needs little vindication for this important step. Aftei the peace he enjoyed the esteem and private friendship of Englishmen who might have forgiven the most imbittered political hostilit}', but never could have overlooked a taint on personal honour. Of this number was the Earl of Wemyss, who after the peace endeavoured to promote the views of Jones on various occasions. He himself, however, discovers a lurking consciousness of having incurred, if not of meriting suspicion on this delicate ground. This is chiefly displayed • Memorial of Sir Jiscph York to tlio Stales-General, dated the lla^jiio Slh October, 1779. 24 CHARACTER. by his eloquent though rather frequent assertions of purity of motive, superiority to objects of sordid interest, and disinte- rested zeal for the cause, now of America, now of human nature, as was best adapted to the supposed inchnations of his correspondents. In ordinary circumstances much of this might have appeared uncalled for ; but the situation of Jones was in many respects peculiar both as a native-born Briton, and as a man of obscure origin, jealous — and pardonably so — of his independence and dignity of character. Somewhat of the heroic vaunting which marks other parts of his corre- spondence appears incident to the enthusiastic temn^iament of many great naval commanders. How would Nelson's tone of confident prediction, and boasts of prowess, have sounded from the lips of an inferior man ? — In any other than himself ihe customary language of Drake would have been reckoned that of an insolent braggart. Besides the public spirit and love of liberty which in Jones vi'er^ both warm and sincere, other motives of that mixed nature, by which every human being, how disinterested and devoted soever, must at times be influenced, were not want- ing to enlist him on the side of the colonies. He was living, at the most active period of life in penury and neglect. His friendships, his interests, his gratitude, all inclined him to the part of America. In a letter addressed to Mr. Stuart Mawey of Tobago, written immediately before he went to Europe m open hostility as an officer of the United States, a letter which does as much honour to the clearness of his head as to the integrity and filial kindness of his heart, these circum- stances are distinctly explained. "Boston, 4tU May, 1777. Dear Sir, '• Afier an unprofitable suspense of twenty months, (having subsisted on fiflij jiounds only during that time,) when my hope* of relief were entirely cut off, and there remained no LETTER TO MR. MAWEY. 25 (iossibilitv of my receiviric; wherewithal to subsist upon from my ofl'ects in vour island, or in England, I at last had recourse to stranpers for that aid and comfort which was denied mo bv those friends whom I had entrusted with my all. The goofl ofiices which are rendered to persons in their extreme need, ought to make deep impressions on grateful minds ; in my case I feel the truth of that sentiment, and am bound bv gratitude, as well as honour, to follow the fortunes of my late benefactors. " I have lately seen Nr. Sicaton, (late manager on the estates of Arch. Stuart, Esq.) who informed me that Mr. Ferguson had quitted Orange Valley, on being charged with the unjust application of the property of his employers. I have been, and am extremely concerned at this account; I wish to disbelieve it, ahhougli it seems too much of a piece with the unfair advantage which, to all appearance, he took of me, when he left mc in exile for twenty months, a prey to melancholy and want, and withheld my property, without writing a word in excuse for his conduct. Thus circum- stanced, I have taken the liberty of sending you a letter of attorney by Captain Cleaveland, who undertakes to deliver it himself, as he goes for Tobago via Martinico. You have enclosed a copy of a list of debts acknowledged, which I re ceived from Mr. Ferguson when I saw you last at Orange Valley. You have also a list of debts contracted with me. together with Ferguson's receipt. And there remained a considerable property unsold, besides some best Madeira wine which he had shipped for London. By the state of ac- counts which I sent to England on my arrival on this conti- nent, there was a balance due to me from the ship Betsy of 909/. 15s. 3f/. sterling ; and in my account with Robert Younjr, Esq., 29th January, 1773, there appeared a balance in my favour of 281/. \s. Sd. sterlinir. These sums exceou my drafts and just debts together; so that, if I am fiiirly dealt with, I ought to receive a considerable remittance from that 3 26 LETTER TO MR. MAWEY. quarter. You will please to observe, that there were nine pieces of coarse camblets shipped at Cork, over and above the quantity expressed in the bill of lading. It seems the ship- pers, finding their mistake, applied for their goods ; and, as I have been informed from Grenada, Mr. Ferguson laid hold of this opportunity to propagate a report that all the goods which I put into his hands were the property of that house in Cork. If this base suggestion hath gained belief, it accounts for all the neglect which I have experienced. But however my connexions are changed, my principles as an honest man of candour and integrity are the same ; therefore, should there not be a sufficiency of my property in England to answer my just debts, I declare that it is my first wish to make up such deficiency from my property in Tobago ; and were even that also to fall short, I am ready and willing to make full and ample remittances from hence upon hearing from you the true state of my affairs. As I hope my dear mother is still alive, I must inform you that I wish my property in Tobago, or in England, after paying my just debts, to be applied for her support. Your own feelings, my dear sir, make it unneces- sary for me to use arguments to prevail with you on this tender point. Any remittances which you may be enabled to make through the hands of my good friend Captain John Plainer of Cork, will be faithfully put into her hands ; she hath several orphan grandchildren to provide for. I have mare no apology for giving you this trouble : My situation will. I trust, obtain your free pardon. I am always, with perfect esteem,. Dear Sii Your very ooliged, very obedient. And most humble servant, " J. Paul Jones- ' Stuart Mawey, Esquire, Tobago." APPOINTED SENIOR LIEUTENANT. 21 Among the friends whose fortunes Jones conceived himself bound to follow by gratitude as well as honour, was probably Mr. Joseph Hewes of the Marine Commitee of the infant Republic. Under the united influence of so many powerful motives he entered the American service. Tiiough Paul Jones had not received his maritime educa- (ion in ships of war, he had frequently sailed in ai'med vessels ind had been early trained into an excellent practical seaman completely realizing the merchant sailor's adage, " Aft the j more honour — forward the better man." His nautical skill, as well as his boldness and capacity, were thus of incalculable value to the infant navy of America; and in 1776, when the combustibles of revolution, so long smouldering, burst into an open irrepressible flame, his services were as readily accepted as they were heartily tendered. From this date Paul Jones owned no country save America. In organizing the maritime service of the young Republic, three classes of lieutenants were appointed by Congress; and of the first class Jones was appointed senior lieutenant. The first commission he received from Congress bears date the 7th of December, 1775. He was appointed to the Alfred, a name of good omen to an infant state sprung from England ; and on board of that vessel, then lying before Philadelphia, he, in a few' days afterwards, first hoisted that starry flag which he so bravely followed in many seas. The American navy at this time consisted of only two ships, two brigantines, and one sloop. Even these it was not easy to officer with persons properly qualified. Thirteen frigates were, however, about the same time ordered to be built. Of this first period of his service three different accounts, drawn up by himself, remain among the papers of Captain Jones, — one contained in a refreshivg memorial addressed to Congress while he lay in the Texel, dated December, 1779 — another addressed to Robert Morris, the minister of the marine, in 1783, when Jones had just reason to th>nk hia 28 JONKS'S JOURNAL. HoiBting the American Flag. former .services neglected, if not forgotton, — and a third in a loimial of his campaigns drawn up for the private information of the King of France, and read by that unfortunate prince while a close prisoner. This last document contains the following clear and succinct account of his early operations, written in the third person : — - " When Congress thought fit to equip a naval force towards the conclusion of the year 177.5, 'for the defence of American hherlij, and for repelling eoary hostile invasion thereof it was a very difficult matter to find men fitly qualified for office is, and willing to embark in the ships and vessels that were ihon put into commission. The American navy at first was no more than the ships Alfred and Columbus, the brigantines Andrew Doria, and Cabot, and the sloop Providencf;. A commander-in-chief of the fleet was appointed ; and Cap- tains Saltonstall, Whipple, Biddle, and Hopkins. Avere named HOISTS THE AMERICAN FLAG. 29 for the ships and brigantines. A captain's commission for the Providence, (bought, or to be bought, about the time, from Captain Whipple,) which Mr. Josepli Hewes of the Maiine Committee ofler ^d to iiis friend Mr. John Paul Jones, was not accepted, because Mr. Jones had never sailed in a sloop, and had then no idea of the Declaration of Independence that took place the next year. It was his early wish to do his best for \ the cause of America, which he considered as the cause of human nature. He could have no object of self-interest ; and having then no prospect that the American navy would soon become an established service, that rank was the most ac- ceptable to him by which he could be the most useful in that moment of public calamity. There were three classes of lieutenants appointed, and Mr. Jones was appointed the first of the first-lieutenants, which placed him next in command to the four captains already mentioned. This commission is dated the 7th day of December, 1775, as first-lieutenant of the Alfred. On board of that ship, before Philadelphia, Mr. Jones hoisted the flag of America with his own hands, the first time it was ever displayed. AH the commissions for ihe Alfred were dated before the commissions for the Columbus, &c. All the time this little squadron was fitting and man- ning, Mr. Jones superintended the affairs of the Alfred ; and as Captain Saltonstall did not appear at Philadelphia, the commander-in-chief told Mr. Jones he should command that ship. / day or two before the squadron sailed from Phila- delphi.- lanned and fit for sea. Captain Saltonstall ajipeared, a"d jk command of the Alfred. The object of the first ex- pedi.ion was against Lord Duncan, in Virginia. But instead of proceeding immediately on that service, the squadron was hauled to the wharfs at Reedy Island, and lay there for six weeks frozen up. Here Mr. Jones and the other lieutenants stood the deck, watch and watch, night and day, to prevent desertion : and they lost no man from the Alfred. On the ''7th of February, 1776, the squadron sailed from the bay of 3* so SAILING OF THE SQUADRON. Sailing of the Squadron. Delaware. On the first of March the squadron anchored at A.baco, one of the Bahama Islands, and carried in there two sloops belonging to New Providence. Some persons on board the sloops, informed that a quantity of powder and warlike stores might be laken in the forts of New Providence. An expedition was determined on against that island. It was resolved to embark the marines on board the two sloops. They were to remain below deck until the sloops had an- chored in the harbour close to the forts, and they were then to land and take possession. There was not a single soldier in the island to oppose them ; therefore the plan would have succeeded, and not only the public stores might have been secured, but a considerable contribution might have been ob- tained as a ransom for the town and island, had not the whole squadron appeared off the harbour in the morning, instead of remaining out of sight till after the sloops had entered and the marines secured the forts. On the appearance of the squad >n the signal of alarm was fired, so that it was impos- THE l-ROVIDENCE EXPEDITION. ai sible to think of crossing the bar. The commander -iii-chiof projioscd to go round the west end of the island, and endea- vour to march the marines up and get behind the town ; but ♦his could never have been eflTected. The islanders would have had time to collect ; there was no fit anchorage for the squadron, nor road from that part of the island to the town Mr. Jones finding by the Providence pilots tliat the squadron might anchor under a key three leagues to windward of the harbour, gave this account to the commander-in-chief, who objecting to the dependence on the pilots, Mr. Jones under- took to carry the Alfred safe in. He took tlie pilot with him to the foretopmast head, from whence they could clearly see every danger, and the squadron anchored safe. The marines, with two vessels to cover iheir landing, were immediately sent in by the east passage. The commander-in-chief pro mised to touch no private property. The iniiabitants aban- doned the forts, and the governor, finding he must surrender the island, embarked all the powder in two vessels, and sent them away in tiie night. This was foreseen, and might have been prevented, by sending the two brigantines to lie off the bar. The squadron entered the harbour of New Provideni;e, and sailed from thence ihe 17th of March, having embarked the cannon, &c., that was found in the fort. In the night of the 9th of April, on the re'urn of the squadron from the Pro- vidence expedition, the American arms by sea were first tried in the affair with the Glasgow, off Block Island. BdIIi llie Alfred and Columbus mounted two batteries. The Alfii;d mounted 30, the Columbus 28 guns. The first battery was so near the water as to be fit for nothing except in a harbour or a very smooth sea. The sea was at the time perfectly smooth. Mr. Jones was stationed below deck to command the Alfred's first battery, which was well served whenever the guns could i)e brought to bear on the enemy, as appears by the officia letter of ttie commander-in-chief giving an account of that action. Mr Jones therefore did his dutv: and as lie had sn 32 COMMANDS THE PROVIDENCE. diiection whatever, either of the general disposition of the squadron, or the sails and helm of the Alfred, he can stand charged with no part of the disgrace of that night. The squadron steered directly for New London, and entered that port two days afier the action. Here General Washington lent the squadron 200 men, as was thought, for some enter prise. The squadron, however, stole quietly round to Rhode Island, and up the river to Providence. Here a court-martial was held for the trial of Captain Whipple, for not assisting in the action with the Glasgow. Another court-martial was held for the trial of Captain Hazard, who had been appointed captain of the sloop Providence at Philadelphia, some time after Mr. Jones had refused that command. Captain Hazard was broke, and rendered incapable of serving in the navy. The next day, the 10th of May, 1776, Mr. Jones was ordered by the commander-in-chief to take command ' as captain of the Providence.' This proves that Mr. Jones did his duty on the Providence expedition. As the commander-in-chief had in his hands no blank-commission, he had this appoint- ment written on the back of the commission that Mr. Jones had received at Philadelphia, the 7th of December, 1775. Captain Jones had orders to receive on board the Providence the soldiers that had been borrowed from General Washing- ton, and carry them to New York, — there enlist as many seamen as he could, and then return to New London, to take in from the hospital all the seamen that had been left there by the squadron, and were recovered, and carry them to Providence. Captain Jones soon performed these services; and having hove down the sloop and partly fitted her for wir at Providence, he received orders from the commander-in- chief, dated Rhode Island, June 10th, 177G, to come imme- diately down to take a sloop then in sight, armed for war, belonging to the enemy's navy. Captain Jones obeyed orders with alacrity; but the enemy had disappeared before he reached Newport On the 13th of June, 1776, Captain Jones CRUISE OF THE PROVIDENCE. 33 received orrl.ers, dated that day at Newport, Rhode Island from the commander-in-chief, to proceed to Newbury Port to talie under conroy some vessels bound for Philadelphia ; but first to convoy Lieutenant Hacker in the Fly, with a cargo of cannon, into the sound for New York, and to convoy some vessels back from Stonington to the entrance of Newport. In performing these last services. Captain Jones found great difficulty from the enemy's frigates, then cruising round IMock Island, with which he had several rencontres ; in one of which he saved a brigantine that was a stranger, from Hispaniola, closely pursued by the Cerberus, and laden with public stores. That brigantine was afterwards purchased by the Continent, and called the Hampden. Captain Jones re- ceived orders from the commander-in-chief to proceed for Boston instead of Newbury Port. At Boston he was detained a considerable time by the backwardness of the agent. He arrived with his convoy from Boston, safe in the Delaware, the 1st of August, 1776. This service was performed while the enemy were arriving at Randy Hook from Halifax and England, and Captain Jones saw several of their ships oi war. "Captain Jones received a captain's commission from the President of Congress, the 8th of August. It was pro- posed to Captain Jones by the Marine Committee to go to Connecticut, to command the brigantine Hampden; but he choosing rather to remain in the sloop Providence, had orders to go out on a cruise against the enemy 'for six weeks, (ni) two or three months.' He was not limited to any particular station or service. He left the Delawai'e on the 21st of August, and arrived at Rhode Island on the 7th of Octobei, 1776. "Captain Jones had only 70 men when he sailed from the Delaware, and the Providence mounted only 12 four-poundern. Near the latitude of Bermudas he had a very narrow escape from the enemy's frigate the Solebay, after a chase o' si> 34 ACTION WITH THE MII.FOkD Escape from the Solebay. hours within cannon-shot, and part of that time within pistol- shot. Afterwards, near the Isle of Sable, Captain Jones had an affair with the enemy's frigate the Milford ; and the firing between them lasted from ten in the morning till after sunset. Action with the Milford. The day after this rencontre, Captain Jones entered tlie harbour of Canso, where he recruited several men, took the Tories' flags, destroyed tiie fishing, &c., and sailed again the next morning on an expedition against the Island of Madame. He made two descents on the principal forts of that island a1 WRECK OF THE HAMI'UEN. 35 tne same time ; surprised all their shipping, though the placi; abounded with men, and they had arms. All this, from the Delaware to Rhode Island, was performed in six weeks and five days ; in which time Captain Jones made sixteen pi'izes, besides small craft. He manned eight of them, and sunk, burnt, or destroyed the rest. The commander-in-chief was at Rhode Island, who, in consequence of the information given him by Captain Jones, adopted an expedition against the coal-fleet of Cape Breton and the fisheiy, as well as to relieve a number of Americans from the coal-mines, where they were compelled to labour by the enemy. The Alfred had remained idle ever since the Providence expedition, and was without men. It was proposed to employ that ship, the brigantine Hampden, and sloop Providence, on this expedition, under the command of Captain Jones, who had orders given him for that purpose on the 22d October, 1776, and then re- moved from the sloop Providence to the ship Alfred. Find- ing he could not enlist a sufficient number of men for the three sail before the season would be lost, Captain Jones de- Wreck of the Hampden. termined to leave the sloop Providence behind ; but Captain Hacker ran the Hampden upon a ledge of rocks on the 27th, and knocked off her keel, which obliged Captain Jones to re- 36 EXPEDITION AGAINST CAPE BRETON, move him into the sloop Providence. The Alfred and Pro vidence sailed on this expedition the 2d of November, Captain Junes having only 140 men on his muster-roll for the Alfred, though that ship had 835 men when she left the Delaware. Captain Jones anchored for the night at Tar- pawling Cove, near Nantucket, and, finding there a privateer schooner belonging to Rhode Island inward-bound, he sent liis boat to search for deserters from the navy, and finding four deserters carefully concealed on board, they were taken on board the Alfred, willi a few other seamen, agreealjly to orders from the commander-in-chief. The concerned in the privateer brought an action against Captain Jones for 10,000/. damages, and the commander-in-chief had the politeness not to support him. Captain Jones proceeded on his expedition. Ofl' Louisbourg he took a brig with a rich cargo of dry goods, a snow with a cargo of fish, and a ship called the Mellish, bound for Canada, armed for war, and laden with soldiers' clothing. The day after taking these prizes (the 18th) the snow fell, and the wind blew fresh off Cape Breton. To prevent separation, and not from the violence of the weather. Captain Jones made the signal to lay to, which was obeyed ; but as soon as the night began. Captain Hacker bore away. He made shift to arrive at Rhode Island a day or two before the place was taken by the enemy. Captain Jones ordered the brigantine and snow to steer for our ports ; but determined not to lose sight of the Mellish, unless in case of necessity. Captain Jones, after that little gale and contrary winds, iell in with Canso, and sent his boats in to destroy a fine trans- l)Oft that lay aground in the entrance, laden with Irish provi- sion. The party burnt also the oil-warehouse, and destroyed the materials for the fishery. Off Louisbourg, on the 24th he took three fine ships out of five, the coal-fleet, then bound for New York, under the command of the Flora, that would have been in sight had the fog been dispersed. Two days after this, Captain Jones took a letter-of-marque ship from (38) ARRIVAL AT BOSTON. 39 Liverpool. He li.id now a hundred nnd fifty prisoners on board the Alfred, and a great part of his water and provision was consumed. He found the harbour at the coal-mines was frozen up, and necessity obliged him to seek a hospitable port with the five prize-siiips under convoy. No separation took place till the 7th of December, on the edge of St. George's [Jank, where Captain Jones again fell in with the Miiford frigate. Captain Jones had the address to save all his prizes except one, (the Ictter-of-marque from Liverpool,) and that one would not have been taken, had not the prize-master foolishly run down under the Milford's lee, from being three leagues to windward. The Mellish arrived safe with the clothing at Dartmouth, and Captain Jones arrived at Boston the 15th December, 1776, having only two days' water and provision left. The news of the clothing reached General Washing- ton's ariny just before he recrossed the Delaware. By a letter from the commander-in-chief, on board the Wai'ren, at Providence, January the 14th, 1777, Captain Jones was su- perseded in the command of the Alfred, in favour of Captain Hinman, who said he brought a commission from Congress to supersede, that of Captain Jones. The 21st of January, 1777, this drew from Captain Jones a letter to tiie Maiine Committee, stating his hopes that Congress would not so far overlook his early and faithful services as to supersede him by any man who was at first his junior officer, far less by any man who declined to serve in the Alfred, &c., at the be- ginning. Captain Jones paid off the crews of the Alfred and Providence, for which he has never been reimbursed. On the 18th of February, Captain Jones received an appointment b) order of Congress from the Vice-President of the Marine Committee, da\ed Philadelphia, February the 5th, 1777, to command private expeditions against Pensacola and other places, with the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Providence. Many important schemes were pointed out; but Captain Jones was left at free liberty to adopt what- 40 LETTER 0¥ EXPOSTULATION. ever he thought best. This appointment fell to nothing ; foi the commander-in-chief would not assist Captain Jones, bul affected to disbelieve his appointment. Captain Jones under- took a journey from Boston to Philadelphia, in order to ex- plain matters to Congress in person." This attempt to supersede him was the first occasion on which Jones decidedly showed the firmness and tenacity of his character, and his determination to assert his rights. Even then, unknown and unfriended, he was quite equal to their protection. The remainder of this statement is more copiously and energetically given in the letter referred to in the prefixed ex- tract, as addressed by him to the Marine Board, Philadelphia. It will show the neglect and heart-burning to which this brave man was exposed from the fii'st hour of his entering the American navy. Three-fourths of his subsequent life was a struggle to overcome the prejudices, defeat the cabals, or quicken the tardy justice of his temporary official superiors. " I am now to inform you, that by a letter from Commo- dore Hopkins, dated on board the Warren, January 14th, 1777, which came to my hands a day or two ago, I am superseded in the command of tlie Alfred, in favour of Cap- tain Hinman, and ordered back to the sloop in Providence river. Whether this order doth or doth not supersede also your orders to me of the 10th ult., you can best determine ; however, as I undertook the late expedition at his (Con^mo- dore Hopkins's) request, from a principle of humanity, T mean not now to make a difficulty about trifles, especially wnen the good of the service is to be consulted. As I -im unconscious of any neglect of duty, or misconduct, since my appointment at the first as eldest lieutenant of the navy, ] cannot suppose that you can have intended to set me aside, in favour of any man who did not at that time bear a cap- tain's i;ommission, unless, indeed, that man, by exerting his superior abilities, hath rendered, or can render, more impor- LETTER OF EXPOSTULATION. 41 tant sei'vices to America. Those who stepped forth at the first, in ships altogether unfit for war, were generally con- sidered rather as frantic than as wise men ; for it must be remembered, that almost everything then made against them. And although the success in the affair with the Glasgow was not equal to what it might have been, yet the blame ought not to be general. The principal or principals in command / alone are culpable ; and the other officers, while they stand ' unimpeached, have their full merit. There were, it is true, divers persons, from misrepresentation, put into commission at the beginning, without fit qualification, and perhaps the number may have been increased by later appointments ; but it follows not that the gentleman or man of merit should be neglected or overlooked on their account. None other than a gentleman, as well as a seaman both in theory and practice, is qualified to support the character of a commission officer in the navy; nor is any man fit to command a ship of war who is not also capable of communicating his ideas on paper, in language that becomes his rank. If this be admitted, the foregoing operations will be sufficiently clear ; but if further proof is required it can easily be produced. " When I entered into the service, I was not actuated by motives of self-interest. I slept forth as a free citizen of the world, in defence of the violated rights of mankind, and not in search of riches, whereof, I thank God, I inherit a suffi- ciency ; but I should prove my degeneracy were I not in the highest degree tenacious of my rank and seniority. As a , gentleman, I can yield this point up only to persons of supe- rior abilities and superior merit ; and under such persons it would be my highest ambition to learn. As this is the first time of my having expressed the least anxiety on my own account, I must entreat your patience until I account to you for the reason which hath given me this freedom of senti- ment. It seems that Captain Hinman's commission is No. 1, and that, in consequence, he who was at first my junior 4* 42 MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS, officer by eight, hath expressed himself as my senior officer in a manner which doth himself no honour, and which doth me signal injury. There are also in the navy, persons who have not shown me fair play after the service I iiave rendered ihem. I have even been blamed for the civilities whicli I have shown to my prisoners ; at the request of one of whom I herein enclose an appeal, which I must beg leave to lay before Congress. Could you see the appellant's accomplished lady, and the innocents their children, arguments in their behalf would be unnecessary. As the base-minded only are capable of inconsistencies, you will not blame my free soul, which can never stoop where I cannot also esteem. Could I, which I never can, bear to be superseded, I should indeed deserve your contempt and total neglect. I am, therefore, to entreat you to employ me in the most enterprising and active service, — accounlable to your honourable board only, for my conduct, and connected as much as possible with gentlemen and men of good sense." " My conduct hitherto," he says, in the memorial ad- dressed to Congress from the Texel, " was so much approv- ed of by (.Congress, that on the 5th February, 1777, I was appointed, with unlimited orders, to command a little squadron of the Alfred, (Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Provi- dence. Various important services were pointed out, but I was left at free liberty to make my election. That service, However, did not lake place ; for the commodore, who had three of the squadron blocked in at Providence, afiected to disbelieve my appointment, and would not at last give me the necessary assistance. Finding that he trifled with my applications as well as the orders of Congress, I undertook a journey from Boston to Philadelphia, in order to explain Diatters to Congress in person. I took this step also, because Captain Ilinman had succeeded me in the command of the Alfred, and, of course, the service could not suffer through my absence. I arrived at Philadelphia in the beginning oJ HIS VIEWS OF MARITIME TOLICY. 43 April. But what was my surprise to find, that, by a new line of navy-rank, which had taken place on the lOih day of October, 1776, all the officers that had stepped forth at the beginning were superseded ! I was myself superseded by thirteen men, not one of whom did (and perhaps some of them durst not) take the sea against the British flag at the first ; for several of them \\ ho were then applied to refused to venture, — and none of them have since been very happy in proving their superior abilities. Among these thirteen \ there are individuals who can neither pretend to parts nor | education, and with whom, as a private gentleman, I would , disdain to associate. " I leave your excellency and the Congress to judge how this must affect a man of honour and sensibility." In the organization of the navy Jones took a paramount interest. He had himself been trained in a good school. He knew the importance of proper subordination, and of the strict enforcement of a rigid system of discipline, v\'hich, however unpleasant to the turbulent, fierce spirit of republi- cans, is especially indispensable in the sea-service. His views of maritime policy discover much soundness, and, considering that he was still a young man, and a very young officer, very great ripeness of understanding. " As the regu- lations of the navy," he says, " are of the utmost conse- quence, you will not think it presumptive if, with the utmost diffidence, I venture to communicate to you such hinis as, in my judgment, will promote its honour and good government. I could heartily wish that every commissioned officer were to be previously examined ; for, to my certain knowledge, there are persons who have already crept into commission without abilities or fit qualifications: — I am myself far from desiring to be excused." In other letters on this subject, he eloquently recommends a liberal policy towards the private seamen, and a general system worthy of a great and enlight- ened nation. 44 HIS VIEWS OF MARITIME POLICY. " It is," he says, " to the last degree distressing to con- template, the state and establishment of our navy. The common class of mankind are actuated by no nobler prin- ciple than that of self-interest. This, and this only, deter- mines all adventures in privateers, — the owners, as well as those they employ; and while this is the case, unless the private emolument of individuals in our navy is made supe- rior to that in privateers, it never can become respectable, — it never will become formidable; and, without a respectable navy, alas America ! — In the present critical situation of numan affairs, wisdom can suggest no more than one infalli- ble expedient, — enlist the seamen during pleasure, and give them all the prizes. What is the paltry emolument of two- thirds of prizes to the finances of this vast continent? If so poor a resource is essential to its independency, in sober sad- ness we are involved in a woful predicament, and our ruin is fast approaching. The situation of America is new in the annals of mankind : her aflairs crj haste! and speed must answer them. Trifles, therefore, ought to be wholly disre- garded, as being, in the old vulgar proverb, ' penny wise and pound foolish.' If our enemies, with the best established and most formidable navy in the universe, have found it expedient to assign all prizes to the captors, how much more is such policy essential to our infant fleet 1 But I need use no arguments to convince you of the necessity of making the emoluments of our navy equal, if not superior, to theirs. We have had proof, that a navy may be officered almost upon any terms, but we are not so sure that these officers aie equal to their commissions; nor will the Congress ever obtain such certainty until they, in their wisdom, see proper to appoint a Board of Admiralty, competent to determme impartially the respective merits and abilities of their officers, and to superintend, regulate, and point out all the motions and operations of the navy.'' EFFECT OF HIS REMONSTRANCES. 45 The appearance of J ines at Congress at this time, his ap- peals to their justice, his animated remonstrances, and the capacity displayed in the hints and projects he threw out, had a good effect. They inspired esteem for his character, and gave confidence in his ability. This became apparent in the immediate {)roceedings of that body. " Congress," he says, " saw fit to drop the expedition that had been proposed ; and the Marine Committee appeared very sorry that there was not then vacant a good ship for my command. Three ships were ordered to be purchased in the eastern department, and by a resolve of Congress, which did me great honour, I was authorized to take my choice of these three ships, ' until Congress could provide for me a better command.' I returned to Boston ; and before this last plan was carried into execu- tion, I received a new and honourable proof of the good opinion of Congress, by being ordered, on the 9ih of May, 1777, to proceed to France from Portsmouth, in the Am- phitrite, with a positive order to the Commissioners at Paris ' to invest me with the command of a fine ship,' — ' as a reward of my zeal and the signal services I had performed in vessels of little force.' This was generous indeed ! and I shall feei the whole force of the obligation to the last moment of my life." The letter he brought to Europe, addressed to the Com- missioners in Paris, confirms the sincerity of the purpose of Congress. It also puts to rest — were such refutation neces- sary — the charge of Jones being nothing more than the com- mander of a privateer, winked at, or perhaps secretly aided by Congress, but never I'ecognized as a regularly-appointed commander in the American service during his cruises on the British coasts. 46 LETTER FROM CONGRESS. "Philadelphia, 9th May, ItH •' Honourable Gentlemen, " This letter is intended to be delivered to you by John Paul Jones, Esq., an active and brave commander in our navy, who has already performed signal services in vessels of little force ; and in reward for his zeal we have directed him to go on board the Amphitrite, a French ship of twenty guns, that brought in a valuable cargo of stores from Mons. Hostalez & Co., and with her to repair to France. He takes with him his commission, some officers and inen, so that we iiope he will, under that sanction, make some good prizes with the Amphitrite ; but our design of sending him is, (with the ap- probation of Congress.) that you may purchase one of those fine frigates that Mr. Dean writes us you can get, and invest him with the command thereof as soon as possible. We hope you may not delay this business one moment, but pur- chase, in such port or place in Europe as it can be done with most convenience and despatch, a fine fast-sailing frigate or lai-ger ship. Direct Captain Jones where he must repair to, and he will take with him his officers and men towards man- ning her. You will assign him some good house or agent to supply him with everything necessary to get the ship speedily and well equipped and manned, — somebody that will bestir themselves vigorously in the business, and never quit it untii it is accomplished. " If you have any plan or service to be performed in Europe bv such a ship, that you think will be more for the interest and honour of the States than sending her out directly. Captain J ones is instructed to obey your orders ; and, to save re^en- lion, let him lay before you the instructions we have given him. and furnish you with a copy thereof. You can then judg" what will h'l necessary for you to direct him in, — and whatever you do will be approved, as it will undoubtedlj 'cud to promote the public service of this country. INSTRUC'l'lONS FROM CONORESS 47 " V'nu see by this step how much dependence Congress place in your advices; and you must make it a point not to disappoint Captain Jones's wishes and expectations on ll's occasion. "We are, &,c. (Signed) " Robert Morris. " Richard Henry Lee. " Wm. Wmri'LE. " Phil. LiviwiSToN. " Tlie Honourable " Benjajiin Franklin, " SiLA3 Deane, and "Arthur Lee, Esquires, Commissioners," &c. In Mai-ine Committee. "Philadelphia, May Dtli, 1777. "John Paul Jones, Esq. *• Sir, " Congress have thought proper to authorize the Secret Committee to employ you on a voyage in the Amphitrite, from Portsmouth to Carolina and France, where it is expected you will be provided with a fine frigate ; and as your present commission is for the command of a particular ship, we now send you a new one, v/hereby you are appointed a captain in our navy, and of course may command any ship in the service to which you are particularly ordered. You are to obey the orders of the Secret Committee, and we aio. Sir A:c. (Signed) " John Hanoook. " Rod. Morris. " Wm, WiiipptB.'" 48 " Sir, INSTRUCTIONS FROM CONGRESS. In Marine Committee. " Philadelphia, September 6th, 1777. '• As soon as these instructions get to hand, you are to make immediate application to the proper persons to get your ves- sel victualled and fitted for sea with all expedition. When this IS done, you are to proceed on a voyage to some conve- nient port in France ; on your arrival there, apply to the agent, if any, in or near said port, for such supplies as you may stand in need of You are at the same time to give immedi- ate notice, by letter, to the Honourable Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, Esquires, or any of them at Paris, of your arrival, requesting their instructions as to your further destination ; which instructions you are to obey as far as it shall be in your power. " You are to take particular notice, that whilst on the coast of France, or in a French port, you are, as much as you conveniently can, to keep your guns covered and concealed, and to make as little warlike appearance as possible. Wish- ing you," &c. &c. With these credentials and instructions, Jones sailed for Europe in command of the Ranger, in high spirits, expecting lo be the first messenger of what he calls " the joyful and important news of Burgoyne's surrender." He reached Nantes early in December, having ciptured two brigantines on the voyage, laden with fruit and wine.- JONES AND THE COMMISSIONERS. 41) CHAPTER III. ^ T must be owned that Capcain I Jones at no time slipped any opportunity of bringing imn- self forward, arid placing his services in a fair light. Though he indeed claimed no more than was his due, he never, through false delicacy, with- drew his merits into the shade. " It is civil cowardice," says the Spectator's modest friend, Caf)tain Sentry, " to be backward in asserting what you ought to expect, as it is military fear to be slow in attacking when it is your duty." His first act, on reaching France, was to write to the Commissioners, to whom he was now to look for orders, and also for patronage. " I yesterday," he says, " enclosed you copies of two letters which I wrote you previous to my departure from Portsmouth, together with a plan which I drew up at Philadelphia, on the regulation and equipment of our infant navy. It is my first and favourite wish to be employed in active and enterprising services, when there is a prospect of rendering acceptable services to America. The singular honour which Congress have done me by their generous acknowledgment of my past ser- vices, hath inspired me with sentiments of gratitude which I shall cany with me to my grave; and if a life of services devoted to America can be made instrumental in securing its indopendencc, I shall regard the continuance of such appro- bation as an honour far superior to what kings even couIp bestow." 50 PLAN OF OPERATIONS DEFEATED. Captain Jones was immediately summoned to Paris by tlie commissioners of Congress, Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee. They had not yet assumed the name of ple- nipotentiaries, nor was war declared between Great Britain and France ; for though these countries were in a state of understood, if not avowed, hostility, in his private orders from the marine conmiittee of Congress, Jones was directed to keep his guns covered and concealed as much as possible while on the coasts or in the ports of France, and as much as possible to avoid a warlike appearance. The object ol summoning him to Paris was to concert, in conjunction with the commissioners, a plan of operations for the powerful maritime force under the command of the Count d'Estaing, which — a treaty being now concluded between France and the new states — was destined to harass the British, and sup- port the cause of the republic on the shores of America. The bold and sagacious plan of that campaign, which, if carried into effect as projected, must, in all probability, at once have ended the war, Jones repeatedly and openly claims the merit of having formed ;* and there can be no doubt that his knowledge of thu actual state of the British land and naval force then acting in America, and his practical nautical ac- quaintance with the scene of operation, enabled him to give most important advice. Those delays, and the baffling cir- cumstances to which naval armaments are ever exposed, together, as has been alleged, with the timidity or irresolution of the French Commander, the promptitude and courage dis- played by Lord Howe, and the excellent spirit of the whole British fleet on that memorable occasion, disconcerted this well-imagined scheme. In claiming the plan of that expedi- tion, Jones says, in a letter addressed to the French Minister * In ttio memorial to tlie King of France, Jones states ttint tlie plan adopted for D'Rstninff's expedition was sent hy him to tiic Commissioners from Nantes, i)n tlie lOtli Fctirnary, 177'', after lie had returned from Paris, and iinincdiatclv r-n ne.iring some airrcealilc news from Aineric.i. THE INDIEN. 51 of Marine, M. de Sartine, — ''■ Had Count d'Estaing arrived in llie Delaware a few days sooner, he might have made a most glorious and easy conquest. Many successful projects may be adopted from the hints which I had the honour to draw up; and if I can still furnish more, or execute any of these already furnished, so as to distress and humble the com- mon enemy, it will afford me the li'uest pleasure." Before D'Estaing appeared, however, Lord Howe, as has been noticed, had been able to place the fleet and the transports in safety ; and the plan on which the American Commissioners justly prided themselves of blocking up the British ships, transports, and victuallers, in the Delaware, thus fell to the ground. When Jones went to Paris to attend the Commissioners, he left the Ranger, which had been damaged in her voyage, refitting at Nantes. To the Commissioners he imparted plans of various enterprises to be undertaken in the bold predatory spirit of the private instructions of Morris, and he induced them to hold out to his crew, in the name of Congress, the hope or promise of some particular gratuity in reward of the "good, gallant behaviour and punctual obedience," so essen-, tial to the furtherance of his daring projects. In coming to Europe he expected to obtain command of the Indian, a large frigate, then building at Amsterdam, for the service of the United States. This vessel the Commissioners thought fit to present to the King of France. Jones felt the disappointment, and even complained of it to Congress, making it an argu- ment for obtaining at least an equivalent command. On the 16th January, 1778, Jones received his orders from the Commissioners. They were such as ever proved the most agreeable to him — unlimited — implying full confi- dence in his zeal and ability. The only caution he received, was, not to return immediately to the ports of France after making an attempt on the coast of Britain, as the Fiench coi.iii wished to shuffle a little longer. 52 THE bIRST SALUTE. Tliu Jir=t ::al-ile. The Ranger being now refitted, Jones sailed to Quiberon. and at that place displayed considerable professional address and characteristic firmness, in compelling the French Admi- ral to give the American flag — which Jones had been the first to hoist — the first saluie it ever received, lie wrote on this occasion : It was thus " February, 14th, 1778. " Dear Sir, " I am extremely sorry to give you fresh trouble, but J think the Admiral's answer of yesterday requires an explana ihn. The haughty English return gun for gun to foreign officers of equal rank, and two less only to captains by flag- officers. It is true, my command at present is not important, -.'et, as the senior American officer at present in Europe, it is my duty to claim an equal return of respect to the flag of the United States that would be shown to any other flag whatever. " I therefore take the liberty of enclosing an appointment JONES SAILS FROM BREST. 53 pcvliaps as respectable as any which the French Admiral can produce — besides which I have others in my possession. " If, however, he persists in refusing to return an equal salute, I will accept of two guns less, as I have not the rank of Admiral. " It is my opinion, that he would return four less to a pri- vateer or a merchant ship ; therefore, as I have been honoured oftener than once with a chief command of ships of war, 1 cannot in honour accept of the same terms of respect. " You will singularly oblige me by waiting upon the Admi- ral ; and I ardently hope you will succeed in the application, else I shall be under a necessity of departing without coming into the bay. I have the honour to be, &c. &c. " To WlLHAM Carmici'.ael, Esq." " N. B. — Though thirteen guns is your greatest salute in America, yet if the French Admiral should prefer a greater number, he has his choice, on conditions." Of the triumphant recognition of the American flag obtained in the first instance by him, Jones was naturally very proud. " I am happy," he says addressing the Marine Committee at home, " in having it in my power to congratulate you on my having seen the American flag recognized in the fullest and completest manner by the flag of France." And he relates how he accomplished this object. On the 10th of April, Jones sailed from Brest on that cruise which the assault on Whitehaven, the landing at the Earl of Selkirk's, and the capture of the Drake, afterwards rendered so celebrated. The account of that expedition will be best given in his own words. It is, however, worthy of notice, that the original log-book of the Ranger, and of his more famous ship, the Bon Homme Richard, which are now acci- dentally in the hands of gentlemen in Scotland, wholly uncon- nected with Captain Jones, generally corroborate all his 5* 54 SINKING OF THE BRIGANTINE. Statements to the most minute particulars. It is thus his ac count commences : — " I have now to fulfil the promise made in my last, by giv ing you an account of my late expedition. " I sailed from Brest the 10th of April ; my plan was ex tensive, I therefore did not at the beginning wish to encumber myself with prisoners. On the 14th, I took a brigantine, be- tween Scilly and Cape Clear, bound for Ostend, with a cargo of flax-seed for Ireland — sunk her, and proceeded into St. George's Channel. Sinking of the Brigantine. " On the 17th I took the ship Lord Chatham, bound from [.ondon to Dublin, with a cargo consisting of porter, and a variety of merchandise, and almost within sight of her port ; this ship I manned and ordered for Brest. " Towards the evening of the day following the weather nad a promising appearance, and, the wind being favourable, I stood over from the Isle of Man, with an intention to make a descent at Whitehaven ; at ten I was off the harbour with a party of volunteers, and had everything in readiness to land; but before eleven the wind greatly increased and shifted, so as to blow directly upon the shore; the sea increased, of course, and it became impossible to effect a landing. This obliged me to carry all possible sail so as to clear the land, Qnd to await a more favourable opportunity. THE REVENUE WHERRY. 55 " On the 18th, in Glentinebay, on the south coast of Scot- land, I met with a revenue wherry ; it being the common practice of these vessels to board merchant ships, the Ranger then having no external appearance of war, it was expected that this rover would have come alongside; I was, however, mistaken, for though the men were at their quarters, yet this vessel out-sailed the Ranger, and got clear in spite of a severe cannonade. Escape of the Revenue Whetry. " Tne next morning, off the Mull of Galloway, I found my self so near a Scotch coasting schooner, loaded with barley that I could not avoid sinking her. Underslanding that there were ten or twelve sail of merchant ships, besides a Tender brigantine, with a number of impressed men on board, at anchor in Lnchryan, in Scotland, I thought this an enterprise worthy my atreniion; but the wind, which at the first would have served equally well to have sailed in or out of the Loch, shifted in a hard squall, so as to blow alinost directly in, with an appearance of bad weather. I was therefore obliged to '.bandon my project. " Seeing a cutter off the lee-bow steering for the Clyde, ] wave chase, in hopes of cutting her off, but finding my endeavours ineftectual. I pursued no farther t' an the Rock of 56 THE DRAKE. Ailsa. In the evening I fell in with a sloop from Dublin, which I sunk, to prevent intelligence. " The next day, 21st, being near Carrickfergus, a fishing- Doat came oft', which I detained. I saw a ship at anchor in the road, which I was informed by the fishermen was the British ship-of-war Drake, of twenty guns. I determined to attack her in the night ; my plan was to overlay her cable, and to fall upon her bow, so as to have all her decks open and exposed to our musketry, &c. ; at the same time, it was my intention to have secured the enemy by grapplings, so that, had they cut their cables, they would not thereby have attained an advantage. The wind was high, and unfortunately tlic anchor was not let go so soon as the order was given, so that the Ranger was brought to upon the enemy's quarter at the distance of half a cable's length. We had made no warlike appearance, of course had given no alarm ; this deter- mined me to cut immediately, which might appear as if the cable had parted, and at the same tune enable me, after mak- ing a tack out of the Loch, to return vi'ith the same prospect of advantage which I had at the first. I was, however, pre- vented from returning, as I with difficulty weathered the liglit-house on the lee-side of the Loch, and as the gale increased. The weather now became so very stormy and severe, and the sea ran so high, that I was obliged to take shelter under the south shore of Scotland. " Tlie 22d introduced fair weather, though the three king- doms were, as far as the eye could reach, covered with snow. I now resolved once more to attempt Whitehaven; but the wind became very light, so that the ship would not in proper time approach so near as I had intended. At midnight I left the ship with two boats and thirty-one volunteers ; when we reached the outer pier, the day began to dawn ; I would not, however, abandon my enterprise, but despatched one boat unHer the direction of Mr. Hill and Lieutenant WaUingsford, with the necessary combustibles to set fire to the shiDping on DESCENT ON WHITEHAVEN. 57 fne noith side of the harbour, while I went with the other party to attempt the south side. I was successful in scaling the walls and spiking up all the cannon on the first fort ; find- ing the sentinels shut up in the guard-house, they were secured without being hurt. Having fixed sentinels, I now took with me one man only, (Mr. Green,) and spiked up all the cannon on the southern fort, distant from the other a quarter of a mile. Expedition to Whitehaven. " On my return from (his business, I naturally expected to see the fire of the ships on the mrth side, as well as to find my own party with everything in readiness to set fire to the shipping on the south ; instead of this, I found the boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and M. Wallingsford returned, and the party in some confusion, their light having burnt out at the instant when it became necessary.* * Jones did not soon surmount the disappointment occasioned by this mis. understanding on the part of his officers. In a memorial to Congress, he says, " My first object was to secure an exchange of prisoners in Europe, and my second to put an end, by one good fire in England of shipping, to all the burn, ings in America. I succeeded in the first, even by means far more glorious than my most flattering ideas had expected when I loft France. In the second I endeavoured to deserve success; but a wise officer of mine observed, tiiat ' it ivas a rash thing, and that nothing could be got by burning poor people's 68 DESCENT ON WHITEHAVEN. "By the strangest fatality, my own party were in the sam6 situation, the candles being all burnt out. The day too came on apace, yet I would by no means reti-eat while any hopes of success remained. Having again placed sentinels, a light was obtained at a house disjoined from the town, and fire was kindled in the steerage of a large ship, which was sur- rounded by at least an hundred and fifty others, chiefly from two to four hundred tons burthen, and lying side by side, aground, unsurrounded by the water. " There were, besides, from seventy to an hundred large ships in the north arm of the harbour, aground, clear of the water, and divided from the I'est only by a stone pier of a ship's height. I should have kindled fires in other places if the time had permitted ; as it did not, our care was to pre- vent the one kindled from being easily extinguished. After some searcli, a barrel of tar was found, and poured into the flames, which now ascended from all the hatchways. The inhabitants began to appear in thousands, and individuals ran hastily towards us. I stood between them and the ship on fire, with a pistol in my hand, and ordered them to retire, which they did with precipitation. The flames had akeady caught the rigging, and began to ascend the main-mast ; the the sun was a full hour's march above the hoiizon, and as sleep no longer ruled the world, it was time to retire. We property.' I must, however, do him tlie justice to mention his acltnowledg. niont, that he had no turn for enterprise ; and I must also do equal justice to my former officers in the Providence and the Alfred, by declaring, that had tlicy been with mc in tlie Ranger, two hundred and fifty, or three hundred sail of large ships at Whitehaven would have been laid in ashes.'" In answer to certain queries on this subject, proposed by the Board of Admiralty in 1781, lie says, " I made a descent at Whitehaven with thirty men only, surprised and took two strong forts with thirty pieces of cannon, and set fire to the ship ping where they lay, three hundred or upn'ards,'in the dry pier. That both the shipping and the town, containing from forty to fifty thousand inhabitants, iva« not burned, was owing to the backwardness of some persons under my command." (60) DESCENT ON WHITEHAVEN. 61 re-einbarked without opposition, having released a number of prisoners, as our boats could not carry them. After all my people had embarked, I stood upon the pier for a consi- derable space, yet no person advanced : I saw all the emi- nences round the town covered with the amazed inhabitants. " When we had rowed to a considerable distance from the shore, the English began to run in vast numbers to their forts ; their disappointment may easily be imagined when I hey found, I suppose, at least thirty heavy cannon (the instruments of their vengeance) rendered useless. At length, however, they began to fire, having, as I apprehend, either brought down ship's guns, or used one or two cannon which lay on the beach at the foot of the walls, dismounted, and which had not been spiked. They fired with nn direction, and the shot fall- ing short of the boats, instead of doing us any damage, aflbrded some diversion, which my people could not help showing, by discharging their pistols, &c. in return of the salute. " Had it been possible to have landed a few hours sooner, success would have been complete ; not a single ship out of more than two hundred could possibly have escaped, and all the world would not have been able to save the town ; what was done, however, is sufficient to show that not all their boasted navy can protect their own coasts, and that the scenes of distress which they have occasioned in America may soon be brouglit home to their own doors. One of my people was missing, and must, I fear, have fallen into the enemy's hands after our departure.* I was pleased that in this business we neither killed nor wounded. I brought off three prisoners as a samyjle." * In the Ranger's log'-book this man is named David Smith. Ho is probably llie same person who, under the name of Freeman, gave information at several houses in a street adjoining the piers, that fire had been set to a slii]), and aftorw ards otlicr information that appears substantially correct. He must havp rcmuined on shore \oluntaril7. 6 52 DESCENT ON ST. MARY'S ISLE. In all the contemporary accounts of the attempt on White- haven, and capture of the Drake, the Ranger is termed a privateer. This is a mistake ; she was a ship of war belong- ing to the United States, and Jones was appointed her com- mander by a resolution of Congress on the 14th of June, 1777. Tlio character of this vessel was, however, certainly anoma- liius in any regular navy. Her commander acted alone and single-handed ; and such was his temper and the nature of the service for which he seemed most fitted, that he uniformly succeeded best when acting thus on his own judgment and responsibility, and never wholly failed, save in those combined operations where his opinions wei'e opposed or fettered. With the unlimited command of the Ranger, and small as his force was, he determined to prove to France and America what, with adequate means placed at his disposal, he might achieve. But it is time to return to the narrative of this ;;ruise, which resembled more the bold exploits of JN'Iorgan or Lolonnois tlian the operations of modern nautical warfare. Detcenl on 3: Mary's iBle. ENCOUNTER WITH THE DRAKE. 63 " We now stood over for the Scotch shore, and landed at noon on St. Maiy's Isle, with one boat only, and a very small party, (twelve men.) The motives which induced me to land there are explained in the within copy of a letter* which I have written to the Countess of Selkirk. " On the morning of the 24th I was again off Carrickfergus, and would have gone in had I not seen the Drake preparing to come out ; it was very moderate, and the Drake's boat was sent out to reconnoiti'e the Ranger. As the boat advanced 1 kept the ship's stern directly towards her, and, though they had a spy-glass in the boat, they came on within hail, and alongside. When the officer came on the quarter-deck, he was greatly surprised to find himself a prisoner! — although an express had arrived from Whilehaoen the night before. I now understood what I had before imagined, that the Drake came out in consequence of this information with volunteers against the Ranger. The officer told me also, that they had taken up the Ranger's anchor. " The Drake was attended by five small vessels full of people, who were led by motives of curiosity to see an engagement ; but when they discovered the Drake's boat at the Ranger's stern they wisely put back. Alarm-sinokes now appeared in great abundance, extending along both sides of the channel. The tide was unfavourable, so that the Drake worked out but slowly. This obliged me to run down several times, and to lajr with courses up, and main-topsail to the mast. At length the Drake weathered the point, and having led her out to about mid-channel, I suflered her to come within hail. The Drake hoisted English colours, and at ihf. same instant the American stars were displayed on board the Ranger. I expected that preface had been now at an end ; but the enemy soon after hailed, demanding; what ship it was. I directed the master to answer, the American continental shij. Ranger; that we wailed for them, and desired * See page 68 84 ACTION WITH THE DRAKE. they would come on. The sun was now little more than ai; hour from setting, it was therefore time to begin. The Drake being rather astern of the Ranger, I ordered the helm up, and gave her the first broadside. The action was warm, close, and obstinate; it lasted an hour and five minutes, when the enemy called for quarters, her fore and main-top-sail yards being both cut away, and down on the cap ; he foro- lop-gallant-yard and mizen-gafl" both hanging up and down along the mast ; the second ei.sign which they had hoisted shot away, and hanging over the quarter-galler)', in the water ; the jib shot away, and hanging into the water ; her sails and rigging entirely cut to pieces, her masts and yards all wounded, and her hull also very much galled. Action between the Ranger and the Drake "1 lost only Lieutenant VV^allingsford, and o i.;.nan (John Dongal) killed, and six wounded, among w'uori are the gunner, (Mr. Falls,) and Mr. Powers, a midshipman, who lost his arm. One of the wounded (Nathaniel Wills) is since dead ; the rest will recover. ACTION WITH THE DRAKE 65 " The loss of the enemy in killed and wounded was far gieater. All the prisoners allow that they came out with a number not less than an hundred and sixty men, and many of them affirm that they amounted to an hundred and ninety; the medium may perhaps be the most exact account, and by that it will appear that they lost in killed and wounded forty- two men.* "The captain and lieutenant were among the wounded; the former, having received a musket ball in the head the minute before they called for quarters, lived and was sensible for some time after my people boarded the prize ; the lieu- tenant survived two days. They were buried with the honours due to their rank, and with the respect due to their memory. " The night, and almost the whole day after the action, being moderate, greatly facilitated the refitting of the ships. A large brigantine ran so near the Drake in the afternoon, that I was obliged to bring her to : she belonged to White- haven, and was bound to Norway. " I had thoughts of returning by the south channel, but the wind shifting, I determined to pass by the north, and round the west coast of Ireland : this brought me once more off Belfast Loch on the evening of the day after the engagement. " It was now time to release the honest Irishmen whom I look here on the 21st : and as the poor fellows had lost their boat, she having sunk in the late stormy weather, I was happy in having it in my power to give them the necessary sum to purchase everything new which they had lost ; I gave them also a good boat to transport themselves ashore, and sent with them two iiifirm men, on whom I had bestowed the last guinea in my possession, to defray their travelling expenses tO their proper home at Dublin. They took with them one of the Drake's sails, which would sufficiently explain what * This loss is slated by the other part' at twenty-two. 6* 66 RELEASE OF THE IRISHMEN. had happened lo the volunteers. The grateful Irishmen vveie enraptured and expressed their joy in three huzzas as they passed the Ranger's quarter." Release of the Irishmen. On the 26th April, Captain Jones placed Lieutenant Simp- son under suspension and arrest ; and on the 8th May he re- entered Brest roads, having been absent only twenty-eight- days.* If the American plenipotentiaries were gratified by the * Tlie worthy and cautious citizens of Aberdeen were tlie only persons greatly alarmed on this occasion. In the Scots M.igazine for May, 1778, we find the following^ par.Tgraph : " On receiving at Aberdeen intelligence of the plunder of Lord Selkirk*? house and the landing at Whitehaven, a hand-bill was circulated by order of the Magistrates, to set on foot an association of the inhabitants for defence, and in a few days an hundred and twenty were enrolled." The affair never went farther. Another American vessel, which landed a party, and plundered the liouse of Mr. Gordon, near Banff, must. have quick- ened their apprehensions ; but no alarm was seriously felt till the squadron of Paul Jones ap])carcd in the frith of Forth. Fvcn then the panic was phort lived. LETTER TO THE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK. 67 success of this expedition, the Court of Versailles was still more delighted. France was now on the very eve of war. The plenipotentiaries of the United States had been pubncly received at Versailles a month before — the treaty had been signed— and D'Estaing's squadron was ready for sea. The French ambassador had been ordered to leave London, and by the famous engagement between the Arethusa and La Belle Poule the first blow had been struck. In England the nation, much divided on the policy of the unsuccessful war with the colonies, were for the first time united in feelings of hostility to the " ancient foe," and of indignation at the insidi- ous policy of the court of Versailles. The most active pre- parations were going on throughout the whole of the three kingdoms. All the winter and spring, in anticipation of a war with France, volunteer corps, defensive bands, and fen- cible regiments, had been raising ; the navy was hastily aug- mented ; addresses were sent from all quarters of the country ; and the bulk of the nation was animated by the most ardent spirit of loyalty. The first leisure of Captain Jones on arriving at Brest was employed in writing his celebrated letter to the Countess of Selkirk. His conduct throughout the whole of this delicate affair, though certainly on his part the spontaneous impulse of elevated feeling, was also good policy, as the descent on St. Mary's Isle, which ultimately redounded to his honour, was liable to much misrepresentaiion. The explanatory chivalrous epistle to the Countess of Selkirk has been often talked of. It represents the character of the writer in a new and certainly not unpleasing light. How seldom does the romance of real life exist till the age of thirty ! But however romantic one class of the foelin:;s of Jones might be, awakened and softened by his visit to the scenes of his boyhood, under circumstances so extraordinarv. iie was still much more at home in drawing up a clear mcinoriai of his proceedings for Congress, or in bringing lo a tardv (i8 LETTER TO THE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK. and shuffling minister, than in addressing high-born dames Though he had been a few weeks in Paris, the airs of a carpet-knight sliii sat awkwardly upon liim, and his letter evinces more right feeling than good taste or knowledge of lady-life. But Franklin, the republican sage, to whom the epistle was enclosed, says, " It is a gallant letter, which must give her Ladyship a high and just opinion of your generosity and nobleness of mind ;" — and he was right. The matter was admirable, whatever might be the faults of style. Had the same generous spirit of hostility been displayed through- out, how much of human misery, wantonly inflicted, might have been spared, — how much of that bitterness of feeling engendered between countries having in common so many oowerful bonds of alliance, might have been prevented 1 "Ranoer, Brest, 8tli May, 1778. •' Madam, " It cannot be too much lamented, that, in the professioti of arms, the officer of fine feelings and real sensibility should be under the necessity of winking at any action of persons under his command which his heart cannot approve ; but the reflection is doubly severe, when he finds himself obliged, in appearance, to countenance such acts by his authority. " This hard case was mine, when, on the 23d of April last, I landed on St. Mary's Isle. Knowing Lord Selkirk's interest with the King, and esteeming, as I do, his private character, 1 wished to make him the happy instrument of alleviating the horrors of hopeless captivity, when the brave are overpowered and made prisoners of war. " It was, perhaps, fortunate for you. Madam, that he was from home; for it was my intention to have taken him on hoard the Ranger, ana to have detained him, until, through his means, a general and fair exchange of prisoners, as well in Europe as in Ainerica, had been eflected. When I was informed oy some men whom 1 met at landing, that his Lord- LETTER TO THE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK. 69 ship was absent, I walked back to my boat, dt termined to leave the island. By the way, however, some officers, who were with me, could not forbear expressing their discontent, observing that, in America, no delicacy was shown by the English, who took away all sorts of moveable property, setting fire, not only to towns and to the houses of the rich, without distinction, but not even sparing the wretched ham- bts and milch-cows of the poor and helpless, at the approach of an inclement winter. That party had been with me the same morning at Whitehaven ; some complaisance, therelbre, was their due. I had but a moment to think how I might gratify them, and at the same time do your Ladyship the least injury. I charged the officers to permit none of the seamen to enter the house, or to hurl anything about it ; to treat you. Madam, with the utmost respect ; to accept of the plate which was offered, and to come away without making a search, oi demanding anything else. " I am induced to believe that I was punctually obeyed since I am informed that the plate which they brought away is far short of the quantity expressed in the inventory which accompanied it. I have gratified my men ; and, when the plate is sold, I shall become the purchaser, and will gratify my own feelings by restoring it to you by such conveyance as you shall please to direct. " Had the Earl been on board the Ranger the following evening, he would have seen the awful pomp and dreadful carnage of a sea-engagement ; both affording ample subject lor the pencil as well as melancholy reflection for the con- templative mind. Humanity starts back from such scenes of hoi .'or, u.nd cannot sufficiently execrate the vile promoters of this ds'ostiible war — ' For <*«!/. 'I v.'as they, unsneathcd the ruthless bhde. And Hp-iven shall ask 'l>e liav"" it n.-"> made.' "The British ship of war Drakv., mourJinj. 'wentv guns 70 I,ETTRR TO THE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK. with more than hei full complement of officers and men, was our opponent. The ships met, and the advantage was disputed with great fortitude on each side for an hour and four min- utes, when the gallant commander of the Drake fell, and vic- tory declared in favour of the Ranger. The amiable lieuten- ant lay mortally wounded, besides near forty of the inferior officers and crew killed and wounded, — a melancholy demon stration of the uncertainty of human prospects, and of the sad reverse of fortune "ivhich an hour can produce. I buried them in a spacious grave, with the honours due to the me- mory of the brave. " Though I have drawn my sword in the present generous struggle for the rights of men, yet I am not in arms as an American, nor am I in pursuit of riches. My fortune is liberal enough, having no wife nor family, and having lived long enough to know that riches cannot ensure happiness. I pro- fess myself a citizen of the world, totally unfettered by the little, mean distinctions of cUmate or of country, which diminish the benevolence of the heart, and set bounds to phi- lanthropy. Before this war began I had at the early time of life withdrawn from the sea-service in favour of ' calm con- templation and poetic ease.' I have sacrificed not only my favourite scheme of life, but the softer aflfections of the heart and my prospects of domestic iiappiness, and I am ready to sacrifice my life also with cheerfulness, if that forfeiture could restore peace and good-will among mankind. " As the feelings of your gentle bosom cannot but be con- genial with mine, let me entreat you, Madam, to use your persuasive art with your husband's to endeavour to stop this cruel and destructive war, in which Britain can never suc- ceed. Heaven can never countenance the barbarous and ■ unmanly practice of the Britons in America, which savages would blush at, and which, if not discontinued, will soon be retaliated on Britain by a justly-enraged people. Should you fiiil in this, (for I am persuaded that you will attempt it, and LETTER TO THE COUNTESS OF SELKIRK. 71 who can resist the power of such an advocate?) your ende.i- vours to effect a general exchange of prisoners will be an act of humanity which will afford you golden feelings on a death-bed. " I hope this cruel contest will soon be closed ; but should it continue, I wage no war with the fair. I acknowledge their force, and bend before it with submission. Let not therefore, the amiable Countess of Selkirk regard me as an enemy ; I am ambitious of her esteem and friendship, and would do anything, consistent with my duty, to merit it. " The honour of a line from your hand in answer to this will lay me under a singular obligation ; and if I can render you any acceptable service in France or elsewhere, I hope you see into my character so far as to comm.and me without the least grain of reserve. " I wish to know exactly the behaviour of my people, as 1 am determined to punish them if they have exceeded their liberty. I have the honour to be, with much esteem and with profound respect, Madam, &c. &c. " John Paul Jones. " To the Countess of Selkirk." It afterwards cost Jones much more trouble than he could have calculated upon to redeem the promise here given to the Countess of Selkirk. Once in the harpy claws of com- missaries and prize-agents, it required all his energy, activity, and disinterestedness, to wrest the plate from them, even by paying, he says, " more than the value." It was valued and re-valued, and occasioned more trouble and expense than it was intrinsically worth, had not Jones conceived his honour pledged for its safe restoration. •lones found a useful auxiliary in this affliir in Father John, an Irish priest, the chaplain of Count D'Orvilliers, who then commanded a fleet lying off" Brest, and whom he had already made his friend. So justly provoked vyas he about this affair, *nd the sordid S)j;^'it of the agents, that, in the very tomoer 72 RE-nEMPTION OF THE PLATE. of Hotspur, we find him exclaiming, " I will not abate the thousand! h part of a sol of three-twentieths of pi'izes, which no man in America ever presumed to dispute as being my just and proper right, and which no rascal in Europe shall presume to dispute with impunity ! To whom, since I was myself commander-in-chief, would that old fool decree the three-twentieths? Perhaps to his dear self, who is puffed up with the idea of his right to secure ' the property of captures I' " Though the plate came into the possession of Jones in 1780, it was nearly five years before he was able to return it to the owner. It was lodged with a friend during his absence in America ; and in writing to Lord Selkirk in 1784, after the peace, he takes occasion to make a new avowal of the views and sentiments on which he had acted during the war : — Paris, February 12th, 1784. '• My Lord, " I have just received a letter from Mr. Nesbitt, dated at [/Orient the 4th instant, mentioning a letter to him from your son. Lord Daer, on the subject of the plate that was (aken from your house by some of my people when I com- manded the Ranger, and has been for a long time past in Mr. Nesbitt's care. A short time before I left France to return to America; Mr. W. Alexander wrote me from Paris to L'Orient, that he had, at my request, seen and con- versed with your Lordship in England respecting the plate. He said that you had agreed that I should restore it, and that it might be forwarded to the care of your sister-in-law, the Countess of Morton, in London. In consequence I now send orders to Mr. Nesbitt, to forward the plate immediately to her care. When I received Mr. Alexander's letter, there was no cartel or other vessel at L'Orient, that I could trust with a charge of so delicate a nature as your plate, and 1 had great reason to expect I should return to France within six months after I embarked for America; but circumstances m America prevented my retm-ning to Europe during the LETTER TO LORD SELKIRK. 73 war, though I had constant expectation of it. The long delay that has happened to the restoration of jour plaie has given me much concern, and I now feel a proportionate pleasure in fulfilling what was my first intention. My motive for landing at your estate in Scotland was to take you. as an hostage for the lives and liberty of a number of the citizens of America, who had been taken in war on the ocean, and committed to British prisons, under an act of parliament, as traitors, pirates, and felojis. You observed to Mr. Alexander, that ' my idea was a mistaken one, because you were not, (as I had supposed) in favour with the British ministry, who knew that you favoured the cause of liberty.' On that account I am glad that you were absent from your estate when 1 landed there, as I bore no personal enmity, but the contrary, towards you. I afterwards had the happiness to redeem my fellow-citizens from Britain, by means far more glorious than through the modjjim of any single hostage. " As I have endeavoured to serve the cause of liberty, through every stage of the American revolution, and sacri- ficed to it my private ease, a part of my fortune, and some of my blood, I could have no selfish motive in permitting my people to demand and carry off your plate. My sole induce- mftnt was to turn their attention and stop their rage from breaking out, and retaliating on your house and effects the too loanton burnings and desolation that had been committed against their relations and fellow-citizens in America by the Bi'itish; of which, I assure, you would have felt the severe consequences had I not fallen on an expedient to prevent if, and hurried my people away before they had time for farther reflection. As you were so obliging as to say to Mr. Alex- ander, that ' my people behaved with great decency at your house,' I ask the favour of you to announce that circumstance lo the public. " I am, my Lord, wishing you always perfect freedom and nappiness," &c. &c, 7 " Paul Jones ' 74 THE EARL'S ANSWER. The answer that Jones received next year from the Ear) was some indemnification for his trouble and anxiety : — " London, 4th August, 178S. "Sib, " 1 received the letter you wrote me at the time you senl off my plate, in order for restoring it. Had I known where to direct a letter to you at the time it arrived in Scotland, I would have then wrote to you ; but not knowing it, nor find- ing that any of my acquaintance at Edinburgh knew it, I was obliged to delay writing till I came here, when, by means of a gentleman connected with America, I was told Mr. Le Grand was your banker at Paris, and would take proper care of a letter for you ; therefore I enclose this to him. " Notwithstanding all the precautions you took for the easy and uninterrupted conveyance of the plate, yet it met with considerable delays, first at Calais, next at Dover, then at London. However, it at last arrived at Dumfries, and, I dare say, quite safe, though as yet I have not seen it, being then at Edmburgh. I intended to have put an article in the newspapers about your having returned it ; but before I was informed of its being arrived, some of your friends, I suppose, had put it in the Dumfries newspaper, whence it was imine- diately copied into the Edinburgh papers, and thence into the London ones. " Since that time I have mentioned it to many people of fashion ; and on all occasions. Sir, both now and formerly, I have done you the justice to tell, that you made an offer of returning the plate very soon after your return to Brest, and although you yourself were not at my house, but remained at the shore with your boat, that yet you had your officers and men in such extraordinary good discipline, that you having given them the strictest orders to behave well, to do no injury of any kind, to make no search, but only to bring off what olate was given them ; that in reality they did exar.lly as THE EARL'S ANSWER. 7'i oidered, and that not one man offered to stir from his post, on the outside of'tlie house, nor entered the doors, nor said an uncivil word ; that the two officers stood not a quarter of an hour in tlie parlour and butler's pantry while the butler got the plate together ; behaved politely, and asked for nothing but the plate, and instantly marched their men off in regular order; and that both officers and men behaved in all respects so well, that it would have done credit to the best-disciplined troops whatever. Some of the English nevi'spapers at that time having put in confused accounts of your expedition to Whitehaven and Scotland, I ordered a proper one of vi'hat happened in Scotland to be put in the London nev^fspapers, by a gentleman who was then at my house, bj' which the good conduct and civil behaviour of your officers and men were done justice to, and attributed to your orders, and the good discipline you maintained over your people. " I am, Sir, your most humble servant, " Selkirk." The plate was ret'.r 'led exactly as it had been taken away. 76 CONDUCl" Of THE COMMISSIONERS CHAPTER IV. III! success of Jones, tind the lemporary vogue into which it [raised him at the court ol" I France on his return to Brest, I did not free him from many embarrassments. To provide I for his crev^r, to secure the 5two hundred prisoners he had ^brought in, and to obtain a new command for himself, all occupied and distracted his atten- tion at the same time. The dilatoriness or cupidity of the prize-agents, and the straitened funds at the disposal of the Commissioners, excited open discontents among the seamen. — who, after their exertions, saw themselves neglected and forgotten, and even in want of tlie common necessaries of food and clothing. Captain Jones had now obtained the right of speaking out, and also of being heard ; and he used his newly-acquired influence with equal anxiety for the comfort of his own men, and of the sick, wounded, and prisoners whom the fortune of war had placed at his mercy. Before quitting America, Jones had, under the sanction of the Marine Committee, made himself accountable to his crew for the regular payment of their wages. With this circumstance Mr. Lee,one of the Commissioners, who after- wards gave both of his own colleagues much trouble, was acquainted ; yet he concurred with those who were in igno- rance of this arrangement in dishonouring a draft which Jones made on the Commissioners on his return to Brest JONES PROTECTS HIS PRISONERS. 77 under circumstances which should have compelled them to attend to his wants, in humanity and good policy as well as justice. " I was left," he says, " with two hundred prisoners of war, a numi er of sick and wounded, an almost naked crew, and a ship, after a severe engagement, in want of stores and provisons, from the 9ih May till the 13th of June, destitute of any public support." " To make me completely wretched," he says, on another occasion, " M. de Bersolle has told me that he now stops his hand, not only of the necessary articles to refit the ship, but also of the daily provi- sions. I knovv not where to find to-morrow's dinner for the ^reat number of mouths that depend on me for food. Are ihe continental ships of war to depend on the sale of their prizes for a daily dinner to their men 1 Publish it not in Gath!" But from all these pressing difficulties Jones contrived to extricate himself with little aid, in the first instance, from the harassed Commissioners, who, at this time, had their hands full of business, and their purses empty of money. Shortly afterwards we find Captain Jones interfering to protect his prisoners from the rapacity of the persons who were intrusted with supplying their wants. By his exertions and credit with the French goverment and its functionaries, he had already ensured their safe custody in order to an exchange, — an object for which Franklin was now negotia- ting, and which at all times was one of prime importance to Jones, as appears on the face of his whole correspondence. The letter enclosing the memorial of his prisoners is verv creditable to his feelings. " The fellovi'," he says, " who holds the rod over their wretched heads, has menaced them ' if they dare to com- plain,' and would have intercepted their memorial, had I not prevented it. This Riou is the scoundrel who, by his false- hood, promoted discord in the Ranger, and got the deluied people to appoint him their particular agent. Before that time he never could call twenty louis his own. — and he is 7* 78 JONES'S LETTER TO THE FRENCH OFFICERS, now too rich for his former profession of King's interpreter. He does not deny that he is a scoundrel, for so I have called him more than once before witnesses, and so every person of sense thinks him at Brest. If the exchange of prisoners does not take place immediately, I conceive it would be the most eligible method to have the people on board the Patience landed. They are convinced that if you should think fit to return them an answer, it will never come to their hands through the means of any person who calls himself an agent at Brest, and they having full confidence in the honour and humanity of Father John, professor of English, and chaplain to Comte D'Orvilliers at Brest, have desired me to inform you, that through that gentleman they beg you to favour them with an answer. In granting their request you will confer a very singular obligation on me." Though Jones had just cause of anger in the hardship and indignity to which he was exposed by the Commissioners dishonouring his drafts, and in the conduct of the prize-agents, and the discontents which in consequence arose among his crew, who naturally all looked to him for justice, if not reward, he was cheered by many marks of private friendship and esteem. The Comte D'Orvilliers, commander-in-chief at Brest, showed him the utmost kindness, untinctured by any of that professional jealousy with which he was afterwards regarded by the horde of inferior officers of the French navy. The Due de Chartres seemed friendly ; and, above all, the wise and venerable Franklin, who, from first to last, appears to have appreciated his character, proved a friend as steady as he was judicious. Jones had not been three weeks in Brest when Franklin wrote him, congratulating him on his late success, and pro- posing another expedition. " The Jersey privateers," he savs, " do us a great deal of mischief by intercepting our supplies. It has been mentioned to me, that your small ves- sel, commanded by so brave an officer, might render great DR. FRANKLIN'S PROPOSAL. 79 service, by following them where greater ships dare not ven- ture their bottoms ; or, being accompanied and supported by some frigates from Brest, at a proper distance, might dravv them out and then take them. I wish you to consider of this, as it comes from high auiharitij." To be made the decoy-duck of French frigates could not be peculiarly agreeable to a man whose first and vehement object at all times was a " separate command," " unliiriited orders," and to be his "own counsellor." Yet in reply he says, " Nothing could give me more pleasure than to render essen- tial service to Ainerica in any way which you may find expedient." He then hints his desire of still obtaining the command of the ship building at Amsterdam. " I demand nothing," he adds, " and though I know that it vi'as the inten- tion of Congress to give me that ship, 1 am now ready to go wherever the service calls ine." " If two or three fast-sailing ships could be collected together, there is a great choice of ■private enterprises that I can name, some of which might effectually succeed, and would be far more for the interest and honour of America than cruising with twice the force. It appears to me to be the province of our infant navy to surprise and spread alarms with fast-sailing ships. When we grow stronger we can meet their [the British] fleets, and dis- pute with them the sovereignty of the ocean." These plans and speculations were forgotten in the more dazzling prospects which the following letter from Franklin opened to Jones ; though what at first promised so fair, after- wards became to him the source of much trouble and vexa- tion : — (Private.) " Dear Sir, " I have the pleasure of informing you, that it is proposed 'o give you the command of the great ship we have built a1 Amsterdam. By what you wrote to us formerly [ have <10 DR. FRANKLIN'S LETTER. ventured to say in your behalf, that this proposition would be agreeable to you. You will immediately let me know your resolution ; which, that you may be more clear in takine;, I must inform you of some circumstances. She is at present the propei-ty of the king ; but as there is no war yet declai-ed, you will have the commission and flag of the States, and act under their orders and laws. The Prince de Nassau will make the cruise with you. She is to be brought here under cover as a French merchantman, to be equipped and manned in France. We hope to exchange your prisoners for as many American sailors ; but if that fails, you have your pre- sent crew to be made up here with other nations and French. The other Commissioners are not acquainted with this propo- sition as yet; and you see by the nature of it, that it neces sary to be kept a secret till we have got the vessel here, for fear of difficulties in Holland, and interception; you will therefore direct your answer to me alone. It being desired that the affair should rest between j'ou and me, perhaps it may be best for you to take a trip up here to concert matters, if in general you approve the idea. " I was much pleased with reading your journal, which we received yesterday." A few days after this, Franldin had this affair so well ma- tured as to write again in the following terms : " Passy, June 10th, 1778. " Dear Sir, " I received yours of 1 st instant, with the papers enclosed, which 1 have shown to the other Commissioners, but have not yet had their opinion of them ; only I know that they had before (in consideration of the disposition and uneasiness of vour people) expressed an inclination to order your shir directly back to America. You will judge from what follows whether it will not be advisable /or you to propose their send- FRANKLIN'S LETTER. 81 ing her back with her people, and under some o'her command. In consequence of the high opinion the Minister of the Marine has of your conduct and bravery, it is now settled (observe, that is to be a secret between us, I being expressly enjoined not to communicate it to any other person,) that you are to have the frigate from Holland, which actually belongs to government, and will be furnished with as many good Frencli seamen as you shall require. But you are to act under Con- gress commission. As you may like to have a number of Americans, and your own are home-sick, it is proposed to give you as many as you can engage out of two hundred prisoners, which the ministry of Britain have at length agreed to give us in exchange for those you have in your hands. They propose to make the exchange at Calais, where they are to bring the Americans. Nothing is wanting to this but a list of yours, containing their names and rank ; immediately on the receipt of which an equal number are to be prepared, and sent in a ship to that port, where yours are to meet them. " If by this means you can get a good new crew, I thmk it would be best that you are quite free of the old ; for a mix- ture might introduce the infection of that sickness you com- plain of. But tills may be left to your own discretion. Per- haps we shall join you with the Providence, Captain Whipple, a new continental ship of 30 guns, which in coming out of the river of Providence, gave the two frigates that were posted to intercept her each of them so heavy a dose of her 18 and 12 pounders, that they had not the courage, or were not able, to pursue her. It seems to be desired that you will step up to Versailles, (where one will meet you,) in order to such a settlement of matters and plans with those who have the di- rection as cannot well be done by letter. I wish it may be convenient to you to do it immediately. " The project of giving you the command of this ship pleases me the more, as it is a probable opening to the higlie* preferment you so justly merit." A2 LETTER TO THE FRENCH MINISTER. Jones must have been exceedingly gratified by this infor- mation. It was placing liiin at once at the summit of his wishes. The French Minister of Marine notified the wishes of his Most Christian Majesty to employ the American cap- tain; and the Commissioners as formally signified their acquiescence. They say, " We readily consent that he should be at your Excellency's disposition, and shall be happy if his jervices may be in any i-espect useful to the designs your Ex r,ellency has in contemplation." Though Jones had already some experience of Marine Committees, and of the delays and insolence of office,' it was quite impossible that he could have anticipated all the torture and vexation laid up in store for him by a proposal which at first sight appeared so fair and flattering. He made his ac- knowledgments to the minister in his best style ; but probably thought less of the " dignity of human nature," the slang of that day, long before all official connexion was finished between them. " I have no doubt," he says, " that many projects might be formed from the hints which I had the honour of sending lately for your inspection : had I been in- trusted with the chief command, I would have held myself responsible for consequences." " I am bound in honour to communicate faithfully to Con- gress the generous ofCer which the King now makes, of lend- ing the Epervier in the meantime to be employed under my coinmand, under the flag of America. I have now under my command a ship bound to America. On my arrival there, from the former confidence of Congress, I have reason to expect an immediate removal into one of their best ships. I have reason to expect the chief command of the first squadron destined for an expedition, having in my possession severaJ smiilar appointments ; and when Congress see fit to appoint admirals, I have assurance that m}' name will not be forgot. These are flattering prospects to a man who has drawn hid ?word only upon principles of philanthropy, and in support of BOLD PROJECTS. S3 iKe dignity of human nature. / But as I prefer a solid to a shining reputation, a useful to a splendid command, I hold myself ready, with the approbation of the Commissioners, to be governed by you in any measures that may tend to distress and humble the common enemy." This letter, in several of its hints, shows some address on the part of Jones, who, it must be acknowledged, seldom, un- less stirred by indignation or a sense of injury, slipped the opportunity of forwarding his own interests by an opportune hint or leading suggestion : of hints and projects of a public nature his brain was at all times singularly fertile. At this moment of excitement it teemed with bold ideas or fancies. To effect the destruction of Whitehaven was, as we have seen, one project. To lake the Bank of Ayr, destroy that town, and probably Greenock and Port-Glasgow, with the shipping in the Clyde, was a yet bolder design. " Much," he say8, " might be done in Ireland, where ships worth one hundred and fifty thousand livi'es, or even two hundred thousand, might be seized, — London might be distressed, by cutting off the supply of coals carried from Newcastle, — the fishing at Campbelton might be destroyed, and many towns on the north-east coasts of England and Scotland might be burnt or laid under contribution." A more feasible jJi'oject was the capture or destruction of the Baltic fleet. " The success of any of these, or of like enterprises," says Jones, in a letter to the Frencli Minister of Marine, " will depend in surprising well, and on despatch both in the attack and in the retreat ; therefore it is . necessary the ships should sail fast, and that their forces should be sufficient to repel any of the enemy's cruising frigates, two of which may perhaps be met at a time. It is scarcely conceivable how great a panic the success of any one of these projects would occasion in England. It would convince the world that their coasts are vulnerable, and would, consequently, hurt their public credit. 84 LIEUTENANT SIiMPSON " If alanning the coast of Britain should be thought inex p.edient, to intercept the enemy's West India or Baltic fleets, or their Hudson's Bay ships, or to destroy their Greenland fishery, are capital objects." There is much in these plans that must either have been conceived in ignorance, or suggested by Jones for the pur- pose of merely amusing, or of quickening the motions of the French marine department. Even when, long afterwards, a force was obtained, not one of them was attempted save the abortive attack on Leith. It has been noticed, that, after the engagement with the Drake, Captain Jones ordered Lieutenant Simpson under arrest for what appeared very satisfactory reasons. He had afterwards been annoyed by the Commissioners' dishonourhig his draft, and he was now enraged by their conduct regard- ing Simpson, the offending officer. Indeed no excuse can be offeied for their proceedings, save that these distracted Com- missioners had not power at all times to administer rigid jus- tice, whatever might have been their wishes. The account of this proceeding is given in the words of the memorial, long afterwards prepared by Captain Jones for the informa- tion of the King of France. It was an insult the memory of which did not soon leave him. " The lieutenant under arrest on board the Drake had con- stant intercourse with the crew ; who thereby became so insolent as to refuse duty, and go all hands below repeatedly before the captain's face. It was impossible to trifle at that time, as Count D'Orvilliers had assured Captain Jones, unless he could get the Drake ready to transport the prisoners to America before orders arrived from Court, they would in all probability be given up without an exchange, to avoid imme- diate war with England. It therefore became impossible to suffer the lieutenant to remain any longer among them. Captain Jones had him removed to the ship called the Admi- ral, where the Frenck confine even the first officers in the LETTER TO THE COMMISSIONERS. 85 service. He had there a good chamber to himself, and hberty to waiK the deck. The heutenant endeavoured to desert out of the Admiral, and behaved in a manner so extravagant, that Count D'OrvilUers (without the knowledge of Captain Jones) ordered him to the prison of the port, where he also had a good chamber, and Captain Jones paid his expenses out of his own pocket. " About this time Captain Jones, finding the lieutenant appeared more reasonable than formerly, took his parole in writing, not to serve again in the navy before he was acquit- ted by a court-martial, and set him at hberty. A day or two afterwards the Commissioners thought fit to interfere respecting the lieutenant of the Ranger, which, it is presumed, they had no authority to do, as it laid the axe to the root of subordination." On returning from Versailles, whither he had gone, as has been noticed, on the invitation of Franklin, Captain Jones feeling himself dreadfully aggrieved, wrote as follows : — " Brest, August 13th, 177*. " Gentlemen, " I have been five days in this place since my return from Passy, during which time I have neither seen nor heard from Lieutenant Simpson; but Mr. Hill, who was last winter at Passy, and who sailed with me from Nantes, informs me truly, that it is generally reported in the Ranger, and of course throughout the French fleet, and on shore, that I am turned out of the service ; that you, gentlemen, have given Mr. Simpson my place with a captain's commission, and that my letter to you of the 16lh July was involuntary on my part, and in obedience only to your orders. " That these reports prevail is not an idle conjecture, but a melancholy fact. Therefore I beseech you, — I demand of you to aflbrd me redress, — redress by a court-martial ; to form which we have now, with the assistance of Captain 8 80 PELAYS. Hinman, Captain Read, as also them at Nantes, a sufficient number of officers in France, exclusive of myself. The Providence and Britain are expected here very soon from Nantes, and I am certain that they neither can nor will again depart, before my friend Captain Hinman can come down here; and it is his unquestioned right to succeed me in the Ranger. " I have faithfully and personally supported and fought the dignified cause of human nature ever since the American banners first waved on the Delaware and on the ocean. This I did when that man did not call himself a republican, but left the continent, and served its enemies ; this I did whon this man appeared backward, and did not support me as he ought. " I conclude by requesting you to call before you, and examine for your own satisfaction, Mr. Edwai'd Meyers, who is now at the house of the Swedish Ambassador, and who, having been with me as a volunteer, can and will, I am persuaded, represent to you the conduct of the officers and men towards me, both before I left Brest, and afterwards in the Irish Channel, as well as my conduct towards them. — ] have the honour to be, &c. &c. " Their excellencies tlic American Plenipotentiaries." He received no immediate satisfaction, and resolved to digest his chagrin as he best could, and at least avoid the odium of a squabble among the Americans in France. In the spring of the following year, he, however, received a slight atonement to his wounded feelings, in an official letter signed by Franklin and Adams, stating, that as his removal from the Ranger, and the appointment of Lieutenant Simpson to the command of that ship, might be liable to misrepresentations and misinterpretations, they certified it to be done by them, that, on the request of M. de Sartine, he might be employed on some public service ; and that Simp- LETTER TO THE MINlriTER. 87 son had been appointed by his (Jones's) consent after he had released that officer from an arrest under which he had placed him. The prospect of immediate active service, of getting adoat with unlimited orders, and a larger force than he had ever yet commanded, so flattering and near in July, became more doubtful in the end of August ; and by September, as war was now declared with England, the French officers were in the first place to be provided for; and the promised^ oi rather offered, frigates dwindled dovsm to a much smallei force. Even that was delayed. After repeatedly applying to the American Commissioners, and using all the personal influence which his enlarged acquaintance in the court circles enabled him to obtain, Jones found it needful to remonstrate with M. de Sartine. He had, however, lost another powerful hold of the minister. The Prince of Nassau, who in the outset had eagerly desired to accompany him in his expedi- tion, either from caprice or change of views, abandoned the scheme, without scruple or apology, and to the letters of Tones did not even deign the civility of a reply. That his time might not be wholly consumed in idleness, and in the sickness of hope deferred, Jones again addressed the minister in what he calls " an explicit letter," which ex- plains his situation better than could be done in many words. "Brest, September 13tli, 1778. " Honoured Sir, " When his Excellency Doctor Franklin informed me that you had condescended to think me worthy of your notice, 1 took such pleasure in reflecting on the happy alliance be- tween France and America, that I was really flattered, and entertained the most grateful sense of the honour which you proposed for me, as well as the favour which the king pro- posed for America, by putting so fine a ship of war as the Indian under my command, and under its flag, with unlimitea orders. 88 LETTER TO THE MINISTER. " In obedience to your desire, I came to Versailles, and was taught to believe that my intended ship was in deep water, and ready for the sea ; but when the Prince (de Nassau) re- turned, I received from him a diflerent account ; I was told that the Indian could not be got afloat within a shorter period than three months at the approaching equinox. " To employ this interval usefully, I first oflered to go from Brest with Count D'OrviUiers, as a volunteer, which you thought fit to reject. I had then the satisfaction to find that you approved in general of a variety of hints for private enterprises which I had drawn up for your consideration, and I was flattered with assurances from Messieurs de Chaumont and Bandonin, that three of the finest frigates in France, with two tenders, and a number of troops, would be immediately put under my command ; and that I should have unlimited orders, and be at free liberty to pursue such of my own pro- jects as I thought proper. But this plan fell to nothing in the moment when I was taught to think that nothing was wanting but the King's signature. ■' Another much inferior armament from L'Orient was pro- posed to be put under my command, which was by no means equal to the services that were expected from it ; for speed and force, though both requisite, were both wanting. Happily for me this also failed, and I was thereby saved from a dread- ful prospect of ruin and dishonour. " I had so entire a reliance that you would desire nothing of me inconsistent with my honour and rank, that the mo- ment you required me to come down here, in order to proceed round to St. Malo, though I bad received no written orders, and neither knew your intention respecting my destination or command, I obeyed with such haste, that although my curi- osity led me to look at the armament at L'Orient, yet I was but three days from Passy till I reached Brest. Here too 1 drew a blank ; but when I saw the Lively, it was no disap- pointment, as that ship, both in sailing and equipment, is fai inferior to the Ranger. LETTER TO THE MINISTER. 89 " My only disappointment here was my being precluded from embarking in pursuit of marine knowledge with Count D'Orvilliers, who did not sail till seven days after my retiirn. He is my friend, and expressed his wishes for my company , I accompanied him out of the road when the fleet sailed ; and he always lamented that neither himself nor any person in authority in Brest had received from you any order that mentioned my name. I am astonished therefore to be in- formed that you attribute, my not being in the fleet to my stay at L'Orient. " 1 am not a mere adventurer of fortune. Stimulated by principles of reason and philanthropy, I laid aside my enjoy- ments in private life, and embarked under the flag of America when it was first displayed. In that line my desire of fame is infinite, and 1 must not now so far forget my own honour, and what I owe to my friends and America, as to remain inactive. " My rank knows no superior in the American marine : 1 have long since been appointed to command an expedition with five of its ships, and I can receive orders from no junior or inferior officer whatever. " I have been here in the most tormenting suspense for more than a jnonth since my return ; and agreeable to your desire, as mentioned to me by Monsieur Chaumont, a lieu- tenant has been appointed, and is with me, who speaks the French as well as the English. Circular letters have been written, and sent the 8th of last month from the English Ad- miralty, because they expected me to pay another visit with four ships. Therefore I trust that, if the Indian is not to be got out, you will not, at the approaching season, substitute a force that is not at least equal both in strength and sailing to any of the enemy's cruising ships. " I do not wish to interfere with the harmony of the French marine ; but if I am still thought worthy of your atteniioi.. 1 shall hope for a separate command, with liberal orders. If, 8* 90 DELAYS. on the contrai'y, you should now have no further occasion fo. my services, the only favour 1 can ask is, that you will bestow on me the Alert, with a few seamen, and permit me to return, and carry with me your good opinion in that small vessel, before the winter, to America." This letter was submitted to the Due de Rochefoucault, and enclosed to Franklin, who, while he omitted no opportunuy of serving Jones, still counselled patience. To Franklin he says, " It is in vain for the minister to pretend that he has not ships to bestow. I know the contrary. He has bestowed the Renotmnee and others here since my return ; and there are yet several new ships unbestovved at St. Malo and elsewhere. [ know too, that unless the States of Holland oppose it, the Indian can be got afloat with a tenth part of the difficulty that has been represented. If I was worth his notice at the beginning lam not less so now. After all, you have desired me to have patience, and I promise you that I will wait your kind advice, and take no step without your approbation. If it were consistent and convenient for you to see M. de Sartine, I should hope that such an explanation would be the conse- quence as might remove every cause of uneasiness." Day after day he continued to write to Franklin, mention- ing vessels that he might command if the minister were sin- cere in his professions. Meanv^'hile Franklin procured the minister's order that he should be received on board the French fleer ; but, either intentionally or by accident, it came too late to admit of his embarking to gain that knowledge of naval tactics, and of governing a fleet, which was his object. It was indeed surmised that the jealousy of the French service was the true obstacle, both to his promised command and desire of increasing his knowledge of his profession on the great srale. " I think of going to L'Orient," he says, "being heartily sick of Brest, and an eyesore to the marine." In another 'etter he says, " I have excited the jealousy of many ofHcers In our young navy, because I have pursued honoui while tl.jy sought after profit." DELAYS. execute. This request they readily granted, and I was flattered by the prospect of being enabled to testify, by my services, my gratitude to your Majesty, as the first prince who has so generously acknow- ledged our independence. "There was an interval of more than three months before the Indian could be gotten afloat. To employ that period usefully, when your Majesty's fleet was ordered to sail from Brest, I proposed to the niinisler to embark in it as a volun- teer, in pursuit of marine knowledge. He objected to this, at the same time approved of a variety of hints for private enterprises, which I had drawn up for his consideration. Two gentlemen were appointed to settle with me the plans that were to be adopted, who gave me the assurance that three of the best frigates in France, with two tenders, and a number of troops, should be immediately put under my com- mand, to pursue such of my own projects as I thought pro- per ; but this fell to nothing, when I believed that your Majes- ty's signature only was wanting. " Another armament, composed of cutters and small ves- sels, at L'Orient, was proposed to be put under my command, to alarm the coast of England and check the Jersey priva- teers ; but, happily for me, this also failed, and I was saved Irom ruin and dishonour, as I now find that all the vessels sailed slow, and their united force is very insignificant. The minister then thought fit that I should return to Brest to com- mand the Lively, and join some frigates on an expedition from St. Malo to the North Sea. I returned in haste for that purpose, and found that the Lively had been bestowed at Brest before the minister had mentioned that ship to me at Ver- sailles. This was, however, another fortunate disappointment, as the Lively proves, both in sailing and equipment, much in- ferior to the Ranger ; but, imore especially, if it be true, as I have since understood, that the minister intended to give the chief command of the expedition to a lieutenant, which would 9 98 LETTER TO THE KING. have occasioned a very disagreeable misunderstanding: for as an oflicer of the first ranli in ihe American marine, who iiiis ever been honoured with the favour and friendship of Congress, I can receive orders from no inferior officer what- ever. My plan was the destruction of the English Baltic Heet, of great consequence to the enemy's marine, and then only protected by a single frigate ! I would have held myself responsible for its success had I commanded the ex- pedition. " M. de Sartine afterwards sent orders to Count D'Orvilliers to receive me on board the fleet, agreeably to my former proposal ; but the order did not arrive until after the depar- ture of the fleet the last time from Brest, nor was I made acquainted with the circumstance before the fleet returned here. " Thus have I been chained down to shameful inactivity for nearly five months. I have lost the best season of the year, and such opportunities of serving my country and acquiring honour as I cannot again expect this war ; and, to my infinite mortification, having no command, I am considered every- where an officer cast off" and in disgrace for secret reasons. " I have written respectful letters to the minister, none of which he has condescended to answer ; I have written to the Prince de Nassau with as little effect ; and I do not under- stand that any apology has been made to the great and ven- erable Dr. Franklin, whom the minister has made the instru- ment of bringing me into such unmerited trouble. " Having written to Congress to reserve no command for me in America, my sensibility is the more affected by this unworthy situation in the sight of your Majesty's fleet. I, however, make no remark on the treatment I have received. " Although I wish not to become my own panegyrist, I must beg your Majesty's permission to observe, that I am not an adventurer in search of fortune, of which, thank God, ' have a sufficiency. LETTER TO THE KING. yu " When the American banner was first displayed, I drew my sword in support of the violated dignity and rights of human nature ; and both honour and duty prompt me stead- fastly to continue the righteous pursuit, and to sacrifice to it, not only my private enjoyments, but even life, if necessary. I niust acknowledge that the generous praise which I have received from Congress and others exceeds the merit of my past services ; therefore I the more ardently wish for future opportunities of testifying my gratitude by my activity. " As your Majesty, by espousing the cause of America. hath become the protector of tlie rights of human nature, I am persuaded that you will not disregard my situation, noi suffer me to remain any longer in this insupportable disgrace. I am, with perfect gratitude and profound respect, Sire, Your Majesty's very obliged, very obedient, and very humble servant, J. Paul Jones." There is no satisfactory evidence that the above letter was ever presented, or indeed that it ever came into the hands of the Duchess of Chartres ; yet the fact appears to be assumed by some of the biographers of Jones ; and the letter itself, as expressive of his sentiments at this crisis, is too important to be suppressed. The correspondence and journals of J.mes contain no allusion to any effect produced by that letter, — not even the extract of his journal made long afterwards, ex- pressly for (he perusal of the king; and the postscript of a letter written by Mr. Temple Franklin is at least complete proof that, if the letter to the king was ever delivered, it was decidedly against the judgment of Franklin. The letter of the younger Franklin is dated the 22d October, the postscript the 24th. It says, " Since writing the above, 1 have received 100 JONES'S GRATITUDE. vours of the 19th instant (the letter to the king.) I would willingly do everything you there desire of me, but it is my grandfather's opinion that there will be no occasion to send those letters ; and I imagine they were wrote before you iieard of the minister's final determination. If, however, you still think they ought to be sent, you have only to order it." From this it would appear that the minister's " final deter- mination" to buy Jones " a suitable ship" had preceded the letter to the King and was not a consequence of it. In a letter to M. de Chaumont, of the 30th November, Jones thus ex- presses himself with regard to M. de Sarline : — " My best respects and most grateful thanks await the minister for the very honourable things he said of me to the Due de la Roche- foucault. It shall be my ambition, when he gives me oppor- tunities, to merit his favour and affection." DECLINL;S 'I'JIE COMMAND Ol" I'KlVA'rUEKS. lOJ CHAPTER V. HE gratitude of Jones to tlie minister of marine was pre- mature. But it would be tire- some to follow the train ot petty disappointments which this brave man had yet to encounter before he got once again fairly afloat. Prom the ^^^' month of June, 1778, till the month of February of the following year, he was condemned to feel to its utmost extent the misery there is — " In suing long to bide.'" In this interval some proposals were made to Captain Jones while at Brest to take the command of privateers. This he decidedly declined ; and he even resented the supposition that, bearing, as he did, the commission of Congres, he should act at any lime as the commander of privateers. So nice was he on this point, that in one instance we find Franklin I imself condescending to sooth his hasty feelings. " Depend upon it," says the sage, " I never wrote Mr. Gillon that the Bon Homme Richard was a privateer. I could not write so, because I never had such a thought. I will next post send Vou a copy of my letter to him, by which you will see that he has only forced that construction from a vague expression t used, merely to conceal from him (in answerinir his idle Jemana that 1 would order your squadron, then on the point jf sailing, to go with him to Carolina,) that the expedition ivas at the expense and under the dii-ection of the king, which 9* 1 02 JONES AT COURT. \i was not proper or necessary for him to know." Ai)d to the proposal that he would take the command of an armament of privateers, Jones says, " Were lin pwsuit of profit I would accept it without hesitation ; but 1 am untier such obligations to Congress, that I cannot think myself my own master, — and as a servant of the Imperial Republic of America, honoured with the public approbation of my past services, I cannot, from my own authority or inclination, serve either myself or even my best friends, in any private line whatsoever." With these feelings, his indignation at being long afterwards offered a Ictter-of-marque by the French government, in requital of his services, may be easily imagined. But this belongs to a more advanced stage of his history. Everything appeared in a fair way in November; yet Jones found it necessary to repair once more to Versailles, and to Passy, the scat of the American legation. " As nothing was done," he says in his memorial to the king, " Captain Jones deierniined to go himself to court." When he got there, the minister offered him the Marshal de Broglio, a large ship ; but as' his Americans had all left the service during the long period of idleness, he was unable to man this vessel, and the Due de Duras was bought for him, which, among many other vessels, he had acquainted his friends, Was on sale at I/Orien'. On the 6th of February Jones had at last the satisfaction of making, from Passy, his acknowledgments to the minister Sartine. His gratitude was quite as lively as the treatment he had received required. He obtained leave to change the name of the ship to Bon Homme Richard, " in compliment," he says, " to a saying of Poor Richard," (of which, by the way, he had just experienced the truth,) " If you would have your business done, come yourself — if not, send." Jones now weni to Nantes to engage seamen, and to obtain cannon to arm his ship. On his late journey he had been in- troduced to M. Gamier, in order to concert a plan of opera- THE BON HOMME RICHARD. 10'? tions for a combined naval and military force. Four or five sail were to bo added to the Bon Homme Richard, of which two vessels were to be fire-ships. Five hundred picked men, taken from the Irish regiment, were to embark under the command of Mr. Fitzmaurice. All were lo be under the en- tire command of Jones. " A plan,''* he says, " was laid, which promised perfect success, and had it succeeded, would have astonished the world." In an evil hour he solicited that the Alliance, a new Ame- rican, frigate, of which the command had been given by Con- gress to one Landais, a Frenchman, should be added to his force. As Dr. Franklin had just been formally appointed ambassador to the Court of France, .Tones imagined that not only the disposal of the frigate, but the power of displacing its commander at pleasure, was vested in him, as the guardian of American interests in Europe. About this time the Marquis de la Fayette returned from America, and he wished to go on the projected expedition. Jones vk'as summoned to court and it was arranged that the Marquis de la Fayette was to command a body of about • seven hundred troops, assigned him by the king. The Alli- ance was made part of the squadron by the American minister plenipotentiary, at the particular desire of the French go- vernment. The squadron was now to consist of the Bon Homme Richard, the Alliance, the Pallas, the Vengeance brig, and the Cerf, a fine cutter, «\'ell fitted and manned. " A person," (M. Chaumont,) says Jones, " was appointed commissary, and unwisely intrusted with the secret of the expedition. The commissary took upon hinself the whole direction at L'Oriont; hut the secret was too big for him to keep. All Paris rang with the expedition from L'Orient ; and government was (.'blij.'od to drop the plan when the squadron lay ready for sea, dud the troops ready to embark." • Tills plan was directed against L'verpool. 104 FRANKLIN'S LETTER. La Fayeite. In the expectation that Jones was to be joined by the Mar- quis de la Fayette, his judicious friend Franklin wrote him tnus, actuated, no doubt, both by anxiety for the public cause and regard to the individual he addressed: ■' I have, at the request of M. de Sartine, postponed the sending of the Alliance to America, and have ordered her to jiroceed immediately from Nantes to L'Orient, where she is DR. FRANKLIN'S ADVICE. 105 to be fiirni.shed with her complement of men, join your littlo squadron, and act under your command. " The Marquis de la Fayette will bo with you soon. It has been observed that joint expeditions of land and sea forces often miscarry through jealousies and misunderstandings be- tween the officers of the different corps. This must happen where there are little minds, actuated more by personal views of profit or honour to themselves, than by the warm and sin- cere desire of good to their country. Knowing you both, as I do, and your just manner of thinking on these occasion.s, I am confident nothing of the kind can happen between you, and that it is unnecessary for me to recommend to cither of you that condescension, mutual good-will, and harmony, which contribute so much to success in such undertakings. I look upon this expedition as an introduction only to greatei trusts and more extensive commands, and as a kind of trial of both your abilities and of your fitness in temper and dis- position for acting in concert with others. I flatter myself, therefore, that nothing will happen that may give impressions to the disadvantage of either of you, when greater affairs shall come under consideration. " As this is understood to be an American expedition, un- der the Congress commission and colours, the Marquis, who is a Major-General in that service, has of course the step in point of rank, and he must have the command of the land- forces, which are committed by the king to his care; but the command of the ships will be entirely in yon, in which I am persuaded that whatever authority his rank might in strictness give him, he will not have the least desire to interfere with you. There is honour enough to be got for both of you if the expedition is conducted with a' prudent unanimity. The cir'^umstance is indeed a little unusual ; for there is not only a junction of land and sea forces, but there is also a junction of Frenchmen and Americans, which increases the difficulty of maintaining a good understanding ; a cool, prudent cor, L06 LETTER TO LA FAYETTE, fluct in the chiefs is therefore the more necessary, and I trust neitlier of you will in that respect be deficient. With mj best wishes for your success, health, and honour, I remain, dear sir, your affectionate and most obedient servant." This excellent counsel was not thrown away on Jones. His letter to La Fayette, written a few days afterwards, re- echoes the sentiments of the republican sage. " Where men of fine feelings are concerned," he says, " there is very sel- dom any misunderstanding, — and I am sure I should do the greatest violence to my sensibility if I were capable of giv- ing you a moment's pain by any part of my conduct ; there- fore, without any apology, I shall expect you to point out my errors, when we are alone together, with perfect freedom, — and 1 think I dare promise you that your reproof shall not be lost. I have received from the good Dr. Franklin instruc- tions at large, which do honour to his liberal mind, and which it will give me the greatest satisfaction to execute. I cannot ensure success, — but we will endeavour to deserve it." Some of the instructions of Dr. Franklin to which Jones refers, and of which he says, " your noble-minded instructions would make a coward brave," deserve to be made known as widely as possible.* " \ ou are to bring to France all the English seamen you may happen to take prisoners, in order to complete the good work you have already made such progress in, of delivering, by an exchange, the rest of our countrymen now languishing in the gaols of Great Britain. •' A? many of your officers and people have lately escaped from the English prisons, either in Europe or America, you arc to be particularly attentive to their conduct towai-ds the prisoners which the fortune of war may throw in your hands. * It is a pleasing trait in the liistory of that period, that all the naval coin, mandcrs of tlie countries at war with England had particular orders "not tc molest the ships of the brave navigator Captain Cook," if they chanced to fall ■ji with them. FRANKLIN'S INSTRUCTIONS. 107 lest resentment of ihe more than barbarous usage by the English in many places towards the Americans, should oc casion a retaliation, and an imitation of what ought ratnor lo be detested and avoided, for the sake of humanity and for the honour of our country. " In the same view, although the English have wantonly burnt many defenceless towns in America, you are not to fol- low this example, unless where a reasonable ransom is re- fused ; in which case your own generous feelings, as well as this instruction, will induce you to give timely notice of your intention, that sick and ancient persons, women and children, may be first removed." Jones attributes the failure of the expedition so much talked of to the tattling of the commissary ; but he probably over- rates that circumstance. The truth is that the French government never continued for one week of the same mind ; and they had, about this time, been seized with that grand idea by which the court and people of France seem to be periodically infatuated — the design of invading England. The expedition which was " to astonish the world" was abandoned, according to La Fayette, " for political and mili- tary reasons." Instead of Commodore Jones burning towns and shipping, taking hostages and levying contributions, an invasion was to be attempted on that grand scale so congenial to the Gallic character. Another service was in consequence allotted to Jones. He was to act as convoy to troops, stores and private merchan- dise, for Bordeaux and other ports in the Bay of Biscay This trifling service he performed, and cruised about with little aim or eflfect for some days. On the night of the 20th June, the Alliance ran foul of the Bon Homme Richard, and injured the vessel. The character of Landais, the commander of the Alliance, and his after conduct, which was marked by the grossest degree of insub- ordination, insolence, and even treachery, gave rise to a suspicion that this accident was of a doubtful character 108 DOMESTIC AFFLICTIONS. The head and bowsprit of the Bon Homme Richard were carried away, and the Alliance lost her mizen-mast. The lieutenant of the Bon Homme Richard, who had the watch that night, was afterwards broke by a court-martial. Even at this busy period Jones had not forgotten his rela- tions in Scotland, though his correspondence with them neces- sarily required some management. It does not appear by what channel the following letter, received at Dumfries, was transmitted to Cork. The person on whom the bill (for 30^ was drawn could not be heard of in Carlisle. Other remit- tances made by Jones to his friends were in like manner never received. In reply to a letter from his sister, Mrs. Taylor, informing him of the death of his mother and eldest sister, he says with true feeling, " The loss of those deal friends is the more affecting to me, as they never received the remittances I intended for them, and as they had not perhaps a true idea of my affection." The following letter is addressed to Jones' eldest sister, Elizabeth l*aul : — "Cork, June 1st, 1779. " If ever my dear girl had any doubts of the sincerity of my friendship, I hope the enclosed bill will remove them. You find it drawn in favour of my dearest departed brother, Captain Plaince. However, as it is made payable to his order, my sisier-in-law's signature will make it quite the same. Had the bill been drawn on any place of commerce, I would have negotiated it myself, and then got a bill on Dumfries for you ; however, as Carlisle is near you, you will sooner get the money, as I must have sent it there for acceptance. The half is for Mrs. Paul, and the other half for your use. You will immediately get some gentleman to present it for accept- ance: you will find it payable ten days after. Adieu, my dear girl ; number me with the sincerest of your friends, write me of your health, and be assured of the good wishes of " Your humble servant, "JijDiTH Plaince." CHASE. 109 On the 30th of June, Jones came into the road of Groix. The Alhance and Bon Homme Richard both required to oe refitted ; the other vessels meanwhile looked after prizes. On that day the log-book of the Bon Homme Richard has the following entry : — " At half-past 7, P. M., saw two sail bearing down upon us, one with a flag at each mast-head. Hove about and stood from them to get in readiness for action; then hove mizen- topsail to the mast, down all stay-sails and up mizen-sail. Then they hove about and stood from us. Immediately we tacked ship and stood after them. " After which they wore ship and stood for us. Captain Jones, gentleman-like, called all his officers, and consulted them whether they were willing to see them. They all said yes. Made sail after them ; but they, being belter sailers than we, got from us. At 1, A. M., tacked ship." At the isle of Groix, Jones lay six weeks, — a period not without its vexations. In anticipating his earlier arrival, and unconscious of the damage received by the shock of the Alliance, Dr. Franklin, in the following letter of the 30th June, directed him to set out on a long cruise. " Passy, June 30, 1779. " Dear Sir, " Being arrived at Groix, you are to make the best of your way, with the vessels under your command, to the west of Ireland, and establish your cruise on the Orcades, the Gape of Derneus, and the Dogger-Bank, in order to take the enemy's property in those seas. " The prizes you may make send to Dunkirk, Ostend, or Bergen, in Norway, according to your proximity to either of those ports. Address them to the persons M. De Chaumont shall indicate to you. " About the 15th August, when you will have sufficiently cruised in these seas, you are to make route for the Texel V here you will meet my further orders. 10 110 CORRESPONDENCE. '• If, by any personal accident, you should be rendered unable to execute these instructions, the officer of your squadron next in rank is to endeavour to put them in execu- tion. " With best wishes for your prosperity, I am ever, dear Sir your affectionate friend and humble servant, B. Franklin. " The Honourable Captain Jones." The preceding letter was crossed by that in which Joi'CS gave an account of his cruise, and of the Alliance running foul of the Bon Homme Richard. In this letter he again hinted his desire to obtain the Indian, to cruise towards the Texel, and bring her out with the crew he now had. But Franklin had no mind to change his original orders. " I have no other orders to give," he says ; " for as the court are at the chief oxpense, I think they have the best right to direct." — " I observe what you say about a change of destination ; but when a thing has been once considered and determined on in council, they don't care to resume the consideration of it, having much business on hand." This epistle has the fol- lowing pithy postscipt : — " N. B. If it should fall in youi way, remember that the Hudson's Bay ships are very valu- able. B. F." Again Jones complained bitterly of the tattling commissary (Chaumont, ) who had formerly frustrated the expedition with La Fayette, and was now busied at similar work. Per- haps Commodore Jones might be over sensitive or suspicious on this point. " I have another proof," he says, " this day of the communicative disposition of M. De Chaumont. He has written to an officer under my command a whole sheet on the subject of your letter, and has even introduced more than perhaps was necessary to a person commanding in chief. 1 have also strong reasons to think that this officer is not the only improper person here to whom he has written to the same effect. This is surely a strange infatuation, and it is MUTINOUS DISPOSITION. m much to be lamented that one of the best hearts in the world sJiOLild be connected with a mistaken head, whose errors can aiibrd iiim tienher pleasure nor profit, but may efl^ect the ruii. and dishonour of a man whom he esteems and loves. Believe me, my worthy sir, I dread the thoughts of seeing this subject too soon in print, as I have done several others of greater im- portance, with which he was acquainted, and which I am certain he communicated too early to improper persons, whereby very important services have been impeded and set aside." In a marginal note, in the handwriting of Jones, he says, — " I found it in print before I reached Holland !" And in an- other marginal note on a letter of Dr. Franklin's of the 19th July, he writes, " It is clear I saw my danger, and sailed with my eyes open, rather than return to America dishonoured." Jones was farther annoyed by reports which had reached head-quarters, and which were indeed too well-founded, that a mutinous disposition had shown itself among the crew of the Bon Homme Richard. He had at this time, gone back to L'Orient. It was not deemed expedient to permit the ship to sail without inquiry and a change of men; and, what was worse, the Court saw no reason to detain the Alliance, because the Bon Homme Richard was unfit for sea ; and Franklin did not think proper to prevent what appeared so reasonable. This, however, did not take place ; and holding out the pros- pect of capturing the Jamacia fleet,* then expected, escorted by a fifty-gun ship and two strong frigates, Jones solicited and obtained leave for the Monsieur privateer to join him, and his leave was extended till the end of September. The captains of the Monsieur and Grandville privateers had at this time requested to be permitted to follow him and share his fortunes, oflering to bind themselves to remain attached * In Ills memorial to tlic liing of France, Jones says, " tliat it was liis inten lion to cruise off tlie soutli-west of Ireland for twelve or fifteen days to into' .-Lpt the enemy." ] 12 JONES SAILS FROM GROIX. to his squadron ; but this the disintei-ested commissary wouiJ not permit. The consequences were soon obvious ; tlie pri- vateers remained attached to the squadron exactly as long as suited themselves. Having given the necessary orders and signals, and ap- pointed various places of rendezvous for every captain in case of separation, Commodore Jones sailed from the road of Gioix on the 14th of August, exactly one day short of the time he had been desired to come into the Texel, after ending his cruise ; so uncertain and precarious are all nautical move- ments. The squadron consisted of seven sail: the Bon Homme Richard, of 40 guns ; the Alliance, of 36 ; the Pallas, of 32 ; the Cerf, of 18 ; and the Vengeance, of 12 guns ; besides the privalters, Monsieur, of 40 guns, and the Grandville, of 14 guns ; — " a force which might have effected gi^eat services," says Jones himself, in his memorial to ihe king of France, " and done infinite injury to the enemy, had there been secrecy and due subordination. Unfortunately there was neither. Captain Jones- saw his danger ; but his reputation being at stake, he put all to the hazard." The effects of this want of subordination were soon felt. The captain of the privateer Monsieur, as might have been expected, acted as he thought proper, and in a few days left the squadron. And Captain Landais, a man of the most un- happy temper, not only behaved with disrespect to the com- mander, but soon assumed to act as he pleased, and as an independent commander, refusing to obey the signals of the commodore, giving chase where or how he thought fit, and availing himself of any pretext to leave the squadron, which he finally abandoned. Several prizes were made on the first days of the cruise, and more might have been captured, had a good understanding subsisted among the commanders. From the 3d of September till the 13th the weather was stormy, and Jones continued to beat about the coasts of Scot- land. The Alliance had again separated from the Bon Homme ATTEMPT ON LEITH. 113 Storm off the coast of Scotland. Richard ; and ihere remained of the squadron only the Com- modore's ship, with the Pallas and Vengeance. "Yef,"says Jones, "I did not abandon the hope of performing some essen- tial service." It was at this time he offered that attempt on Leith. by which, in one quarter of Scotland, the formidable name of " Paul Jones" is still best remembered. The following par- ticulars are taken from his letter to Dr. Franklin, giving an account of his cruise to be transmitted to Congress. The letter is dated October 3, 1779, on board the ship of war Serapis, at anchor without the Texel : — "The winds continued to be contrni'y, so that we did not see the land till the evening of the 13th, when the hills of (^heviot, in the south-east of Scotland, appeared. The next day we chased sundry vessels, and took a ship and a brig- antine, both from the friih of Edinburgh, laden with coal. Knowing that there lay at anchor in Leith Road an armed ship of 20 g'lnr, with two or three fine cutters. I formed an 10* 114 JONES'S SUMMONS. expedition against Leith, which I purposed to lay under con- Iribulion, or otherwise to reduce it to ashes. Had I been alone, the wind being favourable, I would have proceeded directly up the frith, and must have succeeded, as they lay tlien in a state of perfect indolence and security, which would have proved their ruin. Unfortunately for me, the Pallas and Ven- geance were both at a considerable distance in the offing, they having chased to the southward. This obliged me to sieer out of the frilh again to meet I hem. The captains of the Pallas and Vengeance being come on board the Bon Homme Richard, I communicated to them mj' project, to which many difficulties and objections were made by them. At last, how- ever, they appeared to thinlt belter of the design, after I had assured (them) that I hoped to raise a contribution of 200,000/. sterling on Leith, and that there was no battery of cannon there to oppose our landing. So much time, however, was unavoidably spent in pointed remarks and sage deliberations that night, that the wind became contrary in the morning." That notning might be wanting, Commodore Jones mean- while prepared his summons to the Magistrates of Leith. In that locality it must still be an interesting document: and as such we give it at full length, not doubting that the worship- ful persons for whom it v/as intended, if any of them should haply still survive, will see it for the first time with more satis- faction in these harmless pages than had it reached its desti- nation fifty years back. Jones felt greatly chagrined and disappointed at the failure of this enterprise. " The Honourable J. Paul Jones, Commander-in-Chief of the American Squadron now in Europe, Ijc, to the Worshipful the Provost of Leith, or, in his absence, to the Chief Magistrate who is now actually pre. sent and in authority there. • Sip " The British marine force that has been stationed here for the yjrotection of your city and coinmerce being now taken bv the American arms under my coinmand, I have the JONES'S SUMMONS. US honour to send you this summons by my officer, Lieutenant- Colonel De Chamillard, who commands the vanguard of my troops. I do not wish to distress the poor inhabitants ; my intention is only to demand your contribution towards the re- imbursement which Britain owes to the much-injured citizens of the United States, — for savages would blush at the unmanly ' violation and rapacity that has marked the tracks of British ! tyranny in America, from which neither virgin innocence nor helpless age has been a plea of protection or pity. " Leith and its port now lies at our mercy ; and did not our humanity stay the hand of just retaliation, I should, with- out advertisement, lay it in ashes. Before I proceed to that stern duty as an officer, my duty as a man induces me to propose to you, by the means of a reasonable ransom, to pre- vent such a scene of horror and distress. For this reason, I have authorized Lieutenant-Colonel De Chamillard, to con- clude and agree with you on the terms of ransom, allowing you exactly half an hour's reflection before you finally accept or reject the terms which he shall propose (200,000/.) If you accept the terms offered within the time limited, you may rest assured that no further debarkation of troops will be made, but that the re-embarkation of the vanguard will im- mediately follow, and that the property of the citizens shall remain unmolested. " I have the honour to be, with sentiments of due respect, Sir, your very obedient and very humble servant, " Paul Jones. "On board the American ahip-of-war the Bon Homme Richard, at anchor in the Road of Leitli, September the 17th, 1779." The copy of the letter now lying before us contains the N. B. subjoined to it, in his own hand-writing ; — " N. B. — The sudden and violent storm which arose in the moment when the squadron was abreast of Keith Island * • Tnchld, who, under the assumed name of Delia, makes some figure in his private history. The day of the Amintas and Delias was not then quite gone by; and, under this pastoral and poetic appellation, a lady chose to conceal herself, of whose real name and situation the multitudinou.- papers left by the commodore, though they include many of her letters, afford no satisfactory trace. In America, Delia has been discovered to be a young lady of the court. In Scotland we are not so quick-sighted. But as the claims of love and gallantry were ever post- poned by the commodore to those of professional duty and ambition, we shall in so far follow his example as to defer the introduction of Delia and her fair contemporaries, till a more convenient season. Besides the enthusiastic epistles of Delia, Jones carried out the following letter, already noticed as written by De Sartine on the order of the King of France, and approved by his Most Christian Majesty in council. This of itself would have ensured him that honourable reception in the country of his adoption, to which his zeal and services gave him yet strongei claims. Translation of the Letter addressed to Mr. Hantenijdon, President of the Con- gress of the United States, by M. de Sartine, of the French Marine, " Versailles, 29tli May, 1780. "Commodore Paul Jones, after having given to all Europe, and, above all, to the enemies of France and of the United States, high proofs of his valour and of his talents, is aboui to return to America, to give an account to Congress of tne success of his military operations. I am aware, sir, that the re])utation he has so justly acquired will go before him. and hat the history of his campaigns will be sufficient to prove 15* 174 DE SARTINE'S LETTER. lo his countryinen, that his abilities are equal to his courage; but the king has thought it r.ght to join to the public voice his approbation and his bounty. He has chargiid mo ex- pressly to make known to you how much he is satisfied with the services of the commodore, persuaded that Congress will io him like justice. His Majesty gives him a pledge of his stocm in bestowing on him the gift of a sword, which .could not be placed in belter hands, and now oflers to Congress to decorate this brave officer with the cross of the order of Military Merit. His Majesty thinks that these peculiar dis- tinctions, associating together in the same honours the subject of two countries united by similar interests, maybe regarded as another lie between them, and excite them to emulation in the common cause. If, after having approved the conduct of the commodore, it is judged fit to intrust him with any new expedition to Europe, his Majesty will see him return with pleasure ; and he presumes Congress will refuse nothing that may be deemed necessary to promote the success of his enterprises. My personal esteem for the commodore induces me to recommend him in a particular manner to you, sir; and I venture to hope that, in the reception which he may receive from Congress, he will perceive the fruits of the senti- ments with which he has inspired me. " I have the honour to be, &c. " De Sartine." PREPARATIONS FOR ACTION. 175 CHAPTER VIII. N the 18th February, 1781 Commodore Jones reached Phi- ladelph a. The principiil ad- venture of this voyage is ihus related by himself in the me- morial to the king of France, ■ and in the third person : — ^" After a variety of rencoun- W ters, he, in the latitude 26" north and longitude of Barbadoes, met with a remarkably fast-sail- ing frigate belonging to the enemy's navy. Captain Jones endeavoured to avoid speaking with that ship, and as the night approached, he hoped to succeed, notwithstanding her superior sailing. He was, however, mistaken, for next morn- ing the ships were at less distance asunder than they nad been the evening before, although during the night the officers of the watch had always informed Captain Jones the sail con- tinued out of sight. An action now became unavoidable, and the Ariel was prepared for it. Everything was thrown over- board that interfered with the defence and safety of the ship. Captain Jones toolc particular care, by the management of sails and helm, to prevent the enemy from discovering the force of the Ariel, and worked her so well as not to discover any vi'arlike appearance or preparation. In the afternoon the Ariel fired now and then a light stern-chaser at the enemy ''rom the quarter-deck, and continued to crowd sail as if verv much alarmed. This had the desired effect, and the enemy pursued with the greater eagerness. Captain Jones did no] 176 SINGULAR CONVERSATION. Kufler the enemy to come close up till the approach of night, when, having well examined his force, he shortened sail, to meet his approach. When the two ships came within hail of each other they both hoisted English colours. The person whose duty it was to hoist the pendant on board the Ariel had not taken care to make the other end of the halliards fast, to haul it down again to change the colours. This prevented Captain Jones from an advantageous manoeuvre he had in- tended, and obliged him to let the enemy range up along the lee-side of the Ariel, where he saw a battery lighted for action. A conversation now took place between the two ships, which lasted near an hour; by which Captain Jones learned the situation of the enemy's affairs in America. The captain of the enemy's ship said his name was John Pindar. His ship had been constructed by the famous Mr. Peck of Boston, built at Newbury Port, owned by Mr. Tracey of that place, com- manded by Captain Hopkins, the son of the late Commodore Hopkins, and had been taken and fitted out at New York, and named the Triumph, by Admiral Rodney. Captain Jones told him he must put out iiis boat, and come on board and show his commission, to pi'ove whether or not he reall)' did belong to the British navy. To this he made some excuses, because Captain Jones had not told him who be was ; and his boat, he said, was very leaky. Captain Jones told him to consider the danger of refusing. Captain Pindar said he would answer for twenty guns, and that himself and every one of his people had shown themselves Englishmen. Captain Jones said he would allow him five minutes only to make his reflection. That time being elapsed. Captain Jones backed a little on the weather-quarter of the enemy, ran close under her stern, hoisted American colours, and being within short pistol-shot on the lee-beam of the enemy, began to enwarre. It was past seven o'clock, and as no equal force ever exceeded • ne vigorous and regular fire of the Ariel's battery and tops, the action while it lasted made a glorious appe.iranco. The ESCAPE OF THE PRIZE. in Victory of the Ariel. enemy made a feeble resistance for about ten minutes. He then struck liis colours. The enemy then begged for quarter, and said half of his men were killed. The Ariel's fire ceased ; and the crew, as usual after a viclory, gave cries of joy, to ' show themselves Englishmen.' The enemy filled their sails, and got on the Ariel's weather-bow before the cries of joy had ended on board the Ariel. Captain Jones, suspecting the base design of the enemy, immediately set every sail he could to prevent her escape ; but the enemy had so much advantage in sailing, that the Ariel could not keep up, and they soon got out of gun-shot. The English captain may properly be called a knave, because, afer he surrendered his ship, begged for, and obtained quarter, he basely ran away, contrary to the laws of naval war and the practice of civilized nations. A conspiracy was discovered among the English part of the Ariel's crew immediately after sailing from France. During the voyage every officer, and even the passengers, had been constantly armed, anl kept a regular watch, besides a con- stant guard with fixed bayonets. Afier the action with the Triumph the plot was so far discovered, that Captain .Tones confined twenty of the ringleaders in irons till his ariival 178 JONES IN PHILADELPHIA. Capiain Jones ai rived at Philadelphia on the 18th February, 1781, havinjT been absent from America three years, tin-ee nionlhs, and eighteen days." The clamour excited in America by the detention of the army stores, and the real evils which had by this means been occasioned to the public service, compelled Congress to institute an immediate inquiry into the cause of the delay. This in common fairness \yas the more necessary, as Lan- dais, who was arrested in coming to America with the Alli- ance, had now been tried, and for ever dismissed the service. A Board of Admiralty had been for some time organized, and on this Board devolved the duty of inquiry, while Con- gress almost simultaneously took up the affair. A string of questions, forty-seven in number, were proposed by the Board to Jones, to which he was required to give answers in writing. He lost nn time in complying with this order; nor, it is to be presumed, in securing such powerful and useful friends as his brilliant reputation and the testimonials he brought from Europe had already predisposed in his favour. Admired and caressed at the Court of Versailles, and more dreaded by the vulgar of the English nation than was very creditable either to their judgment or courage, Paul Jones could not, at this period of agitation and imbittered hostility, fail to find friends in America, had his public services been even less valuable and important than they really were. His answers to the official interrogataries were on all points ample, and, it appears, satisfactory; and the subsequent report of the Board, so far from being condemnator}', was highly flattering. Another report of the same Board will show the exact footing on which he now stood. " Admiralty Office, June ICtli, 178L" "The Board, to whom was referred the letters and other papeis relative to the conduct of John Paul Jones, Esq., beg leave to report, that they have carefull}' perused said 'ettois REPORT OF THE ADMIRALTY. 179 and papers, wherein they find favourable mention is made ot his abiUties as an officer by tiie Duke de Vauguyon, M. dp Sartine and Dr. Franklin ; and this is also corroborated by that valour and intrepidity vvitb which he engaged his Bri- tannic Majesty's ship, the Serapis, of forty-four cannon, twelve and eighteen pounders, who, after a severe contest for for several hours, surrendered to his superior valour, thereby acquiring honour to himself and dignity to the American Hag. " The Board therefore humbly conceive that an honourablo testimony should be given to Captain Paul Jones, commander of the Bon Homme Richard, his officers and crew, for their many singular services in annoying the enemy on the British coasts, and particularly for their spirited behaviour in an engagement with his Britannic Majesty's ship of war, tiie Serapis, on the 23d of September, 1770, and obliging her to surrender to the American flag." The following is a farther extract from another of those reports : — " With regard to Captain Jones, the Board beg leave to report, that the views of the Marine Committee in sending Captain Jones, and his views in going in the Ranger to France, were, that he might take the command of the Indian, a ship that was building at Amsterdam on a new construc- tion, under a contract made by the Commissioners of these States at Paris, and with her, in concert with the Ranger, annoy the coasts and trade of Great Britain. Wlien he arrived at Nantes, the Commissioners sent for him to Paris. After remaining there some time, he was informed that they had assigned their property in the ship Indian to the King of France. Captain Jones returned to Nantes, plans and under- takes a secret expedition in the Ranger," &c. &c. The report goes on to enumerate the various services of Captain Jones, and then proceeds, " ever since Captain Jones first hecame ah officer in the navy of those States, he hath shown 180 SECOND REPORT. an unremitted attention in planning and executing enterprises calculated to promote the essential interests of our glorious cause. That in Europe, although in his expedition through the Irish Channel in the Ranger he did not fully accomplish ills purpose, yet he made the enemy feel that it is in the power of a small squadron, under a brave and enterprising commander, to retaliate the conflagration of our defenceless towns. That returning from Europe, he brought with hiin the esteem of the greatest and best friends of America ; and hath received from the illustrious monarch of France that reward of warlike virtue which his subjects receive by a long series of faithful services or uncommon merit. "The Board are of opinion that the conduct of Paul Jones merits particular attention, and some distinguished mark of approbation from the United States in Congress assembled." Had the reports been dravv'n up by himself, or his most zealous friends, they could not have been more gratifying. He also received the solemn thanks of Congress, recorded in the following docuinent : — "BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED, "Saturday, April 14tli, 1781. " On the report of a committee consisting of Mr. Varnun, Mr. Houston, and Mr. Mathews, to which was referred a mo- tion of Mr. Varnun : " The United States, in Congress assembled, having taken into consideration the report of the Board of Admiralty of the 28lh March last, respecting the conduct of John Paul Jones, Esq., captain in the navy, do " Resolve, That the thanks of the United States in Con- gress assembled be given to Captain John Paul Jones, for the zenl, prudence, and intiepidity with which he hath supported the honour of the American flag, for. his bold and successful enterprises to redeem from captivity the citizens of these States who had fallen under the power of the enemy, and in LETTER OF WASHINGTON. jsi general for the good conduct and eminent services by which he has added a kistre to his character and to the American arms. " That the (hanks of the United States in Congress assem- bled be also given to the officers and men who have faithfully served under him from time to time, for their steady alfoeiion to the cause of their country, and the bravery and perseve- rance they have manifested therein." The following letter from Washington, of which tho original is preserved among his papers, must have completed the satisfaction Paul Jones experienced in his honourable public acquittal : — " Head Quarters, New Windsor, IStli May, 1781. ■' Sir, " My partial acquaintance with either our naval or com- mercial affairs malies it altogether impossible for me to ac- count for the unfortunale delay of those articles of militarj' stores and clothing which have been so long provided in France. " Had I had any particu ar reasons to have suspected you of being accessary to that delay, which I assure you has not been the case, my suspicions would have been removed by the very full and satisfactory answers which you have, to the best of my knowledge, made to the questions proposed to you by the Board of Admiralty, and upon which that Board have, in their report to Congress, testified the high sense which they entertain of your merits and services. " Whether our naval affairs have in general been well or ill c.onducled would be presumptuous in me to determine. Instances of bravery and good conduct in several of our officers have not, however, been wanting. Delicacy forbids me to mention that particv.hir one, which has attracted the r.dmiralion of all the world, and which has influenced the most illustrious monarch, to confer a mark of his favour which 16 IS2 ARTHUR LEE. can urily be oblaiiied by a long and honourable service, or bv the performance of some brilliant action. " That you may long enjoy the reputation you have so justly acquired is the sincere wish of, Sir, Your most obedient servant, Geo. Washington." In the investigation respecting the delay of the stores, Franklin nad been implicated as well as Jones. He now stood equa.ly clear ; and, however reluctant Jones might have been, after Landais had usurped his command, and run away with his ship, to put to sea with a single vessel, and that of in- ferior force, the paramount and unceasing anxiety of Frank- lin to forward the stores, does not by any means admit a doubt. In the awkward affair of Landais it was accordingly decided that Franklin had done nothing for which he had not ample discretionary powers ; and as an appropriate mark of the enlire confidence of Congress, he was appointed by the Marine Committee to the sole management of maritime afiairs in Europe. The patron of Landais, the strenuous sup- porter of constitutional rights, Mr. Arthur Lee, now thought proper to abandon his former opinions, together with his un- lucky •protege, and even to appear among the active friends of Commodore Jones. On coming tiius clearly and honourably out of this investi gallon, Jones, besides the vote of thanks so gratifying to hif feelings, obtained the reward which of all others he valued the highest, a fartiier opportunity of extending his fame by active service in (he cause of America. By an unanimous ballot, (for in this manner it seems officers were chosen,) he was appointed to the command of the America, a fine vessel, still on the stocks. Almost immediately he went to Porls- mouth, in New Hampshire, to superintend the building and equipjnent of this ship. JONES AT PORTSMOUTH. 183 This seems to have been one of the few mtervals of leisure and tianquiilily which his chequered life afforded. It was sweetened by the hope of future services to be performed, and future glories to be acquired. He continued for some montiis In the little town of Portsmouth, and, besides maintaining an extensive correspondence in France and America, found time to mature and arrange his ideas on the subject of the Ameri. can navy. We have not sufficient nautical skill to decide how far the belief of Jones in the relative superiority of the French to the English system of naval tactics was even theoretically cor- rect ; it is enough, that almost every succeeding naval engagement has practically demonstrated the futility of his speculations. The ships of England scarcely ever afterwards met those of her rival save to beat them, till the flag of France was literally swept from the seas. But though the opinions of Jones are thus, in all probability, abstractly of no great value as those of a great naval tactician, they are of some consequence, as they discover the state of his own mind, his strong prepossession for whatever was French, and his jealousy of English naval supremacy. It is but fair to let him state his reasons for his singular belief. "The beginning of our navy," he says, "as navies now rank, was so singularly small, that I am of opinion it has no precedent in history. Was it a proof of madness in the first corps of sea-officers to have, at so critical a period, launched out on the ocean with only two armed merchant ships, two armed brigantines, and one armed sloop, to make war against such a power as Great Britain T To be diffident is not always a proof of ignorance. I had sailed before this revolution in armed ships and frigates, yet, when I came tn iry my skill, I am not ashamed to own I did not find myself ufirtect in the duties of a first lieutenant. If midnight study, and the instruction of the greatest and most learned sua- t'fficcrs, can have given me advantages, I am not without 184 NAVAL TACTICS, them. 1 confess, however, I have yet to learn ; it i.'( the vvorli of many years' study and experience to acquiro the high degree of science necessary for a great sea-officer. Cruising after merchant ships, the service in which our fiigates have generally been employed, affords, I may say, no part of tlic knowledge necessary for conducting fleets and their opera- lions. There is now, perhaps, as much difference between a battle between two ships, and an engagement between two fleets, as there is between a duel and a ranged battle between two armies. The English, who boast so much of their navy, never fought a ranged battle on the ocean before the war that is now ended. The battle off Ushant was, on their part like their former ones, irregular; and Admiral Keppell could only justify himself by the example of Hawke in our remem- brance, and of Russel in the last century. From that moment the English were forced to study and to imitate the French in their evolutions. They never gained any advantage when they had to do with equal force, and the unfortunate defeat of Count de Grasse was owing more to the unfavourable cir- cumstances of the wind coming ahead four points at the beginning of the battle, which put his fleet into the order of echiquier when it was too late to tack, and of calm and cur- rents afterwards, which brought on an entire disorder, than to the admiralship, or even the vast sisperiority of Rodney, who had forty sail of the line against thirty, and five three- deckers against one. By the account of some of the French officers, Rodney might as well have been asleep, not having made a second signal during the battle, so that every captain did as he pleased. " The English are very deficient in signals as well as in naval tactic. This I know, having in my possession their present fighting and sailing instructions, which comprehend all their signals and evolutions. Lord Howe hns, indeed, made some improvements by borrowing from the French T)Ut Kcmoenfelt, who seems to have been a more promising GRADES OF OFFICERS. 185 ofRcer, had made a slill greater improvement by the same means. It was said of KcmpenCclt, when he was drowned in I he Royal George, England has lost her Du Pavillion. That great man, the Chevalier Du Pavillion, commanded the Triumphant, and was killed in the last baitle of Count de Grasse. France lost in him one of her gi-eatest naval tacti- cians, and a man who had, besides, the honour (in 1773) to invent the new system of naval signals, by which si.xteen liundred orders, questions, answers, and informations, can, without confusion or misconstruction, and with the greatest celerity, be cotnmunicated through a great fleet. It was iiis fixed opinion that a smaller number of signals would be insuf- ficient. A captain of the line at this day must be a tactician. A captain of a cruising frigate may make shift without ever having heard of naval tactics. Until I arrived in France, and became acquainted with that great tactician Count D'Orvilliers, and his judicious assistant the Chevalier du Pa- villion, who, each of them, honoured me with instructions respecting the science of governing the operations, &c. of a fleet, I confess I was not sensible how ignorant I had been before that time of naval tactics."* However defective the general views of the commodore might be as a great tactician, his ideas of the proper fortna- tion and internal policy and regulation of a navy for the young republic of America discover a comprehensive mind, and a liberal and generous spirit. On these points he had to contend with no lurking prepossessions. His very prejudices were here all on the right side. " From the observations I have made," he says, " and what I have read, it is my opinion, that in a navy there ought to be at least as many grades below a captain of the line as * Jones forg^cts once writing Franklin tliat tliis illustrious cjininandcr cliose rather to permit several English frigates to escape him, f^jin violato professional etiquette by breaking his line ! This was tactics with a ven geance ! 16* 186 THE AMERICAN NAVY. there are below a colonel of a regiment. Even the navy of France is deficient in suballern grades, and has paid dearly for that error in its constitution, joined to another of equal magnitude, which authorizes ensigns of the navy to lake charge of watch on board ships of the line. One instance may be sufficient to show this. The Zele, in the night between the 11th and 12th of April, 1782, ran on board the Ville de Paris, which accident was the principal cause of the unfortunate battle that ensued next day between Count de Grasse and Admiral Rodney. That accident in all proba- bility would not have hajjpened had the deck of ihe Zele been at the time commanded by a steady experienced lieutenant of the line instead of a young ensign. The charge (if the deck of a ship of the line should, in my judgment, never be mtrusted to an officer under twenty-five years of age. At that time of life he may be supposed to have served nine or ten years, — a term not more than sufficient to have furnished him with the necessary knowledge for so great a charge. It is easy to conceive ihat the minds of officers must become uneasy, when they arc continued too long in any one grade, which must happen (if regard be paid to the good of the service) where there are no more subaltern grades than midshipman and lieutenant. Would it not be wiser to raise young men by smaller steps, and to increase the number? " I have inany things to offer respecting the formation of our navy. We are a young people, and need not be ashamed to ask advice from nations older and more experienced in marine afl'airs than ourselves. This, I conceive, might be done in a manner that would be received as a compliment Dv several, or perhaps all the marine powers of Europe, and at the same time would enable us to collect such helps as would be of vast use when we come to form a constitution for the creation and government of our marine, the establish- ment and police of our dock-yards, academies, hospitals^ &c. &c., and the general police of our seamen throughout the THE AMERICAN NAVY. 197 v-ontinenl. These considerations induced me, on my return from the fleet of his excellency the Marquis de Vaudrenil, to profiose to you to lay my ideas on the subject before v7on- gi'css, and to propose sending a proper person to Europe in a liandsome frigate, to display our flag in tlic ports of the dif- ferent marine powers, to ofi'er them the free use of our ports, and propose to them commercial advantages, &c., and then to ask permission to visit iheir marine arsenals, to be informed how they are furnished both with men, provision, materials, and warlike stores, — by v\'hat police and ofHcers they are governed, how and from what resources the officers and men are paid, &c. — the line of conduct drawn between the officers of the fleet and the officers of the ports, &c.— also the armament and equipment of the diflerent ships of war, with their dimensions, the number and qualities of their officers and men, by what police they are governed in port and at sea, how and from what resources they ai'c fed, clothed, and paid, &c., and the general police of their sea- men, and academies, hos()iials, &cc. &c. If you still object to my project on account of the expense of sending a frigate to Europe, and keeping her there till the business can be effected, I think it may be done, though perhaps not wiih the same dignity, without a frignle. My plan for forming a proper corps of sea-olficers is, by teaching them the naval tactics in a fleet of evolution. To lessen the expense as much as possible, I would compose that fleet of frigates instead of ships of the line; on board of each I would have a little academy, where the officers should be taught the prin- ples of mathematics and mechanics, when oft' duty. When in port, the young officers should be obliged to attend the academies established at each dock-yard, where they should bo taught the principles of every art and science that is neces- sary to form the character of a great sea-oflicer. And everv commission officer of the navy should have free access, and be entitled to receive instruction gratis at those academies 188 NEW DISAPPOINTMENT. All this would be attended witli no very great expense, and the public advantage resulting from it would be immense. 1 am sensible it cannot be immediately adopted, and that we must first look about for ways and means ; but the sooner it is adopted the better. We cannot, like the ancients, build a fleet in a month, and we ought to take example from what has lately befallen Holland. In time of peace it is necessary to prepare, and, be always prepared, for war by sea. I have had the honour to be presented with copies of the signals, tactics, and police, that have been adopted under the diflerent admirals of France and Spain during the war, and have in my last campaign seen them put in practice. While I was at Brest, as well as while I was inspecting the building of the America, as I had furnished myself with good authors, 1 applied much of my leisure lime to the study of naval archi- tecture, and other matters that relate to the establishment and police of dock-yards, &c. I, however, feel myself bound to say again, I have yet much need to be instructed." The ship America, by his exertions, was now nearly com pleted, and Jones had once more the immediate prospect of active service; but fortune had yet another reverse in store for him; or more properly, at this lime commenced that series of disappointments and chagrins which, whether in Europe or America, continued, with brief intermissions, to pursue him through his subsequent life, till they consigned him to a premature grave. It appears to have been the fate of Jones at different epochs of his life, by the energies and activity of his character, and the impetuosity of his temper, to have momentarily strained the instruments of his advance- ment so far beyond the proper pitch, that they violently recoiled, as if by the counteracting force caused by their over-tension, on the instant that his vigorous hand was removed. The Magnifique, a sevenly-four gun ship, belonging to fiance, had, by accident or mismanagement, been lost in ihe THE AMERICA. 13 harbour of Boston. To make up this loss, and keep then powerful ally in good humour, Congress did not scruple to strij, Jones ol' the command so flatteringly bestowed, and this with- out giving him any equivalent appointment, or any futuie pledge. This was the second time he had been disappointeti m a similar way : the America shared the fate of the Indian; it was presented by Congress to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, for the service of his most Christian Majesty. Fifteen months after his appointment Jones received the following letter from the Minister of Marine : — Marine Oi-pice, 4tli Sept. 1782. " Dear Sir, "The enclosed resolution will show you the destination of the ship America. Nothing could be more pleasing to me than this disposition, excepting so far as you are alFected by it. ] know you so well as to be convinced that it must give you great pain, and I sincerely sympathize with you. But although you will undergo much concern at being deprived of this op- portunity to reap laurels on your favourite field, yet your re- gard for France will in some measure alleviate it ; and to this your good sense will naturally add the delays which must have happened in fitting the ship for sea. I must entreat you to continue your inspection until she is launched, and to urge forwai'd the buisness. When that is done, if you will come hither I will explain to you the reasons which led to this mea- sure, and my views of employing you in the service of your country. You will on your route have an opportunity of con- fering with the general on the blow you mentioned to me in one of your letters." # * * >. » Whatever might have been the feelings of Jones on this abrupt and painful communication, they were stifled by pru- rience and patriotism ; and the cheerfulness and magnanimity with which he submitted to this stroke elicited the subjoined otter from Morris: — ISO MR. MORRIS'S LETTER. " Marine Office, 4th October, 1782. '■ Sm, " I have received your letter of the 22d of last month. The sentiments contained in it will always reflect the highest ho nour upon your character. They have made so strong an im- pression upon my mind, that I immediately transmitted an extract of your letter to Congress. I doubt not but they will view it in the same manner that I have done." Jones, on the request of the minister, continued to superin- tend the equipment of the ship; but as honourable employment, whether in the sea or land service, was ever his favourite object, he now solicited the leave of Congress to go on board the French fleet, then cruising in the American seas, for im- provement in his profession. This was given in the most gracious manner, in the subjoined resolution : — BY THE UNITED STATES IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. "Wednesday, December 4tli, 1782. " Resolved, That the agent of marine be informed that Con- gress, having a high sense of the merit and services of Captain John Paul Jones, and being disposed to favour the zeal mani- fested by him to acquire improvement in the line of his pi'o- fession, do grant the permission which he requests, and that the said agent be instructed to recommend him accordingly to the countenance of his Excellency the Marquis de Vau- drenil." The languor of inactivity, and the disappointment which fol- lowed, were also somewhat soothed by the receipt, from lime '.o time, of letters, of which the following from La Fayette and Adams may furnish a sample : — "Alliance, off Boston, December, T781. " I have been honoured with your polite favour, my dear Paul Jones; but before it reached me I already was on board the Alliance, and every minute expecting to put to iea. Ti JOHN ADAMS'S LETTER. 191 W'oula nave afforded me great satisfaction to pay mj' respects to the inliabitants of Portsmoutii, and the Stale in which you are for the present. As to the pleasure to take you by tlie liand, my dear Paul Jones, you Icnovv my affectionate senti- ments, and my very great regard for you, so that I need not add anything on that subject. " Accept my best thanks for the kind expressions in your letter. His Lordship's downfall* is a great event, and the greater, as it was equally and amicably shared by the two allied nations. Your coming to the army I had the honour to command would have been considered as a very flatiering compliment to me who love you and know your worth. I am impatient to hear you are ready to sail, and I am of opinion we ought to unite under you every continental ship we can muster, with such a body of well-appointed marines as might cut a good figure ashore ; and then give you plenty of provision, and carte blanche. " I am sorry I cannot see you. I also had many things to tell you ; write me by good opportunities, but not often in ciphers, unless the matter is very important," &c. &c. " La Fayette." " Hague, 12th August, 1 732. " Dear Sir, " I had yesterday the pleasure of receiving your favour of the 10th December last. *##*** The command of the America could not have been more ju- diciously bestowed ; and it is with impatience I wish her at sea, where she will do honour to her name. Nothing gives me so much surprise, or so much regret, as the inattention of my countrymen to their navy. It is to us a bulwark as essen- tial as it is to Great Britain. It is less costly than armies, and more easily removed from one of the United States to the other. ***####4 • Lord Cornwallis. 192 JOHN ADAMS'S LKTTEll. ail '"■ ' : ' . ' It'"''' iiiii Julin Adams. " Every day shows that the Batavians have not wholly lost their ancient character. They are always timid and slow in adopting their political systems; but always firm and able in support of them ; and always brave and active in war. They have hitherto been restrained by their chiefs; but if the war continue, they \v\\] show that they are possessed of the spirit of liberty, and that they have lost none of their great (|ualities. JONES APPOINTED AGENT FOR PRIZES. 19y " Rodney's victory has intoxicated Britain again to such a degree that I thinic there will be no peace for some time. Indeed, if I could see a prospect of having a half-dozen line- of-battle ships under the American flag, commanded by Com- modore Paul Jones, engaged with an ecjuai British force, ] apprehend the event would be so glorious for the United States, and lay so sure a foundation for theiv prosperity, that it would be a rich compensation for a continuance of the war. However, it does not depend upon us to finish it. There is but one way, and that is Burgoynizing CarUon in New York. * * * * * #*#* " John Adams." Jones went on board the French fleet according to the permission granted by Congress ; but peace put a sudden end to his nautical studies in this school ; and a few complimentary letters are the sole trophies that remain of his bloodless cam- paign. These testimonies of his talents and conduct were addressed by the Marquis de Vaudreuil to Mr. Morris, the Minister of the American Marine, and to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the French Ambassador to the United States. That impatience of inactivity, which appears to have been an inherent quality in the mind of Jones, and considerations of private interest and friendship, now induced him to solicit an appointment in Europe, as agent for prize-money, of which large sums were still due to himself, and to his oflicers and men, both in France and Denmark. Their claims had indeed never been settled, and the arrangement was no easy matter.- Pursuant to a resolution of Congress, he was, on the 1st No- vember, 1783, formally appointed " agent for all prizes taken in Europe under his own command." On his arrival in Paris, his mission was sanctioned by Franklin, still minister plenipo- tentiary at Versailles, and he proceeded in the affair, which had baflled out other negotiators, with his characteristic vigour and perseverance. We are well warranted in pre 17 194 JOHN LEDYARD. suming that Jones would infinitely ratlier have rc-visitcd Europe at liiis time, oommander of that gallant experimental fngate which he had so earnestly recommended Congress to equip, than in the comparatively tame character he now iicld. Hi^ embassy, for such he loved to consider it, proved tedious, and even vexatious. His old antagonist, M. de Chaumont, had become insolvent; the French finances were already in great disorder, and disinclination existed in every department to an adjustment or liquidation of the claims of the captors. The opposition of Chaumont was peculiarly irritating to Jones, who lost no opportunity of reviling and exposing him in his frequent correspondence with the Marshal de Castris. While this affair was in progress, Jones renewed and ex- tended his former social connexions in Paris ; and for three years, at this time, supported a considerable figure in the fashionable society of that capital, both for the gratification of his personal feelings and the advancement of his mission. In this interval he also formed several projects of commercial speculations, on the scale suited to the enterprising character of his mind, and in concert with different individuals of capital and influence. One of these projects, of which a sketch still remains among his papers, was to establish a fur-trade be- tween the north-west coast of America and China, or Japan. The person fixed on to act as supercargo in this adventurous expedition was the celebrated John Ledyard, with whom it probably originated. It went so far, that Jones was on the point of purchasing a ship ; but failed, partly from the jealousy of the Spanish government, and partly from private causes. The Algerines, and the sufferings of their American cap- tives, were another object of his anxious attention, and one of which he never lost sight for the short remainder of his life, though he was not able to effect much in the behalf of this unfortunate portion of his countrymen. Another of Jones's amusements at this time was having his nust taken, which was afterwards somewhat ostentatiously JONES RETURNS TO AMERICA. 195 presented to a favoured few in America. He also handed round the journal of liis short and brilliant campaign, and re- ceived in return the usual requital of letters of compliment, which, when proceeding from such characters as Malsherbes and D'Estaing, any man may be pardoned for overvaluing. A compliment was never thrown away on the commodore, and seldom forgotten. Tedious as the affair of the prize-money proved, an equita- ble and even liberal adjustment was obtained in France long before any prospect of a settlement of the claims on Den- mark, which power had shuffled for eight years with con- siderable dexterity, and continued to do so still. With his mission thus far accomplished, Jones, in the sum- mer of 1787, returned to America, giving the following reasons for not at this time proceeding to Copenhagen : — To His Excellency John Jay, Esq., Minister of Foreign Affairs. " New York, July 8th, 1787. " Sir, " The application I made for a compensation for our prizes through the Danish minister in London not having succeeded, it was determined between Mr. Jefferson and myself, that the proper method to obtain satisfliction was for me to go in per- son to the Court of Copenhagen. It was necessary for me to see the Baron de Blome, before I could leave France on that business, and he being absent on a tour in Switzerland, did not return to Paris, till the beginning of last winter. 1 left Paris in the spring, and went as far as Brussels on mv way to Copenhagen, when an unforeseen circumstance in my ])rivate affairs rendered it indispensable for me to turn about and ci'oss the ocean. My private business here being already finished, I shall in a few days re-embark for Europe, in order to proceed to the court of Denmark. It is my intention to go by the way of Paris, in order to obtain a letter to the French minister at Copenhagen, from the Count de Mont- morin, as the one I obtained is from the Count de Vergennes. 1 96 JONES'S LETTER TO JOHN JAY. Jt would be highly flattering to me if I could carry a letlci with me from Congress to his Most Christian Majesty, thank- ing him for the squadron he did us the honour to support un- der our flag. And on this occasion, sir, permit me, with be- coming diffidence, to recall the attention of my sovereign to the letter of recommendation I brought with me from the court of France, dated 30th May, 1 780. It would be pleas- ing to me if that letter should be found to merit a place on the journals of Congress. Permit me also to entreat that Congress will be pleased to read the letter I received from the minister of marine, when his Majesty deigned to bestow on me a golden-hilted sword, emblemalical of the happy alliance, — an honour which his Majesty never conferred on any other foreign officer. I owed the high favour I enjoyed at the court of France, in a gi-eat degree to the favourable testi- mony of my conduct which had been communicated by his Majesty's ambassador, under whose eye I acted in the most critical situation in the Texel, as well as to the public opinion of Europe. And the letter with which I was honoured by the prime minister of France, when I was about to return to America, is a clear proof that we might have drawn still greater advantages from the generous disposition of our ally, if our marine had not been lost whilst I was, under perplex- ing circumstances, detained in Europe, after 1 had given the Count de Maurepas my plan for forming a combined squadron of ten or twelve sail of frigates, supported by the America, with a detachment of French troops on board ; the whole at the expense of his Majesty. " It is certain that I am much flattered by receiving a gold sword from the most illustrious monarcli now living; but I had refused to accept his commission on two occasions before that time, when some firmness was necessary to resist the temptation. He was not my sovereign ; I served the cause of freedom ; and honours from my sovereign would be more pleasing. Since the year 1775, when I displayed the Ameri* JONES'S CLAIMS. 197 can flag for the first time with iny own hands, I have been Constantly devoted to the interests of America. Foreigners have, perhaps, given me too much credit, and this may have raised my idea.- of my services above their real value ; but my zeal can never be over-rated. " I should act inconsistently if I omitted to mention the dreadful situation of our unhappy fellow-citizens in slavery at Algiers. Their almost hopeless fate is a deep reflection on our national character in Europe. I beg leave to influence the humanity of Congress in their behalf, and to propose that some expedient may be adopted for their redemption. A fund might be raised for that purpose by a duty of a shilling per month from seamen's wages throughout the continent, and I am persuaded that no difficulty would be made to that requisition. I have the honour to be, Sir, &c., &c. " Paul Jones." The manner in which Jones had divided the quotas, and the magnitude of his private claims for personal expenses while engaged in this service, did not satisfy the Board of Treasury of the United Stales, and their report highly oflfended him. He, however, made out what, allowing for a considerable alloy of self-eulogiu n, inseparable from all his vindicatory writings, may be called a triumphant case. " The settlement," he says, " that I made with the court of France had first Dr. Franklin's and afterwards Mr. Jeffer- son's approbation, in every stage and article of the business; and I presume it will be found, at least so far as depended on me, to merit that of the United States. The Board of Treasury have been pleased in their report to treat me as a mere agent, though employed in that delicate national con- cern. In Franco I was received and treated by the king and his mmislers as a general officer and a special minister from 17* 196 JONES'S CLAIMS. Congress. The credit with which" I am honoured as an officer, in the opinion of Europe, find the personal intimacy J have with many great characters at Paris, with my exclusive knowledge of all circumstances relative to the business, en- sured me a success which no other man could have obtained. My situation subjected me to a considerable expense. I went lo court much oftener, and mixed with the great much more frequently, than our minister plenipotentiary, yet the gerjtlemen in that situation consider their salary of two thousand a year as scarcely adequate to their expenses." But the reader is already so familiar with the services of the commodore to the public cause of America, that we spare them the repeti- tion which follows, and pass to the issue of this altercation, which was a resolution of Congress, passed a few days after- wards, declaring his distribution of the quotas valid, and allowing him the sum claimed as expended by him on this service. This was 47,972 livres, instead of the usual com- mission on sums recovered, which would not nearly have defrayed his expenses. To complete his triumph over the Board of Treasury, Congress, in a few days afterwards, unanimously resolved " that a gold medal should be struck, and presented to Cheva- lier J. Paul Jones, in commemoration of the valour and bril- liant services of that officer while in command of a squadron of French and American ships, under the flag and commis- sion of the States of America." It was farther resolved that a letter should be written to his Most Christian Majesty ; and accordingly, furnished with the following letter, Jones left the shores of America, which he was destined never again to revisit: " To His Most Christian Majesty, Louis, King of France and Navarre. " Great and beloved Fiiiend I •' We, the United States in Congress assembled, in con- sideration of the distinguished marks of approbation with which your Majesty has been pleased to honour the Chovaliei LETTER OF CONGRESS. ] 99 John Paul Jones, as well as fiom a sense of his nnerit, have unanimouslj' diiected a medal of gold to be struck and pre- sented to him, in commemoration of his valour and brilliant services while commanding a squadron of French and Ameri- can ships, under our flag and commission, ofi' the coast ol Great Britain, in the late war. " As it is his eai'nest desire to acquire knowledge in his pro- fession, we cannot forbear requesting of your Majesty to per- mit him to embark in your fleets of evolution, where only it will be probably in his power to acquire that degree of knowledge which may hereafter render him most extensively useful. " Permit us to repeat to your Majesty, our sincere assur- ances, that the various and important benefits for which we are indebted to your friendship will never cease to interes* us in whatever may concern the happiness of your Majesty, your family, and people. We pray God to keep you, our great and beloved friend, under his holy protection. " Done at the city of New York, the 16th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1787, and of our Sovereignty and Independence the 12th." It is not probable, though just possible, that, before this last departure for Europe, Jones was aware, that, in conversation with M. de Simolin, the Russian ambassador at Paris, Mr. Jeflerson had proposed him to serve Russia in the Black Sea. This conversation arose in consequence of the disasteis wh ch had befallen her Imperial Majesty's fleet in a tempest in ihe month of September of that year. During the late negotia- tions about the prize-money, Jones had come in close contact with Mr. Jefferson, who immediately succeeded to Franklin as ambassador, and had gained his friendship and esteem Though he might not be aware thus early of this private treaty concerning him, there is no room to doubt that, with - 204 CORRESPONDENCE .-.ate national business in question, with a minister who con- ciliates the views of the wise statesman with the noble senti- ments and cultivated mind of the true philosopher and man of letters." Paul Jones to Count Bernstorf. " Copenhagen, March 30, 1788. " Your silence on the subject of my mission from the United Stales to this court leaves me in the most painful suspense ; the more so, as I have made your Excellency ac- quainted with the promise I am under to proceed as soon as possible to St. Petersburgh. This being the ninth year since the three prizes reclaimed by the United States were seized upon in the port of Bergen, in Norway, it is to be presumed that this court has long since taken an ultimate resolution respecting the compensation demand made by Congress. Though I am extremely sensible of the favourable reception with which I have been distinguished at this court, and am particularly flattered by the polite attentions with which you have honoured me at every conference ; yel I have remarked, with great concern, that you have never led the conversation to the object of my mission here. A man of your liberal sentiments will not, therefore, be surprised, or offended at my plain dealing, when I I'epeat that I impatiently expect a prompt and categorical answer, in writing, from this Court, to the act of Congress of the 25th of October last. Both my duty and the circumstances of my situation constrain me to make this demand in the name of my sovereign the United States of America ; but I beseech you to believe, that though I am extremely tenacious of the honour of the American flag, vet my personal interest in the decision I now ask would never have induced me to present myself at this Court. You are too just, sir, to delay my business here ; which would put me under the necessity to break the promise I have made to her Imperial Majesty, conformable to your advice." WITH COUNT BERNSTORF. 205 Count liernslorf to Paul Jonra, " CopENiuoEN, April 4, I'aS. " Sir, " You have requested of me an answer to the letter you did me the honour to remit me from Mr. Jefferson, minister plenipolentiary of the United Slates of America, near his most Christian Majesty. I do it with so much more pleasure, as yuu have inspired me with as much interest as confidence, and this occasion appears to me favourable to make known the sentiments of the King, my master, on the objects to which we attach so much importance. Noihins; can be farther from the plans and the wishes of his majesty than to let fall a negotiation which has only been suspended in con- sequence of circumstances arising from the necessity of ma- turing a new situation, so as to enlighten himself on their re- ciprocal interests, and to avoid the inconvenience of a pre- cii)itate and imperfect arrangement. I am authorized, sir, to give -you, and through you to Mr. Jeflerson, the word of the King, that his majesty will renew the negotiation for a treaty of amity and commerce in the forms already agreed upon, at the instant that the new constitution (that admirable plan, so worthy of the wisdom of the most enlightened men) will have been adopted by the Stales, to which nothing more was wanted to assure to itself a perfect consideration. If it has not been possible, sir, to discuss, definitively with you, neithei the principal object nor its accessories, the idea of eluding the question, or of retarding the decision, had not the least part in it. I have already had the honour to express to you, in our conversations, that your want of plenipolentiary powers from Congress was a natural and invincible obstacle. It would be, likewise, contrary to the established custom to change the seat of negotiation, which has not been broken off, but only suspended, thereby to transfer it from Paris to Copenhagen. 18 206 CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUNT BERNSTORF. " \ have only one favour to ask of you, sir, that you would be the interpreter of our senliments in regard to llie United States. It would be a source of gratification to me to think that what I have said to you on this sul)ject carries with it tliat conviction of the truth which it merits. We de- sire to form with them connexions, solid, useful and essential: we wish to establish them on bases natural and immovable. The momentary clouds, the incertitudes, which the misfor- tunes of the times brought with them, exist no longer. We should no longer recollect it, but to feel in a more lively man- ner the happiness of a more fortunate period ; and to show ourselves more eager to prove the dispositions most proper to effect an union, and to procure reciprocally the advantages which a sincere alliance can afford, and of which the two countries are susceptible. These are the sentiments which I can promise you, sir, on our part, and we flatter ourselves to find them likewise in America ; nothing, then, can relard the conclusion of an arrangement, which I am happy to see so far advanced." Paul Jones to Count Bernstorf, "Copenhagen, April 5, 1788. " I pray your Excellenc}' to inform me when I can have the honour to wait on you, to receive the letter you have been kind enough to promise to write me, in answer to the act of Congress of the 25lh October last. As you have told me that my want of plenipotentiary powers to terminate ulli- matp/y the business now on the carpet, between the Court and the United States, has determined you to authorize the Baron de Blome, to negotiate and settle the same with Mr. Jefferson at Paris, and to conclude, at the same time, an advantageous treaty of commerce between Denmark and the United States, — my business here will of course be at an end when I shall have received your letter and paid you my thanks in person for the very polite attentions with which you have honoured me." LETTER OF BARON KRUDNER. 207 From Baron Krudner, shortly after his arrival, Jones received the following letter, which of iiself denotes a fore- gone conclusion, and his acceptance of the invitation oi Russia : — (Translation.) " Sir, "' I am much disappointed at not meeting you at Court, as I had promised myself, but a slight indisposition prevented rne from going abroad; besides, I have been agreeably occu- pied in writing letters. My Sovereign will learn with plea- sure the acquisition which she has made in your great talents. I have her commands for your acceptance of the grade of Captain Commandant, with the rank of Major General, in her service, and that you should proceed as soon as your aflairs permit; the intention of her Imperial Majesty being to give you a command in the Black Sea, and under the orders of Prince Potemkin, from the opening of the campaign. The immortal glory by which you have illustrated your name cannot make you indiflerent to the fresh laurels you must gather in the new career which opens to you. I have the honour of being on this occasion the interpreter of those sen- timents of esteem with which for a long period your brilliant exploits have inspired her Imperial Majesty. Under a Sove- reign so magnanimous, in pursuing glory you need not douLl of the most distinguished rewards, and that every advantage of fortune will await you," &c. (Sic. This was so far well, but did not entirely come up to he iiigh-raised expectations of Jones. In a letter to Jefferson about tills same time, he says, "Before you can receive this, M. de Simolin will have informed yon that your proposal to him, and his application on that idea, have been well leceived. The matter is communicated to me here, in the most flatter- ing terms, by a letter I have received from his Excellency the Baron de Krudner." This is indeed perfectly contradie 208 LETTER OF BARON KRUDNER. tory of the btatement Jones jives in the introduction to his Joiirnal of the Campaign of the Liman, where the proposal of M. do Simolin is re[)rosented as quite spontaneous, and treated by himself at first as chimerical; but this is evidently the correct one. "There seems," he continues, " to remain some difficulty respecting the letter of M. de Simolin's propo- sal, though it is accepted in substance ;" lie then expresses his gratitude to the Russian Ambassador, and to Mr. Little- page, who had contributed so materially to his success in this aflair. In a subsequent letter to Jefl'erson, written irnme- diaiely before leaving Copenhagen, after enumerating his services, and mentioning what they might have been had he possessed more ample diplomatic powers, he introduces the subject nearest his heart. Russia had demurred to his demand of the rank of Rear- Admiral. " If Congress," he says, "should think I deserve the promotion that was pro- posed when I was in America, and should condescend to confer on me ihe grade of Rear-Adniiral, from the day I took the Serapis, (2?.d September, 1779, exactly nine yea''s before,) I am persuaded it would be very agreeable to the Empress, who now deigns to offer me an equal rank in hei service, although I never had the honour to draw my sword in her cause, nor to do any other act that could merit her imperial benevolence." He afterwards continues: "The mark I mentioned of the approbation of that honourable body, (Congress) would be extremely flattering to me in the career I am now to pursue, and would stimulate all my ambi- tion lo acquire the necessary talents to merit that, and even greater favours at a future day. I pray you. Sir, to explain the circumstances of iny situation ; and be the interpreter of my sentiments to the United States in Congress. I ask for nothing, and beg leave to be understood only as having hinted what is nalui'al to conceive, that the mark of approbation I incntioned could not fail to be infinitely serviceable to mv views and success in the country where I am going." Ser JONES'S ANSWER. 209 viceable this piece of idle distinction might have been in smoothing the difficulties thrown in the way of his obtaining the rank of Rear-Admiral, for which he stipulated on enter- ing the Russian service, and which, as appears from his former letter to Jefferson, and from the letter of Baron Krud- ner, given above, was lefused at the outset. Though not disposed to break oft' his engagement, neither was he willing to give up his claims to the desired grade without a strenuous effort. He immediately replied to the Baron, going over the whole ground: — "I am extremely flattered," he says, "by the obliging things expressed in the letter your Excellency has done me the honour to write me yesterday. The very favourable sentirnenis with which my zeal for the cause of America, rather than my professional skill, has inspired her Imperial Majesty, fills me with an irresistible desire to merit the precious opinion with which her Majesty deigns to honour me. Though I cannot conceive the reason why any diffi- culty should be made to my being admitted into the marine of her Imperial Majesty as Rear-Admiral, a rank to which J have some claim, and that it should at the same time be pro- posed to give me the grade of Major-General, to which I have no title, it is not my intention to withdraw from the engagement which you have formed in my name, in the letter you addressed your Court on the 23(1 current. Ynu will be convinced by the papers I have the honour to submit to your inspection, that I am not an adventurer in search of fortune. You will discover, I presume, that my talents have been considerable; but that, lovinfj glory, I am perhaps too much attached to honours, though personal interest is an idol to which I have never bowed the knee. The unbounded admiration and profound respect which I have long felt for the glorious character of her Imperial Majesty, forbids the idea that a sovereign so magnanimous should sanction any arrangement that may give pain at the outset to the man she deigns to honour with her notice, and who wishes .o devote 18* 210 JONES AT ST. PETERSBURGH. himself entirely to her service. A conjoined conimanfl is hurtful, and often fatal in military operations. There is no military man who is so entirely master of his passions as to keep free of jealousy and its consequences in such circum- stances. Being quite a stranger, I have more to fear from a conjoined command than any other officer in the service of her Imperial Majesty. I cannot imagine why her Majesty should think it best to divide the command on the Black Sea; and if the direction of that department be already confided to an officer of sufficient ability and experience, I do not seek to interfere with his command." Jones was already aware of the appointment of the Prince of Nassau, and even thus early foresaw many of the probable difficulties of his situation ; but he had that confidence in himself which gave him assurance of triumphing over them, and proceeded, if not blindfold, yet determined not to see. We leave to his own narrative the account of his almost romantic journey irom Copenhagen to St. Petersburgh. In that capital he was received with a distinction which might have turned the soundest head. His very manner of approach had disposed people to gaze on the American hero as a won- der ; his door was besieged with carriages, and his table loaded with invitations. In short, he was now in Russia, and the man whom, for the time, the Empress delighted to honour ; (he expected conqueror of the Turks; and it might be, a future Potemkin.* At this curiouslj'-timed juncture he received a patent from the King of Denmark, granting him for life an annual pen- sion of 1500 Danish crowns, "for the respect he had shown to the Danish flag while he commanded in the North Seas." * The c.irds of mnny of tlie Russian nobility received at tJiis time, and of (tie whole host of Members of Legation, Envoys, Residents, &c., in sliort, all tbc component parts of a great court, still remain among the papers of Paul Jones, who through life seems to have been peculiarly diligent in the accuniu lation of such " frail memorials." PENSION NOT PAID. 211 To pension the agent wliose claims for his constituents are deferred or evaded, is at all times a somewhat suspicious circumstance; though this grant being unexpected and Linso licited, Jones stands clear in what he liimself justly calls " an embarrassing situation." Il was three years before he even mentioned this grant to his American friends ; and had his affairs prospered, it is probable he never would have looked after il. As it was, when his large expendiiure in Russia made it necessary to draw on this fund, which he did with the sanction of certain American gentlemen, whose advice he requested, he never received a single crown of the sponta- neous royal grant thus pressed upon hiin. For a fortnight Jones remained at St. Petersbm-gh, " feasted at court, and in the first society." " The Empress,'' he writes to La Fayette, " received rne with a distinction the most flattering that perhaps any stranger can boast of on en- tering the Russian service. Her Majesty conferred on me, imiriediately, the grade of Rear- Ad niral. I was detained, against my will, a f.irtnight, ani continually feasted at Coiu't, and in the first society. This was a cruel grief to the Eng- hsh ; and I own their vexation, which I believe was general, in and about St. Pe:ersburgh, gave me pain." Before the year elapsed, the Rear-Adniral found some cause to change his opinions in many things; and even respecting the English at Si. I'e'ersburgli. He was about this time at least thi'ee- fourths Russian. We hear no longer of America as his sole country, though he assumes a certain patronizing air towards that voung State. " I certainly wish to be useful to a country which I have so long served. I love the people and their cause, and shall always rejoice when I can be useful to pror mo'e their happiness." '' What are you about, my dear (leneral? are you so absorbed in politics as to be insensible to fflory"? that is impossible, — quit then your divine Calypso, '•-ome here and pay your court to Bellona, who you are sure will receive vou as her favourite. You would be charmed 2U LETTER FROM THE EMPRESS. with Prince Potemkin. He is a most amiable man, and none can be more noble-minded. For the Empress, fame has never yet done her justice. 1 am sure that no stranger who has not known that illustrious character, ever conceived how much her Majesty is made to reign over a great empire, to make people happy, and to attach grateful and susceptible minds. Is not the present a happy moment for Franco to declare for Russia ?" Such were the extraordinary lights that had suddenly dawned upon the former champion of liberty and asserter of the " dignity of human nature." A few weeks before the above letter was despatched to La Fayette, the Empress, with her own hand, had written to the Rear-Admiral, enclosing a letter from M. de Simolin, regard- ing his affairs. Though disappointed of sole command, as will appear in the subjoined narrative, he still continued to be dazzled with his prospects. The letter of her Imperial Majesty, who spared no pains in carrying a favourite point, as well as its enclosure, deserves to be preserved: — • From the Emprtss Catherine to Rear-Admiral Paid Jones. " Sir, — A courier fro'n Paris has just brought from my Envoy in France, M. de Simolin, iheencl)sed letter to Count Besborodko. As I believe that this letter may help to con- firm to you what I have already told you verbally, I have sent it, and beg you to return it. as I have not even made a copy be taken, so anxious am I that you should see it. I hope that it will efface all doubts from your mind, and prove to you that you are to be connected only with those who are most favourably disposed towards you. I have no doub" but that on your side you will fully justify the opinion which we nave formed of you, and apply yourself with zeal to supporl the reputation and the name you have acquired for valour and skill on the clement in which you are to serve. Adieu, I wish you happiness and health Catherine." LETTER OF M. DE SIMOLIN. 313 Extract of the Letter Jrom M. de Simolin to Count de Besborodko, enclosed in the above. "The letter with which your Excellency favoured me oii the 16th February, was delivered by Mr. Poliranofl'. By it I was informed of the resolution of her Imperial Majesty on the subject of the engagement with the Chevalier Paul Jones ; and the same day Lieutenant-Colonel de Baner, who was despatched from St. Elizabeth, by Prince Potemkin on the 9th March, brought me two letters, the subject of one of which was the said Chevalier Jones, whom he requested me to induce to repair to his head-quarters as quickly as possible, that he might employ his talents at the opening of the cam- paign ; and assure him that in entering the service, he, (Potem- kin,) would do all that depended on him to make his situation pleasant and advantageous, and certainly procure for him occasions in which he might display his skill and valour.' " lias he kept his word ?" says Jones in a note long after- wards affixed to this letter, which at the moment must have given him so much pleasure. Such were the flattering auspices under which Paul Jones entered the service of Russia. From this point his history will be continued for some time by the most interesting por- tion of his remaining papers — his Journal of the Campaign of the Liman. 214 LETTER TO JEFFERSON. CHAPTER IX. >J^-HIS narrative is now arrived at a ^'.period in which it can be for some ^1 time conlinued in the most desira- ^{ ble way, namely, by the Journal V of the Rear-Admiral, kept by him- ^self on the scene of action during Tihis memorable campaign against the Turks, afterwards extended at St. Petersburjrh and Warsaw, and prepared for publication at Paris. Had he acted with his usual promptitude and decision in openly withdrawing from the service which had been tc him one of misery and bondage, in which all the bette qualities and higher energies of his mind were convertei into the means of self-torture, he would unquestionably havi published this Journal himself, if not in France, either in England or America. He long contemplated the necessity of both these steps, and all along felt that his leave of absence for two years was in fact a virtual dismission ; but, by the strange fatality, which often appears to enchain a man's will in spite of the suggestions of his reason, he lingered on till death closed the scene. In a letter written to Mr. Jefferson, twenty months after he had been exiled from Russia, and when his last remaining hopes in life began to turn to America, his first country, he says, '• As it has been and still is my first wish, and my highest ambition, to show myself worthy of the flattering marks of esteem with which I have been honoured by my country, I think it my duty to lay before you, both as my particular LETTER TO JEFFERSON. 'Jlr, friend and as a public minister, the papers 1 now enclose relative to my connexion with Russia, viz., three pieces dated St. Petersburgh, and signed by the Count de Scgur ; a letter from me dated at Paris last summer, and sent to the Prince de Potemkiii ; and a letter froin me to the Empress, dated a few days afterwards, enclosing eleven pieces as numbered in the margin. I have selected those testimonies from a great variety of perhaps still stronger proofs in my hands; but, though the Baron de Grimm* has undertaken to transmit to her Impeiial Majesty's own hands my last packet, I shall not be surprised if I should find myself obliged to withdraw from the service of Russia, and to publish my Journal of the Cam- paign (in which) I commanded. In that case I hope to prove to the world that my operations not only saved Cherson and the Crimea, but decided the fate of the war." The Journal is written in disjointed portions, and in a spirit of alternate bitterness and boasting, which the indulgent reader must attribute to the personal feelings from which the work arose. The injustice, mortification, and persecution endured by the man and the officer must plead the apology of the author. To the historian this Journal is of considerable value. It places in an entirely new aspect one of the most memorable of the camjiaigns between Russia and the Porte; and aflords a clue, were that any longer needed, to the crooked and debasing spirit of intrigue by which the domestic policy of Russia was conducted, even under the auspices of the great Catherine. • Uaron Giimm was a sort of man-of-all-work for the Empress Catlicrlne 11., wliose business was to despatch, as frequently as possible, all the scandal, literary gossip, and political intelligence, his peculiar industry could picl; up ill Paris, for the information cv amusement of the Empress and l\cr Court, Tlic German had too m ich tact, to be he means of transmitting anything disaefreeable 210 INTRODUCTION TO JOURNAL. * Imroduclion to the Journal of Rear. Admiral Paul Jones's Campaign in the Liman in 1738. " The United States of America having charged me with a mission of a political nature to the Court of Denmark, and having at the same timf; given me a letter to deliver person- ally to his Most Christian Majesty, Louis XVI., I embarked at New York on the 11th November, 1787, in an American vessel bound for Holland, the captain of which agreed to land me in France. " After a voyage of a month, I landed at Dover, in Eng- land, not being able to get ashore in France. From Dover I went to London, where I saw the minister of the United States. I passed some days with my friends there, and went to Covent Garden Theatre. 1 afterwards set out for Paris, where I arrived on the 20th December. " Mr. Jefferson, the Ambassador of the United States, visited me on the night of my arrival, and informed me that M. do Simolin, minister plenipotentiary of her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, had often spoken of me while I was in America, and appeared anxious that I should agree to go to Russia, to command the fleet against the Turks in the Black Sea. I regarded this proposal as a castle in the air ; and as I did not wish to be employed in foreign service, I avoided meeting M. de Simolin, for whose character I had, at the same time, the highest respect. " As the letter, of which I was the bearer to the King of France, concerned myself alone, my friends advised me not to seek an interview with his Majesty, till after my return from Denmark. In that letter the United States requested his Majesty to permit me to embark in his fleet of evolution, to complete my knowledge of naval tactics, and of military and maritime operations upon the great scale. " vSpeaking to a man of very high rank at Paris, I informed him of the proposal communicated to me by Mr. Jefferson. INTROnUCTION TO JOURNAL. 217 He replied, that ' he would advise me to go to Constantinopio at once rather than enter the service of Russia.'* •' On the 1st of February, 1788, at the moment of my de- parture from Paris, I received a note from Mr. Litilepage, chamberlain to the King of Poland, earnestly requesting me to breakfast with him next morning, as he had matters of the utmost importance to communicate to me. I went to him that same night, and he told me that M. de Simolin had tiie greatest desire to converse with me before my departure, and that he expected him to breakfast with us next day. " M. de Simolin said the most polite and obliging things to me, — that, having known me well by reputation whilst he was ambassador in England, and since he had come to France, he had already proposed me to his Sovereign as commander of the fleet in the Black Sea, and that he ex- pected her Imperial Majesty would make me proposals in consequence. I could not yet look upon the affair very seriously; but I was much flattered with the opinion of M. de Simolin, to whom I expressed my gratitude. When he had left the house, Mr. Littlepage assured me that he had written to his Court, that ' if her Imperial Majesty confided to me the chief command of her fleet on the Black Sea, with carte blanche, he would answer for it that in less than a year I should make Constantinople tremble." " In Denmark I put in train a treaty between (hat power and the United States ; but this arrangement was interrupted * Wliethcr from a magnanimous sense of justice, or dislike to his asso ciates and rivals, or, as is probable, u mixture of these motives, Paul Jones, in llie course of tlie campaign, became somewhat Turkish, and a warm admirer of the Capitan Pacha, In tiie Journal he does the Turks ample justice ; and :ii a letter to Baron do la Houze, the minister of France at Copenhagen, we find him saying, — "I have much to tell you respecting the ' nmustaches of the Cupilan Pacha,* " of which the Baron had probably jocularly desired Paui Jones to send him a good «ccount; " he is a very brave man, and the public /lave been much deceived as to our affairs with him." 19 218 VOYAGE IN THE BALTIC. by the arrival of a courier Irom St. Petersburgh, despatched express by the Empress, to invite me to repair to her Court. " Though I foresaw many obstacles in the way of my en- tering the service of Russia, 1 believed that I could not avoid going to St. Petersburgh, to thank the Empress for the favourable opinion she had conceived of me. I transferred the treaty going forward at Copenhagen to Paris, to be con- cluded there, and set out for St. Petersburgh by Sweden. At Stockholm I staid but one night, to see Count Rasaumor- sky. Want of time prevented me from appearing at Court " At Gresholm I was stopped by the ice, which prevented me from crossing the Gulf of Bothnia, and even from ap- proaching the first of the isles in the passage. After having made several unsuccessful efforts to get to Finland by the isles, I imagined that it might be practicable to effect my ob- ject by doubling the ice to the southward, and entering the Baltic Sea. " This enterprise was very daring, and had never before been attempted. But by the north the roads were impractica- ble, and, knowing that the Empress expected me from day to day, I could not think of going back by Elsineur. " I left Gresholm early one morning, in an undecked pas- sage-boat, about thirty feet in length. I made another boat fol- low, of half that .size. This last was for dragging over the ice, and for passing from one piece of ice to another, to gain the coast of Finland. I durst not make my project known to the boatmen, which would have been the sure means of defeating it. After endeavouring, as befoi-e, to gain the first isle, I made them steer for the south, and we kept along the coast of Sweden all the day, finding difficulty enough to pass between the ice and the shore. Towards night, being almost opposite Stockholm, pistol in hand I forced the boatmen to enter the Baltic sea, and steer for the coast. We ran near the coast of Finland. Ail night the wind was fair, and we hoped to land next day. This we found impossible. The ice did ARRIVAL AT ST. PETERSGURGII. 219 not permii us to approach the shore, which we only saw fr.)m a distance. It was impossible to regain the Swedish side, tlie wind being high and directly contrary. I had nothing left for it but to stand for tiie Gulf of Finland. There was a small compass in the boat, and I fixed the lamp of my travelling carriage so as to throw a light on it. Crossing the Baltic. " On the same night we lost the small boat; but the men saved themselves in the large one, which with difficuhy es- caped the same fate. At the end of four days we landed at Uevel, where our enterprise was i-egarded as a kind of mira- cle. Having satisfied the boatmen for their services and their loss, 1 gave them a good pilot, with the provisions necessar)' for making their homeward voyage, when the weather should become more favourable. " I arrived at St. Petersburgh in the evening on the 23d of April, old style, and on the 25th had my first audience of the Empress. Her Majesty gave me so flattering a reception, and up to the period of my departure treated me with so much 220 APPOINTED ADMIRAL, distinction, that I was overcome by her courlesies ( je we laissai seduire,) and put myself into her hands without making any stipulation for my personal advantage. I demanded but one favour, ' that I should never be condemned unheard.* " On the 7th May I set out from the Imperial Palace, carry- ing with me a letter from her Majesty to his Highness the Prince-Marshal Potemkin at Si. Elizabeth, where I arrived on the 19th. The Prince-Marshal received me with much kind- ness, and destined me the command of the fleet of Serastapole against the Capitan Pacha, who, he supposed, intended to make a descent in the Crimea. His Highness was mistaken in this, and the next day he received information that the Capitan Pacha was at anchor within Kinbourn, having come to suc- cour Oczakow with a hundred and twenty armed vessels and other armed craft. " The Prince-Marshal then requested me to assume com- mand of the naval force stationed in the Liman, (which is at the embouchure of the Dnieper,) to act against the Capitan Pacha till Oczakow should fall. I considered this change of destination as a flattering mark of confidence ; and having received my orders, I set out on the same day for Chcrson, in company with the Chevalier de Ribas, Brigadier du Jour of the Prince-Marshal. He was ordered to make all the arrange- ments necessary to place me in command. At parting, the Prince-Marshal promised me to bring forward his troops without loss of time, to co-operate with the maritime force he had intrusted to my command ; and on the journev M. de Ribas told me. ' that ail the force of the Liman, comprehending that of the Prince of Nassau, would be under my orders.' " I spent but one evening and night at Cherson. But even this short period was enough to show that I had entered on a delicate and disagreeable service. Rear-Admiral Mordvvinofl', chief of the Admiralty, did not affect to disguise his displeasure at my arrival ; and though he had orders from the Prince- Marshal to communicate to me all the details concerning the CHARACTER OF ALEXIANO. 221 force in the I.iman, and to put me in possession of the flag belonging to my ranli as Rear-Admiral, he spared himself the trouble of compliance. Going on board the Wolodhner. " We set out early next morning for Glouboca, the arma- ment of the Liman being at anchor very near that place, in the roads of Schiroque, between the bar of the Dnieper and the embouchui-e of the river Bog. We went on board the Wolodimer before mid-day, where we found that Brigadier Alexiano had assembled all the commanders, to draw them Into a cabal against my authority. I may mention here, that this man was a Greek, as ignorant of seamanship as of mili- ary affairs, who, under an exterior and manners the most rross, concealed infinite cunning, and, by affected plainness ind hardihood of discourse, had the address to pass for a ■'J.unf honest man. Though a subject of Turkey, it was aJ- leged that he made war with the Mussulmans by attacking 'hei- commerce in the Archipelago on his own authority, and 19* 222 JONES HOISTS HIS FLAG. that he had followed ths nieiins of enriching himself up tc the period that Count D'Orlofl' arrived with the Russian fleet. Though I do not affirm the fact, several persons of credit have assured me that there are often pirates who infest the coas', and the isles between Constantinople and Egypt, who altacli the commerce of all nations, and run down the vessels aflei having seized the caroroes and cut the throats of the crev»'s Alexiano had been enployed by Count D'OrlofT. He had reached the rank of Brigadier. Alexian.) was a good deal oflended in ihe first instance, and afterwards made great merit wiih the Prince-Marshal, of the sacrifice which he affected to make in serving under me. He said, that if he withdrew, all the other officers would fblli)w his example. The Prince-Marshal sent presents to his wife, and wrote him kindly, persuading him to remain in the service. All the difficulty he made was nothing more than a piece of ma- nceuvring lo increase his importance; for from what followed I know that, had he loft the service, it would have been alone, and that no one would have regretted his absence. " To give time to those angry spirits to become calm, ami to be able to decide on the part I should lake, I proposed to Brigadier de Ribas, that we should together make a journey to Kinbourn, to see the entrance of the Dnieper and recon- noitre the position and strength of the Turkish fleet and flotilla. At my return all the officers appeared contented, and I hoisted my flag on board the Wolodimer, on the 26th of May, 1788. " The Prince of Nassau Siegen, whom I had known slightly at Paris, told me, ' that if we gained any advantage over the Turks, it was necessary to exaggerate it to the ut- most ; and that this was the counsel the Chevalier de Ribas had given him.' I replied, ' that I never had adopted this method of heightening my personnl importance.' " The journal of the Rear-Admiral, after this introductio?^, is continued in the third person for so ne lime; and afterwards Ilp'lllii T-l -, 11 ■ ii I'/ . -T-. JiV^^TJ^^, ■ (sss) JOURNAL. 225 goes on U) the end as a narrative in tlie first person, which would have been desirable throughout ; it is, however, thought best to adhere faithfully to the original. Joiirnul of the Campaign of the Liman in 1788, drawn up hy Rear-Aclmiral Paul Jones, for Ihe pericsal of Iter hnpcriot Majesty of all the Russias, and now first published from his original Manuscript. " At the opening of this campaign the squadron of Cherson was obliged to remain for two days in the road of Schiroque, till the troops should embark which were to form part of the crew. The Prince of Nassau, who had been appointed com- mander of the ilotilla, and who had by this time received on board all the troops intended for him, durst not venture to advance even four or five verstes without being escorted by three frigates. The Prince of Nassau was so apprehensive of danger, that on the 28th of May, Rear-Admiral Paul Jones, commander of the squadron, reinforced him with a fourth frigate. " On the 29th, the troops being all on board, the squadron advanced, and led on the flotilla, which lay scattered about at anchor without any observance of order. The squadron drew up opposite the first village, to the left of the Bog, in an obtuse angle, and thus commanded, by a cross-fire, the only passage of the Liman. This lies between two sand-banks, through which the Turks must advance with their heavy vessels. By this position the Rear-Admiral covered Cherson, and the country on both banks of (he Liman, made good the free passage of the Bog to the army of the Prince Marshal, and held the Turks in check in any attempt they might make against Kinbourn. " The Prince of Nassau at this time talked a gi'cat ocnl of projects of descents, surprises, and attacks, but wiihoi.t any rational plan. 226 COUNCII, OF WAR. " A battery having been raised upon the point of Stanislaus the Prince of Nassau expressed himself delighted with it, as in case of necessity he might there find shelter. The Rear- Admiral could not have retreated, as several of his vessels were already within a few inches of getting aground. The Rear- Admiral was aware that the Turks, having a very su- perior force, would not give any opportunity of attacking ihem ; and that it was therefore necessary to maintain the strong position he had taken, till the advance of Prince Potemkin, in order to concert plans, and combine his operations with those of the land forces. " In the meanwhile. General Suwaroff, commandant of Kinbourn, made the Rear-Admiral responsible for the safety of that place ;. .while Brigadier Alexiano and the Prince 'of Nassau did all that was possible to make him distrustful of the means which he possessed for attack or defence. They alleged, that the vessels forming the flotilla, having been constructed merely to convey the carriages of the Empress in her late progress, rnight be expected, at the first attack, to sink under the enormous weight of the guns. " The squadron made a formidable appearance, but had little real strength. The Wolodimer and the Alexander were but half-armed ; and both vessels were already within a few inches of touching the bottom, so shallow is the Liman for vessels of war. In this most critical situation, having no orders from his Highness the Prince-Marshal for his guidance, and knowing nothing either of his iatentions, or of the actual po- sition of the army, the Rear-Admiral resolved on assembling a council of war, in conformity to the ordonnance of Peter the Great. The council he opened by a speech suited to the occasion, the main object of which was to show the necessity of a perfect understanding between the squadron and the rlotilla ; and that, uniting heart and hand, and forgetting all (lersonal considerations, they should determine to conquer, as . he true glory of a patriot was to be useful to his country. ALEXIANO'S CONDUCT. 227 Afihir of June 6th. "On the 6th* of June, at two in the morning, the Prince of'Nassau advanced, with the greater part of tlie flotilla ; but retired at daybreak before a very inferior force. The Turks chased him, keeping up a cannonade, into the midst of the squadron, which, as had been arranged, advanced to take a position to support him. " This inspirited the Turks so much, that, during the night between the 6th and 7ih, they threatened an attack. " At sunrise the Turks made sail ; and Brigadier Alexiano ran upon the deck of the Wolodimer, half-naked, exclaiming, like a frantic man, in French and Russian, that the Turks were going to attack and board us, and that we would be blown to pieces for having been so foolish as to leave oiir former position. He had, notwithstanding, in the council of war,given his voice in favour of the position we now actually • The Russians compute time by tlie old style, which sometiinrs jirof'uceH \n apparent confusion of dates in the Journal, — Paul Jones sometimes recli oning by the one mode and sometimes by the other 22? COMSAT WITH THE TUUIfy. held. Brigadier Ribas, the captain, and all the crew, were witnesses of his extravagant and unjustifiable behavioui'. " This proved a false alarm ; the Turkish fleet did not stir. " The Prince of Nassau came on board the Wolodimer and the Rcar-Admiral proposed to him to reconnoitre the enemy's fleet and floiilhi. As they advanced together, the first division of the Turkish flotilla began to fire from their canoes, and raised their anchors and rowed .forward towards our reserve, which they attacked briskly. At the same time several corps of Turkish troops advanced along the opposite bank, as if they intended to establish a post or battery to act on our flank. As our reserve had been posted to cover our right wing, the Prince of Nassau, who knew not what to do, proposed lo make it draw up in the form of an arch {crochet de liouletle,) the better to sustain the assault. The Rear-Ad- miral told him, that, on the contrary, it was necessary to lift the anchors with the utmost despatch, and to form in line of battle to meet the attack of the Turks. The combat having commenced according to this plan, the Rear- Admiral hastened along the lines, to issue orders to the squadron, and, above all, to make the remainder of the flotilla, posted between the ships and upon the lefi wing, advance. The wind be ng ad- verse, he made these vessels be lowed by the ships' boats and otht/ boats attached to the squadron ; and by an oblique movement formed in line of battle, with the intention of cutting oH" the retreat of the enemy, and galling him by a cross-fire. As soon as the Gapitan Pacha perceived the manoeuvre of the Rear-Admiral, he came forward himself in his kirlangitch, having a very favourable wind, and made the second division of his flotilla advance. " At this time our reserve was very critically situated. A double clialoupe quilted the action, and fom' of our galleys were in danger of being captured. The Prince of Nassau, who did not relish going himself, sent Brigadier CorsacofT, wiio made tliese retreat. Instead of remaining with the reserve COiHRAT VVirtl THE TURKS. 22U wliicli, being without a commander, was in very great dis- order, ihe Prince of Nassau quitted his own post, and stationed himself before tiie Rear- Admiral, where he could be of no use whatever. The Rear-Admiral went into the same boat with the Prince of Nassau, and again issued his orders along tlie line. Being now \\illiin cannon-shot of the enemy he opened fire, advancing alw'ays in an oblique line to cut oil' the enemy's rf treat. At the same time he despatched Brigadier Alexiano to endeavour to rally the vessels of the reserve, which the P"ince of Nassau had deserted: but Alexiano contented him- sf If with waving his hal in the air, and shouting from behind Ihe lines, — 'Fire, my lads, on the kirlangilch of the Gapitan Picha !' " When the line led on by the Rear-Admiral came *o close fire with the enemy, their flotilla was thrown into the utmost confusion. Our reserve gave no farther way, and the enemy was placed under a cross-fire. The Gapitan Pachii availed 20 230 THE PRINCE OF NASSAU'S ORDER, himself of the only resource in his power ; he set every sai' to withdraw his force. Had he remained a half-hour longer, he would have boen surrounded. Two of his vessels were burnt in this affair. The flotilla of the enemy was composed of fifty-seven vessels, and we chased into the middle of their fleet. The Rear- Admiral, who had directed the whole affair, gave all the credit of it to the Prince of Nassau. " An idea may be formed of the capacity of the Prince of Nassau from the following circumstance: — At the beginning of the action he requested the Rear-Admiral to bring forward to the support of the reserve only the vessels posted on the left wing, which consisted of one galley and a double cha- loupe. Besides the insufficiency of force, these vessels had a very long way to make, and that against the wind. " The Turks remained quiet for some time after this. The Prince of Nassau, who had scarce spoken one word during the affair, save to make extravagant professions of regard for the Rear-Admiral, now began to give himself airs. On the 13th June he addressed a writing of an extraordinary character to the Rear-Admiral, the object of which appeared CO be, that an advance should be made of three verstes nearer the enemy, who had taken post under the batteries of Oczakow. The Rear-Admiral, who could perceive no advan- tage to the service in such a movement, refused his concur- rence. Had he agreed, the movement would have been fatal to Russia, as will be seen by what follows. " By the 16"h June the patience of the Capitan Pacha was exhausted. He brought from his grand fleet, without Kin- bourn, two thousand picked men, to reinforce the body under the walls of Oczahow; and being strengthened still farther by the troops of the garrison, he advanced with his whole lleet and flotilla, and with a fair wind, into the Liman, to attack and board us. The ship, which bore one of the Ad- miral's flags, steered right towards the Wolodimer from the commencement of the movement. When within three verstes COUNCIL OF WAR. 23] of US, or little more, this ship got aground, and all the vessels which accompanied it immediately dropt anchor. It was then about two in the afternoon. " The Rear-Admiral summoned a council of war to con- sult on what should be done. He addressed the council, at which were present all the commanders of the stjuadron and the flotilla, and concluded by telling them, ' that they must make up their iminds to conquer or die for the country.' " The wind, which was rather fresh, being against us, the only thing proposed by the Rear-Adiniral that was found practicable, was to draw up our force in an obtuse angle, by bringing forward the right of the line upon the centre.* This movement was completed before midnigiit. The wind had shifted to. N.N.E. ; and at bi-eak of day the Rear-Admiral made signal, and the whole squadron immediately set sail to commence the attack on the Turks. " The Turks got into confusion the instant this manoeuvre was perceived. They raised their anchors or cut their cables in the greatest precipitation, and not the shadow of discipline remained in their fleet. Our squadron advanced in line of battle with a striking and formidable appearance, so that the Turks knew not how weak it really was. As our flotilla had been very slow in weighing anchor, the Rear-Admiral was obliged to make the squadron halt tvv-ice to await it. At length, the flotilla being always last, the squadron opened fire on the enemy, of whom the person second in command, who had flown about like a fool, quickly ran his ship on a sand- bank on the south of the Liman. There was no longer hope for him ; from the moment he grounded he was ours. The • " Ttie plan of the Capitan Pacha was to bear down under full sail on the ves. Ecls of our flotilla, and runthcm to the bottom by the shock of the encounter of his larg^c ships. He also proposed to burn our squadron by throwing in fire- balls (grappins)j and setting fire to certain trading vessels which he had pre- pared as fire-ships. He had reason to calculate on success, had he not been thwarted by a circumstance which no man could have foreseen. '— I^ott; by Paul Jones. 232 CAPTURE OF A TUBKISH SHIP. enemy still kept flying about, and always in the greatest dis- order. The Rear-Admiral made his slnp (ihe Woiodimer) be steered to within pistol-shot of the vessel of tiie Capitan Pacha, but the latter again ran aground upon a sand-bank ; and a few minutes afici'wards the Brigadier Alexiaiu) gave orders in the Russian langimge, and unknown to the Rear- Adiniral, to drop tiic Wolodimer's anchor. It was pretended that there were but fifteen feet of water a little way in ad- vance of the ship, which was not true. A considerable time before this the squadron had been taken on the right flank by the Turkish flotilla, drawn up on the shallows, approaching the bank to the east of Oczakow, and cominanded bv the Capitan Pacha himself. The flotilla annoyed the sf|uadri>n considerably, by incessantly throwing in along our line l)o:h bombs and balls of great size. Wanting depth of water, our frigates could not advance far enough to dislodge them, and, besides, they found that their guns were too small. The Ca- pitan Pacha had struck down one of our frigates, named the Little Alexander, by a bomb, at the side of the Woiodimer and at the very instant Brigadier Alexiano made the anchor be cast. Our flotilla still lagged behind, but it did at last aavance. Having passed through the squadron in the great- est disorder, and without the least appearance of plan, instead of pursuing the flying Turks, the flotilla swarmed round the Turkish ships which were aground like a hive of bees. " The Rear-Admiral commanded Brigadier Alexiano to THE TURKISH FLAG 233 get togetnor some vessels of our flotilla to dislodge the Turk- ish flotilla. At the same momciil the Rear-Ad.niral advanced in his boat towards the left wing, where the Prince of Nassau was with his body of reserve, employed to very little purpose, in firing on the Turkish vessels already aground. The Roar- Admiral entreated him to lead or send the reserve to act against the Turkish flotilla upon our right flank, and informed him of the misfortune which had befallen the Little Alexan- der; but M. de Nassau remained quietly behind his batteries, and made no movetneni tod sloJgethe flotilla of the enemy. " The Rear-Admiral then met Brigadier Corsacoff, to whom he gave orders similar to those he had given to M. Alexiano; and these two officers having got together as many vessels as they could collect, assisted our frigates in dislodging and chasing the Turkish flotilla even till under the walls of Oczakow. M. de Corsacoff' was a brave and an intelligent man ; he did not affect to have done anything wonderful. Alexiano was a man of limited talent and of questionable courage, but his vanity was excessive. He pre- tended to have hauled a battery to within pistol-shot of the enemy's flotilla; but M. AkmatofT, who commanded that bat- tery, declared that neither he nor any one of our people ever were nearer the Turkish flotilla than half cannon-shot. " The Turkish fleet was now distant. The Prince of Nas- sau was told that the Admiral's flag, which had been dis- played on the vessel of the Capitan Pacha, was struck down, and he hastily advanced to claim it. The ship of the Capitan Pacha, like all the others of the band, leaned much to one side, and consequently could not fully avail itself of its guns. As the flag of the Capitan Pacha fell into the water from tho top of the main-mast, having been struck down by a ball, it is not difficult to discover that the vessel whicfi had fired this ball was in no danger of being touched by case-shot. The saporoses drew the flag from the water, and the Prince •)f Nassau, a long while afterwards, bar the glory (which he 20* 234 THE BRANDCOLGLES. turned to gond accouni,) of snatching it from their hands. The llear-Admiral might have claimed at least the half of liiis flag, as he had his hands on it at the same moment with the Prince of Nassau ; but he regarded it as a thing of verv little consequence. " Brandcougles* had been thrown into the two Turkish vessels, and they were burnt. Was this a good or a bad piece of service 1 These two vessels were only ours from Burning of the Turkish vessels. the accident of having run aground, and because their crews had been left by their coimtrymen under the guns of our s-iuadron. Wherefore did the flotilla interfere with them ? — ought it not rather to have pursueJ the flying Turks, who wore not yet under the protection of the guns of Oczakow? Our flotilla had received no injury, anl had noihinf to fear from the shallowness of the water. "Having first sounded, the lloar-Admiral made the squa- dron advance another verste, and took pixt in n right line • A note by Paul Jones describes tbese inccnrlinrv missiles as a Itinil of bomb-sliclls, perforated with liolcs, anJ filled inside witli conibuslijle inatp rials. Tlicy wore fired from a sort of pieces cited Licoincs. JONES TAKING SOUNDINGS OFF OCZAKDW. 235 barely out of shot of Oczukow, and in lino with ihe far est back of the Turkish ships that had been run aground and taicen. Fire soon afier broke out in this prize, which had been imprudently fired upon with brandcougles. " The fleet and flotilla of the Turks now drew up a line parallel to ours, and under the walls of Oczakow. " How imbecile does the hu'Tian mind become under the iniluence of sudden panic! The Rear- Admiral, an hour after the afiair, advanced in his boat, and to )k soundings all alon'i the Turkish line, opposite the walls of Oczakow, and wiihin roach of case-shot, and not a single gun was fired upon him. Jones taking Soundings of) Oczakow. •' Previously to taking command of the squadron, the Rear-Admiral, as has been noticed, had gone to Kinbourn with the Chevalier Ribas, brigadier du jour, to the Prince- Marshal, to rconnoiire the position and force of the fleet and flotilla under the Oapitan Pacha, and to examine the entrance of the Liinan. They arrived at Kinbourn at the very liine that the Capitan Pacha had detached twenty-one vessels ot vvar from his fleet, and with that force entered the road of Oczakow, the wind not permitting him to enter the Liman, 236 SHIPS AGROUND. where his flotilla and some ti'ansport ships were already stationed. The Rear-Admiral was so struck at finding the 'tongue of land at Kinbourn without any battery or black-fort, that he instantly spoke of it to the commandant, General , Suwaroff. This tongue of land, from its position, commands the only passage by which largo vessels can either enter or come out of the Liman. The fortress of Kinbourn being far too distant to be able lo command this passage, the Rear-Admiral proposed to establish one or more strong batteries upon this strip of land, and M. de Ribas seconded the proposition. After considerable delay. General Suwaroff was persuaded to establish a block-fort with heavy cannon upon this tongue or point of land, and a battery farther within; but the Capiian Pacha had already got the twenty-one ships in question into the Liman. "To resume — On the night bet\Aeen the 17th and 18th of June, the Capitan Pacha attempted to bring the remains of his squadron, which had been defeated on the previous day, out of the Liman : but the newly-erected block-fort and bat- tery fired on his ships, of which iiine of the largest were forced aground upon the sand -bank which runs out from Oczakow, till within a little way of cannon-shot from the block-fort. " The block-fort and battery fired on the enemy's ships the whole night, and at day-break General Suwaroff sent to us, requesting that we should send vessels to take possession of those ships of the enemy which had got aground. The Rear-Admiral wished to send frigates ; but Brigadier Alexiano assured him that he would run the risk of losing them. The current there, he said, ' was like that of a mill-dam, and the bottom was so bad that anchors would not hold.' " It was, accordingly, resolved to proceed with the flotilla ; and Alexiano, who had his private reasons, set out with the Prince of Nassau. The flotilla went pell-mell, and without ony sort of order or plan, upon the nine ships aground, and ami" : '" f^ii'h k i, IJ m "'0 ri I li r I 'I ^ii 0. *lA l* 'i' I'lW U I IP ■i II. I (23T1 DISTRESS OK THE TURKS. 2»0 Durning of the Turkish Fleet. filed. brandfiougles into them without mercy. It was in vain the wretched Turi« nfiade the sign of the cross, and begged for quarter on their knees! Above three thousand of thern were burnt with their ships. By some chance two of these vessels, the least and ihe largest, did not take fire; the one was a corvette, very diflerentiy armed, carrying the battery and four pieces between decks. The other was a small bricrantine, of French construction, armed with forty small guns. " Nciihcr the Prince of Nassau nor Alexiano was to be set!!! at this time. They were together, and at some distance, ilurin" tliis fri!>htful carnage; and it was afterwards asked 240 PUINOE POTEMKIN'S ARMY. of tlioni if the} had not, during this time, been at Kinbourn? As the greaiest confusion reigned among the vessels of the flolilla, though onr k)ss was not great, there is no doubt thai part of it was owing to Ilusiian bullets.* Flotilla Action. " The army of Prince Potemkin having come up on the 27th June, the Prince of Nassau had orders to attack and destroy or capture, the Turkish flolilla which lay under the walls of Oczakow ; and the llear-Adinral was commanded to give him every assistance thai might be useful. In pur- suance of these orders, on the 1st of July, at one in the morning, the flotilla advanced. The Rcar-Admiral had sent all the chaloupes and barcasses belonging to the squadron to haul out the vessels of the flotilla. The Prince-Marshal had taken the trouble to arrange the plan of attack himself, but his plan was not followed. " At day dawn, our flotilla having advanced within c:\nnon- shot, opened fire upon the Turkish flo'illa, and on the place. The current having carried several of our batteries and double * Tlie species of \v:irf;irc in wIhcIi lie was now daily engaged was new to tlic Anglo-.\nierican. The monstrous and wanton jrnellics to which the Turks were .^iubjoctcd by tlic more barbarous and brutal Russians were ac- (^.ordingly viewed by jiini with liorror and di.^gust. BURNING OF A FRIGATE. 241 chaloupes rather too far to leeward, the Rear-Admiral mada them be hauled up by the boats and barcasses of the squad- ron, and set the example himself with the chalouoe in wliick he was. The Turks set fire to a little firigate which they had prepared as a fire-ship, and placed at anchor to tlia N. E., of Fort Hassan Pacha. Burning of a Frigate. " At six in the morning, the Rear-Admiral went himself considerably in advance of the flotilla to seize five of the enemy's galleys which lay within case-shot of Fort Hassan. The position of these galleys, between the cross-fire of our flotilla on the one side, and that of Fort Hassan, the Turkish flotilla, and Oczakow on the oiher, rendered this a very dan- gerous enterprise. The Rear-Admiral boarded the galley which lay farthest out, and made it be hauled in a little way by Lieutenant LefT Fabrician. He afterwards boarded the galley of the Capitan Pacha, which lay considerably nearer the Fort. From unskilfulness, and excess of zeal, a young officer cut the cable of this galley without waiting the orders of the Rear-Admiral, and before the boats could be got in order to haul it out, the wind drifted the galley towards tne shore, and still nearer to the Fort. The Rear-Admiral made the galley be lightened Jjy throwing many thinirs overboard After much search for ropes that might stretch to the wreck 21 242 BURNING OF THE CAPITAN PACHA'S GALLEY, of the burnt friga'e, and by faslening the galley there, keep i' afloat, ihe [ilan failed from the ropes not being long enough. The Rear-Admiral was very unwilling to yield to tlie obsti- nate opposition of the Turks, who fired upon him from all their bastions and from their flotilla, and he despatched Lieu- tenant Fox to the Wolodimer, to fetch an anchor and cable This was a certain means of securing his object; and in waiting the return of the lieutenant, he left the galley with his people, and assisted in the flotilla's advance. Before the return of Lieutenant Fox, he had, however, the mortification to see fire break out in the galley of the Capitan Pacha. He at first believed that the slaves chained on board had found means to escape, and had set fire to the vessel; but he had afterwards positive proof that Brigadier Alexiano being in a boat at the time with the Prince of Nassau, on the outside of the flotilla, and being aware of the intention of the Rear-Ad- miral, swore that it should not succeed, and sent a Greek canoe to set fire to the galley !* The three other Turkish gal- leys were at once run down and burnt by brandcougles. There were also a two-masted ship and a large bomb-vessel burnt near Fort Hassan Pacha. This includes all that was taken or destroyed by water, save fifty-two prisoners taken by the Rear-Admiral in the two galleys. The wretched beings, who were chained in the galley of the Capitan Pacha, perished there in the flames I " The Prince-Marshal having made an important diversion on the land-side, it is to be regretted that advantage was not taken of this movement to seize the remainder of the eneiny's flotilla. But our flotilla never came up within reach of grape- shot." • The altestation of a Russian ofiicer lo tliis singular fact ia amonir the Pieces JuslificaUves appended to tlie Journal ; and the oritrinal of that atles. tation, written in French, and subscribed BilicrofT, officer of the guard, and dated at Kinbourn tlie 26th October, t788, r-jmaiiis among Jones's piipcrs. VERIFICATION OF THE JOURNAL. 243 Burning of the Capitan Facba's Galley. The above extracts from the Rear-Admiral's Journal are verified in the following manner : — " The.se extracts liave been translated by me into the Russian language, and read before the commanders of the ship Wolodimer, Captain of ihe Second Rank, Zefaliano ; of the frigate Scoroi, Captain of the Second Rank, Aboljanin; of the frigate Nicolai, Captain Lieutenant Daniloff ; of the frigate Taheuroc, Lieutenant Makinin ; of the frigate the Little Alexander, Lieutenant Savitzsky ; and they have found nothing in them contrary to truth. " On board the Wolodimer, before Oczakow, the 28tli October, 1788. ' Paul Denetreffsky, Honorary Counsellor of the College for Foreign affairs, and by special orders of her Im|ierial Majesty of all the Russias, Secretary to Rear-Adinira. and Chevalier Paul Jones " . 244 DEATH OF ALEXIANO. Addition of Rear-Admiral Jones to the pTeceeding Jourval Translated from the French of the MS. volume, prepared for publication by himself. " The moment the ships began to withdraw from Oczakovv, the Prince of Nassau and Brigadier Alexiano hurried straight to the head-quarters of the Prince- Marshal, to relate the deeds which they pretended they had performed. In a few minine.- after the flotilla began to retire, the rain fell in torrents, of which Nassau and Alexiano received their own share before reaching head-quarters. "Two days afterwards, Brigadier Alexiano returned on board the Wolodimer, having caught a malignant fever, of which he died on the 8th July. The Prince of Nassau, who nad made use of him in caballing against me, God knows for what, neither visited him in his sickness, nor assisted at his lineral. At first it was given out, that the service must sus- tain the loss of every Greek in it on account of his death; but I soon experienced the reverse. Not one asked to be dismissed ; they remained under my command the same as the Russians, and were better pleased4jian before. On the day preceding the death of Alexiano, he had received intelligence of having been promoted two grades ; and that her Majesty had bes- towed on him a fine estate, and peasants, in White Russia. "At the same time the Prince of Nassau had received a very valuable estate, with three or four thousand peasants, also in White Russia, and the Military Order of St. George, of the Second Class. Her Majesty likewise gave him liberty to hoist the flag of Vice Admiral on the taking of Oczakow, to which event it was apparently believed he liad greatly contributed. I received the order of St. Anne, an honour with which 1 am highly flattered, and with which I could have been p^rfnctlv satisfied, had others been recompensed only in the same pro- portion, and according to the merit of their services. All the afficers of the flotilla received a step of promotion and the VISIT OF PRINCE POTEMKIN. 245 g/atuity of a year's pay. The greater part of them also ob- tained the Order of St. Geoi'ge, of the Last Class. Only two of these officers had been bred to the sea ; all the others were ignorant of nayTil affairs. The officers of the squadron under my command were almost wholly marine officers. They had done their duty well when opposed to the enemy ; but Ihey obtained no promotion, no mark of distinction, no pecu- niary reward. My mortification was excessive. " My officers at this time gave me a very gratifying proof of their attachment. On promising that I would demand jus- tice for them from the Prince-Marshal at the close of the campaign, they stifled their vexation, and made no complaint. " It ought to have been mentioned in the proper place, that three days after our success in the Liman, Prince Potemkin arrived at Kinbourn, from whence he came on board the Wolodimer lo make me a visit. He was accompanied by General Count de Brandisky of Poland, the Prince de Repuin, the Prince deLigne, General de Samoilow, and several other officers. His Highness did me the honour to remain to dinner ; and as he knew that an altercation had taken place between the Prince of Nassau and myself on the morning of the 18ih of June, he had the goodness to employ the Prince de Ligne, And M. Littlepage, Chamberlain to the King of Po'anrl, to per- suade the Prince of Nassau to make me an apology. I ac- cepted it with sincere pleasure. We embraced in presTce of this honourable company, and I believed him as sincere as myself. " The Prince-Marshal charged me at this time to make arrangements for raising the cannon, anchors, and other stores belonging to the enemy's ships which had been burnt, without loss of time, and T sent off a transport- ship with officers and men on this duty. " His Highness the Prince-Marshal now made his troops advance. They passed the Bog, and appeared in sight of us, .on the banks of the Liman, on the 27th of June ; and n(!xt 21* 246 ALEXIANO. morning the Capitan Pacha made his grand fleet, which had always remained at anchor twenty or thirty verstes withom Kinbourn, weigh anchor, and directed his course towards the entrance of the Danube, carrying three Admiral's flags, and followed by all the vessels that had escaped us in the Liman. During the whole time ihat we were exposed to having a serious affair with the Turks, Brigadier Alexiano had care- fully kept a Greek felucca of eighteen oars alongside the Wolodimer. This felucca was better built for sailing than any of the other chaloupes or rowing vessels belonging to the whole squadron, so that he had at all times the means of saving himself in case of any disastrous event Even the Prince of Nassau, since his retreat on the 6th of June, was never seen in any vessel of the flotilla, but always in a cha- loupe, which had been built for the especial use of her Impe- rial Majesty on her late voyage. For myself, I took no such precautions. 1 saw that I must conquer or die. For me there was no retreat. The instant that Alexiano saw the troops appear, he despatched his felucca to inform the Prince-Marshal that it was he, in his zeal for the service, who had employed people to save the efl^ects of the burnt prizes. Nothing could be less true. He had not taken the smallest concern in the matter. But this shows the character of the man. Next day I was informed that the transport ship I had employed on this service was already too heavily laden, and made a great deal of water. As the wind was fair for Glauboca, I gave orders that she should immediately go thither to unload. Some hours after the departure of the transport, Brigadier Alexiano returned from Kinbourn, where he had dined, and said several impertinent things to nie on the subject of the transport. He went afterwards to head- quarters to complain of me to the Prince-Marshal. In conse- quence of this complaint I received a letter from his brigadier du jour, the Chevalier Ribas, which, among other things, mentioned that the Prince-Marshal was "singularly severe IMPKRTINENCE OF ALEXIANO. 247 and strict in all that related to the orders he gave." I replied, that I was not afraid of the severity of the Prince-Marshal, as I had^one nothing save my duty, in pursuance of his own orders.* Next day I paid a visit to the Prince of Nassau. I imagined I should be welcomed with open arms; but ho attacked me about the transport-ship, which belonged, he «aid, to his flotilla. I replied, that I had been charged with this duty by the Prince-Marshal ; that all the ships of war and transports belonged to her Imperial Majesty ; and that the vessel in question, being unemployed at the time when I took it, I could not perceive the smallest cause of complaint. He was beside himself with anger ; but, as the good of the service no longer required our combined operations, I thought this quarrel too childish to give myself uneasiness about it. I took leave of him, begging him to reflect, that I had given him no cause of displeasure. I did not wish to come to a rupture with him ; but, on the 1st' of July, seeing the day dawn, and that the flotilla was still far too distant to make the necessary attack, meeting him in his chaloupe, I asked ' If he did not think it time to begin the attack V — ' Is it of me you thus inquire? he replied; 'I have nothing to say^to you on the subject.' After a reply so uncivil, and so pub- licly made, it was impossible I could have any farther inter- course with the Prince of Nassau. " Oa the 18th June, in giving an account to the Prince- Marshal of the fate of the nine vessels run aground in coming out of the Liman, upon the shallows opposite the battery and block-fort on the tongue of land of Kinbourn, I took the liberty to propose to him to get the Wolodimer,. which had port-holes for seventy pieces of cannon, and the large frigate Alexander, which might have carried fifty pieces, completely armed, that • After this affair. Jones seems to have completely lost all self-commaml. He had no longer any hope of conciliating the Prince of Nassau, and accord- ingly henceforth waged against him a determined and not very erenctou* nostility. i46 FLEET ACTION. at the first opportunity the squadron of Cherson might join that of Sevasiopole ; but his Highness gave no orders for this purpose till the month of September; and the Admiralty was so slow in acting, that the vessels were not equipped by the 18th October, when I was recalled to St. Petersburgh by an order from her Imperial Majesty. Action of the SSth of June. " The fleet of the Capitan Pacha having sailed on the 28th of June, had a rencounter with that of Sevasiopole, which nad come out some days before '; but the Turkish fleet being much stronger than that of Russia, the latter fled, and had the good fortune to get back to Sevasiopole without loss, having no more than six or seven men killed and wounded, which shows that the aflTair was neither close nor warm. " After the affair of the 18th of June, the greater part of our flotilla remained several days at anchor between Kinbourn and the block-fort upon the tongue of land. It is surprising that the Russian seamen and pilots could be so profoundly Ignorant respecting the anchorage, currents, and depth of the Liman, and, above all, of the channel and the road between Oczakow and Beresane. At first not a single commander in ne flotilla durst venture to cast an anchor. "Being at Kinbourn on the 28th June. General Suw^rofl* CAPTURE OF THE CHALOUPES. MM spoke to me of the unpleasant circumstance of not being able to cut off the communication between Oczakow and Beresane. Having sounded myself, I informed him that this was quite as practicable as it was useful to the service, and I would place the frigates there instantly if he would only require me to do so. He did not hesitate, and the same day I placed three frigates there. M. Alexiano did all he could to prevent ^- me ; and when he saw the frigates set off, prophesied that 1 would never see them return. He carried his intrigues so tar. that the Prince-Marshal wrote me a warning letter on the 29th, and on the 1st July a peremptory order to withdraw them. During the short lime they were there they took two ^, Turkish armed chaloupes and a ba^au laden with powder and shot ; and cut off the enemy's communination between ' Oczakow and Beresane. Capture of the Turkiih Cbaloupea. •' The Prince-Marshal had not been satisfied with the con- duct of the flotilla in the affair of attacking Oczakow on mo 1st July, which was conducted in a very irregular manner, and at too great a distance. The most advanced rharii[e was 250 JONES AND M. RIBAS. that of the battery cotntnanded by M. Akmatoff, who was never less than 900 toises distant from the enemy. " On the lOih of July the Prince-Marshal sent the Prince of Nassau to Sevastopole, to learn if the squadron had been much damaged in the rencounter with the Turkish fleet. Immediately after the departure of the Prince of Nassau, the Prince-Marshal gave the Chevalier Ribas the command of (he flotilla, with orders to go to Kinbourn, to receive on board the troops he destined to make a descent on the island of Beresane. At the same time he ordered me to establish a line of blockade between that island and Oczakow. I sta- tioned five frigates, carrying eighteen-pounders, in the roads for this purpose. " On the 14th I was ordered to inspect the entrance of the Liman. I immediately went lo Kinbourn to have an under- standing with General SuwarofT and the Brigadier de Ribas. Though the Brigadier had been incessantly occupied since the departure of the Prince of Nassau in bringing the crews of the flotilla to some sort of order, he had not yet completed this task. So great was the confusion that reigned, that he could not find in any vessel five soldiers belonging to the same com- pany ; and the officers knew not where to look for their men. This retarded the embarkation of the troops destined for the descent on Beresane till the 16th. The Prince-Marshal was so much displeased with this delay, that on the 17th he gave orders to land the troops, that they might join his army before Oczakow, and that the flotilla should again pass into the Li- man, as well as the frigates I had posted for the blockade. " From the commencement of the projected expedition against Beresane, M. Ribas had requested me to conduct the flotilla and the descent of the troops. Tho-igh a man of much talent, he had not the misplaced conceit of aome persons who readily take upon thein things far beyond their capacity. 1 cold him, ' He well knew I ought to have commando.! the flotilla as well as the squadron, from the beginning of the campaigr'. THE PRINCE'S PROPOSAL. 251 but that my gralitiide for the gracious reception accorded me by her Imperial Majesty, together with the very delicate state in which 1 had found affairs, had induced me to sacrifice my feelings, and even greatly to hazard my reputation for the good of the empire ; that I could never so far humble myself as to request the command of the flotilla, but if it were given me by the Prince-Marshal, I would do my best to make the most of it possible.' "On the afternoon of the 17th the Prince-Marshal fairly proposed to give me the command of the flotilla. His High- ness informed me his intention was to have Oczakovv attacked A second time. I replied, that I was disposed to execute with -^al whatever he might think proper for the good of the ser- fice; but that to attack vviih advantage it was necessary lo come to close quarters, and to advance in better order than on the 1st July. He was of the same opinion, and requested me 'o come ashore next day, that we might concert together the plan of attack. " I did not fail to comply with the orders of the Prince- Marshal, but his Highness spoke no more of the flotilla. I remained to dinner and supper, and afterwards returned on board of my ship. " The Prince of Nassau having returned some days before, had intrigued with the Prince de Ligne ; and the Prince- Marshal restored him to the command of the flotilla. •'On the 18th June I had been ordered to despatch the five frigates which had returned into the Liman, to be refitted at Clouboca, en haterie. I sent them off at day-break on the 19th, having drawn the greater part of their crews from tho gun-boats and bomb-vessels which the Prince-Marshal had placed under my command. On the 20th I received twenty- one gun-boats, each carrying a single piece, from eighteen to thirty-two pounders; and five bomb- vessels, each carry- ing a mortar, of which four were of three poods, and one o* 852 JONES CUTS OCT A TURKISH VESSEL. five poods.* The same day the Prince-Marshal having established his head-quarters to the right of his army ujxm the shores of the Black Sea, (he had hitherto been on the shores of the Liman, on the left wing,) pointed out to me two of the enemy's gun-boats, stationed close by the fort of Hassan Pacha, and the Turkish lines on the side of Beresane. He was persuaded that they would attempt to come out dur- ing the night with despatches, and inquired of me if it were not possible to capture them. As his Highness appeared to attach great importance to this service, I undertook it " 1 returned on board the Wolodimer, from whence, at eight in the evening, I set off with five armed chaloupe'. 1 made five gun-boats follow, as a measure of precaution in case the Turks had attempted to make a sortie, as their chaloupes sailed much faster than ours. " I found one of the Turkish gun-boats aground, hauled up, and almost dry on the sands adjoining the battery, and on an intrenchment the enemy had cast up on the water's edge. It was impossible to get it afloat under the terrible fire which we sustained from all the lines and batteries on the shore. The other gun-boat lay hard by the fort of Hassan Pacha, to the south. Lieutenant Edwards boarded this vessel, and cut her cables ; but having had several of his men wounded, and l*eing deserted by one of the chaloupes, he was obliged to give up the attempt, lest he should be left by the other chaloupe also. During this time I had made some efforts to get the other Turkish boat afloat I now rowed quickly to the as- sistance of Mr. Edwards, but ihe night being dark, he was already out of sight I boarded the vessel in which he had been. I had several men wounded around me ; but, in defi- ance of the enemy, I hauled the vessel out, and stationed it right opposite the head-quarters of the Prince-Marshal. •' On the 21st, at daybreak, I sailed with the Wolodimer. • A pood, or poud, is a Russian weight, equal to 36 lbs. English weight IHE FLKET SAILfJ. 253 Jones cutting out a Turhisli vesael. followed by all the vessels of the squadron that yet remained with me, and twenty-five armed boals and bomb-vessels thai had been placed under my command. The object of this movement was again to blockade Oczakow by sea, and to cut off the communication between that place and Beresane. To accomplish this object, I stationed the Wolodimer and the Alexander to blockade the channel at the entrance of the T/iman, and I continued the same line of blockade into the road, by placing the smaller vessels there. As the bomb- vessels and gun-boats had not water-casks, the Prince-Mar- shal, who wished to see these craft opposite his head-quarters made wells be dug on shore for the accommodation of the crews ; and on the 24th ordered my officer du jour to have three vessels stationed near the shore. I knew nothing of 22 204 JONES SAVES THE BOATS, this change, for I had placed them the previous night, in line, and far enough oft' to be in safety. On the 25ih the wind was from ihe south, but was not violent. After dinner I went to head-quarters to make a visit to the Prince-Marshal, ana found, to my great astonishment, that half the boats were cast ashore, and the other half in the greatest danger. I set to work instantly, with my chaloupe, to haul off", and bring to anchor all the vessels possible; and by means of anchors and cables, for which I sent to the squadron, we saved them all, except six gun-boats, which went to pieces, and filled with sand. On the 26th the Prince^Marshal wrote me by his Brigadier dujour, requiring to know, since I was master of the vessels saved, what I meant to do with them? I placed them near the tongue of land of Kinbourn, where they had a sheltered haven, and also wells for the accommodation of the men. They susiained no farther injury during the time they remained under my command. After this, two chaloupes or small cutters wr-ere placed under my orders, of which eacH carried two licornes, forty-eight pounders, in the fore-pau. and six falconets on the sides. Shortly afterwards I got twi larger cutters, carrying each two mortars, of five poods. " On the 31st July, the Capilan Pacha again made his ap jiearance wiih his fleet, followed by several vessels which hf had not when he went off. His advanced guard, composed of his frigates, bomb-vessels, and small craft, cast anchoi near Beresane, whilst his large squadron of ships of the line resumed their old position. The Prince-Marshal ordered me lo bring back my small vessels to assist in blocking up the passage of the Li man; and the Prince of Nassau was ordered to block up the road with his flotilla, and thus cut ofl" the communication of the Turkish small vessels by the shallows to the south of Fort Hassan Pacha. " The Prince of Nassau hoisted a Vice-Admiral's flag, on one of the galleys in coming out of the Liman, and that gal- tey having passed under the stern of the Wolodimer on the THE CAPITAN PACHA, 859 1st of August, he assumed that I ought to have saluted him as Vice-Admiral." [The Rear-Admiral here enumerates six different special reasons for not saluting the said flag ; and we fear somewhat tediously, for which reason we spare the reader this concatq^ nation ; the only important fact being, that the Prince of Nassau endeavoured to make the Court of Russia believe that the denial of this piece of courtesy was the only subject of dispute between himself and Paul Jones. We again re- sume the narrative.] The Capitan Pacha sounding. " The Capitan Pacha came out from day to day, to sound and reconnoitre, in his kirlangitz, which sailed like the wind, and always displayed an Admiral's flag. As the block-fort and the battery on the tongue of land at Kinbourn were only constructed of bags of sand, ana were neither protected by ditch nor palisade, I was afraid that the Capitan Pacha niight try to carry them by a sudden descent, whii h he could have done by landing five hundred men. 256 THE COMMAND OFFERED TO JONES. '■ General Suvvaroff had been dangerously wounded in a sortie made by the garrison of Oczakow, and had come to Kinbourn. I convinced him that the block-fort and battery were menaced, and as he had a greater quantity of chevaux de-frize than he required, I suggested that he should employ what was superfluous in surrounding the block-fort and bat- tery. The general gave orders accordingly, and I ranged all my gun-boats and bomb-vessels right by the strip of ground between the block-fort and the battery. The sand served them as a parapet, so that there was a line of fire continued from the point on to the battery. The small craft were, besides, always ready to change their position at the first movement of the enemy, and I placed the squadron so advantageously as to communicate with the block-fort and the battery, without confining their fire, and to keep back the enemy by a cross-fire, on entering the channel of the Liman ; so that, though we were very weak compared with the Turkish fleet, the Capitan Pacha never either attempted to make a descent, or to force the passage of the entrance of the Liman. " The Prince-Marshal having ordered Rear Admiral Wog- nowilch to sail from Sevaslopole with the fleet under his command, and that officer having raised obstacles because his force was not, he conceived, powerful enough to attack that under the command of the Capitan Pacha, his Highness sent me a letter, written by his chief secretary. Brigadier Popoff", on the 19th August (old style,) proposing that I should go to Sevastopole to take command of the fleet. It may be remembered that I was brought to Russia to command all the naval force in the Black Sea, consequently this proposi- tion did not surprise me. Had the Prince-Marshal ordered me to go, I would have proceeded immediately, but I could Hot seem as if I sought to be sent. In the first place, the naval signals used in that fleet were imperfect and very limited 2dly, My naval signals had not yet been translated CAPTURE OF THE LODKA. 257 into the Russian language, as no attention iiad been given to my request for a person capable of translating them. Sdly, I was acquainted with no one in the fleet, and I was aware that the Prince-Marshal wished that it should come out the very day afier my arrival at Sevastopole. 4tlily, The fleet had been compelled to fly before that of the Capitan Pacha, at a time when he had two thousand fewer good seamen. 5t/ily, The fleet at Sevastopole w4s much as before, but that of the Capitan Pacha was stronger in craft, and had all the n>en replaced that had been lost in the affair of the Liman. 6My, I had just received preparatory orders from the Prince- Marshal to attack Fort Hassan Pacha ; and I hoped to show him the difference between my fashion of attack and that of the 1st of July. I replied, in answer to his letter, that bein^; entirely devoted to the good of the state, his highness would find me eager to fulfil his orders. It was said, that some days afterwards the Prince-Marshal sent positive orders to Admi- ral W.ognowitch to come out, but that he always found neans for not coming to close quarters with the Capitan Pacha. Capturo of the Lodka. " On the 30th August the Turks took a small lodka, freighted with water-melons, belonging to the merchants of Kinbourn 22* 258 GON-BOAT OFFICER. In coming down the Liman the people on board had been foolish enough to pass too close to Oczakow. " To ' punish the Turks' for this, the Prince of Nassau, at evening, made his flotilla advance to assault Oczakow ! " I sent my secretary to head-quarters, and in the mean- while assembled the commanders of divisions of my gun- boats, and bomb-vessels, and ordered them to bring forward their divisions, and form in line of battle between the squad- ron and Oczakow, ready to attack the Fort of Hassan Pacha the moment orders should arrive. " Upon the return of the Capitan Pacha, M. Littlepage, Chamberlain to the King of Poland, being then with the Prince-Marshal, had solicited and obtained leave to command a division of my gun-boats. " Night being come on, the chiefs of division wishing to bring forward their boats, found that thirteen of them had quitted their posts, against the most positive orders to make no movement without their commanders of division. This movement had been occasioned by the rashness of a Greek lieutenant belonging to the division of M. Littlepage. The boat of this officer had fired eight shots against the place, and another boat six shots, but no one else had fired. As this lieutenant was the most to blame, I deprived him of his com- mand, and sent him to head-quarters, which was required by the Prince-Marshal. " The Prince of Nassau, who had very idly wasted a great deal of ammunition, pretended that my boats had prevented him from taking the whole Turkish flotilla ! "The Greek lieutenant whom I had disgraced,. instead of ijeing punished, was promoted to the command of a double chaioupe, heavily armed. M. Littlepage gave a particular account of the whole aflair in a letter to the Grand General oJ Poland. " A few days after this, the Prince-Marshal sent Rear-Ad- miral Mordwinoff on board the Wolodimer, to assemble all COUNCIL HELD. 259 the captains and master pilots of the squadron to hold a coun- cil on the means of efTecting a junction between the squadron of Cherson and the fleet of Sevastopole. It has been said that the Prince-Marshal had earnestly entreated this officer to take the alfair upon himself, and that he positively declined it. I can say nothing on this head ; I only know that it was a delicate step in relation to me, to send another officer on board my ship to hold a council; and, above all, without having apprised me either by speech or writing. If I had been stickling, I would have put this officer under arrest, as he could show no authority nor precedent for holding a council where I commanded. But as I was influenced by the good of the service above every personal cnnsideration, I re- ceived Admiral Mordwinoffmost amicably, and after dinner assembled the officers for the necessary consultation. Many difficulties presented themselves to their minds against the pro- posed junction ; but as it was known that the Prince-Marshal was determined on the measure, it was agreed that it could not be effected but at Hagdge-bay, upon the coast, between Beresane and the Danube, at the distance of fifty verstes* from the point of Kinbourn. I raised no obstacle. I only observed, that since it was pressingly necessary to beat the advanced guard of the enemy before we could effect the pro- posed junction, it was indispensable to station the squadron previously in the road of Oczakow, and to sail from thence with the wind from N. to N.N.W., to avoid being attacked on the way by the grand fleet of the Turks, and also to keep to the leeward till the junction was effected. " It was only a few days previously that preparations had been begun to complete the arming of the Wolodimer and Alexander. " During this time her Imperial Majesty had sent twenty- four gold swords to head-quarters, to be distributed among the officers on account of the battle of the Liman. The ■ A verste is eqaal to 3500 English feet 260 HEAVY ARMAMENTS. Prince-Marshal himself received a gold sword, enriched witn diamonds and emeralds ; and the Prince of Nassau got one ornatTiented with a row of diamonds. There were a number of silver medals sent at the same time to be distributed among the soldiers and seamen. The swords had not yet been dis- tributed, but the medals were all given to the men of the flo- tilla, and not one to any man in the squadron. It is usual to give subalterns the more merit the more they are exposed to personal danger. The crews of the squadron had often hauled the flotilla totally uncovered, and exposed to the fire of the enemy, whilst the people of the flotilla were screened by parapets made of bags of wool, by which the vessels were surrounded. " On the 18th September I received a secret order from the Prince-Marshal to attack the advanced-guard of the enemy, anchored under Beresane. His Highness proposed to make the attack with the five frigates which had been sent to Glouboca to be mounted as batteries : and the frigates were to be supported by all the other vessels of the squadron, save the Wolodimer and the Alexander, the arming of which went on very slowly on account of difficulties on the part of the Admiralty. Two of the frigates, the Scoroi and the Boris- thenes, had already rejoined the squadron. Before the equip- ments of those frigates were altered, they carried more guns than are ever put, either by the French or English, into ships of the same kind. The Scoroi, for example, carried forty guns, and in England they would not have put more than thirty-two into her. She now carried sixteen thirty-six pounders, and four licornes, eigh'een-p mnders." [Here follows a detailed account of the armament of this frigate, and the Re:ir-Admiral's opinion of the best way of arming ships, which he appears himself to think not much to the point, for he returns to the narrative of the campaign by saying as much.] "The five frigates, of which I have perhaps spoken too much, PLAN OF ATTACK. 261 appeared to me very fit to place behind a stoccado, or bar. But 1 never would make choice of ships of this kind for the sea-service. The first broadside is all that is to be feared from them. " I replied in writing to the proposition of the Prince-Mar- shal for attacking the advanced guard of the Turks near Bere- sane, and ailerwards made a plan of attack be drawn out for his inspection. He was much pleased with it. As it was neces- sary to take advantage of a northerly wind to effect the en- terprise, I proposed to the Prince- Marshal to place the frigates in the road as soon as they arrived from Glouboca, to serve, while waiting the attack on the line, as a permament outer blockade between Oczakow and the enemy. His Highness said it was not yet time for this, and ordered me to place them in a line with the other vessels of my squadron, so as to make an imposing figure in the channel of the Liman. " In the end of the month, the Turkish fleet set sail in the night followed by all the vessels that had lain under Beresane : nor did we perceive it till late the next morning. The Capi- tan Pacha returned in about thirty-six hours, and resumed the position he had left. The only difference was, that he brought in some additional small vessels, and that he considerably reinforced his advanced guard under Beresane. As our flo- tilla, which ought to have blockaded the road, and cut off" the communication with the small vessels on that side, were only there occasionally, as if by caprice, it was quite natural for the Turks to profit by its absence, and go out and in when they found the way clear. " The flotilla being to leeward, between my squadron ana Kinbourn, on the 8th October, the Capitan Pacha sent off" in the evening three vessels of his advanced guard, which en- tered Oczakow unmolested, by an open passage. Our flotilla made no movement. I made an attempt to intercept the enemy's progress with my gun-boats, which I caused to be hauled to windward by the ship's boats of the squadron 282 ATTACK ON OCZAKOW. But the wind being high, they could not bring them to attack Our batteries nearest to Oczakow fired on the three Turkish vessels, but without being able to arrest their progress. It was now dark ; and moreover, the distance between these batteries and the block-fort, on the one side of Kinbourn, being seven verstes, the land batteries never could have pre« vented either the entrance or exit of small vessels. " One of the Turkish ships had the folly to cast anchor in the shallows of Fort Hassan Pacha ; and at daybreak on the ninth, being within shot of our most advanced land-battery, was struck between wind and water, and run down ; the other two vessels got in without difficulty. I have already mentioned, that on the 18th of August 1 received an order to be in readiness to attack the fortress of Hassan Pacha with my bomb-vessels, and the chaioupes armed with licomes and mortars. I expected from day to day an order for actiou, and had in consequence bestowed much pains in training my men to the necessary evolutions ; but the final orders never arrived. " The Prince of Nassau having run down my plan of attack. It was set aside ; and by a new arrangement, which I was commanded to form with General Muller, Commander-in- chief of Artillery, I was destined to assault the entrenchment, and the Turkish battery on the shore of the road. " On the 9th of October the flotilla advanced from the shores t>f Kinbourn, and attacked Oczakow ; but this attack was conducted and ended in the very same manner as that of the 3<)th August, save that a small vessel of the Turkish flotilla, which lay farther out than any of the others, ran aground co the shallows of Fort Hassan Pacha. " On the 10th of October I received another preparatory order ; and soon afterwards was ordered to give up all my gun-boats to the flotilla. Towards evening I went to head- quarters to ascertain what was to be done regarding these boats. The Prince-Marshal at this time told me he had the ",? r\^} m ^"^^^ • \\J (363) LIEUTENANT EDWAEDS. 265 ^*t ^Mr'h^ X ed it, and also one of the other officers. * Paul Jones never appears to have had a true idea of the whole character of Potemkin till long afterwards. Potemkin was, indeed, one of the most Mttraordinary monsters that ever lived, — a jumble of every moral contn - diction PRI^■CE'S OFFER DECLINED. 273 that, if I had not resolved to sacrifice my own feelings in order to nnianage the persons he had given me for colleagues, the campaign would have taken a very different turn. Ho confessed it, but said it was too late to think of this novir. He then said he would be glad to see me fixed in Russia, and that he was disposed to give me solid proofs of his esteem, both now and in future. I showed him the testimonial of the captain of the Wolodimer, and some other papers, to con- vince him that he had neither done justice to me nor to theX squadron. He said the Prince of Nassau pretended all was done by himself; ' but I have never,' said he, ' been deceived in him. I have always known him for what he is.' He pro- posed that I should go to Tagenroc to equip and command a squadron he was building there ; but, as I had been brought to Russia to take the chief command in the Black Sea, and had received orders from the Empress to repair to St. Peters- burgh, I declined the offer. I only entreated that he would consider the services of my officers, and give them the seniority they had lost by the promotion of those officers of ' the flotilla who did not belong to the naval service. Admiral MordwinofT made the same request, and the Prince promised to do them justice. " Two days afterwards I received a letter from the Prince- Marshal for the Empress, in which he noticed the zeal and anxiety I had ever shown for her service, and to render myself worthy of her favour.* * We give this letter. It is a good specimen of the sort of thing ; nor is it possible to believe that a man so acute as Paul Jones was daped or hood- winked by this fashion of speaking and writing, though for political reasons he suffered himself to appear so : — " Madah, — In sending to the high throne of your Imperial Majesty Pear Admiral M. Paul Jones, I take, with submission, the liberty of certifying the eagerness and zeal which he has ever shown for the service of your Imperial Majesty, and to render himself worthy of the high favour of your Imperial Majesty. " From the most faithfiil subject of your Imperial Majesty, " Prince Potehein Tadricieb. " Slit OctolKf . 1788." 274 CAPTDEE OF BERESANE. " On the 4th November, the Capitan Pacha having with- drawn his advanced guard in the night, set sail in the morn- ing with his whole force, entering first Varna, and afterwards Constantinople, with every ship of the line he had at the opening of the campaign. It is singular that this enterprising commander did not attempt to force the entrance of the Liman ; for Admiral MordwinofT had placed the squadron in so exposed and disadvantageous a situation, that the fire of the land-batteries, which should have flanked him without, was entirely covered. But it may be presumed that' the Turkish Admiral believed he had done enough for the safety of Oczakow by the succours he had thrown in. " On the morning of the 7ih, agreeably to a secret ordc from the Prince-Marshal, the Saporoses landed, to the number of 2000, on the island of Beresane. The Turkish garrison being only 300 strong, fired a few random shots, and then surrendered at discretion. " Having given the officers under me such testimonials as they merited, I embarked on the morning of the 9th Novem- ber, in a small open galley for Cherson. I was three days and three nights on the way, and suffered a gi-eat deal from the excessive cold. The day after my arrival the river was frozen in, and I was taken dangerously ill. My health was not sufficiently re-established to enable me to proceed before the 6th of December. Having arrived at St. Elizabeth, 1 - received intelligence that Oczakow had been taken by storm on the 6th. The garrison was eleven thousand strong, including the three thousand that the Capitan Pacha had thrown into the place before he sailed. But the cold had become extreme, and the Russian army being formed in six columns to attack the place at day-dawn, the Turks were completely taken by surprise, and, becoming panic-struck, Buffered themselves to be throttled like as many sheep. In he fury o*" the assault the Russian soldiers spared nothing. T JONES AT ST. PETERSBURGH. 275 nave been assured, that from eighteen to nineteen thousoml Turks perished on that day ! " As I wished to delay my return to court till the arrival of the Prince-Marshal, 1 stopt some days at Skloff, where General Soritsch loaded me with civilities. I arrived at St. Petersburgh on the 28th December, and was ordered to appear at court on the 31st, when her Imperial Majesty did me the honour of granting me a private audience. I pre- sented the letter the Prince-Marshal had given me. A few days afterwards the Empress sent me word, through Count de Dmitrijew-Mamonow, that she must wait the arrival of Prince Potemkin before deciding on what was to be done -egarding me. In the meanwhile Count Besborodko told I. "i, that a command of greater importance was intended for me than that of the Black Sea. " On the 1st February, the Prince-Marshal not having yet arrived, I gave in to the Vice-Chancellor, Count d'Osterman, a project for forming an alliance, political and commerc-al, between Russia and the United States. As the object of this project was reciprocal advantages, and, above all, to encou- rage the commerce of the Black Sea, and of the new settle- ments in the Crimea, I had long intended to transmit it to the Prince- Marshal ; and on his arrival at Court, about the middle of February, I sent him a copy. Some time .afterwards he took me into his cabinet, and said that mv plan contained some good ideas ; but that he did not think it expedient to adopt it at this time, as this might still further irritate the English against Russia, and that it was necessary first to make peace with the Turks. " I might say a great deal more about the fleet and lotilla C'f Cberson, but for the present I have said enough." [The Rear-Admiral does, however, say a good deal about he construction and equipment of the Russian ships, and the internal regulations of the Russian na^-y, which shows much professional acuteness, but must have small interest now that \ 876 THE RUSSIAN NAVY. all is changed. The speculations of a clever and a practical man forty years ago, on the opening prospects of the Russian empire, conipared with its actual state, are, however, both curious and important.] " The commerce of the Black Sea," he says, " is an object of very great impor:ance ; but this commerce will always be annoyed and often interrupted by the Turks, till Russia has a stronger fleet in the Black Sea to hold them at bay, and to place the keys of Constantinople in the hands of the Empress. Russia having all the requisite materials, in making the necessary arrangements with order and economy (without speaking of war, to avoid exciting suspicion in powers jealous of her glory,) this deficiency might be supplied in a few years. The means of obtaining good seamen is to create a merchant-trade, — to form an alliance with the United States, — and to have a squadron of evolution on the Black Sea, directed by an admiral and a properly- instructed staff. " I have always believed that Russia requires a port on the Asiatic side, opposite the Crimea, to protect the fleet in winds and currents, and to be as it were a sentinel-post on the Turks. I have thought of Siuople for this purpose, and I spoke of it to the Empress and Prince Potemkin ; but, being afterwards better informed, I found a more suitable situation, where I am certain such a post could be securely established at small cost, and beard the whole Ottoman empire. " I must be permitted to conclude my journal with some reflections naturally suggested by matters affecting my per- sonal honour. I have never been able to conjecture the reason which made Prince Potemkin order Admiral Mord- winofl'togiveupto him the oflicial account of our operations, which I had drawn up in conformity to the orders of the Admiralty of the Black Sea, as I was assured he had done, .loth by Admiral Mordwinoif and his brother-in-law. No more could I guess why Prince Potemkin had given orders that no notice should be taken of the little frigate Alexander, LETTER FROM THE MINISTER. 27") which had been run down in the battle of the 17th June. This information also I had from Admiral Mord winofF after 1 had given up to him the command of the squadron. I have been assured lliat this frigate was always retained in the list of the marine. When I found that I received no testimony of the favour of the Empress in this affair, and on other occa- sions very interesting to the state, I was compelled to think that she had been ill-informed, for her ambition is t€ be esteemed the most magnanimous and the most generous of ail sovereigns.* " I received a letter from the Minister of the United States (to the Court of Versailles,) dated Paris the 2.3d March, 1789, which began by telling me, that a letter he had received from me, dated at St. Petersburgh, the 31st January, icas the only proof my friends had of my existence since I had left Copcnhagen.'\ If I had played the part of a • It is no new incident in any service for one man to gain the victory for whicli anotlier is rewarded. This must sometimes occur from due regard tu rank and suliordination, even where there is the strongest desire to do strict justice to all the commanders. To the counsels of Varage, Captain Winter, and a Milanese officer, De Litta, the subsequent victory of the Cronstadt fleet over the Swedes, for which Nassau was so highly rewarded, were universally ascribed. The most brilliant and decisive sea-buttle ever gained by the Rus- sians, that of Tschesme, where the whole Turkish fleet, a town and castle, were taken or destroyed in one morning, was fought by the Eriglis'i ofliccrs, Elphinstone, Greig, and especially Dugdale, who performed prodigies of reck- less valour at the greatest personal hazard. Yet the Empress thought fit tc attribute the victory to Alexy Orlofi", cither from policy or want of information. Potemkin himself was never more munificently rewarded for what he had actually accomplished, than was Orloff' for a victory of which he obtained the crediL There were great public rejoicings ; pillars and palaces were erected, and titles, estates, orders, or whatever the imagination of the Empress could devise to do him honour, were heaped on the murderer of her husband, tc whom she had formerly owed a considerable share of her usurped crown. t In Ilussia, letters were systematically intercepted. Tliis was part of the policy of the government ; and such things have been heard of in that country even iif later date than the reign of Catherine II. W^hen the Archduke Pan. was permitted to travel through Europe with the Archdutchess, he was bb 24 278 FALSE ACCX)UNTS. cipher in the campaign of the Liman it was for the first time. I eiiher deserved to lose my head, or the history of the ope- rations on the Liman, which had been got up in St. Peters- burgh during the winter, and which I saw with astonishment in the office of M. Popoff, merited to be burnt. I assert, that it was falsified even to the most trifling circumstances. " I have acted a public and distinguished part for fifteen years among an enlightened people, where the press is free, and where the conduct of every man is open to discus- sion, and subjected to the judgment of his fellow-citizens. No man can play the hypocrite during so long a period in a career so trying as was mine. It was natural for the Prince of Nassau and Brigadier Alexiano to be my enemies, for they only sought their own advantage ; and Prince Polemkin, who knew better, did wrong to place me in competition with them ; but I cannot conceive how it happened that I had around Prince Potemkin other enemies as powerful as they were malicious. I ought to have found only friends in Russia, for I have served that empire faithfully and well. The manner in which Prince Potemkin has changed in regard to me, since the commence- ment of the war, exceeds all imagination. While he supposed that my services would be an acquisition in directing the maritime operations against the Turks, the Admirals Mord- winofTand Woinowitch entirely lost his confidence as officers ; and it is evident that Woinowitch had not regained it on the 19th of August-, when it was proposed that I should go to Sevastopole to take command of the fleet. When 1 had the misfortune to oflend Prince Potemkin by the freedom of mv letter of the 14th October, he sent several couriers, one after well aware of the jealousy of his mother and her government, that he arranged a private correspondence to be forwarded to the Swedish post-ofiices by couriers. His correspondent wa« a young aid-de-camp, Bibikoff, who some- times permitted himself to describe persons about the court without sufficient regarfl to decorum. Among those honoured with his notice was One Eye, as he termed Potemkin. The courier was intercepted at Ri^, and Paul's witty correspondent was exiled to Astracan, where he shortly died. MORDWINOFF DISGRACED. 279 another, entreating that Admiral Mordwinoff would take command of the squadron, which the latter only at last ac- cepted on condition of receiving carte blanche, and insisted that the Prince should not interfere in any arrangements ho thought fit to make. " I have mentioned that the Dnieper was frozen over the day after my arrival at Cherson, in consequence of which liie squadron and flotilla were placed in danger, from not having been properly secured (for the season) after the departure of the Capitan Pacha. I understood that some of the vessels were lost in the Liman, and that the Wolodimer, to save her- self, was obliged to risk the passage to Sevastopole without a good part of her ballast. " Briefly — in a few days after my departure from Cherson, Admiral Mordwinoff was disgraced and sent from the ser- vice, whilst Admiral Woinowitch, who had married the daughter of Alexiano, was placed at the head of the Admiralty, with the chief command of the fleet, and the entire confidence of Prince Potemkin. " It is said that Russia has no longer need of foreign naval officers. No one is more desirous than myself that this may be so, for I cannot be jealous of any one, and 1 must ever de- sire the prosperity of a country I have served. I may, how- ever, be allowed to notice, that this opinion is not of \ery ancient date. If this had been believed before the last cam- paign, why were my service so anxiously sought after ? — It assuredly could not have been in compliment to me, nor in order afterwards to make use of me in promoting certain political designs. I have frequently heard, that, since the war broke out with Sweden, measures have been taken to induce Rear-Admiral Kinsbergen to quit Holland, and re-enter the service of Russia. His countrymen allege that he had been offered the rank of vice-admiral, the Older of Alexander Nevsky, and a fixed revenue of 20,000 roubles a-year ; and that he had refused all these advantages, as he had lately 280 JONES'S SENTIMENTS. married a wife with a fortune which enabled him to live in independence in his own country. "It is known that the King of Sweden made advantageous offers to Admiral Curtis of the English navy, to induce him to take command of the fleet against Russia ; and that this officer declined them, not wishing to hazard his professional reputation in command of a fleet which was not in so good a condition as that of England. " The Empress will do me the justice to remember, that when I entered her service I did not say one word regarding my personal interests. I have a soul too noble for that ; and if my heart had not been devoted to her Majesty, I would never have drawn my sword in her cause. 1 have now nothing for it but, like Admiral Kinsbergen, to marry a rich wife ; but I have sufficient to support me wherever 1 choose, ~~:.-and I have seen enough of the world to be a philosopher. When I arrived at the Black Sea, if reasons much stronger than those which withheld Admiral Curtis had not influenced my mind and heart, which were devoted to the Empress, I would never have hoisted my flag on board the Wolodimer. I would have refused the poor command ofliered me, and which was riot worthy of me. I have never puffed off my own actions, nor given any piece to the press containing my own panegyric* " I respect the names of Kinsbergen and Curtis ; but the — I first duty of a gentleman is to respect his own character ; and I believe, without vanity, that the name of Paul Jones is of as much value as theirs. It is thirty years since I entered the navy, and I have had for friends and instructors a d'Or- • The pettish tone of some of these remarks affords an amusing contrast to the affected coolness and indiScrence of the sentiments they express ; bat it should be rememlKred, that, just before this Journal was extended, the man vrho suffered all the neglect, injustice, and insult which it records, had been 'iritatsd to the verge of despair and madness by persecution and injury of a 'Her anc yet more despicable nature. Under the feeling of these wrongs he writes IJ.L TREATMENT OF OFFICERS. 281 nlliers and a Pavilon. Unfortunately Prince Potemkin never gave himself the trouble to know me. " I had the happiness to be loved by my officers and men, because I treated them justly, and set them a good example — in fight After I ceased to command, though the campaign only lasted a few days, the seamen soon found the difference. They said they had lost their father: they were immediately»- served with. bad provisions. " I have already noticed, that Prince Potemkin had pro- mised, in presence of Admiral MordwinofT, to advance the officers under my command, and to restore to them the seniority they had lost by the promotion of the officers of the .flotilla; but I have learnt with much pain that he has not kept-" hi s, word , and that in consequence my officers, to the number of fifty, have demanded their dismission. Not one of thcm-- oflTered to resign while I held command. Admiral Woino- witch having represented to Prince Potemkin that without these officers the fleet was useless, he was compelled to ad- vance them all. I have been told that they were not yet satisfied, as they were not restored to their seniority, and that they proposed to quit the service at the end of the year. I hope justice will be done them, for they are brave men. For myself I have been marked out from every other officer that served in the Liman ; I alone have obtained no promotion, - though I commanded and was alone responsible ! I may be told that I ought to be satisfied with having received the rank of Rear-Admiral on entering the service. I reply, that 1 could not have been ofl^ered an inferior grade. One officer may deserve as much in a day as another in a lifetime, and ^ every officer ought to be advanced according to his merits -^ \ was not favoured in rank on entering the Russian service I had a full right to obtain that which I accepted. A man. only twenty-four years of age, has since been received into the service with the rank of major-general. I wish to say nothmg against this officer ; it is not al tvays years that give 84« 282 BAD tXJURTIERS. skill, much less genius, but he must do a great deal before he has my experience. " It is painful, for the honour of human nature, to reflect on how many malevolent and deceitful persons surround the great, and particularly crowned heads. I speak from my own unhappy experience. Some persons had the malice to make Prince Potemkin believe that I made unhandsome strictures on his military conduct, and ridiculed his manner of conducting the siege of Oczakow. I have heard a great deal said on this subject, and I am aware that it excited con- siderable discontent in the army. I was told, during my illness at Cherson, that a thousand of his officers had demanded their dismission ; but I defy any one to say to my face that 1 ever allowed myself to criticise his operations. I have been strongly attached to him, of which I have given proofs during my command, and even after he unjustly superseded me. There is evidence of this in my letter of the 7th November, at a lime when I certainly had reason to complain of his conduct " I have been deeply injured by those secret machinations in the opinion of the Empress. My enemies have had the wickedness to make her believe that I was a cmel and brutal man ; and that I had, during the American war, even killea my own nephew ! " It is well known, that from motives of revenge, the Eng- lish have invented and propagated a thousand fictions and atrocities to stain, wound, and injure the celebrated men who effected the American revolution: — a Washington and a Franklin, two of the most illustrious and virtuous men that have ever adorned humanity, have not been spared by these calumniators. Are they now the less respected on this account by their fellow-citizens ? — On the contrary, they are universally revered, even in Europe, as the fathers of their country, and as examples of all that is great and noble iu the numan character. AMERICAN PR1SONER& 283 " In civil wars it is not wonderful that opposite factions should matually endeavour to make it be believed that each is in the right ; and it is obvious that the party most in tho wrong will always be the most calumnious. If there had really been anything against my character, the English would not have failed to furnish convincing proofs of it. 1 was known, with very slender means, to have given more alarm to their three kingdoms during the war than any othei individual had done. " I have heard, that, at the period of my entering the Rus- sian service, the English in St. Petersburgh cried out against me, and asserted that 1 had been a confraband trader. All the world knows that men of this description are actuated entirely by avarice; and every one to whom I have the honour to be known is aware that I am one of the least sel- fish of mankind. This is known to the whole American peo- ple. I have given proofs of it not easily shown, of which I possess very flattering testimonies. In a letter written on the 29th November, 1782, to Congress, by Mr. Morris, minister of the marine and finance departments, after havhig made my eulogium with the warmth of a true patriot, who thoroughly knew me, he says, that ' I had certainly merited the favour of Congress by services and sacrifices the most signal.' Men do not change their characters in these respects. " If my heart has bled for the Americans, — above all, for those shut up as victims in English prisons by an act of Par- liament as sanguinary as unjust, — if I have exposed my health and my life to the greatest dangers, — if I have sacrificed my personal tranquillity and my domestic happiness, with a poi- tion of my fortune and my blood, to set at liberty these vir- tuous and innocent men, — have I not given proofs sufficientiv "triking that I have a heart the most tender, a soul the most elevated ? — I have done more than all this. So far from bein« harsh and cruel, nature has given me the mildest disposition 2S4 TYRANNY IN THE ENGLISH NAVY. I Tvas formed for love and friendship, and not to be a seaman or a soldier, to whidh I have sacrificed my natural inclination. / " As an officer I love good discipline, which I consider in- \ dispensable to the success of operations, particularly at sea, where men are brought into such close contact In the English navy it is known that captains of ships are often tyrants, who order the lash for the poor seamen very fre- quently for nothing. In the American navy we have almost the same regulations ; but I look on my crew as my childrenj_ and I have always found means to manage them without flogging. " I never had a nephew, nor any other relation, under my command. Happily these facts are known in America, and they prove how cruel and harsh I am. I have one dear nephew,* who is still too young for service, but who now pursues his studies. Since I came to Russia I have intended him for the Imperial Marine. Instead of imbruing my hands in his blood he will be cherished as my son. " In short, my conduct has obtained for me the returns most grateful to my heart. I have had the happiness to give universal satisfaction to two great and enlightened nations which I have served. Of this I have received singular proofs. I am the only man in the world that possesses a sword given by the King of France. It is to me a glorious distinction to wear it ; and above all, to have received it as a proof of the particular esteem of a monarch so august, — a monarch who has declared himself the Protector of the right? of the human race, and who adds to this glorious title that of citizen ! I have indelible proofs of the high consideration of the United States ; but what completes my happiness is the esteem and friendship of the most virtuous of men, whose fame will be immortal; and that a Washington, a Franklin, a D'Estaing, a La Fayette, think the bust of Paul Jones ■ 1'he only son of the Rear-Admiral's eldest sister, the late Mrs Taylor of D'lm&ies. JONES'S SENTIMENTS. 285 worthy of being placed side by side with their own. It is then certain that this is not the bust of one » » * • ##*#• * ♦ " Since I am found too frank and too sincere to make my way at the Court of Russia without creating powerful enemies, I have philosophy enough to withdraw into the peaceful bosom of friendship; but, as I love virtue better than reward, and as my greatest ambition is to preserve, even in the shades of re- treat, the precious favour of the Empress, I may tell her Ma- jesty, that, even in the midst of my persecutions, my mind was occupied by plans for the essential advancement of her service, of which I gave some idea to her minister in June last (1789.) I have not entered into details, for there art politicians who before now have robbed me of my military plans. I have other projects in view from which the flag of Russia might derive new lustre, and which would cause but little expense to her Majesty at the outset, and perhaps no- thing in the end, if I had the direction ; for I would be able to make war support war. Whatever be the issue, I have the satisfaction of having done my duty in Russia, and that without any views of self-interest. It is affirmed, that, in general, strangers who come to- Russia are adventurers in * In the mysterious and now perhaps inexplicable intrigue set on foot at the return of Paul Jones from the Liman, to ruin him personally in the good opinion of the Empress, for he had been professionally sacrificed before, it ap. pears, by a passage following the above extravagant sclf-eulogium, (which we can only pardon in an indignant and persecuted man,) that accusations had been insinuated against him of a yet darker and more revolting character than the alleged murder of his nephew and the violation of a girl. Had not the latter calumny already been made public, as Paul Jones takes no notice of it in his Journal, we would scarce have polluted our pages by reference to it The circumstance, however, has been noticed by Count Segur, and adverted to by the American biographer ; and as we possess ample means from his papers, and the testimony of Segur and Littlepage, of establishing his inno. cence in this affair, it is noticed. Indeed this absurd charge died away be. fore he left Russia, though stated by the historian of Catherine II. as the cause «f his being driven from that country ! 286 JONES'S SENTIMENTS. search of fortune, not having the means of living in their own country. I cannot say as to this ; but I at least hope that the Empress will not class me with those. " Briefly, I am satisfied with myself; and I have the hap- piness to know, that, though my enemies may not be converted into friends, my name will nevertheless be always respected by worthy men who know me ; and it is to me a satisfaction and a signal triumph at the moment of my leaving Russia that the public, and even the English in St. Petersburgh, with whom I had no connexion, have now changed their sentiments in regard to me, give me their esteem, and regret my de- parture. "St Petersburgh, 29th July, 1789." END OP THE JOURNAL OP THE CAMPAIGN OP THE LIMAN ro'J'KMKIN'S < IIARAGTER. '-iHV CHAPTER X. ^j.*Ai^^^W/vi»JsN BRIEF notice of Russian af fairs is perhaps necessary to enable the reader to form a correct opinion of the conduct of PaulJones during this period. The whole history of the campaign, so far as it regards Paul Jones, is comprehended in the character of Potemkin. He had provoked the war with Turkey from motives that his extraordinary character render credible, though in relation to any other individual they would remain unworthy of belief. Already loaded with titles, honours, dignities, and crosses of almost all the European orders, he still secretly longed for the grand ribbon of the Order of St. George, an order insti- tuted by the Empress. To dismember the Ottoman empire still farther, and procure this distinction, a war was to be provoked by intrigues, bribery, and the promotion of intestine divisions in the Turkish dominions ; and when all was pre pared, by the insolence of the Russian envoys and consuls, and the barefaced violation of existing treaties, the discredit of actual aggression was artfully thrown on the Porte. Russia had already virtually made war, but the Turks first declared hostilities. The person to whom the conduct of the war on the part of Russia was confided, — Field-Marshal Prince Po- temkin, — was one of the most extraordinary men of his own or of any age. If ever great genius be allied to madness it was so in the wildly-organized mind of Potemkin. The Prhice PHS POTEMKIN. He Ligne, who had closely examined his character, and Count de Segiir, who long knew him intimately, and watched him strictly, have both left portraits of this singular personage, which, though French in their tone and colouring, give a tolerable idea of the externa- of the man on whose interests and caprices the fate of the Russian empire as well as of Paul Jones depended. Neither the acute Austrian, de Ligne, nor the manners-seizing Frenchman, de Segur, held, however, a plummet-line of sufficient length to sound all the depths of Po- temkin's character. The Prince de Ligne saw a great deal of " the Prince," as he was called, during the stately progress of the Empress in 1787, and afterwards at head-quarters during the campaign of 1788. His sketch of an unparalleled original, which was written exactly at the time when Potemkin was in daily contact with Paul Jones, commences thus : — " I here behold a commander-in-chief who looks idle and is always busy; who has no other desk than his knees, no other comb than his fingers ; constantly reclining on his couch, yet sleeping neither in the night nor in day-time. His zeal for the Empress he adores keeps him incessantly awake and uneasy ; and a cannon-shot, to which he himself is not exposed, disturbs him with the idea, that it costs the life of some of his soldiers; trembling for others, brave for himself; stopping under the hottest fire of a battery to give orders, yet more an Ulysses than an Achilles ; alarmed at the approach of danger, frolicsome when it surrounds him ; dull in the midst of pleasure ; unhappy in being too fortunate ; surfeited with everything ; easily disgusted, morose, inconstant ; a profound philosopher, an able minister, a sublime politician, or like a child of ten years of age ; not revengeful ; asking pardon for a pain he has inflicted ; quickly repairing an injustice ; think- mg he loves God when he fears the devil, whom he fancies still greater and bigger than himself; waving one hand to the femaies that please him, and with the other making the sign )f tne cross , embracing the feet of a statue of the Virgin, or POTEMKIN. 289 ihe alabastei neck of his mistress; receiving numberless presents from his sovereign, and distributing them immediately to others ; accepting; estates of the Empress and returning them, or paying her debts without her knowledge.'"* The Prince de Ligne proceeds in the same strain of antithesis : — " Gambling from morn to night, or not at all ; preferring prodigality in giving to regularity in paying ; prodigiously rich, and not worth a farthing ; abandoning himself to distrust or to confidence, to jealousy or to gratitude, to ill-humour or to pleasantry ; talking divinity to his generals and tactics to his bishops ; never reading, but sifting every one with whom he converses, and contradicting to be better informed ; un- commonly affable or extremely savage ; affecting the most attractive or the most repulsive manners ; appearing b}' turns the proudest satrap of the East, or the most polished courtier of Louis XIV ; concealing under the appearance of harshness the greatest benevolence of heart ; whimsical with regard to time, repasts, rest, and inclinations ; like a child, wanting to have everything, or like a great man, knowing how to do without many things; sober, though seemingly a glutton; gnawing his fingers, or apples and turnips ; scolding or laugh- ing; mimicking or swearing; engaged in wantonness or prayers; singing or meditating ; calling or dismissing ; send- ing for twenty aides-de-camp, and saying nothing to any of them ; bearing heat bel ter than any man, while he seems to think of nothing but the most voluptuous baths ; not caring for cold, though he appears unable to exist without furs ; always in his shirt without drawers, or in rich regimentals * lliis ia pure fiction. Potemkin would never, if possible, pay his own debts. When any one came to demand payment, Popoff his secretary was asked why that man was not paid? hut, by a preconcerted si^al, (the Prince closing his hand,) the secretary was given to understand that no payment war intended to be made : when, on the contrary, he opened his hand, which was more rarely, the debt was to be discharged. The Empress had often paid hit debts. His rapacity exceeded his profiision, 25 290 POTEMKIN. embroidered on all the seams ; barefoot, or in slippers embroi- dered with spangles ; wearing neither hat nor cap ; it is thus I saw him once in the midst of a musket-fire. Sometimes in a night-go^m ; sometimes in a splendid tunic, with his three stars, his orders, and diamonds as large as a thumb round the portrait of the Empress, — ^they seemed placed there to attract the balls ; — crooked and almost bent double when he is at home ; and tall, erect, proud, handsome, noble, majestic, or fascinating, when he shows himself to the army, like Agamem- non in the midst of the monarchs of Greece. What, then, is his magic? — Genius, natural abilities, an excellent memory, and much elevation of soul ; malice without the design of in- juring ; artifice without craft ; a happy mixture of caprices ; the art of conquering every heart in his good moments ; much generosity, graciousness, and justice in his rewards ; a refined or correct teiste ; the talent of guessing what he is ignorant of; and a consummate knowledge of mankind." This sketch is rather the eulogium than the true charactei of Potemkin. He had originally been the favourite of the Empress, from which thraldom he alone, of her numerous lovers, passed into the possession of greater political power than was enjoyed by any other man in Russia. Till his death he remained master of the destinies of the empire, and retained a paramount influence over the mind of Catherine. He held every office of importance in the state. It was even whispered, that, after the death of her favourite, Lanskoi, Catherine gave her hand in secret to Potemkin. This was doubted at the time, and, at all events, made no change in ' the mode of life of the Empress or the Prince. It was he, in general, who either chose or recommended the favourites lli:;t appeared in rapid succession. A part of his revenue was a hundred thousand roubles fi'om the Empress, and tite same sum from the new favourite, as oAen as this office was rhanged. The portrait left of this extraordinary person by Count COUNT SEGUR-S SKETCH. 291 Segur, if not exact, approaches more nearly to a true likeness than the epigrammatic sketch of De Ligne: — " Prince Gregory Alexandrovitch Potemkin was," says Segur, " one of the most extraordinary men of his times ; but, in order to have played so conspicuous a part, he must have been in Russia, and have lived in the reign of Catherine II. In any other country, in any other times, with any other sovereign,, he would have been misplaced ; and it was a singular stroke of chance that created this man for the period that tallied with him, and brought together and combined all the circumstances with which he could tally. " In his person were collected the most opposite defects and advantages of every kind. He was avaricious and ostentatious, despotic and popular, inflexible and beneficent, haughty and obliging, politic and confiding, licentious and superstitious, bold and timid, ambitious and indiscreet Lavish uf his bounties to his relations, his mistresses, and his favourites, yet frequently paying neither his household nor his creditors. His consequence always depended on a woman ; and he was always unfaithful to her. Nothing could equal the activity of his mind, nor the indolence of his body. No dangers cckuld appal his courage ; no difficulties force him to abandon his projects. But the success of an enterprise always brought on disgust. " He wearied the empire by the number of his posts and the extent of his power. He was himself fatigued with the burthen of his existence ; envious of all that he did not do, and sick of all that he did. Rest was not grateful to him, nor occupation pleasing. Everything with him was desultory, business, pleasure, temper, carriage. In every company he had an embarrassed air, and his presence was a restraint on every company. He was morose to all that stood in awe of him, and caressed all such as accosted him with familiarity. "Ever promising, seldom keeping his word, and never foi- getting anything. None had read less than he ; few (>eopl« 292 COUNT SEGXJR'S SKETCH. were better informed. He had talked with the skilful ji all professions, in all the sciences, in every art. None better knew how to draw forth and appropriate to himself the know- ledge of others. In conversation he would have astonished a scholar, an artist, an artisan, and a divine. His informa- tion was not deep, but it was very extensive. He never dived into a subject, but he spoke well on all subjects. " The inequality of his temper was productive of an incon ceivable oddity in his desires, in his conduct, and in his man- ner of life. One while he formed the project of becoming Duke of Courland ; at another he thought of bestowing on himself the crown of Poland. He frequently gave intimations of an intention to make himself a bishop or even a simple monk. He built a superb palace, and wanted to sell it before it was finished. One day he would dream of nothing but war ; and only officers, Tartars, and Cossacks, were admitted to him ; the next day he was busied only with politics ; he would partition the Ottoman empire, and put in agitation aU the cabinets of Europe. At other times, with nothing in his head but the court, dressed in a magnificent suit, covered with ribbons presented him by every potentate, displaying diamonds of extraordinary magnitude and brilliance, he was givini; superb entertainments without any occasion. " He was sometimes known for a month, and in the face of all the town, to pass whole evenings at the apartments of a young female, seeming to have alike forgot all business and all decorum. Sometimes also, for several weeks success- vely, shut up in his room with his nieces and several men of his intimates, he would lounge on a sofa, without speaking, playing at chess, or at cards, with his legs bare, his shirt- collar unbuttoned, in a morning-gown, with a thoughtful front, his eyebrows knit, and presenting to the view of strangers who came to see him the figure of a rough and squalid Cossack. "All these singularities often put the Empress i>ut of COUNT SEGUR'8 SKETCa 293 humour, but rendered him more interesting to her. In his youth 1 e had pleased her by the ardour of his passion, by his valour, and by his masculine beauty. Being arrived at ma- turity, lie charn^jd her siill by flattering her pride, by calming her apprehensions, by confirming her power, by cherishing her fancies of oriental empire, the expulsion of the barbarians, and the restoration of the Grecian republics. " At eighteen, an under officer in the horse-guarJs, on the day of the revolution, he persuaded his corps to take arms, and presented to Catherine his cockade as an ornament for her sword. Soon after, become the rival of Orloff, he per- formed for his sovereign whatever the most romantic passion could inspire. He put out his eye to free it from a blemish which diminished his beauty. Banished by his rival, he ran to meet death in battle, and returned with glory. A success- ful lover, he quickly shook off the hypocritical farce, whose catastrophe held out to him the prospect of an obscure destiny. He himself gave favourites to his mistress, and be- came her confidant, her friend, her general, and her minister. " Panin was president of the council, and was a tickler for the alliance of Prussia. Potemkin persuaded his mistress that the friendship of the Emperor would be of more use to her in realizing her plans against the Turks. He connected her with Joseph H., and thereby furnished himself with the means of conquering the Crimea and the country of the Nogay Tartars, \i4iich depended upon it Restoring to these regions their sonorous and ancient names, creating a maritime force at Cherson and Sevastopole, he persuaded Catherine to come and admire herself this new scene of his glory. Nothing was spared for rendering this journey renowned to the latest posterity. Thither were conveyed, from all parts of the empire, money, provisions, and horses. The highways were illuminated. The Borysthenes was covered with magnificent galleys. A hundred and fifty thousand soldiers were newly equippea. The Cossacks were brought together ; the Tartai « 25* 204 COUNT SEGUR-S SKETCH, weie disciplined. Oeserts were peopled for the occasion and palaces were raised in ihe trackless wild. The nakedness of the plains of the Crimea was disguised by villages built on purf)ose, and enlivened by fireworks. Chains of mountains were illuminated. Fine roads were opened by the army Howling wildernesses were transformed into English gardens. The King of Poland came to pay homage to her who had crowned him, and who afterwards struck him from the throne, The Emperor Joseph II. came himself to attend the triumpha. progress of the Empress Catherine; and the result of this brilliant journey was another war, which the English and the Prussians impolilically instigated the Turks to undertake, and which was only a fresh instrument to the ambition of Potem- kin, by affording him an occasion to conquer Oczakow, which remained to Russia, and to obtain the grand ribbon of St. George, the only decoration that was wanting to his vanity. But these latter triumphs were the term of his life. He died in Moldavia, almost by a sudden stroke; and his death, lamented by his nieces and by a small number of friends, concerned only his rivals, who were eager to divide his spoils, and was very soon followed by a total oblivion. " Like the rapid passage of those shining meteors which astonish us by their lustre, but are empty as air, Potemkin began everything, completed nothing, disordered the finances, disorganized the army, depopulated his country, and enriched |t with other deserts. The fame of the Empress was in- creased by his conquests. The admiration they excited was for her ; and the hatred they raised for her minister. Posterity, more equitable, will perhaps divide between them both the glory of the successes and the severity of the reproaches. It will not bestow on Potemkin the title of a great man ; but it will mention him as an extraordinary person ; and, to draw his picture with accuracy, he might be represented as a real emblem, as the living image of the Russian empire. " For, in fact, he was colossal like Russia. In his mind POTEMKIN AND ROMAN TZOFF. 294 as in tliat country, were cultivated distrilSts and desert plains It also partook of the Asiatic, of the European, of the Tar- tarian, and the Cossack ; the rudeness of ihe eleventh cen- tury, and the corruption of the eighteenth ; the polish of the arts, and the ignorance of the cloisters ; an outside of civili- zation, and many traces of barbarism. In a word, if we might hazard so bold a metaphor, even his two eyes, the one open, and the other closed, leminded us of the Euxine alwayd open, and the Northern ocean, so long shut up with ice. " This portrait may appear gigantic ; but those who knew Potemkin wnn before the NASSAU'S SCHEME. 299 end of the campaign is thus related : — The supineness of Po> teinkin in conducting the siege of Oczaiiow was the subject of much animadversion, and at last of great discontent in tiio ormy. For months he lay as if spell-bound in his camp, sur- rounded by the females and others, ministers of his luxury and pleasure, that accompanied him everywhere, displaying all the eccentricity and caprice of his character more extra* vacantly than he had ever done before. It is alleged that he was employed all this while in private intrigues to corrupt the Turkish garrison, which he expected to capitulate with- out bloodshed. In the meanwhile many lives had been lost b sorties and abortive assaults, as well as in the amphibious warfare of the Liman. In a council of war held to concert a decisive plan of attack, Nassau offered, " if he might be in- trusted with the operation, to effect a breach in a weak part of the fortress which he had discovered, and which should be large enough to admit a whole regiment" Potemkin, of- fended by this vain boast, and never, as he afterwards said to Paul Jones, " deceived by Nassau," sarcastically asked him " how many breaches he had made at Gibraltar V Nassau offended in his turn, solicited the Empress for his recall. He was accordingly employed in the North Seas, with little honour to himself and great loss to the arms of Russia. In the fol- lowing year he presented the Empress with a plan of driving the British from India, drawn up by a Frenchman, M. St. Genie, whom he patronized. The Empress was at first quite captivated with a scheme, doubly welcome from being brought forward at the very time England was fitting out an arma- ment which was to act in the Baltic, and thus force her t» make peace with the Porte. Potemkin, who had been en raged with the Swedish, or, as he called it, " the old woman's war," which interfered with his operations on the Euxine treated this wild plan of marching a Russian army to Bengal with the derision and contempt it merited. Nassau, however, f tijl maintained a certain degree of favour with the Empress 800 THE PRINCE OF NASSAU. This was shown in a remarkable instance. By an injudicious and very ill-managed attack of the galley-fleet, which he commanded, on that which was commanded by Gustavus [II., his fleet, though twice as large, was completely defeated, with the loss of the one-half of his vessels. His excessive arrogance was not quelled even by witnessing the disastrous consequences of his own ignorance and temerity. His vanity led him to imagine that the Russians had yielded to this very inferior Swedish force merely to " tarnish his glory." He accordingly thus insolently announced his disgraceful reverse to the Empress : — " Madam, I have had the misfortune to fight against the Swedes, the elements, and the Russians. I hope your Majesty will do me justice." To this extraordinary note the Empress replied, " You are in the right, because I am re- solved you shall be so. This is highly aristocratic, but it is therefore suitable to the country in which we live. Depend always on your affectionate Catharine." Assisted by the counsels of several able naval officers of different countries, Nassau, before this time, had gained a victory over the Swedish fleet. This signal defeat, which soon produced peace, was deeply felt by the Empress, how- ever bravely she carried it ; and the Prince of Nassau, though loaded with honours, presented with a town-palace in St Petersburgh, an estate, numerous peasants, and a pension of twelve thousand roubles, saw his favour decline, and after- wards entered the service of Prussia. His conduct in the Swedish campaigns affords, as was said, a strong corrobora- tion of the statements of Paul Jones : — guided by abler men, he succeeded, — left to himself, he rushed on destruction. It is now time to resume the regular course of the memoir, which left Paul Jones re-entering St. Petersburgh. UKrj'lSH INFLUENCE. 3UI CHAPTER XI. T was under very different cr- cumstances from those whicn attended his first triumphal en- try about eight months Defore, -that Jones returned to the Rus- sian capital. He, however, had sliil sufficient credit at court to obtain an audience of the Em- press, at which he delivered the letter of Potemkin. A few flattering promises were made to him by Count de Besbo- rodko, and he immediately began his ordinary practice of transmitting plans and projects, both diplomatic and military. While he hung on thus, vainly soliciting employment, the infamous conspiracy already alluded to was formed against his character and fortune, and threatening even his life, the object of which is easily traced, though the precise motives in which it originated, and the persons who imagined an in- terest in devising it, were never clearly ascertained, even by the persecuted individual himself. The information on this subject which he procured long afterwards, and which will be laid before the reader in the proper place, though plausible, is neither satisfactory nor supported by much evidence. In his future correspondence, Jones hints that he has reason to impute this most infamous proceeding, if not directly to En- glish influence, at least to the desire of propitiating the English 26 302 LETTER TO POTEMKIN. y the sacrifice ot an individual so obnoxious as he knew himself to be to that "nation.* To Russia, and Russians alone, however, belongs the entire infamy of a conspiracy to ruin a stranger who, it is enough to say, had incurred the displeasure of Potemkin. In every despotic court, but especially in that of St. Petersburgh, poli- tical intriguers will never want servile instruments to forward their basest and darkest purposes. In the present case inese instruments were found of all ranks, though but of one nation. I'he nature of this disgraceful affair, of which, but for the intert'erence of Count Segur, and it might be from some latent dread of public opinion in France and America, Jones must have become the victim, will be sufficiently explained by the following letter, addressed to Prince Potemkin, after the unhappy writer had been forbidden to appear at court, and also by an extract which we shall give from the Memoirs cf Count Segur ; — Rear-Admiral Paul Jona to Prince P(aemkin. "St. Petersbargh, 13th April, 1789. "Mt Lord, — Having had the advantage to serve under your orders, and in your sight, I remember, with particular satisfaction, the kind promises and testimonies of your friend- ship with which you have honoured me. As I have served all my life for honour, I had no other motive for accepting the flattering invitation of her Imperial Majesty, than a lauda- ble ambition to distinguish myself in the service of a sove- reign so magnanimous and illustrious ; for I never yet have bent the knee to self-interest, nor drawn my sword for hire. A few days ago I thought myself one of the happiest men in the empire! Your Highness had renewed to me your ■ It i« admitted by recent English writers that Paul Jones was dismissed from the Rtusian service throogh English inflneuce witJi the Rassian Coort^— American Editor. LETTER TO POTiaiKlN. 303 •romise of friendship, and the Empress had assigned 'ne a command of a nature to occupy the most active and enter- prising genius. " A bad woman has accused me of violating her daughter! If she had told the truth, I should have candour enough to own it, and would trust my honour, which is a thousand times dearer to me than my life, to the mercy of the Empress. I declare, with an assurance becoming a military character, that I am innocent. Till that unhappy moment, I have en- joyed the puUic esteem, and the affection of all who knew me. Shall it be said that in Russia a wretched woman, who ehped from her husband anA family in the country, stole, away her daughter, lives here in a house of bad fame, and leads a debauched and adulterous life, has found credit enough on a simple complaint, unsupported hy any proof, to affect the honour of a general officer of reputation, who has merited and received the decorations of America, of France, and of this empire ! " If I had been favoured with the least intimation of a complaint of that nature having found its way to the Sove- reign, I know too well what belongs to delicacy to have pre- sented myself in the presence of the Empress before my justification. " My servant vi'as kept prisoner by the officet s of jjolice for several hours, two days successively, and threatened with the knout. " After the examination of my people before the police, I sent for and employed Monsieur Crimpin as my advocate. As the mother had addressed herself to him before to plead her cause, she naturally spoke to him without reserve, and he learned from her a number of important facts, among others, >hat she was counselled and supported by a distinguished man ef the court. " By the certificate of the father, attested by the pastor of ihe colony, the daughter is several years older than is ex- S04 LETTER TO POTEMKIN. pressed in the complaint And the complaint contain* varioas other points equally false and easy to be refuted. For instance there is a conversation I am said to have held with the daughter in the Russian language, of which no per- son ever heard me pronounce two words together, — it is un- known to me. " I thought that in every country a man accused had a right to employ advocates, and to avail himself of his friends for his justification. Judge, my Prince, of my astonishment and distress of mind, when 1 yesterday was informed that the day before, the governor of the city had sent for my advo- cate, and forbidden him, at his peril, or any other person, to meddle with my cause I " I am innocent before God ! and my conscience knows no reproach. The complaint brought against me is an infamous lie, and there is no circumstance that gives it even an air of probability. " I address myself to you with confidence, my Prince, and am assured that the friendship you have so kindly promised me will be immediately exerted in my favour; and that you will not suffer the illustrious Sovereign of this great empire to be misled by the false insinuations and secret cabals of my hidden enemies. Your mind will find more true pleasure hi pleading the cause of an innocent man whom you honour with your friendship, than can result from other victories equally glorious with that of Oczakow, which will always rank among the most brilliant of military achievements. If your Highness will condescend to question Monsieur Crimpin, (for he dare not now even speah to me,) he can tell you many circumstances which will elucidate my innocence. I am, with profound respect, my Lord, your Highness's devoted snd most obedient servant," &c., &c. The document referred to in this letter appears quite satisfactory. It is a declaration by the husband of the woman. CERTIFICATBS. 805 " I certify, that my wife, Fredrica Sophia Koltzwarthen, has left me without any reason ; that she has been living in the city with a young man ; and that she has clandestir>ely, and against my will, taken away my daughter Cati.eiine Charlotte, who is now living with her. " Stephen Koltzwarthen. ■ Hanlowlu, 7lh April, 1789." " I certify, that this is the free and voluntary declaration ot Stephen Koltzwarthen, and that it is he who has signed it. " G. Beacn, Pastor. ' Buatowka, 7tb April, 1789." " I certify, that my daughter is twelve years of age. " Stephen Koltzwartren. •' Baratowka, 7th April, 1789." " I certify, that Stephen Koltzwarthen has signed what is above writtea " G. Braun, Pastor." ■* Declaration of the Patter Lamp of St. PeterAurgk. " I certify, that the name of Koltzwarthen does not at pre- sent appear in the roll of those in the communion of the church, and that previous to the day when she came to my house about the affair of her daughter, I had never seen her. « J. Lamp, Pastor." The result of this letter to Potemkin does not apjjear ; and any further information concerning this affair must be sought in the Memoirs of Count Segur. It was peculiarly fortunate for Jones that this nobleman, a high-minded and generous in- dividual, of an honourable and a gallant nation, was at this time in Pete'rsburgh. He at once came forward with warihth and intrepidity in defence of the persecuted stranger. " Paul Jones," he says, " a sharer in the victories of the Prince of Nassau, had returned to St. Pet(srsburgh ; hit 26 • S06 GENEROSITY OF COUNT SEGUR. enemies, unable to bear the triumph of a man whom thej' treated as a vagabond, a rebel, and a corsair, resolved to destroy him. " This atrocity, which ought to be imputed to some envious cowards, was, I think, very unjustly attributed to the English officers in the Russian navy, and to the merciiants who were fheir countrymen. These, in truth, did not disguise their animosity against Paul .Tones ; but it would be unjust to affis upon all a base intrigue, which was, perhaps, but the work of two or three persons, who have continued unknown. " The American Rear- Admiral was favourably welcomed at Court; oflen invited to dinner by the Empress, and re- ceived with distinction into the best society in the city ; ou a sudden, Catherine commanded him to appear no more in her presence. " He was informed that he was accused of an infamous crime; of assaulting a young girl of fourteen, of grossly violating her ; and that probably, after some preliminary in- formation, he would be tried by the Courts of Admiralty, in which there were many English officers, who were strongly prejudiced against him. " As soon as this order was known, every one abandoned the unhappy American ; no one spoke to him, people avoided saluting him, and every door was shut against him. All those by whom but yesterday he had been eagerly welcomed, now fled from him as if he had been infected with a plague ; besides, no advocate would take charge of his cause, and no public man would consent to listen to him ; at last even his servants would not continue in his service ; and Paul Jones, whose exploits every one had so recently been ready to pro- claim, and whose friendship had been sought after, found him- self alone in the midst of an immense population :' Petersburgh a great capital, became to him a desert. " I went to see him ; he was moved even to tears by my Tisit. • I was unwilling,' he said to me, shaking me by thf INTRIGUE AGAINST JONES. 307 nand, * to knock at your door, and to expose myself to a fresh afTront, which would have been more cutting than all the rest. I have braved death a thousand times, now I wish for it.' Hi» appearance, his arms being laid upon the table, m^.le r\e. fuspect some desnerale intention. " 'Resume,' I said to nim, 'your composure and your courage. Do you not know that human life, like the sea, has its morms, and that fortune is even more capricious than the winds ? If, as I hope, you are innocent, brave this sudden tempest ; if, unhappily, you are guilty, confess it to me viith unreserved frankness, and I will do everything I can to snatch you, by a sudden flight, from the danger which threatens you.' " ' I swear to you upon my honour,' said he, 'that I am innocent, and a victim of the most infamous calumny. This is the truth. — Some days since a young girl came to me in the mornmg, to ask me if I could give her some linen or lace to mend. She then indulged in some rather earnest and indecent allurements. Astonished at so much boldness in one of such few years, I felt compassion for her ; I advised her not to enter upon so vile a career, gave her some money, and dis- missed her ; but she was determined to remain. " ' Impatient at this resistance, I took her by the hand and led her to the door ; but, at the instant when the door was opened, the little profligate tore her sleeves and her neck-ker- chief, raised great cries, complained that I had assaulted her, and threw herself into the arms of an old woman, whom she called her mother, and who, certainly, was not brought there by chance. The mother and the daughter raised the house with their cries, went out and denounced me ; and now you know all.' "•Very well,' I said, 'but cannot you learn the names of those adventurers?' 'The porter knows them.' he replied • Here are their names written down, but I do not know where •hey live. I was desirous of immediately presenting a me- morial about this ridiculous aflair, first to the ministry, and 308 INTRIGrE AGAINST JONES, then to the Empress; but I have been interdicted from access to both of them.' 'Give me the paper,' I said; 'resume your accustomed firmness ; — be comforted ; — let me undertake it ; — in a short time we shall meet again.' " As soon as I had returned home, I directed some share and intelligent agents, who were devoted to me, to get infor> mation respecting these suspected females, and to find out what was their mode of life. I was not long in learning that the old woman was in the habit of carrying on a vile traffic in young girls, whom she passed off as her daughters. "When I was furnished with all the documents and attesta> tions for which I had occasion, I hastened to show them to Paul Jones. * You have nothing more to fear,' said I ; ' the wretches are unmasked. It is only necessary to open the eyes of the Empress, and let her see how unworthily she has been deceived ; but this is not so very easy : truth encounters a multitude of people at the doors of a palace, who are very clever in arresting its progress; and sealed letters are, of all others, those which are intercepted with the greatest art and care. " ' Nevertheless, I know that the Empress, who is not igno- rant of this, has directed, under very heavy penalties, that no one shall detain on the way any letters which are addressed to her personally, and which may be sent to her by post; therefore, here is a very long letter which I have written to her in your name; nothing of the detail is omitted, although it contains some rough expressions. I am sorry for the Em- press; but since she heard and gave credit to a calumny, it is but right that she should read the justification with patience. Copy this letter, sign it, and I will take charge of it ; I wiD send some one to put it in the post at the nearest town. Take courage ; believe me, your triumph is not doubtful.' " In fact, the letter was sent and put in the post; the Em- uress received it; and, after having read this memorial, which ^as fully explanatory; and accompanied by undeniable attar INTRIGUE DEFRATED. 309 talions, she inveighed bitterly asjainst the informers, revoked her rigorous orders, recalled Paul Jones to court, and received him with her usual kindness.. "That brave seaman enjoyed with a becoming pride a re- paration which was due to him ; but he trusted very little to the compliments tliat were unblushingly heaped upon him by the many persons who had fled from him in his disgrace ; and shortly afterwards, disgusted with a country where the for- tune of a man may be exposed to such humiliations, under the pretence of ill healih, be asked leave of the Empress to retire, which she granted him, as well as an honourable order and a suitable pension. " He took leave, after having expressed to me his gratitude for the service which I had rendered him ; and his respect for the Sovereign, who, although she might be led into an error, knew at least how to make an honourable reparation for a fault and an act of injustice." This account is substantially correct. There are some petty errors of detail, but nothing whatever to detract from the noble spirit of generosity in which Count Segur acted to an unfortunate and ill-treated rrian. A letter to the Empress, which is still among those papers of Paul Jones which he so carefully collected and preserved, cannot be that alluded to by Count Segur ; it has every internal mark of his own authorship ; and as it is one of his pieces justificatives, we are inclined to believe it the letter really sent 10 the Empress : — (Translation.) " hMir ^ Rear-Admiral Paul Janet to the Emprete of att the Ruttiat " St Peterebnrgh, 1 7th May, 1789. " Maoam, — I have never served but for honour, I have ne-er sought but glory, and I believed I was in the way of obtaining both, when, accepting the offers made me 00 tho 310 LETTER TO THE EMPRR8& Calheriiie 11. part of your Majesty, I entered your service. I was m Ame- rica when M. de Simolin, through Mr. Jefferson, Minister of the United States at Paris, proposed to me, in name of your Majesty, to take the chief command of the forces in the Black Sea, which were intended to act against the Turks. I abandoned my dearest interests to accept an invitation so flattering, and I would have reached you instantly if the United States had not intrusted me with a special commission to Denmark. Of this I acquitted myself faithfully and promptly." Here follows a detail of that singular voyage performed by the Chevalier in his haste and zeal to reach St. Petersburgh, with the particulars of which the reader in already acquainted. We pass this, and resume : — " The (lis- LETTER TO THE EMPRESS. 3H onguished reception which your Majesty deigned to grant me, the kindness with which you loaded me, indemnified me for the dangers to which I had exposed myself for your service, and inspired me with the most ardent desire to encounter more. But iinowing manieech and writing ; and if yuur Majesty, informed by the Prince-Marshal of my conduct in the first affair which took place on the Liman, had not in- vested me with the honourable badge of the Order of St. Anne. Since that period, though I have been hampered by limited orders, I have committed no professional error; I have often exposed myself to personal danger, and I have even stooped to sacrifice my personal feelings and interests to my devotion for the good of the service. " At the close of the campaign I received orders to retuin to court, as your Majesty intended to employ me in the North Seas, and I brought with me a letter from Prince Pctemkin for your Majesty, in which he mentioned my zeal and the importance of my services. 1 had the honour to present it, aud M. le Comte !e Besborodko acquainted me that a com- 812 LETTER TO THE EMPRESS. mand of greater importance than that of the Black Sea, and affording full scope for the display of talent and intelligence, was intended for me. Such was my situation, when, upon the mere accusation of a crime, the very idea of which wounds my delicacy, I was driven from court, deprived of the good opinion of your Majesty, and forced to employ the time which I wish to devote to the defence of your empire in clearing myself from the stains with which calumny had covered me. " Condescend to believe. Madam, that if I had got the slightest hint that a complaint of such a nature had been made against me, and still more that it had reached your Majesty, I know too well what is owing to delicacy to have ventured to appear before you till I was completely ex- culpated. " Knowing neither the laws, the language, nor the forms of justice of this country, I needed an advocate, and ob- tained one ; but, whether from terror or intimidation, he stopt jhort all at once, and durst not undertake my defence, though convinced of the justice of my cause. But truth may always venture to show itself alone and unsupported at the foot of the throne of j'our Majesty. I have not hesitated to labour unaided for my own vindication ; I have attested proofs ; and if such details may appear under the eyes of your Majesty, I present them, and if your Majesty will deign to order some person to examine them, it will be seen by the repwrt which will be made, that my crime is a fiction, invented by the tvarice of a wretched woman, who has been countenanced, perhaps incited, by the malice of my numerous enemies. Her husband has given evidence of her infamous conduct. His signature is in my hands, and the pastor of the district has assured me, that if the college of justice will give him an order to this effect, he will obtain an attestation from the Bountry people that the mother of the girl referred to is a wretch absolutely un worth" of belief. LETTER TO THE EMPRESS. 313 " Take a soldier's word, Madam ; believe an officer whom »wo great nations esteem, and who has been honoured with Tattering marks of their approbation, (of which your Majesty will soon receive a direct proof from the United States,*) I im innocent ! and if I were guilty, I would not hesitate to make a candid avowal of my fault, and to commit my honour, which is a thousand times dearer to me than my life, to the hands of your Majesty. "If you deign, Madam, to give heed to this declaration, proceeding from a heart the most frank and loyal, I venture from your justice to expect that my zeal will not remain longer in shameful and humiliating inaction. It has been useful to your Majesty, and may again be so, especially in the Mediterranean, where, with insignificant means, I will under- take to execute most important operations, the plans for which I have meditated long and deeply. But if circumstances, of which I am ignorant, do not admit the possibility of my being employed during the campaign, I hope your Majesty will give me permission to return to France or America, granting, as the sole reward of the services I have rendered, the hope of renewing them at some future day. "Nothing can ever change or efface in my heart the deep feelings of devotedness with which your Majesty has inspired me. "To you. Madam, I am personally devoted. I would lather have my head struck oS than see those ties broken asunder which bind me to your service. At the feet of your Majesty I swear to be ever faithful to you, as well as to the empire, of which you form the happiness, the ornament, and the glory. — I am, With the most profound respect. Madam, &c." ITiere are, as was said, several important mistakes, though * Referring to the medal ordered to be struck by Confess. 27 314 DIPLOMACY. DO wilful misrepresentation whatever, in the details given by Count Segur. Though Jones was so^far exculpated as to be permitted to appear again at court, it was mereiy for the cere- mony of taking leave of the Empress and royal lamily, when he had, as will appear, been virtually dismissed irom Russia The Order of St Anne, to which Segur refers, ne nad obtained long before. So far was he from receiving any pension from Russia, that his small appointments were tardily paid, and not till after repeated solicitation. Instead of being loaded " with compliments," he was treated while he continued to hang on in the hope of employment, first with the most chilling neglect, and afterwards with repulsive rudeness. Besborodko, the favourite minister of Catherine, who, on his commg to Russia, had overwhelmed the Rear-Admiral with kindness, shut his doors in the face of the supernumerary officer, and did not affect to disguise his weariness and disgust of the applausive recapitulations of past services and projects for future mari- time achievements with which he continued to be annoyed by the man whose day was gone by. The alleged crime of the Rear-Admiral, had his guilt even been established, would, we are apt to think, have been no insurmountable harrl^ to his success in Russia, had a continuance of his service<< been wished for ; nor was his innocence found any recommenda- tion. The Empress may have expressed herself in the terms stated by Count Segur, but 'this as certainly produced no favourable change in the position of the party so grossly in- jured. His correspondence with Besborodkn after this affair had been closed up, shows the real nature of his situation, and affords a painful and humiliating picture of the dying struggles of ambition. To strengthen his interests in Russia, Paul Jones at this time endeavoured to bring into play a Utile diplomatic in- fluence, knowing the avidity with which that grasping and ambitious power caught at every appearance of advantage. Fie had written thus to Mr. Jefferson soon after his return LETTER TO THE MINISTER. 315 from the Liman : — " I can only inform you that I relumed here by the special desire of the Empress, but I know not as yet how or where I am to be employed for the next campaign. 1 mentioned in my last, as my opinion, that if the new government of America determines to chastise the Algerines, I think it now a favourable moment to conclude a treaty with Russia. The Turks and Algerines were combined against us on the Black Sea. The United States could grant leave for Russia to enlist American seamen, and, making a common cause with Russia in the Mediterranean, might at the peace obtain a free navigation from and to the Black Sea. Such a connexion might lead to various advantages in the commerce between the two nations." Whether Mr. Jefferson thought the Admiral too desirous of cutting out work for himself, or that he rather stepped out of his department in interfering in such affairs, his hints appear to have met with the return to which he was well accustomed — neglect, — neglect which might have repelled a haughtier spirit, and which, in many instances, was keenly felt by him, without, however, deterring him from renewed attempts to bring himself by every possible means into notice. He waited for some weeks after his character was cleared at court before he sent the minister the following letters, which were formerly alluded to : — " Thhit Excellency Count Besborodko from Rear-Aimiral Paul Jonei. "St. Pktersburgh, 24th June, 1789. " Sir, — When I had the honour to see your Excellency last week, I ventured to promise myself that in two days I would be made acquainted 'with the ulterior intention of her Majestj', whether this was to give me a command, or a tem- porary leave of absence. No doubt important affairs have occasioned the delay. You will, I hope, have the goodness to permit me to present myself at your hotel to-morrow after 316 LETTER TO THE MINISTER- noon ; for if it is thought fit to employ my services, there \m lo time to lose, seeing the advance of the season. "The detachment of vessels of which your Excellency spoke .0 me might probably be most useful in the operations which I have projected ; but, at the same time, I regard the plan Tientioned in the private note which I have sent you as very useful. I would then wish (if circumstances permitted) to combine these plans ; and then I think there would be reason to be satisfied with the result " I have mentioned to your Excellency that I am the only officer who made the campaign of the Liman without being promoted ; but I beseech you to believe that I have not ac- cepted of service in Russia to occasion embarrassment; and since ihe Empress had given me her esteem and her confi- dence, I wish for nothing save new opportunities to prove my devotion by fresh services." This letter elicited no reply, and produced no improvement in the situation of the applicant, save that the leave of absence at which he hinted, though it was the last thing he wished for, was at once accorded, there being evidently an anxious wish to be rid of himself, his projects, and importunities. The sub- joined letter, written soon afterwards, may teach a lesson of contentment, and even of cheerful gratitude, to those persons, if such there be, who, in their ignorance of public life, may envy the brilliant fortunes of a successful warrior undei the patronage of a despotic sovereign. " Rear-Admiral Paul Jona to Count de Baborodke. " St. PtmisBaBGH, 14th July, 1789. "Sir, — ^I presented myself at your hotel the day before yesterday, to take leave, and, at the same time, to entreat of you to expedite my commission, my passport, and the leave of absence which her Majesty has thought fit to grant me. Though I have perceived on several former occasions that you have shunned giving me any opportunity to speak with LETTER TO THE MINISTER. 317 you, I made myself certain that this could not occur at a last interview ; and I confess I was very much surprised to see you go out by another door, and depart without a single ex- pression of ordinary civihty addressed to me at the moment of my leaving Russia, to console me for all the bitter morti- fications I have endured in this empire. Before coming to Russia I had been connected with several governments, and no minister ever either refused me an audience, or failed tJ reply to my letters. " After the eagerness with which my services were sought, and the fair promises that were made me, I had reason to believe that I would find in Russia everything pleasant and agreeable. I was confirmed in this belief from the essential services which I had the good fortune to render the empire. I am aware that your Excellency is sometimes teased by im- portunate persons, but, as I am a man of delicacy in every- thing, I deserve to be distinguished from the common herd. " On the 6th of June, the last time you gave me an oppor- tunity of speaking with you, I gave you a confidential note, containing the details of a plan by which, without inter- fering with any other project, and with the utmost economy, great service might be done to Russia. You promised to submit it to the Empress ; and you yourself proposed to place a detachment of vessels under my command, to serve during the existing campaign in the Black Sea, and afterwards in the Mediterranean. I could n )t have imagined that these plans were so carelessly to be thrown aside ; and, in place of dis- cussing and arranging them with you, I vi'as very much as- tonished when his Excellency the Count de Bruce announced to me that the Empress had granted me a leave of two years. *' On the 1st of February I gave in, by order of his Excel- lency, Count Ostermann, the plan of a treaty, political and commercial, between Russia and the United States. As the Vice-Chancellor spoke to me of going to America about this purpose, and as I shall soon again be connected with my old 27* 31 6 AUDIENCE OF LEAVE. friends who constitute the present government of the Unitea States, I would be extremely happy to learn, through your Excellency, the intentions of her Imperial Majesty in this respect, and to be appointed to forward an alliance by which Russia must gain. " The United States having concluded a treaty of friend- ship and commerce with the Emperor of Morocco, are about to propose to the different powers of Europe a war with the other Barbary states, and to form a confederation against these pirates, till they shall be annihilated as maritime powers. It is proposed, that e\ en the event of a war between the con- tracting parties shall not disturb the confederation. It would be worthy of the august Sovereign of this empi'-e to place herself at the head of an alliance so honourable, and of which the consequences must be so useful to Russia. It would give me peculiar satisfaction if your Excellency thought fit to ap- point me to make known the intentions of the Empress to the United Stales on these two points, and I trust T should be able to acquit myself of so honourable a duty to your contentment " I have the honour to be, with sincere attachment and high consideration," &c, &c. His Excellency did not " think fit" to make the solicited ap- poiniment- The Rear-Admiral, as unfortunate in his attempts to obtain a diplomatic mission as a naval command, was now obliged to turn his back on Russia, and devour his chagrin and dis- appointment as he best could. He had, however, the honour of an audience of leave, though he found considerable diffi- culty in obtaining his pay and arrears. " When," he says in a letter to M. Genet, " the Count de Bruce sent for me on the 27th June," (two days only after his letter to Besborodko,) ' he told me, on the part of the Empress, that her Imperial Majesty had granted me a leave for two years, with the ap- pointments belonging to my military rank during my absence COUNT SEGtIBS LETTER. 319 The Count de Besborodko wrote me, 30th July, informing me that M. de Strekalow had received her Majesty's orders with respect to my appointments and arrearages. I have not been able to see M. de Strekalow, though I have called frequently at the cabinet. I have only received my appointments from the time of my entry into the service to the 1st of July, at the rate of 1800 roubles* a-year; and I was told yesterday at the cabinet, that her Majesty likewise mentions nothing but the appointments then due. If I could believe that this was her Majesty's intention I should remain silent ; for I certainly did not accept the service her Majesty offered me on account of my appointments or the usual emoluments of my grade." He was satisfied in this respect, and thus left St. Peters- Durgli. The reader, in possession of the real circumstances attending the departure of Paul Jones from Russia, will be able to esti- mate aright the following letter and paragraph, put forth from the kindest motives by Count de Segur, immediately before the Rear-Admiral left that country : — Count de Segur to Count Montnwrin. "St Petersburgh, 21 at July, 1789. " The enemies of the Vice- Admiral Paul Jones having caused to be circulated reports entirely destitute of foundation, concerning the journey which this general officer is about to undertake, I would wish the enclosed article, the au'henticiiy of which I guarantee, should be inserted in the Gazette of France, and in the other public papers which are submitted to the inspection of your department. This article will unde- ceive those who have believed the calumny, and will prove to the friends and to the compatriots of the Vice-Admiral, that ho has sustained the reputation acquired by his bravery niid ills talents during the last war ; that the Empress desires tn * A rouble was in 1789 worth about four shillings K'-glish mcnc/. 820 Jones leaves st. petersrxjrgh. retain him in her service ; and that if he absents himself ai this moment, it is with his own free-will, and for particular reasons, which cannot leave any stain on his honour. " The glorious marks of the satisfaction and'bouiity of the King towards M. Paul Jones, his attachment to France, which he has served so usefully in the common cause, his rights a» a subject and as an admiral of the United States, the protec- tion of the ministers of the King and my personal friendship for this distinguished officer, with whom I made a campaign in America, are so many reasons which appear to me to jus- tify the interest which I took in all that concerned him during his stay in Russia. " The Coont de Segue." " Article to he inserted in the PuUie Prints, and particularly in the Gazettl of France. " St. Petersburgh, 21st July, 1789. — The Vice- Admiral Paul Jones being on the point of returning to France, where private affairs require his presence, had the honour to take leave of the Empress the 7th of this month, and to be admitted to kiss the hand of her Imperial Majesty, * who confided to him the command of her vessels of war stationed on the Liman during the campaign of 1788. As a mark of favour for his conduct during this campaign, the Empress has decorated him with the iniiignia of the order of St Anne ; and her Imperial Majesty, satisfied^tvith his services, only grants him permission to absent himself for a limited time, and still preserves for him his emoluments and his rank." This was putting the best face on the affair; and the par- agraph appeared in the Gazette of France, and in many other journals. Earl}' In September Jones left St. Petersburgh for Warsaw, • " This general officer, bo celebrated by his brilliant actions during Iha loarse of the American war, was called, in 1787, to the service of het Imp^ rial Majrsty." — Note to the Neictpaper Paragraph, M. DE GENETS CONDUCT. 321 furnished with letters of introduction, explanation, and vindi cation, from the Count de Segur to different individuals, all written in the same generous spirit as the above. The kind- ness of Count Segur to a man placed in a situation generally so fatal to court-friendships does him great honour. His original letters still remain among the papers of the Rear-Ad- iniral, who, however, transmitted copies of them to many of his fnends. Count Segur was not the only Frenchman who sustained the calumniated stranger under the base attempts of his enemies. M. de Genet, the younger, was at this time the secretary of legation at St. Petersburgh. Paul Jones, at a former period, had been intimate with the father and family of this gentleman at Versailles, and the young French- man did not now forget his father's former friend. M. de Genet undertook the arrangement of his pecuniary affairs with the Russian government, and gave him a letter to his sister, the celebrated Madame Campan, explaining the atrocious slanders propagated in St. Petersburgh, and placing the innocence of the calumniated individual beyond all suspicion. This original letter also remains among the papers of the Rear-Admiral. It was some months before he re- turned to Paris, and he might then have felt reluctant to revive the recollection of a charge so disgusting as to make the task of vindication both humiliating and painful to a mind of any delicacy. In 1791, in writing from Paris to Mr. Jeflferson, then in America, Jones gives the following clue to the mystery of his treatment in Russia*! " Chevalier Littlepage, now here on his way from Spain to the north, has promised me a letter to you on my subject, which I presume will show you the mean- ness and absurdity of the intrigues that were practised for my persecution at St. Petersburgh. I did not myself com- prehend all the blackness of that business till he came here, and related to me the information he received from a gentle man of high rank in the diplomatic department, with whom 322 LETTER TO JEFFERSON. he had travelled in company from Madrid to Paris. Thai gentleman had long resided in a public character at St. Petersburgh, and was there all the time of the pitiful complot against me, which was conducted by a little great man be hind the curtain. The unequalled reception with which I had at first been honoured by the Empress had been ex- tremely mortifying and painful to the English at St. Peters- burgh ; and the courtier just mentioned, (finding that politics had taken a turn far more alarming than he had expected at the beginning of the war,^ wishing to soothe the Court of London into a pacific humour, found no first step so expedient as that of sacrificing me. But, instead of producing the effect he wished, this base conduct, on which he pretended to ground a conciliation, rather tended to widen the political breach, and made him despised by the English minister, by the English cabinet, and by the gentleman who related the secret to Mr. Littlepage." The letter of Mr. Littlepage, transmitted to Mr. Jefferson along with the above, in part confirms this solution of an intrigue, so essentially Rus- sian. Yet there remains some secret cause and move- ment which it is impossible to fathom. " The campaign upon the Liman," says Chevalier Littlepage, " added lustre to the arms of Russia, and ought to have established for ever the reputation and fortune of the gallant officer to whose conduct those successes were owing." (Littlepage attributes to the Rear-Admiral the entire success of the campaign of 1788 ; not, like Count Segur, dividing his laurels with Nas- sau ; and it is to be remembered, that Littlepage was an eye witness of an important part of it.) " Unfortunately," he continues, " in Russia, more perhaps than elsewhere, every- thing is governed by intrigue. Some political motives, I have reason to think, concurred in depriving Rear-Admiiul Paul Jones of the fruits .of his service ; he was thought tc be particularly obnoxious to the English nation, and the idea of paying a servile compliment to a power whose emnity on JONES AT WARSAW. 32J casions all the present embarrassments of Russia induced some leading persons to ruin him, in the opinion of the Em- press, by an accusation too ridiculous to be mentioned." On leaving Warsaw, it was the intention of Paul Jones to return to France by Copenhagen and Berlin ; but, as it was known that he had left Russia dissatisfied, he deemed it best to avoid all farther occasion of giving his enemies any handle against him, and accordingly kept away from places where it might be presumed that he was tempted to tell tales, or uttet complaints. Disgrace at Petersburgh did not at this juncture imply a cold reception at Warsaw ; and in this capital — soon to be a capital no more — Jones was well received, and remained for two months. From Warsaw he despatched the Journal of his American Campaigns for the perusal of the Empress, and also an abridgment of the Journal of his Campaign on the Liman. Her Imperial Majesty had, it seems, at some former period, civilly expressed a desire to see his Journal of the American war. The old spirit was not yet quite subdued. " I have added," he says, " some testimonies of the high and unanimous consideration of the United States, and of the pri- vate esteem with which I was honoured by several great men to whom I am perfectly Inoion, such as M. Malsherbes and the Count d'Estaing of France, and Mr. Morris, minister of the American marine. I owe to my own reputation and to truth, to accompany this Journal with an abridgment of that of the campaign of the Liman. If you, Madam, read it with attention, you will see how little I have deserved the mortifi- cations I have suffered, — mortifications which the justice and goodness of your Majesty can alone make me forget. " As I never offended in icord or thought against the laws of the strictest delicacy, it would assuredly be most desirable to me to have the happiness of regaining, in spite of the malice of my enemies, the precious esteem of your Majesty. I would have taken leave with a heart fully satisfied, had I 324 LETTER TO THE EMPRESS. been sent to fight the enemies of the Empress, instead of oc cupying myself with my own private aflairs. " Trusting entirely on the gracious promise that your Ma- jesty gave me, ' never to condemn me without a hearing,' and being devoted to you, heart and soul, " I am with profound respect," &c. &c. To ensure the Journal reaching the hands of the Empress, this postscript is added to the above loyal effusion : — " I shall have the honour of sending the Journal by the courier of Wed- nesday next, with the proofs of every separate article. It will be sealed with my arms, and addressed to your Majesty, and sent under a second cover, to the address of M. de Chrapo- witzky." With all these precautions he feared that his Jour- nal was intercepted, as it contained such "damning proofs against his enemies." LETTER TO KOSCIUSKO. 325 CHAPTER XIL URING his stay in Warsaw, Paul Jones became iitious to merit, will, I am sure, be exerted in the kind us« LETTER TO MR. PARIsa 333 you will make of the three pieces I now send you, for my justification in the eyes of my friends in America, whose good opinion is dearer to me than anything else. I wrote to the Empress from Warsaw in the beginning of October, with a copy of my journal, which will show her Majesty how much she has been deceived by the account she had of our maritime operations last campaign. I can easily prove to the world that I have been treated unjustly ; but I intend to re- main silent at least till I know the fate of my journal. " I shall remain in Europe till after the opening of the next campaign, and , perhaps longer, before I return to Ame- rica. From the troubles m Brabant, and the measures now pursuing by the King of Prussia, &c., I presume that peace is yet a distant object, and that the Baltic will witness warm- er work than it has yet done. On the death of Admiral Greig, I was last year called from the Black Sea by the Em- press to command a squadron in the Baltic, &c. This set the invention of all my enemies and rivals at work, and the event has proved that the Empress cannot always do as she pleases. If you do me the favour to write to me, my ad- dress is, under caver, to Messieurs N. and J. Van StophorsI and Hubbard at Amsterdam. " I am, with sincere affection, dear sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. " His Excellency B. Franklin, ^c, 6fC. Philadelphia. " JV. B. — ^It is this day len years since I left the Texel m the Alliance." To Mr. Parish, the well-known Hamburgh merchant, with whom Paul Jones had become acquainted on his journey to Russia, he thus wrote under a vague idea of going to Ham- burgh till his fate was determined: — "My departure from Copenhagen was so sudden, that I omitted writing to you intending to have done it from St. Petersburgh. There I foun(» 834 LETTER TO MR. PARISH. myself in such a round of feasting and business till the mo- ment of my departure for the Black Sea, that I again post- poned. " Had T wrote you after my arrival at Cherson, I have every reason to think my letters would have been intercepted ; but, notwithstanding my past silence, I can truly assure you, that I have constantly entertained the most perfect and grateful sense of your friendly and polite behaviour to me at Hamburgh and Copenhagen. I will now thankfully pay to your order the cost of the smoked beef you were so obliging as to send to my friend, Mr. Jefferson, at my request The kind interest you have taken in my concerns, and the great desire to culti- vate your esteem and friendship, are my present inducements f r troubling you with the enclosed packet for the Chevalier Bourgoing, (the French resident at Hamburgh,) which I leave under a flying seal for your perusal, praying you to shut the exterior cover before you deliver it I shall make no com- ments on the documents I send for the Baron de la Houze but let the simple truth speak for herself. I shall show you, when we meet, things that will surprise you, for you can sca/cely have an idea how much our operations have been misrepresented. " As 1 am for the present the master of my time, I shall perhaps make you a visit in the spring, and pay my court to some of your kind, rich old ladies. To be serious, I must stay in Europe till it is seen what changes the present politics will produce, and till I can hear from America; and if you think I can pass my time quietly, agreeably, and at a small expense at Hamburgh, I should prefer it to the fluctuatin<' prospects of other places." The documents above referred to were copies of the letters oi Count Segur for Baron de la Houze, the French minister a» Copenhagen : from him they drew a poli'.e and soothing replv : — JONES'S PROPERTY. 335 ** Baron de la Houze to Paul Jona, " CorENHAQEN, 9th February, 1790. " It is but a few days since I received, with the letter with which you have honoured me of the 29th December, the copies of that of the Count de Segur, which you have been pleased to communicate to me, and which were accompanied by the artiple inserted on your account in the Gazette of France, and which I had read. This article, which has been repeated in many foreign gazettes, has entirely destroyed all the venomous effects which calumny had employed to tarnish the distinguished reputation which you have acquired by your talents and valour. In consequence, public opinion still con- tinues to render you justice, and the most noble revenge you can take on your enemies is to gather fresh laurels. The cele- brated Athenian general, Themistocles, has said, — ' I do not envy the situation of the man who is not envied.' " Baron Krudner had been actively useful to Paul Jones while in Copenhagen, both in promoting his views in entering the Rus- sian service, and in the affair of the Danish pension. Though we are aware that the Rear- Admiral had property of different descriptions, the state of his finances must, about this time, have been embarrassed by his large disbursements during the Rus- sian campaign, his long journeys, indisposition, and other causes of expenses. In writing from America to a lady in whom he took a strong interest, he represents himself, im- mediately previous to his last voyage in 1787, as " almost without money, and puzzled to obtain a supply." He wrote, as has been seen, in this emergency to Dr. Bancroft,* who af- terwards, in Lindon, promised him assistance, but failca to • Dr. Bancroft had pecuniary transactions with Paul Jones, and at this time may have owed him money. The Doctor was addicted to ^amblin^ in the English fiinds, and on this account lost tue confidence of Congress, and tile diplomatic appointment which he held. It is probable that he employed the mcney of his frienas in the same speculations, partly for his own advantage, atad partly for theirs. 83fi LETTER TO KRUDNER keep his word. He intimates to Mr. Parish, that he could wish " to live at small expense ;" and there are other reasons to conclude, that his finances, at least so far as regarded ready money, were not flourishing. This circumstance of actual ■exigency may, as was formerly hinted, account for the anx- iety respecting the Danish pension manifested in this letter to Baron Krudner; it is in other respects curious : — * Rear.Admiral Paul Juna to Barm Krudner, Rtutian Envoy at Copenhagen. " AusTERDAH, 29tfa December, 1789. " My dear Sir, — Though I have not written to your Ex- cellency since I set out on my first journey to St. Petersbuigh, yet I have constantly retained the most lively sense of your kind behaviour to me at Copenhagen. I must beg to refer you to his Excellency the Baron de la Houze, to whom I now transmit three documents for my justification in the eyes of my friends in Denmark. Notwithstanding the unjust treat- ment I received in Russia, the warm attachment with which the Empress inspired me at the beginning still remains rooted in my heart. You know, Sir, that her Imperial Majesty thought my sword an object worthy of her attention, sought it with the most flattering eagerness, and treated me the first time I was at her court with unexampled distinction. That sword has been successfully and frequently drawn on critical ijccasions, to render the most essential services to her empire, and to cover her flag with fresh laurels. For this I have greatly exposed my reputation, and entirely sacrificed my military pride. Yet I have seen the credit of my services bestowed on others, and I am the only officer who made the campaign of the Liman without being advanced. In a letter I wrote the Empress the 17th of May last, I mentioned tha her Majesty would soon receive a direct proof from America i>f the unanimous approbation with which I am honoured by the United States. I alluded to the gold medal which I ai» LETTER TO KRUDNER. 337 to receive, and respecting which you have in your hands a copy of the unanimous act of Congress. That medal is now elegantly executed, and is ready for me at Paris. The United States have ordered an example of my medal to be presented to every sovereign in Europe, Great Britain excepted. When we meet, I shall produce clear proof of all I have said re- specting Russia. The only promise I asked from the Em- press at the beginning, and, indeed, the only condition I made with her Majesty, was, that ' she should not condemn me with- out having heard me.'' I need make no remark to a man of your clear understanding. You advised me to torite to t/ie Empress by the post. I wrote several letters while in the de- partment of the Black Sea to my frienTl Mr. Jefferson, at Paris, containing no detail of our operations, yet they were all intercepted. I have, I think, reason to apprehend that there will be no peace this winter, and that the Baltic will witness warmer work than it has yet done. " You remember that Count B (Bernstorf ) showed you a paper which he sent, to be delivered to me by the Danish Minister at St. Petersburgh. I received that paper without any alteration whatever, either in the ' date' or other- wise. If I understood you right, it was intended that • a year's payment icould be made in adoance,' but I have not since heard a word in that respect. I wish to be informed how the payment is intended to be made. It cannot surely be in Danish bank-paper. You will do me a great favour if you can obtain an explicit answer, and it would be much more agreeable if the payment could be made here, instead of being made at any other place. I have not yet mentioned this affair to any pwrson whatever, except yourself. You are no stranger to my sentiments. You know the present happy state of America. That nation will soon create a respectable marine. It is now a year since I gave a plan to the court of St. Peters- burffh, for forming a political and commercial connexion witn the United States. The Empress approved this much, and 29 338 ARREARS OF PAY. there was question of sending me to America in ftonsequenco But a great man told me, ' que cela enrageroit les Anglaij davantage contre la Russie, et qu'il failoit auparavant fairs la paix avec les Turcs.' Accept my warm congratulations on the well-merited advancement you have received in the Order of St. Wolodimer. I hear that your lady* is at Paris. I beg you 1o assure her of my great respect," &c. &c. Baron Krudner replied, entirely blinking the memorial touching Russian affairs, but assuring his correspondent of success in obtaining the Danish pension, of which he had spoken to Count Bernstorf, and obtained a promise of imme- diate payment ; — which promise, it is to be inferred, was never meant to be kept, — as it certainly never was. Paul Jones appears to have gone to England in the spring of this year, (1790,) but did not remain long. The object of his visit does not transpire ; and that he had been there only comes out incidentally in his correspondence, especially in a letter to M. de Genet, written in June, when he had reached Paris. In this letter he informs that gentleman, that he had not yet paid his respects to his sister, (Madame Campan,) but intended doing so, and presenting the lady with his bust, as a mark of personal regard for her father and brother. He continues, " I have shown M. de Simolin proof that, if I have not sought to avenge myself of the unjust and cruel treatment I met with in Russia, my forbearance has been only the result of rny delicate attachment towards the Empress. You will oblige me by inquiring at the cabinet, and demanding the ap- pointments due to me for the current year, which ends the 1st of July, agreeably to the promise of the Etnpreas, com- municated to me by the Counts de Bruce and Besborodko. I wish to have that money immediately transmitted to me." • The afterwards well-known Madame Krudner, who was still enchanting Parisiac circles with her charms and attitudes in the " shav/l-dance," not hav. ing as yet assumed the part of devotee, or prophetess, in which she afterwardi made an equally remarkable ii^re. LETTER TO A LADY. 339 While in Amsterdam the Rear-Admiral received letters from Madame Le Mair d'Altigny, a lady who appears to have taken a peculiar interest in his welfare. This lady was prob- ably a widow ; but her actual condition as wife or widow we have no means of verifying, and leave it entirely to the penetration of our fair readers. " Rear-Admiral Paul Jones to Madame Le Mair d'Altigny, at Avigneu. • " Amsterdah, 8th February, 1 790. " I have received, my dear Madam, the two obliging letters you did me the honour to address to me from Avignon on the 18ih and 22d of December. Accept also, I pray you, my sincere acknowledgments for the two letters you had the kindness to send me at Strasburgh. I am infinitely flattered by the interest with which I have the happiness to have inspired you, and your good wishes in my concerns give me true pleasure. I am not come here on account of anything connect- ed with military operations; and though I think it right to retain my rank, I have always regarded war as the scourge of the human race. I am very happy that you are once more above your difficulties. Past events will enable you to value the blessings of Providence, among which, to a sensible heart, there are none greater than health and independence, enjoyed in the agreeable society of persons of merit. As soon as circumstances permit, I shall feel eager to join the delightful society in w hich you are. As you have not sent me your address at Avignon, I beg of you to do so, and to be assured of my entire esteem." The lady, to visit whom the Rear-Admiral was willing to make so long a journey, when circumstances permitted, ap pears to have replied in the following month; but it vjis not till December in the same year that she obtained ni< answer. S40 LETTER TO A LADY. " Paris, December 27th, 179a " My dear Madam, — I have received your charming letter of the 2d March. Having an affair of business to arrange in Kngland, I went from Amsterdam to London at the beginning of May, to settle it I escaped being murdered on landing.* From London I came hither, and have not had an hour of health since my arrival. I now feel convalescent, otherwise I would not have dared to write, for fear of giving paiif to your feeling heart In leaving Holland my plan was (o re- pair to Avignon, in compliance with your obliging invitation. My health formed an invincible obstacle, but I still hope to indemnify myself on the return of the fine wealher. I was for a long time very much alarmed by the disturbances which interrupted the peace of your city, and am very glad to see they are ended. I have learned, with lively satisfaction, that they have had no disagreeable consequences so far as regards you. Give me news of yourself, I pray you, and of those in- teresting persons of whom you speak in your last letter. Ac- cept the assurance of the sincere sentiments which you are formed to inspire. " My address is, under cover, to M. Dorbery, No 42, Rue Tournon, Paris. " JV.B. — Have you not sufficient confidence in my discre- tion to explain ' the enigma' of the happmess with which you say ' I will be loaded, and which will astonish me so soon as I know it?'" Of Madame Le Mair d'Altigny we hear nothing more, 80 that her enigma in all probability remained unexpounded. It might be presumed that the mind of Jones was now effectually weaned from the service of the country where he had been so "unjustly and cruelly treated:"' but such was not * This is nndoabtedlj meant in jest ; Paul Jones was by no moans so senseless as to fear assassination in England. LETTER TO POTEMKIN. 341 the fact. At intervals, during the last ten years of his life, he had been subject to severe attacks of indisposition, and about this time he was labouring under that illness which, with brief intei -Tiission, never again left him ; yet was his mind as ardently occupied as ever with hopes of serving in Rus- sia. He addressed Prince Potemkin.he addressed the Empress: — his mind on this subject appears to have been possessed ; his very eagerness must have tended to defeat his anxious wisher. These letters from Paris, together with one other document, conclude the history of his unfortunate connexion with Rus- sia, — a connexion which one cannot help regarding as the cause of his premature death. The generous reader must be pained to see a man of unquestioned bravery, and of very considerable talent and professional skill, who, in his own adopted country of America, might have lived to old age in peace and honour, fighting her battles in the senate, as he had already done on the ocean, clinging thus in hopeless pertina- city to the delusion which had undone him. ** To hit Kghneis the Prince-Manhal Potemkin. " Paris, 24th July, 1790. " My Lord, — I do not think it becomes me to let pass the occasion of the return of your aide-de-camp, to congratulate you on the briUiant success of your operations since I had the honour to serve under your orders, and to express to you in all the sincerity of my heart, the regret I feel in not being fortunate enough to contribute thereto. After the campaign of Liman, when I had leave, according to the special desjre of her Imperial Majesty, to return to the department of the Northern Seas, your Highness did me the favour to grant me a letter of recommendation to the E npress, and to speak to me these words, ' Rely upon my attachment. I am dis- posed to grant you the most solid proofs of my friendship for the present and for the future.' Do you recollect them t This disclosure was too flatterihg for me to forget it, and I •29* 842 LETTER TO POTEMKIN. hope J ou will permit me to remind you of it. Circumstances anJ the high rank of my enemies have deprived me of the benefits which I had dared to hope from the esteem which you had expressed for me, and which I had endeavoured to merit by my services. You know the disagreeable situation in which I was placed ; but if, as I dared to believe, I have preserved your good opinion, I may still hope to see it fol- lowed by advantages, which it will be my glory to owe to you. M. de Simolin can testify to you that my attachment to Rus- sia, and to the great Princess who is its sovereign, has always been constant and durable ; I attended to my duties, and not to my fortune. I have been wrong, and I avow it witli a frankness which carries with it its own excuse — 1st, That I did not request of you a carte-blanche, and the absolute command of all the forces of the Liman. 2d, To have written to your Highness under feelings highly excited, on the "th October, 1788. These are my faults. If my enemies have wiihed to impute others to me, I swear before God that they are a calumny. It only rests with me, my Lord, to unmask the villany of my enetnies, by publishing my journal of the operations of the campaign of Liman, with the proofs, clear as the day, and which I have in my hands. It only rests with me to prove that I directed, under your orders, all the useful of)erations against the Capitan Pacha ; that it was I who beat him on the 7ih June ; that it was I and the brave men I commanded who conquered him on the 17th June, and who chased into the sands two of his largest galleys, before oui: flotilla was ready to fire a single shot, and during the time a very considerable part of the force of the enemy re- mained at anchor immediately in rear of my squadron ; that it was I who gave to General Suwarrow, (he had the noble- ness to declare it at court before me, to the most respectable witnesses,) the first project to establish the battery and breast- works on the Istlimus of Kinbourn, and which were of such great utility on the night of the 17-18lh June ; tbit it was I, io LETTER TO POTEMKIN. 343 person, who towed, with my sloops and other vessels, the bat leries which were the nearest to the place, the 1st July, and who took the Turkish galleys by boarding, very much in ad- vance of our line, whilst some gentlemen, who have been too highly rewarded in consequence of it, were content to re- main in the rear of the struggles of our line, if I may be allowed to use the expression, sheltered from danger. You have seen, yourself, my Lord, that I never valued my person on any occasion where I had the good fortune to act under your eye. The whole of Europe acknowledges my veracity, and grants me some military talents, which it would give me pleasure to employ in the service of Russia, under your orders. The time will arrive, my Lord, when you will know the exact truth of what I have told you. Time is a sovereign master. It will teach you to appreciate the man, who, loaded with your benefits, departed from the court of Russia with a memorial prepared by other hands and the enemies of your glory, and of which memorial he made no use, because your brilliant success at the taking of Oczakow, which he learned on his arrival in White Russia, gave the lie to all the horrors which had been brought forward to enrage the Empress against you. You know it was the echo of another intriguer at the court of Vienna. In fine, time will teach you, my Lord, that I am neither a mountebank nor a swindler, but a man true and loyal. I rely upon the attachment and friendship which you promised me. I rely on it, because I feel myself worthy of it. I reclaim your promise, because you are just, and I know you are a lover of truth. I commanded, and was the only responsible person in the campaign of the Liman, the others being only of inferior rank, or simple volunteers ; and I am, however, the only one who has not been promoted or rewarded. I am extremely rhankful for the order of St. Anne which you procured foi me, according to your letter of thanks, _/br my conduct in t/tt ufuir of the Ith June, which was not decisive. The 17tb 844 LETTER TO POTEMKIN. June I gained over the Capitan Pacha a complete victory, which saved Cherson and Kinbourn, the terror of which caused the enerny to lose nine vessels of war in their preci- pitate flight on the following night, under the cannon of the battery and breast-work which I had caused to be erected in the Isthmus of Kinbourn. On this occasion I had the honour again to receive a letter of thanks; but my enemies and rivals have found means to abuse your confidence, since they have been exclusively rewarded. They merited rather to have been punished for having burnt nine armed prizes, with their crews, which were absolutely in our power, having pre- viously run aground under our guns. " I have been informed that, according to the institution of the order of St George, I have the right to claim its decora- tions in the second class for the victory of the 17th June, but I rely upon your justice and generosity. I regret that a secret project, which I addressed to the Count de Besborodko the 6th of June of the last year, has not been adopted. I com-' municated this project to the Baron de Beichler, who has promised me to speak to you of it I was detained in St Petersburgh until the end of August, in order to hinder me, as I have heard, from proceeding into the service of Swedea My poor enemies, how I pity them ' But for this circumstance • my intention was to have presented myself at your head- quarters in the hope to be of some utility ; and the Baron de Beichler, in departing from St Petersburgh in order to join you, promised me to assure you of my devotion for the ser- vice of your department, and that I should h')ld myself ready to return to you the instant I was called. My conduct has not since changed, although I hold in my hand a parole for two years, and I regard eighteen months of this parole, in a time of war, more as a punishnnent than as a favour. I hnjw that your Highness will succeed in concluding peace this year with the Turks ; but, in a contrary case, if it should please you to recall me to take command of the fleet in tha LETTER TO CATHERINE IL 345 msuing campaign, I would ask permission to bring with me .lie French officer concerning whom I spoke to you, with one Dr two others, who are good tacticians, and who have some knowledge of war. On my return here I received a gold medal, grantfed me by the unanimous voice of Congress, at the moment I received a parole from this honourable body. Tne United States have decreed me this honour, in order to perpetuate the remembrance of the services which I rendered to America eight years previous, and have ordered a copv to be presented to ail the sovereigns and all the academies of Europe, with the exception of Great Britain. There is reason to believe that your Highness will be numbered among the sovereigns of Europe, in consequence of the treaty of peace which you are about to conclude with the Turks; but in any case, if a copy of my medal will be acceptable to you as a mark of my attachment for your person, it will do me an honour to offer it to you. Paul Jones." The Rear-Admiral suffered much bodily illness during the interval which elapsed between the despatch of this letter and the period when he sent off his forlorn hope, the subjoined epistle, in the spring of the following year : — To her Imperial Majeety ofaUikt Ruttuu. 25th Feb. " Madam, — If I could imagine that the letter which I had the honour to write to your Majesty from Warsaw, the 25th September, 1789, had come to hand, it would be without doubt indiscreet in me to beg you to cast your eyes on the documents enclosed, which" accuse ni person,* and the only • In a letter from Warsaw to Mr. Littlepage, he says, the Count de B . [we know not whether De Bruce or De Besborodko, though it is probal>ly the latter,) had intercepted his despatch to tlie Empress till orders rould be gcA Irom Fotemkin. 346 LETTER TO CATHERINE II intent of which is, to let you see that in the important cano paign of Liman, the part which I played was not either tha< of a zero or of a harlequin, who required to be made a colonel at the (a// of his regiment. I have in my hands the means to prove, inconlestably, that I directed all the useful operations against the Capitan Pacha. The task which was given to me at this critical conjunction was very difficult I was obliged to sacrifice my own opinion and risk my military re- putation for the benefit of your empire. But I hope you will be satisfied with the manner in which I conducted myself, and also of the subsequent arrangcnents, of which I am persuaded you have not been acquainted until this moment. The gra- cious counsel which your Majesty has often done me the honour to repeat to me before my departure for the Black Sea, and in the letter which you deigned to write to me after- wards, has since been the rule of my conduct ; and the faithfiil attachment with which you had inspired me for your person, was the only reason which hindered me from requesting my dismissal when I wrote to you from Warsaw ; for I confess that I was extremely afflicted, and even offended, at having received a parole for two years in time of war, — a parole which it has never entered into my mind to wish for, and still less to ask, and of which I have not profited to go to Amer- ica, or even to Denmark, where I had important business ; for I had always hoped to be usefully employed in your service, before the expiration of this parole, which has done me so much injury; and although in public I would not have failed to have spoken to you at the last audience which you granted me, yet I was unfortunately led to believe the repeated prom- ises made me, that I should have a private audience in order to lay before you my military projects, and to speak of them in detail. '• I hope that the brilliant success with which Providence has blessed youi arms will enable you to grant peace to vou: enemies without shedding more of human blood, but in a BARON GKIMM. 34*? contrary case your Majesty can be well instructed from my project, No. 12, of the last year. " As I have my enemies, and as tho term of my paioio is about to expire, I await the orders of your Majesty, and should be flattered, if it is your pleasure for me to come ana render you an account in person. Mr. , who has the goodness to charge himself with this packet, which I have ad- dressed to him, sealed with my arms, will also undertake to forward me your orders ; I therefore pray you to withdraw me as soon as possible from the cruel uncertainty in which I am placed. Should you deign. Madam, to inform me that you are pleased with the services which I have had the happiness to render you, I will console myself for the misfortunes which [ have sufiered, as I drew my sword for you from personal attachment and ambition, but not for interest. My fortune, as you know, is not very considerable ; but as I am philosopher enough to confine myself to my means, I shall be always rich. " I have the honour to be. Madam, Of your Imperial Majesty The most faithful and Obedient servant, Paul Jones." So late as the month of July of the same year, we finri Vaul Jones still in Paris, and now in very bad health, but even yet occupied with Russia. His next and final letter is address- ed to Baron Grimm, the literary correspondent of the Em- press, who, a dozen years before, had celebrated his praises.* • In the original correspondence of Grimm we find the following passage, which does not appear in the much-abridged edition of his voluminous works pablisbed in England. This passage shows that both Mr. Sherburne and the present editor are mistaken in snpposing that the bust of Paul Jonrs was originally taken at his own sugj:estion. The letter of Baron Grimm bears date January^ 1780, at which time he says Paul Jones had been some weeks in 848 LETfER TO GRIMM. His former attempts having been so utterly unsuccessful, lie discovers considerable address in trying his fortune in a new tack. The Empress, it may be premised, had long shown herself ambitious of being considered the munificent patroness of science and of scieniiiic men, in whatever regarded the im- provement of her country, and particularly of her navy. " Rear-Adiairal Paul Jones to BriTon Grimm. •■ Paris, 9th July, 1791. " Sir, — M. Houdon has sent to your house the bust which you have done me the honour to accept.* Mademoiselle Paris. This cannot be correct, as it was among the very last days of Decem- ber when he escaped from the Texel ; the only error, however, is of a few weeks. " The intrepid Pdol Jones," says the Baron, " has been here for soine weeks. He has had the honour to be presented to the King. He has been applauded with transport at all the public places where he has shown himselj^ and particularly at the opera. It is a sincrularity worthy of remark, that this orave Corsair, who lias given multiplied proofs of possessing a soul the must firm, and courage the most determined, is at the same time the most feeling and mild man in the world, and t'mt he has made a great many verses fiiU of elegance and soUiiuss, the sort of poetry which appears most 4:ongenial to his taste being the elegy and the pastoral. The Lodge of the Nine Sisters, of which he is a member, have employed M. Houdoii to take his bust This re- semblance is a new masterpiece wort'iy of the ciiisel wlitch appears destined to consecrate to immortality illustrious men of all kinds.^' • His own bust, " now decorated," he says, " with the order of St. Anne, on the American uniform, one reason why I wish to be authorized by the Ame- rican States to wear that order." This is said in a letter to Mr. Jefferson, written soon afler his final epistle to the Empress, and when he had formed the design of again entering the French fleet of evolution, if bodily indisposi- tion, and the worse sickness of hope deferred, left him power to form any con- siderate or consistent plan of future conduct. There were five orders of knighthood in Russia, three of which were instituted by Peter the Great, mid two, that of St George and St. Vladimir, by the Empress Catherine ilie Socond. The order of SL Anne was a HoUtein, and not a Russian o.der The Empress never conferred this order herself. She left it to the Grand Duke Paul, as Duke of Holstein, and from him Paul Jones received it It was ac- cordingly less valued man those of her own institution oestowed by herself NEW-FASHIOXED SHIPS. 349 Marchais has told me all the obliging things you have said regarding me. " As it is my duty to interest myself in objects that may be useful to Russia, I must inform you that I have met with j man here, whom I have known for fifteen j'cars, who has in- vented a new construction of ships of war, which has small resemblance, either externally or internally, to our present war-ships, and which will, he says, possess the following ad- vantages over them : — " I. The crew will be better sheltered during an engage- ment. " II. The lodging-room of the crew will be more spacious ; every individual may have a bed or a hammock, and there may be as much air as is wished for, nigiit and day, in the sleep- ing apartments. " III. There will be less smoke curing an engagement." The enumeration of all the rare qualities of this beau ideal of a war-ship might prove tedious; suffice it, that a ship of the new construction, of 54 guns, if well armed and com- manded, might have faced one of the old make carrying 100 guns; that it would cost less both in artillery and timber, be a better sailer, go nearer the wind, and possess many otbei advantages " For a long time," the Rear-Admiral state? " he had, in conjunction with his friend Dr. Franklin, tried to construct a ship combining the advantages of being a fast failer, not driving to leeward, drawing little water, &c. ; but they always encountered great obstacles. From the death of that great philosopher," he continues, " having rather too much time on my hands, (a very gentle hint,) I think I have surmounted the difficulties which baffled us and btoy^ped our progress The ship-builder of whom I have spokv^n has ex- plained nothing to me in detail, and I can form no idea on the subject He wishes to preserve his invention, and *o cl> aw emolument from it ; and nothing can be more just, if on ev periment his discovery holds. As this is a thing wUiib ap- 30 350 NEW-FASHIONED SHIPS. pears to me to deserve the attention of the Empress, I beg ol you to acquaint her Majesty as soon as possible. This person wished to go to England to offer his discovery, where I think it would have been received ; but, as I have some influence with him, I have persuaded him to remain here, and wail your reply. If he receive any encouragement, he will com- municate his ideas more fully to me. But in every case I dedicate to the Empress, without any stipulation, all that my feeble genius has accomplished in naval architecture." The Rear-Admiral then relates his own supposed discovery, and, like a skilful orator, winds up, by pressing hard the main point of his argument. " Will not this, presuming it correct, be of great advantage to the infant marine of the Black Sea, . and consequently to the prosperity of the Russian Empire V It appears that Baron Grimm received an answer from the Empress in relation to this first application, though it can scarcely be called a satisfactory one. She says there was a prospect of a speedy peace; but if peace did not take place, she-would let M. Paul Jones know her intentions respecting himself: and she tacitly reproves Grimm's interference hy saying, that she would not choose him as the medium of 'u communications with Paul Jones. PTYI.F, OF JONESS LETTERS. 3Sl CHAPTER XIII. HE voluminous papers lelt b) Paul Jones aflbrd very scanty materials for his domestic his- tory. From boyhood his place in society was completely iso- lated. His extensive corres- pondence, as it came into the hands of his relatives, is chiefly that of business, or of the cere- r:'=f:f^S3SS?^ w/x^^j-iV' monial connected withbusincss, ond with the courtesies of acquaintanceship. His intercourse with society amounted to little more than the exchange of the customary offices of kindness and civility. He was early separated, by insurmountable circumstances, from his own relatives; he never afterwards found a fixed home, nor does bis correspondence afford any trace of the kindly, genial, un- bending, and cordial familiarity of confidential friendship. His letters consequently want the charm of a particular or individual interest. Few of them contain a single observa- tion on men or manners, or even the expression of an opinion not merely professional. His journals, in like manner, are strictly confined to professional affairs, and contain little tha' can either extend the range of knowledge or gratify a liberal curiosity. With the fields of observation, whether in America, Prance, oi Russia/that were presented to a mind so ai'tivp 862 JONES'S GALLANTRY, and acuto, this is much to be regretted. As it is, the interest of this memoir must rest wholly on the public life of its sub- ject. The few of his private confidential letters which exist, do, however, unfold his character in a very amiable way. Those to his relations in Scotland, written in the latter years of his life, display the most affectionate solicitude for the happiness of those who could but little add to his, and much good sense in his endeavours to promote it. According to his London or American biographer, Paul Jones was " as chivalrous in love as in war." This is as- sumed, it is probable, on the principle that every seaman is bound to be so, as a point of professional duty, — from Nelson of the Nile down to Jack or Ben just paid off at Portsmouth. " Paul Jones," we are gravely told, " was always seriously in love," and, what is more singular, " often with women he had never seen." This contradicts all ordinary experience, and even goes beyond romantic tradition. Though seamen are not remarkable for tedious or roundabout modes of courtship, they are seldom so far spiritualized as not to require at least one passing glance of the fair objects that kindle the sudden flame. That among all existing unknown beauties, Paul Jones should have singled out Lady Selkirk as the object of his romantic and passionate admiration, appears, at least on this, the frigid side of the Atlantic, too absurd for serious refu- tation. His gallantry of disposition, and the disagreeable and derogatory imputations to which his descent on St. Mary's [sle was liable, sufficiently account for the address to Lady Selkirk of a man who had so quick a sense of dishonour, and 30 tenacious a regard for reputation, as Paul Jones evinced m every transaction of his life. It is therefore quite unneces- sary to account for his conduct in this memorable affair, by raising the ridiculous hypothesis of his having fallen in love with a married lady of high rank, whom he had never seen, and whose eldest son was at that time of an age to have act- ed as his lieutenant It is indeed just possible, that, whilfr JONES'S GALLANTRY. 853 Paul Jones was still a lad, sailing to the port of Kirkcudbright, he might have seen the lady of St. Mary's Isle, though even tnen it would be preposterous to imagine such long-lived and romantic consequences from this transient vision, however fair and captivating. Paul Jones was by no means so great a fool as his historian, no doubt to do him honour, would insinuate. A man " in the singular situation of being in love with every woman in Paris," and " often with women he had never seen," was evidently in no imminent peril from the attractions of any in- dividual charmer, however powerful these might be. In the present case this seems to have been the fact. The true, and, it may be said, the only mistress to whom Paul Jones was !ver devoted with all the powers of his heart and mind was — Glory, in pursuit of whom he made no scruple at any time to set his foot on the neck of " the gentle Cupid," or, if need were, to use that " soft integument" as a stepping-stone in his mounting path. It is said that John Paul Jones, soon after entering the navy, formed an ardent attachment to an American lady. Their affection was mutual, but circumstances forbade their union ; and from this period he formed the resolution of never marrying. There is, however, much to intervene between the cradle and the grave of the passions ; and when a man expresses resolutions of this kind, his friends generally know with what proper degree of credit or allowance to receive them. He sent a message to his sisters, by Mr. Kennedy, — the French teacher of Dumfries, who waited on him with letters from his relations, about the year 1784, — purpoiting lliat he would never marry; yet shortly after this we find nim expressing a very tender and anxious interest for a French lady (Madame T ,) with whom he was in corres- pondence. The most brilliant period of the bonnes fortuves of Paul Jones was during his residence at Paris and Versailles Irs 30* 354 COUNTESS DE LAVENDAL. 1780, and immediately after his escape from the Texel ; the period comniemorated by Baron Grimm, the era of his court favour, inilitaiy order, and gold sword. He at this time engaged in vanous flirtations, of the kind and complexion which no man of his age and profession, moving in gay society in Paris, could have avoided, if he wished to live hi the odour of gallantry. His acquaintance with the lady who assumes oi who received the poetical appellation of Delia, must have commenced about this time, as the hottest fire of her love-letters appears to have fallen upon the Chevalier at I /Orient duiing the existence of Landais' mutiny. The conduct of the Chevalier at this time was, it is to be feared, more creditable to his general spirit of gallantry than to his fidelity to the fair and devoted Delia. Among the ladies whom he met most frequently in the society he fre- quented at Versailles was the Countess of Lavendal, a mar- ried woman, (and marriage in Paris at this time made an in dispensable ingredient in the attractions of a mistress,) young, beautiful, witty, and withal a little intriguing. To the good graces of this lady the Chevalier Paul Jones anxiously and assiduously recommended himself. There is, however, rea- son to surmise, that the gentleman might have been some- what of a self-seeker even in his admiration of the beautiful Countess. It is undeniable, that he owed all the distinction he had just obtained solely to court-favour, — to the French ministry he owed nothing. " La belle Comtesse," indeed, appeared to have looked to him as the medium of advance- ment or employment for her husband, without affecting to possess court-patronage herself; but there was no limiting the influence of a clever and beautiful woman at the Court of Versailles, where, although the reigning sovereign wa^i unas- sailable, there were always so many open channels, through ministers and favourites, high and low, male and female. When the lady, whose object was to obtain employment for her husband, in conjunction with the American hero, but who JONES'S POETRY S^H nad no objection to the by-play of a little harmless co(|jetry, thought it prudent to draw back, after a course of very pro- mising encouragement, her admirer appears to have borne his disappointment with great philosophy ; and to have turned the tables upon the fickle charmer, and extricated himself from the affair with a cool dexterity that might command the applause of Chesterfield himself. This Parisian " course of true love" is fully elucidated by the following extracts of published letters, attributed to a young English lady, a Miss Edes, residing at the time in Versailles. They were written early in Tune and July, 1780. Coupling the fact of their immediate publication in England, with the staple of their composition, if left to our own instincts, and . not positively assured that they were originally the private letters of a young lady, we would be inclined to attribute them to some of the gentlemen of the press who flourished fifty years ago ; and vvho then exported the scandal of Paris to London, in a somewhat clumsier way than the same busi- ness is still managed, but exactly in the same spirit. " The famous Paul Jones dines and sups here often," says Miss Edes ; " he is a smart man of thirty-six, speaks but little French, appears to be an extraordinary genius, a poet as well as a hero ; a few days ago he wrote some verses extempore, of which I send you a copy. He is greatly admired here, especially by the ladies, who are all wild for love of him, as he for them ; but he adores Lady , (the Countess La- vendal,) who has honoured him with every mark of polite- ness and distinction." " Ferae* addrested to the Ladiet who have done me the Honour of their polite AlteiUion ."' Presented hy Paul Jones to Mademoiselle G .• " Insulted Freedom bled, — I felt her cause. And drew- my sword to vindicate her laws, From principle, and not from vain applause. • Tliis is supposed to be one of the daughters of M. Genet, but could not have been his i;l'''»st dau^^hter, who was by this time married to M. Campan and a woman of the bedchamber to the Queen, 3S6 JONES'S POETRY. I 'tc done ray best ; Belf-interest far apart. And self-reproach a stranger to my heart ; My zeal still prompts, ambitious to pursue The foe, ye fair I of liberty and you : Grateful for praise, spontaneous and unbought, A generous people's love not meanly sought ; To merit this, and bend the knee to beauty, Shall be my earliest and ray latest duty." In tliis, and other effusions fully more creditable to his muse, Paul Jones, we presume, makes no worse figure than other clever men have done, when, departing from their true character, they choose to engage in the solemn fooleries or trifling puerilities of a part for which neither nature, educa- tion, nor habit, has fitted them.* * In vindication of the critical opinions of Grimin, who praises the " gracQ and soilness" of the verses of Paul Jones, we subjoin what is considered a tole- rably fair specimen of his poetical vein. It is no disparagement of our own great na.val hero to say, that the verses of Paul Jones are 'ar superior to those of Nelson. Indeed, of all such effusions the opinion of Byron ought to be adopted as quite canonical — they are so good, that — ^" bad were better." The only use of the verses of Paul Jones is the evidence they afford, that their au- tlior could not have been the brutal, ignorant, and ferocious pirate be is fre- quently described. In tliis view tliey are invaluable to truth and to his honest fame : — •'Vertet mritten on Board the Alliance off Vshant, the let Day of January 1 780, immediately after eteaping out of the Texel from the Blockade of the Brilieh Fleet ; leing in Aruteer to a Piece written and tent to tht Teztl fry a young Lady at the Hague, TO MISS DUMAS. I. ■■ Were I, Paul Jones, dear maid, the ' king of sea,' I find such merit in thy virgin song, A coral crown with bays I 'd give to thee, A car which on the waves should smoothly glid-i along , The Nereids all about thy side should wait. And gladly sing in triumph of thy state, ' Vivat, vivat' the happy virgin muse! Of Liberty the friend, whom tyrant power inirstuw I LOVE-LETTERS. 35T The same young lady, supposed to be the Miss Edes, some- times noticed in the correspondence of the Chevalier with the Genet family, on another occasion, and after further acquaint ance, writes thus: — " Since my last, Paul Jones drank tea and supped her?. If I am in love with him, for love I may die ; I have as many rivals as there are ladies, but the most formidable is still Lady , (the Countess Lavendal,) who possesses sill his heart. This lady is of high rank and virtue, very sensible, good-natured, and affable. Besides this, she is possessed of youth, beauty, and wit, and every other female accomplish- ment He is gone, I suppose, for America. They corres- pond, and his letters are replete with elegance, sentiment, and delicacy. She drew his picture, (a striking likeness,) and wrote some lines under it, which are much admired, and pre- sented it to him, who, since he received it, is, he says, like a second Narcissus, in love with his own resemblance ; to he II " Or, happier lot ! were fair Columbia free From British tyranny, and youth still mine, I 'd tell a tender tale to one like thee With artless looks, and breast as pure asrfhine. If she approved my flame* distrust apart. Like faithful turtles, we 'd have but one heart ; Together then we 'd tune the silver lyre, As Love or sacred Freedom should our lays inspire. III. " But since, alas ! the rage of war prevails. And cruel Britons desolate our land. For Freedom still I spread my willing sails, My unsheathed sword my injured country shall command Go on, bright maid, the Muses all attend Genius like thine, and wish to be its friend. Trust me, although convey'd through this poor shift, My new-year's thoughts are grateful for thy virgin gift."* *Tbif gallant effusion was despatcheit from Corogne, where Jones put m for a short una on his way to Groix. The lady was the daughter of M. Duinas, the American a(enl w AmstenUnu 358 LOVE-LETTERS. sure he is the most agreeable sea-wolf one would wisJ. to meet with. As to his verses, you may do with them what you please. The King had given him a magnificent gold sword, which, lest it should fall into the hands of the enemy, he has begged leave to commit it to the care of her ladyship, — a piece of gallantry which is here highly applauded. If any further account of this singular genius should reach m^ .ands, vou shall have it" We believe that even the most finished French coquet would feel rather startled at the eclat of an appearar ce like the above in an English periodical published within the month. The Countess must have been alarmed, and she took her measures accordingly. When Jones was compelled to return to L'Orient, and in the prospect of an immediate departure for America, he took courage to speak more plainly to this condescending Countess. Though, as has been noticed, he found it afterwards expedient to give the affair another turn, his first letter, which follows, cannot be mistaken : — " I am deeply concerned," he says, " in all that respecte your happiness ; I therefore have been and am much affected at some words thaf fell in p-'wate conversation from Miss Edes the evening I left Versailles. I am afraid that you are less happy than I wish, and am sure you deserve to be. I am composing a cipher for a key to our future correspondence, so that you will be able to write me very freely, and without risk. It is a small dictionary of particular words, with a number annexed to each of them. In our letters we will write sometimes the corresponding number instead of the word, so that the meaning can never be understood until the corres- fionding words are interhned over the numbers. " I beseech you to accept the within lock. I am sorry that it is now eighteen inches shorter than it was three months age If I could send you my heart itself, or anything else that could afford you pleasure, it would be my happiness to LOVE-LETTERa. 359 do it Before I had the honour of seeing you, I wished to comply with the invitation of my lodge,* and I need not add that I have since found stronger reasons that have compelled me to seek the means of returning to France again as soon as possible." There was a manifest want of retenue in this epistle. The lady, it is said, kept the trophies, namely, the cipher, the let- ter, and the 1 ck of hair, but wrote to Jones, expressing her astonishment at his audacity, and her conjecture that his packet had been misdirected when sent to herelf. Siie begged, at the same lime, to introduce to him the (^^oiint her husband, who was to pass through L'Orient. " She should be obliged to the Chevalier to show him every civility." This he did, and afterwards wrote the Countess : — "L'OfciENT, July 14, 1780. " Madam, — Since I had the honour to receive your packet from Versailles, I have carefully examined the copy of my letter from Nantes, but am still at a loss, and cannot conceive, what part of the letter itself could have occasioned your imagining I had mistaken the address. As for the little packet it contained, perhaps it might better have been omitted : if so, it is easily destroyed. If my letter has given you even a moment's uneasiness, I can assure you, that to think so would be as severe a punishment as could be inflicted upon me. However I may have been mistaken, my intention could never have been to give you the most distant offence I was greatly honoured by the visit of the Count your bus band, and am so well convinced of his superior understand ing, that I am glad to believe Miss Edes was mistaken. 1 admire him so much, that I should esteem myself very happy indeed to have a joint expedition with him by sea and land, though I am certain that his laurels would far exceed mine. •Probably the lodge of the JVieu/ Saurs, of which he was a member. 860 LOVE-LETTERS. I mention this, because M. de Genet has both spoken and written to me on the subject as from the Count himself. " I had the nonour to lay a project before the King's ministers in the month of May, for future combined expedi- tions under the flag of America, and had the satisfaction to find that my ideas were approved by them. If the Count your husband will do me the honour to concert with M. de Genet, that the court may send with me to America the ap- plication tliat was intended to be made to Congress, con- formable to the proposal I made, it would afford me a pleasing opportunity of showing my gratitude to the King, to his ministers, and to this generous-minded nation. I should be greatly proud to owe my success to your own good oiBces ; and would gladly share with your husband the honour that might result from our operations. I have within these few days had the honour to receive from his Majesty the cross of Military Merit, with a sword that is worthy the royal giver, and a letter which I ardently wish to deserve. I hold the Bword in too high estimation to risk its being taken by the enemy ; and therefore propose to deposite it in the care of a friend. None can be more worthy of that sacred deposite than you, Madam ; and if you will do me the honour to be its - guardian, I shall esteem myself under an additional obligation to deserve your ribbon, aijd to prove myself wor hy of the title of your knight. I promised to send you a particular account of my late expedition ; but the late extraordinary events that have taken place, with respect to the frigate Alliance, make me wish to postpone that relation until after a court-martial in America shall have furnished evidence for many circurnstances that would, from a simple assertion, appear romance and founded on vanity. The only reason for the revolt .on board the Alliance was, because the men were not paid either wages or prize-money ; and because one or two envious persons persuaded them that I had concurred with M. de Chaumoni to defraud them, and to keep them in Europe during the war. LOVE-LETTiimS. 361 which, God knows, was not Irue. For I was bound directly for America; and far from concurring with M. de Chaumont, I had not even written or spoken to him, but had highly re- sented his mean endeavours to keep the poor men out of their just rights, which was the only business that brought me to court in April. " If I am to have the honour of writing you from beyond sea, you will find that the cipher I had the honour to send you may be necessarj' ; because I would not wish all my in- formations to be understood, in case my letters should fall into the hands of the enemy. I shall communicate no idea in cipher that will ofiend even such great delicacy as yours; but as you are a philosopher, and as friendship has nothing to do with sex, pray what harm is there in wishing to have the picture of a friend T Present, I pray, my best respects to the Count. If we are hereafter to be concerned together in war, I hope my conduct will give him satisfaction ; at any rate I hope for the honour of his friendship. Be assured that I shall ever preserve for you the most profound esteem and the most grateful respect Paul Jones." The lady waived the honour of being constituted guardian of the gold sword ; and whatever her influence with the Chevalier might have been, it now declined rapidly. From the Road of Groix Jones wrote to her in the following well- considered and measured terms ; and, from his next letters, it appears that the correspondence henceforth languished on bis side : — " Paul Jones to the CountetB de Lavendal. " Ariel, Road of Groii, September 21, 1780. "Madam, — I was honoured with the very polite letter that rour Ladyship condescended to write me on the 5th of hst month. I am sorry that you have found it necessary to refuse me the honour of accepting the deposite mentioned in my last 31 362 COUNTESS DE LAVENDAL. but am determined to follow your advice, and be myself iti guardian. I have been detained in this open road by contrary and stormy winds since the 4th of this month. There is this moment an appearance of a fair opportunity, and I will eagerly embrace it. I have received a letter from the first minister, very favourable to the project I mentioned to you, and you may depend on my utmost interest with Congress t > bring the matter to issue. I am sure that assembly will with pleasure say all yourself or the Count could wish respecting the Count, if my scheme is adopted. " I have the satisfaction to inform you, that, by the testi- mony of all the persons just arrived in four ships at L'Orient from Philadelphia, the Congress and all America appeared to be warmly my friends ; and my heart, conscious of its own uprightness, tells me I shall be well received. Deeply and gratefully impressed with a sense of what I ow'e to you and your husband's attentions and gooJ wishes, and ardently desiring to merit your friendship and the love of this nation by my whole conduct through life, " I remain. Madam, &c. &c •• P. S. — I will not fail to write whenever I have anything worth your reading ; at the same time, may I hope to be honoured now and then with a letter from you, directed to Philadelphia. I was selfish in begging you to write me in French, because your letters would serve me as an exercise. Your English is correct and even elegant."* Long afterwards his correspondence with the Countess is thus ceremoniously resumed : — * The almve letter u addressed, in the copy before ns, to tlie Coontefe ds Boortioii. It is, honreTe?, obrinusly intended for the Countess de LsTcndal. Paul Jonu could not have l>een in correspondence with two different ladies ts w'.iom he would have wished to intrust " the depcaitii." M. GENET. 363 Captain Paul Jotm to M. de Genet, encloting Lettert to the Cn after my return from France to Philadelphia, in the Ariel, 1 was unanimously elected by Congress to command the America. It was proposed by his Excellency, Mr. Morris, Minister of Marine, to arm the America en Jlute, and send her to BresI in December, 1781, with a cargo of large masts, fit for ships of the line, to be armed for war, &c. But when I arrived at Portsmouth, I found the ship not half built, and all the materials were wanting to finish the construction. Instead of commanding a fine ship, and being attended by frigates belonging to the continent, the insi-ection of the con- struction fell entirely upon me, almost without ni mev or materials to carry it on. I had been thus employe', tor six- teen months before the act of Congress presenting the Ame- rica to the King deprived me of that con-mand. It was thought that act of Congress must give me pain, but those who were of that opinion did not well know ii>y character. It was a sacrifice I made with pleasure, to testiiv my grate- ful regard for his Majesty, and my invariable atiention and zeal to promote the common cause. I continued ni\ inspec- tion till the America was launched, and having then di"livered her to M. de Martigne, appointed by his Ex^j'leiicy the Marquis de Vaudreuil, I set out for Philadelphia. A proj-'ct 31* 366 CODNTESS DE LAVENDAL. ■was then in contemplation between Mr.. Morris and the Chevalier de la Luzerne, for employing me immediately with a command of some frigates ; but not being able to get the South Carolina frigate out of the hands of Mr. Gillan, their project did nut succeed. Thus disappointed, I applied to Congress to send me back to Boston to make a campaign for my instruction on board his Majesty's fleet. Congress having passed an act for that purpose, I returned to Boston the day before the fleet sailed, with letters from the Minister of Marine, ami the Chevalier de la Luzerne, to his Excellency the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who kindly received me as a volunteer on board of his ship. I have been so handsomely treated, both by him and the officers, both of the fleet and army, that they leave me nothing more to wish for from them. I am directed to return to Philadelphia when the cam- paign is ended, unless, in the meantime, I should receive orders to the contrary. I beseech you to assure his Majesty, that I will eagerly embrace every opportunity to testify by my conduct the high sense I have of the honourable marks conferred on me of his favour and esteem, and that I feel a superior obligation for the many marks of his bounty. — I am, "My Lord Marquis,- with profound respect, &c " To his Excellency the Marquis de Castries," tfc. Of the Countess de Lavendal we learn no more ; nor would the afiair have been worth notice, were it not already before the public. The motives which led to the earlier part of this correspondence cannot be mistaken ; nor is the address dis- played in the attempt to give the affair a turn much to be commended, unless, as seems extremely probable, the coquetry of the lady, and her retention of the gifts she disclaims in words, justify the affected astonishment of an admirer who.se DELIA'S ATTACHMENT. 367 vanity was to all appearance more interested thai) his serious affections. If the apology be offered for this correspondence, that Paul Jones did not understand French manners, this will more strongly justify the lady than her admirer ; and il is to be feared that another aggravation is its being simultaneous with that of the devoted Deha, the anonymous lady already mentioned. Delia has so dexterously preserved her incognita, that it is scarce possible, even if it were important, to ascertain her real condition. Her letters which are preserved appear to have been written to Jones while at L'Orient, and when he was supposed on the eve of sailing for America. These epistles, which are warmly passionate, breathe the eloquence of deep and genuine feeling, and display the boundless gene- rosity of a devoted if not very discreet attachment ; but they, at the same time, discover a larger experience in " affairs of the heart" than was likely to be possessed or acknowledged by a very young woman, and habits of life which intimate more independence and freedom than custom permitted to any unmarried French girl, if above the very lowest rank. Delia appears to have received the visits of gentlemen, — a privilege enjuyed only by married women or widows; and she alludes to her income of eight thousand Hvres (no small fortune in those days) as if it were under her sole and uncon- trolled command. She alleges her liberality of disposition as the cause of her narrow fortune, and thus warrants the con- clusion, that her conduct was perfectly independent of control. Her extreme apprehension lest her letters or her portrait should be seen, which is repeatedly expressed, is but a natural and becoming female feeling, from which nothing can be sur- mised of her real character and condition. It was a duty that her lover owed to her meniory, or, if she survived bin- to the memory of their attachment, to have placed this warm and animated correspondence beyond the power of either misrepresentation or derision. 868 DELIA'S ATTACHMENT. In the American Memoir of Paul Jones republished in Lon- don, it is said, •' the Commodore grew alarmed when the lady proposed to follow him to America." Her original letters, which Paul Jones has preserved with a care he was not likely to have bestowed on those of a person to whom he was in- different, bear no trace of any proposition so indecorous. In the most fervid of her eloquent compositions, with an abund- ant lack of discretion, there is no symptom of indelicacy. Her distress, her agonies at parting with her lover, are very frankly proclaimed, but she contemplates no such termination of her misery as an elopement. " Heaven," she says, " will reunite us, and watch over the fate of two beings who love faithfully, and whose upright hearts deserve to be happy. I incessantly address myself to heaven for your safe arrival in America. If you are satisfied with that government you will continue in its service ; if not, resign, and rejoin your faithful friend. The whole world besides may forsake you, but her heart is eternally yours. You inquire how you can render me happy ] — take care of yourself, love me, study the means of enabling us to pass our lives together, and never forget that my life is bound up in yours." Delia makes her lover repeated offers of such assistance as she had the power of affording during the exigency of his affairs at L'Orient :— " She had trinkets, she had effects," and with the most disin- terested spirit she is willing to sacrifice them all. These offers are made with grace and delicacy, but it does not appear that they were accepted ; and, from a passage in one of her let- ters, it would seem that Paul Jones had given her assistance of a pecuniary nature. It is said by the poet, — ** Those who greatly lore most greatly fear ;"— ^ the love of Delia was extreme, and her fears corresponded ta its excess. The letters of Jones were tolerably frequent for a man engaged in quelling a mutiny, and corresponding with a THE IRRESISTIBLE LOVE-LETTERS. 369 coquetish Countess. They appear to have soothed the feais of Delia, and filled her with rapturous delight for the mo- ment. She alludes to his responding tears, sighs, and verses . envies her own portrait in his possession, but as regularly relapses into a state of distracting doubt if his silence ex- ceeded the period she had fixed for receiving a letter. We can perceive no reason for believing " Delia a young and high lady of the court ;" but her early letters possess those indelible marks of sincerity, and of warmth and gene- rosity of feeling, which could not fail to interest, were it pos- sible to ascertain who the writer really was. Her memory, nevertheless, possesses some claim with that class of readers pre-eminently called '• gentle ;" nor is it possible to look on the tear-stains that blot those crooked characters, traced by a hand then trembling with youthful passion, and over which the grave must long since have closed, without a feeling of pity and kindness for the fair writer, so devoted, so eloquent, and probably so unfortunate. Of the " irresistible love-letters" of Paul Jones, commem- orated by Miss Edes and the London editor, we subjoin one specimen, as they have given none. It, we fear, does not lessen the suspicion, that, in the case of Delia, the attachment at this time was strongest on the wrong side. It is written on Christmas-day, — a season for which lovers seldom wait, though parted friends often choose on it to make quittance of neglected correspondence. Paul Jones to Delia, » December 2Sth, 1781. " I wrote, my lovely Delia, various letters from Philadel phia, the last of which was dated the 20th of June. On the 26th of that month 1 was unanimously elected by Congress to command the America of 74 guns, on the stocks at Poris- moulh.New Hampshire. I superintended the building, which I find so much more backward than I expected, that a piar 370 RETURN TO PARIS, of operations which I had in view is entirely defeated. I ex peeled to have been at sea this winter, but the building does not go on with the vigour I could wish. Since I came here I have not had a single good opportunity to write to Europe. This situation is doubly irksome to me, my lovely friend, as it stops my pursuit of honour as well as love. It is now more than twelve months since I left France, yet I have not re- ceived a single letter from thee in all that time, except the one written in answer to my letter at taking leave. That one is a tender letter indeed, and does honour to thy match- less heart. I read often, and always with transport, the many charming things that are expressed in ihy letters, but especially the last. Thy adieu has in it all the finer feelings blended with the noblest sentiments of the heart Providence, all just and good, has given thee a soul worthy to animate nature's fairest work. I rest, therefore, assured, that absence will not di- minish but refine the pure and spotless friendship that binds our souls together, and will ever impress each to merit the affection of the other. Remember and believe my letter at parting ; it was but a faint picture of my heart. I will find opportunities to write, and be everything thou canst wish. My address is under cover to the Hon. Robert Morris, Esq., Minister of Finance, Philadelphia. " I have not since heard of your relation I left behind, but suppose he is with the army." We cannot tell whether Delia profited or not by this ad- dress ; but three years afterwards, when the Chevalier arrived in Paris as agent for prize-money, we find her still alive aneaking in your favour. I should like it better, however, if you can do without him. Mr. Jefterson will show you my letter of this date to him. You will see by it how disgracefully I have been detained here by the board of Treasury. It is impossible for me to stir from this place till I obtain their settlement on the business I have already per- formed; and as the season is already far advanced, I expect to be ordered to embark directly for the place of my destina- tion in the North. Mr. Jefferson will forward me your letters. I am almost without money, and much puzzled to obtain a supply. I have written to Dr. B-.f to endeavour to assist me. I mention this with infinite regret, and for no other reason than because it is impossible for me to transmit you a supply under my present circum^^nces. This is my fifth letter to you since I left Paris. The two last were from France, and I sent them by duplicates. But you say nothing of having received any letters from me ! Summon, my dear friend, all your resolution ! Exert yourself, and plead your own cause. You cannot fail of success — your cause would move a heart of flint ! Present my best respects to your sister. You did not mention her in your letter ; but I persuade myself she will continue her tender care of her sweet god-son, and that you will cover him all over with kisses from me: they come warm to you both from the heart !" * Count d'Artoia, afterwords Charles X. t Baneroft- LETTEK TO MADAME T . 875 Ih the tame. New York, OcOber 24, 1787. " The last French packet brought no letter to me from the {.•jTSon whose happiness is dearer to me than anything else. 1 have been on the rack of fear and apprehension, and am tntally unable to account for thai silence ! My business is done here, and the moment of my return to Europe ap- proaches. My sentiments are unchanged, and my impatience can better be imagined than expressed. I have been honoured here beyond my own expectations.* But your silence makes even honours insipid. I am, however, far from blaming you ; want of health, or some other misfortune, must have interposed. If this reaches you, remember me affectionately to your sister and her god-son. May Heaven avert all trouble from you !" Paul Jones almost immediately followed this letter to Europe. During his short stay in Paris in the winter of 1787, he must in all probability have again seen the lady to whom it was addressed. Both llle letters, as well as that sent to Mr. Jefferson, bear testimony how deeply his feelings were involved in this attachment, by whatever name it is called, love or friendship. Yet it must have terminated UU' satisfactorily, if not unhappily. From the period of his set- ting out for Denmark and Russia, his correspondence bears no trace of Madame T ; and by the time he reached Amsterdam on his return, this lady must either have been forgotten, or deemed unworthy of remembrance. Whether this arose from his own conduct or fickleness, or the incon- stancy of that friend of whose silence while in America he had complained as " making even honours insipid," it is now impossible to determine, though on this occasion we are in- • See page 19a 376 riSAPPOINTMENT. dined to decide against the lady, should she even be, as we have surmised, the " eternally devoted" Delia herself. From a letter written by Paul Jones to two ladies whom he numbered among his friends, and who nad pointedly alluded to the supposed state of his affections, and his engage- ments in Paris, there is reason to suppose that he may, in ad- dition to baffled professional hoftes, have suffered disappoint- ment of a more tender kind. " Paul Jona to Mttdama Lt Grande and Rintby, a Trevoux, prit dt Lion, « Paris, Feb. 25, X791. " Dear and amiable Ladies, — Madame Clement has read me a part of a letter from you, in which you conclude that I prefer love to friendship, and Paris to Trevoux. As to the first part you may bo right, for love frequently communicates divine qualities, and in that light may be considered as the cordial that Providence has bestowed on mortals, to help ihem to digest the nauseous draught of life. Friendship, they say, has more solid qualities than love. This is a ques- tion I shall not attempt to resolve ; but sad experience generally shows that where we expect to find a friend we have only been treacherously deluded by false appearances, and that the goddess herself very seldom confers her charms on any of the human race. As to the second, I am too much a philosopher to prefer noise to tranquillity : if this does not determine the preference between Paris and Trevoux, I will add, that I have had very bad health almost ever since your departure, and that other circumstances have conspired to detain me here, which have nothing to do either with love or friendship. My health is now recovering, and as what is re- tarded is not always lost, I hope soon to have the happiness of paying you my personal homnge, and of renewing the assurance of that undiminished attachnent which women oi A FRANK LETTER. 877 Boch distiDguiehed worth and talents naturally inspire. I am, in the mean time, dear and amiable Ladies, " Your most obedient and most humble servant, " Paul Jones." The lady's answer merits to be preserved. It displays the true kindness of female friendship, and the frank politeness of a Frenchwoman. "Tretodx, 6th March, 1791. " Sm, — I had given up the hope of receiving any intelligence of your Excellency, and I acknowledge it cost me much be- fore I could believe that the promise of a great man was no more to be relied on than that of the herd of mankind. The letter with which you have honoured me convinces me that my heart knew you better than my head ; for though my reason whispered that you had quite forgotten us, I was un- willing to believe it " Madame Wolfe, as well as myself, is much concerned for the bad state of your health. I am sorry that, like myself, your Excellency is taught the value of' health by sickness. Come to us. Sir ; if you do not find here the pleasures you enjo)' in Paris, you will find a good air, frugal meals, freedom, and hearts that can appreciate you. " I am concerned to perceive that your Excellency is an unbeliever in friendship. Alas, if you want friends, who shall pretend to possess them ! I hope you will recover from this error, and be convinced that friendship is something more than a chimera of Plato. " Do me the favour to acquaint me with the time we may expect the honour of seeing you. I must be absent for soiiu; days, and I would not fur anything in the world that I should »jot be here on your arrival. If I \new the time, I would semi 32* 378 JONES'S LETTERS TO HIS SISTER. my little carriage to meet the stage-coach, as I suppose yoo will take that conveyance. " Madame Wolfe expects the moment of your arrival with as much eagerness as myself, (she says;) but as ^ best know my own feelings, I am certain I go beyond her. Of this 1 am certain, that we shall both count the day till we have the happiness of seeing you. Come quickly then, I pray you. " I beg you. Sir, to receive the assurance of the respectful consideration with which I have the honour to be your Ex- cellency's most humble and obedient servant." The letters of Paul Jones to his sisters in Scotland are those in which his private character is most truly and advantage- ously seen. With them he had no part to act, no interest to pursue. His fraternal feelings were warm and steady, and the advice he conveyed to his discordant family, who ac- quainted him with their dissensions, as a person to whom both parties were disposed to appeal, does equal credit to his head and heart. That these letters should display any traits of the affectionate, confidential cordiality which render the familiar letters of near relatives so delightful, is not to be ex- pected. With his sisters he had enjoyed no domestic inter- course from boyhood, and he could know little of them by an unfrequent interchange of letters. Though not alienated from his affections, they were strangers to his tastes, his habits, his friends, and modes of life, and it is therefore of their own in- terests and affairs only that he chooses to speak to them. •* Paul Jonei to hii Suter, Mrs. Taylor. " Ahsterdah, March 26, 1790. "I wrote you, my dear friend, from Paris, by Mr. Ken- nedy, who delivered me the kind letter you wrote me by him. Circumstances obliged me to return soon afterwards to America, and on my arrival at New York, Mr. Thomson delivered me a letter that had been mtrusted to his care by Mrs. Loudon. It would be superfluous to mention the great EDUCATION. 378 satisfaction I received in hearing from two persons I sn much love and esteem, and whose worthy conduct as wives and mothers is so respectable in my eyes. Since my return to Europe, a train of circumstances and changes of residence have combined to keep me silent This has given me nrore pain than I can express ; for I have a tender regard for you both, and nothing can be indifferent to me that regards your happiness and the welfare of your children. I wish for a par- ticular detail of their age, respective talents, characters, and education. I do not desire this information merely from curi- osity. It would afford me real satisfaction to be useful to their establishment in life. We must srudy the genius and inclina- tion of the boys, and try to fit them, by a suitable educa- tion, for the pursuits we may be able to adopt for their advantage. When their education shall be advanced to a proper stage, at the school of Dumfries for instance, it must then be determined whether it may be most economical and advantageous for them to go to Edinburgh or France to finish their studies. All this is supposing them to have great natural genius and goodness of disposition ; for without these they can never become eminent. For the females, they require an education suited to the delicacy of character that is be- coming in their sex. I wish I had a fortune to offer to each of them ; but though this is not the case, I may yet be useful to them. And I desire particularly to be useful to the two young women, who have a double claim to my regard, as they have lost their father. Present my kind compliments to Mrs. Loudon, to her husband, to Mr. Taylor, and your two families, and depend on my affectionate attachment. " Write me without delay, and having sealed and directed your letter as you did the one you sent me by Mr. Kennedy, let if be enclosed in a cover, and direct the cover thus, • To Messieurs Stophorst and Hubbard, Amsterdam.' You will Inquire if it be necessary to pay a part of the postage in order that the letter may be sent to Holland in the packet I should 3 so JONES'S LETTERS TO HIS SISTEK. be glad if the two Miss Youngs* would do me the favour to write me each a paragraph in your letter, or to write me, if ihey prefer it, each a separate letter, and I should be glad to Gnd that they understand and can write the French." This letter, like all those to his own family, tias no sig- nature. In the end of this year (1790) we find another of his letters, from which, with very great pleasure, we give the following extract. The sisters of the Rear- Admiral, who were proba- bly both in the wrong, had, it appears, appealed to him in their disputes. It is to be hoped they profited by his ad- monitions. " Paris, December 27th, 1790. " I duly received, my dear Mrs. Taylor, your letter of the 16th August, but ever since that time I have been unable to answer it, not having been capable to go out of my chamber, and having been for the most part obliged to keep my bed. I have now no doubt but that I am in a fair way of a* perfect recovery, though it will require time and patience. " I shall not conceal from you that your family discord aggravates infinitely all my pains. My grief is inexpressible, that two sisters, whose happiness is so interesting to me, do not live together in that mutual tenderness and affection which would do so much honour to themselves and to the memory of their worthy relations. Permit me to recommend to your serious study and application Pope's Universal Prayer. Yon will find more morality in that little piece than in many volumes that have been written by great divines — 'Teach mc to fed another's wo, To hide the fault I tee; Thiit mercy I to others show. Such mercy show to me ? " This is not the language of a weak superstitious miod. ■ His orphan nieces alluded to above. ILL HEALTH IN PAHIS. 381 nut the spontaneous oflspring of true religion, springing from a heart sincerely inspired by charity, and deeply impressed with a sense of the calamities and frailties of human nature. If the sphere in which Providence has placed us as members of society requires the exercise of brotherly kindness and charity towards our neighbour in general, how much more is this our duty with respect to individuals with whom we are connected by the near and tender ties of nature as well as moral obligation. Every lesser virtue may pass away, but charity comes from heaven, and is immortal Though I wish to be the instrument of making family-peace, which I flatter myself would tend to promote the happiness of you all, yet I by no means desire you to do violence to your own feelings, by taking any step that is contrary to your own judgment and inclination. Your reconciliation must come free from your heart, otherwise it will not last, and therefore it will be better not to a i tempt it. Should a reconciliation take place, I recommend it of all things, that you never mention past grievances, nor show, by word, look, or action, that you have not forgot them." From this time Paul Jones never quitted Paris. His con- tinual bad health, and the state of France, and of the capital, torn by faction, — the threatening shadow of those evil days, which were so soon to follow, already lowering over it, — alike enjoined retirement from society. It does not appear to what political party he was attached, though it is probable that of the Girondists, which was the legitimate ofl^spring of the American revolution, had his good wishes, tempered by strong feelings of personal attachment and gratitude towards the amiable Prince who had shown him such distinguished marks of favour. He had never appeared at court from the time of his return from Russia ; and if he appeared at all, it was only once, which must have been a very few months be- fore his death. The scroll of a letter, dated December 7th, 1791, to the Marquis of La Fayette, remains among his 3«2 ATTACHMENT TO LOUIS XVt pjipers, and explains his situation and his loyal and grateful feelings, and proves that, as this crisis drew near, he took the generous part The Marquis at this time, from his official situation, was coristantly in the Palaci\ " Rsar-Admiral Paul Jona to the Marquit de La Fayettt, " Pakis, December 7th, 179 L " Deab. G EMESAi., — My ill health for some time past has , -reveiitsd me from the pleasure of paying you my personal respects, but I hope shortly to indulge myself with that satis- faction. " I hope you approve the quality of the fur-linings I brought from Russia for the King and yourself. I flatter myself that his Majesty will accept from your hand that little mark of the sincere attachment I feel for his person ; and be assured, that I shall be always ready to draw the sword with which he honoured me for the service of the virtuous and illuatriotu ' Peotector of the Rights of Human NATnEE.' " When my health shall be re-established, M. Simolin will do me the honour to present me to his Majesty as a Russian Admiral. Afterwards it will be my duty, as an American officer, to wait on his Majesty with the letter which I am directed to present to him from the United States. " I am, dear General, With sincere friendship. Your affectionate and Most humble servant" From the mutilated fragment of an angry but very encN getic letter, addressed to the Minister of Marine, we gather that the claims of Paul Jones on the French government still remained unsettled, which was indeed the case at his death, and that he had been treated with indignity as well as denied iustice. The following letter, which introduces this warm atatement of injuries, has peculiar interest, as it is presumed CLAIMS ON FRENCH GOVERNMENT. 383 to be the last efTusiun of his pen. It does not appear to whom this letter was addressed, though it might probably be to the Minister of Marine for the tune. It proves that, how ever sunk in health and hope, the writer retained the same keenness of temper and acuteness of mind which distinguished bim at all periods. ' Rear.Admiral Paul Jonet to the Minittcr of tht French Mariiie, " Paris, March, 1792. " Sir, — In the beginning of the administration of your pre- decessor, I informed him, that this government, not having paid the salary due to a part of the crew of the Bon Homme Richard at the time when they were discharged from the service, they had been paid on their arrival at Boston ; and having myself been sent back here after the war, under a special commission from the United States, to settle the claims of my crews, I presented a memorial, reclaiming that part of the salary that had never been reimbursed. The Minister held me in suspense for about five months, and then, to my great surprise, instead of satisfying my just demand, he ad- dressed me in a very uncivil letter, treating me, as I con- ceive, like a schoolboy, and permitting himself to cast unjust and uncivil reflections on my past conduct My health did not permit me to answer him immediately ; but I had pre- pared a letter, and was just going to send it, when I learned that he had resigned his place as the Minister of the Marine, and that you were named as his successor. " I request the favour, sir, that you may read his letter and my answer; after which I persuade myself you will do jus- tice to my first demand, which is merely official. As to my personal pretensions, I never should have set up a claim on that score under circumstances less affecting to my sensibility. Of this I need offer no other proof than my silence in that respect for twelve years past. My losses and unavoidable expenses during my long connexion with this nation amount 584 SERVICES RECOUNTED. to a large sum, and have greatly lessened my fortune. I have given solemn proofs of my great attachment towards France, and that attachment still remains undiminished. I persuade myself that I may with full assurance repose my interests through your ministry on the national justice. " I have the honour to be," &c. &c The beginning of the letter referred to above is wanting, as well as the letter of the minister which drew forth the following pithy reply. What of it remains entire commences with the " risks" of the writer in the Texel " for three months together, blocked," he says, " within by the fleet of Holland, and without by the fleets of England, while my head was rendered a prize to excite private treachery and avarice. My fortitude and self-denial alone dragged Holland into the war, — a service of the greatest importance to this nation ; for without that great event no calculation can ascertain when the war would have ended. " Would you suppose, sir, that my prisoners, 600 in num- ber, were treacherously taken out of my hands in the Texel, with two of my prizes, a new ship of war, pierced for 56 guns, and a frigate of 24 guns in one battery 1 — Would vou suppose that I was driven out of the Texel in i single frigate belonging to the United States, in the face of 42 English ships, and vessels posted to cut off" my retreat ? — My prisoners were disposed of without my consent, and contrary to my mtention. My prizes were all wrested out of my hands, and some of them, particularly the ship of 56 guns, degraded and cut to pieces before my eyes, and in contempt of my authority, though that ship, by the laws of the American flag, was the exclusive property of the captors. " You appear, sir, to treat me like a school-boy, when you say, — 'J'ai Phonneur de onus observer, monsieur, qu'il est bmjours d'usage de payer directement aux marins le decompte ies salaires qui leur reviennenl au desarmement des batimeTU* CUMPLAINTS. 385 I could not have supposed, sir, that vou had thought mc so ignorant as to need that information seventeen years after I was first honoured with the rank of captain in the navy. * • ••**» " ThougK nny crews were almost naked, and I had no money to administer to their wants, yet my constant appli- cation to Court for two months produced no relief, no pay- ment whatever, either for salary or prize-money. I was on the point of sailing back to America, without any appearance of obtaining justice, — without the least acknowledgment, direct or indirect, that the Court was satisfied i^tth my ser vices ! — Under these circumstances, in a moment of despair I came to Court to demand satisfaction. " The Minister of the United States accompanied me to M. Sartine, who gave us a reception as cold as ice, did not say to me a single word, nor ask me if my health had not suifcred from my wounds and the uncommon fatigue I had undergone. The public did me more justice than the minister ; and I owe to the King alone the flattering marks of distinction with which I was honoured, — a gold sword, and the Order of Military Merit. " But I solicited in vain for salary and prize-money ; and the Minister of Marine detained me so long at Court, that the crew of the American frigate I had left at L'Orient, despairing to obtain redress, revolted, and carried that frigate back to America. • • • * " It is true, the Marquis de Castries pretended for a long time that I should give him security for the prize-money ; but I at last made him recede from the absurdity of that de mand. I was detained in Europe four years ; and having hi that time spent sixty thousand livres of my own money, T re ceived for my share of all the prij.es, as commander of the Bon Homme, thirteen thousand livres ! • • * Permit me, by way of comparison, just to mention the treat- ment the French officers received who served in the Ameri- 386 I-'^ST ILLNESS. can army. The war had been carried on for sevei-al yean by the Americans a!one, and there is no instance where tht United States invited a Fren- h officer to enter into their ser- vice. Such as presented th_mse)ves and were accepted, have all of them bettered their situation by that connexion. At the end of the war they received a gratification of five years' pay, the Order of Cincinnatus, and a lot of land ; and they now enjoy grades far superior to what they could have attained under other circumstances. If we except the Mar- quis de la Fayette, none of them were rich when they went to America. They are all now in easy circumstances. In short, they have been treated much better than the Americans themselves, who served from the beginning to the end of the Revolution. " I hope and desire, sir, that you may lay this letter before the King. It contains many things out of the general rule of delicacy which marks my proceedings, and which, on any occasion less afi!ecting to my sensibility, would never have escaped from my tongue or pen." From about this time the health of Paul Jones sunk rapidly. Symptoms of jaundice appeared, — a disease which not unfrequently follows mental chagrin and disappointment It does not, however, appear that he was long confined. About the beginning of July dropsical symptoms supervened on his other disorders, and he expired on the evening of the 18th of that month. Though far from those on whose affec- tion he had a natural claim, his dying hours were not un- Bolaced by the constant and tender offices of friendship. Many idle rumours connected with his death have been circulated, as if his latter days had been spent in extreme pov- erty, chilling neglect, and entire abandonment. These are of a piece with the other calumnies and marks of obloquy with which his memory and character have been loaded. The subjoined letters and documents affisrd a simple and an ample PROPERTY. 387 refutation of charges and assumptions made, probably, aa mucii in ignorance as malice. * Letltr of M. Beaupoil to either Mri. Taylor or Mrs. Loudon, SioUrt of Paul Jones, Etq^ Admiral in the llutstan Service. " Madau, — I am sorry to acquaint you that your brother. Admiral Paul Jones, my triend, paid, yesterday, the debt we all owe to nature. He has made a will, which is deposited in tlie hands of Mr. Badinier, notary, St. Servin Street, Paris. The will was drawn in English, by Mr. Gouverneur Morris, Minister of the United States, and translated faithfully by the French notary aforesaid. The Admiral leaves his pro- perty, real and personal, to his two sisters and their children. They are named in the will as being married, one to William Taylor, and the other to Loudon, of Dutnfries. The executor is Mr. Robert Morris of Philadelphia. If I could be of any service to you in this business, out of the friendship I bore your brother, I '11 do it with pleasure. I am a French- man and an officer. I am sincerely yours, " Beaupoil. " Paris, July 19, 1793, No. 7, Hdtel Anglais, Paasagc des Petits Pires. " The English will is signed by Colonels Swan, Blackden, and myself. The schedule of h's properly lying in Denmark, Russia, France, America, and elsewhere, is signed by Mr. Morris, and deposited by me in his bureau, with the original will. ' Everything is sealed up at his lodgings, Toiirnon Street, No. 42, Paris. " You may depend also on the good services of Colonel Blackden, who was an intimaie friend of the Admiral's. That gentleman is setting out for London, where you may hear ot him at No. 18, Great Tichfield Street, London " On receiving this letter, Mrs. Taylor wrote to ('olone' Blackden in London, and obtained a reply in coui se of posr 888 COL. BLACKDEN-8 LETTER. •• Cdanel Blaekdtn to Mn. Taylor of Dumfritt, tidal Sitter appears to have been no reason to fasten on him the odiom imputation of being quarrelsome, which some have attempted He was fonder, not of glory alone, but of its trappings anc badges, than quite became the champion of a republic, and the pupil of Franklin ; but this is a mere subject of opinion. He may have considered these symbols as the seals with which Fame ratifies her bonds. The moral character of Paul Jones, at all stages of his career, has been in England the subject of violent abuse and of gross misrepreseniation. If this has been done by English- men from a mistaken love of their country, they dishonour their country and themselves. If it is, as we hope, to be at- tributed to ignorance of facts, such statements should hence- forth cease. His failings were precisely such as he must have been a moral monster to have escaped ; they arose from his natural character and from his profession : — it is the ut- most malice could say, and more than is warranted by truth* that he was " Jealous in honour ; sudden and quick in quarrel : Seeking the bubble reputation Even in the cannon's mouth." THE END. APPENDIX. (^Page 29.) " Ok board of that ship,, before Philadelphia, Mr. Jones hoisted the flag of America with his own hands, the first time it was ever displayed." With respect to this claim so often made on behalf of Admiral Paul Jones, the American editor ventures to publisli the following very curi- ous correspondence. It consists of a letter from the late President John Adams to the Hon. John Langdon, Governor of New Hampshire, and the governor's answer. For these documents the editor is indebted to the politeness of Dr. Glwyn of Philadelphia, a grandson of Governor Langdon. " QuiNCY, January 24, 1813. " Dear Sir, — I feel an irresistible propensity to compare notes with you, in order to ascertain whether your memory and mine coincide in tne recollection of the circumstances of a particular tronsaction in the history of this country. As it lies in my mind,. Captain John Manly applied to General Washington, in Cambridge, in 1775, informed him that British transports and merchant ships were frequently passing and repassing un- armed, and asked leave to put a few guns aboard a vessel to cruise for them. Washington either shrinking from the boldness of the enterprise, or doubting his authority, prudently transmitied the information to Con- gress in a letter. When the letter was read, many members seemed much surprised ; but a motion was made, and seconded, to commit it to a special committee. Opposition was made to this motion, and a debate ensued ; out the motion prevailed by a small majority. The committee appointed were John Ijangdon, Silas Deane, and John Adams. We met and at once agreed to report a resolution authorizing General Washington tc 34 (397) 398 APPENDIX. fit and aTm one or more vessels for the purpose. A more animated op- position and debate arose upon this report, but the resolution was carried by a small majority. Under the authority of this resolution, Washington fitted out Manly, who soon brought in several prizes, the most important of which was that transport loaded with soldiers, arms, ammimition, and that immortal mortar, which was called the Congress, and finally drove the British' army out of Boston and their fleet out of the harbour. This ■splendid success inspired new courage into Congress. They appointed a new committee, consisting of yourself, Governor Hopkins, Richard Henry Lee, Mr. Gadsden and me, to purchase, arm, and equip, officer and man ships. We met every night, and in a short time, had the Al- fred, Columbus, Cabot, Andrew Doria, Providence, &c., at sea, under Commodore Hopkins. The naval enterprise of Congress increased fast. They soon appointed a committee of one from each state, of whom you were one, and ordered twelve frigates to be built. My recollection has been incited by late information from Philadelphia, that Paul Jones has written in his Journal, ' My hand first hoisted the American Flag ;' and that Captain Barry usedto say, that the ' first British flag struck to him.' Both tliese vain boasts I know to be felse ; and as you know them to be 80, T wish to have your testimony to corroborate mine. " It is not decent nor just that those emigrant foreigners of the South, should falsely arrogate to themselves merit that belongs to New England sai'ors, officers and men. " Wishing you a healthy pleasant year, " I remain your obedient friend, "JOHN ADAMS. " John Lanodon, Esq., " Late Governor of New Hampshire, Portgmoulh" " Portsmouth, January 27th, 1813. •' Respected Sir, — I had the honour of receiving by the last mail, your letter of the 24th instiin!, V.y which I see your time is taken up, and your mind continually on the stretch, for the support and honour of our oeioved country. You request me to call to mind • the circumstances of & particular transaction in the history of this country ;' to which I an- swer, tiiat upon reading your correct statement of the pr6cee,dings of Congress on our naval matters, the appointment of committees, of which ive were a part, the struggle we had to begin our little navy, and the opposition that was made by many members of Congress, brings to my recollection the circumstances that took place in 1775, in all which, as fai APPENDIX. 800 as I can recollect, I most perfectly coincide with you. The appointment of IVIanly, and his successes, must be well known tliroiighout the United States. As to Paul Jones, if my memory serves me, pretending to say that ' his band first hoisted the American Flag,' and Captain Barry, ' the first British flag struck to him,' are both unfounded, as it is impressed on my mind that many prizes were brouglit into the New England States, before their names were mentioned. I am, dear sir, always happy to hear from you, that you are in good health, and able still to continue your pre-eminent services to your country. Mrs. Langdon, who, I am sorry to say, has been very unwell for sometime past, joins me in our most sincere respects to yourself and your good lady, whom we have in grateful re- membrance. " That your last days may be your best and happiest, is the wish of ' vour old friend and humble servant, "JOHN LANGDON. " Honourable John Adams, "Late President, &c.' Jonei saving the BoaU.— (P. SS*