CttrS-f yl "-X 372- DATE DUE Xtfffti rtiffitwifiiites jjf*«©S&„,.-.,. }wmmmmm mwvmnm n^^M^k. i CAVLORD FBINTtOmU S.A. Cornell University Library E 372.G48 1898 James Monroe, 14 356 061 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924014356061 ILarge^JOaper CDitton AMERICAN STATESMEN EDITED BT JOHN T. MORSE, JE. IN THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES VOL. XIV. THE JEFFERSONIAN DEMOCRACY JAMES MONROE ^*^Z->z. *s>7 ^9^Z <7-7^ycrzz LARGE BAEEE EBiTIOJT M- .J^^yj;,,,,.,. //„ //m HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CC #mmcan £>tatf$mm JAMES MONROE DANIEL C. GILMAN PRESIDENT OF JOHNS HOPKINS UNTVEKSITY, BALTIMORE BOSTON AND NEW TOKK HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY ffix fSiUecjSttie \Bze0& Camfcribee m dcco xovm »« ^ JFtoe Sgun&reti toqjfeji frinttti dumber. ./•? COPYRIGHT, 1883 AND 1898, BY DANIEL C. GILMAN COPYRIGHT, 1898, BY HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO. ALL BIGHTS RESERVED PEEFACE TO KEVISED EDITION At the time of the original preparation of this memoir the Monroe manuscripts, men- tioned in my preface thereto as being in the Department of State and in the possession of Mrs. Gouverneur, had not been calendared or arranged, and it was difficult to examine them with thoroughness. Since then the Department has published a calendar of the correspondence of James Monroe, which greatly enhances the value of the collection, and the present Libra- rian, S. M. Hamilton, has begun the publication of the writings of Monroe, which are to appear in several octavo volumes during the course of the next few months. By his courtesy and that of the publishers, Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons, I have been favored with advanced sheets of the first volume, with the aid of which I have revised the earlier chapters of this memoir ; and I am very sorry that this edition must go to the press without my having an opportunity to see the complete collection of the writings. When they have appeared, a study of Monroe's two vi PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION administrations, like that of the administrations of Jefferson and Madison by Henry Adams, will be called for. I wish that he would undertake such a continuation of his " History of the United States." I desire to renew the expression, made in my earlier preface, of my obligations to Professor Jameson, now of Brown University, and then of Johns Hopkins University. In view of the importance of the Monroe Doctrine in current political debates, the bibliography, prepared by him and made a part of this volume, is of great utility. It has been revised and enlarged for this edition. DANIEL C. GILMAN. July 19, 1898. CONTENTS CHAP. FAOE Annals of Monroe's Life . . . . xi I. Student and Soldier 1 n. Legislator and Governor op Virginia . 17 ITT. Envoy in France 39 IV. Envoy in France, Spain, and England . 77 V. Secretary or State and of War . . 107 VI. President op the United States . . . 128 VII. The Monroe Doctrine .... 159 Vlll. Synopsis op Monroe's Presidential Messages 180 IX. Personal Aspect and Domestic Relations 208 X. Retrospect. — Reputation .... 231 APPENDIX I. The Monroe Genealogy .... 249 II. Washington's Notes on the Appendix to Monroe's "View op the Conduct op the Executive" 252 III. Bibliography op Monroe and the Monroe Doctrine 260 Index 295 ILLUSTRATIONS Jambs Monroe Frontispiece From the original painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the possession of T. Jefferson Coolidge, Esq., Boston. Autograph from a MS. in the Library of the Boston Athenaeum. The vignette of " Oak Hill," James Monroe's home, near Aldie, Loudoun County, Va., is from a photo- tograph kindly furnished by Henry Fairfax, Esq., the present occupant and owner. Page William Ptnkney facing 100 From the original painting by Charles Wilson Peale, in the possession of Finkney's grandson, William Pinkney Wliyto, Esq., Baltimore, Md. Autograph from a letter owned by Mr. Whyte. Facsimile of James Monroe's Handwriting . facing 108 Letter written from Richmond, April 3, 1811, to Thomas Jefferson. From the original in the archives of the State Department at Washington. George Canning facing 174 After an engraving by William Holl, from a paint- ing by T. Stewardson, published by Fisher, Son & Co., London, 1830. Autograph from the same engraving. William Wirt facing 226 After an engraving by A. B. Walter, from a por- trait by Charles B. King, in " Memoirs of the Life of William Wirt," by John P. Kennedy, published by Lea & Blanchard, Philadelphia, 1849. Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston Public Library. ANNALS OF MONEOE'S LIFE BOYHOOD AND MILITARY SERVICE. 1758. Born in Westmoreland Co., Virginia, April 28. 1765. Stamp Act passed. AGE 1774. Enters William and Mary College 16 1776. Declaration of Independence. 1776. In the Continental Army, — at Haerlem, etc. . . 18 1777. Aide to Lord Stirling 19 1778. Returns to Virginia 20 1780. Military Commissioner from Virginia to the South- ern army 22 BEGINNING OF CIVIL SERVICE. — U. S. SENATOR. 1780. Student of law, under Jefferson 22 1782. Chosen to the Assembly 24 1782. Member of the Executive Council 24 1783. Treaty of Peace with England. 1783. Member of the Continental Congress (till 1786) . 25 1785. Proposes his Commercial Resolutions 27 1786. Marries Miss Kortwright of New York, Feb- ruary 27 1786. Practices law in Fredericksburg 28 1787. Chosen again to the Assembly 29 1787. Formation of the Constitution. 1788. Member of the Virginia Convention to ratify the Constitution 30 1790. United States Senator (till 1794) 32 1791. Member of the Commission for revising the laws of Virginia 33 1791. Makes a home in Albermarle Co., near Jeffer- son 33 xii ANNALS OF MONROE'S LIFE FIKST DIPLOMATIC EXPERIENCE. — GOVERNOR. AGE 1794. Commissioned Minister to France (May 28) • • • °" 6 1794. Fall of Mobespierre, July 28. 1794. Arrives in Paris (August 2) and is received by the National Convention (August 15) ... 36 1796. Recalled to this country (August 22) 38 1796. Takes leave of the French Government (Decem- ber 30) 38 1797. Publishes his " View, etc." 39 1798. Alien and Sedition Acts passed. 1799. Chosen Governor of Virginia (twice reelected, holding office till 1802) 41 1799. Death of Washington. 1801. Election of Jefferson. SECOND DIPLOMATIC EXPERD3NCE. — GOVERNOR. 1803. Commissioned Minister to France and to Spain (January 11) 44 1803. Arrives in Paris (April 12) 44 1803. Commissioned Minister to England (April 18) . . 44 1803. Signs the treaty ceding Louisiana (April 30). . . 45 1803. Leaves Paris (July 12) 45 1804. Napoleon becomes Emperor. 1804. Goes from London to Madrid to negotiate about Florida 46 1805. Takes leave of the Spanish Court (May 21) . . . 47 1806. Commissioned, with Pinkney, to negotiate a treaty with England 47 1806. Berlin and Milan Decrees. 1806. Treaty negotiated (December 31) 48 1807. Leaves England (October 29) 49 1807. British Orders in Council. 1808. Addresses Madison on the rejected treaty (Feb- ruary 28) 49 1810. Chosen the third time to the Assembly .... 52 1811. Again chosen Governor of Virginia 53 ANNALS OP MONROE'S LIFE IN THE CABINET OF MADISON. S AGE 1811. Appointed Secretary of State (till 1817) .... 53 1812. Declaration of war against England. 8 1814. Appointed Secretary of War (till 1815) .... 56 % 1814. Capture of Washington by the British 56 1814. Treaty of Ghent. PRESIDENT. a 1817. Inaugurated President (March 4) 58 1817. Tour to the Eastern States (June 2 to September ,11 17) 59 1819. Cession of Florida 61 1820. Missouri admitted 61 1821. Inaugurated President for a second term .... 62 S' 1822. Independence of Mexico, etc., recognized .... 63 1823. Enunciation of "the Monroe Doctrine," Message a of December 2 65 « 1824. Reception of Lafayette 66 8 OLD AGE. i; , 1825. Retires from the office of President and from public life 66 1826. Elected a Visitor of the University of Virginia . 67 , 1826. Death of Adams and of Jefferson. 1829. Member of Virginia Constitutional Convention . 71 1830. Death of Mrs. Monroe. * , 1831. Dies in New York (July 4) 73 1836. Death of Madison. 1858. Reinterred in Richmond, on the centennial of his • ' '; birth. 1898. His writings collected for publication in several volumes. JAMES MONEOE CHAPTER I STUDENT AND SOLDIER The name of James Monroe, fifth president of the United States, is associated with the chief political events in the history of this country during a period of somewhat more than fifty years. He served with gallantry in the army of the Revolution and was high in office during the progress of the second contest with Great Britain, and during the Seminole war ; he was a delegate and a senator in Congress ; he was called to the chief legislative and executive sta- tions in Virginia; he represented the United States in France, Spain, and England ; he was a prominent agent in the purchase of Louisiana and Florida; he was a member of Madison's cabinet, and directed (for a while simultane- ously) the departments of State and War ; he was twice chosen president, the second time by an almost unanimous vote of the electoral 2 JAMES MONROE college ; his name is given to a political doctrine of fundamental importance ; his administration is known as "the era of good feeling: " yet no adequate memoir of his life has been written, and while the papers of Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and Madison— his four predecessors in the office of president — have been collected and printed in a convenient form, the student of Monroe's career must search for the data in numerous public documents, and in the unas- sorted files of unpublished correspondence. Monroe is not alone among the illustrious Virginians whose memory it is well to revive. Many years ago, St. George Tucker wrote to William Wirt, in a half-playful, half-earnest tone, that Socrates himself would pass unnoticed and forgotten in Virginia, if he were not a public character and some of his speeches preserved in a newspaper. " Who knows anything," he asks, "of Peyton Randolph, once the most popular man in Virginia ? Who remembers Thompson Mason, esteemed the first lawyer at the bar ; or his brother George Mason, of whom I have heard Mr. Madison say that he possessed the greatest talents for debate of any man he had ever heard speak? What is known of Dabney Carr but that he made the motion for appointing com- mittees of correspondence in 1773? Virginia has produced few men of finer talents, as I STUDENT AND SOLDIER 3 have repeatedly heard. I might name a num- ber of others," continues Tucker, "highly re- spected and influential men, . . . yet how little is known of one half of them at the present day ? " Certainly in this second " era of good feeling " the impartial study of such lives is a most inviting field of biographical research, and may especially be commended to advanced stu- dents in our universities, who can, by careful delineations, each of some one career, contribute to the general stock of historical knowledge, and acquire, at the same time, a vivid personal interest in the progress of past events. I shall not attempt to give in detail the per- sonal and domestic history of Monroe, nor can I, in the space at command, do justice to his voluminous writings; but I shall endeavor to show what he was in public, how he bore himself in the legislative, diplomatic, and administrative positions to which he was called, and what in- fluence he exerted upon the progress of this country. It will be necessary for the complete- ness of the study to inquire into the early train- ing which gave an impulse to his life, and to examine, in conclusion, the opinions pronounced upon his conduct by those who knew him and by those who came after him. Another hand will doubtless draw a more elaborate portrait ; I shall only try to give a faithful sketch of an 4 JAMES MONROE honest and patriotic citizen as he discharged the duties of exalted stations. The materials for a complete memoir will soon be at command, when the publication of the writings of James Monroe, edited by S. M. Hamilton, shall be completed. 1 James Monroe, according to the family tradi- tion recorded by his son-in-law, came from a family of Scotch cavaliers, descendants of Hec- tor Monroe, an officer of Charles I. 2 His parent- age on both sides was Virginian. The father of James was Spence Monroe, and his mother was Eliza Jones, of King George County, a sister of Joseph Jones, who was twice sent as a delegate from Virginia to the Continental Con- gress, and afterwards, in 1789, was appointed judge of the district court in the same State. Westmoreland County, where the future presi- dent was born, lies on the right bank of the Potomac, between that river and the Rappahan- nock. It is famous for the fertility of its soil, and for the eminent men who have been among its inhabitants. Near the head of Monroe's Creek, which empties into the Potomac, James Monroe was born, April 28, 1758. Not far away, nearer the Potomac, was the birthplace of George Washington. In the same vicinity 1 New York : G. P. Putnam's Sons, 6 vols. 8vo. 1898. 2 See Appendix. STUDENT AND SOLDIER 6 dwelt Richard Henry Lee and his noted bro- thers, and also their famous cousin, Henry Lee, known as "Light Horse Harry," whose still more famous son, Robert E. Lee, led the Con- federate army in the recent war. Here also was the early home of Bushrod Washington. The birthplace of James Madison was in the same peninsula, though not in the same county. y/lt is not strange that the enthusiastic antiqua- ' ries, half a century ago, — Martin, Barber, and the rest, — should speak of this region as the Athens of Virginia, an expression which may not be regarded as exact by classical scholars, but cannot be called unpatriotic. The ascend- ency of this region is not without its parallel. 1 During Monroe's boyhood, his neighbors and friends were greatly excited by the passage of the Stamp Act. In 1766, several of them, in- 1 A recent -writer (Hon. F. J. Kingsbury) on old Connecticut makes the following remark: "From the earliest settlement of Connecticut down to the end of the first quarter of the present century, agriculture was the important branch of our industry, and land was the source as well as the representative of most of our wealth. For two hundred years it is safe to say that the good land governed the State. Everywhere it was only necessary to know the soil in order to know also the character of the people. The best soil bore everywhere the best men and women, and that seed which had been winnowed out of the granaries of the old world to plant in the new, did not take unkindly to the strong uplands and rich bottoms of the great river and its tributaries.'' 6 JAMES MONROE eluding Kichard Henry Lee, Spence Monroe, and John Monroe, joined in a remonstrance against the execution of the act, and in many other ways showed their hostility to the arbi- trary rule of the British government. Lee had received an academic training about ten years before at an academy in Wakefield, Yorkshire, and was a correspondent of men of station in London. He suggested to his neighbors, in 1767, that they should subscribe for a portrait of Camden, then Lord High Chancellor, as a token of their admiration for his opposition to the Stamp Act. The amount which they raised, £76 8s., was sent to Mr. Edmund Jennings, Lin- coln's Inn, London, with a request that he would take the requisite steps to procure the portrait. Sir Joshua Eeynolds was " the limner " selected by the Virginians, but Lee did not hesitate to give his personal opinion that " Mr. West, being an American, ought to be preferred in this mat- ter." Lord Camden, wrote Jennings, "having appointed several different times for Mr. West's attending on him, hath at length, it seems, to- tally forgot his promise. . . . Draw for the money, and should his lordship at any time recollect his engagement, and be worthy of your approbation and honoring, I shall beg the gentlemen [of Westmoreland] to accept from me his portrait." The Virginians were also STUDENT AND SOLDIER 7 eager to have a portrait of Lord Chatham, and their correspondent, Mr. Jennings, had a fine likeness copied and sent to the old Dominion. Lee wrote from Chantilly, in 1769, that the gen- tlemen of Westmoreland returned their thanks "for the very genteel present of Lord Chat- ham's picture. It arrived in fine order, and is very much admired. They propose to place it in the courthouse, thinking the Assembly may furnish themselves with his lordship's picture." He adds that his brother, Dr. Lee, can show Mr. Jennings " the proceedings of our last Assem- bly, by which you may judge how bright the flame of liberty burns here, and may surely con- vince a tyrannous administration that honesty and equity alone can secure the cordiality and affection of Virginia." Under influences like these the young Monroe was trained in the love of civil liberty. Indeed, Bishop Meade declares that Virginia had been fighting the battles of the Eevolution for one hundred and fifty years before the Declaration. 1 The College of William and Mary had been in existence, with varying fortunes, not far from one hundred and fifteen years, when James Monroe entered it as a student, a short time before the beginning of the war. Its historian claims that it was then the richest college in 1 Old Churches, etc., of Virginia, i. 15. 8 JAMES MONROE North America, having an annual income of £4,000. A scholar cannot read the early ac- counts of that venerahle foundation, next in age to Harvard, and examine the list of those who have heen trained for their country's service within its walls, without deep regret that the fire and the sword have so often interfered with its prosperity, or without rejoicing that its name and usefulness are still honorably perpetuated. When Monroe began his college studies, Wil- liamsburg, the strategic point of the peninsula between the James and the York, was the seat both of the colonial government and of the col- lege. Bishop Meade, with conscious exaggera- tion, speaks of the capital as a miniature copy of the Court of St. James, " while the old church and its grave-yard, and the college chapel were — si licet cum magnis componere parva — the Westminster Abbey and the St. Paul's of Lon- don, where the great ones were interred." At the signal of rebellion against the British authority, three of the professors and between twenty-five and thirty students are said to have joined their comrades from Harvard, Yale, and Princeton in the military ranks. Among the volunteers John Marshall and James Monroe were found. In allusion to these young patriots, Hon. H. B. Grigsby, in his historical discourse on the Virginia Convention of 1776, spoke as follows : — STUDENT AND SOLDIER 9 " I see that generous band of students who at the beginning of the Revolution hurriedly cast aside the gown and sallied forth to fight the battles of the United Colonies ; . . . and when the struggle was past I see two tall and gallant youths, who had been classmates in early youth, and whose valor had shone on many a field, enter their names on your lists and, after an abode beneath your roof, depart once more to serve their country in the Senate and in the most celebrated courts of Europe, crowning their past ca- reer by filling, one the chief magistracy of the Union, the other the highest of the federal judiciary." It is also worthy of incidental mention that the Phi Beta Kappa Society, still flourishing in American colleges, the earliest of " Greek-letter fraternities," was formed at William and Mary, December 5, 1776. The first meeting, we are told, was held in the Apollo Hall of the old Raleigh tavern, a room in which the burning words of Patrick Henry had been heard. In the printed list of original members the names of John Marshall and Bushrod Washington appear, but I do not find James Monroe's. The public career of James Monroe began in 1776 with his joining the Continental army at the headquarters of Washington near New York, as a lieutenant in the third Virginian regi- ment under Colonel Hugh Mercer. He was with the troops at Harlem (September 16), and at 10 JAMES MONROE White Plains (October 28), and at Trenton, where he received an honorable wound (Decem- ber 26). His part in the last mentioned en- gagement is described by General Wilkinson in his printed memoirs, and with slightly different language in a manuscript preserved in the Gouverneur papers. From this statement it ap- pears that, as the British were forming in the main street of Trenton, the advanced guard of the American left was led by Captain William Washington and Lieutenant James Monroe. The British were driven back and two pieces of artillery were captured. Captain Washington was wounded through the wrist, and Lieutenant Monroe through the shoulder. " These particu- lar acts of gallantry," says the narrative, " have never been noticed, yet they cannot be too highly appreciated, since to them may, in a great measure, be ascribed the facility of our success." During the campaigns of 1777-78 Monroe served as a volunteer aid, and with the rank of major, on the staff of the Earl of Stirling, and took part in the battles of Brandywine (Sep- tember 11), Germantown (October 4), and Monmouth (June 28) .* His temporary promo- tion appears to have been an obstacle to his 1 He is said to have been with Lafayette when the latter was wounded. STUDENT AND SOLDIER 11 permanent preferment, for by it he lost his place in the Continental line. Strong influences were brought to bear in Virginia to secure for him some suitable position in the forces of that State. Lord Stirling gave him testimonials, and the commander-in-chief wrote a long let- ter, — addressed to Colonel Archibald Cary, and doubtless intended for other eyes, — rehearsing in terms of careful commendation the merits of young Monroe. These are the words of "Wash- ington : — " The zeal he discovered by entering the service at an early period, the character he supported in his regiment, and the manner in which he distinguished himself at Trenton, when he received a wound, in- duced me to appoint him to a captaincy in one of the additional regiments. This regiment failing, from the difficulty of recruiting, he entered into Lord Stirling's family and has served two campaigns as a volunteer aid to his lordship. He has in every instance main- tained the reputation of a brave, active, and sensible officer. As we cannot introduce him into the Conti- nental line, it were to be wished that the State could do something for him. If an event of this kind could take place, it would give me particular pleasure ; as the esteem I have for him, and a regard to his merit, conspire to make me earnestly wish to see him pro- vided for in some handsome way." But even the possession of a good record, 12 JAMES MONROE and the encouragement of Washington, with the indorsements of Lord Stirling and the patronage of Jefferson, could not effect every- thing. Mr. Adams says the exhausted state of the country prevented the raising of a new regi- ment, and the active military services of Mon- roe were afterwards restricted to occasional duties as a volunteer in defense of the State against the distressing invasions with which it was visited. Once, after the fall of Charleston, S. C, in 1780, according to the same writer, he re-appeared, by request of Governor Jefferson, as a military commissioner to collect and report information with regard to the condition and prospects of the Southern army, — a trust which he discharged to the satisfaction of the authorities. 1 He thus attained to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and here his military services were interrupted. It is not surprising to discover that the young officer, who had quickly attained distinction, was paralyzed by inactivity. " Till lately," he writes to Lord Stirling in September, 1782, apologizing for a long epistolary silence, "I have been a recluse. Chagrined with my dis- appointment in not attaining the rank and com- mand I sought, chagrined with some disappoint- ments in a private line, I retired from society 1 Eulogy by J. Q. Adams. STUDENT AND SOLDIER 13 with almost a resolution never to return to it again." In this state of mind he thought of going abroad, to spend some time in the south of France, probably at Montpellier, with perhaps a year at the Temple in London. Jefferson wrote a letter introducing him to Franklin, then resident in Paris, but " a series of disappoint- ments respecting the vessels he had expected to sail in " prevented his departure ; and he con- tinued, under Jefferson's guidance, the reading of law. There is an interesting letter addressed to Monroe, in the time of his despondency, by Judge Jones, whose name has already been mentioned. It combines the shrewd remarks upon political affairs of a man in public life, with confidential suggestions to a nephew whom he was watching with almost paternal affection. Monroe had consulted his uncle as to whether it would be best for him to follow the lectures on law to be given by Mr. Wythe, in the college at Williamsburg, or to follow the fortunes of Mr. Jefferson, then governor, at Richmond. He received the following reply : — JOSEPH JONES TO JAMES MONKOE, MAKCH 7, 1780. " This post will bring you a letter from me, ac- counting for your not hearing sooner what had been done in your affairs. If your overseer sends up be- fore next post-day you shall hear the particulars. 14 JAMES MONROE Charles Lewis, going down to the college, gives me an opportunity of answering, by him, your inquiry respecting your removal with the governor, or at- tending Mr. Wythe's lectures. If Mr. Wythe means to pursue Mr. Blackstone's method I should think you ought to attend him from the commencement of his course, if at all, and to judge of this, for want of proper information, is difficult ; indeed I incline to think Mr. Wythe, under the present state of our laws, will be much embarrassed to deliver lectures with that perspicuity and precision which might be expected from him under a more established and set- tled state of them. The undertaking is arduous and the subject intricate at the best, but is rendered much more so from the circumstances of the country and the imperfect system now in use, inconsistent in some instances with the principles of the Constitution of the national government. Should the revision be passed the next session, it would, I think, lighten his labors and render them more useful to the student ; other- wise he will be obliged to pursue the science under the old form, pointing out in his course the inconsist- ency with the present established government and the proposed alterations. Whichever method he may like, or whatever plan he may lay down to govern him, I doubt not it will be executed with credit to himself and satisfaction and benefit to his auditors. The governor need not fear the favor of the commu- nity as to his future appointment, while he continues to make the common good his study. I have no in- timate acquaintance with Mr. Jefferson, but from the STUDENT AND SOLDIER 15 knowledge I have of him, he is in my opinion as proper a man as can be put into the office, having the requisites of ability, firmness, and diligence. You do 'well to cultivate his friendship, and cannot fail to entertain a grateful sense of the favors he has con- ferred upon you, and while you continue to deserve his esteem he will not withdraw his countenance. If, therefore, upon conferring with him upon the subject he wishes or shows a desire that you go with him, I would gratify him. Should you remain to attend Mr. Wythe, I would do it with his approbation, and under the expectation that when you come to Rich- mond you shall hope for the continuance of his friend- ship and assistance. There is likelihood the cam- paign will this year be to the South, and in the course of it events may require the exertions of the militia of this State ; in which case, should a considerable body be called for, I hope Mr. Jefferson will head them himself ; and you no doubt will be ready cheerfully to give him your company and assistance, as well to make some return of civility to him as to satisfy your own feelings for the common good." No one will be surprised to find that under such circumstances, and with such advice, the young aspirant attached himself to the gov- ernor. He writes to Lord Stirling, in the letter already quoted, "I submitted the direction of my time and plan to my friend Mr. Jefferson, one of our wisest and most virtuous republicans, and aided by his advice I have hitherto, of late, 16 JAMES MONROE lived." In September, 1780, he writes to Jeffer- son a warm expression of gratitude. A variety of disappointments, he says, had perplexed his plan of life and exposed him to inconveniences which had nearly destroyed him. " In this situation you [Mr. Jefferson] became acquainted with me, and undertook the direction of my studies ; and, believe me, I feel that what- ever I am at present in the opinion of others, or whatever I may be in future, has greatly arisen from your friendship. My plan of life is now fixed." It is clear that his intimacy with Jefferson, the early stages of which are here described, was the key to Monroe's political career. On many subsequent occasions the support and counsel of the older statesman had a marked influence upon the life of the younger. Their friendship continued till it was broken by Jefferson's death. Fifty years after the incidents here nar- rated the teacher and the pupil, having both served in the office of president, were associated with a third ex-president, the life-long friend of both, in the control of the University of Vir- ginia, and repeatedly met in council at Char- lottesville. CHAPTER n LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA Monroe was called into service as a legis- lator at a very early period of his life. If his public career had been restricted to the service of his native State, he would have been con- spicuous among the statesmen of Virginia. He was first a delegate to the Assembly from Bong George County, and a member of the executive council ; he went to the fourth, fifth, and sixth Congresses of the Confederation ; he was one of the commissioners appointed to revise the laws of Virginia ; for a second time he was returned to the Assembly ; he was a member of the con- vention in Virginia which adopted the United States Constitution ; he was a senator of the United States before his diplomatic service be- gan; and after long interruptions, and the at- tainment of national eminence, his presence gave dignity to the convention which adopted the Constitution of 1830, though age and infirmities precluded an active participation in the proceed- ings. Eleven years of his early life were nearly all devoted to legislative work, but so far as this 18 JAMES MONROE related to the affairs of Virginia I do not dis- cover any traces of noteworthy influence. A letter of his to Jefferson, in 1782, when the latter in an aggrieved mood was absenting him- self from the House of Delegates, has been printed, and the reply which it drew forth. 1 The plainness of Monroe's words and the frank- ness of the reply which he received, indicate a continuance of the intimacy already referred to. It was likewise to Monroe that Jefferson wrote, three years later, from Paris, explaining why he did not publish his printed notes on Virginia : " I fear the terms in which I speak of slavery and of our Constitution will do more harm than good ; " and again, " I sincerely wish you may find it convenient to come here ; the pleasure of the trip will be less than you expect, but the utility greater. It will make you adore your own country, its soil, its climate, its equality, liberty, laws, people, and manners." On the other hand, as a delegate in Congress Monroe was conspicuous, and the record of his service is closely involved with those important discussions which revealed the imperfection of the Confederation. His term of service ex- tended from 1783 to 1786, and he attended the sessions which were held in Annapolis, — where he saw Washington resign his commission, — 1 Jefferson's Works, i. 316. Randall's Jefferson, i. 413. LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 19 Trenton, and New York. During this period he corresponded intimately, sometimes using a cipher, with Joseph Jones, Richard Henry Lee, Madison, and Jefferson ; and a large part of his letters are still extant, with many of the an- swers. An interesting letter from Monroe to Lee states succinctly the problems which perplexed the national legislature, now that peace was secured. " There are before us," he writes, " some questions of the utmost consequence that can arise in the councils of any nation," and he enumerates the peace establishment ; the regula- tion of commerce ; the maintenance of troops for the protection of the frontiers; the regulation of settlements in the country westward ; and the counteraction of the narrow commercial policy of European powers. The determination of a site "for the residence of Congress" likewise demanded serious consideration, and Monroe served upon a committee which visited George- town in May, 1784, and decided to report in favor of the Maryland side of the Potomac, the present site of the capital. As the powers of the Confederation were quite inadequate for the proper regulation of commerce, Congress, and thoughtful men who were not in Congress, were seriously engaged in searching for the remedy. Monroe took a 20 JAMES MONROE prominent part in the discussions, and the note- worthy motion which he made upon the subject was referred to a special committee, who re- ported a recommendation, that the ninth of the articles of confederation be so altered as to secure to Congress the power to regulate com- merce, with the assent of nine States in Con- gress assembled. 1 He favored a regulation that all imposts should be collected under the authority and accrue to the use of the State in which the same might be payable. The report embodying this proviso was read in Congress March 28, 1785, and the copy of it preserved in the pub- lic archives has a few corrections in Monroe's handwriting. Many interesting papers are ex- tant which bear upon this question, — among them a letter from James McHenry to Wash- ington, and the latter's reply. The Virginia Assembly also engaged in the discussion of a series of propositions which tended in the same direction. Monroe's views can readily be traced in his letters to Jefferson and Madison during the session of Congress in the winter of 1784-85. On April 12 Monroe wrote to Jefferson, sending 1 This subject has been carefully studied by Mr. Bancroft, and presented in his new volumes with so much fullness that I can only follow his guidance. See his Hist, of the U. 8. Const, i. 192-196. Cf. Sparks, Washington, ix. 503-507. LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 21 him the committee's report, and saying that he thinks it best to postpone action on it for a time. " It hath been brought so far," he adds, " without a prejudice against it. If carried farther here, prejudices will take place." He thinks it better that the States should act sepa- rately upon the measure. A few weeks later he wrote again to Jefferson as follows: "The re- port upon the ninth article hath not been taken up ; the importance of the subject and the deep and radical change it will create in the bond of the Union, together with the conviction that something must be done, seems to create an aversion or rather a fear of acting on it." Then, as if he foresaw the coming concentration of powers in the general government, he expresses a belief that the proposed change, if adopted, will certainly form "the most permanent and powerful principle in the Confederation." x A month later (July 15) Jefferson was again told how the debate went forward. " In my opinion," says Monroe, " the reasons in favor of changing the ninth article are conclusive, but the opposi- tion is respectable in point of numbers as well as talents. What will be done is uncertain." To Madison he afterwards writes, summing up 1 Bancroft, Sist. of the U. S. Const, i. 450-455. See the entire letter dated Juno 16, 1785, given -with many others in The Writings of James Monroe, vol. i. New York, 1898. 22 JAMES MONROE quite carefully the arguments on both sides. December came and Congress did not act. "The advocates for the measure will scarcely succeed," said Kandolph to Washington, "so strong are the apprehensions in some minds of an abuse of the power." At the end of the month, Monroe, still sure of the necessity of committing to the United States the power of regulating trade, wrote once more to Madison. In February the prospect was no better. In May there was a gleam of light. The plan of a convention at Annapolis, which in March Monroe himself had not favored, had taken the subject from before Congress. " As it ori- ginated with our State," he writes, " we think it our duty to promote its object by all the means in our power. Of its success I must confess I have some hope. . . . Truth and sound state policy in every instance will urge the commission of the power to the United States." Thus it was that Congress by its own lack of power was led to the convention which formed the Constitution, and, in a far wiser manner than that originally suggested, provided for the regulation of trade. But in August Monroe was despondent. "Our affairs," he writes, " are daily falling into a worse situ- ation ; " there is a party, he says, ready to dis- member the confederacy and throw the States LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 23 eastward of the Hudson into one government. He urges Madison to use his utmost exertions in the convention to obtain good as well as to prevent mischief, and adds to his appeal this pregnant postscript : " I have always consid- ered the regulation of trade in the hands of the United States as necessary to preserve the Union ; without it, it will infallibly tumble to pieces ; but I earnestly wish the admission of a few additional States into the confederacy in the Southern scale." The question, it is well known, was finally settled in the convention at Philadelphia, when Delaware and South Car- olina voted with the North against Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia. 1 In March, 1784, Monroe, with Jefferson, Hardy, and A. Lee, delivered to Congress a deed which ceded to the United States Virginia's claims to the Northwest Territory, and thence- forward the government of that region continued to be one of the subjects in which he took most interest. During the summer recess of Congress he made an extended tour of observation. To Jefferson, July 20, he wrote as follows : " The day after to-morrow I set out upon the route through the western country. I have changed the direction and shall commence for the west- ward upon the North River by Albany. I shall 1 Bancroft, ii. 162. 24 JAMES MONROE pass through the lakes, visit the posts, and come down to the Ohio and thence home." Thus he hopes " to acquire a better knowledge of the posts which we should occupy, the cause of the delay of the evacuation by British troops, the temper of the Indians toward us, — as well as of the soil, waters, and in general the natural view of the country." Upon his return he wrote to Governor Harrison, October 30, respecting unfriendly, if not hostile, manifestations which had been made in Canada; and to Madison, November 15, on the importance of garrisoning the western forts, about to be given up by the British. To Jefferson a confidential letter was sent especially bearing upon the relation of Canada to the United States. 1 It was intended to throw light upon the provisions of a com- mercial treaty with England. Some months later, when a conference was to be held at the mouth of the Great Miami with the Shawnees, Monroe again went beyond the Alleghanies, as far as Fort Pitt, and began the descent of the Ohio, but abandoned the expedi- tion on account of the low state of the water, and returned to Richmond. These two jour- neys had a marked influence upon his action in Congress, as the careful narrative of Bancroft, already repeatedly cited, shows most clearly. 1 See The Writings of James Monroe, toI. i. p. 4J. LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 25 On the motion of Monroe a grand committee was appointed by Congress to consider the divi- sion of the western territory, and their report was presented March 24. A little later, another committee, of which Monroe was chairman, was appointed to consider and report a form of tem- porary government for the Western States. His report, which said nothing of slavery, failed of adoption. A year later a new committee prepared a new ordinance, which embodied the best parts of the work of their predecessors. I will give the rest of the story in Bancroft's language : — " The ordinance contained no allusion to slavery ; and in that form it received its first reading and was ordered to be printed. Grayson, then presiding offi- cer of Congress, had always opposed slavery. Two years before he had wished success to the attempt of King for its restriction ; and everything points to him as the immediate cause of the tranquil spirit of disinterested statesmanship which took possession of every Southern man in the assembly. Of the mem- bers of Virginia, Richard Henry Lee had stood against Jefferson on this very question ; but now he acted with Grayson, and from the States of which no man had yielded before, every one chose the part which was to bring on their memory the benedictions of all coming ages. Obeying an intimation from the South, Nathan Dane copied from Jefferson the pro- hibition of involuntary servitude in the territory, and 26 JAMES MONROE quieted alarm by adding from the report of King a clause for the delivering up of the fugitive slave. This, at the second reading of the ordinance, he moved as a sixth article of compact, and on the thirteenth day of July, 1787, the great statute for- bidding slavery to cross the river Ohio was passed by the vote of Georgia, South Carolina, North Caro- lina, Virginia, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, and Massachusetts, all the States that were then pre- sent in Congress. Pennsylvania and three States of New England were absent ; Maryland only of the South." At the next Assembly in Virginia, a commit- tee, of which. Monroe was a member, " brought forward the bill by which Virginia confirmed the ordinance for the colonization of all the ter- ritory then in the possession of the United States by freemen alone." Among other subjects in which Monroe took a deep interest while a delegate in Congress, the navigation of the Mississippi was prominent. The treaty with Great Britain had stipulated that this river from its source to its mouth should be open to the subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States. Spam objected. Some parties were ready to surren- der this right, but among those who persistently refused to do so were the Virginia delegates, including Monroe, who wrote a memoir in 1786 LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 27 to prove the right of the inhabitants of the western country to a free navigation of the Mississippi. Positive action was postponed until the new government was about to be or- ganized, and Congress then declared its opinion in clear and bold terms. It was due to the foresight and firmness of a few strong men that the claims of Spain were not acknowledged, and that the acquisition of the territory in- volved was finally completed after Monroe became president. Near the end of the year 1784, Monroe was selected as one of nine judges to decide the boundary dispute in which Massachusetts and New York were involved, and after some delib- eration he accepted the position, and was on the way to Williamsburg, when he received advices that the session of the court had been deferred ; the case being thus postponed, he resigned and another commissioner was chosen. There is the authority of Mr. Adams for saying that Monroe had been conspicuous above all others in pro- ceedings which concerned the navigation of the Mississippi, and had taken the lead in opposi- tion to Jay, who proposed a compromise with Spain; and that it was in the heat of temper kindled by this discord that Monroe resigned his commission. 1 1 J. Q. Adams, Eulogy, pp. 225-232. 28 JAMES MONROE Of the convention which formed the Consti- tution of the United States, Monroe was not a member. Virginia was represented by "Wash- ington, Madison, Patrick Henry, George Mason, George "Wythe, and John Blair. The organiza- tion of the convention was made May 25, 1787, with Washington president, and the adjourn- ment took place September 17, 1787. Monroe was a doubtful observer of the progress of events. " My anxiety for the general welfare," he writes, "hath not been diminished. The affairs of the federal government are, I believe, in the utmost confusion. The convention . . . will either recover us from our present em- barrassments, or complete our ruin; for I do suspect that if what they recommend should be rejected, this would be the case." This was written to Jefferson, July 27, 1787. He suspects the hostility toward himself of Ed- mund Randolph and Madison, members of the convention ; nevertheless, he thinks that he shall be "strongly impressed in favor of and inclined to vote for whatever they will recom- mend." In the Virginia convention of 1788, the party favoring the United States Constitution was led by Madison, Marshall, and Edmund Randolph. The leader of the opposition was Patrick Henry, and James Monroe stood by his LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 29 side in company with William Grayson and George Mason. Two of his speeches as re- ported in the Debates are worthy of mention here. 1 In the first of them, delivered June 10, he made an elaborate historical argument in which the experience of the Amphictyonic coun- cil, the Achaean league, the Germanic system, the Swiss cantons and the New England con- federacy were successively referred to, — a theme which seems to have been the germ of a posthumous publication, to which reference will hereafter be made. He assumes the value of the Union, to which " the people from New Hampshire to Georgia, Rhode Island excepted, have uniformly shown attachment." Examin- ing the proposed Constitution, he claims that there are no adequate checks upon the exercise of power; he foresees conflict between the na- tional and State authorities. As for the Presi- dent, he foresees that " when he is once elected he may be elected forever." In closing the speech he says that he regards the proposed government as dangerous, and cal- culated to secure neither the interests nor the rights of our countrymen. "Under such an one I shall be averse to embark the best hopes of a free people. We have struggled long to 1 Debates of the Convention of Virginia, 1788, reported by David Robertson, p. 154. 30 JAMES MONROE bring about this revolution by which we enjoy our present freedom and security. Why then this haste, this wild precipitation ? " At a later stage Monroe explained the Con- gressional disputes about the free navigation of the Mississippi, the purport of which was to show that the western country would be less secure under the Constitution than it was under the Confederation. He finally assented to a ratification of the Constitution by Yirginia upon the condition that her amendments should be accepted. His chief objections were these : the power of direct taxation ; the absence of a bill of rights ; the lack of legislative and executive responsibility and the reeligibility of the Pre- sident. Many years later he thus, in a letter to An- drew Jackson, gave his recollections of the monarchical tendencies which were shown by his contemporaries before and after the adop- tion of the Constitution. He writes as fol- lows : — December, 1816. "We have heretofore been di- vided into two great parties. That some of the lead- ers of the Federal party entertained principles un- friendly to our system of government, I have been thoroughly convinced ; and that they meant to work a change in it by taking advantage of favorable cir- cumstances, I am equally satisfied. It happened that LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 31 I was a member of Congress under the Confedera- tion, just before the change made by the adoption of the present Constitution, and afterwards of the Senate, beginning shortly after its adoption. In the former I served three years, and in the latter rather a longer term. In these stations I saw indications of the kind suggested. It was an epoch at which the views of men were most likely to unfold themselves, as, if anything favorable to a higher toned govern- ment was to be obtained, that was the time. The movement in France tended also then to test the opinions and principles of men, which was disclosed in a manner to leave no doubt on my mind of what I have suggested. No daring attempt was ever made, because there was no opportunity for it. I thought that Washington was opposed to their schemes, and not being able to take him with them, that they were forced to work, in regard to him, under-handed, using his name and standing with the nation, as far as circumstances permitted, to serve their purposes. The opposition, which was carried on with great firmness, checked the career of this party, and kept it within moderate limits. Many of the circumstances, on which my opinion is founded, took place in debate and in society, and therefore find no place in any public document. I am satis- fied, however, that sufficient proof exists, founded on facts and opinions of distinguished individuals, which became public, to justify that [opinion] which I had formed. . . . " My candid opinion is that the dangerous purposes 32 JAMES MONROE I have adverted to were never adopted, if they were known, especially in their full extent, by any large portion of the Federal party, but were confined to certain leaders, and they principally to the eastward. The manly and patriotic conduct of a great propor- tion of that party in the other States, I might per- haps say all who had an opportunity of displaying it, is a convincing proof of this fact." Jefferson, referring to the same period, spoke as follows in the introduction to his "Ana:" " The contests of that day were contests of prin- ciple between the advocates of republican and those of kingly government." A familiar letter to Jefferson written July 12, 1788, gives an inside view of the discussions in the Virginia convention. Before it met, Monroe endeavored to maintain a non-committal atti- tude. He prepared, however, a few days before the convention, a communication to his consti- tuents ; but the printing of this letter was de- layed so long and was so incorrectly made and " the whole performance was so loosely drawn," that the author thought best to suppress it. He inclosed a copy to Jefferson. What appears to be Monroe's own copy has lately been discovered in the archives of the State Department, and given to the press. 1 Its significance is however less important than that of the "Observations 1 Writings of James Monroe, vol. i pp. 307, 349. LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 33 on the Federal Government," attributed to Mon- roe. A copy of this pamphlet (excessively rare, if not unique, and hitherto unnoticed by any bibliographer) has been found among the Madi- son papers in the Department of State, and reprinted in the first volume of Monroe's writ- ings. Notwithstanding Monroe's opposition to the adoption of the new Constitution, he was among the earliest to take office under it. The first choice of Virginia for senators fell on Richard Henry Lee and William Grayson. The latter died soon after his appointment, and Monroe was selected by the legislature to fill the va- cant place, instead of John Walker, who had been named by the Executive of the State. He took his seat in the Senate December 6, 1790, and held the position until May, 1794. Jeffer- son was in Philadelphia, as secretary of state, during the early part of Monroe's senatorial career, so that letters to him are wanting, but in 1793-94 Monroe again writes him confidentially on the progress of affairs, and particularly on the strained relations of the United States with England and France. It does not appear that he was conspicuous as a debater ; but he made himself felt in other ways, and was regarded as among the most decided opponents of Wash- ington's administration. He was particularly 34 JAMES MONROE hostile to Hamilton, and on one occasion, when the latter was talked about as likely to be sent to England, transgressed the limits of senatorial courtesy by addressing a letter to the Presi- dent with intimations of what he could say if an opportunity were afforded him. He was opposed to the measures which were carried for establishing on a sound basis the national finances. He proposed a suspension of the fourth article of the definitive treaty with Great Britain until that power complied with her stipu- lations. He strongly objected to the selection of Morris and Jay as ministers respectively to France and England. Indeed, during all this period he appears in the part of an obstruction- ist, who doubted the wisdom of the dominant views in respect to the new order of government, and who did not hesitate to put obstacles in the way of those who were endeavoring to give dignity and force to the new United States. He was therefore surprised, and so were many others, that he was selected, while still a senator, to be the successor of Gouverneur Morris as minister to France. He had objected to Jay's appointment partly on the ground that such an office should not be given to one of the federal judiciary, and the wiseacres were not slow to taunt him for accepting, in place of his senatorial rank, the dignity of a diplomatic station. The LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 35 rest of this story will be told in the following chapter. Although it is not next in order, it is con- venient to place here the little which is to be said of the executive station to which Monroe, on his return from diplomatic services, was twice called in his native State. He was first chosen governor of Virginia in 1799, after his recall from France, and served for a period of three years. He was again chosen in 1811, held the office for part of a year, and gave it up in order to enter the cabinet of Madison. His first elec- tion was opposed by John Breckenridge, who received 66 votes, while Monroe received 101. The Richmond " Federalist " of December 7 de- clared the day before to be " a day of mourn- ing." Virginia's "misfortunes may be com- prised in one short sentence : Monroe is elected governor ! " During his first administration a conspiracy among the slaves was brought to light, and was suppressed by his power as governor. The in- cident has recently been called to mind by a widely read novel, in which there is a graphic picture of a servile insurrection and its timely discovery. 1 Howison's story is as follows. 2 Not far from Richmond dwelt Thomas Prosser, who 1 Bomosdle, by Mrs. Tiernan. 2 Howison, History of Virginia, p. 390. 36 JAMES MONROE owned a number of slaves, among them one who became known as "General Gabriel," a man "distinguished for his intelligence and his in- fluence with his class." Near by lived another slave called " Jack Bowler." By their agency nearly a thousand slaves, it was supposed, were secretly enlisted in a plot to attack Richmond by night and there begin a war of extermination against the whites. Just before the proposed assault a slave named " Pharaoh " escaped from the conspirators during a storm and revealed the project to the people of Richmond. The tidings were carried to Governor Monroe, the alarm was given, the militia called out, and preparations were made to meet the assailants. The streams were so swollen by the fall of rain that the movements of the insurgents were de- layed, and they soon perceived that their secret had been discovered. The ringleaders were sub- sequently found and punished; and so many others were inculpated that a reaction took place in public feeling, and a merciful arrest of justice occurred before all the guilty had been reached. For several years, after 1806, John Randolph was a frequent correspondent of Monroe. He urges him to come back from England; he guards him against compromitment to men in whom he cannot wholly confide ; he gives him a LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 37 dark hint of " the stage effect " he will be made to produce ; he flatters him with expectations of the next nomination to the presidency ; he dis- parages Madison ; he says that Monroe will hardly know the country when he arrives ; " in- trigue has arrived at a pitch which I hardly sup- posed it would have reached in five centuries ; " " life has afforded me few enjoyments which I value in comparison with your friendship." These flattering words, tempered with insinua- tions against Madison, were addressed to Mon- roe in the belief and wish that he could be brought forward as a candidate for the presi- dency at the close of Jefferson's term. Ran- dolph's purpose failed, Madison became presi- dent and Monroe governor, after brief service in the Assembly. A little later Randolph quarreled with Monroe, because, as he thought, the latter was inclined to repudiate the views he had held on his return from England. He charged him with tergiversation in order to be- come chief magistrate of the Commonwealth. The climax of their disagreement was reached when Monroe was called to the cabinet of Mad- ison. Many years later, in 1814, Randolph, still quarrelsome, attacked Monroe's conscription pro- ject by pointing out the course of the latter in respect to federal usurpation when he was gover- 38 JAMES MONROE nor, charging upon him the fact that the grand armory at Richmond was built to enable Vir- ginia to resist encroachment upon her indispu- table rights. 1 1 For all this story, in detail, and many original letters, see the Life of John Randolph by Henry Adams, in a volume of this Series. CHAPTER in ENVOY IN FRANCE Monroe's career as a diplomatist exhibits first the misfortune and then the good fortune which may attend ministerial action in a foreign land, when long periods must elapse before letters can be interchanged with the government at home. In critical junctures responsibility must be as- sumed by the representative of a nation, who runs the risk that his words and actions, however wise and necessary they appear to him, will not be approved by those who sent him abroad. In quiet days a foreign embassy is an enviable po- sition, but Monroe was neither the first envoy nor the last who has found in troublesome times that it is difficult to act with a near-sighted view of the field so as to keep the support of those who are far-sighted. His first mission to France began brilliantly, but ended with an irritation of his spirit which he carried with him, like the bullet received at Trenton, to the very end of his life ; his second mission to France, under- taken with some distrust, led to a fortunate 40 JAMES MONKOE negotiation which brightened all his subsequent days. While a senator in Congress, Monroe was se- lected, as we have seen, to represent the United States in Paris, after it became necessary for Gouverneur Morris to give way. Washington's first choice for the position was Thomas Pinck- ney, whom he would have transferred from Eng- land to France, if Jay would consent to remain as minister in England after concluding a treaty. As this arrangement could not be effected, the appointment was offered to Robert R. Livings- ton, who did not accept it. Madison had already declined. Aaron Burr was -a competitor. A few weeks later, on May 28, 1794, Monroe was commissioned. The appointment took him by surprise, as he told Mr. Randolph, the secretary of state : " I really thought I was among the last men to whom the proposition would be made," were his words. Randolph replied that the President was resolved to send a Republican to France; that Livingston and Madison had refused, and that Burr would not be appointed. If Monroe declined, the post would probably be offered to Governor Price of Maryland, or to some person not yet thought of. Monroe's atti- tude toward the administration was of course perfectly well known, but it was thought that his admiration for the French and his sympathy ENVOY IN FRANCE 41 with the Revolution might secure for him a favorable reception. Washington's position was one of extreme responsibility. There was danger that the United States, scarcely beginning to re- cover from the Revolutionary struggle, and with the experiment of the Constitution not yet five years old, would be involved in war with France or England in consequence of their unjustifiable reprisals and their attitude in respect to the com- merce of neutrals. It was most important for the safety of the Union as well as for the pro- sperity of the people that hostilities should be avoided, and much appeared to depend upon the envoys. So Jay was sent to England and Mon- roe to France, each of whom was supposed to be acceptable to the country to which he was ap- pointed. Looking back on these appointments, nearly forty years afterwards, John Quincy Adams de- clared them to be among the most memorable events in the history of this Union. To under- stand this in our day, we must remember the bitter relations, "tinged with infusions of the wormwood and the gall," which then divided France and England ; and the partisan feelings which already separated Republicans from Fed- eralists. The state of feeling in Congress prior to Mon- roe's mission is familiar enough to all historical 42 JAMES MONROE readers ; but I have before me a long file of let- ters which have never been made public, exhibit- ing in the intimacy of fraternal correspondence the current of opinion in Congress ; — and I make from them the following extracts to give a fresh and original record of a tale which has often been told : x — January, 1794. " I think we are in no danger of being drawn into the European war, unless the French should be mad enough to declare war against every- body that will not fraternize with them." January, 1794. " It may, I believe, fairly be pre- sumed that we shall not get into a wrangle with the French nation." January 25, 1794. " We have announced to us in a letter from the President this day, that he has from the French Court assurances that M. Genet's conduct here has met with unequivocal disapprobation, and that his recall will be expected as soon as possible. I give it you nearly in the words of his letter. Why he has not before made the communication, as it ar- rived by the Dispatch (a sloop of about thirty tons) last week ; whether he has letters from the French ministry or only from Mr. Morris, — - 1 am without information." January 31, 1794. "A strange portion [sic] of French frenzy is working in this country. We see 1 These extracts are from letters by Joshua Ooit of New London, Conn., a representative in Congress, to his trotter, Daniel L. Coit. ENVOY IN FRANCE 43 much of it in Congress, principally among the South- ern members. It enters, as you will see, into the debates on Mr. Madison's propositions. I have men- tioned it to you, I believe, in a former letter. One would have expected from these owners of slaves and men of large fortunes a different complexion ; but our rankest democratical principle is all from the South, and they consider us New England men as aris- tocrats. I feel more apprehension of the general gov- ernment being too weak than that it will gather a strength dangerous to the liberties of the people. I would hope, however, that no more of party is mixed in our composition than may be wholesome. Mr. M.'s resolutions have now been under discussion for about a fortnight. Gentlemen take an amazing lati- tude in their discussions, and from the debates one would be led to suppose we were forming commercial treaties that were to embrace all the interests of the United States. The first resolution is a mighty vague, general thing, and will apply to any alteration of our revenue system almost ; perhaps this may be carried, but I think the others, or anything like them, cannot ; they have engrossed all the time of Congress for this fortnight past." February 15, 1794. " The fact is, I think, every day more and more evinced, that some of our South- ern gentlemen, Virginians especially, have a most unconquerable aversion for the British nation, and partiality for France. The debts due from that country to G. B. may have their effect in fomenting and keeping up their animosity, and they seem to wish 44 JAMES MONROE to fix some immovable obstructions to a friendly in- tercourse between the two countries, and there is but too much reason to fear that the measures they pur- sue are in good degree influenced by their dissatis- faction at some steps that have been taken since the establishment of the present government, — the fund- ing system and bank especially. They profess peace — that energetic measures are those only by which it can be preserved. Britain is to be so afflicted with our non-importation agreement that, to persuade us to give it up, she is to do everything which we may de- mand of her ; and if, on the contrary, she is disposed to fight, she is exhausted and weakened by the war in which she is now engaged, and with the help of France we shall give her the worst of it. I still hope peace ; but if this measure is carried through, I shall then despair." March 7, 1794. " The measures you mention are regarded as very extraordinary ; equally so is that of the French detaining our ships in their ports. 'Tis perhaps fortunate for us that we are ill-treated by both the belligerent powers ; experiencing no favor from either, we shall be less an object of jealousy from either, and probably less in danger of rushing into the war than if we were ill-treated by one only. I believe we had better suffer almost anything than get into the war. Time and patience will, I hope, cure all." March 13, 1794. « It seems to me the British na- tion must contemplate some inconvenience in the loss of our trade in case of a rupture, and that the fair and ENVOY IN FRANCE 45 honorable neutrality we have preferred should com- mand their respect. But they apprehend we feel a partiality for the French, and nations at war very readily regard as enemies those who are not their friends, and they very naturally contemplate the going to war with another nation with much less reluctance than changing from peace to war. No measures will be taken hastily on the subject by us, I believe. The infancy of our government, and our reve- nue depending almost altogether on foreign commerce, which would by a war be greatly deranged if not cut off, make the evils to be apprehended by us in this event peculiarly serious. But if they will fight with us, we must do the best we can." March 24, 1794. "The minds of people are so much agitated, and resentments are so warm, that there is reason to fear that we shall be hurried into the torrent that is ravaging Europe." March 25, 1794. " If the embargo gets through, I shall be almost inclined to think the Bubicon is passed and that war is inevitable. Not so much that the British will regard it as a hostile measure, but that it will tend to sharpen the minds of people, and pre- cipitate us, from the heat of our passions, into the war." March 27, 1794. " If we must enter into a war, I should feel very unhappy to enter it under the au- spices of an act which would appear to me a compli- cation of villainy and bad policy." March 28, 1794. " We have a mad proposition before the House, brought in yesterday, for seques- 46 JAMES MONROE tering British debts to form a fund for compensation to the sufferers by British spoliations. I feared it would pass, but the fever of the mind seems to be cooling a little, and I begin to hope for better things." April 8, 1794. " I am still persuaded that the threatening appearances will blow over and leave us at peace, in spite of the unaccountable proceedings of the British in the "West Indies. I do not believe they mean to go to war with us." April 13, 1794. "A minister to the Court of London is still talked of, but this is not determined on, and these people appear to be very anxious to have something done which, as they say, shall give weight to negotiation; but their views and professions are apprehended to be widely different, and that in- stead of wishing to give effect, they would prefer doing something that should impede the negotiation. The President, with whom alone lies the power, is very cautious ; perhaps fortunately so for the country, as well as for his own reputation, but unluckily, (as it is more with the Legislature to lay the grounds by which negotiation might be facilitated or impeded, and to determine the popularity of the measure,) I suspect he hesitates and waits to see how the discus- sion in our House will issue. Had he already sent a negotiator, it would have furnished an argument for our leaving things as they were when the negotiator left the country." April 16, 1794. " Mr. Jay is nominated. There is not perhaps a man in the United States whose character as a negotiator stands on higher ground. ENVOY IN FRANCE 47 The appointment marks a disposition in the Presi- dent to come forward before mischief is done, and to try the ground of negotiation fairly with G. Britain, before any obstruction is thrown in the way by our confiscating British debts, or passing a non-impor- tation act." April 19, 1794. "The embargo is again on, to last till the 25th of May in the same way as before ; passed House of Representatives day before yesterday, and in Senate yesterday. I had not expected it." April 22, 1794. " It is a doubt with many whether our present form of government continue many years. The jealousies which exist in the Southern States respecting the funding system and most of the mea- sures of consequence which have been adopted, added to some strange and fantastical notions about liberty which they entertain, approaching nearly to French extravagance of liberty and equality absolute, render the continuance of our Union for many years, even of peace, doubtful. But should a war take place, I think we have scarcely ground to hope a continuance of the Union." April 24, 1794. " We have perhaps as much to fear from the fever of French politics taking too strong a hold of the minds of the people of this country as from any other source." There is an interruption in the file of letters from which these extracts are taken, and I find in them no mention of the envoy to France, whose commission came a month later. 48 JAMES MONROE Monroe's instructions, as given to him by Randolph, were very minute, and contained the following pregnant sentences as the conclusion : "To conclude. You go, sir, to France, to strengthen our friendship with that country; and you are well acquainted with the line of freedom and ease to which you may advance without betraying the dignity of the United States. You will show our confidence in the French Republic without betraying the most remote mark of undue complaisance. You will let it be seen that, in case of war with any na- tion on earth, we shall consider France as our first and natural ally. You may dwell upon the sense which we entertain of past services, and for the more recent interposition in our behalf with the Dey of Al- giers. Among the great events with which the world is now teeming, there may be an opening for France to become instrumental in securing to us the free navigation of the Mississippi. Spain may, perhaps, negotiate a peace, separate from Cheat Britain, with France. If she does, the Mississippi may be acquired through this channel, especially if you con- trive to have our mediation in any manner solicited." Monroe arrived in Paris just after the fall of Robespierre. Notwithstanding his outspoken good will for the popular cause, the Committee of Public Safety hesitated to receive him. His proceedings in consequence were full of romance. Not another civilized nation upon earth, says Mr. Adams, had a recognized representative in ENVOY IN FRANCE 49 France at that time. " I waited," says Monroe, " eight or ten days without progressing an iota, and as I had heard that a minister from Geneva had been here about six weeks before me, and had not been received, I was fearful I might re- main as long, and, perhaps, much longer, in the same situation." He therefore addressed a let- ter to the president of the Convention, " not knowing the competent department nor the forms established by law for my reception." A decree was passed at once that the minister of the United States "be introduced into the bosom of the Convention to-morrow at two P. M." Accordingly he appeared before the Convention, August 15, 1794, and presented an address in English, with a translation of it into French, which latter was read by a secretary, together with two letters from Edmund Ran- dolph, secretary of state, acknowledging the letter received by Congress from the Committee of Public Safety. Monroe's address was as follows : — " Citizens, President, and Representatives of the French People, — My admission into this assembly, in presence of the French nation (for all the citizens of France are represented here) to be recognized as the representative of the American Republic, impresses me with a degree of sensibility which I cannot express. I consider it a new proof of that 50 JAMES MONROE friendship and regard which the French nation has always shown to their ally, the United States of America. " Kepublics should approach near to each other. In many respects they have all the same interest; but this is more especially the case with the Amer- ican and French republics. Their governments are similar ; they both cherish the same principles, and rest on the same basis, the equal and unalienable rights of man. The recollection, too, of common dan- gers and difficulties will increase their harmony and cement their union. America had her day of oppres- sion, difficulty, and war ; but her sons were virtuous and brave, and the storm which long clouded her po- litical horizon has passed, and left them in the enjoy- ment of peace, liberty, and independence. France, our ally and our friend, and who aided in the contest, has now embarked in the same noble career ; and I am happy to add, that whilst the fortitude, magna- nimity, and heroic valor of her troops command the admiration and applause of the astonished world, the wisdom and firmness of her councils unite equally in securing the happiest result. "America is not an unfeeling spectator of your affairs at the present crisis. I lay before you, in the declarations of every department of our government, — declarations which are founded in the affections of the citizens at large, — the most decided proof of her sincere attachment to the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of the French Republic. Each branch of the Congress, according to the course of proceeding ENVOY IN FRANCE 51 there, has requested the President to make this known to you in its behalf ; and, in fulfilling the desires of those branches, I am instructed to declare to you that he has expressed his own. " In discharging the duties of the office which I am now called to execute, I promise myself the highest satisfaction, because I well know that, whilst I pursue the dictates of my own heart in wishing the liberty and happiness of the French nation, and which I most sincerely do, I speak the sentiments of my own country ; and that, by doing everything in my power to preserve and perpetuate the harmony so happily subsisting between the two republics, I shall promote the interest of both. To this great object, therefore, all my efforts will be directed. If I can be so fortunate as to succeed in such manner as to merit the approbation of both republics, I shall deem it the happiest event of my life, and retire hereafter with a consolation which those who mean well, and have served the cause of liberty, alone can feel." A comparison of this speech with Randolph's injunctions, already quoted, will show how far Monroe was carried by the enthusiasm of his youth and the unparalleled circumstances in which he was placed. That speech of ten minutes, received with applause and afterwards printed by order of " the Convention, in the two languages, French and American," was the oc- casion of many a pang to the orator, in his after life. 52 JAMES MONROE The account of Monroe's reception may read- ily be found in the American State Papers, 1 but a document, hitherto hidden, was lately brought to light by Mr. Washburne, the Amer- ican minister, who looked up, in the national archives of France, the proces verbal on the day referred to, August 15, 1794. Here is the interesting extract which he sent to Mr. Fish " to fill the gap " in the diplomatic records of that period. 2 Extract from the "proces verbal" of the National Con- vention of August 15, 1794. — Translation. The Citizen James Monroe, Minister Plenipoten- tiary of the United States of America near the French Republic, is admitted in the hall of the sit- ting of the National Convention. He takes his place in the midst of the representatives of the people, and remits to the President with his letters of cre- dence, a translation of a discourse addressed to the National Convention ; it is read by one of the secre- taries. The expressions of fraternity, of anion be- tween the two people, and the interest which the people of the United States take in the success of the French Republic, are heard with the liveliest sensi- bility and covered with applause. Reading is also given to the letters of credence of 1 Vol. i. p. 672. 2 Foreign Relations of the U. 8. 1876. Mr. Washburne to Mr. Fish, Paris, October 23, 1876. ENVOY IN FRANCE 53 Citizen Monroe, as well as to those written by the American Congress and by its President, to the Na- tional Convention and to the Committee of Public Safety. In witness of the fraternity which unites the two peoples, French and American, the President x gives the accolade (fraternal embrace) to Citizen Monroe. Afterward, upon the proposition of many members, the National Convention passes with unanimity the following decree : — Article I. The reading and verification being had of the powers of Citizen James Monroe, he is recognized and proclaimed minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America near the French Republic. Article II. The letters of credence of Citizen James Monroe, minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, those which he has remitted on the part of the American Congress and its President, addressed to the National Convention and to the Committee of Public Safety, the discourse of Citizen Monroe, the response of the President of the Convention, shall be printed in the two languages, French and American, and inserted in the bulletin of correspondence. Article III. The flags of the United States of America shall be joined to those of France, and displayed ' in the hall of the sittings of the Convention, in sign of the union and eternal fraternity of the two people. Mr. Washburne calls attention to the phrase, " the two languages, French and American," as illustrating the hatred of the English ; and he 1 Merlin de Douai. 64 JAMES MONROE gives to Secretary Fish the following amusing interpretation of the accolade, based upon his own experience in the new republic. " For many days," he says, " after I had, by your instructions, recognized the republic, which was pro- claimed on the 4th of September, 1870, regiment after regiment of the national guard marched to the legation to make known to our government, through me, their profound appreciation of its prompt action in recognizing the government of the national defense. Forming on the corner of the rue de Chaillot and the avenue Josephine, they would send up cheers and cries of ' Vive la Republique,' till I would ap- pear on the balcony to make my acknowledgments. Then some officers of the regiment would be deputed to call upon me in the chambers of the legation, to tender me their personal thanks for my agency in the matter of recognition of their new government, and to give me the fraternal embrace (' accolade '), which was carried out in letter and spirit, and sometimes much to the amusement of the numerous visitors who were present on the occasion." A short time after his reception Monroe pre- sented an American flag to the Convention, intrusting its carriage to Captain, afterwards Commodore, Barney, an officer of the United States Navy, with whom Monroe had crossed the Atlantic. Captain Barney made a brief speech on the occasion in the presence of the Convention, received an accolade from the Presi- ENVOY IN FRANCE 55 dent, and was complimented with a proposal to enter the naval service of France. When the body of Rousseau was deposited in the Pan- theon, this flag, borne by young Barney and a nephew of Monroe, preceded the column of Americans. The American minister and his suite, we are told, were the only persons per- mitted to enter the Pantheon with the National Convention to witness the conclusion of the ceremony. Several months later, March 6, 1795, Monroe makes this casual mention of the flag in his dispatch : — " I had forgotten to notify you officially the present I had made to the Convention of our flag. It was done in consequence of the order of that body for its suspension in its hall, and an intimation from the President himself that they had none, and were igno- rant of the model." Near the close of his life Monroe said that when he first arrived in France his situation was the most difficult and painful he had ever experienced. War with the United States was seriously menaced. He tells us that he could make no impression on the Committee of Public Safety, and so he determined to appeal to the real government, the People, through the nom- inal one, the Convention, and thus fairly bring 56 JAMES MONROE the cause before the nation. He knew that their object was liberty, and that many French citizens had brought home from America the spirit of our struggle and infused it among their country- men. At the head of our government stood one who was rightly held in the highest venera- tion by the French people; and he felt sure that if he brought before them convincing proofs of Washington's good wishes for their success, supported by that of the other branches of our government, the hostile spirit of the French gov- ernment would be subdued and his official re- cognition would follow. On this principle he spoke to the Convention with the desired effect. As this address was the subject of severe animad- versions at home, and as he was charged with going beyond his instructions, the following ex- tract from a long letter to Judge Jones v , April 4, 1794, 1 may be taken as evidence that the envoy acted according to his understanding of the instructions he had received. " I inclose you a copy of my address, etc., to the Convention upon my introduction, and of the Presi- dent's reply. I thought it my duty to lay those papers before the Convention as the basis of my mission, containing the declaration of every depart- ment in favor of the French revolution, or imply- ing it strongly. My address, you will observe, goes no farther than the declarations of both houses." 1 Gouverneur MSS. ENVOY IN FRANCE 57 Flattered by his reception in the Convention, Monroe was destined to a profound disappoint- ment when he received a dispatch from home, written by Eandolph " in the frankness of friend- ship," criticising severely the course he had pursued. " When you left us," said the secretary of state, " we all supposed that your reception as the minis- ter of the United States would take place in the private chamber of some committee. Your letter of credence contained the degree of profession which the government was desirous of making ; and though the language of it would not have been cooled, even if its subsquent publicity had been foreseen, still it was natural to expect that the remarks with which you might accompany its delivery would be merely oral, and therefore not exposed to the rancorous criticism of nations at war with France. " It seems that, upon your arrival, the downfall of Robespierre and the suspension of the usual routine of business, combined, perhaps, with an anxiety to de- monstrate an affection for the United States, had shut up for a time the diplomatic cabinet, and rendered the hall of the National Convention the theatre of diplomatic civilities. We should have supposed that an introduction there would have brought to mind these ideas: 'The United States are neutral; the allied Powers jealous ; with England we are now in treaty; by England we have been impeached for breaches of faith in favor of France ; our citizens are 68 JAMES MONROE notoriously Gallican in their hearts ; it will be wise to hazard as little as possible on the score of good humor ; and, therefore, in the disclosure of my feel- ings, something is due to the possibility of fostering new suspicions.' Under the influence of these senti- ments, we should have hoped that your address to the National Convention would hare been so framed as to leave heart-burning nowhere. If private affec- tion and opinions had been the only points to be consulted, it would have been immaterial where or how they were delivered. But the range of a public minister's mind will go to all the relations of our country with the whole world. We do not perceive that your instructions have imposed upon you the extreme glow of some parts of your address; and my letter in behalf of the House of Representa- tives, which has been considered by some gentle- men as too strong, was not to be viewed in any other light than as executing the task assigned by that body. " After these remarks, which are never to be inter- preted into any dereliction of the French cause, I must observe to you that they are made principally to recommend caution, lest we should be obliged at some time or other to explain away or disavow an excess of fervor, so as to reduce it down to the cool system of neutrality. You have it still in charge to cultivate the French Republic with zeal, but without any unnecessary Sclat ; because the dictates of sin- cerity do not demand that we should render notorious all our feelings in favor of that nation." ENVOY IN FRANCE 69 A little later Randolph took a more concili- atory tone, and Monroe believed that he would never have spoken so severely if all the dis- patches had reached him in due order. Early in his residence the American minister was involved in a discussion with respect to Mr. Morris's passports, of so delicate a charac- ter that the story was privately communicated by Monroe to Washington. 1 This letter illus- trates the delays of correspondence, for it is dated November 18, and acknowledges Wash- ington's of June 25, " which would have been answered sooner if any safe opportunity had offered for Bordeaux, from whence vessels most frequently sail for America." Such delays had a significant bearing upon the continuous mis- understandings between the administration and its distant representative. 2 Monroe was also engaged in a complex correspondence with re- ference to the release of Lafayette from im- prisonment at Olmiitz, and concerning pecu- niary assistance to Madame Lafayette, in whose release he was instrumental. In the "House- hold Life of the Lafayettes," by Edith Sichel, 1 Gouverneur MSS. 2 On February 15, 1795, the secretary of state acknow- ledges Monroe's last date, September 15, 1794, which had been received November 27. Monroe's dispatches of August 11 and 25 were received between December 2 and 5. 60 JAMES MONROE the particulars respecting the imprisonment of these noble people are given. Many of our ves- sels had been seized and condemned with their cargoes, and hundreds of our citizens were then in Paris and the seaports of France, many of them imprisoned, and all treated like enemies. This involved the American minister in weighty responsibilities, and employed his utmost energy. His effort to secure the release of Thomas Paine from imprisonment was another noteworthy trans- action, to which frequent reference was made in subsequent days, both by friends and oppo- nents. " Mr. Paine," he wrote, September 15, 1795, " has lived in my house for about ten months past. He was, upon my arrival, confined in the Luxembourg, and released on my ap- plication ; after which, being sick, he has re- mained with me. . . • The symptoms have he- come worse, and the prospect now is that he will not be able to hold out more than a month or two at the farthest. I shall certainly pay the utmost attention to this gentleman, as he is one of those whose merits in our Revolution were most distinguished." It was not long before Monroe became entan- gled in a much more serious complication. A treaty with Cheat Britain had been negotiated by Jay ; so much as this was positively known in Paris near the close of 1794, and more was ENVOY IN FRANCE 61 inferred in respect to it. Citizen Merlin de Douai, the one who gave Monroe the accolade a few months before, and four of his associates in the Committee of Public Safety demanded a copy of the treaty. This was their letter, De- cember 27, 1794 : — " We are informed, Citizen, that there was lately concluded at London a treaty of alliance and com- merce between the British government and Citizen Jay, Envoy Extraordinary of the United States. " A vague report spreads itself abroad that in this treaty the Citizen Jay has forgotten those things which our treaties with the American people, and the sacrifices which the French people made to ren- der them free, gave us a right to expect, on the part of a minister of a nation which we have so many mo- tives to consider as friendly. " It is important that we know positively in what light we are to hold this affair. There ought not to subsist between two free peoples the dissimulation which belongs to courts ; and it gives us pleasure to declare that we consider you as much opposed, per- sonally, to that kind of policy as we are ourselves. "We invite you, then, to communicate to us as soon as possible the treaty whereof there is question. It is the only means whereby you can enable the French nation justly to appreciate those reports so injurious to the American government, and to which that treaty gave birth." In reply to this and other demands for exact 62 JAMES MONROE information Monroe pleaded ignorance, and he refused to receive from Jay confidential and in- formal statements in respect to the treaty. He contented himself with general expressions in reference to the purport of the English mission, and with strenuous efforts to allay the French excitement. When the treaty reached him he wrote to Judge Jones : " Jay's treaty surpasses all that I feared, great as my fears were of his mission. Indeed, it is the most shameful trans- action I have ever known of the kind." 1 The language in which he reported to the au- thorities at home, a few months before, the con- dition of affairs, is this, January 13, 1795 : — " After my late communications to the Committee of Public Safety, in which were exposed freely the object of Mr. Jay's mission to England, and the real situation of the United States with Britain and Spain, I had reason to believe that all apprehension on those points was done away, and that the utmost cordiality had now likewise taken place in that body towards us. I considered the report above recited, and upon which the decree was founded, as the une- quivocal proof of that change of sentiment, and flat- tered myself that, in every respect, we had now the best prospect of the most perfect and permanent har- mony between the two republics. I am very sorry, however, to add, that latterly this prospect has been somewhat clouded by accounts from England, that 1 Gouverneur MSS. ENVOY IN FRANCE 63 Mr. Jay had not only adjusted the points in contro- versy, but concluded a treaty of commerce with that government. Some of those accounts state that he had also concluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive. As I knew the baneful effect which these reports would produce, I deemed it my duty, by re- peating what I had said before of his powers, to use my utmost endeavors, informally, to discredit them. This, however, did not arrest the progress of the report, nor remove the disquietude it had created, for I was finally applied to, directly, by the commit- tee, in a letter, which stated what had been heard, and requested information of what I knew in regard to it. As I had just before received one from Mr. Jay, announcing that he had concluded a treaty, and which contained a declaration that our previous treaties should not be affected by it, I thought fit to make this letter the basis of my reply. And as it is necessary that you should be apprised of what- ever has passed here on this subject, I now trans- mit to you copies of these several papers, and which comprise a full statement thereof, up to the present time. " I cannot admit, for a moment, that Mr. Jay has exceeded his powers, or that anything has been done which will give just cause of complaint to this re- public. I lament, however, that he has not thought himself at liberty to give me correct information on that subject ; for until it is known that their interest has not been wounded, the report will certainly keep alive suspicion, and which always weakens the bonds 64 JAMES MONROE of friendship. I trust, therefore, yon will deem it expedient to advise me on this head as soon as pos- sible." The irritation of the French, when at length they discovered the actual purport of Jay's treaty, was very great. In February, 1796, it appeared that the Directory considered the alli- ance between France and the United States as ceasing to exist from the moment the treaty was ratified, and intended to send a special envoy to the United States in order to express their extreme dissatisfaction. Monroe succeeded in changing their purpose, and elicited from M. de la Croix, the foreign minister, a summary, in three headings, of the French complaints, to which he sent an elaborate reply. The two countries had come to the very verge of war. But the administration at home was angry with the envoy for not having endeavored more stren- uously to allay the apprehensions of France, and for failing to avert the impending danger. During the progress of these events, the port- folio of foreign affairs had been given up by Randolph, and taken up by Pickering, who be- gan his correspondence September 12, 1795, by acknowledging a series of letters, of which the first was written ten months before. Monroe gained nothing by this change in the councils at home. Randolph's censures were mild in com- ENVOY IN FRANCE 65 parison with those which his successor bestowed on the unfortunate envoy. One of the severest of his letters is that of June 13, 1796, in which he complains that Monroe failed to make a suit- able vindication of the United States govern- ment at a time when the justice, the faith, and the honor of our country were questioned, and the most important interests were at stake. This is followed a short time afterwards by a notifica- tion that he is superseded by C. C. Pinckney. On his arrival in Paris, Pinckney was pre- sented by Monroe to the minister of foreign affairs, but was refused recognition by the Di- rectory, and was not permitted to remain in Paris. Mr. Ticknor has recorded a conversation with Baron Pichon to this effect : — that Paine lived in Monroe's house at Paris, and had a great deal too much influence over him; that Monroe's insinuations, and representations of General Pinckney's character as an aristocrat, prevented his reception as minister by the Direc- tory ; and that, in general, Monroe, with whose negotiations and affairs Pichon was specially charged, acted as a party Democrat against the interests of General Washington's administra- tion, and against what Pichon considered the interests of the United States. 1 On the other hand, we have Pinckney's assertion, that during 1 Life of George Ticknor, ii. 113. 66 JAMES MONROE ! his brief residence lie saw Monroe frequently, and found him open and candid, and disposed to make every communication which would be of service to our country. It should also be said that Monroe was treated with coolness by the French government some time before his recall, though the civilities to him were renewed when his return to America was evidently at hand. The ceremony of flag presentation was re- peated in this country. A French flag, sent across the water, was received by Congress near New Year's Day in 1796. " A mighty foolish ceremony it was," writes the Federalist already quoted. 1 " It may, however, have the good effect of quieting the minds of some people who are afraid that the French are very angry about our treaty with Great Britain ; that nation is said to have been long famed for their address in meddling with the politics of foreign nations, and they have supported well the character in this country, but I hope we shall keep clear of their influence. The administrators of our government have no British attachment, but wish to keep clear of all foreign poli- tics, and but for the madness of party I think the people of the United States would universally see and approve the policy. The treaty with Great Britain was necessary to settle existing disputes, in its most important articles ; the commercial part of it is ex- 1 Joshua Coit, January 5, 1796. ENVOY IN FRANCE 67 perimental, and throws no restraint on our commerce with other nations, has no tendency to form political connections, and I believe secures important advan- tages to us." Monroe's recall was dated August 22. Men- tioning this fact to Joseph Jones, he intimated that the letter was probably kept back to pre- vent his arrival before the elections. " I shall decline a winter passage," he added, " and there- fore most probably shall not embark till April or May." 1 He reached home full of wrath, but the opposition party gave him a cordial greeting, and he was entertained in Phila- delphia at a public dinner where Jefferson, the Vice-President, Dayton, the Speaker, Chief Jus- tice McKean, and other conspicuous men were present. Monroe's failure, it is clear, was not personal, it was a party failure. His hand was soon turned against the administration of Adams. He demanded of Pickering the rea- sons of his recall, and drew from the secretary, who was not at all afraid of saying what he thought, a very explicit response. Washington, in a note to Pickering (Mt. Vernon, August 29, 1797), mentioned that Colonel Monroe had passed through Alexandria, but did not honor him with a call. The envoy's neglect did not mean silence. 1 Gouverneur MSS. 68 JAMES MONROE He soon published a pamphlet of five hundred pages, entitled, " A View of the Conduct of the Executive," in which he printed his instructions, correspondence with the French and United States governments, speeches, and letters re- ceived from Americans resident in Paris. It remains to this day a most extraordinary volume, full of entertaining and instructive lessons to young diplomatists. Washington, retired from public life, appears to have kept quiet under strong provocation ; but he sent a letter upon the subject to John Nicholas, and in his copy of the " View " he wrote his animadversions, paragraph by paragraph. These notes, long suppressed, were at length given to the world by Sparks. 1 Monroe enumerates the following points, which, taken collectively, are to show his diplo- matic position and the attitude of the adminis- tration toward him. He mentions : — 1. The appointment of Gouverneur Morris, a known enemy of the French Kevolution. 2. His continuance in office till troubles came. 3. His removal at the demand of the French government. 4. The subsequent appointment of Monroe, an opponent of the administration, especially in its foreign policy. 1 Washington's Writings, vol. x. pp. 226, 504. ENVOY IN PRANCE 69 5. The instructions given to Monroe as to the explanation he should give the French in respect to Jay's mission, which concealed the power given him to form a commercial treaty. 6. The strong expressions of attachment to France and the principles of the French Revo- lution given to Monroe. 7. The resentment of the administration when these documents were made puhlic. 8. The approval of Monroe's endeavor to se- cure a repeal of the obnoxious decrees, and the silence which followed their repeal. 9. Jay's power to form a commercial treaty with England, without corresponding advances to France. 10. The withholding from Monroe of the con- tents of the treaty, an evidence of unfair deal- ing. 11. The submission of this treaty to M. Adet, after the advice of the Senate, and before its ratification by the President. 12. The character of Jay's treaty, which de- parts from the modern rule of contraband, and yields the principle, " Free ships shall make free goods." 13. The irritable bearing of the administra- tion toward France, after the ratification, in contrast with its bearing toward England, when it was proposed to decline the ratification. 70 JAMES MONROE 14. Monroe's recall, just when lie had suc- ceeded in quieting the French government for the time, and was likely to do so effectually. I have not been able to trace Washington's copy of the " View " which, according to Sparks, was given to a distinguished jurist ; but in the library of Cornell University Sparks's transcript of Washington's notes is preserved. In this are the notes of Washington, hitherto not printed, on Monroe's appendix. By the permission of the authorities, I am able to print upon a subse- quent page these fresh annotations. 1 Here three examples only will be given. Monroe, in a dis- patch, February 12, 1795, having spoken of the danger of war with France, inquires : What course then was I to pursue? The note of Washington is this : " As nothing but justice and the fulfillment of a contract was asked, it dictated firmness conducted with temperance in the pursuit of it." Monroe : " The doors of the Committee [of Public Safety] were closed against me." Washington : " This appears no- where but in his own conjectures." Again, in- cidentally, Washington writes : " The truth is, Mr. Monroe was cajoled, flattered, and made to believe strange things. In return he did, or was disposed to do, whatever was pleasing to that nation, reluctantly urging the rights of his own." 1 See Appendix. ENVOY IN FRANCE 71 A war of pamphlets and newspaper articles followed the publication of the "View," in which Federalists and Eepublicans damaged each other's reputations as much as they could. Party feeling was ablaze before Monroe pub- lished his book, but the flames rose fiercely when it appeared. Oliver Wolcott wrote to Washington that it was a wicked misrepresenta- tion of facts; that the author's conduct was detested by all good men, though he was sorry to say that many applauded it. As to Washing- ton's character and administration, he was sure that the " View " would make no impression beyond the circle of Tom Paine's admirers. John Adams wrote that he was hurt at the lev- ity of the Americans in Paris. Fisher Ames's satirical touch is seen in a letter to Christo- pher Gore, written after the election of Jeffer- son, where he says, " Monroe will, if he likes, return to France to embrace liberty again." From another section of the Federalists this opinion comes. Harper of South Carolina, in a speech on the Foreign Intercourse Bill, speak- ing of the " View," remarks : — " In this book is to be found the most complete jus- tification of the Executive for his recall, in every respect except that it was so long delayed ; for the book contains the most singular display of incapacity, unfaithfulness, and presumption, of neglect of orders, 72 JAMES MONROE forgetfulness of the dignity, rights, and interests of his own country, and servile devotedness to the gov- ernment of the country to which he was sent, that can he found in the history of diplomacy." He even intimates that Monroe was influenced by bribery. But this was going quite too far. The historian Hildreth, who is not less severe than the most severe critic yet quoted, in his estimate of Monroe repudiates the insinuation of Harper. " These gross insinuations," he says, " were totally baseless. The time had not yet come when American statesmen were to be pur- chased for money. How perfectly sincere Mon- roe was in his opinions is manifest throughout the whole correspondence, which no purchased tool of France, none but a man blinded by enthusi- astic passion, could ever have written, and still less would have published. Nor were such views at all confined to Monroe. They were shared by most of the leaders and by the great mass of the opposition party." These are the words of the Federalist historian, half a century after the " View " appeared. 1 Some extracts should also be given from the writings of Monroe's friends. For example, Edward Church wrote from Lisbon, December 24, 1796, " My ideas of the importance of ob- serving inviolate our friendship and alliance with Hildreth's United States, Second Series, ii. 101. ENVOY IN FRANCE 73 the French nation go far beyond yours, as I conceive the connection essentially necessary to our preservation as independent states, it being evidently our best, if not our only security against the danger of becoming once more the poor, pitiful, servile, dependent slaves of Bri- tain." i The wrath of another of Monroe's corre- spondents, in Paris, found expression in these terms : — "Were I able to draw the contrast, which the subject so richly deserves, between this extraordinary man's military exit and that of the late idolized stat- ute [sic] of the people of my country, I would so paint Mr. Washington on his milk-white steed, re- ceiving the incense of all the little girls on Trenton Bridge, and then I would march him about in the streets of Boston, so like a roasted ox that I once saw carried a whole day in triumph by the people of that famous town, that the automaton chief should groan and sweat under the weight of those laurels, which are momently dropping from his brows into the sink and dirt of his puny and anti-republican administration." a There is a significant paragraph in Thiers's " History of the French Revolution," which may be regarded, I think, as showing the impression 1 Gouverneur MSS. 2 Gouverneur MSS. May 15, 1797. 74 JAMES MONROE which Monroe made upon the people to whom he was accredited : — " In the French government there were persons in favor of a rupture with the United States. Monroe, who was ambassador to Paris, gave the Directory the most prudent advice on this occasion. War with France, said he, will force the American government to throw itself into the arms of England and to sub- mit to her influence ; aristocracy will gain supreme control in the United States, and liberty will be com- promised. By patiently enduring, on the contrary, the wrongs of the present President, you will leave him without excuse, you will enlighten the Americans, and decide a contrary choice at the next election. All the wrongs of which France may have to com- plain will then be repaired. This wise and provident advice had its effect upon the Directory. Rewbell, Barras, and Lareveillere had caused it to be adopted in opposition to the opinion of the systematic Carnot, who, though in general favorably disposed to peace, insisted on the cession of Louisiana, with a view to attempt the establishment of a republic there." In addition to this diplomatic controversy, Monroe was involved in another more personal collision with Hamilton, occasioned by the Cal- lender publication, 1 — but into the details of this disagreeable story I see no reason for enter- ing now. 1 " An undigested and garrulous collection of libels." BU- dreth, Second Series, U. 104. ENVOY IN FRANCE 75 Monroe was much displeased by the publica- tion of that part of his dispatches which related to the Jacobins, and thus wrote to Judge Jones, June 20, 1795 : — " The publication of extracts from my letters re- specting the Jacobins was an unbecoming and uncan- did thing, as they were the only parts of my corre- spondence that were published. I stated the truth, and therefore am not dissatisfied with the publication in that respect. But to me it appears strange that the fortunes of that misguided club should be the only subject treated in my correspondence upon which it was necessary to convey the information it could to our countrymen. Certainly, in relation to the honor and welfare of my country, it was the least important of all the subjects upon which I treated. Besides, that club was as unlike the patriotic socie- ties in America as light is to darkness, the former being a society that had absolutely annihilated all other government in France, and whose denunciations carried immediately any of the deputies to the scaf- fold, whereas the latter are societies of enlightened men, who discuss measures and principles, and of course whose opinions have no other weight than as they are well founded and have reason on their side, to extirpate which is to extirpate liberty itself." During all his exciting residence in Paris, it is interesting to trace the minute interest main- tained by Monroe in whatever pertained to his domestic affairs. There are long letters in the 76 JAMES MONROE Gouverneur collection devoted to his financial business, to the welfare of his brothers, Andrew and Joseph, and of his sister, to his land bought near Monticello, his servants, fruit-trees, etc., besides many a passage in regard to his nephew Joseph, who was at school at St. Germain, and young Rutledge, likewise placed under the envoy's paternal care. His interest in the pro- gress of these American boys in their French school betrays an unvarying kindness of heart in the midst of pressing anxieties and cares. Times change. Five years after Monroe's re- call, Jefferson writes : * " We have ever looked to France as our natural friend, one with whom we could never have an occasion of difference; but there is one spot on the globe, the possessor of which is our natural enemy. That spot is New Orleans. France placing herself in that door assumes to us the attitude of defiance. . . . From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation." 1 To Livingston, April 18, 1802. CHAPTER IV ENVOY IN FEANCE, SPAIN, AND ENGLAND Jeffekson, never wanting in interest when Monroe's affairs required counsel, and trusting him implicitly, wrote to the despondent and angry envoy that he ought to come forward again into public life. " Come to Congress," was his advice, as if coming to Congress was an act of the will, — "reappear on the public theatre ; Cabel has said he would give way to you." 1 But instead of entering at once into national affairs, Monroe became governor of Virginia, and held the office three years. Jef- ferson, meanwhile, had become President, and soon had an opportunity to return Monroe to the legation in France. The story of this sec- ond embassy includes the purchase of Louisiana, and has therefore been examined over and over again by those who are interested in the growth of our national territory. In addition to the usual publication of the correspondence of the times, much reliance is 1 Letter to Monroe, May 21, 1798. Jefferson, iv. 241-243. 78 JAMES MONROE placed on the volume by Barbe Marbois, in which he reports his interviews with Bonaparte. The English translation of this work is at- tributed to "William Beach Lawrence; 1 its appendix omits some statements which are given in the original French. Among the manuscripts of Monroe I have met with this remark : — " The work of Marbois is written in a spirit of great candor, and with friendly feeling for me, but he is mistaken in some facts which I have documents to show." 2 The importance of the outlet of the Missis- sippi to the inhabitants of the great valley of the West was always obvious. As early as 1784 Monroe had written in regard to it, and in his first mission to France, as we have seen, he had been instructed to press the claims of the United States. In the spring of 1801 intelligence reached this country that Spain had ceded her rights in Louisiana to France, and the next year the Spanish intendant gave notice that New Or- leans would no longer be a " place of deposit." 3 Jefferson communicated this highly significant information to Congress when it assembled in December. There was great excitement through the country, especially in the West, 1 C. F. Hart, in Perm Monthly. 2 May 29, 1829. 8 October 16, 1802. ENVOY itf FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 79 and one newspaper, at least, raised the cry of disunion. The conclusion was quickly reached, to pur- chase from France, if possible, the outlet to the Gulf of Mexico. Congress appropriated the sum of two million dollars for this object ; and Jefferson selected Monroe to go as a special minister and act with Livingston, our resident representative at Paris, in an endeavor to secure the coveted domain. Almost simultaneously Lewis and Clarke were recommended for the exploration of the upper Mississippi. Monroe accordingly went upon his embassy, and within a month after his arrival was able, with his colleague, to report the purchase of Louisiana. The treaty was ratified by Bonaparte in May, 1803, and by the Senate of the United States in the next October. It is not always that the interior history of a great international bargain is so fully revealed to the public as it is in the present case, and Monroe's relation to it must now be more care- fully considered. The interests of four nations were closely involved in this transaction: Spain, who had promised to yield her rights in Louisiana, but retained her control of the Floridas, and had not, according to Talleyrand's statements, quite perfected tbe transfer; England, in a hostile 80 JAMES MONKOE attitude toward France, and not unlikely at any time to make a descent upon a portion of her territory ; France, in anxious expectation of an outbreak of hostilities, in want of money, and predisposed to build up in America a power which should rival England; and the United States, eager to secure the maritime outlet of its great river system, and almost inclined to seize it by force. Six individuals were conspicuous in the nego- tiation. On the American side were Jefferson, once minister to France, now sixty years old and half way through his first presidential term, whose sagacity recognized the importance of securing Louisiana, and initiated the purchase ; R. R. Livingston, two years younger, who had been for two years resident as the American minister in France, who had been pressing the American claim to be indemnified for the French spoliations, and had brought the gov- ernment to consider the possibility of ceding the desired territory; and Monroe, forty-five years old, whose former residence in Paris was not forgotten, and who entered upon his second diplomatic mission fresh from the instructions of Jefferson and Madison, and from the inspira- tion of popular enthusiasm with respect to the acquisition which he was sent to secure. On the French side stood Bonaparte, the youngest ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 81 of the group, thirty-five years old, then First Consul, and in the flush of his military and civil power ; Talleyrand, a man of forty-nine years, holding the portfolio of foreign affairs, not wholly trusted by the Consul, but well qual- ified by his skill in diplomacy and by his ac- quaintance with the United States to take a part in the business ; and Marbois, about the age of Livingston, who had held a diplomatic position in America, and who was now the min- ister of the treasury, enjoying the confidence of Bonaparte, and called by him to be leader in this negotiation. In his history of this trans- action, Marbois attributes its rapid and feli- citous progress to the fact that the plenipoten- tiaries had been long acquainted, and were disposed to treat one another with mutual con- fidence. Livingston, as soon as he heard of Monroe's arrival in Havre, sent him the following letter of "welcome, written in a tone of despondency: — " 10th April, 1803. "I congratulate you on your safe arrival. We have long and anxiously waited for you. God grant that your mission may answer your and the public expectation. War may do something for us ; nothing else would. I have paved the way for you, and if you could add to my memoirs an assurance that we were now in possession of New Orleans, we should 82 JAMES MONROE do well ; but I detain Mr. Bentalou, -who is impatient to fly to the arms of his wife. I have apprised the minister of your arrival, and told him you would be here on Tuesday or Wednesday." It so happened that on this very day, April 10, after the solemnities of Easter Sunday, Bonaparte discussed with Talleyrand and Mar- bois the Louisiana question. They were divided in counsel; the conference was prolonged into the night, and the ministers remained at St. Cloud. At daybreak Bonaparte, having already received alarming dispatches from England, summoned Marbois, who had advised the ces- sion, and said to him in substance : " I renounce Louisiana. Negotiate for its cession. Don't wait for Monroe. I want fifty million francs ; for less I will not treat. Acquaint me day by day, hour by hour, with your progress. Keep Talleyrand informed." Armed with these in- structions, Marbois sought Livingston. Before they met, Talleyrand had been unsuccessfully endeavoring to reach some point of agreement. He had asked Livingston if the United States wished for the whole of Louisiana. The answer had been No; but that it would be politic in France to give it up. The price to be paid was the matter in question. At this juncture Monroe reached Paris. He heard with surprise from Livingston of the ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 83 readiness of the French to sell the territory, and the two envoys proceeded to discuss the price which they could venture to promise. While Monroe was taking his first dinner with Liv- ingston, in company with other American gen- tlemen, Marbois appeared in the garden and presently joined the party. Before leaving he led Livingston into a free conference upon the cession, and invited him to continue the talk at a later hour after the company had dispersed. Livingston went to the house of Marbois, and stayed there till midnight. The whole country of Louisiana was then offered to the United States for one hundred million francs, and the claims. Livingston pronounced it an exorbi- tant price, and Marbois did not deny that it was. No conclusion could be reached without consulting Monroe ; but Livingston, without waiting to do so, sat up until three o'clock and wrote a midnight dispatch to Madison, narrating the interview with Marbois, and saying that he was sure the purchase was wise. He also made a suggestion, which in these days is astounding, that if the price is too high, the outlay may be reimbursed by the " sale of the territory west of the Mississippi, with the right of sovereignty, to some Power in Europe, whose vicinity we should not fear." 1 This is not precisely in 1 State Papers, ii. 554. 84 JAMES MONROE accordance with what was afterwards known as the Monroe doctrine. From this time on, Talleyrand was not con- spicuous in the scenes, though it is more than possible that behind them his hand was at work, perhaps obstructively. At any rate, for one reason or another, he delayed the presentation of Monroe to Bonaparte until May 1, and even then failed to be personally present, leaving to Livingston the ceremonious duty of naming his colleague. Probably he was annoyed that the First Consul agreed with Marbois, and had given to him the authority to proceed with the Louisi- ana negotiation. Livingston and Monroe, after reviewing the situation, made up their minds that they could give fifty millions, and, in the bargaining spirit which governed both sides, offered forty mil- lions, one half to be returned to American claimants. Marbois expressed his regret that they could not give more, and proposed to consult the Consul. He came back from St. Cloud, saying that the business might be con- sidered as no longer in his hands, so coolly had Bonaparte received their proposition. He ad- vised that some pressure be brought to bear upon Talleyrand in order to secure the early presentation of Monroe. Later in the day Marbois came in to a dinner which CambacerSs ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 85 was giving, and told the American envoys that if the Consul did not reopen the question they might consider the plan relinquished. They quickly proceeded to offer fifty millions. Mar- bois doubted whether this would be accepted. Here came a significant pause lasting for several days. "We were resting on our oars," says one of the negotiators. On April 17 Bonaparte made an official an- nouncement to the Pope and others that, in consequence of England's violation of the Peace of Amiens, France was involved in war with her. It is easy to see the bearing of this on the American negotiations. Ten days later Mar- bois laid before Livingston and Monroe the draft of a treaty given him by the government, 1 and another which was his own. In the latter he proposed as the price eighty million francs, which was to include the sum requisite for the American claimants. Our envoys offered fifty millions, with twenty more for the claimants, but at last acceded to the figures of Marbois. This concluded the business. Marbois tells us that when Bonaparte heard what sum had been agreed upon, he received the intelligence 1 In the Correspondance de NapoUon, vol. viii., the projet of a secret convention between France and the United States is printed (without signature), dated April 23, 1803, from the Archives de France. 86 JAMES MONROE with opposition. He had forgotten, or he feigned to forget, his original willingness to sell for fifty millions, and he objected to the allow- ance of twenty millions to the American suitors ; but he soon grew calmer and acquiesced in the cession. "I have given to England," he said exultingly, " a maritime rival which will sooner or later humble her pride." Some details were worked out in respect to the mode of payment; Monroe's presentation to the Consul soon fol- lowed; and at length, May 2, the plenipoten- tiaries signed the French copy of the treaty, and two or three days later the copy in English. On the thirteenth of the month a ratified copy was transmitted to Madison. Two conventions proceeded from the treaty of cession, the first in respect to the mode of payment for the cession ; the second in respect to American claims. As soon as they had signed the treaty the plenipotentiaries rose and shook hands, when Livingston said, expressing the general satis- faction, " We have lived long, but this is the noblest work of our whole lives." 1 This har- 1 His speech as reported by Marbois, p. 310, is full of in- terest. The Memoires of Lucien Bonaparte contain many interesting particulars of the negotiation. The whole story of the Louisiana purchase and the discussions to which it led is told with admirable vivacity and with ample details in the History of the United States under the First Administration of Jefferson, by Henry Adams, yol. ii. ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 87 monious conclusion was not reached without some personal rivalry — if jealousy is too harsh a term to be employed — between the American representatives ; and there is a long letter still extant in which Monroe recounts the embarrass- ments of the situation arising from the conduct of his colleague. But their personal feelings were fortunately kept in the background until the business was concluded, although they may be incidentally traced in their public and official correspondence. 1 On May 21 Marbois received the following letter of acknowledgment : 2 — "Sur les 240,000 francs, Citoyen Ministre, que doivent les six banquiers du tre"sor public, 48,000 francs seront donne's en gratification, conformement a ma lettre de ce jour; 192,000 francs seront a votre disposition pour supplier a l'insufnsance de votre traitement, ayant l'intention que vous voyiez dans cette disposition le desir que j'ai de vous td- moigner ma satisfaction de vos travaux importants et du bon ordre que vous avez mis dans votre ministere, qui ont valu a la Republique un grand nombre de millions. Bonaparte." Monroe took leave of Bonaparte June 24, having been presented to him for this purpose 1 Monroe MSS. 2 Correspondance de Napolioril", An XI. (1803). 88 JAMES MONROE by Talleyrand at St. Cloud. The First Consul asked if lie were about going to London, and Monroe replied that he had lately received the orders of the President, in case our affairs here were amicably adjusted, to repair to London ; that the resignation of our minister there, and the want of a charge, made it necessary to go at once. He then gave a formal expression of American good-will; to which Bonaparte re- plied that " no one wished more than himself the preservation of a good understanding ; that the cession he had made was not so much on account of the price given as from motives of policy ; and that he wished for friendship be- tween the republics." 1 In the progress of this affair the French had promised the Americans to exert their good in- fluences with Spain to induce her to yield the Floridas, — the limit separating these posses- sions from Louisiana being then in dispute. Monroe, as soon as the Louisiana purchase was completed, determined to go to Madrid and treat for the Floridas, but Cambaceres, who heard him say this one day at dinner, almost forbade him, for reasons which were not quite easy to be discovered. He accordingly called on the Spanish minister, and there to his surprise he found that Livingston had already begun that 1 Monroe MSS. ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 89 negotiation with Spain which Monroe had been especially charged to undertake. This led to serious explanations between the two American envoys. Monroe postponed his visit to Spain and went to London. He had left the United States accredited to France, Spain and England, — the commission to the Court of St. James having been an afterthought, and dated three months later. As a sequel to this narrative, the following letter to Marbois from Monroe will be read with interest : 1 — " London, February 14, 1804. "My last letter from the secretary of state (of December 26) mentioned that Louisiana was surren- dered to the Prefect of France the latter end of November, who was to transfer it to the commis- sioners of the United States on their arrival at New Orleans, which was expected in a day or two from that date. Mr. Madison adds that he considers all difficulties on that subject as happily terminated. Mr. B. is expected here daily with everything belonging to a complete execution of this transaction. In the mean time I am persuaded that the house in Holland will consider it as concluded and act accordingly. " It gives me pleasure to observe that the prompt and unconditional exchange of ratifications by your charge d'affaires at Washington, and his correct con- duct in promoting the transfer of the territory of the l Monroe MSS. 90 JAMES MONROE United States, in obedience to the orders of his gov- ernment, are unequivocal proofs of the good faith with which the treaties were formed. The manner in which the President expressed himself in his mes- sage to Congress of the enlarged liberty and friendly policy which governed the First Consul in the trans- action, shows in strong terms the sense which he entertains of it. May it seal forever the friendship of the two nations. To have been in any degree instrumental to that important result is one of the circumstances of my life which will always give me the highest satisfaction. In society with my respect- able colleague., to have met an old friend on the other side, who had experienced, as well as myself, some vicissitudes in the extraordinary movements of the epoch in which we live, is an incident which adds not a little to the gratification which I derive from the event. " Tou have doubtless heard that Jerome Bonaparte is married to Miss Patterson of Baltimore. Her fa- ther is one of the most respectable citizens of that town or rather of the State of Maryland. Her mother is a sister of General Smith, a member of the Senate of the United States, the officer who de- fended Mud Island below Philadelphia in our Revo- lution. The connection is every way as respectable as he could have formed in the United States. The young lady is amiable, very handsome, and perfectly innocent. The bearer of this is her brother, who goes to Paris from this place, to carry a letter from Jerome to the First Consul, which was transmitted ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 91 to me by her father. As he has also written to Mr. Livingston, I inclose to him the letter to the First Consul, as he might expect that the communication should be made through him. Nevertheless, I have taken the liberty to present to you the young man, and apprise you of the above facts, in confidence that you will make such friendly representations of the affair as you may find necessary." The letter concludes with messages of private friendship. Livingston was never quite at his ease in re- spect to Monroe. He naturally felt some cha- grin in not being allowed to conclude, without the support of a fresh colleague, the negotiation he had undertaken, and he was careful not to yield any of his own prerogatives or to conceal his own services. The apprehensions under which he opened his correspondence with Mon- roe, on the latter's arrival in Havre, he subse- quently explained as due to the dissimulations of Talleyrand. These were his explanations to Madison : 1 — " I have in my former letter informed you of M. Talleyrand's calling upon me, previous to the arrival of Mr. Monroe, for a proposition for the whole of Louisiana; of his afterwards trifling with me, and telling me that what he said was unauthorized. This circumstance, for which I have accounted to 1 November 15, 1803. 92 JAMES MONROE you in one of my letters, led me to think, though it afterwards appeared without reason, that some change had taken place in the determination which I knew the Consul had before taken to sell. I had just then received a line from Mr. Monroe, informing me of his arrival. I wrote to him a hasty answer, under the influence of ideas excited by these prevarications of the minister, expressing the hope that he had brought information that New Orleans was in our possession ; that I hoped our negotiation might be successful ; but that, while I feared nothing but war would avail us anything, I had paved the way for him. This letter is very imprudently shown and spoken of by Mr. Monroe's particular friends as a proof that he had been the principal agent in the negotiation. So far, indeed, as it may tend to this object, it is of little moment, because facts and dates are too well known to be contradicted. For instance, it is known to everybody here that the Consul had taken his resolution to sell previous to Mr. Monroe's arrival. It is a fact well known that M. Marbois was authorized, informally, by the First Consul, to treat with me, before Mr. Monroe reached Paris; that he actually made me the very proposition we ultimately agreed to, before Mr. Monroe had seen a minister, except M. Marbois, for a moment, at my house, where he came to make the proposition, Mr. Monroe not having been presented to M. Talleyrand, to whom I introduced him the afternoon of the next day. All, then, that remained to negotiate, after his arrival, was a diminution of the price, and in this ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 93 our joint mission was unfortunate ; for we came up, as soon as Mr. Monroe's illness would suffer him to do business, after a few days delay, to the minister's offers. There is no doubt that Mr. Monroe's talents and address would have enabled him, had he been placed in my circumstances, to have effected what I have done. But he, unfortunately, came too late to do more than assent to the propositions that were made us, and to aid in reducing them to form. I think he has too much candor not to be displeased that his friends should publicly endeavor to depreciate me by speaking of a private letter, hastily written, under circumstances of irritation with which Mr. Monroe is fully acquainted ; a letter, too, which may contribute in two ways to advance the views of the enemies of the administration. It is in this light only that it gives me pain." In looking over this extraordinary chapter in history, which records probably the largest transaction in real estate which the world has ever known, it is interesting to trace the concur- rence of so many factors. The ambition of Napoleon, the sagacity of Jefferson, the diplo- macy of Talleyrand and Marbois, the caution of Livingston, the enthusiasm of Monroe, were all manifested in the sale of a part of the North American continent, the boundaries of which were uncertain, the title insecure, and the price incapable of being determined by any market standard nearer than " the cost of Etruria," 94 JAMES MONROE which was the price of the cession of Louisiana by Spain. Yet back of these personal influ- ences were great ideas controlling the action of vigorous nations ; there was the English deter- mination to put down the rising dominion of Napoleon; there was the willingness of Spain to give up New Orleans ; there was the Ameri- can resolution to secure, by diplomacy or by force, the Mississippi outlet ; there was the read- iness of France to prevent the seizure of New Orleans by the English, and to build up in the new world a powerful rival to Great Britain. France was enough involved with financial diffi- culties to need money ; the United States, by a wise financial policy, was in good credit at Am- sterdam ; and so, when the price had been fixed, there was no trouble about payment, and no delay in the transfer. Nobody could foretell the momentous conse- quences which would proceed from this sale. Bonaparte thought that two or three hundred years later American influence might be over- powering, a contingency so remote that even his aspirations were not affected by it ; and Jeffer- son was far-seeing enough to devise an explor- ing expedition which should proceed to the ex- treme Northwest and report with as much precision as the science of the day would permit in respect to the sources of the great rivers. ENVOY IN PRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 95 But this was all. Beyond the Mississippi was a land unknown. The Americans did not ask for it, and Livingston comforted himself with the thought that perhaps a part of it could be resold ; France pressed its purchase on those who were only asking for New Orleans and the Floridas. By this marvelous combination of circumstances Louisiana, including the far Northwest, became ours. The subsequent history of the United States has been closely connected with this famous acquisition. The Missouri compromise, the an- nexation of Texas, the northwestern boundary disputes, the acquisition of California and of the northern provinces of Mexico, the discovery of gold and silver, the Nebraska bill, the Mor- mon difficulty, the Indian policy, the Alaska purchase, the Pacific railroads, the isthmus canal question, the Chinese immigration, — who can say that any one of these controversies and events would ever have come to the front if Spain, or France, or Great Britain had re- mained in control of that half of our domain which lies beyond the Mississippi ? Among the concurrent circumstances there is none so extraordinary to us who are accustomed to constitutional limitations, as the arbitrary power then held in France by one who was still a young man, and who, a few years previous, — at 96 JAMES MONROE the beginning, let us say, of Monroe's first mis- sion, — was comparatively unknown, and without the slightest prescience of his coming authority. The memoirs of Marbois, Livingston and Mon- roe, and the correspondence of Napoleon, do not give any indication that the First Consul, in this far-reaching exercise of his authority, was guided by the opinion of a cabinet or council, or re- stricted by any fundamental law. He speaks to Marbois in the singular number, like the owner of a house or farm, as if he were, indeed, the personification of France. He does, it is true, consult two ministers of state, but he turns ab- ruptly away from the advice of one of them, and to the other he gives directions as positive and arbitrary as if he were directing a broker to sell a cargo. The mighty deeds of Napoleon's sword have been undone, but the stroke of his pen wrought a change which now, after fourscore years have passed, is no more liable to counter- change than the Mississippi is to flow into the lakes. Soon after Monroe's arrival in England he received from Madison, the secretary of state, the plan of a convention to be proposed to the British government, with particular reference to our maritime rights. We had suffered so much from impressment of seamen, blockade, and the search of our vessels, that it was quite ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 97 time to insist on the national claims. Early in April, 1804, the subject was brought to the attention of Lord Hawkesbury ; but before any response was received Addington had yielded the leadership to Pitt, and Lord Harrowby had taken the foreign office. He received Monroe in a manner which was fitted to wound and irritate; not a friendly sentiment toward the United States escaped him ; and the American minister considered these concerns as postponed indefinitely. Before autumn the foreign min- ister grew more conciliatory, but no conclusions were reached at the beginning of October, when, by mutual consent, the negotiations were post- poned, and Monroe left London on an absence of several months. Looking forward to a release from the public service, Monroe wrote to Judge Jones from London, May 16, 1804, saying that he should gather a collection of law books and bring them home with a view to continuing the practice of the law. He hoped that thus, with the aid of a farm, he might gain enough to support a family without the aid of other resources. He indi- cated his strong preference for Richmond and directed the sale of his land above Charlottes- ville, as it brought no income. He said he could live better on two thousand dollars per year in Richmond than on two thousand pounds 98 JAMES MONROE in London. He had thought seriously of accept- ing the appointment in Louisiana which Mad- ison was willing to give him, though the admin- istration seemed to prefer that he should remain in London. Jefferson intimated that he might be sent to Spain. The whole tenor of the letter is that of one who is longing for repose at home, suffering from fatigue and poor health abroad, and in want of sufficient means to maintain agreeably his diplomatic station. 1 It will be remembered that he went from the United States commissioned to Spain as well as France, but did not continue his journey to Madrid. In the autumn of 1804 he resumed the proposed negotiations with Spain, and, as he went through Paris, solicited from Talleyrand the French support in his endeavor to secure from the Spaniards the cession of their posses- sions to the east of the mouths of the Missis- sippi. The exact eastern boundary of the Louisiana Territory already acquired by the United States was undetermined, and Florida was wanted. Months previous Napoleon had pledged his good offices in the promotion of the plans of the United States ; but when they were now solicited he failed to make the expected response, although cautiously warned that there was danger of an immediate rupture between 1 Gouvemenr MSS. ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 99 Spain and the United States, which would, indirectly at least, be harmful to France. Monroe and Pinckney accordingly prosecuted their mission as best they could without the French cooperation. From January to May they were in constant negotiation with the Spanish minister, Don Pedro Cevallos, — but it all resulted in nothing and Monroe returned to his residence in London. Lord Mulgrave was now in the foreign office. New seizures of American vessels by the British gave renewed emphasis to the American com- plaints, which were met with dilatory and pro- voking responses. The death of Pitt brought about another change of ministry early in 1806, and the whole story of our demands was pre- sented to the more friendly consideration of Fox, who promised to give his immediate atten- tion to the business and pursue it without delay until it was concluded. But he again encoun- tered obstacles among his colleagues. Mean- while, as Monroe had been sent to reinforce other ministers, William Pinkney was sent to reinforce Monroe. He had previously been resident in London for a long time, and had pressed to a successful issue the claims of the State of Maryland to some stock in the Bank of England. He had held the office of commis- sioner under the treaty of 1794. The joint 100 JAMES MONROE commission of the two envoys was dated May 17, 1806, and covered a larger field of negotia- tion and convention than that which had been intrusted to Monroe alone. Their early com- munications to Madison contained the same old story of delay. Fox was now ill beyond the hope of recovery, and the good offices of his nephew, Lord Holland, were solicited to secure an official recognition from the king. Lord Grenville now assumed the direction of affairs, and he soon informed the Americans that Lord Auckland and Lord Holland were appointed as a special commission to discuss all matters pend- ing between the two governments. Toward the end of August, 1806, serious negotiations began in Downing Street, and as the last day of the year was reached, these wearisome and complex deliberations were concluded by a treaty. This was forwarded to Washington at once by the hand of Mr. Purviance, but it did not reach Mr. Jefferson until March 15. Twelve days before, on March 3, just before the adjournment of Congress, the President saw a copy of the treaty which Mr. Erskine, the British minister, had received. 1 Long as the negotiations had been, and vo- luminous as were the results, the treaty failed in two fundamental points. It made no provi- 1 J. Q. Adams's Diary, i. 466. ENVOY IN FBANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 101 sion against the impressment of our seamen; and it secured no indemnity for losses which Americans had incurred in the seizure of their goods and vessels. Jefferson " pigeon-holed " it. He took the responsibility, without sum- moning the Senate, to withhold his ratification. When it became evident that this would be the result, the secretary of state wrote to the com- missioners that the President thought it better, if no satisfactory or formal stipulation on the subject of impressment were attainable, that the negotiation should terminate without any formal compact whatever. A fresh draft of the Ameri- can expectations was then drawn up, upon which the two envoys might renew their nego- tiations. In his memoirs of the Whig party Lord Holland has given a graphic picture of the American commissioners, and of the attitude of the English government, which may here be quoted : — " "Without notice or explanation, an order for de- taining all neutrals engaged in such a commerce was suddenly issued ; and a prodigious number of Ameri- cans were brought into our ports by his majesty's cruisers in the summer and autumn of 1805. The principle of these seizures was not likely to be very readily admitted by any independent power whose subjects had suffered by the application of it. The 102 JAMES MONROE sudden and peremptory manner of enforcing it was yet more offensive, and aggravated that hostile feel- ing which long mismanagement on our part, and some folly on theirs, had created in the leading party in North America. Mr. Monroe and Mr. Pinkney were instructed to insist on an explanation upon this important point, on some regulation of the impress- ment of British seamen found in American merchant vessels, on the right and practice of searching for them at sea, and on many other inferior hut difficult subjects. "When, however, the death of Mr. Pitt was known, the spirit, though not the substance, of their instructions was softened, and the mission was authorized to assume a more conciliatory tone than their original instructions seemed to breathe. The two gentlemen were empowered to negotiate and conclude a treaty of commerce, which should regulate all disputed points, and place the two countries per- manently on a more amicable footing. We found the two American commissioners fair, explicit, frank and intelligent. Mr. Monroe (afterwards President) was a sincere Republican, who during the Revolution in France had imbibed a strong predilection for that country, and no slight aversion to this. But he had candor and principle. A nearer view of the consu- lar and imperial government of France, and of our constitution in England, converted him from both these opinions. ' I find,' said he to me, ' your mon- archy more republican than monarchical, and the French republic infinitely more monarchical than your monarchy.' He was plain in his manners and ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 103 somewhat slow in his apprehension; but he was a diligent, earnest, sensible, and even profound man. His colleague, who had been partly educated in England and was a lawyer by profession, had more of the forms and readiness of business, and greater knowledge and cultivation of mind ; but perhaps his opinions were neither so firmly rooted nor so deeply considered as those of Mr. Monroe. Throughout our negotiation they were conciliatory, both in form and in substance. They exceeded their instructions by signing a treaty which left the article of impress- ment unsettled. My colleague and I took credit to ourselves for having convinced them of the extreme difficulty of the subject, arising from the impossibility of our allowing seamen to withdraw themselves from our service during war, and from the inefficacy of all the regulations which they had been enabled to pro- pose for preventing their entering into American ships. They, on the other hand, persuaded us that they were themselves sincere in wishing to prevent it; and we saw no reason for suspecting that the government of the United States was less so. But though they professed, and I believe felt, a strong wish to enforce such a provision, they did not con- vince us that they had the power or means of enfor- cing it. There was, consequently, no article in the treaty upon the subject. Upon this omission and upon other more frivolous pretexts, but with the real purpose and effect of defeating Mr. Monroe's views on the presidentship, Mr. Jefferson refused to ratify a treaty which would have secured his countrymen 104 JAMES MONROE from all further vexations, and prevented a war between two nations, whose habits, language, and interests should unite them in perpetual alliance and good-fellowship. " I had an opportunity during this negotiation of observing the influence of situation over men's opin- ions. The atmosphere of the admiralty made those who breathed it shudder at anything like concessions to the Americans ; while the anxiety to avoid war and to enlarge our resources by commerce, so natural in the treasury, softened natures otherwise less yield- ing, and led them to listen with favor to every con- ciliatory expedient." Events were driving the two nations into a collision which might have been averted by diplomacy, but which soon developed into war. On July 24 the American commissioners, in ac- cordance with their instructions, had reopened a correspondence with Mr. Canning, now foreign secretary in the Portland ministry, and on the very next day intelligence was received in Lon- don that the British ship Leopard, asserting the right to search for deserters, had attacked the American frigate Chesapeake, off the Chesa- peake capes. 1 Of course this brought still more delay. After the settlement of this aggression had been transferred from London to Washing- ton, the treaty was again brought up for recon- 1 June 23, 1807. ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 105 sideration by the British minister in October. Before much progress could be made, the famous "orders in council," full of menace to Ameri- can commerce, were passed, and remonstrances against them were presented by Pinkney, who now assumed the entire responsibility of the legation. Monroe returned to America near the close of 1807, and soon drew up an elaborate defense of his diplomatic conduct in England in a letter to Madison, which covers ten folio pages of the State Papers. 1 The enthusiasm with which he might have been received immediately after the Louisiana purchase was dampened by his failure in the English negotiations. Politicians were already discussing the presidential succession, the Kepublican party being divided in their preferences for Madison and Monroe. Jeffer- son endeavored to remain neutral; Wirt was in favor of Madison ; at length the legislature of Virginia settled the choice by pronouncing in favor of the latter. Monroe's friends acqui- esced. Soon afterwards Madison was placed in the chair of the President, and Monroe, after a brief interval, was reelected to the post of gov- ernor. It was a mark of the confidence of those who knew him best that thus a second time, on his return from a foreign land, more or less dis- 1 February 28, 1808. 106 JAMES MONROE appointed, if not under a cloud, he should be called to the highest office in the gift of the people of the State. I cannot discover that the failure of Monroe to accomplish the purpose of his mission to Spain and England indicates any want of in- telligence, assiduity, or fidelity on his part. Al- though there is a curious gap in the published papers just before his departure for England, I do not see any evidence that the administration lost their confidence in him. He failed because the times were not propitious for success. Spain was not ready to give up the Floridas. England was determined not to yield the right of search ; not even after a disastrous war would she ac- knowledge the wrongs against which the United States protested. During Monroe's short mis- sion to London he was obliged to be absent from that city several months, and he was actually brought into negotiations with six successive for- eign secretaries, besides the two special commis- sioners ; and these secretaries were involved in the perplexities which arose from prolonged hos- tilities with a most vigorous foe. The delays which were thus occasioned may have been in- evitable, but they were very costly. War fol- lowed in their train. CHAPTER V SECRETARY OF STATE AND OP WAR Madison became president in 1809. Mon- roe, who had been a rival aspirant for the office, was called to the post of secretary of state in 1811, as the successor of Robert Smith of Mary- land. His associates in the cabinet at that time were Gallatin, Eustis, Paid Hamilton, and, a lit- tle later, William Pinkney. The war, which for several years had seemed inevitable, was now im- minent. Congress indicated a desire for posi- tive measures, and although the President still favored peace, bills were passed for augmenting the army and navy, for enlisting volunteers, and for organizing the militia. The administration was floated onward by the current of public opinion. The British " orders in council " were the immediate occasion of this spirit of resist- ance, but the troubles had begun long before. After hearing Mr. Perceval's public declaration in February, 1812, that England could not listen to the pretensions of neutral nations, the Amer- ican minister in London, Mr. Russell, wrote home that war could not honorably be avoided. 108 JAMES MONKOE This expectation soon became a fact, and war was declared on June 18, 1812. It was a curi- ous coincidence that the act of declaration was drawn by William Pinkney, and communicated to England by James Monroe, the two commis- sioners in London whose efforts to maintain peace by a reasonable treaty had been unsuc- cessful a few years before. Then followed a long period of tumult, dis- aster, and victory, the story of which has been so often told that it will here be referred to only in illustration of the life of Monroe. Moreover this part of his history is so well known that I cannot shed any new light upon it.. As secretary of state his duties were not at the beginning more complex than the ordinary, but he was afterwards charged with the additional responsibilities of the war department, and thus his position became doubly powerful and difficult. Monroe — who was commonly desig- nated by his military title, Colonel Monroe, and who had the renown of brave service in the Revolution — seriously deliberated whether he should take the field in person, as a volunteer, if not to command ; but he restrained his military ardor. During the summer and autumn of 1811 the secretary of state was engaged in a brisk correspondence with Mr. Foster, the British I 4 ■i ^\l Mr. Brock suggests that the family of Jones, to which the mother of James Monroe belongs, was the same with that of Adjutant-General Robert Jones, Commodore Thomas Catesby Jones, General Walker Jones, and other distinguished Americans. The private residence of Monroe during the latter part of his life was at Oak Hill, near Aldie, Loudoun County, Virginia, on a turnpike running south from Leesburg to Aldie, about nine miles from the former and three from the latter place. Major R. W. N. Noland has been so kind as to prepare, at the suggestion of Professor J. M. Gar- nett of the University of Virginia, a sketch of Oak Hill, as follows : — The Oak Hill house was planned by Mr. Monroe, but the building superintended by Mr. William Benton, an Englishman, who occupied the mixed relation to Mr. Mon- roe of steward, counselor, and friend. The bouse is built of brick in a most substantial manner, and handsomely finished ; it is, perhaps, about 90 x 50 feet, three stories (including basement), and has a wide portico, fronting south, with massive Doric columns thirty feet high, and is surrounded by a grove of magnificent oaks covering sev- eral acres. While the location is not as commanding as many others in that section, being in lower Loudoun where the rolling character of the Piedmont region begins to loose itself in the flat lands of tide water, the house in two directions commands an attractive and somewhat ex- 1 Compare Savage, New England Genealogical Dictionary, mil. 256, 257. APPENDIX 261 tensive view, but on the other sides it is hemmed in by mountains, for the local names of which, " Bull Run " and " Nigger Mountain," it is to be hoped the late President is in no wise responsible, and, indeed, the same may be said of the river or creek which breaks through these ranges within a mile or two of Oak Hill. Tom Moore, in a poetic letter as brilliant as it is ill-natured, satirizing Washington city, writes, "And what was Goose Creek once is Tiber now ; " but the fact is that no such stream is found in the neighborhood of the national capital. The little stream that washes the confines of the Oak Hill estate once bore the Indian name Gohongarestaw (the River of Swans), and is now called Goose Creek. The following anecdote connected with Oak Hill is, perhaps, worthy of preservation. On the occasion of Lafayette's visit to Loudoun, a large number of distinguished guests were entertained at Oak Hill. It was at the dinner in Leesburg, given to Lafayette, that Mr. Adams drank the celebrated toast to the " Patriots of the Revolution — like the Sibylline leaves, the fewer they become, the more precious they are." In riding back to Oak Hill, Mr. Adams, Major William Noland, and Mr. Hay were thrown together, when the last-named gentleman, with an apology for the seeming impertinence, asked Mr. Ad- ams where he conceived the beautiful sentiment he had that day drunk. Mr. Adams said that the toast was in- spired that morning by a sight of the picture of the Sibyl that hung in the Oak Hill hall. " How strange ! " said Mr. Hay, "/have been looking at that picture for years, and that thought never occurred to me." There are several quite good pictures of the Oak Hill house extant — one on Taylor's map of Loudoun County, and others in the histories of Virginia (for example, in Howe's " Historical Collections of Virginia," p. 356). 252 APPENDIX II Washington's notes upon the appendix to Mon- roe's "view of the conduct op the execu- tive," NOW FIRST PRINTED [From the copy by Mr. Sparks now owned by the Library of Cornell University. The figures indicate the pages in the appendix to Monroe's " View," from which catch-words are taken, introducing the notes written by Washington on his copy.] Page 119 — "jealousy and distrust." Principally because he asserted our rights and claimed redress. On what ground the suspicion, when it was a noto- rious fact that (we) were upon the worst terms short of open war with G. Britain ? His communications with the French Govt, con- tradict this, and accounts [sic'] satisfactorily for the delay of the reception, as may be seen by reference thereto. Page 120 — " that I should pursue ? " As nothing but justice, and the fulfillment of a con- tract was asked, it dictated firmness conducted with temperance [sic] in the pursuit of it. Page 120 — " were closed against me." This appears nowhere but in his own conjectures and a/ier-assertions, for from his own account at the APPENDIX 253 time the delay of his reception was satisfactorily ex- plained, and had been the cause of another waiting of sis weeks. 1 See his letter of the 25 of Aug., p. 16. Page 120 — "place a greater confidence ? " By whom were they advised ? and what evidences are alluded to ? Page 122 — " and then defy us." Was a good understanding to be interrupted be- cause we were endeavoring to live in peace with all the world ? and were only asking from France what we were entitled to by treaty ? Page 122 — "in favour of that administration : " It is not understood what is here meant by conces- sion. None was asked, or any [sic] thought of being made. Page 122 — " decisively on the decline." It will not be denied, it is presumed [sic], that there had been and might again be great viscissitudes in their affairs, bothe [sic] externally and internally. Prudence and policy therefore required, that the Govt, of the U. S. should move with great circum- spection. Page 123 — " the point in question." A very singular mode truly to obtain it, but look 1 This " waiting of six weeks " refers to the delay in receiv- ing the minister of Geneva. — Editob. 234 APPENDIX to letter of Nov. 7 th , 1794, pp. 58, 59, and judge whether it would not have been accomplished sooner if he had desired it ; — and what can he mean by not conceding, when in explicit terms he has declared that the point, if upon consideration they desired it, would have been given up with pleasure ! Page 123 — " upon the slightest intimation." That is to say, if we would not press them to do us justice, but have yielded to their violations, they would [sic\ aided us in every measure, which would have cost them nothing. Page 124 — "from the western posts," By what means were the British to be expelled from the "Western posts, without first conquering Canada, or passing thro' the territory of the U. S., and would not the latter, by the law of nations, have been a cause of war ? The truth is Mr. Manroe [sic\ was cajoled, flattered, and made to believe strange things. In return he did, or was disposed to do, whatever was pleasing to that nation ; reluctantly urging the rights of his own. Page 140 — " in the second the whole." This is a mistake, — no such promise to be found in the 2 d letter. See p. 105, Nov. 25 th . Page 140 — " to me on the subject ? " The intention was to enable him on the veracity and authority of the negotiator of the Treaty to assert, APPENDIX 255 that there was nothing contained in it repugnant to our engagement with France, and that was all that they or he had a right to expect. Page 147 — "power alone to make it, etc." And this ought to have satisfied the French Govt. It was as much as that Govt, would have done for us or any other nation. Page 148 — " my secretary, Mr. Gauvain " Here is a striking instance of his folly. This secretary of his was a foreigner — it is believed a Frenchman — introduced no doubt to his confidence and papers for the sole purpose of communicating to the Directory the secrets of his office. Page 160 — " with you in June next." The sufferings of our citizens are always a sec- ondary consideration when put in competition with the embarrassments of the French. Page 161 — " reasons above suggested." Hence is a disregard shown to repeated orders of his government to press this matter. Page 207 — " me to do it here." What inference is to be drawn from this declara- tion ? What light is it in Philadelphia, that is to dis- cover the sense of the French Govt, in Paris, before it was divulged there ? — except the conduct of the French party by whom the wheels were to be moved ? 256 APPENDIX Page 210 — " of this government," If he does not mean himself here, it is not difficult to guess who the other character is marked out by this description. Page 210 — " of what kind must it be ? " War was the suggestion, and is here repeated. This has no horrors when waged in favor of France, but dreadful even in thought when it is against her. Page 297 — " decide in his case." Mr. Fenwick was accused of covering by the American flag French money under false invoices, but Mr. M. could readily excuse this breach of faith in his office. Page 313 — "furnished lose its force." England before the late treaty with the U. S. and France were different in their commercial relations with America. Page 314 — " than in precise terms ; " For the best reason imaginable ; because none could be urged that had any weight in them. Page 321 — " the United States have taken," Only in cases where the captors have contravened the treaty — acting contrary to the laws of nations — or our own municipal laws. APPENDIX 257 Page 322 — " prises into those ports." A single instance only of a prize being brought in is recollected, and against it a strong remonstrance was made ; — without prizes, ships of war are not restrained by the Treaty. Page 322 — " executing their judgments." No interruption has been given to this. To carry their own judgments into effect has constituted the difficulty, — and in its nature it is nearly impossible to do it. Page 322 — "certified by the consuls." This is the French construction of the Act. The Judiciary of the U. S. interpret it otherwise ; over whom the Executive have [sic] no control. Page 322 — " safeguard of their flag." This arrestation was for an offense committed against the law of nations and those of the U. S. and has been explained over and over again. See the Sec ty of State's Letter, 13 th of June, p. 364. Page 323 — " merited an example." What more could the U. S. do than was done ? See the See' 7 of State's Letter, Sept. 14 th , 1795, p. 292. Page 323 — "least contested, of neutrality ." These are assertions upon false premises. Strange indeed would it be if the U. S. could not make a 258 APPENDIX treaty without the consent of the French Govt, when that treaty infracted no prior engagements, but ex- pressly recognizes and confirms them. Page 323 — " the principles of neutrality ? " They have given nothing, but left those principles precisely upon the ground they stood [sic] before the Treaty ; with some explanations favorable to the U. S. and not injurious to France. They have made nothing contraband, that was not contraband before ; — nor was it in their power to obtain from G. B. a change, which the Armed Neutrality, (as it was called) could not when combined accomplish. Page 345 — " and without delay." How strangely inconsistent are his accounts ! Page 356 — " most strict reciprocity." From hence it follows, that if A makes a contract with B, and C will not make a similar contract with him, B will not be bound by his contract, although the cases are unconnected with each other [sic\. Page 359 — " course of the present war." All this he ought to have done, and was instructed to do in the beginning ; and had it been urged with firmness and temperance, might have prevented the evils which have taken place since. Page 359 — " my duty would permit ; " And a great deal more than his duty permitted APPENDIX 259 Page 371 — " the merit of this delay ; " By implication he has done this in a variety of instances. Page 371 — " was the true cause of it." That is, by not pressing the execution of the Treaty ; and for compensation to our suffering citi- zens. This no doubt was accommodating and pleas- ing one party at the expense of the other. Page 374 — " be passed by unnoticed." Did France expect, that the U. S. could compel G. B. to relinquish this right under the law of na- tions, while [sic] the other maritime powers of Europe (as has been observed before), when com- bined for the purpose were unable to effect [sic]. Why then call it an abandonment ? Page 377 — " what they did avow.'' This is all external and a flimsy covering of their designs. Why else send their emissaries through that country to inculcate different principles among the inhabitants, a fact that could be substantiated. Page 390 — " nations had sworn to." Yes, Citizen, and every one else who can read are [sic] acquainted with [sic] facts ; and your violations of our rights under the Treaty prove (?) it also. 260 APPENDIX Page 391 — " be made through you." The treatment of our minister, Gen 1 Pinckney, is a pretty evidence of this ; — the thot' [sic~\ of parting with Mr. Monroe was insupportable by them. Ill BIBLIOGRAPHY OP MONROE, AND THE MONROE DOCTRINE PKEPABED FOB THTS WOEK BY J. T. JAMESON, PH. D. The following bibliography has been prepared with a view to the needs of persons specially study- ing the career of Monroe, rather than to those of the general reader. Hence it does not ordinarily in- clude references to the most familiar sources, such as the State Papers, the published correspondence of Washington, etc., and the standard histories. It aims to include nothing that does not bear directly upon Monroe or the Monroe Doctrine ; nor, in even the limited area thus marked out, can it hope to be complete. The titles under A are arranged alpha- betically by authors ; those under B chronologically ; those under C first chronologically, according to the period of Monroe's public life to which they refer, and then alphabetically by authors. At least one locality of a book or pamphlet, unless it be a common one, has been designated when known. In such de- signations, at the end of the title, A indicates the existence of a copy in the Astor Library ; B, in the APPENDIX 261 Boston Public Library ; BA, in that of the Boston Athenaeum ; C, in the Library of Congress ; H, in that of Harvard College ; JCB, in the John Carter Brown Library ; JH, in that of the Johns Hopkins University ; M, in the Massachusetts State Library ; MH, in that of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; N, in the New York State Library ; NH, in that of the New York Historical Society ; P, in that of the Philadelphia Library Company ; S, in that of the Department of State ; W, in that of the American Antiquarian Society at "Worcester. The Maryland Historical Society is supplied with most of the works to which reference has been made in the preparation of this volume. SYNOPSIS. A. BIOGRAPHICAL. B. Published Writings of Monroe. C. Publications relating to the Public Career or the Writings of Monroe. 1. First Diplomatic Service and the " View.'' 2. Louisiana Purchase and Spanish Mission. 3. Diplomatic Efforts in England. 4. Period of Cabinet Office. 5. Presidency. 6. Subsequent Period. D. The Monroe Doctrine. 1. Its Immediate Origin. 2. Discussion of it in Treatises on International Law. 3. In more Special Treatises and Articles. a. American. b. European. 4. Occasions on which it has been applied. a. The Panama Congress. b. Yucatan. 262 APPENDIX c. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. d. Central America, 1845-1860. e. Cuba, etc., 1850-1898. f. French Intervention in Mexico. g. The Inter-oceanic Canal. h. America North of the United States. i. The Pan-American Conference. j. The Venezuela-Guiana Boundary. BIBLIOGRAPHY. A. Biographical. John Qnincy Adams : An Eulogy on the Life and Character of James Monroe, Fifth President of the United States, . . . delivered at . . . Boston, August 25, 1881. Boston, 1831. 8vo, pp. 100. BA, N. (See [John Armstrong] under C. 6, p. 277.) John Qnincy Adams : Lives of Celebrated Statesmen. [Madi- son, Lafayette, and Monroe.] New York, 1846. 8vo, pp. 105. N. John Quincy Adams : The Lives of James Madison and James Monroe, Fourth and Fifth Presidents of the United States. With Historical Notices of their Administrations. Buffalo, 1850. 12mo, pp. 432. C. + * Philadelphia, 1854. M. S. L. Gouverneur: Introduction to "The People, the Sover- eigns," by James Monroe. See under B. S. L. K[napp] : in James B. Long-acre and James Herring, National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, vol. 3. Philadelphia, 1836. 8vo. [S. L. Knapp] : James Monroe, [n. p., n. d.] 8vo, pp. 10. (Portrait.) Lippincott's Magazine, first series, vol. 9, p. 359. A Narrative of a Tour of Observation, made during the Sum- mer of 1817, by James Monroe, President of the United States, through the North-Eastern and North-Western De- partments of the Union ; with a View to the Examination of 1 The sign -J- indicates another edition. APPENDIX 263 their several Military Defenses. With an Appendix. Phila- delphia, 1818. 12mo, pp. 228, xxxvi. B, C, N. New England Magazine, vol. 1, p. 178. New York Mirror, vol. 12 [1834-5], p. 41. (Portrait.) Niles' Register, vol. 10, p. 4, March 2, 1816; from the National Advocate. Also, December 3, 1825, and vol. 35, p. 68. Also, vol. 40, p. 369, Jnly 23, 1831. Order of Exercises at the Old South Church, Commemorative of . . . James Monroe. . . . August 25, 1831. Boston, 1831. 8vo, pp. 8. B. T. Paine: Anecdote of James Monroe and Kufus King, in Political Writings. London, 1844. BA, C. Portfolio, vol. 19, p. 251 : fourth series, vol. 5. Philadelphia, April, 1818. (Portrait.) William 0. Stoddard: The Lives of the Presidents: James Madison, James Monroe, and J. Q. Adams, pp. 128-224. New York, 1887. Pp. 331. 12mo, 20 cm. B. W. Thompson: Personal Recollections of Sixteen Presi- dents. Indianapolis, 1894. S. Putnam Waldo : Tour of James Monroe, President of the United States, in the year 1817, through the States of Mary- land, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Ohio ; together with a Sketch of his Life. Hartford, 1818. 12mo, pp. 300. BA. S. P. Waldo : Tour of James Monroe, President of the United States, through the Northern and Eastern States, in 1817 ; his Tour in 1818, with a Sketch of his Life. Hartford, 1819. 12mo. C. In Edwin Williams : The Statesman's Manual. New York, 1847. 8vo,vol. 1. Udolpho Wolfe : Grand Civic and Military Demonstration in Honor of the Removal of the Remains of James Monroe, Fifth President of the United States, from New York to Virginia. New York, 1858. 12mo, pp. 324. C. (And numerous unimportant notices in lives of the presi- dents, cyclopaedias, and biographical dictionaries.) 264 APPENDIX B. PUBIJSHED WHITINGS OP MONBOE, (in addition to the messages, dispatches, and letters which may be found in familiar sources. Manuscripts of Monroe's public papers are in the possession of the Department of State ; much of his private correspondence is in the possession of Mrs. S. L. Gouverneur, Jr., of Washington.) The Writings of James Monroe. Edited by Stanislaus Murray Hamilton. [In six or seven volumes.] New York. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1898, et seq. The first volume of this collection, — the only one that has yet appeared, July, 1898, — contains reprints of the two following : — Some Observations on the Constitution. Pp. 24, small quarto. (A copy, thought to be unique, was recently found by Mr. John P. Weissenhagen, of the Bureau of Bolls and Library, in the Department of State.) Observations upon the Proposed Flan of Federal Government. With an Attempt to answer some of the Principal Objections that have been made to it. By a Native of Virginia. Peters- burg. Printed by Hunter and Prentis. 1788. Pp. 64, small quarto. (A copy, supposed to be unique, is in the Library of the Department of State.) A View of the Conduct of the Executive, in the Foreign Affairs of the United States, connected with the Mission to the French Republic in the years 1794, '5, and '6. By James Monroe. . . . Illustrated by his Instructions and Correspond- ence and other Authentic Documents. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. lxvi., 407. + Same, the Second Edition. London, 1798. 8vo, pp. viii., 117. + Same, the Third Edition. London, 1798. 8vo, pp. xvi., 117. (See London Monthly Eeview, vol. 25, p. 232.) Governor's Letter to the Speaker and House of Delegates of Virginia, 6th December, 1802. Richmond, 1802. 12mo. C. A Letter from the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United APPENDIX 265 States to Lord Mulgrave, late Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. With [James Madison] : An Examination of the British Doctrine which subjects to Capture a Neutral Trade not open in Time of Peace, [n. p.] 1806. 8vo, pp. 204. + Second Edition. London, 1806. B, C. Correspondence between . . . Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, and James Monroe, Esq. . . . Boston, 1808. 4to, pp. 8. BA. Letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe, on the sub- ject of the attack on the Chesapeake. The Correspondence of Mr. Monroe with the British Government ; and also Mr. Madison's Correspondence with Mr. Bose, on the same sub- ject. Washington, 1808. 8vo. (Peabody Library, Balti- more.) Letters of James Madison ... to Mr. Monroe on . . . Im- pressments, etc. Also Extracts from, and Enclosures in, the Letters of Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State. Wash- ington, 1808. 8vo, pp. 130. B, MH. Defence of the Mission to England. . . . Washington, 1808. 8vo. Letters between James Monroe, Esq., Secretary of State of the United States, and Augustus J. Foster, Esq., . . . Minister Plenipotentiary of bis Britannic Majesty ; in rela- tion to the Orders in Council, and the Affair of the Little Belt. To which is added, the Declaration of War. New York, 1812. 12mo, pp. 59. B. To all who are honestly searching after the Truth. Mr. Mon- roe's Letter on the Rejected Treaty between the United States and Great Britain, concluded by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney. Also the Treaty itself, and Documents connected with it. Portland, 1813. 8vo, pp. 52. BA, C. Commercial Regulations of Foreign Countries. [Message.] Washington, 1819. BA. Message from the President, transmitting Sundry Papers re- lating to Transactions in East and West Florida. April 19, 1822. [Washington, 1822.] Pp. 46. P. Message transmitting a Digest of the Commercial Regulations 266 APPENDIX of the Different Foreign Nations. Washington, 1824. 18th Congress, 1st Session, House Doe. No. 130. BA, M. Message transmitting a Report of the Secretary of the Navy. Washington, 1824. 8vo. C. Correspondence between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Monroe, as published in the National Intelligencer. Washington, 1824. 12mo. N. The Memoir of James Monroe^ Esq., relating to his Unsettled Claims upon the People and Government of the United States. [With documents.] Charlottesville, Va., 1828. 8vo, pp. 60. BA, C, NH. A Letter from James Monroe, in Answer to . . . Questions [on War and Slavery, etc.] . . . [n. p., 1863 ?] 8vo, pp. 32. H. The People, the Sovereigns, Being a Comparison of the Gov- ernment of the United States with those of the Bepublicks, which have existed before, with the Causes of their Deca- dence and Fall. By James Monroe. Edited by S. L. Gou- vemeur. Philadelphia, 1867. 12mo, pp. 274. (See, under C 6, C. C. Hazewell, p. 277.) Calendar of the Correspondence of James Monroe. [Bulletin of the Bureau of Bolls and Library of the Department of State, No. 2.] Washington, 1893. Pp. 371. C. Publications relating to the Public Cakeer or the Writings op Monroe. 1. First Diplomatic Service and the " View." Alexander Addison: Observations on the Speech of Albert Gallatin on the Foreign Intercourse Bill. Washington, Pa., 1798. 8vo. An Address on the Past, Present, and Eventual Relations of the United States to France. By Anticipation. New York, [1803]. 8vo,pp. 20. A. P. A. Adet: Notes adressees par le citoyen Adet, Ministre Plenipotentiaire de la Republique Francaise pres les Etats- APPENDIX 267 Unis d'Amerique, Au Secretaire d'Etat des Etats-Unis. Philadelphia, 1796. 8vo, pp. 95. 4- Same, translated. [P. A. Adet] : Authentic Translation of a Note from the Min- ister of the French Republic to the Secretary of State of the United States. New York, 1796. 8vo, pp. 38. N. (See, also, Wm. Cobbett.) The Anti-Gallican ; or, The Lover of his own Country ; in a Series of Pieces . . . wherein French Influence, and False Patriotism, are fully and fairly displayed. By a Citizen of New England. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp.82. (Includes Letters on Pseudo-Patriots, by Ascanius ; of which No. VL is on James Monroe.) H. Camillus, pseud. .- History of French Influence in the United States. Philadelphia, 1812. M. [William Cobbett] : A History of the American Jacobins, commonly denominated Democrats. By Peter Porcupine. In Wm. Playfair, The History of Jacobinism. Philadelphia, 1795. P. [William Cobbett] : The Gros Mosqueton Diplomatique ; or, Diplomatic Blunderbuss, containing Citizen Adet's Notes to the Secretary of State, as also his Cockade Proclamation. With a Preface by Peter Porcupine. Philadelphia, 1796. 8vo, pp. 72. C. William Cobbett : Porcupine's Works. London, 1801. 8vo. [Vol. iv. contains The Diplomatic Blunderbuss (Oct. 31, 1796) ; Political Censor, No. vi. (Nov. 1796) ; A Brief Statement of the Injuries and Insults received from France (Feb. 1797). In vol. v. pp. 131-138 ; vol. vi. pp. 12, 13, 92-98, 116-124, 358-376, 414-417 ; vol. vii. pp. 90-95, 151- 156, are notices of Monroe's doings, from Porcupine's Ga- zette, 1797. Vol. x., Dr. Morse's Exposition of French In- trigue in America.] Coup d'csil sur la situation des affaires entre la France et les Etats-Unis de l'Amerique. 1798. 8vo, pp. 28. BA. J. Dennis : Address on the Origin, Progress, and Present State of French Aggression. Philadelphia, 1798. BA. Wm. Duane : A History of the French Revolution, with a 268 APPENDIX free Examination of the Dispute between the French and American Republics. Philadelphia, 1798. 4to. Joseph Fauchet : Coup d'ceil sur lMtat aetuel de nos rapports politiques avec les Etats-Unis de FAmerique Septentrionale ; par J. Fauchet, Ex-ministre de la Republique a Philadcl- phie. Paris, an V. [1797.] 8vo, pp. 42. H. Joseph Fauchet : A Sketch of the Present State of our Po- litical Relations with the United States of North America. . . . Translated by the Editor of the " Aurora." [Wm. J. Duane.] Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. 31. BA. A Five Minutes' Answer to Paine's Letter to Washington, London, 1797. 8vo, pp. 44. MH. (See below, T. Paine.) [Albert Gallatin] : An Examination of the Conduct of the Executive of the United States toward the French Repub- lic ; ... In a Series of Letters. By a Citizen of Pennsyl- vania. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. vi., 72. BA. Albert Gallatin : The Speech of Albert Gallatin, delivered in the House of Representatives ... on the First of March 1798. Upon the Foreign Intercourse Bill. [n. p., 1798.] 8vo, pp. 48. (And other Editions.) BA, H, MH, P, JCB. [A. G. Gebhardt] : Actes et Memoires concernant les nego- ciations qui ont eu lieu entre la France et les Etats-Unis d'Amenque. [1793-1800.] Londres, 1807. 3 vols. 12mo. BA. A. G. Gebhardt : State Papers relating to the Diplomatick Transactions between the American and French Govern- ments. [1793-1800.] London, 1816. 3 vols. 8vo. BA. L. Goldsmith: An Exposition of the Conduct of France to America, illustrated by Cases decided in the Council of Prizes in Paris. [1793-1808.] London, 1810. 8vo,pp. 133. (Various other editions.) B, BA, H. [Alexander Hamilton.] See [Uriah Tracy], below. R. G. Harper : Observations on the Dispute between the United States and France, addressed by Robert Goodloe Harper, Esq., of South Carolina, to his Constituents in May, 1797. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. 102. (And twenty other editions.) B, BA, H, NH, P. APPENDIX 269 R. G. Harper : Mr. Harper's Speech on the Foreign Intercourse Bill, in Reply to Mr. Nicholas and Mr. Gallatin. Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, on the second of March, 1798. [n. p., u. d.] 8vo, pp. 43. (And other editions.) B, H, MH, NH, P. R. G. Harper : A short Account of the principal Proceedings of Congress in the late Session, and a Sketch of the State of Affairs between the United States and France, in July, 1798, in a Letter to one of his Constituents. Philadelphia, 1798. 8vo. P. Kennedy : An Answer to Mr. Paine's Letter to General Washington ; or, Mad Tom convicted of the Blackest In- gratitude. London, 1797. 8vo, pp. 55. JCB. A Letter to Thomas Paine, in Answer to his Scurrilous Epis- tle ... to Washington . . . By an American Citizen. New York, 1797. 8vo, pp. 24. L'Independance absolue des Americains des Etats-Unis, prou- vee par l'titat actuel de leur Commerce avec les Nations Europ^ennes. Paris, 1798. 8vo, pp. 149. (Written by an American merchant, in answer to Fauchet, Coup d'oeil, above.) Thomas Paine : A Letter to George Washington, President of the United States, on Affairs Public and Private. Phila- delphia, 1796. 8vo, pp. 76. (And other editions.) B, BA, H. (Also in vol. i. of Works. Philadelphia, 1854. 12mo.) E. C. J. Pastoret: Conseil des Cinq-Cents: motion d'ordre sur l'e'tat de nos rapports politiques et commerciaux avec les Etate-Unis de l'Ame'rique septentrionale. Paris, an V. [1797]. 8vo,pp. 26. BA. [Timothy Pickering] : Lettre du Secretaire d'Etat des Etats- Unis de l'Ame'rique au General Charles C. Pinckney, Mi- nistre Plenipotentiaire des dits Etats-Unis pres la Republique Francaise ; en reponse aux differentes plaintes f aites contre le gouvernement des Etats-Unis par le Ministre Francais . . . 1796. Paris, 1797. 8vo, pp. 62. Timothy Pickering and P. A. Adet : Review of the Adminis- tration of the United States since '93. Boston, 1797. BA 270 APPENDIX C. C. Tanguy de la Boissiere : Observations sur la depSche ecrite le 16 Jan., 1797, par M. Pickering, Secretaire d'Etat des Etats-Unis de l'Amerique, a M. Pinkney, Ministre Pleni- potentiaire des Etats-Unis pres la Rdpublique Frangaise. Pbiladelphie, 1797. Also, translated. BA, C. [Uriah Tracy, or (?) Alexander Hamilton] : Reflections on Monroe's View, ... as published in the Gazette of the United States under the Signature of Scipio. [n. p., n. d.] 8vo, pp. 88. BA, P. [Uriah Tracy, or (?) Alexander Hamilton] : [Scipio's] Reflec- tions on Monroe's View. . . . Boston, 1798. 8vo, pp. 140. C, H, M. George Washington : Notes on Monroe's View, Sparks, xi. 504-529. (His Notes on the Appendix to the View are printed in Appendix HI of this book.) [R. Walsh] : An Enquiry into the Past and Present Relations of France and the United States of America. [London, 1811.] 8vo, pp. 87. (Reprinted from the American Review, vol. i.) 2. Louisiana Purchase and Spanish Mission. Analysis of the Third Article of the Treaty of Cession of Louisiana. [Washington (?)], 1803. 8vo, pp. 8. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 32, p. 301. The Louisiana Purchase. Samuel Brazer, Jr. : Address pronounced at Worcester, May 12, 1804, in Commemoration of the Cession of Louisiana to the United States. Worcester, 1804. 8vo, pp. 15. MH. [Charles Brockden Brown] : An Address to the Government of the United States on the Cession of Louisiana to the French, and on the late Breach of Treaty by the Spaniards. Philadelphia, 1803. 8vo, pp. 92. C, N. [Charles Brockden Brown] : Monroe's Embassy ; or, The Conduct of the Government in relation to our Claims to the Navigation of the Mississippi, considered, by the Author of the Address to the Government. . . . [Signed " Poplicola."] Philadelphia, 1803. 8vo, pp. 57. BA, C. Camillus, pseud. See Duane, below. APPENDIX 271 James Chee tharn : Letters on our Affairs with Spain. New York, 1804. 8vo, pp. 59. C. S. M. Davis : The Purchase of Louisiana. Chautauquan, vol. 14, p. 658. 1891. Wm. Duane : Mississippi Question. Report of a Debate in the Senate of the United States, on the 23d, 24th, and 25th Feb., 1803, on Certain Resolutions concerning the Violation of the Right of Deposit in the Island of New Orleans. Philadelphia, 1803. 8to, pp. 198. BA, H. [Wm. Duane] : Camillus, pseud. The Mississippi Question fairly stated, and the Views and Arguments of those who clamor for War, examined. In Seven Letters. Philadel- phia, 1803. 8vo, pp. 48. BA. [Wm. Fessenden] : The Political Farrago, or a Miscellaneous Review of the Politics of the United States, . . . including . . . Remarks on the "Louisiana Purchase," by Peter Dobbin, Esq., R. 0. U. S. A. Brattleboro', Vt., 1807, pp. 59. W. C. Gayarre' : The Cession of Louisiana to the United States. De Bow's Mag., n. s., vol. 1, pp. 256 and 404. 1866. (See also his History of Louisiana.) Wm. Maclure : To the People of the United States on the Convention with France of 1803. Philadelphia, 1807. P. A. B. Magruder : Reflections on the Cession of Louisiana to the United States. Lexington, 1803. BA. F. de Barb^-Marbois : Histoire de la Louisiane et de la Ces- sion de cette Colonie par la France aux Etats-Unis de l'Amerique septentrionale. Paris, 1829. 8vo, pp. 485. BA,H. F. de BarbeVMarbois : The History of Louisiana, particularly of the Cession of that Colony to the United States of America. Translated from the French by an American Citizen. [William Beach Lawrence.] Philadelphia, 1830. 8vo, pp. xviii., 455. C, H. (See Sparks, below.) Memoires sur la Louisiane et la Nouvelle-Orh5ans, accompagno d'une Dissertation sur les avantages que le commerce de l'Empire doit tirer de la stipulation faite par l'article 7 du 272 APPENDIX Traite de cession, du 30 avril 1803 ; par M. * * * Paris, an XII. [1804]. 8vo, pp. 176. 6. Morris. See Ross, below. Geo. Oir : The Possession of Louisiana by the French, consid- ered as it affects the interests of those Nations more imme- diately concerned, viz. : Great Britain, America, Spain, and Portugal. London, 1803. 8to, pp. 45. BA. J. M. Peck : The Annexation of Louisiana. Christian Review, vol. 16, p. 555. Political, Commercial, and Statistical Sketches of the Spanish Empire in both Indies ; and a View of the Questions between Spain and the United States respecting Louisiana and the Floridas. London, 1809. 8vo, pp. 156. BA. David Ramsay: Oration on the Cession of Louisiana to the United States ; delivered May 12, 1804, in Charleston, S. C. Charleston, 1804. 8vo, pp. 27. BA. C. P. Robertson : The Louisiana Purchase and its Influence on the American System. New York, 1885. (Am. Hist. Asso. Pap., vol. 1, No. IV.) J. Ross and G. Morris : Speeches in Support of Ross's Reso- lutions relating to the Free Navigation of the Mississippi. Philadelphia, 1803. BA. Jared Sparks : The History of the Louisiana Treaty. North American Review, vol. 28, p. 389 (April, 1829), and vol. 30, p. 551 (April, 1830). (Reviews of Marbois and of the translation of it.) Sylvestris, pseud. . Reflections on the Cession of Louisiana to the United States. Washington, 1803. BA, P. B. Yaughan : Remarks on a Dangerous Mistake made as to the East Boundary of Louisiana. Boston, 1814. 8vo, pp. 28. BA. 3. Diplomatic Efforts in England. American Candour, in a Tract lately published at Boston, en- titled " An Analysis," . . . etc. (See [J. Lowell], below.) London, 1809. 8vo. American State Papers and Correspondence between Messrs. APPENDIX 273 Smith, Pinkney, Marquis Wellesley, General Armstrong, M. Champagny, M. Turreau, Messrs. Russell, Monroe, Foster, etc. London, 1812. 8vo, pp. 187, 116. H. Nathaniel Ateheson : American Encroachment on British Eights. London, 1808, pp. xiii., coriii., 250. Also in Pam- phleteer, vol. 6, pp. 33-98, 361-400. BA. A. B. : Six Letters of A. B. on the Difference between Great Britain and the United States of America, with a Preface by the Editor of the Morning Chronicle. London, 1807. 8vo, pp. 48. BA. Alex. Baring : An Inquiry into the Causes and Consequences of the Orders in Council ; and an Examination of the Con- duct of Great Britain towards the Neutral Commerce of America. London, 1808 (and other editions). C, H, P. (See T. P. Courtenay, below.) [Charles B. Brown, or G. Morris] : The British Treaty [of 1806. n. p., 1807.] 8vo,pp.86. BA. + The British Treaty with America, with an Appendix of State Papers ; which are now first published. London, 1808. 8vo, pp. 147. N. James Cheetham : Peace or War ? or, Thoughts on our Affairs with England. New York, 1807. 8vo,pp.44. B,BA, MH. [T. P. Courtenay] : Observations on the American Treaty, in Eleven Letters. First published in The Sun, under the Sig- nature of " Decius.'' London, 1808. 8vo, pp. 75. T. P, Courtenay : Additional Observations on the American Treaty, with some Remarks on Mr. Baring's Pamphlet ; being a Continuation of the Letters of Decius. To which is added an Appendix of State Papers, including the Treaty. London, 1808. 8vo, pp. viii., 94, Ixix. N. [Alexander J. Dallas] : An Exposition of the Causes and Character of the Late War with Great Britain. Baltimore, 1815. (And other editions.) BA, C. Decius, pseud. See [T. P. Courtenay], above. A Farmer, pseud. See Senex, pseud., below. Thos. G. Fessenden : Some Thoughts on the Present Dispute between Great Britain and America. Philadelphia, 1807. 8vo, pp. 91. P. 274 APPENDIX An Inquiry into the Present State of the Foreign Relations of the Union, as affected by the Late Measures of Administra- tion. Philadelphia, 1806. 8vo, pp. 183. BA. Wm. Lee : Les Etats-Unis et l'Angleterre, on, Souvenirs et Reflexions d'un Citoyen Americain. [1791-1814.] Bor- deaux, 1814. 8vo, pp. 346. BA, C, H. [J. Lowell] : Analysis of the Late Correspondence between our Administration and Great Britain and France. With an Attempt to show what are the Real Causes of the Failure of the Negotiations between France and America. [Boston, 1808.] BA. (See American Candour, above.) [J. Lowell] : Supplement to the late Analysis of the Public Correspondence between our Cabinet and those of France and Great Britain. [Boston, 1808.] 8vo, pp. 28. BA [J. LoweE] : Thoughts upon the Conduct of our Administra- tion in Relation both to Great Britain and France, more especially in Reference to the Late Negotiation, concern- ing the Attack on the Chesapeake ; by a Friend to Peace. [1808.] [J. Madison.] See under B, pp. 264, 265, A Letter, etc., 1806. [James McHenry] : Three Patriots, [Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe,] or, the Cause and Cure of Present Evils. Balti- more, 1811. 8vo. M. B. Mihir, pseud. : Considerations in Answer to the Pamphlet containing Madison's Instructions to Monroe. Albany, 1807. BA. [G. Morris] : An Answer to " War in Disguise ; " or, Remarks upon the New Doctrine of England concerning Neutral Trade. New York, 1806. 8vo, pp. 76. (See, also, [Charles B. Brown], above.) Timothy Pickering : Letters addressed to the People of the United States of America on the Conduct of the Past and Present Administrations of the American Government towards Great Britain and France. London, 1812. 8vo, pp. 168. The Present Claims and Complaints of America briefly and fairly considered. London, 1806. 8vo, pp. 56. APPENDIX 275 Remarks on the British Treaty with the United States. Liver- pool, 1807. BA. Report of the Committee to whom was referred the Cor- respondence between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Canning, and between Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose, relative to the Attack on the Chesapeake. April 16, 1808. Washington, 1808. Senex, pseud. . Letters under the signatures of " Senex " and of "A Farmer," comprehending an examination of the con- duct of our Executive toward France and Great Britain, out of which the present crisis has arisen. Originally pub- lished in the North American. Baltimore, 1809. 8vo, pp. 108. BA. [James Stephen], War in Disguise ; or, the Frauds of Neutral Flags. London, 1805. 8vo, pp. 215. (See [6. Morris], above.) The Tocsin ; an Inquiry into the Late Proceedings of Great Britain, etc. Charleston, 1807. P. 4. Period of Cabinet Office. (See [John Armstrong], under 6, below.) Major-General George W. Cullum : The Attack on Washing- ton City in 1814. In Papers of the American Historical Association. Vol. 2, pp. 54-68. 1888. £. D. Ingraham : A Sketch of the Events which preceded the Capture of Washington by the British on the Twenty-fourth of August, 1814. Philadelphia, 1849. 8vo, pp. 66. A, B, BA, C. Remarks on " An Enquiry," etc. (See next title.) Baltimore, 1816. 8vo. BA. Spectator, pseud. : Enquiry respecting the Capture of Wash- ington by the British. Washington, 1816. 8vo. BA. United States, 13th Congress, 3d session. Report of Com- mittee to inquire into the Causes and Particulars of the Invasion of the City of Washington by the British Forces, August. Washington, 1814. 8vo. BA. J. S. Williams : History of the Invasion and Capture of Wash- ington. New Tork, 1857. 12mo. BA. 276 APPENDIX 5. Presidency. Exposition of the Motives for opposing the Nomination of Mr. Monroe for the Office of President of the United States. Washington, 1816. 8vo, pp. 14. B, BA. [C. Pinckney] : Observations to show the Propriety of the Nomination of Gol. J. Monroe to the Presidency. Charleston, 1816. BA. Edward T. Channing: Oration delivered at Boston, July 4, 1817. Boston, [1817]. 8vo, pp. 24. BA, MH, W. J. L. M. Curry : The Acquisition of Florida. Magazine of American History, vol. 19, p. 286. 1887. [J. Forsyth] : Observaciones sobre la Memoria del Sefior Onis, relativa a la Negociacion con los Estados Unidos. (See fifth title below.) Madrid, 1822. 8vo. T. W. Higginson : The Administration of James Monroe. Harper's Magazine, vol. 68, p. 936. 1883. J. It. Ireland : The Republic. History of the United States in the Administrations. Chicago, 1888. 18 v. Joshua Leavitt : The Administration of Monroe. Harper's Monthly Magazine, vol. 29, p. 461. September, 1864. Official Correspondence between Don Luis de Onis, Minister from Spain, . . . and John Quincy Adams, in relation to the Floridas and the Boundaries of Louisiana, etc. London, 1818. 8vo, pp. 130. C. Luis de Onis : Memoria sobre las negociaciones entre EspaQa y los Estados-Unidos de America, que dieron iuotivo al Tra- tado de 1819 ; con una noticia sobre la estadistica de aquel pais, [i. ts. Florida]. Acompana un Apendice. Madrid, 1820. 8vo. H. [L. de Onis] : Memoirs upon the Negotiations between Spain and the United States of America, which led to the Treaty of 1819. With a Statistical Notice of that Country, [Flo- rida]. Accompanied by an Appendix. [Translated by Tobias Watkins.] Washington, 1821. 8vo. H. John Overton : A Vindication of the Measures of the Presi- dent and his . . . Generals, in the Commencement and APPENDIX 277 Termination of the Seminole War. Washington, 1819. 8vo. N. Wm. Patterson : Letter to Peter Van Schaack, Kinderhook, N. Y., on President Monroe and his Cabinet (1822). In Magazine of American History, vol. 6, p. 217. J. F. Rattenbury : Remarks on the Cession of the Floridas to the United States of America, etc. London, 1819. 8vo. C. (Also in Pamphleteer, vol. 15.) J. Schouler : Monroe and the Rhea Letter. Magazine of American History, vol. 12, p. 308. 1884. United States, 18th Congress, 2d Session. [1825.] Reports of Committees, 79. On President Monroe's Accounts. B. Verus, pseud. . Observations on the Existing Differences be- tween Spain and the United States. Philadelphia, 1817. BA. 6. Subsequent Period. [John Armstrong] : Notice of Mr. Adams' Eulogium on the Life and Character of James Monroe. [Washington, 1832.] 8vo, pp. 32. C, M, N. United States, 30th Congress, 2d Session. [1849.] Senate Miscellaneous Documents, 10. On President Monroe's Man- uscript Papers. C. C. Hazewell : Review of " The People, the Sovereigns.'' North American Review, vol. 105, p. 634. (Also noticed in the Nation, vol. 5, p. 109.) D. The Monroe Doctrine. President Monroe's Seventh Annual Message, December 2, 1823. In Williams' Statesman's Manual, vol. 1, pp. 460, 461 ; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 245-250. Edward Channing and A. B. Hart, eds. Extracts from Official Declarations of the United States embodying the Monroe Doctrine, 1789-1891. [American History Leaflets, No. 4.] New York, 1892. S. M. Hamilton : Hamilton Fac-similes of Manuscripts in the National Archives relating to American History. Pt. I. The Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1896. 278 APPENDIX 1. Its Immediate Origin. The Principles of the Holy Alliance ; or Notes and Manifes- toes of the Allied Powers. London, 1823. North American Review, vol. 17, p. 340, October, 1823. (Re- view of the above. See especially pp. 373-375.) Diplomatic Review, vol. 13, pp. 65-69 (August 2, 1865), 73- 74 (September 6, 1865), 81-86 (October 4, 1865). P. R. de Chateaubriand, Congres de Verone. Guerre d'Es- pagne. Negociations. Colonies espagnoles. 2 6 4d. Paris, 1838. 2 vols. 8vo. C. + (Translated), Memoirs of the Congress of Verona. London, 1838. 2 vols. 8vo. C, N. Briefwechsel zwischen Varnhagen von Ense und Oelsner. Vol. 3. A. G. Stapleton : The Political Life of the Right Honorable George Canning, 1822-1827. 3 vols. London, 1831. Conference of Mr. Canning with Prince Polignac, October 9, 1823 ; in Annual Register, vol. 66, p. 99. [G. Canning] : Official Correspondence, Notes by E. J. Sta- pleton. 2 vols. Longmans, 1887. George Canning : Speech in the House of Commons, Decem- ber 12, 1826. In Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, New Series, vol. 16, pp. 390-398 ; Annual Register, vol. 68, p. 192; Canning's Speeches, vol. 6, pp. 108, 109. Richard Rush : Memoranda of a Residence at the Court of London. Philadelphia, 1845. 2 vols. John Quincy Adams : Diary. Vols. 4 and 6, passim. John T. Morse, Jr. : John Quincy Adams. [American States- men Series.] Pp. 130-137. Mr. Adams to Mr. Rush, July 22, 1823. State Papers, For- eign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 791-793, etc. Mr. Clay's Resolution, offered January 20, 1824. Annals of Congress, 18th Congress, 1st Session, vol. 1, p. 1104; Benton's Abridgment, vol. 8, p. 650 ; Niles' Register, vol. 25, p. 335. President Monroe's Eighth Annual Message, December 7, 1824. In Statesman's Manual, vol. 1, pp. 476, 479, 480 ; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 353-359. APPENDIX 279 Jefferson to Monroe, October 24, 1823. Works, vol. 7, pp. 315-317. Madison to Monroe, October 30, 1823. Works, vol. 3, p. 339. Pennsylvania, Magazine of History and Biography. No. 23. 1882. Extracts from the Letters and Diary of William Flumer, Jr. 2. Discussion of it in the Chief Treatises on International Law. J. C. Blnntschli: Droit International Codified Paris, 1870. Pp. 253, 254. S, JH. Carlos Calvo: Derecho International Teorico y Practico de Enropa y America. Paris, 1868. Vol. 1, pp. 142-154, and note (from Dana's Wheaton). S. + French translation, Droit International, etc. 3 e e'd., Paris, 1880. JH. Sir Edward S. Creasy : First Platform of International Law. London, 1876. Pp. 120-124. S, JH. A. W. Heffter : Das Europaische Vb'lkerrecht der Gegenwart. Berlin, 1873. Pp. 96-98. S, JH. Wm. Beach Lawrence: Commentaire sur les Elements dn Droit International et sur L'Histoire des Progres du Droit des Gens de Henry Wheaton. Leipzig (4 vols.), 1868-1880. Vol. 2 (1869), pp. 297-394. S, JH. O. F. de Martens : Precis du Droit des gens moderne de l'En- rope ; augments des notes de Pinheiro-Ferreira. Paris, 1864. Vol. 1, pp. 208-214. S. Robert Phillimore : Commentaries upon International Law. London, 1854-1857. Vol. 1, p. 433. JH. F. Snow : Treaties and Topics in American Diplomacy, (pp. 237-356). Boston, 1894. 8vo. Henry Wheaton : Elements of International Law. Law- rence's edition (1855), p. 97 ; Dana's edition (1866), p. 112. 3. In more Special Treatises and Articles. a. AMERICAN. John Quincy Adams. See Edward Everett, below. America for Americans. Democratic Review, vol. 32, pp. 187, 193 ; vol. 37, p. 263. 280 APPENDIX J. G. Patterson : The Passing of the Monroe Doctrine. Inde- pendent, vol. 10, p. 664. May 19, 1898. H. A. Boardman : New Doctrine of Intervention, tried hy the Writings of Washington. Philadelphia, 1852. 8vo, pp. 63. C. W. F. Borrongh : The Monroe Doctrine and Its History. American Magazine of Civics, vol. 8, p. 47, 1895. James Buchanan : Article on the Monroe Doctrine, in Mr. Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion. New York, 1866. 8vo. BA. H. C. Bunts : The Scope of the Monroe Doctrine. Forum, vol. 7, p. 192, 1889. J. W. Burgess : Recent Pseudo-Monroeism. Political Science Quarterly, vol. 11, p. 44, 1896. A. C. Gasset : The Monroe Doctrine : Defense not Defiance. Forum, vol. 20, p. 456, 1895. Catholic World, vol. 31, p. 116. April, 1880. [Wm. Duane] : The Two Americas, Great Britain, and the Holy Alliance. Washington, 1824. 8vo. P. M. P. Dunnell: The Monroe Doctrine. American Law Re- view, vol. 29, p. 829, 1894. [A. H. Everett] : America, or a General Survey of the Politi. cal Situation of the Several Powers of the Western Continent. ... By a Citizen of the United States. Philadelphia, 1827. Edward Everett, John Quincy Adams, and others : The Mon- roe Doctrine. New York, 1863. 8vo, pp. 17. Also, as No. 34 of the Loyal Publication Society. 1863. 8vo, pp. 11. [Contains Mr. Everett's letter of September 2, 1863, in the New York Ledger, and Mr. Adams' letter of August 11, 1837, to the Kev. Dr. Channing.] H, M. W. Gammell : The Monroe Doctrine. In Selected Writings, edited by J. O. Murray, pp. 178-198. Cambridge, 1890. E. L. Godkin: The Development of the Monroe Doctrine. Nation, vol. 62, p. 490, 1895. More about the Monroe Doc- trine. Nation, vol. 61, p. 304, 1895. J. C. Green : Americanism and the Monroe Doctrine. West- minster Magazine, vol. 149, pp. 237-247, March, : APPENDIX 281 Gunton's Magazine, vol. 10, p. 1, 1896. The Philosophy of the Monroe Doctrine. Vol. 10, p. 81, 1896. The Monroe Doctrine : Definition and Interpretation. Harper's Monthly, vol. 18, p. 418. (Easy Chair.) The Mon- roe Doctrine Abroad. G. Hosmer : D. C. Oilman on the Monroe Doctrine. Open Court, vol. 10, p. 4801, 1896. Intervention of the United States: The Crisis in Europe. Democratic Review, vol. 30, pp. 401 and 554, May, June, 1852. Thomas E. Jevons : The Monroe Doctrine. Bachelor of Arts, vol. 2, p. 437, 1895. J. A. Kasson : The Monroe Declaration. North American Review, vol. 133, pp. 241-254, September, 1881. J. A. Kasson : The Monroe Doctrine in 1881. North Ameri- can Review, vol. 133, pp. 523-533, December, 1881. Gustav Korner : The True Monroe Doctrine. Nation, Janu- ary 6, 1882, vol. 34, p. 9. Joshua Leavitt: The Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1863. 8vo, pp. 50. H. (Reprint of article, New Englander, vol. 22, p. 729, October, 1863. See, also, Joshua Leavitt, under A, above, a part of that article.) J. F. McLaughlin : The Monroe Doctrine. Richmond, 1896. J. B. McMaster : The Origin, Meaning, and Application of the Monroe Doctrine. Philadelphia, 1896. National Quarterly Review, vol. 13, p. 114. (1866.) The Monroe Doctrine and the South American Republics. New Review, vol. 14, p. 47, 1895. The Monroe Doctrine. R. Ogden ; Some of the Myths of the Monroe Doctrine. Na- tion, vol. 60, p. 356, 1894. R. Olney : International Isolation of the United States. At- lantic Monthly, vol. 81, pp. 577-588, May, 1893. Providence Public Library Monthly Bulletin, vol. 1, No. 6, 1895. The Monroe Doctrine. W. F. Reddaway. The Monroe Doctrine. Cambridge, Eng- land, 1898. Pp. 162. 282 APPENDIX T. Roosevelt : The Monroe Doctrine. In his American Ideals. New York, 1897. W. L. Scruggs : The Monroe Doctrine. Magazine of Ameri- can History, vol. 26, p. 39, 1891. W. G. Sumner : The Monroe Doctrine : Proposed Dual Organ- ization of Mankind. Popular Science Monthly, vol. 49, p. 433, 1896. 6. F. Tucker : The Monroe Doctrine. Its Origin and Growth. Boston, 1885. 138 pp. J. G. Welling : The Monroe Doctrine on Intervention. North American Review, vol. 82, p. 478. (1856.) J. A. Woodbum : The Monroe Doctrine and Some of its Appli- cations. Chautauquan, vol. 22, p. 549, 1895. Theodore D. Woolsey. Article " Monroe Doctrine " in John- son's Cyclopaedia. 6. EUBOPEAW. 6. Carnazza Amari : Nuova Esposizione del Principio del non Intervento. Catania, 1873. Pp. 16-24. S. In French, in Revue de Droit International, 1873, pp. 352-390, 531-566. Benner : Article, " Intervention,'' in Bluntschli's Staatswbr- terbuch. Carlos Calvo: Une page de droit international, on VAvai- rique du Sud devant la science du droit des gens moderne. Paris, 2 e <5d., 1870. 2 vols. Diplomatic Review, vol. 15, p. 92. L. B. Hautef euille : Le principe de Non-intervention et ses applications aux eVenements actuels. Paris, 1863. Svo. (Reprinted from Revue Contemporaine, vol. 34, p. 193.) Heiberg : Das Princip der Nicht-Intervention. Leipzig, 1842. L. count Kamarowsky: The Principle of Non-intervention (in Russian). Moscow, 1874. M. Kapoustine : Le droit d' intervention. 1876. Don Rafael Manuel de Labra : De la representation y influ- encia de los Estados-Unidos de America en el derecho in- ternacional. Madrid, 1877. 38 pp. D. D. de Pradt : Yrai systeme de 1 'Europe relativement a APPENDIX 283 1'Amenque. . . . 1825. C. + In Pamphleteer, vols. 25 and 26. BA. H. yon Rotteck : Das Recht der Einmischung in die inneren Angelegenheiten eines fremden Staates. Freiburg, 1845. Carl Riimelin : Die Monroe-Doctrin. In Zeitschrif t fur die gesammte Staatswissensehaft. Tubingen, 1882. Heft 2. Hermann Strauch : Zur Interventions-Lehre. Eine vdlker- rechtliche Studie. Heidelberg, 1879. See especially pp. 17, 18. 4. Occasions on which it has been applied. a. THE PANAMA CONGRESS. Mr. Adams' Messages of February 2, 1826 (St. P., V. 794- 797) and March 21 (V. 834-897). (Those of December 26, 1825, and March 15, 1826, are to be found in United States, etc., below.) American Annual Register, 1826, chap. iv. Benton's Thirty Tears, vol. i. p. 65. Henry Clay's Dispatch to Mr. Poinsett, March 25, 1825 : In State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 908, 909. Coronel Don Bernardo Monteagudo : Ensayo sobre la Necesi- dad de una Federacion Jeneral entre los Estados Hispano- Americanos, y Plan de su Organisacion. Obra Postuma del H. Coronel D., etc. Lima, 1825. (See Sparks, below.) Niles' Register, vols. 30, 36, passim. D. D. de Pradt : Congres de Panama. Paris, 1825. BA. Revue Britannique, mars, 1826, pp. 159-176. Congres de Panama. [Jared Sparks] : Alliance of the Southern Republics. In North American Review, vol. 22, p. 162, January, 1826. (Review of Coronel, above.) J. M. Torres Caicedo: Union latina americana, etc. Union latine-americaine ; la pense'e de Bolivar, son origine et ses deVeloppements. Paris, 1875. (Reviewed by A. Villamus, in Revue Politique et Litteraire, 30 sept., 1876.) United States, 19th Congress, 1st Session. [68.] The Execu- 284 APPENDIX live Proceedings of the Senate of the United States, on the subject of the Mission to the Congress at Panama, tog-ether with the Messages and Documents relating thereto. Wash- , ington, 1826. Pp. 160. B, P. United States, 19th Congress, 1st Session. House of Repre- sentatives. [Document No. 129.] Congress of Panama. Message from the President of the United States, ... in relation to the Proposed Congress to be held at Panama. Washington, 1826. Pp. 90. United States. Congressional Debates, 19th Congress, 1st Ses- sion, toI. 2. Benton's Abridgment, viii. 417-472, 637-675 (Senate) ; is. 48-50, 62-76, 90-218 (House of Representa- Uni ted States : The Congress of 1826 at Panama, and Subse- quent Movements toward a Conference of American Na- tions. Historical Appendix (vol. 4) to the Report of the International American Conference. Washington, 1890. Pp. 375. Don Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre : Speech on opening the Congress. Niles' Register, vol. 31, pp. 44-47. Von Hoist : Constitutional History of the United States, vol. 1, pp. 409-432. Webster's Speech, in Works, vol. 3, pp. 178-217. C. Lefebvre de Beeour : Des rapports de la France et de 1' Europe avecl'Amerique du Sud. Revue des Deux Mondes, juil., 1838. 6. YT7CATAM. Mr. Polk's Annual Message of December 2, 1845 (Statesman's Manual, iii. 1458) ; his Special Message on Yucatan, of April 29, 1848 (iii. 1737). (Benton, xvi. 187, 188.) Congressional Globe, vol. 18, and Appendix. 30th Congress, 1st Session. Benton's Abridgment, xvi. 188, 189 (House) ; 189, 190, 196-204 (Senate). Calhoun's Speech, May 15, 1848, in Works, iv. 454-479. Von Hoist, iii. 448-453. APPENDIX 285 C. THE CLAYTON-BTOWER TREATY. Treaty with New Granada, December 12, 1846, especially Art. 35. In Statutes at Large, vol. viii. Clayton and Bulwer Convention, 19th April, 1850, between the British and American Governments, concerning Central America, with Correspondence. 1856. Joseph P. Comegys: Memoir of John M. Clayton. (Papers of the Historical Society of Delaware, iv.) Wilmington, 1882. Pp. 190-202, 211-234 JH. Congressional Globe. 32d Congress, 2d Session, vol. 26, 1853. 33d Congress, 1st Session, vol. 28, 1853. Appendix, vol. 29. 34th Congress, 1st Session, 1855-1856, and appendix. 35th Congress, 1st Session. Clarendon-Dallas Treaty, 1856. G. W. Hobbs: The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. Bay State Monthly, vol. 3, p. 17. 1885. T. J. Lawrence : Essays on Some Disputed Questions in Modern International Law. Essay III, pp. 89-162 ; The Panama Canal and the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. Cambridge, England, 1885. (And other editions.) Nation, vol. 34, p. 92, 1881. J. G. Blaine and the Clayton- Bulwer Treaty. W. L. Scruggs: The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. North Amer- ican Review, vol. 145, p. 313, 1887. Treaty with Nicaragua, June 21, 1867. United States. 34th Congress, 1st Session. Senate Ex. Doc. 35. Messages of the President ... on the construction of the Treaty of July 4, 1850. (1856). See also next section, and the last. d. CENTRAL AMERICA, 1845-1860. N[apoleon] L[ouis] B[onaparte] : Canal of Nicaragua, or a Project to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by means of a Canal. London, 1846. [Not published.] Louis Napoleon Bonaparte : Le Canal de Nicaragua, ou projet de jonction des oceans Atlantique et Pacifiquo. Revue Britannique, mai, 1849. 286 APPENDIX [Sir Henry Bulwer] : Great Britain and the United States. Edinburgh Review, vol. 104, pp. 267-298. July, 1856. Canal intoroceauique par l'isthme de Darien, Nouvelle Qranade (Amerique duSud). Canalisation par le colonisation. Paris, 1860. Pp.203. A. Correspondence with the United States respecting Central America. Printed by order of Parliament. London, 1856- 1860. Pp.344. Democratic Review, Oct. 1852. Vol. 31, p. 337. Our Foreign Relations. Central America. A. Denain : Interests qui se rattachent a l'isthme de Panama, et aux differentes isthmes de 1' Amerique Centrale. Paris, 1845. C. Question Anglo-Americaine. Documents officiels echanges entre les Etats-Unis et l'Angleterre au sujet de l'Amerique Centrale et du traits Clayton-Bulwer. Paris, 1856. S. Xavier Raymond : Diplomatic Anglo-Americaine ; les Ameri- cains et les Anglais au Mexique et dans l'Amerique Cen- trale. Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 avril, 1853. E. G. Squier : Letter to the Hon. H. S. Foote, Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations of the United States Senate, on the Nicaragua Treaty, 1850. N. [E. G. Squier] : The Mosquito Question. Whig Review, Feb- ruary, March, 1850. [E. G. Squier] : The Islands of the Gulf of Honduras. Their Seizure and Organization as a British Colony. Democratic Review, vol. 31, p. 544. (November, December, 1852.) E. G. Squier : The States of Central America and the Honduras Interoceanic Railway. New York, 1858. Pp.782. N. c. CUBA, etc., 1850-98. G. d'Alaux, Cuba et la propagande annexioniste. Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 juil., 1850. Charles Benoist : Cuba, l'Espagne et les Etats-Unis. Revue des Deux Mondes, vol. 141, p. 112, mai 1, 1897. Buchanan, Mason and Soule" : the " Ostend Manifesto." Diplo- matic Correspondence, 1854-1855. Buchanan : Message, December 3, 1860. APPENDIX 287 General Cass to Lord Napier, May 12, May 29, 1857, . . . No- vember, 1858; to Mr. Dodge, October 2, 1858. (Spanish invasion of Mexico.) J. Chanut, La Question de Cuba aux Etats-Unis et en Europe. Revue Contemporaine, vol. 8, p. 470. (1859.) G. Colmache : How Cuba might have belonged to France. Fortnightly, vol. 64, p. 747, 1895. Congressional Globe. 33d Congress, 2d Session. (1854-1855.) (Ostend Manifesto.) 35th Congress, 2d Session. (1859.) (Cuba.) A. B. Hart: A Century of Cuban Diplomacy. Harper's Magazine, vol. 97, pp. 127-134, June, 1898. A. B. Hart : The Ostend Manifesto. American History Leaf- let, No. 2. 1892. M. W. Hazeltine : Possible Complications of the Cuban Ques- tion. North American Review, vol. 162, p. 406, April, 1896. V. W. Kingsley : Spain, Cuba, and the United States. Recog- nition and the Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1870. 34 pp. J. K. Latane : The United States Intervention in Cuba. North American Review, vol. 166, p. 350, 1898. F. J. Matheson : The United States and Cuban Independence. Fortnightly, vol. 66, pp. 816-832, May, 1898. Revue Britannique, aout, 1854 ; pp. 257-290. La question de Cuba, jugee au point de vue Americaine. [E. G. Squier ?] : The Cuban Debate. Democratic Review, vol. 31, pp. 433, 624. (November, December, 1852.) S. Webster : Mr. Marcy : the Cuban Question : and the Ostend Manifesto. Political Science Quarterly, vol. 8, p. 1, March, 1893. /. FKKNCH INTERVENTION IN MEXICO. F. Bancroft : The French in Mexico and the Monroe Doctrine. Political Science Quarterly, vol. 11, p. 30, 1896. Congressional Globe. 37th Congress, 3d Session, Appendix, p. 94. 38th Congress, 1st Session ; the House resolution of April 4, 1864, and debate. 39th Congress, 1st Session; message on the sending of Austrian troops to Mexico, and debate. 39th Congress, 2d Session ; on Mexican affairs. 288 APPENDIX Democratic Review, vol. 32, p. 39. Mexico and the Monroe Doctrine. Fraser's Magazine, vol. 64, p. 717. December, 1861. Mexico. Free Press, Urquhart, vol. 9. November 6, 1861. Collective Intervention in the New World. Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, vol. 50, p. 415, vol. 51, p. 106. (June, August, 1864.) The Conquest of Mexico by France. V. W. Kingsley, French Intervention in Mexico, 1863, pph. N. A. Laugel: France and the United States. Nation, vol. 1, p. 302. (September 7, 1865.) Joshua Leavitt : The Key of the Continent. New Englander, vol. 23, p. 517. (July, 1864.) E. Lefevre : Histoire de l'intervention francaise au Mexique. Vol. 2, ch. 18, etc. Bruxelles et Londres. 1869. H. Mercier de Lacombe : Le Mexique etles Etats-Unis. 2 e id. Paris, 1863. 8vo. B. Mexico and the Monroe Doctrine, [n. p. 1862 ? ] Pp. 24. Nation, vol. 1, p. 678. November 30, 1865. The Solution of the Mexican Problem. Revue Britannique, septembre, 1863, pp. 213-224. Le Me- xique au point de vue americaine, avant et depuis l'expddi- tion francaise. G. Reynolds : Mexico. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 14, p. 51. July, 1864. J. H. Robinson : The Mexican Question. North American Review, vol. 103, pp. 106-142. July, 1866. J. M. Schofield : The Withdrawal of the French from Mexico. Century, vol. 54, pp. 128-137. May, 1897. United States: Message and Documents, Department of State, 1863-1864. United States : Messages of the President of the United States to Congress, with accompanying documents relating to the Mexican Question. Justus Strictus Veritas, pseud. : Nuevas Reflexiones sobre la Cuestion Franco-Mexicana. Folleto publicado en Paris, el 30 de setieinbre de 1862 por supplemento al Correo de ul- tramar. Mexico, 1862. Pp. 192. C. APPENDIX 289 Westminster Review, vol. 80, p. 313. October, 1863. The French Conquest of Mexico. Same art., Eclectic Magazine, vol. 61, p. 36. Same art., Living Age, vol. 79, p. 251. g. THE INTER-OCEANIC CANAL — (OFFICIAL) Congressional Record, vol. 9, p. 2312. Senator Burnside's resolution, June 25, 1879. (46th Congress, 1st Session. S. R. No. 43.) Further discussion in vol. 10. President Hayes : Message, March 8, 1880. In Congressional Record, vol. 10, p. 1399. Since printed with documents. Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1881. Mr. Blaine to Mr. Lowell (circular), June 24, 1881, pp. 537-540. Lord Granville to Mr. Hoppin, November 10, 1881, p. 549. Mr. Blaine to Mr. Lowell, November 19, 1881, pp. 554-559 ; November 29, 1881, pp. 563-569. Earl Granville to Mr. West, January 14, (7 ?) 1882. Correspondence respecting the projected Panama Canal. Pre- sented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty. 1882. Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Lowell, May 8, 1882. Don Antonio Aguilar, Marquis de la Yega de Armijo, to Bon Francisco Barca, Spanish Minister at Washington, March 15, 1882. In " the Red Book," Madrid, 1882. Congres International d' Etudes du Canal Interoceanique. Compte Rendu des Seances. Paris, 1879. Bulletin du Canal Interoceanique, Nos. 1 to 60+. (Septem- ber 1, 1879, to February 15, 1882.) Paris. (unofficial) D. Ammen : M. de Lesseps and his Canal. (See Lesseps, below.) North American Review, vol. 130, pp. 130-146, February, 1880. Cassell's, December, 1879. Panama and the Isthmus. C. DeHalb : The Nicaragua Canal — Ours or England's ? Forum, vol. 19, p. 690, 1894. 290 APPENDIX A Delawarean: The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty and the report of the Committee of the House on Foreign Relations against it. May 1,1880. S. Edinburgh Review, April, 1882. The Panama Canal. E. L. Godkin : The Nicaragua Canal. Nation, voL 39, p. 516. December, 1884. U. S. Grant : The Nicaragua Canal. North American Review, vol. 132, pp. 197-216. February, 1881. Harper's Monthly Magazine, vol. 60, p. 935. (Easy Chair.) Lesseps and the Darien Canal. The International Canal and the Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1880. Pp. 118. L. M. Keasbey : The Nicaragua Canal and the Monroe Doc- trine. New York, 1896. Pp.622. F. de Lesseps: The Interoceanic Canal. North American Review, vol. 130, pp. 1-15. January, 1880. Vol. 131, pp. 75-78. July, 1880. A. Letellier : Les Travaux du Canal de Panama. Nouvelle Revue, 1 juil., 1882. W. L. Merry : The Political Aspect of the Nicaragua Canal. Overland Monthly, n. s., vol. 23, p. 497, May, 1894. The Monroe Doctrine and the Isthmian Canal. North Amer- ican Review, vol. 130, p. 499. The Nation, vol. 30, p. 90. February 5, 1880. The United States Government and the Panama Canal. — Vol. 33, p. 348. November 3, 1881. American Policy towards the Isthmus Canal. —Vol. 34, p. 92. February 2, 1882. An- other chapter of Mr. Blame's Diplomacy. — Vol. 34, p. 114. February 9, 1882. Mr. Blaine's Manifesto. — Vol. 34, p. 156-157. — Vol. 34, p. 200. March 7, 1882. "A Spirited Foreign Policy." T. W. Osborn: The Darien Canal. International Review, vol. 7, pp. 481-497. November, 1879. Popular Science Monthly. Vol. 16, pp. 842-849. April, 1880. Some Features of the Interoceanic Canal Question. Vol. 20, pp. 273-275. December, 1881. Our Policy respecting the Panama Canal. APPENDIX 291 J. R. Proctor : The Nicaragua Canal American Journal of Politics, vol. 2, p. 225, 1892. Providence Public Library Monthly Reference Lists, vol. 1, p. 45, 1881. The Panama Canal. Revue Britannique, juil., 1879. Le Congres du Canal Inter- oceanique. J. C. Rodrigues : The Panama Canal : History, Political As- pects, etc. London, 1885. Dr. Rudolf Schleiden: Die rechtliche und politische Seite der Panama-Canal-Frage. Preussische Jahrbiicher, Juni, 1882. S. Webster: The Diplomacy and Law of Isthmian Canals. Harper's Magazine, vol. 87, p. 602, 1896. S. P. Weld : The Isthmus Canal and our Government. Atlan- lio Monthly, vol. 63, p. 341, March, 1889 ; The Isthmus Canal and American Control. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 64, p. 289, September, 1889. H. White : The Nicaragua Canal. Nation, vol. 52, p. 44, 1890. T. S. Woolsey : The Interoceanic Canal in the Light of Pre- cedent. Tale Review, vol. 4, p. 246, h. AMERICA NORTH OF THE UNITED STATES. Nootka-Sound Convention between Spain and Great Britain. October 28, 1790. Recueil des Trails, 2° e"d., iv. 492- 499. Treaty between the United States and Spain. February 22, 1819. Statutes at Large, viii. 252-267. Boston, 1867. Ukase of the Emperor Alexander. September 4, (16,) 1821. State Papers, Foreign Relations, V. Message from the President of the United States ... in rela- tion to Claims set up by Foreign Governments, to Territory of the United States upon the Pacific Ocean, 1822. W. Sturgis : Examination of the Russian Claims to the North- west Coast of America. North American Review, vol. 15, pp. 370-401. October, 1822. Robert Greenhow : History of Oregon and California and 292 APPENDIX other Territories on the Northwest Coast of North America. Boston, 1845. 8vo. (And treaties in appendix.) Congressional Globe. 40th Congress, 1st (extra) Session. (Alaska purchase.) (Also Canada resolution.) C. de Varigny : La doctrine Monroe et le Canada. Revue des Deux Mondes, 1879, toI. 32. I. THE PAN-ATVTFiRICAN CONFERENCE. United States : International American Conference. Reports, 4 vols. Washington, 1890. W. P. Frye : The Pan-American Congress. Chautauquan, vol. 10, p. 703, 1887. E. P. Powell : The Pan-American Congress. New England Magazine, n. s., vol. 5, p. 11, 1892. M. Romero : The Pan-American Congress. North American Review, vol. 151, pp. 354 and 407, 1887. (Reviewed by R. Ogden. Nation, vol. 51, p. 182, 1890.) J. Sheldon : Suggestions for the Pan-American Congress. New Englander, vol. 51, p. 469, 1889. C. de Varigny : Un Homme d'Etat Americain : James G. Blaine et le Cong-res des trois Ameriques. Revue des Deux Mondes, vol. 97, p. 433, June 15, 1890. j. THE VENEZUELA-GUIANA QUESTION. C. K. Adams : The Monroe Doctrine and the Cleveland Doc- trine. Independent, vol. 49, p. 205, February 18, 1897. J. Bryce : British Feeling on the Venezuelan Question. North American Review, vol. 162, p. 145, February, 1896. A. Carnegie : The Venezuelan Question. North American Review, vol. 162, p. 127, February, 1896. Sir D. P. Chalmers : The Boundary Question [Venezuela]. Juridical Review, vol. 8, p. 1, 1896. E. D. Cope : The Monroe Doctrine in 1895. Open Court, vol. 10, p. 4777, January 16, 1895. E. Dicey: Common Sense and Venezuela. Nineteenth Cen- tury, vol. 39, p. 7, January, 1896. E. L. Godkin : The Venezuelan Correspondence. Nation, APPENDIX 293 vol. 6, p. 458, December 26, 1896 ; The Venezuelan Settle- ment. Nation, vol. 63, p. 360, 1896. G. H. D. Gossip : Venezuela before Europe and America. Fortnightly, toI. 65, p. 397, 1896. H. C. Lodge : England, Venezuela, and the Monroe Doctrine. North American Review, vol. 160, p. 651, June, 1895. D. Low : The Olney Doctrine and America's New Foreign Policy. Eclectic Magazine, vol. 128, pp. 161-169, 1897. D. Mills : The New Monroe Doctrine of Messrs. Cleveland and Olney. Canadian Magazine, vol. 6, p. 365, February, 1896. J. Morley : The Arbitration with America. Nineteenth Cen- tury, vol. 40, p. 320, 1896. National Review, vol. 26, pp. 573 and 737, 1895. The Boun- dary Question (Venezuela). M. Francis de Pressense - : La Doctrine de Monroe et le Conflit Anglo-Americain. Revue des Deux Mondes, vol. 133, p. 417, January 15, 1896. J. L. Rice : The Duty of Congress [in Venezuelan Crisis]. Forum, vol. 20, p. 761, 1896. W. L. Scruggs : The Venezuelan Question. Review of Re- views, vol. 12, p. 695, December, 1896. E. J. Shriver : An American View of the Venezuelan Dispute- Westminster Magazine, vol. 1, p. 117, 1896. E. S. Somerset : Great Britain, Venezuela, and the United States. Nineteenth Century, vol. 38, p. 758. November, 1895. H. M. Stanley : The Issue between Great Britain and America [in Venezuela]. Nineteenth Century, vol. 39, p. 1, January, 1896. United States : Report and Accompanying Papers of the Com- mission appointed by the President of the United States " to investigate and report upon the True Divisional Line be- tween the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana." Washington, 1897. 4 vols. D. A. Wells, E. J. Phelps, and C. Schurz : America and Europe : Study of International Relations [Venezuela]. New York, 1896. 294 APPENDIX J. Wheeler and C. H. Grosvenor : Our Duty in the Crisis [Venezuelan]. North American Review, vol. 161, p. 628, November, 1895. T. S. Woolsey: The President's Monroe Doctrine. Forum, vol. 20, p. 708, February, 1896. INDEX INDEX Adams, John, shocked at Monroe's levity in Paris, 71 ; not a friend of Monroe, 129 ; anticipates Monroe doctrine, 168. Adams, John Quincy, on Monroe's retirement from army, 12 ; on his advocacy of Mississippi navi- gation, 27 ; on importance of Mon- roe's and Jay's foreign missions, 41, 48 ; receives one electoral vote in 1820, 128 ; secretary of state, 129 ; his career and charac- ter, 130, 131 ; contrast with Cal- houn, 131-134 ; his appointment approved by Jackson, 137 ; vindi- cates Jackson's career In Florida, 144 ; secures annexation of Flor- ida, 146 ; on Missouri excitement, 147 ; on reasons for favoring Mis- souri Compromise, 151 ; his can- didacy for President in 1824, 157 ; describes Monroe's attitude to- ward Spanish colonies, 170 ; states Monroe doctrine to Russian am- bassador, 172, 173; said to have drafted Monroe doctrine in Mon- roe's message, 174 ; held by Red- daway to be real author, 178 ; his opinion of Monroe, 240 ; anecdote of his toast to Monroe and Lafay- ette, 251. Addington, Henry, succeeded by Pitt, 97. Alexander, Emperor of Russia, ar- bitrates between England and United States, 202. Ames, Fisher, on Monroe's career in France, 71. Annapolis Convention, not favored by Monroe, 22 ; calls Federal Con- vention, 22, 23. Armstrong, John, secretary of war under Madison, 111 ; criticised as inefficient by Monroe, 111-119; retained in office by Madison, 119 ; popular rage with, after capture of Washington, 126. Auckland, Lord, on commission to treat with Monroe and Pinkney, 100. Bancroft, George, quoted, 24, 25. Barlow, Joel, his instructions as minister to France, 110 ; fails to secure treaty of commerce, 110. Barney, Captain Joshua, presents American flag to National Con- vention, 54. Barras, Count, his policy influenced by Monroe, 74. Benton, Thomas H., not in politics in 1817, 129 ; his elaborate esti- mate of Monroe, 241-244. Bladensburg, battle of, part played by Monroe at, 119-126. Blair, John, appointed delegate to Federal Convention, 28. Bonaparte, Jerome, his marriage to Miss Patterson, described by Mon- roe, 90, 91. Bonaparte, Napoleon, his power in 1803, 80, 81 ; discusses Louisiana question, tells Marbois to sell, 82 ; refuses offer of forty mil- lions, 80, 84 ; announces war with England, 85 ; acquiesces in terms of sale of Louisiana, 85 ; receives Monroe, 86 ; his letter of acknow- 298 INDEX lodgment, 87 ; takes leave of Monroe, 87, 88 ; notified of Je- rome Bonaparte's marriage, 90 ; on future growth of America, 94 ; his arbitrary policy in the matter, 95, 96 ; promises to aid in acqui- sition of West Florida, 98; re- fuses to do so, 98. Bowler, Jack, leader of slave plot, 36. Breckenridge, John, defeated by Monroe for governor, 35. Brock, B. C, his researches on Mon- roe pedigree, 249. Burr, Aaron, candidate for French mission, 40. Calhoun, John C, secretary of war under Monroe, 129 ; his career and character, 131-134 ; contrast with Adams, 131-134 ; urges appoint- ment of Kent to Supreme Court, 138 ; has Seminole correspondence published in 1831, 145; doubtful as to proper reception of Lafayette, 154; candidate for presidency, 157 ; letter of Monroe to, on dis- union, 239, 240 ; his opinion of Monroe, 241. Cambacgres, French statesman, gives dinner to American envoys, 84 ; prevents Monroe from treat- ing with Spain, 88. Camden, Lord, efforts of Lee to se- cure portrait of, for Virginia, 6. Cam pan, Madame, her friendship with Eliza Monroe, 211. Canning, George, negotiations of Monroe and Finkney with, 104 ; proposes American and English cooperation to prevent reconquest of Spanish colonies, 173 ; his con- nection with Monroe doctrine, 174, 175. Carnot, French war minister, wishes war with United States, 74. Carr, Dabney, forgotten celebrity of Virginia, moves appointment of committee of correspondence, 2. Cary, Archibald, letter of Wash- ington to, on Monroe, 11. Castlereagh, Lord, on danger of war from Jackson's usurpations, 144 ; proposes joint mediation be- tween Spain and colonies, 170. Cevallos, Don Pedro, negotiations of Monroe and Pinkney with, 99. Chateaubriand, Vicomte de, state- ment of Monroe doctrine to, by Gallatin, 172. Chatham, Lord, portrait of, sent to Virginians of Westmoreland County, 7. Church, Edward, approves Mon- roe's policy toward France, 72. Clay, Henry, his position in 1817, 129 ; disappointed by not receiv- ing State Department under Mon- roe, 135 ; hostile to Monroe's administration, 135 ; opposes Ad- ams's Florida treaty, 146 ; can- didate for presidency, 157. Coit, Joshua, letters from, describ- ing Congressional feeling in 1794, 42-47 ; on presentation of French flag, 66. Committee of Public Safety, hesi- tates to receive Monroe, 48; de- mands information concerning Jay treaty, 61. Confederation, Articles of, proposal of Monroe to amend, 20 ; the im- post scheme, 20, 21 ; state of gov- ernment under, 22, 23. Congress, of the Confederation, ser- vices of Monroe in, 18-27 ; ques- tions before it in 1783, 19 ; de- bates proposed amendments to Articles of Confederation, 20 ; de- bates impost scheme, 21, 22 ; re- ceives Virginia's cession of West- ern territory, 23 ; appoints com- mittee to consider division of Western territory, 25; debates Mississippi navigation, 26. Congress, of the United States, feel- ing in, over foreign affairs, illus- trated by Coit's letters, 42-47; appropriates money to secure Mis- INDEX 299 eissippi navigation, 79 ; forces Madison into war with England, 107 ; prepares for war, 107 ; move- ment in, to attack conduct of War Department, 118 ; sustains Jackson in Seminole affair, 144 ; debates admission of Missouri, 147 ; discusses Monroe doctrine in Panama debate, 176, 177 ; ap- plication of Monroe to, for reim- bursement, 232. Constitution, Federal, formed, 28; struggle over in Virginia, 28-33 ; reasons for Monroe's opposition to, 29, 30 ; in relation to power of secretary of war to command in field, 111-113 ; in relation to Mis- souri Compromise, 148-151 ; in re- lation to internal improvements, 152, 182, 191-202. Convention, National, of France, receives Monroe as American min- ister, 49-52 ; its decree in bis honor, 53 ; presented by Monroe with an American flag, 54, 55 ; Monroe's explanation of his deal- ings with, 55, 56. Crawford, William H., secretary of treasury under Monroe, 129 ; his character and career, 133, 134 ; nearly secures Republican nomi- nation in 1816, 134 ; on evil re- sults of Monroe's Northern tour, 141, 142 ; candidate for presi- dency, 157. Croix, M. de la, summarizes French complaints against Jay treaty, 64. Crown in shield, Benjamin W., sec- retary of navy under Madison and Monroe, 130. Cullum, General G. W., on Monroe's action at Bladensburg, 119. Cumberland Road Bill, vetoed by Monroe, 152, 191-202. Dana, Fkancis, his mission to St. Petersburg, 130. Dane, Nathan, his share in slavery restriction in Northwest Ordi- nance, 25, 26. Dayton, Jonathan, a public dinner to Monroe, 67. Diplomatic history, services of Mon- roe in, 39; causes for Monroe's and Jay's missions in 1794, 40, 41, 46; Monroe's instructions, 48 ; his ca- reer in Paris, 48-65; slowness of communications in, 59; dealings of Monroe with Lafayette, 59, 60, 152, 153 ; efforts of Monroe in behalf of imprisoned seamen, 60 ; anger of France over Jay treaty, 61, 64 ; refusal of French to receive C. C. Pinckney, 65, 66 ; Thiers's view of Monroe's French mission, 74; Monroe's second mis- sion to France, 79-89; diplomatea involved in Louisiana negotia- tions, 80, 81 ; situation on arrival of Monroe, 81, 82 ; dealings of Talleyrand with Livingston, 82 ; Marbois offers Louisiana to Liv- ingston, 83 ; American counter proposition, 84, 85 ; final agree- ment, 85 ; opinion of Bonaparte, 85, 86; conclusion of treaty, 86; opinion of Monroe on, 89, 90 ; question of share of Livingston in, 91-93 ; Monroe's mission to England, 96, 97 ; Monroe's mis- sion to Spain, 98, 99; mission of Monroe and Pinkney to Eng- land, 99-105; conclusion of treaty, 100 ; repudiation of treaty by Jef- ferson , 101 ; renewed negotiations between United States and Eng- land, 104, 105 ; events preceding war of 1812,107, 108; negotiations of Monroe with Foster, 108-110; mission of Barlow to France, 110; cession of Florida by Spain, 146; mission of Bush to England, in Monroe's administration, 146, 147; origin of Monroe doctrine, 159- 179. Directory, declares treaties between France and the United States abrogated by Jay treaty, 64; re- fuses to receive Pinckney, or al- low him to remain in Paris, 65. 300 INDEX Drayton, Col. W. H., urged by Jack- son for War Department, 137. Election of 1824, 157, 158; attitude of Monroe in, 158. England, relations with, in 1794, 40, 41 ; attitude of Federalists to- ward, 43, 47, 66 ; mission of Jay to, 46, 47, 60 ; its interest in Louisiana, 79 ; renews war with France, 85 ; Monroe's mission to, 97 ; causes of complaint against, 99; controlled by liberals, 99, 100; mission of Monroe and Finkney to, 99-105 ; its attitude described by Holland, 101, 104 ; danger of war with, 104, 105 ; issues Orders in Council, 105 ; refuses to yield to American demands, 107 ; war declared with, 108 ; danger of war with, over Arbuthnot and Ambrister case, 144, 147 ; mission of Rush to, 146, 147. Erskine, David M., receives copy of Monroe treaty, 100. Eustis, William, in Madison's cabi- net, 107 ; blamed for disasters of war of 1812, 111 ; friend of Gen- eral Swift, 139. Federalists, called monarchists by Monroe, 30-32 ; their feeling in 1794 on foreign affairs, illustrated by Coit's letters, 42-47 ; its policy criticised by Monroe, 68-70 ; con- demn Monroe's defense, 71, 72 ; unfriendly to Monroe in 1817, 129 ; aim of Monroe to conciliate, by his Northern journey, 139. Fisk, Jonathan, proposes to move in Congress an attack on Armstrong, 118. Florida, attempt of Livingston to acquire, 88 ; attempt of Monroe, 98, 99 ; entered by Jackson in pursuit of Seminoles, 143, 144; ceded by Spain to United States, Arbuthnot and Ambrister ex- ecuted in 1819, 146 ; attitude of Monroe toward, 184-186. Fortification policy, advocated by Monroe, 140, 191. Foster, Augustus John, correspond- ence with Monroe, 108, 109. Fox, Charles James, as minister, promises to attend to American demands, 99 ; his illness, 100. France, relations with, in 1794, 40 ; desire of Washington to appease, by appointment of Monroe, 40, 41 ; feeling towards, in Congress, 42-47 ; Monroe's mission to, 48- 65; arrival of Monroe in, 48; danger of war with, 53 ; Monroe censured for attitude toward, 57- 59, 64, 65 ; slowness of communi- cation with, 59; relations with, strained by Jay treaty, 62-64; sends a flag to Congress, 66; ef- fect of Monroe's mission upon, according to Thiers, 74 ; attitude of Jefferson toward, in 1802, 76 ; receives Louisiana from Spain, 78 ; sells it to United States, 79 ; its reasons, 80, 85; promises to aid United States to acquire Flor- ida, 88 ; despotic power of Napo- leon in, 95, 96 ; mission of Bar- low to, 110 ; its policy as to com- mercial decrees, 110. "Gabriel, General," leader of slave plot, 36. Gallatin, Albert, in Madison's cabi- net, 107 ; favors Monroe's appoint- ment to War Department, 115; letter of Crawford to, on Monroe, 142 ; anticipates Monroe doctrine, 172. Genet, Edward C, disavowed by French government, 42. Gore, Christopher, letter of Fisher Ames to, 71. Gouverneur, Samuel L., son-in-law of Monroe, 211 ; not appointed to office by Monroe, 223; Monroe lives at his residence, 231 ; letter to Monroe on attack from Ten- nessee, 238, 239. Gray eon, William, his share in in- INDEX 301 troducing slavery restriction into Northwest Ordinance, 25; op- poses ratification of Constitution, 29 ; elected senator, death, 33. Greece, sympathy of Monroe for, 203, 204. Grenville, Lord, appoints Auckland and Holland to treat with Monroe and Pinkney, 100. Grigsby, H. B,, on volunteering of Marshall and Monroe in 1776, 8, 9. Hamilton, Alexander, hostility of Monroe to, 34 ; attacked by Mon- roe in Gallender case, 74. Hamilton, Paul, in Madison's cabi- net, 107. Hardy, , on committee to pre- sent Virginia's cession of western lands, 23. Harper, Robert G., censures Monroe for his "View," 71, 72; accuses Monroe of bribery, 72. Harrison, Benjamin, letter of Mon- roe to, 24. Harrowby, Lord, dealings of Monroe with, 97. Hawkesbury, Lord, dealings of Mon- roe with, 97. Hay, George, son-in-law of Monroe, 211 ; refusal of Monroe to appoint to office, 223 ; advises Monroe to write history of his times, 224. Henry, Patrick, his speech at Wil- liamsburg, 9 ; appointed delegate to Federal Convention, 28; op- poses ratification of Constitution, 28. Hildreth, Richard, on Monroe's in- tegrity, 72. Holland, Lord, on commission to treat with Monroe and Pinkney, 100; describes the negotiations, 101-104. Howison, Robert R., quoted, 35. Internal Improvements, debated in Monroe's administration, 152 ; held unconstitutional by Monroe, 152, 182. Jackson, Andrew, letter of Monroe to, on Federalists, 30-32 ; dis- patches of Monroe to, during war of 1812, 126, 127 ; his friendship with Monroe, 129, 136; declines War Department, 136; suggests cabinet officers, 137; letters of Monroe to, 137 ; sent to punish Indian outrages, 143; considers his policy ratified in advance by Monroe, 143 ; bis conduct in Flor- ida, 144 ; nearly brings on war, 144 ; upheld by Adams, and by Congress, 144 ; claims Monroe's approval, 145 ; his course mildly deprecated by Monroe, 145; can- didate for presidency in 1824, 157 ; attitude of Monroe toward, in 1827, 237. Jacobin Club, Monroe's opinion of, 75. Jay, John, proposes abandonment of Mississippi navigation, 27 ; his appointment as minister to Eng- land opposed by Monroe, 34 ; rea- sons for his appointment, 41, 46 ; concludes treaty with England, 60 ; condemned by Monroe, 62-64. Jay treaty, information concerning, asked of Monroe by France, 61 ; condemned as shameful by Mon- roe, 62-64. Jefferson, Thomas, appoints Monroe military commissioner, 12 ; gives Monroe a letter to Franklin, 13 ; law studies of Monroe with, 13 ; Monroe advised by Jones to con- tinue studies with, 13-15 ; his in- fluence upon Monroe, 15, 16 ; his lifelong friendship with Monroe, 16 ; his behavior in 1782 criticised by Monroe, 18 ; explains to Monroe his failure to publish notes on Virginia, 18 ; wishes Monroe to travel in Europe, 18 ; correspond- ence of Monroe with, while in Congress, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24 ; on committee to deliver Virginia's cession of western lands, 23 ; on monarchical aims of Federalists, 302 INDEX 32 ; letters of Monroe to, on Con- stitution, in 1788, 32; letters of Monroe to, during senatorial term, 33 ; at dinner to Monroe after his return from France, 67 ; bis later attitude toward France, 76; ad- vises Monroe to enter Congress, 77 ; as President, communicates to Congress news of cession of Louisiana by Spain to France, 78 ; names Monroe as special envoy to France, 79; bis share in credit of Louisiana treaty, 80, 90 ; plans exploration of Louisiana, 94; re- ceives Monroe's treaty, 100; re- fuses to submit treaty to Senate, 101 ; tries to be neutral between Monroe and Madison, 105 ; contin- ues Monroe's friend, 129; antici- pates Monroe doctrine, 166, 168, 169, 171, 173 ; consulted by Mon- roe, 173 ; letter of Monroe to, an- nouncing marriage, 209 ; regent in University of Virginia, 231 ; his opinion of Monroe, 240 ; obliga- tions of Monroe to, 247. Jennings, Edmund, at Lee's request, endeavors to secure a portrait of Camden, 6 ; sends Lee a portrait of Chatham, 7. Jones, Eliza, mother of James Mon- roe, 4. Jones, Joseph, uncle of Monroe, his career, 4 ; consulted by Monroe as to law studies, 13 ; advises him to continue with Jefferson rather than to attend Wythe's lectures, 14, 15 ; correspondence of Monroe with, 19, 56, 62, 67, 75, 97, 208. Jones, William, secretary of navy, at battle of Bladensburg, 126. Kennedy, John P., bis life of "Wirt quoted, 134, 198 ; on Monroe's im- partiality in 1824, 158. Kent, James, his appointment to supreme court urged by Wirt and Calhoun, 138 ; refused by Monroe on party grounds, 138. King, Ruf us, tries to secure exclu- sion of slavery from Northwest, 25 ; adds fugitive slave clause, 26 ; candidate for President in 1816, 128; opposes admission of Mis- souri as a slave State, 147. Kortwright, Eliza, marriage with Monroe, 208-210 ; her appearance at President's levees, 215, 216; described by Watson, 226 ; grief of Monroe at her death, 226. Kortwright, Lawrence, father-in- law of Monroe, 209. Lafayette, Madame, aided by Mon- roe, 59, 153. Lafayette, Marquis de, wounded at Monmouth, with Monroe, 10 ; efforts of Monroe to secure re- lease of, 59, 152, 153 ; his visit to America, 153-155, 206, 251; his friendly letters to Monroe, 154, 155 ; offers Monroe pecuniary as- sistance, 157, 232. Lareveilliere, , his policy influ- enced by Monroe, 74. Lawrence, William Beach, trans- lates Barbe" Marbois's history of Louisiana, 78. Lee, Arthur, on committee to pre- sent Virginia's cession of West- ern lands, 23. Lee, Henry, neighbor of Monroe, 5. Lee, Richard Henry, neighbor of Monroe, 5 ; remonstrates against Stamp Act, 6 ; collects subscrip- tions for a portrait of Camden, 6 ; bis correspondence with Jennings on the subject, 6 ; acknowledges receipt of Chatham's portrait, 7 ; correspondence of Monroe with, 19; yields exclusion of slavery from Northwest, 25 ; elected sen- ator, 33. Livingston, Robert R. , declines French mission, 40 ; minister in France at time of Louisiana treaty, 79, 80 ; welcomes Monroe on arrival, 81 ; denies that United States wishes all of Louisiana, 82 ; discusses project with Monroe INDEX 303 and Marboia, 83; continues dis- cussion with Marbois and reports to Madison, 83 ; suggests re-sale of Louisiana , 83 ; agrees with Monroe to offer forty million francs, 84 ; congratulates Monroe on conclu- sion of treaty, 86 ; negotiates with Spain without notifying Monroe, 89 ; chagrined at Monroe's share in treaty, 91 ; explains to Madison Monroe's minor part in negotia- tions, 92, 93. Louisiana, ceded by Spain to France, 78; history of treaty ceding to United States, 79-89; suggestion of selling it to reimburse United States, 83 ; question as to its re- lation to Florida, 88, 98; conse- quences of its acquisition, 93-96. McHenbt, James, letter to 'Wash- ington on impost scheme of 1785, 20. McKean, Thomas, at public dinner to Monroe, 67. McLane, Louis, opposes Panama Congress, 176. McLean, John T., postmaster-gen- eral under Monroe, 130 ; letter of Monroe to, on his own career, 233-238 ; his opinion of Monroe's impartiality, 241. Madison, James, his opinion of George Mason, 2 ; his birthplace near that of Monroe, 5 ; corre- spondence of Monroe with, while in Congress, 19-22, 24, 209; in Federal Convention, 28 ; sus- pected by Monroe of unfriendli- ness, 28 ; in Virginia urges ratifi- cation, 28 ; attempt of Randolph to use Monroe against, 37 ; de- clines French mission, 40 ; con- nection with Louisiana treaty, 86, 89, 91 ; instructs Monroe to treat with England, 96 ; connec- tion with Monroe treaty, 99, 100 ; instructs envoys to renew nego- tiations, 101 ; his candidacy for Republican nomination, 105 ; re- ceives indorsement of Virginia, 105 ; elected President, 107 ; his cabinet, 107; favors peace, 107; urged by Monroe to dismiss Arm- strong as inefficient, 111-119 ; re- fuses to do so, 119; at battle of Bladensburg, 120, 122-124; gives Monroe charge of War Depart- ment, 124 ; continues friendly with Monroe, 129; anticipates Monroe doctrine, 167 ; Monroe's affection for, in later years, 225, 226 ; correspondence with Mon- roe in 1831, 227-230; regent of University of Virginia, 231 ; his opinion of Monroe, 240. Marbois, Barb6, his history of Lou- isiana purchase, 78 ; minister of treasury under Napoleon, 81 ; told by Napoleon to sell Louisi- ana, 82; discusses project with Livingston and Monroe, 83 ; re- jects offer of forty millions, 84 ; warns Americans, 85 ; proposes a treaty, 85 ; on Bonaparte's acqui- escence, 85, 86 ; letter of Monroe to, on conclusion of treaty, 89- 91. Marshall, John, volunteers in 1776 with Monroe, 8, 9 ; original mem- ber of Phi Beta Kappa, 9 ; urges ratification of Constitution, 28. Mason, Gen. , at battle of Bla- densburg, 123. Mason, George, forgotten celebrity of Virginia, 2 ; in Federal Conven- tion, 28 ; opposes ratification of Constitution, 29. Mason, Thompson, forgotten celeb- rity of Virginia, 2. Masson, , aide-de-camp, aids Monroe to help Lafayette, 153. Meade, Bishop, on Virginia's early struggles for civil liberty, 7 ; com- pares Williamsburg to London, 8. Meigs, B. J., postmaster-general under Monroe, 130. Mercer, Col. Hugh, services of Monroe under, 9. Merlin de Douai, receives Monroe 304 INDEX before National Convention, 53; demands a copy of Jay treaty, 61. Messages, presidential, of Monroe, 180-207. See under Monroe, James. Mississippi, navigation of, question of its maintenance under Confed- eration, 26, 27 ; hopes of United States to obtain through. France from Spain, 48 ; blocked by Spain after cession of Louisiana to France, 78 ; secured by Louisiana purchase, 79. Missouri, debate over its admission, 147 ; compromise concerning, 147, 148 ; Monroe's views on, 148-151 ; Adams's view of, 151. Monroe, Andrew, supposed ancestor of James Monroe, 249. Monroe, Andrew, brother of James, letter of Monroe concerning, 76. Monroe, Eliza, daughter of James Monroe, her marriage, 211 ; her friendship with Hortense Beau- harnais, 211 ; described by Mrs. Tuley, 216. Monroe, Hector, ancestor of James Monroe, 4. Monroe, James, annals of his life, xi.-xiii. ; summary of his career, 1, 2, 3 ; ancestry, 4 ; birth, 4 ; college studies, 7, 8 ; volunteers at outbreak of Revolution, 8. In Continental Army. Serves under Washington near New York, 9, 10 ; wounded at Trenton, 10 ; on Stirling's staff in battles near Philadelphia, 10, 11 ; loses place in line, 11 ; recommended by Washington and others for place in Virginia forces, 11, 12 ; acts as military commissioner, 12 ; cha- grined at failure to obtain promo- tion, 12, 13 ; thinks of going to France, 13 ; studies law under Jefferson, 13 ; dissuaded by Judge Jones from abandoning Jefferson for Wythe, 13, 15 ; expresses grat- itude to Jefferson, 15, 16; bis career shaped by Jefferson's inftu- j ence, 16 ; his life-long association with Jefferson, 16. Political Leader in Virginia. Review of his services to Virginia, 17, 18 ; inconspicuous in Virginia House of Delegates, 18 ; his ca- reer in Congress, 18, 19 ; on pro- blems of peace, 19 ; favors revision of Articles of Confederation, 20 ; favors collection of imposts by States, 20 ; thinks it best to post- pone action, 21 ; describes oppo- sition to plan, 21, 22 ; does not favor plan of Annapolis Conven- tion, 22 ; later wishes to aid it, 22 ; describes secessionist feeling in New England, 23 ; thinks regu- lation of commerce by United States necessary to preserve Union, 23 ; delivers Virginia's ces- sion of Northwest Territory to Congress, 23 ; his tour in North- west, 23, 24; views on relations with English in Canada, 24; his second journey, 24 ; leads in con- sideration of organization of Western territory, 25 ; later in Virginia Assembly introduces bill ratifying Ordinance of 1787, 26 ; writes argument proving right to Mississippi navigation, 27 ; ac- cepts position as arbitrator be- tween New York and Massachu- setts, 27 ; opposes Jay's proposed Spanish treaty, 27 ; hopes for suc- cess from Federal Convention, 28. In Virginia Ratifying Conven- tion, Opposes ratification of Con- stitution, 23, 29 ; his first speech against it, 29 ; sums up his objec- tions, 30 ; finally agrees to con- ditional ratification, 30 ; later de- scribes Federalists as monarch- ists, 30-32 ; tries at first to be non- committal, 32 ; writes address to constituents, 32 ; writes pamphlet on Federal Government, 33. United States Senator. Elected to succeed Grayson, 33 ; incon- spicuous in debate, 33; opposes INDEX 305 Washington's administration, 33 ; threatens Washington with ex- posure of Hamilton, 34 ; opposes Hamilton's financial measures, 34 ; urges coercion of England, 34 ; opposes appointments of Morris and Jay, 34 ; surprised to receive appointment to French mission, 34,40. Governor of Virginia. His two terms, 35 ; bitter comments of Federalists on his election, 35 ; suppresses negro slave plot, 35, 36; efforts of Randolph to turn him against Madison, 36, 37 ; later charged by Randolph with time- serving, 37 ; charged by Randolph with having planned armed resist- ance to Union in 1800, 37, 38. Envoy to France. Difficulties of his diplomatic career, 39 ; rea- sons for his appointment, 40, 41 ; his instructions, 43; directed to work for opening of Mississippi, 48; reaches Paris after fall of Robespierre, 48 ; much delay in his reception, 49 ; writes letter to president of convention, 49; appears before convention, his address, 49-51 ; carried away by his enthusiasm, 51 ; French ac- count of his reception, 62, 53 ; presents through Barney a flag to the convention, 54, 55 ; present at interment of Rousseau, 55 ; tells why he presented the flag, 55; describes his perilous situation, 55 ; appeals from the Committee of Public Safety to the convention, 55 ; justifies language of his ad- dress, 56 ; severely criticised by Randolph, 57, 58 ; reports nego- tiations concerning Morris's pass- ports, 59 ; negotiates in behalf of Lafayette, 59 ; and of impris- oned Americans, 60'; aids Tho- mas Paine, 60 ; condemns Jay treaty as shameful, 62 ; accuses Jay of misleading him, 62, 63; dissuades Directory from sending a special envoy to complain, 64 ; censured by Pickering, 64, 65; superseded by Pinckney, 65 ; said to have prevented recognition of Pinckney by Directorate, 65 ; praised by Pinckney, 66 ; thinks his recall delayed to prevent his return before election, 67; wel- comed by Republicans, 67; de- mands reasons for recall, 67 ; im- polite to Washington, 67 ; pub- lishes pamphlet attacking foreign policy of Washington, 68 ; enu- meration of his points of com- plaint, 68-70 ; comments of Wash- ington upon, 70, 71 ; anger of Federalists against, 71 ; accused of incompetence and corruption, 71, 72 ; his honesty admitted by Hildreth, 72 ; his policy praised by Thiers, 74 ; controversy with Hamilton in Callender affair, 74 ; angry at publication of his dis- patches concerning Jacobins, 75 ; his letters home during his French mission, 75, 76 ; advised by Jef- ferson to come into Congress, 77. Lowisiana Purchase. His opin- ion of Barbij Marbois's book, 78 ; sent as special envoy to secure outlet of Mississippi, 79 ; wel- comed by Livingston, 81 ; learns of readiness of French to sell territory, 82 ; discusses matter with Livingston, 83 ; not informed by Livingston of progress of ne- gotiations, 83 ; his presentation to Bonaparte delayed by Talleyrand, 84 ; offers forty million francs, 84 ; later agrees to eighty, 85 ; congratulates Livingston on suc- cess, 86 ; at same time complains of Livingston's jealousy, 87 ; his farewell interview with Bona- parte, 87, 88 ; determines to treat with Spain for Florida, 88 ; pre- vented by Cambace'res, 88; dis- covers that Livingston has tried to anticipate him, 89 ; letter to Marbois on treaty and on Jerome 306 INDEX Bonaparte's marriage, 89-91 ; let- ter of Livingston depreciates his share in transactions, 91-93. Missions to Spam and England. Instructed by Madison to propose a convention to England, 96 ; his irritating reception by Harrowby, 97 ; abandons negotiations, 97 ; hopes to return and practice law in Richmond, 97 ; directs sale of land, 97 ; dissatisfied with diplo- macy as a career, 98 ; solicits aid of Talleyrand to secure West Flor- ida, 98 ; negotiates vainly with Spanish minister, 99 ; joined in London by Pinkney, 99 ; with him concludes a treaty in 1806, 100 ; his candor praised by Lord Holland, 102 ; his personality and conduct of negotiations described, 102, 103; returns to America, draws up defense of his conduct, 105 ; a candidate for presidency against Madison, 105 ; reelected governor of Virginia, 105; his failure not due to lack of abil- ity, but to circumstances, 106. Secretary of State and of War. Succeeds Smith as secretary of state, 107 ; communicates decla- ration of war to England, 108 ; his career during war, 108 ; thinks of taking field in person, 108; controversy with Foster over rights of neutral trade, 108-110 ; his instructions to Barlow rela- tive to France, 110 ; distrusts ability of Armstrong as secretary of war, 111 ; writes letter to Madison protesting against Arm- strong's plan to serve in field. 111-113 ; discredits Armstrong's capacity, 113-115 ; offers to take Department of War himself, 114- 116 ; later, on political grounds, protests against Armstrong's con- duct, 117-119 ; accuses War De- partment of corruption, 118, 119 ; said to have interfered at battle of Bladensburg, 119 ; watches British advance on Washington, 120 ; his conduct reviewed, 121 ; writes narrative of his doings, 122-124 ; acts as military com- mander pro tempore, 124 ; orders Winder to arrange batteries, 125 ; on Winder's refusal, orders him off the field, 125 ; his conduct de- scribed by Robinson, 125, 126 ; invigorates war administration, 126, 127. President of the United States. Vote for, in elections, 128 ; his advisers and associates, 129 ; his cabinet, 129-135 ; narrowly es- capes defeat by Crawford for nomination, 134 ; anger of Clay with, 135 ; his friendly relations with Jackson, 136, 137; his rea- sons for selection of cabinet offi- cers, 137, 138; aims to have a Republican administration, 137 ; refuses to appoint Kent to Su- preme Court, 138 ; principal ques- tions in his term of office, 138 ; his journey in the North, its po- litical significance, 139-142 ; os- tensibly travels to inspect harbor defenses, 139 ; his addresses, 140, 141 ; Crawford's opinion of effects of his tour, 141, 142 ; stirs enthu- siasm in North, 142 ; makes a Southern journey, 143; denies hav- ing given Jackson authority in Seminole campaign, 145; depre- cates tone of his dispatches, 145 ; in Missouri struggle, predicts even- tual success of free States, 148 ; fears secession, 148 ; discusses doubtfully the right of Congress to impose restrictions on a State, 148- 151; doubts policy of restricting slavery, 150, 151 ; vetoes Cumber* land Road Bill, 152 ; his reasons, 152 ; his dealings with Lafayette in Europe, 152, 153 ; welcomes Lafayette on his visit, 154; let- ters of Lafayette to, 154-157 ; re- mains neutral in presidential con- test of 1824, 158. INDEX 307 Connection with Monroe Doc- trine. Not clear how he came to phrase it so well, 159 ; lacks lit- erary skill, 159, 160 ; his message of December, 1823, 160-164 ; does not realize importance of his ac- tion, 164 ; merely aims to express accepted tradition, 164 ; early sug- gests the policy, 166; in 1818 suggests aiding independence of Spanish colonies, 170 ; asks Jef- ferson's opinion on cooperating with England against Holy Alli- ance, 173 ; said by Flumer to have doubted propriety of doc- trine in message, 174 ; praised by a member of his family as author of doctrine, 175, 176; held by Reddaway to be merely nominal author, 177, 178 ; his real credit for it, 178, 179 ; writes long an- nual messages, 180 ; summary of his messages, 180-207 ; inaugural address, 180, 181 ; first annual message, December, 1817, 181 ; special message of January, 1818, 183 ; second annual message, No- vember, 1818, 183, 184 ; third an- nual message, December, 1819, 184, 185 ; special message on Blave trade, 186 ; fourth annual mes- sage of November, 1820, 186, 187 ; second inaugural address, 187, 188 ; fifth annual message, De- cember, 1821, 189, 190; special messages in 1822, 190, 191 ; veto message on Cumberland Road Bill, 191-202 ; sixth annual mes- sage, December, 1822, 202, 203 ; seventh annual message, on Mon- roe doctrine, December, 1823, 203, 204 ; special message of Feb- ruary, 1824, 204 ; last annual mes- sage in December, 1824, 205, 206 ; special messages in 1825, 206, 207. Private lAfe. Engaged to Miss Kortwright, 208 j advised by Judge Jones, 208, 209 ; announces to Jef- ferson his marriage, 209, 210 ; de- cides to settle in Fredericksburg, 210 ; his children, 211 ; his inter- est in his relatives, 211 ; his ad- vice to his nephew, 212, 213 ; de scription of his person and char- acter, by Wirt, 213, 214 ; his pre- sidential levee described, 215, 216: describes to Gouverneur his auto- biographical work, 217, 218; de- scribed in old age by Watson, 218-226 ; his correspondence in old age with Madison, 227-230. In Retirement. HiB residence, 231 ; becomes regent of Univer- sity of Virginia, 231 ; declines to serve on electoral ticket, 231 ; his correspondence and literary am- bitions, 231, 232 ; pecuniary diffi- culties, 232 ; fails to obtain relief from Congress, 232 ; Very retro- spective in old age, 232, 233 ; in letter to McLean, discusses his own career, 233-238; criticised by Jackson's Tennessee friends, 238, 239 ; writes to Calhoun pre- dicting disaster from disunion, 239, 240 ; contemporary estimates of his ability, 240-244; not ap- preciated by bis countrymen, 244 ; suffers from lack of collected works, 244 ; suffers by compari- son with Washington, Marshall, Hamilton, and Jefferson, 245; view of his political wisdom and integrity, 245 ; religious views, 245; soundness of his state pa- pers, 246 ; does not express con- victions on slavery, 246 ; his one idea is American independence, 246, 247 ; much aided by Jeffer- son and Madison, 247 ; at first a partisan, grows later above party, 247 ; variety of his services, 247 ; popular, in spite of enemies, 248 ; final summary, 248 ; death and burial, 248 ; genealogy, 249 ; de- scription of his estate, 250, 251. Personal Characteristics. Gen- eral estimates of, 1, 2, 80, 102, 103, 177, 240-248; unfriendly views, 57, 58, 65, 70-72, 92, 248, INDEX 262-260 ; caution, 221, 222 ; cour- age, 8, 10, 11, 108, 125 ; debate, powers of, 33, 223; diplomatic ability, 39, 74, 93, 106 ; education, 224; enthusiasm, 51, 72, 93, 108, 127, 245 ; family life, 76, 97, 211- 213, 246; friendliness, 129, 136, 154, 155, 221, 225, 228, 229 ; im- partiality, 168, 241, 245 ; integ- rity, 72, 232, 245 ; literary ability, 159, 217, 218, 223, 246 ; manners, 102, 214, 219, 220 ; military abil- ity, 120, 123-125, 126; modesty, 224 ; partisanship, 34, 40, 67, 74, 114, 245, 247 ; personal appear- ance, 214, 215, 218, 219 ; paasion- ateness, 220; religious views, 245, 246 ; self-judgments, 234-239 ; slowness, 113, 220. Political Opinions. Articles of Confederation, 19, 20, 22, 28 ; cabi- net, formation of, 137 ; civil ser- vice in politics, 233, 245 ; Consti- tution of the United States, 28- 30, 112, 149-151, 192-201; dis- union, 148, 149, 239 ; England, 102, 109, 189 ; ex-Presidents, 221, 231 ; Federalist party, 30-32, 34, 68-70, 137, 138; finance, 34; Florida, 88, 98, 184, 188 ; fortification of seaports, 140, 180, 191 ; Prance, policy toward, 40, 48-51, 55-57, 60, 64, 65, 68-70, 88, 102, 110, 190; Greece, revolt of , 203, 204 ; impost scheme, 20-22; Indians, 181-183, 188, 190, 206 ; internal improvements, 152, 181, 182, 191, 195-202, 203, 204; Jacobin Club, 75 ; Jackson's Florida career, 145, 237 ; Jay treaty, 62-64; Lou- isiana purchase, 83, 84, 86, 87, 89, 90 ; Mississippi navigation, 26, 27, 30, 78, 98 ; Missouri Compro- mise, 149-151 ; Monroe doctrine, 160-164, 166, 170, 174, 178 ; neu- tral trade, 108-110; Northwest Territory, 23, 24 ; office, appoint- ments to, 118, 119; presidential ambition, 37, 105; public senti- ment, obedience to, 221, 223 ; sla- very, 150, 204, 246 ; Spanish colo- nies, 163, 183, 189, 191, 203, 206 ; States' rights, 37, 38, 194 ; Territo- ries, power of Congress over, 149, 150 ; war of 1812, its conduct, 111- 119, 126, 127 ; West India trade, 189 ; bibliography of writings by and concerning, 260-277. Monroe, John, supposed ancestor of James Monroe, 249. Monroe, John, joins in remonstrance against Stamp Act, 6. Monroe, Joseph, interest of Monroe in, 76. Monroe, Maria, daughter of Monroe, her marriage, 211 ; described by Mrs. Tuley, 216. Monroe, Spence, father of James Monroe, 4 ; joins in remonstrance against Stamp Act, 6. Monroe doctrine, difficulty of tra- cing Monroe's share in framing, 159, 160 ; Monroe's message con- taining, 160-164 ; not meant by Monroe to do more than sum up acknowledged policy, 164; a gradual development in American policy, 164, 165 ; begins with idea of independence, 165; prefigured by Fownall, 165, 166 ; by Jeffer- son, 166, 169, 170, 171, 173; by Washington, 166, 167; by Madi- son, 167 ; by John Adams, 168 ; by Rush, 170, 171 ; by Gallatin, 172; by J. Q. Adams, 172, 174; by Canning, 173 ; share of Adams in making, 174, 178; not origi- nated by Canning, 174; debated in Congress in struggle over Pan- ama Congress, 176, 177 ; views of Beddaway upon, 177, 178; real credit for, discussed, 178, 179 ; bib- liography of, 277-294. Monroe family, origin of, 249, 250. Moore, Thomas, his satire on Wash- ington city, 251. Morris, Gouverneur, bis nomination as minister to France opposed by Monroe, as he had decried the French Revolution, 34, 68; sue- INDEX 309 ceeded by Monroe, 34, 40 ; diffi- culties about his passports, 59. Mountflorence, Major, dealings with Monroe in Paris, 235. Mulgrave, Lord, in English foreign office, 99. Nicholas, John, letter of Washing- ton to, on Monroe's "View,'* 68. Noland, R, W. N., describes Mon- roe's estate, 250, 251. Northwest Territory, ceded to Uni- ted States, 23 ; travels of Monroe in, 23, 24 ; ordinance for govern- ment in, 25, 26. Onts, Luis de, signs treaty ceding Florida to United States, 146. Paine, Thomas, efforts of Monroe to aid, in Paris, 60 ; his influence over Monroe, 65 ; letter of Jeffer- son to, 169. Panama Congress, debate over, in- volves Monroe doctrine, 176. Patterson, Elizabeth, marries Je- rome Bonaparte, 90. Perceval, Spencer, makes war with United States inevitable, 107. " Pharaoh," reveals negro plot, 36. Phi Beta Kappa Society, founded at William and Mary College, 9 ; its meeting-place and original members, 9. Pichon, L. A., on Monroe's treach- ery to Pinckney, 65. Pickering, Timothy, succeeds Ran- dolph, 64 ; censures Monroe se- verely, 64, 65 ; asked by Monroe for reasons for his recall, 67. Pinckney, Charles, negotiates for West Florida, 99. Pinckney, Charles C, succeeds Monroe as minister to France, 65 ; refused reception by Directory, 65 ; said by Pichon to have been plotted against by Monroe, 65 ; asserts Monroe to have been help- ful, 66. Pinckney, Thomas, Washington's first choice for French mission, 40. Pinkney, William, joined with Mon- roe to treat with England, 99 ; concludes treaty, 100 ; in Mad- ison's cabinet, 107 ; draws decla- ration of war, 108. Pitt, William, his ministry of 1804, 97 : his death, 99. Plumer, William, gives credit for Monroe doctrine to Adams, 174. Pope, William, remark of Wirt to, on presidential ambition, 135. Pownall, Thomas, anticipates Mon- roe doctrine in 1780, 165. Price, considered in connection with French mission, 40. Prosser, Thomas, his share in slave insurrection, 35. Qutnot, Josiah, on Clay's opposition to Monroe, 135. Randolph, Edmund, letter to Wash- ington on impost scheme, 22 ; sus- pected by Monroe of hostility, 28 ; urges ratification of Constitution, 28; tells Monroe of reasons for his appointment to French mis- sion, 41 ; his instructions to Mon- roe, 48 ; censures Monroe for con- duct toward the Convention, 57, 58 ; succeeded by Pickering, 64. Randolph, John, his effort to use Monroe as a rival to Madison, 36, 37 ; quarrels with Monroe, 37 ; accuses him of planning secession in 1800, 37, 38 ; prominent in Mis- souri debate, 147 ; Monroe's opin- ion of, 222. Randolph, Peyton, remark of Tucker upon, 2. Reddaway, W. F., quoted, 177, 178. Republican party, Monroe a leader of, in Senate, 33, 34; welcomes Monroe after French mission, 67 ; defends him against Federalists, 71, 72, 73 ; nominates Madison for president over Monroe, 105 ; elects Monroe president, 128; its lead- 310 INDEX era, 129-138 ; popularity of Craw- ford with, 133, 134. Revolution, war of, share of Mon- roe in, 9-12. Bewbell, Jean Francois, his policy influenced by Monroe, 74. Reynolds, Joshua, desired by Vir- ginians to paint a portrait of Cam- den, 6. Rhea, John, question of his having given Monroe's instructions to Jackson in Seminole war, 145. Rives, William C, opposes Monroe doctrine, 176. Robespierre, M. M. L, his fall, 48. Robinson, William, describes Mon- roe's activity at Bladensburg, 125. Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Monroe at interment of, 55. Rush, Richard, describes campaign of Bladensburg, 121 ; prominent politician in 1817, 129 ; appointed minister to England, 134 ; remark of Castlereagh to, on danger of war, 144 ; his negotiations, 146 ; announces to Castlereagh the in- tentions of United States with re- gard to the Spanish colonies, 170, 171. Russell, Jonathan, thinks war with England unavoidable, 107. Russia, dispute over its possessions in North America, 160. Seminoles, war with, 143; part played by Jackson in, 143-145. Senate of the United States, services of Monroe in, 33, 34. Shelby, Isaac, declines War Depart- ment under Monroe, 136 ; his ap- pointment opposed by Jackson, 137. Short, William, letters of Jefferson to, on Monroe doctrine, 169, 171. Slavery, how excluded from North- west, 25, 26. Smith, Robert, succeeded by Monroe as secretary of state, 107. Smith, Samuel, connection with Je- rome Bonaparte, 90. Southard, S. L., in Monroe's cabi- net, 130 n. Spain, opposes Mississippi naviga- tion, 26, 27; sells Louisiana to France, 78, 79; dealings of Liv- ingston with, concerning Florida, 88, 89 ; Monroe's mission to, with Finkney, 98, 99; danger of war with, over Jackson's conduct, 144 ; cedes Florida, 146 ; references to, in Monroe's messages, 182, 184- 186 ; its slowness to ratify Florida treaty, 185, 186, 190. Spanish-American republics, pro- tected in " Monroe doctrine " message, 161-164 ; referred to in other messages, 188, 190, 206. Sparks, Jared, quoted, 70. Stamp Act, protested against by Westmoreland County, 6. Stansbury, General Tobias E., at battle of Bladensburg, 120, 123. Stirling, Earl of, Monroe's service on his staff, 10 ; gives Monroe testimonials, 11 ; correspondence of Monroe with, 12, 15. Sumner, Charles, holds Monroe doctrine to proceed from Can- ning, 174. Swift, Joseph G., accompanies Mon- roe on voyage in North, 139 ; his career, 139. Talleyrand, Prince, on Spain's interest in Louisiana, 79 ; his rela- tions with Napoleon in 1803, 81 ; asks Livingston if United States wishes the whole of Louisiana, 82 ; delays proceedings through jealousy of Marbois, 84 ; presents Monroe to Bonaparte, 88 ; his con- duct described by Livingston, 91 ; asked by Monroe to aid in secur- ing West Florida, 98. Texas, claim of United States to, renounced in Florida treaty, 184. Thiers, Louis Adolphe, on Monroe's conduct in France, 74. Thompson, Smith, secretary of navy under Monroe, 130 ; appointed to INDEX 311 Supreme Court as a Republican, 138. Ticknor, George, on Monroe's treachery to Pinckney, 65. Tompkins, Daniel IX, vice-presi- dent during Monroe's administra- tions, 128. Tucker, St. George, on numbers of forgotten yet eminent men in Vir- ginia, 2. Tuley, Mrs., describes Monroe's levee as President, 215, 216. Tuyl, Baron, statement of Monroe doctrine to, by Adams, 172. University op Virginia, services of Monroe, Madison, and Jefferson as regents of, 16. Virginia, forgotten statesmen of, 2 ; history of, during war of Revolu- tion, 11, 12 ; career of Monroe as leader in, 17 ; cedes Western ter- ritory to Congress, 23 ; confirms Northwest Ordinance, 26 ; insists on Mississippi navigation, 26 ; struggle in, over ratifying Federal Constitution, 28-33; ratifies con- ditionally, 30 ; elects senators, 33 ; twice chooses Monroe governor, 35, 77 ; negro plot in, 35, 36 ; pre- pares to resist Federalists in 1800, 37, 38 ; declares in favor of Madi- son for president over Monroe, 105 ; Monroe a member of Consti- tutional Convention of, 231. Walker, John, named to succeed Grayson as senator, 33. War of 1812, declared, 108 ; ineffi- ciency of army in, 110, 111 ; con- duct of, condemned by Monroe, 111-119; battle of Bladensburg, ' services of Monroe at, 119-126 ; Monroe's services in, as secretary of war, 126, 127. WaBhbume, Elihu B., discovers French report of Monroe's ap- pearance before the convention, 52 ; describes the accolade, 51. Washington, Bushrod, neighbor of Monroe, 5 ; original member of Phi Beta Kappa Society, 9. Washington, George, his birthplace near that of Monroe, 4 ; urges Vir- ginia to give Monroe a military appointment, 11 ; letter on impost scheme of 1785, 20 ; letter of Ran- dolph to, 22; in Constitutional Convention, 28; his administra- tion opposed by Monroe, 33 ; threatened by Monroe with ex- posure of Hamilton, 34 ; appoints Monroe minister to France, 34; his reasons, 40 ; wishes to avoid war with France, 41 ; impoliteness of Monroe toward, 67; attacked by Monroe, 68 ; his comments on Monroe's attacks, 68, 70, 252-260 ; abused by Monroe's friends, 73; anticipates Monroe doctrine, 166, 167 ; Monroe's attitude toward, 234. Washington, William, at battle of Trenton, 10. Watson, E. R., describes Monroe's appearance, habits, and character, 218-226. Webster, Daniel, not a leader in 1817, 129 ; defends Monroe doc- trine in connection with Panama Congress, 177 ; on Monroe's im- partiality, 241. West, Benjamin, at Lee's suggestion makes vain attempt to paint Cam- den's portrait, 6. West India trade, message of Mon- roe upon, 189, 190. Westmoreland County, the Athens of Virginia, 4, 5; Revolutionary spirit in, 5-7. Wilkinson, Gen. James, describes Monroe's gallantry at battle of Trenton, 10. William and Mary College, studies of Monroe at, 7 ; its wealth and history, 7, 8 ; students and profes- sors of, volunteer in 1776, 8. Williams, Colonel J. S., on battle of Bladensburg, 120. 312 INDEX Winder, General William H., in command at Bladensburg, inter- fered with by Monroe, 119, 122, 125; ordered to leave the field, 125. Wirt, William, favors Madison for President in 1808, 105 ; attorney- general under Monroe, 129 ; his character and career, 134, 135 ; not a candidate for presidency, 135 ; on Clay's claim for allow- ances from government, 135, 136 ; urges appointment of Kent to Su- preme bench, 138 ; describes Mon- roe's appearance and character, 213, 214; friendship of Monroe for, 226. Wolcott, Oliver, condemns Monroe's " View," 71. Wythe, George, Monroe dissuaded from attending his lectures and abandoning Jefferson's instruc- tion, 13-15 ; appointed delegate to Federal Convention, 28. CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, U. S. j ELECTBOTYFED AND PRINTED BY H. O. HOUGHTON AND CO.