Huntington Free Library Native American Collection CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY XI Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924104075407 TUSATAN KATCINAS JESSE ^?V^AETER FEA^^KES EXTRACT FROM THE FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY WASHINGTON GOVBENMBNT PRINTING OFFICE 1897 CONTENTS Page Introduction 251 Tabular view of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations 255 Names of months and corresponding ceremonials 256 Means of determining the time for ceremonials 258 Classification of ceremonials 260 Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas 264 Classification of Kachinas ^ 265 Elaborate Katcinas 268 Soyiiluna 268 Katcina's return 273 Po wiima 274 PSlulukouti 291 Nimdnkatciua 292 Abbreviated Katcinas 292 Characteristics 292 1 SiocSlako 296 Pawikkatcina 299 jtnakatcina 303 Comparative study of Katcina dances in Cibola and Tusayan 304 247 ILLUSTRATIONS Page Plate CIV. A, Shield with star symbol; B, SoyfiluFia shield with star and unkno wu symbol ; C, Symbolic sun shield 262 CV. The NatScka ceremony at Walpi 267 CVI. Hahalwiiqti, Nat^cka, and Soy6kmana 272 CVII. DollofCiilakomana 278 CVIII. Katcina mask with squash-blossom appendage and rain-cloud symbolism 286 CIX. Doll ofCSlakomana (mistakenly given on the plate as C^lakotaka). 294 ex. Head-dress of Alosoka 301 CXI. A Powimfl mask 306 Figure 39. Tablet of the Palahikomana mask 262 40. The Auakatcina 294 41. Maskette of jtuakatcinamana 29.5 42. Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in Sioc^lako 298 43. Mask of Pawikkatcina (front view) 299 44. Mask of Pawikkatcina (side view) 300 45. Mask of Pawfkkatcinamana 301 46. Staff of Pawikkatcina 801 47. Helmets, ear of corn, and spruce bough arranged for reception ceremony 302 48. Symbolism of the helmet of Htimiskatoina (tablet removed) 307 249 THE GROUP OF TUSAYAN CEREMONIALS CALLED KATCINAS^ By Jesse Walter Pewkes INTRODUCTION In their use of the word Katcina^ the Hopi or Moki apply the term to supernatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by statuettes in imitation of the same. The dances in which the former appear are likewise called by the same name which with the orthogra- phy "Cachena" is used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of the upper Eio Grande. The present use of the term among the Tusayan Indians leads me to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural being of surbordinate rank to the great deities. Ancestral worship plays a not inconspicuous part in the Hopi conception of a Katcina. When we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual practiced by the Tusayan villagers, the subject is found to be so com- plex that it can be adequately treated only by the help of observations extending through many years. The plan which I have followed in my work, as will be seen in previous publications, has been to gather and record data in regard to the details of individual observances as a basis for generalization. My former publications on this subject have therefore been simply records of observations.' For various reasons it has seemed well to anticipate a final and general account and interpretation, with ten- tative efforts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone to a more exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of these observ- ances, which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir necessi- tating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted. *Tbeae studies were made while the aathor was connected with the Hemenway Expedition from 1890 to 1894, and the memoir, which was prepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of the late A. M. Stephen as well as of those of the author. s The letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the following sounds : a, as in far ; &, as in what; ai, as i in pine; e, as a in fate; 1, as iu pique; i, as in pin; u, as in rule; ii, as in but; ii, as in the French tu ; p, b, v, similar in sound ; t and d, like the same in tare and dare, almostiudis- tinguishable; tc, as ch in chink: c, as sh in shall; fi, as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure rolling sound; 1, m, n, k, h, y, «:, as in English. sTbese observations are confined to three villages on the East mesa, which has been the field more thoroughly cultivated by the members of the Hemenway Expedition. 251 252 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 At the present stage of my researclies it would be too early to write such an account of the ceremonial calendar of the Tusayan villagers, but it has been deemed well to put on record, with many new observations, this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a general system, to aid other investigators in tindred fields of study. "When I began my work, four years ago, the task of bringing order out of what appeared to be a hopeless confusion seemed well-nigh impossible, but as one cere- mony after another was studied it was found that the exactness of the ritual as exemplified in ceremonial presentations pertained even to details, and that there was a logical connection running throughout all the religious observances of the Tusayan Indians, the presentations of which were practically little influenced by white races with whom the people had been brought in contact. As these ceremonials were studied more sympathetically I discovered a unity throughout them which, whatever their origin may have been, placed them in marked con- trast to those of the nomads by whom they were surrounded. They were found to belong to a type or ceremonial area in which the other Pueblos are embraced, the afflnities of which carry us into different geographic regions of the American continent. But while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of Athapascan or Shoshonean aborigines, it bears evidence of a composite nature. It had become so by contributions from many sources, and had in turn left its impress on other areas, so that as a type the Pueblo culture was the only one of its kind in aboriginal America.. With strong afflnities on all sides it was unique, having nearest kinship with those of Mexico and Central America. The geographic extension of the Pueblo type of culture was no doubt formerly much greater than it is at the present time. What its original boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us to decide, but the problem at present before us is the determination of its characteristics as a survival in our times. When once this is satis- factorily known, and not until then, can we advance with confidence to wider generalizations as to its past distribution and offer theories regarding its affinities with other ceremonial areas of the American race. It is doubtless true that we are not progressing beyond what can be claimed to be known when we say that all the Pueblo peoples belong to the same ceremonial type. I am sure that in prehistoric and historic times delegations from the Eio Grande country have settled among the Tusayan villagers, and that many families of the latter have migrated back to the Eio Grande again to make permanent homes in that section. The most western and the most eastern peoples of this Pueblo culture-stock have been repeatedly united in marriage, bringing about a consequent commingling of blood, and the legends of both tell of their common character. It is too early in research to inject into sci- ence the idea that the Pueblos are modified Indians of other stocks, and FEWKEs] EXPLANATION OF TERMS 253 we outstrip our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or group of villages the implication involved in the expression, "Father of the Pueblos." Part of the Pueblo culture is autochthonal, but its germ may have originated elsewhere, and no one existing Pueblo peo- ple is able satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral out- side of a very limited area. In the present article I have tried to present a picture of one of the two great natural groups of ceremonials into which the Tusayan ritual is divided. I have sought also to lay a foundation for comparative studies of the same group as it exists in other pueblos, but have not found suf&cient data in regard to these celebrations in other villages to carry this comparative research very far. Notwithstanding these dances occur in most of the pueblos, the published data about them is too meager for comparative uses. No connected description of these ceremonies in other pueblos has been published ; of theoretical expla- nations we have more than are profitable. It is to be hoped that the ever-increasing interest in the ceremonials of the Pueblos of the south- west will lead to didactic, exoteric accounts of the rituals of all these peoples, for a great field for research in this direction is yet to be tilled. In the use, throughout this article, of the words "gods," " deities," and "worship" we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions which do not exist in the Indian mind, but spring from philosophic ideas resulting from our higher culture. For the first two the more cumber- some term "supernatural beings"' is more expressive, and the word "spirit" is perhaps more convenient, except from the fact that it like- wise has come to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive mind. Worship, as we understand it, is not a proper term to use in the de- scription of the Indian's methods of approaching his supernal beings. It involves much which is unknown to him, and implies the existence of that which is foreign to his conceptions. Still, until some better nomenclature, more exactly defining his methods, is suggested, these terms from their convenience will still continue in common use. The dramatic element which is ascribed to the Katcina^ ritual is more prominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations, as would naturally be the case, but even there it is believed to be less striking than in the second group or those in W^hich the performers are without masks. There exists in Hopi mythology many stories of the old times which form an accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the sym- bolism and some of the ritual, but nowhere have I found the sequence of the ceremonials to closely correspond with the episodes of the myth. In the Snake or the Flute dramatizations this coincidence of myth and ritual is more striking, but in them it has not gone so far as to be 1 " Souls " in the broadest conception of the believers in Tylor's animistic theory. 2 The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Katcinas ■will be spoken of later. 254 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH.A^■I^.15 comparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples. Among the Katcinas, however, it is more obscure or even very limited. While an abbreviated Katcina may be regarded as a reproduction of the celebrations recounted in legends of times when real super- natural beings visited the pueblos, and thus dramatizes semimythic stories, I fail to see aught else in them of the dramatic element. The characteristic symbolism is prescribed and strictly conforms to the legends. Explanations of why each Katcina is marked this or that way can be gathered from legends, but the continuous carry- ing out of the sequence of events in the life of any Katcina, or any story of creation or migration, did not appear in any abbreviated' Katcina which was studied. In this subdivision a dramatic element is present, but only in the crudest form. In the elaborate Katcinas, how- ever, we find an advance in the amount of dramatization, or an attempt to lepresent a story or parts of the same. Thus we can in Soydluna follow a dramatic presentation of the legend of the conflict of the sun with hostile deities or powers, in which both are personified. I must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the Tusayan concep- tions of the Katcinas when such exists. This want of knowledge is immaterial, for the object of this article is simply to record what has been seen and goes no further. I will not say that a complete account of the Katcinas can be given by such a treatment, and do not know how much or how little of their esoterism has eluded me, but these observations are wholly exoteric records of events rather than esoteric explanations of causes. It is thought that such a treatment of the subject will be an important contribution to the appreciation of expla- nations which it naturally precedes. Although it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains elements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology, I incline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from it has grown the legend as we now know it. The question, Which came first, myth or ritual? is outside the scope of this article. Any one who has studied the ceremonial system of the Tusayan Indians will have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in winter. From harvest time to planting there is a succession of cele- brations of most complicated and varied nature, but from planting to harvesting all these rites are much curtailed. The simplest explana- tion of this condition would be, and probably is, necessity. There is 'It would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate Katcinas. Are the former, for instance, remnants of more complicated presentations in which the secret elements have been dropped in the course of time ! Were they formerly more complicated, or are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them more complex « I incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants, and their reduc- tion due topraotioal reasons. In a general way theword Katcina maybe translated " soul " or "deified ancestor," and in this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory. But there are other elements in Tusayan mythology which are not animistic. As Mogk has well shown in Teutonic mythology, nature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is there evidence that their worship was derivative. As Saussaye remarks, "Animism is always and everywhere mixed up with reiigioa- it is never and nowhere the whole of religion." ' FEWKEs] SEQUENCE OF CEREMONIALS. 255 not time enough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the corn must be cared for. Time is then too precious, but when the corn is high and the crop is in sight, or during the long winter when the agriculturist is at home unemployed, then the superstitious mind has freedom to carry on elaborate rites and observances, and then naturally he takes part in the complex ceremonies. Hence the spring and early summer religious observances are abbreviated. Although the Pueblo farmer may thoroughly believe in his ceremonial system as efficacious, his human nature is too practical to consume the precious planting time with elaborate ceremonials. But when he sees that the crop is coming and harvest is at hand, then he begins the series of, to him, magnificent pageants which extend from the latter part of August until March of the following year. It has been proven by repeated observations of the same ceremonials that there is great constancy in the way successive presentations of the ritual are carried out year after year. The inevitable modifications resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in course of time affect individual observances, but their ritual is never voluntarily changed. The ceremonials which I have here and elsewhere described were not invented by them to show to me, nor will any religious society of the Hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to please the white man. Each observance is traditional and prescribed for a certain time of the year. TABULAR VIEW OF THE SEQUENCE OF TUSAYAN CELEBRA- TIONS' The following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid in the study of the Hopi calendar, and indicate the ceremonials pre- sented to us for classification : r Katcina's return. A^ } Pow^mu, ( Pdliiliikonti. The abbreviated Katcinas commonly come in the interval, and vary somewhat from year to year. 'Nimdn (Katcina's departure). Snake or Flute (alternating). Ldlakouti. Mamzrauti. Wilwiltcimti^ (sometimes l^Tadcnaiya). ^Soy^luna. ' By Gregorian months, -whicli of course the Hopi do not recognize hy these names or limits. Their own "moons" have been given elsewhere. 2 The months to which the first division roughly corresponds are January to July. The second division includes, roughly speaking, August and December (inclusive). More accurately defined' the solar year is about equally divided into two parts by the !N'imdn, which is probably the exact dividing celebration of the ceremonial year. ^There is a slight r sound in the first two syllables of Wiiwiitcimti. s 256 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15 Mashed or Eatcina Ceremonials December Jan a- ary February March April-June July Soy&luHa. Pa. Powdmu. Pdliilukonti. Variable ab- breviated Katcinas. Mman. UnmasTced or Nine Days'' Ceremonials August September October November Snake or Flute. L^lakoiiti. Mamzradti. Wiiw u t c 1 m t i or Nadcnaiya. The Katcina chief, Intiwa, erects his altar every year in the Mdflkiva, but different kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the dance of the If im^n by their appropriate presentation, thus : The men of the Wikw^liobikiva celebrated the dance in 1891 ; those of Nac^b- kiva in 1892 ; those of the Alkiva in 1893, and probably in 1894 the men of the Tcivatokiva will personate the last Katcina of the sum- mer. It thus will appear that the special supernatural personage represented varies from year to year within certain limits, and the variations mean nothing more than that the members of the- diflerent kivas participate in rotation. NAMES OF MONTHS AND CORRESPONDING CEREMONIALS The Tusayan names of the months are as follows : Months Ceremonials 1. Pow^mii'iyawu ^ 2. U'ciimu'iyawu 3. Kwiyaomii'iyawu. 4. Hakitonmii'iyawli. 5. Kelemii'iyawft. Powdmu. PdlUlukonti. >The word mii'iyawti means "moon," bywhicU it -would seem that our satellite determines the smaller divisions of the year. PEWKEs] CEREMONIAL CALENDAR 257 Months Ceremonials 6. Kyamii'iyawu .... Nimdn. (Snake, Flute.) Ldlakonti. Mamzratiti. Wiiwiitclmti. Soy41uiia. Katcina's return. 7. Pamii'iyawu . . 8. Powa'mii'iyawu 9. Huiikinii'iyawu. 10. ti'ciiinu'iyawui 11. Kelemii'iyawii 12. Kyamii'iyawu 13. Pamii'iyawu The second part of the October (tj'cii) is said to be called Tu'hoe. If this is recognized as a lunar period we would have 14 divisions to the ceremonial year. In the Pamii'iyawii, the Snake ceremony, and the Katcina's return, the same Niiitiwa (struggle of maids for bowls, etc) occurs. It will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names as those of the winter ; by that I do not mean to discard the divisions "named" and "nameless," elsewhere used on good authority. The questions regarding the nomenclature of the different moons and their number are very perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered. The determination of the number of moons recognized in the year or the interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his house (Tdwaki) at the summer solstitial rising is a most important question, for a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far are insufficient. Several of the priests have told me that there were 13, as given above; but others say there are 12, and still others, 14, The comparative ethnologist, familiar with Mexican calendars, would be glad to accept the report that there were 13, in which case there would be introduced a remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many ways. Although, however, there is good evidence that 13 is recognized by some priests, the negative evidence must be mentioned, especially as it is derived from men whose knowledge of Hopi lore I have come to respect. I have, however, provisionally followed the opinion of those who hold that the Hopi recognize 13 ceremonial months in their calendar. If the second part of the tJ'cii moon be called Tii'hoe, we would have 14 moons, which would give 6 between 2 Powa, or 2 Pa, K61e, Ky^, and divide the ceremonial year into two parts of 7 moons each. The Katcina's return (tJkine), or the beginning of the Katcinas, then occurs in the Pa moon; they end in Ky4 at the Nimdn (last, farewell). The group of unmasked ceremonials (nine days) likewise begins at the Pa moon in the Snake or Flute, and ends at the winter, Kyd, or Soy^luSa. 15 ETH 17 258 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 In endeavoring to find some reason for the similarity of names in the two groups of months which compose the ceremonial year I have this interesting hint, dropped by one of the priests: "When we of the upper world," he said, "are celebrating the winter Pa moon the people of the under world are engaged in the observance of the Snake or Flute, and vice versa." The ceremonials in the two worlds are syn- chronous. "That is the reason," said my informant, "that we make the Snake or Flute pahos during the winter season, although the dance is not celebrated until the corresponding month of the following summer."' MEANS OF DETERMINING THE TIME FOR CEREMONIALS Among the Hopi Indians there are priests (tawawympkiyas) skilled in the lore of the sun, who determine, by observations of the points on the horizon, where the sun rises or sets, the time of the year proper for religious ceremonials. Two of these points are called sun houses, one at tAtyiika,^ which is called the sun house (t4waki) par excellence, another at kwiniwi, which also is called t4waki, or sun house. The points on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial events are as follows : 1. T4waki (hiitca, opening). The horizon point properly called savwuwee marks the cardinal point t^tyiika or place of sunrise at the winter solstice. The winter ceremony Soydluna is determined not by sunrise, but by sunset, although, as a general thing, the time of summer ceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise. 2. Mdsnamiizrii (m4si, drab or gray; namuzrii, wooded ridge). This point is the ridge or crest of the mesa, east of Pttp'ce. 3. Paviiu'tcomo (paviin', young corn; tcomo, mound). A point on the old wagon trail to Fort Defiance, a little beyond the head of Keams canyon. 4. Honwitcomo (derivation obscure; houwi, erect). 5. Niivdktcomo (niiv4k, snow; tcomo, mound). When the sun reaches here on its northern journey the Hon4ni or Badger people plant corn ; the other Hopi people plant melons, squashes, and gourds. 6. PtLlhomotaka (piilu, round, hump; homo, obscure; t4ka, man; possibly many hump-back men). When the sun reaches here the P4tki 'From their many stories of the under world I am led to believe that the Hopi consider it a counter- part of the earth's surface, and a region inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons alternate with those in the upper world; and when it is summer in the above it is winter in the world below, and vice versa. Moreover, ceremonies are said to be performed there as here, and frequent references are made to their character. It is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each other and are complemental. In their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode of the ''breath-body" of the deceased, who enter it through a sipapu, often spoken of as a lake. I have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that of the damned. 'The Tawaki of tStyaka is the sun house. There is no sun house at h6poko nor at tftvj'ufia. The names of the four horizon cardinal points are, kwiniwi, northwest; tevyii'fia, southwest; tatyiika, southeast, and hopokyiika (syncopated hdpoko), northeast. I'EWKEs] TIME OF CEREMONIALS 259 or Water people plant corn. When the sun returns here the Snake- Antelope fraternities assemble for the Snake dance. 7. Kwitc^la.' When the sun rises at this point on his northward journey general planting begins, which continues until the summer solstice. When the sun returns to this point on his southerly journey the Nimiinkatcina is celebrated. 8. Taiovi(?). 9. Ow4tcoki (owa, rock; tcdki, mound house). 10. Wli'nacakabi (wii'na, pole; c4ka, ladder). 11. Wakdcva, cattle spring, 13 miles north of Keams canyon. 12. Pav^ukyaki, swallow house. 13. Tiiyiika, summer solstice. We are justified in accepting the theory that sun and moon'' worship is usual among primitive men, Whether that of the sun or of our sat- ellite was the earlier it is not in the province of this article to discuss, but it is doubtless true that sun worship is a very ancient cult among most primitive peoples. The Pueblos are not exceptions, and while we can not say that their adoration is limited to the sun, it forms an essen- tial element of their ritual, while their anhydrous environment has led them into a rain-cloud worship and other complexities. I think we can safely say, however, that the germ of their astronomy sprang from observations of the sun, and while yet in a most primitive condition they noticed the fact that this celestial body did not always rise or set at the same points on the horizon. The connection between these facts and the seasons of the year must have been noted early in their history, and have led to orientation, which plays such an important part in all their rituals. Thus the approach of the sun to a more vertical position in the sky in summer and its recession in winter led to the association of time when the earth yielded them their crops with its approach, and the time when the earth was barren with its recession. These epochs were noticed, however, not by the position of the sun at mid- day, but at. risings and settings, or the horizon points. The two great epochs, summer and winter, were, it is believed, connected with 'Note the similarity in sound to the Nahuatl month, QuechoUi, in which the Atamalqnaliztii was celebrated. See "A Central American ceremony which suggests the Snake dance of the Tusayan villagers, " American Anthropologist, Washington, vol. vi. No. 3. Quecholli. however, according to both Sahagun and Serna, was in November. The Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six months from Atamalqnaliztii, or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate their Snake-Antelope solemnities. In this connection attention may be called to the fact that the Snake-Antelope priests in Walpi have a simple gathering in the winter Pa moon (January), when their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to be performing their unabbre- viated snake rites. This is at most only about a month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. Teotlico, the Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soyiluiia, the warriors' return, in December. There are important comparative data bearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl ceremonies hidden in the resemblance between Kwetcdla and Quecholli (Kwetcoli). ''Miiyinwtih, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of the under world, and has some remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl Mlctlantecutli or his female companion Mictlancihuatl. The name is very similar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades visited by Tiyo, the snake hero. (See the legend of the Snake Touth in Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. IV, Boston, 1894.) 260 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 solstitial amplitudes, and the equinoctial, horizontal points, uncon- nected with important times to agriculturists, were not considered as of much worth. There is every evidence, however, that the time of day was early indicated by the altitude of the sun, although the con- nection of the altitude at midday with the time of year was subordi- pated to observations on the horizon. CLASSIFICATION OF CEREMONIALS In attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial observ- ances, as determined by observations made during the last three years, I recognize two groups, the differences between which may be more or less arbitrary. These groups are called — I. The Katcinas. II. The Mne days' ceremonials. The former of these groups, which is the subject of this article, begins with the Katcinas' return,^ and ends with their departure (Niman). It is not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter group, as a short reference to them may be of value for a proper understanding of the Katcinas. There are significant likenesses between different members of the series of nine days' ceremonials, and they may be grouped in several pairs, of which the following may be mentioned : I. Snake or Flute.* II. Ldlakonti and Mamzrauti. III. Powdmu and P^luliikonti. IV. Wiiwiitcimti and Na^cnaiya. • The likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in both members of each pair. The Hopi priests recognize another kinship which does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as much as in the subordinate parts. Thus, L41ako5ti and P^liiliikonti, Wiiwiitcimti and Mamzrauti are brother and sister ceremonials, accord- ing to their conceptions. This kinship is said to account for certain events in the ceremonials, and friendly feeling manifested between certain societies, but much obscurity envelops this whole subject of relationships. The term "Nine days' ceremonies" refers to the active^ ceremonial days, including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance and the open dance of the last days.' Strictly speaking, the ceremo- nial smoke to determine the time is a part of the observance, and from ^The SoyAIufia has been called the Kaotina'a return, which name is not inaccurate. It is, strictly speaking, a -svarriors' celebration, and marks the return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco. The Katcinas appear in force in the Pa celebration. - 1 have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the dramatizations of the Snake-Antelope and the yiute societies, but the members of the former scout the idea that they are related. Evidently the similarity in tbeir ceremonials, which can not be denied, are not akin to the relationships which they recognize between brother and sister societies ^Strictly speaking, eight active, since the first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day. See Jour- nal of American Ethnology and Archseology, vol. iv, p. 13, 1894. FEWKEs) NINE days' ceremonials 261 this date to the final public exhibition there are sixteen days, a multi- ple of the omnipresent number four. Some of the Katcinas have nine days of ceremoaials, counting the assembly and the final purification. The inception of the ceremony is called tcotcon yunya, smoking assembly, in which the chiefs (mou'mowitu) meet together in the even- ing at a prescribed house. The meeting places are as follows : TcvitcUb (Snake- Antelope fraternity) Snake chief's mother's house. Mamzrau Sdlako's. L^lakon Kotcnilmsi's. Soydluna V^nsi's. , Wiiwiiteim .Tciwtiqti's. L^nya (Flute) TaMsvensi's. Nim^n Kwiimaletci's. On the day following this smoke the speaker chief (tcadkmonwi) at early sunrise announces to the public that the ceremony is to begin, and to the six direction deities (nananivo mon'mowitu) that the priests are about to assemble to pray for rain. Eight days after the announce- ment the chiefs gather in the kiva, and that day is called yunya, assem- blage, but is not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days. The first ceremonial day is Oiict^la, after which follow the remaining days as already explained in my account of the Snake ceremonials. Counting the days from the commencement, the Snake, Flute, Nimdn, L41akouti, and Mamzrauti are always celebrated in extenso sixteen days, or nine days of active ceremonies, as shown in articles elsewhere. When Nadcnaiya is not celebrated, Wiiwutcimti, PowAmu, Soy^luila, and PdluliikoQti are abbreviated to four days of active ceremonials. The following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days' cere- monials: Duration of the ceremony, nine consecutive days and nights; no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions; no Katcinas; no Tcukuwympkiyas.' Altars and sand mosaics generally present. Indi- vidual ceremonials either annual or biennial, but. in either case at approximately the same time of the year; sequence constant. Tiponi^ generally brought out in the public dance. Many pahos,^ ordinarily of diflerent length (Snake, Flute, L^Iakonti, Mamzrauti), to deposit in shrines at varying distances from the town. Ceremonial racing, gen- erally in the morning of the eighth and ninth days. ^Clowns, called likewise ' ^ mudiieads ' ' and ' ' gluttons . " ^he tiponi ia supposed to be the mother or the palladium, the sacred badge of office of the society. It is one of the -winii or sacred objects in the keeping of a chief, and is the inaignium of his official standing. The character of this object varies with different societies, and, in a simple form, is an ear cif corn surrounded by sticks and bright-colored feathers bound by a buckskin string. For the con- tents of the more elaborate forms, see my description of the Ldlakoiitl tiponi (called bundles of pihos). 'PAhos or prayer-sticks are prayer-bearers of different forms conceived to be male and female when double. Their common form is figured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi; Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch., vol. iv, p. 27. Prescribed forms vary with different deities. 262 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANH. 15 The following are the important nine days' ceremonies : 1. The Antelope- Snake celebration, alternating biennially with the Lelenti or Flute observance. 2. The L^lakonti. This ceremony lasts nine days and as many nights, and is celebrated by Avomen. The details of the celebration at Walpi in 1891, together with the altars, fetiches, and the like have already been published.^ It has some likenesses with the Mam- zrauti, which follows it in sequence. There are four priestesses, the chief of whom is Kotcniimsi. Three tiponis were laid on the altar in PiQ. 39 — Tablet of the Falahikomana mask. the celebration of 1891, although it is customary for each society to have but one tiponi, which, with the other paraphernalia, is in the keeping of the chief priest. 3. The Mamzrauti. This ceremonial has likewise been described.! In some celebrations of this festival girls appear with tablets on their heads personifying maids called Palahikomanas. In 1891 these per- sonages were represented by pictures ' of the same on slabs carried in the hands of girls. In this way the variations of their celebrations in difl'erent years may be explained; sometimes women are dressed to impersonate the Palahikomanas, at others only pictures of the same are carried. ' The American Antliropologiat, Washington, April, 1892. 'Ibid., July, 1892. 3 Erroneously identified as Cdlako in my description and plates of the presentation of the Mam- zraiiti in 1891. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CIV. DRAWN BY MARV M. MrTCHELL. A HOEN Si. CO., LITH. FEWKEs] THE WUWUTCfMTI CEREMONY 263 4. The Wiiwutcimti. The Nadcuaiya, of which this is an abbrevi- ated observauce, has been described.' One of the most prominent events is the ceremonial making of the new fire; and as this is in a measure distinctive of these two, it is proper to designate them the New Fire ceremonies. In essentials the Nadcnaiya and the Wiiwiitcimti are the same, but the former appears to be of less constant appearance and more compli- cated. In it, as elsewhere described, the statuette of Tal4tumsi is brought into the pueblo, but in the abbreviated form offerings are made at her shrine down the trail. During the making of the new fire Anawita,^ personifying Masauwuh, is hidden behind a blanket held by two assistants. The second group, called the Katcinas, which may be divided into two smaller divisions, known as the elaborate and the abbreviated, fills out the sequence of religious ceremonials between the Soy41uBa and the Nimankatcina. These celebrations are distinguished from those of the former group by the presence of masked personages to whom is given the name of Katcinas. By the use of these masks or helmets the participant is supposed to be transformed into the deity repre- sented, and women and children avoid looking at Katcinas when unmasked. The main symbolism of the deity is depicted on the helmet or head, and varies in different presentations, but the remaining para- phernalia is constant, whatever personage is represented.^ The mask (kii'itii, head) is often addressed as ikwatci, " my friend or double." Prescriptively it must be put ou and taken off with the left hand.^ It is of helmet shape, fitting closely to the head and resting on the shoulders, These masks or helmets are repainted at each pre- sentation with the symbolism of the personage intended to be repre- sented. They are ordinarily made of leather, portions of boot legs or saddles, and in one or two instances I have found on their inside the embossed or incised markings characteristic of Spanish saddles. Old felt hats are sometimes used in the manufacture of the simpler masks and those of the mud-heads are of coarse cloth. Few of the helmets now used give evidence of very great antiquity, although some are made of the skin of the bison. One can seldom purchase these helmets, as their manufacture is difiBicult, and instead of being discarded after use in one ceremony they are repainted for other presentations. • The four societies who celebrate the Wiiwiitcimti are the AAlwympkiya, Wiiwiitcimwympkiya, Tataiikyamti, and KwAkwantfi. 2 Chief of the KwAkwantft, a powerful warrior society. AmoDg various attributes MAsaiiwfth ia the I'ire God. 3 The body, save for a kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or green in color, with embroidered rain-cloud symbols. This is tied by a sash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Eattlea made of a turtle shell and sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee, and moccasins are ordinarily worn- Spruce twigs are inserted in the girdle, and the Satcina carries a rattle in one band. This rattle la a gourd shell with stones within and with a short wooden handle. * The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwdkwocis, and is spoken of as kyakyaulna, desirable. The right hand is called tiindcmahtu, food hand. 264 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.is There is a similar uniformity year by year in the time of the celebra- tion of the extended or elaborate Katcinas called Nim^n, Powdmii, P41ulukonti, SoydluSa, and the Pa or Katcina's return. Their sequence is always the same, but in the abbreviated Katcinas or masked dances this uniformity .is not adhered to. A certain number of these are cele- brated each spring and summer, but the particular abbreviated Katcina' which is presented varies from year to year, and may or may not be reproduced. While Katcinas or masked dances do not generally occur during the interval of the nine days' ceremonials (autumn and early winter), I have notes on one of these which indicate that they sometimes take place in this epoch. On September 20, 1893, a Katcina called Anakatcina^ was per- formed in Hano after the Nim^n had been celebrated in Walpi. Theoretically it would not be expected, as the farewell Katcina is universally said to be a celebration of the departure of these person- ages to their distant home, an event which does not occur at Hano. It would be strange if later observations should show that Katcinas are celebrated in other villages between the departure and return of these personages. DISCUSSION OF PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF KATCINAS Our exact knowledge of the character of the Hopi Katcinas dates back to Schoolcraft's valuable compilation. While the existence of these dances was known previously to that time, and several refer- ences to similar dances among the other Pueblos might be quoted from the writings of Spanish visitors, our information of the Katcina cele- brations in Tusayan previously to 1852 is so fragmentary that it is hardly of value in comparative studies. In the year named Dr P. S. G. Ten Broeck visited Tusayan and published a description of what was probably a Katcina dance at Sitcomovi. Although his account is so imperfect that we can not definitely say what Katcina was personated, his description was the first important contribution to our knowledge of the character of these dances among the Hopi Indians. It will be noticed in a general way that the personation differed but slightly from those of the present day. Ten Broeck noted that the male dancers, Katcinas, wore on their heads "large pasteboard towers" *Th6 word Katcina, as already stated, is applied to a ceremonial dance and to a personatorin the same. The symbolism of each is beat expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, tihus, many examples of which I have described in my article on " Bolls of the Tusayan Indians" in Inter- nationales Archiv fiir Ethnographie, 1894. Profitable sonrces of information in regard to the sym- bolic characteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay tiles, clay images, pictures on altars, etc. All pictorial or glyptic representations of the same Katcina are in the main Identical, with slight variations in detail, due to technique. 2For a description of the JLuakatcina see Journal of American Ethnology and Archajology, vol. ii, No.l. FEWKE8] PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF CEREMONIALS 265 (n4ktci?), and "visors' made of small willows, with the bark peeled off and dyed a deep brown." He recognized that the female dancers (Katcinamanas) were men dressed as women and that they wore yel- low "visors" and dressed their hair in whorls as at the present time. He described the musical ( ?) accompaniment of the dance with the scapula of an animal rubbed over a " ground piece of wood." He like- wise noticed the priests who sprinkled the dancdrs with sacred meal, and speaks of two small boys painted black with white rings who accompanied the dance. The latter may have been personifications of the Little Fire Gods. The Hopi clowns, Tcukliwympkiyas, were likewise seen by Ten Broeck, who described their comical actions. From his description of the byplay of their "assistants," I find very little change has taken place since his time. In the Katcina which he observed food was dis- tributed during the dance, as I have elsewhere described is the case today. Although much might be added to Ten Broeck's description, his observations were the most important which had been made known up to his time, and continued for forty years the most valuable record of this group'' of dances among the Tusayan Indians. CLASSIFICATION OF KATCINAS Before considering the various ceremonials in* which the Katcinas appear, it may be well to say something of the nature of these super- natural beings which figure in them as made known by the testimony of some of the best-informed men of the tribe. The various legends which are told about them are numerous and can not be repeated here, but a few notions gathered from them may render it possible for the reader to better understand the character of the ceremonials in which they appear. These deities are generally regarded as animistic and subordinate to the greater gods.^ They have been called Intercessors between man ^Ihare also seen visors of this kind, and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occasions sometimes wore a huge eye shaxle or visor made of hasketware. The helmet of the Humiskatclna bears a willow framework which forms a kind -of visor, and if, as I suspect from the "large paste- board [skin over framework or wooden board] tower," it was a tablet or n^kci, the personification mentioned by Ten Eroeck may have been a Humiskatclna. In May, 1891, 1 observed a Humis, but there is no reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit it to May. It might have been performed in April equally well. The Katcinamanas were not observed by me to wear such visors as Ten Broeck observed, 'During that time our knowledge of the Snake dance had been enlarged by Stephen, Bourke, and others. •The Katcinas, sometimes spelt«Cachinas, are believed to be the same as the Zuui Kdkos and pos- sibly the Nahuatl teotls. The derivation is obscure ; possibly it is from kdtci, spread out, horizontal, the surface of the earth, nAa, father, abbreviated na, surface of land, father. The Tusayan Indians say that their Katcinas are the same as the Zuhi K6ko, pronouncing the word as here spelled. Gush- ing insists, however, that the proper name of the organization is KA'kA. I find Mrs Stevenson, in her valuable article on the Beligious Life of a Zu5i Child, has used the spelling Kok'ko, which introduces the o sound which the Tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the Katcinas of their nearest Fueblo neighbors. This variation in spelling of one of the more common words by conscientious 266 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.1B and the highest supernatural beings. There are misty legends that long ago the Katcinas, like men, came from the under world and brought with them various charms or n4hu. with which the Hopi are familiar. By some it is said that a Hon4ni (Badger) chief came up from the Atkyaa, or under world, in the center of a square whose four sides were formed of lines of Katcinas, and that he bore in his left hand a buzzard wing feather and a bundle of medicine hats on his back. The Katcinas recognized him as their chief, and became Kateina Hon4ni, Badger Katcinas. The legend runs that in ancient times HahaiwUqti' emerged from the under world followed by four sons, who were Katcinas, each bear- ing in his arms a pet called pdliilukonuh, plumed serpent. Following these four came other Katcinas with pets (pokomatii), of whom the following are mentioned : One bearing p4kwa, frog (water-eagle). One bearing pdtsro, water-bird. One bearing pawikya,-duck. One bearing pavikiyuta, water on the backs bearers, aquatic animals. One bearing yiin'ocona, turtle. One bearing zr^na, bullfrog. One bearing pav4tiya, young water bearer (tadpole). The others with kw4hu (eagle), parrot, crow, cooper's hawk, swallow, and night hawk. The Sumaikoli pets for the six directions are : Sowiinwu, deer Kwiniwi. Pan'wii, mountain sheep Tevyiiiia. Tcu'bio, antelope Tatyuka. Tcaizrisa, elk Hopoka. Sowi, hare Omyuka. Tdbo, cottontail rabbit Atky4ntuka. The first four Katcinas bear a startling yet foreign resemblance to the Navaho Etsuthfle.^ The word pokomatU is difficult to translate, but " pets " seems a good rendering. Its usage is similar to that of cer- tain Navaho words. A Navaho woman speaks of a favorite child as cili"; a man calls his pet horse cili", and the shaman designates his fetich-emblem of a nature deity bili° ; a Hopi calls his dog p6ko. The pet of Tunwup is depicted on the altar as elsewhere mentioned in my account of the reredos of the farewell Kateina at Walpi.^ observers shows one of the difficulties which besets the path of those who attempt etymologic dissec- tion of Pueblo words. Many Zufii words in the mouths of the Hopi suiier strange modifications, so that I am not greatly surprised to find idiomatic differences between the Hopi dialect of the East mesa and that of Oraibi. How much may result after years of separation no one can tell, but the linguist must be prepared to find these differences very considerable. 1 This person is said to have been the mother of tlie Katcinas. She also was the mother of the monsters, the slaughter of whom by the cultus hero, Pii'iiliofihoya, and his twin brother is a con- stant theme in Tusayan folklore. * Stevenson, Navaho Sand Paintings, in Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. ^Journal of American Ethnology and Archseolgy, vol. li, Ko. 1. FEWKE3] COMPLETE AND ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 267 In the Hopi conception of the All Katcina there seems to be an idea that they dwell in four terrestrial places or world-quarters.' This may be looked on as an application of a general idea of world-quarter deities so common among them. Northwest, kwiniwi Kicyuba. Southwest, tevylina Niivatikyaubi, San Francisco mountains. Southeast, tatyuka W^nima. Northeast, hdpoko Niivatikyaubi, San Mateo mountains. If there is any one feature which distinguishes a Katcina it is the use, by some or all of the participants, of a mask or ceremonial helmet. The Katciuas are divided into two groups, the complete and the abbre- viated; the former is constant year by year, the latter varying. Altars are present in the complete, absent in abbreviated presentations. A cloud-charm altar or invocation to the six world-quarter deities is sometimes made. Public announcements are not prescribed. The Tcukuwympkiya or clowns are generally present. Abbreviated Katci- nas consist mainly of public dances in which Katcinas, Katcinamanas, and clowns take part. The p4hos or prayer offerings are few in num- ber. Ceremony ends with a feast ; generally no altars. Tiponi^ is not brought out in public. It is possible that the fox-skin so universally worn by the animistic personifications called Katcinas hanging from the belt behind, is a survival comparable with the skin of the animal in which formerly, as in Nahuatl ceremonials, the whole body was clothed. In the case of Nat4cka, for instance, a skin is still worn over the shoulders. Conservatism in dress is tenaciously adhered to in religious paraphernalia among all peoples. Roughly speaking we may say that the Katcina celebrations are characterized by the presence of the Tcukuwympkiyas (TatctLkti, Tciic- kiitu, Paikyamu or clowus), which do not appear in the unmasked or nine days' ceremonials. The epoch in .which they remain among the Hopi is therefore approximately that from the winter to the summer 'The Hopi report that the Zuni believe that the dead are changed iato Katcinas and go to a Sipapti, which they descend and tell the "chiefs " to send the rain. The Hopi believe that the dead become divinized (Katcinas in a loose meaning) and intercede for rain. (See discussion of Mrs Stevenson's statement that the dead send rain.) It seems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have hardly begun to realize the important part which orientation plays in early religions. As research progresses it will be found to be of primary importance. The idea of world-quarter deities sprang from astronomical coneeptions and was derived from a primitive sun worship in which the lesser deities naturally came to be associated with the four horizon points of solstitial sunrise and sunset. ' Ihave elsewhere pointed out that the tiponi is called the mother, and this usage seems to hold among the other Pueblos. As a badge of chieftaincy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions of initiation and public exhibitions, as can be seen by consulting my memoir of the Snake Ceremo- nials atWalpi. Cimo, the old Flute chief (obit 1893), once made the following remark about his tiponi : "This is my mother ; the outer wrapping is her garment; the string of shells is her neck- lace : the feathers typify the birds, and within it are all the desirable seeds. When I go to sleep she watches over me, and when I die one of the feathers will be placed upon my heart, and I hope the tiponi will take care of me." From these words we learn how much the tiponi is venerated, anditis not remarkable, considering the benefits which are thought to come from it, that it is designated "the mother." 268 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 solstices; that in which they are absent, from the summer to the winter solstices.^ I classify the Katcina celebrations into two large groups, which may be called the elaborate and the abbreviated, and have considered them in the following pages. ELABORATE KATCINAS Under the head of elaborate Katcinas ^ may be included : Soy^luna. Katcina's return.-' Pow^mu. Pdliiliikonti. Mm4nkacina. SOYiLUffA The celebration in the December moon has not as yet been described,* but a large body of material relating thereto is in my hands. In order to give a general idea of its character a brief outline of a characteristic portion of it is inserted in this place. SoydluDa is distinctly a warriors' observance, and has been called the Eeturn Katcina. In one sense it may be so designated, but more strictly it is the return of the War god, regarded as a leader of the gods, and in that recalls the Kahuatl Teotleco, as elsewhere pointed out. The singing of the night songs of the warriors is one of the most effective archaic episodes of the ceremo- nial of the winter solstice. In the following account a description of a few events in the celebra- tion of 1891 is introduced : On the 22d of December of that year most of the men of the villages prepared cotton strings, to the end of which they tied feathers and pinon needles. These were given away during the day to different persons, some receiving from one to two dozen, which they tied in their hair. When a maker of these feathered strings presented one to a" friend, he said, as translated, "Tomorrow all the Katcinas to you grant your wishes," holding his bundle vertically and moving it with a hori- '1 mention this fact since, following Bandelier's studies among tlio Kio G-rande Pueblos, we liave something different. The Koshare, which appear to correspond with a group of the Tcukiiwympkiya, the PaiakyamE6toto ("Aiwdtoto ") has been described in my account of the daybreali ceremonials of the Fare- well Katcina (.Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. ii, No. 1). Hahaiwiiqti has been figured and described In my article on Certain Personages who Appear In a Tusayan Ceremony (Amer- ican Anthropologist, January, 1894). 'A society comparable with the "Priesthood of the Bow" at Zuni. This society is a priesthood apparently with much less power than that of the neighboring Cibolan pueblo, but its chief Pau- watiwa is powerful, and, it may be said, en passant, a most genial and highly valuable friend to hare in ethnologic work at Walpi. 286 TUSA.YAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.IS were made, but the same ceremonials were probably repeated. After this they went off to perform the same ceremonies in the kivas of other villages on the mesa. At 11 oclock a group of 12 men and a boy from Hano, costumed but accompanied by an uncostumed fiddler,' visited all the kivas in succes- sion. Their bodies were painted white and they had plumes in their hair, but were unmasued. Each wore a fox skin depending from the loins, was barefoot, and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand and a sprig of spruce in the left hand. Their visits were expected, but they personated no especial Katcina, and after their departure the men in the Monkiva rehearsed a song. February 3— 'So ceremonial took place throughout the day. The walls of the kivas were renovated by the girls with a wash of mud, and every kiva on the mesa was replastered in this way during the festival. February 4— This day the manufacture of tihns (dolls) went on in all the kivas, and there was a continuation of the replastering and decoration of the walls of these chambers. At 9 oclock a dialogue similar to that above recorded on the 29th of January took place between Hahaiwuqti and the kiva chief. The former wished to go among the children, but was told that it was very dark and the children were asleep. She was finally prevailed on to wait until the morrow. At 10 p. m 20 unmasked persons,' men and women with flowing hair, from Sitcomovi visited all the Walpi kivas. Each of the male person ators carried a narrow green tablet (pavaiyikaci ),^ fringed with long red hair and decorated with a symbol of the sun painted in colors. Each had a gourd rattle, and a stick about 2 feet long, to the end of which was attached half a gourd painted to represent a squash blossom, was held iu the right hand. The 10 men personating women were not cos- tumed. The leader carried a large Oraibi basket tray with a broad, brightly colored handle. In this was an efiSgy of a bird. He set this tray on the floor near the fireplace, and after the chief of the kiva had sprinkled the visitors with meal a male and a female per- sonator advanced from the western end of the kiva to the fireplace. The man picked up the basket on the butt end of his stick and pre- sented it to the woman, who held it in both hands and danced a few moments, while all the others sang. She then laid the tray down and passed to the northern side of the chamber, the man retiring to the southern side. After the other couples had performed the same cere- mony they left the kivas. Immediately after their departure 28 persouators from Hano entered. These consisted of male and female deities, the latter personated by men. The former passed to the southern, the latter to the northern ' His fiddle was a Dotched stick which he scraped with a sheep scapula. * Eawaikakatcinas. Kawaika is a Hopi name for tbe Lagtina people of Keresan stock 8 See figure in NalLcnai^a, Journal of Amencau Folk-lore, July-September. 1892 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CVIII. A. HOEN & CO., LITH. KATCINA MASK WITH 8QUA8H BLOSSOM APPENDAGE AND RAIN OLOUD SYMBOLISM. ^EWKEs] THE POWAMtj CEREMONY 287 side of the kiva. Each of the male personages wore a yucca fillet on his head aud his legs were decorated with clay streaks; he wore white kilts and girdles, with dependent fox-skins. They also had tortoise rattles on the legs and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand. Their costume was as follows: They were without masks; the hair was loose and an imitation of a squash blossom was tied therein. The face was not colored, but on the right shoulder curving to the breast was daubed a mass of blue and green pigment. Qn the left shoulder and over the breast they were painted with yellow, and bright red streaks were drawn from the neck down the center of the breast and middle of the back. The upper part of the right arm was colored yellow, the left forearm green, the upper part of the left arm green. These colors were reversed on the right arm. The right leg also was yellow and the left leg was green with two contrasting bands below the knee. The hands, waist, aud upper portion of the thighs were whitened. They likewise wore white kilts tied with girdles (wukokw^na and nanelkw^na). A gray fox-skin depended from the loins. Bach had a tortoise-shell rattle on the right leg and on the left leg generally a gar- ter to which small sleigh-bells were attached. Their moccasins were blue or green. In his right hand each carried a blue or green painted rattle, and in the left a sprig or small branch of spruce. Those per- sonating females neither wore fox-skins nor held anything in the left hand. The female personators carried in the left hand a bundle of straw held well up before the face. After they had been sprinkled with meal they began to sing, and the couple in the center on the west side joined hands, holding them above the head — the female with the palm turned up, the male with the palm down and fingers imbricated. They advanced close to the fireplace and then returned to their respec- tive places. The personators executed this figure four times in sequence and then went out. Immediately after this presentation the delegation from the Monkiva, led by a masked person, entered. The bodily decorations of these were not uniform; one had a figure of a gourd drawn on his breast, another zigzag lines, and still another parallel bars. The males carried a gourd rattle in the right hand; they wore no fillets on the head but allowed the hair to hang loosely. The female personators held a bunch of straw' and a sprig of spruce in the left hand, carrying it high up before the face. They sang the same song and executed the same figure as that already mentioned in the account of the presentation by the men from the village of Hano. The groups finished their visits at about midday. 'The signification of the bundle of straw may be that here we have the symbolic broom of the puri- fication' ceremony, if I am right in my interpretation that the PowdmCi is a lustral ceremony. In Nahuatl ceremonial, Ochpanitzli. the mother, Toci. carries the broom, which is her symbol in this cel- ebration, as shown in Seler's interpretation of the Humboldt manuscripts. In this connection the reader is referred to the facta mentioned elsewhere in this article that all the kivas are replastered in the course of the Powdmli 288 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [»fH. ann 15 February 5— At earliest dawn (5 a. m.) either the chief or one of his elders roused all the sleepers iii the kiva, and each spread his blanket beside his basin of growing plants. He then carefully plucked the plants, one by one, so as not to bruise either stalk or roots. He laid them on the blanket in an orderly pile, the leaves together. The sand which remained in the basin was carried to some place where children would not see it, and the vessels were dried before the kiva fire and hidden away in the houses out of sight of the prying eyes of the young ones. Kearly all the plants were tied with a yucca shred and a sprig of spruce (symbol of a Katcina), in neat bundles, leaving loose bights of the yucca by which to hold them. Each priest also tied up the dolls which he had made. All traces of the soil in which the corn had been forced to sprout had disappeared long before dawn. The presents (dolls) which were made in the Tcivatoki were then dis- tributed by a man personifying Pawikkatcina, under the instruction of those who had fashioned them. The distributing Katcinas of the Nacabki were two Nuvdktcinas,' and the same did this duty with the dolls in the M6i5kiva. For the Alkiva two Tcoshiihiiwuh performed this duty. These Katcinas and two persons called Kawalka (Keres) from Sitcomovi bustled about the pueblo on their errands and the dis- tribution was finished about sunrise. The men did not speak when they approached a bouse with their gifts, but hooted after the cus- tomary manner of Katcinas. Almost half an hour before sunrise the Soyokmana passed around the kivas, holding a dialogue at the hatchways with the chiefs inside. She wore a black conical mask with red mouth and white teeth, and was costumed as an old woman. In the right hand she bore a crook 7 feet long, at the end of which were tied many shells. In the left hand she carried a knife smeared with rabbit blood. Hii'hiiwuh also held a dialogue with the kiva chiefs and made gifts of watermelons and squashes to various persons. At 11.30 a. m. Soyokmana, Hahaiwiiqti, and the Natdckas (plate cvi) made a visit to all the houses. They were followed by two Heh^aka- tcinas^ with bags and pouches of food recently received, and after them followed three black and two white Natdckas. These five went together* and were constantly in motion, moving or beating time with their feet. The strange company went to ea