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CORNELL UNIVERSnV LIBRARY 
 
 3 1924 05 
 
 333 833 
 
The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924051333833 
 
Portrait of Columbus, [lurchased by Spain in 17H3 from Senor N. Yane/., 
 of Grranada, and preserved in the National Library at Madrid. 
 
 •5- 
 
New Tork, May 17, 1905. 
 Hon. "William A. Courtenay, LL. D., 
 
 Newry, South Carolina. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 In ansTwer.to ywr nptg; o£ the ,9th JQata. I. enclosfiL herewith a mgmo- 
 randum statement,* "about the "Jajnez portrait ' of Colunj buSi^whicH I 
 trust you will find satisfactory, this memorandum was prepared by 
 Mr. H. M. Lydenberg, of this Library [New Tork Public]. _ ., 
 
 In 1763 the Spanish Goverrim»snt bought from Senor N. "fanej^ |of 
 Granada, four portraits painted on poplar wood and said to be con- 
 temporary and original likenesses of the four subjects, Columbus, 
 LORg de "Vega, Cortez and Quevedo ; the portaits were beautiful, "but 
 somewhat dilapidated, ail apparently by the same hand. In this con- 
 nection, it will he recalled at once that when Columbus died Cortez 
 was but a boy, and that Lope and Quevedo were not bom until ; 50 
 years after. The (idWEaits were placed in the National .Library of 
 Madrid where they remain to> this da,3f. 
 
 The portrait of Columbus resembled the Jovian engraving, a type 
 to which may be referred many of his alleged likenesses. This Jovian 
 portrait appeared first 'as a wood cut, in Jovlus's Elogia Virorum 
 Bellica Virtu te lUastrlum", the' folio edition, printed at Basel in 4575. 
 The "Tanez portrait at this time had the same inscription, namely, 
 "Cristof Columbug Nori Orbis Inuentor", but the figure was distin- 
 guished from that in the JoVlan type by the flowing rqbe with a 
 heavy fur collar. - ' 
 
 In 1847 "Valentino Carderea made a careful examination of it and 
 described it as follows: • 
 
 ."The picture is two feet high, painted on poplar-wood board 
 (Cftopo), a wood which was never used by the Spanish artists of that 
 time, though it was much employed- by the Italians. It is the :sa,me 
 size as the Jovian picture; and has. the same epigraph; the painter, 
 besides, was a mannerist, and wielded a weak brush. The fur robe, 
 close-fitting and crossed in front, differs widely from that in all 
 known" pictures; but a Scrupulous examination has conyjnced me tliat 
 it is recent and the work of a modern restorer. It looks like an 
 alteration made a few years ago by inexpert hands." (Apud Ppnce 
 de Leon's "Columbus Gallery", New York, 1893, page 9.) 
 
 Some thirty years later, about 1875, Carderea proposed that the por- 
 trait be restored to its original condition, and this restoration was 
 done by Salvador Martinez Cubells, by which process the present very 
 sa;tlsractory j&ortrait was brought out. It was discovered that |the 
 Legend read, Columbvs LygVr Novi Orbis Reptor. ' 
 
 Experts believe that the original painting belongs not to the Span- 
 ish School, but — because of its* style and coloring — to the Florentine, 
 the Altissimo, and may have been painted by one of the disciples of 
 the Bronzlno, undoubtedly In Italy in the sixteenth century. 
 
 It is certainly one of the oldest known, and by the material, form, 
 featuT%S; dress arH other danditlons, offers great proof of genuirieniess. 
 
 The authorities for the above statements are Ponce de Leon's "Co- 
 lumbus GalJery",vand the Lives of. Columbus, by John B(^yd Thatcher, 
 Justin, "Winsor, and others. i . ;,,. , .ui";-., 
 
 I believe a copy of the portrait we ndW have was made some years 
 ago for General Fairchild, and by him given to the State Historical 
 Society of "Wisconsin. 
 
 Trusting that this statement may be satisfactory, I remain, 
 
 > Very respectfully, 
 
 J. S.' Billings 
 Director. 
 

 a*^'^ 
 
 The Genesis 
 
 OF 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 1562-1670 
 
 Edited, with an Introduction by 
 HON. WM. A. COURTENAyI LL. D. 
 
 "Westward the course of empire takes Its way ; 
 The four iSrst acts already past, 
 A fifth shall close the drama with the day ; 
 Time's noblest offspring Is the last." 
 
 PEIVATBIiY PHINTBD BT 
 
 THE STATE COMPANY, 
 ^ Columbia, S. C. 
 ^ 1907. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Introduction vii 
 
 1562 — Admiral Gaspard de Coligny's colony of 
 French Protestants at Port Royal, 
 South Carolina. — The fleet under the 
 command of Captain Jean Ribault; an 
 account of this early settlement, its 
 subsequent abandonment, and the fate 
 of the small remnant left behind, the 
 attempt to reach France in an open 
 boat, their sufferings and tragedy . .xvi-xlvii 
 
 1630 — Charles I. of England encouraged and 
 aided a colony of French Protestants to 
 embark for Carolana, but by the igno- 
 rance or treachery of the captain of the 
 vessel the voyage miscarried and the 
 colony was landed in Virginia; being 
 unexpected, they suffered many priva- 
 tions and endured some suffering; the 
 owners of the vessel were held respon- 
 sible and paid heavy penalties for the 
 failure xlviii-lix 
 
 1663 — Captain Hilton made a voyage from Bar- 
 badoes, under English influences there, 
 having in view the intended purpose in 
 England to make a permanent settle- 
 ment in Carolina; the coast was care- 
 fully observed from Cape Fear to Port 
 Royal 1-40 
 
IV 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1666 — A similar voyage was undertaken this 
 year by Captain Sandford, and new 
 observations made, looking to the per- 
 manent occupation of Carolina .... 41-84 
 
 1669-'70 — A permanent colony, in three ships, 
 sailed from England via Kingsale, Ire- 
 land, thence for Barbadoes, and after 
 serious adverse experiences the colony 
 finally located on the west side of Ash- 
 ley River, west of the present city of 
 
 Charleston 85-129 
 
 In the same year, under the encourage- 
 ment of Governor Talbot of Maryland, 
 John Lederer undertook an overland 
 journey from James River, Virginia, to 
 Carolina, and reported his experiences 
 to Governor Talbot, who caused the re- 
 port to be printed. It was claimed 
 that Lederer penetrated as- far as the 
 Saluda River in South Carolina, but in 
 recent years Lederer's accounts of his 
 explorations and discoveries have been 
 shown to have been mythical 131-177 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 1. Frontispiece — the Yanez Portrait of Colum- 
 
 bus. 
 
 2. Ruins of Uxmal, Yucatan, copied from "Les 
 
 Anciennes Villes du Nouveau Monde". . . xii 
 
 3. Memorial of Gaspard de Ooligny, in the wall 
 
 of L'Eglise d'Oratoire, Paris, erected by 
 popular subscription in France, three cen- 
 turies after his death xvi 
 
 4. Port Royal map, showing Charles Fort, built 
 
 by Ribault colony xxxii 
 
 5. Hilton's map of the coast of N. and S. Caro- 
 
 lina 4 
 
 6. Great Seal of the Lords Proprietors 84 
 
 7. Portrait of Lord Ashley, Earl of Shaftesbury 92 
 
 8. Portrait of John Locke, the philosopher, 
 
 author of the Fundamental Constitutions 
 
 of Carolina 108 
 
 9. Oulpeper's map of Charles Town, 1672 . . . 124 
 
 10. Map of Carolina, published in 1672 128 
 
 11. John Lederer's map 134 
 
 12. Map showing growth of the province, 1711 . . 178 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 "There shall come a time in later ages, when ocean shall 
 relax his chains and a vast continent appear, and a pilot 
 shall find new worlds and Thule shall be no more earth's 
 bounds." 
 
 The art of navigation is as old as civilization, and the 
 practice of it must have begun when bartering com- 
 menced. Its early development in European waters 
 was in the eastern part of the Mediterranean, with open 
 boats, such as Homer mentioned. Vessels of this char- 
 acter could not make a commercial nation like that 
 which throve in Phoenicia. Therefore we find that her 
 ships were large and that they used both sails and oars. 
 More than three thousand years ago the sailors of this 
 little state had passed out of the Mediterranean, had 
 founded Cadiz, and were trafficking along the Atlantic 
 shores of Europe and Africa. 
 
 The maritime spirit of the Phoenicians descended 
 upon the Carthagenians, the Italians, and the Portu- 
 guese. The last named began that golden age of geo- 
 graphical discovery which characterized the fifteenth 
 century. 
 
VIII 
 
 Columbus was an efficient seaman and also a religious 
 enthusiast — a rare combination. In his correspondence 
 with Toscanelli, in 1474, is the first mention of his 
 decision to seek the Indies by sailing west. Three years 
 afterward he visited the northern regions, Iceland prob- 
 ably, where he must have found the tradition of western 
 discoveries, although the secret of the Sagas was not 
 published until the last half of the sixteenth century. 
 Whatever he learned there had no influence upon his 
 previous resolution. He did not propose to hunt after 
 the lands which the Norsemen had discarded. His pur- 
 pose was to open a way, by water, to the rich and 
 populous countries spoken of by Marco Polo, for this 
 was linked in his mind with the propagation of the 
 Christian faith and the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre 
 from the Infidels. 
 
 In his first log across the Atlantic, he likened the 
 weather to that of Andalusia in April. It lacked noth- 
 ing, he said, except the songs of the nightingales. Such 
 it has been, where he crossed, for seons of time. On this 
 route the vessels of the Crusaders might have gone to 
 America in the twelfth century with less peril than they 
 went from England to Joppa then. 
 
 The unfolding of physical laws has dissipated the 
 artificial terrors of the ocean ; but in the time of Colum- 
 bus superstition and ignorance brooded there, making 
 it truly a "sea of darkness," which the imagination only 
 had pierced. 
 
 The world is not indebted to the wisdom of the learned 
 for the eventful voyage that opened the oceans to com- 
 merce, and continents to trade and settlement. To Co- 
 lumbus belongs this inestimable boon. He inspired the 
 wise and good Queen Isabella equally with the humble 
 sailors of Palos to put their trust in his scheme. He 
 was as persistent in maintaining it through the rebuffs 
 
EX 
 
 of eighteen years as he was steadfast in holding to his 
 predetermined course across the Atlantic. 
 
 The landfall of Columbus on the 12th of October, 
 1492, is universally recognized as the grandest event in 
 secular history. It opened the door to influences, infi- 
 nite in extent and beneficence: measure them, describe 
 them, picture them you cannot. 
 
 The first land seen was one of the Bahama Islands, 
 far east of the peninsula of Florida, and on the same 
 day as the discovery, he made his formal landing, which 
 is thus described in Las Casas' narrative, made from 
 Columbus' log of the first voyage: 
 
 The Admiral took the Royal standard and the captains 
 with two banners of the Green Cross, which the Admiral 
 carried on all the ships as a distinguishing flag having an 
 F and a Y; each letter surmounted by its crown, one at one 
 arm of the cross, and the other at the other arm. As soon 
 as they had landed they saw trees of a brilliant green, abun- 
 dance of water, and fruits of various kinds. The Admiral 
 called the two captains and the rest who had come on shore, 
 and Rodrigo Descovedo, the Notary of all the fleet, and Ro- 
 drigo Sanchez de Segovia, and he called them as witnesses 
 to certify that he in presence of them all, was taking, as he 
 in fact took possession of said island for the King and 
 Queen his masters, making the declarations that were re- 
 quired as they will be found more fully in the attestations 
 then taken down in writing. Soon after a large crowd of 
 natives congregated there. What follows are the Admiral's 
 own words in his book on the first voyage and discovery of 
 these Indies: 
 
 "In order to win the friendship and affection of that 
 people, and because I was convinced that their conversion 
 to our Holy Faith would be better promoted through love, 
 than through force ; I presented some of them with red caps 
 and some strings of glass beads which they placed around 
 their necks, and with other trifles of insignificant worth that 
 delighted them and by which we have got a wonderful hold 
 on their affections. They afterwards came to the boats of 
 the vessels swimming, bringing us parrots, cotton thread in 
 
balls and cloth, spears, and many other things which they 
 bartered for others we gave them, as glass beads and little 
 bells. Finally they received every thing and gave whatever 
 they had with good will." ****** "Xheir hair is as 
 coarse as the hair of a horse's tail and cut short; they wear 
 their hair over their eye brows except a little behind which 
 they wear long, and which they never cut; some of them 
 paint themselves black, and they are of the color of the 
 Canary islanders, neither black nor white, and some paint 
 themselves white, and some red, and some with whatever 
 they find, and some paint their faces, and some the whole 
 body, and some their eyes only, and some their noses only. 
 They do not carry arms and have no knowledge of them, 
 for when I showed them the swords they took them by the 
 edge, and through ignorance, cut themselves. They have no 
 iron ; their spears consist of staffs without iron, some of them 
 having a fish's tooth at the end, and others, other things. 
 As a body they are of good size, good demeanor, and well 
 formed; I saw some with scars on their bodies, and to my 
 signs asking them what these meant, they answered in the 
 same manner, that people from neighboring islands wanted 
 to capture them, and they had defended themselves." 
 
 In this exchange of gifts, we find "balls of cotton 
 yarn and cotton cloth" among the articles. The cotton 
 plant has been indigenous, in all inter-tropical regions, 
 from the earliest times. It was also recognized by the 
 discoverer, the raw material and the product being 
 present on the island. But whence came the knowledge 
 of spinning and weaving? Since first reading of this 
 incident, many years ago, that landfall has been im- 
 pressed upon my thoughts for that incident, and I have 
 lingered over it many times as a mysterious physical 
 fact, to be only traced from pre-historic times, in the 
 far eastern quarter of the world, down to this island 
 in the western quarter of the Atlantic Ocean. Centu- 
 ries before the Christian Era we know of cotton cloths. 
 Mention of them is made more than once in the Old 
 Testament. In the book of Esther, i:6, we find this 
 
XI 
 
 record, 486 years B. C. : "Where were white, green, and 
 blue hangings," used for decoration on a festive occa- 
 sion at the king's palace. This textile-art was in great 
 perfection in India, at so early a date as five hundred 
 years before the Christian Era; thence, it passed to 
 Assyria and Egypt; yet it was not until the thirteenth 
 century that the plant was cultivated in Southern Eu- 
 rope. The manufacture of it into cloth, in imitation of 
 the fabrics of India and Egypt, was first attempted 
 in Italy in that century, from whence it passed into 
 the low countries and into Western Europe. The fact 
 remains, however, that it did not cross the Atlantic 
 Ocean to the Bahamas; its presence oh this continent 
 must be otherwise sought for. 
 
 Mr. Weise, in his interesting volume,* has these two 
 paragraphs for his opening chapter, which may point 
 the way to a solution of this problem of the aborigines, 
 discovered on one of the most eastern islands in the 
 western section of the Atlantic Ocean, and having the 
 knowledge of making yarn and cotton cloth: 
 
 The oldest scriptures, sacred and profane, attest the anti- 
 quity of the red race. As early as the antediluvian period 
 this division of the human family had taken possession of 
 the islands and continent of the western hemisphere, where 
 it founded an empire, the most famous and formidable of 
 primeval times. Great in political power, its commercial, 
 agricultural, and other economical interests were commen- 
 surably vast and unparalleled. The skill of its architects 
 and engineers was exhibited in large and imposing edifices 
 and in extraordinary and extensive public works. Aggres- 
 sively belligerent, its armies overran parts of Asia and 
 Africa, exacting tribute, deposing and substituting rulers. 
 
 When the Spaniards, in the sixteenth century, began to 
 explore the interior of the continent of America for gold, 
 silver, and precious stones, they found populated provinces, 
 
 ♦The Discoveries of America to the Year 1525. By Arthur James Weise, 
 M. A. (Putnam, 1884.) 
 
XII 
 
 great cities, temples, palaces, aqueducts, canals, bridges, and 
 causeways. The astonished adventurers also discovered the 
 vestiges of an aboriginal people, among which were many 
 massive tablets of stone covered with columns of strange 
 hieroglyphics and antique images, picturing a past civiliza- 
 tion for the rise and growth of which modern archaeologists 
 have not yet satisfactorily determined dates. 
 
 In the twelfth volume of Memoirs of the Historical 
 Society of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1881) we have 
 an intensely interesting narrative in "Heckewelder's 
 History, Manners and Customs of the Indian Nations". 
 I would call especial attention to the tradition among 
 the aborigines, of implicitly believing, that they had 
 many hundreds of years before, come from the north- 
 west of the continent to the eastward, crossing great 
 rivers on their long journey. 
 
 Apparently in confirmation of Mr. Weise's opinion, 
 we have a History of Ancient America, Anterior to the 
 Time of Columbus, by Kev. George Jones, M. R. S. ; 
 P. S. V. — a very curious publication, in which he calls 
 attention to the wonderful architectural ruins in Mexico 
 and Yucatan as existing physical facts, which have been 
 written of by Stephens in his interesting work, pub- 
 lished in two volumes in the first half of the last cen- 
 tury. In this well-known publication, reference is made 
 to the colossal ruins, still standing, at Copan, Palanque, 
 in Mexico and at Uxmal, Yucatan, where they can be 
 seen today. Here is a descriptive narrative of the size 
 of the ruins at Uxmal : 
 
 DIMENSIONS OF THE TEMPLE OF UXMAL, YUCATAN. 
 
 The site covering nine acres of land. 
 
 First Terrace: 640 feet long on each of the four sides, .') 
 feet high, steps in center on the several sides. 
 
 First Platform : 20 feet broad. 
 
 Second Terrace: 600 feet on each of the sides, 15 feet 
 high, steps also in centre. 
 
XIII 
 
 Second Platform: 206 feet to base of third terrace. 
 
 Third Terrace : 400 feet at base ; 35 steps, six inches tread ; 
 entire depth 110 feet. 
 
 Third Platform: 30 feet, to the front of the temple; all 
 of the terraces are cased with cut stone. 
 
 Facade of Temple : 320 feet ; walls to first cornice 25 feet 
 high. 
 
 Three Doorways, centre, 8 feet 6 inches wide, 8 feet 10 
 inches high; two lateral doorways the same height as the 
 centre, and 6 feet 6 inches wide. 
 
 Colonnade, or Second Platform, composed of 230 circular 
 columns, each 12 feet high, and 18 inches in diameter; in 
 two rows; the columns 10 feet apart. 
 
 The Single Altar-Column: 6 feet in diameter, and 60 feet 
 high, in centre of area. 
 
 Base of First Terrace: 2,560 feet. 
 
 Sculptured Walls of the Temple: 40,960 superficial feet. 
 
 The Three Artificial Terraces contain 72,800 cubit feet. 
 
 Certainly a highly cultivated people must have de- 
 signed and built this immense structure. Rev. Mr. 
 Jones sees In these ruins the architecture of Egypt and 
 the Nile, while Mr. Stephens writes that "they are dif- 
 ferent from the works of any other known people, — of 
 a new order, and entirely and absolutely anomalous, 
 they stand alone." I present herewith an accurate pic- 
 ture of the ruins at TJxmal as recently seen. 
 
 This lengthy digression, in a rather wide field of con- 
 jecture and speculation, has only now brought forth 
 another people who knew how to spin and weave. When 
 the Spaniards invaded and conquered Mexico, they 
 revealed a government and people who had occupied 
 that country for long years, dynasty after dynasty. 
 Prescott says on one occasion as they (Cortes' army) 
 approached an Aztec city, they saw abundant signs of 
 cultivation, in the trim gardens and orchards, that lined 
 both sides of the road. They were met by parties of 
 the natives of either sex, the women, as well as men, 
 
XIV 
 
 bearing bunches and wreaths of flowers, with which 
 they decorated the neck of the GeneraPs charger, and 
 hung a chaplet of roses about his helmet; flowers were 
 the delight of these people. Many of the women ap- 
 peared, from their richer dress and numerous attend- 
 ants, to be persons of rank. They were clad in robes 
 of fine cotton, curiously colored, which reached from 
 the neck to the ankles, the men wore a sort of mantle 
 of the same rich material, "a la li^orisca," in the Moor- 
 ish fashion, over their shoulders, and belts and sashes 
 about their loins. Both sexes had jewels and orna- 
 ments of gold around their necks, while their ears and 
 nostrils were perforated with rings of the same metal. 
 Montezuma sent to the king and queen of Spain gen- 
 erous gifts of these fine cottons, and mantles of feather- 
 work, the delicate and rich-colored dyes of which might 
 readily vie with the most beautiful paintings. When 
 opened and exhibited at the court of Spain, nothing like 
 such curious and elegant fabrics had ever before been 
 seen in Europe, and were looked on with wonder and 
 admiration; of course, all made by hand, and briefly 
 described in the poet's apt lines: 
 
 "Whose texture e'en the search of gods deceives; 
 Fine as the filmy web the spider weaves." 
 
 In the beginning, the question was asked, where did 
 the red man at the landfall learn how to spin and 
 weave; at the end the inquiry is renewed, and there is 
 no intelligent reply. It can only be conjectured that 
 the far eastern art has been orally communicated from 
 generation to generation, and so has circled the globe. 
 
 Amid all the continuous disappointments, running 
 through nearly two decades, there was daily preserved 
 in the marvellous life of Columbus two prominent 
 thoughts : 
 
XV 
 
 First, the fixed belief in the existence of lands and 
 populations to the westward. 
 
 Second, the steady aim and purpose to spread Chris- 
 tianity among these, to be, newly-discovered peoples. 
 
 The landfall of Columbus on the 12th of October, 
 1492, realized in a wide degree his first aspiration of 
 lands and population. But the religion in which he had 
 been born and reared was unknown among these newly- 
 found peoples. 
 
 Nearly fifteen centuries after Christ, and His, then 
 newly established. Church, these recently-found peoples 
 had as yet not heard. 
 
 The stately and imposing temples in which these 
 peoples assembled for worship were utilized for other 
 religious forms and ceremonies. 
 
 Columbia, S. C, 1907. 
 
NARRATIVE 
 
 OF 
 
 Ribault's Whole and True Discovery of 
 Terra Florida, 
 
 As far North as 36 Degrees, and the Founding 
 
 of the First Settlement of French 
 
 Protestants in America, 
 
 1562. 
 
 My Lord Admiral of Ohastillon, a noble man more 
 desirous of the public than of his private benefit, under- 
 standing the pleasure of the King his prince, which was 
 to discover new and strange countries, caused vessels 
 fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence, 
 and men to be levied meet for such an enterprise. 
 Among whom he chose Captain John Ribault, a man in 
 truth expert in sea causes; which having received his 
 charge, set himself to sea the year 1562, the eighteenth 
 of February, accompanied only with two of the king's 
 .ships, but so well furnished with gentlemen (of whose 
 number I myself was one) and with old soldiers, that 
 he had means to achieve some notable thing and worthy 
 of eternal memory. Having therefore sailed two months, 
 never holding the usual course of the Spaniards, he 
 arrived in Florida, landing near a cape or promontory, 
 which is no high land, because the coast is all fiat, but 
 only rising by reason of the high woods, which at his 
 arrival he called Cape Francois in honor of our France. 
 
■'J'OUBLIERAI BIEN VOLOKTIERS TOUTKS CHOSKS QUI NK TOUCHKKONT QUF MON PAUTIl r-I.II-K, ?OI'J D'lKJUkES OV 
 d'oUTRAGKS, POUR\'ll Qtl'EN CE QUI TOUCHF 1,A OTdlRI' l>E DIEU ET I.E REPOS PU PUIiETC, II N' PI'I^SF ^N'OIR SIiRETE 
 
 ■•'Gaspard de Coligny. 
 
 MEMORIAL ERECTED IN THE WALL OF THE CHURCH. LORATOIRE. PARIS. 
 
XVII 
 
 This cape is distant from the equator about thirty de- 
 grees. Coasting from this place towards the north, he 
 discovered a very fair and great river, which gave him 
 occasion to cast anichor that he might search the same the 
 next day very early in the morning; which being done 
 by the break of day, accompanied with Captain Fiquin- 
 ville and divers other soldiers of his ship, he was no 
 sooner arrived on the brink of the shore, but straight 
 he perceived many Indians, men and women, who came 
 of purpose to that place to receive the Frenchmen with 
 all gentleness and amity, as they well declared by the 
 oration which their king made, and the presents of 
 chamois skins wherewith he honored our captain, which 
 the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be 
 planted within the said river, and not far from the 
 mouth of the same upon a little sandy cape, on which 
 pillar the arms of France were carved and engraved. 
 This being done he embarked himself again, to the eni 
 always to discover the coast toward the north which 
 was his chief desire. After he had sailed a certain time 
 he crossed over to the other side of the river, and then 
 in the presence of certain Indians, which of purpose did 
 attend him, he commanded his men to make their 
 prayers, to give thanks to God, for that of His grace he 
 had conducted the French nation into these strange places 
 without any danger at all. The prayers being ended, 
 the Indians, which were very attentive to hearken unto 
 them, thinking, in my judgment, that we worshipped the 
 sun, because we always had our eyes lifted up toward 
 heaven, rose all up and came to salute the Captain John 
 Ribault, promising to show him their king, which rose 
 not up as they did, but remained still sitting upon green 
 leaves of bay and palm trees ; toward whom the captain 
 went and sat down by him, and heard him make a long 
 discourse, but with no great pleasure, because he could 
 not understand his language, and much less his mean- 
 
xvm 
 
 ing. The king gave our captain at his departure a 
 plume or fan of hernshawes feathers, dyed in red, and 
 a basket made of palm boughs after the Indian fashion, 
 and wrought very artificially, and a great skin painted 
 and drawn throughout with the pictures of divers wild 
 beasts so lovely drawn and portrayed that nothing 
 lacked but life. The captain to show himself not un- 
 thankful, gave him pretty tin bracelets, a cutting hook, 
 a looking glass, and certain knives ; whereupon the king 
 showed himself to be very glad and fully contented. 
 Having spent the most part of the day with these 
 Indians, the captain embarked himself to pass over to 
 the other side of the river, of which the king seemed to 
 be very sorry. Nevertheless not being able to stay us, 
 he commanded that with all diligence they should take 
 fish for us; which they did with all speed. For being 
 entered into their wares or inclosures made of reeds and 
 framed in the fashion of a labyrinth or masse, they 
 loaded us with trouts, great mullets, plaise, turbuts, and 
 marvelous stores of other sorts of fish altogether dif- 
 ferent from ours. 
 
 This done, we entered into our boats and went toward 
 the other shore. But before we came to the shore, we 
 were saluted with a number of other Indians, which, 
 entering into the water to their armpits, brought us 
 many little baskets full of maize, and goodly mulberries, 
 both red and white. Others offered themselves to bear 
 us on shore, where being landed we perceived their king 
 sitting upon a place dressed with boughs, and under a 
 little arbor of cedars and bay trees somewhat distant 
 from the water side. He was accompanied with two of 
 his sons who were exceedingly fair and strong, and with 
 a troop of Indians who had all their bows and arrows in 
 marvelous good order. His two sons received our cap- 
 tain very graciously; but the king, their father, repre- 
 senting I wot not what kind of gravity, did nothing but 
 
XIX 
 
 shake his head a little. Then the captain went forward 
 to salute him, and without any other moving of himself 
 he retained so constant a kind of grayity, that he made 
 it seem unto us that by good and lawful right he bore 
 the title of a king. Our captain knowing not what to 
 judge of this man's behavior, thought he was jealous 
 because we went first unto the other king, or else that 
 he was not well pleased with the pillar or column which 
 he had planted. While thus he knew not what hereof 
 to think, our captain showed him by signs, that he had 
 come from a far country to seek him, to let him under- 
 stand the amity which he was desirous to have with 
 him; for the better confirmation whereof, he drew out 
 of a budget certain trifles, as certain bracelets covered 
 as it were with silver and gilt, which he presented him 
 with all, and gave his sons certain other trifles. Where- 
 upon the king began very lovingly to entreat our cap- 
 tain and us. And after these gentle entertainments we 
 went ourselves into the woods, hoping here to discover 
 some singularities ; where were great stores of mulberry 
 trees, white and red, on the tops whereof there were 
 infinite numbers of silk worms. Following our way we 
 discovered a fair and great meadow, divided notwith- 
 standing with divers marshes which constrained us by 
 reason of the water which environed it about, to return 
 back again toward the river side. Finding not the king 
 there, who had by this time gone home to his house, we 
 entered into our boats and sailed toward our ships; 
 where, after we arrived, we called this river the river of 
 May, because we discovered it the first day of the said 
 month. 
 
 Soon after we returned to our ships, we weighed our 
 anchors and hoisted our sails to discover the coast far- 
 ther forward, along which we discovered another fair 
 river, which the captain himself was minded to search 
 out, and having searched it out with the king and the 
 
XX 
 
 inhabitants thereof, he named it Seine, because it is very 
 like the river of Seine in France. From this river we 
 retired toward our ships, where, after arriving, we 
 trimmed our sails to sail further toward the north, and 
 to descry the singularities of the coast. But we had not 
 sailed any great way before we discovered another very 
 fair river, which caused us to cast anchor over against 
 it, and to trim out two boats to go to search it out. We 
 found there an isle and a king no less affable than the 
 rest; afterwards we named this river Somme. From 
 thence we sailed about six leagues, after we discovered 
 another river, which, after we had viewed, was named 
 by us by the name of Loyre. And consequently we 
 there discovered five others ; whereof the first was named 
 Oharente, the second Garonne, the third Gironde, the 
 fourth Belle, the fifth Grande; which being very well 
 discovered with such things as were in them, by this 
 time in less than the space of three score leagues we had 
 found out many singularities along nine rivers. Never- 
 theless not fully satisfied we sailed yet further toward 
 the north, following the course that might bring us to 
 the river of Jordan, one of the fairest rivers of the north, 
 and holding our wanted course, great fogs and tempests 
 came upon us, which constrained us to leave the coast 
 to bear toward the main sea, which was the cause that 
 we lost sight of our Pinnesses a whole day and a night 
 until the next day in the morning, which time, the 
 weather waxing fair and the sea being calm, we dis- 
 covered a river which we called Belle h voir. After we 
 had sailed three or four leagues, we began to espy our 
 Pinnesses, which came straight toward us, and at their 
 arrival they reported to the captain that while the fogs 
 and wild weather endured they harbored themselves in 
 a mighty river, which in bigness and beauty exceeded 
 the former; wherewithall the captain was exceedingly 
 joyful, for his chief desire was to find out a haven to 
 
XXI 
 
 harbor his ships, and there to refresh ourselves for a 
 while. Thus making thitherward we arrived athwart 
 the said river, (which because of the fairness and large- 
 ness thereof we named Port Eoyal) we stroke our sails 
 and cast anchor at ten fathoms of water; for the depth 
 is such, namely when the sea beginneth to flow, that the 
 greatest ships of France, yea, the Arguzes of Venice may 
 enter in there. Having cast anchor, the captain with 
 his soldiers went on shore, and he himself went first on 
 land ; where we found the place as pleasant as was pos- 
 sible, for it was all covered over with mighty high oaks 
 and infinite store of cedars, and with Lentiskes growing 
 underneath them, smelling so sweetly, that the very fra- 
 grant odor only made the place to seem exceedingly 
 pleasant. As we passed through these woods we saw 
 nothing but turkeycocks fiying in the forests, partridges, 
 gray and red, little different from ours, but chiefly in 
 bigness. We heard also within the woods the voices of 
 stags, bears, lusernes, leopards, and divers other sorts 
 of beasts, unknown to us. Being delighted with this 
 place, we set ourselves to fishing with nets, and we 
 caught such a number of fish, that it was wonderful. 
 And among others, we took a certain kind of fish which 
 we called salicoques, which were no less than creuises, 
 so that two draughts of the net was sufficient to feed all 
 the companies of our two ships for a whole day. The 
 river at the mouth thereof from cape to cape is no less 
 than three French leagues broad ; it is divided into two 
 great arms whereof the one runneth towards the west, 
 the other towards the north. And I believe in my judg- 
 ment that the arm that stretches toward the north run- 
 neth up into the country as far as the river Jordan, the 
 other arm runneth into the sea, as it was known and 
 understood by those of our company, which were left 
 behind to dwell in this place. These two arms are two 
 great leagues broad ; and in the middle of them is an 
 
XXII 
 
 isle, which pointed towards the opening of the great 
 river, in which island there are infinite numbers of all 
 sorts of strange beasts. There are Simples growing 
 there of so rare properties, and in such great quantities, 
 that it is an excellent thing to behold them. On every 
 side there is nothing to be seen but palm trees, and other 
 sorts of trees bearing blossoms and fruit of very rare 
 shape and very good smell. But seeing the evening ap- 
 proach, and that the captain determined to return unto 
 the ships, we prayed himi to suffer us to pass the night 
 in this place. In our absence the pilots and chief mari- 
 ners advised the captain that it was needful to bring 
 the ships further up within the river, to avoid the dan- 
 gers of the winds which might annoy us, by reason of 
 our being so near to the mouth of the river ; and for this 
 cause the captain sent for us. Being come to our ships, 
 we sailed three leagues up within the river, and there 
 we cast anchor. A- little while after, John Eibault ac- 
 companied with a good number of soldiers embarked 
 himself, desirous to sail further up into the arm that 
 runneth toward the west, and to search the commodities 
 of the place. Having sailed twelve leagues at the least, 
 we perceived a troop of Indians who, as soon as they 
 espied the Pinnesses, they were so afraid that they fled 
 into the woods leaving behind them a young lucerne 
 which they were turning upon a spit; for which the 
 place was called Cape Lucerne. Proceeding forth on 
 our way, we found another arm of the river, which ran 
 toward the east, up which the captain determined to 
 sail and to leave the great current. A little while after 
 they began to espy divers other Indians both men and 
 women half hidden within the woods ; who knowing not 
 that we were such as desired their friendship, were dis- 
 mayed at the first, but soon after were emboldened, for 
 the captain caused store of merchandise to be showed 
 to them openly whereby they knew that we meant noth- 
 
XXIII 
 
 ing but well unto them ; and then they made a sign that 
 he should come on land, which we would not refuse. 
 At our coming on shore divers of them came to salute 
 our general according to their barbarous fashion. Some 
 of them gave him skins of chamois, others little baskets 
 made of palm leaves, some presented him with pearls, 
 but no great number. Afterwards they went about to 
 make an arbor to defend us in that place from the 
 parching heat of the sun. But we would not stay as 
 then. Wherefore the captain thanked them much for 
 their good will, and gave presents to each of them; 
 wherewith he pleased them so well before he went 
 thence, that his sudden departure was nothing pleasant 
 unto them. For knowing him to be so liberal, they 
 would have wished him to have stayed a little longer, 
 seeking by all means to give him occasion to stay, show- 
 ing him by signs that he should stay but that day only, 
 and that they desired to advertise a great Indian Lord 
 who had pearls in great abundance, and silver also, all 
 of which things should be given unto him at the king's 
 arrival ; saying further that in the meantime while that 
 this great Lord came thither, they would lead him to 
 their houses, and show him there a thousand pleasures 
 in shooting, and seeing the stag killed therefore they 
 prayed him not to deny them their request. Notwith- 
 standing we returned to our ships, where, after we had 
 been but one night, the captain in the morning com- 
 manded to put into the Pinnesses a pillar of hard stone 
 fashioned like a column, wherein the arms of the king 
 of France were engraven, to plant the same in the fairest 
 place he could find. This done, we embarked ourselves, 
 and sailed three leagues toward the west, where we dis- 
 covered a little river up which we sailed so long, that 
 in the end we found it returned into the great current, 
 and in his return to make a little island separated from 
 the firm land where we went on shore ; and by command- 
 
XXIV 
 
 ment of the captain, because it was exceedingly fair and 
 pleasant, there we planted the pillar upon a hillock open 
 round about to the view, and environed with a lake half 
 a fathom deep of very good and sweet water. In which 
 land we saw two stags of exceeding bigness, in respect 
 of those which we had seen before, which we might have 
 easily killed with our harguebuzes, if the captain had 
 not forbidden us, moved with the singular fairness and 
 bigness of them. But before our departure we named 
 the little river which environed this isle, the River of 
 Liborne. Afterward we embarked ourselves to search 
 another isle not far distant from the former; wherein, 
 after we had gone on land, we found nothing but tall 
 cedars, the fairest that were seen in this country. For 
 this cause we called it the Isle of Cedars ; so we returned 
 into our Pinnesse to go toward our ships. 
 
 A few days afterward John Ribault determined to 
 return once again toward the Indians who inhabited 
 that arm of the river which runneth toward the west, 
 and to carry with him good stores of soldiers. For his 
 meaning was to take two Indians of this place to bring 
 them into France, as the queen had commanded him. 
 With this deliberation again we took our former course 
 so far forth, that at the last we came to the self same 
 place where at the first we found the Indians, from 
 thence we took two Indians by the permission of the 
 king, who, thinking that they were more favored than 
 the rest, thought themselves very happy to stay with us. 
 But these two Indians seeing we made no show at all 
 that we would go on land, but rather that we followed 
 the middle of the current, began to be somewhat 
 oflfended, and would by force have leaped into the water, 
 for they are so good swimmers that immediately they 
 would have gotten into the forests. Nevertheless being 
 acquainted with their humor, we watched them nar- 
 rowly and sought by all means to appease them ; which 
 
XXV 
 
 we could not by any means do for that time, though we 
 offered them things which they much esteemed, which 
 things they disdained to take, and gave back again what- 
 soever was given them, thinking that such gifts should 
 have altogether bound them, and that restoring them 
 they should be restored unto their liberty. In fine, per- 
 ceiving that all that they did availed them nothing, they 
 prayed us to give them those things which they had 
 restored, which we did incontinent; then they ap- 
 proached one toward the other and began to sing, agree- 
 ing so sweetly together, that in hearing their song it 
 seemed that they lamented the absence of their friends. 
 They continued their songs all night without ceasing; 
 all of which time we were constrained to lie at anchor 
 by reason of the tide that was against us, but we hoisted 
 sail the next day very early in the morning, and returned 
 to our ships. As soon as we were come to our ships, 
 every one sought to gratify these two Indians, and to 
 show them the best countenance that was possible; to 
 the intent that by such courtesies they might perceive 
 the good desire and affection which we had to remain 
 their friends in time to come. Then we offered them 
 meat to eat, but they refused it, and made us understand 
 that they were accustomed to wash their face and to 
 stay until the sun were set before they did eat, which 
 is a ceremony common to all the Indians of New France. 
 Nevertheless in the end they were constrained to forget 
 their superstitions, and to apply themselves to our 
 nature, which was somewhat strange to them at first. 
 They became therefore more , every hour made us 
 
 1,000 discourses, being marvelously sorry that we could 
 not understand them. A few days after they began to 
 bear so good will towards me, that, as I think, they 
 would rather have perished with hunger and thirst", than 
 have taken their refection at any man's hand but mine. 
 Seeing this their good will, I sought to learn some 
 
XXVI 
 
 Indian words, and began to ask them questions, show- 
 ing them the thing whereof I desired to know the name, 
 how they called it. They were very glad to tell it to 
 me, and knowing the desire that I had to learn their 
 language, they encouraged me afterwards to ask them 
 every thing. So that putting down in writing the words 
 and phrases of the Indian speech, I was able to under- 
 stand the greatest part of their discourses. Every day 
 they did nothing but speak unto me of the desire that 
 they had to use me well, if we returned unto their 
 houses, and cause me to receive all the pleasures that 
 they could devise, as well in hunting as in seeing their 
 very strange and superstitious ceremonies at a certain 
 feast which they call Toya. Which feast they observe 
 as straightly as we observe the Sunday. They gave me 
 to understand that they would bring me to see the 
 greatest Lord of this country who they called Chiquola, 
 who exceeded them in height (as they told me) a good 
 foot and a half. They said unto me that he dwelt within 
 the land in a very large place and inclosed exceedingly 
 high, but I could not learn wherewith. And as far as 
 I can judge, this place whereof they spoke unto me, was 
 a very fair city. For they said unto me that within the 
 inclosure there was great store of houses which were 
 built very high, wherein there was an infinite number 
 of men like unto themselves, which made no account of 
 gold, of silver, nor of pearls, seeing they had thereof in 
 abundance. I began then to show them all the parts of 
 heaven, to the intent to learn in which quarter they 
 dwelt. And straightway one of them stretching out his 
 hand showed me that they dwelt toward the north, 
 which makes me think that it was the river of Jordan. 
 And now I remember that in the reign of the Emperor 
 Charles the Fifth, certain Spaniards inhabitants of S. 
 Domingo (which made a voyage to get certain slaves to 
 work in their mines) stole away by subtlety the inhab- 
 
XXVII 
 
 itants of this river, to the number of 40, thinking to 
 carry them into their New Spain. But they lost their 
 labor ; for in despite they died all for hunger, saving one 
 that was brought to the emperor, which a little while 
 after he caused to be baptized, and gave him his own 
 name and called him Charles of Ohiquola, because he 
 spoke so much of this Lord of Chiquola whose subject 
 he was. Also, he reported continually, that Chiquola 
 made his abode within a very great inclosed city. Be- 
 sides this proof, those which were left in the first voyage 
 have certified me, that the Indians showed them by evi- 
 dent signs, that farther within the land toward the 
 north, there was a great inclosure or city, where Chi- 
 quola dwelt. After they had stayed a while in our ships, 
 they began to be sorry, and still demanded of me when 
 they should return. I made them understand that the 
 captain's will was to send them home again, but that 
 first he would bestow apparel of them, which few days 
 after was delivered unto them. But seeing he would not 
 give them license to depart, they resolved with them- 
 selves to steal away by night, and to get a little boat 
 which he had, and by the help of the tide to sail home 
 toward their dwellings, and by this means to save them- 
 selves. Which thing they failed not to do, and put their 
 enterprise in execution, yet leaving behind them the 
 apparel which the captain had given them, and carrying 
 away nothing but that which was their own, showing 
 well hereby that they were not void of reason. The 
 captain cared not greatly for their departure, consider- 
 ing they had not been used otherwise than well; and 
 that therefore they would not estrange themselves from 
 the Frenchmen. Captain Ribault therefore knowing 
 the singular fairness of this river, desired by all means 
 to encdurage some of his men to dwell there, well fore- 
 seeing that this thing might be of great importance for 
 the king's service, and the relief of the commonwealth 
 
XXVIII 
 
 of France. Therefore proceeding on with this intent he 
 commanded the anchors to be weighed and to set things 
 in order to return unto the opening of the river, to the 
 end that if the wind came fair he might pass out to 
 accomplish the rest of his meaning. When therefore 
 we were come to the mouth of the river, he made them 
 cast anchor, whereupon we stayed without discovering 
 anything all the rest of the day. The next day he com- 
 manded that all the men of his ship should come up 
 upon the deck, saying that he had somewhat to say unto 
 them. They all came up, and immediately the captain 
 began to speak unto them in this manner : 
 
 I think there is none of you that are ignorant of how 
 great consequence this our enterpi-ise is, and how ac- 
 ceptable it is unto our young king. Therefore, my 
 friends, (as one desiring your honor and benefit), I 
 would not fail to advise you all of the exceeding good 
 happiness which should fall to them, which, as men of 
 value and worthy courage, would make trial in this our 
 first discovery of the benefits and commodities of this 
 new land; which should be, as I assure myself, the 
 greatest occasion that ever could happen unto them, to 
 arise unto the title and degree of honor. And for this 
 cause I was desirous to propose unto you and set down 
 before your eyes the eternal memory which of right they 
 deserve, which forgetting both their parents and their 
 country have had the courage to enterprise a thing of 
 such importance which even kings themselves under- 
 standing to be men aspiring to so high degree magna- 
 nimity and increase of their majesties, do not disdain 
 so well to regard, that afterwards employing them in 
 matters of weight and of high enterprise, they make 
 their names immortal forever. Howbeit, I would not 
 have you persuade yourselves, as many do, that you shall 
 never have such good fortune as not being known either 
 to the king nor to the princes of the realm, and besides 
 
XXIX 
 
 descending of so poor a stock, that few or none of your 
 parents, having ever made profession of arms, have been 
 known unto the great estates. For albeit that from my 
 tender years I myself have applied all my industry to 
 follow them, and have hazarded my life in so many dan- 
 gers for the service of my prince, yet could I never 
 attain thereunto (not that I did not deserve this title 
 and degree of government) as I have seen it happen to 
 many others, only because they descend of a noble race, 
 since more regard is had of their birth than of their 
 virtue. For well I know if virtue were regarded there 
 would more be found worthy to deserve the title, and 
 by good rights be named noble and valiant. I will there- 
 fore make sufficient answer to such propositions and 
 such things as you may object against me, laying before 
 you the infinite examples which we have of the Komans ; 
 which concerning the point of honor were the first that 
 triumphed over the world. For how many find we 
 among them, which for their so valiant enterprises, not 
 for the greatness of their parentage, have attained the 
 honor to triumph? If we have recourse unto their an- 
 cestors, we shall find that their parents were of so mean 
 condition, that by laboring with their hands they lived 
 very basely. As the father of ^lius Pertinax, who was 
 a poor artisan, his grandfather likewise was a bond man, 
 as the historians do witness; and nevertheless, being 
 moved with a valiant courage, he was nothing dismayed 
 for all this, but rather desirous to aspire unto high 
 things, he began with a brave stomach to learn feats of 
 arms, and profited so well therein, that from step to step 
 he became at length to be Emperor of the Romans. For 
 all this dignity he despised not his parents ; but contra- 
 wise and in remembrance of them, he caused his father's 
 shop to be covered with a fine wrought marble, to serve 
 for an example to men descended of base and poor line- 
 ages, to give them occasion to aspire unto high things 
 
XXX 
 
 notwithstanding the meanness of their ancestors. I 
 will not pass over in silence the excellency and prowess 
 of the valiant and renowned Agathocles, the son of a 
 simple potter, and yet forgetting the contemptible estate 
 of his father, he so applied himself to virtue in his tender 
 years, that by the favor of arms he came to be king of 
 Sicily : and for all this title he refused not to be counted 
 the son of a potter. But the more to eternize the mem- 
 ory of his parents and to make his name renowned, he 
 commanded that he should be served at the table in 
 vessels of gold and silver and others of earth : declaring 
 thereby that the dignity wherein he was placed came 
 not unto him by his parents, but by his own virtue only. 
 If I shall speak of our time, I will lay before you only 
 Rusten Bassha, which may be sufficient example to all 
 men : which though he were the son of a poor herdman, 
 did so apply his youth in all virtue, that being brought 
 up in the service of the great Turk, he seemed to aspire 
 to great and high matters, in such sort that growing in 
 years he increased also in courage, so far forth, that in 
 fine for his excellent virtues he married the daughter of 
 the great Turk his Prince. How much then ought so 
 many worthy examples to move you to plant here? Con- 
 sidering also that you shall be registered forever as the 
 first that inhabited this strange country. I pray you 
 therefore all to advise yourselves thereof, and to declare 
 your minds freely unto me, protesting that I will so well 
 imprint your names in the king's ears, and the other 
 princes, that your renown shall heraf ter shine unquench- 
 able through our realm of France. 
 
 He had scarcely ended his oration, but the greatest 
 part of our soldiers replied: that a greater pleasure 
 could never betide them, perceiving well the acceptable 
 service which by this means they should do unto their 
 Prince : besides that this thing should be for the increase 
 of their honors: therefore they besought the Captain, 
 
XXXI 
 
 before he departed out of the place, to begin to build 
 them a fort, which they hoped afterward to finish, 
 and to leave them munition necessary for their de- 
 fence, showing as it seemed that they were displeased, 
 that it was so long in doing. Whereupon John Ribault, 
 being as glad as might be to see his men so well willing, 
 determined the next day to search the most fit and con- 
 venient place to be inhabited. Wherefore he embarked 
 himself very early in the morning and commanded them 
 to follow him that were desirous to inhabit there, to the 
 intent that they might like the better of the place. Hav- 
 ing sailed up the great river on the north side, in coast- 
 ing an isle which ended with a sharp point toward the 
 mouth of the river, having sailed a while, he discovered 
 a small river, which entered into the island, which he 
 would not fail to search out. Which done, and finding 
 the same deep enough to harbor therein gallies and gal- 
 liots in good number, proceeding further, he found a 
 very open place, opening upon the brink thereof, where 
 he went on land, and seeing the place fit to build a for- 
 tress in, and commodious for them that were willing to 
 plant there, he resolved incontinent to cause the size of 
 the fortification to be measured out. And considering 
 that there stayed but six and twenty there, he caused 
 the fort to be made in length but sixteen fathoms, and 
 thirteen in breadth, with flanks according to the propor- 
 tion thereof. The measure being taken by me and Cap- 
 tain Salles, we sent unto the ships for men, and to bring 
 shovels, pickaxes and other instruments necessary to 
 make the fortification. We travailed so diligently, that 
 in a short space the fort was made in some sort defen- 
 cible. In which mean time John Ribault caused victuals 
 and warlike ammunition to be brought for the defence 
 of the place. After he had furnished them with all such 
 things as they had need of, he determined to take his 
 
XXXII 
 
 leave of them. But before his departure he used this 
 speech unto Captain Albert, which he left in this place. 
 Captain Albert, I have to request you in the presence 
 of all these men, that you would acquit yourself so 
 wisely in your charge, and govern so modestly your 
 small company which I leave you, which with so good 
 cheer remaineth under your obedience, that I never have 
 occasion but to commend you, and to recount unto the 
 king (as I am desirous) the faithful service which be- 
 fore us all you undertake to do him in his new France. 
 And you, companions, (quoth he to the soldiers), I 
 beseech you also to esteem of Captain Albert as if he 
 were myself that stayed here with you, yielding him that 
 obedience which a true soldier oweth unto his general 
 and captain, living as brothers one with another with- 
 out all dissention; and in so doing God will assist you 
 and bless your enterprises. Having ended his exhorta- 
 tion, we took our "leave of each of them, and sailed 
 toward our ships, calling the fort by the name of Charles 
 Port, and the river by the name of Chenonceau. The 
 next day we determined to depart from this place being 
 as well contented as was possible that we had so happily 
 ended our business, with good hope, if occasion would 
 permit, to discover perfectly the river of Jordan. For 
 this cause we hoisted our sails about ten o'clock in the 
 morning ; after we were ready to depart Captain Ribault 
 commanded to shoot off our ordinance to give a farewell 
 unto our Frenchmen, which failed not to do the like on 
 their part. This being done, we sailed toward the north, 
 and then we named this river Port Royal, because of the 
 largeness and excellent fairness of the same. After that 
 we had sailed about fifteen leagues from thence, we 
 espied a river, whereupon we sent our Finesses thither 
 to discover it. At their return they brought us word 
 that they found not past half a fathom of water in the 
 mouth thereof. Which, when we understood, without 
 
XXXIll 
 
 doing anything else, we continued on our way, and called 
 it the Base or Shallow river. As we still went on sound- 
 ing we found not past five or six fathoms of water, 
 although we were six good leagues from the shore. At 
 length we found not more than three fathoms, which 
 gave us occasion greatly to muse. And without making 
 any further way we struck our sails, partly because we 
 wanted water, and partly because the night approached ; 
 during which time Captain John Ribault bethought with 
 himself whether it was best for him to pass any further, 
 because of the eminent dangers which every hour we 
 saw before our eyes, or whether he should content him- 
 self with that which he had certainly discovered, and 
 also left men to inhabit the country. Being not able 
 for that time to resolve with himself, he referred it until 
 the next day. The morning having come, he proposed 
 to all the company what was best to be done, to the end 
 that with good advisement every man might deliver his 
 opinion. Some made answers that according to their 
 judgment he had occasion fully to content himself, con- 
 sidering that he could do no more; laying before his 
 eyes, that he had discovered more in six weeks, than the 
 Spaniards had done in two years in the conquest of their 
 New Spain; and that he should do the king very great 
 service, if he did bring him news in so short a time of 
 his happy discovery. Others showed unto him the loss 
 and spoils of his victuals, and on the other side the in- 
 convenience that might happen by the shallow water 
 that they found continually along the coast. Which 
 things being well and at large debated we resolved to 
 leave the coast forsaking the north, to take our way 
 towards the east, which is the right way and course to 
 our France, where we happily arrived the twentieth day 
 of July in the year 1562. 
 
XXXIV 
 
 THE STATE AND CONDITION OF THOSE WHICH 
 WERE LEFT BEHIND IN CHARLES FORT. 
 
 Our men after our departure never rested, but night 
 and day did fortify themselves, being in good hope that 
 after their fort was finished, they would begin to dis- 
 cover farther up in the river. It happened one day, as 
 certain of them were cutting of the roots in the groves, 
 that they espied on the sudden an Indian that hunted 
 the deer, which finding himself so near upon them, was 
 much dismayed, but our men began to draw near unto 
 him, and to use him so courteously, that he became as- 
 sured and followed them to Charles Fort, where every 
 man sought to do him pleasure. Captain Albert was 
 very joyful of his coming, which, after he had given a 
 shirt and some other trifles, he asked him of his dwell- 
 ing ; the Indian answered him that it was farther up the 
 river, and that he was a vassal of King Audusta ; he also 
 showed him with his hand the limits of his habitation. 
 After much other talk the Indian desired leave to depart, 
 because it drew toward night, which Captain Albert 
 granted him very willingly. Certain days after the cap- 
 tain determined to sail toward Audusta, where, after 
 arriving, by reason of the honest entertainment which 
 he had given the Indian, he was so courteously received, 
 that the king talked with him of nothing else but of the 
 desire which he had to become his friend; giving him 
 besides, to understand that he being his friend and ally, 
 he should have the amity of four other kings, who in 
 might and authority were able to do much for his sake. 
 Besides all this, in his necessity they 'might be able to 
 succor him with victuals. One of these kings was called 
 Mayon, another Hoya, the third Touppa, and the fourth 
 Stalame. He told him moreover, that they would be 
 very glad when they should understand the news of his 
 
XXXV 
 
 coming, and therefore he prayed him to vouchsafe to 
 visit them. The captain willingly consented unto him, 
 for the desire that he had to purchase friends in that 
 place. Therefore they departed the next morning very 
 early, and first arrived at the house of King Touppa, and 
 afterwards went into the other king's houses except the 
 house of King Stalame. He received of each of them 
 all the amiable courtesies that might be; they showed 
 themselves to be as affectionate, friends unto him as was 
 possible, and offered unto him a thousand small pres- 
 ents. After that he remained by the space of certain 
 days with these strange kings he determined to take his 
 leave; and being come back to the house of Audusta, he 
 commanded all his men to go aboard their Pinnesses; 
 for he was minded to go toward the country of King 
 Stalame, who dwelt toward the north a distance of fif- 
 teen great leagues from Charles Fort. Therefore as they 
 sailed up the river they entered into a great current, 
 which they followed so far till they came at last to the 
 house of Stalame; which brought him into his lodging, 
 where he sought to make them the best cheer that he 
 could devise. He presented immediately unto Captain 
 Albert his bow and arrows, which is a sign and con- 
 firmation of alliance between them. He presented him 
 with chamois skins. The captain seeing that the best 
 part of the day was now past, took his leave of King 
 Stalame to return to Charles Fort, where he arrived the 
 day following. By this time the friendship had grown 
 so great between our men and King Audusta, that in a 
 manner all things were common between him and them ; 
 in such sort that this good Indian king did nothing of 
 importance, but he called our men thereunto. For when 
 the time drew near for the celebrating their feasts of 
 Toya, which are ceremonies most strange to recite, he 
 sent ambassadors to our men to request them on his 
 behalf to be present. Whereunto they agreed most wil- 
 
XXXVI 
 
 lingly for the desire that they had to understand what 
 this might be. They embarked themselves therefore and 
 sailed towards the king's house, which was already come 
 forth on the way towards them, to receive them cour- 
 teously, to bid them welcome and to bring them to his 
 house, where he sought to intreat them the best he 
 might. In the meanwhile the Indians prepared them- 
 selves to celebrate the feast the morrow after, and the 
 king brought them to see the place wherein the feast 
 should be kept; where they saw many women round 
 about, who labored by all means to make the place clean 
 and neat. This place was a great circuit of ground with 
 open prospect and round in figure. On the morrow 
 therefore early in the morning, all that were chosen to 
 celebrate the feast, being painted and trimmed with rich 
 feathers of divers colors, put themselves on the way to 
 go from the king's house toward the place of Toya; 
 whereunto when they had come they set themselves in 
 order, and followed three Indians, who in painting and 
 gesture, were different from the rest ; each of them bare 
 a tabret in their hand, dancing and singing in lament- 
 able tune, when they began to enter into the midst of the 
 round circuit, being followed by others who answered 
 them again. After they had sung, danced, and turned 
 three times, they fell on running like unbridled horses, 
 through the midst of the thickest woods. And then the 
 Indian women continued all the rest of the day in tears 
 as sad and woeful as was possible? and in such rage 
 they cut the arms of the young girls, which they lanced 
 so cruelly with sharp shells of muskles that the blood 
 followed which they flung into the eye, crying out three 
 times. He Toya. The King Audusta had gathered all 
 our men into his house, while the feast was celebrated, 
 and was exceedingly offended when he saw them laugh. 
 This he did, because the Indians are very angry when 
 they are seen in their ceremonies. Notwithstanding one 
 
XXXVII 
 
 of our men made such shift that by subtle means he got 
 out of the house of Audusta, and secretly went and hid 
 himself behind a very thick bush, where at his pleasure, 
 he might easily descry the ceremonies of the feast. The 
 three that began the feast were named lawas ; and they 
 are as it were three priests of the Indian law ; to whom 
 they give credit and belief partly because that by kin- 
 dred they are ordained to be over their sacrifices, and 
 partly also because they are such subtle magicians that 
 anything that is lost is straightway recovered by their 
 means. Again they are not only reverenced for these 
 things, but also because they heal diseases, by, I wot not 
 what kind of knowledge and skill they have. Those that 
 ran so through the woods returned in two days after. 
 After their return they began to dance with a cheerful 
 courage in the midst of the fair place, and to cheer up 
 their good old Indian fathers, who, either by reason of 
 their too great age, or by reason of their natural indis- 
 position and feebleness, were not called to the feast. 
 When all these dances were ended, they fell to eating 
 with such a greediness, that they seemed rather to de- 
 vour their meat than to eat it, for they had neither eaten 
 nor drank the day of the feast, nor the two days follow- 
 ing. Our men were not forgotten at this good cheer, for 
 the Indians sent for them all thither, showing them- 
 selves very glad of their presence. While they remained 
 a certain time with the Indians, a man of ours got a 
 young boy for certain trifles, and inquired of him, what 
 the Indians did in the woods during their absence; 
 which boy made him understand by signs, that the 
 lawas had made invocation to Toya, and that by magical 
 characters they had made him come that they might 
 speak with him and demand divers strange things of 
 him, which, for fear of the lawas, he durst not utter. 
 They have also many other ceremonies, which I will not 
 
XXXVIII 
 
 here rehearse for the fear of molesting the reader with 
 a matter of so small importance. 
 
 When the feast therefore was finished our men re- 
 turned unto Charles Fort; where, having remained but 
 a while, their victuals began to wax short, which forced 
 them to have recourse unto their neighbors, and to pray 
 them to succor them in their necessities; who gave them 
 part of all the victuals which they had, and kept no 
 more unto themselves than would serve to sow their 
 fields. They told them farther that for this cause it 
 was needful for them to retire themselves into the 
 woods, to live of mast and roots until the time of har- 
 vest, being as sorry as might be that they were not able 
 any further to aid them. They gave them also counsel 
 to go toward the country of King Oouexis, a man of 
 might and renown in this province, who made his abode 
 toward the south abounding at all seasons and replen- 
 ished with such a quantity of mill, corn and beans that 
 by his only succor that they might be able to live a very 
 long time. But before they should come into his terri- 
 tory, they were to repair unto a king called Ouade, the 
 brother of Couexis, who in mill, corn, and beans was 
 no less wealthy, and withal is very liberal, and who 
 would be very joyful if he might but once see them. 
 Our men perceiving the good relation which the Indians 
 made them of those two kings resolved to go thither; 
 for they felt already the necessity which oppressed 
 them. Therefore they made request unto King Maccou 
 that it would please him to give them one of his subjects 
 to guide the right way thither; whereupon he conde- 
 scended very willingly, knowing that without his favor 
 they should have much ado to bring their enterprise to 
 pass. Wherefore after they had given orders for all 
 things necessary for the voyage, they put themselves to 
 sea, and sailed so far that in the end they came into the 
 country of Ouade, which they found to be in the river 
 
XXXIX 
 
 Belle. Having arrived there they perceived a company 
 of Indians, who, as soon as they knew of them being 
 there, came before them. As soon as they came near 
 them their guides showed them by signs that Ouade Tvas 
 in this company, wherefore our men set forth to salute 
 him. Then two of his sons, who were with him, being 
 goodly and strong men, saluted them again in very good 
 sort, and used very friendly entertainment on their part. 
 The king immediately began to make an oration in his 
 Indian language of the great pleasure and contentment 
 that he had to see them in that place, protesting that he 
 would become so loyal a friend of theirs hereafter that 
 he would be their faithful defender against all them thai 
 would offer to be their enemies. After these speeches 
 he led them toward his house, where he sought to entreat 
 them very courteously. His house was hung about with 
 tapestry of feathers of divers colors the height of a pike. 
 Moreover the place where the king took his rest was 
 covered with white coverlets embroidered with devices 
 of very witty and fine workmanship, and fringed round 
 about with a fringe dyed in the color of scarlet. They 
 advised the king, by one of the guides, who they brought 
 with them, how that (having heard of his great liber- 
 ality) they had put to sea to come to beseech him to 
 succor them with victuals in their great want and neces- 
 sity ; and that in so doing, he should bind them all here- 
 after to remain his faithful friends and loyal defenders 
 against all his enemies. This good Indian was as soon 
 ready to do them pleasure as they were to demand it, 
 and he commanded his subjects that they should fill our 
 pinnesse with mill and beans. Afterward he caused 
 them to bring him six pieces of his tapestry made like 
 little coverlets, and gave them to our men with so liberal 
 a mind, as they easily perceived the desire which he had 
 to become their friend. In recompense of all these gifts 
 our men gave him two cutting hooks and certain other 
 
XL 
 
 trifles, wherewith he held himself greatly satisfied. This 
 being done, our men took their leave of the king, which 
 for their farewell, said nothing else but that they should 
 return if they wanted victuals, and that they might 
 assure themselves of him, that they should never want 
 anything that was in his power. Wherefore they em- 
 barked themselves, and sailed toward Charles Port, 
 which, from this place, might be some five and twenty 
 leagues distant. But as soon as our men thought them- 
 selves at their ease, and free from the dangers where- 
 unto they had exposed themselves night and day gather- 
 ing together victuals here and there; lo, even as they 
 were asleep, the fire caught in their lodgings with such 
 fury, being increased by the wind, that the room that 
 was built for them before our men's departure, was con- 
 sumed in an instant, without being able to save any- 
 thing, save a little of their victuals. Whereupon our 
 men being far from all succors, found themselves in such 
 extremity, that without the aid of Almighty God, the 
 only searcher of the hearts of men, who never forsaketh 
 those that seek Him in their afflictions, they had been 
 quite and clean out of all hope. For the next day be- 
 times in the morning the King Audusta and King Mac- 
 cou came thither, accompanied with a very good com- 
 pany of Indians, who knowing the misfortune were very 
 sorry for it. And then they uttered unto their subjects 
 the speedy diligence which they were to use in building 
 another house, showing unto them that the Frenchmen 
 were their loving friends, and that they had made it 
 evident unto them by the gifts and presents which they 
 had received; protesting that whosoever put not his 
 helping hand unto the work with his might, should be 
 esteemed as unprofitable, and as one that had no good 
 part in him, which the savages fear above all thing's. 
 This was the occasion that every man began to endeavor 
 himself in such sort, that in less than twelve hours, they 
 
XLI 
 
 had begun and finislied a house which was very near as 
 great as the former. Which being ended, they returned 
 home fully contented with a few cutting hooks, and 
 hatchets, which they received of our men. Within a 
 small while after this mischance, their victuals began to 
 wax short ; and after our men had taken good delibera- 
 tion, thought and bethought themselves again, they 
 found that there was no better way for them than to 
 return again to the King Ouade and Couexis, his brother. 
 Wherefore they resolved to send thither some of their 
 company the next day following; which, with an Indiau 
 canoe, sailed up into the country about ten leagues; 
 afterward they found a very fair and great river of fresh 
 water, which they failed not to search out; they found 
 therein great numbers of crocodiles, which, in greatness^ 
 pass those of the river Nilus; moreover all along the 
 banks thereof, there grew mighty high cypresses. After 
 they had stayed a small while in this place, they pur- 
 posed to follow their journey, helping themselves so well 
 with the tides, that without putting themselves in dan- 
 ger of the continual peril of the sea, they came into the 
 country of Ouade; of whom they were most courteously 
 received. They advertised him of the occasion where- 
 fore they came again to visit him, and told him of the 
 mischance, that happened unto them since their last 
 voyage ; how they had not only lost their household stuff 
 by casualty of the fire, but also their victuals which he 
 had given them so bountifully ; that for this cause they 
 were so bold as to come once again unto him, to beseech 
 him to vouchsafe to succor them in such need and 
 necessity. 
 
 After that the king had understood their case, he sent 
 messengers unto his brother, Couexis, to request him 
 upon his behalf to send him some of his mill and beans, 
 which thing he did; and the next morning they were 
 come again with victuals, which the king caused to be 
 
XLII 
 
 borne into their canoe. Our men would have taken 
 their leave of him, finding themselves more than satis- 
 fied with his liberality. But for that day he would not 
 suffer them, but retained them, and sought to make 
 them the best cheer he could devise. The next day very 
 early in the morning, he took them with him to show 
 them the place where his corn grew, and said unto them 
 that they should not want as long as all that mill did 
 last. Afterwards he gave them a certain number of 
 exceeding fair pearls, and two stones of fine crystal, and 
 certain silver ore. Our men forgot not to give him cer- 
 tain trifles in recompense of these presents, and required 
 of him the place whence the silver ore and the crystal 
 came. He made them answer, that it came ten days' 
 journey from his habitation up within the country; and 
 that the inhabitants of the country did dig the same at 
 the foot of certain high mountains, where they found of 
 it in very good quantity. Being joyful to understand 
 so good news, and to have come to the knowledge of that 
 which they most desired, they took their leave of the 
 king, and returned by the same saw, by which they came. 
 Behold therefore how our men behaved themselves 
 very well hitherto, although they had .endured many 
 great mishaps. But misfortune or rather the last judg- 
 ment of God would have it, that those which could not 
 be overcome by fire nor water, should be undone by their 
 ownselves. This is the common fashion of men, who 
 cannot continue in one state, and had rather to over- 
 throw themselves, than not to attempt some new thing 
 daily. We have infinite examples in the ancient his- 
 tories, especially of the Komans, unto which number this 
 little handful of men, being far from their country and 
 absent from their countrymen, have also added their 
 present example. They entered therefore into partiali- 
 ties and dissensions, which began about a soldier named 
 Guernache, who was a drummer of the French bands; 
 
who, as it was told to me, was very cruelly hung by his 
 own captain, and for a small fault ; which captain also 
 using to threaten the rest of his soldiers who stayed 
 behind under his obedience, and peradventure (as it is 
 to be presumed) were not so obedient to him as they 
 should have been, was the cause that they fell into a 
 mutiny, because that many times he put his threaten- 
 ings in execution; whereupon they so chased him, that 
 at last they put him to death. And the principal occa- 
 sion that moved them thereunto was because he de- 
 graded another soldier named La Chore (who he had 
 banished) and because he had not performed his prom- 
 ise; for he had promised to send him victuals, from 
 eight days to eight days, which thing he did not, but 
 said on the contrary that he would be glad to hear of 
 his death. He said, moreover, that he would chastise 
 others also, and used to evil sounding speeches, that 
 honesty forbids me to repeat them. The soldiers seeing 
 his madness to increase from day to day, and fearing to 
 fall into the dangers of the other, resolved to kill him. 
 Having executed their purpose, they went to seek the 
 banished, who was in a small island about three leagues 
 distant from Charles Fort, where they found him half 
 dead for hunger. When they came home again, they 
 assembled themselves together to choose one to be gov- 
 ernor over them whose name was Nicholas Barre, a man 
 worthy of commendation, and one who knew so well to 
 quit himself of his charge, that all rancour and dissen- 
 tion ceased among them, and they lived peaceably one 
 with another. During this time, they began to build a 
 small pinnesse, with hope to return into France, if no 
 succors came unto them, as they expected from day to 
 day. And though there was no man among them that 
 had any skill, notwithstanding necessity, which is the 
 master of all science, taught them the way to build it. 
 After that it was finished, they thought of nothing else 
 
XLIV 
 
 saving how to furnish it with all things necessary to take 
 their voyage. But they wanted those things that of all 
 other were most needful, as cordage and sails, without 
 which the enterprise could not come to effect. Having 
 no means to recover these things, they were in worse 
 case than at the first, and almost ready to fall into 
 despair. But that Good God, who never forsaketh the 
 afflicted, did succor them in their necessity. 
 
 As they were in their perplexities. King Audusta and 
 Maccou came to them, accompanied with two hundred 
 Indians at the least, whom our Frenchmen went forth 
 to meet withall, and showed the king in what needs of 
 cordage they stood ; who promised them to return within 
 two days, and to bring so much as would suffice to fur- 
 nish the pinnesse with tackling. Our men being pleased 
 with this good news and promises, bestowed upon them 
 certain cutting hooks and shirts. After their departure 
 our men sought all means to recover rosin in the woods, 
 wherein they cut the pine tree round about, out of which 
 they dreM' a sufficient and reasonable quantity to bray 
 the vessel. Also they gathered a kind of moss that 
 groweth on the tree of this country, to serve to calk 
 the same withal. There now wanted nothing but sails, 
 which they made of their own shirts and of their sheets. 
 Within a few days afterward the Indian kings returned 
 to Charles Fort with so good store of cordage, that there 
 was found to be sufficient for tackling of the small pin- 
 nesse. Our men as glad as might be, used great liber- 
 ality toward them, and at their leaving of the country, 
 left them all the merchandise that remained, leaving 
 them thereby so fully satisfied, that they departed from 
 them with all the contentment in the world. They went 
 forth therefore to finish the Brigandine, and used such 
 speedy diligence, that within a short time afterward they 
 made it ready furnished with all things. In the mean 
 season the wind came so fit for their purpose that it 
 
XLV 
 
 seemed to invite them to put to the sea ; which they did 
 without delay, after they had set all their things in 
 order. But before they departed they embarked their 
 artillery, their forge, and other munitions of war which 
 Captain Ribault had left them, and then as much mill as 
 they could gather together. But being drunken with too 
 excessive joy, which they had conceived for their return- 
 ing into France, or rather deprived of all foresight and 
 consideration, without regarding the inconstancy of the 
 winds, which change in a moment, they put themselves 
 to sea, and with so slender victuals, that the end of their 
 enterprise became unlucky and unfortunate. 
 
 For after they had sailed the third part of their way, 
 they were surprised with calms which did so much hin- 
 der them, that in three weeks they had sailed not more 
 than five and twenty leagues. During this time their 
 victuals consumed, and became so short, that every man 
 was constrained to eat not past twelve grains of mill by 
 the day, which may be in value as much as twelve peas. 
 Yea, and this felicity lasted not long; for their victuals 
 filled them altogether at once, and they had nothing for 
 their more assured refuge but their shoes and leather 
 jerkins which they did eat. Touching their beverage, 
 some of them drank the sea water, others did drink their 
 own urine; and they remained in such desperate neces- 
 sity a very long space, during which time part of them 
 died for hunger. Beside this extreme famine, which did 
 so grievously oppress them, they fell every minute of the 
 hour out of all hope ever to see France again, insomuch 
 that they were constrained to cast the water continually 
 out, that on all sides entered into their bark. And every 
 day they fared worse and worse ; for after they had eaten 
 up their shoes and leather jerkins, there arose so bois- 
 terous a wind and so contrary to their course, that in 
 the turning of a hand, the waves filled their vessel half 
 full of water and bruised it upon one side. Being now 
 
XLVI 
 
 more out of hope than ever to escape out of this extreme 
 peril, they cared not for the casting out of the water 
 which now was almost ready to drown them. And, as 
 men resolved to die, every one fell down backward, and 
 gave themselves over to the will of the waves. When 
 as one of them a little having taken heart unto him de- 
 clared unto them how little way they had to sail, assur- 
 ing them that if the wind held, they should see land 
 within three days. This man did so encourage them, 
 that after they had thrown the water out of the pinnesse 
 they remained three days without eating or drinking, 
 except it were of the sea water. When the time of his 
 promise was expired, they were more troubled than they 
 were before seeing they could not descry any land. 
 Wherefore in their extreme despair certain ones among 
 them made this motion that it was better that one man 
 should die, than that so many men should perish; they 
 agreed therefore that one should die to sustain the 
 others. Which thing was executed in the person of La 
 Ohere, of whom we have spoken heretofore, whose flesh 
 was divided among his fellows; a thing so pitiful to 
 recite, that my pen is loth to write it. 
 
 After so long time and tedious travels, God of His 
 goodness, using His accustomed favor, changed their 
 sorrow into joy, and showed unto them the sight of land. 
 Whereof they were so exceedingly glad, that the pleas- 
 ure caused them to remain a long time as men without 
 sense; whereby they let the pinnesse float this and that 
 way without holding any right way or course. But a 
 small English bark boarded the vessel, in which there 
 was a Frenchman who had been in the first voyage into 
 Florida, who easily knew them, and spoke unto them, 
 and afterwards gave them meat and drink. Inconti- 
 nently they recovered their natural courage, and de- 
 clared unto him at large all their navigation. The Eng- 
 lishmen consulted a long while what was best to be done, 
 
XLVII 
 
 and in fine they resolved to put on land those that were 
 most feeble, and to carry the rest unto the Queen of 
 England, which purposed at that time to send into 
 Florida. Thus you see in brief that which happened to 
 them which Captain John Ribault had left in Florida. 
 
Later Settlements of French Protestants 
 in America 
 
 [Charles I. of England sympathizing with the French 
 Protestant Refugees temporarily residing there, granted m 
 charter to Sir Robert Heath, Chief Justice of his Court of 
 Common Pleas, of date 30th October, 1629, to what was 
 called Carolana, and actively promoted a colony, which 
 sailed therefor in the spring of 1630. The miscarriage of 
 this promising voyage and the heavy penalty incurred forms 
 an interesting historical narrative. 
 
 During the great exodus of French Huguenots, growing 
 out of the religious troubles of the period, large numbers 
 of them settled in England, and upon the accession of 
 Charles I. to the throne they attracted his attention and 
 elicited his marked interest. It is only in recent years that 
 the charter to Carolana, given by Charles I. to "Sir Robert 
 Heath, Knt., chief justice of our court of Common Pleas," 
 has been fully explained. It is now known that the object 
 of the king was to promote a colony of French Protestants 
 to Carolana. For the particulars of this movement, we are 
 indebted to the late W. Noel Sainsbury, one of the chief 
 officers of the Public Record Office, Fetter Lane, London, 
 who wrote in The Antiquary (a magazine devoted to the 
 study of the past, published in London), March, 1881, the 
 following intensely interesting paper.] 
 
 Many noble families now resident in America are 
 proud of claiming descent from the French Protestants 
 who went over there nearly 250 years ago. A knowledge 
 of the history of their heroic deeds and sacrifices in 
 defence of their lives and religion will leave us in no 
 doubt of the reasons. Their first settlement in America 
 took place in connection with an intended plantation of 
 Carolina more than forty years before any actual settle- 
 ment took place. 
 
XLIX 
 
 It was mainly through the exertions of one of the 
 principal followers of Soubise, Duke de Fontenay, a 
 great leader of the Protestant Reformed religion in 
 France, soon after Charles I. ascended the English 
 throne, that numbers of these families ultimately 
 adopted America as their country. 
 
 Antoine de Ridouet, Baron de Sanc6, was the name 
 of this promoter of American colonization, and he acted 
 in the capacity of secretary to Soubise during his so- 
 journ in this country. 
 
 Soubise was in truth an exile. He had espoused with 
 all the vigour of his character the cause of his fellow 
 Protestant countrymen in France. His perseverance in 
 endeavoring to obtain an acknowledgment of their rights 
 had drawn upon him the wrath of his Sovereign. The 
 King of France had accused him of acts of rebellion, 
 and, fearing the worst consequences, Soubise had col- 
 lected at Rochelle a fleet and about 1,500 men eager to 
 espouse his cause and to fight in defence of it. The 
 Dutch lent a willing ear to the solicitations of Soubise 
 for aid, and gave him all the assistance they could. 
 Ships, men, and war material were speedily furnished, 
 and Soubise, flushed with success, was eager to give a 
 practical proof of his sincerity and his courage. 
 
 A battle was the consequence, and the defeat of the 
 French King's fleet the result. But the brilliant hopes 
 of Soubise were unhappily of short duration. Louis 
 XIII., worsted by a portion of his own subjects, deter- 
 mined to put forth his strength; so Rochelle was pro- 
 claimed in a state of siege, and the besiegers were soon 
 reduced to the last extremities. In his despair Soubise 
 applied to England; he begged King Charles to come to 
 his assistance; he urged that himself and his followers 
 had fought in defence of their common faith; that the 
 very existence of the Protestant religion in France, and 
 with it the lives of his followers, depended upon the 
 
issue of the struggle; and he entreated the Protestant 
 King to assist a Protestant people. He succeeded in 
 enlisting the sympathy of the English Court, if not 
 entirely that of the English people, who were at this 
 time so much occupied with their own grievances. 
 
 The Duke of Buckingham, then Lord High Admiral 
 of England, was favourable to the cause, and through 
 his power and influence Soubise was promised assist- 
 ance. After some delay, a few English ships were made 
 ready and under the immediate command of Bucking- 
 ham sailed to the relief of Rochelle. The result, how- 
 ever, was disastrous in the extreme, and fatal to the 
 ambitious hopes of the great French Protestant leader. 
 He was in turn worsted by the French King's fleet. The 
 English ships, indifferently manned and badly com- 
 manded, were of little or no avail, and Soubise, disap- 
 pointed of his last chance of success, had no alternative 
 but to take refuge in England with the remnant of his 
 followers. Most of these, maintained for a time by the 
 English Government, were soon reduced to the greatest 
 distress. Many, it is supposed, went over to the Span- 
 iards, others to the West Indies, and some sailed for 
 America. Of these last we wish to speak. 
 
 De Sanc6, who was a devoted follower of Soubise, and 
 accompanied him in his flight to England, had previ- 
 ously been very active in protecting the interests of his 
 Protestant countrymen fugitives. To many petitions 
 from these distressed men to the Privy Council, De 
 Sanc6, had written certiflcates that the petitioners were 
 of the Reformed religion. 
 
 Fortunately, at this juncture the Duke of Bucking- 
 ham stood his friend. At Buckingham's recommenda- 
 tion King Charles granted De Sanc6 a pension of £100 
 a-year, his estate in France having been confiscated. 
 But this was hardly sufficient for a man who thought 
 not of his own wants alone. True to the principles for 
 
LI 
 
 which so much had been sacrificed, he used all the influ- 
 ence he possessed for the permanent well-being of his 
 fellow-sufferers, so he petitioned the King for an in- 
 crease of his pension to £200 a year : his former patron, 
 the Duke of Buckingham, had by this time fallen by the 
 knife of an assassin. He likewise prayed for letters of 
 denization, as himself and family had resolved to live in 
 England. This is the letter he wrote: — 
 
 Monseigneur, 
 
 Le desir que j'ay de servir Sa Majeste et me retirer en ce 
 pais issy avec ma famille et tout ce que j'ay en France aussy 
 pour faire habituer des franssois protestans en Virginie pour 
 y planter des vignes, olives, faire des soyes, et du sel me fait 
 vous suplier tres humblement d'obtenir de Sa Majeste quil 
 luy plaise m'honorer de letres de gentilhomme de sa chambre 
 privee. Avec letres de Denison pour moy et men fils. Et 
 quil luy plaise donner ordre a Monseigneur I'Ambassadeur 
 qui ira en France d'obtenir comme ayant I'honneur d'estre 
 son domestique, liberie et surete pour moy avec la jouissence 
 de mon bien afin que par ce moyen et soubs la faveur de Sa 
 Majeste je puiss issy faire transporter ma famile et mon 
 bein pour estre plus prest a servir Sa Majeste et vous aussy 
 monseigneur. 
 
 (To Lord Dorchester, SANCE. 
 
 H. M. Secretary of State.) 
 
 His chief object in writing this letter was that he 
 might be enabled to carry out the idea he had formed 
 of inducing the French Protestant refugees to seek a 
 permanent home on the continent of America. There 
 he felt sure his unhappy Protestant countrymen would 
 be free to follow their own religion in safety and in 
 peace; there they would be able to embark in pursuits 
 congenial to their tastes, and forget in healthful occu- 
 pations the deadly struggle for religious freedom in 
 which they had been so long engaged; and there also 
 
LII 
 
 they would find a permanent and a happy home for 
 themselves, their wives and their families. His active 
 mind was ever at work to secure the success of his 
 scheme. Every detail connected with the intended colony 
 was a subject to him of anxious thought, and a calcula- 
 tion of the greatest care. At first he seems to have 
 wished to colonize a considerable tract of land in Amer- 
 ica, as the extent of territory he demanded was capable 
 of settling more than 20,000 men. In a subsequent 
 paper, however, his plans were evidently more matured ; 
 he there proposes that not more than 100 or 150 settlers 
 should be sent over in the first year, and that labourers, 
 artisans and skilful seamen only should go during the 
 next two or three years. 
 
 His proposals met with favour. Articles were agreed 
 upon between the King's Attorney-General and himself, 
 and instructions were drawn out for settling a planta- 
 tion in Carolina and for the voyage. All the details 
 were at length completed. Every Frenchman wishing 
 to go was to furnish a certificate from his pastor that 
 he was of the Eef ormed religion ; this was essential, and 
 of the utmost importance in the eyes of De Sanc6. He 
 also drew out rules for their particular guidance, the 
 exact number that were in the first instance to sail, a 
 minister being at their head, and the duties each would 
 have to perform. Even the provisions they were to 
 carry with them were minutely written down; these 
 were to include the apparel, arms, tools and household 
 implements necessary for one person or for a family; 
 all such charges for fifty men estimated at £1,000. By 
 some means, however, probably consequent on the inter- 
 nal commotions then unhappily prevailing in England, 
 the final action in this contemplated settlement was de- 
 layed, and it was not until April 20, 1630, that "Instruc- 
 tions by way of indenture betwixt His Majesty and Sir 
 Robert Heath, Knt., Chief Justice of our Court of Com- 
 
UII 
 
 mon Pleas, to be observed in the plantation of Carolina" 
 were signed, one article of whick was "That none shall 
 be willingly admitted or entertained into this plantation 
 which shall not be of the Protestant religion." As all 
 were Frenchmen, and as they could not but remember 
 the persecution and miseries which they had undergone, 
 they no doubt stipulated before quitting England that 
 Roman Catholics should form no portion of their num- 
 ber, or they very naturally thought they would scarcely 
 be allowed to enjoy that tranquility in the exercisp of 
 their religion which had been so distinctly promised to 
 them. A governor was appointed for the newly intended 
 colony, and everything was in readiness for the voyage, 
 when, at the last stage of this historical drama, "the 
 plantation was hindered, and the voyage frustrated" 
 How this came about we gather from the contents of a 
 petition presented to the Privy Council in 1634, more 
 than four years after these events took place. 
 
 From this it appears that these unfortunate French 
 Protestants, fated as it seemed to endure sacrifices and 
 disappointments, were landed in Virginia, where they 
 remained in distress until the following May with no 
 transport to take them to Carolina. The name of the 
 vessel which took them over was the "Mayflower." Was 
 it the same ship that carried the Puritans to Plymouth 
 in 1620? 
 
 The ill success of this expedition was not, however, 
 allowed to pass unnoticed in England. The contractors 
 for the voyage were committed to the custody of a mes- 
 senger until they were able to answer the complaints 
 against them. The judge of the Admiralty made two 
 formal reports on the subject; and the contractors, 
 Samuel Vassall and Peter Andrews, were ordered to pay 
 upwards of £600 for the losses sustained by the non- 
 fulfilment of their contract. 
 
uv 
 
 Thus fell to the ground, for a time at least, an in- 
 tended settlement of Carolina, early in the seventeenth 
 century, which was neither renewed nor successfully 
 accomplished until about forty years afterwards, when 
 John Locke, the great philosopher, at that time Private 
 Secretary to Lord Shaftesbury, was consulted by the 
 lords proprietors of Carolina, and framed the original 
 or first set of the constitutions for the government of 
 the colony. Had this first attempt succeeded, to what 
 fruitful results might it not have led? The intended 
 settlers were men of character, industrious and honour- 
 able, who had sacrificed their fortunes and would have 
 sacrificed their lives for their religion. They had fought 
 under Soubise, and were desirous to settle where they 
 could enjoy their religious opinions undisturbed, and 
 be employed in honest and useful occupations. The 
 cultivation of a rich and fruitful soil, untouched, if not 
 unseen, by any but the native Indians, the planting of 
 the vine, nurturing the silkworm, and similar pursuits, 
 these men were desirous to undertake. But their wishes 
 were frustrated, not through any fault of their own, and 
 the settlement of a fair colony in America, delayed, as 
 we have said, for nearly half a century. It is, however, 
 pretty certain that these French Protestants remained 
 in Virginia, and there is evidence that twenty-eight 
 more were sent over through De Sauce's efforts in the 
 "Thomas" to supply the place of any who might die in 
 the "Mayflower." Nevertheless, it must not be forgotten 
 that, though his untiring exertions to found the settle- 
 ment were not successful, De Sanc6 was mainly instru- 
 mental in inducing these French Protestants to adopt 
 America as their home. They were assuredly the first 
 of the large numbers who subsequently did so. All the 
 documents relating to this intended settlement of Caro- 
 
LV 
 
 lina will be found in the Colonial Series of State Papers 
 in H. M. Public Record Office. 
 
 W. Noel Sainsbuey. 
 
 [To correct some unimportant errors in the previous 
 article, although not germane to Carolina, space is given 
 to the following paper, contributed by Mr. Sainsbury to 
 the May, 1881, issue of The Antiquarian, as it fixes an 
 earlier date (1621) for the movements of French Pro- 
 testants to America, who landed in Virginia, than here- 
 tofore known. The intended colonists signed what has 
 been since designated as a "Round Robin," that is, their 
 names are signed around a circle; a fac-simile of it, in 
 size and details, is extant, and really makes an interest- 
 ing and curious Huguenot relic, while preserving many 
 family names of that early period.] 
 
 A paper on the first settlement of French Protestants 
 in America in the March Number of The Antiquary has 
 attracted so much attention that I purpose jotting down 
 a few more remarks on the same subject, which will 
 render it necessary to qualify the statement that the 
 French Protestants who were sent out under the au- 
 spices of the Baron de Sanc6 were the first of the large 
 number who subsequently adopted America as their 
 home. For it is evident that nearly ten years before 
 De Sanc6 conceived the idea of an exodus of French 
 Protestants from England to Carolina, our ambassador 
 at the Hague was chiefly instrumental in the departure 
 of some sixty French and Walloon families from the 
 United Provinces, "all of the Reformed religion," to the 
 then infant colony of Virginia. Those who are inter- 
 ested in the history of these early emigrations of French 
 
LVI 
 
 Protestants to America, will remember an attempt, 
 about the middle of the sixteenth century, by Admiral 
 Coligny, to found a colony of Huguenots in Florida, and 
 that John Kibault, in 1562, was sent in command of two 
 ships to take them over there. 
 
 The first intimation received by King James I. of the 
 desire of certain French and Walloon families to go to 
 Virginia was by letter, from Sir Dudley Oarleton to 
 Secretary Sir George Calvert, dated from the Hague, 
 19th July, 1621, in these words : "Here hath been with 
 me of late a certain Walloon, an inhabitant of Leyden, 
 in the name of divers families, men of all trades and 
 occupations, who desire to go into Virginia, and there to 
 live in the same condition as others of His Majesty's 
 subjects, but in a town or incorporation by themselves; 
 which being a matter of some consideration, I required 
 of him his demands in writing, with the signature of 
 such as were to bear part therein; both which I send 
 your Honor herewith; and howsoever the demands are 
 extravagant in some points, yet if His Majesty like of 
 their going thither, they may be made more capable of 
 the nature of the plantation ; to which purpose they will 
 send one (upon the first word they shall have from me 
 of His Majesty's pleasure) expressly to treat with our 
 Company in England." 
 
 With this despatch the English ambassador sent two 
 inclosures, the first of which is addressed to "the Lord 
 Ambassador of the most serene King of Great Britain, ' 
 and has been endorsed by Sir Dudley Carleton, "Sup- 
 plication of certain Walloons and French who are de- 
 sirous to go into Virginia." The original of this is in 
 French, and is signed by Jesse de Forest. It may be 
 abstracted as follows: 
 
 "That His Maj. will permit fifty or sixty families, as 
 well Walloons as French, all of the reformed religion, 
 to settle in Virginia, and protect them and maintain 
 
LVII 
 
 them in their religion. As said families would consist 
 of nearly 300, they wish to take a quantity of cattle as 
 well for husbandry as for their support, and ask His 
 Majesty to accommodate them with one ship, supplied 
 with cannon and other arms. That they may select a 
 spot fit for their settlement, from the places not yet cul- 
 tivated,- erect a town for their security, with fortifica- 
 tions, and elect a Governor and Magistrates. That His 
 Majesty furnish them with cannon and ammunition, and 
 grant them, in Case of necessity, the right to make pow- 
 der, bullets, etc. That His Maj. grant them a territory 
 of eight English miles all round — i. e., sixteen miles in 
 diameter — to be held from His Maj. with reservation of 
 inferior Seignorial rights, privilege of exclusive hunting 
 and fishing, etc. That my Lord Ambassador would ex- 
 pedite said privileges in due form as soon as possible, 
 that they may be ready by March next, the convenient 
 season." 
 
 A translation of this "Supplication" is printed in 
 Documents relating to the History of New York, vol. 
 iii, pp. 9-10. But Carleton's second inclosure, "The 
 Promise of certain Walloons and French to emigrate to 
 Virginia," has never yet been printed that I am aware 
 of, and it is by far the most interesting of the two. This 
 also is in French, and in the form of a Bound Bobin, 
 the signature and calling of the head of each family 
 being appended, the person signing stating in an outer 
 circle whether he is married, and the number of his chil- 
 dren, some having only signed their marks. The grand 
 total is 227, of whom 55 are men, 41 women, 129 chil- 
 dren, and 2 servants. 
 
 In the centre of the large sheet of paper upon which 
 all these signatures appear is written, in French : — "We 
 promise my Lord Ambassador of the Most Serene King 
 of Great Britain to go and inhabit in Virginia, a land 
 under His Majesty's obedience, as soon as conveniently 
 
LVin 
 
 may be, and this under the conditions to be carried out 
 in the articles we have communicated to the said Am- 
 bassador, and not otherwise, in the faith of which we 
 have unanimously signed this present with our sign 
 manuals." 
 
 Within a month the Secretary of State replied to the 
 English Ambassador that he had moved the king con- 
 cerning the overture made for planting in Virginia, and 
 this His Majesty was pleased to refer the proposition to 
 the Council of Virginia, whose answer he inclosed, with 
 leave, if Oarleton thought fit, to show it to the French 
 and Walloons, "and as they like the Answer they may 
 resolve to proceed or desist." 
 
 The Virginia Company, in their answer, said they did 
 not conceive any inconvenience, provided the number 
 did not exceed 300, and that they took the oath of alle- 
 giances to the King, and conformed to the rules of gov- 
 ernment established in the Church of England. Land 
 would be granted to them in convenient numbers in the 
 principal cities, boroughs, and corporations in Virginia. 
 
 In a record of the proceedings of the Virginia Com- 
 pany will be found a letter to the Governor of Virginia, 
 telling him that the Company had considered the propo- 
 sitions of certain French and Walloons to inhabit in 
 Virginia, and "have returned to them so fine answer as 
 we consider they will resolve to go ;" that there will be 
 sixty families, consisting of about 300 persons, and that 
 he may expect them coming about next spring. 
 
 In another letter, dated 11th of Sept. 1621, the Vir- 
 ginia Company advise the Governor that the "Dutie" 
 will take over "store of silke worme seed and abundance 
 of vine plants ;" and they request that "a straight charge 
 be given for the preserving of vines and mulberry trees," 
 adding that "because the skill of handling them is only 
 derived from the Frenchmen, we cannot but here recom- 
 
MX 
 
 mend this to your favour and regard, that they may be 
 kindly used and cherished." 
 
 An article in the Saturday Review of the 5th of March 
 last contains some interesting remarks upon French 
 Protestant settlers in America, but the writer has fallea 
 into some confusion with dates. Charles II. granted 
 two patents for Carolina, one in 1663, the other in 1665, 
 but there was no patent granted in 1670. In that year, 
 however, the settlement of Port Royal (Charleston) was 
 effected, the Articles of Agreement between the Lords 
 Proprietors of Carolina to pay £500 each for that pur- 
 pose being dated in 1669, the year before. 
 
 W. Noel Sainsbuby. 
 
Preface to the Fifth Volume of Collections of the 
 South Carolina Historical Society 
 
 At the Eestoration the Barbadoes planters, become 
 straightened for land, hearing report of a wide country 
 in the main, with broad rivers and fat soil, sent ships to 
 "discover" it. Sir John Colleton, a Barbadoes planter, 
 and Sir A. Ashley Cooper, meeting at court and in the 
 West India committee, the new country of Carolina was 
 suggested to Sir Anthony, who, with the great of&cers 
 about the King, Monck, Clarendon, &c., obtained a grant 
 of it. A few people had already settled at Chowan, and 
 New England traders sent some further on to Cape 
 Fear, but these returned "without so much as ever sit- 
 ting down upon it." Hilton had been at Charles River, 
 sent by the Barbadoes adventurers who proposed to 
 plant there. Claims then arose under Sir Robert Heath's 
 dormant patent, but were summarily suppressed by its 
 revocation. 
 
 Upon the New Englanders' failure, the annulling of 
 Heath's patent and the grant to those powerful noble- 
 men, the "Cape Fear adventurers" applied to them, and 
 under their "declarations," sent out a colony which 
 landed at Charles river 29 May, 1664. 
 
 Meanwhile the "Port Royal adventurers" sent Hilton 
 on a new discovery, and upon his good report, with the 
 Proprietors' "concessions" and aid, and under Sir John 
 Yeamans, left Barbadoes in October, 1665, and reached 
 Charles river in November. But losing a ship and all 
 their arms and stores, and being "for Port Royal and 
 now by the calamity that fell on Sir John Yeamans dis- 
 appointed," they returned to Barbadoes in January, 
 
LXI 
 
 1666. In June Sandford sailed on his Port Royal dis- 
 covery, and in the fall the colony broke up and Cape 
 Fear became a memory, to cloud the reputation of Yea- 
 mans and deter the Barbadoes planters from further 
 adventure. 
 
 But Carolina grew in Lord Ashley's brain, Locke 
 framed a constitution for the dominion beyond the seas, 
 and the Proprietors fitted a fleet and colony to possess 
 it. The ships left the Downs late in August, 1669, 
 touched at Kinsale, Ireland, and made Barbadoes (after 
 a stormy voyage) late in October. The Albemarle was 
 lost there, Colleton's sloop substituted, and the three 
 ships sailed about November 30, touched December 10 
 at Nevis, and were soon after scattered by fearful hurri- 
 canes. The Port Royal, beating about for weeks, was 
 lost on the Bahamas, the sloop was driven to Virginia, 
 and the Carolina "with difficulty attained Bermuda" 
 January 12. There Yeamans, substituted Sayle as gov- 
 ernor, and returned to Barbadoes. 
 
 The Carolina's company left Bermuda February 26, 
 "came up with the land" at Sewee March 16, and sailed 
 on to Port Royal, but, deterred by its breakers and 
 situation "in the very chaps of the Spaniard," and 
 drawn to Kiawah by the blandishments of the casique, 
 they left Port Royal and came to Kiawah early in April, 
 1670. There at "Old Town" they settled, and were 
 joined May 23 by the sloop, and in March, 1670-1, by 
 some Barbadoes planters and their servants. The In- 
 dians, already used to white men, "and knowing guns 
 and many Spanish words," were friendly and helpful, 
 but, poor and timid, prey of the inland slave raiders, 
 had scant supplies to give. The colony was good, and 
 led by gentlemen able, but unused to planting, and suc- 
 cess was doubtful until (Cape Fear being forgotten) the 
 Barbadoes planters brought their experience and their 
 negroes to assure it, and plant Carolina as Carolinians 
 
Lxn 
 
 later planted Mississippi. This, our early government 
 and laws, our parish names and system, many of our 
 "first families," and now these papers, attest. Thus 
 Carolina, drawn from Lord Ashley's system, lords and 
 "leetman settled in towns," became a planting province 
 under the concessions. 
 
 The story is told in the Shaftesbury Papers, deposited 
 by the late Earl of Shaftesbury in the Public Kecord 
 Office. Those papers include many relating to Carolina, 
 and showing the deep interest of the first Earl of 
 Shaftesbury and his secretary, Locke, in his "Darlings" 
 settlement and prosperity. These Carolina papers were 
 procured (through the late W. Noel Sainsbury, Esq.) 
 for the Centennial celebration of the city of Charleston, 
 and were afterwards presented by the Hon. Wm. A. 
 Courtenay, mayor of Charleston, and the City Council 
 to the South Carolina Historical Society ; the State and 
 city contributing funds to aid the Society in the publi- 
 cation. To make this record more complete, other 
 papers have been included or referred to. 
 
RELATION 
 
 OF 
 
 A Dilcovery lately made on the Coaft of 
 
 FLORIDA, 
 
 (From Lat. 31. to 33 Deg. 45 Min. North-Lat.) 
 
 By William Hilton Commander, and 
 
 Commiffioner with Capt. Anthony Long, and 
 
 Ptter Fabian, in the Ship Adventure, which fet Sayle 
 
 from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663. and was fet 
 
 forth by feveral Gentlemen and Merchants 
 
 of the Ifland of BARBABOES. 
 
 Giving an account of the nature and temperature ot the 
 
 Soyl, the manners and difpofition of the Natives, and whatfoever 
 elfe is remarkable therein. 
 
 Together with 
 
 Propofals made by the Commiffioners of 
 
 the Lords Propi ietors, to all fuch perfons as Ihall 
 
 become the firft Setlers on the Rivers, Harbors, 
 and Creeks there. 
 
Originally printed by J. G. for Simon Miller at the Star neer the 
 Weft-end of St. Pauls, London, 1664. 
 
A true Relation of a Voyage, upon difcov- 
 ery of part of the Coaft of Florida, (now Cai'olina,) 
 from the Lat. of 31 Deg. to 33 Deg. 45 m. North 
 Lat. in the Ship Adventure, William Hilton Com- 
 mander, and Commiffioner with Captain Anthony 
 Long and Peter Fabian' fet forth by feveral Gen- 
 tlemen and Merchants of the Ifland of Barhadoes; 
 failed from 8pilces Bay, Aug. 10 1663. 
 
 /\Fter Sixteen days of fair weather, and prof- 
 -^j^ peroiis winds, Wednefday the 26 inftant, 
 four of the clock in the After- 
 noon, God be thanked, we efpied 
 Land on the Coaft of Florida, in 
 the lat. of 32 deg. 30. rain, be- 
 ing four Leagues or thereabouts 
 to the Northwards of St. Ellens, 
 having run five hundred and fifty Leagues ; and 
 to the Weftward of the Meridian of Barhadoes, 
 three hundred thirty and one Leagues. This 
 Evening and Night following we lay off and 
 on : Thur/day the 27th inftant, in the morning, 
 we flood in with the Land, and coalled the 
 
4 Hilton's Voyage of Discovery 
 
 Shoar to the Southward, Ankering at Nights, 
 and fending our Boat out a Mornings, till we 
 came into the lat. of 31 deg. but found no 
 good harbour that way. On Sunday the 30th 
 inftant, we tacked, and flood Northward : and 
 on Wedne/day the fecond of September, we came 
 to an Anchor in five fathoms at the mouth of a 
 very large opening of three Leagues wide, or 
 thereabouts, in the lat. of 32 deg. 30 min. and 
 fent our Boat to found the Channel. On Thurf- 
 dayi\iQ third, we entered the Harbour, and found 
 that it was the River Jordan, and was but 
 four Leagues or thereabouts N. E. from Port 
 Royal, which by the Spanyards is called St. 
 Ellens: within Land, both Rivers meet in one. 
 We fpent fome time to found the Chanels both 
 without and within, and to fearcli the Rivers in 
 feveral branches, and to view the Land. On 
 Saturday the fifth of September, two Indians 
 came on Board us from the N. E. fhoar, whom 
 we entertained courteoufly, and afterwards fet 
 them on fhoar. On Sunday the fixth, feveral In- 
 dians came on Board us, and faid they were of St. 
 Ellens; being very bold and familiar; fpeaking 
 many Spanijh words, as Oapptian, Gommarado, 
 and Adeus. They know the ufe of Guns, and are 
 as little ftartled at the firing of a Piece of Ord- 
 nance, as he that hath been ufed to them many 
 years : they told us the neareft Spanyards were 
 at St. Augustins, and feveral of them had been 
 

 30 
 
 [Brit. Mus. Add. M.S. 541 J. G. 4.] 
 
 J A Burt, Li th- 
 
 RePRODUCED PttOM THE ORIGINAL Map FOR Hon. \V^[. A. CnuRTEXAY, Charlrkton , P. C. 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 5 
 
 there, which as they faid was but ten days jour- 
 ney ; and that the Spanyards ufed to come to 
 them at Saint Ellens, sometimes in Conoa's within 
 Land, at other times in fmall Veffels by Sea, 
 which the Indians defcribe to have but two 
 Mafts. They invited us to come to St. Ellens 
 with our Ship, which they told us we might do 
 within Land. Monday the 14 September, our 
 Long-Boat went with twelve hands within Land 
 to St. Ellens. On Wedne/day the 16th, came five 
 Indians on board us ; one of them pointing to 
 another, faid, he was the Grandy Captain of 
 Edistow : whereupon we took efpecial notice of 
 him, and entertained him accordingly, giving 
 him feveral Beads, & other trade that pleafed 
 him well : He invited us to bring up our Ship 
 into a branch on the N. E. fide, and told us of 
 one Captain Franci/co, and four more Englifh 
 that Avere in his cuflody on fhoar; whereupon 
 we fliewed him (tore of all Trade, as Beads, Hoes, 
 Hatchets and Bills, &c. and faid, he fhould have 
 all thofe things if he would bring the Englifh on 
 board us ; w"*^ he promifed should be done the 
 next day. Hereupon we wrote a few lines to 
 the faid Englijh, fearing it to be a Spanijh de- 
 lufion to entrap us. In the dark of the fame 
 Evening came a Conoa with nine or ten Indians 
 in her with their Bowes and Arrowes, and were 
 clofe on board before we did difcern them : We 
 haled them, but they made us no anfwer, which 
 
6 Hiltonls Voyage of Discovery 
 
 increafed our jealoufie : So we commanded them 
 on board, and difarmed them, detainmg two of 
 them prifoners, and fending away the I'eft to 
 fetch the Englijh; which if they brought, they 
 fhould have theirs again. At length they de- 
 livered us a Note written with a coal, which 
 feemed the more to continue our jealoufie, be- 
 caufe in all this time we had no news of our long- 
 boat from St. Ellens, wdiich we feared was sur- 
 prized by the Indians and Spanyards. But to 
 fatisfie us that there were Englijh on ihioar, they 
 fent us one man on board about twelve of the 
 clock in the Night who related to us the truth 
 of the matter, and told us they were caft away 
 fome four or five leagues to the Northward of 
 the place we then rode, on the 24th of Julij past, 
 being thirteen perfons that came on flioar, where- 
 of three of them were kill'd by the Indians. On 
 Thurfday the 17th of September the Long-boat 
 returned from St. Ellens, which prefently we fent 
 on fhoar to fetch the other Englijh, the Indians 
 delivering us three more; and coming aboard 
 themfelves, we delivered them their two men. 
 Then we demanded of the chief Commander 
 where the reft of our Englijh were : he anfwered, 
 Five were carried to St. Ellens, three were killed 
 by the Stonohs, and the other man we (hould 
 have within two dayes. We replyed to him 
 again, That we would keep him and two more 
 of his chief men, till we had our Englijh that 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 7 
 
 were yet living; and promifed them their hber- 
 ty, with fatisfaction for bringing us the Engli/h. 
 Now to return to the bufmeffe of our Defign ; 
 tlie entertainment we had at S. Ellens put us in 
 great fear of the Indians treachery ; for we ob- 
 ferved their continual gathering together, and 
 at laft began with ftern-look'd countenances to 
 fpeak roughly to us, and came to fearch our mens 
 Bandileers and pockets ; yet inviting us to ftay 
 that night with them : but we made a fudden 
 retreat to our Boat, which caufed the Indian 
 King to be in a great rage, fpeaking loud and 
 angry to his men ; the drift of which difcourfe 
 we underflood not. That which we noted there, 
 was a fair houfe builded in the fhape of a Dove- 
 houfe, round, two hundred foot at leafl, com- 
 pleatly covered with Pa/meto-leaves, the wal- 
 plate being twelve foot high, or thereabouts, & 
 within lodging Rooms and forms; two pillars at 
 the entrance of a high Seat above all the reft : 
 Alfo another houfe hke a Sentinel-houfe, floored 
 ten foot high with planks, faftned with Spikes 
 and Nayls, (landing upon fubflantial Polls, with 
 feveral other fmall houfes round about. Also 
 we faw many planks, to the quantity of three 
 thoufand foot or thereabouts, with other Timber 
 fquared, and a Croff before the great houfe. 
 Like wife we faw the Ruines of an old Fort, com- 
 paffmg more than half an acre of land within 
 the Trenches, which we suppofed to be Charlf& 
 
8 Hilton's Voyage of Discovery 
 
 Fort, built, and fo called by the French in 1562, 
 &c. On Monday, September 21. one Englifh youth 
 was brought from St. Ellens aboard us by an 
 Indian, who informed us that there were four 
 more of their company at St. Ellens, but he could 
 not tell whether the Indians would let them come 
 to us : For faith he, Our Men told me, that they 
 had lately feen a Frier and two Spanijards more 
 at St. Ellens, who told them they would fend 
 Soldiers fuddenly to fetch them away. This day 
 we fayled up the River with our Ship to go 
 through to St. Ellens. On Tue/day the 22 inftant, 
 three Indians came on board ; one of them we 
 fent with a Letter to the Englijh Prifoners there. 
 On Wedne/day the 23d, we fent out Boat and 
 Men to found the Chanel, and finde out the moll 
 likely way to St. Ellens with our Ship by Com- 
 heheh. In the mean time came many Canoa's 
 about us with Corn, Pumpions, and Venifon, Deer- 
 fkins, and a fort of fweet-wood. One of our men 
 looking into an Indian bafket, found a piece of 
 Spanijh Rusk : it being new, we demanded of 
 the Indian where he had it; who faid, of the 
 Spaniards. In the interim, while we were talk- 
 ing;, came a Canoa with four Indians from St. 
 Ellens, on ftanding up, and holding a paper in a 
 cleft flick ; they told us they had brought it from 
 the Spanijh Captain at St. Ellens. We demanded 
 how many Spaniards were come thither ; who 
 faid, Seven, and one Englijh-man : We received 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 9 
 
 their Letter writ in Spam/It, but none of us could 
 read it : We detained two of the chiefefl Indians, 
 one of them being the Kings Son of S. Ellens, 
 and that kept one of the Englijh prifoners; the 
 other two we fent away with a Letter to the 
 Spaniard, wherein we gave him to underftand, 
 that we underftood not his letter; and told the 
 Indians, when they brought the Englijh, they 
 fhould have their men again, with fatisfaction 
 for their pains. On Thur/day, 24 inflant, we 
 fayling further up the River to go through, at 
 lafl came to a place of frefh water, and Anchored 
 there, fending our Boat afhoar with a Guard to 
 get Avater. Towards night came the firfl Indian 
 that we fent to St. Ellens with a letter to the 
 Englijh, who brought us another letter from the 
 Spaniards, and an Anfwer of ours from the En- 
 glijh, writ in the Spaniards letter. The Spaniard 
 fent us a quarter of Venifon, and a quarter of 
 Pork, with a Complement, That he was forry he 
 had no more for us at that time. We returned 
 him thanks, and fent him a Jug of Brandy ; and 
 withal, that we were forry we underftood not 
 his letter. This night about twelve of the Clock 
 we had a moft violent guft of winde, but of no 
 long continuance. On Friday 25 September, we 
 weighed, and returned down the River fix 
 leagues, or thereabouts, becaufe we perceived 
 the Indians had gathered themfelves in a Body 
 from all parts thereabouts, and moved as the 
 
10 Hilton! s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 Ship did : and being informed by an Indian that 
 the Spaniards would be there the next day ; we 
 took in Fire-wood, and continued there that 
 night, at which time one of our Indian Prifoners 
 made his efcape by leaping over-board in the 
 dark. On Saturday the 26. we weighed, and 
 flood down to the Harbours mouth, and flayed 
 there till Monday the 28. In all which time 
 came no one to us, though we ftay'd in expedla- 
 tion of their coming continually; therefore put 
 out to Sea, concluding their intentions not to be 
 good. Being out of the River Jordan, we di- 
 redled our courfe S. W. four leagues or there- 
 abouts for Port-Royal, to found the Chanel with- 
 out from the poynts of the Harbour outwards; 
 for we had founded the Harbour within from 
 the points inward when our Boat was at St. El- 
 lens: And now being athwart the Harbours 
 mouth, we fent our Boat with the Mate and 
 others, who found the N. E. and E. N. E. fide of 
 the opening of Port-Royal to be Sholes and 
 Breakers to the middle of the opening; and 
 three leagues or thereabouts into the Sea, from 
 the fide aforefaid, is unfafe to meddle with : but 
 the S.W. and W. fide we found all bold steering 
 in N. N. W. two or three miles from the S. W. 
 fhoar, fayling diredtly with the S.W. head-land 
 of the entrance of Port-Royal: the faid head- 
 land is blufb, and feems fleep, as though the trees 
 hung over the water : But you muft note, that 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 11 
 
 if you keep fo far from the S.W. fide, that you 
 fland in N. N. W. with the bluft head aforefaid, 
 you (hall go over the Outfl<irt of the E. N. E. {hol- 
 ing, and fhall have but three or four fathom for 
 the fpace of one league or thereabouts, and then 
 you fhall have fix and feven fathoms all the way 
 in: But if you borrow more on the S.W. fide, till 
 you have brought the S. W. head of the Entry 
 to bear N. N. E. you fliall have a fair large Chanel 
 of fix, feven, and eight fathoms all the way in, 
 and then five, fix, feven and eight fathoms with- 
 in the Harbour, keeping the Chanel, and ftand- 
 ing over to the Northward : we fuppofed that it 
 flows here as at the River Jordan, becaufe they 
 are but four leagues afunder, and flows S. E. and 
 N.W. feven foot and half, and fometimes eight 
 foot perpendicular: the Mouth of Pori-Royal 
 lyes in 32 deg. 20 min. lat. Noav as concerning 
 the entrance of the River Jordan, lat. 32 deg. 
 30. min. or thereabouts, you fliall fee a range of 
 Bi-eakers right againft; the opening, two or three 
 leagues off the S.W. Point ; which you muft leave 
 to the Northward, and fi;eer in with the faid S. 
 W. Point, giving a range of Breakers that runs 
 from the faid Point a fmall birth, and you fliall 
 have two, three, and four fathoms at low water ; 
 and when you come one mile from the Point 
 aforefaid, fleer over diredlly to the N. E. Point, 
 and you fhall have fix or feven fathom all the 
 way. Within the N. W. Point is good Anchor- 
 
12 Hilton^ s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 ing : you ihall have live fathoms fair aboard the 
 ilioar: and you fhall have five, fix, feveii, and 
 eight fathoms, fayling all along upon the River, 
 ten leagues, and a large turning Chanel : It flows 
 here S. E. and N. W. feven foot and a half, and 
 eight foot at common Tydes. The Kiver Grandy, 
 or as the Indians call it Edijiow, lyes fix leagues 
 or thereabouts from the River Jordan, and feems 
 to be a very fair opening : but becaule the chief 
 Indian of that Place was on board us, and the 
 Countrey all in Arms, we not knowing how the 
 winde might croffe us, it was not thought fit to 
 ftay there : But fome of thofe Englijh that had 
 lived there, being Prifoners, say, that it is a very 
 fair and goodly River, branching into feveral 
 branches, and deep, and is frelli water at low 
 Tide within two leagues of the Mouth ; it Teem- 
 ing to us as we pafled by, a good entrance large 
 and wide, lat. 32 deg. 40 min. in or thereabouts. 
 Now our underftanding of the Land of Port- 
 Royal, River Jordan, River Grandie, or Edijiow, 
 is as folio weth : The Lands are laden with large 
 tall Oaks, Walnut and Bayes, except facing on 
 the Sea, it is moft Pines tall and good : The Land 
 generally, except where the Pines grow, is a good 
 Soyl, covered with black Mold, in fome places a 
 foot, in fome places half a foot, and in other 
 places leffe, with Clay underneath mixed with 
 Sand; and we think may produce any thing as 
 well as moft part of the Indies that we have {qqh. 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 13 
 
 The Indians plant in the word Land, becaufe 
 they cannot cat down the Timber in the beft, and 
 yet have plenty of Corn, Pumpions, Water- 
 Mellons, Mufk-mellons : although the Land be 
 over-grown with weeds through their lazineffe, 
 yet they have two or three crops of Corn a year, 
 as the Indians themfelves inform us. The Country 
 abounds with Grapes, large Figs, and Peaches; 
 the Woods with Deer, Conies, Turkeys, Quails, 
 Curlues, Plovers, Telle, Herons; and as the In- 
 dians fay, in Winter, with Swans, Geefe, Cranes, 
 Duck and Mallard, and innumerable of other 
 water-Fowls, whofe names we know not, which 
 lie in the Rivers, Marfhes, and on the Sands: 
 Oyfters in abundance, with great flore of Mufcles ; 
 A fort of fair Crabs, and a round Shel-fifh called 
 Hor/e-feet; The Rivers flored plentifully with 
 Fifh that we faw play and leap. There are great 
 Marfhes, but molt as far as we faw little worth, 
 except for a Root that grows in them the Indians 
 make good Bread of. The Land we fuppofe is 
 healthful ; for the Englijh that were caft away 
 on that Coaft in July laft, were there mod part 
 of that time of year that is fickly in Virginia- 
 and notwithftanding hard ufage, and lying on 
 the ground naked, yet had their perfed healths 
 all the time. The Natives are very healthful ; 
 we faw many very Aged amongfl them. The Ayr 
 is clear and fweet, the Countrey very pleafant 
 and delightful : And we could wifh, that all they 
 
14 Hilton^ s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 that want a happy fettlement, of our Englijh 
 Nation, were well tranfported thither, &c. 
 
 FRom Tuefday the 29th of September, to Fri- 
 day the second of October, we ranged along 
 the ihoar from the lat. 32 deg. 20 min. to 
 the lat. 33 deg. 11 min. but could difcern no En- 
 trance for our Ship, after we had paffed to the 
 Northwards of 32 deg. 40 min. On Saturday the 
 third inftant, a violent ftorm came up, the winde 
 between the North and the Eaft ; which Eafterly 
 windes and fowl weather continued till Monday 
 the 12th. By reafon of which ftorms and fowl 
 weather, we were forced to get off to Sea to 
 fecure our felves and fhip, and were horfed by 
 reafon of a ftrong Current, almoft to Cape Hat- 
 terajjfe in lat. 35 deg. 30 min. On Monday the 
 12th aforefaid we came to an Anchor in feven 
 fathom at Cape Fair-Road, and took the Merid- 
 ian-Altitude of the Sun, and were in the lat. 33 
 deg. 43 min. the winde continuing ftill Eafterly, 
 and fowl weather till Ihur/day the 15th inftant ; 
 and on Friday the 16th, the winde being at N. W. 
 we weighed, and failed up Cape Fair-River, fome 
 four or five leagues, and came to an Anchor in 
 fix or feven fathom ; at which time feveral In- 
 dians came on Board, and brought us great ftore 
 of Frefh-fifh, large Mullets, young Baff, Shads, 
 and feveral other forts of very good well-tafted 
 Fifti. On Saturday the 17th, we went down to 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 1 5 
 
 the Cape to fee the Enghfh Cattle, but could not 
 finde them, though we rounded the Cape : And 
 having an Indian Guide with us, here we rode 
 till the 24th inftant ; the winde being againft us, 
 we could not go up the River with our Ship ; in 
 which time we went on (hoar, and viewed the 
 land of thofe quarters. On Saturday we weighed, 
 and fayled up the River fome four leagues or 
 thereabouts. Sunday the 25th, we weighed 
 again, and towed up the River, it being calm, 
 and got up fome fourteen leagues from the Har- 
 bours mouth, where we mored our Ship. On 
 Monday the 26 October, we went down with the 
 Yoal to Necoes, an Indian Plantation, and viewed 
 the Land there. On Tuefday the 27th, we rowed 
 up the main River with our long-Boat and twelve 
 men, fome ten leagues or thereabouts. On Wed- 
 ne/day the 28th, we rowed up about eight or 
 nine leagues more. Thurfday the 29th was foul 
 weather, of much rain and winde, which forced 
 us to make Huts, and lye ftill. Friday the 30th, 
 we proceeded up the main River, feven or eight 
 leagues. Saturday the 31, we got up three or 
 four leagues more, and came to a Tree that lay 
 athwart the River : but becaufe our Provifions 
 were neer fpent, we proceeded no further, but 
 returned downward the remainder of that day ; 
 and on Monday the fecond of November, we came 
 aboard our Ship. Tuefday the third, we lay ftill 
 to refrefh ourfelves. On Wedne/day the 4th, we 
 
1 6 Hilton^ s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 went five or fix leagues up the River to fearch a 
 branch that ran out of the main River towards 
 the N. W. In which branch we went up five or 
 fix leagues : not liking the Land, we returned on 
 board that night about midnight, and called that 
 place Swampy-branch. Thur/day the fifth in- 
 ftant, we ftaid aboard; on Friday the 6th we 
 went up Greens River, the mouth of it being 
 againft the place we rode with our Ship. On 
 Saturday the 7th, we proceeded up the faid River 
 fome fourteen or fifteen leagues in aU, and found 
 that it ended in feveral ftnall branches ; the Land 
 for the moft part being marfhy and fwamps, we 
 returned towards our (hip, and got aboard in the 
 night : Sunday the 8th inflant we lay fi;ill, and on 
 Monday the 9th we went again up the main 
 River, being well provided with Provifions and 
 all things neceffary, and proceeded upwards till 
 Thur/day noon 12th inftant, at which tiiiie we 
 came to a place where two Iflands were in the 
 middle of the River, and by reafon of the crook- 
 ednefie of the River at that place, feveral Trees 
 lay athwart both branchs, which flopped up the 
 paffage of each branch, that we could proceed 
 no further with our Boat; but we went up the 
 River side by land some three or four miles, and 
 found the River to enlarge it felf: So we re- 
 turned, leaving it as far as we could fee up a 
 long reach running N. E. we judging our felves 
 from the Rivers mouth North near fifty leagues ; 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 17 
 
 we returned, viewing the Land on both fides the 
 River, and found as good tradts of land, dry, well 
 wooded, pleafant and delightful as we have feen 
 any where in the world, with great burthen of 
 Graffe on it, the land being very level, with fteep 
 banks on both fides the River, and in fome places 
 very high, the woods ftor'd with abundance of 
 Deer and Turkies every where ; we never going 
 on fhoar, but faw of each alio Partridges great 
 ftore, Cranes abundance, Conies, which we faw 
 in feveral places ; we heard feveral Wolves howl- 
 ing in the woods, and faw where they had torn 
 a Deer in pieces. Alfo in the River we faw great 
 ftore of Ducks, Telle, Widgeon, and in the woods 
 great flocks of Parrakeeto's ; the Timber that 
 the woods aflbrd for the moft part confiding of 
 Oaks of four or five forts, all differing in leaves, 
 but all bearing Akorns very good : we meafured 
 many of the Oaks in feveral places, which we 
 found to be in bigneffe fome two, fome three, 
 and others almoft four fathoms ; in height, be- 
 fore you come to boughs or limbs, forty, fifty, 
 fixty foot, and fome more, and thofe Oaks very 
 common in the upper parts of both Rivers; Alfo 
 a very tall large Tree of great bigneffe, which 
 fome do call Cyprus, the right name we know not, 
 growing in Swamps. Likewife Walnut, Birch, 
 Beech, Maple, Afh, Bay, Willough, Alder and 
 Holly ; and in the lowermoft parts innumerable 
 of Pines, tall and good for boards and mafis, 
 
 5 
 
18 Hilton^ s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 growing for the mod part in barren fandy ground, 
 but in fome places up the River in good ground, 
 being mixed amongft Oaks and other Timber. 
 We faw feveral Mulberry-trees, multitudes of 
 Grape-Vines, and fome Grapes which we did eat 
 of. We found a very large and good tradt of 
 Land on the N.W. fide of the River, thin of Tim- 
 ber, except here and there a very great Oak, 
 and full of Graff e, commonly as high as a mans 
 middle, and in many places to his flioulders, 
 where we faw many Deer and Turkies ; alfo one 
 Deer with very large horns, and great in body, 
 therefore called it Stag-Park : it being a very 
 pleafant and delightful place, we travelled in it 
 feveral miles, but faw no end thereof. So we re- 
 turned to our Boat, and proceeded down the 
 River, and came to another place fome twenty 
 five leagues from the Rivers mouth on the fame 
 fide, where found a place no leffe delightful than 
 the former; and as far as we could judge, both 
 Tradts came into one. This lower place we called 
 Rocky-point, becaufe we found many Rocks and 
 Stones of feveral bigneffe upon the Land, which 
 is not common. We fent our Boat down the 
 River before us; our felves travelling by Land 
 many miles, were fo much taken with the pleaf- 
 antneffe of the Land, that travelling into the 
 woods fo far, we could not recover our Boat and 
 company that night. On Sunday the morrow 
 following we got to our Boat, and on Monday 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 19 
 
 the 16tli November, we proceeded down to a 
 place on the Eaft-fide of the Kiver forae twenty 
 three leagues from the Harbours mouth, which 
 we call'd Turkie- Quarters, becaufe we killed 
 feveral Turkies thereabouts. We viewed the 
 Land there, and found fome tradts of good Land, 
 and high, facing upon the Kiver about one mile 
 inward, but backwards fome two miles all Pine- 
 land, but good pafture-ground : we returned to 
 our Boat, and proceeded down fome two or three 
 leagues, where we had formerly viewed, and 
 found it a tradl of as good Land as any we have 
 feen, with as good Timber on it. The banks of 
 the River being high, therefore we called it High- 
 Land Point. Having viewed that, we proceeded 
 down the River, going on fhoar in feveral places 
 on both fides, it being generally large Marfhes, 
 and many of them dry, that they may more fitly 
 be called Medows : the wood-land againfl them 
 is for the moft part Pine, and in fome places as 
 barren as ever we faw Land, but in other places 
 good Pafture-ground: And on Tue/day the 17th 
 inftant, we got aboard our Ship, riding againft 
 the mouth of Greenes River, where our men are 
 providing wood, and fitting the Ship for the Sea : 
 In the interim, we took fome view of the Land 
 on both fides of the River there, finding fome 
 good Land, but more bad, and the beft not com- 
 parable to that above. Friday the 20th inflant 
 was foul weather, yet in the Afternoon we 
 
20 Hilton^ s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 weighed, and went down the River fonie two 
 leagues, and came to Anchor againft the mouth 
 of Hilton's River, and took fome view of the Land 
 there on both fides, which appeared to ns much 
 hke unto that at Green's River. Monday 23. we 
 went with our Long-boat well victualled and 
 manned up Hilton's River; and when we came 
 three leagues or thereabouts up the faid River, 
 we found this and Green's River to come into 
 one, and fo continued for four or five leagues, 
 which caufeth a great Ifland betwixt them. We 
 proceeded ftill up the River, till they parted 
 again, keeping up Hilton's River on the Lar- 
 board fide, and followed the faid River five or 
 fix leagues further, where we found another 
 large branch of Green's River to come into Hil- 
 ton's, which maketh another great Ifland. On 
 the Star-board fide going up, we proceeded ftil 
 up the River fome four leagues, and returned, 
 taking a view of the Land on both fides, and 
 now judge our felves to be from our ihip fome 
 eighteen leagues W. and by W. One league be- 
 low this place came four Indians in a Canoa to 
 us, and fold us feveral bafkets of Akorns, which 
 we fatisfied for, and fo left them; but one of 
 them followed us on the fhoar fome two or three 
 miles, till he came on the top of a high bank, 
 facing on the River, we rowing underneath it, 
 the faid Indian fhot an Arrow at us, which miffed 
 one of our men very narrowly, and ftuck in the 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 21 
 
 upper edge of the Boat, which broke in pieces, 
 leaving the head behind. Hereupon we prefent- 
 ly made for the fhoar, and went all up the bank 
 except four to guide the Boat; we fearched for 
 the Indian, but could not finde him : At last we 
 heard fome fmg further in the Woods, which we 
 thought had been as a Chalenge to us to come 
 and fight them. We went towards them with 
 all fpeed, but before we came in fight of them, 
 we heard two guns go off from our Boat, where- 
 upon we retreated with all fpeed to fecure our 
 Boat and Men : when we came to them we found 
 all well, & demanded the reason of their firing 
 the Guns: they told us that an Indian came 
 creeping on the Bank as they thought to fiioot 
 at them, therefore (hot at him a great diftance 
 with Swan-fhot, but thought they did him no 
 hurt, for they saw him run away. Prefently 
 after our return to the Boat, while we were thus 
 talking, came two Indians to us with their Bows 
 and Arrows, crying Bonny, Bonny: we took 
 their Bows and Arrows from them, and gave 
 them Beads, to their content. Then we led them 
 by the hand to the Boat, and fliewed them the 
 Arrow-head flicking in her fide, and related to 
 them the bufineffe ; which when they underftood, 
 both of them manifefled much forrow, and made 
 us underftand by fignes, that they knew nothing 
 of it : fo we let them go, and marked a Tree on 
 the top of the bank, calling the place Mount- 
 
 6 
 
22 Hilton^ s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 Skerry. We looked up the River as far as we 
 could difcern, and faw that it widened it felf, and 
 •came running dired;ly down the Countrey: So 
 we returned, and viewed the Land on both fides 
 the River, finding the banks fteep in fome places, 
 but very high in others. The banks fides are 
 generally Clay, and as fome of our company doth 
 affirm, fome Marie. The Land and Timber up 
 this River is no way inferior to the belt in the 
 other, which we call the main River: So far as 
 we difcovered, this feems as fair, if not fairer 
 than the former, and we think runs further into 
 the Countrey, becaufe there is a ftrong Current 
 <;omes down, and a great deal more drift-wood. 
 But to return to the bufinefs of the Land and 
 Timber : We faw feveral plats of Ground cleared 
 •by the Indians after their weak manner, com- 
 paffed round with great Timber-Trees; which 
 they are no ways able to fall, and fo keep the 
 Sun from their Corn-fields very much ; yet never- 
 theless we faw as large Corn-flalks or bigger, 
 than we have feen any where elfe : So we pro- 
 ceeded down the River, till we found the Canoa 
 the Indian was in who (hot at us. In the morn- 
 ing we went on fhoar, and cut the fame in pieces : 
 the Indians perceiving us coming towards them, 
 Tun away. We went to his Hut, and pulled it 
 down, brake his pots, platters, and fpoons, tore 
 his Deer-fkins and mats in pieces, and took away 
 a bafket of Akorns : So we proceeded down the 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 23 
 
 River two leagues, or thereabouts, and came to 
 another place of Indians, bought Akorns and 
 some Corn of them, and went downwards two 
 leagues more : at last we efpied an Indian peep- 
 ing over a high bank : we held up a Gun at him ; 
 and calling to him, said, Skerry: presently fev- 
 eral Indians appeared to us, making great fignes 
 of friendfhip, saying. Bonny, Bonny, and running 
 before us, endeavouring to perfwade us to come 
 on flioar; but we anfwered them with ftern 
 countenances, and said, Skerry, taking up our 
 guns, and threatning to flioot at them; but they 
 cryed ftill Bonny, Bonny : And when they faw 
 they could not prevail, nor perfwade us to come 
 on fhoar, two of them came off to us in a Canoa, 
 one padling with a great Cane, the other with 
 his hand ; they came to us, and laid hold of our 
 Boat, fweating and blo^ving, and told us it was 
 Bonny on llioar, and at last perfwaded us to go 
 afhoar with them. As foon as we landed, fever- 
 al Indians, to the number of near forty lufty men, 
 came to us, all in a great fweat, and told us 
 Bonny: we fhewed them the Arrow-head in the 
 Boats-fide, and a piece of the Canoa which we 
 had cut in pieces : the chief man of them made 
 a large Speech, and threw Beads into our Boat, 
 which is a figne of great love and friendfhip; 
 and made us to underftand, when he heard of 
 the Affront which we had received, it caufed 
 him to cry : and now he and his men were come 
 
24 Hilton's Voyage of Discovery 
 
 to make peace with us, making fignes to iis that 
 they would tye his Arms, and cut off his head 
 that had done us that abufe ; and for a further 
 teftimony of their love and good will towards us, 
 they prefented to us two very handfom proper 
 young Indian women, the tallest that we have 
 feen in this Countrey ; which we fupposed to be 
 the Kings Daughters, or perfons of fome great 
 account amongft them. Thefe young women 
 were ready to come into our Boat ; one of them 
 crouding in, was hardly perfwaded to go out 
 again. We prefented to the King a Hatchet 
 and feveral Beads, alfo Beads to the young wo- 
 men and to the chief men, and to the reft of the 
 Indians, as far as our Beads would go: they 
 promifed us in four days to come on board our 
 Ship, and fo departed from us. When we left 
 the place, which was prefently, we called it 
 Mount-Bonny, becaufe we had there concluded 
 a firm Peace. Proceeding down the Piver two 
 or three leagues further, we came to a place 
 where were nine or ten Canoa's all together ; we 
 went afhoar there, and found feveral Indians, but 
 mofl of them were the fame which had made 
 Peace with us before : We made little ftay there, 
 but went diredlly down the River, and came to 
 our Ship before day. Thurfday the 26th of No- 
 vember, the winde being at South, Ave could not 
 go down to the Rivers mouth : but on Friday the 
 27th, we weighed at the mouth of Hilton's River, 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 25 
 
 and got down one league towards the Harbours 
 mouth. On Sunday the 29th, we got down to 
 Crane-IJland, which is four leagues or there- 
 abouts above the Entrance of the Harbours 
 mouth. Now on Tuefday the firft of December, 
 we made a purchafe of the River and land of 
 Cape-Fair, of Wattcoo/a, and fuch other Indians 
 as appeared to us to be the chief of thofe parts : 
 they brought us ftore of Frefh-filh aboard, as 
 Mullets, Shads, and other very good Fifh: this 
 River is all Prefh-water fit to drink. Some eight 
 leagues within the mouth, the Tide runs up about 
 thirty-five leagues, but flops and rifeth a great 
 deal farther up ; it flowes at the Harbours mouth 
 S. E. and N. W. fix foot at Neap-Tides, and eight 
 foot at Spring-Tides : the Chanel on the Eafler- 
 fide by the Cape-Jhoar is the belt, and lyes clofe 
 aboard the Cape-land, being three fathoms at 
 High-water, in the (halloweil place in the Chanel 
 jult at the Entrance; but as foon as you are pafl 
 that place half a Cables length inward, you fhall 
 have fix or feven fathoms, a fair turning Chanel 
 into the River, and fo continuing four or five 
 leagues upwards ; afterwards the Chanel is more 
 difficult, in fome places fix or feven fathoms, four 
 or five, and in other places but nine or ten foot, 
 efpecially where the River is broad. When the 
 River comes to part, and grows narrow, there 
 is all Chanel from fide to fide in moft places ; in 
 fome places you fhall have five, fix, or feven fath- 
 
26 Hilton^ s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 oms, but generally two or three, Sand and Oaze. 
 We viewed the Cape-land, and judged it to be 
 little worth, the Woods of it llirubby and low, 
 the Land fandy and barren ; in fome places Graff 
 and Rufhes, and in other places nothing but clear 
 fand : a place fitter to ftarve Cattel in our judge- 
 ment, than to keep them alive ; yet the Indians, 
 as we underftand, keep the Englijh Cattle down 
 there, and fufi'er them not to go off the faid Cape, 
 as we fuppofe, becaufe the ^ovLuix^j- Indians (hall 
 have no part with them, and as we think, are 
 fallen out about them, who fhall have the great- 
 eft fhare. They brought aboard our Ship very 
 good and fat Beef feveral times, which they could 
 afford very reafonable ; alfo fat and very large 
 Swine, good cheap penny-worths : but they may 
 thank their friends of New-England, who brought 
 their Hogs to fo fair a Market. Some of the 
 Indians brought very good Salt aboard us, and 
 made fignes, pointing to both fides of the Rivers 
 mouth, that there was great ftore theieabouts. 
 We faw up the River feveral good places for the 
 fetting up of Corn or Saw-mills. In that time as 
 our bufineffe called us up and down the River 
 and Branches, we kill'd of wild-fowl, four Swans, 
 ten Geefe, twenty nine Cranes, ten Turkies, forty 
 Duck and Mallard, three dozen of Parrakeeto's, 
 and fix or feven dozen of other fmall Fowls, as 
 Curlues and Plovers, &c. 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 27 
 
 T 7T THereas there was a Writing left in a Poft 
 V V at the Point of Gape Fair River, by 
 thofe New-England-m&a. that left Cattel 
 Avith the Indians there, the Contents whereof 
 tended not only to the difparagement of the Land 
 about the faid River, but alfo to the great dif- 
 courageinent of all thofe that fhould hereafter 
 come into thofe parts to fettle : In Anfwer to that 
 fcandalous writing. We whofe names are under- 
 written do afl&rm, That we have feen facing on 
 both fides of the River, and branches of Oape- 
 Fair aforefaid, as good Land, and as well Tim- 
 bered, as any we have feen in any part of the 
 world, fufl&cient to accommodate thoufands of 
 our EngliJ/t Nation, lying commodioufly by the 
 faid River. 
 
 On Friday the 4th of December, the winde 
 
 being fair, we put out to Sea, bound for Barha- 
 
 does; and on the 6th day of January, 166|-, we 
 
 came to Anchor in Carli/le-'Qdij ; and after fever- 
 
 al known apparent dangers both by Sea and 
 
 Land, have now brought us all in fafety to our 
 
 long-wifh'd-for and much defired Port, to render 
 
 an Accompt of our Difcovery, the verity of which 
 
 we aver. 
 
 Anthony Long. 
 
 William Hilton. 
 
 Peter Fabian. 
 
28 Hilton^ s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 A Copy of the Spanyard's firft Letter. 
 
 I Am come to this Town of lnfiA&\- Indians, to 
 feek fome Englijh, which my Governour and 
 Captain-General, Don Alonfo de Arangows, de 
 Colis, Cavallier, and Knight of the Order of St. 
 James, for his Majefly, had notice that there was 
 a Ship lofl in that Port in which you are, that 
 the men might not run any hazard of their Uves, 
 as thofe with me here have. Don Adeleyers, 
 with the Governor of the Garifon of S. Augujime, 
 are gone to ranfome and free the Subjects of the 
 King your Master, CHARLES the Second: 
 Wherefore I aduife you, that if thefe Indians 
 (although Infidels and Barbarians) have not 
 killed any of the Chriftians, and do require as a 
 gift or courtefie for thofe four men, four Spades, 
 and four Axes, fome Knives, and fome Beads, 
 and the four Indians which you have there, you 
 deliver them, and that for their fakes that fhall 
 fayl on this Coafl : you may fend a Boat, who 
 when fhe comes athwart the Port of St. Ellens, 
 may hoifl an Ancient twice or thrice, and I will 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 29 
 
 do the fame. The fhortneffe of the difpatch I 
 defire, for I want provifion for my Soldiers, and 
 the way is large. Your Servant defires you 
 would give me a fpeedy Anfwer ; and what may 
 be done in your fervice, I fhall do very willingly : 
 And if you have none that can interpret the 
 Spanijh Tongue, you may write in your own, for 
 here are your Countrey-men that can underfland 
 it : but if you can, let it be in Spanijh. 
 
 From the Capt. Alanfo Argueles. 
 
 From St. Ellens the 22 of Sep- 
 temb. 1663. 
 
 The Copies of our Letters fent to the 
 
 English and Spaniards at St. Ellens^ with the 
 Anfwer oi Mr. William Davis, and the tipaniards 
 alfo, here inclofed. 
 
 Loving Friends and Country -men, 
 
 \J\ 7"Ee are come up the River with our Ship, 
 V V and are refolved to come through by 
 Combibeh, to St. Ellens, and to get you 
 away by fair means, or otherways. If that will 
 not do, we have five of your company already : 
 and the Captain of Edijiow, and one more are 
 Prifoners with us, whom we intend to keep till 
 we have refcued all the Englijh Prifoners out of 
 the hands of the Indians. Send us word by this 
 Bearer what you know concerning the Span- 
 
30 Hilton) s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 yards- for the youth Morgan tells us that the 
 Spanyards are come with Soldiers to fetch you 
 away. Fail not to inform us how things are. 
 Nothing elfe at prefent, but remain 
 
 Your friend and Servant 
 WILL. HILTON. 
 From on Board the Adventure, 
 Septemh. 21. 1663. 
 
 An Anfwer to the Spanyards Letter 
 
 not underfto:;d. 
 
 Honoured Sir, 
 
 W'Hereas wee received a Letter from you, the 
 Contents whereof we underftand not, be- 
 caufe none of us could read Spanijh : Our 
 bufineffe is to demand and receive the Hngli/h 
 Prifoners from the hands of the Indians, and 
 then they fhall have their Indians which we have 
 detained on Board, with fatisfadtion for their 
 pains. We underftand not at prefent that we 
 have any bufineffe with you. Not elfe at prefent, 
 but remain 
 
 Your Friend and Servant in what I may, 
 Will. Hilton, 
 From on Board the Adventure, 
 
 Septemh. 23. 1663. 
 To his honoured Friend the Spanijh 
 Captain at St. Ellens. 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 31 
 An Anfwer to Mr. William Davis his 
 
 Lines written to us in the SpanyanV-H Letter, Viz. 
 
 Mr. William Davis, 
 
 WEe received your Lines in the Spanijh Let- 
 ter, but liear nothing of your coming to 
 us. Let your Keepers fend you, and that 
 without delay ; for you may affure them, That 
 we will be gone, and carry the Indians away 
 with us, except they fend the Englijh fuddenly on 
 Board, and then (hall have their Indians upon 
 our receipt of the Englijh. Not elfe at prefent, 
 but thank the Spanijh Captain for the Pork and 
 Yenifon he fent us. Remain 
 
 Your loving Friend 
 
 Will. Hilton. 
 
 From on Board the Adventure, 
 September 24. 1G63. 
 
 To Mr. William Davis at St. Ellens. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 WEe have received your fecond Letter, and 
 give you no Anfwer, for the Reafon men- 
 tioned in our former Letter to you. Pleafe 
 to inform the Indians, That if they bring not the 
 Englijh Prifoners on Board us without further 
 delay, we are refolved to carry their Indians we 
 have on Board away : But if they will bring the 
 
32 Hilton) s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 Engli/h, they Ihall have theirs^ with fatisfadion. 
 Alfo we thank you for your Venifon and Pork. 
 Not elfe at prefent, but remain 
 
 SIR, 
 Your Friend and Servant in what I may 
 Will. Hilton. 
 
 From on Board the Adventure 
 Septemh. 24. 1663. 
 
 To his Honoured Friend, the Spanijlt 
 paptain at St. Ellens. 
 
 A Copy of the SpanyardJs fecond Letter. 
 
 MY Governour and Capt. General, as foon as 
 he had News that a Ship, by Nation En- 
 glijh, was loft in that Port in which you 
 now are, fent me with Soldiers of the Garifon of 
 St. Augujiine in Florida, as they have at other 
 times done, to free them from death; for which 
 caufe I came to this Port of St. Ellens, where I 
 found all thefe Indians in a fright, fearing that 
 you will do them fome mischief: So having found 
 four men of thofe that were loft, I thought good 
 to advife you, that you might carry them in your 
 company, giving fome gifts to thofe Indians which 
 they defire ; which is, four Spades, four Axes, 
 fome Knives, and fome Beads. This they defire, 
 not as payment, but only as an acknowledgment 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 33 
 
 of a kindnefs for having saved their hves ; which 
 they have always done as Naturals who have 
 given their obedience to the King our Mafler. 
 And they do alfo defire you to let go thofe four 
 Indians which are there : You may fend a Boat 
 when you difcover the Points of St. Ellens; may 
 hoift an Ancient two or three times, and I wiU 
 do the fame. I defire your Anfwer may be fo- 
 dain ; for I am fcarce of Provifions, and the way 
 is fomewhat long : and if you have no body who 
 underftands Spanijh, you may write in Englijh, 
 for here are your Countreymen who will inter- 
 pret it. 
 
 By the Captian Alanfo Arguiles. 
 
 From St. Ellens, Septemb. 
 23. 1663. 
 
34 Hilton! 8 Voyage of Discovery 
 
 Propofals made to all fuch Perfons as fliall 
 
 undertake to become the firft Setlers on Rivers, Har- 
 bours, or Creeks, whofe Mouth or Entrance is South- 
 wards or Weftwards of Cape St. Romana in the Prov- 
 ince of GaroUna, and execute the lame at their own 
 hazard and charge of Tranfportation, Ammunition, and 
 Provifions, as is hereafter exprefFed, &c. 
 
 I. 
 
 IMprimis, It is agreed and confented to hy us 
 Thomas Mudyford, and Peter Colleton, Ef- 
 quires, who are impowered hy the Lords Pro- 
 prietors to treat in their hehalfj That in conjider- 
 ation of the good fervice which Captain Anthony 
 Long, Captain William Hilton, and Mr. Peter 
 Fabian have done in making fo clear a Difcovery 
 on that Coajl, They Jhall each of them enjoy to 
 them and their Heirs for ever one thou/and Acres 
 of Land apiece upon the /aid River, Harbour, or 
 Creeks, on fuch places as they Jhall dejire, not 
 taken up before. 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 35 
 II. 
 
 Item, To Majier Pyam Blowers, and Majler 
 John Hancock, five hundred Acres apiece in man- 
 ner as afore/aid. 
 
 III. 
 
 Item, To all the Sea-men and Adventurers in 
 the /aid Ship, one hundred Acres apiece in manner 
 as afore/aid. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Item, To every per/on that hath fubfcrihed and 
 paid, or hath fubfcrihed andfhallpay within two 
 moneths next after the Date hereof, unto the Treaf- 
 urer appointed by the Committee for defraying the 
 Charge of the late D'lfcovery, and towards the 
 publique Stock, five hundred Acres of Land, he- 
 fides what they are otherwayes to receive and en- 
 joy each for every thouf and pounds of Sugar, and 
 fo for greater or leffer quantity proportionably , 
 to poffeffe and enjoy the fame in manner as afor- 
 faid; the faid Adventurers having promifed, That 
 the feverall and refpective Perfons above-intended, 
 fhall within five years next enfuing, have one Per- 
 fon white or black, young or old, tranfported at 
 their Charge as aforefaid, on that or fome other 
 parcel of Land in the Province, for every hun- 
 dred of Acres of Lnad that is or fhall be due to 
 them for their adventures as aforefaid: But when 
 
36 Hilton'' s Voyage of Discovery 
 
 once taken up, to fettle tlie fame within one year 
 after it is once taken up, or lofe the Land. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Item, To every Perfon thai goes, or fends an 
 Agent at his or their own cofl with the jirfi Ship 
 or Fleet, or within fix weeks next after the jirfi 
 Ship or Fleet thatfhall hefet out from this Ifland 
 {none to he accompted as jirfi Sellers hut fuch as 
 do fend in the jirfi Fleet) Armed with a good Fire- 
 lock, ten pounds of Powder, and twenty pounds of 
 Bullet, or Lead, and Yi6lualled for fix months, 
 fhall have one hundred Acres of Land, and the 
 like quantity of Aa^es for every Man-servant that 
 he carrieth fo armed and provided, to tJie perfon 
 at whofe charge they fhall he tranfported as afore- 
 
 faid. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Item, To every perfon that fhall fecond thefirfi 
 undertakers, that is to fay, fhall go within two 
 months next after thofe thai are accompted as jirfi 
 Sellers, armed and provided as af or ef aid, f evenly 
 Acres of Land, andfeventy Acres for every Man- 
 fervani thai he or they fhall carry or fend Armed 
 and provided as aforefaid. 
 
 VII. 
 Item, To every perfon provided as aforefaid, 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 37 
 
 thatjhallgo within two years after the fir ft under- 
 takers, fifty Acres of Land, and as much to him 
 or them for every Man-fervant he or they Jhall 
 carry or fend, armed and provided as aforefaid. 
 
 vm. 
 
 Item, To every Free-woman above the age of 
 twelve years, that fhall go, or he carried thither 
 within the firfi five years, forty Acres of Land. 
 
 IX. 
 
 Item, To all Male-Children above the age of 
 fourteen years, the fame quantity that is allowed 
 to Free-men, and on the fame Conditions. 
 
 X. 
 
 Item, The Lords Proprietors will grant unto 
 every Parift one hundred Acres of Land for the 
 Church and other puhlique ufes. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Item, To every perfon that hath fuhfcribed, and 
 fhall pay to the above-mentioned Difcovery, who 
 fhall go or fend an Agent within the firfi five years 
 next after the firfi Sellers, forty Acres of Land; 
 and as much to them for every Man-fervant they 
 
38 Hilton^ 8 Voyage of Discovery 
 
 Jhall carry or fend within that time armed and 
 provided as afore/aid, and the like quantity for 
 all others fo Iran/porting them/elves or/ervants 
 within the firji three years, who are not Sub/cri- 
 bers. 
 
 XII. 
 
 Item, To every Man-fervant that Jhall go with 
 the fir ft undertakers, fifty Acres of Land- and to 
 fuch as go with the fecond Adventurers thirty 
 Acres, and for all other ferv ants that Jhall go with- 
 in the fir Jt five years, twenty Acres, and for every 
 Woman-Jervant ten Acres, to become due at the 
 Expiration of the fir Ji Term of their Jerviiude in 
 that Countrey. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Item, To the Owner of every Negro-Man or 
 Slave, brought thither to JettU within the fir Jl year, 
 twenty acres- and for every Woman-Negro or 
 Slave, ten acres of Landj and all Men-Negro's, or 
 Jlaves after that time, and within the firjl five 
 years, ten acres, and for every Woman-NegYo or 
 Jlave, five acres. 
 
 XIY. 
 
 Item, That all the before-mentioned parcels of 
 Land given, or to be given, allotted or granted to 
 any perjon or perjons whatjoever, Jhall be held 
 
To the Coast of Florida. 39 
 
 and enjoyed to them, their Heirs and AJ/igns for 
 ever, in free and common Soccage, according to the 
 Tenure of East-Greenwich within the County of 
 Kent, within the Kingdom of England [and not in 
 Capite, or hy Knights-fervice) paying as a fine 
 once for all to the Lords Proprietors, or their 
 Agents impowered to receive the fame, one half- 
 penny per acre for every Acre of Land that is or 
 Jhall he taken up as afore/aid, or the value of the 
 /aid halfpenny per Acre, when the per/on who is 
 to receive it Jhall receive his Deed or Copy of Re- 
 cord for his Landfo taken up; and in lieu of all, 
 and all manner of Rents, Services, Fines, Taxes 
 and Impojitions whatfoever, one ear of Indian 
 Corn for every hundred acres of Land fo taken 
 up, at a certain time and place prefer ihed, if law- 
 fully demanded. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Item, It is further agreed. That every per f on 
 Jhall or may take up their Land, or any part there- 
 of, where they please, in any place not before taken 
 up: Provided they do therein Juhmit to Juch 
 Method as the Governour and Council for the time 
 being Jhall judge moji Jafe and convenient. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 Item, That the Lords Proprietors Jhall grant 
 to the Free-Holders the Priviledge of choofing an 
 
40 Hilton! s Voyage of Discovery. 
 
 annual AJfemhly, wherein by the con/ent of the 
 
 /aid Lords, or their Delegates, they /hall he im- 
 
 powered to make Lawes, and them confirm, puh- 
 
 li/h, and abrogate, as in the great Charter is ex- 
 
 jpre/fed- and that the A//embly may lawfully, 
 
 without the con/ent of the Governour, complain to 
 
 the /aid Lords of/uch Grievances as lye upon the 
 
 People. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Item, That fora/much as the Lords Proprie- 
 tors or their Pelegates may not be at all times there 
 pre/ent, to con/ent to /uch Lawes as are or /hall 
 be thought necejfaryj In /uch Ca/e all Laioes and 
 Orders made by the Governour, Council and A/ 
 /embly, /hall be in force untill the Deny all thereof 
 by the Lords Proprietors /hall be to them/gnified 
 under their Hands in Writing. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 Item, That the /aid Free-Holders /lall have 
 the freedome of Trade, Immunity of Ca/lomes, 
 and Liberty of Con/cience, and all other Privi- 
 ledges made good unto them as amply and as fully 
 as is at large expre/fed in the great Charter 
 granted to the /aid Lords Proprietors from His 
 Maje/iy. 
 
 ''Xavlcuk Homhumm ^ tmw urns ^ 
 arlorisijm e;«t^,InW>ymtfimiksiatSt. 
 
RELATION 
 
 OF 
 
 A Voyage on the Coaft of the 
 PROVINCE OF CAROLINA, 
 
 Formerly called Florida, in the Continent 
 
 of the Northern America^ from Charles River near 
 
 Cape Feare, in the County of Clarendon, and the 
 
 Lat. of 34 Deg: 
 
 TO PORT ROY ALL, 
 
 In the North Lat: of 32 Deg: begun 14th June, 1666; 
 
 Performed by Robert Sandford, EfqIS, 
 
 Secretary and Chiefe Regifter for the Lords Proprie- 
 tors of their County of Clarendon, in the Province aforefaid. 
 
Now firft printed from the original Shaftesbury Papers, Seftion IX, 
 No. 7, Bundle 48 — Public Record OiBce, London. 
 
To the Right Hond'hle Edward, Earle of Clar- 
 endon, Lord High Chancellor of England; 
 George^ Duke of Albemarle, Capt.-Gener'll of 
 all His Maj'ties forces in the Kingdome of 
 England, Scotland and Ireland and Majler of 
 the Horfe- Wm. Lord Craven; John Lord 
 Berkeley; Anthony Lord Ashley, Chancellor 
 of the ExcheqW; Sr. George Cartrett, Vice- 
 Chamberlaine of His Maj'ties Hou/ehold; Sr. 
 Wm. Berkeley, Kn't, and Sr. John Colleton, 
 Kn't and Baron'tt, The true and abfolute 
 Lords Proprietor's of all the Province of 
 Carolina : 
 
 Right Honorable, 
 
 IT is not prefumption but Duty that prefents 
 this Narrative (however rude and imperfect) 
 to foe lUuftrious, I had rather say a Conftel- 
 lation than a Corporation ; the matter related was 
 performed under your Aufpice in your Country 
 and by your fervant. It meafures to you my 
 Lords (as his foot did Hercules) the greatnes of 
 your Soveraignes Guift, and to the World ye 
 greatneff of your trufl and favour with him. It 
 fhews you in Profpedtive how lafting a Renowne 
 you may adde to your already moft glorious 
 Names. How boundles a Grandeur to your long- 
 eft Pofterity. None indeede but God and the 
 King can move your hearts to doe thefe great 
 things for yourfelves and Nation. Yett that 
 fuch a Notion be effected may and fhall bee the 
 prayers of Right Hono'ble, 
 
 Withall submijfton, readine^ & fidelity, 
 Your Lord' pprs fervant, 
 
 Rob. Sandford. 
 
44 Sandford's Voyage 
 
 The Port Royal Difcovery. 
 
 THE Right Hono'ble the Lords Proprietors 
 of ye Province of Carolina, in profecution 
 of his facred Ma'ties pious in- 
 tentions of planting and Civil- 
 lizing thofe his towns and peo- 
 ple of the Northerne America, 
 which Neighbour Southward 
 on Virffinia (by fome called 
 Florida) found out and difcovered by St. Sebaf- 
 tian Oahott in the yeare 1497 att the Charges of 
 H. 7, King of England, &c., Conflituted Sir John 
 Yeamans Baronett their Lt.-Generall, with ample 
 Powers for placeing a Colony in fome of the 
 Rivers to the Southward and Weftward of Cape 
 St. Romana. Who departing from the Ifland 
 Barbados in Odtob. 1665 in a Fly-boate of about 
 150 Tonus, accompany ed by a fmall Friggatt of 
 his owne and a Sloope purchafed by a Comon 
 purfe for the fervice of the Colony es. After they 
 had beene feparated by a great ftorme att Sea 
 (wherein the Friggatt loft all her Mafts and him- 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 45 
 
 felfe had like to have foundred, and were all 
 brought together againe in the beginning of 
 November to an anchor before the Mouth of 
 Charles River neere Oape Feare in ye County of 
 Clarendon, part of the fame province newly 
 begunn to be peopled, and within the Lt.-Gen'lls 
 Commiffion). They were all blowne from their 
 anchors by a fuddaine violent Guft; the Fly- 
 boat Sr. John was in narrowly efcapeing the 
 dangerous fhoales of the Cape, But this proved 
 but a (hort differrence of their fate, ffor return- 
 ing with a favourable wind to a fecond viewe of 
 the entrance into Charles River, but (deftituted 
 of all pilates) fave their own eyes (which the 
 flattering gale that conducted them did alfoe 
 delude by covering the rough vifage of their ob- 
 jected dangers with a thick veile of fmooth 
 waters) they flranded their veffel on the Middle 
 ground of the harbours mouth, to the Weflward 
 the Channell, where the Ebbe prefently left her, 
 and the wind with its own multeplyed forces and 
 the auxiliaryes of the tide of flood beat her to 
 peeces. 
 
 The perfons were all faved by the Neighbour- 
 hood of the fhore, but the greatell: part of their 
 provifion of Victualls, clothes, &c., and of the 
 Magazine of Armes, powder and other Military 
 furniture Ihipped by the Lords Proprietors for 
 the defence of the defigned Settlement perifhed 
 in the waters. The Lt.-Gen'U purpofed at firft 
 
46 SandforWs Voyage 
 
 imediately to repair his Friggatt (which, together 
 with the Sloope gote fafely into the River when 
 the Fly-boate was driven off) and to fend her 
 backe to Barbados for recruits whilest himfelfe 
 in perfon attended the yffue of that difcovery 
 which I and fome other Gentlemen offered to 
 make Southwards in the Sloope. But when the 
 great and growing neceffityes of the Englifh 
 Colony in Charles River (heightened by this dif- 
 aster) begann clamouroufly to crave the ufe of 
 the Sloope in a Voyage to Yirginia for their 
 fpeedy relief, Sr. John altered that his firft reso- 
 lution, and permitning the Sloope to goe to Yir- 
 ginia retorned himfelfe to Barbados in his Frig- 
 gatt. Yett that the defigne of the Southerne 
 fettlement might not wholy fall, Hee conditioned 
 with the freighters of the Sloope that in cafe 
 fhee mifcarryed in her Yirginia voyage they 
 fhould hire Capt. Edward StanyarrHs veffell 
 (then in their harbour but bound for Barbados) 
 to performe the Difcovery, and left a Comiffion 
 with mee for the effecting it upon the retorne 
 of the Sloope or Stanion, which fhould first 
 happen. 
 
 The Sloope in her comeing homeward from 
 Yirginia loaden with Victuall being ready by 
 reafon of her extreme rottennes in her timbers 
 to finke was driven on fhoare by a ftorme in the 
 night on Cape Lookeout (the next headland to the 
 North and Eaftward of Cape Feare and about 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 47 
 
 20 Le. diftant ; her men all faved except two, 
 and with many difficultyes brought by their 
 boate through the great found into Albemarle 
 River neere the Ifland Roanoake (within this 
 fame Province of Carolina) to the Englifli plan- 
 tation there. 
 
 Capt. Stanyon in returning from Barbados, 
 weakely maned and without any fecond to 
 himfelfe driven to and agen on the Seas for 
 many weekes by contrary winds and conquered 
 with care, vexation and watching, loft his reafon, 
 and after many wild extravagancyes leapt over- 
 board in a frenzye, leaveing his fmall Company 
 and Veffel (to the much more quiett and con- 
 ftant, though but little more knowing and pru- 
 dent conducft of a child, who yett affifled by a 
 miraculous Providence after many wanderings 
 brought her fafe to Charles River in Clarendon, 
 her defired Port and Haven. 
 
 I had now a Yeffell to performe my Southerne 
 Expedition but disfurnifhed of a Mafter and 
 none here (killed in Navigation to be perfuaded 
 to the Voyage leaft, therefore a worke foe 
 neceffary to promote the fettlement of this Prov- 
 ince fhould be poorely left without an attempt, 
 Myfelfe undertooke the OflBice, though noe better 
 capacitated for it then a little reading in the 
 Mathematicks had rendred mee with the helpe 
 of a fewe obfervations made whilft a paffenger 
 in fome late Sea Voyages to divert their tedium. 
 
48 SandforcPs Voyage 
 
 On the 14th June 1666 1 entered on my charge, 
 neere fix months after the date of my Com- 
 miffion (foe long had theife various accidents 
 detained mee), and on the 16th I left Charles 
 River fayling Weftward with a faire gale att 
 Eaft alongft that goodly and bold bay which on 
 her two Capes, Feare and Romania as on two 
 homes, procures all dangers of Flatts and fhoales 
 from her owne more gentle bofome. To make 
 her yett more fignall I named her Berkly Bay 
 from the Right Hon'ble John Lord Berkly and 
 Sr. Wm. Berkly, two of her noble Lords Pro- 
 prietors. 
 
 I was accompanyed by Capt. George Gary, 
 Lt. Samuell Harvy, Lt. Jo/eph Woory, Ens. 
 Henry Brayne, Ens. Richard Abrahall and Mr. 
 Tho. Giles, and feverah other inhabitants of the 
 County of Glarendon to ye number of 17 befides 
 myfelfe (and the fhipps Company, which alas 
 were but two men and a boy). With mee I 
 tooke a fmale fhalloope of fome three tonus be- 
 longing to ye Lords Proprietors and appointed 
 by the Lt.-Gen'U for that fervice, in which I 
 placed Ens. Henry Brayne of fome Experience 
 in Sea matters and two other men, foe referve- 
 ing Eighteene of all forts in the biggeft veffel, 
 whofe burden alfoe exceeded fcarce fiveteene 
 Tonus. 
 
 The 19th in the night it being very cloudy 
 and darke and hee att our helme unawares 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 49 
 
 bringing our Yeffell aftayes, we lost Company of 
 our Shalloope. The 22d about 7 o'clock in the 
 morning wee made the land and a fair River to 
 Leward of us (haveing beene driven out to Sea 
 by a Southwell winde from the 18th to the 21st, 
 when a llrong Eafterly gale brought us in with 
 the fhoare againe). Wee bore up to this River, 
 and a great way kept our depth of fix and five 
 fathom water without any figne of breakers. 
 Att length it fhoaled, and Wee could plainely 
 difcerne a breach in the Eaftern board. The 
 River when wee first made it bore N. W. by W, 
 of us, and by this time we had brought it to N. 
 W. by N. : being therefore come into two fath. 
 water and judging our felves on the banke of 
 the vifible Eafterne fhoalings Wee fleered more 
 Wefterly and prefently deepened our Water to 
 three fathom and foe upwards. But the wind 
 being at Eaft and the Water ebbing, if wee had 
 gonne more Wefterly Wee could not have lufi'^d 
 in ; Wherefore I refolved (Noe breach appearing 
 all before mee) to runn in diredtly with the River 
 which nowe bore N. N.W., and in ftanding in 
 that Course one heeve of the lead Wee had but 
 11 foot water, but the next was two fathom, 
 which depth and betweene that and two fathom 
 and a halfe continued a great while, and as we 
 approached the Wefterne point of the Entrance 
 it deepened foe that thofe aboard ye point Wee 
 found five and fix fathom water and foe upwards 
 
 '3 
 
50 SaiidforcPs Voyage 
 
 to nine fathom all the way in. It was halfe 
 Ebbe at leafl when Wee entred, and I am very 
 much perfuaded that if "Wee had gonne foe farr 
 Wefterly as till ye River had borne North or N. 
 N. B., wee had found a much deeper Channell, 
 for though it blew a very frefh gale att Eaft 
 (which here is alongft (hore and somewhat upon 
 the Weflerne Coaft), yett we could not difcerne 
 any appearance of Flatts at all to the Weftward. 
 Being come about foure or five miles within 
 the River I anchored, and a Canoa with two In- 
 dians came prefently aboard mee and told mee 
 that was the Country of Edijioh, and that the 
 chiefe towne or feate of the Gaftque was within 
 on the Weftorne fhoare fomewhat lower downe 
 towards the Sea, by which relation I gueffed this 
 to be the fame River that fome Englijh in a 
 former difcovery mentioned by the name of 
 Grandy (if it be not rather the French Gironde) 
 and only fawe of att Sea but entered not; that 
 it might noe longer remaine under an uncertaine 
 diftind;ion I called it from the name of my Lieu- 
 tenant, Harvy Haven. It lyes about 32 d. 3 m. 
 and the markes to knowe it by as you come from 
 Sea are thefe : The North Eaft fide is a bluffe- 
 land, rounding from the River and ftretching 
 Eaft into the Sea, hence a lodge of breakers runn 
 out South before the Harbour's mouth, on which 
 wee borrowed when wee made fuch flioale water 
 in our Entrance. The Southweft fide makes a 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 5 1 
 
 fharpe lowe flat point bare of trees, a pretty way 
 from the Entrance Weft, and then fhews a ham- 
 mocke or two of thicke fhrubby trees. From 
 this point the Coaft tends S.W. and then W. S.W. 
 Juft within the Entrance is a fhewe of a faire 
 Creeke on the Starboard fide and another on the 
 Weft or larbord fide. Almoft opofite from the 
 uper fide of the Eaft fide Creeke a Marfii Ifland 
 runns out Weft and Southerly almoft croft" the 
 River. Edged to the Seaward with a banke of 
 Oyfter fliells, difcernable a good way to Sea as 
 you come from the Northward, and particularly 
 meett with two lowe trees which in ye ofiing 
 and before the Oyfter banke is difcovered feeme 
 as Vefieble riding within the River. It flowes 
 here Eaft and Weft neere eight foote perpendicu- 
 lar at fpring tides. The Woods on each fide en- 
 tring, to us feemed to confift moft of live Oake, 
 the land levell, of an habitable height generally, 
 with fteepe redd bankes here and there appeare- 
 ing over the Marfties, on which in many places 
 wee could fee the fields of Maiz greenly florifli- 
 ing. 
 
 The next day, being the 23rd June, I went with 
 my boate into a Creek on the Eaft flioare oppo- 
 fite to where the Vefiell rode, a very faire and 
 deepe Creeke or River goeing North and Eafterly 
 to appearance a long way. Being gone about 
 a mile up I landed and, according to my inftruc- 
 tions, in prefence of my Company took a formall 
 
52 SandforcVs Voyage 
 
 poffeffion by turffe and twigg of that whole Coun- 
 try from the Lat. of 36 deg. North to 29 d. South 
 and Weft to the South Seas by the name of the 
 Province of Carolina, for Our Soveraigne Lord 
 CJiarles the Second, King of England, and his 
 heirs and fucceffors, and to the ufe of the Right 
 Hono'ble Edward, Earle of Clarendon, George, 
 Duke of Albermarle, William Lord Graven, 
 John Lord Berkeley, Anthony Lord AJhley, Sr. 
 George Gartreit, Sr. William Berkeley and Sr. John 
 Golleton, their heirs and affigns, according to the 
 Letters Patents of Our Soveraigne Lord the King. 
 I ranged a little on either fide this Creeke, paffed 
 through feverall fields of Maiz or Indian Corn, 
 and following the guidance of a finall path was 
 brought to fome of the Indians Habitations. I 
 found all the land that I pafled over, whether I 
 went back or alongft; the fide of the Creeke, a 
 rich fatt foyle, black mould on the topp and un- 
 der mixt with a foft redd marie (which and a 
 flifie Clay) I after found the moft generall founda- 
 tion of all the land. Noe Swamps, noe Sandy 
 land. On the Outfide of the woods fome fingle 
 fcattring Pine trees, but of the fort which is 
 called Spruce. The reft and the Generallity of 
 the timber being Oak, Maple, Afh, Wallnutt, 
 Popler, Bayes, and the trees tall and flraight but 
 not very large, growing clofer together than I 
 have feene in any other part of this Province 
 (the reafon I gueffe of their being fo flender). 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 53 
 
 Thej are for the moft part a well feized building 
 timber, and fome fewe wee fawe of Oak and 
 Maple that would beare three or foure foot over 
 a very great burthen upon the ground; and 
 much of it of fuch growth as wee knowe to be an 
 excellent feeding for Cattle, and fo thick and 
 high that it made our travelling very tedious. 
 
 The next day I went fome miles up the maine 
 River, and finding a creek alfoe on the Eaft fide 
 which opened fome groves of Pine trees to our 
 veiwe I putt in there purposely to fee that fort of 
 Land, and found this if any the Swamps of this 
 Country, for this Creeke carryed us into Low 
 broken Marfhes and Iflands of thefe pine trees 
 lying almoft levell with the water. Wee landed on 
 fome of them, found them firme and dry (though 
 feveraU dayes and but the very night before wee 
 had ftore of raine) and without any fignes of 
 haveing ever beene overflowed. Yett they are 
 feemingly foe feated as that great ftore of raine 
 and frequent muft neceffarily ftand in them. 
 The pines are all fpruce ; the foyle a fatt blacke 
 mould with a fcarce difcernable mixture of fand 
 founded alfoe either on marie or Clay as the 
 other lands and bearing a very great burthen, 
 and though on the outfide Wee fawe only pine 
 trees yett being entered the Wood wee found 
 alfo Oake and feverall other timber trees of a 
 very large feize. Att a venture wee called thefe 
 kind of lands pine fwamps. But I efteeme them 
 
54 Sandford^s Voyage 
 
 a very proffitable tillable ground, and fome of 
 my Company did after this fee an Indian planted 
 field of this fort which they told me bore as tall 
 Maiz as any. We rowed along way up the 
 Creeke, and befides thefe fvvamps fawe and 
 ranged through very fpacious tracts of rich Oake 
 land, and yett Wee were not paft the Oyfter 
 bankes and frequent heepes of (hells, nor the 
 fait water. Att my returne downe the River I 
 fent fome afhoare to range on the Weft fide 
 who did inftantly afBrme that the lands there 
 were of an equall excellency with the beft of 
 thofe Wee had other where viewed, and that 
 they believed itt an impoffible injunction to be 
 putt to march to the end of the tracts. Being 
 therfore well fatisfyed with the fucceffe of our 
 difcovery hitherto, I wayed and flood downe the 
 River intending a fhort ftay att the landing 
 place neereft to the cheife Seate of Edistone 
 which the Indian had intreated of mee that they 
 might with the leffer trouble come aboard mee 
 to trade. When Wee were here a Capt. of the 
 Nation named Shadoo (one of them which Hil- 
 ton had carryed to Barbados) was very earneft 
 with fome of our Company to goe with him and 
 bye a night att their Towne, which he told us 
 was but a fmale diftance thence. I being equally 
 defirous to knowe the forme, manner and popu- 
 loufneffe of the place, as alfoe what ftate the 
 Cajique held (fame in all theire things preferring 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 55 
 
 this place to all the reft of the Coafl) and foure 
 of my Company^ vizt : Lt. Harvy, Lt. Woory, 
 Mr. Thomas Giles and Mr. Henry Woodward, 
 forwardly offring themfelves to the fervice, have- 
 ing alfoe fome Indians aboard mee who con- 
 flantly refided there night and day, I permitted 
 them to go with this Shadoo. They retorned to 
 me the next morning with great Comendations 
 of their entertainment, but efpecially of the good- 
 neffe of the land they marcht through and the 
 delightfuU fituation of the Towne. Telling mee 
 withal that the CaJ/ique himfelfe appeared not 
 (pretending fome indifpofition) but that his ftate 
 was fupplyed by a Female, who received them 
 with gladnes and Courtefy, placeing my Lt. 
 Harvey on the feat by her. Their relation gave 
 myfelfe a Curiofity (they alfoe affureing mee 
 that it was not above foure Miles off) to goe and 
 fee that Towne: And taking with mee Capt. 
 George Gary and a file of men I marched thither- 
 ward followed by a long traine of Indians, of 
 whome fome or other always prefented himfelfe 
 to carry mee on his fhoulders over any the 
 branches of Creekes or plafhy corners of Marfhes 
 in our Way. This walke through it tend to the 
 Southward of the Wefl, and confequently leads 
 neere alongfl the Sea-Coafl. Yett it opened to 
 our veiwe foe excellent a Country both for Wood, 
 land and Meadowes as gave fmgular fatiffaflion 
 to all my Company, Wee croffed one Meadowe 
 
50 SandforcPs Voyage 
 
 of not leffe then a thoufand Acres, all firme good 
 land and as rich a Soyle as any, clothed with a 
 ffine graffe not paffing knee deepe, but very 
 thick fett and fully adorned with yeallow flowers ; 
 a pafbire not inferiour to any I have feene in 
 England. The wood land were aU of the fame 
 fort both for timber and mould with the befl of 
 thofe we had ranged otherwhere, and without 
 alteration or abatement from their goodnes all 
 the way of our March. Being entered the Towne 
 wee were conducfted into a large houfe of a Cir- 
 cular forme (their generall houfe of State). 
 Right againfl the entrance way a high feate of 
 fufficient breadth for half a dozen perfons on 
 which fate the CaJJique himfelfe (vouchfafeing 
 m6e that favour) with his wife on his right hand 
 (fhee who had received thofe whome I had fent 
 the evening before). Hee was an old man of a 
 large flature and bone. Round the houfe from 
 each fide the throne quite to the Entrance were 
 lower benches filled with the whole rabble of 
 men, Women and children. In the center of this 
 houfe is kept a conftant fire mounted on a great 
 heape of Afhes and furrounded with httle lowe 
 furrows. Capt. Cary and my felfe were placed 
 on the higher feate on each fide the CaJ/ique, 
 and prefented with fkinns, accompanied with 
 their Ceremonyes of Welcome and friendfliipp 
 (by ftroaking our fhoulders with their palmes 
 and fucking in theire breath the whilft). The 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 57 
 
 Towne is feituate on the fide or rather in the 
 fkirts of a faire forreft, in which at feverall dif- 
 tances are diverfe feilds of Maiz with many Uttle 
 houfes ftraghngly amongfl them for the habita- 
 tions of the particular famihes. On the Eaft 
 fide and part of the South it hath a large prof- 
 pect over meadowes very fpatious and delight- 
 full. Before the Doore of their Statehoufe is a 
 fpacious walke rowed with trees on both fides, 
 tall and full branched, not much unlike to Elms, 
 which ferves for the Exercife and recreation of 
 the men, who by Couple runn after a marble 
 bowle troled out alternately by themfelves, with 
 fix foote ftaves in their hands, which they toffe 
 after the bowle in their race, and according to 
 the laying of their ftaves wine or loofe the beeds 
 they contend for; an exercife approveable 
 enough in the winter, but fome what too violent 
 (mee thought) for that feafon and noonetime of 
 the day. From this walke is another leffe afide 
 from the round houfe for the children to fport 
 in. After a fewe houres ftay I retorned to my 
 Veffell with a greate troope of Indians att my 
 heeles, the old CaJJique himfelfe in the number, 
 who lay aboard mee that night without the 
 fociety of any of his people, fome fcores of 
 which lay in boothes of their own imediate erec- 
 con on the beach. 
 
 While I lay here I had perfectly underftood 
 that the Kiver went through to another more 
 15 
 
58 SandforcPs Voyage 
 
 Wefterly, and was paffable for our Yeffell, and 
 alfoe that it was not much more then a tides 
 worke through, this increafed my defire of paff- 
 ing this way. Efpecially being perfuaded that 
 this next River was Jordan [Hilton intimateing 
 as much in his Journall and Mapp), Wherefore 
 on the 27th of June, with the helpe of the tide 
 of flood (the winde being contrary) I turned upp 
 the River, fo having oportunity to try the whole 
 Channell, which I found generally nice, and be- 
 tween that and fix fathume deepe and bold home 
 to each fhoare till wee were come about 10 miles 
 from the Harbours mouth, when the River was 
 contracted between the Marfhes. Yett here 
 (except in one or two places where fome flatts 
 narrowed the paffage) wee feldome found leff 
 than five fathum water. The River being nar- 
 rowe and varioufly winding, noe Gale would att 
 any time ferve us long, fo that wee were forced 
 for the moft part to towe through, and that often 
 againft the winde, which proved very tedious ; 
 nor could we paffe but by day, which with lying 
 two tides a ground to ftopp fome Leakes, made it 
 Sunday morning the firft of July before wee came 
 into the next Wefterly River, and by it into the 
 Sea again, though by the Travers I tooke of our 
 Courfe I found it performable with light boates 
 in one tide of flood and an Ebbe. The paffage 
 is generally betweene drowned marfhes, a great 
 breadth betweene the River and wood, efpecial- 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 59 
 
 ly on the Ifland fide. On the Eaft or maine fide 
 of the Marfh is much narrower^ and in many 
 places the Kiver runns clofe under the banke of 
 wood land, which wee had the oportunity to 
 view, and found it to continue its excellency 
 without change or diminution. The Indians 
 alfoe that inhabitt the inner parts of it affureing 
 us that it was all alike. 
 
 The next Wefterly River is a pretty faire river, 
 not leff broad than Harvey Haven, but its Chan- 
 nell more crooked, narrowe and fhaUowe. The 
 Well; fide of itt (as wee found afterwards) is but 
 a necke of land, having a Creeke or two which 
 feeme to goe through into the Weft River. It 
 is for ye Grenerallity drowned Marfhes alfoe yett 
 in fome places the banke is high. Crowned here 
 and there with fmale ground of wood, confifling 
 of dry plantable Land, furrounded a good fpace 
 with a firme Meadowe or paflure Land, and pre- 
 fenting moft deledlable Seates for fummer re- 
 ceffes. I did a little wounder to fee the Sea and 
 noe apparent open paffage firft to the Weflward 
 as I expected (flill imaginning this to be the 
 River Jordan). And when I was come out of 
 it into the Sea, and fawe none of thefe marks 
 which Hilton had prefixed to Jordan I was in a 
 great puzzle to know where wee were gott. 
 Nothing of the Coaft makeing like thofe drafts 
 which Hilton had given of itt. But the winde 
 firft dying into a calm and then again blowing 
 
60 8an(]forcPs Voyage 
 
 contrary, with fome Menaces of an Evening 
 ftorme, I putt into the River againe, and being 
 anchored went a fhoare on the Eaft point of the 
 Entrance, where I found Shadoo (the Capt. of 
 Edijiow, that had been with Hilton att Barbados, 
 and feverall other Indians come from the Towne 
 by Land to fee for our comeing forth), of whome 
 I afked whether this was the River which Hilton 
 was in. They told me noe, but itt was the next 
 River. This affured mee that Jordan was yett 
 further, and that Hilton had noe knowledge of 
 this River and foe could not lay it downe. I 
 demanded the name of this River. They told mee 
 Edijlowe ftill, and pointed all to be Edijlowe quite 
 home to the fide of Jordan, by which I was in- 
 ftrudled that the Indians affigne not their names 
 to the Rivers but to the Countryes and people. 
 Amongft thefe Indians was one who ufed to come 
 with the Southern Indians to trade with us att 
 Charles Towne in Clarendon, and is knowue by 
 the name oiCaJJique. Hee be.longeth to the Coun- 
 try of Kiwaha, and was very earneft with mee to 
 goe with my Veffell thither, affuring mee a 
 broad deep entrance, and promifmg a large wel- 
 come and plentiful entertainment and trade. I 
 told him I muft firft goe to Port Royall, and 
 that in my retorne I would fee his Country ; but 
 for his better fecurity hee would needs accom- 
 pany mee to Port Royall, and foe be my pilate 
 (as hee made mee underftand) for their River, 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 61 
 
 And prefently hee fent away his companion to 
 give notice to the cheife CaJJique of the place 
 of my intention that hee might prepare for my 
 comeing, and himfelf went on board with mee. 
 That Evening blewe a florme of winde att S.W. 
 (the frequent Somer ftorm on this Coaft) soe vio- 
 lent that (though in the River) I durft not truft 
 to my ordinary roade, but kept my fheet anchor 
 under foot. 
 
 With the rifeing of the morne I weighed and 
 flood out to Sea, haveing an eafie gale at N. E. 
 and a Tide of Ebbe. My Courfe out lay S. E. 
 between two bankes of fhoales leffe then half a 
 mile diflant. I chofe rather to keepe in the 
 Sounding of the Eafterne then of the Weft Flatts, 
 both becaufe the winde was Eafterly and foe I 
 could beare up from them when I would, and 
 alfoe becaufe haveing both in goeing out and 
 comeing in the day before borrowed on the Weft- 
 erne flioalings. I fhould by this Eafterly Courfe 
 take knowledge of the whole Channell. I was 
 fcarce fhott a mile without the Eaftermoft point 
 of the Entrance but the winde wholly left mee, 
 and the Ebbe (which the flatts on either fide 
 makeing foe faire a land, I expedled fhould fett 
 diredlly out to Sea) did runn with foe ftrong a 
 Current over the Eafterne Sands that att the 
 fecond heave of my lead I was caft from two 
 fathum into fix foot water, and I drewe fine into 
 a rowling Sea on the very edge of a breach. I 
 16 
 
62 8andforcPs Voyage 
 
 had no way but imediately to lett fall one anch- 
 or, foe to ftay the Veffell from precipitating on 
 her ruine whilft I might carry forth another 
 anchor to warpe her into deepe water. The 
 firft was prefently downe, but to gett out the 
 fecond, which way to confirme our fafety, proved 
 hughesly difficult. We lay in foe tumbling a 
 Sea that our boate could not bee brought to our 
 bowe without danger of ftaveing. I had but two 
 men with mee entred to Sea labour, and the moft 
 fpirrited and adlive part of my Company were 
 Gentlemen but little ufed to any labour. One of 
 the Seamen muft neceffarily ftay within board 
 to deliver the Anchor and Cable that was to be 
 carryed out. However the danger made every 
 one give his beft helpe, and with much adoe the 
 boate is brought to the bowe and the Anchor 
 putt into her, but all our ftrength could not 
 ftemme that tide of Ebbe which had hurried us 
 into the perill, and muft therefore be encouutred 
 in the way to bring us out, but a ftorne wee fall 
 againft the whole force of our Oares. A fecond 
 attempt is made with doubled ftrength, but one 
 breakes his Thoales, another his Oare, and nowe 
 cumbred with our owne ufleffe number in a boate 
 of fcarce equall feize wee became rather weaker 
 then att firft, yett wee have no other way left 
 but this to prevent our wreake (Heaven not 
 yeilding us one breath of aide). Therefore to 
 worke wee goe againe and refix our boate, but 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 63 
 
 in theife pafl fruitleff performances foe much time 
 had beene fpent as had given the Ebbing tide a 
 further advantage againft us, to the almoft per- 
 fecting our deftrudtion, for by this time the Yef- 
 fell by her repeated ftroakes as it were to refcue 
 herfelf from thofe inhofpitable fands, gave us 
 warning that her condition was well neere def- 
 perate, yett out goes our boate againe, and Grod 
 mercifully improved our ftrength to the getting 
 forth an Anchor, though not much further then 
 our Veffell's length, yett foe farre as brought us 
 into two fathum water, the banke on which wee 
 had grounded proving fleepe to, by reafon of 
 which wee the more eafily wrought ourfelves out 
 of thofe unkinde embraces, and to the praife of 
 the Almighty Deliverer were fnatcht from either 
 an inftant defcending into the open Gorge of the 
 unfated Ocean, or the more flowe and painfull 
 progreffe to our ends in a naked Expofure 
 amongft Nations wliofe piety it is to be barbar- 
 ous and Gallantry to be inhumane. This ill en- 
 tertainment made us brand the place with the 
 name of Port Perill. It lyes in the Lat. of 32 d. 
 25 m. or thereabouts; and may be knowne when 
 you are in the very Entrance by its Eaflerne 
 point, which is a lowe point of Land bare of trees 
 or other growth fave a fewe ftragling fhrubbs, 
 hence the River goe in N, N.W. and N.W. by N., 
 a fmale Creeke running in Eaft juft within the 
 point. The Coafl hence to the Eaftward tends 
 
64 Sandford^s Voyage 
 
 neereft E. by N. with Sandy bayes, and appeares 
 even and bluffe, with trees when you are in the 
 Offing. The Wefterne part of the Entrance lyes 
 within as in a deepe bay, and beare from the 
 Eaft point N.N. by W. or W. N.W. about two 
 miles. It is a bare fandy bay, with a fewe 
 fhrubbs next the River and thinne fcatring Pine 
 trees. More Southerly the Coaft thence Weft- 
 ward tends S. S.W., and all betweene this and 
 Jordan fhewes with feverall hummacks like 
 broken land or Iflands when you are off before 
 itt, and efpecially next to Po7^t Perill appears a 
 wide opening as of a River, but it is nothing but 
 bare fandy bayes or Oyfter bankes with lowe 
 Marfhes behinde them. Jordan, or as wee now 
 call it Yeamans Harbour from the name of our 
 Lt.-Generall, opens about two Leagues to the 
 Weft ward of this between two bluffe lands, from 
 the Weftermoft of which the North Eaft end of 
 an Ifiand (which from Capt. Gary wee named 
 Cary Ifland) runns out E. S. E. and makes all the 
 Coaft between it and Port Perill lye in the forme 
 of a deepe bay. All between Yeamans Harbour 
 and Port Perill are flioales and foule ground, 
 which from the Weft point of Port Perill runne 
 out S. E. before the mouth of Yeamans Harbour 
 to almoft an even range with the outermoft face 
 of Cary Ifland. From the Eaft point of Port 
 Perill a rowe of breakers range themfelves par- 
 rallell with the Wefterne fhoales, and were the 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 65 
 
 fame which had like to have proved foe fatall to 
 us at our Comeing out, thence neere a League 
 within Port Perill are three diftinift groves of 
 trees elevated on pretty high bankes with lowe 
 Marfhes in each intervall. They lye neere E. 
 and Weft, and when you are fo farre South and 
 Weflerly as that the lowe fandy point off the 
 Entrance wholy difappeares thefe fhewe them- 
 felves as though the mouth of the River were 
 betweene two bluffe lands With a round woody 
 Ifland in the middle of itt. In fleering in if you 
 come from the South and Weftward, keepe Eaft 
 in three fathum water till yoti bring this feeming 
 Ifland to touch the Eafterne bluffe, head and then 
 (land in N.W. by N. and N.W. with the head 
 land, rather takeing the Soundings of the Eaft- 
 erne flatt then of the W. if the winde will per- 
 mitt, and you will have two fathum water little 
 more or leffe all the way in att lowe water. As 
 you come neere in you will difcerne the Eafterne 
 lowe fandy point between you and that bluffe 
 land and the fandy bayes along the Eafterne 
 Coaft. Steering in with that fandy point and 
 you will deepen and have five fathum water 
 clofe aboard it. 
 
 After we were gott cleare of the Sands, the 
 Ebbe being donne and the Gale fpringing up, wee 
 made Sayle and ftood out to Sea, but wee were 
 not gott farre ere the winde fhifted to South 
 Eaft, and the flood fett foe ftrong into the nar- 
 
 '7 
 
66 Sandford's Voyage 
 
 rowe bay that wee could neither board it out 
 nor gaine to the Weftward of the Shoales which 
 lye before Yeamans Harbour foe to runne in 
 there, wherefore I came to an Anchor in three 
 fathum water till the Ebbe at leafl might helpe 
 us to worke out againft the winde. Whilft wee 
 rode here wee efpyed to our great rejoyceing 
 the Shalloope whome wee left the 19th of June 
 in the night. She was come forth of Yeamans 
 Harbour, and ftood to and againe before the 
 Southweft Coaft, betweene it and Cary Ifland, to 
 fhewe herfelf, not being able to come out to us 
 for the fame reafon that kept us imbayed. Wee 
 alfoe fired a gunn and putt out our Colours to 
 lett her knowe that wee fawe her, but could not 
 gett to her for the flatts that interpofed. 
 
 To goe into Yeamans Harbour Hilton's direc- 
 tion is (and itt feemed true to mee as I lay be- 
 fore itt, though I went not in) to goe in on the 
 Weft fide of the fhoalings which are oppofite to 
 the mouth thereof and which are contiguous 
 with the flatts of Port Perill, giving a ledge of 
 breakers that lye before the Southwell Cape of 
 the Entrance a fmale birth, and foe to fteere with 
 the North Eaft land of the Entrance, and the 
 leafl depth he fayes is two fathum at lowe water, 
 and foe upwards to fix or feaven fathum Avhen 
 you come neere under the faid Eaflerne Land. 
 But I have underflood fmce from Ens. Brayne 
 that between that ledge of breakers which lye 
 
To the Province of Carolina, 67 
 
 before ye Southweft Cape and the end of Cary 
 Ifland is a Channell, which hee afl&rmes has about 
 three fathum water where fhoalefl, which alfoe 
 when you are paft that ledge of breakers fett 
 over to the North Eaft land of the Harbours 
 mouth. The Ebbe now beginning to make wee 
 weighed and plyed off to Sea with some difficul- 
 ty, boarding it out of the dangerous and foule 
 bay wherein till about three Leagues from fhoare 
 the deepeft water wee could finde was fcarce 
 three fathum, and in our turning wee generally 
 into a fathum and a halfe on each fide, and this 
 though it was high water a place to be attempted 
 with Care when the wiude is off as now it is. By 
 night wee were gott cleere of all danger into fix 
 and feaven fathum water. I ftood off and on 
 all night, and in the morning found my felf off 
 the Sea board fide of Cary Ifland. In the mid- 
 dle betweene two openings this Ifland fills up 
 almoft; the whole fpace betweene Yeamans Har- 
 bour and Port Roy all. To feaward it makes an 
 even finooth land, pretty bluffe, with trees, and 
 tends South "Wefl; and North Eafl; about three 
 Leagues in length. It fliewes two finale open- 
 ings neere equi-diftant from either end and from 
 each other. From the Wen;ermofl opening att 
 Wefiiward the Coafi; is bold Five fathum water ; 
 within half a league of the flioare more Eafi:er- 
 ly it is not foe deepe. 
 
 The morning was Calme, and foe continued till 
 
68 Sandford's Voyage 
 
 about two a Clock afternoon, when a frefh gale 
 fprang up att North Eaft, which in a fliort time 
 opened to us Woory Bay and the mouth of Port 
 Royall. Woory Bay, of Lt. Woory, is made by 
 the South Wefterly end of Gary Ifland and the 
 Southermoft Cape or head land without Port 
 Royall, called from the firft difcoverer Hilton 
 Head, which is the fartheft land in fight as you 
 come from the North Eaft along by the end of 
 Cary Ifland, whence it beares neereft S.W. and 
 is blulfe, with trees large and tall, which as you 
 approach them feeme to looke their topps in the 
 Sea. Port Royall mouth feems opens in the 
 bottome of this bay neerefl to the Weflerne fide 
 thereof; the opening is wide, little leffe then two 
 leagues, the Weftermoft land of it running out 
 almoft South to Hilton Head, and laying in like 
 a halfe bent bowe. Makeing the Weft fide of 
 Woory Bay from the Eaft fide of Port Royall the 
 land tends away Eaft Northerly into Giles 
 Streights (the paffage on the backfide of Gary 
 Ifland named foe from Mr. Thomas Giles) and 
 formes the bottum of Woory Bay. Before this 
 part of the Coaft and the end of Garey Ifland, in 
 all the Eafterly part of the bay, its fhoales and 
 very uneven ground unfafe to meddle with to- 
 wards the Eastermoft angle of it ; opofite to the 
 entrance into Giles Streights, lyes a Sand Hill 
 pretty high, with fome fmaller about it, vifible a 
 good diftance off in comeing from the Weftward. 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 69 
 
 As you part from Gary Ifland fleere away S.W. 
 with Hilton Head and you will come thwart the 
 Channell of Port Roy all, which you will finde by 
 the deepning of your water from five to feaven 
 fathum and upward. It lyes neerer towards 
 the Weft land, and runns in N. N.W. towards 
 the Eafterne land of the Entrance (by us called 
 Ahrahall Point), having feldom fo little as feaven 
 fathum water. All the way in the fhoales in 
 the Eaft part of the bay lye poynting out a good 
 way to Sea, therefore it will be fafe for fhipps of 
 burthen to keepe out till they have brought Hil- 
 ton Head to beare about N. N. E. from them. 
 When I had opened Woory Bay fayling S.W. 
 along by the end of Cary Ifland, I had brought 
 the Sand Hills within a Steerne of mee. I luffed 
 into the bay to try the Soundings of that Eafter- 
 moft part of itt, and after a little while came on 
 the fhoalings, and found them foe uneven that 
 it was ordinary to differ two fathum in the heave 
 of a lead. Being therefore fatiffyed with ye 
 dangeroufnes of this part of the bay, I bore up 
 againe and flood away with Hilton Head croffe 
 fome of the fhoales till I came to feaven, eight 
 and to about tenn fathum water. Then I fleered 
 away with the body of the Wefl land betweene 
 Hilton Head and the Entrance of Port Royall, 
 and fhoale my water by degrees to fix fathum 
 (which depth continued a good while) and att 
 length to five and foure fathum and to three 
 
70 Sand ford) 8 Voyage 
 
 within leffe then a mile of the wood fide. Then 
 I brought my tacks aboard and flood North 
 Eafterly to gett into the Channell againe, and 
 after fome time deepened my water to five, fix 
 and feaven fathum. I then fleered away w^ith 
 the Eaft land of the River within ^SraAa// Point, 
 flill deepning my water, till at length the Ebbe 
 being ftrong and wee makeing frefh way againfl 
 it with a large winde, I could not for q, good 
 fpace flrike ground with my leads. About mid- 
 night the third of July I came to an Anchor 
 within the River in feaven fathum water (the 
 ■ leaft depth I could then finde) a little above the 
 Entrance into Brayne Sound, or the paffage 
 which goes through to Yeamans Harbour, foe 
 called from Ens. Brayne, who twice failed itt. 
 I would advife all who enter Port Royall to goe 
 in upon the Soundings on the Wefl fide of the 
 Channell till they come a good way within Hil- 
 ton Head, that fide being the eveneft ground and 
 freeft from all danger. They may keepe in fix 
 and feaven fathum all the way in, and then as 
 they fteere more Eaflerly towards Ahrahall Point 
 they will finde itt much deeper. It flowes here 
 E. S. E. 
 
 The next morning I removed oppofite to the 
 principall Indian Towne and there anchored be- 
 fore itt, where I had not ridd long ere the CaJ/ique 
 himfelf came aboard mee with a Canoa full of 
 Indians, prefenting mee with fl^inns and bidding 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 71 
 
 mee welcome after their manner. I went a 
 fhoare with him to fee their Towne which flood 
 in fight of our Veffell. Found as to the forme 
 of building in every refpedt like that of Eddif- 
 iowe, with a plaine place before the great round 
 houfe for their bowling recreation, att th'end of 
 which ftood a faire woodden Croffe of the Span- 
 iards ereccon. But I could not obferve that the 
 Indians performed any adoracon before itt. All 
 round the Towne for a great fpace are feveraU 
 fields of Maiz of a very large growth. The foyle 
 nothing inferiour to the befl we had feen att 
 Eddijtowe, apparently more loofe and light, and 
 the trees in the woods much larger and rangd 
 at a greater difi:ance, all the ground under them 
 burthened exceedingly, and amongft it a great 
 variety of choice paflurage. I fawe here befides 
 the great number of peaches which the more 
 Northerly places doe alfoe abound in, fome flore 
 of figge trees very large and faire, both fruite 
 and plants, and diverfe grape vines which though 
 growing without Culture in the very throng of 
 weedes and bufhes were yett filled with bunches 
 of grapes to admiracon. It was noe fmale re- 
 joyceing to my Company (who began to feare 
 that after Edijlowe they fhould fee nothing 
 equally to content them) to finde here not only 
 a River fo much fuperiour to all others on the 
 Coaft Northward, but alfoe a Country which 
 their fancyes though preengaged could fcarce 
 
72 SandforWs Voyage 
 
 forbeare to preferre even that which but a little 
 before they had concluded peereleffe. The 
 Towne is fcited on an Ifland made by a branch 
 which Cometh out of Brayne Sound and falleth 
 into Port Royall about a mile above where wee 
 landed, a fcituacon not extraordinary here, rather 
 the whole Country is nothing elfe but feverall 
 Iflands made by the various intervenings of Rivers 
 and Creekes, yett are they firme good Lands (ex- 
 cepting what is Marfh) nor of foe fmale a fieze, 
 but to continue many of them thoufands of acres 
 of rich habitable wood land, whofe very bankes 
 are wafhed by River or Creek, which befides the 
 fertillity adde fuch a Comodioufneffe for portage 
 as few Countryes are equally happy in. 
 
 After a few hours ftay to. view the land about 
 the Towne, I retorned to my Yeffell and there 
 found Ens. Brayne with .his Shalloope, come 
 that morning through Brayne Sound from Yea- 
 mans Harbour, att the mouth of which wee had 
 feene him two days before. He told mee that 
 the fame morning that I made Harvey Haven he 
 came in with the fhoare more to the Eflw'd and 
 fayled along it till towards Evening, when hee 
 entred Yeamans Harbour fuppofmg it Port Roy- 
 all, and not findeing mee there nor any knowl- 
 edge of mee, and gueffmg that I might be more 
 Southerly hee came through to Port Royall and 
 acquainted himfelfe with Wommony the Cajfiques 
 fone (who had alfoe been att Barbados) whome 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 7 3 
 
 hee eafily prevailed with to beare him Company 
 from place to place into feverall Creeks and 
 branches betweene this and Yeamans Harbour, 
 foe becoming both his Guide and proteccon that 
 hee had by this meanes a large leafure and opor- 
 tunity of veiwing all that part of the Country 
 which hee did foe loudly applaud for land and 
 rivers that my Companies Comendacons of Eddif- 
 towe could fcarce out noife him. Sufficiently 
 fatiffyed with this relation (confirmed by thofe 
 with him) I refolved to loofe noe time in a fecond 
 fearch of that parte, but to goe a tides worke 
 up the maine River and fee the body of the 
 Country, and att my retorne to enter a faire 
 Creek on the Weft fhoare oppofite to where the 
 Veffell rode, and foe to veiwe that fide which 
 Ens. Brayne had not medled with, being the 
 more defirous alfoe to trye this Creek becaufe 
 the Indians reported that it lead to a great 
 Southerne River which peirceth farre into the 
 Continent, and I fuppofe may be the Frenchmans 
 River May, or the Spaniards St. Matthias. With 
 the Flood therefore and a favorable frefh Gale 
 of winde I fayled up the River in the Shalloope 
 neere thirty miles, paffed where it divides itfelfe 
 into two principall branches, the Weflermoft of 
 which I went upp, and conceiveing myfelfe no we 
 high enough I landed. Here I found the Ground 
 prefently within to rife into a pretty hill, and as 
 I ranged further I croffed feverall fine falls and 
 19 
 
74 Sandford^s Voyage 
 
 rifeings of land and one brooke of fweete water 
 wMcli rann with a moiirmoring courfe betweene 
 two hillSj a rarity towards the fea Coaft (to which 
 our former fearches had beene confined in which 
 wee had not feene any frefh water but in wells, 
 which inconveinency was not to be borne with 
 were it not to be healved by the eafie fmking of 
 wells every where). The land here was fuch as 
 made us all conclude not onely a poffibility that 
 Eddijlowe might be, but a certainty that it was 
 exceeded by the Country of Port Royall. Being 
 fully tired with our March through a ranke 
 growth of vines, bufhes and graff, which every 
 where fettered our leggs and preclaimed the 
 richnes of the foyle, I retired to my boate, and 
 with the Ebbe towards our Veffell wee paffed 
 diverfe faire Creekes on each fide the River but 
 entred none, haveing not much time to fpare, 
 and being fatiffyed by the forts of wood wee fawe 
 and the banks that the land was all of like good- 
 nefi" to what we had already veiwed (only in one 
 place the land feemeing lower then ufuall and 
 with a great mixture of pine or rather fpruce). 
 I went in there, and after I was fomewhat with- 
 in the woods found it very plafiiy and water 
 ftanding everywhere in holes about ankell deepe 
 or deeper, caufed as I think by the late raine 
 which had fallen fomewhat plentifully, for there 
 appeared noe figne of conflant fwampifiines (as 
 in the Cipreffe fwamps more Northerly) nor any- 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 75 
 
 thing that might difcourage the manureing it. 
 The morning was pretty faire fpent ere I came 
 downe to the Veffell againe, wherefore I made 
 hafte and changed my Company and then croffed 
 the River into that Wefterne Creeke I fpoke of, 
 which after three or four miles opened into a 
 great found full of Iflands of different fizes South- 
 wards. It went into the Sea by two or three 
 out letts in our fight Weflward. We flill opened 
 newe branches, fome bigger, fome leffe, like thofe 
 wee had already paffed and found to crumble 
 the Continent into Iflands. I fpent the remain- 
 der of this day and the beft part of the next in 
 this found, went a fhoare on Severall Iilands, found 
 them as good firme land as any wee had feene, 
 exceedingly timbred principally with live Oake 
 and large Cedar and Bay trees then any I had 
 feene before on all the Coafl. In one of them 
 wee entred a pleafant Grove of fpruce, fhadeing 
 a very cleare pafture of fine graffe in which wee 
 rouzed a brave heard of Deere, and thence called 
 it the Di/coverer's Parke. This Ifland continues 
 fome hundred of acres, and both wood and 
 Marfh, proper for planting, grazeing and for 
 feeding fwine, and all the Iflands of this Sound 
 that were in our veiwe (fome few fmale ones ex- 
 cepted that were onely Marfh) are in all appeare- 
 ance alike good, proportionable to their biggnes 
 with high bankes richly crowned with timber 
 of the largefl fize. So that of what we fawe in 
 
76 Sandford's Voyage 
 
 this Sound onely might be found habitations for 
 thoufands of people with conveniencyes for their 
 (lock of all kinds in fuch a way of accomodacon 
 as is not comon. And if the Sound goe through 
 to fuch a great River as the Indians talk off 
 (which feems very probable) it will putt in 
 addiconall value upon the Settlem'te that fhal be 
 made in it. It abounds befides with Oyfter 
 bankes and fuch heapes of fhells as which noe 
 time cann confume, butt this benefitt it hath but 
 in comon with all the Rivers betweene this and 
 Harvey Haven, which are flored with this necef- 
 fary materiall for lime for many ages^ and lying 
 foe conveniently that whatever neere River or 
 Creeke you cann thinke fitt to fett a houfe there 
 you may place your lime kill alfoe and poffibly in 
 the banke juft by or very neere finde clay for yoar 
 bricke tile, and the great and frequent foulls of 
 fifti wee mett with gives us expectacon of advan- 
 tage and employment that way alfoe. In fume 
 we could fee of nothing here to be wifhed for 
 but good ftore of Englijh Inhabitants, and that 
 wee all heartily prayed for. I gave my name 
 the Honour of calling this Sound by it, and doe 
 believe that if this place be fetled by us, it may 
 hence receive a longer duracon then from any 
 acceffe within the reach of a rationall hope. 
 
 Within night I retorned to the Veffell, and the 
 next day being the 7th of July I tooke in fome 
 frefh water purpofing that night to leave Port 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 77 
 
 Royall and retorne homeward, haveing in the 
 difcovery already made, exceeded all our owne 
 and therfor confident to anfwere aU other ex- 
 pectacons, befides each mans proper occafion 
 haftened him, and the Confideration of the 
 Charge of the Veffell hired att five and twenty 
 pounds flerling per month made us earnefl not 
 to detaine her a minute of time unneceffarily. 
 Wee alfoe defigned ourfelves fome dales to fee 
 the Country of Kywaha, one of whofe Inhabi- 
 tants remained flill with us for that only pur- 
 pofe. But a little before night the CaJ/ique of 
 Port Royall came aboard and brought with him 
 a propper young fellowe whome hee made mee 
 to underfland to bee his Sifter's fonne. Hee de- 
 manded of mee when I would retorne thither, 
 and (hewing mee the moone afked whether 
 within three times of her compleating her orbe, 
 I told him noe, but in tenn monthes I would. 
 Hee feemed troubled att the length of time and 
 as it were begged me to come in five. But I 
 continued my firft given number. Att length 
 hee gave mee this young fellowe, told mee hee 
 fhould goe and retorne with mee and that I muft 
 clothe him, and then hee afked mee when I would 
 fayle. I told him prefently that night, but hee 
 very much importuned mee to ftay until the next 
 day that hee might prepare mee fome venifon, 
 and made fignes as hee parted that if in the morn- 
 ing hee fhould not fee mee hee fhould Crye, and 
 
78 Sandford^s Voyage 
 
 foe hee left mee and the Indian with mee. I 
 was fomewhat pleafed with the adventure, have- 
 ing before I came on the Difcovery wifhed that 
 if I hked the Country I might prevaile with the 
 Indians to lett one of their Nacon goe with mee, 
 I leaveing an Englijh man in their roome for the 
 mutuall learning their language, and to that 
 purpofe one of my Company Mr. Henry Wood- 
 ward, a Chirurgeon, had before I fett out affured 
 mee his refolucon to ftay with the Indians if I 
 fhould thinke convenient, wherefore I refolved 
 to flay till the morning to fee if the Indians 
 would remaine conftant in this lutencon, accord- 
 ing to which I purpofed to treate further with 
 them on the morrowe, therefore I went a fhoare 
 to their Towne, tooke Woodward and the Indian 
 with mee and in prefence of all the Inhabitants 
 of the place and of the fellows relacons afked if 
 they approved of his goeing along with mee. 
 They all with one voyce confented. After, fome 
 paufe I called the CaJJlque and another old man 
 (his fecond in authority) and their wives, and in 
 fight and heareing of the whole Towne delivered 
 Woodward into their charge, telling them that 
 when I retorned I would require him att their 
 hands. They received him with fuch high tefli- 
 monyes of Joy and thankfuUnes as hughely 
 confirmed to mee their great defire of our friend- 
 fhipp and fociety. The GaJJique placed Wood- 
 ward by him uppon the Throne, and after lead 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 79 
 
 him forth and fhewed him a large feild of Maiz 
 which hee told him fhould bee his, then hee 
 brought him the Sifter of the Indian that I had 
 with mee telling him that fhee fhould tend him 
 and dreffe his vidlualls and be careful of him 
 that foe her Brother might be the better ufed 
 amongft us. I ftayed a while being wounderous 
 civiUy treated after their manner, and giveing 
 Woodward formall poffeffion of the whole Coun- 
 try to hold as Tennant att Will of the right 
 Hono'ble the Lords Proprietors, I retorned aboard 
 and imediately weighed and fell downe. An 
 Indian that came with mee from Edijiowe with 
 Intencon to goe no further then Port Royall 
 feeing this kindnes and mutuall obligation 
 betweene us and the people of this place, that 
 his Nacon or tribe might bee within the League, 
 voluntarily offered himfelfe to flay with mee 
 alfoe, and would not bee denyed, and thinking 
 that foe hee fhould be the more acceptable hee 
 caufed himfelfe to be fhoaren on the Crowne, after 
 ye manner of the Port Royall Indians, a fafhion 
 which I gueffe they have taken from the Spanijh 
 Fryers, thereby to ingratiate themfelves with 
 that Nacon; and indeed all along I obferved a 
 kinde of Emulacon amongft the three principal! 
 Indians of this Country (vizt.) thofe of KywaJia, 
 Eddijiowe and Port Royall concerning us and 
 our Freindfhipp, each contending to affure it to 
 themfelves and jealous of the other though all 
 
80 8anclforcVs Voyage 
 
 be allyecl, and this notwithftanding that they 
 knewe wee were in actuall warre with the Na- 
 tives att Clarendon and had killed and fent away 
 many of them, fifor they frequently difcourfed 
 with ns concerning the warre, told us that the 
 Natives were noughts, their land Sandy and bar- 
 ren, their Country fickly, but if wee would come 
 amongft them Wee fhould finde the Contrary to 
 all their Evills, and never any occafion of dif- 
 chargeing our Gunns but in merryment and for 
 paftime. 
 
 The 10th of July in the morning I was fay re 
 before ye River that leadeth into the Country 
 of Kywalia, but the Indian of the place who 
 undertooke to bee my Guide, and flayed all this 
 while with mee for that onely purpofe, would 
 not knowe it to be the fame, but confidently and 
 conflantly af&rmed to mee that it was more 
 Eafterly, and att length when I was almoft neere 
 enough to goe in, with greate affurance and joy 
 hee (hewed mee a head land not farre off which 
 hee affirmed the entrance to bee. This confi- 
 dence of his made mee ftand away, but by that 
 time I had fayled fome two Leagues. Hee fawe 
 his error when it was too late, for nowe the winde 
 was foe that I could not fetch the River againe, 
 and if it had beene fayre I was fure not to enter 
 it before night, and I did not like the complex- 
 con of the Heavens foe well as to trye that night 
 upon the Coaft. 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 81 
 
 The River lyes in a bay betweene Harvey 
 Haven and Gape St. Romana, wherein wee found 
 7 or 8 fathum water very neere the fhoare, and 
 not the leaft appearance of fhoales or dangers 
 in any part of itt. It fhewes with a very faire 
 large opening cleare of any fiflatts or barreing in 
 ye Entrance onely before the Eafterne point wee 
 sawe a breach but not farre out. I perfuade 
 myfelfe that it leads into an Excellent Country, 
 both from the Comendacon the Indian give itt 
 and from what I faw in my ranging on the 
 Eafterne part of Harvey Haven the next Neigh- 
 bouring land to this. Wherefore in hopes that 
 it may prove worthy the Dignity I called it the 
 River AJhley, from the Right Hon'ble Antliony 
 Lord AJhley, and to take away every little re- 
 maine of forraigne title to this Province, I blotted 
 out the name of St. Romane putt before the next 
 Eafterly Cape, and writt Cape Cartrett in the 
 roome, to evidence the more reall right of Sr. 
 George Gartreti, as hee is a Lord Proprietor of 
 Carolina. 
 
 The 12th of July about noon I entred Charles 
 River, and before darke night landed att Charles 
 Towne in the County of Clarendon, to the great 
 rejoiceing of our friends, who yett received not 
 our perfons more gratefully then they did the 
 found Comendacons which they heard from every 
 one of us without one diffonant note of that never 
 enough to be valued Country which wee had 
 
82 8andforcPs Voyage 
 
 feene and fearcht, in which may be found ample 
 Seats for many thoufands of our Nation in a 
 Sociable and comfortable Vicinity, fecured from 
 any poffible general and from all probable par- 
 ticle Maffacres, with fuch other accomodacons 
 to boote as fcarce any place cann parralell, in a 
 clime perfedlly temperate to make the habitacon 
 pleafant, and where fuch a fertile Soyle cannot 
 faile to yeild foe great a variety of Produccons 
 as will not onely give an abfolute felfe fubfiflance 
 to the place without all manner of neceffary for- 
 raigne dependance, but alfoe reach a trade to 
 the Kingdome of England as great as that fhee 
 has with all her Neighbours, and render our 
 Soveraigne Lord the King within his owne Do- 
 minions and the Land poffeffed by his Naturall 
 Englijh fubjedls univerfall Monarch of the Traf- 
 fique and Comodity of the whole World. 
 
 RoBT. Sandpord. 
 
To the Province of Carolina. 83 
 
 FOE, a further Confirmacon hereof take this 
 Teftimoniall given of this Country by the 
 Principall Gentlemen with mee in this Dif- 
 covery, who have attefted under their hands as 
 much as I have fayd, and yett noe more then 
 what thoufands had tliey beene there would alfoe 
 have afl&rmed — 
 
 Clarendon 
 
 in 
 Carolina — 
 
 Wee wliofe names are hereunto fubfcrihed Jiave- 
 ing accompanied Lt.-Goldll Robert Sandford in 
 a Voyage of D'lfcovery on the Coaji and Rivers 
 of this Province to the Southward and Wejlward 
 of Cape St. Romane as farre as the River Port 
 Royall, and heing all of us per/ons well experi- 
 enced in the nature and quallity of the feverall 
 Soyles in thefe Regions, andfome of us by means 
 of our Travells throughly acquainted with moji 
 part 0/ America, Northerne and Southerne Conti- 
 nent and I/lands, doe hereby declare and Tejiefie 
 to the whole world that the Country which wee did 
 fearch and fee from the River Grandy, nowe Har- 
 vey Haven, to Port Royall inclufive, doth for 
 richnes and fertillity of foyle, for Excellency of 
 Rivers, havens, Creekes and founds, for abound- 
 ance of good Timber of diver fe forts, and many 
 other requiftes both to land and Sea building, and 
 for fundry rare accomodacons both for Naviga- 
 
84 SandfordJs Voyage. 
 
 tion and Plantacon Exceed all places that wee 
 knowe in proporcon of our Nacon in the Weft In- 
 dies^ and wee doe ajjure Our /elves that a Colony 
 of Englifh here planted, with a moderate fupport 
 in their Infant tendency, would in a very Jhort 
 time improve them/elves to a perfect Common 
 Wealth, Injoying a Self fufficiency of all theprin- 
 cipall Neceffaryes to life and abounding with a 
 great variety of Superfluity for the Invitacon of 
 foraigne Comerce and trade, and which for its 
 Scite and produccons would he of more advantage 
 to our Native Country, tlie Kingdome of England, 
 and to the Grandeur of Our Soveraigne Lord the 
 King, his Crowne, and dignity then any {wee may 
 fay all) his other Dominions in America. 
 
 And wee doe further avouch that this Country 
 may hee more fecurely fettled and cheaply defended 
 from any the attempts of its native Inhabitants 
 then any of tho/e other places which our Country- 
 men have refined from the DroJjT of Indian Bar- 
 hari/me. 
 
 In Witneff whereof wee have hereunto fett our 
 hands this 14:ih of July, 1666. 
 
 Henry Brayne. 
 Kich'd Abraiiall. 
 Thomas Giles. 
 George Gary. 
 Sam'll Harvey. 
 Joseph Woory. 
 
Eight Lords Proprietors, being a fac-simile of a wax impression of the Seal, now in the PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, 
 LONDON, ENGLAND, obtained thence through the kindne=.s of Mr. W, Noel Sainsbury. 
 
 The imperfect Coaf of Arms on the Reverse is that of JOHN, LORD BERKELEY, which is the same as the Coat of Arms of Sir WM. 
 
 BERKELEY nearly opposite, except for the Baron's Coronet where the wax has been quite broken off. Between the 
 
 last and Sir George Carteret's Coat of Arms, a piece of wax is broken away but without injuring either. 
 
 AUTOGRAPHS OF THE LORDS PROPRIETORS. 
 
 '^^C 
 
 -fi^imi 
 
 'Wie ^ctT^e^ 
 
 J^-^t 
 
 ':££iJ'^ 
 
 REPRODUCED BY THE HELIOTYPE PR 
 
 INTING CO., BOSTON, FOR MR. WM. A, COURTENAY, CHARLESTON S. C. 
 
A 
 
 RELATION 
 
 OF 
 
 The Voyage of the Colonists, 
 
 Who Sailed from the Thames, in August, 1669, via 
 
 ITinsale, Ireland and Barbadoes, visiting 
 
 POET ROYALL, 
 
 AND 
 Finally Settling on Ashley River, where they 
 
 founded 
 
 CHARLES TO WK 
 
 These letters, written by the Colonists, form part of 
 the Shafteslniry Papers. 
 
Now first printed from the original Shaftesbury Papers, procured by 
 
 the City Council of Charleston, S. C. from the Public 
 
 Record Office, London. 
 
The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 IT is desired to present, in the following pages, 
 such information, contained in the Shaftes- 
 bury Papers on file in the Pub- 
 lic Record Office, London, as 
 refers particularly to the voyage 
 'of an expedition fitted out in 
 August, 1669, by the Lords 
 Proprietors in England, for the 
 purpose of colonizing Carolina, 
 These papers being addressed chiefly to Lord 
 Ashley and not to the Lords Proprietors as a 
 body, fail to give us a connected narrative of 
 the voyage, but though the information be not as 
 full as could be desired, it is nevertheless impor- 
 tant, since it suffices to fix the time and place of 
 departure, the names of those who first cast in 
 their lot, the perils of the voyage and the dan- 
 gers encountered upon the shore. 
 
88 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 Any aM^^e?i^ic information concerning the first 
 settling of the particular locality which we in- 
 habit should always have an interest for us. 
 But when our narrator is in a measure both 
 historian and founder, his text should possess 
 the highest interest for us. 
 
 Surrounded as we are to-day by all the re- 
 finements of civilized life, our lives, liberty and 
 property well guarded by organized govern- 
 ment and we free to seek and enjoy every law- 
 ful happiness, there is food for pleasant and 
 profitable reflection in the history of that little 
 band, who, braving every peril to life and 
 property, first planted the seed of this bountiful 
 harvest. The story of their hopes and fears, 
 their joys and sorrows, is best told in their own 
 simple language, so we present it to-day, as they 
 recorded it over two centuries since, slightly 
 abridging in unimportant particulars to keep 
 within the scope of our pages. 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 89 
 THE FLOTILLA. 
 
 Joseph West, Commander. 
 Ship Carohna — 
 
 Henry Brayne, Master. 
 
 John Comings, Mate. 
 
 Richard Dyas, Gunner. 
 
 Richard Cole, Carpenter. 
 
 Peter Salter, Trumpeter. 
 
 Arthur Roper, Boatswain's Mate. 
 
 Seamen — John Moore, Thos. Joy, Wm. Orr, 
 Thos. Sumers, George Gray, Henry Jones, Jas. 
 Shepherd, John Williamson, Jas. Robertson, John 
 Rippett, Alexander John Stone, Henry Pfarro & 
 Hailes Porter, (Carpenter's Mate.) 
 
 Crew, all told, 19 men. — Total monthly wages 
 £35— 15s. 
 Ship Port Royall — 
 
 John Russell, Master. 
 
 Robert Chappell, Mate. 
 
 Peter Stanford, Boatswain. 
 
 Wm. Allan, Carpenter. 
 
 Seamen — Tobias Cox, Lewis Carson, Geo. 
 Pfarro. 
 
 Crew all told, 7 men. — Monthly wages £17. 
 Sloop Albemarle — 
 
 Edward Baxter, Master. 
 
 Seamen — George Buggy, Jno. Rogers, George 
 Young & Henry Buck. 
 
 Crew all told, 5 men. — Monthly wages £8. 
 
90 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 Expenditures. £ s. d. 
 Costs of Ship Carolina and her equip- 
 ment 930 17 11 
 
 Costs of Ship Port Royall and her 
 
 equipment 199 05 08 
 
 Costs of Sloop Albemarle and her 
 
 equipment 82 01 10 
 
 Costs of Provisions for the Expedi- 
 tion 540 1108 
 
 Costs of Clothes 212 04 00 
 
 Costs of Stores of War 397 15 00 
 
 Costs of Tools and Iron-ware 188 09 07 
 
 Costs of Caske 87 00 01 
 
 Cx)sts of Fishing Trade 28 10 00 
 
 Costs of Indian Trade 50 18 08 
 
 Costs of Charges and Shipping 58 04 00 
 
 Costs of Chirurgeon's chest and in- 
 struments 30 08 00 
 
 Wages paid 76 15 00 
 
 Money paid Mr. West at Kinsale. . . 30 00 00 
 
 2913 01 05 
 
 Lent Capt. O'Sulivant 10 00 00 
 
 Paid Mr. West for his paines 20 00 00 
 
 £2943 01 05 
 From Aboard the Carolina, 
 
 Now RiDINGE IN THE DOWNBS, 
 
 August the 10th, 1669. 
 Mcty, it please your Lordship ■' 
 
 This (after begging your Honor's pardon) is 
 to glYe your Lordshipp a perfeete accompte that 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 91 
 
 wee are with our shipps now ridinge att an an- 
 ker in the Downes. And, may itt please your 
 Honor, I hope to your Lordshipp's sattisfaction, 
 I have taken all the care I cann, although very 
 troublesome, to fitt out and make ready with 
 what expedition I possible could all the shipps, 
 now onely by the permission of the Almighty 
 expecting a good winde and being well fitted 
 with and by the leave of God I doe intende to 
 waye and sett to sayle expecting under God a 
 good and prosperous voyadge for Ireland into 
 the port of Kingsale and upon our arivall, from 
 thence your Honor shall receive a more fuller 
 accompt than I att present can give your Lord- 
 shipp. I have here enclosed sent your Honor a 
 particular accompt of what passendgers are 
 aboard, first, Masters, and then servants and 
 then those persons that are single and have noe 
 servants, which, with your Lordshipp's pardonn, 
 is all att present from your Lordshipp's most 
 humble and obediente servant, 
 
 JOSEPH WEST. 
 
 A list of all such Masters, free passengers and 
 servants which are now aboard the Carolina 
 now ridinge in the Downes, August the 10th, 
 1669: 
 
92 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 Masters. 
 Capt. Sullivan, 
 
 Step. Bull, 
 
 Ed. HoUis and 
 Jos. Dalton, 
 
 Tho. Smith, 
 Paule Smith, 
 
 Servants. 
 
 Numbers of 
 Names, 
 
 Ralph Marshall, 
 James Montgomery, 
 Rich. Alexander, 
 Stephen Wheelwright, 
 Tho. Kinge, 
 Eliz. Dimmocke, 
 Eliz. Mathews, 
 
 Robert Done, 
 Burnaby Bull, 
 Tho. Ingram, 
 Jonathan Barker, 
 John Larmouth, 
 Dudley Widgier, 
 
 George Prideox, 
 Thomas Younge, 
 Henry Price, 
 Will Chambers, 
 John Dawson, 
 Will. Roades, 
 Alfrd Harleston, 
 Jane Lawson, 
 Susanna Kinder, 
 
 Aice Rixe, 
 Jo. Hudlesworth, 
 Jo. Burroughs, 
 Hugh Wigleston, 
 EHz. Smith, 
 Andrew Boorne, 
 Francis Noone, 
 
 8 
 
 Ul 
 
 9 
 
ry/nt//:* .H^^/flry (^oo/ter^ 
 
 Y,'Ay\. of .SMAl'TFv.SlRITIOr. 
 
 J 
 
 Riii-i;nnt:ci;i 
 
 r,;..M a!.0„„:inalKn..!;av,n,, F..K^n^. \Vm. A.I"L'.:h^ai, Ci 
 
 OHTOTYPE, £. UIEH&TADT, 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 98 
 
 Masters. 
 Hambleton. 
 
 Jo. RiverS; 
 
 Servants. 
 
 Tho. Gourden, 
 Will. Lumsden, 
 Jo. Frizen, 
 Step. Flinte, 
 Edw, Young, 
 Jo. Thomson, 
 Samuell Morris, 
 Tho. Southell, 
 Agnis Payne, 
 Jo. Reed, 
 
 Tho. Poole, 
 Rob. Williams, 
 Henry Burgen, 
 Math. Smallwood, 
 
 Numbers of 
 Names. 
 
 Nich. Cart Wright, Tho. Gubbs, 
 Jo. Loyde, 
 
 Morris Mathews, 
 
 Will Bowman, 
 
 Martin Bedson, 
 Step. Price, 
 Will. Jenkins, 
 
 Abra. Phillips, 
 Reighnold Barefoot, 
 Mathew Hewitt, 
 Eliz. Currle, 
 
 Abraham Smith, 
 Millicent Howe, 
 
 Dr. Will. Scrivener, Margarett Tuder, 
 
 Will Owens, John Humfreys, 
 
 Christopher Swade, 
 John Borley, 
 
 23 
 
 ^ 10 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 2 
 
94 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 Number of 
 Masters. Servants. Names. 
 
 Tho. Midleton, Rich. Wright, } . 
 
 Eliz. uxor ejus, Tho. "Wormes, ^ 
 
 Samuell West, Andrew Searle, 
 Will. West, 
 
 Joseph Bailey, John Carmichaell, 2 
 
 Passengers that have noe servants : 
 
 Mr. Tho. Rideall. 
 Mr. WiU. Haughton. 
 Mr. Will. Hennis. 
 Mr. Tho. Humfreys. 
 Eliz. Humfreys. 
 Marie Gierke. 
 Sampson Darkenwell. 
 Nathanyell Darkenwell. 
 Mrs. Sarah Erpe. 
 Eliz. Erpe. 
 Martha Powell. 
 Mrs. Mary Erpe. 
 Thomas Motteshed. 
 
 Totall number now aboard is 92. 
 
 Ffeom Ye Downes this 17th of Aug't, 1669. 
 Right Hono'hle : 
 
 I have (herein inclosed) sent yo'r Lordship an 
 inventory of all the apurtinances belonging to 
 ye Carolina ffriggott, and also a list of all the 
 seamen's names that doe belong unto herselfe. 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 95 
 
 the Port Roy all and the Albemarle, w'th their 
 distinct salleries. My L'd, (our shipp having 
 been stayed here by the comon inconveniences 
 incident to shipps outward bound,) our provision 
 is far spent (considering our voiage), for al- 
 though six are put to foure men's allowance, we 
 have not above ten or twelve dayes beare left ; 
 therefore I beseech yo'r Lo'ship to consider our 
 want when wee come to Ireland, where we are 
 to take in a great number of passingers. God 
 has been pleased this morne to send us a faire 
 wind, and our shipps are just now come to saile. 
 I hope the Lord wiU make our voiage and de- 
 signes prosperous. 
 
 Yo'r Lordships most humble 
 
 HENRY BRAYNE. 
 
 To the Right Hono'hle Anthony, Lord Ashley, 
 at Exetr House, in the Strand, London. 
 
 KiNSALE, 31st August, 1669. 
 Right Honorable : 
 
 I have received your Lordfhipp's of the 16th 
 of July laft, joyned with Sir George Cartrott, 
 to procure fome ferv'ts in thefe parts to ferve 
 your Lordfhipps, and particularly at Port Roy- 
 all, in the Province of Carolina, and fhowing the 
 conditions to bee allowed them at the end of 
 their fervice, which I did fully enlarge and ex- 
 plaine to all the perfons that I thought fitt to take 
 
96 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 notice thereof and confulted with all fuch as I 
 thought intelligent in thefe affairs to advife me 
 how to rayfe fuch servants, but hitherto I could 
 not obtayne any, for the thing at prefent feems 
 new and foreigne to them, and withall they had 
 been terrified with the ill-practice of them to 
 the Caribda Iflands, where they were fold as 
 flaves, that as yet they will hardly give credence 
 to any other ufage ; and withal they are loathe 
 to leave the fmoke of their owne cabin, if they 
 can but beg near it ; but indeed the chief obstacle 
 that I obferve at prefent is the many buildings 
 repayring and contrivances that are in all the 
 towns in this country fmce the fettlm't of the 
 49 interefls, which has made work for thofe who 
 will ferve, and again it is harvest time when 
 they may earn or Ileal a fheaf, but that is near 
 over. 
 
 The lafl; night arrived your Lordfhipp's fhipp 
 Carolina, friggott, Joseph Weft, Commander, 
 and Mr. Florence Solovane, by whom I received 
 your Lordfhipp's letter of the 27th July. The 
 dale before came in the Albemarle, the Port 
 Royall not being yet arrived. I have upon re- 
 ceipt of your Lordfhipp's fecond letter ufed all 
 indeavors and have preferred unto thofe prefent 
 a very intelligent perfon in thofe affaires, newly 
 landed out of England, and is very well informed 
 and fatiffyed in the defigne and they have fent 
 him into the country where he is confident he 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 97 
 
 fhall prevail witli fome, and now that your ftiipps 
 are here where they may have great entertain- 
 ment and paffage, they Avill be much the eafier 
 perfuaded, and I doubt not but fome will be got 
 before the {hips part ; and I know moft of the 
 people of this country will give fome credit to 
 mee in the worth and advantage of this defigne 
 becaufe they know I never had anything to doe 
 with the Weft; India trade, but have ranfomed 
 many of them that have been fnatched up and 
 privately conveyed on board the fhippe bound 
 that way. 
 
 My Lord, I humbly befeech you to believe 
 that whenfoever it lyes in my power I fhall 
 moft; affedtionately and faithfully ferve your 
 Lordfhipps and all thofe moft; honorable partners 
 concerned, and am rejoyced to fee and obferve 
 fuch honorable undertaking and wifh with all 
 my heart all profperity and fucceff unto them. 
 And thus with my moft; humble fervice unto your 
 Lordftiipps, My moft; honored my Lord Duke of 
 Albemarle and the reft; of those honorable Lords 
 and perfons concerned in thefe affaires, I humbly 
 take leave and remain. 
 
 My Lord, 
 Your Lordftiipp's most faithful, 
 and humble fervant, 
 
 ROBERT SOUTHWELL. 
 
 24 
 
98 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 KiNGE Sayle September the 10th 166Q. 
 
 May it plea/e ydr Lo'pp 
 
 This is to give yo'r honor an account that wee 
 wth our 3 fhipps have binn heare 12 dayes, the 
 winde beinge now come upp fayer, I doe intende 
 God wiUiuge to fet to fayle and quitt this Har- 
 bor, for (if itt may please yo'r Lo'pp) I cleerly 
 find yo'r honors expectacons will nott be any 
 wayes anfwered heere in gettinge of f 'rvants and 
 wee have loft a brave winde by cominge heere for 
 wee by the affiftance of the Sorvaigne heere and 
 other gents have ufed all indeavors but all to 
 noe other ende or purpofe than loffe of tyme 
 and expence of moneys, for I am nott affured of 
 a mann that will goe from hence. May itt 
 pleafe yo'r Lo'pp heere is fome gents that are 
 nott in the waye Mr. BoAveman and others butt 
 I hope that they will bee aboard before wee 
 fayle, there is one Mr. Reade a deputy or ftew- 
 ard to Major Hambleton that is cleerely runn 
 away butt nott wth' out fome advantage to yo'r 
 Honor for he hath left 9 Servants aboard, butt 
 there is one Humfreys that yo'r Lo'pp putt upon 
 the defigne that is runn away w'th his wife and 
 childe and hath like a rafcally knave reported 
 very high and fcandalous words againft the 
 Proprietor's although he had noe reafon for itt 
 beinge well ufed and provided for. May itt 
 pleafe yo'r Honor I have reced 30£ by S'r 
 
The Genesis of Charleston, 99 
 
 George Cartwrights order and have layed itt out 
 in provifions and neceffarys for our voyadge 
 and foe foone as I come to Barbadoes yo'r Honor 
 fhall receive a pticular Account of the difburfe- 
 m'ts from 
 
 Yo'r Honors Mofte humble and obedient 
 S'rvant 
 
 JOSEPH WEST 
 
 Thefe for the Right Ho'hle the Lorde AJhley att 
 his Houfe neere Exeter Ilou/e in the Strand 
 London. 
 Poft paid 4d 
 
 KiNGB Sayle September the 17 1669 
 
 May it pka/e yo^r Honor 
 
 This is to give yo'r Lo'pp an account that 
 upon my dep'tinge this Harbor w'ch I gave yo'r 
 Honor an account of in my laft I'tre the winde 
 imeadyatly veared about againft us and hath 
 hitherto deteyned mee heere, but w'th the firlt 
 oportunity of winde I will, God willinge, quitt 
 this place, hopinge for a good and profperous 
 voyadge to the Barbadoes. May itt pleafe yo'r 
 Lo'pp I have reced a 'tre from Mr. Blany w'th 2 
 BiUf inclofed from S'r Roberte Southwell for 
 30 £ charged upon Mr. Southwell his father in 
 King Sayle w'ch I have nott as yett paffed, 
 neither doe I inteude to pafle them except 
 neceffity enforces mee by a longe flay here for 
 
100 TheVoyageof the Colonists. 
 
 want of a winde I beinge already fuplyed w'th 
 30£ by S'r George Carterites order w'ch in my 
 laft 'tre to yo'r Lo'pp I menconed (which w'th 
 firft begginge yo'r Honors p'don is all att pr'sente 
 from 
 
 Yo'r Honor's Moft humble obedient 
 S'rvant 
 
 JOSEPH WEST 
 
 The/e for the Right Hon'ble the Lorde AJhley at 
 his Houfe neere Exeter Hou/e in the Strande 
 London 
 
 Barbadoes November the 8th 1669 
 May ittpleafe yo'r Honor 
 
 Thefe are to informe yo'r Lo'pp of our beinge 
 att Barbadoes where wee fhall flay untill the 
 23d inftant; and then hopinge to quitt this Iflande 
 for our defired Port; the People here feemingly 
 fhow a great inclinacon for Porte Royall. S'r 
 John Yeamans beinge refolved to goe down doth 
 give good encouradgm't and wee hope to make 
 our complem't up 200 pr'fons: The Albemarle 
 Sloope w'ch wee loft 3 dayes after wee quitted 
 Ireland arrived safe heere 3 dayes after us and 
 ye 2d inftant in the morninge itt blew hard and 
 the floops cables broake and Ihee afhoare upon 
 ye Rocks and is loft. S'r John Yeamans and 
 Efq'r Colleton are about buyinge of or hieringe 
 of another floope and alfoe another veffell that 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 101 
 
 will cary downe 60 or 70 people. We have had 
 very bad weather att Barbadoes and ware in 
 much dainger w'th our fhipp for one of our 
 cables broake ; And the Port Royall hath loft a 
 cable and anker. Our dependance and princi- 
 ple hopes are beinge yo'r Honor Av'th the Reft of 
 the Right Ho'bles havinge binn pleafed fo hono'- 
 bly to fett us forthe w'ch is the life of our defigne 
 and yo'r Honors ffame, nott to lett us fade in 
 our infancy butt bee pleafed to fend us a supply 
 in the Springe w'ch from yo'r Honor wil bee re- 
 ceived w'th great joye and much fortifye us 
 againft ruin for although I have ufed all diligent 
 care imadginable, yett our ftores are eaten very 
 deepe into and wee fliallnott have att our land- 
 inge above 3 months' provifions. Since wee 
 arived heere, to fave provifions, Efqr. Colleton 
 hath taken 20tie fervants into Sr. Peeter's plan- 
 tacon, and Major Kingsland hath taken fome, 
 they beinge now allmoste all afhoare. May it 
 pleafe yo'r Honor, those f 'rv'ts w'ch did belonge 
 to Major Hambleton I have and doe order them 
 as for yo'r Honor's ufe, by reafon they are left 
 w'thout a Mafter, for their Steward quitted the 
 fhipp and overrun them in Ireland, and I doe 
 intende to keepe them untill I receive from yo'r 
 Honor farther orders. I doe hope before wee 
 quitt Barbadoes to make yo'r number of fervants 
 upp w'th them. May itt pleafe yo'r Honor, I 
 have here inclofed feut yo'r Lo'pp a coppy of the 
 
 25 
 
102 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 Propofalls w'ch are publifhed heere for the 
 People's encouradgm't and knowledge, w'ch is 
 all the informacon at pr'fent that can bee given 
 by Yo'r Honor's Mofte Humble and 
 Obediente S'rvante, 
 
 JOSEPH WEST. 
 
 The/e for the Right Hd'hle tJie Lorde Ashley 
 Cooper, att Little Exeter Iloufe, in the Strande, 
 London. 
 
 JO. DOREL AND HUGH WENTWORTH TO 
 LORD ASHLEY. 
 
 SoMERs Island, Feb. 17, '69-70. 
 Right Hond'hle : 
 
 Your fhippe Carolina being forced from her 
 intended port into one of our harbours, it begott 
 an acquaintance betwixt me and a fervant of 
 yours, one Captain 0. Sullivan, which is gone 
 your Surveyor Generall. He having acquainted 
 me with your defigne of fettling Carolina and 
 defire of promoting new plantations caufed me 
 to prefume upon your Honour's favour and to 
 trouble you with the perufall of thefe lines, which 
 may acquaint your Honour that our Ifland of 
 Barmudoes being over-peopled and the natives 
 thereof much flraitned for want of land, being 
 now yearly able to fpare a hundred inhabitants 
 for the fettlement of new plantations, and many 
 people haveing gone from this Ifland to fettle 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 103 
 
 Santaliicca, Trinidadoe, Antegro and Jamaica 
 have mofl part of them dyed, but about three 
 or four years fmce fome of our people have gone 
 for the Bahama Iflands and coftmg amongft them 
 for Spanish Avracke and ambregrife, which some- 
 times tlicy found, at laft they fettled on an Ifland 
 which at first they named Sayles Ifland, but 
 when more of our people went to fettle they 
 named it New Providence, for the generallity of 
 our people that went they were foe poore that 
 they were not able to tranfport themfelves. But 
 myfelfe and one Mr. Hugh Wentworth, an in- 
 habitant here, did get two fhipps and have 
 transported mod part of the inhabitants upon 
 the accompt of creditt, giveing of them time for 
 their payment till they can rayfe it of the plant 
 ation by their labour. There is about 3 hun- 
 dred inhabitants upon it, myfelfe having fettled 
 a plantation there with eight people on it, 3 
 negroes and five Englifh. The ifland lyeth in the 
 latitude of 25 degres and a halfe and is very 
 healthfull and pleafant accommodated with gal- 
 lant harbouring for fhipping. Some part of the 
 ifland good land some part of it waft land. The 
 people there have now noe want of provifions 
 and our natives here moft inclinable to fettle 
 there by reafon the ifland is foe healthfull. It 
 produceth as good cotten as ever grew in 
 America and gallant tobacco. They have made 
 but little as yet. There greateft want at prefent 
 
104 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 is small armes and ammunition, a Godly minif- 
 ter and a good smith. If the Spaniard become 
 your enemy at Carolina, he will come through 
 the Gulf with his fhipps and harbour them at 
 New Providence and flay there for a Southeafl 
 wind, which for the mofl part bloweth there and 
 in three days' time will be in the river of Port 
 Eoyall on the back of your people, and it is the 
 nearest place for neighbourhood of any planta- 
 tion in America and fhould your Lordfhipp en- 
 gage us here to accommodate your people with 
 live cattle or neceffaries from hence with our 
 fhipping that ifland would be a refuge to us, for 
 if the winds hold Weftwardly or Northwardly 
 that we could not recover Port Royall, then we 
 could ftand Southwardly and gaine that ifland 
 for a recruite and need not flay long there for a 
 winde to carry us to Port Royall, My humble 
 requeft and fuite to your Honours is that you 
 would patronife our poore inhabitants of New 
 Providence by gaineing a patent for New Provi- 
 dence and the reft of the Bahama iflands, that 
 the poore people may have protection there and 
 be governed according to His Majesty's Laws 
 and enjoy fuch priviledges for their incourage- 
 nient of a better settlement as other colonies 
 and plantations hath, and that your Honour will 
 be pleafed to have a remembrance therein for 
 them. We have been the firft beginners and in- 
 couragers of the fettlement of New ProAddence 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 105 
 
 and fhall be ready to ferve your Honour or your 
 commands, and fubscribe ourfelves, 
 Your Honour's moft humble fervants 
 
 JOHN DORRELL senior 
 HUGH WENTWORTH 
 17 Feb. 69-70. 
 
 Nansamund River in Virginia, 
 April 28tli, 1670. 
 Honored Sir 
 
 Thefe by Capt. Covell with the goods accord- 
 ing to invoice and bill of ladeing are received. 
 About the time of that fhipps arrival Mr. Burgh 
 died leaving his wiffe executrix, who fent for the 
 goods and about that time they came down from 
 the fhipp to here fhe alfo died, leaving all that 
 concerned her and her huf bands bufiness in truft 
 with us. The goods you fent are not yett opened 
 nor will not be till we hear further from Port 
 Royall, being in dayly expectation of fome fhip 
 from there and upon the arrivall whereof we 
 fhall comply with your orders in buying hoggs, 
 cattle and what elfe is defired by thofe that fhall 
 come for it. In which we fhall purfue your in- 
 ftructions and endeavour the beft we can for 
 your advantage as weU in fale of goods as in 
 buying with it, what you would have to be 
 bought for the fervice of that defigne, as alfo in 
 the defpatch of such fliipps or veffels as is or fhall 
 be employed upon that account. Sir John 
 
 26 
 
106 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 Yeamans we heard was att Barmudas and from 
 thence returned home to Barbados, after he had 
 fent away Capt. Saile Governor to Port Royall. 
 A floop which came out with them from Barba- 
 dos was here in January, John Baulte Mafter, 
 being forced hither by bad weather with about 
 thirty people, fome of which were putt off here 
 to procure food for the reft, which having done 
 fhe failed away from here about the beginning 
 of February. 
 
 We have had no more at prefent but to fub ■ 
 fcribe ourfelves 
 
 Your Honors Servants 
 
 RI. BENNETT 
 THO. GODWIN 
 
 The Sloupe which we had at Barbadoes and 
 parted w'th at fea did arrive at Keyawah on 
 Munday ye 23d of May: 1670, an acc't of whofe 
 voyage from St. Katherina and paffages there I 
 thought fit to fend yo'r Hon'r as I had it from 
 Mr. Maurice Mathews who was in her. 
 
 Mr. Matliews ''relacon" of St. Katherina: 
 
 On Saturday May ye 15th we came to an anchor 
 in St. Katherina, a place about ye Latt. of 31 de- 
 grees, where wee intended to wood and watter. 
 The Indians very freely came aboard whom wee 
 entertained from this day to ye 18, they traded 
 with us for beads and old clothes, and gave our 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 107 
 
 people bread of Indian corne, peas, leakes, 
 onyons, deare skins, hens, earthen pots etc. 
 Upon ye 16 day came aboard an Indian, femi- 
 Spaniard, w'th a pr'fent of bread etc., to our 
 Mafler, and promifed him Porke for truck. 
 Severall of our people had been juft at theire 
 homes and told us of brave plantations with a 
 100 working Indians and that they want noth- 
 ing in the world. Our Mafler upon ye 17 in- 
 ftant, about 8 in ye morning with his mate and 
 Mr. Rivers, three feamen and one man fervant 
 which had been theire juft before, went afhoare 
 with truck to buy porke for ye floupes ufe, theire 
 were two men fervants more which went afhoare 
 ag't ye floupe to cut wood etc and one woman 
 with a girle to wafh fome Linnien at ye watter- 
 ing place, our Mafter promifed to be aboard next 
 tyde, but he came not. We hollowed to them 
 right afhoare about 4 of ye clocke but they 
 made no anfwere. This raifed a doubtfuU feare 
 in us. That night we kept a ftrickt watch and 
 next day about 10 of ye clocke we heard a 
 drume, and pr'fently faw 4 Spaniards armed with 
 mufkets and fwords — ^with ye drume came downe 
 one of thefe and ftanding behind a tree holding 
 forth a white doath hailed us and bid us yield 
 and fubmit to ye foveraignty of S'to Domingo 
 and told us it were better foe for o'r Cap't was 
 in chaines. I holding up a white fhirt told him, 
 if we fliould have our people, we would depart in 
 
108 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 peace, but he ciyed No, No, and giveing ye word 
 to fome in ye wood, Indians and Spaniards, wee 
 received a volley of Mufket fhott and a cloud of 
 arrows which ye Indians fhott upright, and foe 
 they continued for an houre and a half, then they 
 left of, and commanded three of us afhoare. 
 We told them we would fend one with Letters 
 to them, and fent them a boy afhoare, who 
 fwimed with a note to ye Mafler and another to 
 ye fryer, ye note to the fryer treated of free 
 paffage with all our people. Ye boy they re- 
 ceived courteoufly, cloathing him at ye watter 
 fide with deare flcins etc. A little after, they 
 bid us not ufe any armes, and they would ye 
 like. And bid us expect an anfwer to o'r letter. 
 We were glad of this and agreed, but about half 
 an houre after, they commanded fhippe and all 
 afhoare. We told them we had neither winde 
 nor boat to obey them (not a breath of winde 
 flirring) and gave them faire words, intending 
 with ye firfl winde to gett without fhott, but 
 they fired and fhott at us feirecely, then a fmall 
 breeze arifmg of ye lande and we with much 
 adoe having weighed o'r small bower and cut o'r 
 beft, hoifted fayle and away, and came to an 
 anchor out of theire reach ; but before this, I 
 being at ye helme, John Hankes (one of ye fea 
 men) fliott at them, which made all keep behind 
 trees. We hauling out three mufkets had not a 
 bullet, till at laft we found feverall upon ye deck^ 
 
oh^ ^OC/Lz, 
 
 "AljSIJLUTE LlBEK-l■^■, JuST AND Tia/E Lm;EKIN\ Ei.H'AI. AMJ I.\I I'AlvlI AL Ll BEKT'i'. 
 
 _ K\..[:AV[V.: Ioi; iI,>N. Wm. A. rnfi: 
 
 irOTlPG, t. BIE-RtiTADT, 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 109 
 
 which re-fhooting did a httle help us, as we flood 
 to our failes ; but they fired ftill, but by God's 
 mercy hit nobody, but our failes were much dam- 
 aged. Ye next day about noone we hoifted and 
 away, turueing it out they flill keeping watch on 
 the fhoare. Saturday May ye 19th we failed 
 about ye fhoare with ye winde at South, this 
 night Ave came to anchor in two fathoms and a 
 halfe watter. Ye next morning we weighed 
 anchor and fteered alongft fhoare, about 10 of 
 ye clocke we made a cannew coming of ye 
 fhoare towards us, which proved to be of 4 In- 
 dians, they with fignes of friendfhip came aboard. 
 We entertained them courteoufly. They told us 
 the place right afhoare from thence was Odiflafh 
 and as we underflood them, told us there were 
 Englifh at Keyawah. They further told us of a 
 Cap't Sheedon, and made figns that he would 
 fpeak with us, upon this we detained ye chiefeft 
 of them and fent one afhoare to that pr'fone 
 they fpake of, with a letter to defire him to come 
 aboard without much company. Ye three In- 
 dians that went with our meffenger afhoare 
 promifed to returne after fun fet. About twilight 
 they returned with our meffenger and Cap't 
 Sheedon and one Capt. Alufh (who were at 
 Barbadoes) and many more. This Sheedon told 
 us that ye Englifh with two fhipps had been at 
 Port Roy all and were now at Keyawah, he 
 further promifed us on ye morrow to carry us 
 
 27 ' 
 
110 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 thither. About 9 of ye clock came another 
 cannowe, but we fent them after a little ftay 
 away, being all too numerous. Ye next morn- 
 ing we came to faile for Keyawah where we 
 found ye Barmudian Sloupe going out a fifhing, 
 who piloted us into Keyawah river. 
 
 MR. CARTERET'S RELATION OF THEIR 
 PLANTING AT ASHLEY RIVER 70. 
 
 Barmuda, Febr'y 26th, fay ling from thence 
 we came up with ye land betweene Cape Ro- 
 mana and Port Royall, and in 17 days ye 
 weather being faire and ye winde not friendly 
 ye Longe boate went afhoare ye better to in- 
 forme as to ye certainty of ye place where we 
 fuppofed we were. Upon its approach to ye 
 land few were ye natives who upon ye flrand 
 made fires and came towards us whooping in 
 theire own tone and manner, making fignes alfo 
 where we should beft land, and when we came 
 afhoare they ftroaked us on ye fhoulders with 
 their hands, faying Bony Conraro Angles, know- 
 ing us to be Englifh by our collours (as we fup- 
 posed). We then gave them braff rings and 
 tobacco, at which they feemed well pleafed, and 
 into ye boate after halfe an houre spent with ye 
 Indians we betooke ourfelves. They liked our 
 company foe well that they would have come 
 9,board with us. We found a pretty handfome 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. "Ill 
 
 channell about 3 fathoms and a halfe from ye 
 place we landed to ye shippe, through which 
 the next day we brought ye fhipp to anchor 
 feareing a contrary winde and to gett in for 
 fome frefh watter. A day or two after ye Gov- 
 ernor whom we tooke in at Barmuda with 
 several others went afhore to view ye Land 
 here, fome 3 Leagues diftant from the fhipp, car- 
 rying -along with us one of ye eldest Indians 
 who accofted us on ye other day, and as we 
 drew to ye fhore a good number of Indians ap- 
 peared, clad with deare fkins, having with them 
 their bows and arrows, but our Indian calling 
 out Appada they withdrew and lodged theire 
 bows and returning ran up to ye middle in mire 
 and watter to carry us afhore, where when we 
 came they gave us ye ftroaking complim't of ye 
 country and brought deare fkins, fome raw, fome 
 dreft, to trade with us, for which we gave them 
 knives, beads and tobacco and glad they were 
 of ye Market. By and by came theire women 
 clad in their Moffe roabs, bringing their potts to 
 boyle a kinde of thickening which they pound 
 and make food of, and as they order it being 
 dryed makes a pretty fort of bread. They 
 brought alfo plenty of Hickery nutts, a wallnut 
 in fhape and tafle, onely differing in ye thick- 
 neff of the fhell and fmaUneff of ye kernell. The 
 Governor and feveraU others walking a little 
 diflance from ye watter fide came to ye Hutt 
 
112 TheVoyageof the Colonists. 
 
 Pallace of his Ma'ty of ye place, who meeteing 
 us tooke ve Governor on his fhoulders and car- 
 ryed him into ye houfe in token of his chearfuU 
 entertainment. Here we had nutts and root 
 cakes, fuch as their women ufeily make, as be- 
 fore, and watter to drink for they ufe no other 
 Hckquor as I can learne in this countrey. While 
 we were here, his Ma'tye's three daughters en- 
 tered the Pallace all in new roabs of new moffe, 
 which they are never beholding to ye taylor to 
 trim up, with plenty of beads of divers coUours 
 about their necks. I could not imagine that ye 
 favages would fo well deport themselves, who 
 coming in according to their age and all to falute 
 the ftrangers, flroaking of them. These Indians 
 underflanding our bufmeff to St. Hellena told us 
 that ye Westoes, a rangeing fort of people re- 
 puted to be the Mandatoes, had ruinated yt 
 place, killed feverall of thofe Indians, deftroyed 
 and burnt their habitations and that they had 
 come as far as Keyawah doeing the like there, 
 ye Caffeeka of which place was within one 
 fleep of us (which is 24 hours for they reckon 
 after that rate) with moft of his people whome 
 in two days after came aboard of us. 
 
 Leaveing that place, which is called So wee, car- 
 rying ye Caffeeka of Kayawah with us, a very 
 ingenius Indian and a great linguifl in this maine, 
 ye winde being very lofty foe that we could not 
 deale with ye fhoare, we drove to the Southward 
 
The Genesis of (Charleston. 11:3 
 
 of PortRoyall, where <y(^ made a faire opening 
 and findeing by obferyation and otherwayes ye 
 contrary, we ftood five minutes to ye Northward 
 and foe gott ye fliipp into Port Royal river (the 
 ropening there appeared; not to us as Colo'n San- 
 ford did relate) ag't which flioales ley of about 
 five; leagues to fea. W. N. W. Hilton head boare 
 from us when we fteared in, and in ftearing in 
 W. N.W and N. W. b. W. we had 2i fathoms at 
 low water with breajkers on both fides. But 
 when your are within you have 5, 6, 7, 8 and 
 
 9 fathoms water and a clear river. I cannot fay 
 much of the channel, being but a Landman, but 
 this, ye Governor, Capt. Brayne and myfelf took 
 ye Xionge boate to goe upon difcovery and ftood 
 of to fea about 5: or ,6: miles clofe aboard th« 
 Northwardmoft Breakers. We had no leffe than 
 5 rfathoms at low water ye tyde being fpent ^nd 
 3bhe winde proving calm we were forft to make 
 in for ye fhoare with ye tyde of flood. Leaveing 
 this to Gapt. Brayne, who will give you a more 
 p'fect aodl. than I can. A fmall kinde of whale, 
 wbite about ye head and jowle is very plenty in 
 in this river. In two hours' time I beheld about 
 
 10 or 11 of ye kinde, and fome pr'tend and un- 
 dertake to fay to be of ye fperm kinde, that 
 were worth ye experim't to find out ye truth of 
 it. We were two dayes at anchor ere we could 
 speake with an Indian. When we did, they con- 
 firmed what, heard at So wee. We wj^igbed from 
 
 28 
 
114 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 Port Royall river and ran in between St, Hellena 
 and Combohe, where we lay at anchor. All ye 
 time we ftaide neare ye place where ye diftreffed 
 Indian fojourned, who were glad and crying 
 Hiddy doddy Comorado Angles Weftoe Skorrye 
 (which is as much as to fay) English very good 
 friends, Wefloes are nought. They hoped by 
 our arrival to be protected from ye Wefloes. 
 Often making figns they would engage them 
 with their bowes and arrows, and wee should 
 with our guns. They often brought us venefon 
 and fome deare fkins w'ch wee bought of them 
 for beads. Many of us went alhoare at St. 
 Hellena and brought back word that ye land 
 was good land fupplyed with many Peach trees 
 and a competence of timber, a few figg trees 
 and fome cedar here and there and that there 
 was a mile and a half of cleare land fitt and 
 ready to plant. Oyfters in great plenty, all ye 
 iflands being rounded with banks of ye kinde, 
 in fhape longer and scarcely fee any one round, 
 yet good fifh though not altogether of foe 
 pleafant tafte as yo'r Wallfleet oyfters. Here 
 is alfoe wilde Turke which ye Indian brought but 
 is not foe pleafant to eate of as ye tame, but 
 very flefhy and farr bigger. Ye sloupe w'ch wee 
 have with us, bought at Barmuda, was difpatcht 
 to Kayawah to viewe that land foe much 
 comended by the Caffeeka, brings back a report 
 y't y't lande was more fit to plant in than St. 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 115 
 
 Hellena which begott a queftion, whether to 
 remove from St, Hellena theither or flay. Some 
 were of opinion it were more prudent forthwith 
 to plant provifions where they were, than betake 
 themfelves to a fecond voyage, though small, it 
 would not prove a better change, ye enterance 
 into that harbour being as difficult as ye other. 
 The Governor adhearing for Kayawah and most 
 of us being of a temper to follow though wee 
 knew no reafon for it, imitating ye rule of ye 
 inconiiderate multitude cryed out for Kayawah, 
 yet fome diffented from it yet being fure to take 
 a new voyage but difident of a better conve- 
 nience, thofe that inclyned for Port Royall were 
 looked upon straingely, so thus we came to Kay- 
 awah. The land here and at St. Hell'a is much 
 at one, ye surface of the earth is a light black- 
 i(h mould, under that is whiter and about 3 or 
 4 feet is a clay some read w'th blew vaines and 
 fome blew w'th read vaines, foe is all ye land 
 I have feen. 
 
 Fprom Albemarle Point 
 IN Ashley River, June 25th, 1670. 
 
 Much Hono'rd and Noble Lord: 
 
 I hope y'or Lord'fp hath rec'd an acco't (long 
 before this tyme) of God's providences and deal- 
 ings with yo'r fervant and colony here in Caro- 
 lina from my felfe, Mr. "Weft &c. Though we 
 
'] 16 The Voyage of the Giylomsts. 
 
 are (att pr'fent) under fome ftraight for want of 
 provifion (incident to the beft of new plantations) 
 yet we doubt not (through the goodneff of God) 
 of recruits from fundry places to w'ch we have 
 fent. But there is one thing w'ch lyes very 
 heavy upon us, the want of a Godly and ortho- 
 dox MinifVr, w'ch I and many others of us have 
 ever lived under, as the greatefl of o'r mercyes. 
 May it pleafe yo'r Lords'p, in my late country of 
 Barmudas, there are divers Minift'rs of whom 
 there is one, Mr. Sampfon Bond, heretofore of 
 long (landing in Exeter CoUedge in Oxford an(i 
 ordayned by the late Byfhop of Exeter, the old 
 Do'r Jofeph Hall, and by a commiffion from 
 the Earle of Manchefter and company for the 
 Sumer Iflands, fent there in the yeere 1662, for 
 the term of three yeers, under whofe powerfull 
 and foul edefying miniftry I have lived about 
 eight yeeres laft paft. There was nothing in all 
 this world foe grievous to my fpirit, as the 
 thought of parting with his Godly fociety and 
 faythfuU miniftry. But I did a little comfort 
 myfelfe, that it might pleafe ye Lord by fome 
 good meanes or other to enclyne his heart to 
 come after us, who hath little refpect from fopie 
 who are now in authority in Barmudas, w'ch is 
 a great difcourag'mt to him, w'ch is taken notice 
 off in other places, and he is invited to Bofton in 
 New England and to New Yorke by the Gov- 
 ernor there, with tenders of large incourage- 
 
The Genesis of Charleston^ 117 
 
 ment, if he will come to ye one or other place. 
 I have likewife writt moft earneftly to him de- 
 firing that he would come and fitt downe with 
 us, affuring him it is not only my urgent requeft 
 but with all the moft hearty requeft of ye Colony 
 in generall, who were exceedingly affected with 
 him and his miniftry all the tyme they were in 
 Barmudas. And we ftiall all have affured caufe 
 to bleff God for him, fo long as we ftiall live, 
 might he be gained to be our fettled minift'r. 
 Sir John Yeamans was foe much affected with 
 him, that he promifed me he would procure a 
 commiffion from the King to make him our 
 minift^r, and to the uttmoft, endeavor to procure 
 him a confiderable fallary for his incouragem't. 
 But I can heare of nothing done by him herein, 
 w'ch hath imboldened me (in the name of all ye 
 reft) moft humbly to befeech yo'r LordTp to put 
 on bowellf of great goodneff and compaftion to- 
 wardf yo'r Colony here in procuring (w'ch yo'r 
 Lord'fp may eafily and speedly doe) a commif- 
 fion and competent fallary for him for about five 
 or feven years (till the Lord fhall enable us to 
 mayntayne him ourfelves) to be paid to him or 
 his affignes in London, Barbadoes or elfewhere. 
 I doe moft faythfully affure yo'r Lord'fp that 
 this Mr. Bond is fo well known, well reported 
 off and fo beloved in moft the Carabee Iflands, 
 that were it known abroad that he were yo'r 
 Miniff r here, it is the judg'mt of fundry prudent 
 
 29 
 
118 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 perfons, it would (in a little tyme) gaine many 
 hundreds of confiderable perfons to this place. 
 Oh that it might not be deemed too much bold- 
 neff in me to befeech yo'r Lord'fp with ye de- 
 fired commiffion to honor him with yo'r lett'r 
 w'ch if it be fent to yo'r Comiffio'r att Barbadoes 
 it wiU foon be difpatcht to him. I (hall not (att 
 pr'sent) give yo'r Lord'fp any further trouble, 
 takeing my leave with my fixed purpofes to the 
 uttmofl during life to further this yo'r Lordf 'ps 
 (hytherto) bleffed defigne, ever praying for an in- 
 creafe of thofe yo'r Manifeft favors of all kinds 
 and degrees of eminent giftf and graces from 
 Grod and likewise for an increafe of yo'r moft 
 deferved Honor and noble dignityes from his 
 facred Majefty. Refteth yo'r Lord'fp in all hu- 
 mility and ffaythefullneff to Honor, obey &c. 
 
 WILLIAM SAYLE 
 
 For the Right Honorable Anthony Lord AJhhy 
 att little Exeter Hou/e in the Strand, London. 
 
 Albemarle Poynt at Kyawaw, 
 June ye 27th, 1670. 
 May it Please Yo'r Ldp: 
 
 In my laft to yo'r Lo'p, dated ye 28th of May, 
 I gave yo'r Lo'p an account by the way of Vir- 
 ginia of our proceedings in Carolina, and how 
 we came to quitt Port Royall and to begin our 
 fettlement at Kyawaw. May it please yo'r Lo'p, 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 119 
 
 fince the departure of the fhip for Virginia, wee 
 fent the Shallop back againe to St. Katherina 
 with 2 letters, one for the Governour of St, An- 
 guftines, the other for ye ffryer at St. Katherina, 
 to demand the men y't were detained there by the 
 Spaniards, (yo'r Lo'p's kinsman, Mr. Rivers, being 
 one of them,) and when ye Shallop came thither 
 
 2 or 3 of our people went afhoare contrary to 
 orders, without hoflage and the ffryer rec'ed 
 them feemingly w'th much kindneff and told 
 them upon his ftaith they fhould not be wronged. 
 Whereupon there was 4 of our men went to his 
 houfe, were he treated them very civilly and told 
 them y't our men were at St. Auguftines, not as 
 prifoners, but had theire liberty about the town 
 and were entertained at an Englifh man's houfe ; 
 but when our men were taking theire leave of 
 the fftyer he, betweene a complement and con- 
 llraint, detained 2 of them, upon pretence that 
 hee could not lett them goe till hee had an 
 anfwer from St. Auguftines. Whereupon after 
 
 3 days flay our men in the Shallop being in- 
 formed by the Indians that there were 3 ships 
 at St. Auguftines w'ch would come to surprife 
 the Shallop, were forced to weigh anchor for 
 their fecurity and come for Kyawaw, leaving 
 thofe two men more behind at the ffryer's houfe. 
 Now yo'r more Lo'p may please to know that 
 wee are forced to fend the Barbadoes Shallop to 
 Bermuda for a fupply of provifions, for feare the 
 
120 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 fhip fhould mifcarry at Virginia, for we have 
 but 7 weekes provifion left and y't onely peafe 
 at a pint a day a man, tlie country affording us 
 nothing, w'ch makes it goe very hard with us, 
 and wee cannot employ our fervants as wee would 
 becaufe we have not vidlualls for them. Our 
 corne, potatoes and other things doe thrive very 
 well of late, praifed be God, but wee cannot 
 have any dependance on it this yeare, but if we 
 have kindly fupplys now, wee doe not queftion 
 but to provide for ourfelves ye next yeare, and 
 y't it will prove a very good fettlement and an- 
 fwer yo'r Lo'p's exped;acon, w'ch is ye defire of 
 Yo'r Lo'p's 
 Mod humble and faithfuU ferv't, 
 
 JOSEPH WEST. 
 
 For the Right Hond'ble Anthony Lord Ashley, at 
 Little Exeter House, in the Strand, London. 
 
 Albemarle Point, Sep'r 9th, 1670. 
 
 May it Please Yo'r Honors : 
 
 In obfervance of our dutyes wee (hall not 
 omitt any opportunity of giving yo'r Honors a 
 faithfuU acc't of aU our proceedings in this 
 place. Purfuant thereunto wee here doe offer 
 to yo'r Honors, that for fome time fince the dif- 
 patch of the Carolina from this place to Vir- 
 ginia and the floop to Bermuda to bring provi- 
 lions and other fupplyes that yo'r Honors^ care 
 
The Genesis bf Oharlesion, 1^1 
 
 had intended for us, wee have been put to pur- 
 chafe our maintenance from the Indians, and y't 
 in such small parcells, as we could hardly get 
 another fupply before the former was gone, in 
 which time of our fo great exigencyes, the Span- 
 iard not being ignorant of it, sent out a party 
 of their Indians ag't us, as we received intelli- 
 gence from the Indians y't are onr friends, who 
 lay for fome time in a place called Stonoe neare 
 our river's mouth untill the Carolina flfriggot 
 arrived here, w'ch was the 22th of Aug't last, 
 in w'ch time we receiv'd feverall allarums though 
 they never yet came foe far as to action, more 
 than when Mr. Henry Braine came upon the 
 coaft and went afhoare in his long boat, think- 
 ing to meet with our owne Indians being soe 
 neare the River's mouth. They fired upon him 
 and his company with small shott, notwithftand- 
 ing y't the s'd Indians had shewed them a white 
 llagg. But before y't time we had put ourselves 
 in a reafonable good pofture of receiveing them 
 though they had come much in odds, having 
 mounted our great guns and fortifyed ourselves 
 as well as time and the abilityes of our people 
 would give leave, and moved good courage in 
 our people, befides the affiftance of fome Indians 
 y't were our friends. 
 
 After the fhipps arrived we fent out a p'ty of 
 our Indians with two of our own people to dif- 
 eover their camp, but when they exped;ed to 
 
 30 
 
122 TheVoyageof the Colonists. 
 
 come upon them the Spanifh Indians were re- 
 treated back againe, as our Indians informe us, at 
 the noife of our great gunns, but whether there 
 were any Spaniards among them we cannot yet 
 receive certaine inteUigence, other than one, 
 who according to our Indians' description we 
 judge to be a ffryer. Neither can we as yet 
 know the number of Indians that lay ag't us, 
 they exceeding the number of an Indian's acc't. 
 The CaroliTwJs fafe arrivall has very much in- 
 couraged our people. The more for y't fhe has 
 brought us provifions of Indian corne, peafe and 
 meale for eight months, foe as wee make noe 
 question but (by God's affiftance) thoroughly to 
 defend and maintain yo'r Honors' interefts and 
 our rights in this place till wee receive a further 
 aid, which wee very much fland need of. Y't soe 
 plantations may be managed and yo'r Honors 
 finde what wee indeavour to p'fuade, that this 
 country will not deceive yo'r Honors' and others' 
 exped;acons. For which purpofe wee have dif- 
 patched the Carolina to Barbadoes, where wee 
 understand are a confiderable number of people 
 ready to be (hipped for this place, y't fhe may 
 make a returne before winter, w'ch will conduce 
 much to the fafety of this place and the ease of 
 our people, y't have been too much overpreft 
 with watching already, and what wee muft ftand 
 to upon every occafion. And yet, bleffed be God, 
 wee have not loft above foure of our people, who 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 123 
 
 dyed upon diflempers usual in other parts, foe far 
 may be yo'r Honors be further convinced of the 
 healthfulneffe of the place. 
 
 The ftores of all forts doe very much want a 
 fupply, efpecially cloathing, being all difposed of 
 allready and many of the people unfatiffyed, 
 and the winter is like to prove pretty sharp. 
 The powder was all damnified, efpecially when 
 the sterne of the fhip broke in, foe as there is a 
 great neceffity of ten barrells of powder more. 
 
 Wee have received fome cowes and hoggs from 
 Virginia, but at an imoderate rate, confidering 
 the fmalneffe of their growth, 30s. for a hog, a 
 better than w'ch may be bought in England for 
 10s. If yo'r Honors had a small stocke in Ber- 
 muda from thence may be tranfported to this 
 place a very good breed of large Cowes, Hoggs 
 and Sheep at farr easier rates. 
 
 The Bahama Iflands lyeing neare this coaft 
 from the latt. 34 to 37, being lately setled, and 
 as yet in no patents, foe far as wee can under- 
 ftand, may be worthy yo'r Honors' care to take 
 notice of. For from thence wee can be fupplyed 
 with fait, and fhipps goeing home without freight 
 (if any fuch fhould be) may take in a loadeing of 
 Brazellettoe wood. 
 
 Wee are in great want of an able miuifler, by 
 whose meanes corrupted youth might be very 
 much reclaimed and the people inftructed in the 
 
1 24 The Voyage of the OolonisU. 
 
 true religion, and that the Sabbaoth and service 
 of Almighty God be not neglected. 
 
 The Israelites' prosperity decayed when their 
 prophets were wanting, for where the Arke of 
 God is, there is peace and tranquility. That 
 the want thereof may never be knowne to yo'r 
 Honors or this place, are the prayers of, 
 Yo'r Honor's most faithfuU 
 Humble fervants, 
 
 WILLIAM SAYLE, 
 FLOK. 0. SULLIVAN, 
 STE. BULL, 
 JOSEPH WEST, 
 WITT. SCRIVENER, 
 RALPH MARSHALL, 
 PAUL. SMYTHE, 
 SAMUEL WEST. 
 Jos. Dalton, See'ry. 
 
 To the Right Hond'hle Anthony Lord Ashley, 
 Chancellor of His Ma'fs Co'rt of Excheq'r, 
 and the rejl of the Lords Proprietors of Caro- 
 lina, at Whitehall, humbly p'r sent, London. 
 
 Endorsed: Council at Ashley Riv. to Lords 
 Proprietors, 9th Sept., 70. 
 
r ,• ^J 
 
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 / 
 
 
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 ^:'*^'^^, 
 
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 "'^6«^:v-r^ 
 
 

 
 
 
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 ;v^r!i3s^«^^js?;^)hs^^ 
 
 

 K«'^} 
 
 
 f>'^' 
 
 •♦vi-o-ij^ ^^?tS!£^R 
 
 
 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 125 
 
 March 4th, 1670. 
 
 To the Right Hon'hle Sir Peter Collington, 
 Knight. The humble Declaration of John Rus- 
 sell, late M'r of the Porte Royall, Concern- 
 ing his Condicon. 
 
 Shewinge to Your Honour : 
 
 After wee fett sayle and departed from 
 England, wee sayled to Kingsale in Ireland, 
 where Capt, Weft fhipt a mate on board us, 
 from thence wee fayled to the Barbadoes, 
 where the Right Hon'ble Sir John Yeomans was 
 pleafed to embarque himfelfe on board of us, 
 (hee being appoynted as Governor for the fet- 
 tlement, leavinge Barbadoes meeting with bade 
 weather wee were forced to putt in att Nevis, 
 where Sir John was pleased to send on board 
 me one Chriftopher Barrowe with inftructions to 
 pilott the (hipp to Port Royall, when, the wind 
 comeinge about faire wee sett sayle from Nevis, 
 haveinge not above a fortnight's water for 44 
 people,) and had good weather untill such tyme 
 as wee came nere the land where wee found a 
 great alteration in soe much that wee were forced 
 to part from our fleet, and havinge beene six 
 weeks beating from place to place by reafon of 
 continuance of foule weather wee were beaten 
 of the land 3 severall tymes and were driven to 
 such great want of water that wee were all 
 ready to perifh, our allowance beinge butt a 
 
 31 
 
126 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 pinte and fometymes halfe a pinte a day, and 
 afterwards many of us were forced to drinck 
 theyre owne urine and salt water. Being in this 
 difmall difpayreinge condition and haveinge by 
 the advice of Chriflopher Barrowe beaten or 
 driven much to the Southward expectinge fayre 
 weather, through his persuasion wee endeavoured 
 to touch at the Bahama Iflands and neare the 
 ifland of Munjake near Abeco, being in the lati- 
 tude of 26.14 minutes, wee were moft unfortu- 
 nately call away, beinge a place where neyther 
 our Pilott or myfelf ever were before and both 
 altogether unacquainted with, and the rocks 
 lying 3 or 4 leagues off the fhoare, foe that wee 
 could not poffibly putt in or runn afhore. Butt by 
 God's great mercy, by the help of our boate 
 wee putt all our people safe upon the ifland, 
 where through the negledl and delayes of our 
 inhumane Carpenter, who hath been the occa- 
 fion of our long and tedious flay, many of our 
 people loft theyre lives there. I was forced to 
 putt the Carpenter upon another ifland and to 
 make a boate myfelfe, by reafon that he would 
 not worke, with which boate wee landed our- 
 selves upon an ifland called Ellutherea inhabited, 
 a place likewife unknown to us, where, by the 
 inhabitants directions I hyred a fhallop and 
 sayled from thence to the ifland called New 
 Providence, where wee gott tranfportation for 
 moft of us to the Barmoodoes, the reft wee left 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 1 27 
 
 at Providence, except Barrowe and his wife, who 
 went to a place called New Yorke ; from Bar- 
 moodoes I have fmce fafely arrived att Lou- 
 don and have made bold to give you the 
 trouble of this accomp't, humbly peticoninge 
 your Honour to take itt and mine and the refte 
 of our conditions into your Honour's charitable 
 confideration, havinge loft all, desiringe your 
 Honour to allowe us for the tyme that our sayd 
 fhipp raigned. 
 
 Your Honor's most humble serv't, 
 
 JOHN RUSSELL. 
 
 Wee were caft away 12th January, 1670. 
 
 Barbadoes, the 15th of November, 1670. 
 
 Sir: 
 
 Yours of the 28th August last I rec'd with a 
 copie of the 30th May laft, the originall whereof 
 never came to my hands, the mifcarriage of 
 which doth not a little trouble me. About fix 
 weekes fince here arrived one Mr. Barrow who 
 was in Port Royall friggott bound for Carolina 
 and a perfon very industrious in the taking an 
 exact accompt of the tranfacceons of their un- 
 happy voyage, which hee brought mee with 
 feveral papers and Plotts of the Bahamy Iflands, 
 which I gave to my friend your Brother, Mr. 
 Thomas Colletton, for perufall and to fend you 
 coppyes thereof, which he hath not as yet re- 
 
128 The Voyage of the Colonists. 
 
 turned me, Soe that to the particulars of them 
 I muft refere you to him. Some few days fince, 
 here arrived the Carolina friggott from Caro- 
 lina, by which wee have a large and ample ac- 
 compt of the people's arriveall and good health 
 there, only their deficiency in strength and num- 
 ber of People as you will perceive by my gene- 
 rail letter to all the Lords Proprietors for what 
 supplyes thofe parts cann afford. I have by my 
 dayly care and induftry withdrawne feverall 
 perfons from their refolutions of other fettle- 
 ments, as Colonel Sharpe from New Yorke, who 
 intended a large fettlement there but has fuf- 
 pended the fame untill a moderation be made 
 to the feverall excepcons fpecified in my gene- 
 rail letter here inclofed to the Lords, with one 
 to Lord Ashley, which pray deliver. I prefume 
 the Carolina friggott may be ready about three 
 weekes hence to depart for faid province, 
 wherein by my perfuafion is bound Capt. God- 
 frey and Mr. Thomas Gray, (who was my chiefe 
 Agent of all my affaires here,) with a very con- 
 liderable ftrength of fervants and many others 
 unknown to you, foe needles here to name. 
 Here is lately paffed an Act in this ifland to pre- 
 vent depopulation, in which there are great pen- 
 altyes imposed upon fuch perfons that fhall en- 
 deavour and perfuade any to goe hence for other 
 Colonyes, which will be a great hindrance of 
 supplyes from hence. I have onely at prefent 
 
3o\ 
 
 Ji 
 
 3^\ 
 
JutiaaBim i C.^Molitli'A 
 
The Genesis of Charleston. 129 
 
 to defire your concurrence and urgency with the 
 Lords for a fpeedy anfwere to my generall letter, 
 wifliing you health and profperity, I affure you, 
 I am 
 
 Your very faithfull fervant, 
 
 JOHN YEAMANS. 
 
 The/e for my Honored Friende, Sr. Peter Colli- 
 TON, Baronett, 
 
 pre/ent 
 
 32 
 
THE 
 
 DISCOVERIES 
 
 OF 
 
 JOHN LEDERER, 
 
 In three several Marches from Virginia to the 
 
 Weft of Carolina, and other parts of the 
 
 Continent : 
 
 Begun in March, 1669, and ended in September, 
 
 1670, 
 
 TOGETHER WITH 
 
 A General Map of the whole Territory which he 
 
 traverfed. 
 
 Collected and Tranflated out of Latine from his 
 Difcourfe and Writings, 
 
 By Sir William Talbot, Baronet. 
 
 Sed nos immenfum fpatiis confecimiis cequor, Et jam tempus 
 equuim fumantia folvere colla. 
 
 Virg Geotg. 
 
Zondon, Tnnted by J. C. for ^a/z/m^/ A^tf^?-7V/', at Giays-Inn-gate in Holborr. 
 
 1672. 
 
 Reprinted by permission from the copy in the Harvard College Library, 
 Cambridge, Mass. 
 
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 rafi^H 
 
 
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 7b ^/(e Bight Honourable Anthony, Lord Ashley, 
 Baron Ashley, of Wwiborn, St. Giles, Chan- 
 cellor of His Majesties Exchequer, JJnder- 
 Treasure)' of England, one of the Lords Com- 
 mij/ioners of His Majesties Treasury, one of 
 the Lords of His Most Honourable Privie 
 Coxncil a)id of the Lords Proprietors of Car- 
 olina : 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 FKOM this difcourse it is clear that the long- 
 looked for difcovery of the Lndlan Sea 
 does nearly approach; and Carolina, out of her 
 happ)" experience of your Lordfhips' succefs in 
 great undertakings, pi-esumes that the accom- 
 plishment of this glorious Designe is referved for 
 her. In order to which, the Apalatcean Moun- 
 tains (though like the prodigious wall that di- 
 vides China and Tartary, they deny Virginia 
 passage into the West Continent) ftoop to your 
 Lordfhip's Dominions, and lay open a prospect 
 into unlimited Empires, Empires that will here- 
 after be ambitious of subjection to that noble 
 
134 John Lederers Journey 
 
 Government which by your Lordf hip's deep wis- 
 dom and providence first j)rojected, is now estab- 
 lished in Carolina; for it will appear that she 
 flourishes more by the influence of that, than the 
 advantages fhe derives I'rom her Climate and 
 Soyl, which yet do render her the Beauty and 
 envy of North America. That all her glories 
 fhould be seen in this draught, is not reasonably 
 to be expected, since the fate to my Author but 
 once, and then too with a side face ; and there- 
 fore I must own that it was never by him de- 
 signed for the Press, but publifhed by me, out of 
 no other ambition than that of manifefling to the 
 world, that I am, 
 
 My Lord, 
 Your Lord/flip's moji humble and 
 obedient fervant, 
 
 William Talbot. 
 
From Virginia through the Carolinas. 135 
 
 To The Reader. 
 
 THAT a /Iranger Jhould presume (though 
 with Sir William Berkly's Commi/sion to 
 go into those parts of the American Continent 
 where Englishmen never had been, and whither 
 fome refused to accompauy him, was, in Virginia 
 look'd on as so great an insolence, that our 
 Traveller at his return, inftead of welcom and 
 applau/e, met nothing hut Affronts, and Re- 
 proaches ; for indeed it was their part, that for- 
 sook him in the Expedition, to procure him dis- 
 credit that was a witnefs to theirs : Therefore no 
 induftry was wanting to prepare men with a 
 prejudice against him, and this their malice im- 
 proved to fuch a general Animosity, that he was 
 not fafe in Virginia froin the outrage of the peo- 
 ple, drawn into a perfwasion, that the Puhlich 
 Levy of that year, went all to the expence of his 
 Vagaries. Forced hy this storm into Maryland, 
 he became known to me, though then ill-affected to 
 the Man, hy the stories that went about of him. 
 Neverthelefs finding him, contrary to my expecta- 
 tion, a modefl ingenious person, & a pretty 
 Scholar, I thought it common justice to give him 
 an occajion of vindicating him/elf from what I 
 had heard of him ; which truly he did with so 
 convincing Rea/on and circumj'tance, as quite 
 abolifhed thofe former imprejfions in me, and 
 2 
 
136 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 made me dejire this account of his travels, xohich 
 here you have faithfully rendered out of Latine 
 from his own writings and Di/cour/e, with an 
 entire Map of the Territory he traver/ed, copied 
 from his own hand. All the/e I have compared 
 with Indian Relations of tho/e parts {though I 
 never met with an Indian that had followed a 
 Southwe/t Cour/e so far as this German) and 
 finding them agree, I thought the Printing of 
 the/e Papers was no injury to the Author, and 
 might prove a Service to the Puhlick. 
 
 William Talii'j;'. 
 
THE 
 
 Discoveries of John Lederer, 
 
 From Virginia to the wejl 0/ Carolina, and other 
 parts of the Continent. 
 
 A GENERAL AND BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE 
 NORTH AMERICAN CONTINENT. 
 
 NORTH, as well as South America, may be 
 divided into three Regions : the Flats, the 
 Highlands, and the Mountains. The Flats, (in 
 Indian, Ahkynt) is the territory lying between 
 the Saltern Coafi; and the falls of the great 
 Rivers, that there run into the Atlaniick ocean, 
 in extfent generally taken Ninety miles. The 
 Highlands (in Indian, Ahkontfchuck) begin a-t 
 thofe falls and determine at the foot of the great 
 ridgt! of Mountains that run thorow the midft of 
 this Continent, Northeast and Southwest, called 
 by the Spaniards Apdlatcei, from the Nation 
 Apalakin ; and by the Indians, Pcemotinck. Ac- 
 cording to the b6ft of my obfervation and con- 
 jecture they lie parallel to the Ailantick Sea 
 coast, that bearing from Canada to Cape Florida, 
 Northeaft and Southwefl, and then falling off 
 due West as the Mountains do at Sara : but here 
 
138 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 they take the name of Suala ; Sara in the War- 
 renunncock dialect being Sasa or Sualy. 
 
 The Flats, or Ahkynt, are by former writers 
 made so well known to Christendom, that I will 
 not flop the Eeader here with an unnecefsary 
 defcription of them, but fhall onely fay that by the 
 ranknefs of the Soyl, and salt moiftness of the 
 air, daily difcoveries of Fish shells three fathoms 
 deep in the earth, and Indian tradition ; thefe 
 parts are suppofed some ages past to have been 
 under the fea. 
 
 The Highlands (or Ahkontshuck) though under 
 the same parallels, are happie notwithstanding 
 in a more temperate and healthful air. The 
 ground is overgrown with imderwood in many 
 places, and that so perplext and interwoven with 
 vines, that who travels here muft sometimes 
 cut through his way. These thickets harbour 
 all soi-ts of beafts of prey, as Wolves, Panthers, 
 Leopards, Lions, &c., (which are neither so large 
 nor so fierce as those of Asia and Afr^ica) and 
 small vermine, as Wilde Cats, Foxes and 
 Kacoons. These parts were formerly possessed 
 by the Tacci, alias Dogi, but they are extinct, 
 and the Indians now feated here, are distin- 
 tinguished into the several Nations of Mahoc, 
 Nuntaneuck, alias Nuntaly, Nahyssan, Sapon, 
 Managog, Mangoack, Akenatzy, and Monakin, 
 &c. One language is common to them all, 
 though they differ in dialects. The parts inhab- 
 
From Yirgmia through the Carolinas. 139 
 
 ited here are pleasant and fruitful, because 
 cleared of wood, and laid open to the fun. The 
 valleys feed numerous herds of Deer and Elks 
 larger than oxen ; thefe valleys they call Sa- 
 vance, being Marish grounds at the foot of the 
 Apalatcei, and yearly laid under water in the be- 
 ginning of Summer by floods of melted fnow 
 falling down from the Mountains. 
 
 The Apalatcean Mountains, called in Indian 
 Pcemotinck, (or the origine of the Indians) are 
 barren rocks, and therefore deferted by all living 
 creatures but Bears, who cave in the hoUow 
 Cliffs. Yet do thefe Mountains shoot out to the 
 Eastward great promontories of rich land, 
 known by the high and spreading trees which 
 they bear ; thefe promontories, becaufe lower 
 than the main ridge, are called by the Indians 
 Taux Pcemotinck (alias Aquatt.) To the North 
 east the Mountains rise higher ; and at Sara they 
 sink so low^ that they are eafily pafsed over, but 
 here (as was said before) they change their 
 courfe and name, running due West and being 
 called Sualy y now the Sualian Mountains rise 
 higher and higher Westward. 
 
 Of the Manners and Cuftoms of the Indians In- 
 hah'iting the Wejiern parts of Carolina and 
 Virginia. 
 
 The Indians now seated in thefe parts are 
 none of thofe which the English removed from 
 
140 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 Virginia, but a people driven by the enemy 
 from the Northweft, and invited to fit down 
 here by an Oracle above four hundred years 
 fmce, as they pretend for the ancient inhabitants 
 of Virginia were far more rude and barbarous, 
 feeding only upon raw flesh and fish, until thefe 
 taught them to plant corn, and fhewed them the 
 use of it. 
 
 But before I treat of their ancient Manners 
 and Customs, it is necefsary I fhould fhow by 
 what means the knowledge of them hath been 
 conveyed from former ages to pofterity. Three 
 ways they supply their want of Lettei's : iirst, by 
 Counters, secondly by Emblems or Hieroglyph- 
 icks, thirdly by Tradition delivered in long tales 
 from father to son, which being children they 
 are made to learn by rote. For counters, they 
 ufe either Pebbles, or fhort scantlings of ftraw or 
 reeds. Where a Battel has been fought, or a 
 colony feated, they raise a small Pyramid of 
 these stones, confifting of the number flain or 
 tranfplanted. Their reeds and flraws ferve them 
 in Religious Ceremonies for they lay them 
 orderly in a circle when they prepare for de- 
 votion or sacrifice ; and that performed, the 
 Circle remains still ; for it is sacrilege to disturb 
 or to touch it, the dispofition and forting of the 
 flraws and reeds fhew what kind of rites have 
 there been celebrated, as Invocation, Sacrifice, 
 Burial, &c. 
 
From Virginia through the Carolinas. 141 
 
 The faculties of the minde and body they 
 commonly exprefs by Emblems. By the figure 
 of a Stag, they imply Swiftness ; by that of a 
 Serpent, wrath ; of a Lion, courage : of a Dog, 
 fidelity ; by a fwan they signifie the English, al- 
 luding to their complexion and flight over the 
 Sea. 
 
 An account of Time, and other things, they 
 keep on a ftring or leather thong tied in knots 
 of feveral colours. I took particular notice of 
 fmall wheels ferving for this purpose amongft 
 the Oenocks, becaufe I have heard that the 
 Mexicans ufe the fame, Every nation gives his 
 particular Enfigne or arms : The Sasquesahan- 
 augh a Tarapine, or fmall Tortoife ; the Aken- 
 atzifs a Serpent ; the Nahyssanes three Arrows, 
 &c. In this they likewife agree with the Mex- 
 ican Indians. Yid. Jos. a Costa. 
 
 They worfhip one God, Creator of all things, 
 w^hom some call Okcee, others Mannith ; to him 
 alone the Highpriefl:, or Periku, ofiters sacrifice, 
 and yet they believe he has no regard to sub- 
 lunary affairs, but commits the Government of 
 Mankinde to leffer Deities, as Quiacosough and 
 Tagkany sough, that is, good and evil Spirits : to 
 thefe the inferior Priefts pay their devotion and 
 Sacrifice, at which they make recitals, to a la- 
 mentable tune, of the great things done by their 
 Ancestors. 
 
 From four women, viz : Pash, Sepoy, Askar'in 
 
14-2 Jolm Lederer's Journey 
 
 aud Maraskarin, they derive the Race of Man- 
 kinde ; which they therefore divide into four 
 Tribes, diftinguifhed under thofe feveral names- 
 They very rehgiousiy obferve the degrees of 
 marriage, which they hmit not to diflance of 
 kindred, but difference of tribes, which are 
 continued in the iffue of the female; now for 
 two of the fame tribe to match is abhorred as 
 incest and punished with great feverity. 
 
 Their places of Burial they divide into four 
 quarters, affigning to every Tribe one ; for, to 
 mingle their bodies, even when dead, they liold 
 wicked and ominous. They commonly wrap 
 up the corps in beads' skins, aud bury Avith it 
 Provifion and Household fluff for its ufe in the 
 other world. When their great men die they 
 likewife flay prifonei's of war to attend them. 
 They believe the tranfmigration of fouls : for 
 the Angry they fay is poffefl with the spirit of a 
 ferpent ; the Bloudy with that of a Wolf ; the 
 Timorous of a Deer; the Faithfiil, of a Dog, 
 &c., and therefore they are figured by thefe 
 Emblems. 
 
 Elizium, or the abode of their leffer Deities, 
 they place beyond the Mountains and Indian 
 Ocean. 
 
 Though they want thofe means of Improving 
 Humane Reason, which they ufe of Letters 
 affords us; let us not therefore conclude them 
 wholly deflitute of Learning and Sciences ; for by 
 
From Virginia through the Carolina^ 143 
 
 thefe little helps which they have found, many 
 of them advance their natural underftandings to 
 great knowledge in Physick, Ehetorick and 
 Policie of Government ; for I have been prefent 
 at feveral of my Gonfultations and Debates, and 
 to my admiration have heard fome of their 
 Seniors deliver themselves Avith as much judge- 
 ment and Eloquence as I fhould have expected 
 from men of Civil education and literature. 
 
The First Expedition 
 
 From the head of Pamoeoncock, ahas York 
 River (due West) to the top of the Apalatcen 
 Mountains. 
 
 Upon the ninth of March, 1669, (with three 
 Indians whofe names were Magtakunk, Hopotto- 
 guoJi, and Naunugh) I went out at the falls of 
 Pemceoncock, alias York River in Virginia, from 
 an Indian Village called Shickehamany , and lay- 
 that night in the woods, encouutring nothing 
 remarkable, but a Rattle snake ot extraordi- 
 nary size and thicknefs, for I judged it two 
 yards and a half and better from head to tail, 
 and as big about as a man's arm ; by the dis- 
 tention of her belly we believed her full with 
 young, but having killed and opened her found 
 there a small squirrel whole ; which caused in 
 me a double wonder : first, how a Reptile should 
 catch so nimble a creature as a squirrel, and 
 having caught it, how could she swallow it 
 entire. The Indians in resolving my doubts, 
 plunged me into a greater astonilhment, when 
 they told me it was usual with thefe ferpents when 
 
From Virginia tlirough the Carolinas. 145 
 
 they lie basking in the fun, to fetch down thefe 
 squirrels from the tops of the trees, by fixing 
 their eyes steadfastly upon them, the horrour of 
 which ftrikes fuch an affrightment into the 
 little beaft that he has no power to hinder him- 
 self from tumbling down into the jaws of his 
 enemy, who takes in all his fuftenance without 
 chewing, his teeth serving him only to offend 
 withal. But I rather believe what I have 
 heard from others, that thefe Serpents climb the 
 trees and furprife their prey in the nest. 
 
 The next day falling into Marish grounds be- 
 tween PemcBoncock and the head of the River 
 Matapeneugh, the heavineff of the way obliged 
 me to crofi Pemceoncock, where its North and 
 South branch (called Ackmick) joyn in one. In 
 the Peninsula made by thefe two branches, a 
 great Indian King called Tottopotoma was here- 
 tofore flain in Battel, fighting for the Christians 
 against the Mahocks and Nahyffans, from which 
 it retains his name to this day. Travelling 
 thorow the Woods, a Doe seized by a wild Cat 
 croffed our way ; the miferable creature being 
 even fpent and breathleff with the burden and 
 cruelty of her rider, who having faflened on her 
 fhoulder, left not fucking out her bloud until fhe 
 funk under him ; which one of the Indians per- 
 ceiving, let flie a luckie Arrow, which piercing 
 him thorow the belly, made him quit his prey 
 already flain, and turn with a terrible grimas at 
 
146 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 us; but his ftrengtli aud spirits failing him we 
 efcaped his revenge, which had certainly ensued, 
 were not his wound mortal. This creature is 
 something bigger than our English Fox of a 
 reddish grey colour, and in figure every way 
 agreeing with an ordinary cat, fierce, ravenous 
 and cunning ; for finding the Deer (upon which 
 they delight mofl to prey) too swift for them, 
 they watch upon branches of trees, and as they 
 walk or feed under, jump down upon them. 
 The Fur of the wilde Cat, though not very fine, 
 is yet esteemed for its virtues in taking away 
 cold Aches aud Pains, being worn next to the 
 body ; their flefli, though rank as a dog's, is 
 eaten by the Indians. 
 
 The eleventh and twelfth I found the ways 
 very uneven, and cunibered with bufnes. 
 
 The thirteenth I reached the firft fpring of 
 Pemceoncock, having croffed the River four 
 times that day, by reafon of its many windings ; 
 but the water was so ihallow, that it hardly wet 
 my horfe's posterns. Here a little under the 
 furface of the earth I found flat pieces of petri- 
 fied matter, of one side folid ftone, but on the 
 other side isinglass, which I eafily peeled off in 
 flakes about four inches fquare; several of thefe 
 pieces, with a transparent ftonelike crystal that 
 cut glaff, and a white Marchafite that I pur- 
 chafed of the Indians, I prefented to Sir Wil- 
 liam Berkeley, Governor of Virginia. 
 
From Yirginia through the Carolinas. 147 
 
 The fourteenth of March from the top of 
 an eminent hill, I first defcried the Apalatcean 
 Mountains, bearing due Weft to the place I 
 ftood upon; their diflance from me was so 
 great that I could hardly difcern whether they 
 were Mountains or clouds, until my Indian 
 fellow travellers proftrating them felves in addor- 
 ation, howled out after a barbarous manner, 
 Okiepceze, i. e., God is nigh. 
 
 The fifteenth of March, not far from this hill, 
 paffing over the South branch of Rapahanock 
 River, I was almofl fwallowed in a Quickfand. 
 Great herds of Red and Fallow Deer I daily 
 faw feeding ; and on the hillfides, Bears crash- 
 ing Mast like Swine. Small Leopards I have 
 feen in the woods, but never any Lions, though 
 their fkins are much worn by the Indians. The 
 wolves in thefe parts are so ravenous that I 
 often in the night feared that my horfe would be 
 devoured by them, they would gather up and 
 howl so clofe round about him, though tether'd 
 to the same tree at whofe foot I myfelf and the 
 Indians lay, but the Fires which we made, 
 I fuppofe, feared them from worrying us all. 
 Beaver and Otter I met with at, every 
 river that I paffed ; and the woods are full of 
 grey Foxes. 
 
 Thus I travelled all the flxteenth; and on the 
 feventfeenth of March I reached the Apalatcei. 
 The Air here is very thick and chill ; and the 
 4 
 
148 John Ledsrer's Journey 
 
 waters iffuing from the Mountain fides, of a 
 Blue colour, and Allumifli tafte. 
 
 The eighteenth of March, after I had in vain 
 affayed to ride up, I alighted, and left my horfe 
 with one of the Indians, whilft with the other 
 two I climbed up the Rocks and, which were so 
 incumbered with bufhes and brambles, that the 
 afcent proved very difl&cult ; befides the preci- 
 pice was so fteep that if I look't down I was 
 immediately taken with a fwimming in my 
 head, though afterward the way was more 
 easie. The height of this mountain was very 
 extraordinary, for notwithftanding I fet out with 
 the first appearance of light, it was late in the 
 evening before I gained the top, from whence 
 the next morning I had a beautiful prospect of 
 the AUantick Ocean wafhing the Virginia fliore ; 
 but to the North and Weft my sight was fud- 
 denly bounded by mountains higher than that I 
 ftood upon. Here did I wander in fnow, for the 
 moft part, till the four and twentieth day of 
 March, hoping to finde fome paffage through the 
 mountains, but the coldneff of the air and earth 
 together, feizing my hands and Feet with numb- 
 neff, put me to a ne plus ultra ; and therefore 
 having found my Indian at the foot of the 
 Mountain with my Horfe, I returned back by 
 the fame way that I icent. 
 
The Second Expedition 
 
 From the Falls of Powhatan, alias James River, 
 in Yirg'inia, to Mahock in the Apalatcen 
 Mountains. 
 
 The twentieth of May, 1670, one Major 
 Harris and myself, with twenty Christian 
 Horfe and five Indians, marched from the Falls 
 of James River, in Virginia, towards the Mona- 
 kins, and on the two and twentieth were wel- 
 comed by them with volleys of (hot. Near this 
 village we obferved a pyramid of (tones piled up 
 together, which their Priefts told us, was the 
 number of an Indian Colony drawn out by Lot 
 from a neighbour-Countrey over-peopled and 
 led hither by one Monack, from whom they take 
 the name of Monakin. Here enquiring the way 
 to the mountains, an ancient Man defcribed with 
 a staflfe two paths on the ground ; one pointing 
 to the Mahocks, and the other to the Nahy/jfans ; 
 but my Englijh Companions flighting the In- 
 dians direction, (haped their courfe by the com- 
 
150 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 paff due West ; and therefore it fell out with us, 
 as it does with thofe Sand Crabs, that crawling 
 backwards in a direct line, avoid not the trees 
 that ftand in their way, but climbing over their 
 very tops, come down again on the other fide, 
 and so after a day's labour gain not above two 
 foot of ground. Thus we obftinately purfuing 
 a due West courfe, rode over fteep and craggy 
 Cliflfs, which beat our horfes quite off the hoof. 
 In thefe mountains we wandered from the 
 Twenty-fifth of May till the third of June, 
 finding very little fustenance for Man or Horfe : 
 for thefe places are deftitute both of Grain and 
 Herbage. 
 
 The third of June we came to the South 
 branch of James River which Major Harris 
 obferving to run Northward, vainly imagined 
 to be an arm of the Lake of Canada ; and 
 was so tranfported wdth this Fancy, that he 
 would have raised a Pillar to the difcovery 
 if the fear of the Mahock Indian, and want 
 of food, had permitted him to ftay. Here 
 I moved to croff the river and march on ; but 
 the reft of the company were so weary of the 
 enterprize, that crying out One and All, they 
 had offered violence to me, had I not been pro- 
 vided with a private commiffion from the Gov- 
 ernor of Virginia to proceed, though the rest ot 
 the company (hould abandon me ; the fight of 
 which laid their fury. 
 
From Ylrginia through the Carolinas. 151 
 
 The lelFer Hills or Akont/huck, are here un- 
 paffable, being both fteep and craggy. The 
 rocks feemed to me at a diflance to refemble 
 eggs fet up on end. 
 
 James Riv^er is here as broad as it is about an 
 hundred mile low^r at Monakin, the paffage 
 over is very dangerous, by reafon of the rapid 
 Torrents made by Rocks and (helves forcing the 
 water into narrow Channels. From an obferva- 
 tion which we made of ftraws and rotten 
 chuncks hanging in boughs of trees on the bank, 
 and two and twenty foot above water, we 
 argued that the melted fnow falling from the 
 Mountains fwelled the River to that height, the 
 Flood carrying down that rubbilli which, upon 
 the abatement of the inundation, remained in 
 the Trees. 
 
 The Air in thefe parts were so moifl that all our 
 Bifcuit became mouldy and unfit to be eaten, so 
 that fome nicer ftomachs, who at our fetting out 
 laughed at my provifion of Indian meal 
 parched, would gladly now have fhared with 
 me, but I being determined to go upon further 
 Difcoveries refufed to part with any of that 
 which was to he my moft necejfary fujlenance. 
 
152 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 The Continuation of the Second Expedition 
 /roTW Mahock, Southward, into the Province of 
 Carolina. 
 
 The fifth of June, my company and I parted 
 good friends, they back again, and I with one 
 Sa/que/ahanough Indian, named Jackzetavon, 
 only, in purfuit of my first enterprize, changing 
 my courfe from Weft to South-weft and by 
 South, to avoid the mountains. Major Harris 
 at parting gave me a Gun, believing me a loft 
 man, and given up as a prey to Indians or fav- 
 age beafts ; which made him the bolder in Vir- 
 ginia to report ftrange things in his own praise 
 and my difparagement, prefuming I would never 
 return to difprove him. This, I fuppose, and no 
 other, was the caufe that he did with so much 
 industry procure me difcredit and odium ; but I 
 have loft nothing by it, but what I never ftudied 
 to gain, which is popular Applause. 
 
 From the fifth, which was Sunday until the 
 ninth of June, I travelled through different 
 Ways, without feeing any Town or Indian ; and 
 then I arrived at Sapon, a village of the Nahyf- 
 fans, about an hundred miles diftant from 
 Mohock, fituate upon a branch of Shawan, alias 
 Rorenock River; and though I had just caufe to 
 fear thefe Indians, becaufe they had been in 
 continual hoftility with the Chrijlians for ten 
 3"ears before; yet prefuming that the truck 
 
trom Virffinia through the Carolinas. 153 
 
 which I carried with me would procure my 
 welcome, I adventured to put myfelf into their 
 power, having heard that they never offer any 
 injury to a few perfons from whom they appre- 
 hend no danger; nevertheleff they examined 
 me flrictly whence I came, whither I went, and 
 what my bufmeff was. But after I had beflowed 
 fome trifles of Glaff and Metal amongftthem, 
 they were fatisfied with reasonable anfwers, and 
 I received with all imaginable demonflrations of 
 kindneff, as offering of facrifice, a compliment 
 fhewed only to fuch as they defign particularly 
 to honour ; but they went further, and confulted 
 their Godds whether they fliould not admit me 
 into their Nation and Councils, and oblige me to 
 flay amongft them by a Marriage with the 
 Kings or fome of their great Mens Daughters. 
 But I, though with much ado, waved their 
 courtefie, and got my Paflport, having given my 
 word to return to them within fix months. 
 
 Sapon is within the limits of the Province of 
 Carolina, and as you may perceive by the 
 Figure, has all the attributes requisite to a 
 pleasant and advantageous feat ; for though it 
 ftands high, and upon dry land, it enjoy es the 
 benefit of a ftately River, and a rich Soyl, capa- 
 ble of producing a great many commodities, 
 which may hereafter render the trade of it con- 
 fiderable. 
 
 Not far diftaut from hence, as I underfland 
 
154 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 from the NahyJ/an Indians, is their King's Refi- 
 dence, called Pintahce, upon the fame River, and 
 happy in the fame advantages both for pleafure 
 and profit ; which my curiofity would have led 
 me to fee, were I not bound both by Oath and 
 Commiffion to a direct purfuance of my in- 
 tended purpofe of difcovering a paffage to the 
 further fide of the Mountains. 
 
 This Nation is governed by an absolute Mon- 
 arch ; the people of a high flature, warlike and 
 rich. I faw great ftore of Pearl unbored in 
 their little Temples and Oratories, which they 
 had won amongft other fpoils from the Indians 
 of Florida, and hold in as great efteem as we 
 do. 
 
 From hence, by the Indians' inflructions, I 
 directed my courfe to Akenatzy, an Island bear- 
 ing South and by Weft, and about fifty miles 
 diftant, upon a branch of the fame River, from 
 Sapon. The countrey here, though high, is 
 level, and for the moft part a rich Soyl, as I 
 judged by the growth of the trees ; yet where 
 it is inhabited by Indians, it lies open in fpacious 
 Plains, and is bleffed with a very healthlul Air, 
 as appears by the age and vigour of the peo- 
 ple; and though I travelled in the month of 
 June, the heat of the weather hindered me not 
 from Riding at all hours without any great 
 annoyance from the fun. By eafie journeys I 
 landed at Akenatzy upon the twelfth of June. 
 
From Virginia through the Carolinas. 155 
 
 The current of the river is here so ftrong, that 
 my Horfe had much difl&culty to refist it, and I 
 expected every ftep to be carried away with the 
 ftream. 
 
 This Ifland, though fmall, maintains many in- 
 habitants, who are fix'd here in great fecurity, 
 being naturally fortified with Faflneffes of moun- 
 tains, and water on every fide, Upon the 
 North fhore they yearly reap great crops of 
 corn, of which they always have a twelve- 
 month Provifion aforehand, againfl an invafion 
 from their powerful Neighbours. Their Govern- 
 ment is under two Kings, one prefiding in Arms, 
 the other in Hunting and Husbandry. They 
 hold all things, except their wives, in common ; 
 and their cuftome in eating is, that every man in 
 his turn, feasts all the refl ; and he that makes 
 the entertainment is feated betwixt the two 
 Kings; where higely commending his own 
 chear they carve and diftribute it amongfl the 
 guefts. 
 
 At my arrival here I met four flranger Indians, 
 whofe bodies were painted in various colours 
 with figures of Animals whofe likenelF I had 
 never feen, and by fome difcourfe and fignes 
 which paffed between us, I gathered that they 
 were the only furvivours of fifty, who fet out 
 together in company from fome great Ifland, as 
 I conjecture, in the Northweft, for I underflood 
 that they croffed a great Water, in which moft 
 
156 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 of their party perifhed by tempefl, the reft 
 dying in the Marifhes and Mountains by famine 
 and hard weather, after a two-months travel by 
 Land and Water in quest of this Ifland of 
 Akenaizy. 
 
 The moft reafonable conjecture that I can 
 frame out of this Relation, is, that thefe Indians 
 might come from the Ifland of new Albion or 
 California, from whence we may imagine fome 
 great arm of the Indian Ocean or Bay ftretches 
 into the Continent towards the Apalatcen Moun- 
 tains in the nature of a mid-land Sea, in which 
 many of thefe Indians might have perifl:ied. To 
 confirm my opinion in this point, I have heard 
 feveral Indians teftifie, that the Nation of Ricka- 
 hockans, who dwell not far to the Weftward of 
 the Apalatcen Mountains, are feated upon a 
 Land, as they term it, of great Waves, by which 
 I fuppofe they mean the Sea-fliore. 
 
 The next day after my arrival at Akenatzy, a 
 Rickahockan Ambaffadour, attended by five 
 Indians, whofe faces were coloured Awripigmen- 
 tum (in which Mineral thefe parts do much 
 abound) was received, and that night invited to 
 a Ball of their fafliion ; but in the height of 
 their mirth and dancing by a fmoke contrived 
 for that purpofe, the Room was fuddenly dark- 
 ened, and for what cause I know not, the Rick- 
 aJioekan and his retinue barbarously murthered. 
 This ftruck me with fuch an afirightment, that 
 
From Yirgmia througli tJie Carolinas. 157 
 
 the very next day, without taking my leave of 
 them, I flunk away with my Indian companion. 
 Though the defire of informing myfelf further 
 concerning fome minerals, as Aurvpigmentum, 
 &c., which I there took fpecial notice of, would 
 have perfuaded me to ilay longer amongfl them, 
 had not the bloody example of their treachery 
 to the jRickohockans frighted me away. 
 
 The fourteenth of June, purfuing a South 
 southweft courfe, fometimes by a beaten path 
 and fometimes over hills and rocks, I was forc'd 
 to take up my quarters in the Woods; for 
 though the Oenock Indians, whom I then 
 fought, were not in a direct line above thirty 
 odde miles diftant from Akenatzy, yet the ways 
 were fuch, and obliged me to go so far about, 
 that I reached Oenock until the fixteenth. 
 The country here, by the industry of these 
 Indians, is very open and clear of wood. Their 
 Town is built round a field, where in their 
 Sports they exercife with so much labour and 
 violence, and in so great numbers, that I have 
 feen the ground wet with the fweat that dropped 
 from their bodies; their chief recreation is fling- 
 ing of flones. They are of mean flature and 
 courage, covetous and thievifh, induflrious to 
 earn a peny, and therefore hire themfelves out 
 to their neighbors, who employ them as 
 Carryers or Porters. They plant abundance 
 of Grain, reap three crops in a fummer. 
 
158 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 and out of their Granary fupply all the 
 adjacent parts. Thefe and the Mountain In- 
 dians build not their houfes of bark, but of 
 Watling and Plaister. In Summer the heat of 
 the weather makes them chufe to lie abroad in 
 the night under thin arbours of wilde Palm. 
 Some houfes they have of Reed and Bark ; they 
 build them generally round : to each houfe be- 
 longs a little hovel made like an oven, where 
 they lay up their Corn and Mafl, and keep it 
 dry. They parch their Nuts and Acorns over 
 the fire to take away their rank Oylineff, which 
 afterwards preffed, yield a milky liquor, and the 
 Acorns an Amber colour'd Oyl. In thefe min- 
 gled together, they dip their Cakes at great en- 
 tertainments, and so serve them up to their 
 guefts as an extraordinary dainty. Their Gov- 
 ernment is Democratick ; and the Sentences of 
 their old men are received as Laws, or rather 
 Oracles, by them. 
 
 Fourteen miles Weft Southwell of the 
 Oenocks dwell the Shackory Indians, upon a 
 rich Soyl, and yet abounding in Antimony, of 
 which they fhewed me confiderable quantities. 
 Finding them agree with the Oenocks in Cus- 
 toms and Manners I made no ftay here, but 
 paffmg thorow their town I travelled till the 
 nineteenth of June; then after a two days 
 troublefome journey thorow thickets and 
 Marifh grounds I arrived at Watary above 
 
From Virginia through the Carolinas. 159 
 
 fourty miles diftant, and bearing Weft South- 
 wefl to Shakor. This Nation differs in Govern- 
 ment from all the other Indians of thefe parts ; 
 for they are flaves rather then fubjects to their 
 King. Their prefent Monarch is a grave man, 
 and courteous to fir angers ; yet I could not 
 "without horrour behold his barbarous fuperfti- 
 tion, in hiring three youths and fending them 
 forth to kill as many young women of their 
 enemies as they could light on, to ferve his fon, 
 then newly dead, in the other world, as he 
 vainly fancyed. Thefe youths during my flay 
 returned with fkins torn off the heads and faces 
 of three young girls, which they prefented to 
 his Majellie, and were by him gratefully re- 
 ceived. 
 
 I departed from Watary the one and twen- 
 tieth of June, and keeping a Weft courfe for 
 near thirty miles, I came to Sara ; here I found 
 the ways more level and eafie. Sara is not far 
 diftant from the Mountains, which here lofe 
 their height, and change their courfe and name ; 
 for they run due Weft, and receive from the 
 Spaniards the name of Suala. From thefe 
 Mountains or Hills the Indians draw great 
 quantities of Cinabar, with which beaten to 
 powder they colour their faces ; this Mineral is 
 of a deeper purple than Vermilion, and is the 
 fame which is in so much efteem amongft Phyfi- 
 tians, being the firft element of Quickfilver. 
 
160 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 I did likewife, to my no fmall admiration, 
 find hard cakes of white Salt amongft them, 
 but whether they were made of Sea water or 
 taken out of Salt pits I know not, but am apt to 
 believe the later, becaufe the fea is so remote 
 from them. 
 
 Many other rich Commodities and minerals 
 there are undoubtedly in these parts, which if 
 poffeffed by an ingenious and induftrious people 
 would be improved to vaft advantages by Trade. 
 But having tied myself up to things onely that I 
 have feen in my Travels, I will deliver no con- 
 jectures. 
 
 Lingua sile non eji ultra narrabile quidquam. 
 Thefe Indians are so indifcreetly fond of their 
 children that they will not chaflise them for 
 any mifchief or infolence. A little Boy had Ihot 
 an Arrow thorow my Body had I not recon- 
 ciled him to me with gifts ; and all this anger 
 was becaufe I fpurred my horfe out of another 
 Arrow's way which he directed at him. This 
 caufed fuch a mutiny amongst the Youth of the 
 Town, that the Seniors taking my horfe and felf 
 into protection, had much ado (and that by en- 
 treaties and prayers, not commands) to appeafe 
 them. 
 
 From Sara I kept a South Southwell; courfe 
 until the five and twentieth of June, and then I 
 reached Wl/acky, This three days march was 
 more troublefome to me then all my travels be- 
 
FroTYh Virginia through the Carolinas. 161 
 
 fides; for the direct way which I took from 
 Sara to Wifacky is over a continued Marifh 
 overgrown with Keeds, from whofe roots fprung 
 knotty flumps as hard and fharp as Fhnt. I was 
 forced to lead my horfe moft part of the way, 
 and wonder that he was not either phmged in 
 the Bogs, or lamed by thofe rugged knots. 
 
 This Nation is fubject to a neighbour King 
 refiding upon the bank of a great Lake called 
 
 TJ/hery, invironed of all sides with Mountains, 
 and Wifacky Marifh ; and therefore I will detain 
 the Reader no longer with the difcourfe of them, 
 because I comprehend them in that of TJ/hery. 
 
 The six and twentieth of June, having croffed 
 a frefh River, which runs into the Lake of 
 
 TJJIiery, I came to the Town, which was 
 more populous then any I had feen before in 
 my March. The King dwells some three miles 
 from it, and therefore I had no opportunity of 
 feeing him the two nights which I ftayed there. 
 This Prince, though his dominions are large and 
 populous, is in continual fear of the Oujiack 
 Indians feated on the oppofite fide of the Lake ; 
 a people so addicted to Arms that even their 
 women come into the field and fhoot Arrows 
 over their husbands fhoulders, who fhield them 
 with Leathern targets. The men it feems fhould 
 fight with Silver Hatchets ; for one of the VJh- 
 erers told me they were of the fame metal with 
 the Pomel of my fword. They are a cruel gen- 
 eration, and prey upon people, whom they either 
 
162 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 fteal, or force away from the U/heryes in Peri- 
 agois, to facrifi.ce to their Idols. 
 
 The JJ/hery women dehght much in feather 
 ornaments, of which they have great variety; 
 but Peacocks in moft efteem, becaufe rare in 
 thofe parts. They are reafonably handfome, and 
 have more of civiHty in their carriage then I 
 obferved in the other Nations with whom I con- 
 verfed ; which is the reafon the men are more 
 effeminate and lazie. 
 
 Thefe miferable wretches are flrangely infat- 
 uated with illufions of the devil ; it caufed no 
 fmall horrour in me to fee one of them wrythe 
 his neck all on one fide, foam at the mouth, Hand 
 barefoot upon burning coals for near an hour, 
 and then recovering his fenfes, leap out of the 
 fire without hurt, or figne of any. This I was 
 an eye-witneff of. 
 
 The water of JJ/hery Lake feemed to my 
 taste a little brackifh, which I rather impute to 
 fome Mineral waters which flow into it, then to 
 any saltneff it can take from the Sea, which we 
 may reafonably fuppofe is a great way from it. 
 Many pleafant Rivxilets fall into it, and it is 
 flored with great plenty of excellent fifh. I 
 judged it to be about ten leagues broad; for 
 were not the other fliore very high, it could not 
 be difcerned from VJhery. How far this Lake 
 tends Wefterly, or where it ends, I could neither 
 learn or guess. 
 
From Yvrgima through the Carolinas. 163 
 
 Here I made a day's flay, to inform myfelf 
 further in thefe Countries ; and underftood both 
 from the JJJher'ies, and fome Sara Indians that 
 came to trade with thenj, that two days journey 
 and a half from hence to the Southwefl, a pow- 
 erful Nation of Bearded men were feated, which 
 I fuppofe to be the Spaniards, becaijfe the In- 
 dians never have any ; it being a univerfal cus- 
 tom amongfl them to prevent their growth, by 
 plucking the young hair out by the roots. 
 Weftward lies a Government inhofpitable of 
 ftrangers, and to the North, over the Suala 
 mountains lay the Rickohockans. I thought it 
 not fafe to venture myfelf amongft the Span- 
 iards, left taking me for a fpy they would either 
 make me away, or condemn me to a perpetual 
 flavery in their Mines. Therefore not thinking 
 fit to proceed further, the eight and twentieth of 
 June I faced about and looked homeward. 
 
 To avoid Wisacky Marifh I fhaped my courfe 
 
 N ortheaft, and after three days travel over hilly 
 
 ways, where I met with no path or road, I fell 
 
 into a barren Sandy defert, where I fuffered 
 
 miferably for want of water ; the heat of the 
 
 Summer having drunk all the Springs dry, and 
 
 left no figne of any, but the gravelly chanels 
 
 in which they run ; so that if now and then I 
 
 had not found a ftanding Pool, which provident 
 
 Nature fet round with fhady Oaks, to defend it 
 
 from the ardour of the fun, my Indian compan- 
 6 
 
164 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 ion, horfe and felf had certainly perifhed with 
 thirft. In this diftreff we travelled tiU the 
 twelfth of July and then found the head of a 
 River, which afterward proved Eruco; in which 
 we received not only the comfort of a necelFary 
 and feafonable refrefhment, but likewife the 
 hopes of coming into a country again where 
 we might finde Game for food at least, if not 
 difcover fome new Nation or people. Nor did 
 our hopes fail us ; for after we had croffed the 
 River twice, we were led by it upon the four- 
 teenth of July to the Town of Katearas, a place 
 of great Indian Trade and Commerce, and chief 
 feat of the haughty Emperour of the Tojkiroros, 
 called Ra/ku/ara, vulgarly Ra/kous. His grim 
 Majeftie, upon my firft appearance, demanded 
 my Gun and Shot, which I willingly parted with 
 to ranfom myself out of his clutches; for he 
 was the moft proud imperious Barbarian that I 
 met with in all my Marches. The people here at 
 this time feemed prepared for some extraordi- 
 nary Solemnity ; for the men and the women of 
 better fort had decked themfelves very fine 
 with pieces of bright copper in their hair and 
 ears, and about their arms and neck, which 
 upon Feftival occafions they ufe as an extraordi- 
 nary bravery, by which it ihould feem this 
 Country is not without rich Mines of Copper. 
 But I durft not ftay to inform myfelf further in 
 it, being jealous of fome fudden mifchief to- 
 
From Virginia through the Garolinas. 165 
 
 wards me from Kafkous, his nature being 
 bloudy, and provoked upon any flight occafion. 
 Therefore leaving Kaiearas, I travelled 
 through the Woods until the lixteenth, upon 
 which I came to Kawitziokan, an Indian town 
 upon a branch of Rorenoke river, which here I 
 paffed over, continuing my journey to Menchoe- 
 rinck, and on the feventeenth departing from 
 thence I lay aU night in the Woods, and the 
 next morning, betimes, going by Natoway, I. 
 reached that evening Apamatuck in Virginia, 
 where I was not a little overjoyed to fee Chrif- 
 tian faces again. 
 
The Third and Laft Expedition, 
 
 From the Falls of Rappahanock River in Vir- 
 ginia, (due Weft) to the top of the Apalatcen 
 Mountains. 
 
 /^N the twentieth of Auguji, 1670, Col. Cat- 
 ^-^ let, of Virginia and myfelf, with nine 
 Englifh Horfe, and five Indians on foot, departed 
 from the houfe of one Robert Talifer, and that 
 night reached the falls of Rappahanock river, in 
 Indian Mantepeuck: 
 
 The next day we paffed it over where it di- 
 vides into two branches North and South, keep- 
 ing the main branch North of us. 
 
 The three and twentieth we found it so (hal- 
 low, that it onely wet our horfes hoofs. 
 
 The four and twentieth we travelled thorow 
 the Savance amongft vaft herds of Red and 
 Fallow Deer which ftood gazing at us ; and a 
 little after we came to the promontories or Spurs 
 of the Apalatcen Mountains. 
 
From Yirgmia through the Carolinas. 167 
 
 Thefe Savance are low grounds at the foot of 
 the Apalatoens, which all the Winter, Spring, and 
 part of Summer, lie under fnow or water, when 
 the fnow is diffolved, which falls down from the 
 Mountains commonly about the beginning of 
 June; and then their verdure is wonderful pleas- 
 ant to the eye, efpecially of fuch as having trav- 
 elled through the fhade of the vaft Foreft, come 
 out of a melancholy darkneff of a fudden, into a 
 clear and open f kie. 
 
 To heighten the beauty of thefe parts the firft 
 Springs of moll; of thofe great Eivers which run 
 into the Atlantick ocean, or Che/eapeack Bay, do 
 here break out, and in various branches inter- 
 lace the flowry Meads, whofe luxurious herbage 
 invites numerous herds of Red Deer (for their 
 unufual largeneff improperly termed Elks by 
 ignorant people) to feed. The right Elk, though 
 very common in New Scotland, Canada, and 
 thofe Northern parts, is never feen on this fide 
 of the Continent ; for that which the Virginians 
 call Elks, does not at all differ from the Red 
 Deer of Europe, but in his dimenfions, which are 
 far greater ; but yet the Elk in bigneff does not 
 far exceed them ; their heads or horns are not 
 very different ; but the neck of the Elk is so 
 fhort that it hardly feparates the head from the 
 fhoulders ; which is the reafon that they cannot 
 feed upon level ground but by falling on their 
 knees, though their heads be a yard long; 
 
168 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 therefore they commonly either broufe upon 
 trees, or Handing up to the belly in ponds or 
 rivers feed upon the banks ; their Cingles or tails 
 are hardly three inches long. I have been told 
 by a New England gentleman that the lips and 
 noftrils of this creature is the moft delicious 
 meat he ever tafted. As for the Red Deer we 
 here treat of, I cannot difference the tafte of 
 their flefh from thofe in EMvo-pe. 
 • The fixth and twentieth of Auguji we came to 
 the Mountains, where finding no horfe-way up, 
 we alighted, and left our horfes with two or 
 three Indians below, whilft we went up afoot. 
 The afcent was so fteep, the cold so intense, and 
 we so tired, that having with much ado gained 
 the top of one of the higheft, we drank the 
 King's health in Brandy, gave the Mountain his 
 name, and agreed to return back again, having 
 no encouragement from that profpect to proceed 
 to a further difcovery ; fince from hence we faw 
 another Mountain, bearing North and by Weft 
 to us, of a prodigious height ; for according to 
 an obfervation of the diftance taken by Col. 
 Vatlet, it could not be leff than filty leagues from 
 the place we ftood upon. 
 
 Here was I ftung in my deep by a Mountain 
 fpider; and had not an Indian suckt out the 
 poyfon I had died, for receiving the hurt at the 
 tip of one of my fingers, the venome ftiot up im- 
 mediately into my fhoulder, and so inflamed my 
 
From Virginia through the Carolinas. 169 
 
 fide that it is not poflible to expreff my torment. 
 The means ufed by my phylician, was firft a 
 fmall dofe of fnake-root powder, which I took 
 in a nttle water ; and then making a kinde of 
 Plaifter of the fame, applied it neer to the part 
 affected ; when he had done so, he fwalloed fome 
 by way of Antidote himfelf, and fuckt my fingei'^s 
 end so violently that I felt the venome retire 
 back from my , iide into my fhoulder, and from 
 thence down my arm ; having thus fucked half a • 
 fcore of times, and fpit as often. I was eased of 
 all my pain, and perfectly recovered. I thought 
 I had been bit by a Eattlefnake, for I saw not 
 what hurt me; but the Indian found by the 
 wound; and the effects of it, that it was given by 
 a fpider, one of which he fhewed me the next 
 day ; it is not unlike our great blue fpider, only 
 it is fomewhat longer. I suppose the nature of 
 his poysen to be much like that of the taran- 
 tula. 
 
 I being thus beyond my hopes and expectation 
 reftored to myself, we unanimously agreed to 
 return back, seeing no poffibility of passing 
 through the Mountains, and finding our Indians 
 with our horses in the place where we left them, 
 we rode homeward without making any further 
 discovery. 
 
170 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 Conjectures of the Land Beyond 
 the Apalataen Mountains. 
 
 They are certainly in a great errour, who imag- 
 ine that the Continent of JSTorth America is but 
 eight or ten daysjourney over from the Ailantick 
 to the Indian Ocean, which all reasonable men 
 muffc acknowledge, if they consider that Sir 
 Francis Drake kept a West Northwest course 
 from Cape Mendocino to California. Neverthe- 
 less, by what I gathered from the ftranger Indians 
 at Akenatzy of their Voyage by Sea to the very 
 mountains from a far distant Northwest Coun- 
 try, I am brought over to their opinion who think 
 that the Indian Ocean does stretch an Arm or 
 Bay from California into the Continent as far as 
 the Apalatcen Mountains, anfwerable to the 
 Gulfs of Florida and Mexico on this fide. Yet I 
 am far from believing with fome that fuch great 
 and Navigable Rivers are to be found on the 
 other fide the Apalatcens falling into the Indian 
 Ocean, as those which run from them to the 
 Eaflward. My firft reafon is derived from the 
 knowledge and experience we already have of 
 South America, whose Andes send the greatest 
 Rivers in the world (as the Amazones and Rio 
 de la Plata, &c.,) into the Atlantick, but none at 
 all into the Pacijique Sea. Another argument 
 
From, Virginia through the Carolinas. 171 
 
 is that all our water-fowl which delight in Lakes 
 and Rivers, as Swans, Geefe, Ducks, &c,, come 
 over the Mountains from the Lake of Canada, 
 when it is frozen over every winter, to our frefh 
 Rivers which they would never do, could they 
 finde any on the other fide of the Apalatcens. 
 
 Inflructions to fuch as Ihall march upon Dicov- 
 eries into the North American Continent. 
 
 " I "WO breaches there are in the Apalatoen 
 ^ Mountains, opening a paffage into the 
 Weftern parts of the Continent. One, as I am 
 informed by Indians, at a place called Zynodoa, 
 to the Norward ; the other at Sara, where I have 
 been myfelf, but the way thither being thorow a 
 vaft Foreft, where you feldom fall into any 
 Road or Path, you muft (hape your courfe by 
 a Compass ; though fome, for want of one, have 
 taken their direction from the North fide of the 
 trees which is diflinguifhed from the reft by 
 quantities of thick moss growing there. You 
 will not meet with many hindrances on horfe- 
 back in your passage to the Mountains, but 
 where your courfe is interrupted by branches of 
 the great Rivers, which in many places are not 
 Fordable ; and therefore if you be unprovided of 
 means or ftrength to make a bridge by felling 
 trees across, you may be forced to go a great 
 7 
 
172 John Lederer's Journey 
 
 way about ; in this refpect company is neces- 
 sary, but in others so inconvenient that I would 
 not advise above half a dozen, or ten at the 
 moft, to travel together; and of these the 
 major part Indians ; for the Nations in your way 
 are prone to jealoufie and mischief towards 
 Chriftians in a considerable Body, and as courte- 
 ous and hearty to a few, from whom they appre- 
 hend no danger. 
 
 When you paff thorow an even, level country, 
 where you can take no particular remarks from 
 hill or waters to guide yourfelf by when you 
 come back, you mufl not forget to notch the 
 trees as you go along with your fmall hatchet, 
 that in your return you may know when you 
 fall into the same way which you went. By this 
 means you will be certain of the place you are 
 in, and may govern your courfe homeward ac- 
 cordingly. 
 
 In flead of Bread I ufed the meal of parched 
 Mayz, i. e, Indian Wheat, which when I eat, I 
 feafoned with a little Salt. This is both more 
 portable and flrengthning than Bifcuit, and will 
 fuffer no mouldiness by any weather. For other 
 provifions you may fecurely trufl; to your Gun, 
 the Woods being full of Fallow, and Savance of 
 Red Deer, besides great variety of excellent 
 Fowl, as wild Turkeys, Pigeons, Partridges, 
 Pheafants, &c. But you mufl not forget to dry or 
 barbecue fome of thefe before you come to the 
 
From Virginia through the Carolinas. 173 
 
 Mountains, for upon them you will meet with 
 no Game, except a few Bears. 
 
 Such as cannot lie on the ground, mufl be 
 provided with light Hamacks, which hung in 
 the trees, are more cool and pleafaut then any 
 bed whatfoever. 
 
 The Order and Difcipline to be obferved in 
 this Expedition is, that an Indian fcout or two 
 march as far before the reft of the company as 
 they can in fight, both for the finding out pro- 
 vifion and difcovery of Ambufhes if any 
 fhould be laid by Enemies. Let your other 
 Indians keep on the right and left hand, armed 
 not onely with Guns, but Bills and Hatchets, to 
 build fmall Arbours or Cottages of boughs and 
 bark of trees to fhelter and defend you from 
 the injuries of the weather. At nights it is ne- 
 ceffary to make great Fires round about the 
 place where you take up your lodging, as well 
 to fcare Wilde Beafts away as to purifie the 
 air. Neither must you fail to go the Round at 
 the close of the evening, for then and betimes in 
 the morning, the Indians put all their designes 
 in execution ; in the night they never attempt 
 anything. 
 
 When in the remote parts you draw near to an 
 Indian Town you muft by your fcouts inform 
 yourself whether they hold any correfpondence 
 with the Sa/que/ahanaughs ; for to fuch you 
 muft give notice of your approach by a Gun ; 
 
174 John Lederer^s Journey 
 
 which amongfl other Indians is to be avoided, 
 becaufe being ignorant of their ufe, it would 
 affright and difpose them to fome treacherous 
 practice againft you. 
 
 Being arrived at a Town, enter no houfe until 
 vou are invited, and then feem not afraid to be 
 led in pinion'd like a prifoner ; for that is a Cere- 
 mony they use to friends and enemies without 
 distinction. 
 
 You mufl accept of an invitation from the 
 Seniors before that of young men, and relufe 
 nothing that is offered or fet afore you, for they 
 are^very jealous and fenfible of the leaft flighting 
 or neglect from ftrangers, and mindful of Re- 
 venge. 
 
From Yirgmia through the CaroUnas. 175 
 
 Touching Trade with Indians. 
 
 TF you barely defigne a Home Trade with 
 ■■- neighbour Indians, for fkins of Deer, 
 Beaver, Otter, Wild Cat, Fox, Racoon, &c., your 
 beft truck is a fort of courfe Trading Cloth, of 
 which a yard and a half makes a matchcoat or 
 Mantle fit for their wear ; as also Axes, Hoes, 
 Knives, Sizars, and all forts of edg'd tools, Guns, 
 Powder and Shot, &c., are Commodities they 
 will greedily barter for; but to fupply the 
 Indians with Arms and Ammunition is prohibi- 
 ted in all Englifh Governments. 
 
 In dealing with the Indians you muft be posi- 
 tive and at a word ; for if they persuade you to 
 fall anything in your price they will spend time 
 in higgling for further abatements, and seldom 
 conclude any Bargain. Sometimes you may 
 with Brandy or Strong liquor difpose them to 
 an humour of giving you ten times the value of 
 your Commodities ; and at other times they are 
 so hide bound that they will not ofiPer half the 
 Market price, efpecially if they be aware that 
 you have a designe to circumvent them with 
 drink, or that they think you have a desire to 
 
176 Joha Lederer^s Journey 
 
 their goods, which you mull: feem to flight or 
 difparage. 
 
 To the renioter Indians you must carry other 
 kind of truck, as fmaU looking glaffes. Pictures, 
 Beads and Bracelets of glaff, Knives, Sizars, and 
 all manner of gaudy toys and knacks for chil- 
 dren, which are light and portable. For they 
 are apt to admire fuch trinkets, and will pur- 
 chafe them at any rate, either with their cur- 
 rant Coyn of fmall (hells, which they call Roan- 
 oack or Peack, or perhaps with Pearl, Vermilion, 
 pieces of Chrillal, and towards U/hery, with 
 fome odd pieces of Plate or Bullion, which they 
 fometimes receive in Truck from the Oejiacks. 
 
 Could I have forefeen when I set out the ad- 
 vantages to be made by a Trade with these re- 
 mote Indians I had gone better provided; 
 though perhaps I might have run a great haz- 
 ard of my life had I purchased confiderably 
 amongft them, by carrying wealth unguarded 
 through so many different Nations of barbarous 
 people ; therefore it is vain for any man to pro 
 pofe to himself or undertake a trade at that 
 diftance, unleff he goes with ftrength to defend 
 as well as an Adventure to purchafe fuch com- 
 modities ; for in fuch a defigne many ought to 
 joyu and go in company. 
 
 Some pieces of filver unwrought I purchafed 
 myself of the JJ/heries, for no other end then to 
 juflifie this account I give of my Second Expe- 
 
From Virginia through the Carolinas. Ill 
 
 dition, which had not determined at TT/hery, 
 were I accompanied with half a fcore resolute 
 youths that would have ftuck to me in a further 
 discovery towards the Spanifli Mines. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
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