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 B Library 
 
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 the Cornell University Library. 
 
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 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924022928836 
 
BUDDHIST MASSES 
 
 
 FOR THE DEAD 
 
 AT 
 
 -A M O Y. 
 
 BY 
 
 J. J. M. DE GEOOT, 
 
 Interpreter for the Chinese languages to the Government of Netherland's India. 
 
BUDDHIST MASSES 
 
 FOE THE DEAD 
 
 AT 
 
 A IM O Y- 
 
 AN ETHNOLOGICAL ESSAY. 
 
 The philosopher Tseng ') said: Ai the 
 i/dcoeased are paid careful attention to, and 
 .the long gone are remembered, then the 
 //Virtues of the people will resume their 
 //natural perfection." 
 
 Confucius, //Analects," I, 9. 
 
 PART I. 
 
 INTRODUCTOEY DESCRIPTION OF THE CHINESE NOTIONS ON 
 FUTURE LIFE. 
 
 The ancient Chinese did not know a Hell. They borrowed 
 their ideas of it from the foreigners of Western countries, 
 who introduced the Buddhist doctrines into their realm. Con- 
 fucius and Mencius, their greatest sages, did never distinctly 
 say what they thought about a future life. Hell and Heaven, 
 being children of imagination and mere inventions of human 
 brains, were never availed of by them as remedies against 
 vice; imagnary places of future retribution they would not 
 use as materials for the groundwork- of the building of virtue 
 
 1) Born B. C. 506. He was one of the principal disciples of Confucius, of whose 
 doctrines he became the expositor after his master's death. 
 
and morality, which they intended to erect. They preferred 
 to build upon a nobler and far more solid base: upon every- 
 one's natural aversion from doing wrong to others. As this 
 aversion was, in their opinion, essential to every man and 
 by no means a figment or illusion, they thought it could be 
 easily developed and, in this way, be availed of for the 
 benefit of mankind. So this simple process of development 
 became the very quintessence of the doctrine of human per- 
 fection by virtue, which they preached. 
 
 Mencius said: „A11 men have a heart which can not bear 
 
 „(to see the sufferings of) others For, if men of now- 
 
 „a-days suddenly see a child about to fall into a well, they 
 „all experience a feeling of alarm and distress. It is not in 
 „ order to gain the favour of the child's parents thereby; 
 „neither because they wish to be praised by the villagers, 
 „neighbours and friends; nor because they dishke the re- 
 „putation of being so (insensible) : — from this one may see 
 „that absence of the feehng of commiseration is not essential 
 
 „to man This feehng of commiseration is the origin of 
 
 „benevolence And as all men have the four principles 
 
 „ (benevolence, righteousness, propriety and desire for know- 
 „ ledge) in themselves, they should know to develop and 
 „perfect them all. Then they will become like a fire which 
 „has just burst into flames, or like a spring which has 
 „newly found vent. If they can be completely developed, 
 „they win suffice to keep erect the world ')". 
 
 But though the ancient Chinese had no notions of a HeU 
 or a Heaven, their ancient sages laid, nevertheless, much 
 
 1) Mencius, book II, part I, ch. 6. Much the same was said by Voltaire: ,11 
 »est prouv^ que la Nature seule nous inspire des ide'es utiles, qui precedent toutes 
 //nos reflexions. II en est de meme dans la morale. Nous avons tons deux senti- 
 .ments, qui sont le fondement de la soci^td: la commiseration et la justice. Qu'un 
 //enfant voie d&Mrer son semblable, il eprouvera des angoisses subites; il les 
 ,/temoignera par ses oris et par ses larmes; il secourra, s'il pent, celui qnisouffre." 
 — "Essai sur les Moeurs et TEsprit des Nations." 
 
stress on the worship of defunct ancestors. They thereby 
 avowed to possess a strong behef in a future life, although 
 they said nothing of rewards or penalties there. Consi- 
 dering that nearly every people on the earth, however 
 low the stage of its civilisation be, feels convinced that the 
 spirit outlives the body, one can hardly wonder that the 
 Chinese always did so too. In ancient times , when Buddhism 
 had not yet made its appearance among them, their notions 
 of the residence of the departed souls may have been vague 
 and dark like those of the present negro, of whom M. du 
 Chaillu says : „ask him where is the spirit of his. great- 
 „ grandfather? he says he does not know; ask him about 
 „the spirit of his father or brother who died yesterday, then 
 „he is full of fear and terror ^)"; — yet their conviction that 
 the spirits do survive was strong, even strong enough to 
 create since immemorial times an elaborate system of an- 
 cestral worship, consolidated and sanctioned some centuries 
 before our era by the great Confucius, and after him by 
 nearly all the philosophers of the Empire. 
 
 It does not faU within our object to enter upon a detailed 
 account of the whole Confucian system of ancestral worship. 
 We confine ourselves to merely stating that the sage exalted" 
 China's ancient princes to the skies because they used to 
 carefully observe the ancestral sacrifices '); that he himself 
 tried to imitate their conduct ') and exhorted his disciples 
 in f. i. these terms: „"When alive serve them (viz. the pa- 
 „rents) according to propriety, and when dead bury them 
 „according to propriety and sacrifice to them according to 
 „propriety *)." 
 
 1) „ Transactions of the Ethnological Society," new series, vol. I, p. 309. 
 
 2) .Analects" (Lun-yii g^ ma')> ^^^^> 21; .Doctrine of the Mean" (Chnng- 
 
 yung ffl ^), XVII seq. 
 
 3) .Analects;" IX, 15; X, 1; III, 12; X, 13. 
 
 4) Ibid.; II, 5. 
 
6 
 
 The Taoist Paradise. Neither did the ancient Ta,oist system 
 ever create a Hell. But a state of future happiness it tole- 
 rably soon invented. Considering the soul to be but a purer 
 form of matter and identical in substance with the body, 
 it maintained that the latter could be transmuted into the 
 purer substance whereof the soul is made; that the body 
 and the soul, thus blended together in one fusion, would 
 prevent each other's dissolution and thus gain immortality 
 both. But how to discover the way, in which such a 
 transmutation of the body was to be brought about? Some 
 thought it consisted in corporeal and mental purification by 
 means of a chaste, ascetic conduct; yet the majority , expect- 
 ing better results from a sort of chemical process , lost them- 
 selves in searches after the elixir of life and the philo- 
 sopher's stone. Numerous hermits , magicians , physicians and 
 alchemists accordingly appeared in every part of the empire. 
 A great many of them were soon reputed to have discovered 
 the secret and therefore deified as Sien ') or Genii. Some , es- 
 pecially those who had practised ascetism, were supposed 
 to have become „celestial Genii" ^), that is to say to have 
 ascended to the moon, the stars and the so-called Palace of 
 Jade ') or Purple Mysterious Palace *) wherein the supreme 
 god of the Taoist Pantheon, the Great ImpertaJ^Sdiler of 
 Heaven ^), is said to reside. Other Genii of inferior poxHrer 
 were believed to live in imaginary islands in the Pacific 
 Ocean or upon unknown mountains of the empire, enjoying 
 different degrees of perfection and saintity adequate to the 
 virtue, wisdom and excellence they had attained at during 
 their terrestrial career. But most of the latter sort, of the 
 „terresfcrial Genii" ») as they were called , were said to dwell 
 
 1) fllj- 
 
 2) ^flll- 
 
 3) 3^^ 
 
 6) ^i^ 
 
in the Far West of the Chinese empire, in the Kwun-lun 
 mountains, which thus beame the proper Elysium of the 
 Taoist sect. 
 
 The Kwun-lun mountains are spoken of already in the 
 most ancient document of Chinese Uterature. In the Shu 
 they appear among the regions from where haircloth and 
 skins were brought to Yii, the Emperor who reigned 22 
 centuries before our era '); besides they have, since a very 
 early period, been held in high repute by cosmogonists as 
 the place where the gigantic Hwangho was surmised to take 
 his rise ^). 
 
 A first description of the mountains is afforded by the 
 „ Canon of Land and Sea" '): a geographical work which 
 claims an antiquity almost as high as that of the Shu. Its 
 statements are, however, quite fabulous and too valueless 
 to deserve translation. It is, nevertheless, worth notice that 
 the book is probably the first to record that the Kwun-lun 
 „is the residence of many divine beings" *). 
 
 These were there, according to very ancient popular ac- 
 counts, under the control of a mystical queen, the so-called 
 Si Wang Mu ') or Royal Mother of the West. Traditions 
 respecting this curious being occur already in the very oldest 
 documents of the empire , yet no account whichever of their 
 origin is contained in them. The „ Canon of Land and Sea," 
 just-now referred to, has in its second chapter the following 
 statement : 
 
 „ Three hundred and fifty miles west lies the Hill of Jade. 
 „There is the residence of the Royal Mother of the West. 
 
 1) Chapt. Yi)-kang ffi. a , first part, about the end. 
 
 2) Von Kichthofen, ./China;" I, hi. 226. 
 
 3) Ul •^J^;chapt. XI. 
 
8 
 
 „She resembles a human being with hairs like a leopard and 
 „ teeth like a tiger, and can scream. On her dishevelled hairs 
 „she bears an ornamental head-dress. She presides over the 
 „ severity of Heaven and its five methods of (punishment by) 
 „destruction." The Fairy Queen is also made mention of in 
 the sixth chapter of the „Eeady Rectifier" (Rh-Ya) '), a 
 dictionary of which many materials are said to have existed 
 already before the time of , Confucius. 
 
 In the tenth century before our era there reigned in China 
 an Emperor, called Muh Wang ^). He was the fifth sover- 
 eign of the so-called Cheu-dynasty. Being a very warlike 
 character, he undertook in the thirteenth year of his reign 
 (B.C. 988) a campaign against the Far West, yet with but 
 little success. Since that time Chinese authors began to cou- 
 ple his name to that of the Western Queen, whom they 
 said he had paid a visit to. They thereby immensely in- 
 fluenced , of course , upon the popular creed of subsequent ages 
 with regard to the future world of happiness. 
 
 It can be no matter of astonishment that many marvelous 
 things were told of Muh Wang's campaign. Indeed , as Chinese 
 troops had probably never before penetrated so far into 
 Central-Asia — the early rulers of the Cheu-dynasty being the 
 very first who, by binding the Chinese together into a 
 nation, grew powerful enough to extend their sway over 
 surrounding nations — the returning troops certainly brought 
 along numberless strange stories and curious reports. 
 
 In a collection of ancient Chinese works, found in a tomb 
 about the year 279 and since preserved as the „Annals of 
 the Bamboo book" '), we read: „Inhis ITti" year the Sovereign 
 „went on a punitive expedition to the West. Arrived at 
 
 3) 4*5" § ^- •^*'^* 1^' 5 ^ 3E ^^^ ^""g- 
 
9 
 
 „the Kwun-lun mountains he visited the Western Eoyal 
 „Mother. In that year the Western Royal Mother came to 
 „court and was received in the palace of Chao ')." A similar 
 statement occurs in the „Books of the Cheu-dynasty 2)," an 
 apocryphal work probably some centuries older than the 
 Christian era. 
 
 Muh Wang's adventurous journeys and his interviews with 
 the Western Fairy Queen were, probably in the second or 
 third century before our era, made the groundwork for a 
 book entitled: „ Traditions concerning the Emperor Muh"'). 
 Its author is unknown; yet this circumstance never prevent- 
 ed it from much sustaining the popular belief in a future 
 state to the present day. We read in its third chapter: „0n 
 „an auspicious day of the year 957 B. C. the Emperor paid 
 „a visit to the" Royal Mother of the West. With a white 
 „and a black sceptre in his hands he went to see her and 
 „to offer to her a hundred pieces of embroidered tape and 
 „three hundred other pieces of tape, which she graciously 
 „accepted. In the next year the Emperor regaled her above 
 „the Lake of G-ems." 
 
 Lieh Yii Kheu *), a metaphysician of the fourth century 
 B. C. who is more commonly called Lieh Tsze ^) or Philo- 
 sopher Lieh, dilated in the third section of his work largely 
 on that legend of the Fairy Queen. In the reign of Muh 
 Wang, he says, there came a mystic being from the West, 
 whose wondrous powers cast a spell upon the sovereign. 
 The Emperor, taking no further dehght in the pleasures of 
 his own dominions, equipped a mighty expedition with 
 
 1) RS . This palace the Emperor had erected in the first year of his reign in 
 commemoration, it is supposed, of Chao, his deceased father and predecessor. 
 
 
10 
 
 which he proceeded under the enchanter's guidance to the 
 land of Kwun-lun, where he was permitted to visit the 
 abode once prepared for Hwang-ti, the Yellow Emperor of 
 antiquity (B. C. 2697-2597). Here he became the guest of 
 Si Wang Mu, and revelled upon the borders of the Lake of 
 Gems '). 
 
 The imagination of Chinese writers abounded in the ensuing 
 centuries with glowing descriptions of the magnificence of the 
 mystic queen's abode. Even the renowned Sze Ma Tshien, 
 the learned and conscientious author of the admirable „His- 
 torical Eecords" ^), could not abstain from repeating the 
 statement of Lieh Tsze, to which he, moreover, adds that 
 Muh Wang was so deUghted by his interview as to lose all 
 wish to return to his realm. None, however, outvied Liu 
 Ngan ') the so-called Hwai Nan Tsze *) or Philosopher of the 
 south of the Hwai-river ^), who lived in the second century 
 before our era. 
 
 In the fourth chapter of his voluminous „Eecords of the 
 Great Light" *) , a standard- work in Taoist literature wherein 
 the phenomena of nature and the operations of the creative 
 energy of the universe are discussed, occurs the following 
 description of the Kwun-lun and its accessories: „In the 
 „midst there are walls, piled up in ninefold gradations and 
 „rising to a height of 11,000 miles, 114 paces, 2 feet and 
 „6 inches. Upon it there grows tree-grain of five fathoms 
 „length ''). Trees of pearls , trees of jade-stone , trees of gem 
 
 1) Mayers, in »Notes and Queries on China and Japan"; II, page 13. 
 
 3) Shi-M GR g^ . They were written in the first century before our era. 
 
 5) A large tributary of the Hwangho, draining the two provinces of Honan and 
 Nganhwni. 
 
 7) This statement the author has derived from the eleventh chapter ofthovCanon 
 of Land and Sea." 
 
11 
 
 „and trees of immortality grow on the west side of it, 
 „crab-apples and white coralstone on the east, crimson -hued 
 „trees on the south, and trees of green jade-stone and of 
 „jasper on the north. There are 440 gates on the sides (of 
 „the mountain), and in these gates there are four lanes, 
 „nine rods distant from one another, a rod being one fathom 
 „and five feet long. On the borders there are, moreover, 
 „nine wells ^) , at the north-west corners of which drums are 
 „fastened ^). Mountains of various names are situated in 
 „the gate of the Paradise in the centre of the Kwun-lun. 
 „ There are its disseminated gardens, the ponds of which are 
 „ drenched with yellow water that, having circulated thrice, 
 „returns to its source. It is called the water of the philo- 
 „sopher's stone, and those who drink of it will not die." 
 
 Hereupon the author describes the course of four rivers, 
 which, says he, flow from the Kwun-lun to four points of 
 the compass; and then he goes on: 
 
 „ Those four waters are the spiritual rivers of the Celestial 
 „E,uler. By them he brings about harmony in medicinal 
 „vegetation; by them he benefits all the Uving beings. Twice 
 „as high as the top of the Kwun-lun mountains there is the 
 „ so-called Mount of Cool Winds. Ascend it, and you will 
 „not die. This height, doubled again, leads to the so-called 
 „pensile gardens. Ascend them, then you wiU become spiri- 
 „tual substance and be able to command the winds and rains. 
 „ Suppose this height doubled once more, then you are in 
 „the highest heavens. Climb up to them, and you will be 
 „a divine being. There is what is called the residence of 
 „the Great Ruler." 
 
 The superstitious vagaries of the Han-dynasty (206 B. C. 
 — A. D. 221) gave birth to a new series of tales regarding 
 
 1) likewise borrowed from the said chapter of the Canon of Land and Sea. 
 
 2) The commentary adds, that they prohably were availed of to get the herb of 
 immortality. 
 
12 
 
 the mystic Western Queen. The study of the- ancient liter- 
 ature revived and received a great impulse from the part 
 of the Emperors by the institution of literary degrees , whilst 
 at the same time the Chinese armies penetrated again into 
 the heart of Asia. Wu Ti ^), the „Warhke Emperor," the 
 fourth of the dynasty and the most illustrious of it, stands 
 foremost on the list of the conquerors of western lands. Signal- 
 izing his reign also by an enthusiactic patronage of study, 
 a series of gorgeous journeys having for their object the 
 performance of rites and sacrifices on different mountains, 
 and a predilection for magic arts which he studied under 
 the control of notable alchemists and metaphysicians, he 
 caused the rise of a lot of traditions regarding himself, 
 which recounted to subsequent ages his adventures with the 
 Eoyal Mother of the West. 
 
 According to the „ Traditions concerning Wu Ti of the 
 Han-dynasty" *) , a work which seems to have been written 
 during the third century, the Emperor once had an appari- 
 tion of a beautiful fairy girl, who, introducing herself as 
 one of the „Girls of Gem"'), told him she had been des- 
 patched from the Kwun-lun by the Western Queen, to inform 
 the Sovereign that her mistress would come to his court 
 on the seventh day of the next seventh month. Thereupon 
 she suddenly disappeared. When the day fixed had arrived, 
 the Emperor provided a gorgeous banquet to properly regale 
 his divine guest; and indeed: late in the evening the Queen 
 appeared on a cloud as if by a descent from the heavens. 
 
 1) ^ ^ . He reigned from 140 — 86 B. C. 
 
 ^) 3E I^ ■ ^''^"^ ^'^^ handmaidens of the Fairy Queen. For each point of the 
 compass she has one They are also called Spiritual Maidens Sft -tr The reader 
 will hear of them a few times more in the course of this essay. 
 
13 
 
 coming from the South-west with music and much noise of 
 attendants and horses. She looked like a beautiful lady of 
 scarcely thirty years of age. The usual ceremonies and com- 
 phments being over, one of her female attendants brought 
 on her command a dish of jade-stone on which were seven 
 peaches as big as duck-eggs, round-shaped and blue-coloured. 
 The Queen handed four of the peaches to the Emperor and 
 ate three herself; and the Sovereign imitated her, carefully 
 gathering the stones. On her demand why he did so, the 
 Emperor said that he intended to sow them, whereupon she 
 replied: „The soil of China is barren: they will not grow, 
 „however you sow them." A musical performance by the 
 Queen's attendants closed the banquet, whereupon the mystic 
 being, having presented the Emperor with many useful les- 
 sons and a precious amulet by which immortality could be 
 obtained, started after daybreak together with her retinue. 
 
 The peaches, which appear in this legendary tale, were 
 reputed among fabulists of subsequent times to have bestowed 
 immortality on Wu Ti. Many happy mortals more, they told, 
 received them from the goddess and escaped death thereby. 
 The imagination of Taoist writers in the mean time conti- 
 nued to abound with enthusiastic descriptions of the splend- 
 our of her mountain-palace in the Kwun-lun regions, and in 
 general to uprear much mystic jargon upon the slender founda- 
 tions of the legends of Muh Wang and Wu Ti. Even a 
 consort was invented for the Queen in the person of a cer- 
 tain Koyal Lord of the East '). This being, absolutely 
 mythical, enters in the vagaries of Taoist philosophy as an 
 evolution from the primeval chaos by the spontaneous voli- 
 tion of the Tao or primordial principle. Being born in the 
 Azure Sea (evidently the Pacific Ocean) he rules over the 
 East and presides over sunlight, warmth, hfe and harmony 
 
14 
 
 in Nature; hence his name. It is scarcely necessary to say 
 that the rising sun, the source of all vital energy on earth, 
 is embodied here in the person of the Eastern Lord, whose 
 name is an obvious imitation of that of the Western Queen. 
 He is made to preside over evolving life, like she is over 
 dechning life and death. Now, as Nature always manifests 
 a design to nlaintain harmony between hght and darkness, 
 heat and cold, life and death, philosophers poetically sym- 
 bolized this phenomenon by uniting the Eastern Lord and the 
 Western Queen in a harmonious marriage. Note that the 
 latter's identification with the region of the setting sun and 
 of declining life is closely connected with her dignity of 
 Queen of the Paradise , where terrestrials hope to go to after 
 death '). 
 
 So the Western Queen became an integral portion of the 
 Taoist theory of creation. Philosophy even identified her 
 with the sun of the western hemisphere, pretending that 
 she had been created by her very consort, the Eastern Lord. 
 It would, however, be a subject without an object to ex- 
 patiate here on these and such-like tales, the philosophical 
 meaning of which can be easily understood by every-one. 
 It only remains to be noted here that some modern Chinese 
 authors, more sober-minded than their colleagues of former 
 times, have tried to point out that the words Si Wang Mu 
 express the name of either a Sovereign or a region in the 
 Par West. This view is much confirmed by the fact that 
 the „Ready Rectifier," the ancient Chinese dictionary which, 
 as has been said on page 8, existed already before the age 
 of Confucius, mentions in its sixth chapter the name 
 among a series of names of Western countries, thereby evi- 
 
 1) An other name for the Eastern Lord is yj\; ^ or Lord of Wood, and 
 
 one for the Western Queen ;^ "^ or Mother of Metal, those elements haying 
 always been identified by Chinese philosophy respectively vrith the East and the West. 
 
15 
 
 dently implying that its author considered it to be a geo- 
 graphical expression. 
 
 The legends of the Wesbern Paradise and its famous Fairy 
 Queen, however extravagant and fabulous they are like all 
 tales about future life must naturally be, clearly show that 
 since the most remote antiquity the Chinese most partially 
 looked upon the West as the peculiar region of bliss and 
 happiness, especially for the dead. And yet it would have 
 been far more natural had they placed their Elysium in 
 an other point of the compass, f. i. in the South or the 
 East, because there are the solar regions par excellence 
 whence allj life and happiness issue and which, accordingly, 
 are the most natural emblems of delight and bUss. We wiU 
 try to find an explanation of their conduct on that point, 
 as the. mere story of Si Wang Mu, founded on so slender 
 bases, does, of course, by no means properly account for it. 
 
 The language is the people, or, at least, a great part of 
 its history. Like Western linguists, by minutely comparing 
 different languages, were enabled to prove that most of the 
 inhabitants of Europe are descendants from ancient nations in 
 Central- Asia , that EngUshmen and Hindoos are cousins of 
 one stock, so many elements of the Chinese language point 
 to early migrations of the people, which uses it, from west- 
 ern lands. In the first place, note the curious and im- 
 portant fact that only the character ^ , which means West , 
 and none of the names of the three other quarters is a ra- 
 dical, that is to say enters into the composition of a lot of 
 primitive words to adjoin to them the idea which it ex- 
 presses by itself. Dissecting now some of its compounds, 
 one remarks f. i. that the present Chinese stiU use the 
 character ^ , i. e. a girl ^ of the West |@ , to express 
 what is desirable, necessary; does this not depict the feelings 
 of the emigrant who, probably compelled by circumstances 
 
16 
 
 stronger than his will to leave the women and the girls 
 behind, just as most of the emigrants for America and our 
 colonies in the Archipelago now-a-days are, thought with 
 affection of the females in his native country? The character 
 '[^, meaning troubled, angry, and composed of heart /]^ 
 and West, reminds us of the distempered homesick, dissa- 
 tisfied with their lots in the foreign country where they 
 were unable to accommodate themselves; and fJ^ to smile, 
 formed by p mouth and West, depicts the emigrant in 
 good spirits when he could speak of the old country or heard 
 other people speak of it. Perhaps, also, he supposed a smile 
 of content always playing on the lips of those who were so 
 happy to dwell in the ancestral home. Last, the character 
 ^, meaning to and fro, unstable, back and forth, is com- 
 posed of West and to return ^, as if to point to those 
 who, by travelling out and home, kept up the intercourse 
 between the colonists and the native country Uke the many 
 emigrants of now-a-days, who leave the transmarine colonies 
 from time to time for China. 
 
 More such proofs for the people's intimate connection with 
 the West in ancient times could be easily derived from the 
 ideographic Chinese language. But the few ones quoted will 
 undoubtedly suffice. Now we see at once, without needing 
 further explanation, why the Chinese have assimilated the idea 
 of happiness so especially with the West. Bearing in mind., 
 moreover, that stiU on the present day they all manifest a 
 most ardent desire of abiding with their ancestors after death 
 — a fact sufficiently known to every-one and which will 
 be illustrated by a striking instance on a subsequent page 
 of this essay ' ) — it may be safely suspected that the emi- 
 grants of formerly also longed to join them, and that so 
 the conviction arose in them that the souls of the good and 
 the virtuous would return to the blissful western regions 
 
 i) In Part H, oh. II. 
 
17 
 
 where the fathers died, whilst those ofthe bad would continue 
 roaming in the country of exile. In this way may have 
 been laid the groundwork of the Western Paradise, which 
 was built up afterwards by Taoist philosophy. 
 
 A most natural course of things! „ Having attachments 
 „to relatives left behind, and being subject to home-sick- 
 „ness, uncivilized men, driven by war or famine to other 
 „habitats, must often dream of the places and persons they 
 „have left. Their dreams, narrated and accepted in the 
 „original way as actual experiences, make it appear that 
 „during sleep they have been to their old abodes. Now one, 
 „and now another dreams thus : rendering famiUar the notion 
 „of visiting the father-land during sleep. What, then, hap- 
 „pens at death, interpreted as it is by the primitive man? 
 „The other-self is long absent — where has he gone? Ob- 
 „viously to the place which he often went to, and from 
 „which at other times he returned. Now he has not re- 
 „tumed. He longed to go back , and frequently said he would 
 „go back. Now he has done as he said he would. 
 
 „This interpretation we meet with everywhere: in some 
 „cases definitely stated, and in others unmistakably implied. 
 „ Among the Peruvians, when an Ynca died, it was said 
 „that he „was called home to the mansions of Ms father the 
 „Sun". Lewis and Clarke teU us that „when the Mandans 
 „die , they expect to return to the original seats of their fore- 
 yifathers". „Think not", said a New Zealand chief, „that 
 „my origin is of the earth. I come from the heavens;, my 
 jjancestors" are all there ; they are gods , and I shall return 
 „to them". If the death of a Santal occurs at a distance 
 „from the river, a kinsman brings some portion of him and 
 „„places it in the current, to be conveyed to the far-off 
 „eastem land from which the ancestors came": an avowed 
 „purpose which, in adjacent regions, dictates the placing of 
 „the entire body in the stream. Similarly it is alleged that 
 
 IV. 2 
 
18 
 
 „„the Teutonic tribes so conceived the future as to reduce 
 
 „ death to a ,homegoing' — a return to the Father" In 
 
 „ South America the Chonos, according to Snow, „ trace their 
 „descent from western nations across the ocean"; and they 
 „anticipate going in that direction after death." ') 
 
 Buddhism, forcing its way to China in the first century 
 of our era, soon began to exert there a powerful influence 
 on the reUgious conceptions of the people and its notions 
 respecting future Ufe. It has been stated on p. 5 that there 
 reigned in the empire an elaborate system of ancestral wor- 
 ship , which had existed there since the most remote antiquity, 
 and had been sanctioned and consolidated into a regular system 
 by Confucianism and Taoism both. It has, also, been in- 
 timated that well-detailed doctrines concerning a future state 
 had never yet been promulgated among the people; — in- 
 deed, Confucius had always abstained from speaking about 
 the subject, and never satisfied the curiosity of his disciples 
 on the point. „ While you do not know life, how can you 
 know about death?" he once said to one of them**). Neither 
 had the Taoist sect cared much for clearing the doubts of 
 the people in respect of future life. It had, indeed, invented 
 a place of happiness for the good, and even preached puri- 
 fication of the most virtuous in the fine ether which flows 
 around the stars; yet, it had not created a HeU for the 
 wicked , whose souls it probably supposed to continue roaming 
 miserably about. On the future state of the ordinary man, 
 who had never aspired at the position of Genius by profess- 
 ing ascetism or alchemy, it was, hkewise, perfectly silent. 
 
 Much, therefore, remained to be suppUed and completed 
 by Buddhism. This sect preached its doctrines of metempsy- 
 chosis everywhere in the realm, adorning it with marvellous 
 
 1) Herbert Spencer, vPrinciples of Sociology"; Part I, § 112. 
 
 2) Analects, XI, 11. 
 
19 
 
 tales about Hell, Nirvana and Paradise. It fuUy satisfied in 
 this way the curiosity of the Chinese, who, having always 
 interested themselves much for the ancestors, were most 
 desirous to know what had become of them and what 
 would be their own fate after death. Mereover, the ancestral 
 worship which, up to that time, had been no much better 
 than a mere rhapsody of plain sacrificial and propitiatory 
 rites performed by every pater-famiMas himself, Buddhism 
 deprived of its simplicity and naive character by entangling 
 it in its nets of pompous ceremonies and brUIiant rites, 
 which, performed by priests in rich dresses, had for their 
 object the redemption of the souls from HeU.-'And, so, the 
 Buddhist monks of the present day are seen regularly cele- 
 brating requiem-masses at the death of persons of consi- 
 deration: masses which will be the topic of this paper. 
 
 Before going to describe them we are, however, to tell 
 something of the Buddhist notions of a future state, that 
 the reader may better understand the meaning and object of 
 those masses. 
 
 Buddhist notions on Hell and metempsychosis. Their first 
 notions of a HeU the Buddhists borrowed from ancient Brah- 
 manism. The priests of this unparalleled hierarchical sect, 
 though they had already during many centuries exerted their 
 minds upon the invention of tales about a Hell , were never- 
 theless outvied on the .point by their Buddhist imitators. 
 The terrestrial atonements and penalties which they were 
 so hberal of, were, indeed, condemned by Buddhism; but, 
 as by way of compensation, this sect aggravated and multi- 
 plied the punishments in the life beyond the tomb. 
 
 The doctrine of the transmigration of souls was hkewise 
 derived by the Buddhist system from ancient Hindooism. 
 It taught that the future state of each being would be a 
 retribution for the present and the past. Nothing is ever- 
 lasting in the Universe, not even HeU or Heaven; only 
 
20 
 
 transmigration is eternal, and the wheel of metempsychosis, 
 always revolving, conveys mankind in the course of kalpas 
 or numberless ages through six different states or gati >), 
 the most miserable of which is that of infernal being. No 
 greater calamity can befaU one than to be reborn in Hell. 
 Those who led a criminal life during previous phases of 
 transmigration are punished there in proportion to the wrong 
 they did. They are either sawed asunder, pounded in mortars 
 or flagellated; some are Med in a kettle of oil; others are 
 laid upon boards fuU of sharp nails , or devoured by monsters ; 
 in short, all modes of torture, which human mind can in- 
 vent, are united in the Buddhist Hell. But they have an 
 end like every thing. For, as soon as the souls have been 
 thoroughly purified, metamorphosis sets in again, and the 
 redeemed wretches are to make their way then through the five 
 remaining gatis: through pretas, animals, demons (asuras), 
 men, and gods (devas). 
 
 The condition of preta is the only one which the Chinese 
 have famiharized themselves with. They have even got ac- 
 customed to considering it the real state of most of the souls 
 hereafter. It is only one degree better than the condition of 
 the infernal beings, the Hell being especially reserved for 
 sceptics and depraved criminals, who may not hope for ab- 
 solution or release unless after an atonement of several kalpas 
 or countless ages. 
 
 Pretas are horrid monsters, disgusting objects, frightful 
 wretches. They have long bristly hairs, arms and legs like 
 skeletons. Their voluminous beUies can never be filled, be- 
 cause their mouths are as narrow as a needle's eye. Hence 
 they are always tormented by furious hunger. Their colour, 
 blue, black or yellow, is rendered more hideous still by 
 filth and dkt. They are also eternally vexed by unquenchable 
 
 1) In Chinese i^ or ^T: „ roads or paths." 
 
21 
 
 thirst. No more but once in a hundred thousand years they 
 hear the word water, but when, at last, they find it, it 
 immediately becomes urine and mud. Some devour Hre and 
 tear the flesh from dead bodies or from their own limbs; 
 but they are unable to swallow the sUghtest bit of it be- 
 cause of the narrowness of their mouths. 
 
 The place where the pretas abide was never exactly deter- 
 mined. Some say they live together in an infernal city, 
 serving Yama, the Buddhist God of Hell, as executioners 
 and jailors; yet among northern Buddhists the common con- 
 ception is that their realm is a kind of antichamber to the 
 Hell and, divided in thirty-six parts, surrounds Yama's 
 palace. So seems to be the opinion of many Chinese too. All 
 the people, without exception, believe, moreover, that the pretas 
 return at times to the earth, to roam about in the towns, 
 villages and mountains. So f. i. every year in the seventh 
 month the gates of the Hell are opened , and the spirits allowed 
 to appease their furious hunger by gorgeous meals, which 
 people bounteously provide for their special benefit everywhere 
 in the streets '). 
 
 We said that only the condition of preta, and none of 
 the other gati, has grown familiar with the Chinese mind. 
 The reason of this can be easily traced. It has been told 
 already that once there was a time upon which no notions 
 whichsoever existed among the Chinese concerning a definite 
 place like a Hell or a Paradise, where every disembodied 
 spirit had to resort to. Indeed, in those days the spirits of 
 the dead must naturally have been supposed to pass the 
 second hfe where the first had been passed, that is to say 
 in hiUs, forests and even in towns and villages. 
 
 1) This annual release of the souls has created the regular autumnal festival, 
 called ^general passage'" ^^ ^ . A detailed account of its celebration at Amoy 
 we inserted in our recent work entitled .Jaarlijlcsche Feesten en Gebruiken van de 
 Emoy-Chineezen" (Yearly Festivals and Customs of the Amoy Chinese), page 333 foil. 
 
22 
 
 A first consequence of this natural conception — too na- 
 tural, indeed, to require illustration — was the conviction 
 that they suffered cold and hunger there and, in general, 
 hovered about in misery unless dutiful kinsmen and des- 
 cendants provided them with raiment and food. Hence, end- 
 less sacrifices were instituted in their behalf: sacrifices which 
 are recorded already in the very oldest documents of Chinese 
 literature and still now-a-days make up at least three quar- 
 ters of the religious practices of the people. But yet there 
 ever were myriads of spirits with no offspring at all, and 
 numberless manes forgotten by their descendants because long 
 years had elapsed since their departure. Now, these beings, 
 the most miserable, thirsty and hungry of the whole class, 
 bore, of course, a striking resemblance to the starving pretas 
 of the Buddhists. Hence identification became easy and was 
 soon brought about. 
 
 Such destitute spirits, which nobody cares for and there- 
 fore wear away their existence in sorrow and misery, are, 
 at Amoy, called ka hun') or „solitary spirits". The pretas, 
 wherewith they are so frequently confounded, are called 
 there iau kui^) or „hungry ghosts." 
 
 Now, the Buddhist masses, which are the object of this 
 paper, are instituted to alleviate the pains and appease the 
 hunger of some peculiar defunct whose soul is supposed to 
 roam about, subject to the miseries of the preta-birth. They 
 are also supposed to finally deliver such a soul from the 
 clutches of the Hell, and to open for it the way unto the 
 Paradise ; and, accordingly, a short account of this blissful region, 
 considered irom the stand-point of Chinese Buddhism , should 
 be inserted here for the sake of a better intelligence of what 
 wDl follow in the subsequent pages. 
 
 The Buddhist Paradise. The state aimed at both by 
 
23 
 
 philosophy and religion of the primeval Buddhists is the 
 Nkvana. In it, consciousness of existence is entirely lost, 
 and yet without annihilation of the being. But only those 
 who can completely disengage themselves from earth and 
 material good are able to proceed on the path, which leads 
 to it. Various modes of disciphne are instituted to slacken 
 the knots which bind mankind to the world, and all con- 
 verge in abstraction of the thinking faculties from their 
 activity; but a being may have to pass through thousands 
 of hves before he can get at this. The state of Nirvana is 
 beyond the reach of any-one but the perfect. It can not be 
 attained by the common man, and none but Buddhas can 
 enter it at death. The difficulty, or, rather, impossibility to 
 attain it condemned it to everlasting impopularity ; it was 
 effaced from the minds of more modern Buddhist sects, and 
 only the name survived in their memory. 
 
 The ■ Chinese stand foremost in the list of peoples to whom 
 Nirvana was ever too abstruse to get adherents. They were 
 never accustomed to the conception of what is purely im- 
 material; their senses were always inaccessible but for what, 
 is real, observable and corporeal. The mass could, accord- 
 ingly, by no means enter into the idea of the Nirvana; it 
 needed something more gratifying to common human feel- 
 ings. Hence the doctrines of Northern Buddhism concerning 
 a Western Paradise resembUng that of the Royal Mother of the 
 West became a more favorite article in their creed. It could 
 be entered more easily than the Nirvana, and even the or- 
 dinary man might hope for it; moreover, it assumed a good 
 deal of the popularity of the Western Realm of Genii , be- 
 cause it embellished and developed the already existing 
 popular vagaries concerning the same. 
 
 The Western Paradise of the Buddhists was, like their 
 Hell, invented by the northern branch of the sect. It is 
 unknown in Ceylon, Siam and Birmah, where the more 
 
24 
 
 ancient forms of Shakyamuni's doctrines are preserved; ne- 
 vertheless the dogma of its existence is boldly pretended to 
 proceed directly from Shariputtra, Shakyamuni's principal, 
 most learned, most ingenious disciple. It is said that the 
 Master, having told him of the existence of a land of extreme 
 happiness, a perfect Paradise, in the West, favoured him 
 with a detailed account of it, which to the present day is 
 generally beUeved in as gospel-truth by most of the northern 
 Buddhists. „In that Paradise of the West, with its millions 
 „of Buddhas distributed over the country according to the 
 „eight points of the compass, there is one there discoursing 
 „on the doctrine. His name is Amita. He is so called, the 
 „ story explains, because he is substantially light , boundless 
 „Ught , illuminating every part of his kingdom , nothing being 
 „able to obstruct his rays \ He is also of boundless age, 
 „immortal, and aU his people are Ukewise enjoying immort- 
 „ality, unlimited boundless age like the immeasurable kalpa. 
 „This is the reason why he is also called the Buddha of 
 „ boundless age ^). Now this Paradise of the West contains 
 „four precious things or wonders. In the first instance it is 
 „a kingdom of extreme happiness, there is there fulness of 
 „life, and no pain nor sorrow mixed with it. In the second 
 „instance there is there a sevenfold row of railings or balus- 
 „ trades, and thirdly a sevenfold row of silken nets, and 
 „lastly a sevenfold row of trees hedging in the whole country. 
 „In the midst of it there are seven precious ponds, the 
 „water of which possesses all the eight good qualities which 
 „the best water can have, viz: it is still, it is pure and 
 „cold, it is sweet and agreeable, it is light and soft, it is 
 „rich and fresh, it is tranquillizing, it removes hunger and 
 
 1) Amita or Amitabha is a Sanscrit term, meaning .boundless light"- ^ 
 
25 
 
 „thirst, and finally nourishes all roots. The bottom of these 
 „ ponds is covered with goldsand, and round about there are 
 „pavements constructed of precious metals and gems, and 
 „many two-storied houses built of all sorts of jewels. At 
 „the surface of the water there are beautiful lotus-flowers 
 „ floating as large as carriage-wheels, displaying the most 
 „dazzling gorgeous colours, and dispersing the most fragrant 
 „aroma. There are also beautiful birds there which make a 
 „delicious enchanting music, and at every breath of wind 
 „all those trees join in the chorus shaking their leaves, and 
 „those silken nets also chime in. This music is Uke „Lieder 
 „ohne Worte" discoursing on Buddha, Dharma andSangha '), 
 „and all the immortals, when hearing it, cannot help joining 
 „in it and calling devoutly on Buddha, Dharma andSangha. 
 „But it is all the miraculous power of Amita, who trans- 
 „forms himself into those birds and produces those unearthly 
 „strains of heavenly music" *). 
 
 Such are the descriptions of the Sukhavati, the „ Realm 
 of Pleasure" where the saints are living. There is no pain, 
 no suffering, no disease, no old age, no misery, no death; 
 in that heavenly Jerusalem the virtuous and the good live 
 in a state of absolute bliss in the midst of a beautiful scenery. 
 It is the Nirvana of the common people, but dogmatic con- 
 sistency induces the Buddhists to say that it is but a fore- 
 taste of Nirvana, and that the saints, in order to reach the 
 latter, must again enter the circle of transmigration'). 
 
 Numberless tales have been invented by both priests and 
 laymen to extol the glory and the splendour of that „Re- 
 gion of Extreme Delight"'), where there is no sin, no evU 
 
 1) The founder of the sect, his law and his priesthood: the trinity of the Bud- 
 dhists. Comp. //Jaariijksche Feesten en Gebruiken van de Emoy-Chineezen ," page 245. 
 
 2) «Notes and Queries on China and Japan," II, page 36. 
 
 3) Eitel, oHandbook of Chinese Buddhism," page 136. 
 
26 
 
 thought, no wickedness; where all the inhabitants are pure 
 and holy men : men , because there is no difference there of sex , 
 every woman, when born into the Western Land, being at 
 once transformed into a man. The way by which one may 
 obtain entrance there is not ' so difficult as to attain unto 
 Nirvana. Renouncing the world and submitting to celibacy 
 and monastic life is not necessary; but what is absolutely 
 required is merely an outward obedience and conformity to 
 the principal Buddhist commandments , and an assiduous and 
 devout worship of Amitabha. „The very name of this Bud- 
 „dha, if devoutly pronounced one thousand or five thousand 
 „ times, will dispel all harassing thoughts, all fightings within 
 „and fears without; a continued sincere worship of Amita 
 „will release men from the restless unceasing eddies of the 
 „ great sea of transmigration of human existence {Sansara), 
 „and bring them to the enjoyment of eternal rest and peace 
 „in the pure land of the Western Heaven ; and if once there , 
 „ there will be no danger of being reborn again into the 
 „world of trouble and misery or of having again to suffer 
 „the pangs of dying" ') 
 
 It is difficult to trace the source from which the Northern 
 Buddhists, and especially the Chinese, borrowed their ideas 
 of that Paradise and its king. More difficult, perhaps, than 
 to discover the origin of the legends concerning the Royal 
 Mother of the West and her Fairy-land. That the latter 
 have greatly influenced upon the traditions about the for- 
 mer and transferred to them a considerable part of the 
 popularity which, else, they would never have come in 
 possession of, is beyond dispute; but, we think, one may 
 not go so far as to admit that they have given an impulse 
 to the very invention itself of the Buddhist Paradise. In 
 A. D. 64 Buddhism entered China; yet in the first Sanscrit 
 
 1) Vide yS -f* :j^ ^> «J"- "Notea and Queries," II, page 36. 
 
27 
 
 works, that were translated into Chinese, the name of Ami- 
 tabha is not even called, neither can the faintest approach 
 to the doctrine of his Western Paradise be found in them. 
 The first mention of Amitabha occurs in the „Lotusflower 
 of the good Law')," a Sanscrit book translated for the first 
 time in A. D. 280. The Chinese pilgrims Fah Hien and Yuen 
 Chwang, who went to India respectively in the fifth and se- 
 venth centuries, are again perfectly silent on the subject in 
 the records of their voyages, so that the passage in the 
 „Lotus," which refers to Buddha Amitabha, may be perhaps 
 an interpolation of later times. All at once towards the 
 close of the Tsin-dynasty (A. D. 265-419) a Buddhistic 
 school sprang up in China, called the Lotus-School ^) or School 
 of the Land of Purity ^) (i. e. of the Paradise), which set 
 forth the doctrine of Amitabha and his Western Reahn. 
 From this we might conclude that it began to spread over 
 China not earlier than in the beginning of the fifth century. 
 It being an historical fact that Buddhism was not largely 
 introduced into Tibet until A. D. 641, and that the mis- 
 sionaries, who laboured there, came from Cashmir and Nepaul, 
 it is beyond dispute that the doctrine of Amitabha's Paradise 
 can not have taken its origin in Tibet. Either it must have 
 been born on the Chinese soil itself, or have been borrowed 
 from Nepaul and Cashmir through the intermediacy of the 
 School of the Land of Purity, which probably received its 
 inspirations from there. It was in that oldest stronghold 
 of the Northern Buddhism that at the beginning of our era 
 a school was started, called the Mahayana-school or the 
 School of the Great Conveyance *), the doctrines of which 
 gradually grew to be considered as the leading doctrines of 
 
 
28 
 
 the northern Buddhist Church. This system first produced 
 a kind of litany to „the thousand Buddhas," in which Ami- 
 tabha is mentioned as the first of twelve Buddhas ruling in 
 the West. This reminds us of the one thousand Zarathus- 
 tras of the Persians. In the third and fourth century of our 
 era the religion of Zoroaster revived, and fire-worship and 
 gnosticism were given a new start to; hence, it seems most 
 natural to seek for Persian influences in the Buddhism of 
 Nepaul, and to attribute the analogy of the Ust of the 
 thousand Buddhas and that of the thousand Zarathustras to 
 reciprocal influence *). Even the very name of Buddha Ami- 
 tabha seems to confirm the suggestion that the deity has 
 been borrowed from a fire- and hght-worshipping people. 
 Amitabha is a Sanscrit term and means UteraUy „boundless 
 Ught." It suggests of itself that the god was originally con- 
 ceived of either as the impersonal ideal of light, or, perhaps, 
 as the personification of the sun , the great source of all the 
 fight in nature and Supreme Deity of the sect of Manu *). 
 And taking finally into account that the idea of a personified 
 boundless light and the doctrine of a Western Paradise are 
 diametrically opposed to the first principles of pure Bud- 
 dhism, it seems most natural to seek the origin of Buddha 
 Amitabha and his Paradise in Persia. 
 
 The Mahayana-school, mentioned above, set up the theory 
 of the Dhyani-Buddhas or contemplating Buddhas, that is 
 to say: it gave to each human Buddha (Manushi-Buddha) 
 his celestial refiex, his antitype, his Dhyani-Buddha in the 
 
 1) Spiegel believes, that the doctrine of the thousand Buddhas is a mere copy of 
 the thousand Zarathustras of the Persians. Vide »Avesta," p. 37 and 43. 
 
 2) This hypothesis is confirmed by the fact that Amitabha is mentioned in the 
 above-said litany of the thousand Buddhas as the first of twelve Buddhas, and that 
 in the description of the Paradise, given above, the number seven so frequently 
 occurs. Now, it is known that both these numbers, which are relative to the 
 divisions of the heavens, appear in the myths and legends of all the solar-deities of 
 western antiquity. 
 
29 
 
 regions of the purer forms *). Now, the antitype or glorified 
 self of Shakyamuni is said to be Amitabha. Each of the 
 Dhyani Buddhas produces a spiritual son by emanation to 
 propagate his teachings on earth after he has entered the 
 Nirvana, and the spiritual son of Amitabha is Avalokites' 
 vara, the Chinese Goddess of Mercy Kwan Yin'). This ex- 
 plains why the images of Amitabha and Avalokites'vara 
 are so frequently found in Buddhist monasteries , sitting side 
 by side, each on a lotus-flower'). 
 
 People in China look forward to the Paradise of Buddha 
 Amitabha hke Christians look out for their promised rest in 
 Heaven. And their Buddhist priests bring their deceased 
 dear ones there by saying masses and invoking Amitabha, 
 hke Roman Cathohc priests redeem the souls of their laymen 
 out of the Hell and carry them into Abraham's bosom by 
 celebrating requiem-masses and reciting prayers to God and 
 his saints. The analogy of the purpose is in both cases striking 
 and complete; only the ways differ in which both categories 
 try to obtain the end. 
 
 HeU, sui and penalty have always been the favorite tri- 
 nity of priests in nearly every part of the world, but of 
 Buddhist priesthood of posterior ages ia particular. In its 
 most ancient and purest form the sect had, however, no 
 notions of a HeU at all. For, Southern Buddhism aUowing 
 of no atonement or intercession on the part of whosoever 
 for the benefit of others because it considered each individual 
 only capable to work out salvation and Nirvana for himself 
 alone, there were in the first ages of the Buddhist era no 
 
 1) Koeppen, »die Lamaisclie Hierarchie und Kirche,'' p. 36. 
 
 2) A detailed monography of this goddess is to be found in our ,/ Jaarlijksche Feesten 
 en Gebruiken van de Emoy-Chineezen ," p. 142 foil. 
 
 3) See the excellent article on »Ainita and the Paradise of the West" inserted 
 by the able Dr. E. J. IStel in the "Notes and Queries on China and Japan," II, 
 page 35 foil. 
 
30 
 
 profits to be reaped by a caste of priests from a Hell; and 
 such a place of retribution remained, for this reason, simply 
 uninvented. But Buddhism of the North, the degenerated 
 child of a better principled mother, created a powerful hier- 
 archy and, as an almost natural consequence, had recourse 
 to a Hell to sustain the influence of its priests. Hence, the 
 origin of the Chinese Buddhist masses, designed for the 
 redemption of the souls out of the pangs of Hell, must be 
 looked for in that northern branch of the sect, more espe- 
 cially yet in Lamaism. 
 
 According to legendary traditions they were first institut- 
 ed by Maudgalyayana , a disciple of Buddha, and sanctioned 
 by the Master himself. Instigated by love towards his 
 mother, who after death had been reborn as a preta in the 
 Hen, he went there to release her; but he did not succeed, 
 because the unalterable laws of transmigration could not be 
 infringed upon. He therefore appealed to Buddha himself, 
 and was told that no power in heaven or earth could re- 
 lease a soul or alleviate its pains except the united efforts of 
 the whole priesthood. Shakyamuni thereupon explained all 
 the details of a ritual to be gone through by priests on 
 behalf of departed spirits, in order to appease their hunger 
 and finally to release them from Hell '). 
 
 It is not necessary to say that the authority of Buddha 
 on the point of the masses is, of course, forged. They are 
 but a product of the Yogatchara- or Tantrr school, which, 
 founded in the fourth or fifth century by a certain Asamgha, 
 mixed the tenets of the Mahayana-school (see p. 27) up with 
 ancient Brahmanic and Sivaitic ideas and cast the whole 
 rhapsody in a new mould. Its doctrines are indebted much 
 for their promulgation in China to a certain Amogha or 
 Amoghavadjra of Ceylon, who arrived in the empire in 733, 
 and was prime minister there for many years. 
 
 1) Eitel, /(Sansltrit-Chinese Dictionary," p. 155. 
 
31 
 
 The speculations upon a future state and the spiritual 
 condition of a friend, parent or kinsman in the other world 
 have always occupied the mind of the Chinese people to the 
 present day. And like a Catholic Christian in our civilized 
 or quasi-civUized Europe unreservedly relies upon the revela- 
 tions of his/ priests regarding the condition of the dead , 
 and has numbers of weU-paid masses said for their reUef , so 
 a Chinese toils and moils without complaints, in order to 
 afford the expenses for brilliant Buddhist masses in behalf 
 of his bewailed dear ones. This easy , however rather expens- 
 ive method of redemption can , of course , not be much relied 
 on by the educated classes ; and yet it is a remarkable fact that 
 throughout the empire no class exceed the Uterati or would-be 
 hterati in liberaUty wherever alleviation of the pains of a 
 father, brother or wife in the Buddhist purgatory is pur- 
 posed. This is because their sages, whose disciples they are 
 or pretend to be, have told them to love their nearest 
 kindred and to carefully provide for their subsistence not only 
 during life, but also after death. Confucius said: „ To honour 
 „ one's superiors and to love one's parents ; to serve the dead 
 „like the living, and the deceased as they would have been 
 „ served if they had continued among the living: this is the 
 „highest degree of filial piety" '). And on another occasion : 
 jjWhen aUve, serve them (viz. the parents) according to 
 „propriety, and, after death, bury them and sacrifice to them 
 „according to propriety" ^). 
 
 The philosopher Tseng, the most notable among the disci- 
 ples of Confucius (see p. 3), moreover said: „If the deceased 
 „be paid careful attention to and the long gone be remem- 
 „bered, then the virtues of the people will resume their 
 „natural perfection"'). Now these precepts, howsoever plain 
 they are, have from age to age exerted a most powerful 
 
 1) Doctrine of the Mean, XIX. 2) Analects, II, 5. 3) Id., I, 9. 
 
32 
 
 influence on the ancestral rites of the Chinese, and are still 
 on the lips of every-one who wishes to excuse himself for 
 participating in superstitious ceremonies which were neither 
 directly prescribed nor sanctioned by the revered sages. And, 
 thus, the philosophers have unintentionally paved the way for 
 the Buddhist masses which, in their turn, afford a strik- 
 ing illustration of the manner in which the foreign sect has 
 amplified the ceremonial institutions of the Confacian school. 
 We now pass to the description of one of those masses. 
 First, however, it must be expressly noted that, for the 
 sake of completeness, especially the manner in which they 
 are celebrated among the rich has been exposed and that, 
 when the famUy of the deceased is poor, the ceremonial is 
 stripped of much of its pomp and splendour. Our description 
 is based upon own investigations, made about six years ago 
 at Amoy during our stay in that important town. 
 
PAET II. 
 
 THE MASS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Names and preparatory arrangements. 
 
 The celebration of a mass to have a soul delivered from 
 the hell and conveyed to the Western Paradise of Buddha Ami- 
 tabha is, at Amoy, usually called khia M'), lit. „to erect 
 (acts of) filial devotion". An other term is tsoe pah jit *) , 
 „to celebrate a hundred days", even though the ceremony 
 do not last so long. A third expression : tsoe kong-tek ') or 
 „to perform (rites of) merit and virtue", is only used when 
 the Buddhist rites, connected with the celebration, are 
 • especially referred to. 
 
 In general the masses for the dead are said soon after 
 demise, because it is considered unfllial to keep a soul long 
 waiting for relief and comfort in its miserable state. Hardly 
 ever they are said twice for one person, not even when a 
 
 i 
 
 1) Xp y9^ . The Chinese expressions, occurring in the following chapters, are 
 almost all borrowed from the spoken language of Amoy. With respect to them I 
 have followed the spelling and accentuation used in the //Dictionary of the Amoy- 
 Vernacular" by the Key. Carstairs Douglas, because I do not deem it desirable to 
 swell confusion when, by following a splendid standard-work like the said , confusion 
 can be readily avoided. 
 
 IV. 3 
 
34 
 
 family, formerly too poor to spend much money in behalf 
 of a deceased dear one, afterwards gets into better circum- 
 stances. In such a case the surviving relatives will rather 
 take advantage of the death of an other family-member to 
 send by his care paper trunks fiUed with paper mock-money 
 and paper clothes into the world of spirits, convinced that 
 these articles, when properly burned, will be honestly re- 
 mitted to the real owner (comp. chapt. IV, § 8). 
 
 A solemn mass usually lasts several days. The day on 
 which it should begin and that on which it should finish 
 are both fixed by a fortune-teller. This personage refers for 
 the purpose to different dates, among which those of the 
 birth and the decease of the departed are considered to be 
 of special importance. The birth-days and the age of the 
 nearest relatives also enter sometimes into his calculations. 
 It is a necromancer's rule that the number of the days : 
 which separate the end of the mass from its beginning, :| 
 should correspond with the years of age of the dead. Occa- 
 sionally more than one fortune-teller are consulted , the mass 
 being, in this case, not begun until they agree with one 
 another on the most important points. 
 
 One should not think that all the days between the be- 
 ginning and the end of the mass are devoted to the per- 
 formance of rites. Only a few lucky ones are picked out for 
 the purpose by the fortune-teller. Their number depends in 
 the first place upon the wealth and devotion of the family 
 and, besides,, upon some necromantic rules, the principal ' 
 of which is, that the said number must be odd. In general 
 thirteen is the maximum, but the rich mostly celebrate 
 eleven , and the middle-classes seldom less than seven 
 days. If practicable, the days selected are made to be 
 new moon's days and full-moon's days, because these are 
 generally believed to be lucky and auspicious and, in con- 
 sequence, able to exert a salutary influence upon the fate 
 
35 
 
 of both the soul in Hades and its offspring in this world. 
 
 It follows frorti the above that the intervals between the 
 days of mass-reading will mostly be of different length. 
 Nevertheless, these days are, at Amoy, incorrectly called 
 sun ') or „decades". Performing the appropriate ceremonies 
 on them is caUed tsoe sun ^) : „to celebrate the decades". 
 
 During the said intervals eatables are offered to the dead 
 every morning and every evening, before the members of 
 the family take their usual meal. They then place a bowl 
 of cooked rice, three or four other dishes of eatables and a 
 pair of chopsticks in front of the image wherein the soul is 
 supposed to reside (see below), or, if the corpse has not 
 been buried yet, upon a table before the coffin. After this, 
 the children and grandchildren kneel down, wailing and 
 lamenting , and inviting the soul to eat ; they bow their heads 
 towards the ground, and after somewhat half an hour take 
 the food away to eat it themselves. This ceremony is called 
 hdu png ') or kid png ''): „to offer or to send rice". And 
 towards bedtime cups of tea and small cakes are arranged 
 as before and offered in the same manner to the dead, after 
 which the mourners kneel down, weeping and lamenting as 
 if to bid good-night to the soul. This is called kid khun ') : 
 „to caU to sleep". At the break of the day the same cere- 
 mony is repeated in exactly the same way with similar 
 edibles; and this they call „to call the soul to rise": kid 
 khi "). These customs are also observed on the days when 
 mass is said; but the morning- and the evening-meal are 
 then substituted by one single sacrifice of a much larger 
 quantity of edibles, as will be described in the second chap- 
 ter of this part of our paper. The interjacent days whereon 
 
 
36 
 
 no mass is said, are accordingly called kid png jit'): „days 
 of (mere) rice-sending (to the dead)"; also theng png jvt^): 
 „intermitting days of rice-(offering)". 
 The seven days preceding the mass are devoted to 
 v/ some introductory ceremonies upon which we will not 
 enter here. Workmen are hired then to fit up and adorn 
 the halP) wherein the mass wUI be celebrated, and during 
 that time many friends of the family are to be seen walk- 
 ing out and in to give advice and make remarks hke true 
 busy-bodies. This they do to show how warmly they feel 
 interested for the bereaved family, and how ardently they 
 desire to be well deserving towards the dead. Thus garnish- 
 ing the hall is called kat leng ") : „to put up (hangings etc. 
 for) the spirit", or ft leng =), khia leng ") : „to place , to erect 
 (such things for) the spirit." 
 
 As intimated, the great hall of the house is devoted to 
 the celebration of the mass. The images of the gods and 
 the ancestral tablets, except that of the dead for the special 
 benefit of whom the mass is designed, are removed to an 
 other apartment, and on the spot a kind of tabernacle is put 
 up with a human effigy in sitting attitude within. This ef- 
 figy represents the departed in visible and tangible shape. 
 Thougih merely made of paper pasted over a frame of bam- 
 boo, it is supposed to be entered by the spirit and thus to do 
 
 3) Every one who ever entered 8 Chinese dwelling will rememher the great central 
 part of the honse, just hehind the main-entrance. There the guests are received and 
 entertained; there sacrifices are offered to the manes of the ancestors a. ». u. Thus being 
 reception-hall and sacrificial-hall at a time, it will henceforth, for the sake of brevity 
 and convenience, be called Aall in the course of this paper. At Amoy it goes by 
 the name of ihiang J^g . The tabernacle with the penates being placed in it, the 
 hall of the Chinese exactly corresponds with the atrium of the ancient Romans, which 
 likewise contained the larariam or altar of the household-gods. 
 
 ^)^M- ^)M.M- 6)^®. 
 
37 
 
 duty instead of the body of the dead: — it is a resting 
 place for the disembodied soul, wherefrom it can occasionally 
 go out to consume the food which the dutiful kinsmen cha- 
 ritably offer to it. In general the figure is dressed with an 
 official robe hke the Mandarins wear; but if the defunct has 
 not been a magistrate, the button on the hat, the embroi- 
 dery on breast and back and other insignia of official rank 
 are omitted then, common people not being entitled to wear such 
 distinctives , not even when dead. Under-garments are not 
 used at all, so that the whole apparel of the effigy, how- 
 ever rich the mourning family be , consists of a silken upper- 
 cloth pasted or sewed upon the bamboo and paper frame. If 
 the deceased has been a female, then the effigy is usually 
 dressed with the garments of a titled lady or Mandarin's wife. 
 
 That image of the dead, which is going to play a most 
 prominent part in the rites and ceremonies of the following 
 days, is, at Amoy, called hun sin'^) or ^soul's body". The 
 tabernacle, wherein it is placed, is' also coarsely constructed 
 out of bamboo splints and paper. It goes by the name of 
 leng cJihu *) or „house of the soul" because its front is , in 
 general, made to somewhat resemble the frontespiece of an 
 open house. An other name, more commonly used by the 
 poorer classes, is png Ung% or „pavilion for rice (-offering)." 
 The place where it is set up is commonly called leng ui ') 
 or „seat of the spirit". 
 
 On both sides of the „house of the soul", and a little back- 
 wards, some white curtains of coarse material are suspend- 
 ed to form two small temporary apartments, which go by 
 the name of Mu tiau ^) or „dog-kennels". They are devoted 
 
 3) 1^^. ^1 M^- 
 
 5) 3tn) -^^ • I" literary style .filial curtains" 
 
38 
 
 to the occupancy of the mourning relatives of the dead when- 
 ever they have to set up the death-howl for some moments 
 during the celebration of the mass. On the left side there is 
 room for the sons, grandsons and younger brothers of the 
 dead; on the right side for his wife, daughters, granddaugh- 
 ters and daughters-in-law. According to the theory these 
 near relatives should abide there during a succession of days 
 and nights , crying and howhng without interruption like dogs 
 in their kennels for the irreparable loss they have suffered. 
 But they do nob do so at all, and prefer to sleep in their 
 more comfortable beds. It will be exposed in the next chap- 
 ter on which occasions the dog-kennels are made usage of 
 
 In front of the „ house of the soul", at a little distance 
 from it, a large white curtain is hanging down to the floor 
 over the whole breadth of the hall. In its middle it is per- 
 pendicularly divided in two parts of equal size, so that it 
 can be easily raised by binding up one part to the wall on 
 the left side, and the other to that on the right side. Be- ' 
 hind it there is what people caU the Ung cMng ')'or „place 
 before the spirit". It is occupied by a table, which is plac- 
 ed in front of the „seat of the spirit" and covered with a 
 white cloth or toh ui"^), that hangs down to the floor be- 
 tween the legs. This table is the so-called Ung toh^) or 
 „spirit's table". Besides a censer and a pair of candle- 
 sticks, a pecuUar kind of lamp, composed of a single bowl 
 of oil wherein a wick is swimming, is placed upon it. 
 This lamp ought to be kept burning until the close of the ^' 
 mass , whether there are mourning-ceremonies performed or 
 not. A number of stones , corresponding with the number of 
 the deceased's years of age, are gathered in the streets or 
 anywhere else and put into the oil, or placed upon the table 
 
39 
 
 round about the lamp. Mostly a porcelain cover is put over 
 the lamp, in order to prevent the wind from blowing it out. 
 
 People consider it very dangerous to touch the „ spirit's 
 table" before the mass is over, and it remains, in conse- 
 quence, unmoved until the period of its celebration has elaps- 
 ed. Of course there will not easily be found anybody in- 
 clined to replenish the lamp with oil. Hence recourse 
 must be had to any old man whose days are counted, or to 
 a rniserable wretch whose misfortunes can by no means in- 
 crease. That such people get tolerably well-paid for their 
 dangerous work scarcely needs be stated. The worst that 
 could befall one is, to be besmeared with the oil of the 
 lamp. Great calamities wil undoubtedly be entailed on any 
 besmeared individual, and the unhappy victim would cer- 
 tainly not rest before the execrable crime, committed against 
 him, were properly avenged. How, now, to explain these 
 curious popular conceptions? 
 
 Note, first, that the lamp placed upon the „ spirit's table" 
 is designed to light the soul along the dark roads of the 
 Tartarus into the „soul-body". What, now, will happen, 
 when somebody is so unhappy to extinguish it? The soul 
 wiU undoubtedly lose its way and, in consequence , be exclud- 
 ed from the sacrificial meals which are so charitably provid- 
 ed for its benefit in front of the effigy. Besides, it will be 
 unable to find its resting-place, its artificial support, and 
 accordingly be obliged to roam about in misery : — of course 
 it will make the author of those calamities smart for it 
 soundly. Its vengeance wiU, most likely, reach in the first 
 place the besmeared man who , taking along a part of the 
 indispensable oil of the lamp, hastened its extinction. 
 
 A long table, one foot or so higher than an ordinary table 
 and only one foot or thereabout broad (a so-called an toh ')^), is 
 
 1) ^^M.- 
 
40 
 
 placed just before the spirit's table and decked out with va- 
 luable coverings, curiosities, rare and elegant articles, flowers, 
 flower-pots, censers, candle-sticks etc. When ceremonies are 
 performed, there are also arranged upon it refreshments of 
 every kind and piles of cakes, among which the soft steamed 
 round cakes that go by the name of Mn thdu ') and are 
 especially used in worshipping the dead, are most conspic- 
 uous. Finally a third table of ordinary shape is set in front 
 of that an toh and reserved for the sacrificial articles of the 
 friends, acquaintances and kinsmen, who might come to 
 offer to the spirit of the dead (see next chapter). 
 
 As intimated above, the hitherto described part of the 
 hall is separated from the remaining part by a pair of white 
 curtains fixed to the ceiling and hanging down to the floor. 
 If the size of the apartment and the pecuniary condition 
 of the family allow it , the hall is sometimes divided in simi- 
 lar manner into three or four partitions. In general the hang- 
 ings and fittings, curtains and screens are white because 
 this is the symbolical colour of mourning; whilst red, the 
 colour of joy, festivity and happiness, is carefully avoided. 
 Blue, red or black characters relating to the rites, the ter- 
 restrial career of the deceased, his behaviour in this world 
 a. s. 0. are sewed and pasted up everywhere around in ac- 
 cordance with the taste of the inmates of the house, a very 
 singular spectacle being thus produced which reminds the 
 foreign beholder rather of a cheerful festival than of mourn- 
 ing solemnities. 
 
 If the corpse has been buried ahready, then the tablet of 
 the soul is placed in front of the soul-body within the taber- 
 nacle. But if the coffin is still in the house, the provisory 
 tablet 2) is placed then upon its lid or upon a small table at its 
 
 2) Wealthy families, that have a beautiful and precious tablet made, do not 
 let the soul enter it ere the coffin is lowered into the grave. Accordingly they are 
 
41 
 
 foot-end. The receptacle itself of the dead is mostly placed 
 just behind the „seat of the spirit", and covered with along 
 red cloth hanging down to the floor. A kind of standard like 
 a long streamer, called Mng cheng'^) or „soul's banner", is 
 put up at its side. It is a present, bestowed on the family 
 by some illustrious friend or kinsman. The name and the 
 titles of the deceased are sewed or pasted upon it, and the 
 name of the donor is affixed on the lower left corner with a 
 brief dedicatory inscription besides. Such a „sours banner" 
 only appears in funerals of persons of distinction. It is 
 usually made out of precious red silk with characters of vel- 
 vet. It is to be carried along in the funeral procession and 
 to be buried with the coffin; but, ere it is earthed, the 
 name of the donor is ripped off, as an estabUshed custom 
 requires it to be sent afterwards back to the house of this 
 personage with some pomp and parade. 
 
 At a little distance from the described sacrificial tables 
 seats are arranged for the use of the priests, who wiU of- 
 ficiate during the celebration of the mass. Two narrow tables 
 are placed there parallel to one another, with a third one 
 against their extremities that are turned to the great door 
 of the hall, this latter table being designed for the use of 
 the head-priest, and the two other for that of his assistants. 
 Chairs or benches are placed behind the tables to be occu- 
 pied by the priests. This part of the hall is by no means 
 everywhere fitted up in similar manner, as the number and 
 the arrangement of the tables and seats quite depends, of 
 course, upon the number of the priests who are engaged to 
 
 to provide a temporary tablet for the use and comfort of the soul during the rites 
 
 that precede the obsequies. Such an instrument is called a Mn peh jffl ^^ 
 
 or .soul's cloth". Tt much resembles an ordinary tablet, but is & little higher and 
 of a pyramidal shape. It is not painted, neither varnished, but tightly wrapped 
 up in vfhite cloth, on the outside of which the ordinary tablet-inscription is written 
 
42 
 
 officiate. A great lustre may be occasionally seen here hang- 
 ing from the ceiling and bearing the miniature hkenesses of 
 the eight most notable Genii, of Taoist mythology >) in the 
 midst of flowers and variegated ornaments. 
 
 The furniture, fittings and hangings of the hall having 
 now been sufficiently expatiated on, we turn to the images 
 that people it. 
 
 It is most repugnant to the Chinese mind that a dead man 
 should appear in the other world unattended. He will not 
 only need there money and raiment, but also human servi- 
 ces and companionship. Now, to aid him in satisfying these 
 wants, the descendants have recourse to the economical and 
 convenient method of burning human counterfeits of paper 
 towards the end of the mass. And during the celebration 
 of this meritorious ceremony they set these effigies up in 
 the hall, expecting that they will wait on the spirit also 
 during its residence there. 
 
 On each side of the „house of the spirit" is placed a paper 
 and bamboo likeness of a servant, called toh-thdu kdn^) or 
 „table-s]ave". They represent either males or females and 
 are especially predestined to attend on the dead in the other 
 world like waiting-girls or waiting-grooms; hence they are 
 made to hold something in their hands in token of their ser- 
 vitude, as a tea-cup, a tea-pot, a washing-basin, a tabacco- 
 pipe with pouch (if the deceased was accustomed to smoke), 
 or any other thing of that kind. Either shortly after their 
 erection in the hall, or on the last day of the mass when 
 they are about to be burned, a name for each is written 
 on a small piece of paper and attached on their breasts, 
 that the dead may know and call them by those names in 
 the world of spirits. Their ears, eyes and noses are, moreo- 
 ver, pierced with a needle, in order to enable them to hear and 
 
 1) Comi). ijage 6 sej. 2) jj^ ^ jjj , 
 
43 
 
 to look, and to distinguish agreeable from disagreeable smells. 
 
 But, besides, each of these images has a fanciful designa- 
 tion, by which it is known in every family. One is chhun 
 tho ') : „vernal peach", and the other chhiu kiok **): „autumnal 
 marygold". Both these appellations are very expressive 
 and fuU of poetical sense, as they allude to the new life 
 which the dead is going to enjoy in the Western Paradise. 
 Commencing with the first : the peach has always been among 
 the Chinese a favourite symbol of vitality and longevity , and 
 its position as such was ever most prominent in the mys- 
 tical vagaries of the Taoists. They described supernatural 
 specimens , yielding fruits which, when eaten, conferred the boon 
 of immortahty , and especially dilated on the peach-tree which 
 grew in the Paradise of the Western Royal Queen , the fruits 
 of which ripened only once in 3000 years. It has aheady 
 on page 13 been related that the Goddess bestowed them 
 sometimes upon her favoured votaries, enabhng them thereby 
 to become immortal Genii in her Western Realm of Glory. 
 
 It does by no means faU within our object to expatiate long 
 on the peach as emblem of life and immortality, or on the 
 reasons for which it was always regarded as such. We have 
 already much enlarged ourselves on the subject in our work 
 on „Yearly Festivals and Customs of the Amoy-Chinese" 
 (p. 342, 480 seq.), and also explained there in details why 
 the tree was, moreover, made to especially symbolize the 
 spring. Our demonstration there sufficiently accounting 
 for the meaning of the name „ vernal peach" in both its 
 compounds, we believe ourselves fully entitled to refer the 
 reader to it, and, thus, to avoid unnecessary repetitions. 
 
 We now turn to the „autumnal marygold", the pendant 
 of the „ vernal peach". 
 
 1) ^Ml ^) f:^- 
 
44 
 
 The marygoM (Pyrethrum? Chrysanthemum?) the English 
 name of which strikingly resembles its Chinese names „gol- 
 den bud" ') and Jady-^oy^Qv" =*), is, like the peach, in the 
 Far East a symbol of longevity. „It gets yellow flowers 
 in the ninth month" '), and this is, no doubt, the 
 reason for which the epithet „autumnar' is added to the 
 name of the efflgy in question. Being „the only plant which 
 has an exuberant foliage during the frost" *) , and thus 
 proving to be possessed of more than ordinary vigour 
 and life, the marygold easily induced a superstitious people, 
 the favourite topics of which in ancient days aU converged 
 in researches after the draught of immortality, to think it 
 capable of cheering up the vital spirits and prolonging life 
 thereby. And, as a natural consequence, exquisite medica- 
 ments were believed to be contained in decoctions of the 
 plant. „Its flowers, leaves, roots and fruits all contain the 
 elixir of life *)", one author pretends '). „It can relieve the 
 body and prolong life," says an other"), and „therefore it 
 is called (the herb) which transmits prolonged years" '). 
 Many Taoist devotees were, of course, reputed to have es- 
 caped death by swallowing the plant. The priest Chu Jii 
 
 3) Vide .Book of Rites" njffl 3g, chapt. v Monthly Precepts" H -^ . 
 
 4) Vide » Description of the Local Manners" E3 -I- gR. Wj Cheu Chhu 
 
 ^ m.- 
 
 6) Comp. -Description ofthe MarygoldsontheEasternHillsides" "^ jSk ^^ =R , 
 
 7) Vide ./Books of the God of Agriculture" iljft - ^. ^fe; ap. »Mirror and 
 Source of all Investigations" jfJ^ ^7 ^a |5 , chapt. 73. 
 
 8; The Standard Work on Trees and Herbs ^fe M j^ H . chapt. 15. 
 
45 
 
 Tsze ') retired, towards the close of the Wu *) -dynasty 
 (A. D. 222 — 265), into the mountains of the Gemmeous 
 Hamper »), consumed flowers of the marygold , mounted on a 
 cloud, and ascended to the heavens*). This happy fate was 
 also shared by a certain philosopher Khang Fung % who 
 
 hkewise ate flowers of the plant *) but we are to 
 
 return to the hall, as we have deviated already too far and 
 too long from our subject. 
 
 „Vernal peach" and autumnal marygold" are accompanied 
 by two representations of spiritual beings, predestined to 
 pilot the soul into the Western Paradise after the celebration 
 of the mass. They are also made out of bamboo and paper. 
 Each of them holds a long narrow streamer, sword-shaped 
 at the point and called tong hoan '') , in its hand ; hence their 
 names tong -hoan cMap in *) : „ flag-bearers who go to meet and 
 conduct" (the soul). On each of the streamers is inscribed 
 the sentence 05 ^ ^ §| : ,,we conduct you to the West- 
 ern Regions". One of the images represents a male spirit 
 and is called „golden lad" : Mm tong "); the other represents 
 a female spirit and is called giok lu '") or „gemmeous maiden." 
 They both belong to the host of fairy attendants who act as 
 pages and handmaidens to the Royal Mother of the West, 
 and therefore may in some measure be compared with the 
 angels of the Roman-Catholic church, who likewise are repre- 
 sented to be servants to the Divinity that take up the dis- 
 
 4) Fide » Description of the famous Mountains'' iZ MJ g^; a/p. .Mirror and 
 Source of all Investigations", ch. 73. 
 
 6) .Traditions concerning Gods and Genii" Jljft Yljl -^ ; OjD. .Mirror and 
 Source", in id. 
 
 9) ^^. 10) 3£^. 
 
46 
 
 embodied souls to heaven. The gemmeous maidens were 
 akeady introduced to the reader on page 12 of this paper. 
 
 On both sides of the sacrificial table which is placed 
 in front of the an toh (see p. 40) two paper and bamboo 
 images of women are set up, one having its feet cramped in 
 the usual Chinese way and the other having unbandaged 
 feet of natural size. They respectively represent a Chinese 
 and a Manchu woman and are therefore called hdn ^) and 
 bodn% or, conjointly, bodn hdn Mn^), i. e. „the Manchu 
 and Chinese slave-girls". In their hands they are made to 
 hold a towel, a washing-basin or some other household us- 
 tensil. They are to be burned up towards the end of the 
 mass to aid the family in realizing its desire that the dead 
 may have wives, concubines and slave-girls of every nati- 
 onality in the other world and not be obliged to wander 
 there about as a destitute and solitary spirit. A name is 
 provided for each of both images like for the „table-slaves," 
 and fastened on their clothes. 
 
 Last, but not least, a number ofimages representing the re- 
 tinue which escorts a Mandarin whenever he appears in pu- 
 blic, are arranged in the hall or in the street at both sides 
 of the main-entrance. Lictors carrying halves of a bamboo, 
 leather whips or chains as if ready to seize, bind down and 
 unmercifully flog any culprit they might find; men bearing 
 flags and gongs ; boys carrying boards inscribed with the names 
 of the officer, or with commands to the people to reverently s 
 stand back and keep silent whilst the great man passes by; ' 
 soldiers , servants , and , finally , some coohes bearing a sedan : — 
 all such and such-hke people are parading on the said spot 
 in the shape of effigies made of bamboo sphnts and paper. 
 They are especially numerous in case the person, for whose 
 
 '^M- ^)vi- ^)iiMIB- 
 
47 
 
 benefit the mass is designed, was indeed a Mandarin; but 
 they occasionally appear in masses for the bourgeoisie also. 
 Only on the days when mass is said they are exhibited in 
 'the street, and they are taken within doors during the in- 
 terjacent days. At the close of the rites they are burned with 
 the other images for the purpose, which the reader knows, 
 of providing the dead with numerous attendants. Mention 
 must also be made of two door-guards in effigy which , nicely 
 dressed with ceremonial robes and holding tobacco-pipes in 
 their hands, are placed in sitting posture outside the door 
 on stools or chairs, one on the left side and the other on 
 the right. 
 
 On every day of mass-reading a standing screen, compos- 
 ed of a wooden frame over which white paper is pasted, is 
 placed in the street at the door, or opposite to it. In black 
 characters it proclaims the name and the age of the deceased, 
 together with the dates of his birth and death ; moreover , it 
 informs in very humble terms, though with much verbosity 
 and bombast, every passer-by who wishes to know it, that 
 the mourning sons, called So-and-So, feel unworthy of receiv- 
 ing visits from friends who might desire to come and con- 
 dole with the bereaved family by making sacrifices to the 
 dead. In the street there is, besides, pasted a smaller sheet 
 of white paper on the waU near the main-entrance , inscribed 
 with this short polite address to the said expected friends: 
 „weeping we refuse your benevolent offering" '). 
 
 The ordinary variegated lanterns, which decorate the front 
 of almost every Chinese dwelling, are during the celebration 
 of the mass taken away, or bound round with brownish coarse 
 hempen cloth. A few lanterns, either entirely made out of 
 such material, or composed of paper and bound round with 
 
 ^) ii: BM^l- 
 
48 
 
 a hempen cover, are, moreover, added by the rich. They 
 are called moa teng ') or „hempen lanterns". Black charac- 
 ters, written upon them, inform the public of the number 
 of generations which have sprung from the dead and, occa- 
 sionally, of such further remarkable particulars concerning 
 the deceased dear one as the famUy deem fit to subjoin. 
 
 As a last token of mourning two long slips of white paper 
 with no inscriptions at all are pasted on the exterior sur- 
 face of the street-door. A piece of similar coarse hempen 
 stuff whereof burial-garments are made , called moa ni« ») or 
 „hempen screen," is, besides, fastened on the lintel. People 
 call this kod hd ') : „to hang down filial mourning." It is not 
 only done in allusion to the deep mourning of the bereaved 
 family, but also to let the outside world know that from 
 wearing mourning-dress nobody or nothing is exempted, not 
 even the dwelling. 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 The first day. 
 
 At the outset of the foregoing chapter it has been stated 
 that the family consults diviners for the express purpose of 
 having lucky days for the celebration of the mass selected 
 by them. Now it stUl remains to be said that those per- 
 sons also calculate an auspicious hour for beginning the mass. 
 
 Early in the morning of the first mass-day the Taoist 
 priests, who have been invited to officiate, despatch a man 
 to the house where the mass is to be said. Towards an 
 auspicious hour, which the diviner has also calculated be- 
 
 i^ii'M- ^)ifiM- 3)##. 
 
49 
 
 forehand, he leaves the house, walks in a direction likewise 
 indicated hy the diviner and, at a little distance, begins to 
 beat a drum or brazen instrument, which he took along for 
 the purpose. After a few moments he slowly walks back to 
 the house, always beating his instrument, enters the haU 
 and retires into an adjoining room which has been fitted up 
 in a pecuhar manner. Pictures of Buddhist saints are sus- 
 pended there on the waUs, and the images of the household 
 deities, occasionally with other effigies besides, are placed in 
 it, for the purpose of obtaining in this way a suitable 
 oratory for the Buddhist priests who will officiate during 
 the mass. It is namely there that these men are to recite 
 their prayers for the benefit of the soul, and to beseech the 
 myriads of Buddhas to redeem it out of all its miseries, 
 that it may become a Buddha like they are themselves. No 
 wonder, therefore, that the image of Kwan Tin, the God- 
 dess of Mercy who is so peculiarly fond of releasing souls 
 from hell (comp. page 29), is always to be found there and 
 is made to occupy a prominent place in it. The apartment 
 is usually elaborately fitted up and nicely adorned. It goes, 
 at Amoy, by the name of Put tod'' ') or „ altar of the 
 Buddhas." 
 
 What, now, is the object of the drumming? Nothing 
 more or less than to induce the spirit of the dead to return 
 to the house and to go into the image {hun sin) which has 
 been set up to represent its body (see page 37). The pe- 
 culiar sound of the drum is supposed to greatly aid it in 
 finding its way to the desired spot. This, also, explains why 
 the drummer, or somebody accompanying him, calls out, at 
 times, the name of the deceased in the street, the obvious 
 reason being to prevent the soul from losing its way. 
 
 The whole world being conceived by the Chinese as crowded 
 
 1) nm- 
 
 IV. 
 
50 
 
 with myriads of ghosts, hungry, thirsty and, for the most 
 part, of a mahgnant character, they thoughtfully surmise 
 that lots of them, on hearing the sound of the drum, would 
 hasten to the spot to see what is the matter, and whether 
 something is to prey upon for their hungry stomachs. Ac- 
 cordingly, the passers-by are sagely warned by the drummer 
 to betake to their heels , and all the inmates of the house 
 conceal themselves , lest some malicious spectre might revenge- 
 fully molest them at seeing that nothing has been provided 
 yet for the wants of its stomach. This also accounts for the 
 fact that the diviner fixes a very early hour of drumming, 
 there being in general in China but few people in the streets 
 before day-break. 
 
 This ceremony, called kU kq^): „to begin beating the 
 drum" and intended for what is called cMo hun ^) or „ calling 
 the soul", is substituted by an other method in case the 
 dead, for whose benefit the mass is celebrated, was drown- 
 ed or died in a distant country. We will forthwith devote 
 a few lines to its description. 
 
 In the evening before the first day of the mass, some 
 priests of the Taoist sect, engaged for the purpose, go to 
 the sea-shore, attended by some men who carry a small boat 
 made out of paper and bamboo , properly rigged, and manned 
 by an equipage of diminutive paper images of sailors. The 
 party is also attended by the sons, grand-sons and other 
 male mourners, who do not wear the coarse hempen deep- 
 mourning dress of brown colour which is put on when 
 sacrifices are offered to the manes in the presence of kins- 
 men or friends, but the common white mourning garments 
 of better material. After arrival at the shore, the boat is 
 set down in some convenient position; some eatables with 
 cups of tea are placed in its front to be consumed by the 
 
51 
 
 paper sailors, and sweetmeats with candles and a censer are 
 arranged upon a table for the use of the Chinese Neptune, 
 the so-caUed Dragon-King of the Seas '). When everything 
 is ready, the head-priest of the company reads a written 
 prayer to this Sovereign of the Ocean , stating that the dead , 
 called So-and-So, died on such-and-such a place, and is ex- 
 pected to return in order to reside with the manes of its 
 forefathers in the ancestral home; wherefore the kinsmen 
 appeal to His Godship, beseeching him to assist and protect 
 the roaming soul that has to make so perUous a voyage 
 over his watery dominions. Thereupon, incense-sticks are 
 kindled to caress the nose of the Neptune; the kneeling 
 mourners respectfully bow their heads to the sand, and the 
 priests invite the god with appropriate formalities to eat. 
 Incense having in the mean-time been also kindled for the 
 paper crew of the boat in order to propitiate their good-wiU 
 in behalf of the expected soul, the whole ship with its in- 
 mates is set on fire and consumed , attended with the beating 
 of gongs. And when it is in a blaze of fire, some bundles 
 of paper mock-money are thrown into it, to be used by the 
 soul as spending-money during its voyage. Before the party 
 go home, the ashes are carefuUy gathered and thrown into 
 the sea, the object being, as the reader will probably of 
 himself surmise, to enable the soul to cross the ocean in a 
 comfortable vessel. During the whole of the ceremony one 
 of the priests blows a horn and rings a beU, in order to 
 draw the attention of the Dragon-King towards the sacri- 
 ficing company. And, sometimes, some pieces of appropriate 
 music are performed by a band of musicians , whose services 
 have been engaged for the mass that is to begin on the 
 following day. 
 Early in the morning of the next day, the priests and 
 
 1) V^ §1^ ^p . Comp. "Jaarlflksche Feeaten en Gebruiken", page 156, 392 etc. 
 
52 
 
 mourners repair to the shore again, the sons and grand-sons 
 now wearing deep-mourning garments of brownish hempen 
 sackcloth. A small streamer, on which is inscribed the name 
 of the dead with an invitation to join the party, is erected 
 on the spot. It is a so-called in hun hoan ^) or „ streamer 
 to guide the soul". The Dragon-King having been adjured 
 in about the same manner as in the evening before, one of 
 the priests places a white cock on his left arm, waves the 
 said streamer with his right hand round his head, calling at 
 the same time out to the spirit to return, and repeats this 
 invocation at intervals until the cock pleases to crow. This 
 is considered to be a sure intimation that a disembodied 
 spirit has arrived. The divining-blocks are then dropped to 
 verify whether this soul is really the expected one; and, if 
 their position on the ground expresses negation, the soul is 
 summoned some times more till the cock crows again. Then 
 the trial is repeated in similar manner, and so the priests 
 go on until the blocks express affirmation. Thereupon the 
 company returns home to guide the soul to the house. 
 
 Along the road, two priests each clap together a pair of 
 cymbals or beat some other brazen instrument, thoughtfully 
 surmising to greatly aid thereby the spirit in finding its 
 way. And, at the corners of the streets, the name of the 
 deceased is shouted out by one of the train , lest the soul 
 should happen to lose sight of the procession and go astray. 
 But, sometimes, a means to convey the soul is contrived, 
 so curious that its description may not be omitted. 
 
 On a small lath of wood a coat or jacket, if possible ■ 
 recently worn by the dead, is suspended, the ends of the 
 lath being put into the arm-holes of the garment. One end 
 of a red cord is made fast around the centre of the lath, 
 and the other end is tied around a bamboo about three yards 
 
 1) m^MM- 
 
53 
 
 long, among the fresh green leaves of which is fastened the 
 white cock that played so prominent a part in the above- 
 descrihed evocation of the soul. A circular metallic mirror 
 is then suspended on the said cord at a few inches distance 
 Irom the shoulders of the garment, so that it comes where 
 the head of the individual would come if the coat were 
 worn, and the bamboo with ah its appendages placed upon 
 the shoulder of one of the sons, to be thus carried home. 
 Now , the soul , after having been properly conjured up on the 
 sea-shore in the way described, is supposed to enter the 
 coat, or, at least, to keep quite close to it. Many people 
 put a wooden peck into the garment, to make it better 
 resemble the upper part of a human body; but for the legs 
 nobody seems to care. The mirror is said to merely do duty 
 instead of a head ^). 
 
 The procession having entered the hall of the house, the 
 coat is immediately taken from the bamboo pole and gently 
 placed into a chair in close proximity with the image of 
 the dead (hun sin). And, with the least possible delay, the 
 priests begin to recite appropriate formulas and canons, 
 in order to prevail upon the spirit to enter that soul-body: 
 — a ceremony which is called chhidv leng^), „to invite the 
 
 1) We read in the "Dictionnaire Infernal" of Collin de Plancy, in verba noyes: 
 >/Voici une Mgende qui a &e raoontee par le poete (Elilensclilaeger. Ce n'est 
 
 »point une legende, c'est un drame de la vie reelle. tin pauvre matelot a perdu un 
 »fils dans un naufrage, et la douleur I'a rendu fou. Chaque jour il monte sur sa 
 //barque et s'en va en pleine mer; Ik il frappe ^ grands coups sur un tambour, 
 /,et il appelle son fils i, haute voix. ./Viens, lui dit-il, viens! sors de ta retraite! 
 //nage jusqu'ici! je te placerai h, cote de moi dans mon bateau; et si tu es mort, 
 i/je te donnerai une tombe dans la cimetiere, une tombe entre des fleurs et des 
 //arbustes; tu dormiras mieui 1& que dans les vagues''. — Mais le malheureux 
 //appelle en vain, et regarde en vain. Quand la nuit descend il s'en retourne en 
 //disant: //J'irai demain plus loin, mon pauvre ills ne m"a pas entendu"." — Mar- 
 mier, //Traditions des bords de la Baltique". 
 
 2) ^m MP . Conjuring souls to enter effigies is by no means a practice peculiar 
 
 to the Chinese. In the island of Bali f. i. the dead bodies are often temporarily 
 buried until the family-members have saved enough to defray the expenses of burning 
 
54 
 
 soul". When it has been continued long enough they retire 
 for a monient into the oratory, but soon appear again, now 
 followed by the inmates of the house in the deepest mourn- 
 ing apparel. One of the priests places a censer upon the 
 sacrificial table in front of the soul-body, some paper mock- 
 money is set on fire in a furnace provided for the purpose, 
 and burning incense-sticks are put into the censer, whilst 
 all the mourners, having arranged themselves in kneeliag 
 position behind the priests, keep up a most piteous wailing 
 and lamenting. The most affectionate appellations according 
 to their respective relation to the dead, as father, husband, 
 mother etc. are used by them while they are so bitterly 
 crying to the dead, the object being to prevail upon the soul 
 to abide for some time with them in the ancestral home. 
 And, whilst the priests go on alternately praying and singing 
 their Mtanies, and having their monotonous plaintive voices 
 accompanied by the sound of musical instruments and drums, 
 the mourners advance one by one, kneel reverently down 
 in front of the sacrificial table, and solemnly knock their 
 heads to the ground three successive times. At the third 
 prostration, each principal male mourner, behaving accord- 
 ingly to estabhshed custom , breaks in a sudden fit of whin- 
 ing without raising his head from the ground, and feigns 
 to be so much overwhelmed with sadness as to feel unable 
 to rise to his feet. Therefore two kinsmen are upon the 
 alert, in order to rear him immediately up again. This 
 part of the mass is called k¥ leng '): „to attend upon the 
 soul." 
 
 them. Bat it sometimes occurs that the grave can not be found back. Then the 
 people make an efiBgy of wood or leaves, called adegan, and, on a convenient day, 
 engage some priests to conjure the soul to join the rites {ngulapm). »Schetsen van 
 het eiland Bali" (Sketches from the island of Bali), by R. van Eck; vide .Tiid- 
 schrift van Nederlandsch Indie" (Periodical of Netherland's India), VIII p. 108. 
 
 ') mm. 
 
55 
 
 The ceremony of bringing home the soul of a person who 
 was drowned or died at a distance is, at Amoy, called in 
 hun ') : „to guide the spirit." The Chinese of aU classes con- 
 sider themselves in duty bound to perform it with anxious 
 carefulness, and scarcely any one who has retained but a 
 petty shadow of respect for the memory of his deceased pa- 
 rents , the lessons of the ancient sages and the public opinion 
 of his countrymen would venture to neglect it. In the Dutch 
 colonies of the East-Indian Archipelago filial sons, who can 
 afford it, will almost without exception remit considerable 
 sums of money to their native villages, in order to have 
 the ceremony performed there by their family-members in 
 accordance with the old and holy customs of the forefathers. 
 The desire of rejoining one's ancestors after death being able 
 to prompt such considerable sacrifices of wealth, must be 
 intense indeed with the Chinese people! (comp. page 16). 
 
 The liturgies constituting the ceremony chhid^ Img having 
 been properly chanted and recited to the end, the priests 
 repeat in the same monotonous tone of voice an other series 
 of incantations, having for their object the pacification and 
 repose of the soul in its new body. This is called an leng ^) : 
 „to quiet the spirit". When over, the Taoist priests are 
 dismissed and their places taken by their Buddhist colleagues, 
 who, meanwhile, have assembled in the put toafi. 
 
 But, before continuing our description, something must be 
 said of the clothes, which the mourners wear during the 
 celebration of the mass. If the mass is said soon after the 
 demise, the deep-mourning dress, consisting of brownish 
 garments of coarse hempen sack-cloth, is not put on by the 
 nearest kinsmen until the first day which we are now des- 
 cribing. So, at least, is the theory; but in reality the deep 
 mourning is worn on many previous occasions, f. i. when 
 
 ^) ^1 s^. ^) ^ 
 
 >m 
 
56 
 
 sacrifices are offered to the dead in presence of others, dur- 
 ing burial etc. At all events , it is to he put on during 
 every day of mass-reading: „he complete" seng hok '), as 
 people say. Moxeover, the sons, grand-sons, daughters, daught- 
 ers-in-law and the wife must then tie long strips of hemp- 
 bark, twisted like coarse rope and hanging down behind, 
 around their waists, and the sons and grandsons wear, 
 besides, a so-called „ hempen snake" mod tsod ^) or long 
 twisted piece of coarse hempen cloth tied around their mourn- 
 ing-caps, which tokens of deepest mourning may only be 
 taken off when the ceremonies are stopped for a while and 
 no offerings or reverences are for the moment made. The 
 male mourners may not have their heads and beards shaven , 
 neither are the females allowed to wear flowers in their hairs 
 or to use cosmetic or rouge, before the close of the mass. 
 
 After this short digression returning to the mass, our at- 
 tention is first struck by the anxious care wherewith the 
 mourners endeavour to satisfy the material wants of the 
 soul. Yet, even before it has been properly set at rest by 
 the combined efforts of both priest and mourners, lots of 
 eatables among which swine's heads, ducks, fowls, swine's 
 paunches and swine's livers, or the so-called „five sorts of 
 flesh-offerings" ngq seng '), parade as principal dishes, are 
 placed upon the sacrificial table in front of the soul-body, 
 with cakes, pastry, fruits, wine-cups a. s. o. besides. When 
 everything has been properly arranged, the mourners retire 
 behind the curtains which have been described on page 37 
 as constituting the so-called dog-kennels. There they all join 
 in calling upon the dead in a whining tone of voice, the 
 wife calling her husband, the child its father or mother, the 
 father and mother their child. This is done to induce the 
 soul to replenish the wants of its stomach. The eldest son, 
 
57 
 
 having left the dog-kennel in a most humble attitude, ap- 
 proaches and three times prostrates himself in front of the 
 sacrificial table, exactly behaving as we saw he did during 
 the ceremony called k¥ leng. He, moreover, places two 
 burning incense-sticks into the censer and has the so-called 
 „threefold presentation of wine" sam Men chiu^) performed, 
 that is: seven tea-cups having been arranged in a row upon 
 the table, some wine is poured into them all, three times 
 successively. Thereupon some mock-money is burned in the 
 furnace , and the middlemost cup of wine having been handed 
 by one of the assisting kinsmen to the mourner, he pours 
 out the contents by way of libation into the hot ashes, or 
 near the furnace on the floor. This ceremony is called kodn 
 toe *): „to besprinkle the earth", or tien cMu^): „to make a 
 Ubation of wine"; also, in literary style, kodn tien "): „to 
 pour out a Mbation". When it is finished, the mourner 
 reverently bows towards the ground three times again, 
 whining and lamenting, and, having been set on his legs 
 by the two attendants, is immediately imitated by the other 
 mourners, who, one by one, act in similar manner. 
 
 Buddhist priests are always engaged to officiate on the 
 first and on the last day of the mass; but, on the other 
 days , their services are only required if the family can afford 
 the expenses and trusts the Buddhist doctrine of redemption 
 enough to be convinced that the intervention of the priests 
 can not be done without. Nevertheless, their attendance is 
 hardly ever dispensed with on the third day of mass-reading, 
 because, as will appear from the next chapter, that day is 
 usually celebrated with extra pomp and solemnity. 
 
 Having arrived at the house and entered the oratory, the 
 bald-pates put on the yellow clothing which Buddhist priests 
 
58 
 
 usually wear when they officiate, kneel reverently down 
 before the images of the gods and pay due honour to them 
 by burning incense and paper-money. Thereupon they begin 
 to chant their Utanies and to recite their sacred books for 
 the benefit of the soul, especially imploring the merciful 
 Kwan Yin, the highly praised redeemster of souls of the 
 Chinese Buddhist church (see p. 49). Then: prayers and hymns 
 are, substantially, a recitation of Sanscrit words represented 
 by Chinese characters which are only used for the sound 
 and not for their meaning, so that most of the priests, 
 having not studied the Sanscrit language, themselves do not 
 understand a single syllable of what they read and chant. 
 Even Indian priests, though thoroughly acquainted with the 
 Sanscrit original, would not be able to make out the sense 
 of the jargon of their Chinese colleagues , the sounds having , 
 in general, been transcribed in a most imperfect manner. A 
 wooden skull, egg-shaped, and, occasionally, an iron urn are 
 struck with great velocity by one of the priests with a small 
 stick, and enable the praying priests to keep exact time, as 
 every syllable pronounced is accompanied by a gentle knock. 
 Their tone of voice gradually diminishes from time to time 
 and passes into a kind of chloral singing, the accompani- 
 ment then being a few Chinese instruments played by the 
 band of musicians engaged. Then, again, the music and 
 utterance increases to the very chmax of rapidity ; and so 
 the ceremony is continued for a while, small hand-bells being 
 rung at times to rouse the attention of the gods. 
 
 The myriads of Buddhist saints having been invoked and 
 worshipped long enough in the sanctuary devoted to them, 
 the priests slowly and solemnly walk into the hall, and take 
 their positions on their stools behind the tables which were 
 described on page 41. There they read a new series of 
 liturgies and Sanscrit canons in the way described, and 
 chant other Utanies and prayers as before, their object being 
 
59 
 
 to redeem the soul out of all its troubles by accelerating the 
 rotations of the wheel of transmigration (Sansara) in accord- 
 ance with the precepts of the great Shakya (see page 30). 
 This part of the mass is, on this account, of special import- 
 ance, the final release of the soul being absolutely dependent 
 upon the ardour and sage cautiousness of the priests. After 
 some time they go again into the oratory to worship the 
 Buddhas, and so they alternately spend their hours there 
 and in the haU. At every change of seats their prayers are 
 preceded by the prostrations of the mourners, and, in case 
 these prostrations are made before the soul, by simultaneous 
 lamentations in the dog-kennels, whilst, besides, mock-money 
 is kept burning in front of the saints and of the soul with 
 hardly any interruption. 
 
 During the course of the day well-dressed persons are to 
 be seen from time to time in the adjoining streets, resort- 
 ing to the house where the mass is celebrated, each attended 
 by a servant who carries eatables and other articles in baskets 
 by a pole laid across his shoulder. It are the relatives and 
 the most intimate friends of the family, who go to present 
 their condolences to the afflicted kinsmen by making an 
 offering to the soul of the deceased. We wUl closely follow 
 one of them to keep an eye upon his doings and actions 
 during his visit. 
 
 While his sacrificial articles are brought into the haU and 
 arranged there upon the sacrificial table by the servants and 
 the attending kinsmen, the friend repairs to an adjoining 
 apartment to prepare there for a ceremonious entry. We 
 will avail ourselves of his absence and cast a look into 
 a written sheet of white paper, folded like a small Chi- 
 nese book of five or six double leaves and having the cha- 
 racter ^ „offering to the dead" on its outside; a document 
 which has been delivered into the hands of the attendants and 
 
60 
 
 deposed on the sacrificial table together with the offerings. 
 
 „ Carefully" - so the Iriend, addressing the dead, expresses 
 himself in that card — „I have prepared ') : 
 
 M^'^ )i^^ ht. : „a complete parcel of presents for 
 making libations," libations being used here in the sense of 
 offerings in general. It is, perhaps throughout the empire, 
 an established custom with friends who sacrifice to deceased 
 kinsmen of others, to add some silver, wrapped up in white 
 or yellow paper , to their sacrificial articles , as an expression 
 of their good-will to contribute to the expenses of the rites. 
 Others , however , maintain that the present implies a humble 
 confession that the offerings are so mean as to require sup- 
 plementary articles, to be bought by the family with the 
 money furnished. But, whatever may be the true meaning 
 of the custom, it is, at all events, obvious that it implies 
 nothing more than a mere show of good-wiU, as the silver, 
 together with aU the other sacrificial articles of some value, 
 are given back as soon as the sacrifice to the spirit has been 
 properly performed. 
 
 ^ ^ — ■ ^ lit. : „one sacrificial writing", the very do- 
 cument which we are now describing. It is directly addressed 
 to the dead and, as we said, made of white or yellowish 
 paper, because white is the symbolical colour of mourning. The 
 common appellation is cM bun ^): „ sacrificial writing", or, in 
 more polite style , tidu bun ') : „letter of faneral sacrifice". 
 
 i ft :^ "H" lit. : „a complete set of the five sorts of 
 meat-offerings" Already enumerated on page 56. 
 
 1^ ^ ^ ^ lit. : „a complete Chinese mat", i. e. an 
 entire Chinese repast ■>). Eatables of every kind, Like those 
 
 '^MM,- 2)^^- «)^^- 
 
 4) In ancient times, when tables and chairs were not yet introduced, the Chinese 
 used to eat on mats spread out upon the floor. This has continued a custom with 
 the lower classes up to the present time. All classes have, however, preserved the 
 word mat in the meaning of repast. 
 
61 
 
 that are dished up when Mends and guests are invited to 
 dinner. 
 
 ^ $ft ^ te ^^■' jfi^^ complete roll of funeral scroUs". 
 Some of the weU-to-do among the friends embrace the oppor- 
 tunity of presenting to the family nice embroidered scroUs, 
 made of silk or broadcloth and adorned with gUt or coloured 
 inscriptions. Sometimes they are only made of paper. I saw 
 yellow, black, white and green, taut never red specimen, 
 the reason being that red is the symbolical colour of festi- 
 vity and mirth and, therefore, must be carefully avoided in 
 time of mourning. The ■ scrolls have no fixed dimensions , 
 but they are seldom broader than one meter by a usual 
 length of about twice the breadth. The inscriptions are 
 eulogistic phrases, mostly relating to the spirit and its 
 departure to better regions. Here is a specimen: 
 
 „Elegiac scroll exhibiting res- 
 „pectful feelings towards Li Yung 
 „Mei of the house Lai '), who 
 „has mounted the car to depart 
 „Uke a G-enius and, bestriding 
 
 „the crane, has returned to the 
 „West. The stupid younger broth- 
 „ers of her husband, Shao Hiun 
 „and Ch'^un Yung, together bow 
 „their heads to the ground in 
 „reverence ^)". This eulogy will 
 be easily understood in all its 
 details by any one who has per- 
 used our description of the Taoist 
 notions on future life (Part I). And, as to the crane alluded 
 to, some necessary particulars concerning this bird as vehicle 
 
 1) That is to say, whose husband has the family-name Lai. 
 
 3) From this the reader sees that two, and even more persons, may conjointly 
 pay respects and make offerings to a departed soul. 
 
62 
 
 of the souls wiU be inserted in § 1 of the fourth chapter. 
 The scrolls presented are to be suspended on the walls of 
 the hall as ornaments; and, in case the corpse has not yet 
 been buried, to be carried in the funeral procession as ban- 
 ners and streamers. Sometimes they are offered by pairs, 
 each scroU then being inscribed with one hne of an appropri-. 
 ate distich. After the close of themass the cloth whereof they 
 are made, is used for domestic purposes or for making 
 garments. 
 
 :fg -gfc ^ ^ lit. : „a plain mat of flowery (i. e. variegat- 
 ed) offerings", also called keng od'^^) or „ offering-bowls". A 
 collection of miscellaneous sweet eatables, like thin bits of 
 pumpkins or cucumbers prepared with sugar and dried ^); 
 cakes with sugar or some other sweet substance within, 
 etc. Sometimes more than a dozen different kinds are oifered, 
 but in general only six sorts. The collection is called a plain 
 mat or meal because it does not include any animal food, 
 the dishes being destined for the Buddhistic saints in the 
 oratory who, as obedient adherents of the Buddhist tenets 
 which strictly prohibit any destruction of life, detest the 
 use of flesh and fish. 
 
 ^ ^ "^ ^ lit. : „a couple of dishes with steamed cakes 
 made of flour". These cakes have an elliptic shape with a 
 convex upper-side and a flat under-side. Size and quantity 
 depend upon the hberality of the offerer and are not subject 
 to customary rules. 
 
 W ^ :^ ft li't- • n^ complete set of preciosa and silk- 
 goods". For preciosa read the common small sheets of paper 
 on which very thin patches of tin-foil are affixed, and which 
 
 2) The so-called tatig koe :^ JJ^ or winter-euoumbers, well-known in the 
 Dutch-Indian colonies also. The dried preparation with sugar as a sweetmeat is 
 called tang hoe USu ^S JJ^ 4^' preparation of winter-cucumber. 
 
63 
 
 are made to represent silver-money in aneestral worship and 
 idolatrous rites. Some of these sheets, coloured yellow by 
 means of a decoction of certain flowers , represent gold. Every 
 paper-sheet is folded into the shape of a hollow ingot a few 
 inches long ; hence the expressions gun khd ') and Mm khd ^) 
 or „ silver and golden ingots" are frequently used to denote 
 this part of the ■ offerings. Some ten of each kind, arranged 
 upon a dish of paper, are, occasionally with great lots of 
 unfolded paper mocii-money besides, offered by every friend. 
 And as to the silk-goods: these are strips of narrow cheap 
 silk, each wound around some paper to look like entire rolls 
 in miniature. Some four of such roUs are, like the ingots, 
 placed into a bowl of paper and arranged among the other 
 offerings upon the sacrificial table. And, when the friend has 
 done worshiping, or some days afterwards, when the mass 
 is finished, they are set on fire and thus remitted to the 
 dead as a special sacrifice, it being surmised that even burnt 
 semblances of things are available in the invisible world 
 where everything is so extremely shadowy. 
 
 ■^ ^ I^ VS lit-: D^ l30x of dainties; rice- wine". These 
 dainties are sweetmeats in paper parcels or small wicker 
 baskets, called, at Amoy, chien dp ') or „ boxes of recom- 
 mandation". „A11 these things for the underworld" — so 
 the friend goes on addressing the dead — „I offer to show 
 my sacrificing respect" *). These two last words are written 
 on a narrow strip of paper, which is pasted lengthwise on 
 the middle of the last written page of the card. That strip 
 ought to be yellow if the deceased was a woman, and blue 
 if he belonged to the male sex. The card, when handed to 
 the mourners, is to be folded in such a manner that the 
 
 
64 
 
 strip comes on the outside. On the left .side of the strip, on 
 the lower corner of the page, is written: „Your stupid 
 „ nephew ') Chao Pih Hiun, still living in the Realm ol 
 „Light, bows his head to the ground in reverence®)" 
 
 After this it still remains to be noted that another card, 
 having exactly the same colour and shape, as the above- 
 described, is also presented to the family together with the 
 offerings. Being designed for special information to the mourn- 
 ers about the person who has come to worship the spirit, 
 it contains no enumeration of the sacrificial articles like the 
 other card, but only some ten characters wich may be ren- 
 dered : „Your stupid younger brother ^) Chao Pih Hiun bows 
 „his head to the ground in reverence" *). In the centre of 
 the first page is written the character ^ : „condolement". 
 
 When the offerings of the friend have been properly ar- 
 ranged on the sacrificial table by the attending servants and 
 kinsmen, the priests stop praying and singing for some 
 moments, and the principal mourners retire behind the cur- 
 tains of the dog-kennels. The great curtains, described on 
 page 38 , are then lowered to the ground. In the mean time, 
 the friend has , through the back-gate or a side-door of the 
 house, entered an adjoining room, the destination of which 
 was divulged to him by a strip of white paper pasted up 
 on a conspicuous spot near the entrance, and inscribed with 
 the characters J5 ^ J^ ^^1^9 i so: „ apartment for chang- 
 
 1) Viz. if the sacrificer be a friend of the mourning sons. Were he a friend to 
 the dead, he would have written »younger brother" It is, namely, an established 
 custom with the Chinese to address the father of one's friend by the name of uncle, 
 and one's friend by the name of elder brother. They are, also, consequent enough 
 to call themselTCS nephew when they address a friend's father, and younger brother 
 whenever they speak or write to a friend of their own. 
 
 3) Vide note 1. 
 
 '^ B^nm^M^mmtn- 
 
65 
 
 ing dress". Here he puts on mourning clothes, got in readi- 
 ness by the care of the family, or, in case he is not related 
 to the mourners by ties of blood , ceremonial dress , and waits 
 tDl he is informed by word of mouth, or by the beating of 
 a gong, that everything is ready to receive him. 
 
 Within a few moments the beating of a large drum, 
 suspended in the haU, announces the entry of the expected 
 guest. The large curtains are immediately raised, much 
 music is performed, and the mourners in the dog-kennels 
 break out in doleful outcries to rouse the attention of the 
 soul. Four directors of ceremony receive the friend. Arrang- 
 ing themselves behind him, two on every side, they escort 
 him to the sacrificial table, in front of which he is told by 
 one of them with a clear voice to kneel down upon the 
 floor. An other director of ceremony then hands a couple of 
 lighted incense-sticks to the kneeling man. He carefully takes 
 them in both his hands, presents them to the spirit with 
 some reverential bows, and returns them to the third master 
 of ceremony, who immediately places them in the urn upon 
 the table. Thereupon the worshipper receives with both his 
 hainds a cup of wine. He' offers it to the spirit in the soul- 
 body by lifting it reverently up, slowly pours out the con- 
 tents upon the floor by shaking the cup horizontally about 
 with some circular motions, and then delivers the cup back 
 to the attendant from whom he received it. Hereupon the 
 cup is replaced upon the table whence it was taken, and 
 refilled by the fourth master of ceremony, who holds a 
 tankard resembling a tea-pot of tin. This ceremony is 
 usually repeated thrice. The wine is not always poured out 
 upon the floor, but ia most cases upon some sand or straw, 
 placed in the bottom of a basiu that has expressly been 
 provided for the purpose of keeping clean the floor. 
 
 This libation of wine, called kodn toe etc. (see page 57), 
 being over, ,the chief master of ceremony kneels down, and 
 
 IV. B 
 
reads in a loud but slow and rather chanting tone of voice 
 the sacrificial document, translated and commented by us 
 in the foregoing pages. The kneeling worshipper is then told 
 to bow his head towards the pavement three successive 
 times. At the third prostration, he suddenly begins to whine 
 as if overwhelmed by a sudden fit of sadness; but immedi- 
 ately two of the masters of ceremony rear him up and slowly 
 pilot him out of the hall, taking the same route by .which 
 he has entered. During the progress of the ceremony one 
 of the . male kinsmen of the dead was keeping close behind the 
 group on the right side of the visitor '), kneeling down and 
 prostrating himself simultaneously with him. This manner of 
 acting, called poe pdi^): „to join in worshiping", is prescribed 
 by a strict rule of etiquette; and it would be deemed a 
 great lack of education should the visitor be allowed to 
 worship alone. 
 
 While the visitor was thus worshiping the spirit, all his 
 actions were minutely directed by one of the masters of 
 ceremonies, who with a loud voice commanded him to kneel 
 and rise, bow or march, just as a ballet-master directs the 
 movements of quadrille-dancers. The language used was the 
 so-called Court-or Mandarin-tongue, the well-known language 
 of northern China which, being studied by most of the 
 educated Chinese in order to carry on oral intercourse with 
 their studied countrymen in other provinces, has become 
 the speech of high-life and fashion throughout the Empire. 
 The „sacriflcial writing" was also read in that tongue. At 
 a convenient moment it was, together with the paper money 
 and the silken goods brought along by the friend, burned 
 
 1) The left side ia regarded by the Chinese as the place of honour. Accordingly, 
 it would be considered a breach of etiquette for a host to place a visitor on his 
 right hand. 
 
67 
 
 in the furnace already some times spoken of, in order to be 
 remitted through the smoke to the spirit in the Land of 
 Shades. 
 
 A few particulars about those directors of ceremonies can 
 not be out of place. At Amoy they are generally called 
 U seng *) or „masters of ceremonies", but, when employed 
 in the rites which we are now describing, the common 
 people use to call them khia toh-thau *) : „who stand (in 
 attendance) at the (sacrificial) table". In this case their 
 number is two , four , or six , according to the wealth of the 
 family, and they are dressed then either in plain white 
 mourning garments, or in the rich ceremonial robes which 
 Mandarins wear when they are in function. These robes are 
 nearly always put on during the last day of the mass, be- 
 cause, then, the soul is delivered from the miseries of hell 
 and some show of festivity, accordingly, not deemed out 
 of place. 
 
 „The professors of ceremony" — says Doohttle in his valu- 
 able „Social Life of the Chinese" ') — „are employed occa- 
 „sionally by the common people to assist them when they 
 
 „please to invite them Their assistance is rewarded by 
 
 „fees or wages, which vary according to cu-cumstances. 
 „ Besides their food, they expect a liberal fee from rich patrons. 
 „ Those who can afford the small additional expense, invite 
 „the attendance of a professor of ceremony when they put 
 „on mourning for the decease of a parent, and at different 
 „ periods during the mourning solemnities. The common 
 „ people are not obliged by law to use these directors of 
 „ worship. Custom makes their employment reputable and 
 „fashionable in wealthy and literary families. For instance, 
 „when making a sacrifice of food to the dead, if a teacher 
 „of- the rites is at hand to instruct one when to kneel and 
 
 ^^ /r^ ^- ^') dk t-^ ® • ^^ '^''"f*"' ^^- 
 
68 
 
 „when to rise up, when to begin doing a particular act or 
 „to cease from doing it, everything is performed with less 
 „ confusion than though he were to act according to his own 
 „ memory or judgment of what was proper and becoming 
 „under the circumstances. It is a portion of the duties of 
 „the professor of ceremony to read the sacrificial ode at the 
 „proper time of presenting a sacrifice to the manes of the 
 „dead, to instruct the mourning family when and how to 
 „make presents in acknowledgment of presents received from 
 „ sympathizing relatives, etc. He makes himself generally 
 „ useful and even necessary for those who endeavour to carry 
 „out an undertaking according to the rites. 
 
 „ These men, who are employed by the common people, 
 „are quite numerous and influential. They are necessarily 
 „literary men, of respectable connexions, of polite demean- 
 „our, able to assume, when occasion demands, a grave and 
 „ dignified appearance; self-possessed and authoritative, else 
 „they could not discharge to the satisfaction of their patrons 
 „the functions of their caUing" '). 
 
 After this short digression we return to the hall. 
 
 When the visitor has risen to his feet, the eldest son, 
 at a loud command of the chief master of ceremonies , comes 
 forth from behind the curtains of the dog-kennel and follows 
 the retiring friend, so much stooped down that he seems 
 rather to creep than to walk. About to leave the hall, the 
 visitor turns round to the mourner, who at this very mo- 
 ment falls at his feet with his fore-head upon the pavement, ', 
 thanking him for this expression of his friendship, affection 
 and sympathy. But the friend, stretching his arms towards 
 
 1) Moreover, every governing official, from the Emperor to the district magi- 
 strate, has a professor of ceremonies, salaried from the treasury. They form a special 
 class of literary officials, who conduct the ceremonies of the state-religion which 
 Mandarins are required to perform on certain days of the year. They may, there- 
 fore, he called ./priests of the Chinese state-religion". 
 
69 
 
 him and telling him in a few polite words that the matter is 
 not worth while at aU, summons him to rise; whereupon 
 the mourner, in the same humhle attitude, creeps back into 
 the kennel. 
 
 After the visitor has been seen out in this singular way, 
 the drum is beaten again, to inform the mourners in the 
 kennel that they are allowed to stop their melancholy con- 
 cert. Occasionally a so-called thih kheng *) or sonorous metal 
 plate of triangular shape, suspended hke a bell on a frame, 
 is simultaneously beaten. The servant of the visitor, there- 
 upon approaching to the sacrificial table, replaces the offer- 
 ings into his baskets to take them back to his master's 
 home. Only one dish is left on the table, it being considered 
 necessary that the inmates of the house should eat the 
 contents towards the end of the day,. and thus partake of 
 one meal together with the dead. In this very chapter some- 
 thing more will be said of this interesting conception. Some 
 people think it a necessary act of politeness to empty the 
 pot wherein the offered wine was contained, and to pour 
 sugared water into it instead, because they beheve to express 
 thereby an ardent desire that the friend may take home 
 sweetness, and no bitterness, calamity or grief may result 
 from his visit paid to the unfortunate family. 
 
 Before leaving the hall, the servant receives from one of 
 the attendants a narrow shp of white or yellowish paper 
 about one meter long, printed with blue characters and 
 folded into the shape of an unbound small Chinese book 
 of four double leaves. On the outside of the first leaf is 
 printed the character ^, meaning „ statement" or something 
 like this, and at the top of the middlemost of the printed 
 pages the character; Hf , „to thank", with this inscription 
 in smaller characters on the right side: „we have received 
 
70 
 
 „your liberal oblation, and mournfully accept the clothen 
 „ scroll and the four sorts of necessities for the Underworld 
 „(i. e. the paper-money, the silk a. s. o.); but your valuable 
 „present we respectfully give back." The rest of the con- 
 tents of the card, taking up the lower half of a few of the 
 first pages, runs as follows. 
 
 „The director of the mourning ceremonies, the younger 
 „brother ') So-and-So who wears the mourning apparel of the 
 „ third grade, brushes away his tears, and knocks his head 
 „on the ground. 
 
 „The unfilial eldest grand-son So-and-so weeps blood, and 
 „knocks his forehead on the ground ^). 
 
 „The unfilial orphan-sons, called So-and-so, together weep 
 „blood, and knock their foreheads on the ground. 
 
 „The grand-sons, who wear the mourning-dress of the second 
 „ grade for one year (here follow the names), together weep, 
 „and bow their heads to the ground. 
 
 „The great-grand-sons, who wear the mourning-dress of the 
 „ second degree for five months (here foUow the names), 
 „together brush away their tears, and bow their heads to 
 „the ground. 
 
 „The nephews, who wear mourning for a year (here follow 
 „ their names), conjointly brush away their tears, and bow 
 „ their heads to the ground. 
 
 „The sons of the nephews, called So-and-so, who wear 
 „ mourning for a year, conjointly brush away their tears , and 
 „bow their heads to the ground". 
 
 To this card, the signification of which can be easily 
 derived from the tenor of its contents, is sometimes joined 
 
 1) On every day of mass-reading one of the principal kinsmen of the dead per- 
 forms the functions of leader or director. In general a brother is preferred to any 
 other relative. 
 
 3) The eldest grand-son of the dead is, in all what concerns mourning affairs, 
 placed on a level with the sous. He has, with them, to wear mourning-dress of 
 the first grade. 
 
71 
 
 another one of exactly the same shape, but in which the 
 character „to thank" and the inscription on the right side 
 of it have been omitted. It is said to be presented for mere 
 politeness' sake; and, indeed, the reader wiU easily discern 
 that it betrays nothing but humble and submissive expres- 
 sions of respect. 
 
 We have to foUow now the visitor to the wardrobe heng 
 i so, whereto he has repaired to take off his ceremonial 
 apparel. Arrived there, he is immediately joined by the sons 
 and grand-sons who, throwing themselves at his feet and 
 bowing their heads to the floor, simultaneously thank him 
 for his sympathy. This is called pdi sia *) : „to salute and 
 thank." If of equal or lower rank, the friend returns their 
 thanks in similar way; but, if of higher rank, he simply 
 summons the mourners to rise, and salutes them by moving 
 his folded hands up and down according to Chinese fashion. 
 It, however, rarely prevails that persons of rank higher than 
 the deceased come to sacrifice to the soul, and to condole in 
 this way with the family. When the visitor has put on 
 his own dress again and taken a cup of tea, the director 
 of the feast *) , either attended by the principal male mourn- 
 ers or not, sees him out, and accompanies him, if necessary, 
 to his sedan-chair'). 
 
 The expressions, used by the Chinese of Amoy to denote 
 the mourning-sacrifice described, are rather numerous. People 
 
 3) Going to the houses where death has occurred, in order to ofljer there food 
 to the deceased, is a custom by no means peculiar to the Chinese. We learn from 
 the .Sketches from the island of Bali", quoted already on page 54, (op. et loc. 
 cit. p. 110), that, there, nearly all the villagers, together with those who were hut 
 even slightly acquainted with the dead, use to repair to the house to condole with 
 the family, the wives carrying baskets of rice, fruits etc. By such a visit one's 
 body is believed to become unclean; hence one is not allowed to enter a temple 
 before a presfcribed washing has been undergone and required sacrifices have been 
 made. 
 
72 
 
 commonly speak of pdi che^): „to arrange or set out a sacri- 
 ficial offering"; but , if there are offered only a few dishes and 
 comparatively much paper-money is burned, because the offerer 
 is poor and the mass is thus celebrated with but little pomp , 
 then the term tidu tsod ') „to offer paper to the dead", is 
 generally used. A chheng tidu ') or „simple, meager sacri- 
 fice", is one of the meanest sorts. It is only composed of 
 mock-money, a few cakes, sweetmeats and wine, with no 
 sacrificial viands at all , and oftentimes simply arranged upon 
 the sacrificial table without being followed by the reverences 
 of the friend who offers it. Lastly, the expressions tsoh 
 tidu *) : „to make offerings to the dead", and tidu song ^) : 
 „to offer a, sacrifice during mourning", are only used in 
 reading or literary style, and, occasionally, by pedants who 
 endeavour to make themselves and others believe that they 
 are people of erudition and learning. 
 
 Now, after all, but little remains to tell of the further 
 celebration of the day. The litanies and prayers of the priests, 
 interrupted at times by the solemn visit of a sacrificing friend, 
 are continued in the way described on p. 58 till a convenient 
 hour in the afternoon; the mourners make a final libation 
 then, and invite the spirit for the last time to eat; incense- 
 sticks are lighted, and paper-money is burned in front of the 
 soul-body and before the deities in the put tod"; and, finally, 
 the sacrificial articles, except the sweetmeats, cakes etc., are 
 taken to the kitchen, and prepared there for the use of the 
 famUy. The priests take their meals in the oratory; but the 
 mourners, complying with a rule prescribed by filial piety 
 as it is conceived by the Chinese, dine on mats spread out 
 upon the floor, each sex in their own company according 
 
 i)#^^- ^)^im- ')m^ 
 
73 
 
 to established Chinese custom. For the attending friends 
 and the more distant relatives of the dead, however, tables 
 are dressed in the usual way. 
 
 So we see that the Chinese observe a custom which, in 
 many other parts of the world, exists under similar, but 
 slightly varying forms. Eating and drinking of one meal with 
 their ancestors was a common act of ancestral worship with 
 the Peruvians, who, according to P. Pizarro , brought out the 
 embalmed bodies every day, and seated them in a row accord- 
 ing to their antiquity. While the servants feasted, they put 
 the food of the dead on a Are, and their chicha vessels be- 
 fore them, and dead and living pledged one another at the 
 banquet. Of the Fijians, Seeman tells us that „often when 
 the natives eat or drink anything, they throw portions of 
 it away, stating them to be for their departed ancestors." 
 Malcome says of the Bhils that always when Uquor is given 
 them, they pour a libation on the ground before drinking any ; 
 and as their dead ancestors are their deities , the meaning of 
 this practice is unmistakable. So, too, we learn from Smith 
 that the Araucanians spiU a little of their drinks, and scatter 
 a little of their food, before eating and drinking; and, ac- 
 cording to Drury, the Virzimbers of Madagascar, when they 
 sit down to meals, „take a bit of meat and throw it over 
 their heads, saying — , There 's a bit for the spirit'." An- 
 cient historic races had like ways. In the laws of Menu we 
 have the statement that the manes eat of the funeral meal; 
 the Eoman offered a portion of each meal to his Lares, and 
 a kindred observance is still continued in Tyrol, Old Bavaria, 
 Upper Palatinate, and German Bohemia, where, when the 
 time of All Souls is approaching, „in every house a light is 
 kept burning all night; the lamp is no longer flUed with oil 
 but with fat; a door, or at least a window, remains open, 
 and the supper is left on the table, even with some additions; 
 people go to bed earlier, — all to let the dear little angels 
 
74 
 
 enter without being disturbed"'). Last, in Lithuania, on the 
 so-called jadi-feast, people invite the dead to partake of a 
 meal with them, and do not speak a word until they are 
 convinced that the souls have quite replenished the wants 
 of their stomachs '). 
 
 People, well to do enough to afford the expenses, usually 
 have theatricals performed during the evening of the first 
 day of the mass. A stage or shed is set up for the purpose 
 on a convenient spot in front of the hall, or, if it is deemed 
 necessary, in the street, though always within a hearing 
 and seeing distance from the soul-body. The performance is, 
 namely, intended for the amusement of the spirit; so, play- 
 acting is in China a piece of religious worship , like it originally 
 was with Western ancients too. The mourners, after having 
 changed their brownish sack-cloth garments for white cotton 
 mourning-dress of much better material , attend also , as well 
 as a lot of friends , kinsmen and invited guests ; — moreover , 
 a great number of loiterers and idle spectators of the lower 
 class are usually standing around, admission being, in ge- 
 neral, given to all who please to attend. The women belong- 
 ing to the family, with a select company of female friends, 
 are seated in some convenient retired place, or in one of the 
 galleries of the house, as the customary laws of decorum 
 strictly prohibit every mingling of the two sexes on public 
 occasions. 
 
 A most popular play, considered to be peculiarly fit for 
 the occasion, is the so-called bdk-Uen M ^) or „tragedy of 
 Maudgalyayana", which renders the legendary adventures of 
 this pretended founder of the Buddhist masses during his 
 journey through the Hell, where, as we said on page 30, 
 
 1) Spencer, .-Principles of Sociology", Part I, §§ 85, 139, 150, 151 and 153. 
 
 2) Clavel, ./Histoire des Religions", book IV, oh. 3. 
 
 '^^ H )S ^M, • '^^^ ^"^^ ioi-liin represents the corrupt pronunciation of 
 the name Maudgalyayana in the vernacular of Amoy. 
 
75 
 
 he went to deliver his mother. Its performance is chiefly 
 intended for exhibiting the tortures and sufferings of the 
 beings that inhabit the Hell, and the efficacy of the Bud- 
 dhist method of redemption, everything which Maudgalya- 
 yana beheld and experienced on his journey through that 
 place of retribution being faithfully represented before the 
 strained looks of the numerous spectators. For further parti- 
 culars about this play the reader is referred to our recent 
 work on annual festivals and customs of the Amoy-Chinese 
 (seep. 21), wherein, on page 330 & foU., an elaborate account 
 of it is inserted. 
 
 Before finishing our description of this first day of the 
 mass, we remark that our statement on page 35, according to 
 which the days, whereon mass is said, usually form a series 
 with intervals of fixed though varying length , should be con- 
 ceived as relating only to wealthier families. Less moneyed 
 people use to go through the whole ritual in a few con- 
 secutive days, and to employ Buddhist priests only on the 
 last, while the very poorest classes usually have the whole 
 mass said in one day only, or even in a single afternoon, 
 by one priest alone. And as to the theatrical plays, spoken 
 of: moneyed families, who can bear the expenses, have 
 them, at all events, performed on the third day of the 
 mass and on the last , as will be seen from the two following 
 chapters. 
 
 The ceremonies connected with each of the following days 
 of mass-saying do, by no means, differ much from those of the 
 first day. They merely consist of a series of sacrifices, prayers 
 and chants, offered and repeated as described in the pre- 
 sent chapter; but the ceremonies that have for their object 
 the evocation of the spirit and its pacification in the soul- 
 body are, of course, not repeated. Only the third day and 
 the last greatly differ from the other days , so that a separate 
 description of each is necessary. By the way we note, that. 
 
76 
 
 during the whole period of the mass, a small bowl of cooked 
 rice is, with a few edibles besides, placed every day upon 
 the sacrificial table in the hall. This food is intended for 
 the special use of a certain imp, that, according to popular 
 belief, is furnished by the God of the Hell to guide and 
 pilot the soul wherever it might go, the roads of the world 
 beyond being very dark and most difficult to find out. A 
 small chop-stick is also kindly furnished, by which the imp 
 may put the food into its mouth. The members of the 
 bereaved family are,] in general, very anxious to propitiate 
 the good- will of that being, because they fear that, when 
 irritated, it will maliciously lead the soul astray, and so 
 compell it to roam about as a destitute hungry ghost. They 
 also burn some mock-money from time to time, to give it 
 available supplies of spending money. The bowl of rice is so 
 smaU, not only because the imp is supposed to be a dwarf- 
 ish being, but also for economy's sake, as a strange pre- 
 judice forbids people to eat of the contents. These are, accord- 
 ingly, cast away, or given as food to the swine. 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 The third day. 
 
 The third day of rites , called sa'«' sun ') or „third decade", 
 is devoted to the dead, theoretically, by the married daughters, 
 but, in reaUty, by the sons-in-law, as it is they, of course, 
 who defray the expenses. It is celebrated with more than 
 ordinary pomp and display. All the friends and nearest re- 
 latives attend the solemnities then, if practicable. "With the 
 very rich it sometimes occurs that the daughters, instead of 
 
 1) ^-tl- 
 
77 
 
 conjointly defraying the expenses of one day only , have each 
 at own cost a day celebrated for the benefit of the dead. 
 
 It is customary for the family of every son-in-law to pre-, 
 sent to the mourning family, on the first day of the mass, 
 two paper representations en has relief of mountainous land- 
 scapes covered with tinfoil, one of natural or sUvery colour, 
 and the other coloured to resemble gold. They are called 
 tsa-bq hid"- soa^ *) : „mountains of the daughters", and sus- 
 pended on the walls of the hall as ornaments. Sometimes 
 small paper images of men, cattle, trees, and houses are 
 contrived upon them; and, then, they usually represent the 
 twenty-four examples of filial piety of Chinese moraUsts: a 
 very appropriate ornamentation, as the fundamental principle 
 of the mass is that very filial piety itself (comp. p. 31). At 
 the close of either the third or the last day of the mass 
 they are burned up with great lots of mock-money besides, 
 the leading idea being that they will pass through the smoke 
 into the World of Shades, to enrich there the spirit with 
 mountains of real gold and silver. 
 
 Priests are almost always engaged on the third day to 
 recite their litanies and prayers in the usual way; but curious 
 it is that they must also perform then the parts of jugglers, 
 for the divertisement of both the spirit and the mourning 
 family. At a convenient hour in the afternoon the altar of 
 the oratory, with the images of the gods that parade on it, 
 is removed to a spacious spot, or any public square in the 
 vicinity, of the house. Thereupon the effigy of the dead is 
 ceremoniously placed in a sedan-chair expressly made for it 
 out of bamboo splints and paper, and thus carried to the 
 spot, while the people of the environs, greedy of an oppor- 
 tunity to amuse themselves, flock together on the spot. 
 Cups of tea, fruits, cakes, and more such-hke daiaties are, 
 
 1) O^ElU 
 
7g 
 
 with lighted candles and hurning incense-sticks, placed on 
 tables in front of the gods and the spirit in the soul-body, in 
 order to enable them all to refresh themselves whenever they 
 might please; the relatives, wearing mourning apparel of white 
 cotton cloth, appear on the spot; and, a wide circle having 
 been cleared around the priests to let the gods, the spirit 
 and the mourners enjoy a free prospect over the spectacle , the 
 representation begins. 
 
 The jugglery of the priests is a mere playing with turning 
 cymbals , not unhke that which can be witnessed on most of our 
 European fairs. Those cymbals, which resemble our common 
 plates, are balanced each on the point of a perpendicular 
 stick placed on the palm of the hand, the nose or the 
 head of the performer, and so caused to spin round very 
 fast. Frequently I saw a priest cause that perpendicular 
 stick to stand erect on the extremity of an other stick which 
 he held in his hand, or even in his mouth, in horizontal 
 position. At times the performers toss their spinning cymbals 
 up into the air, catching them, on falUng, on the upper point 
 of the sticks ; or, also , fling them away over the street and 
 cause them to roU back by themselves: a performance truly 
 admirable for the dexterity and cleverness with which the 
 cymbals are made to revolve so fast. This cymbal-play is 
 called lang Idu ') or lang nd-podh *) : „to play with cymbals"; 
 hi" nd-podh or Met- nd-podh '): „to toss up or fling them"; 
 thuh podh *): „to support them" (f. i. on the palm of the 
 hand); etc. Occasionally more tricks are performed ; but , as we 
 are not writing a treatise on Chinese jugglery now, we need 
 not expatiate on them. 
 
 When the time to close the representation approaches, 
 
79 
 
 the priests give a last proof of their dexterity by throwing 
 cakes, pastry, oranges, pieces of copper money, a. s. o. up 
 into the air , and catching them , as they fall , one by one in 
 various ways , to toss them immediately up again. Finally , they 
 let all those desirable things successively drop among the bystand- 
 ers, causing, in this way, a great tumult and much hilarity, as 
 children, and even fuU-grown persons, fall down and emulously 
 tumble over one another to scramble for them. The soul- 
 body and the images of the saints having been brought back 
 to their original seats in the house, a great part of the night 
 is passed with theatrical performances or, often, with puppet- 
 shows, which, in China, are usually exhibited for the special 
 amusement of females. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The last day. 
 
 The last day of the mass, the most important and in- 
 teresting of the whole series because, then, the decisive 
 battle against the infernal powers is fought out by the priests 
 in behalf of the soul, is characterized by a succession of 
 curious rites and practices partly odd enough to remind us 
 of the weU-known French proverb: „du subhme au ridicule 
 il n'y a qu'un pas." We will treat of them one by one , in 
 order to avoid confusion. 
 
 § 1. The erection of a flag -pole. 
 
 In the very early morning of the day, or in the evening 
 of the day before, a long pole is fixed in the earth in front 
 of the house. Then a bamboo is provided, and a long rope 
 
80 
 
 tied on one of its ends , while on the other end an ornament 
 of bamboo and paper, having the shape somewhat of a small 
 crinoUne or farthingale, is suspended, with a long streamer 
 underneath. One end of a long cord, which, hke a European 
 flag-haUiard, passes through a pulley near the top of the 
 pole, is thereupon tied around the centre of the bamboo, 
 and this bamboo hoisted up to a few feet from the top of 
 the pole, the rope fastened to one of its ends serving to 
 keep it in a somewhat erect position. The said streamer, 
 affixed to its other extremity, is called hoan') and made of 
 white cloth, in imitation of the colour of mourning. It is 
 inscribed with the characters ]^*E + 3^'^'^#^ 
 f^ ^ ^ ) which constitute an eulogic sentence in honour 
 of the Buddhist trinity, and may be rendered: „Ave Bud- 
 „dha. Law and Priesthood, three jewels always excellent 
 „throughout the ten regions ')". 
 
 The streamer is hoisted to promote the general benefit of 
 the environs, as it is beUeved to spread the blessings , which 
 result from its eflbcacious laudatory inscription, far around. 
 Every hierarchical sect is anxious to exagerate beyond meas- 
 ure the merits of rehgious formalities, mechanic rites and 
 prayers, as the people is thereby easily reduced to religious 
 dullness, clerical captivity of mind, and sacerdotal subjection. 
 So it was always with the Catholic Church; so has it always been 
 with the most hierarchic branch of Buddhism: Lamaism, of which 
 many tenets and religious observances have found their way 
 to China. Hence the mechanical recitations of prayers, and 
 the use of prayer-engines there, among which the flag 
 described plays a prominent part. 
 
 Undoubtedly it has been borrowed from the Lamaistic 
 
 2) Viz. the eight points of the compass with the zenith and the nadir. As to 
 that trinity, comp. p. ?5. 
 
81 
 
 Church. „Die Segensbaume (Tib. Bar po tschhe)", says 
 Koeppen ^), „Masten oder lange Stangen, an denen Gebets- 
 „flaggen, sogenannte Gliicksscharpen mit der Inschrift Om 
 „mam padme hum ') befestigt sind. Ueberall, wohin der 
 „Blick in einer tibetanischen Landschaffc schweiffc, aufFelsen 
 „und Bergesgipfeln, auf Mauern und Thiirmen, auf den 
 „Dachern der Hauser, auf offentlichen Platzen, am Ufer der 
 „Flusse , in Garten u. s. w. wehen und flattern sie ; denn die 
 „Errichtung einer Gebetstange ist ein hochst verdienstliches, 
 „heilbringendes Werk, da die Bewegung der Gebetsformel 
 „durch den Wind eben so segensreich ist und dieselbe Kraft 
 „hat wie deren Bewegung durch die Lippen , und dieser Segen 
 „der ganzen Umgebung, zunachst aber dem Errichter, zu 
 „Gute kommt." 
 
 The erection of a hoan is, however, connected with an 
 other object yet. It is to serve the spirit of the dead as 
 for a ladder, to ascend to the Heavens. On a convenient 
 hour of the day, so priests and laymen surmise, the soul 
 wUl climb up the pole and mount the bird Garuda, which, 
 flying to Nirvana , will convey it out of the world of misery 
 below. This aerostatic journey is represented already before- 
 hand on the top of the pole by the paper likeness of a bird, 
 which bears on its back a small human effigy of the same 
 material. 
 
 Garuda is the vehicle of Yishnu, the second person of the 
 Hindu triad. This triad is composed of Brama, the creative 
 power; Vishnu, the preserving power; and Siwa, the destructive 
 or, rather, reproducing power of the Universe. Garuda is a 
 being half eagle or vulture, half man. Bestridden by Vishnu, 
 
 1) »Die Lamaisclie HierarcUe und Kirohe"; book IV, page 303. 
 
 2) I. e.: »0 gem in the lotus. Amen". This phrase refers, perhaps, to Avalokit- 
 esvava, the Chinese Goddess of Mercy Kwan Yin (see p. 29) , who is often represented 
 sitting on a lotus-flower. It also means: »0 Lingam in the Yoni, Amen". In Tibet it 
 passes for a prayer of extreme efficacy. 
 
 IV. 6 
 
82 
 
 it cleaves the airs with proverbial celerity; it is mighty 
 enough to fight dragons and serpents, and has -a lot of 
 epithets illustrative of its powers. Vishnu granted to it the 
 power to destroy sinners, unbelievers, snakes, and dragons; 
 and so the bird grew to be, in a continued allegory of the 
 conflict between Vice and Virtue , the destroyer of the bad , 
 and the incarnation, the deified hero of the good. With these 
 attributes it passed from Brahmanism into the Buddhistic 
 church. Here it, accordingly, appears as „ coadjutor of all 
 „virtuous , sin-subduing efforts , as the vehicle of the chasten- 
 „ing and triumphant party, and conveys him, on the wings 
 „of the winds, to the regions of eternal day" ^). Hence we 
 find its image upon the pole, from which it is supposed to 
 carry off the soul to happier regions. 
 
 In the modern masses of Chinese Buddhism Garuda has, 
 however , been completely supplanted by the stork or crane *), . 
 which always played an important part in the mythology of 
 the Chinese. This bird being reputed to live more than two 
 thousand years ^), it was rather natural that the dignity of 
 aerial courser of the souls on their way to immortality, 
 which people learned to know as the legal appertainment of 
 the nebulous Garuda, was devolved upon their more popular 
 crane. 
 
 § 2. Arrangements for the future convenience 
 of the dead. 
 
 In the morning of the last day of the mass a house with 
 
 1) Edward Moor, //the Hindu Pantheon"; p. 342. 
 
 2) ^g , Chits montignesia. 
 
 3) //The Crane, when a thousand years old , turns blue; and, when two thousand 
 ,/years old, turns hlack". Vide dy .A. J^: ..Commentaries on the past and 
 the present", a work of the fourth century; chapt. II. Liu Ngan also pretended that 
 //the crane lives a thousand of years": see the seventeenth chapter of the .Records 
 of the Great Light", the work mentioned already on page 10. 
 
83 
 
 court-yard and premises, made of bamboo and coloured pa- 
 per, is provided, and placed on a convenient spot in the hall , 
 or, if it should occupy too much place, in the street, near 
 or opposite the main-entrance. With the rich it is, in ge- 
 neral, weU. elaborated, and perfectly looking like a real 
 house in miniature. The painted vfalls resemble the common 
 Chinese walls of granite or brick; inscriptions on long 
 strips of red paper are pasted on the doors and door-posts, 
 and a sign-board, displaying some written characters, is 
 placed above the lintel. A very common inscription on this 
 board is ^ ^ ^ : „haU of superabundant felicity." Pa- 
 per representations of chairs' and tables; of an altar with 
 images of the gods, ancestral tablets, candle-sticks and 
 censers; of beds, lamps, lanterns, and, in general, of every 
 piece of Chinese furniture, are to be seen in the house, 
 each thing in its appropriate place; together with a lot of 
 paper likenesses of servants and, occasionnaUy, of even a 
 secretary and a master of ceremony, which all are to supply 
 the want of the soul of human companionship and services. 
 
 When everything is ready, a set of ordinary sacrificial 
 articles are placed in front of the paper house to propitiate 
 the God of Earth, who is the natural protector not only of 
 the soU, but also of houses and landed property*). Owing 
 to the fact that this deity belongs to the Taoist Pantheon, 
 the Buddhist priests, who officiate that day, do not admi- 
 nister the sacrifice, but let it be offered up by the inmates 
 of the house themselves , who do not neglect performing a good 
 deal of libations, prostrations and incense-offerings. At Che- 
 ribon , people use to draw up a written deed of ownership in 
 imitation of those which the Colonial Government emits, 
 have it stamped by the priests with the seal of Kwan 
 
 1) A detailed monography of this deity can be found in »Jaarlijkselie Feesten en 
 Gebruiken van de Emoy-Chineezen", page 118 seq. 
 
84 
 
 Tin, the Goddess of Mercy, and put it into the hands of the 
 soul-body — a custom which, in analogical form, may, perhaps 
 prevail in China too, though I never witnessed it there. And' 
 then, while the priests conjointly recite and chant some ap- 
 propriate occasional litanies, the effigy of the dead is ceremoni- 
 ously placed in its sedan-chair (comp. p. 77) and carried to the 
 paper house, to be set up in it with required formalities. 
 Most people prefer, however, to place a smaller figure of the 
 dead in the paper house, as, in general, this is not high 
 enough to contain the soul-body. By the way it may .be 
 noted that the sacrificial articles, which were offered to the 
 God of the Earth, are, in accordance with an established 
 custom, taken along as an emolument by the workman who 
 made the paper house , as soon as the god is judged to have 
 feasted long enough upon them. 
 
 As the reader will, no doubt, have apprehended already of 
 himself, that paper house, or „house of the spirit" Ung 
 chhu ') as the people of Amoy call it, is, like nearly all the 
 paper imitations of things that play a part in the mass, to 
 be burnt towards the close of the day for the laudable purpose 
 of providing the dead with many usefal articles of value ia 
 the Western Paradise. But all the paper objects described 
 are not deemed sufficient yet to secure a happy and honourable 
 position to the soul. It is the duty of the relatives to put 
 it in possession of treasures and treasuries also. Great 
 quantities of so-called „ treasury -money" khGc?d»^), that is to 
 say, numerous bundles of paper sheets with long scolloped 
 incisions, supposed to represent a value of myriads of 
 cash each, are provided for the purpose, together with 
 baskets fuU of the silver and golden ingots described on page 
 63 of this paper. Some families prefer to put all those 
 valuable things into chests of bamboo and paper, on the 
 
85 
 
 outside of which the name of the dead is written, in order 
 to prevent them from falling a prey to spirits that are not 
 entitled to lay hold on them. 
 
 People are, moreover, sagely convinced that the said 
 „ treasury-money" wiU require treasuries, wherein it can he 
 properly stored up. Accordingly, they have a few of those 
 huUdings made out of bamboo and paper, to be burned, like 
 the paper house described, towards the end of the mass. 
 And in order to let the soul properly know what they are 
 designed for, a paper imitation of a board, displaying the 
 inscription J^ ^ or „ treasury", is dutifully affixed above 
 the main-entrance of each. Neither can a servant for the 
 proper management of all the pecuniary affairs of the dead 
 in the Paradise be properly done without. Accordingly, a 
 bamboo and paper diminutive representation of a human 
 being is procured, and thoughtfaUy set up on a table near 
 the furnace which the reader knows already as receptacle of 
 the paper money that is burnt in behalf of the soul, the 
 object being to enable it to exactly know both the quahty 
 and quantity of the valuables offered. During a part of the 
 day a few eatables and a cup of tea, occasionally with a 
 couple of lighted candles and some burning incense-sticks 
 besides, are charitably arranged on a table in front of the 
 puppet, it being expected that it wiQ need those things for 
 luncheon on its road to the Paradise. The image passes by 
 the name of khq koa'^ '): „treasurer", or kho-cM» koa^ ^): 
 „ administrator of the treasury-money". 
 
 A lot of quadrilateral truncaded pyramids, each made out 
 of white paper pasted on a frame of bamboo ribs, are, 
 moreover, procured by the family, for the purpose of providing 
 the deceased dear one with mountains of real gold and silver. 
 In general they are a little more than two feet high and, 
 
each, standing on four thin legs of bamboo, their tops being 
 adorned with a few ornamental figures likewise made of 
 bamboo and paper. Being believed to be transformed into 
 precious metal if they are, in the usual way, conveyed to the 
 Land of Shades by means of fire, people caU them, already 
 beforehand. Mm sow^^) and gun soa^^) or „mountainsof gold 
 and sUver", and past a small slip of gilt or silvered paper 
 on the frontside of each, that the soul may know whether 
 it has to do with a golden or a silver one. 
 
 Those pyramids are, among well to do people, usually 
 provided to a number of many dozens. Along with the paper 
 house and the treasuries they are, in many cases, exhibited 
 in the haU or the premises of the house already since the 
 very first day of the mass; but especially on the last day 
 a great parade is made of them. People are very fond of 
 placing them by files in the street, on both sides of the main- 
 entrance, whenever mass is said, and like much to put a 
 lighted candle in each of them as soon as night comes on, 
 because, then, the whole front of the house looks as if 
 illuminated by numerous pyramidical lanterns. 
 
 § 3. The entertainment in honour of the pretas. 
 
 The ceremonies performed during the forenoon of the last 
 day of the mass do not differ much from those of the other 
 days. The priests recite their prayers, and chant their 
 Utanies, alternately before the soul-body and the deities in 
 the oratory; the mourners worship the dead as usually with 
 the customary prostrations and reverences, and some reluctant 
 friends come to make sacrificial offerings stUl. The afternoon 
 and the evening are devoted to the general entertainment of 
 the pretas (see p. 20 foil.) 
 
87 
 
 A proclamation is put up in some conspicuous place, 
 informing the destitute and hungry spunts that a meal wUl 
 be ready for them at a stated hour of the evening of that 
 day. It, moreover, invites them in neat and polite language 
 to come and attend the feast, but, in the same time , exhorts 
 them to behave themselves like well-bred and fashionable 
 people, lest penalty should be imposed on them by a certain 
 divine director of the feast, whom , below , the reader wiU meet 
 with again. And, when the night comes on, a lantern with 
 a hghted candle in it is raised by means of a rope and pulley 
 to the top of the flag-pole in front of the house (§ 1) , the 
 object being to Ught all the pretas of the environs to the 
 dwelling where the inmates so charitably intend to entertain 
 them. Some people think it eminently desirable to hoist up 
 the lamp already in the evening before, that the spirits, 
 whicli might happen to be in the vicinity then, be also 
 properly informed of the virtuous intention of the family. 
 This aU is , however , done in behalf of the spirits of the land 
 alone. Those which live on and in the water ought to be 
 evoked in a special manner. 
 
 Mostly, some Taoist priests are engaged for the purpose. 
 Accompanied by some of the mourners, a band of musi- 
 cians, and a few coolies who carry a number of small 
 earthen bowls that each contain some oil or preparation of pitch 
 wherein a wick is swimming, they repair to the edge of 
 the nearest running water, or, at Amoy, which is a sea-port, 
 to the nearest jetty on the shore. Arrived on the spot , they have 
 each bowl placed in a cheap earthen vessel , around the brim of 
 which paper imitations of the lotus or some other flower are 
 affixed ; and thereupon the lamps are lighted , with the vessels 
 placed on the surface of the water , and so allowed to float off. 
 Small lanterns of paper and bamboo that, each, have a lighted 
 candle within and are planted by means of a short stick, attached 
 underneath , in some sand or earth which has been placed in 
 
the bottoms of the vessels , sometimes take the place of those 
 lamps described. When the vessels are floating away, the 
 priests repeat certain incantations, beat their gongs and 
 cymbals, and blow their horns, all to inform the spirits that 
 they are desired to have themselves hghted to the place 
 of entertainment. And, meanwhile, some appropriate pieces 
 of music are performed to refresh them with dulcet tones, 
 and many reverences made by the mourners to salute and 
 welcome the expected invisible guests. Finally, some paper 
 mockmoney is burned, and the procession thereupon returns 
 home , every body feeling convinced that the water-spirits come 
 closely behind. Accordingly, some of the attendants carry 
 each a burning lantern along in the train, in order to aid 
 them in finding their way. This curious ceremony, which 
 is performed especially for the convenience of the manes of 
 persons drowned or died abroad, is calleA pang tsui-teng '■) : 
 „to launch water-lamps." 
 
 Meanwhile, an abundant meal is prepared in the premises, 
 or, if these are not spacious enough, anywhere else in the 
 vicinity of the house. A scaffold or platform, called kopi'v^) 
 or „stage for the destitute," is erected there, and covered 
 with eatables of every kind, quantity and quality being 
 proportionate to the wealth of the family. Even some bags 
 of uncooked rice are usually to be seen on or about the 
 stage. Earthen or paper chop-sticks are also kindly furnished, 
 by which the unfortunate spirits may put the food to their 
 mouths. On the platform is placed the paper image of a 
 divinity, whose duty is to keep the hungry sprites in restraint , 
 and to detain them from quarreling and fighting for the food. 
 Some call him Tai chidng id ') : „Great All-father", or Tai su id ♦) : 
 
 
89 
 
 „ Father-Grandmaster"; but the names Kui 6ng*): „King of 
 the Ghosts", and Phq-to kong^): „Lord of the General Pass- 
 age", are more; commonly used. As to this last name, the 
 reader will find an explanation for it in th6>ote on page 21 of 
 this paper/;; According tojsome, the deity in question is an 
 incarnation of the Goddess of Mercy, Kwan Yin; hence it 
 comes that , he] is sometimes represented with a diminutiye 
 image 'of this divinity upon , his head/'Some plates of vegetables 
 are placed i, before him to satisfy^^the wants of his stomach; 
 but meat is hot given him, because^ Kwan Yin is a Buddhist 
 goddess, [and the Buddhist sect detests and disapproves the 
 use ofjanimal food. 
 
 On a convenient .["spot near the] platform is sometimes 
 exhibited^ [a small sailing-vessel , made out of bamboo and 
 paper 'wA properly equipped] with the necessary paper crew, 
 as also a paper and bamboo sedan-chair with diminutive 
 bearers of the same material. Those things have been 
 procured for the ] accommodation of the sprites that, after 
 the entertainment, should perhaps have to travel far before 
 arriving at their World of Shades; that is to say, in plain 
 language, they are to be set on fire towards the end of the 
 ceremony, the sailors and chair-bearers being believed kind 
 enough to pilot through the invisible regions any spirit that 
 might intrust its frail existence to their care. 
 
 As the appointed time of the entertainment draws nigh, 
 the priests, who administer the feast, place some burning 
 incense-sticks before the image of the said King of the Ghosts, 
 and, in front of the platform, make some reverences and prostra- 
 tions towards him. This they do in order to invite him to enjoy 
 the meal arranged before him, as also to beseech him to properly 
 mind his duty with regard to the disorderly and quarrelsome 
 among the ghosts. The principal mourners, coming behind 
 
 i)J^3E- ^)#M<^- 
 
90 
 
 the priests, then kneel down and prostrate themselves also. 
 Lighted incense-sticks having subsequently been put into the 
 dishes designed for the spirits, the mourners turn again to 
 the platform, kneel down one by one before it, and, bowing 
 their heads three times to the ground, invite the starving 
 sprites to devour the food, while the priests mount a low platform 
 of boards that has been built up in front of the Ao pi'v, and 
 take their positions there on stools behind some tables , in order 
 to recite the invaluable incantations which they pretend to 
 possess the miraculous power of infinitely multiplying the 
 sacrificial articles set out. Beating their drums and ringing 
 their bells they burn some paper charms , intending to convey 
 informations to the Buddhas in Nirvana of the good work 
 going on in the terrestrial regions ; the mourners set fire on a 
 great quantity of mock-money and paper imitations of clothes, 
 in order to provide the spirits with spending-money and 
 raiment; and, in the end, a signal is given by a gong that 
 the spirits are deemed to have had time enough to fiiUy 
 appease their hunger. On hearing the sound, the crowd of 
 beggars and idlers whom a „ general-passage feast" never 
 fails to draw round the house, tempestuously rush in upon 
 the platform, snatch away what they can lay hold of, and 
 scramble for the offerings with much noise and tumult. This 
 is called chhiu'v ko ') : „to plunder the destitute." The paper 
 boat and the sedan-chair are, at the same time, sent out to 
 the invisible regions by means of fire, whUe the King of the 
 Ghosts is made to join his disembodied subjects in the Land 
 of Shades by the same expedient. 
 
 Mere charity towards the unhappy destitute spirits is, by 
 no means, the principal spring of that bountiful entertainment. 
 It is rather an ingenious method, invented to influence the 
 spirits for the benefit of the dead, it being believed that, 
 
91 
 
 when they are not propitiated and satiated, they will molest 
 the deceased dear one, or, at least, mahciously snatch away 
 his food, money and raiment. Some people think it very 
 desirable to let the dead make the acquaintance of the sprites 
 on the scene of the entertainment. Therefore, they carry 
 the sedan-chair with the soul-body to the spot, convinced 
 that the hungry spirits, whenever they should afterwards 
 behold the weU-known shade to which they were indebted 
 for so bountiful a meal, wiU not neglect to be kind to it 
 and, thankfaUy, never wiU refase to hve with it on good 
 terms. 
 
 The general feeding of the pretas on occasion of a mass 
 is, at Amoy, called pM ^o ') or „universal passage," viz. to 
 the place of entertainment. It is a mere copy on smaller scale 
 of the brilliant and popular autumnal festival of the seventh 
 month, which, on page 21, has been already referred to. 
 
 The described ceremonies in behalf of the pretas are almost 
 always performed between sunset and midnight. This is 
 because the spirits are behoved to dislike the day-time, as 
 the influences, which then prevail, are more powerfal than 
 those of the night, which spirits are, naturally, subject 
 to. Accordingly, if the ceremonies designed for their special 
 benefit should be performed during the day, the spirits would 
 not be able to overcome the influences of the light and, in 
 consequence, be absent. So, also, the performances should 
 close by midnight, because, then, the hght which was 
 decreasing since the last midday, begins to gain ground 
 again, and compells the spirits to retire. 
 
 § 4. The performance of an act of benevolence. 
 
 Much time has been spent already upon the performance 
 of sacrificial rites ; many prayers have been said for the soul , 
 
 1) 
 
 B 
 
92 
 
 and numerous eulogies were chanted in honour of the gods. 
 But no meritorious act of charity has yet been performed 
 fit for prevailing upon, nay compelling the Buddhas to bestow 
 their blessings and favours upon the deceased. The kinsmen, 
 on the last day of the mass, endeavour to fill this blank by 
 saving the life of an animal. 
 
 The first of the five great commandments , or rather cardinal 
 virtues [Pantschagila) , of the Buddhist church forbids to kill 
 any hving being. Compassion , charity and benevolence towards 
 everything that is endowed with life {Maitri) is, accordingly, 
 the sublime principle whereon all the other moral precepts of 
 the sect are grounded. Christianism teaches to love one's fellow 
 creature as one's self; Buddhism extends its doctrine of 
 universal love even to the least insect. Christ taught by 
 his example that the most eminent love, ;which can be 
 shown, consists in giving one's hfe for mankind; Buddha 
 ordered his disciples to sacrifice their fives even for carnivorous 
 beasts. Westerlings will, perhaps, disdainfuUy look down 
 upon such tenets, and consider them as mere extravagances 
 of oriental over-excited mind ; yet nobody can deny that , among 
 all the predominant religious sects of the globe. Buddhism alone 
 has always refrained from destroying human fife, and never 
 wfifufiy and knowingly caused human blood to flow. 
 
 Where destruction of life is deemed an execrable capital 
 sin, saving and sparing fife must, naturally, be made a very 
 great merit of. Hence it is no wonder that an act of benevolence 
 towards a fiving being is performed by our Chinese Buddhists on 
 a day when the favour of the Buddhas is for them of very high 
 concern : when their beloved dead kinsman is to be freed from the 
 hold of the HeU. Wealthy famfiies purchase a pig, or, in sea-ports 
 where Europeans use to have horned cattle butchered, even a 
 cow •); those who are not so rich buy a goat, a goose or 
 
 1) It is a general rule, with hardly any exception, that the Chinese eat no beef. 
 
93 
 
 duck , a hen , a fish , or some other cheap animal ; and nearly 
 aU have the object of their charity brought to the monastery 
 of the priests who are employed to officiate during the mass. 
 There it is. placed under the care of the resident monks who 
 promise to support it as long as it may live, provided the required 
 food be regularly furnished, or a certain stipend be m,onthly 
 or annually paid for its board. So it comes that, in almost 
 every large Buddhist monastery, there is a place where cattle 
 and poultry of every kind are kept, as also a fish-pond fall 
 of large fishes, eels, and tortoises, which the inmates of the 
 buUding will not allow to be used for food on any consideration. 
 When one of the greater animals dies, its owner is duly 
 informed of the case, it being beheved to be very important 
 for him to know whether his vow have been properly fulfilled , 
 and whether he be , in consequence , cleared from his habihties 
 towards the gods. 
 
 It is, however, not absolutely necessary to transfer the 
 care for the animal in question to a monastery. Many people 
 prefer to nourish and support it themselves in their own 
 houses , until it dies a natural death. Some try to prepossess 
 the Buddhas in favour of the beloved deceased by allowing 
 smaU wild birds, expressly bought for the purpose from 
 poulterers, to escape. Others buy a lot of fishes or eels from 
 the fish-mongers, and turn them into their native element, 
 etc. These acts, commonly calleA pang si'^g^): „to set free 
 life", are usually attended with music and the burning of a 
 large quantity of incense and mock-money, while both priests 
 and mourners solemnly and fervently sohcit for the intervention 
 of the Buddhas in behalf of the dead. 
 
 The good-will of the pretas towards the deceased having 
 been propitiated now by a bountiful meal, and the Buddhas 
 being in ecstasy in consequence of the meritorious act of 
 
charity, the sacrificial offerings in the oratory , and the humble 
 prostrations of both priests and mourners during a long series 
 of days — the decisive battle against the infernal powers 
 may be safely entered upon with much hope of success. The 
 drama of the delivery of the soul is subdivided in three acts, 
 or, rather, farces. The first represents the conquest of the 
 priests over HeU, the second the passage of the soul over 
 the infernal bridge, and the last its transportation to the 
 Western Paradise. We will attentively follow the priests on 
 their way through those important rites. 
 
 § 5. The destruction of the Hell. 
 
 The ceremony by which the soul of the dead is rescued 
 from the Hell by priestcraft is called „to beat the Hell": 
 phah te-gek^), or „to take the (infernal) city": phah sid^^). 
 
 A paper representation of the HeU, much reminding of 
 common Chinese city-waUs and procured already beforehand 
 by the famUy , is set up anywhere in the haU on a convenient 
 spot. If it is of first-rate quality, then the punishments, 
 inflicted in Hell on the wicked souls, are represented in it 
 by small paper imitations of disembodied spirits, devUs, im- 
 plements of torture a. s. o. Chanting and reciting appropriate 
 liturgies and canons, the priests then march slowly and 
 solemnly round those paper walls, their voices being in 
 perfect accord with the sound of some musical instruments, 
 wooden skulls, and drums. Their chieftain, who walks ahead, 
 holds a kind of crosier in his hand, and, at times, brandishes 
 and sways it solemnly, this mancBuvre, in the estimation 
 of the' Chinese, indicating great majesty and dignity. After 
 a while he knocks the paper hell to pieces with his instrument, 
 thus affording an opportunity to the soul of escaping. Finally, 
 
95 
 
 the fragments are carried off, together with the images, and 
 all is cast into the furnace to be reduced there to ashes. 
 
 As a paper representation of the Hell is rather dear, some 
 people, fond of observing the sage rules of economy, limit 
 themselves to the use of a few common tiles or bricks. These 
 are placed on the ground to form a square; thereupon the 
 paper images of infernal beings are set up in the midst, and, 
 in- the end , each of the stones is broken to pieces by a stroke 
 with the crosier. The effect in both cases is , of course , the 
 same: — the soul, availing itself of the confusion caused 
 around it by the powerful staff, escapes, and is thus released 
 from the hold of the King of Hades and his cruel underlings. 
 
 Here are a few particulars concerning that crosier, its origin, 
 and the part it plays in actual Chinese Buddhism. 
 
 Shakyamuni's church, teaching that the highest stage of 
 wisdom , perfection , and happiness consists in disengagement 
 from material hfe and good (comp. page 23), could not but 
 become an agglomeration of monasteries, instituted for the 
 express purpose of better enabling mankind to proceed on 
 th^ path to Nirvana or the eternal state ofnottobe. Indeed, 
 a true disciple of Buddha dislikes material good. He not only 
 renounces the world, but, also, wears his Ufe away in absolute 
 poverty. He begs his daUy bread ; he is a Bhikshu or mendicant- 
 friar, and lives upon alms alone. 
 
 The outfit of the Bhikshu was, to the Church, always an object 
 of special attention, and the subject of the most scrupulous 
 rules. The beggar's staff, used for knocking at house-doors, 
 originally was the most indispensable part of it. Making, 
 as it were, the Bhikshu or holy man far excellence^ it was 
 the emblem of true Buddhistic perfection, and the key 
 to the eternal state of unconsciousness which every true 
 son of Buddha aspires at; moreover, it was soon sup- 
 posed to have the power to resist and counteract all 
 pernicious influences, which keep away a man from the 
 
96 
 
 road to the said everlasting state ' of bliss. Yet , it does not 
 lead the ;Bhiksliu , who carries it, alone to Nirvana. It also 
 enables him to release souls of others by his own meritorious 
 hfe; — ^no wonder, therefore, that the beggar's staff plays 
 the part of a key to Hell in the hands of modern priests, 
 who are, or, at least, profess to be , mendicants and beggars. 
 The beggar's staff, khakkharam or hikkala , is , now-a-days , 
 hardly ever to be seen in the hands of a Bhikshu. In the 
 South it has been supplanted by an umbrella, and in the 
 dominions of Northern Buddhism, China included, begging 
 by custom has much fallen into disuse. But, in Tibet and 
 Mongoha it still appears in processions in the hands of the 
 Great-Lamas, reminding then of the crosier of Eoman-Catholic 
 bishops. As key of heh, it is, at Amoy, called sek thng^): 
 „the tin or pewter staff," even though it be made of any 
 other metal, f. i. tutenague or brass. And, as to its shape: 
 its blade, cast djour, much resembles a leaf , and is attached 
 on a wooden handle, the length of the whole instrument not 
 being under a man's height ^). 
 
 3) Such a key of hell , being the dread of infernal demons , is , in consequence , supposed 
 to have the power to dispel them, together with all the evils which their presence 
 causes. Therefore, elderly females sagely wear silver hair-pins, shaped like a sek 
 iKng, in order to he preserved from infernal attacks. Usually four small silver 
 figures, each representing a. stag, a tortoise, a peach, or a stork, are attached to 
 the head of such hair-pins by means of small rings, it being believed that those 
 things prolong the life, and promote the happiness of the person who wears them. 
 As for the reason of this : the stag has , in China , always been an emblem of longevity 
 
 and joy. The famous philosopher Liu Hiang ^jj ml ^ who lived in the fourth 
 
 century before our era, stated in his v Traditions on the arrayed Genii" ^|J Ym -iB. 
 
 that the animal turns blue after a thousand years; and PaoPhohTsze J^ 7k|> -^ , 
 , the renowned Taoist author of the fourth century , told that it is able to live a 
 thousand of years, and turns white after five-hundred years. Moreover, the animal 
 
 became a symbol of both joy and prosperity because its name Uk ^H also means 
 'delight ^^ and large income )& . And, as to the tortoise: the Chinese people, 
 
97 
 
 § 6. The passage over the bridge. 
 
 The soul , after having been so successfally delivered by the 
 conquest of the priests over Hell, encounters a great difficulty 
 yet on its way to better regions. With devils and torturers 
 at its heels, it has to pass over an infernal bridge which 
 alone can put it quite out of the reach of its cruel pursuers. 
 According to the Chinese Buddhists, the Hell consists of 
 several compartments which every infernal being has to 
 get through before it can be reborn into a happier state. 
 Imagination has placed bridges at the outlet. A popular 
 description of the Hell, written in recent times, and entitled 
 Yuh Lih ') which may, perhaps, be rendered „the Perfect 
 Demise", contains the following particulars concerning those 
 bridges. „The King of the revolving wheel in the tenth 
 „compartment (i. e. who controls the migration of the souls 
 through the different hells) resides in the Realm of Darkness, 
 „in a place which faces the East and is just opposite the 
 „five muddy streams of the world. There have been built 
 „six bridges, one of gold, one of silver, one of jade, one of 
 
 having observed that this animal cac, indeed, attain a remarkably high age, was 
 always fond of dilating on its longevity, and narrated divers marvellous tales with 
 regard to it. The famous Liu Ngan of the second century B. C, who was introduced 
 to the reader on page 10, even pretended (see ohapt. XIV of his "Records of the 
 Great Light" mentioned on page 10) that the tortoise could live three thousand 
 years. Last, the stork and the peach were likewise favourite emblems of longevity 
 for reasons that have been developed already respectively on page 82 and 43. It 
 has, however, not been noted yet that the stork is, moreover, considered to be an 
 
 animal of auspicious influence, because its name hSk S^g also means »happiness, 
 
 prosperity" jjfg , 
 
 The Chinese think It very desirable to have the described hair-pins made during 
 a year which has an intercalary month, because such a year has thirteen months 
 instead of twelve, and is, in consequence, believed to be able to aggrandize the power 
 of the pins to prolong the life of the wearer. 
 
 IV. 7 
 
98 
 
 „ stone, one of wooden boards, and the bridge over the river 
 „of dilemma*), for the special control of the spirits and souls 
 „that, coming from the other compartments, arrive there. 
 „ There they are sorted out; and it is decided in details which 
 „place of the four Great Continents they shaU be sent to, and 
 „whether they shall be reborn males or females, live long or 
 „die young, be persons of wealth and consideration, or poor 
 „and vulgar people, everything being thereupon minutely 
 „ recorded." 
 
 Now, it is the duty of the priests to aid the soul in getting 
 over one of those bridges. And with the greatest carefulness 
 they are to act, for any soul that has not yet expiated 
 aU its crimes, or for the sins of which no sufficient atonement 
 has yet been made by Buddhist priesthood, must infallibly 
 tumble down into an abyss underneath, fuU of snakes and 
 crawling, serpent-like vermin. A kind of mock-bridge, consisting 
 of some boards placed on stools , or of a common long bench 
 without back, has, already beforehand, been made anywhere 
 in the haJl, to represent the bridge over which the soul has 
 to pass. A railing of bamboo and cloth or paper is con- 
 trived on each side, and a clothen covering sometimes 
 put over it by way of roof. As soon as the ceremony of 
 destroying the Hell is over, the priests turn themselves to 
 the bridge, and solemnly walk a few times around it, reciting 
 Utanies and formulas. The sound of the cymbals and gongs 
 increases to its very climax; horns are blown with vigour, 
 and the head-priest brandishes the key of heU around his head 
 and over the bridge with majesty, in order to frighten away 
 the demons that might lie there upon the watch for evading 
 souls. On a sudden a person with painted or blackened face, 
 accoutred as a ghost according to Chinese imagination-dresses, 
 appears on the scene. Hastening towards a priest who stands 
 
99 
 
 near one end of the Mdge, he receives a sheet of written 
 paper which states that the required ceremonies have been 
 duly performed and no infernal demon is, accordingly, entitled 
 to dispute to the soul the passage over the Mdge. He keeps 
 it up with both his hands, as if to let the whole invisible 
 world read its contents, walks slowly over the mock-bridge, 
 and delivers the passport to an other priest, who, for the 
 information of the other world, immediately burns it in the 
 furnace. Thereupon the mock-ghost disappears as suddenly 
 as he has come. In many cases such a guide for the manes 
 of the departed does, however, not appear at all, his 
 part being performed then by the priests themselves, who's 
 chief, walking ahead, clears the way for the spirit by 
 brandishing his powerful crosier With awe-inspiring majesty. 
 
 The rite described is called ke Mo^): „to pass over the 
 bridge." Jesters say that, properly speaking, the bridge 
 should be burned immediately after the close of the ceremoiiy, 
 in order to prevent the demons from further pursuing their 
 escaped victim. But, whether this sage precaution should 
 really be an intrinsic part of the rite or not, it is, at all 
 events, neglected, perhaps because people consider the whole 
 ceremonial not worth the destruction of even but two^ or 
 three wooden boards. 
 
 It is certainly worth notice that the religious myths of 
 various peoples have the idea of an infernal bridge in common 
 with the Chinese. Every reader has heard of the bridge Es- 
 Sirat, finer than a hah: and sharper than a sword, which 
 is built over, the Mohammedan hell. The Jews likewise 
 believed in the existence of a similar bridge, and so did, 
 according [to Tylor ®), the adherents of the Zarathustrian 
 
 2) -/Researches into the Early History of Mankind and the Uevelopmeiit of 
 Civilization," chapt. XII. 
 
100 
 
 religion, the Scandinavians, the Karens of Birmah , the Idaan 
 of Borneo, and the American aborogines, those of Greenland 
 included. Even the inhabitants of Formosa are convinced 
 that a better world beyond the grave can only be attained 
 by passing over a bamboo, which, however, breaks under 
 the weight of the vicious and wicked'). After aU, the Chinese 
 River of Dilemma, so called, perhaps, because the souls, 
 arriving there , do not know what way they will be condemned 
 to take, bears a striking resemblance to the infernal Styx of 
 ancient Greek mythology, the dreadftil river Vaitarani of the 
 modern Hindu, the river of death of the Finns, the Guinea 
 negroes, the Khonds of Orissa, the Dayaks of Borneo, etc. ^). 
 
 § 7. The transportation of the soul to the 
 Western Paradise. 
 
 The ceremony, instituted for the purpose of gaining admis- 
 sion for the soul to the Buddhist Paradise, is, at Amoy, 
 called tng sai hong ^), i. e. „to transfer (the soul) to the 
 Western regions". 
 
 The soul, having successfully passed over the bridge with 
 the invaluable help of the priests, is now quite at the mercy 
 of the Sovereign of the Western Paradise , the mighty Buddha 
 Amitabha, who's part in the theology of Chinese Buddhism 
 was already the topic of the first part of the present paper. 
 It has been said there (page 26) that the frequent pronunciation 
 of his name is of most wonderful effect in matters relating 
 to salvation; that his sincere worship can bring men to the 
 enjoyment of eternal rest and peace in his Paradise. No wonder 
 thus that the priests avail themselves of this easy expedient 
 
 1) //Histoire des Eeligions", by Clavel; took 111, oh. 1. 
 
 2) Tylor, op. et loc. cit. 
 
 3) ^M;;;^. 
 
101 
 
 at the critical moment when the soul's final salvation is to 
 be brought about. 
 
 Incessantly repeating the holy name, they wind their way 
 in procession between the benches, chairs, and tables in the 
 hall, followed by the children, grand-chUdren, and other mourning 
 kinsmen. At every syllable pronounced one of the priests 
 strikes with a small stick on a wooden skuU, and an other 
 on a metal urn, in order to enable the praying colleagues to 
 keep exact time. Nothing is heard save an uninterrupted 
 repetition of o-bi-to, o-M-to'), which is the corrupt pronunciation 
 of the name Amita in the language of Amoy. At times the 
 utterance is slow, at times it is very rapid, the transition 
 being gradual, and controlled by the skuU and the urn. A 
 small streamer , tied on the top of a staff and inscribed with 
 the prayer: „Ave Buddha Amita, receive him in the Western 
 Regions" ^), is carried along in the procession, and solemnly 
 waved about. It is believed to exercise a most salutary 
 influence on the fate of the deceased; but, as the pretended 
 efficacy of Buddhist prayer-flags in general has been enlarged 
 upon already on page 80, we may be silent on the subject now. 
 
 Thus marching round and round, and back and forth, the 
 priests simultaneously repeat the holy name each some thou- 
 sands of times, accumulating thus a large amount of merit 
 which can benefit the dead. Chaplets serve them to remember 
 how many times they have pronounced the name; so they 
 act like the Christians and Mohammeda,ns, who respectively 
 worship the Holy Virgin and Allah by saying over similar 
 instniments. The rosary of Chinese Buddhism is composed 
 of 108 beads, referring, probably, to the 108 compartments 
 in the phrabai or sacred foot of Buddha , wherein are pictured 
 
 1) mmm- 
 
102 
 
 his attributes and attendants i). It is, in China, known 
 under the names of „ string of pearls" .^) and „pearls of 
 recitation" '). 
 
 The people of Amoy call the Paradise of Buddha Amitabha 
 se thien *) or „Western Heaven". To enter it they caU 
 cMwff se-tJiien *): „to ascend to the Western Heaven", or 
 chiwy se-hong^): „to ascend to the Western Regions". 
 
 § 8. Burning the paper outfit of the dead. 
 
 While all those ingenious ceremonies were performed by 
 the priests to rescue the unhappy soul from the Hell, night 
 drew slowly on, affording a welcome opportunity to the 
 family of making parade of the available supplies which 
 they provided for the future use of the dead. Lighted candles 
 were placed by the attending friends and servants into the 
 mountains of gold and silver (see p. 86) which had been 
 exhibited in the street already since the morning of the day. 
 They also illuminated the paper treasuries (§ 2) in similar 
 manner, and Ughted numerous lamps and candles in the hall, 
 thus producing a very attractive spectacle which did not faU 
 to draw a crowd of idlers to the house. And now, late in 
 the night, when the priests have finished their calling on 
 Buddha Amitabha, a confused hubbub and tumult of voices 
 announces that every one gets busy preparing for burning 
 the paper images, buildings' and valuables, which have played 
 a part during the celebration of the mass. 
 
 First of all , some paper and bamboo diminutive images of 
 
 1) Wells Williams, 
 
 /Syllabic Dictionary", p. 85. 
 
 ^)^#- 
 
 «)±^ 
 
 4) ^%. 
 
 ») ± ^ 
 
 ') in-^' 
 
 
m 
 
 coolies - usually four - are provided for conveying the sedan- 
 chair of the dead, spoken of on page 77, together with its 
 occupant, to the Western Paradise. For, it is considered 
 eminently praiseworthy and dutiful to lot the departed dear 
 one enjoy riding in the regions of eternal bliss, instead of 
 compelling him to go there on foot like a person of no position 
 or rank. Similar bearers are also provided for the trunks 
 which contain the paper money of the dead (see p. 84), 
 two men being deemed sufflcient for each. But the 
 journey to the Paradise is long and difficult. Hence the 
 bearers are arranged in a circle on the ground round some 
 cakes and cups of wine, and urged by one of the sons, 
 without kneeUng, to replenish the wants of their stomachs, 
 lest they should get hungry aud thirsty on the road. A string 
 of the common paper sheets which represent money is there- 
 upon hung around the neck of each of them , in order to prevent 
 their eventually getting in want of spending-money during the 
 journey, and nobody fears that they should fail to fulfill their 
 duty to the end, though their wages be paid in advance. 
 Neither seems there to be any apprehension that they should 
 take the trunks with the precious contents for themselves. 
 
 Some refreshments and cups of wine are also thoughtftilly 
 placed before each of the other paper beings that are to 
 attend the dead to the World of Shades. For it is considered 
 inconsistent with the rules ef politeness and etiquette, and 
 contrary to the interest of the dead, to let them start with 
 empty stomachs, and before they have imbibed something 
 exhilarating. The edibles placed before the inmates of the 
 paper house, the treasurer (§ 2), the table-slaves (p. 42), the 
 Manchu and the Chinese women, the doorguards, lictors etc. 
 (p. 46 foil.) are, however, less in quantity and inferior in 
 quality than what is furnished for the entertainment of the 
 Golden Ladjand the Gemmeous Maiden (p. 45), because coarse 
 and ordinary food would Bot do for thejmore refined tastQ 
 
104 
 
 of beings of superior rank and divine nature like those attendants 
 of the Eoyal Mother of the West. A son of the deceased , 
 or any other of the principal mourners, then hangs a string 
 of gUt mock-money around the neck of the Golden Lad, 
 and one around that of the Gemmeous Maiden, and a string 
 of silver mock-money around the neck of each of the other 
 images , inviting them aU , one by one , with his hands clasped 
 together on his breast, to eat and to drink. 
 
 When those preparatory arrangements have been properly 
 made, and the auspicious hour which the necromancer has 
 previously declared to be especially fit for finishing the mass 
 is at hand, then all the paper images, buildings, and valuables, 
 that are to be sent to the dead in the other world, are car- 
 ried to the open premises of the house, or to any open spot 
 or pubUc square in the neighbourhood. Four of the kinsmen 
 carry the palankeen containing the soul-body. Then comes 
 the „spirit's table" with its curious lamp, its censer, audits 
 candle-sticks (p. 38) upon it, and the rest is carried in the 
 rear. After a few moments the musicians and the priests 
 appear, and, last of all, come the mourners, all on foot, except 
 some women with crimped feet who, unable to walk, are 
 conveyed in sedan-chairs. All keep up a continuous weeping 
 and wailing, calling to the dead with passionate expressions 
 of grief. On the spot selected the paper objects are arranged 
 on the ground in close proximity with one another: the 
 palankeen with the soul-body in front of the paper house, 
 and all the paper images , the money-chests with their bearers 
 the treasuries , and the mountains of gold and silver round 
 about. The spirit's table is placed on one side, and the bird 
 Garuda, taken down from the top of the flag-pole (§ 1), is put 
 anywhere in the midst of the bulk. When everything is 
 ready, the mourners reverently kneel down at some little 
 distance, and join in a melancholy concert of lamentations 
 and dolefa] outcries. The priests then slowly go round and 
 
105 
 
 round to recite some liturgies, and, after a while, begin to 
 recite the name of Buddha Amitabha with great rapidity and 
 jeverence, some bells being rung by them with solemn gestures 
 to attract the attention of the god, and some cymbals being 
 clapped together in approved style. The monotonous noise of 
 these instruments and the voices of the priests, taken in 
 connexion with the music, and the wailing and lamenting of 
 the mourners, produces a very singular hubbub which strangely 
 affects the nervous system of the foreign beholder. At length, 
 one of the priests sets fire on some of the paper trunks; and 
 the whole mass of paper things, gradually catching flame, 
 is in a few moments in one blaze of fire. Great lots of 
 mock-money of every kind and shape are brought near in 
 baskets-, and cast into the flames; and some neighbours and 
 acquaintances take this occasion to send chests, fall of mock- 
 money and paper imitations of clothes, to their deceased 
 relatives whom they beheve to abide in the Paradise. And, 
 though the dead is supposed to be kind and consciencious enough 
 to honestly deUver those presents of raiment and money to 
 the real owners, each chest is, nevertheless, for security's sake 
 sealed up beforehand by means of two strips of paper, pasted 
 crosswise on the frontside over the edge of the lid. A piece 
 -of paper, inscribed with the name of the person for whom 
 the valuables are destined, is, moreover, burnt, along with 
 each trunk , to prevent its being erroneously claimed by others. 
 When everything is nearly turned into ashes amid the 
 doleful outcries of the mourners, one of the attendants 
 overturns the spirit's table, thus causing the lamp, the 
 censer, and the candlesticks, that were standing upon it, to 
 fall to pieces against the ground into the direction of the 
 fire. The mourners then take off their hempen clothes, put 
 them together into a basket, and have the basket passed a 
 few times over the fire, the object being, as they say, to 
 drive out of them all the noxious influences which, according 
 
106 
 
 to popular notions, stick on everything that has been used 
 in flinerals or mourning rites. Sometimes each mourner 
 himself passes his own clothes piece by piece over the flre. 
 In the end the party go home in silence, a servant carrying 
 the hempen clothes in the rear. 
 
 We have still neglected to say that the burning of the 
 soul-body unmistakably of itself suggests, that this thing is 
 expected to do duty instead of the body of the dead also in 
 the Paradise. It is, indeed, most repugnant to the mind of 
 the Chinese that the soul of a beloved deceased should roam 
 about in the World of Shades without an artificial support 
 which it could stick closely to, to thus prevent its evaporation 
 and dissolution. So they have ingeniously invented the de- 
 scribed method by which they fancy they contribute immensely 
 much to the future comfort of the soul. In this respect they 
 still outdo the ancient Egyptians, who made statues for the 
 dead only for the present world, but are not known, we 
 believe, to have sent them to the Paradise also. Speaking 
 of that people, George Perrot^) says: 
 
 „Le premier, le plus naturel soutien de cette vie obscure 
 „et ind6finissable qui recommence dans la tombe une fois 
 „qu'eUe a regu son bote ^ternel, c'est le corps. On n'^parg- 
 „nait done rien pour en retarder autant que possible la dis- 
 „ solution . , . L'embaumement rend la mumie k peu pr^s in- 
 „ destructible — cependant, malgre ce qu'avait fait, pour assurer 
 „la conservation du corps, la plus pieuse et la plus subtile 
 „prevoyance, U pouvait arriver que la haine ou plussouvent 
 „encore I'avidit^ d6jouassent tous ces calculs. Cette crainte, 
 ,,'cette terreur sugg^ra I'id^e de lui donner un soutien artifl- 
 „ciel, la statue. L'art 6tait assez avanc6 d6j& non seulement 
 „pour reproduire le costume et I'attitude ordinaire du defunct 
 „et pour en marquer le sexe et I'age , mais mSme pour rendre 
 
 1) //Revue des deux Mondos", Febr. 1, 1881; page 581 foil. 
 
107 
 
 „l6 caractere individuel de ses traits et de sa physionomie ; 
 „il pouvait aspirer au portrait. L'emploi de I'ecriture per- 
 „mettait de graver sur la statue le nom et les qualites de 
 „celui qui n'etait plus; ces indications acheveraient d'enfaire 
 „rexacte representation de la personne disparue. Ainsi deter- 
 „min6e par I'inscription et par la ressemblance du visage, la 
 „ statue servirait a perp6tuer la vie de ce fantSme, qui ris- 
 „quait toujours de se dissoudre et de s'6vaporer s'U ne trou- 
 „vait un appui materiel ou s'attacher et se prendre." 
 
 The ceremony of burning the paper outfit for the dead is, at 
 Amoy, called thiet leng *) or til ISng^), which expressions hoth 
 mean as much as „to remove or put away the soul". Less money- 
 ed people , who had the mass performed on hut a small scale , 
 caU it soah png ') : „to put a stop to (the offering of) rice", 
 and pedants use to speak of tsut khok *): an expression 
 which they derive from literary style , but is unknown in the 
 language of the common people. It means : „to stop crying 
 (to the dead)". 
 
 Though both theory and written law prescribe that mourning 
 should be worn for the dead during three successive years, 
 yet the people, more practically, consider the mourning period 
 to be duly completed at the close of the mass, because, then, 
 the soul is redeemed out of all its miseries , and has no further 
 need of the devotion of its offspring. In general the „ removal 
 of the soul" is performed very late in the night, so that 
 aU the attendants turn in as they come home. Friends and 
 kinsmen, who might happen to dwell at a"^ considerable 
 distance, are usually lodged that night in the house which, 
 duringjjthe day, was the scene of so many interesting merit- 
 orious Jrites, 
 
 
108 
 
 The last day of the mass is called Id-be sun ') or „flnal 
 decade". The very rich sometimes make three days of it, 
 and, in this case, devote the first two days to sacrifices, 
 prayers etc., and only the last day to the proper ceremonies 
 of redemption described in §§ 5, 6, 7, and 8. Theatricals 
 are almost always performed on the last day; but we need 
 not expatiate on them , as some of the most necessary details 
 have been inserted already on page 74. 
 
 § 9. The ceremony of the Bloody Pond, 
 
 Our account of the singular Buddhist rites of redemption 
 can have no pretence to completeness unless a description be 
 subjoined of a ceremony which is an intrinsic part of the mass 
 only when the soul is believed to have been plunged into 
 the so-caUed Bloody Pond huih U ^) that , according to popular 
 fiction, is to be found in the fourth compartment oftheHeU. 
 
 Chinese Buddhism , giving a great expansion to the doctrines 
 on Hell of the Northern Buddhist Church, invented a purga- 
 tory with a large tank full of blood, where women who die 
 in a state of uncleanness caused by pregnancy or child-birth , 
 are to be thrown into. Southern Buddhism knows nothing 
 of this doctrine, neither do the Tibetan books refer to it'); 
 hence we are disposed to believe that it is a product of Chinese 
 brains alone. Suffice it for us to know that the disgusting 
 doctrine is very popular in the province of Fuhkien, but that' 
 there exists a great diversity of opinion there with respect 
 to the causes which should result in condemnation to the 
 sufferings of the tank in question. Some say, that only women 
 who die in the first month after child-birth are thrown into 
 
 3) E. J. Eitel in //Notes and Queries on China and Japan", II , p. 67. 
 
109 
 
 it. Others maintain, that those who have died within one 
 month after having given birth to a boy, or within four 
 months after having given birth to a girl, are to be purified 
 ia that manner; yet there are also a great number who as- 
 sert that the state of uncleanness extends even to, several 
 years subsequent to confinement, so that nearly no women, 
 except virgins and married wives who never bore children 
 at all, should escape the punishment. Besides, it is sup- 
 posed by many people of Amoy that every one who expires 
 from the effects of certain diseases is plunged into the pond 
 also , no exception being made in favour of rank , age or sex. 
 Those diseases are: 
 
 (a) loe hu^), ht. „uiternal emptiness": a dangerous disease, 
 when the patient is very weak, though he looks fat, and 
 has a large abdomen^); 
 
 (6) 16 siong ') : consumption ; 
 
 (c) M tiong *) : dropsy ; and 
 
 id) keh sit^): a deadly internal disease, that causes food 
 to be vomited as soon as it is taken °). The patient is , at 
 last , quite unable to swaUow food. Cancer in the stomach 
 is perhaps meant. Those four diseases are called by people 
 the „injurious or destroying maladies" : sun peng ''). 
 
 Now, it is the sacred duty of the surviving relatives to 
 vent their filial love by releasing the soul of the deceased from 
 the Bloody Pool, in any case they must suppose that it has 
 been plunged down into it for one of the above-mentioned 
 reasons. This delivery is enacted on the last day of the 
 
 1) ft>t- 
 
 3) Douglas, ,/Dlctionary of the Amoy Vernacular", page 184, 
 
 6) Douglas, op. cit., page 20S. 
 7)« 
 
110 
 
 mass',? after the walls of the Hell have been knocked down, 
 and before the soul is piloted over the infernal bridge. 
 
 A most singular instrument has, for the purpose, been 
 erected in the haU already on a previous day. It is a hollow 
 cylinder, fastened around a perpendicular axis which, projecting 
 upward and downward from the top and the bottom of the 
 cylinder, is fastened, below, in a piece of wood with a hole 
 wherein it can revolve, and, above, in a kind of frame af- 
 fixed on the ceiling, wherein it can revolve also. The under- 
 most socket is placed upon a bucket with some water, that 
 represents the infernal Blood-pool. The cylinder , which consists 
 of a bamboo frame pasted over with paper, is encircled by 
 some parallel hoops that , having each a diameter a few inches 
 longer than that of the cylinder, have been contrived around 
 it at equal distances one above another by means of thin bamboo 
 sticks, which protrude from the cylinder somewhat like spakes of 
 a wheel from the nave. Those hoops thus divide the outside 
 of the instrument as it were into stories or galeries of equal 
 depth and height. The top is adorned with some paper flags 
 and streamers, fastened on the end of little wooden staffs. 
 
 The object designed is to turn the soul out of the Bloody. 
 Tank by making the instrument revolve round its axis. For 
 the convenience of the spirit a paper ladder is, accordingly, 
 thoughtfully affixed in each story on the paper surface of the 
 cylinder, that it may climb out of the Hell more easily. This 
 ascension is represented in visible form by paper images of 
 a spirit, of which one is pasted on each of the stories, just 
 in front of the respective ladder, upon one of the thin 
 vertical ribs that unite the hoops with one another. The 
 rest of those ribs are pasted over with paper amulets and paper 
 images of supernatural beings : infernal demons , which torment 
 souls, being affixed on those of the lower, and benevolent 
 spirits, which save them from their miseries, on those of 
 the higher stories. 
 
Ill 
 
 The soul-cylinders differ largely in size and style of finish. 
 The smallest are, perhaps, 1,25 meter high by nearly half a 
 meter wide. They go, at Amoy, under the name of Mg tsng^) 
 or „revolving receptacles". The number of stories seems to 
 ■ vary between three and nine , and I have been told that it 
 should always be odd. 
 
 Falling now again into our subject : — as soon as the walls 
 of the Hell have been destroyed by the agency of the mi- 
 raculous and powerful crosier , the priests commence to recite 
 and chant a new series of litanies, invented for the special 
 benefit of souls that have to suffer the cruel punishment 
 of the infernal Bloody Pond. They ring their beUs, beat their 
 wooden skulls, and clap their cymbals together in approved 
 style, all to aid the soul in finding its way to the saving 
 cylinder. The eldest son of the dead at a certain moment 
 advances, takes hold of the instrument by one hand, and, 
 slowly stepping forth, makes it to turn in its sockets round 
 and round. The other mourners foUow him, aU joining in 
 loud wailing, and bitterly crying to the dead. When the 
 ,i turning receptacle" has thus been made to revolve a sufficient 
 number of times , the soul is supposed to be saved , and the 
 priests pass to the performance of the rite called „ passing 
 over the bridge" (§ 6), while the instrument is burned up to 
 prevent the demons from pursuing the soul. Turning around 
 the cylinder is called khan Ug-tsng^): „to hand the turning 
 receptacle", or, briefly, khan tsng^): „to hand the recept- 
 acle". 
 
 While this good work is going on, the priests conjointly 
 call devoutly on the Buddhist Trinity, incessantly repeating 
 this brief eulogic phrase: „Ave Buddha, Ave Dharma, Ave 
 
 1) 
 
112 
 
 Sangha" '). They do so, because it is stated .a the writings 
 of the Chinese Buddhists that Maudgalyayana, traversing the 
 Hell in search of his mother (see page 30), was told by the 
 Euler of Hell that the frequent repetition of the said formula 
 would be eminently useful for saving souls from the Bloody 
 Tank. For the better intelligence of this we insert here an 
 extract from a Buddhist tract on that pool, pubUshed in South- 
 ern China in the year 1844, availing ourselves of a trans- 
 lation given in the periodical „ Notes and Queries on China 
 and Japan" (II, p. 67) by the learned doctor Eitel. 
 
 Maudgalyayana, Buddha's disciple whom we introduced to 
 the reader already on page 30, went, once upon a time, to 
 Hell, in order to release his mother. Popular Chinese tradi- 
 tions say that he found her in a blood-pool with a goodly 
 number of women, who, with dishevelled hair and long 
 cangues round their necks, kept wringing their hands. They 
 had to suffer in Hell the punishments of their sins, for the 
 underhngs, of HeU and the King of the Demons ^) forced those 
 poor sinners to swallow the blood of the tank three times 
 every day, flogging them with iron cudgels if they refused 
 to drink it wiUingly. No men were to be seen suffering this 
 painful punishment, which was explained by the Ruler of 
 Hell in this way. „"Women", he said, „lose blood at child- 
 „birth , whereby they insult and irritate the spirits of the 
 „ earth. They wear also filthy, dirty clothes, and go then 
 „to a creek or river to rinse and wash them, whereby they 
 „deflle and ill-use the water in its course, and implicate in 
 „their sin many vurtuous men and women who use that 
 „ water for boiling tea to be presented as food-offering to the 
 „holy ones, who are thus being defiled up to this present 
 
 2) Yama, the Rhadamantus of CMnese Buddhisa. Vide //Jaarlijksche Feesten ett 
 GebruikeQ van de Emo; Chineezen", page 154. 
 
113 
 
 „day". Thdieupon Maudgalyayana, prompted by a feeling of 
 compassion, asked: „W]iat restitution can one make to repay 
 „the debt of gratitude to one's mother, and to get her out 
 „of that Blood-basin tank?" To this question the Ruler of 
 Hell replied, saying: „Let men and women be dutiful and 
 „obedient towards their parents , reverently repeat the prayer 
 „to the Trinity, and for the benefit of their mothers observe 
 „the Blood-basin fast for three years, and estabhsh, besides, 
 „ those noble Blood-basin associations for the purpose of engaging 
 „priests to recite this Sutra a whole day long." 
 
 Eitel, expatiating further on the subject, gives some more 
 elucidations which are well worthy to be reproduced. „It is", he 
 says, „a general custom among the different races of the Canton 
 „province, even among those which are otherwise least influenced 
 „by Buddhism, to send for Buddhist priests after the death of 
 „a married woman in order to perform the so-called „Blood- 
 „basin ceremony" .... I am at a loss for the present to 
 „ account for the origin of this particular doctrine. The more 
 „so, as there is a Buddhist work on torments of HeU publish- 
 „ed in Canton, which denounces it as heretical. According 
 „to the 5 M •^ -^ there is indeed in HeU a large tank 
 
 „ called Jl^ l|5j yfe; ; but it is distinctly stated that it is a 
 „ mistake to suppose that women are condemned to be thrown 
 „into it merely on account of child-birth, to which, it is stated, 
 „no sin nor guilt is attached. The tank in question, it is 
 „asserted, is the receptacle for those of both sexes who in- 
 
 „fringe certain Buddhist regulations minutely specified 
 
 „The standard translations from Sanscrit, which are current 
 „among the Buddhists of China , make no mention of the 
 „ particular hell, or rather purgatory, to the exposition of 
 „which the blood-basin sutra is devoted. The whole disgusting 
 „subject is altogether in discordance with the dehcacy and 
 „chastity generally displayed by all authentic Sanscrit originals 
 „translated into Chinese. These ckcumstances make the Sans- 
 
 IV. 8 
 
114 
 
 „crit origin of our sutra rather doubtful I am inclined 
 
 „to think, that this blood-basin sutra, though apparently 
 „assuming the dress and the outward characteristics of a 
 „ Sanscrit original, is a sham altogether, and the product of 
 „some crafty Chinese Buddhist, who thought it would be 
 „ easier to palm off this disgusting doctrine of a blood-basin- 
 „tank upon ignorant women, if it was brought to them in 
 „the disguise of an ancient Sutra, purporting to be derived 
 „from oral communication of the great founder of Buddhism 
 „himself. If I am correct in my surmise , the immense suc- 
 „cess which this deception has attained, would prove how 
 „easy it is to frighten half-civilized people into outward re- 
 „ligious observances. Everywhere in the South of China, even 
 „among races which otherwise are very little influenced by 
 „ Buddhism, this doctrine has found entrance and obtained 
 „general credence, especially among women. It is this popu- 
 „larity which, shocking as the details of this doctrine may 
 „be to any European reader, makes our sutra important in 
 „the eyes of those who wish to understand how Buddhism 
 „ managed to get such a firm hold on the Chinese mind" >). 
 To this may be added that, according to Carstairs Dou- 
 glas *), the „turning receptacle" was invented during the 
 Thang-dynasty (A. D. 618 — 905) by a certain Buddhist priest 
 caUed Sam Tsong by the Amoy Chinese. During my stay 
 in China I got convinced that the instrument is not merely 
 erected for temporary use, and for the special benefit of one 
 soul alone. At Amoy f. i., in the temple of the Eastern 
 Mountain*) near the Taotai's Yamun, there is to be seen a 
 wooden one of sexangular shape, having three stories whereon 
 several images of saints are placed. Many a devotee , anxious 
 
 1) //Notes and Qaeries"; II, p. 67 and 82. 
 
 2) /.Dictionary of the Amoy Vernacular", page 589. 
 
 3) ^ ^ H . 
 
115 
 
 to perform a meritorious act of charity , goes there with the 
 express purpose to turn the instrument around, convinced 
 that by every revolution a soul is saved. 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 The day after the close of the Mass. 
 
 In the forenoon of this day the nearest relatives who 
 attended the mass and were bound to wear mourning for 
 the dead, save those who are prevented by the distance, 
 repair to the house again. There they have their heads 
 shaved at the expense of the family of the deceased by 
 barbers engaged for the purpose, this operation having not 
 been performed during many days , as customary laws strictly 
 forbid both shaving the head and wearing a cue until the 
 period of wearing deep-mourning apparel has entirely elapsed. 
 
 Mostly, the family-members consider themselves in duty 
 bound to prepare a plentiful repast out of the sacrificial ar- 
 ticles that have been offered to the dead and the deities 
 on the day before. The usages of society compel them to 
 invite, if it is practicable, all the relatives and friends 
 who came to weep with them and offered a sacrifice to 
 the spirit. When all the guests are seated at the tables, 
 desirous to assuage their sorrow by replenishing the wants 
 of their stomachs , the sons and grand-sons are called out by 
 a master of ceremony from an adjoining room, prostrate 
 themselves in front of the guests, and bow their heads three 
 times towards the floor, their object being to show the guests 
 due respect and honour, and to express their thanks to 
 them for their having so kindly come to worship the dead. 
 All the guests thereupon unanimously assert that the matter 
 
116 
 
 ■was not worth while at all, and bid the kneeling mourners to 
 rise to their feet again, this line of conduct being prescribed 
 by the rules of etiquette in all such-like cases. After the 
 close of the entertainment the principal mourners prepare for 
 making return-visits to some of the friends who had come 
 to condole with them .by worshiping the dead, especially 
 to those who, for any reason, did not partake of the meal. 
 Having but little time to spend because of the many 
 businesses connected with the day, they usually have them- 
 selves on this occasion conveyed in palankeens. They are 
 followed by the necessary servants on foot , who carry baskets 
 with mock-money, candles, incense-sticks, strips of narrow 
 silk , red cakes , different other sorts of edibles , a. s. o. Each 
 call is attended with genuflexions of the mourners if they 
 meet with a superior, or with a relative of higher social rank ; 
 else each of them merely shakes his own hands clasped 
 together on his breast; but, in any case, they express their 
 sincere thanks for the kindness shown to the dead. The visit 
 is generally short, there being to be made a goodly number 
 more. Tea and tobacco-pipes are presented , and in the mean- 
 while one of the servants of the mourners delivers some of 
 articles, brought along, into the hands of the inmates of 
 the house. The mock-money, candles, and incense-sticks pre- 
 sented are designed for oblations to the lares , but the edibles 
 are expected to be eaten by the family. And, as to the silk: 
 in general a red , a black , a white , a yellow , and a blue strip 
 are offered, as people say, as omens of good. A written 
 check, good for a certain sumof money, is generally adjoined, 
 to be availed of by the bearer for choosing out something in 
 a certain shop for account of the mourning family. On every 
 parcel, and on every dish of eatables presented a bit of red paper 
 is affixed, it being believed that, by this expedient, every 
 inauspicious result of the friend's visit to the hall where the 
 mass was celebrated is prevented from reaching to his house 
 
117 
 
 and his family. For death is considered an inauspicious event, 
 and red is the symbolical colour of happiness, which dispels 
 unlucky influences. The cakes presented are, for this reason, 
 likewise red. 
 
 Thus returning one's acknowledgments of the kindness of 
 iriends who came to offer to a departed relative , is generally 
 called sia pg ^) and sia pdi *) , which may be rendered : „to 
 make a visit of thanks" and „to thankfully pay respects". 
 Other expressions of frequent use are hodn tidu '), and sia 
 tidu*): „to return the sacrifice to the dead", and „to thank 
 for that sacrifice". 
 
 Those visits may be delayed, if necessary, a very few 
 days; yet, at aU events, the established rules of politeness 
 and etiquette require them to be paid as soon as possible. 
 
 While some of the mourners are thus paying visits, the 
 other inmates of the house busily occupy themselves with the 
 residue of the paper money and the bamboo and paper objects , 
 that were burned during the performance of the mass. They 
 carefaUy gather the ashes, wrap them up in nice red sheets 
 of paper, and tie a red silken thread around each package, 
 just as if they were preparing presents to be sent to friends. 
 At a convenient hour of the day all the packages are carried 
 in procession to the sea-shore, the mourners and some as- 
 sistants in their best apparel, each with a stick of lighted 
 incense in one hand, following in the train. After having 
 been fastened upon a board inscribed with the names etc. 
 of the deceased, the ashes are placed in a boat, and, together 
 with the leaders of the procession, taken a short distance 
 down the current, while the musicians perform some music, 
 and burning sheets of mock-omney are thrown into the 
 water. This is done in order to propitiate the Dragon 
 
 
118 
 
 King of the Seas (see p. 51), and the legions of souls of 
 drowned people that dwell in the biUows as water-ghosts. A 
 few burning incense-sticks are then affixed on the board ; the 
 mourners and attendants make some reverences, and, in the 
 end, the board is placed on the water, and allowed to float 
 away together with the ashes. Thereupon the boat is rowed 
 back to the shore, to enable the procession to return like it 
 has come. 
 
 The object designed is to ,, reverence lettered paper" Mng 
 ji-tsod '), as the Chinese themselves caU it. Respect shown 
 to written paper is, indeed, a national characteristic of the 
 people. They dislike its being carelessly thrown away and 
 trampled upon ; accordingly they are in the habit of hanging 
 up baskets at the way-side, and erecting furnaces of brick by 
 the sides of the most frequented streets, aU. to coUect refuse 
 lettered paper which they afterwards reduce to ashes and, 
 in this shape, ceremoniously commit to the water. Now, as 
 on much of the paper used during the celebration of the mass 
 characters were stamped or written, the mourners consider 
 themselves in duty bound to practice that custom of „seeing 
 off lettered paper" sang ji-tsod'), lest demerit, resulting from 
 want of due appreciation of the value of letters, may un- 
 favourably affect the fate of the dead in the other world, or 
 that of his offspring in the present. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to add that this ceremony needs by 
 no means be performed just on the day next to the close 
 of the mass. Indeed, it evidently appears from its very 
 character that it can very well bear some delay. Neither 
 needs it be said that poorer people can not always defray 
 the expenses of a procession. They mostly put the ashes 
 into a small chest made of paper and bamboo, and let them. 
 
 ')M^m- ^^m^ 
 
119 
 
 thus embaled, float down into the waters of the ocean with- 
 out much ceremonial. 
 
 Towards night-fall some provisions are arranged in the 
 house on a table, for the benefit of those destitute spirits that 
 failed to arrive in season to enjoy the bountiful entertain- 
 ment of the last evening. The mourners namely believe that 
 many out of the numberless spirits in the invisible world 
 may have been prevented then from being present in time. 
 Hence they thoughtfully prepare a supplementary meal, which 
 they offer, without intercession of priests, by kneeling down 
 and bowing towards the ground in the usual way. 
 
 CONCLUDING REMARKS. 
 
 In case two members of one family should die shortly after 
 one another, then, sometimes, one single mass is performed 
 for them both together, and their soul-bodies are then placed 
 in the Mng chM in accordance with the relation they formerly 
 sustained to one another during Ufe. That is to say: the 
 effigy of him, or her, who was higher in rank should occupy 
 the place on the left hand of the other eifigy. It does not 
 occur that ope mass is performed for the common benefit of 
 two person^ of quite different families. 
 ' Poor people who can not afford the expenses of costly 
 rites, have, as we said on page 75, sometimes the whole 
 mass performed by only one priest, and within a single day. 
 They do not put up hangings and fittings, but only provide 
 a paper house caUed png teng (see page 37) with a soul-body 
 within. In front of it they place a „ spirit's table" with a 
 table for the sacrificial offerings, and that is all. Neither 
 have they an oratory (put tod") made. 
 
120 
 
 - There is much reason for believing that the Buddhist 
 masses described are most closely related to those of the 
 Lamaists of Central Asia. Koeppen, devoting a few lines to 
 the latter , says ') : 
 
 „Das wichtigste und zugleich eintraglichste Geschaft der 
 „Greisthchkeit sind aber die Todten- oder Seelenmessen (gSchid 
 „Tschhoss), deren Zweck ist, die strafenden und rachenden 
 „GI-ottheiten, ins Besondere den HoUenrichter Jama zur Milde 
 „zu stimmen, die auf der Wanderung begriflfenen Seelen aus 
 „dem Zwischenzustande zwischen Tod und Wiedergeburt, aus 
 „dem Fegefeuer, wie wir sagen wtirden, zu erlosen und in 
 „eine neue, moglichst giinstige Laufbahn zu befordern. Sie 
 „dauern bei armeren Leuten gewohnlich nur einige Tage, bei 
 „reicheren sieben Wochen oder 49 Tage, als den vollen Zeit- 
 „raum, wahrend dessen die Seele im Fegefeuer weilt; bei 
 „Fursten wohl ein ganzes Jaiir. Da nun die Wirksamkeit 
 „der Seelenmessen durch die grossere oder geringere Feierlich- 
 „keit, andrerseits durch die grossere oder geringere Andacht 
 „und Inbrunst der fungirenden Priester, und diese wiederum 
 „ durch die mehr oder minder reichen Geschenke, die man 
 „ihnen dafur giebt, bedingt wird, so lasst sich leicht denken, 
 „dass auch der weniger bemittelte Glaubige von einiger Pie- 
 „tat AUes aufbietet um bei den Seelenmessen fiir einen ver- 
 „storbenen Angehorigen die geifethchen Herren vollstandig zu 
 „befriedigen. Bei Sterbefallen fflrsthcher Personen sollen oft 
 „ganze Heerden Yieh und Tausende von Silberu-nzea xinter 
 „sie vertheilt werden. Ueberdies scheint es stehender Gebrauch 
 „zu sein, dass die Kleidungsstiicke und die sonstigen Effec- 
 „ten der Verstorbenen an die Kirche fallen". 
 
 1) »Die liamaisolie HierarcUe und Kirche", p. 324 
 
 THEEND.