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MAD O C 
 
MADOC 
 
 AN ESSAY ON THE DISCOVERT OF AMERICA BY 
 
 MADOC AP OWEN GWYNEDD IN THE 
 
 TWELFTH CENTURY 
 
 THOMAS STEPHENS 
 
 AUTHOR or ' THE LITEBATUKE OE THE KYMBY ' 
 
 Edited by LLYWAECH REYNOLDS, B.A.(,Oxon.) 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST IB'" STEEET 
 1893 
 
EDITOE'S PEEFACE. 
 
 Erratum. 
 Page V, line lZ,for tercentenary read fourth centenary. 
 
 a CC^JrUUFiii Vr« 
 
 ^fwynedd irTEEe twelltn cemiiirjr ib~hdui, uj . 
 minds, accepted as an article of faith, and its truth as 
 implicitly believed as when first enunciated by Humphrey 
 Llwyd in the sixteenth century. The tercentenary cele- 
 brations in the past year in honour of Columbus, and, the 
 forthcoming Eisteddfod to be held at Chicago in the present 
 summer, have combined to revive the interest felt in the 
 Madoc story, which has induced the representatives of the 
 late Mr. Thomas Stephens to yield to the oft-repeated selici- 
 tations of many of his fellow-countrymen, and t» give the 
 following work to the world. 
 
 This essay was written for competition at the celebrated 
 Llangollen Eisteddfod, held on September 21, 1858, and three 
 
vi MADOO. 
 
 following days, The subject for competition was announced 
 
 in these terms: ' For the best essay upon the discovery of 
 
 America in the twelfth century by Prince Madoc ab Owain 
 
 Gwynedd, prize 20L and a silver star'; and the following 
 
 well-known Welsh literati were appointed to adjudicate upon 
 
 this contest: the Eev. Thomas James ('Llallawg') and 
 
 ' Myvyr Morganwg,' both since deceased ; and the veteran 
 
 Welsh lexicographer, the Eev. D. Silvan Evans, B.D., who 
 
 still happily survives to serve the cause of Welsh literature. 
 
 Six essays were sent in for competition, five of which 
 
 took the affirmative view, and assumed the truth of the Welsh 
 
 tradition. Of these the only one which need be mentioned 
 
 here was that bearing the nom-de-guerre of ' Wild Man of the 
 
 Woods.' In the remaining essay, under the assumed name 
 
 of ' Gwrnerth Brgydlym,' the writer, Mr. Thomas Stephens, 
 
 the lamented author of The Literature of the Kymry,' after 
 
 presenting an almost exhaustive summary of the literature of 
 
 the subject, and marshalling all the evidence usually cited 
 
 for and against the Cambrian story, subjected them to a rigid 
 
 criticism, and finally adopted the negative view, and declared 
 
 himself a disbeliever in the tale 
 
 ' How Madoc from the shores of Britain, spread 
 The adventurous sail.' 
 
 That essay is now for the first time submitted to the public in 
 the following pages. 
 
 The action of the Eisteddfod committee in reference to 
 this competition created great commotion at the time, and 
 roused the indignation of all fair-minded Welshmen ; and it 
 may not, therefore, be considered out of place to give a short 
 summary of the facts, taken from the journals of that day, and 
 
EDITORS PREFACE. . Vll 
 
 from authentic documents still extant ; and to stigmatise as 
 it deserves conduct calculated to tarnish the fair fame of our 
 national institution, the Eisteddfod, and rivalling in turpitude 
 the disgraceful treatment accorded to ' Dewi Wyn o Bifion ' 
 and his ' Awdl Elusengarwch ' in a previous generation. 
 
 Having become aware of the existence of the negative 
 essay, the committee decided that the essay in question, 
 being an essay not on the discovery but on the non-discovery 
 of America by Madoc, was not upon the given subject, and 
 must therefore be excluded from the competition. This un- 
 warrantable interference with, and usurpation of the functions 
 of, the judges was warmly resented by those gentlemen ; and 
 ' Llallawg ' promptly resigned his office and declined to ad- 
 judicate, Mr. Silvan Evans forwarded to the secretaries, the 
 day before the Eisteddfod, his award, which was in the follow- 
 ing terms : 
 
 To the Secretaries of the Llangollen Eisteddfod. 
 
 Gentlemen, — I have read the essays on ' the Discovery of 
 America by Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd in the twelfth century ' 
 with as much care and attention as the circumstances would per- 
 mit ; and the impression which the perusal of them has left on my 
 mind is — that the existence of the so-called Welsh Indians has not 
 yet been fully established — that Madoc's alleged discovery of the 
 American continent rests upon bare conjecture, and that it is still 
 an open question whether he ever left his native shores. If these 
 essays may be considered as exhausting the subject to which they 
 refer, I can draw no other inference from their contents than 
 that these points cannot, with our present stock of knowledge, 
 be proved to the satisfaction of any unbiassed mind. All the 
 competitors, with one exception, adopt the affirmative side of the 
 question, and defend it with greater or less ability ; but 'Gwrnerth 
 Ergydlym,' by far the ablest ivriter, takes the opposite side. He 
 
viii MADOC. 
 
 examines the subject fully and candidly, and displays throughout 
 a deep acquaintance with it, and no small amount of critical 
 sagacity ; and I cannot but regret that the promoters of the 
 Eisteddfod should have deemed it their duty to exclude his 
 masterly essay from competition simply because the author arrives 
 at a different conclusion from that of the others. 
 
 As all the essays which assume the truth of Madoc's dis- 
 covery, whether we take them singly or collectively, appear to 
 me to fall far short of establishing the points which their respec- 
 tive writers have undertaken to prove, and as no other view of 
 the subject is to be entertained, I hope I may be excused from 
 pronouncing any opinion as to the comparative merits of these 
 productions. 
 
 I remain. Gentlemen, 
 
 Your faithful servant, 
 
 {Signed) D. Silvan Evans. 
 Llangian, Pwllheli : 
 Sept. 20, 1858. 
 
 This communication was carefully suppressed, and no 
 mention was made of it at the Eisteddfod. The Eev. Mr. 
 Silvan Evans was, in consequence of severe domestic afflic- 
 tion, unable to be present at the Eisteddfod ; and the other 
 adjudicator, ' Myvyr Morganwg,' who was present, and who 
 had written an adjudication, was not called upon to read 
 it. When this part of the programme was reached, the Rev. 
 E. W. Morgan, one of the conductors of the Eisteddfod, 
 instead of stating the facts as they were, announced that ' of 
 the essays sent in, one was not on the subject ; and of the 
 others the judges could not decide which was the best ; con- 
 sequently, there would be no award.' The following account 
 of the scene which ensued is reproduced from a contemporary 
 newspaper report of the proceedings : 
 
EDITORS PREFACE. ix 
 
 Mr. T. Stephens then stepped on the platform and claimed 
 permission to say a few words in reference to the announcement 
 made by Mr. Morgan ; but the chairman and ' Carnlngli ' begged 
 he would refrain from doing so, and Mr. Morgan ordered the 
 band to play up in order to drown the voice of the speaker ; but 
 the audience claimed a hearing for him, urged by Mr. Francis of 
 Manchester, who said it would be a burning shame to refuse a 
 hearing to a man of Mr. Stephens's literary reputation. The 
 chairman yielded, and Mr. Stephens then came forward. He 
 had risen, he said, to protest against the terms of Mr. Morgan's 
 announcement. He had said that one essay was not on the 
 subject. This was not correct. The essay was strictly to the 
 point, and he would not hesitate to announce that the essay 
 pointed at was that of ' Gwrnerth Ergydlym,' of which he was the 
 author. The real objection was that the conclusion arrived at 
 was at variance with the preconceptions of the committee ; and 
 if they had manfully announced the fact, he would have made no 
 remonstrance ; but they had now thrown dust in the eyes of the 
 assembly, and committed an unfairness to him (hear, hear) . . 
 He had, of course, seen that the committee held the affirmative 
 view ; but he had before denied, and continued to deny, that an 
 Eisteddfod was to be an arena for special pleading, but rather 
 for the promulgation of the truth ; and he protested that no 
 committee had any right to look upon their prizes as fees for the 
 advocacy of one-sided views of disputed questions (hear, hear). 
 The Madoc business had been under discussion for fifty years ; 
 and it was therefore not to be wondered at if the competitors took 
 different sides. For his own part he treated it as an open question ; 
 and as the committee gave great prominence to the motto ' T gwi?' 
 yn erbyn y hyd,' he was led to conclude that there was to be full 
 liberty of discussion, and that their object was to arrive at the 
 truth (hear, hear). In that spirit he had written. . . . He said 
 he was supported in his views by several of the ablest historical 
 critics in "Wales ; by the late Mr. Humffreys Parry, the Eev. 
 Thomas Price (' Carnhuanawc '), and the Rev. Walter Davies 
 (' Gwallter Mechain '). His ambition, he said, was to be the inter- 
 
MADOC. 
 
 preter of the claims of the language and literature of the Princi- 
 pality to neighbouring and continental nations ; he had hitherto 
 done so to the best of his ability, and had the satisfaction to find 
 that he was considered to be an honest exponent of well-founded 
 claims ; and he would still continue to urge strongly and persis- 
 tently every merit honestly pertaining to the history and national 
 character of the Kymry (hear, hear) ; but he thought it lowered 
 them as a people to be arguing claims which they could not prove, 
 and that they were only clouding their own reputation in attempt- 
 ing to deprive Christopher Columbus of the fame to which he was 
 justly entitled (hear, hear). He, for one, would be content with 
 simple truthfulness ; he would never be a jackdaw decked out 
 with borrowed feathers, but would be content with his own 
 plumage, brilliant or plain as that might be (hear, hear). He 
 then concluded by entering his protest against the announcement 
 made by Mr. Morgan as being that of the committee and not of 
 the judges, as being in itself untrue, and as being at variance 
 with what he knew from private information to be the opinion of 
 the adjudicators (applause). 
 
 ' Cam Ingli ' (the Rev. J. Hughes, one of the secretaries of the 
 Eisteddfod — the other being the Rev. John Williams, ' Ab Ithel ') 
 then replied that Mr. Stephens was under a misapprehension. 
 The announcement was not intended to be final ; and he gave a 
 pledge to have the decision reconsidered. 
 
 Mr. Stephens said there was no reservation in the first 
 announcement ; but since they had promised to reconsider the 
 subject, he would, pending that decision, withdraw his pro- 
 test. 
 
 The action of the committee in this matter was loudly 
 and almost universally condemned, as appears from the 
 heated correspondence which followed in the Welsh and other 
 newspapers of the day, notably the ' Herald Cymraeg ' — ' Ab 
 Ithel,' who took upon himself their defence, relying upon the 
 quibble that in their prospectus the committee had ' claimed 
 
EDITOR S PREFACE. XI 
 
 to themselves the right of deciding on all subjects of contro- 
 versy that might arise, and that their decision in such cases 
 should be considered final,' and stating that the adjudi- 
 cators had not made any award. He professed to treat the 
 letter of Mr. Silvan Evans as being an informal document, 
 and not amounting to an adjudication ; but no such objection 
 was made to that gentleman's equally ' informal ' adjudication 
 in the case of the essay on Barddas (Bardism) and the 
 collection of Welsh Proverbs, the successful competitors 
 on those subjects being respectively ' Ab Ithel ' and his 
 daughter. 
 
 It is right to- mention that ' Carn Ingli ' disapproved of his 
 colleagues' action, and admitted (to use his own words) ' that 
 the duty of the committee was merely ministerial, and not 
 judicial ; and that it was his desire that an award be made.' 
 Mr. Silvan Evans subsequently wrote a formal adjudication, 
 which was published in the ' Carnarvon and Denbigh Herald,' 
 and is reproduced in the Appendix to this work (p. 236). 
 The full text of ' Myvyr Morganwg's ' adjudication has never 
 seen the light ; but extracts from it appeared in some of the 
 Welsh newspapers in the course of the controversy. The 
 pith of it, in the Archdruid's autograph, in the Welsh 
 language, is still extant. In it he states that a tradition 
 always existed among the Cymric race that Madoc ab Owain 
 went to some strange land beyond the Western seas ; and 
 what land, he asks, could that be if not America ? He then, 
 in a strain of maudlin sentimentality, deprecates the surrender 
 of what he calls ' one of the chief jewels hanging upon the 
 breast of our mother-race ; ' goes on to argue that the essay 
 of 'Ergydlym' is 'not upon the subject;' and adds: 'But if 
 
Xll MADOC. 
 
 " Ergydlym " be admitted into competition, which will he the 
 course most commendable in the committee, and satisfactory to 
 the public, . . . what appears to me the wisest course in this 
 complicated matter is to divide the prize between the best of 
 the affirmative essayists and the negative essayist (" Gwrnerth 
 Ergydlym ") ' ; and with respect to the latter he adds : ' The 
 testimonies and proofs that are brought forward by the 
 affirmative essayists upon the whole appear, before examina- 
 tion, to be strong and clear — too much so, I should think, to ex- 
 pect it to be admitted that they are overturned by " Gwrnerth 
 Ergydlym " ; although it must be admitted that he has 
 completely overturned several things that were usually 
 brought forward to prove the departure of Prince Madoc to 
 the Western world. " Gwrnerth " has opposed this opinion 
 energetically, and has composed his essay showing that 
 Madoc did not discover America, that he never went there, 
 but that he died in his own country. And, in truth, his essay 
 is a masterly work, and has proved its author to be, in con- 
 formity with his name, " Gwrnerth Ergydlym " (" Gwrnerth 
 Keenstroke "), and that he is a powerful and systematic writer 
 a critical reviewer of the keenest character, and a master of his 
 subject, on the side he has adopted.' 
 
 ' Myvyr ' stated, during the Eisteddfod, that the best essay 
 on the affirmative side was that signed ' Wild Man of the 
 Woods,' to whom, upon a false construction of the terms of 
 the competition, he would have awarded half the prize. It 
 subsequently transpired that this essay had been sent in by 
 'Ab Ithel' himself! The essay was in the handwriting of 
 ' Ab Ithel ' ; and, when challenged in the public press as to this 
 point, that gentleman for a time ignored the charge, but 
 
EDITORS PREFACE. xiii 
 
 ultimately admitted that he had written the essay, though 
 only as the amanuensis of another person ! 
 
 The essay so sent in for competition by ' Ab Ithel ' was 
 subsequently published in his own organ, the ' Cambrian 
 Journal ' for 1859. 
 
 The Llangollen committee could not be induced to do 
 what was right in the matter of this competition, and the 
 prize was never awarded. The hope of pecuniary reward was 
 ever the smallest incentive to Mr. Stephens's labours in the 
 fields of Welsh literature, the prizes offered being altogether 
 disproportionate to the toil and care he bestowed upon what- 
 ever work he undertook ; but, now that the reader has an 
 opportunity of comparing Mr. Stephens's work with that of 
 his ablest rival on the afiBrmative side, it is hoped that 
 Stephens's reputation will not suffer from the comparison, but 
 that his work will now receive from the reading public the 
 meed of praise awarded to it by the adjudicators thirty-five 
 years ago. 
 
 The duties of the present Editor have been almost entirely 
 confined to verifying references and correcting the press, Mr. 
 Stephens having previously to his lamented death carefully 
 revised the work and prepared it for the press ; but for the 
 few notes indicated by square brackets, and for the Index, the 
 Editor alone is responsible. 
 
 It only remains to notice a statement which has on 
 several occasions of late years been made in the columns of 
 some of our local journals, to the effect that Mr. Stephens's 
 views upon the Madoc question had undergone a considerable 
 change previous to his death ; the suggestion being that he 
 had become a convert to the truth of the Madoc story. In 
 
MADOC. 
 
 support of this assertion lias been adduced fclie following state- 
 ment by the Editor of the second edition of Stephens's ' Litera- 
 ture of the Kymry ' : ' It was his (Mr. Stephens's) intention to 
 re-write the part relating to the alleged discovery of America 
 by Prince Madoc ab Owain Gwynedd, his opinion alter 
 further investigation having undergone a considerable change 
 on that subject.' That Mr. Stephens was always possessed 
 of suflScient courage and honesty to give up an erroneous 
 opinion, and not to hold to any position for a moment longer 
 than he believed it tenable, is well known to all who knew 
 him, and is borne out by his published writings. But the 
 change of opinion referred to in the passage just quoted was 
 a change from the position taken on this subject in the first 
 edition of the ' Literature of the Kymry,' in which the writer 
 said (p. 141) : ' I have not paid sufficient attention to the 
 evidence to form any opinion as to the credibility of the 
 popular story as to Madoc's emigration.' Mr. Stephens in 
 the present essay (p. 97) refers to this change of position on 
 his part as having been announced in another essay from his 
 pen published in the Welsh magazine called ' Y Traethodydd.' 
 But that Mr. Stephens had abandoned the maturer views set 
 forth in the following work is at variance with the known 
 facts. The present Editor enjoyed the friendship of Mr. 
 Stephens, and was privileged from his earliest years to look 
 upon him as ' guide, philosopher, and friend,' and had many 
 conversations with him with reference to his views upon 
 controverted points of Welsh history ; and such a complete 
 ' change of front ' would surely have been disclosed if it had 
 been a fact ; and this silence npon the question is attested 
 by members of Mr. Stephens's family, and other persons who 
 
EDITOR S PREFACE. XV 
 
 knew him intimately. The allegation is also contradicted by- 
 documentary evidences consisting of numerous notes inter- 
 spersed throughout the manuscript, the result of continued 
 research and reflection, and communications from correspon- 
 dents, down to a year or two before his death. Mr. Stephens 
 had fully intended bringing out the work himself, and would 
 no doubt have done so but for the fatal illness which so pre- 
 maturely cut him off, and put an untimely end to his labours 
 in the service of his native land, whose language and litera- 
 ture he loved so well. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGK 
 
 editor's PKEFACE V 
 
 mXRODUCTION .1 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE FACTS AND STATEMENTS USUALLY CITED TO 
 
 PROVE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY MADOC AP OWEN 
 
 GWYNEDD. 
 
 Section I. — Bardic Poems 7 
 
 „ II. — Historical Testimonies 20 
 
 „ III.— Travellers' Tales 41 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 IMPRESSIONS PRODUCED BY THESE FACTS AND STATE- 
 MENTS UPON THE MINDS OF HISTORICAL WRITERS. 
 
 Section I. — The Affirmative View 74 
 
 „ II.— The Tentative View 87 
 
 „ III.— The Negative View 94 
 
XVIU MADOC 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE PRECEDING 
 FACTS, STATEMENTS, AND OPINIONS. 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Section I. — Are there Welsh Indians ? 100 
 
 „ II. — Was the Madoc Narrative written before the 
 
 Voyage of Columbus ? 171 
 
 „ III. — Does the Narrative of the Discovery of America by 
 Madoc ab Owen bear the Marks of Originality 
 
 and ProbabiKty ? 185 
 
 „ IV. — Did Madoc leave his own Country ? . . . 199 
 v.— The Growth of the Legend 216 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 MADOC LITERATURE. 
 
 I- — Letter of Charles Lloyd, of Dolobran .... 227 
 
 II. — Letter of John Evans 229 
 
 III- — Letter from Dr. Samuel Jones 231 
 
 IV.— John Evans's Ascent of the Missouri, and Visit to the 
 
 Mandans 232 
 
 v.— Dr. Williams ; Bev. G. Burder ; Southey's ' Madoc ' . 233 
 
 VI.—' y Cylchgrawn ' ; ' Madoc's Speech ' .... 233 
 
 VII.— Letter of J. T. Boberts 234 
 
 LlangoUen Eisteddfod Adjudication 236 
 
 INDEX 289 
 
M A D C. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Kymry are a small remnant of the primitive inhabitants 
 of Britain ; they are but few . in number, yet they inherit 
 considerable renown ; they are now an obscure race, inhabit- 
 ing a corner of a sea-girt island, but they have rendered the 
 world some services, the memory of which will not willingly 
 be allowed to perish. They have preserved and still speak 
 one of the parent languages of the world, a monument de- 
 scended from the time of the dispersion of the Aryan races, 
 which still furnishes the means of illustrating many of the 
 social features of those remote times, and is held in deserved 
 veneration by all the great philologists of our day. They 
 gave a hearty reception to the blessed truths of the Gospel ; 
 preserved them for many centuries, free from Romish corrup- 
 tions ; and still present to the world the spectacle, almost 
 unique in its cliaracter, of a whole people distinguished fqr 
 the earnestness of their religious worship, for their firm 
 adherence to the Protestant faith, for their ardent advocacy 
 of the cause of civil and religious liberty, and for the total 
 absence of all great crimes among the inhabitants. They 
 were the means of enriching the world with a whole class of 
 literature which is still held in deserved respect ; it was from 
 them that the Norman TrouvSres received the materials of the 
 
 B 
 
MADOC. 
 
 Arthurian and other British romances ; and it is primarily to 
 them that the world owes ' The Faery Queen ' of Spenser, and 
 the Lear and Cymbeline of Shakespeare. And, lastly, they 
 present to all oppressed nationalities the gratifying example 
 of a people who, being true to their country, have vindicated 
 for themselves, against many opposing and oppressing powers, 
 and in the midst of many vicissitudes, their distinctive rights 
 and liberties ; and still speak, with all the force and fluency of 
 aticient times, that noble language which they have inherited 
 from the mists of ages in the far Past, and which they fer- 
 vently hope will survive to that great day when the Lord 
 and Master of all Christian men shall come to judge both the 
 quick and the dead. 
 
 We have here enumerated but a few of the many services 
 rendered to the world by the Kymry. We might have cited 
 several others ; but as some of these are disputed, we con- 
 fined ourselves to a few brilliant services, which are universally 
 admitted. One of these disputed services will form the 
 subject of the present essay. It is an indisputable fact, that 
 Welshmen have, and ought to have, an honourable place in 
 the annals of the United States of America. It is perfectly 
 well known that Ehode Island, one of those States, was 
 founded by a native of Wales, named Eoger Williams ; it is 
 known that many Welshmen accompanied William Penn, and 
 helped him to found Pennsylvania ; and I have recently shown, 
 in the ' Traethodydd,' ' that the descendants of Welsh settlers, 
 in the various capacities of signers of the Declaration of In- 
 dependence, Members of Congress, military officers, lawyers, 
 artists, &c., have played a great and important part in the 
 history of the New Continent. It will be an admirable in- 
 troduction to these services, a brilliant fact in the history of 
 the world, a lustrous page in the annals of the Kymry, and a 
 bright feather in the national plume, if it can be proved that 
 ' Y Traethodydd {The Essayist) for 1857, pp. 392, 393. 
 
INTKODUCTION. 3 
 
 Madoc ap Owen Gwynedd anticipated Christopher Columbus 
 and Amerigo Vespucci, and that the New World was discovered 
 by a Welsh prince in the twelfth century ; for the finding of 
 America is the most prominent fact in the history of maritime 
 discovery, and has been fraught with most important con- 
 sequences to the world at large, from that time to the present. 
 But it is to be borne in mind that the claims of Madoc have 
 been disputed ; that several men of high reputation in Wales 
 itself have denied the truth of the story as commonly told ; 
 and that, however generally believed among the natives of 
 the Principality, the account is not now received by any 
 historian of repute in England or elsewhere. Many discus- 
 sions have taken place respecting it ; many persons have 
 taken upon them, both afiirmatively and negatively, to set 
 the question at rest ; and it has been three times proposed 
 as a subject for competition at Eisteddvodau, or Welsh 
 Bardic Meetings ; but, somehow or other, all these attempts 
 have proved unsatisfactory. Most of those who have 
 written on the subject have been very strongly prejudiced 
 either for or against ; and though there have been several 
 set treatises on the subject, they have displayed great in- 
 capacity for dealing with the facts in a judicial and impartial 
 spirit, and have given credence to foolish and exaggerated 
 statements, which have afterwards been proved to have been 
 intentional and flagrant falsehoods. There has been as yet 
 no systematic treatise by any historian of repute, competent 
 to deal with the facts according to the canons of criticism, 
 and at the same time thoroughly acquainted with the Welsh 
 records and the bardic poems. It is, I presume, a wish to 
 obtain such an authoritative and impartial discussion of the 
 question that has induced the Committee of the Llangollen 
 Eisteddvod to propose the subject ; for, though the wording 
 betrayed the hand of one who held the affirmative opinion, 
 it was to be presumed that a subject which had been constantly 
 
 b2 
 
MADOC. 
 
 under discussion for three-quarters of a century, and which 
 had been proposed as an open question at the Carmarthen 
 Bisteddvod in 1823, when the decision was essentially nega- 
 tive, would certainly have been quite as open in 1858. This 
 presumption was also warranted by the terms of the announce- 
 ment : ' An Ussay on the Discovery of America, by Prince 
 Madoc ; ' the word essay implies liberty of thought, promises 
 a field for discussion, and excludes the idea of a foregone 
 conclusion. The positive character of the word discovery does 
 not limit the meaning of the word essay, and must be inter- 
 preted in conformity therewith. Besides, it is perfectly 
 consistent with literary usage, to retain a positive title when 
 it has become familiar, when tha subject is one open to dis- 
 cussion, and even when the conclusion is negative. A few 
 examples will make this clear. Dr. Richard Bentley, one of 
 the greatest of English scholars, in 1697 published his 
 ' Dissertations on the Epistles of Phalaris,' in which he adopted 
 the positive title given to those Epistles by Boyle and previous 
 writers ; while the aim of his book was to prove that they 
 were forgeries, and that Phalaris was not their author. Wolf, 
 the great German critic, in his ' Prolegomena ad Homerum,' 
 retained the current name of the author of Iliad and Odyssey, 
 though his aim was to prove that they were not the work of 
 any one man named Homer. Dr. Thomas Brown published 
 * An Essay on the Relation of Cause and Effect,' in which he 
 upheld Hume's doctrine that there are no such things as causes 
 and effects. Mr. Nash has published a work designated 
 'Taliesin,' though he holds Taliesin to be a myth. And, 
 lastly. Sir George Cornewall Lewis has published two volumes 
 ' On the Credibility of Early Roman History,' the purport of 
 which is this, that the early Roman history is incredible. 
 The examples of Bentley, Wolf, and Lewis fully justify me 
 in having considered the subject as one which might fairly 
 
INTRODUCTION. 5 
 
 be examined and discussed. I presumed that the Committee 
 were not wholly insensible to the enlightened spirit and un- 
 compromising love of truth that form the characteristics of 
 the nineteenth century. I could not, therefore, readily have 
 believed that there was any intention to exclude the discussion 
 of the subject, and to bind the competitors to take the 
 affirmative side, without any inquiry into the value and nature 
 of the evidence ; for I should have felt myself, in the interests 
 of historical truth, bound to denounce, as an insult to the 
 literary sons of Cambria, as a stigma upon the truthfulness of 
 my countrymen, any compulsion or inducement to uphold 
 that as veritable truth which could not be shown to be so 
 when subjected to a searching and candid examination, ' Yng 
 ngwyneb haul a llygad gohuni,' ' in the face of the sun and in 
 the eye of light.' I, therefore, considered the question to be 
 an open one, and treated it accordingly. 
 
 The fairest method of treating the subject, and that which 
 will be most calculated to induce a judicial frame of mind, in 
 both the reader and myself, seems to me to be this : firstly, 
 to present the literature of the subject, leaving the statements, 
 without note or comment, to make their own impression ; 
 secondly, to pass in review the opinions of the various writers 
 who have treated the subject, and to exhibit the impressions 
 produced by the facts upon other minds; and, lastly, to 
 engage ourselves in a critical discussion of the whole 
 matter. 
 
 Pursuing this line of inquiry, I have discussed the subject 
 in all its bearings, and have endeavoured to treat it exhaus- 
 tively. In so doing, I may have laid myself open to the charge 
 of excessive diffiiseness, but I have done so in deference to 
 the feelings of my countrymen. The subject has taken a firm 
 hold of their minds, and has all the force of a patriotic senti- 
 ment. They are naturally and pardonably proud of the 
 
b MADOC. 
 
 supposed achievement of Madoc; they will hold to it with 
 all their wonted tenacity, so long as a single shred of supposed 
 evidence remains unrefuted ; and therefore, in calling upon 
 them to give up this illusion, I feel it to be my duty to present 
 them with such an overwhelming weight of argument as will 
 command even their unwilling assent. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE FACTS AWD STATEMENTS USUALLY CITED TO PROVE THE 
 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY MADOC AP OWEN GWYNEDD. 
 
 I SHALL present these statements in the order of chronology, 
 and cite them, each and all, with all the fulness that the 
 subject demands, omitting nothing that is relevant to the 
 inquiry ; including nothing calculated to convey a false 
 impression, and abstaining from any expression of opinion on 
 my own part. 
 
 Section I. — Bardic Poems. 
 
 Of all the authorities usually named in this connection, 
 the earliest in point of date are the Bardic Poems ; and as 
 several of the passages referred to were composed by bards 
 who were the contemporaries of Madoc, their testimony, if 
 clear and full, is entitled to the greatest consideration. These 
 poems, especially the portions of them usually cited, have 
 therefore been held in considerable esteem ; but, singularly 
 enough, this estimation has been shared by each of several 
 contending parties, and all appeal to them with equal confi- 
 dence ; some to prove that Madoc found an unknown country 
 in the West, some to show that he landed either in Armorica 
 or Gallicia ; and some to deny that Madoc ever left his own 
 country. All these interpretations cannot possibly be correct ; 
 and it therefore becomes of importance to have the passages 
 presented in their simple and original form, that the reader 
 may be able to draw his own inferences therefrom. The 
 
MADOC. 
 
 passages in dispute occur in tlie poems of bards named 
 Cynddelw, Llywarcli ab Lly welyn — called ' Prydydd y Moch,' 
 — Gwalchmai, and Meredydd ab Rhys. 
 
 We will cite the passages in the order of the above names. 
 Cynddelw was one of the principal bards of the twelfth 
 century ; and as his poems extend over the latter half of the 
 twelfth, into the first half of the thirteenth century, he must 
 have lived to a good old age. He has several poems addressed 
 to Owen Gwynedd, the father of Madoc ; and among these is 
 one entitled ' Marwnat Teulu Ywein Gwynet,' or the Elegy of 
 the Family of Owen Gwynedd, who was Prince of North 
 Wales from a.d. 1137 to 1169. In this poem are found four 
 lines, which to all appearance have reference to Madoc the 
 son of Prince Owen. They constitute a Welsh verse of the 
 kind called an englyn, and appear to have been first cited in 
 this connection by the late Dr. Owen Pughe. He cited them 
 on two occasions, and with some slight variations. While 
 yet simple William Owen, he supplied a copy to Dr. John 
 Williams, who published them in 1792, and in the following 
 form : 
 
 Oni Has Madawg, myr dygyforth far ? 
 
 Mau afar cfi.r oynnorth, 
 
 Oedd anwas cas cad ehorth, 
 
 Oedd anwar par ja y porth. 
 
 It was accompanied by an English translation, which ran 
 thus : 
 
 Is not Madog dead, by the overwhelming wrath of seas ? 
 
 Ah ! Grief assails me for the ready helping Friend ; 
 
 He was not the Slave of Hatred in the toils of Battle, 
 
 Nor was he tame in the Grate when he grasped his spear. ' 
 
 " Farther Observations on the Discovery of America, by Prince 
 Madog ab Owen Gwynedd (London, 1792), p. 48. This was a con- 
 tinuation of Dr. Wniiams's Enquiry imto the Truth of the Tradition 
 concerning the Discovery of America by Prince Madog ab Owen 
 Ou>ynedd do. (London, 1791). 
 
BARDIC POEMS. 9 
 
 Dr. Pughe cited the englyn subsequently, in his Welsh- 
 English Dictionary, under the word Dygyforth, and again 
 rendered it into English ; but here he discards the interrogative 
 oni, and reads ' yn y ;' alters the punctuation ; substitutes 
 cymhorth for cynnorth, and eorth for ehorth; and gives a 
 diametrically opposite meaning to the third line : 
 
 Where did the wrath of overflowing seas 
 Cut Madog off I Grief for the aiding fciend 
 Eemaina to me ! in ruthless conflict high 
 His hate ; nor tame was in the gate his spear. 
 
 Dr. John Jones and Mr. Humphreys Parry, though taking 
 different sides, accepted the first of these forms. But on 
 comparing these two citations with the original poem, as 
 published in the 'Myvyrian Archaiology,' we find that 
 Dr. Pughe has made two alterations in his extract. He has 
 not only substituted oni, is not, for the retrospective eny, 
 since, but also changed mur, rampart or bulwark, the Kymric 
 form of the Latin ' murus,' into myr, the plural of mor, sea ; 
 and he has thus introduced a reference to the sea into his 
 citation when it had no place in the original. 
 
 The englyn in its authentic form runs thus : 
 
 Eny Has madawo mur dygyuorth uar 
 I Meu auar car kynnorth 
 
 Oet anwas cas cad ehorth 
 Oet anwar par yn y porth. ' 
 
 This differs from the first citation both in words and 
 orthography ; it has mur in the first line instead of myr ; uses 
 the initial -m as a consonant, with the power of / or i; ; and 
 has a Jc in cynnorth, in accordance with mediseval usage, 
 though that letter has now no place in the Kymric alphabet. 
 That mur is the reading of the ' Myvyrian ' will be seen on 
 verifying my reference ; and that its meaning is what I have 
 
 1 Myv. Arch. i. 225 (Gee's edit. 164). 
 
10 MADOC. 
 
 represented it to be, may be seen in any Welsh-English 
 Dictionary. Two illustrations will suflSce : 
 
 Mti, 8. A wall. So in Armoric. — Bichards. 
 
 Mur, g.m.^pZ. 4.-iau (mu-ur). That is firm, fixed, or established; a 
 wall ; a rampart. — Pughe, 
 
 In translating examples of the use of this word, the latter 
 author gives ' bulwark ' as an additional meaning of mur, and 
 ' fences ' as a rendering of the plural muriau ; and this may 
 safely be assumed to be the signification of the word. These 
 points being established, it becomes necessary to oifer a new 
 translation, which I now submit : 
 
 Since Madoo, the bulwark of swelling rage, was slain, 
 
 I mourn a helping friend ; 
 The virile ' one was fierce in the busy fight ; 
 He was an arrogant commander in the portal. 
 
 That is the real sense of the passage, which will now be 
 left to produce its own impression, with only one additional 
 remark. The poem in which it occurs laments the death of 
 several members of Owen Gwynedd's family who had died in 
 his lifetime ; it opens with an invocation to Owen himself, as 
 one living in honourable old age ; and, therefore, seems to 
 have been composed before his death, which took place in 
 A.D. 1169. 
 
 Llywaech Prydydd y Moch was also contemporary with the 
 sons of Owen Gwynedd, though probably twenty or thirty 
 years younger than Cynddelw. He has numerous poems 
 addressed to the sons and grandsons of Prince Owen ; and no 
 less than three passages from his poems have been cited in 
 the present connection. The first of these in point of date 
 is a short poem of variable yet old orthography, here sub- 
 joined : 
 
 ' Under the word Anwas, Dr. Pughe gives a third version of this 
 Une, and an absurd rendering of this word, i.e. ' not a hero, a coward ; ' 
 whereas the literal meaning is, ' not a servant,' or, ' not a boy.' 
 
BARDIC POEMS. 11 
 
 AWDYL YE HaEAEN TwYMYN. 
 
 Prydyt y Moch ae ccmt. 
 
 CreawdjT nef credediui y was 
 Credwn y hwn val y credwn yonas 
 Dur ynad detyf rad ry sswynas douyt 
 
 Dof wyf yt yn wanas 
 Dywynnyo dy wir dy wynnyaa ' 
 Dy wynnuyd ym kywyd nyd kaa 
 Edrych pan vernyoh ueint uyn tras 
 Creadur poethgiir path greas 
 Archaf arch y bedyr o berthynas crist 
 
 A duo crog yn vrtas 
 Trwy eiryawl tec ymyawl tomas a phylip 
 
 A phawl ac Andras 
 O afleu uy llaw a llauyn wyn las 
 O afeith goleith galanaa 
 Da haearn diheura pan Has 
 Lleith madawo nad om llaw y cauas 
 Noc ae ceif cain ae glas 
 Bann o nef ae naw ternas 
 A minheu mynnaf gyweithas 
 Bot duw ym a diano oe gas. 
 
 Myv. Arch. i. 289 (Gee's edit. 205). 
 
 The relevance of this poem was first indicated by 
 Mr. Humphreys Parry {Gamhro-Briton, i. 61) ; but it was 
 first translated in the Literature of the Kym/ry (p. 142),' 
 though somewhat incorrectly. I shall therefore again give 
 my own version. 
 
 Ode to the Hot Ibon (ob Fiery Oedeal). 
 Prydydd y Moch sang it. 
 
 Creator of heaven 1 His servant is a believer. 
 Shall we credit this one, as we credit Jonas ? 
 Steel judge ! Of free judgment, inspired by God ; 
 
 I am submissive to thee, and bound : 
 Consecrated is thy truth, and glovidng heat ; 
 Thy blessedness is not repugnant to my song. 
 See when thou judgest, the greatness of my kindred. 
 
 ' Neu, di wir yn wynias. ' 2nd edit. p. 131 
 
12 MADOC. 
 
 Heat-afflicting creature ! what created thee ? 
 
 I will address a request to Peter, the relative of Christ, 
 
 Who honourably bore the cross, 
 Through the intercession of Thomas and PhUip, 
 And Paul and Andrew. 
 
 Prom having with my hand and blade slain the blessed one, 
 From being accessory to a murderous deed, 
 Good iron exonerate me ; that when 
 
 The assassin slew Madoo, he received not (the blow) from my hand ; 
 And that he who slew the brilhant one, 
 Shall have no share of heaven, and its nine kingdoms ; 
 And I will obtain fellowship 
 In God's love, and escape His enmity. 
 
 Here it may be allowable to observe that Madoc was not 
 an uncommon name among the Kymry in the twelfth century ; 
 and that this singular poem does not expressly intimate that 
 this Madoc was the son of Owen ; but as there is a consider- 
 able degree of probability in favour of that supposition, and 
 as Mr. Parry also thought that it had reference to this Madoc, 
 we may reservedly adopt that assumption. 
 
 The second passage in the works of Llywarch occurs in 
 a poem addressed to Rodri ab Owen ; but it has always been 
 cited without the first four lines, though they are very neces- 
 sary to understand the full bearing of the passage : 
 
 Ker aber congwy kynnognes dwy dreic 
 
 Deu dragon yn ygres 
 Deu dremud am dud ae dodes 
 Dwy uytin orHin orllawes 
 Deu deyrn derrwyn didorres yn Hid 
 
 Liu daear ae hoffes 
 Vn ar dir ar doruoet ry dres 
 Yn aruon yn arwar trachwres 
 Ac arall mynawo y mynwes mawrvor 
 
 T mawr uar agkymhes 
 Yn esguraw hawl hawt adnes 
 Yn esgar y bawb am beues. 
 
 Myv. Arch. i. 284 (Gee's edit. 202). 
 
 This passage also, with the exception of the first four lines. 
 
BARDIC POEMS. 13 
 
 was first put forward by Dr. Williams, on the authority of 
 Mr. Owen, who at that time did not include the last two 
 lines. His translation was as follows : 
 
 Two princes, who in their wrath dealt quick devastations, 
 
 Were by the Inhabitants of Earth beloved ; 
 
 One on Land, leading his hard toiling Bands, 
 
 In Arvon, quenching fierce ambition's Flame, 
 
 The other of disposition mild, on the bosom of the mighty Sea, 
 
 In great excess of Trouble.^ 
 
 Three years later, Mr. Owen ^ added the last two lines, 
 and gave a different translation of the whole, viz. : 
 
 Two princes of strong passions broke off in Wrath ; ' 
 
 The multitudes of the earth did love them ; * 
 
 One on land ^ in Arvon, allaying of ambition,^ 
 
 And Emother, a placid one ' in the bosom of the vast ocean, 
 
 In trouble great and immeasurable,^ 
 
 Prowling " after a possession easy to be guarded. 
 
 Estranged from everyone for a country.'" 
 
 Mr. Parry gives a similar translation, differing only in the 
 variations here added as foot-notes ; but he also commits the 
 inconsistency of attributing ' strong passious ' and placidity 
 to the same person ; and the translations of both, especially 
 in the last four lines, are coloured by the prejudices of the 
 writers ; but for the present they may be allowed to stand. 
 It will probably be observed that the name of Madoc does 
 
 * Farther Observations Sc, p. 46. 
 ' Cambrian Begister, i. 413. 
 
 " ' Broke out into anger,' J. H. Parry, Essay on the Navigation 
 of the Ancient Britons dc. (Carmarthen, 1825). 
 ■* ' Delighted in them.' Ibid. 
 ' Add : ' With hard toiling hosts.' Ibid. 
 ' ' Excessive heat.' Ibid. 
 ' ' Of placid manners, on.' Ibid, 
 ' ' Troubles great and immeasurable.' Ibid. 
 ' ' Beaming.' Ibid. 
 10 I -poT the sake of a dwelling.' Ibid. 
 
14 MADOC. 
 
 not occur in this passage ; and I may add that his name does 
 not occur in any part of the poem from which it is taken ; 
 but Mr. Owen ' saw a ' remarkable allusion to his fate ' in the 
 last four lines ; and Mr. Parry considered this to be ' on 
 every account the most important of the Bardic testimonies.' ^ 
 My opinion on the relevance of this passage will appear in 
 the third chapter. 
 
 The third and last of the Llywarch passages occurs in a 
 poem addressed to Llywelyn ab lorwerth, Prince of North 
 Wales from 1194 to 1240, whom the bard lauds very heartily. 
 
 Nyd treid tra dilyn pell ouyn pwy 
 Py geidw yr gorddwfyr rac pob gorddwy 
 Llywelyn ae keidw llew yn adwy 
 Llyw gwynet ae met hyd y mawddwy 
 Llaw orthreoh wrth rwyfan mordwy 
 Lloegyr wrthryn tra Uynn Uwmynnwy 
 Wyr madawo ermidet uwyuwy 
 Wyr ywein uirein y auarwy. 
 
 Myv. Arch. i. 301 (Gee's edit. 213). 
 
 This passage also was first brought forward by Mr. Owen, 
 and sadly misrepresented ; the last line, which nullifies the 
 inference drawn from the others, was omitted ; the fifth was 
 transposed and placed after the seventh, in order to connect 
 a reference to the sea with the name 'Madoc'; and those 
 two lines were then translated thus : 
 
 Llywelyn 
 
 Nephew of Madoc whose departure 
 We lament more and more.' 
 
 Here, nejphew is a palpable misrepresentation; for the 
 Kymric wyr signifies grandson and nothing else. The word 
 ermidedd, here translated ' departure,' signifies eremitical; and 
 
 » Cambrian Register, loc. cit. « Cambro-Briton, i 61 
 
 » Farther Observations, p. 47. Dr. Jones, Monthly Magazine 
 September 1819 ; and Woodward's History of Wales, p. 327. ' 
 
BAKDIC POEMS. 15 
 
 both words were differently rendered by Mr. Owen himself in 
 his dictionary, under the word ermidedd, viz. : 
 
 Llywelyn, 
 
 The adversary of Lloegr, beyond the lake of Llwmynwy, 
 
 The grandson of Madog, inv/red to conflicts. 
 
 Here the ideas of departure, loss, and lamentation dis- 
 appear altogether ; and the reading ' grandson ' involves this 
 dilemma : if the Madoc of this poem was the grandfather of 
 Llywelyn, he was not Madoc ab Owen, and the passage 
 becomes irrelevant ; but if this was the son of Owen, then the 
 poet was wrong in his genealogy. Mr. Owen had recourse to 
 a process of accommodation, and made his version to suit the 
 
 following pedigree : 
 
 Owen Gwynedd 
 
 lorwerth Madoc 
 
 I 
 Llywelyn ab lorwerth 
 
 Here it is clear that Llywelyn was the nephew of Madoc 
 ab Owen ; and accordingly the word wyr has been mistrans- 
 lated to suit this fact ; but as wyr means ' grandson,' and as 
 Llywelyn was both wyr Madoc and wyr Ywein, the question 
 naturally arises, was not this some other Madoc ? It is also 
 to be observed that the idea of ' departure ' does not occur in 
 the original, which might be thus rendered : 
 
 It is not necessary to go far and ask, 
 
 "Wio will guard the Gorddwr ' from invasion ? 
 
 Llywelyn will guard it, a lion in the pass ; 
 
 The ruler of Gwynedd possesses it to Mawddwy ; 
 
 Dominant hand in rowing upon the sea, 
 
 Oppoaer of Lloegr beyond Loch Lomond, 
 
 Grandson of Madoc, . . . 
 
 Grandson of Owen, sadness for whom is becoming. 
 
 ' This is probably a proper name — that of a port in North Wales. 
 It is mentioned by Giraldus, whose words are thus rendered by Sir E. 
 C. Hoare : ' The length [of Wallia] from the Port of Gordher in 
 
1 6 MADOC. 
 
 GwALCHMAi was also the contemporary of Owen and his 
 sons, and has left poems addressed to Owen Gwynedd ; to his 
 sons David and Rodri ; and to Madoc ab Meredydd, Prince of 
 Powys. The passage usually referred to Madoc ab Owen 
 occurs in a poem addressed to Prince David, Owen's son 
 and successor. After lamenting the death and burial of lords 
 of high renown, he says he could not rest without naming 
 them, as they ' bought ' (the word is intended as a compli- 
 ment) ' the praises ' of the bards : 
 
 Owain angerdawl anaw anfeidrawl 
 
 Aer wrawl wrhydri 
 Cadwallawn eyn ei golli 
 Nid oed a lludw y Uawdai fi 
 Cadwaladr cerdgar oerdau cyfarwar 
 
 Cyfarfa a'm perchi 
 Madawg madioed godoli 
 Mwy gwnaeth uy mod no'm oodi 
 Un mab Maredud a thri meib grufud 
 
 Biau bud beird weini. 
 
 Myv. Arch. i. 198 (Gee'a edit. 146). 
 
 The seventh and eighth lines are those which are under- 
 stood to have a reference to the asserted discoverer of 
 America ; but the force of the passage will perhaps be better 
 understood in an English translation. Mr. Owen's version 
 (Farther Obs. p. 48) does not differ materially from mine, 
 and therefore need not be inserted here ; but he omits the 
 
 Anglesey, luito Port Eskewin in Monmouthshire is eight days' journey.' 
 Hoare's Oiraldus, ii. 253. Humphrey Llwyd, a Denbighshire man, and 
 therefore a good authority on this point, instead of Gordher has Oordwr 
 in citing this passage in his description of Britain. {Breviary of 
 Britain, p. 57.) 
 
 In the Triads, the extreme port from Portskewitt is given as Perth 
 Wygyr, or Bed Wharf Bay ; and possibly Gorddwr, literally ' the upper 
 water,' was another name for that port. Hoare's idea, that the name 
 was derived from Gor-ddyar, the roaring of the sea, is not a very just 
 one. [More probably the Gorddwr of the poet was the low, flat border 
 district on the Severn, on the borders of Montgomeryshire and 
 Shropshire, sometimes called Gorddwr Hafren.] 
 
BARDIC POEMS. 17 
 
 last two lines of the extract here cited, which, it will be ob- 
 served, have an important bearing upon this inquiry, as they, 
 too, may possibly suggest a doubt as to whether the Madoc 
 there named was really the sonof Owen. It may also, perhaps, 
 be questioned whether, even upon the affirmative assumption, 
 this passage has any relevance to the discovery of America. 
 
 In an English dress the passage may be thus ren- 
 dered : 
 
 Owen the vehement, transcendent musician, 
 
 Hero of valiant war ; 
 Cadwallon, before lie was lost, 
 It was not with ashes that he favoitred me. 
 Cadwaladr the song-loving, for con-s6nant poems 
 
 Honoured me. 
 Madog kindly apportioned gifts ; 
 He did more to please than to offend me. 
 The one son of Meredydd, and three sons of Griffith, 
 
 Had the ministry of benefit to bards. 
 
 For the information of the reader it may perhaps be as 
 well to state that Owen, Cadwallon, and Cadwaladr were 
 three sons of Gruffydd ab Cynan.' Perhaps he can find who 
 was the son of Meredydd without my aid. 
 
 The passage from ' Meredydd ab Ehys ' is better known 
 than any of the others, and is much more explicit. This bard 
 is variously said to have flourished between the years 1430 
 and 1460,^ about the year 1440,' and in the year 1477.'' He 
 was a clergyman, lived at Ruabon in Denbighshire, and was 
 
 ' ' Owain Gwynedd was the eldest son of Gruffydd ab Cynan.' 
 
 ' CadwaUawn, one of the sons of Gruffydd ab Cynan, was put to 
 death at Nanheudwy about 1130.' 
 
 ' Cadwaladr, the second son of Gruffydd ab Cynan, ended his tur- 
 bulent life in 1172.' 
 
 Williams's Errdnent Welshmen, pp. 56, 60, 369. 
 
 ' Owen, Camhricm Biography, p. 251. 
 
 ' Eev. Peter Bayley Williams, Cambro-Briton, i. 210. 
 
 * Sir Thomas Herbert's Travels (London, 1634). 
 
 C 
 
18 MADOC. 
 
 the poetical tutor of Davydd ab Edmwnt.' Several of his 
 poems are preserved in manuscript ;2 two of them are 
 printed with English translations in the ' lolo Manuscripts ' ; 
 and one of the poems, there given in full, contains the 
 passage referred to, which we extract as it stands in that 
 collection. 
 
 The two poems in the ' lolo Manuscripts ' are addressed to 
 one Ifan ab Tudur ab Gruffydd Llwyd, who lived at or about 
 Maelor ; one was composed to beg him to present the poet 
 with a fishing-net ; and the other to return thanks for the 
 gift. In the latter we find these lines : 
 
 Helied Ifan hael dyfiad 
 Ar ei dir teg wir dre Tad. 
 Mewn awr dda minnau ar ddwr, 
 O fodd hael a fydd heliwr, 
 Madog wych mwyedig wedd, 
 lawn genau Owain Gwynedd, 
 Ni fynnai dir, f 'enaid oedd, 
 Na da mawr ond y moroedd. 
 Madog wyf im oed ai gais 
 Ar foroedd hyn arferais. 
 Ehodiaf hyd For ao Afon 
 Ar hyd eu gro a'm rhwyd gron. 
 
 lolo MSS. pp. 323-4. 
 
 Portions of this passage have been already translated by 
 
 Sir Thomas Herbert, Mr. Owen, Dr. Jones, and others ; and 
 
 the whole is translated in the ' lolo Manuscripts,' p. 703 ; 
 
 but here, again, I will take the liberty of giving my own 
 
 version, which in the ninth and tenth lines will be found to 
 
 differ materially from that of the editor of that compilation. 
 
 He renders the lines, 
 
 Madoc am I, who throughout my life will seek, 
 Upon the seas, that which I have been used to ; 
 
 and our version of the whole passage will here follow : 
 
 ' P. B. Williams, loc. cit. 
 
 '' "Williams's Eminent Welshmen, p. 327. 
 
BARDIC POEMS. 19 
 
 Let Evan, of generous growth, hunt 
 Upon his fair land, his true patrimony ; 
 In an auspicious hour, I also on water, 
 "With the consent of the generous one, will 
 
 be a hunter. 
 Madoo the bold, of expanding form, 
 True whelp of Owen Gwynedd, 
 Would not have land (my kindred soul), 
 Nor great wealth but the seas. 
 I am a Madoo to my age, and to his passion 
 For the seas have I been accustomed. 
 I wUl walk by sea and river, 
 Along the strand with my circled net. 
 
 Here we evidently have a Madoc tradition ; and it will be 
 well to bear it in mind. 
 
 Another bard is named by Sir Thomas Herbert, i.e. 
 Cynvrig or Oynwrig ab Grono ; but he does not cite his words ; 
 the name is wholly unknown ' to our two Cambrian biographers, 
 Owen and Williams ; the modern writers on the affirmative 
 side do not cite him as one of their authorities ; and hence we 
 may assume that, at present at least, he is not forthcoming. 
 
 ' [At least five persons of this name are known to have existed, viz. : 
 
 1. A ' Kenewrick ah Gronoei,' Bailiff of Ehuddlan, took part in an 
 Inquisition held at Prestanton, Dec. 13, 1279 (8 Edward I.). Vide 
 ArchcBologia Cmnbrensis, first series, i. p. 339 (' Basingwerk Abbey,' 
 &o.). 
 
 2. ' David Lloyt ap Kenric ap Gronow ' is mentioned in a ' Roll of 
 Fealty and Presentments ' on the accession of Edward the Black Prince 
 to the title of Prince of Wales. (Original Documents, ap. Archmologia 
 Cambrensis,"p. oUi.) 
 
 3. ' Cymrig ab Gronw ' is named as one of the Jurors in an ' extent ' 
 of the Commot of Glyn Llivon, Anglesey, 26 Edw. III. (a.d. 1352). 
 Cymmrodorion Transactions, vol. i. p. 352. 
 
 4. The same names iigure as one of the ancestors of Dafydd ab 
 Gwilym in the pedigree given in the printed edition of that poet's 
 Works (first edit. p. vi ; second edit. p. vii.). 
 
 5. ' Cynfrig ab Gronw ' was the leading minstrel at the ' Carmarthen 
 Eisteddfod of 1451.' (Prof. J. E. Lloyd on ' Welsh Name-System ' ; 
 Y Cymmrodor, vol. ix. p. 40.) But in the account of this Eisteddfod, 
 published in T Greal (London, 1805, p. 103), the minstrel in question 
 is called simply ' Cynwrig Bencerdd, a native of Tegeingl.'] 
 
 v2 
 
20 MADOC. 
 
 Edward Jones saw an allusion to Madoc in the following 
 lines, by Howel ab Owen, Madoc's brother : 
 
 Ked bwyfy karyadawc kerted ouyt 
 
 Gobwylled uy nuwy uy nihenyt 
 
 Tonn werm orewyn wycliyr wrth dreuyt. 
 
 Since I am a love wight, one inured to wander, 
 
 May God direct (retard ?) my fate ! 
 
 Fair foam-crowned wave of impetuous course.' 
 
 But I must confess I see nothing of the sort. The last 
 line is a kind of catch-line commencing several verses in the 
 same poem. (Myv. Arch. i. 277 ; Gee's edit. 198.) 
 
 Section II. — Histoeical Testimonies. 
 
 Having thns exhausted the list of Bardic passages, we 
 come in the next place to deal with those which are of a more 
 historical form. 
 
 One of these, and that which has been relied upon with 
 most confidence, though not perhaps the earliest in date, is 
 the following Triad, which occurs in the Third Series 
 published in the ' Myvyrian Archaiology ' : 
 
 ' 10, Tri Difancoll ynys Prydain : Cyntaf, Gafran ab 
 Aeddan a'i wyr a aethant i'r mor ynghyrch y Gwerdonau 
 Llion, ac ni chlywyd mwyach am danynt; Ail, Merddyn Bardd 
 Emrys Wledig a'i naw Beirdd Oylfeirdd a aethant i'r mor yn 
 y Ty Gwydrin, ac ni bu son i ba le ydd aethant ; y Trydydd, 
 Madawg ab Owain Gwynedd, a aeth i'r mor a thrichannyn 
 gydag ef mewn deg Hong, ac ni wyddys i ba le ydd aethant.'" 
 
 In translation, as follows : 
 
 ' The three Vanished Losses of the Isle of Britain : First 
 Gavran son of Aeddan and his men, who went to sea in search 
 
 ' The Bardic Museum do. (London, 1802), p. 37. 
 ' Myv. Arch. ii. 59 (Gee's edit. 401). 
 
HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 21 
 
 of the Green Isles of Floods, and were never heard of more.' 
 Second, Merddin, the Bard of Anrelius Ambrosius, and his 
 nine Scientific Bards, who went to sea in the House of Glass, 
 and there has been no account whither they went.^ Third, 
 Madoc son of Owen Gwynedd, who went to sea with three 
 hundred men in ten ships, and it is not known to what place 
 they went.' 
 
 This Triad appears to have been framed after the Triads 
 of the first and second series ; for, though they mention the 
 ' difancoU ' of Gavran, they make no reference whatever to 
 the disappearance of Madoc. The orthography of the third 
 series is comparatively modem ; and it is thought that the 
 two sets of materials of which it is constituted could not have 
 been composed before the commencement of the sixteenth 
 century;' for it was compiled in 1601 by Thomas Jones of 
 Tregaron, from the Book of leuan Brechva, and another 
 manuscript called The Book of Caradoc of Llancarvan. The 
 propriety of this designation has been denied ; and the 
 
 ' Some remarks respecting Gavran will be made hereafter. Southey 
 refers to this legend in the lines, ' Where are the sons of Gavran ? ' &o. ; 
 and Dr. Callcott has set the verses to some fine music. 
 
 " Houses of glass are often mentioned in the romances of the 
 Middle Ages. Southey has a note on the subject in his Madoc, i. 276 ; 
 see also Lit. of the Kymry, p. 201 (second edit. p. 192). Nermius 
 alludes to a tower of glass seen off the Irish Coast ; and the Romance 
 of Alexander the Great, composed in the thirteenth century, and 
 supposed to contain some Persian elements, speaks of a vessel of 
 glass in which Alexander went under the sea, to observe how the fish 
 Iwedl 
 
 There seems to be some misconception as to Glastonbury Abbey, 
 at the root of this Ty Gwydrin legend — for that was buUt in the Isle 
 of AvaHon, called, probably by translation of Qlaston, Ynys Wydrin : 
 Bo that, after all, Merddin and his nine bards might simply have become 
 monks at Glastonbury Abbey, though the Triads must intend that he 
 was wholly lost. 
 
 ' [Mr. Stephens has discussed the so-called ' Historical Triads ' at 
 considerable length, in an essay published in the Welsh magazine, 
 Y Bewniad (Llanelly, 1863-65).] 
 
22 MADOC. 
 
 manuEcript in question certainly appears to have been written 
 in the orthography of the sixteenth century, four hundred 
 years after the time of the monk Caradoc. 
 
 Another testimony is that of Ieuan Bkechva, a Car- 
 marthenshire antiquary, herald, and bard, of some celebrity, 
 who died about the year 1500. He composed an epitome of 
 Welsh History, which has been published in the ' Myvyrian 
 Archaiology ' ; but that contains no reference whatever to 
 Madoc ap Owen. The testimony in question is said to occur 
 in another work, and is thus represented by Mr. W. Owen in 
 his ' Cambrian Biography ' : 
 
 ' This expedition (i.e. the one mentioned in the preceding 
 Triad) was planned by Madog and his brother Rhiryd, in 
 consequence of a prior one in 1170, whereby he discovered 
 land far in the ocean of the West, as it is recorded in a book 
 of pedigrees written by Ieuan Brecliva, about the year 
 1460.'' 
 
 Mr. Humphreys Parry also lays stress upon the testimony 
 of Ieuan Brechva ; "■' but neither of these writers gives the exact 
 words of this antiquary ; and it is a noticeable fact that the 
 Rev. Robert Williams, in reproducing the usual testimonies 
 in the article ' Madog ' in his ' Eminent Welshmen,' omits all 
 mention of this ' book of pedigrees.'' But Mr. Owen and Mr. 
 Parry probably referred to the statement made by Dr. Williams 
 in these words : ' It is said by Ieuan Brechfa, a bard who 
 flourished about the year 1480, that Rhiryd, an illegitimate 
 son of Owen Gwynedd, who, Dr. Powel says, was Lord of 
 Clochran in Ireland, accompanied Madog across the Atlantic 
 
 ' Article Madog ap Owain Owynedd, p. 233. 
 
 ' Camhro-Briton, vol. i. p. 61. 
 
 ' [There is in the Hengwrt collection at Peniarth a ' Book of Pedi- 
 grees ' (Hengwrt MS. 414) in the autograph of Ieuan Brechfa, and 
 under No. 114 in the catalogue of Peniarth MSS. this is called ' Llyfr 
 Ieuan Brechfa.' {Arch. Cambrensis, fourth series, vol. i. p. 839.) 
 This MS., however, makes no mention of any such expedition.] 
 
HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 23 
 
 (Morwerydd) to some lands they had found there, and there 
 dwelt.' ' Dr. Williams does not state where he found this 
 statement ; neither does he give the passage in the exact 
 Words of the writer ; and we have no means of judging in 
 what connection the statement originally appeared. He 
 naturally itfers that leuan Brechva supports the Madoc 
 tradition ; but on the other side it has been argued that 
 leuan simply meant that Madoc went somewhere ' across 
 Morwerydd ' ; ^ and it is not improbable that Morwerydd with 
 him meant the Irish Sea. 
 
 The testimony of the bard of Brechva is thus found to be 
 in a very unsatisfactory condition ; and we shall discover, in 
 the next place, that similar difficulties present themselves in 
 regard to the testimony of Guttyn Owen. Of all the witnesses 
 in this case, to use legal phraseology, he has been deemed to 
 be the most important ; his testimony has been thought 
 decisive ; and more than one writer of note has made his 
 acceptance of the asserted discovery to turn upon the question 
 whether Guttyn Owen wrote before or after the discovery of 
 the new continent by Columbus. But when we seek the 
 ipsissima verba of this bard, we are at once confronted by this 
 difficulty. On the one side it is affirmed that Guttyn Owen 
 wrote in Welsh the account afterwards given by Humphrey 
 Lhoyd or Llwyd, and that Llwyd's account is simply a trans- 
 lation from the works of that bard. On the other hand, it 
 is affirmed that Llwyd does not mention Guttyn Owen, that 
 he makes no reference to any other authority, that he was 
 the first writer ^ who declared that Madog had discovered a 
 
 ' Farther Observations, p. 28. 
 
 ' Woodward's History of Wales, p. 328. 
 
 ' [It has been generally assumed that the Madoc story was first 
 made known to English readers in the work of Dr. Powel in 1584, 
 The fallacy of this assumption was first shown by Mr. Edward Owen, 
 who, in an able Essay on this subject, published in the Bed Dragon 
 (Cardiff, 1885), drew attention to a rare tract by Sir George Peckham 
 
24 MADOC. 
 
 western continent, and that Guttyn's testimony was simply 
 what is given on his authority by Dr. Powel, namely, that 
 Madoc sailed with ten ships. Now it is certainly true that 
 Llwyd does not name Guttyn, and gives no indication of 
 having used any other authority, while the fact that he 
 advances several opinions of his own militates against the 
 supposition of his being a translator. And it is also true that 
 Dr. Powel, who mentions Guttyn Owen, cites him specially 
 as an authority for the ' ten ships ' ; but whether Guttyn 
 Owen merely made a statement similar to that of the Triad, 
 or went further and indicated the discovery of a western con- 
 tinent, cannot be confidently inferred from this citation. 
 Powel believed the reported discovery, and Guttyn Owen's 
 words, as they are set in Powel's narrative, have the appear- 
 ance of confirming it; but whether they would signify as 
 much when separated from this connection, and standing 
 alone, cannot be determined. I have made several eSbrts to 
 obtain the exact words, but have hitherto been unsuccess- 
 ful. 
 
 Having thus fairly stated the actual facts respecting the 
 
 published in 1583, and entitled ' A True Eeporte of the late discoveries 
 and possession taken in the right of the Crowne of England of the 
 New found Landes by that valiatint and worthye Gentleman Sir 
 Humfrey Gilbert Knight.' Peokham's account, which is dedicated to 
 Sir Francis Walsingham, agrees substantially with that of Powel, and 
 both are professedly supported by statements made by one David 
 Ingram, of whom more hereafter. Mr. Owen, in the essay in question, 
 regrets his inability to discover any particiilars of the life of Peckham. 
 There are, however, various references to him hi the State Papers of 
 the period, in one of which he is described as ' of Denham in the 
 County of Kent, Knight.' {State Papers, Domestic, Ehzabeth, vol. 
 clxi. No. 44, which is an Indenture between Sir Philip Sydney and 
 Sir George Peckham, assuring to the latter 80,000 acres of land ia 
 .America, part of a grant to Sir Philip of ' thirty hundred thousand 
 acres of ground to be discovered.' Other references to Peckham 
 are in St. P. vol. xcv. No. 68; vol. oxlvi. No. 40, and vol. oxlviii. 
 No. 4.)] 
 
HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 25 
 
 testimony of Guttyn Owen, I may now perhaps be permitted 
 to relate what has the appearance of being a joke. Mr. 
 Woodward tells the story. ' A zealous antiquary did once,' 
 he said, ' get sight of Guttyn Owen's very chronicle, wherein 
 was Llwyd's narrative exactly told ; but when he wished to 
 make a more careful comparison, the precious MS. was gone ; 
 nor could he ever afterwards learn so much as where it 
 was.' ' 
 
 This is probably another version of a statement made by 
 Dr. Williams, which is to the effect that the Rev. Josiah Eees 
 informed Mr. Edward Williams (lolo Morganwg) — who in 
 such matters was himself a better authority — that he had 
 two or three fair MSS. of Caradoc of Llancarvan, with the 
 continuation by the monks of Strata Florida, Guttyn Owen, 
 &c. ; that he compared them with Dr. Powel's translation ; 
 and that he found the latter to be the most faithful that he 
 ever met with in any language.' ^ But this statement is nob 
 strictly relevant to the inquiry ; for, though the translation 
 of Llwyd and Powel is faithful, where it is a translation at 
 all, the part of the ' Historie of Cambria ' relating to Madoc 
 neither appears nor professes to be so. Mr. Eees does not 
 appear to have stated specifically that he had in MS. an 
 original counterpart of their statement ; and, if he had, he 
 might have been convicted of misstatement by his own act ; 
 for in the Welsh magazine ' of which he was editor he 
 published one of these MS. chronicles ; but it makes no refer- 
 ence whatever to Madoc ap Owen. 
 
 Dr. Williams supposed that these MSS. had disappeared ; 
 but, as I have said, one of them was published in 1770 by 
 Mr. Eees, and the Chronicle of Guttyn Owen is very well 
 
 ' Woodward's History of Wales, pp. 329, 330. 
 ' Fa/rtJier Observations, p. 20. 
 
 ' Trysorfa Gwybodaeth, neu, Eurgrawn Cymraeg. J. Ross, 
 Caerfyrddin (1770). 
 
26 MADOC. 
 
 known. It is now in the possession of Thomas Griffith, Esq., 
 of Wrexham, and is the MS. usually cited as the ' Book of 
 Basingwerk ' ; but I believe that it may be confidently affirmed 
 that, so far from containing Llwyd's narrative, it has not as 
 much as a single word on the subject. It is well known that 
 the late Mr. Aneurin Owen, under the auspices of what was 
 termed the Eecord Commission, prepared an edition of the 
 Welsh Chronicles for the press. A portion of this work, 
 coming down from A.D. 688 to 1066, was published in the 
 handsome folio volume entitled ' Monumenta Historica Bri- 
 tannica ' ; and in that portion Mr. Owen is seen to have made 
 frequent use of the ' Book of Basingwerk,' and to have collated 
 that with the other chronicles. Feeling perfectly assured 
 that, if this MS. contained the Madoc narrative, it would ap- 
 pear in Mr. Owen's MS. edition, I wrote, for the purpose of 
 this essay, to his son, the late William Owen, Esq., of Tan y 
 Gyrt, near Denbigh, to make the requisite search ; and in a 
 reply, dated Feb. 10, 1858, he informs me that, under and 
 about the year 1170, there is no reference whatever to Madoc 
 or his expedition. We must therefore cease to refer this 
 narrative to Guttyn Owen's Chronicle, and seek elsewhere 
 for the statement cited by Dr. Powel. 
 
 Next in order comes the testimony of that ' paineful and 
 worthie searcher of Brytish antiquities,' Humphrey Llwyd. 
 He was a native of Denbigh, born of highly respectable 
 parents, received a collegiate education, took the degree of 
 M.A. at Oxford in 1551, represented his native town in Par- 
 liament, and died in his forty-first year in 1568. He corre- 
 sponded with several of the most learned men of his day, and 
 composed several works relating to Wales and its history. 
 Of these the most important was an historical work, written 
 in 1559, which he left in MS. and unfinished. A copy being 
 in the hands of Sir Henry Sidney, Lord President of the 
 Marches, it was at his solicitation edited, extended, and 
 
HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 27 
 
 published in 1584, by Dr. David Powel, under the designa- 
 tion of the ' Historie of Cambria.'' 
 
 In this volume we meet with the following passage, or 
 rather paragraph, for which the sole authority named in the 
 margin is ' H. Lhoyd ' ; and hence it has been argued that 
 Dr. Powel knew of no other authority for the statements 
 therein contained.^ 
 
 Llwyd's words here follow : 
 
 ' Madoc another of Owen Gwyneth his sonnes left the 
 land in contention betwixt his brethren, and prepared certaine 
 ships with men and munition, and sought aduentures by seas, 
 sailing West, and leaning the coast of Ireland so far north, 
 that he came to a land vnknowen, where he saw manie strange 
 things. This land must needs be some part of that countrie. 
 of which the Spaniardes affirme themselves to be the first 
 ■finders sith Hanno's time ; for by reason and order of Oosmo- 
 graphie, this land, to the which Madoc came, must needs be 
 some part of Nona Hispania or Florida. Wherevpon it is 
 manifest, that that countrie was long before by Brytaines 
 discouered, afore either Columbus or Americus Vesputius lead 
 anie Spaniardes thither. Of the viage and returne of this 
 Madoc there be manie fables fained, as the common people 
 doo vse in distance of place and length of time rather to 
 augment than to diminish : but sure it is, that there he was. 
 And after he had returned home and declared the pleasant 
 and fruitfull countries that he had seene without inhabitants ; 
 and vpon the contrarie part, for what barren and wild ground 
 his brethren and nephues did murther one another : he pre- 
 pared a number of ships, and got with him such men and 
 women as were desirous to Hue in quietnes, and taking leaue 
 
 ' Williams's Eminent Welshmen. This work contains a very ful 
 biographical notice of Humphrey Lhoyd, Lhuyd, or Llwyd. 
 ^ Woodward's History, of Wales, p. 329. 
 
28 MADOC. 
 
 of his freends tooke Ms iournie thitherward againe.' There- 
 fore it is to be presupposed, that he and his people inhabited 
 part of those countries ; for it appeareth by Francis Loues,^ 
 that in Acusanus ' and other places, the people honored the 
 crosse : whereby it may be gathered that Christians had beene 
 there, before the comming of the Spaniards. But bicause this 
 people were not manie, they folowed the maners of the land 
 they came vnto, and vsed the language they found there.' ■* 
 
 Columbus landed on October 12, 1492, on one of the 
 Bahama Islands, a little to the south of Florida ; and in the 
 course of the ensuing months discovered St. Domingo, which 
 he named Hispaniola, and which, after leaving the crew of 
 one of his vessels to form a colony, he left to return homewards, 
 January 4, 1493. Llwyd here supposes that Madoc must have 
 landed in one of the two places discovered by Columbus ; but 
 Dr. Powel held a different opinion, and, in continuation of 
 the above account, made the following remarks : 
 
 ' This Madoc arriuing in that Westerne countrie, vnto 
 the which he came, in the yeare 1170, left most of his people 
 there ; and returning backe for more of his owne nation, 
 acquaintance and freends, to inhabite that faire and large 
 countrie : went thither againe with ten sailes, as I find noted 
 by Gutyn Owen. I am of opinion that the land, wherevnto 
 he came, was some part of Mexico : the causes which make 
 me to thinke so be these. 
 
 1 The point of departure is unsettled. Sir Thomas Herbert makes 
 it Abergwilley (Abergwili, near Carmarthen, or Abergele, Carnarvon- 
 shire ?) ; Howel, Milford (EpistolcB Ho-EUcmce, Bk. ii. 1. 55 ; and 
 Eev. Isaac Taylor, ' Ynys Hir,' near Port Madoc {Words and Places, 
 p. 372). ' From Ynys Hie, now some way inland, Madoc is said to have 
 sailed in quest of unknown lands.' 
 
 ^ Lopez de Gomara. ' Aousamil and Yucatan. 
 
 * Historie of Cambria, pp. 166-7 (ed. 1811). See also Wynne's 
 edition (1697) under A.n. 1170. 
 
HISTOEICAL TESTIMONIES. 29 
 
 ' 1 . The common report of the inhabitants of that countrie, 
 which aflBrme, that their rulers descended from a strange 
 nation, that came thither from a farre countrie : which thing 
 is confessed by Mutezuma, king of that countrie, in his oration 
 made for quieting of his people, at his submission to the king 
 of Castile, Hernando Curteis being then present, which is 
 laid downe in the Spanish Chronicles of the conquest of the 
 West Indies. 
 
 ' 2. The Brytish words and names of places, vsed in that 
 countrie euen to this dale, doo argue the same : as when 
 they talke togither, they use this word Gwrando, which is, 
 Hearken or listen. Also they haue a certeine bird with a 
 white head, which they call Pengwin, that is, white head. 
 But the Hand of Corroeso, the cape of Bryton, the river of 
 Gwyndor, and the white rocke of Pengwyn, which be all 
 Brytish or Welsh words, doo manifestlie shew that it was 
 that countrie which Madoc and his people inhabited.' ' 
 
 Hakluyt, Ealeigh, Purchas, Marriott, Paget, Abbott, and 
 a host of other writers, afterwards repeated the story ; but 
 they add nothing of any importance to the narrative of 
 Llwyd and Powel, and cannot be considered to be original 
 authorities.^ 
 
 Dr. -John Williams gives Hakluyt's account in his essay, 
 
 ' Hisiorie of Cambria, p. 167 (ed. 1811). 
 
 ' Hakluyt, Voyages, iii. (1st ed. 1589, p. 506) ; Ealeigh, History of 
 the World ; Pagett, Christicmogra^hy, p. 47 ; Purohas, Pilgrimage, 
 b. viii. p. 890 ; Abbott, Archbishop of Canterbury, History of the World, 
 pp. 255 et seq., says America was discovered by a Welsh prince, and 
 was known to King Arthur (1). John Marriott seen^is to have written 
 in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He also refers to two Cambrian 
 traditions relative to the discovery of America — one by King Arthur, 
 and the other 'by a knight of Wales and some pretty company,' 
 meaning Madoc. Dr. WilHams (Enquiry, &c. p. 17) seems inclined 
 to elevate him to the rank of an original authority ; but the fifth edi- 
 tion, quoted by Williams, is dated 1620, and the reference to the 
 Penguin seems to imply that he had read or heard of Powel's narra- 
 tive. 
 
30 MADOC. 
 
 and in reference to the words ' with ten sailes, as I find noted 
 by Guttun Owen,' appends the following note : 
 
 ' Hakluyt says, that he derived this account from Guttun 
 Owen : his writings, therefore, must have been extant in the 
 days of Hakluyt. He does not refer to Humphrey Llwyd or 
 Dr. Powel as his authorities.' ' 
 
 Dr. Williams is in error. Hakluyt does refer to Powel's 
 ' History of Wales ' as his authority ; and his account is a mere 
 repetition of Llwyd and Powel's. He gives Guttyn Owen's 
 statement in the exact words of Dr. Powel ; and therefore 
 Dr. Williams's inference falls to the ground ; for the original 
 authority is therefore Powel, and not Hakluyt. There need 
 be no question that Powel saw the statement in one of 
 Guttyn's manuscripts : and the question which interests us is 
 this : Was the statement about the ' ten ships ' all that Powel 
 found in the writings of that bard ? 
 
 Sir Thomas Herbert, a great traveller in the early part of 
 the seventeenth century, is the next writer of note upon 
 this question. His account has been republished at length 
 in ' The Literature of the Kymry,' pp. 143-7,^ and is there- 
 fore easily accessible. In this place, for that reason, we shall 
 omit the first part thereof, which cites a passage from Seneca, 
 supposed to be a ' dim light to show the way to the western 
 world,' and gives an account of the contentions between the 
 sons of Owen Gwynedd. He then proceeds thus : 
 
 ' These intestine broils were in no way pleasing to Madoc, 
 another of the sons of Owain, who seems to have foreseen 
 that the ruin of their country would be the consequence of 
 their discord and fraternal rage. Therefore, to avoid the 
 storm and provide for himself, he resolves upon a sea adven- 
 ture, hoping to find some place abroad where he might fix 
 himself securely, and not be open to invasion. Thus says 
 tradition. It is not unlikely but that Madoc was acquainted 
 ' Enquiry Ac. p. 12. ^ Second edition, pp. 133 et seq. 
 
HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 31 
 
 with the prophecy or " dim lights" which led to the discovery 
 of the western world. Madoc having provided ships, men, 
 and provision, put to sea from Abergwilley, in the year 1170. 
 Wind and sea favouring his design, after some weeks' sailing 
 due west, he descried land, probably Newfoundland; but 
 whatever it was it overjoyed him. Madoc then ranging the 
 coast, so soon as he found a convenient place, sat down to 
 plant, meaning, fixed on a spot to form his intended settle- 
 ment. After he had stayed there awhile to recruit the health 
 of his men, he fortified his settlement and left 120 men there 
 to protect it. And by providence (the best compass) he 
 returned in safety to his own country. Having recounted 
 his voyage, the fruitfulness of the soU, the simplicity of the 
 savages, the wealth abounding there, and facility of enlarge- 
 ment, after some months' refreshment, in ten barques laden 
 with necessary provisions, they put to sea again, and happily 
 recovered their settlement.' They found but few of those 
 whom they had left remaining, their death, it is conjectured, 
 being by an incautious indulgence in the produce of a novel 
 climate and country, or the treachery of the natives. Madoc, 
 with the assistance of his brothers Eineon and Edwal, put 
 things once more in comparative good order, and remained 
 there some time, expecting the arrival of more of their country- 
 men from Wales, for which they had made arrangements 
 previous to their departure ; but they never came, and caused 
 grievous disappointment. The cause of this failure is said to 
 have been the wars which ensued, and which called for the 
 service of every man for the defence of his country, but 
 which ended in the subjugation of Wales by the English. 
 
 ' But though Madoc and his Cambrian crew be dead, and 
 their memory moth-eaten, yet are their footsteps plainly 
 
 ' Edward Williams (lolo Morganwg) assigns the date of 1195 to 
 the second voyage, and professes to have Herbert's authority {Poems, 
 Lyric and Pastoral, ii. p. 65) ; but this is apparently an error. 
 
32 MADOC. 
 
 traceable, which the language they left, the religion they 
 taught, and the reliques they found do clearly evidence. 
 Otherwise how are we to account for the British words, not 
 much altered from the dialect used at this day, among the 
 Mexicans ? Whence had they the use of beads, crucifixes, 
 &c. ? All which the Spaniards, as we read in Lopez de 
 Gomeza and others, found amongst those, Acusano and 
 Calhuaean, at their first landing in America. Tea, whence 
 comes that tradition amongst the Mexicans, that a strange 
 people came thither in corraugles who taught them the know- 
 ledge of God, and by whose instruction they became civilised, 
 as is related by Columbus, Postellus, Francus, Lopez, Cortes, 
 and other Castilians ? 
 
 ' That of Herniando Cortes, who a.d. 1519 was ambassador 
 and general for Ferdinand and Isabella, is most remarkable. 
 In some discourse between him and Montezuma, the second 
 son of Antzol, and father of Quabutimoc, the last king of 
 Mexico, Cortes, observing the Indians to have many ceremo- 
 nies which the Spaniards used, demanded who instructed them. 
 The answer was, that many years before, a strange nation 
 landed there, who were such a people as induced his ancestors 
 to afford them a civil reception. But how they were called, 
 or whence they came, he could not satisfy. Another time, in 
 a panegyric which Montezuma returned them, he had this 
 expression : " One chief cause of my affection to your nation 
 is, I have heard my father say, how that he had heard his 
 grandfather affirm, that some generations before, his progeni- 
 tors came thither as strangers in company of a nobleman who 
 abode there awhile, and then departed, but left many of his 
 people behind. That upon his return, most of those he left 
 there died ; and that from him or some of them they supposed 
 themselves to be descended." By which narrative it may be 
 presumed, the people he meant were Welsh rather than 
 Spaniards. And the records of that voyager, writ by many 
 
HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 33 
 
 bards and genealogists, confirm as much, as may appear by 
 the learned poems of Cynwric ab Grono, Guttyn Owain, who 
 lived in Edward the Fourth's time ; and Sir Meredith ab Rees, 
 who lived in 1477, of Madoc had this eulogy : 
 
 Madoc wif mwydio wedd 
 lawn genau Owaiu Gwynedd 
 Ni fiumwn dyr fy enaid oedd 
 Na da mawr ond y moroedd. 
 
 Madoc ab Owen called was I ; 
 Strong, comely, brave, of statiire high ; 
 No home-bred pleasures proved my aim ; 
 By land and sea I won high fame.' 
 
 ' By their language also, Welsh names being given to birds 
 and beasts, rivers and nooks, &c. &o., as pengwyn, a bird that 
 has a white head ; craigwen, a white rock ; gwynddwr, white 
 water ; nev, heaven ; llwynog, a fox ; wy, an egg ; calaf, a 
 quill; bara, bread; trwyn, a nose; mam, a mother; tad, 
 father ; dwr, water ; pryd, time ; and many others. There 
 are islands called Corrhoeso, and a cape Britain. Buwch, a 
 cow ; and clugar, a heathcock,^ &c., &c. Nor is it a phansie 
 
 ' These four lines were first pubhshed in this connection by 
 Hakluyt, and they were communicated to him by the celebrated anti- 
 quary, William Camden, with this title : 
 
 ' Carmina Meredith PiUi Ehesi, mentionem facientia de Madooo, 
 Filio Oweui Gwyneth, et de sua Navigatione in Terras incognitas. 
 Vixit hie Meredith cireiter Anno Domini 1477.' 
 
 Then foUow the lines as given by Herbert ; and it is probable that 
 he found them in and cited them from HaMwyt's Voyages, which 
 were first pubUshed in 1589, and again in 1599-1600. 
 
 It has, indeed, been suggested by lolo Morganwg [Poems, Lyric 
 and Pastoral, ii. p. 65), and after him by Mr. Humphreys Parry 
 (Cambro-Briion, i. p. 61), that Herbert had his materials from the 
 library of Baglan Castle ; but his statements can, for the most part, be 
 traced to other sources, and there does not seem to be any authority 
 for this suggestion. 
 
 ^ I am unable to trace the authorities for these Welsh words. 
 HoweU (ii. Ep. Ivi.) refers them to ' some navigators.' ' Penguin ' 
 and Owynethes, and ' divers other Welsh words,' are named by David 
 
34 MADOC. 
 
 of yesterday, since learned men both of late and former times 
 have taken notice. Such are Cynwric ab Grono, Meredith 
 ab Rees, Guttyn Owain, Lloyd, Howell, Prys, Hackluit, 
 Broughton, Purchas, Davy, and others, whose learning and 
 integrity have credit, and abundantly convince the ingenious, 
 so as no doubt had it' been known and inherited, then had not 
 Columbus, Americus Vespusius, Magellan, nor others carried 
 away the honour of so great a discovery. Nor had Madoc 
 been defrauded of his memory, nor our kings of their just 
 title to a portion of the West Indies.' ' 
 
 Ingram, an enterprising voyager of the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- 
 turies, in some ' Relations,' cited in Oilbert's Voyages. Dr. Harris, the 
 naval historian, names Ingram in connection with one Miles Phillips.* 
 
 * [' The relation of David Ingram, of Barking, in the County of 
 Essex, sailor,' who sailed with Sir John Hawkins on his third voyage 
 to the West Indies in 1568, was, together with the narrative of his 
 fellow-sailor. Miles PhUKps, printed in the first edition of HaMuyt's 
 Voyages, 1589, p. 557, but Ingram's Belation was omitted in the 
 second edition, 1599-1600. Ingram's words are as follows : ' There is 
 also another kind of fowl in that country . . . they have white heads, 
 and therefore the countrymen call them Penguins, which seemeth to be 
 a Welsh name. And they have also in use divers other Welsh words. 
 A matter worth the noting.' Ingram's Belation (the original MS. of 
 which is stiU extant in the British Museum, Sloane MS. 1447) is ex- 
 pressly stated to have been made to Sir Francis Walsingham, Knight, 
 Sir George Peckham, Knight, and others in August and September 
 1582. Ingram is thus the earliest known authority for these Welsh 
 words.] 
 
 1 ' Belation of some Years' Travaillinto Africa am.d Asia the Great, 
 especially describing the famous Empires of Persia and Industan, 
 as also divers other Kingdoms in the Oriental Indies and the Isles 
 adjacent. With a Discourse on the Discovery of America by the 
 Welsh three hundred years before Columbus. By Sir Thomas Her- 
 bert, Bart. Pawb yn y a/rver.' (Folio. London, 1634. Republished 
 in 1638 and 1677.) 
 
 [This ' just title ' was again seriously asserted in the year 1789 in 
 an anonymous work entitled. The British Sailor's Discovery ; or, the 
 Spanish Pretensions confuted (London, 1739). In pp. 12-14, the dis- 
 covery of America by Madoc is mentioned, and a long quotation from 
 Pcwel given, but no new matter is added.] 
 
HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 35 
 
 Sir Thomas Herbert was made a baronet by Charles the 
 Second for his fidelity to that king's father ; but his travels 
 belong to an earlier period of his life. He was bom at York 
 in 1606, educated at Oxford and Cambridge, and went to 
 Persia in 1626, in the suite of Sir Dodmore Cotton, through 
 the interest and at the expense of his kinsman, William 
 Herbert, Earl of Pembroke. He returned to England at the 
 end of four years, having travelled very extensively in Eastern 
 parts. He published his travels in 1634 ; a second edition, 
 revised and enlarged, appeared in 1638 ; and a third in 1677 ; 
 but the first must be taken to be the date of the testimony 
 above given. 
 
 Another writer on this subject was James Howell, a cele- 
 brated author of the same age. He was born in 1696, was 
 a native of Carmarthenshire, the son of a clergyman, and 
 educated at Jesus College, Oxford, where he took his bachelor's 
 degree. He lived in the stormy period of the Civil War, got 
 involved in debt, and was committed to the Fleet prison in 
 London. Here he took to writing for the press ; but is best 
 known by his letters, which were characterised by liveliness, 
 sagacity, and good sense. These were the earliest collection 
 of the kind published in this country, and extended over four 
 volumes. The first volume of the 'Epistote Ho-Elianse' 
 appeared in 1645, and the fourth in 1655. There were 
 many subsequent editions, but these are the dates we require ; 
 and it is in the first, second, and fourth volumes that Howell 
 speaks of Madoc. He adds nothing to the preceding state- 
 ments, with the exception of the extraordinary misconception, 
 and flagrant misstatement, that the four lines just cited from 
 Meredith ab Rees were found upon the tombstone of Madoc in 
 the West Indies ! A part of this misconception is due to the 
 mistranscription of these lines, in which the verb wyf ' I am,' 
 of line 9 of our quotation (ante, p. 18) appears in line 5 
 instead of the adjective wych, ' bold,' thus making Madoc 
 
 D 2 
 
36 MADOC. 
 
 speak in his own person ; but the idea that the lines formed 
 an epitaph appears for the first time in Howell's Letters ; and. 
 the misconception existed in his mind as early as the year 
 1630, as appears from Vol. ii. Letter 56, p. 35 i (4th 
 edition, 1673), dated Westminster, August 9 of that year, 
 and addressed to Earl Rivers, in which he writes thus : 
 
 ' But, my Lord, you would think it strange, that divers 
 pure Wekh words should be found in the new-fotmd World in 
 the West Indies. Yet it is verified by some Navigators ; as 
 grando (hark), nef (heaven), lluynog (a fox), pengwyn (a bird 
 with a white head), with sundry others which are pure 
 British. Nay, I have read a Welsh Epitaph, which was 
 found there, upon one Madoc, a British Prince, who four years 
 before the Norman Conquest, not agreeing with his brother, 
 then Prince of South [rather North] Wales, went to try his 
 fortunes at sea, imbarking himself at Milford-Saven, and so 
 tarried on those coasts. This, if well proved, might well 
 entitle our Crown to America, if first discovery may claim a 
 right to any country.' 
 
 Mr. Humphreys Parry republished this letter in the 
 Cambro-Briton, iii. 462, and suggested that Howell got the 
 above account from Herbert ; but the letter was written four 
 years before Herbert published his travels ; and it would 
 probably be more correct to assume that Powel and Hakluyt 
 were his authorities, and that Howell and Herbert wrote 
 independently of each other. 
 
 Howell may or may not have been the originator of the 
 epitaph story. I am inclined to think he was ; and there 
 are several loose assertions in the foregoing letter, which show 
 that he did not take much pains to inform himself accurately 
 respecting the details of the Madoc narrative. Herbert, it 
 will have been observed, launches our hero, a North Wales 
 prince from the little village of Abergwili in Carmarthen- 
 shire, probably from not knowing that a small place on the 
 
HISTOKICAL TESTIMONIES. 37 
 
 sea, called Abergele, existed in Denbighshire. Howell, equally 
 uninformed, has shaped the story to suit this misconception ; 
 Madoc, the son of Owen Gwynedd, becomes in his hands a 
 brother to a prince of South Wales ; he sails from Milford 
 Haven, and is sent adrift before the Norman Conquest (i.e. 
 1066), some half-century before he was born probably, and 
 more than a century before the usually assigned date, viz. 
 1170. But whether the misconception originated with Howell 
 or some other person, it evidently had taken a strong hold of 
 his mind, and we find him referring to it a second time. A 
 relative having asked him for a copy of the epitaph, he replies 
 in these terms : 
 
 ' To Howel Gwyn, Usq. 
 
 ' My much endeared Cosen, — I send you herewith accord- 
 ing to your desires the British or Welsh Epitaph (for the Saxons 
 gave us that new name calling us Welshmen or Strangers in 
 our own countrey) which Epitaph was found in the West Indies 
 upon Prince Madoc neer upon 600 years since.' Then 
 follows a corrupt copy of the lines quoted by Herbert, and a 
 translation in which Herbert's verse is improved, though pro- 
 fessedly given as his : 
 
 Madoc ap Owen was I oall'd, 
 Strong, tall, and comly, not inthrall'd 
 With home-bred pleasure, but for Fame, 
 Through Land and Sea I sought the same.' 
 
 He then remarks : ' This British Prince Madoc (as many 
 
 ' This ' epitaph ' seems also to have attracted the attention of Dr. 
 Samuel Johnson, who gave it d. Latin form : 
 
 ' Inclytus hie Haeres magni requiescit Oeni 
 
 Confessus tantum mente modoque patrem. 
 Servilem talis Cultum contempsit AgeHi, 
 Et petiit Terras per Freta longa Novas.' 
 
 Cited by Dr. "Williams from The Puhlic Advertiser, May 25, 1787 
 [Enquiry, p. 14]. 
 
38 MADOC. 
 
 authors make mention) made two voyages thither, and in the 
 last left his bones there, upon which this epitaph lay ' ; and 
 concludes his observations with the usual reference to Cape 
 Britain, a promontory ' not far from Mexico,' ' a creek called 
 Gwyndwor,' and ' the sign of the Orosse.' ' 
 
 Fourteen years previously, Howell had thought it desi- 
 rable to have the Cambrian tradition well proved ; but here he 
 speaks quite confidently. 
 
 Howell's Letters obtained much celebrity, and, as a natural 
 consequence, the ' Epitaph ' became an accredited fact. It was 
 probably from him that it found its way into Hackett's Col- 
 lection of Epitaphs ; and the story is again referred to in the 
 collection of Letters published in London in 1694, under the 
 title of the ' Turkish Spy,' which we shall have occasion 
 hereafter to notice in greater detail, and in which the writer 
 represents the Tuscm-oras or Doeg Indians to be the descendants 
 of Madoc, adding that they ' show his Tomb to this day, with 
 Beads, Crucifixes, and other Beliques.' ^ 
 
 Howell's authority, also, commended the story to the at- 
 tention even of Welsh writers; and so, in 1716, we find it 
 cited in ' Drych y Prif Oesoedd, or The Mirror of the Primitive 
 Ages,' by the Eev. Theophilus Evans. Evans's work became 
 the favourite manual of Welsh history, retained its place for 
 a century, and has impressed the Madoc narrative so deeply 
 upon the Kymric mind that it will probably not be effaced 
 for a century to come, even though it should ultimately appear 
 to have no foundation in fact. He bases his narrative upon 
 the triple assertion that Madoc's voyage is recorded in ' the 
 chronicles of the ages ' ; that the natives of America use the 
 Kymric words named by Powel ; and that the foregoing 
 ' epitaph ' was found upon Madoc's tomb in that country. He 
 
 > EpistolcE Ho-EKance, vol. iv. Letter 29, dated Oct. 8, 1654 (?). 
 ' The Turkish Spy (London, 1694), vol. viii. Bk. iii. Letter xii. 
 p. 204. 
 
HISTOEICAL TESTIMONIES. 39 
 
 has been much blamed for the latter assertion by recent 
 writers ; but he gives as his authority ' Hoel. Ep. Vol. iv. 
 Ep. 29, p. 474, Ed. 7,' namely, the foregoing letter, and is, 
 therefore, not primarily responsible for the assertion ; and in 
 referring to 'the chronicles of the, or those, ages,' he was 
 probably unconscious of the fact that the Welsh Chronicles 
 have no record of Madoc's voyage, and that he only knew 
 them in Llwyd's translation. He, however, adds to the pre- 
 ceding narrative, (1) that Madoc on the second voyage reached 
 the port where he had landed before, in eight months and ten 
 days ; (2) that while that generation survived they remained 
 together, having one language, one religion, and one law ; 
 (3) but that in the lapse of time, after two or three genera- 
 tions, they associated with the natives, and became one people 
 with them, just as milk and water become mixed together.' 
 He gives no authority for these statements, though they espe- 
 cially require to be well supported. The asserted absorption 
 of the hypothetical descendants of Madoc may be only an 
 expansion of Llwyd's remark ; but the extraordinary length 
 of a voyage now accomplished in nine days involves consider- 
 able difficulties, both nautical and alimentary ; and the 
 specific duration assigned to a voyage from which no one 
 ever returned, and of which there could scarcely be any re- 
 cord, betrays the absence of critical discernment, and a remark- 
 able unconsciousness of historical responsibility. 
 
 Another significant contribution to these testimonies is 
 made by Dr. Williams. ' Prom various concurrent evidences 
 it appears that Madog was the Commander of Ms Father's Fleet, 
 which was -so considerable as successfully to oppose that of 
 England, at the mouth of the Menai (the channel between 
 Carnarvonshire and the island of Anglesea), in the year 1142. 
 This victory was celebrated by Gwalchmai, the son of Meilir, 
 
 ' Drych y Prif Oesoedd, Spurrell's ed. 1854, p. 11. 
 
40 MADOC. 
 
 in one of the most animated pieces of poetry to be found in 
 any language. 
 
 ' It is very probable tbat Madoc hesitated which side to 
 take in the dispute between his brothers about the succession, 
 and at last determined to join neither, but resolved to with- 
 draw himself; and, being Command er-in-Ghief of the Fleet, 
 he was able without delay to leave his native country. These 
 circumstances will help us to account for his speedy departure, 
 for, by all that appears, he sailed within about a year after 
 his father's death.' ' Dr. Williams gives as his authorities 
 Caradoc's 'History of Wales,' p. 163, 4th ed. 1697; and 
 Evans's ' Specimens of the Welsh Bards,' p. 126 (rede, 25), ed. 
 1764. I have verified his references, but my copies of these 
 works make no mention of Madoc, in any capacity, in connec- 
 tion with the battle of 1142 ; neither do they report it to 
 have been a naval engagement. 
 
 The latest and only subsequent testimony of an historical 
 form is that of the Rev. R. W. Morgan. 
 
 ' On the death of Owen Gwynedd, his son Madoc, who 
 had commanded his fleets, fitted out eight vessels and dis- 
 covered America, a.d. 1160. He returned in 1164, and with 
 a second fleet of eighteen vessels and three thousand of his 
 countrymen, crossed the Atlantic and took possession of the 
 throne and kingdom of Mexico. The family traditions of the 
 Mexican royal family, when the Spaniards under Cortez in- 
 vaded their country, clearly establish their extraction from 
 Madoc aud Britain.' ' 
 
 It will be observed that this statement differs in several 
 important points from any of the preceding ; but I know of 
 no authority for them, and Mr. Morgan gives none. Hence 
 it is, I presume, to be inferred that he got the number of 
 ships and men from his imagination, and that he conceives 
 his own assertion to be historic evidence. In terming Madoc 
 
 ' Farther Observations, p. 49. ' The British Eymry, p. 166. 
 
HISTORICAL TESTIMONIES. 41 
 
 the commander of his father's fleet, he adopts the statement 
 of Dr. Williams, that Madoc commanded at the battle of the 
 Menai, for which there seems to be no real authority. 
 
 Section III. — Travellers' Tales. 
 
 Having exhausted the list of historic statements, we come, 
 in the next place, to an entirely different class of evidences. 
 
 The discovery of America by Columbus led to subsequent 
 expeditions, and ultimately to various settlements, by the 
 Spaniards, Dutch, English, and French. While Spain took 
 possession of the Southern part, England claimed North 
 America, from the discovery of the two Cabots in 1498 ; and 
 various settlements were made there in the years 1578, 1607, 
 1620, 1630, 1632, 1663, and in 1680, in which year William 
 Penn led a band of colonists to found Pennsylvania. 
 
 Wlile these momentous events were taking place, the 
 Madoc narrative was often uppermost in the minds of the 
 natives of the Principality ; and as the statements of Llwyd, 
 Powel, Herbert, and Howell received implicit credence, Welsh- 
 men, persons favourable to the English claims of prior dis- 
 covery, and even learned foreigners, were not indisposed to 
 find confirmations of their narratives on the American conti- 
 nent itself. 
 
 The first indubitable fact of this kind was the discovery 
 made in 1519, by Hernando Cortes, in a temple on the island 
 of Acusamil or Cozumel, near the Gulf of Mexico. Here he 
 was amazed by the sight of a cross, of stone and lime, about 
 ten palms high.' This discovery suggested many conjectures 
 to the unlettered soldiers ; and European scholars, when the 
 fact became known, made it the subject of frequent and learned 
 discussions. The presence of a symbol supposed to be of 
 Christian origin led to many speculations as to the character 
 
 • Prescott, Hist. Mexico, vol. i. p. 228. 
 
42 
 
 MADOC. 
 
 of the American races ; a further acquaintance with the cere- 
 monies of the Mexicans deepened the impression ; and learned 
 men found among them traces of Baptism, the Trinity, the 
 Lord's Supper, the Sabbath, and Hebrew Fasts.' Various 
 interpretations were placed upon these coincidences; some 
 thought they might have been introduced by the Chinese or 
 Japanese, and others conceived that the Lost Tribes of Israel 
 had found their way to America ; but Humphrey Llwyd saw 
 in them traces of Madoc ap Owen and his followers, and Dr. 
 Williams drew the same inference.^ 
 
 Other confirmations of the Cambrian narrative were con- 
 ceived to be furnished in the State of Virginia, where it was 
 believed that Madoc must have landed. ' The Virginians and 
 Guatimalians, from ancient times, are said to have worshipped 
 one Madoc as an hero.' This statement was made by Homius, 
 and professedly rested on the authority of Peter Martyr 
 (Decade vii. c. 3), but I have not seen the original ; ^ and as 
 the forms given to the names among the Guatimalians, 
 according to the same authority (Decade viii. c. 5), are Matec 
 Zungam and Mat Ingam,'^ it is probable that these are the 
 true forms of the Virginian name as well. Hornius held this 
 to be a trace of the Kymric Madoc, and others have al- 
 lowed his deduction.' Another writer identified Madoc ' and 
 his wife,' of whom we now hear for the first time, with the 
 Manco Gapac and Mamma Ocello who figure in the traditions 
 
 ' Hornius, De Origin. Americam. pp. 128, 278. 
 
 ^ Enqvdry, p. 67. 
 
 ^ [The following is the passage referred to : 'Ad gelidas arctos & 
 concretas nimbus regiones aiimt Ulas (soil. " animas post hanc vitam ") 
 proficisci, expiarique apud regem terrarum dominum , nomine Matec 
 Zunguae.' (Dec. vii. cap. iii. Hakluyt's edit. Paris, 1587.)] 
 
 ■* [The form actually given by Peter Martyr is Malingem ; e.g. 
 ' Quid sit Malingeg : . . . Malingem inuictum et potentem heroem 
 appellant.' (Dec. viii. cap. 5, HahlnyVs edit.)] 
 
 ■^ De Origin. Americcm. Lib. iii. cap. 2, p. 136 ; quoted in Dr. 
 Williams's Enquiry, p. 18. 
 
TRAVELLEES TALES. 43 
 
 of the Deluge among the Penivians.' And other traces of 
 Madoc's name were visible to the eyes of faith in the namea 
 of the Indian tribes, the Mactotatas, or Matocautes,^ the 
 Padoucas,^ and the Mandans.'* Evidences of a monumental 
 character were also cited in the same connection ; ancient 
 wells, burial places, and encampments were found in the 
 State of Kentucky, as well as ruined buildings and antique 
 pottery ; ' and upon the assumption that they could not be 
 Indian remains, and that the aborigines could not manufacture 
 pottery, they were held to warrant the inference, not only that 
 Madoc had discovered America, but that he had landed in 
 Florida. Some of these statements represent actual facts, 
 but others are affirmed to be geological rather than archeeo- 
 logical ; ^ and as to the validity of the inference, the reader 
 must judge for himself. 
 
 The language of the American aborigines was also held to 
 favour the Kymric tradition. Bishop Nicholson believed that 
 the Welsh language formed a considerable part of several of 
 the American tongues ; ^ and the authority of a famous British 
 antiquary * was erroneously quoted to show that the LI of the 
 Spaniards was received from the Welsh through, the medium 
 of the Mexicans. 
 
 Nor was this all. We have seen in the extracts from 
 Powel, Herbert, Howell, and others, that Welsh words were 
 said to be spoken in Mexico ; and as the rocks, rivers, and 
 
 ^ John Williams, Nat. Hist. Mm. Kimgdom, vol. ii. p. 410, quoted 
 in Dr. Williams's Farther Observations, p. 25. 
 
 ^ lolo Morganwg, Gent. Mag. 1791, vol. ii. p. 613. 
 ^ W. Owen, ibid. vol. i. p. 329. 
 
 * Catlin's Letters and Notes on the North American Indians, 
 vol. i. p. 206 ; vol. ii. p. 259. 
 
 ^ Filson, State of Kentuchy, cited by Williams, Farther Observa- 
 tions, p. 8. 
 
 ^ Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. ii. p. 919 (Boutledge's edit.). 
 ' Cited in Univ. Hist. vol. xx. p. 193. 
 
 * Llwyd, Breviary of Britain, p. 2. 
 
44 AlADOC. 
 
 animals of tliat country were thought to have British names, 
 the question naturally arose, May not the descendants of Madoc 
 and his followers still survive on the American continent ? 
 
 This startling question soon received an affirmative reply. 
 The views of Humphrey Llwyd, adopted and disseminated by 
 Hakluyt, pointed to Florida and Virginia as the probable 
 seat of the descendants of Madoc ; and there traces of them 
 were reported to have been found. A man named David 
 Ingram, a Scotchman apparently,' if we may judge from the 
 name, travelled for eleven months among the Indians settled 
 between Mexico and Virginia, and reported that he had dis- 
 covered Indians who spoke the Welsh language.^ Other 
 persons reported themselves to have made the same discovery 
 A conversation on the subject of Madoc's emigration, and the 
 presumed survival of descendants of his, took place at the 
 house of Mr. Thomas Price, of Llanvyllin, between himself 
 and his relatives, Thomas and Charles Lloyd of Dolobran, in 
 the course of which the host related that one Stedman, about 
 1670, landed on the coast between Virginia and Florida, 
 spoke to the Indians in their native language, and was in- 
 formed by them that they had come ' from a country called 
 G-wynedd in Prydcdn Fawr.' One Oliver Humphreys, also, 
 told Charles Lloyd that he had conversed with Indians near 
 Florida, and that their language was ' perfect Welsh.' ^ 
 
 The two Lloyds, as well as their cousin Price, influenced 
 by the Cambrian History of Llwyd and Powel, and the re- 
 ports of Stedman and Humphreys, were quite prepared to 
 find descendants of Madoc's colony between Florida and 
 Virginia ; and their expectations were soon destined to receive 
 confirmation. The two Lloyds of Dolobran, which is in the 
 
 ' [See p. 34, ante.] 
 
 ^ Hakluyt, Pt. iii. p. 557 (1st edit. 1589). 
 
 ' Letter of Charles Lloyd, see Appendix. The letter is dated Sept. 
 14, 1704, and Stedman's adventure took place thirty years before. 
 
travellers' tales. 45 
 
 parish of Meivod, Montgomeryshire, had been educated at 
 Oxford ; and among their college friends was one Morgan 
 Jones, a native of Basaleg or Maes Aleg, Monmouthshire. 
 The latter became an Episcopalian, and accompanied a body 
 of emigrants to America ; but the two Lloyds became con- 
 verts to the doctrines of Eichard Davies, of Cloddiau Oochion 
 in the same county, the first Welsh Quaker ; and they suffered 
 much for conscience sake in that age of bigoted intole- 
 rance. The ' esquire,' Charles Lloyd, built a meeting-house 
 on his estate near Coed Cowryd, which was still standing in 
 1829 ; and both brothers naturally felt a keen interest in the 
 colonial project of William Penn. Thomas Lloyd accom- 
 panied Penn to America ; and, being held in great esteem, he 
 in 1699 became the Governor of Pennsylvania, in which 
 capacity he is honourably commemorated by the historian 
 Bancroft. 
 
 It would seem that Thomas Lloyd settled in the first place 
 at New York, and there, at his own house, he renewed 
 his acquaintance with the Rev. Morgan Jones. Being 
 acquainted with the Cambrian tradition respecting Madoc, 
 and mindful of the conversation at Llanvyllin, this naturally 
 formed the subject of conversation, when Jones related an 
 adventure which befell him about the same time as that of 
 Stedman. Lloyd desired him to put the narrative in writing, 
 which Jones accordingly did, then and there ; and to please 
 his brother Charles, and his cousin Thomas Price, Lloyd sent 
 the document to Wales addressed to the former.' 
 
 Two copies of Jones's narrative have appeared in print, one 
 in the ' Gentleman's Magazine,' March 1740, and the other 
 in Owen's ' British Remains,' 1777 (pp. 103-106). Whether 
 they are two different copies, or one a variation, is uncertain. 
 They differ, however, in several respects. The latter contains 
 several passages which are absent from the former, and ' 
 ' Letter of Charles Lloyd. 
 
46 MADOC. 
 
 differs from it in dating Jones's adventure in 1669 instead of 
 1660. It is also uncertain whether this variation was made 
 by Owen to harmonise with a date given in the letter of the 
 original copyist, Charles Lloyd. I incline to this supposition, 
 and infer the date given by Jones to have been 1660 ; but 
 Owen's transcript being the fullest, I have adopted that for a 
 text, and have inserted the variations of the former as foot- 
 notes. The transcript in the ' Gentleman's Magazine ' was 
 furnished by the Rev. Theophilus Evans, author of ' Drych y 
 Prif Oesoedd.' 
 
 Jones's statement is here subjoined at length : 
 ' These presents may certify all persons whatsoever, That 
 in the year 1669 * I being then an inhabitant in Virginia, and 
 chaplain to Major-General Bennett,*" Sir William Berkeley 
 sent two ships to " search the place which then was called 
 Port Royal, but now South Carolina, which is 60 leagues to 
 the southward of Cape Fair ; and I was sent ^ thither with 
 them to be their minister. 
 
 ' Upon the 8th of April we set out from Virginia, and 
 arrived at the harbour's mouth of Port Royal the 19tli of the 
 same month, where we waited for the rest of the fleet that 
 was to come" from Barbadoes and Bermudas with one Mr. 
 West, who was to be Deputy Governor of the said place. As 
 soon as the fleet came in, the small vessels that were with us 
 went '' up the river to a place called s Oyster-Point,'' for we 
 durst not go up with the great ships because of the bar of 
 sand that was before the harbour's mouth. 
 
 ' After we were seated, I staid there between seven and 
 eight months, till the 10th of November following ; at which 
 time," being almost starved for want of provisions, I and five 
 
 » 1660. '' Bennet of Mauseman County, the said Major Bennet 
 and. ■= Port Royal, now called South Carolina. " therewith to be, 
 &c. ' saU. ' sail'd " the Oyster Point. ' The sentence ends with 
 the word ' Point ' ; tlie remainder of it is omitted. ' There I continued 
 about eight months, all which time. 
 
travellers' tales. 47 
 
 more took our flight from thence,'' and travelled through the 
 wilderness till we came to the Tuscarora ' country, where " 
 the Tuscarora" Indians took us prisoners, because we told 
 them we were bound for Roanoke, ° for they then had wars 
 with the English at Roanoke ; and p they carried us into their 
 town that night, and shut us up in a house "^ by ourselves,'' 
 and the next day held a Macchcomoco '' '* about ns, which 
 after it was over their interpreter came to us, and told us we 
 must fit * ourselves to die next morning ; whereupon, being 
 something cast-down," and speaking to this effect in the 
 British tongue, " Have I escaped so many dangers, and must 
 I now be knocked on the head like a dog ? " " an Indian 
 came to me, who afterwards appeared to be a war-captain 
 belonging to the Sachin" of the Doegs (whose original I 
 found ^ must needs be from the Welsh ^), and took me up by 
 • the middle, and told me in the British tongue I.should not 
 die ; and thereupon went to the Emperor of the Tuscaroras,^ 
 and agreed for my ransom and the men that were with me, 
 and paid it the next day.'' Afterwards they ^* carried us to 
 their town, and entertained us civilly for four months, and I 
 did converse with them of many things in the British tongue,'' 
 and did preach to them three times a week in the British 
 tongue," and they would usually confer with me about any- 
 
 ' The words ' took our flight from thence and ' are absent. 
 ' Tuscarara. " There. " Tusoarara. ° Boanok. p The clause " to ^ 
 is absent. i 'close ' instead of 'in a house.' ' to our no small dread. 
 " They enter'd into a consultation. ' prepare. " very much dejected. 
 ' There presently an Indian. " Sachim. * find. " Old Britons_ 
 ' Tuscorara. * The words ' and paid it the next day ' are absent. 
 '' They then welcomed us to their town and entertained us very civilly 
 four months, during which time I had the opportunity of conversing with 
 them familiarly in the British language. ° the same language. 
 
 '* Macocomooook is the name of a river in North Carolina : does 
 this word also signify ' consultation ' ? (T.S.) 
 " Who : the Tuscaroras or the Do6gs ? (T.S.I 
 
48 MADOC. 
 
 thing that was difficult to them ; * and when we came from 
 them they shewed themselves very civil and courteous.^ 
 
 ' They are seated upon Pantigo '* river, not far from Cape 
 Atros. This is a recitaFof my travels among theDoeg Indians.^* 
 
 ' MoEGAN Jones, 
 ' New York, the son of John Jones of Basleg,^ near 
 
 ' March 10, 168f . Newport, in Monmouthshire.' ^ 
 
 Who further added, by way of postscript, that he was 
 very ready to conduct any Welshmen, or others, that desired 
 further satisfaction.' 
 
 This surprising narrative was transmitted by Charles 
 Lloyd ' to his cousin Edward Lhuyd, the philologist ; it was 
 published in the ' Gentleman's Magazine ' for March 1704, and 
 again in 1740 ; it was given by Lhuyd to Dr. Plott, who read 
 the substance of it before the Royal Society ; it was embodied 
 in the ' British Remains ' ^ of the Rev. Nicholas Owen (1777) ; 
 
 ■* therein. • at our departure they abundantly supply'd us with 
 whatever was necessary to our support and well-being. ' brief recital. 
 ^ Basaleg. '' County of Monmouth. ' P.S. — I am ready to conduct 
 any Welshmen or others to the country. 
 
 " Charles Lloyd says this word ' hath a British sound ' ; and Dr. 
 Wilhams interpreted it to mean the ' bridge of the blacksmith ' — Pont 
 y gov. TheophUus Evans made it signify ' the fair hollow ' — Pant-Teg ; 
 and in 1740, having found there were no Welsh Indians on the river 
 PamJico (the proper form of the word), fixed the site of his Pant-Teg 
 on thfl Missouri. 
 
 '* Charles Lloyd, in 1693, says that the Doegs ' in the new maps 
 of the English Empire ' are placed, not in Carolina, but in Virginia. 
 
 ' The account of the connection of the Lloyds of Dolobran with the 
 statement of the Eev. Morgan Jones is given on the authority of the 
 late Eev. Walter Davies, Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, 1829 ; vol. i. 
 pp. 440-1, and of the works undermentioned. 
 
 " ' British Bemains ; or, a Collection of Antiquities relating to the 
 Britons : Comprehending, . . . iv. An account of the Discovery of 
 America by the Welsh more than 300 Years before the Voyage of 
 Columbus. ... By the Eev. N. Owen, Jun., A.M. London, 1777.' 
 
 Dr. Plott's paper is here repubhshed by Owen ; but it presents no 
 features of interest. 
 
TRAVELLERS TALES. 49 
 
 and Dr. John Williams, of Sydenham, included it in his first 
 essay on the Welsh Indians (1 790), the ' Enquiry,' to which we 
 have so often referred.' 
 
 By the time Dr. Williams published his essay, statements 
 of this kind had become very numerous, and also divergent, 
 if not contradictory ; so that this writer found it necessary 
 to include no less than five tribes, namely, the Doegs or 
 Delawares, Tuscarores, another tribe left unnamed, the 
 Padoucas, and the Pawnees, as Welsh Indians ; ^ but the 
 common opinion, at all events a few years afterwards, was, 
 that the descendants of Madoc, or the Madogwys, were more 
 especially the Padoucas. 
 
 The key-note having been thus struck, the Welsh Indians 
 were found by many persons, and confirmations of the 
 principal points of the preceding narrative were found in 
 many forms a^d places. 
 
 There is thus a large mass of testimony bearing upon this 
 subject ; and it deserves consideration on grounds irrespective 
 of its reference to Welsh Indians. If it be valid, it forms 
 strong presumptive evidence of the truth of our native tradi- 
 tion ; but if it be fictitious, it reveals an extraordinary amount 
 of dishonesty and credulity, and deserves a prominent place 
 in the history of popular delusions. I will therefore endea- 
 vour to classify it, in accordance with its leading points, 
 accepting the statements as they stand, without instituting 
 any inquiry as to their authenticity. The various testimonies 
 may thus be conveniently grouped under the following 
 heads : — 
 
 I. Belief in Welsh Indians. 
 
 II. Belief in White Indians. 
 
 III. Indian Traditions. 
 
 IV. Welsh-speahiTig Indians : — 
 
 ' An Enqv/i/ry So,, ut sup. 
 
 ' Enquiry, p. 50 ; Fa/rther Observations, pp. 5, 7, 15, 20. 
 
50 MADOC. I 
 
 (a) Indirect evidence. 
 (/9) Direct statements. 
 
 V. Sacred Books. 
 
 VI. Topography ; Archeeology ; and Civil Usages. 
 
 I. Belief in Welsh Indians. — ^A considerable number of 
 persons living, or wlio bad lived, in America, expressed their 
 belief in the existence of Welsh Indians, but without assign- 
 ing any reasons for their convictions. Among these were a 
 Eev. Mr. Eankin, of Kentucky; Mr. William Prichard, a 
 bookseller in Philadelphia ; the Mr. Pilson already named ; 
 the Eev. Morgan Jones, of Hammersmith, and a friend of his, 
 the Eev. Morgan Edwards, of Pennsylvania ; and Dr. Samuel 
 Jones, of the same place, who at the age of fifty-five declared 
 his resolution to visit the Welsh Indians as soon as their 
 location should be determined.' 
 
 II. White Indians. — Several persons spoke of the exist- 
 ence of White or Welsh Indians ; and many of them conceived 
 the terms to be convertible ; but others spoke of White Indians 
 simply. A General Bowles knew Padoucas, or White Indians ; 
 a Mr. Eimington said tolerably White Indians were to be met 
 with on the Mississippi, Forks of the Ohio, &c. ; a Mr. Pond 
 knew White Pawnees ; ^ the Moravian missionaries, and the 
 Eev. Morgan Eees, had heard of, and believed there were 
 White Indians ; ' Lieutenant Euxton speaks of Albinoes and 
 a white tribe among the Pueblo and Navajo Indians;^ 
 General Clarke told Mr. Catlin that he would find the 
 Mandans half-white ; and Mr. Catlin says he found them to 
 be lighter in complexion than other Indians.* 
 
 " Williams' Fa/rther Ohservations, pp. 7, 8, 9, 43 ; Gent. Mag. 
 Sept. 1791. 
 
 ' Farther Observations, pp. 8, 16, 36. 
 
 * Cajmhriwn Begisier, vol. i. pp. 377, 379. 
 
 * Adventm-es in Mexico and the BocJcy Mowitcdns (London : 1849), 
 p. 195. 
 
 ' Catlin, North American Indians, vol. i. pp. 93, 94. 
 
TKAVELLEES' TALES. 51 
 
 So far there is a unity of testimony ; bat there is a little 
 discrepancy as to the colour of the hair. General Bowles said, 
 some of the ' White Padoucas ' had sandy, some red^ and 
 some ' black hair ; and Captain Stewart said the hair of the 
 white Indians was mostly reddish ; "^ but Mr. Catlin says that 
 red hair is wholly unknown among the Indians ; and that 
 General Clarke received from the Minatarees the name ' Red 
 Hair,' because that was an unexampled thing in their 
 country.' Another witness, a brother of the Rev. Morgan 
 Jones of Hammersmith, reports a friend of his to have seen 
 ' copper-coloured ' Indians, from the Arctic regions, with white 
 bear skins, who conversed in W6lsh with a Welshman at 
 Mazores on the Ohio.* 
 
 III. Indian Traditions. — Montezuma is reported to have 
 said, in a speech professing to have been found in Spanish 
 in Mexico, that his race came from ' a far distant Northern 
 nation, whose tongue and manners we yet have partly pre- 
 served;' and Dr. Williams thinks he referred to Britain.* 
 Captain Stewart states that he found (in 1776) on the ' small 
 river Post,' near the Red River (in Texas ? ) a white and mostly 
 reddish-haired tribe ; that a Welshman named John Davey, 
 who accompanied him, said he understood their language — it 
 being but little different from the Welsh ; that Davey went 
 with him to the chief men of the town ; and that they 
 informed Davey in a language unknown to him (Stewart), 
 that their forefathers came from a foreign country, and landed 
 on the east of the Mississippi, describing particularly the 
 country now called Florida, and that on the Spaniards taking 
 possession of Mexico, they fled to their then abode.^ 
 
 ' Williams, Fa/rther Observations, p. 4. 
 
 ^ WUliams, Enqwi/ry, p. 47, from the'Public Ad/vertiser, Oct. 8, 1785. 
 
 ^ Catlin, op. cit., vol. i. pp. 94, 187. 
 
 * y Greal, neu Ev/rgrawn, 1800, p. 16. 
 
 ' Farther Olservations, p. 33. 
 
 ° Cited by Williams, Enquiry, pp. 47-48. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 MADOC. 
 
 TMs tradition, it will be observed, rests on tbe antbority 
 of Davey ; and it bas tbe merit of being in barmony witb tbe 
 Cambrian tradition, wbicb be may bave known ; but it repre- 
 sents tbe Indians to bave committed tbe folly of taking alarm 
 wben tbe Spaniards were far to tbe Soutb, and to bave sougbt 
 safety by flying towa/rds tbem. Otber reports coincide witb 
 tbe above. A Captain Drummond was informed by tbe only 
 descendant of Montezuma tben living, tbat bis forefatbers 
 came from ' a distant land,' wbicb tbat officer considered to 
 be Britain ; ' and other Mexican cbiefs, in negotiating witb 
 Sir Jobn Hawkins, in tbe time of Elizabetb, are reported to 
 bave considered tbemselvfes to bave been descended from 
 Ancient Britons.^ One Benjamin Sutton, as reported by a 
 missionary named Beatty,^ noticed tbat tbe Delaware women 
 kept apart seven days from tbe males, at certain times, as 
 prescribed in tbe Mosaic law ; and learnt from some of tbe 
 old men tbat tbey knew not for a certainty bow tbey came to 
 tbe American Continent, but tbey came to tbeir habitations 
 on tbe Delaware river under tbe following circumstances. A 
 king of tbeir nation left bis kingdom to bis two sons ; tbat 
 one made war upon tbe otber ; and tbat the defeated party 
 resolved to seek a new habitation ; that after wandering for 
 forty years, be and bis followers settled on tbat river, 370 
 years before Sutton's visit to tbem — a few years before 1766 ; 
 and tbat tbey kept this account by placing a bead of wampum 
 on a belt every year. Dr. Williams was doubtful whether 
 this had reference to Madoc, or was a confused tradition of 
 tbe wanderings of tbe Israelites in tbe wilderness. But a 
 
 ' "Williams, Farther Observations, p. 30. 
 
 ' This is Dr. "Williams' version, Observations, p. 33. 
 
 ' Journal of a Two Month's' Tour with a view of Promoting Be- 
 ligion, by Charles Beatty, A.M. London : 1768. Quoted by the Eev. 
 George Burder in a pamphlet dated, London, 1787, and addressed to 
 the Missionary Society ; and also by Dr. "Williams, in his Enquiry, 
 p. 45. 
 
travellers' tales. 53 
 
 letter written by Charles Lloyd, of Dolobran, fiirnislies far 
 more positive evidence. The letter is dated ' 8m. IM. ^j^,' 
 170| or 1705 ; and in it he says, on the authority of a friend, 
 that some thirty years before the date of this letter, i.e. in 
 1674 or 1675, one Stedman, a native of Breconshire, was off 
 the coast of America, supposed by Mr. Lloyd to be between 
 Virginia and Florida, in a Dutch vessel, when the natives 
 refused to let them land to obtain water, but he, understanding 
 their language, made the fact known, and the Indians then 
 treated them courteously. They then informed him that they 
 came from a country called Gwynedd (North Wales) in Prydain 
 Fawr (Great Britain).' This is perfectly explicit ; but Dr. 
 Williams thinks the Indians could not have named ' Great 
 Britain,' as that designation only prevailed after the accession 
 of James I., in 1603 ; or else that they were descendants of 
 a new colony, settled after the accession of the Stuarts ; but 
 his preference for this alternative was unreasonable, for Welsh- 
 men would scarcely sink down into Indians in half a century ; 
 and therefore he ought to have accepted Stedman's evidence 
 as it stood. 
 
 Nor is this all ; for a Mr. Binon, an Indian trader (of 
 whom more hereafter),^ is reported to have said that some 
 Indians whom he visited not only affirmed that their ancestors 
 came from Wales, though they knew not in what part of the 
 world it was ; but also that they had revived the relationship 
 in America, and that 'thirty or forty of them sometimes 
 visited the Ancient Britons settled on the Welsh Track in 
 Pennsylvania.' ^ Again, in 1801, an Indian chief told Lieu- 
 tenant Roberts that the traditions of his country referred the 
 
 ' Inserted in Owen's British Bemains, and cited in Williams' 
 Enqim-y, p. 34. 
 " Post, p. 60. 
 ' Williams, Farther Observations, pp. 12, 18. 
 
54 MADOC. 
 
 origin of his tribe to the Uast ; but he had never heard of 
 Wales, though he spoke Kymraeg.' 
 
 IV. Welsh-speaking Indians. — A considerable number 
 of persons affirm that they had either spoken Welsh to Indians 
 who spoke and understood that language, or that they had 
 heard what they were told was Welsh spoken between Indians 
 and Welshmen. 
 
 (a) Indirect ^Evidence. — To the latter class we must assign 
 the evidence of the majority of the persons named in this 
 connection. 
 
 1 . Messrs. Beatty and Duffield, sent by the Synod of New 
 York and Philadelphia, in 1766, to visit Pennsylvania and 
 the Indians on that frontier, fell in with three persons, named 
 Hicks, Joseph, and Sutton. Levi Hicks had been a captive 
 with the Indians from his youth, and he informed these mis- 
 sionaries that when attending an embassy he had been in a 
 town of Indians, on the west side of the Mississippi river, the 
 inhabitants of which talked ' Welsh,' as he was told, for he did 
 not understand them.^ 
 
 2. The interpreter of the missionaries, by name Joseph, 
 said he saw some Indians whom he supposed to be of the same 
 tribe, who talked ' Welsh,' and he repeated some of their 
 words, which ' he knew to be Welsh,' as he had been ac- 
 quainted with some Welsh people.^ 
 
 3. Benjamin Sutton saw some Indians on the west side 
 of the Mississippi, a considerable distance above New Orleans, 
 who were less tawny than other Indians, and who spoke Welsh. 
 Sutton does not appear to have known Welsh himself, and this 
 assertion seems to be an inference from what he afterwards 
 heard and saw, in a town called the Lower Shawanaugh. 
 Here there was a captive Welshman named Lewis, and Sutton 
 
 ' Y Oreal (1805), p. 228 ; see post, p. 61. 
 
 ' Beatty, op. cit., quoted in "Williams' Enquiry, p. 42. 
 
 ' Ibid. 
 
travellers' tales. 65 
 
 heard, some of those Trans-Mississippian Indians speaking 
 Welsh to and with him.' One Eichard Burnell, as reported 
 by Edward Williams (lolo Morganwg), knew ' this Mr. Lewis 
 who saw those Welsh Indians at a Congress among the 
 Chickasaws, with whom and the Natches they were in 
 alliance.' ^ Here the whole force of the evidence seems to rest 
 on an assumption that Lewis, being a Welshman, must have 
 spoken Welsh. There is no direct proof that Lewis himself 
 said that what he had spoken was Welsh, or that those he 
 spoke to understood Kymraeg. 
 
 4. This Mr. Burnell went to America in 1763, and 
 returned on the outbreak of the war in 1775. Many 
 ' Ancient Britons ' at Philadelphia informed him that the 
 Welsh Indians were known to many in Pennsylvania ; and 
 he knew a very rich Quaker named Willin or Willain, who 
 had placed settlers on a large extent of ground in the district 
 of the Natches. He assured Mr. Burnell that among his 
 colony were two Welshmen, who perfectly understood the 
 Indians, and conversed with them for hours together ; that 
 these Welshmen had often assured him (Willin) that the 
 Indians spoke the Welsh language, and that some of the 
 Indians were settled in those parts, some on the west of the 
 Mississippi in several places, and some in very remote parts.' 
 Mr. Burnell had a son named ' Cradog ' settled at Buck's 
 Island, near Augusta, in the State of Georgia. He is said to 
 have been a ' capital trader,' to have read and written Welsh 
 well, and, in the judgment of the father, ' probably ' knew 
 more of these Welsh Indians than any man then living;'' but 
 ' probable ' evidence is inadmissible. 
 
 5. Sir John Caldwell, Bart., an English officer serving 
 in the American War, said he had some Welshmen in 
 
 ' Beatty, op. cit., quoted in Williams' Enquiry, p. 41. 
 
 ^ Williams, Farther Observations, p. 13. 
 
 ' Ibid. p. 13. * Ibid. pp. 14, 15. 
 
56 MADOC. 
 
 his company. They knew the Panis or Pawnees, under- 
 stood the language of those Indians, and affirmed it to be 
 Welsh.i 
 
 6. Another officer (not named by Dr. Williams), who had 
 been stationed at Illinois, said that an Indian nation called 
 the Mud Indians, which came down the Missouri, spoke a 
 guttural language, which some Welshmen in his regiment 
 pronounced to be Welsh. ^ Mrs. Campbell,' in her ' Tales 
 about Wales,' imputes this statement to a Captain Davies ; ■* 
 but as he was captain of a ship called the ' Albion,' from 
 Trevdraeth, Pembroke, it is difficult to conceive that he was 
 the person here alluded to. 
 
 7. A Mr. Gibson, a trader, told Mr. Kennedy, a gentleman 
 who was in London in 1791, that he had been among Indians 
 who spoke Welsh. This seems, at the first glance, to be 
 positive and personal evidence; but he immediately adds that 
 he had conversed at different times with very many others, 
 who assured him that there was such a people ; ^ and hence 
 we are led to suspect that he did not himself understand 
 Welsh. Hence, instead of spoke, we are to read were said to 
 speak Welsh. 
 
 8. Filson, the historian of Kentucky, makes a similar 
 statement, on the authority of an American captain. Writing 
 in 1784, he says: ' Of late years the Western settlers have 
 received frequent accounts of a nation at a great distance up 
 the Missouri, in manner and apjDearance resembling other 
 Indians, but speaking Welsh, and retaining some ceremonies 
 
 ' Williams, Farther Observations, pp. 14, 15. ^ Ibid, p. 18. 
 
 ' This lady, the widow of Captain Eobert Campbell, cousin of the 
 poet, published a very interesting little volume, entitled Tales about 
 Wales, by a Lady of the Principality, in which the Welsh Indians find 
 a place. A second issue was edited, in 1837, by Captain Basil Hall, 
 and is that quoted here. 
 
 * Page 115. 
 
 ' Williams, Farther Observations, p. 37. 
 
travellers' tales. 57 
 
 of the Ohristian worship : and at length this is universally 
 believed to be a fact. Captain Abraham Chaplain, of Ken- 
 tucky, a gentleman whose veracity may be depended upon 
 assured me that in the late war, being with his company in 
 garrison at Kaskaski, some Indians came there, and, speaking 
 the Welsh language, were perfectly understood, and con- 
 versed with, by two Welshmen in his company; and that 
 they informed them of their situation as mentioned above.' ' 
 
 9. The Rev. Morgan Jones, of Pennsylvania, said that, 
 about the year 1750, a friend of his had been visited by an 
 Indian who knew a little Welsh, and who said he knew a 
 nation a great way beyond the Mississippi, who spoke that 
 language.^ 
 
 10. Two Cherokee chiefs, General Bowles (by birth an 
 Irishman) and a Mr. Price, when in London on a mission, 
 made similar statements to Mr. Edward Williams. The 
 general had a Welshman with him for some time, who had 
 been a prisoner among the Spaniards, and had worked in the 
 Mexican mines. Making his escape, he came among the 
 Padoucas, and was able to converse with them.' This does 
 not amount to an explicit statement that the Padoucas spoke 
 Kymraeg ; but the general understood the Welshman to say 
 so. Mr. Price did not know Welsh, but said that his father 
 did, and that the latter had often conversed with the Padoucas 
 in that language."* 
 
 11. In all these cases, except perhaps in the case of Lewis, 
 the names of the Welshmen are not given ; but in that of 
 Captain Stewart we have the name of John Davey. This is 
 a Welsh name ; and the statement of Stewart was doubtless 
 made in good faith ; and we have only one of two alternatives 
 
 ^ Cited in Williams' Farther Observations, p. 9, and Burder's 
 pamphlet, p. 21. 
 '' Ibid. p. 10. 
 ' Williams, Farther Observations, p. 5. * Ibid. p. 7. 
 
58 MADOC. 
 
 to adopt, assuming that Davey was equally honest, viz. either 
 that he deceived himself, or that the Indians really spoke 
 Welsh; but the proof adduced by Davey, in the form of 
 ' parchment ' which he could not read, is not conclu- 
 sive.' 
 
 12. The statement made by a Mr. Rimington, an English 
 interpreter, seems equally circumstantial, but is not really so. 
 He saw strange Indians at the forks of the Ohio ; but on his 
 saying that he did not understand them, a companion said : 
 ' ! they are the Welsh Indians.' A Welshman named Jack 
 Hughes being sent for, understood them well, and became 
 their interpreter while they remained there.'' This is not 
 equivalent to a similar statement made by Jack Hughes 
 himself. 
 
 (/S) We come now to our second division — that of direct 
 statements. 
 
 1. The testimony of Stedman has been already given.' 
 
 2. An English privateer or pirate, while careening his 
 vessel near Florida, learnt what he thought was an Indian 
 language ; but, coming in contact with Oliver Humphreys, a 
 merchant at Surinam, the latter pronounced it to be Welsh.'' 
 
 3. The statement of the Rev. Morgan Jones, of New York, 
 has been already laid before the reader.' 
 
 4. A clergyman from Britain, supposed by Burder and 
 Dr. Williams to be the same person as the Rev. Morgan 
 Jones, was taken prisoner by the Indians, and sentenced to 
 death ; but on his praying in Welsh, they were surprised to 
 hear their own language, released him from bondage, and 
 
 ' Williams, Enquiry, p. 48 ; Burder, p. 31 [see post, p. 64]. 
 
 ' Williams, Fmther Observations, p. 16; Analectic Magazine 
 (Philadelphia), vol. ii. p. 410. 
 
 ^ Ante, p. 44. 
 
 '' Eeported by Charles Lloyd, Esq., published in Owen's British 
 Remains, and cited by Dr. Williams, Enquiry, p. 34 
 
 ^ Ante, pp. 46-48. 
 
travellers' tales. 59 
 
 treated him very kindly.' All these statements have reference 
 to the Indians of Florida. 
 
 5. A similar statement was made by a Mr. Childs, an 
 American gentleman, respecting a Welshman named Morris 
 Griffiths, who, being a prisoner among the Shawnees, went 
 with five young men of that tribe, about 1760, to explore the 
 sources of the Missouri. Having ascended that river a very 
 long way, they fell in with a race of White Indians, who, 
 deeming them to be spies, resolved to put them to death; but 
 Griffiths, overhearing their deliberations, and understanding 
 their language, which was Welsh, spoke to them in that 
 tongue; and thereupon he and his companions were released, 
 and treated very courteously. After a stay of eight months, 
 he returned to Roanoke. 
 
 This narrative also presents a striking resemblance to 
 those of Mr. Jones and the nameless clergyman. Like them, 
 Griffiths was taken prisoner, doomed to death, and released 
 on speaking Welsh ; like Mr. Jones, the hero of the tale, he 
 had five companions ; and, like Mr. Jones, he made for 
 Roanoke.^ 
 
 6. A statement to the same effect is made by Dr. Williams. 
 ' In Glamorgan and Monmouthshire especially, there are now 
 living several old people, who have often heard of these Welsh 
 
 1 Beatty, ofi. cit., Burder, p. 31, and Williams' Enquiry, p. 43. 
 
 ^ This narrative was written on the authority of Mr. Childs, who 
 knew Griffiths, by Mr. Henry Toulmin, son of a Dr. Toulmin of Exeter, 
 who, on leaving for America, promised to write if he heard of the 
 Welsh Indians. It was published in two American papers, the 
 Kentucky Palladium, Dec. 12, 1804, and the Eastern Argus, Feb. 8, 
 1805. From the latter it was republished in Nicholson's Journal of 
 Natural Philosophy, vol. xii. p. 181, with additional remarks and 
 conjectures by the editors ; and in the London Volunteer, April 28, 
 1805 ; and was thence translated into Welsh. This Welsh translation 
 was published in the Greal, 1805-6, republished in the Iforydd for 
 April 1842; and again republished in 1859, in the Ymofynydd for 
 January, and the Brython for March. 
 
60 MA DOC. 
 
 Indians, some who have actually been among them. Many, 
 during the last hundred years, from those parts went to 
 America, and becoming acquainted with some of those Welsh 
 tribes, sent accounts of them to their friends in Wales.' ' 
 Our author, however, confines himself to these general terms ; 
 but one of the ' some,' and possibly the principal one, was, it 
 is probable, the person to be named in the next para- 
 graph. 
 
 7. About the year 1790, there lived at Coetty, in 
 Glamorganshire, an eccentric old gentleman named Binon or 
 Bindon, who is still (1858) remembered in the neighbourhood 
 as a rigid vegetarian. He had left Wales very young, and 
 remained away in America for upwards of thirty years. 
 There he followed the occupation of an Indian trader from 
 Philadelphia. Edward Williams (lolo Morganwg) happening 
 to be in his company, asked if he knew anything of the Welsh 
 Indians ; and Binon replied that about 1750, being one of a 
 party of five or six traders, they penetrated much farther than 
 usual into the remote parts of the Continent (westwards), far 
 beyond the Mississippi, when, to their great surprise, they 
 found a nation of Indians who spoke the Welsh tongue.^ 
 Another remark strengthened this statement; for not only 
 did the Indians speak Welsh, but they also spoke it, said 
 Mr. Binon,' ' with much greater purity than we speak it in 
 Wales.' ' They gave Mr. Binon a very kind reception, but 
 were very suspicious of his English companions, and took 
 them for Spaniards or Frenchmen, with whom they seemed 
 to be at war ; but Mr. Binon soon removed their doubts, on 
 which a friendly intercourse ensued.' "• To mistake clean- 
 
 ' Williams, Farther Observations, p. 19. 
 = Ibid. p. H. 
 
 ' Edward Williams, Gentleman's Magazine, 1791, vol. ii., p. 213. 
 Dr. Williaras omits this remark. 
 * Ibid. op. cit. ; Burder, p. 17. 
 
travellers' tales. 61 
 
 shaved Englishmen for bearded ' mounseers ' and garlic- 
 scented hidalgoes does not tally with what is commonly said 
 of Indian penetration, and seems to indicate that Mr. Binon 
 had heard or read of Morgan Jpnes's narrative, and was here 
 using a current formula. 
 
 8. The same remark, as to the purity of the Indian 
 Kymraeg, is made by another person, one Mr. or Lieutenant 
 Joseph Roberts, a native of Flintshire ; and as his letter is a 
 curiosity, 1 insert it entire, leaving the reader to form his 
 own judgment as to the veracity of the allegations, therein 
 made : — 
 
 ' In the year 1801, when I was at Washington in America, 
 I happened to be in a hotel smoking my pipe, according to 
 the custom of the country ; and there was a young lad (a 
 native of Wales), a waiter in the house, who displeased me by 
 bringing me a glass of brandy and warm water, instead of 
 cold. I said to him jocosely, in Welsh, "Mi dy lainiav di, 
 myn d — I ! " (i.e. " I will thrash thee, per diavolo ! "). 
 
 ' There happened to be at the time in the same room one 
 of the secondary princes {tywysogion iselradd) of the Indians, 
 who rose up hastily, and asked me in Kymraeg, extending 
 his hand at the same time : " Ai dyna dy iaith di ? " (" Is that 
 thy language ?") I, shaking hands, said it was ; and the Prince 
 said it was his language also, and the language of his father 
 and mother, and also the language of his nation. " So," said 
 I, " it is the language of my father, mother, and country also." 
 Thereupon the Indian began to inquire whence I had come. 
 I answered that it was from Cambria — (Kymru) ; but he had 
 never heard a word of such a place (sic). I told him that 
 Kymru was a principality in the kingdom called Lloegr 
 (England). He had heard of Lloegr, and of the Saxons also ; 
 but he had never heard of Kymru. I asked him if there were 
 any traditions among them, as to whence their ancestors had 
 come, and he answered that there were, and that they came 
 
62 MADOC. 
 
 from a far country, far in the East, and across the great 
 waters. 
 
 ' I conversed with him in Welsh and English. He Ttnew 
 Kymraeg better than I did ; and at my request, he counted 
 rapidly, in Kymraeg, a hundred or more. He knew English 
 well also ; because he traded so much with the Saxons of 
 America. Among other things I asked him, how they came 
 to retain their language so well from being mixed with the 
 language of other Indians. He replied, that they had in 
 their country a custom or law, forbidding any of them to 
 teach any other language to their children, until they were 
 fully twelve years old ; but after that age they might learn 
 any language they pleased. 
 
 ' I asked him if he would like to go to Lloegr and Kymru. 
 He replied that he had not the least inclination to leave his 
 native country, and that he preferred living in a wigwam, that 
 is, a cot, to a palace. 
 
 ' He had ornamented his bare arms with bracelets, and on 
 his head were ostrich feathers. I was astonished and startled 
 greatly, when I saw and heard a man who had painted his 
 face a yellowish red, and who appeared in such a form, speaMng 
 the old Kymric language as freely and fluently as if he had 
 been born and bred among the rocks of Snowdon. His hair 
 was shaved off, excepting around the crown of his head ; but 
 there it was somewhat long, and neatly plaited ; and upon 
 the crown he had placed the ostrich feathers, of which I have 
 spoken, to adorn himself. 
 
 ' The situation of these Indians is about 800 miles to the 
 South- West of Philadelphia, said he ; — and they are commonly 
 called Asquaws, or the Asquaw nation. 
 
 ' This prince loved my society greatly, seeing that we had 
 sprung from the same race. He was accustomed to call upon 
 me almost daily, and to take me to the woods to show me the 
 virtues of the various leaves that grew there, and which were 
 
travellers' tales. 63 
 
 best to cure various kinds of disease, because neither he nor 
 his nation knew any other medicine. 
 
 Joseph Egberts, 
 formerly of Penardd Lag (Hawarden), Flintshire.' ^ 
 
 This is tolerably stiff testimony, and may appropriately 
 close this class of evidences. The editor of the Greal, in 
 which the letter seems to have been first published, thought 
 the Asquaws were a distinct tribe, and but few in number, as 
 compared with the main body about the sources of the Mis- 
 souri. 
 
 The purity of Indian Kymraeg is mentioned by Dr. 
 Richards of Lynn, Norfolk, on the authority of a Kentucky 
 correspondent.^ 
 
 In conclusion, I might also add the statement of an anony- 
 mous writer, who professes to have the authority of Mr. John 
 T. Eoberts, who went to St. Louis in 1819 in search of Welsh 
 Indians, that while this gentleman was at that town he heard 
 an American who was filling him a cask of whiskey use two 
 Welsh words, viz., digon, for ' enough,' and neisiau, for ' want- 
 ing ; ' and that, on being asked if he knew they were Welsh, 
 the American said he did not, but that they were used in 
 these senses by the Cherokee Indians. But as this is at 
 variance with Mr. Roberts's own statements, the assertion may 
 be thought to want authority.' 
 
 V. Sacred Books. — A considerable number of persons 
 
 1 This was written from Eoberts's dictation to a number of Kymry 
 in London, in 1805, and signed by him. It was then pubhshed in the 
 Oreal, a Welsh magazine, 1805-6, p. 228. My translation differs a 
 little from the version given by Mrs. Campbell, Tales ahout Wales, 
 pp. 112-114, which she had from Dr. Pughe. See also Seren Gomer, 
 1819, p. 5. 
 
 ^ ' A Welchman, that was in the camp, could talk with them ; but 
 they exceeded him, as not being so corrupt in their language.'— ffeni. 
 '., June 1791. 
 Camihro-Briton, iii. p. 435. 
 
64 MADOC. 
 
 speak with more or less distinctness of Sacred Books said to 
 have been preserved among the Welsh Indians. John Davey, 
 to convince Captain Stewart that the Indians he saw were 
 Welsh, brought forth rolls of parchment, which were care- 
 fully tied up in otter skins, on which were large characters 
 written with blue ink. ' The characters,' says the Captain, 
 ' I did not understand ; and the Welshman being unacquainted 
 with letters, even of his own language, I was not able to know 
 the meaning of the writing.' "^ 
 
 2. General Bowles' Welsh informant gave fuller testimony. 
 ' The Padoucas,' he says, ' had several books, which were 
 religiously preserved in skins, and were considered by them 
 as mysteries. These they believed gave an account of their 
 origin. They had not seen a white man like themselves, who 
 was a stranger, for a long time.'^ 
 
 3. This belief becomes a certainty in the evidence of 
 another witness, who says that about 40° N. latitude, and 
 45° (of Philadelphia, or 115° Greenwich) W. longitude, there 
 was a tribe of Americans, said to possess curious MSS. about 
 an island called Brydon, whence their ancestors came. Their 
 language resembles the Welsh ; their religion is a compound 
 of Christianity and Druidism ; they know the use of letters, 
 and are fond of music and poetry. They call themselves 
 Brydones, and are generally believed to be the descendants of 
 some wandering Britons, who were expelled from hence about 
 the time of the Saxons, and were carried by wind and current 
 to the great western continent, into the heart of which they 
 have been driven by the successive encroachments of modern 
 settlers.^ 
 
 ' PuhUc Advertiser, Oct. 8, 1785. Mr. Burder thinks the MS. 
 may have been a Greek Bible. Williams's Enquiry, p. 48. 
 
 ' Gent. Mag. 1791, vol. i. p. 397 ; WiUiams' Farther Observations, 
 p. 5 ; Burder, p. 9. 
 
 '' Gentleman's Magazine, Oct. 1828. The original has simply 
 45° W. longitude ; ' 3,nd Mr. "Woodward {History of Wales, p. 331, 
 
travellers' tales. 65 
 
 4. Mr. Binon speaks to a similar effect. The Indians he 
 visited showed him a book in manuscript, which they care- 
 fully kept, believing it to contain the mysteries of religion. 
 They told him that it was not long since a man had been 
 among them who understood it. This man, whom they 
 esteemed a prophet, told them that a people would some time 
 visit them, and explain the mysteries of the book, which would 
 make them completely happy. They very anxiously asked 
 Mr. Binon if he understood it ; and, being answered in the 
 negative, appeared very sad, and earnestly desired him to 
 send one to them who could explain it.' There is a little 
 discrepancy between this statement and that of General 
 Bowles ; but perhaps the next paragraph may furnish an 
 explanation. 
 
 5. Sutton, Mr. Beatty's informant, saw a book among th-a 
 Indians, carefully wrapped in skins, which he supposed to be 
 a Bible. The clergyman mentioned by Mr. Beatty is re- 
 ported to have spoken more explicitly. He. was shown a 
 book, which he found to be a Bible, but which they could not 
 read ; ' and if I mistake not,' says the missionary, ' my ability 
 to read it tended to raise their regard for me.' ^ Dr. Williams 
 says it were to be wished that this book, or a copy of it, could 
 be procured ; but if this gentleman be identified with the 
 Rev. Morgan Jones, it must be observed that the silence of 
 the latter raises a difficulty as to the existence of the book ; 
 and another difficulty arises from the evidence of the next 
 witness. 
 
 note) tMnis this should be 115°. It is probable that the longitude 
 from Philadelphia was intended ; for Mr. Thomas Roberts (Qreal, 1805, 
 p. 40) locates the Welsh Indians at the sources of the Missouri, between 
 40° and 44° N. latitude, and in longitude 105° or 110° W. of London, 
 or between 45° and 50° W. of Philadelphia. 
 
 ' Gentleman's Magazine, 1791, vol. ii. p. 613 ; Burder, p. 17 ; 
 Williams, Farther Observations, p. 11. 
 
 " Beatty, p. 24 ; Burder, p. 24 ; WiUiams, Enquiry, p. 43. 
 
 ¥ 
 
66 MADOC. 
 
 6. A gentleman who signed himself ' J. J., Oheapside, 
 January 28, 1792,' and who had lived upwards of twenty years 
 at New Orleans and on the banks of the Mississippi, believed 
 in the existence of ' Welch or White Indians,' having been 
 often assured of the fact by traders who had no inducement to 
 speak untruth on this head. He knew an Illinois merchant who 
 said there was not the smallest doubt as to their being ' white- 
 bearded Indians,' as they were called by the French, and that 
 they consisted of thirty-two villages or towns ; and he was a 
 near relation of a Mr. Chisholm, who had been in their country, 
 which was a thousand miles from Illinois. When Mr. Chis- 
 holm was introduced to the chief of the Padouca nation, he 
 was received with much solemnity, owing to his being of 
 white complexion, and being deemed, as he thought, an angel 
 of God. His hands and feet were washed, by order of the 
 chieftain, who appeared much advanced in years, his hair 
 being long and perfectly white.^ And this aged man, who, 
 with his two sons, had been in captivity among the Cherokees, 
 had in his possession an old manuscript on vellum, very 
 dingy, which appeared to be an old Romish missal. Mr. 
 Chisholm wished to take it to Philadelphia for the purpose of 
 finding someone who could read it ; but the old man would 
 not let it go out of his hands, for he preserved it as a precious 
 relic. ^ 
 
 7. The silence of the Eev. Morgan Jones, and the dis- 
 crepant testimony of Mr. Chisholm, might be thought un- 
 favourable to the ' Bible ' story ; but it is supported by other 
 persons. Captain Davies, already mentioned,^ says that the 
 Mud Indians, so called because they only descended the 
 Missouri when it was flooded, and whom he heard conversing 
 
 ' Grif&th Williams in Gentlemcm's Magazine, 1792, vol. ii. p. 597. 
 ' Mrs. Campbell, Tales about Wales, p, 116 ; on the authority of 
 the MSS. of Dr. W. Owen Pughe. 
 ' Ante, p. 56. 
 
travellers' tales. 67 
 
 in Welsh with Welshmen on the Illinois, had among them a 
 manuscript Welsh Bible.' 
 
 8. A letter dated 'Winchester (America?), August 24, 
 1753,' written by a Mr. or Colonel Crochan or Cochran, and 
 addressed to Mr. Dinwiddie, Governor of Virginia, may be 
 cited to the same effect. 
 
 This letter has a prominent place among the evidences in 
 
 favour of the Welsh Indians. The original is supposed to lie 
 
 at the British Museum ; but whether it does so or not, I do 
 
 not know. Copies of it, however, were repeatedly taken. A 
 
 copy was made by Dr. Morton, of the British Museum, at the 
 
 request of Mr. Maurice Morgan, Under-Secretary of State, 
 
 for the inspection of Lord Shelburne, when Colonial Secretary 
 
 in Rockingham's Administration in 1763-5. Another copy, 
 
 dated March 27, 1766, occurs among the papers of the Eev. 
 
 Evan Evans (leuan Brydydd Hir), having been taken by Dr. 
 
 James Phillips, Rector of Llangoedmor, Cardiganshire, for a 
 
 Dr. Worthington. And another copy — how obtained does not 
 
 appear — was supplied by the Eev. W. Richards, of Lynn, to 
 
 Mr. William Owen, who published it in the ' Gentleman's 
 
 Magazine' for June 1791. The letter is here given in 
 
 full: 
 
 ' Winchester : August 24, 1753. 
 
 ' May it please your Honour, — Last year I understood, 
 by Col. Lomax, that your Honour would be glad to have 
 some information of a nation of people settled to the West, 
 on a large river that runs to the Pacific Ocean, commonly 
 called the Welch Indians. As I had an opportunity of 
 gathering some account of those people, I make bold, at the 
 instance of Col. Cressup, to send you the following accounts. 
 As I formerly had an opportunity of being acquainted with 
 several French traders, and particularly with one that was 
 
 ' Williams, Fa/rther Observations, p. 18. Mrs. Campbell (p. 115) 
 gives the Captain's evidence without any reference to this MS. 
 
68 MADOC. 
 
 bred up from his infancy amongst the Western Indians, on 
 the west side of the Lake Erie, he informed me that the first 
 intelligence the French had of them was by some Indians 
 settled at the back of New Spain, who, in their way home, 
 happened to lose themselves and fell down upon this settle- 
 ment of people, whom they took to be French, by their 
 talking very quick ; so, on their return to Canada, they in- 
 formed the Governor that there was a large settlement of 
 French on a river that ran to the sun's setting ; that they 
 were no Indians, although they lived within themselves as 
 Indians, for they could not perceive that they traded with any 
 people, or had any trade to sea, for they had no boats or ships 
 as they could see ; and though they had guns amongst them, 
 yet they were so old and so much out of order, that they made 
 no use of them, but hunted with their bows for the support of 
 their families. 
 
 ' On this account the Governor of Canada determined to 
 send a party to discover whether they were French or not, 
 and had 300 men raised for that purpose. But when they 
 were ready to go, the Indians would not go with them, but 
 told the Governor that if he sent but a few men, they would 
 go and show them the country ; on which the Governor sent 
 three young priests, who dressed themselves in Indian dresses, 
 and went with those Indians to the place where those people 
 were settled, and found them to be Welch. They brought 
 some old Welsh Bibles to satisfy the Governor that they were 
 there ; and they told the Governor that these people had a 
 great aversion to the French ; for they found by them that 
 they had been settled at the mouth of the river Mississippi, 
 but had been almost cut off by the French there. So that a 
 small remnant of them escaped back to where they were then 
 settled, but had since become a numerous people. The 
 Governor of Canada, on this account, determined to raise an 
 army of French Indians to go and cut them off; but as the 
 
travellers' tales. 69 
 
 French have been embarrassed in war with several other 
 nations nearer home, I believe they have laid that project 
 aside. The man who furnished me with this account told me 
 that the messengers who went to make this discovery were 
 gone sixteen months before they returned to Canada, so that 
 those people must live at a great distance from thence to the 
 West. 
 
 ' This is the most particular account I ever could get of 
 those people as yet. 
 
 ' I am, your Honour's 
 
 ' Most obedient humble servant, 
 
 (Signed) ' George Chrochan.' ' 
 
 A postscript states further that 'Governor Dinwiddie 
 agreed with three or four of the back traders to go in quest 
 of the Welsh Indians, and promised to give them 500L for 
 that purpose ; but he was recalled before they could set out on 
 that expedition.' 
 
 This completes the evidence in favour of the sacred books, 
 and is now left to the consideration of the reader. 
 
 VI. Topography, Arch^olog/, and Civil Usages. — 
 Another class of evidences used in this connection consists 
 of the topography and archseology of Aboriginal America, 
 and of the arts said to be known to the Wldte or Welsh 
 Indians, who, whether rightly or wrongly, are assumed very 
 generally to be identical. 
 
 1 . Topography. — ' It is observable,' says Dr. Williams, 
 ' that the names" of Indian tribes, and of places in those parts 
 occupied by Welsh Indians, very much resemble, and seem 
 derived from, the ancient British.' ^ But he does not give 
 any examples. 
 
 2. Archoeology. — Filson, the Eev. Mr. Rankin, and another 
 
 ' Oentleman's Magazine, June 1791 ; Burder, p. 11 ; Williams, 
 Farther Observations, p. 22. 
 
 ^ Farther Observations, p. 19. 
 
70 MADOC. 
 
 clergyman speak of wells, ruins, abundance of nice earthen- 
 ware, millstones, and • fortifications found in Kentucky, and 
 attributed by them to the Welsh Indians. 
 
 Another gentleman, the Eev. Morgan Eees, of Philadelphia, 
 in a letter remarkable for its good sense, repeats these state- 
 ments, but does not advance any special theory to account 
 for them. ' Every part of this continent,' he says, ' aifords 
 sufficient proofs of a more civilised people having existed here 
 than the present Indians.' He then promises ' a description 
 of the ancient fortifications, mounds, barrows, graves, and the 
 curiosities found in them, on the Ohio and other places.' ' I 
 have seen,' he says, ' some of the finest crystallising glass, 
 some sheets of copper, with stones polished in very great 
 perfection, taken lately out of a grave at Cincinnati, on the 
 Ohio. I have likewise seen the ruins of an old fort, part of 
 it fallen into the same river, the mortar being exactly of the 
 same quality with that of the old castles of Wales. Several 
 other articles I have seen, which prove to demonstration that 
 the arts were either cultivated in the country, or else the 
 people must have been a regular importation from other 
 countries.' ' 
 
 Mr. Oatlin also mentions these mounds, and other remains, 
 and argues, with much apparent reason, from their resem- 
 blance to Mandan fortifications, arts, and usages, that they 
 prove that tribe or people to have ascended the Ohio and 
 Missouri rivers. If, as he thinks, the Mandans were the 
 Madogwys, these remains connect themselves with the Welsh 
 tradition ; but this is, of course, a point that requires to be 
 proved. 
 
 Mr. Binon, however, positively connects such remains with 
 our Cambrian Prince. The Indians he visited had iron 
 amongst them, lived in stone-built villages, and were better 
 ' Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 380. 
 
TEAVELLERS TALES, 71 
 
 clothed than other tribes. There were some ruinous buildings 
 amongst them ; one appeared like an old Welsh castle, and 
 another like a ruined church.' He is, moreover, reported to 
 have said that ' he considered the Padoucas to be the original 
 inhabitants of the spot where he found them, and that they 
 showed him a stone on which there was an inscription, which 
 they kept in honour of one Madog ! ' ^ 
 
 3. Civil Usages. — Several other writers speak of a dis- 
 tinctive civilisation among the White Indians, and assume 
 White and Welsh to be convertible terms. Sir John Caldwell 
 and Mr. Remington said the Pawnees, called White and 
 Welsh, were considerably civilised, cultivated the ground, 
 built houses, and had implements of fine copper. Mr. Gibson 
 said the civilisation of the Welsh Indians was a matter of 
 astonishment to the traders in general. Baron La Houtan, 
 Charlevoix, Bossu, and Cox spoke of highly civilised Indians, 
 on the borders of a great salt lake, beyond the Rocky 
 Mountains, who wore good clothes, lived in villages built with 
 white stones, and navigated the lake in great piraguas ; and 
 Mr. Edward Williams, widening the area of the Welsh 
 Indians, includes these Matocantes and Mactotatas, with the 
 Padoucas, Panes, and Kansez, under that general designa- 
 tion.' 
 
 ' J. J.'s ' friend said the white-bearded Indians were 
 vastly attached to certain religious ceremonies ; * Sutton 
 made the same remark respecting the Delawares ; Ruxton of 
 the Moquis ; and Mr. Catlin of the Mandans.® 
 
 ' Mr. Edwaxd Williams, in Qentlemam'a Magazine, 1791, vol. ii. 
 p. 613. 
 
 ^ The same authority, in Williams's Farther Observations, p. 21. 
 This statement does not occur in the Gentleman' s Magazine, loc. cit. 
 
 " WUliams, Farther Observations, pp. 15, 21, 88. 
 
 * Gentlema/n'a Magazine, 1792, vol. ii. p. 597. 
 
 ^ Letters and Notes on the North American India/ns, vol. i. p. 156. 
 
72 MADOC. 
 
 We have, therefore, an abundance of testimony respecting 
 the Welsh Indians ; but it lacks definiteness and consistency ; 
 so that, after all, there has been much uncertainty as to who 
 the Welsh Indians really were, even among those who 
 believed in their existence. While Dr. Williams identified 
 the descendants of Madoc with the Delawares, Tuscarores, 
 and a third tribe, others discovered the Madogwys in the 
 Doegs, Matocantes, and Mvid Indians ; ' Dr. Owen Pughe 
 made choice of the Padoucas,^ whose name was conjectured to 
 be a form of Madawg ; ^ while others claimed the Pawnees, 
 Kansez, Asquaws, the Hietans or Aliatans, and the Cherokees;* 
 and latterly Lieutenant Euxton affirmed them to be the 
 Moquis ; * while Mr. Catlin identified them with the Man- 
 dans, and has found favour with Cambrian critics in so 
 doing.^ 
 
 Thus pretty nearly the whole of America, from Canada to 
 Cuba, or even Peru, has been at various times claimed as the 
 local habitation of the Madogwys : they have been found, 
 generally speaking, everywhere on the new continent, east, 
 south, and west ; but, unfortunately, none of the indications 
 have been sufficiently specific ; everywhere has proved to be 
 another form of nowhere; and it still remains for future 
 inquirers to determine the true name and precise locality of 
 the Welsh Indians, while many deny that they exist any- 
 where. 
 
 I have, therefore, to suggest for the consideration of the 
 reader, assuming the substantial veracity of the less suspicious 
 testimonies here cited : 
 
 ' Woodward's History of Wales, p. 333 : Mr. Edward Williams 
 (lolo Morgamug) cited in Williams's Farther Observations, p. 21. 
 ' Camhria/n Biography, art. ' Madog ab Owen Gwynedd.' 
 ' Oamhro-Briton, vol. iii. p. 372. 
 
 * Ibid. vol. iii. p. 435. 
 
 ' Adventures in Mexico, p. 195. 
 
 * Williams's Eminent'Wehhmen, art. ' Madog,' p. 810. 
 
travellers' tales. 73 
 
 1. Whether the origin of the arts, monuments, books, 
 ceremonies, and languages of the white or half-white Indians 
 may not admit of explanation upon some other hypothesis, 
 
 2. And, if so, whether there are sufficient reasons for 
 assigning the preference to the ' Welsh Indian ' views of 
 Cambrian writers. 
 
CHAPTER 11. 
 
 IMPRESSIONS PRODUCED BY THESE FACTS AND STATEMENTS 
 UPON THE MINDS OF HISTORICAL WRITERS. 
 
 I HAVE now laid open a full and, it is hoped, fair statement 
 of the three classes of testimonies usually brought to bear 
 upon this question ; and it is more than probable that the 
 reader has come to some positive conclusion. Nevertheless, 
 it is just possible that all minds may not be affected alike, 
 and that some men may think that this testimony amounts 
 to an incontrovertible demonstration, while others may think 
 the evidence loose, incoherent, and insufficient. Some may 
 consider it to be in some cases irrelevant, and in others false ; 
 while others may hold it to be trustworthy and coherent in 
 all its parts. 
 
 At all events, we know that this has been the case already ; 
 and, as the minds of men are very differently constituted and 
 very differently furnished, this may also take place hereafter. 
 It will, therefore, in my judgment, be wise to study the im- 
 pressions produced upon the minds of others, many of them 
 the greatest luminaries in Cambrian literature, before we 
 finally resolve the matter for ourselves. 
 
 Section I. — The Affirmative View. 
 
 1 . Most of the older writers held the discovery of Madoc 
 to be a demonstrated fact, and took firmly and unhesitatingly 
 what we shall call the affirmative side. 
 
THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 75> 
 
 It will be unnecessary to repeat tlie words of Humphrey 
 Llwyd and Dr. Powel. 
 
 Hakluyt and Purchas accepted their statements and 
 views, and Hakluyt also introduced a variation, that Madoc 
 made not only one voyage according to the Triad, or two 
 according to Llwyd and Powel, but three voyages — a state- 
 ment, however, supported by no authority. 
 
 Dr. John Davies, of Mallwyd, accepted the affirmative 
 view.' 
 
 Of the older writers, James Howell is the only one who' 
 speaks doubtfully. His words are : ' if well proved ; ' but 
 Herbert, his contemporary, felt no hesitation ; and he 
 emphatically affirms that Madoc discovered America; and 
 that, had it been inherited, the Kings of England would not 
 have been defrauded of their title to the new continent. 
 
 Bnderbie ('Cambria Triumphans,' London, 1661) ac- 
 cepted the Cambrian narrative. 
 
 The Rev. Charles Edwards, author of ' Hanes y Pfydd,' or 
 ' History of the Christian Faith,' also took the same side. His 
 work was first published in 1671 ; and therein he adopts the 
 statements of Llwyd and Powel. 
 
 The Rev. Theophilus Evans, author of the very popular 
 little History of Wales, already referred to, called ' Drych y 
 Prif Oesoedd,' first published in 1716, repeated the usual 
 statements, and gave currency in Welsh to James Howell's 
 blunder respecting the inscription said to have been found on 
 Madoc's tombstone. In the preface to a second edition he 
 embodied the narrative of Morgan Jones. 
 
 Emanuel Bowen, 'Geographer to his Majesty,' in a 
 geography published in 1747, also accepted the Welsh tradi- 
 tion as historic truth. 
 
 The next writers were the compilers of the ' Universal 
 
 ^ AntiqucE Linguce BritanniccB Buddmenta (London, 1621), Pre- 
 face, p. 10, note. 
 
76 MADOC. 
 
 History.' One of these held the discovery to have been real ; 
 but another scouted it as an absurdity.' 
 
 The Rev. Nicholas Owen, jun., was a firm believer in the 
 truth of this tradition, and embodied in his ' British Remains ' 
 the letter of Morgan Jones ; the letter of Charles Lloyd of 
 Dolobran to his cousin, dated, Quaker fashion,' 8m. 14 day, |;' 
 and a copy of Dr. Plott's account of ' an ancient discovery of 
 America from Wales.' Owen's work appeared in 1777 ; thir- 
 teen years afterwards. Dr. Williams published his 'Enquiry'; 
 and two years later (1792) his second work, on the same 
 subject, to which we have so often referred, under the title 
 of ' Farther Observations on the Discovery of America &c.' 
 He also was a firm believer in the Cambrian tradition. 
 
 Dr. Campbell, author of the ' Naval History,' gave 
 credence to the statement ; M. Buache, a Frenchman, takes 
 the same side, in the ' Memoirs of the Royal Academy of 
 Paris' for 1784; Dr. Cotton Mather advocated it warmly in 
 his ' Magnalia Christi Americana ' ; and the Eev. George 
 Burder, in 1797, collected the evidences in a pamphlet 
 addressed to the Missionary Society of London, and urgently 
 desiring them to send missionaries to the Welsh Indians. 
 
 But, probably, the most sanguine man of that day was 
 Edward Williams, better known as lolo Morganwg. In 
 common with many of the vigorous thinkers and outspoken 
 men of that day, he looked upon America as the land of liberty, 
 and entertained serious thoughts of emigrating thither. He 
 has, accordingly, introduced the subject into his ' Poems, Lyric 
 and Pastoral,' in two places (vol. ii. pp. 64 and 186) ; and in the 
 former he has published a long note, making the usual state- 
 ments, but with some variations, which will be noticed here- 
 after. He gave implicit credence to the statement respecting 
 the Welsh Indians ; said there were then living, in Wales 
 and America, Welshmen who had conversed with these 
 ' Modern Part, vol. xxxviii. p. 5. 
 
THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 77 
 
 people ; and fixed their locality on tlie river Missouri, about 
 five hundred miles above its junction with the Mississippi. 
 But the intensity of his belief will perhaps be best represented 
 in his own verse : 
 
 Boast, Cambria, boast thy sceptred Lord, — 
 'Twas He, thy Madoo, first explor'd, 
 
 What bounds the Atlantic tide ; 
 He, from the tumiilts of a Crown, 
 Sought shelter in a world unhnown, 
 
 With Heav'n his only guide. 
 
 He soon, with joyfal tale, return'd 
 
 To Cambrian hiUs, where thousands mourn'd, 
 
 Soourg'd by fell Discord's hand ; 
 Now, loos'd from Hell, she there appear'd. 
 With brother's blood her front besmear' d. 
 
 She triumph' d in the Land. 
 
 At Ltjndy's Isle what numbers meet ; 
 All throng with joy to Madoc's fleet. 
 
 That first subdu'd the main ; 
 They quit the gory sod of Wales, 
 Proud Snowdon's height, Silurian vales. 
 
 And MoNA's ravag'd plain. 
 
 Fled from Contention's ireful crew, 
 To native cots they bid adieu, 
 
 Eetuming there no more ; 
 But, through rude storms at endless war, 
 With Providence their friendly star. 
 
 They seek the peaceful shore. 
 
 We heard of late astonish'd Fame 
 Declare that stiU our Madoo's name 
 
 Bids Glory's trump resound. 
 Where stni, amid the desert wild, 
 A free-born race, of manners mild, 
 
 Old British tribes are found. 
 
 I thither fly with anxious haste, 
 WiU brave aU dangers of the waste, 
 
 Bange 'tangled woods about ; 
 Pierce ev'ry comer, like the wind, 
 Thl Death forbids, or surely find 
 
 My long-lost brethren out. 
 
78 MADOC. 
 
 I'll teach them all the truth I know, 
 To them extol the lively glow 
 
 Of soul-refining grace ; 
 And, heedless there of worldly gains, 
 "Will glide through life with these remains 
 
 Of Britain's injur'd race. 
 
 Haste ! and forsake your meagre hills, 
 Their woful rounds Oppression fills, 
 
 O I think of no delays ; 
 Where Madoc's offspring stiU abides, 
 Or in the Land where Pbnn presides. 
 
 Win end our tranquil days. 
 
 Adieu, G-LAMOEGAN, from whose vales 
 I'm driven far through stormy gales. 
 
 O'er foamy billows wide ; 
 May'st thou, thotigh fiends afflict thee sore, 
 StiU thy forbidden God adore. 
 
 Whatever ills betide.' 
 
 Fortunately for the interests of Welsh literature, the bard 
 thought better of his project; circumstances occurred, after 
 1794, the date of the Lyric Poems, to lessen the value of the 
 tales told of the Welsh Indians ; but the bard, so far as I am 
 aware, never ceased to uphold what had then become a 
 national tradition. 
 
 His contemporary, the Rev. Dr. William Richards of Lynn, 
 a man much respected in his day, was also a warm advocate 
 of the affirmative. He supplied Mr. William Owen with 
 several letters from friends of his in America, and himself 
 drew up a concise statement of the evidences for the ' Gentle- 
 man's Magazine' in October 1789. 
 
 Dr. Owen Pughe, then plain William Owen, shared the 
 enthusiasm of the old Bard of Glamorgan, and sympathised 
 heartily with his sensitive and excitable feelings. The 
 ' Gentleman's Magazine,' at the close of the last century, was 
 often made the vehicle to convey news of the Welsh Indians ; ^ 
 
 ' Poems, Lyric and Pastoral, vol. ii. p. 64. 
 
 2 Vol. Ixi. Part i. pp. 329, 386, 534 ; and also Part ii. pp. 612, 693, 
 795, 800. 
 
THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 79 
 
 and in the year 1791 the names of both these ardent patriots 
 appear in that magazine, united in a defence of the presumed 
 existence of these Indians, who were then, and thenceforth, 
 usually called by the new name of Madogians or Madogwys. 
 In the ' Cambrian Register,' which he edited, for the year 
 1795, he said that two persons (himself and lolo ?) had been 
 engaged five years previously in collecting accounts of the 
 Welsh Indians ; that they had brought together the accounts 
 of twenty different persons, which agreed exactly with each 
 other ; that other accounts were continually flowing in ; that 
 a young man named John Evans had gone over to America, 
 in 1793, to discover the Madogwys, though the result of his 
 enterprise was unknown ; and he submitted two documents 
 as the most interesting of the recent additions.' 
 
 The two documents consist (1) of questions and answers 
 respecting White Indians and Welsh Indians, from the 
 Moravian missionaries in America to their brethren in 
 England; and (2) a letter dated November 24, 1795, 'from 
 the Rev. Morgan Rees, then resident in Philadelphia.' The 
 documents are interesting, and both clearly prove the exist- 
 ence of ' White Indians ' on the Missouri ; but the first stops 
 short of proving, except at third hand, that these ' White 
 Indians ' were also Welsh Indians ; and the second appears to 
 me to be evidence to the contrary. Further on, in the same 
 volume, Owen afiirms the departure of Madoc and Riryd, in 
 1172, to a land discovered far to the westward by Madoc in a 
 former voyage in 1170, and cites in support of the statement 
 the passage about the ' two princes,' in the poem of Prydydd 
 y Moch.^ In the 'Cambrian Biography,' published in 1803, 
 we find him again affirming the same views in these terms : 
 
 ' I have collected a multitude of evidences, in conjunction 
 with Edward Williams, the bard, to prove that Madog must 
 have reached the American continent, for the descendants of 
 
 ' Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 377 et seq. 
 ' Ibid. vol. i. pp. 412, 413. 
 
80 MADOC. 
 
 Mm and his followers exist there as a nation to this day ; 
 and the present position of which is on the southern branches 
 of the Missouri river, under the appellations of Padoucas, 
 White Indians, Civilised Indians, and Welsh Indians.' ' 
 Again, in 1805-6, he, as editor of the ' Greal,' published 
 several letters affirming and advocating the affirmative con- 
 clusion, which, it would seem, he retained to his dying day. 
 
 Most of the bards and minor literati of the day naturally 
 followed in the wake of lolo and William Owen. Dafydd 
 Ddu Eryri deserves special mention, as in a note to his ' Awdl 
 ar Wirionedd ' (Ode to Truth) he assumes the existence of 
 the Madogwys, and makes this fine reflection : 
 
 ' A remarkable Providence appears in the migration of 
 this stock, deserving of our respect and reverence, when we 
 reflect that a host of our fellow-countrymen disappeared from 
 us so long ago, and in the ninth age of the world, and that 
 we now have a trace of them, as a numerous and increasing 
 nation, in the centre of a far-distant land ! ' ^ 
 
 The idea is striking, and to the assumed facts appropriate ; 
 but it yet remains to be seen whether the assumptions of that 
 day have stood the test of subsequent inquiry. 
 
 A pamphlet published about the year 1798, under the 
 title 'The Tower of Babel, or Essays on the Confusion of 
 Tongues, by John Jones, Member of Eminent Societies at 
 Home and Abroad,' professes to contain ' fresh evidence 
 concerning the first discovery of America by a Prince of Wales 
 in the twelfth century.' ^ 
 
 Important events were taking place in the meantime. 
 The sources of the Missouri were explored; the Padoucas 
 turned out to have no resemblance to Welsh Indians ; faith in 
 
 ' Cambrian Biography, art. ' Madog, son of Owen Gwynedd,' 
 p. 233. 
 
 ^ Y Cylchgrawn Cynmraeg (Trefeoca, 1793), p. 54. 
 ' Notes and Queries (Jan. 12, 1867), p. 83. 
 
THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 81 
 
 the Cambrian story became considerably shaken ; suspicions 
 attached themselves to the ' travellers' tales ' ; and various 
 symptoms of doubt, affecting the whole narrative, began to 
 make their appearance. 
 
 A slight trace of scepticism is observable in the language 
 of the Rev. W. Warrington, who published his ' History of 
 Wales ' about this time. In the main, however, he lent his 
 sanction to the tradition, though not without reserve. He 
 stated in his text, not that Madoc had sailed, but that he ' is 
 said ' to have done so ; and in a note he adds : ' We know 
 nothing of the reality of this discovery, but what is gathered 
 from the poems of Meredydd ab Rhys, who flourished in the 
 year 1470, Guttyn Owain in 1480, and Oynfrig ap Gronw, 
 near the same period. These bards preceded the expedition 
 of Columbus, and relate or allude to that of Madoc as an 
 event well known, and universally received, to have happened 
 three hundred years before.' ' Warrington makes this last 
 remark on the authority of Edward Jones, author of the 
 ' Musical and Poetical Relicks of the Welsh Bards ' ; and we 
 may take this opportunity to remark that Mr. Jones also was 
 an affirmer of the truth of the Madoc story. 
 
 The tale— 
 
 How Madoc from the shores of Britain spread 
 The adventurous sail 
 
 was ushered into the literary world, in two quarto volumes of 
 poetry ; and the upholders of this tradition had the triumphant 
 satisfaction of seeing it adorned by the genius, and sanctioned 
 by the authority, and enshrined in the verse of Robert South ey. 
 He was the friend of lolo Morganwg and William Owen ; and, 
 convinced by their reasonings, he used these words in his 
 preface, dated 1805 : 
 
 Strong evidence has been adduced that he (Madoc) 
 
 >■ History of Wales, 1st ed. (1780), p. 334. 
 
82 MADOC. 
 
 reached America, and that his posterity exist there to this 
 day, on the southern branches of the Missouri, retaining their 
 complexion, their language, and, in some degree, their arts.' 
 
 But the exploration of these regions dispelled this belief; 
 and, accordingly, ten years later, he appended this note to the 
 first statement : 
 
 ' That country has now been fully explored, and wherever 
 Madoc may have settled, it is now certain that no Welsh 
 Indians are to be found upon any branches of the Missouri, 
 1815.' 
 
 Yet his scepticism went no farther than this : he gave 
 up the belief that the Indians of the Missouri were the 
 descendants of the Britons, but he does not appear to have 
 abandoned the belief that Madoc really did land somewhere 
 on the New Continent. 
 
 This question occupied a large share of the attention of 
 the Kymi'y, and especially of Welshmen resident in London, 
 during the thirty years that intervened between 1791 and 
 1821. During the former year, as we have seen, the 
 ' Gentleman's Magazine ' was inundated with letters respect- 
 ing the Welsh Indians ; and in 1818 and 1819, when ' Seren 
 GOMER ' appeared, that publication also gave place to several 
 letters written for and against their existence, but principally 
 maintaining the former view. A letter signed ' Begeryr ' is 
 the first negative paper in Welsh that has come under 
 my notice, and evidently came from no ordinary pen ; ' 
 but other persons began to entertain misgivings ; and 
 doubts found their way even to the Cymreigyddion and 
 Gwyneddigion Societies of London. The question of the 
 existence or non-existence of Welsh Indians was frequently 
 discussed by the members, and one ela.borate speech on 
 the affirmative side, by Mr. John Solomon Jones, one of the 
 Vice-Presidents of the former Society, has been preserved.^ 
 ' Se7-eji Oomer, 1818, p. 199. ' Ibid. p. 29.'). 
 
THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 83 
 
 It was delivered May 21, 1818, and was mucli commended at 
 tbe time. Mr. Thomas Roberts of Llwynrhudol, whose 
 sanguine advocacy of tbe ' Welsh Indian ' cause obtained for 
 hira the name of the ' Father of the Madogwys,' also followed 
 on the same side, May 26, when he submitted nine resolutions 
 for the approval of the Society. The whole of these were 
 adopted, and afterwards confirmed at another meeting, held 
 June 4,' and one of them embodied a vote of thanks to Mr. 
 Solomon Jones for his ' excellent oration ' ; but, though the 
 speech displays much ability, and includes a large number of 
 ' proofs,' it will not be deemed quite satisfactory at the 
 present day. Where the question turns, not upon the 
 number of authorities, but upon their critical value, we can- 
 not attach any importance to the opinion of a man who said, 
 wilfully or ignorantly, that Oaradoc records the voyages of 
 Madoc, and that Hakluyt smv the statements of Llwyd and 
 Powel made by Guttyn Owen, who quotes the following 
 verse of a modern song composed for the London Cymreigydd- 
 
 ion Society : 
 
 Aeth Madoc lieb dra, 
 A'i ddyfais oedd dda ; 
 Ei lestr a lawyliodd 
 Hyd wyneb y dyfroedd 
 Trwy nerth y moroedd certh, 
 I'r America ^ 
 
 as being of equal authority with the Englyn of Cynddelw, 
 and who was so careless as to place the death of John Evans 
 at New Orleans. His contemporaries, however, were still 
 less critical ; and the question was generally decided in the 
 affirmative ; but the minority still held to their denial ; and in 
 so doing had the sanction of no less a man than the Rev. 
 Walter Davies {Gwallter Mechain), who, in reference to these 
 
 1 Seven Gomer, 1818, p. 316. 
 
 ^ ' Ehuddenfab,' the editor of a small collection of Welsh songs 
 (Cerddi Cymru, p. 12), attributes this song to John Jones of Qlanygors 
 
 G2 
 
84 MADOC. 
 
 very discussions, adds this comment after the word 'affirma- 
 tive ' : ' as majority of votes too often do, upon the wrong side 
 of a question, be its importance and consequence ever so 
 great.' ^ The question again came under the consideration 
 of the Oymreigyddion on December 8 in the same year, in 
 consequence of a letter from the Eev. George Lewis, D.D. 
 At a missionary meeting held in August of that year at 
 Llanfyllin, it was thought that a mission to the Madogwys 
 had special claims upon the attention of the Kymry. Dr. 
 Lewis, without committing himself to the affirmative side, 
 urged the matter upon the attention of the Oymreigyddion, 
 and they on the above day replied to his letter, approving of 
 the suggestion, and endeavoured to remove his doubts.^ 
 
 Time has not altered these relative positions ; for though 
 the tradition lost credit with English writers, except Mrs. 
 Campbell, the majority of Welshmen, possibly even of 
 Cambrian writers, still continue to affirm that Madoc dis- 
 covered the land of the far west ; and, even if not, that there 
 are Welsh Indians on the Missouri. Many writers, seeing 
 that the Madogwys receded farther and farther as the 
 American continent became more fully explored, wavered in 
 their belief; but Mr. Catlin's work has reassured them ; and 
 one at least, the careful biographer of ' Eminent Welshmen,' 
 has recorded his conviction, not only that Madoc discovered 
 the New World, but also that the expeditions of Madoc are 
 mentioned by three poets who were his contemporaries, as 
 well as by Meredydd ab Rhys, before Columbus was heard 
 of; and that the Welsh Indians were the Mandans of Mr. 
 Catlin.^ This work was published in 1852. 
 
 A still later writer, namely, the Rev. R. W. Morgan, 
 
 ^ Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, 1829, vol. i. p. 446. 
 " Seren Gomer, 1818, p. 317 ; and 1819, p. 4. 
 
 '' WiUiama's Eminent Welshmen, articles ' John Evans ' and 
 ' Madog ap Owen Gwynedd.' 
 
THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 85 
 
 adopts the Madoc narrative, and affirms his conviction that 
 its truth has been clearly established.' 
 
 The most distinguished living writer on this side is Dr. 
 Eowland Williams, if he still retains his conviction of 1846. 
 It does not appear, however, that he had examined the evi- 
 dence critically ; and it should be observed that he does not 
 expressly assent to the aflSrmative proposition. He says, ' It 
 is one of those traditions, " poeticis magis decora fabulis, quee 
 nee affirmare nee refellere in animo est." ' ^ But as he has 
 made it the basis of a poem, entitled ' Madoc at Sea,' the bias 
 of his mind seems to have inclined to this side. 
 
 It is, therefore, very apparent that the affirmative view is 
 very powerfully supported, and that many of the best-known 
 natives of the Principality — men, too, of great talent and ex- 
 tensive learning — have ranged themselves on what may, 
 perhaps, be termed the popular side. 
 
 Our Cambrian story seems to have fascinated men of every 
 order of mind, and amongst others the late Baron Humboldt. 
 ' It is much to be desired,' he says, ' that in these days of 
 just, and not excessive scepticism, in historic research, an in- 
 quiry could be made into Prince Madoc's story, in Wales. 
 Old traditions, and the genuine chronicles of the Principality, 
 would thus be usefully examined. I by no means share the 
 contempt with which some writers rashly treat this story. 
 On the contrary, I am strongly convinced that some facts, 
 hitherto lost sight of, may be recovered, to throw light upon 
 the voyages of the Middle Ages ; and upon the striking re- 
 semblances of some things now familiar to us in the New 
 World, to many things well known in the East.' ^ 
 
 It has also found favour with his countryman, the tra- 
 
 ^ The British Kymry, p. 166. 
 
 ^ Lays from the Cimhric Lyre, by ' Goronva Camlan ' (Dr. Eow- 
 land Williams), London, 1846, pp. 10, 237. 
 
 ' Examen Critique de VHistoire de Geographic (Paris, 1837) 
 cited in Eev. T. Price's Literary Remains, vol. ii. p. 273. 
 
86 MADOC. 
 
 veller J. G. Kohl, who in his last work says that the Cambrian 
 narrative ' looks very like a discovery of America.' And he 
 adds, in continuation, ' An American writer (probably meaning 
 Catlin) of the present day has even taken the trouble to show 
 that the traditions and the language of the so-called Mandan 
 Indians, ' who now dwell in central Missouri, prove them to 
 be the descendants of the followers of Prince Madoc. Indeed, 
 many have found these Welsh wanderers again in one of the 
 most remote tribes to the far West in California. In conse- 
 quence of the supposed discovery of traces of Madoc's Welsh, 
 spread so extensively throughout the whole of America, an 
 Englishman has proposed that the New World should not be 
 named, as at present, after Amerigo Vespucci, nor called 
 Columbia after Columbus, but rather Madocia after Prince 
 Madoc' ' Mr. Kohl is probably not aware that it has been 
 suggested that America is itself a word of Welsh origin, 
 formed from Ar myr uchel or ycha, ' on the high or farthest 
 seas ' ; that this descriptive name was used by the natives, 
 and that Vespucci took his prcenomen therefrom ! ^ 
 
 The subject appears to have also occupied the attention 
 of our cousins across the Atlantic. Mr. John Russell Bartlett, 
 the Secretary of the American Ethnological Society, in the 
 winter of 1841, at New York, stated that he had been inves- 
 tigating the subject, and that he was in possession of affidavits 
 and other documents, to attest the truth of the Cambrian 
 tradition, and of the existence of Welsh Indians.' His work 
 has not, I believe, yet seen the light ; but if the affidavits 
 were those of the Rev. Morgan Jones and Colonel Crochan, 
 they will be found in the present Essay .^ The Rev. Thomas 
 
 ' History of the Discovery of America, vol. i. pp. 83, 35 ; vol. ii. 
 p. 142. 
 
 ^ Cambrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. iv. p. 469. 
 
 ^ Six J. E. Alexander, L'Acadie, vol. iv. p. 89 ; and Mr. J. Toulmin 
 Smith, Discovery of America by the Northmen, 1842, p. 235. 
 
 ^ [The affirmative view is maintained in two American works, pub- 
 
THE AFFIRMATIVE VIEW. 87 
 
 James, of Netherthong, Yorkshire, under his Kymric signature 
 Llallawcj, in ' Notes and Queries,' December 7, 1862, states 
 that he had written to Mr. Bartlett, inquiring whether the 
 promised work had been published, but that he had not re- 
 ceived any reply. Mr. James was one of the judges of this 
 Essay at Llangollen. He then declined to adJTidicate, and it 
 would seem that he is still unable to say, ' Liheravi animam 
 meam.' 
 
 Section II. — The Tentative View : that there is no sufficient 
 evidence that Madoa discovered America ; hut that he left 
 Wales, and that it is not Icnown whither he went. 
 
 It has been seen in the preceding section that a minority 
 of the Gwyneddigion, countenanced by no less a man than 
 the Eev. Walter Davies, differed in opinion from their fellow- 
 members on this subject ; and as several men of note, distin^ 
 guished by critical ability, historic research, and sound judg- 
 ment, have numbered themselves either among positive 
 dissentients or as entertaining very serious doubts, it becomes 
 necessary to pass them in review. 
 
 The first avowed opponent of the Cambrian tradition was 
 Lord Lyttelton, in his ' History of Henry II.,' the first edition 
 of which was published in 1764-7.' He supposed that Dr. 
 Powel had interpolated the Madoc narrative in the Chronicle 
 of Caradoc. Here be was evidently mistaken ; but if he had 
 said this of Humphrey Llwyd, he might have pleaded Powel'a 
 authority for the statement. He grants that Madoc may 
 have been a bolder navigator than any of his countrymen in 
 that age, and that he might have been famous for some voyage ; 
 
 lished since the death of Mr. Stephens, entitled, America discovered 
 by the Welsh in 1170 a.d., by the Eev. Benjamin F. Bowen (Phila- 
 delphia, 1876) ; and The Pre-Columbian Voyages of the Welsh to 
 America, by B. F. De Costa (Albany, 1891).] 
 
 1 History of Henry II. note to Book v. p. 505 (1st ed. 1764-1767 ; 
 vol. iv, p. 371). 
 
88 MADOC. 
 
 but, says he, ' as the course was not marked, it is of no impor- 
 tance to the matter in question.' ' We may, therefore, place 
 him in our second class. 
 
 Its next assailant was Robertson, the Historian of America, 
 who thought ttat if Madoc made any discovery at all, it was 
 most probably Madeira or some of the Western Isles.^ 
 
 The first Kymro who openly declared his hostility to this 
 tradition was Dr. John Jones. He was a native of the parish 
 of Llandybie, in Carmarthenshire, having been born at Der- 
 wydd, August 17, 1772. He studied on the Continent, at 
 the University of Jena, which conferred on him the degree of 
 LL.D., took to the Bar as a profession in 1803, arid died at 
 Islington in distressed circumstances, September 28, 1837. 
 He wrote several works, amongst others ' A History of Wales,' 
 but most of his writings are characterised by a tendency to 
 flippancy and sarcasm, and this is observed in his treatment 
 of this question. He wrote a letter on this subject, dated 
 'Islington, July 19, 1819,' which appeared in the 'Monthly 
 Magazine ' for September of that year. 
 
 He commences by saying that ' an unfounded tradition 
 among the uncultivated natives of North Wales, respecting 
 the migration of Madog,' was ' still persisted in by certain 
 illiterate Methodist and other preachers, who have of late 
 raised considerable sums of money, by calling upon public 
 characters and procuring subscriptions towards defraying the 
 expenses requisite for making a pretended simple hunt after 
 the imaginary Welsh Indians.' 
 
 He charges the Madoc narrative with improbability, and 
 says ' that the whole population of Gwynedd at that time did 
 not equal that of St. Mary at Islington ; that Madoc would 
 not have been suffered to deport the subjects of his brother, 
 
 ^ History of Henry II. loc. cit. (1st ed. 1764). 
 ' The question is discussed in a long note to the first volume, 
 p. 373 (ed. 1788) ; or pp. 368-371 (9th ed. 1800). 
 
THE TENTATIVE VIEW. 89 
 
 and that the fleet of Commodore Madog, consisting of wicker- 
 boats covered with hides or tarred blankets, effected & rather 
 extraordinary performance, if they were able to leave Ireland 
 on the north, and cast these supposed deserters of their country 
 on the coasts of Armorica or Gallicia.' 
 
 After this he examines the bardic quotations from the 
 poems of Cynddelw, Prydydd y Moch, Gwalchmai, and Mere- 
 dydd ab Rhys, and sums up the result in these words : 
 
 ' Thus, Mr. Editor, the bards make no mention whatever 
 of any migration of Madog into a western continent, but 
 merely take passing notice of him as lost at sea ; that he had 
 left his country, that his departure was lamented, and that he 
 was of a generous disposition, and an eminent fisherman.' 
 
 He then quotes the concluding words of Humphrey Llwyd, 
 and uses them to show ' that they afford positive testimony 
 against the existence of the Welsh Indians.' 
 
 In an early part of the letter he said there was no pretence 
 for believing in ' a colony of Madogion, mad-dogs, or Welsh 
 Indians,' and concludes his letter with this paragraph : 
 
 ' It may be expected that I should notice tales related of 
 Welsh Indian chiefs ; of Welshmen taken prisoners, and re- 
 leased on account of their similarity of language ; and of 
 Welsh Methodist preachers who have resided among the 
 Indians, and preached among them for years. But this would 
 be making a very idle use of your valuable pages, since it is 
 well known that there are not a hundred square miles of the 
 inhabited or inhabitable parts of America that have not been 
 traversed ; and that, in consequence of the labours of naviga- 
 tors and travellers, geography is now become a positive science.' 
 
 This letter produced a great sensation at the time ; its 
 pun upon ' Madogwys,' with its sarcastic allusions, and ap- 
 parently unfounded imputations, gave great offence ; and it 
 would seem that it has not been forgiven to this day.' 
 
 ' See Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. ' John Jones,' p. 560. 
 
90 MADOC. 
 
 Mr. Humphreys Parry, editor of the ' Cambro-Briton,' 
 replied to Dr. Jones in the number of that magazine for 
 October 1819, and said that, 'after long and dispassionate 
 consideration,' he had been induced to believe in the existence 
 of the Madogwys. He charged Dr. Jones with having evaded 
 the testimony of leuan Brechva, Guttyn Owen, Herbert, and 
 the historic Triad, admitted the words already given as those 
 of Llwyd, not to have been the words of Caradoc, but affirmed 
 them to have been the words of Guttyn Owen, and suggested 
 that they set forth an erroneous opinion. He admitted that 
 the bardic quotations of Jones only affirmed that Madoc left 
 his country and went to sea, but laid stress on the passage 
 respecting the ' two princes,' which Dr. Jones had not cited, 
 and he summed up his argument in these words : 
 
 ' What he '(Dr. Jones) has quoted, if they determine any- 
 thing, prove that Madog had disappeared by sea : what he 
 has kindly left to be cited by others extend to the circum- 
 stances, and even to the object of his voluntary exile. These, 
 united with the facts which have transpired during the last 
 sixty years, respecting the settlement of a strange nation on the 
 higher branches of the Missouri, differing essentially in their 
 habits and manners from the adjacent tribes, and even speak- 
 ing the Welsh language, can leave little room for scepticism, 
 except to such as make scepticism a profession. Tet all this 
 testimony, derived from a hundred various sources, and uniting 
 in one focus, is thrown by our candid objector unceremoniously 
 into the shade. So strong, 'however, is the concatenation of 
 evidence thus produced, as to be considered irresistible by 
 many persons fully capable of estimating its value.' ' 
 
 The reply contained as much sarcasm as the attack, though 
 
 couched in more polished phraseology ; but characterised, as 
 
 it was, by assertion rather than proof, it could not have been 
 
 deemed quite satisfactory, even at that time; and, upon reflec- 
 
 ' Cambro-Briton, vol. i. p. 61. 
 
THE TENTATIVE VIEW. 91 
 
 tion, it does not appear to have been deemed conclusive by 
 the writer himself. He referred to the subject two years 
 afterwards, but in a less confident tone ; ' and having subse- 
 quently redeemed his promise to review the whole of the 
 evidence, he finally adopted the modified conclusioQ which 
 forms the heading of this section. At the Carmarthen 
 Eisteddfod, September 24 and 25, 1823, a prize was 
 offered for the best Essay on the following subject : 'On the 
 Navigation of the Britons from the earliest dawn of their his- 
 tory to the close of the twelfth century, including the proba- 
 bility or improbability of Madog ab Owain Gwynedd and 
 his followers settling in any part of the Western Hemisphere.' 
 
 The judges were the Ven. Archdeacon Beynon and the 
 Eev. Mr. Prothero, Vicar of Llandeilo Vawr ; they awarded 
 the prize to the author of the Essay signed ' Omer,' who 
 turned out to be John Humphreys Parry, Esq. 
 
 The conclusions of the author, as exhibited in the published 
 Essay, were these : 
 
 1. As to the historic statements, 'that the disappearance 
 of Madoc is an event as free from doubt as any other recorded 
 in the annals of Wales. With respect, however, to the 
 particular country he is said to have discovered, whatever 
 ground may have existed formerly for such an assumption, 
 either traditionally or otherwise, the account must now be 
 received with the caution naturally suggested by the lapse of 
 so many ages, and the consequent absence of positive evi- 
 dence ' (p. 35). 
 
 2. As to Welsh Indians, ' that the testimony is by no 
 means decisive as to the fact, notwithstanding the positiveness 
 with which some of the points have been asserted. For if the 
 Welsh language be actually spoken among the Indians of 
 America, and there really exist among them ancient Welsh 
 MSS., it is truly extraordinary that the fact has not, before 
 
 •' Cambro-Briton, vol. iii. p. 435. 
 
92 MADOC. 
 
 this time, been placed beyoud the reach of cavil, or the 
 necessity for inquiry. More than three centuries have elapsed 
 since the acknowledged intercourse between Europeans and 
 the New World, and this interesting question is still unde- 
 termined. Adhuc sub juclice lis est.' (P. 41.) 
 
 The subject was referred to in the year 1820, by the Rev. 
 E. Hughes, of Bodfari, who introduced it into his poem on 
 ' Hiraeth Cymro am ei Wlad,' sent to the Wrexham 
 Eisteddfod in that year. See the collected poems on that 
 subject, published at Denbigh.' 
 
 We come, in the next place, to consider the testimony of 
 the Rev. Thomas Price, fondly known among his countrymen 
 by his cognomen Garnhuanawc. His opinion upon diflBcult 
 historical questions is held to be of great weight ; and I am 
 happy to be able to concur in this general and favourable 
 estimate ; for he took much pains to collect trustworthy 
 evidences, approached the facts in a spirit at once patriotic 
 and candid, and displayed much critical acumen and sound- 
 ness of judgment in forming his opinions thereupon. He, 
 too, shows a disposition to reject the common tradition, and 
 to hold the proofs as yet adduced in its favour to be insuf- 
 ficient. In dealing with this question he commences thus 
 (we translate his work, which is in the Welsh language) : 
 
 ' The history of the voyage of this prince (i.e. Madoc ab 
 Owen) is given by Powel, as he affirms, on the authority of 
 Guttyn Owen, who, as is said, wrote between 1460 and 1490, 
 and therefore before the voyage of Columbus, for Columbus 
 sailed in 1492, and returned in 1493. The history of Madoc, 
 according to the above authority, is as follows.' 
 
 Having recounted the usual statements, he further adds 
 that the lines of Meredydd ap Rhys and Triad No. 10 were 
 cited in support of that narrative, and sums up his conclusions 
 in the following terms : 
 
 I 7 Powysion (Denbigh, 1821), pp. 61-63. 
 
THE TENTATIVE VIEW. 93 
 
 ' Eeference is also made to otKer proofs in the works of 
 the Gogynfeirdd (or mediaeval bards) ; but I never had the 
 good fortune to alight upon them ; and I am of opinion that 
 the above cited are the strongest on record. As to the recent 
 correlative proofs, respecting the discovery of a tribe of 
 Madogwys in America, so many vain and thoughtless asser- 
 tions have been made and repeated, and so many naked and 
 designed falsehoods have been' added to them, that whoever 
 takes tliis subject in hand must be very watchful lest he be 
 misled. One of the strongest arguments against the narrative 
 is the difiBculty of the voyage, because the mariner's compass 
 was unknown at that time, and it was not usual to sail out of 
 the sight of land. In reply, it is said that the latter statement 
 is not true, for that they made voyages to Norway ; to the 
 Continent generally, and to Iceland ; that the islanders of the 
 South Seas had made such voyages ; and that in fair weather, 
 with a clear sky, the voyage of Madoc was not impossible. 
 And, therefore, after weighing the various arguments against 
 each other, I conclude that the determination rests entirely 
 upon the date of Guttyu Owen's narrative, viz. : whether it 
 was written before or after the voyage of Columbus. That 
 Madoc chose a seafaring life, rather than contend hopelessly 
 for territorial possessions, is not improbable ; and if the lines 
 above cited are rightly dated, this is undeniable. But as to 
 the other parts of the proofs we must wait until the evidences 
 have been more minutely examined.' ' 
 
 Commending this thoughtful passage to the attentioii of 
 the reader, I now proceed to unfold a third aspect of this 
 question. 
 
 ' Hanes Cymru, pp. 589-591. This work was published in parts 
 from 1836 to 1842. Living authors of note suppose that Madoc may 
 have left his country and landed in Spain, or on some European coast ; 
 but none of them accept the national tradition of the Kymry in its 
 entirety. 
 
94 MADOC. 
 
 Section in. — The Negative View : that Madoc neither sought, 
 nor found, a new country in the far West; and that he 
 fell by the sword in his own country. 
 
 Besides the two preceding aspects of this question, there 
 is a third, namely, that which we have called the negative 
 view ; and this has been supported by several writers of con- 
 siderable ability. 
 
 The first Welshman who rejected the Madoc claim was 
 Thomas Pennant, the eminent naturalist, whose judgment will 
 be cited in another connection. 
 
 After him came the late Rev. Walter Da vies, M.A., known 
 among the bards as Ghvallter Mechain. He was the author 
 and editor of many works deservedly held in great repute, 
 and a, frequent contributor to the Cambrian magazines, which 
 owe to him many of their most valuable articles. He was, 
 up to his death (December 5, 1849, cat. 89), generally ac- 
 counted to be the clearest-headed and best-informed Kymro 
 of his day ; his writings are all characterised by great candour, 
 much critical sagacity, and an enlightened judgment. In the 
 course of his life he showed an intimate acquaintance with 
 the writings of the elder bards ; was the author of a prize 
 essay on the Welsh Metres, in which he gave an analysis of 
 the metres used in our most ancient poems ; edited the works 
 of Huw Moras, and assisted in editing those of Lewis Glyn 
 Cothi ; and he was himself one of the most distinguished of 
 recent Welsh poets. He was, therefore, admirably qualified 
 to form an opinion upon any question involving a reference 
 to the poems of the old bards, such as that which is now under 
 consideration ; and his judgment, whatever it might be, was 
 always held to be of much weight. 
 
 Like Dr. Jones, who undertook ' to upset this idle tale,' 
 
THE NEGATIVE VIEW. 95 
 
 he thought he could, with a few words from his pen, dispose 
 of the reputed discovery of America and the Welsh Indians ; 
 but he underrated the vitality of a tradition so intimately 
 interwoven with our national feelings ; and it is not impro- 
 bable that it would have still survived, even if his view of it 
 had amounted to a clear and conclusive demonstration ; for 
 traditions, honouraljle to , the pride of a high-minded people 
 retentive of their fame, retain their vitality even when found 
 to be untrue ; and as Hercules had to cut off all the heads of 
 the Lernean Hydra, so must the refuter of such traditions 
 leave no stone unturned, no argument unanswered, no sem- 
 blance of authority unnoticed ; but, if true, like the rightful 
 heir to a disputed property, or the legitimate descendant of 
 a royal house, it rises again and again to assert its rights, 
 and will eventually establish its claim. To which of these 
 classes the Madoc tradition belongs we shall presently en- 
 deavour to show. 
 
 But we return to Gwallter Mechcdn. He says : ' To set 
 this question at rest, I believe it may be proved, from indis- 
 putable documents, that Madoc ab Owen Gwynedd, the sup- 
 posed discoverer of America many centuries before Columbus, 
 fell by the sword (the too frequent death of the brave in those 
 days) in his own country. Let Columbus, then — the great 
 and injured Columbus — have every merit that is strictly due 
 to his unrivalled genius. 
 
 ' Charles Lloyd, his brother Thomas, and the Morgan 
 Jones above mentioned, had been contemporary students at 
 Jesus College, Oxford ; but the fable of the Welsh Indians in 
 America did . not originate with them. Dr. Powel, in his 
 " History of Cambria," Hakluytin his " Voyages," Sir Thomas 
 Herbert in his " Travels," had all of them previously given 
 their sanction to the credibility of the tradition that Prince 
 Madoc had sailed " far to the West," &c. ; but we have no 
 authority for supposing that he ever sailed beyond Ireland, 
 
96 MADOO. 
 
 or the Isle of Man, or even that he ever boarded a skifi, save 
 over the Straits of the Menai. He met, as is above hinted, 
 with a violent death in his native land.' • 
 
 Mr. Davies does not state what those documents were, on 
 which he relied ; but it is not difficult to discover that he had 
 in his mind the elegiac verse of Cynddelw, and the ' Ode to the 
 Hot Iron ' of Llywarch ab Llywelyn. An anonymous writer 
 in the ' Cambrian and Caledonian Magazine,' 1831, vol. iii. 
 p. 140 (probably Mr. Davies), says : ' There are notices of 
 several emigrations in ancient times from Britain, in the 
 Triads and other authorities. The one by Madog ab Owain 
 Gwynedd and his followers, as recorded by Welsh historians, 
 is not now believed to have any foundation, notwithstanding 
 several late attempts to authenticate the narrative. The first 
 emigration from "Wales to America took place in the reign of 
 the licentious Charles II.' 
 
 Bancroft, the best-known historian of America, passes over 
 the Madoc narrative in silence. It is difficult to conceive 
 that he was not acquainted with it, for he frequently, cites 
 Hakluyt's ' Voyages,' in which it occurs ; and hence it becomes 
 probable that he held it to have been of no authority. The 
 writer of the ' History of Maritime Discovery,' in Lardner's 
 ' Cyclopaedia,' takes the narrative into consideration, and pro- 
 nounces it to have no foundation in fact. 
 
 The nest writer in the order of chronology is the author 
 of the ' Literature of the Kymry,' ' a self-educated Welsh 
 druggist at Merthyr Tydfil.' ^ 
 
 In 1848, when that work was published, this subject was 
 evidently new to him. He introduces it with the remark 
 that he had not paid sufficient attention to the evidence to 
 
 ^ Ca/mhrian Quarterly Magazvne, 1829, vol. i. p. 441. 
 
 ' The Literary Bemams of the Bev. Thomas Price, Carnhuanawc, 
 Vica/r of Cwmdu, Breconshi/re, and Bural Dean : mth a Memoir of 
 his Life, by Jane Williams, Ysgafell, vol. ii. p. 376. 
 
THE NEGATIVE VIEW. 97 
 
 form a definite opinion, and concludes, his observations in 
 
 these terms r 
 
 'The passage first quoted (i.e. that about the "two 
 
 princes ") looks as if it had been written after Madoc's return, 
 
 for it describes the newly-found territory as " easily guarded." 
 
 The Une 
 
 Yn esguraw bawl hawt adnes 
 (Prowling after a possession easily guarded) 
 
 seems more decisive of the question than any other evidence 
 that can be adduced, as the description seems applicable to a 
 new and thinly populated country. Too much stress has been 
 laid upon the poem of Meredydd ab Rhys, both by the op- 
 ponents and the advocates of this story ; for, after all, it 
 simply states the fondness of Madoc for the sea, and leaves 
 the question of the discovery of America just where it was 
 before. That Madoc left the country is quite clear from the 
 concurrent testimony of the bards and the following triad 
 (i.e. No. 10) ; but the annals of the country leave his landing- 
 place unknown. We must, therefore, look elsewhere for 
 proofs of his discovery of the American continent.' ' 
 
 He then gives Herbert's account at length, but without 
 any express sanction of the statements therein set forth; and 
 it is evident that he had not finally made up his mind on the 
 subject. Had he rested here, we should have had to place 
 him in our second class, in company with Jones, Parry, a,nd 
 Price. 
 
 Latterly (1856), he has again given an opinion on the 
 subject, and it is evident that his judgment has now been 
 fully formed, and that it is adverse to the claims of Madoc. 
 In an essay in the Welsh language, entitled ' Sefyllfa 
 Wareiddiol Cymru,' or ' The Position of Wales in Civilisa- 
 tion,' and published in the ' Traethodydd,' he has the words 
 here translated : 
 
 I Literature of the Kymry, p. 143, 2nd ed. p. 132. 
 
 H 
 
98 MADOC. 
 
 ' It is frequently asserted that a Kymro first discovered 
 the American continent ; but for all that is said about Madoc 
 ab Owen Gwynedd, and notwithstanding the positive yet false 
 assertion in " Drych y Prif Oesoedd " respecting his reputed 
 epitaph, the history is very doubtful ; and there is reason to 
 believe that Madoc was slain in some tumult at home, and 
 that he never was very far from the land of his birth.' ' 
 
 In a note he cites as a proof the lines of Cynddelw, and 
 adds : ' The warlike character attributed to Madoc in this 
 verse is directly opposed to the pacific character usually 
 assigned to him. There was some mystery about his assassi- 
 nation ; and it is not improbable that he might have loved 
 to be a sailor ; but there is no ground for the belief that he 
 discovered America.' 
 
 It is, therefore, manifest that, whatever value may be 
 attached to the judgments of Mr. Stephens, the Madoc nar- 
 rative has been weighed in his balance and found wanting.^ 
 
 The next writer on the negative side is Mr. B. B. Wood- 
 ward, who, in 1854, published an illustrated ' History of Wales.' 
 He enters largely into the evidences on this point, and dis- 
 plays considerable scepticism in the course of his remarks. 
 He accepts the representation that Madoc was fond of the 
 sea, and was drowned therein ; and holds that this distinction 
 among a people notoriously averse from maritime pursuits was 
 the foundation of his fame; that his reputed discovery is 
 nothing more than a legend, which for baselessness might 
 rival those about Arthur, although it cannot be compared 
 
 ' Y Traethod/ydd (The Essayist), Dec. 1857, p. 391. 
 
 ' The present Essay, when sent into competition, was necessarily 
 anonymous, and purported to be ' from the quill pen or saeth wellten 
 of Gwrnerth Ergydlym ' ; the omission of any reference to the notice 
 of the subject in my former work would have awakened suspicion as 
 to the authorship of the Essay ; and, as some reference to the change 
 in my views would naturally be looked for, I have thought it advisable 
 to allow these paragraphs to remain 
 
THE NEGATIVE VIEW. 99 
 
 witli them in grandeur and renown, Southey's efforts not- 
 withstanding ; that this originated after the discovery of 
 Columbus, and when the English were the enemies of Spain, 
 with a Welshman who was courageous enough to convert the 
 vague exaggerations of the bards in praise of the Kymric 
 prince, who had identified his name with a too daring maritime 
 exploit, into prosaic reality ; and that, on this ground, he 
 claimed priority for his country in the discovery and occupa- 
 tion of the New World.^ 
 
 A still later writer has to be added to the list of dis- 
 sentients, namely, the Rev. John Emlyn Jones, M.A., who, 
 in his recent edition of Titus Lewis's ' Hanes Prydain Fawr,' 
 has these remarks : 
 
 ' Not the least known of the sons of Owen Gwynedd was 
 Madoc, who, they say, sailed to America years before Columbus 
 thought of it. Much has been written on this head, and 
 much search has been made for the Madogwys, or Welsh 
 Indians, in America ; but no suflBcient evidence has yet been 
 obtained to establish the departure of Madoc ab Owe a 
 Gwynedd as a historical fact ' (p. 103). 
 
 Having thus enumerated the principal writers on this 
 question; having shown that it has been viewed in very 
 various ways ; and having shown that the story is disbelieved 
 by historical critics, while it retains its hold on the popular 
 belief among the inhabitants of Wales, we shall proceed in 
 the next place to review the whole of the evidence ourselves, 
 and thus endeavour to form a definite opinion. 
 
 > History of Wales, pp. 326-334. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF THE PRECEDING FACTS, STATE- 
 MENTS, AND OPINIONS. 
 
 In conducting this inquiry we shall adopt a diflferent course 
 from that taken in the first chapter. We there began with 
 the earliest facts in the history of Madoc, the poems of con- 
 temporary bards, and ranged in chronological order all the 
 succeeding testimonies, until we arrived at a period compara- 
 tively recent ; but we shall now begin with the latest state- 
 ments alleged as proofs, and ascend, step by step, to the 
 earliest stages of the Madoc narrative. 
 
 We have seen that the latest confirmation of the current 
 statement was the alleged discovery of Welsh Indians in 
 North America, who preserved the manners, arts, and com- 
 plexion of their assumed progenitors, spoke the Welsh 
 language, and understood fluent discourses from Cambrian 
 preachers, even though the said preachers spoke the dialect 
 of Siluria, while the Indians must, upon the hypothesis, have 
 descended from natives of Gv^ynedd. But these statements 
 have been disputed ; and, accordingly, it becomes our first 
 duty to ascertain the character of these allegations, and to 
 determine what amount of confidence is to be placed in them. 
 Let us therefore at once raise the question. 
 
 Section I. — Aee there Welsh Indians ? 
 
 If this question were asked at an Eisteddfod — that of 
 Llangollen, for instance — the whole assembly, with not more 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 101 
 
 than two or three dissentients, would immediately give an 
 affirmative response ; several living writers, respectable from 
 their position, learning, and talents, would unite with them 
 in so doing ; and many of the illustrious dead, as we have 
 already seen, held the same opinion. But this testimony 
 must, in the majority of cases, rest upon hearsay ; a.nd those 
 who had formed their own opinions, from evidence presented 
 to their minds, would probably be few in number. We are, 
 therefore, brought back to the groundwork of their belief; 
 and our business just now is not with the opinions which 
 have been formed from the evidence, but with the evidence 
 itself. 
 
 This, also, is equally strong in affirmation. Crosses were 
 found, it is said, in Mexico and Central America; from which, 
 and a few insignificant rites, the learned Hornius inferred the 
 knowledge of Baptism, the Lord's Supper, the Trinity, and 
 most of the leading features of the Catholic religion. The 
 Jesuit missionaries said the Indians were strangely agitated 
 by the sight of the cross, and hence inferred that they had 
 been evangelised by Madoc. And one Benjamin Sutton said 
 the Welsh Indians had a kind of Sabbatical observance 
 among them. The Eev. Morgan Jones preached to them in 
 Welsh, and conversed with them in the same language. Mr. 
 Biuon found iron among them, and castles and churches such 
 as were in Wales. A cloud of witnesses affirm that the 
 Indians spoke the Welsh language. General Bowles and 
 others found among them a sacred volume written in blue 
 ink, and others affirmed them to possess Welsh Bibles. The 
 name of Madoc appeared to survive in the Mexican names of 
 Matee Zunga and Mat Ingam; his tomb, bearing an inscription 
 in the Welsh language and in the Cynghanedd of the four- 
 teenth century, was held in reverence ; and both his name 
 and that of his wife were kept in grateful remembrance as 
 Manco Gwpac and Mamma Ocello, 
 
102 MADOC. 
 
 Are these statements true or false ? And, if true, is the 
 Madoc solution the only one of which they admit ? Before 
 answering these questions, we must, however, observe that 
 some of the statements are inferences, and therefore belong 
 to a different category. Of this kind are the testimonies of 
 Hornius, the Jesuits, and the identity of the names Madoc, 
 Matec Zunga, and Manco Capac. Hornius proceeded upon 
 an assumption that all the practices prevalent in the Catholic 
 Church were natural developments of Christianity, and had 
 grown up within the pale of the Church itself : whereas the 
 fact is that the Church adopted numerous pagan forms and 
 practices, and that many of its distinctive features, even those 
 which have been adopted in the Church of England, are of 
 heathen origin.' Practices analogous to those of the Catholic 
 Church were found among the Buddhist priests of Thibet ; 
 crosses have been found among many nations; and baptismal 
 rites were at least Jewish before they became Christian. The 
 cross, therefore, is not an exclusively Christian symbol, and 
 its occurrence among the aborigines of America would not in 
 itself afford any proof of an antecedent Christian colonisation. 
 And as to the similarity in names, it requires considerable 
 prejudice to see any resemblance between Madoc and Manco 
 Capac ; while Madoc might be thought to have no more 
 necessary connection with Matec than Manu the Hindu with 
 Alderman Moon. 
 
 Others are positive statements, which must either be wilful 
 
 ' Christian Freedom m the Cov/ncils of Jerusalem : a Sermon by 
 the Kev. Bowland Williams, D.D., p. 9. 
 
 ' No man can survey, with the calm eye of an historian, the Church 
 of England as she stands, without tracing the signs of a rich and 
 manifold inheritance in her manners, her dress, her dignities, her 
 language, and her modes of thought. Our surplices are perhaps from 
 Egypt ; our gowns represent either the old Philosopher's cloak, or 
 possibly the Roman toga, &o. &c.' 
 
 The whole paragraph is admirably written, and full of information 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 103 
 
 falsehoods, or represent actual facts. Many — indeed, most of 
 them — have a very suspicious appearance; and some of them, 
 such as those of Mr. Binon, strike the mind at once as being 
 deliberate lies ; but others again are so circumstantial as to 
 demand investigation. The testimony of the Eev. Morgan 
 Jones will serve as a fair specimen of the whole class. If 
 true, it is of a kind that will admit of verification ; but if he, 
 a minister of the Gospel, and a man having the advantages of 
 an Oxford education, could either have been grossly self- 
 deceived or have been so wilfully deceitful towards others, 
 what other testimony can have any claim to acceptance? 
 
 According to that statement, the Rev. Morgan Jones 
 dwelt among Welsh Indians for four months, preached to 
 them three times a week in the Welsh language, and was 
 treated by them with great kindness in consequence of this 
 similarity of language. These Indians were called Boegs, and 
 were by the common consent of Messrs. Owen, Williams, and 
 Parry, the Padoucas of the end of the last century. Indeed, 
 Mr. Owen does not hesitate to affirm that the latter went 
 under the appellation of Welsh Indians ' among the traders,' 
 though an English writer suggests that they only received 
 that name from Cambrian antiquaries.' Such circumstantial 
 statements as these admitted of being proved or disproved. 
 If the Padoucas or Doegs were the Madogwys, and spoke the 
 Welsh language, the fact could be ascertained, and placed 
 beyond any possibility of denial. This was felt to be the 
 case ; and Messrs. Owen and Williams, of whose sincerity there 
 need be no doubt, felt confident their statements could abide 
 this test. Subscriptions were proposed for the purpose of 
 sending competent persons to verify these statements ; but 
 whether a sufficient sum of money was obtained for this 
 purpose does not appear. 
 
 1 Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 377 ; History of Maritime Lit- 
 covery, Lardner's Cyclopcedia, vol i. p. 215. 
 
104 MADOC. 
 
 The tales told respecting the Welsh Indians found favour 
 with many persons, even beyond the bounds of the Princi- 
 pality ; but in Wales itself they produced a profound and 
 enduring impression. Many causes concurred to commend 
 them to the acceptance of the Kymry. The simplicity of the 
 national character has always led my countrymen to give im- 
 plicit and unsuspecting credence to all strong and positive 
 assertions ; the honour which would accrue to the Principality, 
 from the expected demonstration of the fact that a Welsh 
 Prince had been the first discoverer of America, fired the 
 imagination of a people who have ever dwelt with fondness 
 upon the heroism of their ancestry ; the theological culture 
 of the Kymry led them to see a remarkable dispensation of 
 Providence in the reputed discovery of their brethren, after 
 the lapse of six centuries ; and the zeal with which they have 
 advocated Christian Missions found here objects more deserv- 
 ing than any others — objects grateful alike to their native 
 pride and religious feelings. A devout bard prayed in this 
 
 spirit : 
 
 TaBiied goleu, tywyniad gwiwlon, 
 I'r gorllewiriol barthau llawnion ; 
 Gwawr o ddiwygiad gywir ddigon, 
 Draw i Fadawgwys drefedigion. 
 
 And the Kymry with one voice joined in this aspiration of 
 Davydd Ddu Eryri. 
 
 Under the influence of these feelings, John Evans, a native 
 of Waunfawr, in Carnarvonshire, offered to undertake this 
 mission, perilous as he knew it must be. He was the son of 
 a Calvinistic Methodist preacher, and was himself a member 
 in that connection. 
 
 He left this country, not in 1790, as is stated,' nor yet in 
 
 ' Cambrian Biography, and Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. 
 ' John Evans.' 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 105 
 
 1793,' but in the montli of September 1792,^ and arrived at 
 Baltimore in America on December 10 following. From Balti- 
 more he went to Philadelphia, and from thence twelve miles 
 farther, to pay a visit to Dr. Samuel Jones at a place called 
 Lower Dublin. This gentleman was a member of Congress, 
 and offered to get Evans an escort of twenty armed men. 
 Evans then returned to Baltimore, where he spent the winter 
 in a merchant's office, at a salary of fifty pounds a year. From 
 this place he sent a letter, dated St. Stephen's Day, 1792, to 
 his brother in Carnarvonshire, and in it the spirit by which 
 he was actuated appears very manifest. ' I believe it,' he 
 says, ' to be my duty to honour the name of Jesus, if I can, 
 by opening a door for the everlasting Gospel to penetrate to 
 these miserable beings, my brethren ; for this I have offered 
 my life to the work of the Lord, trusting that He will care 
 for me.' He further said that he was going forward to Fort 
 Cumberland, from thence to Port Pitt, and from thence down 
 the Ohio in an armed boat.^ He then returned, at the end of 
 January, to concert matters with Dr. Jones ; and, taking his 
 route through Kentucky, he left the house of Dr. Jones in 
 the beginning of March.** He had obtained information of a 
 person ' who had been among the Welsh Indians,'* and in- 
 tended to visit him on the way. Having arrived at St. Louis, 
 on the north-west of the Mississippi, and twelve miles below 
 the mouth of the Missouri, he excited the suspicion of the 
 Commandant of that place, which was then in the possession 
 of the Spaniards, and was by him thrown into prison, from 
 
 ' Cambriam, Begister, vol. i. p. 377. 
 
 " CylohgroMm Cynmraeg, May 1793, p. 104. 
 
 ^ Letter from John Evans to liis brother, published in the Cylch- 
 grawn Cymmraeg, May 1793, p. 114. See Appendix. 
 
 * Letter of Dr. Samuel Jones to Thomas Evans, brother of John 
 Evans, published in the above Cylchgrawn for August 1793, p. 150. 
 See Appendix. 
 
 ^ Cylchgrawn Cynmraeg, May 1793, p. 105. 
 
106 MADOC. 
 
 wHich he was released at the intercession of a Welshmaa 
 named Jones, living in that town. 
 
 Through the representations of Judge Turner, one of the 
 Supreme Judges of the United States North- Western Terri- 
 tory, who had been visited by the Commandant, and told by 
 him of the detention, Evans was allowed to proceed ; and the 
 object of his mission having been satisfactorily explained, and 
 being thought likely to lead to other good results to the world 
 at large, the Commandant supplied him with passports in 
 Spanish, French, and English, to go on his journey. Erom 
 thence, instructed by Judge Turner how to conduct himself 
 among the Indians, he went up the Missouri, furnished with 
 proper articles to introduce himself to the different tribes. 
 He had instructions to keep a diary ; to trace the Missouri 
 to its source ; to approach the Burning Mountain as near as 
 he could ; to follow the Western Waters to the Pacific ; and, 
 on producing proof that he had reached the Pacific, whether 
 he met with Welsh Madogians or not, he was to receive, on 
 bis return, two thousand dollars from the Spanish Govern- 
 ment ; ' so that he would have had a comfortable support in 
 after years if he had fully accomplished the proposed survey. 
 
 The Eev. Morgan Eees exhorted John Evans to keep a 
 diary, and expressed a hope that, for the purpose of publica- 
 tion, it might yield a hundred pounds ; but it does not appear 
 that the diary, if kept, was ever published. Evans, however, 
 appears to have written to his friends at home, and his letters 
 
 ' The principal authorities for these facts are three letters from 
 ' M. ap loan Rhys ' (the Bev. M. J. Eees), who emigrated to America in 
 
 1794. The first is dated Washington, August 21, 1795, was addressed 
 to Mr. Bobert Boberts of New York, when on the point of returning to 
 the old country, and was published in the Geirgrawn Cymraeg, Holy- 
 well, 1796, pp. 9-14. Another, dated Philadelphia, November 24, 
 
 1795, was published in the Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 379 ; and a 
 third, published in Burder's pamphlet, p. 34, was addressed to a friend 
 at Bala. 
 
ARE THEKE WELSH INDIANS? 107 
 
 enable us to give some account of his progress. A summary 
 was published in 1800, in a rare Welsh magazine published 
 at Carnarvon, and entitled the ' Greal, or Eurgrawn ' ; and 
 as this is the only account known to me, it is here reproduced 
 in an English form, omitting only the introductory paragraph 
 (see Appendix) : 
 
 Hanes Taith John Evans yn yr America. 
 (History of Jokn Evans's Journey in America.) 
 
 ' . . . After overcoming various obstacles, he started on 
 his journey from St. Louis, in August 1796, in the company 
 of Mr. James Mackay, superintendent of the trade upon the 
 Missouri river ; and towards the end of the year he landed 
 among a tribe of Indians called Mahas, about 900 miles up 
 the Missouri, and wintered there. In February 1796 he re- 
 commenced his journey to the West, and advanced about 300 
 miles farther ; but, finding that the Sioux Indians had assumed 
 a warlike attitude, he returned to his previous station. In 
 the following June he started again on the same route, and 
 in August he landed among the Mandans and " the populous 
 nations," ' 900 miles from the Mahas. 
 
 ' "The Missouri," says he, " for 780 miles from St. Louis, 
 meanders and assumes a beautiful fern-like form ; it runs 
 through delightful dales, and sometimes runs on each side of 
 the hills as smooth as a board ; but its general inclination is 
 southward to the plains for about 1,200 miles. It is full of 
 small islands, and receives various streams, from the Mandas, 
 and the Pancas, which flows for 600 miles. The river (Mis- 
 souri) has its own way, and rushes impetuously through 
 mountains and hills full of mines." 
 
 ' After surveying and delineating the river for 1,800 miles, 
 he returned with the stream, in sixty-eight days, and reached 
 St. Louis in July 1797, after an absence of nearly two years. 
 
 ' The original has ' y Mandan a'r cenhedloedd bobliog.' 
 
108 MADOC. 
 
 ' With reference to the Welsh Indians, he says that he 
 was unable to meet with any such people ; and he has come 
 to the fixed conclusion, which he has founded upon his ac- 
 quaintance with various tribes, that there are no such peojple 
 in existence.' ^ 
 
 The Spanish Commandant is said to have encouraged 
 him to undertake a second journey, and to have furnished 
 him with attendants, and the requisite appliances to make 
 discoveries ; but, whether this was so or not, he died of fever 
 at St. Louis in that year, having heroically sacrificed his 
 life in the vain pursuit of what he was ultimately led to be- 
 lieve did not exist.^ 
 
 In the meantime, it had been positively ascertained by 
 another Kymro, that the Padoucans were certainly not Welsh 
 Indians ; and a competent judge had declared that no Indian 
 language resembled the Welsh. This comes oat in the letter 
 of the Rev. Morgan Eees : ' I have heard,' he says, ' many 
 additional tales of the Welsh Indians. I have conversed with 
 the acting partner in the Missouri Company. He has been 
 among more Indians than any other white man on this con- 
 tinent. He knows nothing of the Welsh language ; but, by 
 my conversing in it, he could not say that he recognised the 
 words or the idiom among the Indians north of the Missouri. 
 
 > Oreal neu Eurgrawn, pp. 15, 16. 
 
 * Warrington's History of Wales, ed. 1823, vol. i. p. 566. Mr. 
 "William Williams, of Brecon, the publisher of this edition of Warring- 
 ton, appends this note : 
 
 ' The supposed existence of Welsh Indians in America has, for 
 many years, elicited much discussion, and various but ineffectual 
 attempts have been made to discover them. A very intelligent gentle- 
 man informed me, at New York, in the year 1819, that he corresponded 
 on the subject with Mr. Evan Evans [John Evans signed his name 
 leuan ab Ivan], who is well known to have gone over to America in 
 search of them, and to have traversed the continent from the Atlantic 
 to the Pacific. His enterprising endeavours, however, were unavailing; 
 he could find no trace whatever of any such people.' 
 
ARE THEEE WELSH INDIANS? 109 
 
 He thinks the Padoucas are out of the question.'' At Mr. 
 Rees's request he promised to assist John Evans in his search, 
 if he happened to meet with him. 
 
 Other attempts to discover the Madogwys have been 
 equally unsuccessful. The United States acquired possession 
 of Louisiana in 1803, and soon afterwards sent out several 
 expeditions to explore the extensive regions between the Mis- 
 sissippi and the ocean. The first and most celebrated of these, 
 and that which bears most closely upon the present inquiry, 
 was that of Captains Lewis and Clarke. They had special 
 instructions to look out for the Welsh Indians.^ They entered 
 the Missouri at St. Louis, where it enters the Mississippi, 
 May 14, 1804; reached the Mandan towns in Lat. 47° 21' 
 47" N. and Long. 99° 24' 45" W. from Greenwich, Novem- 
 ber 1 ; and remained there, 1,600 miles from St. Louis, until 
 April 7, 1805 ; and during their stay completed, from the 
 information of the Indians, a map of the whole country 
 between the Mississippi and the Pacific, from Lat. 34° to 54.° 
 They then continued the ascent of the Missouri till, on 
 August 18, 1805, they reached its extreme navigable point, 
 about 2,500 miles from its junction with the Mississippi. 
 They then explored the portion that lay between them and 
 the Pacific, remained in that_ country until March 27, 1806, 
 and, returning, reached St. Louis on September 23.' 
 
 This expedition has generally been considered to have de- 
 prived the Welsh Indian tale of any foundation in fact. If 
 
 ' Cambrian Begister, vol. i. p. 379. 
 
 ^ Warrington's History of Wales, ed. 1823, vol. i. p. 507, pub- 
 lisher's note : ' Captains Lewis and Clarke were strictly directed by 
 the American Grovemment to make sinular inquiries, but they were 
 equally unsuccessful. — W. WiUiams.' 
 
 ' I have taken these details from the article ' America ' in the Penny 
 CyclopcEdda, p. 435. 
 
 [Vide Travels to the Source of the Missouri Biver and Across the 
 American Continent to the Pacific Ocean, by Captains Lewis and 
 Clarke, new edit. London : Longman & Co. 1817, pp. xii-xvii.] 
 
110 MADOC. 
 
 the Morgan Jones story had been true, ifc would have been 
 verified by a commission, of which a Lewis and, probably, a 
 man of Welsh extraction, if not a Welshman, was the princi- 
 pal member : if there had been Welsh Indians on the Missouri, 
 they would have been found by Lewis and Clarke : but they 
 found no such people. It was the result of this expedition 
 that changed the views of Southey; and most candid 
 persons acquiesced in his conclusion, though the majority 
 of the Gwyneddigion still affirmed the reality of the 
 Madogwys. 
 
 While these events were taking place, the Kymric mind, 
 both in Wales and America, was intensely excited, and but 
 few persons were prepared for the negative result. An apt 
 parallel was furnished in the course of the late Crimean War. 
 When it became known that the allied forces had landed at 
 Eupatoria, had defeated the Russians at the Alma, and had 
 marched upon Sebastopol, most persons expected that the 
 object of the campaign would speedily be accomplished ; so 
 that when the famous ' Tatar message ' came, affirming the 
 capture of that stronghold by assault, all Europe rejoiced at 
 the news, and but few persons expected that thousands upon 
 thousands would have to lose their lives before that result 
 could be achieved. So in this case. Most Welshmen, being 
 satisfied of the reality of the Madogwys, never doubted that 
 they would be found ; and no sooner was it known that the 
 explorers had returned than it was concluded that they must 
 have come in contact with the descendants of Madoc ; and 
 letters announcing the discovery as an accomplished fact 
 were sent repeatedly, and in good faith, from Welshmen 
 settled in America to their friends at home. One of these 
 false messages is dated as early as 1752, when one Reynold 
 Howells, living at Philadelphia, wrote to a Mr. Miles, say- 
 ing: 
 
 ' The Welsh Indians are found out ; they are situated on 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? Ill 
 
 the west side of the great river Mississippi.' ' It thus appeared 
 that between 1660, when Morgan Jones said he preached to 
 them on the Atlantic seaboard, and 1752, they had migrated 
 westward ; but we scarcely need observe that competent 
 inquirers would have found as much difficulty in finding 
 them here as in their first reported location. Howells' re- 
 port proved to be a canard; and when, forty years later, John 
 Evans started in search, the Madogwys had, in public esti- 
 mation, settled themselves on the Missouri at a distance 
 from St. Louis variously estimated at 400, 800, and 1 ,000 
 miles. His journey was watched with great anxiety by the 
 Kymry, who lived in daily expectation of hearing the joyful 
 news of his success ; it was feared, from hearing nothing of 
 him, that he had perished in the attempt ; but no sooner was 
 it known that he had returned than it was concluded that he 
 must have met with the object of his search ; for it was as- 
 sumed as an established fact that there were Welsh Indians 
 on the Missouri, and it was inferred, naturally enough, that 
 John Evans would not have retraced his steps until he had 
 found them. Letters written in this sense were sent to 
 England; and one of them, in which the writer states his own 
 hypothetical conjectures as facts actually ascertained by Evans, 
 is a mythic curiosity. The letter was addressed to the Rev. Mr. 
 Davies of Somersetshire, by a son of his, resident in America ; 
 and the purport of it, as given by Burder, was as follows : 
 
 ' He states that a young Welchman is returned from a 
 long journey which he has undertaken with a view to dis- 
 cover whether such a people existed as the Welch Indians. 
 He saith, this person has discovered such a tribe, inhabiting 
 the country west of the mouth of the Missouri about 700 
 miles ; and they treated him with friendship and hospitality, 
 and adopted him as their son. Their language is the old 
 
 ^.Hanes y Bedyddwyr, by the Eev. Joshua Thomas, p. xviii. — 
 Memoirs of the Bev. W. liichards, p. 267. 
 
112 MADOC. 
 
 Britisli, and Le particularly noticed the common words to 
 be the same as are now in use in Wales to describe the 
 same objects, such as houses, light, windows, water, bread, 
 &c. &c. The history these Indians give of themselves is 
 this, that their ancestors came from a far country, and 
 landed at the mouth of the Mississippi from thirteen ships, 
 about the year of Christ 1018 ; there they built a town ; 
 but since that period their descendants have been falling 
 back to their present residence.' ' 
 
 This seems at first sight to be a hoax ; and the ignorance 
 it displays of Welsh history, and of Indian life, to which 
 windows and bread — both in fact and name, are alike unknown 
 — warrants the supposition ; but, seeing that it was addressed 
 by a young man to his father, and that a similar incapacity 
 to discriminate between fact and conjecture is repeatedly 
 displayed in the statements made in reference to this 
 Cambrian tradition, I conclude that it is a mythic narrative 
 — an historic form given to a current expectation. The writer 
 could have had no authority for his statement from John Evans, 
 whose letters show that he knew the common date 1170; 
 and the afB.rmation that the young man, meaning Evans, had 
 fully accomplished the object of his journey was, as the 
 sequel showed, a palpable misstatement. 
 
 The same imaginative tendency displayed itself again in 
 reference to the expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, as 
 appears from a letter addressed to the editors of the ' Greal ' by 
 Mr. J. W. Prisiart (or Prichard),ofPlasy Brain, in Anglesey. 
 ' Here,' says he, ' is a bit of a letter that came from Phila- 
 delphia, from the brother of a neighbour of mine.' Then 
 follows the extract which I subjoin : 
 
 'Inform,' says the Philadelphian, 'William Jones, of 
 Pont Ddu, that I intend to send him the history of the men 
 who have been with the Welsh Indians at the farthest end of 
 ' Burder, p. 27. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 113 
 
 the Missouri. They have newly arrived in this State, but 
 have not yet reached this city. Their history has been given 
 in the newspaper here ; and a book of the history is now 
 being made. They (the Welsh Indians) live at the farthest 
 end of the river Missouri, wliich they (Lewis and Clarke ?) 
 followed for four thousand miles from the Mississippi. They 
 live at the other side of America, facing the Pacific Ocean. 
 There are mountains in their country very rich in gold. 
 Pifby persons started to discover the country, and but forty 
 have returned. Five returned home when they had only 
 gone half the way. 
 
 'William Williams, 
 
 ' formerly of Mynydd Paris. 
 ' PhiladelpMa, Oct. 6, ISOG."- 
 
 To this the editors append the following remark : 
 ' The travellers referred to went by order and at the cost 
 of the Government ; and the whole of the history, when it is 
 published, may be implicitly relied on.' ' The remark was 
 just ; but the expectation implied therein was destined to be 
 disappointed. Captains Lewis and Clarke, though instructed 
 to make inquiries for the Welsh Indians, failed to find any 
 trace of that imaginary people. 
 
 Discouraging as were these results, the tenacity of the 
 Kymric mind offered a firm resistance. Convinced, sorely 
 against their will, Welshmen remained of the same opinion 
 still. They had been far too profoundly impressed by what 
 they heard and read to accept these negative results ; the 
 idea of the existence of the Madogwys, and the hope of dis- 
 covering them, were far too grateful to the minds of my 
 Cambro-brethren, and had been too fondly and sincerely 
 cherished, to be relinquished without another effort ; and, 
 accordingly, fourteen years later, when the effect of these 
 
 ' r Greal, December 21, 1806, p. 303. 
 
114 MADOC. 
 
 failures had, in some measure, passed away, the Kymry of 
 America determined to have another attempt made to discover 
 the Welsh Indians. It was, therefore, resolved to employ 
 two men, named Eoberts and Perry, to institute another 
 search. In this case, also, the attempt proved equally futile. 
 Roberts published, in the form of a letter, an interesting 
 account of his inquiries; and I subjoin the narrative in a 
 translation of his own words. 
 
 But it may be well, in the first place, to notice the 
 expedition of Major Long, who was commissioned by the 
 American Government, in 1819, to explore the region to the 
 south of the Missouri. He started from Pittsburgh on 
 May 5 ; but, when he was about to do so, Messrs. Eoberts 
 and Perry came to that place, on their route to St. Louis. 
 They made known to him the object of their journey ; and 
 he informed them, in reply, that he had been advised by a 
 Dr. Mitchell, of New York, to take a Welshman with him ; 
 that he would take them ; and that General Clark, who was 
 then Governor of the Missouri Territory, had informed him 
 that the Welsh (Padouca ?) Indians lived in a valley near the 
 Rocky Mountains, but that he could not give much of their 
 history. They agreed to meet Major Long at St. Louis.' 
 Having met again at Cincinnati, the Major 'said, on recon- 
 sideration, that as his party would be divided on the way, he 
 could only take one up the Missouri, but that the other might 
 go with the other party to explore the Arkansas river. If 
 he went near the place where the Kymry (Padoucas ?) were 
 thought to be, he would detach some of his men with one of 
 them to visit the said Indians ; but he said that he should 
 prefer seeing them himself. They deferred acceding to this 
 suggestion until they met at St. Louis, where they proposed 
 
 ' Letter of Mr. J. T. Boberts to his friends at Utiea, dated Pittsburgh, 
 May 1, 1819 ; Seren Gomer, September 1819, p. 292. See another 
 letter in the same volume, p. 201. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 115 
 
 to visit General Clark ; ' and they ultimately resolved to stay 
 at St. Louis until they should obtain some specific and reliable 
 information. Major Long, however, did visit the region 
 named as the residence of the Welsh Indians, namely, on the 
 northern branch of the river Platte. This has been variously 
 named Loup Fork and Padouca Fork. Major Long, with the 
 main body of the explorers, visited there Pawnee villages ; 
 but he found no reason to believe they were Welsh Indians. 
 From thence the party descended to the Platte, and followed 
 it to the Rocky Mountains. In the meantime the other 
 division explored the Arkansas, where Captain Stoddart 
 placed the Welsh Indians; but on neither river were any 
 such people found.^ 
 
 An inquiry was made in 1821, in the November number 
 of a Welsh monthly publication called ' Goleuad Cymru,' by 
 a writer signing himself 'Myvyr,' as to the result of the 
 mission of Eoberts and Perry ; and the following reply ap- 
 peared in the same magazine for April 1822, with a very 
 inappropriate, if not ironical, heading by the editor, the 
 Rev. John Parry : 
 
 ' A New, True, and Remarkable History respecting the 
 Madogians or the Welsh Indians ; which will serve for an 
 admirable reply to the enquiry of " Myvyr Glandwrdwy." 
 
 ' Mr. Goleuawr (i.e. Illuminator), 
 
 ' A few weeks back I returned from the wilds of America, 
 and saw in " Goleuad Cymru " an enquiry to this effect, viz. 
 What became of the men who went from Utica and Stuben to 
 seek the Madogians ? And what assistance did they receive 
 from Wales? I consider that it is my duty to reply to the 
 
 ' Letter of Mr. Eoberta dated Cincinnati, May 11, published in 
 Seren Oomer, loo. cit. 
 
 '' Major Long's Expedition from PitUhv/rgh to the RocTcy 
 Moimtams, in 1819-1820, by Edwin James. 3 vols. 8vo. London, 
 1823. 
 
 12 
 
116 MADOC. 
 
 enquiry, as I and a. young man named Perry were the persons 
 selected for that purpose. 
 
 ' About three years ago, there was no small commotion in 
 Oneida County, North America, as well as in other places, 
 among the Kymry, respecting the descendants of Madoc ab 
 Owen Gwynedd. It was resolved that two men should go to 
 the town of St. Louis, which is on the bank of the river 
 Mississippi, a little below the junction of the Missouri with 
 it, to make enquiries of the traders who deal with the Indians, 
 as well as of their interpreters ; and to proceed further, if 
 they obtained any satisfactory intelligence there respecting 
 them. The reason we went to St. Louis rather than to any 
 other place was because the Western Indians are better 
 known there than in any other place in America. Hundreds 
 of them descend every summer with hides, tallow, buffalo 
 tongues, sugar, &c. Also, scores of persons every year, from 
 St. Louis and its vicinities, ascend the Missouri and Mississippi 
 rivers, for thousands of miles, to trade with the Indians and 
 to shoot. 
 
 ' We started on our journey on the 14th of April, 1819, 
 and reached St. Louis on the 28th of the following month. 
 We saw there a great number of persons who had been 
 thousands of miles up the Missouri ; also, some who knew 
 the languages of all the Indians located on the Missouri 
 waters. I saw several who had been four thousand miles up 
 that river, who had crossed the Rocky Mountains, and had 
 descended the river Columbia to the Pacific Ocean.' They 
 all said that they had nowhere seen a tribe of White Indians; 
 but they had, before starting, heard much respecting them ; 
 and they expected to meet them on their journeys. Several 
 of them said they had made many enquiries respecting them ; 
 but they were then of opinion that the White Indians did 
 
 ' This was the course taken by Lewis and Clarke, the latter of 
 whom was stationed at St. Louis in an official capacity. 
 
AEE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 117 
 
 not exist upon the Missouri, nor upon the rivers which flow 
 into it. I saw several persons who had been residing many- 
 years among the Indians, very near the Rocky Mountains, 
 where the Missouri has its source. They also asserted that 
 such a people as the Welsh Indians did not exist. I saw two 
 or more men who said they understood the language of the 
 Padoucas, viz. those whom many consider to be the Welsh 
 Indians ; but they did not understand a word of Kymraeg. I 
 made minute and diligent enquiries in St. Louis and its 
 vicinities, for all who understood the languages of the 
 Indians, which are very numerous, namely, the professional 
 interpreters and others. I uttered to them Welsh words, 
 such as haul, lloer, ser, pen, troed. Haw, &e. (i.e. sun, moon, 
 stars, head, foot, hand) ; but no one of them understood one 
 word. 
 
 ' I saw many strange Indians coming there at various 
 times ; and I uttered to them various Welsh words ; but they 
 quickly put their fingers in their ears, to signify that they 
 did not understand. I went to a printing office in St. Louis, 
 and got them to publish in their newspaper various traditions 
 respecting the Welsh Indians, and that two persons had come 
 there in search of them ; with an earnest request to their 
 correspondents to give some account of them, if they could. 
 These things appeared in other newspapers, from town to 
 town, for hundreds of miles from thence to New Orleans, near 
 the Mexican Gulf ; but not a word was heard of their history. 
 I read there the work of Colonel Stoddart, viz. " The History 
 of the Western Parts of America." He said that [a few years 
 before he wrote, sixty Indians, speaking the Welsh language, 
 had visited the town of Nackitoches ; and that] ' they dwelt 
 on the Arkansas and the Red River under the name of letans 
 
 ' The words in brackets do not occur in the original ; they have 
 been inserted to complete and give a clear view of Stoddart's state- 
 ment. 
 
118 MADOC. 
 
 or Alitans. I saw some who said they understood the 
 language of these Indians ; and I went to them expecting that 
 I should be able to converse with them in my mother tongue ; 
 but they did not understand a word of Kymraeg. 
 
 ' Therefore, on the whole, I failed to obtain any trustworthy 
 information respecting the descendants of Madoc. I have 
 now been satisfied, from the testimony of those who had 
 traversed the country, that they do not dwell upon the river 
 Missouri. Nevertheless, I am unwilling to conclude, in the 
 face of all the statements made respecting them, that they do 
 not exist. Still, I may boldly affirm that much that was said 
 respecting them was untrue ; for, if they had been within two 
 or three thousand miles on the Missouri, I feel assured that 
 they could not be unknown to persons whom I saw at St. 
 Louis. I resided more than two years in that town and its 
 neighbourhood ; and my friend Perry ascended the Missouri 
 for seven hundred miles, on other business. I heard from 
 him the last summer. 
 
 ' The contributions we received from Stuben and TJtica 
 were enough to pay our expenses to St. Louis ; we received 
 no assistance from Wales. It would have been easy to 
 obtain further supplies if we had seen reason to proceed 
 farther. 
 
 ' After all, it is gratifying to reflect that there is one sure 
 way to reach them (if they exist), if every other means prove 
 unsuccessful, viz. by sending the everlasting Gospel to every 
 nation under heaven. We have the assurance of the God of 
 Truth that the Gospel shall come to every language, tribe, 
 nation, and people. It would be well if energetic exertions 
 were made to send the Gospel to the innumerable hosts of 
 Indians inhabiting the wilds of America, who are now in 
 profound darkness. Some missionaries and artisans have 
 been sent to the west of the Mississippi ; and the Lord has 
 crowned their labours with a large measure of success. I in- 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? Il9 
 
 tend returning to America soon ; and if I obtain any account 
 of value respecting the Madogians, I shall not be remiss in 
 sending it to my countrymen. 
 
 ' I am, &c., 
 
 ' John T. Roberts.' 
 
 ' Eosa Vawr, near Denbigh : March 14, 1822.' 
 
 This letter, the original of which has been repeatedly 
 published, reflects much credit upon its writer, and shows him 
 to have been well qualified for the duty he had undertaken ; 
 and in the face of the facts therein stated, after the utter 
 failure of such various and well-directed inquiries, it is very 
 difficult to resist the conclusion that the Madogwys do not 
 exist upon the Missouri. It had been repeatedly and confi- 
 dently asserted that they were there to be found ; but, after 
 the publication of this letter, such assertions became evidently 
 untenable, and thenceforth they were very generally dis- 
 credited. 
 
 The last account I have seen of Roberts in connection with 
 the discovery of Welsh Indians is contained in a letter which 
 he sent from California, dated Sacramento City, November 
 17, 1857,^ in which he states that a Mr. Gilman had told him, 
 on the authority of an old Mormonite woman, that there were 
 White or Welsh Indians to the south-west of the Salt Lake. 
 On examination, the proofs resolve themselves into three ; 
 
 1. That the Indians in question were religious, had 
 a large meeting-house, and refused to be converted to Mor- 
 monism. 
 
 2. That they had red hair and light complexions. 
 8. That they spoke Welsh. 
 
 We shall speak of these again ; and at present will only 
 
 > Goleuad Cymrw, 1822, p. 410 ; Seren Goiner, 1822, p. 113 ; Yr 
 Ymofynydd, March 1859 ; Y Brython, April 1859. 
 
 ^ Published in the Amserau newspaper, March 31, 1858. See 
 Appendix. 
 
120 MADOC. 
 
 remark that red hair is a rarity among Indians ; that the 
 Kymry are a dark-haired people, and that red hair, assuming 
 the fact, would prove the said Indians to have descended from 
 either Danes or Saxons rather than from any Kymric 
 parentage. And then, as to the only point of any importance, 
 namely, their speaking Welsh, that rests on the authority of 
 the old woman : but who is to answer that she knew Welsh ? 
 We have seen from Eoberts's former account that the Hietan 
 Indians were said to have spoken Welsh ; but an interpreter, 
 whom he saw, said there was no resemblance between the 
 two languages. So in this case we ought to have some better 
 evidence than the story of an old woman, who may not have 
 known Welsh herself, and that story told at third hand. 
 
 It thus appears that all attempts hitherto made by com- 
 petent persons to discover the Welsh Indians have proved 
 futile. It might, indeed, be suggested that the inquiries did 
 not proceed far enough ; that they did not display sufficient 
 zeal ; or that the Madogwys may exist in some other quarter ; 
 but the first objection cannot apply to John Evans, who 
 visited the Mandans, nor to Captains Lewis and Clarke. 
 Mr. Eoberts, in the face of his discouragements, could not have 
 been expected to proceed farther ; and no other region offered 
 so much promise as the banks of the Missouri. It, therefore, 
 only remains for us to examine the evidences adduced, to see 
 whether they afford a sufficient presumption in favour of the 
 Madogian hypothesis. On careful examination, the evidences 
 resolve themselves into four classes : 
 
 1. Statements manifestly fraudulent. 
 
 2. Statements irrelevant to the inquiry. 
 
 3. Evidences possibly capable of being otherwise inter- 
 preted; and 
 
 4. Positive affirmations, which, if true, prove the existence 
 of Welsh Indians in America. 
 
 1. To the first class we may assign one of the assertions of 
 
AEE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 121 
 
 Mr. Binon ; the statement of Stedman ; the letter of Colonel 
 Cochran ; and the letter of Lieutenant Roberts. 
 
 (a) We have seen already that the idea of Madoc's tomb- 
 stone originated in the fertile brain of James Howell ; that 
 the so-called ' epitaph ' was first cited as the reference of a 
 Cambrian bard to Madoc's seafaring predilections, and 
 without any reference to a tombstone; and that the lines 
 occur only in a poem composed in the middle of the fifteenth 
 century. If, therefore, Mr. Binon affirmed that he had been 
 shown a stone with an inscription in memory of one Madog, 
 he must have told a manifest untruth; but it should be 
 observed, in justice to this old gentleman, who, I am informed, 
 was an eccentric ' Herbal doctor,' that the statement does not 
 occur in Edward Williams's first account of the conversation, 
 and may possibly not have been made by him. 
 
 (b) The assertion of Stedman, told at third hand, was not 
 only false, but also displayed a considerable amount of igno- 
 rance on the part of all the parties concerned ; for no Indian 
 descendants of Madoc could have used the modern designation 
 ' Great Britaia.' 
 
 (c) The letter of Colonel Cochran was copied for Mr. 
 Maurice Morgan, about 1763-5, in order to show Lord 
 Shelburne. Mr. Morgan was a native of Pembrokeshire, 
 and at that time occupied the important position of Under 
 Secretary of State. He is known in the world of letters as 
 the author of an admirable essay on ' The Character of Palstaff,' 
 and was far too acute a critic to be imposed upon by such a 
 clumsy fabrication. The assertion that the French priests 
 had brought ' Old Welsh Bibles ' from among the ' Welsh 
 Indians ' struck him at once as a falsehood ; and he very 
 properly told Lord Shelburne that the letter deserved no 
 notice. 
 
 The suggestion of Dr. Williams that the Bibles may have 
 been left by recent visitors was simply an indication of his 
 
122 MADOC. 
 
 weakness and credulity, and was completely disposed of by 
 the subsequent admission of Colonel Cochran to Mr. Morgan 
 at New York, two or three years afterwards, that the letter 
 was founded on a delusion.^ Mr. Morgan was sent out to 
 Canada by Lord Shelbume, afterwards Marquis of Lansdowne, 
 to legislate for that colony, after its conquest by Wolfe in 
 1759, and cession by the French in 1763. He then served 
 either in conjunction with or under the orders of Sir Guy 
 Carleton.^ 
 
 The statement of Mr. or Lieutenant Roberts presents 
 evident marks of fabrication. An Indian would not have 
 understood an oath, as we learn from the recently published 
 work of Paul Kane, who affirms that the Indian languages 
 contain no oaths f the oath ' myn diawl ' is therefore a fiction, 
 and only serves to damage the character of the witness. 
 Women among Indians occupy a degraded position ; Indian 
 chiefs felt insulted when Catlin proposed to paint the por- 
 traits of their ' squaws ' ; and the last thing an Indian would 
 have spoken of would have been his maternal language. The 
 name ' Asquaw ' is simply a fabrication from ' squaw ' : there 
 was no Indian tribe so called. No one who had heard of 
 ' Lloegr ' and ' Saeson,' words only used by Welshmen, could 
 have been unacquainted with the designation ' Cymru.' The 
 ' eastern ' origin is at variance with all Indian tradition ; the 
 location ' 800 miles S.W. of Philadelphia ' is simply the 
 common formula, with a blundering substitution of S.W. for 
 N.W. ; and the assertion that the Indian chief spoke Welsh 
 as fluently as a native of Snowdon simply proves that Mr. 
 Roberts was shamelessly mendacious. Several instances 
 
 ' WiUiams, Farther Observations, p. 24. 
 
 ^ Dr. Symonds, Life of Morgan, prefixed to the Essay on Falstaffe ; 
 Fenton's PembrolcesJii/re, p. 491; Hume's History of England, Ann. 
 1759-1763 ; Dr. Kichards, Gentleman's Magazine, June 1791. 
 
 * Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America. 
 London, 1859, p. 183. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 123 
 
 occur of Europeans having adopted Indian habita, and of 
 their sons having become chiefs; the names Clermont, 
 Prettyman, Gillivray, and John Eoss occur as those of Indian 
 chiefs; Price, the Creek chief, and companion of Bowles, 
 another Cherokee chief, was the son of a Welshman ; and 
 Oceola, the Seminole chief, was the son of a Welshman 
 named Powell ; but I fear that Mr. Roberts's story has not 
 even this amount of truth. Were it a verity, other Welsh- 
 men living at Washington would have heard of, and known, 
 the .said Indian chief; but we find that they were wholly un- 
 conscious of any such circumstances as Mr. Roberts relates : 
 as the Rev. Jenkin Davies, a Baptist minister, in a letter 
 dated 'Washington Yillage, Novembers, 1805 ' (theveryyear 
 when Roberts made his statement), written in answer to in- 
 quiries respecting Welsh Indians, states that he had heard much 
 in England and America of such a people ; but that he had no 
 surer information respecting them than the statement of 
 a South- Walian named Richards, who said he had seen 
 Welsh Indians, but that he did not understand them very 
 well, because they talked North Wales Welsh ! A companion 
 named Jones understood them better ; but he had been killed 
 in trying to make his escape from other Indians.' 
 
 That some such hoaxes were perpetrated and imposed 
 upon the credulity of the Welsh Indophilists is abundantly 
 clear. A letter dated February 21, 1819, appeared in the 
 ' Courier ' newspaper a few days afterwards, was thence 
 copied into the ' Cambrian,' and thence again translated for 
 ' Seren Gomer.' It was signed ' Owen Williams,' professedly 
 a fur trader from Baltimore, then in London, and it affected 
 surprise that anyone doubted the existence of the Welsh 
 Indians. The writer said he had traded with hundreds of 
 them ; they lived on the Madooga river, in latitude 40°, and 
 longitude 80°, spoke purer Welsh than the Kymry, were 
 1 Seren Gomer, 1818, p. 342. 
 
124 MADOC. 
 
 named Brydones and Madogians, could read well, had many 
 MSS., and their religion was a compound of Christianity and 
 Druidism ! This highly-coloured narrative excited suspicion ; 
 and, on inquiry at the ' Courier ' office, it was found to be in 
 a handwriting known to Koberts of Llwynrhudol as that of a 
 'mother's accursed,' and thought to be Dr. John Jones.^ 
 Another letter, signed' H. Phillips, Bridgend, Glamorganshire,' 
 was published in the ' Carmarthen Journal ' for March 23, 
 1821 ; it related the discovery by ' a gentleman ' of twenty-six 
 Welsh Indians ia Indiana ; but the editor of ' Seren Gomer ' 
 thought it looked very like Owen Williams's letter, and de- 
 clined to copy it.2 As the letter of Owen Williams was the 
 original authority respecting the Brydones, I need not allude 
 to them any further. 
 
 I am, therefore, of opinion that all these statements must 
 be eliminated from the inquiry. 
 
 2. We come, in the next place, to consider the asser- 
 tions of Sutton, Rimington, Gibson, and Chisholm. The 
 latter does not affirm that he knew Welsh, or had heard 
 Indians speaking it ; but simply that he had been among 
 ' White Indians,' and that a Padouca chief had a book, 
 which he thought was a Romish missal. Mr. Gibson does 
 not affirm that he knew Welsh ; neither does it appear how 
 he came to suppose that the Indians he knew spoke ' Welsh.' 
 Mr. Rimington saw strange Indians, whom someone declared 
 to be ' Welsh ' Indians ; but Jack Hughes, the interpreter, 
 does not appear to have confirmed the statement ; and 
 Benjamin Sutton heard a Welshman named Lewis speaking 
 to some Indians ; but Lewis does not seem to have said that 
 they were ' Welsh' ; nor does Sutton seem to have understood 
 the language of the Kymry, 
 
 3. The evidences of the third class are less open to 
 
 * Seren Gomer, 1819, pp. 93, 136 ; Cwmbro-Briton, vol. i. p. 62. 
 ^ Seren Gomer, 1821, p. 122. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 125 
 
 objection on tlie score of untruthfulness ; but it may be 
 doubted whether they do not admit of explanation on some 
 other hypothesis. There are Indians of many colours — 
 yellow skins, cinnamon-coloured, tawny, and copper-coloured 
 tribes ; and there are alhinoes, or persons with white hair, 
 eyelashes, and skins among several of these tribes ; but these 
 are exceptional instances, and no conclusion can safely be 
 drawn therefrom. There are pictorial skins among these 
 tribes, but they are not Bibles ; and, indeed, the ' Bibles ' may 
 be said to dissolve when the assertions respecting them are 
 closely examined. The ' Brydones ' had a Bible ; but then 
 there were no Indians of that name ; they and their Bibles 
 were the figment of the brain of ' Owen Williams.' Captain 
 Davies's Mud Indians had a ' manuscript Welsh Bible ' ; but if 
 the two statements of his evidence be compared, it will be 
 seen that the MS. story appears in only one of them. Truth, 
 when twice told, will be consistent ; but falsehood varies. 
 The nameless captive clergyman who saw a ' Welsh Bible ' is 
 admitted to be the alter ego of the Eev. Morgan Jones ; 
 but, as Mr. Jones mentions no such thing, the ' Bible ' must 
 have been a fictitious addition. And Colonel Cochran's ' Old 
 Welsh Bibles ' are admitted to have been delusive coinages of 
 heated imaginations. We can, therefore, only admit the 
 existence of pictorial documents ; for it is abundantly clear 
 from other facts that the North American Indians were 
 wholly unacquainted with books and letters. The Indian 
 languages have no names for these things. When the Scrip- 
 tures came to be translated into their languages, it was found 
 necessary to give new meanings to their words, and to intro- 
 duce English words where the Indians had nothing analo- 
 gous. Thus, in translating Daniel v. 24, 25, vi. 9, and John 
 xix. 19, it was found necessary to use the Indian word for 
 fainting, i.e. wussuk, to denote writing and written ; and in 
 translating Matt. i. 1, 2 Kings v. 9, and xxii. 8, it was 
 
126 MADOC. 
 
 found necessary to transfer the English word hooh, as the 
 Indians have no such word or thing. 
 
 The monuments on the Ohio and Missouri', the coloured 
 pottery, quasi Welsh castles and churches, religious tradi- 
 tions, and civilised arts, are also facts ; but whether the 
 Madoc theory is the only possible solution of their existence 
 will form the subject of further remark. One account 
 (' Seren Gomer,' 1818, p. 317) speaks of ' Eoman coins' 
 found in Kentucky about 1815 ; but Catlin does not seem to 
 have heard of them, and I know of no sufficient authority for 
 the statement. 
 
 4. Lastly, we have a considerable number of testimonies 
 in favour of ' Welsh-speaking ' Indians. These may be 
 ranged under two heads, viz. direct and indirect evidences. 
 Of these the second class consists of the statements of 
 persons who did not themselves understand Welsh, but who 
 say that they heard Welshmen conversing with Indians in a 
 language which the Welshmen affirmed to be Kymraeg. 
 And some of them are still further removed from direct 
 testimony. 
 
 (a) In the ' indirect ' class we may place the letter of the 
 Eev. Morgan Rees, ' a respectable inhabitant of Kentucky,' 
 who wrote to the Rev. Dr. Richards of Lynn, and stated, on 
 the authority of ' a report ' in that country, that a Welshman 
 among an exploring party met with Indians with whom he 
 could talk. It is not said expressly that the conversation 
 was in Welsh,' but that is implied ; and ' they exceeded him, 
 as not being so corrupt in their language.' 
 
 Captain Chaplain heard two Welshmen converse with 
 Indians in Welsh at Kaskaski ; Captain Davies heard Welsh- 
 men converse with the Mud Indians; Mr. Willin had 
 Welsh settlers at Natches who understood the Indians, and 
 affirmed that they spoke Welsh; Sir John Caldwell had 
 ' Burder, p. 11. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 127 
 
 Welshmen in his company who affirmed the language of the 
 Pawnees to be Welsh ; Davey, the companion of Captain 
 Stewart, made the same assertion of the Indians of the Eed 
 Eiver ; General Bowles's Welsh friend and Mr. Price's father 
 said that Welsh was the language of the Padoucas. 
 
 In these cases the evidence is all secondary, and does not 
 rest upon the authority of our informants. They seem to 
 have had no means of testing the accuracy of the assertions 
 made to them, and it is, therefore, within the range of ordinary 
 possibilities that they might have been deceived. 
 
 (b) The ' direct ' testimonies are those of the Rev. 
 Morgan Jones and Mr. Binon. The narratives attributed to 
 the ' clergyman ' and Morris Griffith are evidently amplifica- 
 tions of Jones's statement respecting the Doegs, and may be 
 set aside ; so that for our purpose the original statement is 
 alone available. That was made by a Welshman who had 
 graduated at Oxford, and professedly rested on his own 
 experiences. He was qualified to judge as to what was or 
 was not Welsh ; and his statement must necessarily be either 
 strictly true or manifestly false, for it cannot be placed on 
 any intermediate ground. 
 
 The statement of Mr. Binon is equally direct; but his 
 qualifications do not seem so satisfactory. He is reported to 
 have said that he had heard Indians speaking purer Kymraeg 
 than was spoken in Glamorganshire ; but it was admitted that 
 he could not read the ' India-n Welsh ' — if he could read at 
 all ; and as he left Wales when very young, and before he 
 had learned any alphabet, and remained away thirty years, we 
 may reasonably be a little sceptical as to his competency to 
 speak of the purity of ' Indian Welsh.' Indeed, there is only 
 evidence at third hand that he knew Welsh at all ; and it 
 must be quite apparent that his statement betrays an 
 acquaintance with the famous narrative of Jones, and that of 
 Jones's other self, the ' clergyman ' and ' prophet,' who was 
 
128 MADOC. 
 
 said to have interpreted the MS. Bible — which did not 
 exist. 
 
 The assertions of Stedman and Oliver Humphreys may 
 also appear to be direct evidences ; but the first is very 
 suspicious, if not positively false ; and the second, in affirm- 
 ing that the ' pirate ' learnt the language of an Indian tribe, 
 with whom he could have had but little communication, and 
 that in a very short space of time, makes a large demand 
 upon our faith. Still, it is possible that both may have a 
 slight substratum of fact. 
 
 It is thus seen that the whole of the direct evidence 
 collapses, and all that remains is that of the Rev. Morgan 
 Jones. That is evidently connected in some way with the 
 statements of Stedman and Humphreys, for they all refer to 
 the same locality, and they are nearly coincident in date. 
 Jones says his adventure took place in 1660 ; Stedman 's 
 occurred about 1674; and Humphreys died a little before 
 1704. But Jones published no account of his marvellous 
 ' discovery ' for upwards of twenty-five years (i.e. not until 
 1686), and Stedman and Humphreys became first known to 
 us in 1704. Did Stedman borrow from Jones? Did both 
 Jones and Stedman find a vague story of this sort floating 
 about in America, and appropriate it to themselves ? Or was 
 there any peculiarity about the Indians of Cape Hat- 
 teras ? 
 
 The internal evidence of Jones's letter is very unsatisfac- 
 tory. The date, 1660, is at least ten years too early ; for the 
 introduction of the name West — namely, that of Joseph West, 
 — shows that Jones had but a confused knowledge of the facts 
 to which he refers ; and his historical perspective is so indis- 
 tinct that he has represented as oue combined movement 
 three independent expeditions, separated by intervals of two 
 and four years, starting from opposite points, and directed to 
 three different places. The first of these was an expedition 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 129 
 
 set on foot by the planters of Barbadoes. They had sent a 
 party to inspect the coast of Carolina in 1663 ; and two years 
 afterwards. Sir John Yeamans, a needy planter, led a band of 
 emigrants, and effected a settlement on the south side of Cape 
 Pear.' In the following year (1666) the north part of 
 Carolina was constituted into a regular settlement by Sir 
 William Berkeley, the Governor of Virginia.^ And in 
 January 1670 a considerable number of emigrants left 
 England under the auspices of the corporate body called 
 ' Proprietaries,' who claimed under a Royal Charter the pos- 
 session of a great part of North America. They were con- 
 ducted by one Joseph West, as agent for the Proprietaries, 
 and by WUliam Sayle, as governor of the settlement they 
 intended to effect. They touched at Bermuda, or, as some 
 improperly say, at Barbadoes," and settled themselves at 
 Oyster Point, now Charleston — so called from Charles 11.^ 
 This, it is evident, was the expedition referred to, and the 
 Rev. Morgan Jones had some indistinct knowledge thereof ; 
 but it is difficult to believe that a man who described three 
 distinct settlements as only one, and antedated a compara- 
 tively recent event by ten years, was recounting his personal 
 experiences; and the truth seems to be that he had only a 
 hearsay knowledge of these events. Even if we assume the 
 true date to be 1669, that would still be a full year too early, 
 and leave other difficulties unexplained. He may have been 
 chaplain to General Bennet of Nousemund (not Mansoman) 
 County ; but as the Virginians had nothing to do with the 
 Oyster Point settlement, he could not have been sent there 
 as minister ; and, besides, that settlement was not neglected. 
 A glance at a good map will show that a journey from Oyster 
 Point to Roanoke, at that time, was an arduous undertaking ; 
 .and as Yeamans, who succeeded Sayle in the following year, 
 
 ' Bancroft, Sist. United States, vol. i. p. 450, Eoutledge's edit. 
 » Ihid. 3 iii^^ pp. 472-75. 
 
 K 
 
130 MADOC. 
 
 was already settled to the north at Cape Fear, there was no 
 necessity for risking so perilous an adventure. 
 
 At the next stage, Jones's narrative appears to receive 
 some confirmation from the Autobiography of George Fox. 
 There does not appear to have been any actual war between 
 the Tuscaroras and the settlers in North Carolina in or about 
 1660 or 1669 ; but the relations between them appear to have 
 been unfriendly ; and Fox states that, when he was there in 
 1672, the Emperor of the Tuscaroras ' was come ' to Captain 
 Batts, the Governor of Roanoke, ' to treat of peace.' ' 
 
 Upon the same authority we learn that one of their chiefs 
 was friendly to the whites ; and hence the intervention on 
 behalf of Jones might be explained, without assuming that 
 the Indian chief was of Welsh origin. Fox paid them a 
 visit, and preached to them by means of an interpreter ; and 
 their young king, with others of their chief men, seemed to 
 receive kindly what he said to them. At another meeting, in 
 the same district, there was ' an Indian captain who was very 
 loving, and acknowledged it to be truth that was spoken. 
 There was also an Indian priest, whom they call a Pawaw, 
 who sat soberly among the people.' This ' loving captain ' 
 may have been the person who befriended Jones, assuming 
 the truth of his story ; but no sooner do we concede this than 
 we are involved in another difficulty. The head-quarters of 
 the Tuscaroras were on the river Neuse, in the centre of 
 North Carolina. This river, like the Pamlico, falls into 
 Pamlico Sound ; but it is difficult to believe that the Doegs 
 were in alliance with the Tuscaroras, or located near Cape 
 Hatteras ; for we read that the Hatteras Indians were called 
 Teopims ; ^ and we know that in early maps of North America 
 the Doegs or Doogs are placed considerably to the north, in 
 Virginia, between the Potomac and the Eappahanoc, a little 
 
 ^ Fox's Journal, vol. i. pp. 173, 174. 
 ' Bancroft, vol. i. p. 449. 
 
AHE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 131 
 
 to the eastward of the falls on the latter river.' Hence we 
 may conclude that they were Algonquins rather than Iroquois, 
 and that they acknowledged the authority of the successors of 
 Powhattan rather than that of the ' Emperor ' of the Tusca- 
 roras. We have now a considerable amount of information 
 respecting the Algonquin and Iroquois class of languages, 
 and are enabled to affirm that these Indians neither did nor 
 could speak Welsh. 
 
 Another fact unfavourable to Jones's credit is his paren- 
 thetical reference to the Doegs, ' whose original I found (or 
 find) must needs be from the Welsh (or Old Britons).' The 
 Eev. Theophilus Evans inferred from this that Jones was 
 unacquainted with the asserted discovery of America by 
 Madoc ; but to me it seems that this ignorance was affected, 
 in order to give his narrative an air of truth, and of unex- 
 pected discovery ; for the ignorance of a Welshman, and a 
 student of Jesus College, Oxford, of this national tale is in- 
 credible, especially when it is considered that the literature 
 of that period was full of it, and that a considerable number 
 of the following works were published before he left Wales, 
 viz. : 
 
 Powel's ' Historic of Cambria,' 1584 ; Hakluyt's ' Voyages,' 
 1589, 1599-1600 ; Purchas's ' Pilgrimage,' 1613, 1614, 1617, 
 1626 ; Sir Thomas Herbert's ' Travels,' 1634 ; Howell's 
 Letter, dated 1630, published in 1645; also Letter dated 1654, 
 published 1655 ; Charles Edwards's ' Difiyniad y Efydd,' 1671 
 (Oxford, 1677). Thomas and Charles Lloyd knew of it before 
 1682, and the latter possessed Powel's ' History.' 
 
 It is, therefore, highly improbable that Jones was ignorant 
 of what every other Welshman of education knew, and held 
 in much estimation. 
 
 The pathetic incident in Jones's story is also provocative 
 of suspicion, and it is not improbable that the real solution 
 
 ' Thornton, Maps and Charts of North America, folio, 1704. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 MADOC. 
 
 is this : that the Eev. Morgan Jones has claimed for himself 
 an adventure that befell Captain John Smith, often named 
 the ' Father of Virginia.' The story is told by the hero 
 himself, in his ' True Relation ' of events connected with the 
 colonisation of Virginia, printed in 1608; it is abridged by 
 Bancroft,' and is repeatedly referred to in Thackeray's 
 ' Virginians.' Penetrating into the interior, with some com- 
 panions, in the year 1604, along the Chickahominy river, 
 they were taken prisoners by the Indians. His companions 
 were put to death ; but he, preserving his calmness, awed the 
 Indians by the display of a pocket compass, and by exhibition 
 of superior knowledge. The Indians were for some time 
 undetermined what to do with him ; but, after practising 
 incantations for three days, after many consultations and 
 delays, and after postponing several resolutions to put him 
 to death, the ultimate decision was referred to Powhattan, the 
 'Emperor of the Country,' whose residence was then in 
 Gloucester County on Tork River. Here Smith's manners 
 interested Natoaca or Metoaca, better known by her title 
 Pocahontas, the daughter of Powhattan, a young girl twelve 
 years old, who, when the uplifted tomahawk was about to 
 descend upon him, sprang towards him, clung firmly to his 
 neck, and entreated the Indians to spare the agreeable 
 stranger, that he might make hatchets for her father, and 
 rattles and beads for herself, the favourite child. This saved his 
 life ; Smith remained among them for some time ; he learned 
 the Indian language ; and when he had succeeded in establish- 
 ing peaceful intercourse between them and the colonists, the 
 Indians dismissed him with mutual promises of friendship 
 
 ' Hist. United States, vol. i. p. 99, Eoutledge's edit. [Captain 
 Smith's collected works have recently been reprinted by Mr. Edward 
 Arber, in his English Scholar's Library, 1884. The deliverance by 
 Pocahontas is not mentioned in the True Relation of 1608, but is first 
 mentioned in the Oenerall Historie of Virginia &c. published in 1624. 
 See Arber's reprint, p. 400.] 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 133 
 
 and benevolence.' We tave here all the prominent features 
 of Jones's narrative ; and it is not improbable that Captain 
 Smith was the real hero of the adventure, which Jones per- 
 verted to his own use, and the deception of his countrymen. 
 Else, how is it that none of the many Welshmen in America 
 had known of this adventure ? 
 
 It is said by the Eev. John Williams (Ab Ithel), whose 
 essay on the Madoc question has been published in the ' Cam- 
 brian Journal,' ^ that about the middle of the seventeenth 
 century a Captain Jocelyne published a ' History of Virginia,' 
 giving a similar account of an adventure among the Tuscaroras 
 and Doegs ; and that the' story is told in Jocelyne's words in 
 the ' Turkish Spy,' vol. viii. p. 205 ; but the ' Spy ' in the 
 place cited does not make any reference to Jocelyne or any 
 other authority. The letter in the ' Spy ' bears the fictitious 
 date ' Paris ; the 2nd day of the 1 1th moon, in the year 1682,' 
 and, if the letters were genuine, would indicate some earlier 
 authority than Jones, whose narrative is dated ' New York, 
 March 10, 1686.' In that case ' Joceljm' might stand for 
 ' John Smith ' ; but, in reality, the letter affords traces of 
 an acquaintance with Jones's narrative, in the reference 
 to the Tuscaroras and Doegs ; and as the volume was pub- 
 lished in 1694, after Jones's story had been made known 
 in England and Wales, this involves no difficulty. As 
 this curious old collection is of somewhat rare occurrence, 
 the letter is here subjoined. The letter purports to be 
 addressed 'to Kerk Hassan, Bassa,' and, after describing 
 King Charles II., England, and the Popish plot, the writer 
 
 ' This Prince, as I said before, has several Nations under 
 his Dominion ; and, 'tis thought, he scarce knows the just 
 extent of his Territories in America. There is a region in 
 that Gontinent, inhabited by a People whom they call Tuscwroras 
 
 ' [Arber's edit. pp. 400, 531.] ' [Vol. for 1859, p. 104.] 
 
134 MADOC. 
 
 and Doegs. Their language is the same as is spoken by the 
 British or Welsh ; a Nation that formerly possessed all the 
 Island of Great Britain, but were driven out of it into a 
 Mountainous Corner of the Island, where their Posterity remain 
 to this Day. 
 
 ' These Tusca/roras and Doegs of America are thought to 
 descend from them, being the Posterity of such as follow'd 
 the Fortune of one Modoc a British Prince, who, about Five or 
 Sis Hundred Tears ago, being discontented at Home, resolv'd 
 to seek Adventures Abroad. Wherefore, being provided with 
 Ships, Men, and all other Necessaries, he made a Voyage 
 towards the West, over the Atlantiok Ocean, not knowing what 
 would be the Event of his Undertaking. However, the Moon 
 had scarce twice completed Her Voyage through the Zodiack, 
 when an end was put to His on the Sea, by landing in America, 
 where he planted a Colony of Britains, and then returned to 
 his native Country. But soon after he put to sea again, and 
 sailed directly to the same place. What became of him 
 afterwards is not certainly known. But the inhabitants of 
 that Province [Wales ? or America ?] have a Tradition, that he 
 lived to a Great Age, and saw his people multiplied to many 
 Thousands, before he died. For in the Second Voyage he carried 
 over British Women with him for the sake of Posterity. They 
 show his Tomb to this Day ; with Beads, Crucifixes, and other 
 Beliques. It is certain that, when the Spaniards first conquer'd 
 Mexico, they were surpriz'd to hear the Inhabitants discourse 
 of a strange People that formerly came thither in Gorraughs, 
 who taught them the knowledge of God and Immortality; 
 instructed them also in Virtue and Morality, and prescribed 
 Holy Rites and Ceremonies of Religion. 'Tis remarkable, also, 
 what an Indian king said to a Spaniard, viz., " That in Fore- 
 going Ages, a Strange People arrived there by Sea, to whom 
 his ancestors gave Hospitable Entertainment ; in regard they 
 found them men of Wit and Courage, endued also with many 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 135 
 
 other Excellencies. But he could give no account of their 
 original or Name." And Montezuma, Emperor of Mexico, told 
 Fernando Gortez, the Spanish King's Ambassador, and 
 General in those Parts, " That his own Ancestors Landed 
 there as Strangers, being conducted by a certain Great 
 Man, who tarried there a while, and then departed, having 
 left a considerable number of Followers behind him. 
 After a Year, he returned again with a greater Company; 
 and that from Him the Emperors of Mexico derived their 
 Pedigree, and his subjects from the Eest." The British 
 Language is so prevalent here, that the very Towns, Bridges, 
 Beasts, Birds, Kivers, HUls, &c., are call'd by British or 
 Welsh names. And a certain Inhabitant of Virginia (a place 
 subject to the King of Great Britain), straggling not long ago 
 into the Wilderness, by chance, fell among a People who ac- 
 cording to some Law or Custom of theirs condemned him to 
 Death; when he, in Hearing of them, made his Pra/yer 
 to God in the British Tongue ; upon which he was Ee- 
 leas'd.' • 
 
 These ' Letters of a Turkish Spy ' were the work of a 
 Scotchman named John Cleland. The work alluded to as 
 ' Jocelyne's History of Virginia ' was probably one of the 
 curious publications of John Josselyu, who paid a visit to New 
 England in 1638-9, and another in 1663-71. He published 
 his impressions of the country in two works, viz. : ' New 
 England's Earities Discovered,' 8vo. 1672, 1674, 1675 ; and 
 ' An Account of Two Voyages to New England,' 12mo. 1674. 
 From pp. 123 to 144 of the latter work, he describes the 
 inhabitants of New England and Virginia, and speaks of 
 many of their customs as resembling those of the Ancient 
 Britons ; but they are not called by him Welsh Indians. The 
 author seems a little credulous, for he tells us that some frogs, 
 
 ' TJie Tttrlcish Spy, London, 1694, vol. viii. Book 3, Letter 12, 
 p. 202. 
 
136 MADOC. 
 
 when they sit upon their breech, are a foot high ' ; and that 
 ' barley frequently degenerates into oats.' ' 
 
 There is, indeed, a semblance of an earlier authority for 
 the existence of Welsh Indians than Jones's narrative. After 
 Penn had obtained a cession of land in America, in 1681, it 
 is said that he endeavoured to induce his Quaker friends in 
 England and Wales to join him in founding a new settle- 
 ment ; that, in or about 1682, an Address to this effect was 
 circulated among the Quakers in South Wales ; that in this 
 it is reported to have been said that many credible accounts 
 had been received of the discovery among the Indians of a 
 people who spoke Welsh, and who were supposed to be the 
 descendants of Madoc's Colony ; and that the discovery was 
 attributed to some of Penn's own attendants.^ I have searched 
 in vain for this Address ; but think it in the highest degree 
 improbable that Penn ever issued any document containing 
 these assertions, which would have been utterly at variance 
 with his deliberately expressed opinion that the American 
 Indians were the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel.^ 
 We also have letters from Welshmen in Pennsylvania, of 
 about the same date, which speak of their Indian neighbours, 
 but give no hint whatever as to their being of Welsh origin.'' 
 On the contrary, they exclude any such supposition, as an ex- 
 tract from one, written in the year 1705, will clearly show : 
 
 ' He (Penn) also bought the freehold of the soil from the 
 Indians — a savage race of men, who have lived here from 
 
 ^ Notes and Queries, April 6, 1861 ; 2nd series, vol. xi. p. 267. 
 
 ^ Ab Ithel ; Cambrian Journal, 1859, p. 105. 
 
 ^ Olarkson, Life of Penn, vol. i. p. 397. Letter, dated August 16, 
 1683 : ' For their original, I am ready to believe them of the Jewish 
 race, I mean of the stock of the ten tribes.' ' The passage is not im- 
 possible from the easternmost parts of Asia to the westernmost of 
 America.' The latter was a bold and sagacious conjecture : it is now 
 known to have been true. 
 
 * r Greal, 1806, p. 210 ; Y GwyUedydd for 1831, p. 15 ; Camhrian 
 Quarterly Magazine, vol. iii. p. 141. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 137 
 
 time immemorial, as far as I am able to understand. They- 
 can give no account of themselves, not knowing whence or 
 when they came here — an irrational set I should imagine ; 
 but they have some kind of reason too, and extraordinary 
 natural endowments, in their peculiar way. They are very 
 observant of their customs, and more unblamable, in many 
 respects, than we are. They had neither towns nor villages, 
 but lived in booths or tents.' 
 
 Penn's Addresses in the years 1681, 1682, and 1683, 
 frequently mention the Indians, but only to enjoin a fair and 
 just treatment of them by the emigrants. A large number 
 of Quakers from Wales joined in the ' Holy Experiment,' 
 influenced by the religious persecutions at home, and the 
 hope of greater liberty of conscience in the Free Democracy 
 of Pennsylvania ; and it was the intention of Penn to name 
 his settlement New Wales, after the analogy of New England 
 — an intention frustrated by a Welshman, Blathwayte, the 
 Secretary of Charles II.' A misconception of these facts 
 formed the only basis for the story of the Address. 
 
 But, it may be asked, is it probable that such a story as 
 that of Jones could have been a pure invention ? Even on 
 this point it is not difficult to suggest an unfavourable answer. 
 Roanoke, it will be observed, figures prominently in Jones's 
 narrative ; and at Roanoke there had been several early 
 settlements of Europeans. Pamlico Sound and Roanoke Island 
 were explored by Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584; and a colony 
 under one Ralph Lane was settled there in 1585, with the sanc- 
 tion of the Indians, who treated the whites in a very friendly 
 manner. One of these, named Hariot, displayed the Bible to the 
 natives, and explained its truths ; and they, revering the Book 
 rather than its doctrines, embraced it, kissed it, and held it to 
 their breasts and heads, as if it had been an amulet. The colony 
 was visited by Sir Erancis Drake in 1586 ; and the colonists, 
 
 ' Clarkson, Life of Perm, vol. i. p. 279 ; Dixon, do. p. 228. 
 
138 MADOC. 
 
 being ill-provisioned, and having become despondent, induced 
 him to take them away. In the meantime, Raleigh, mindful 
 of their wants, had sent a vessel with supplies ; but it arrived 
 a few days too late. In another fortnight Sir Richard Gren- 
 ville came with three well-provisioned ships ; and, finding 
 Lane had departed, he left a second colony of fifty men at 
 Roanoke, as guardians of English rights. Raleigh, ever 
 chivalrous, sent another band of settlers in 1587, under one 
 John White, who, on his arrival, found that Grenville's men 
 had been murdered by the Indians ; but a friendly chief 
 named Manteo, by the command of Raleigh, received Christian 
 baptism, and was named Lord of Roanoke. As the time 
 came for the departure of the ship, this colony also became 
 despondent, and urged White to return and bring back rein- 
 forcements. He left his grandchild, bom there, and named 
 from the place of her birth, Virginia, at Roanoke ; and the 
 colony then consisted of eighty-nine men, seventeen women, 
 and two children ; but more than a year elapsed before White 
 could return ; and then Roanoke was a desert. An inscrip- 
 tion on the bark of a tree pointed to Croatan, but no search 
 was then made for the settlers. Raleigh, however, was more 
 zealous. Five several times he sent parties to search for his 
 liegemen ; but they were never found. It has been conjectured 
 that the deserted colony were hospitably adopted into the 
 tribe of the Hatteras Indians (Jones's Doegs), and became 
 amalgamated with them. The traditions of the natives at a 
 later day aflBrmed this to be the fact ; they said their fore- 
 fathers could ' talk in a book ' ; and this statement has been 
 thought to derive confirmation from the physical character of 
 the tribe, in which the English and Indian seem to have been 
 blended ; ^ for the Hatteras Indians have grey eyes, and therein 
 differ from all the other tribes.^ 
 
 " Bancroft, Hist. United States, vol. i. pp. 70-82. 
 " Lawson, Voyage to Cqurolvna, p. 62. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 139 
 
 There is no evidence that I am aware of, whether there 
 were or were not any Welshmen among these colonists ; hut 
 it must be evident that this colony, and the tradition respect- 
 ing its fate, have an important bearing on the narrative under 
 consideration. If this tradition was known to Jones, it might 
 have suggested the idea of a Welsh origin for the Hatteras 
 Indians. In any case, his narrative ceases to have any 
 relevance to the Madoc legend ; for the Hatteras Indians, even 
 if they had a few Welsh words among them, would have been 
 descendants of Ealeigh's colonists, not of Madoc and his 
 followers. The truth or falsehood of Jones's narrative does 
 not affect this conclusion. If he really was at Oyster Point, 
 and attempted to make his way through the wilderness, it is 
 not improbable that some such incident may have occurred ; 
 for the Indians, steeped in superstition, would naturally, 
 respect the sacred office of a clergyman, as they revere their 
 own ' mystery man,' and the Hatteras Indians would be more 
 likely to do so than any others. But the essential part of 
 Jones's story, the assertion that an Indian chief addressed him 
 in Welsh, and that he preached in Welsh to the Doegs, three 
 times a week, and for four months, must have been a false- 
 hood, and may have been intended as a hoax. The simplicity 
 of the Welsh character favoured its circulation ; the stern 
 Puritanical logic, that knows nothing but absolute truth or 
 malignant falsehood, naturally led them to place implicit 
 confidence in the formal affirmation of a minister of the 
 Gospel ; and the lore of the antiquary gave ' confirmation 
 strong as holy writ ' to a fiction and a deliberate untruth. 
 
 An examination of the American languages strengthens 
 this negative conclusion. The statements made in reference 
 to ' Welsh Indians ' point in three directions, namely, to the 
 Mexican frontier, to the Missouri, and to the east of the Mis- 
 sissippi. Reserving the first class for further consideration, 
 we will now deal with the others. On the Missouri we have 
 
140 MADOC. 
 
 the Padoucas ; and on tte eastern side of the Mississippi we 
 have the Doegs, and the people who descended to Illinois, 
 who most probably belonged to the great Ohippeway nation. 
 
 1. The Padoucas are now extinct, and their name only 
 survives in Paducas Fork ; but, though they were confidently 
 affirmed to be Welsh Indians, and though Mr. Binon said 
 they spoke Welsh to him with remarkable purity, it is quite 
 manifest that the assertion was untrue. John Evans ascended 
 the Missouri in the belief that they were Kymry, but dis- 
 covered that no race on that river spoke Welsh, and concluded 
 that the Welsh Indians did not exist. The Eev. Morgan 
 Rees met a gentleman who knew the Padouca language, and 
 found that the Padouca had no resemblance to Kymraeg. 
 Mr. J. T. Roberts met persons who knew Padouca, but they 
 did not understand one word of Welsh. This is, therefore, 
 tolerably conclusive evidence, and we may safely dismiss them 
 from our consideration. 
 
 2. The occupants of the region about Cape Hatteras and 
 Pamlico Sound, improperly called Doegs by Jones, but better 
 known as Yeopims and Nanticokes, spoke a dialect of the 
 Algonquin language, as also did the Chippeways ; and both 
 may therefore be classed under that head. 
 
 A great deal of absurdity has been spoken and written 
 respecting the languages of the North American aborigines. 
 Governed by preconceptions as to the origin of the inhabi- 
 tants, many persons have affirmed that the speech of the new 
 continent sanctioned each of several discordant theories. 
 William Penn, who was imbued with the belief that the lost 
 ten tribes of Israel (whose descendants probably still occupy 
 the shores of the Caspian Sea) had found their way to 
 America, considered the language to have a striking resem- 
 blance to the Hebrew ; a Jew named Montesini said he had 
 heard an American Indian repeat in Hebrew the words in 
 Deuteronomy : ' Schelah Iseael Adonai Elohenu Adonai 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIATfS ? 141 
 
 Bhad,' ' jHeor, Israel, the Lord oti/r God is one Lord ' ; and 
 one Rabbi Manasseh wrote a book entitled the ' Hope of 
 Israel ' in favour of this assumption.' 
 
 The learned Grotius, who favoured the theory of a Scan- 
 dinavian settlement, said there was a striking affinity between 
 the languages of the Germans and the North Americans.^ 
 Bishop Nicholson thought the Welsh formed the basis of all 
 the Indian dialects ; and others quite as confidently assert 
 that the aborigines spoke the (Irish) Erse or Gaelic language. 
 Several persons said the Pawnees spoke Welsh, but some 
 Scotch Highlanders said they understood them, ergo, that 
 they spoke Gaelic ; and a gentleman from Quebec confirmed 
 the statement. Nor was the Gaelic confined to the Pawnees ;' 
 for it is also said to have been spoken by the Mexicans ; and 
 a Captain Dmmmond gravely affirmed that he heard a 
 Mexican woman singing Erse to her child.^ Are not these 
 assertions quite as strong as anything urged in favour of the 
 Welsh Indians ? If we believe one class of assertions, why 
 may we not believe all ? Comment upon such statements 
 
 ' Basnage, Appendix to the English translation of Jahn's Hebrew 
 Commonwealth, vol. ii. p. 309. 
 
 At the Spanish Missions, as well at the Convent of Caripi as at the 
 Orinoco, in Peru asweU as in Mexico, the opinion was generally enter- 
 tained that the American languages have an affinity with the Hebrew ; 
 in the North of America, among the Chootaws and the Chickasaws, 
 travellers, somewhat credulous, have heard the strains of the Hallelujah 
 of the Hebrews (L'Bscarbot, Charlevoix, and even Adadr, History of 
 iheAmericoM Inddans, 1775, Humboldt's Travels, vol. i. p. 324, Bohn's 
 
 edit.). 
 
 ' The American languages show the infancy of language ; the 
 mechanism is aU exposed to view. They are in marked contrast to aU 
 inflected languages.'— Htunboldt, op. ait. vol. i. p. 327, Bohn's edit. 
 
 ^ Be Orig. Cent. Americ., cited by Basnage ; Op. cit. vol ii. p. 313. 
 
 3 [' De savants hnguistes ont constats une ressemblanoe singuli^re 
 entre la langue irlandaise et le dialecte algonqmn.' — M. Gaffarel, Les 
 Expiddtions Maritimes des Irlandais au Moyen-age, quoted in Bevue 
 Celbique, vol. ii. p. 433.] 
 
 * Williams, Fwi'ther Observations, pp. 19, 30. 
 
142 MADOC. 
 
 would be superfluous. Let me, therefore, offer the reader 
 something more scientific. 
 
 The languages of the North American Indians have been 
 carefully studied, and have been found to resolve themselves 
 into eight distinct forms of speech, all of which converge 
 towards a common centre in the north-western part of the 
 continent, where it is separated from Asia by Behring'a 
 Strait.^ These are : 
 
 (1) The Algonquin language ; (2) the Iroquois ; (3) the 
 Sioux ; (4) the Catawba ; (5) the Cherokee ; (6) the Uchel ; 
 (7) the Natchez ; and (8) the Mobilian language. 
 
 The latest researches, indeed, reduce these to three, namely, 
 Algonquin, Iroquois, and Ploridian ; or, according to Latham, 
 into two, the Algonquin arid the Ploridian, the latter including 
 the Sioux, Iroquois, and the five others.^ 
 
 These have all certain characteristics, which are thought 
 to distinguish them from all other languages, and to constitute 
 a distinct family. With one exception, they all exclude the 
 letter I ; the Algonquins have no /, and the Iroquois no m. 
 All, without exception, had no alphabet, and could not write. 
 They are mostly destitute of pronouns, they have no abstract 
 terms, and cannot express father, son, master, tree, house, 
 without compounding them with relative terms. The doxology 
 could not be translated literally, and had to be rendered thus: 
 ' Glory be to our Father, and his Son, and their Holy Ghost ' ; 
 the verb to he cannot' be used abstractly, but is made to 
 include space and time ; an Algonquin cannot use any verb 
 in a simple form, nor say I love, or I hate, without saying 
 also in one word whom he loves or hates ; nouns, adjectives, 
 and pronouns are all joined together, and cannot be used 
 separately ; they have no simple adjectives, nor have they 
 
 ' Priohard, Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations, p. 6 ; Latham's 
 Supplement, edit. 1857, p. 22. 
 ' Ibid. p. 24. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 143 
 
 distinctive genders for male and female, but only for animate 
 
 and inanimate objects, and the compound words are simply 
 
 aggregations — patchwork, in which the component parts 
 
 remain distinct and heterogeneous. A few words may serve 
 
 as specimens. Thus the sentence, ' Give me your pretty little 
 
 paw,' would be expressed in one word, namely, huligatschis, 
 
 which would be compounded of h, thou or thy ; uli, part of 
 
 wulit, handsome or pretty ; gat, a part of wichgat, a leg or 
 
 paw ; and schis, a word expressive of littleness ; and a gesture 
 
 would supply the place of the verb. The conjugation of the 
 
 verb, however, shows a much higher development ; and the 
 
 multitude of ideas which it is often made to express has 
 
 often excited much surprise and admiration. But here, also, 
 
 the synthetic character predominates ; and the phrase, ' I do 
 
 not like to eat with him,' would be expressed in Algonquin in 
 
 the one word N'schingiwipoma. The conjugation of the verb 
 
 presents some points of analogy with other languages ; but in 
 
 their general features the American languages, judging from 
 
 the Algonquin, the best known of them, have a distinct and 
 
 peculiar character.' 
 
 With respect to their philological affinities, authorities 
 differ. Du Ponceau, who made this polysynthetic class the 
 subject of careful study, thought they were quite independent 
 of, and had no affinity with, any others ; and Bancroft 
 believes them to have no other affinities than such as arise 
 from the similarity of the organs of speech ; ^ but Mr. Johnes 
 thinks differently, and affirms that, both in their vocabulary 
 and their grammar, they are related to the primitive language 
 of mankind ; ' and I am inclined to think that he has made 
 out a tolerably strong case in favour of that assumption. He 
 
 ' Bancroft, Hist. United States, chap. xxii. 
 
 ' Du Ponceau, Systeme Gram, des Lamguea Indiennes, &c. ; Ban- 
 croft, loc. cit. '. 
 
 = Johnes, Philological Proofs of the Unity and Recent Origin of 
 the Human Race, chap. vii. 
 
■144 MADOC. 
 
 thinks, however, that the resemblances are generic rather 
 than specific, and that they afford no presumption whatever 
 in favour of any recent connection with the Kymric language.' 
 These languages, therefore, the languages of a people who 
 cannot sound r and m, who have no /, and, with one exception, 
 have no I ; who cannot sound either Madoc or Llewelyn ; 
 languages which have no separable pronouns, nor abstract 
 nouns, and whose words are aggregations, not regular com- 
 pounds, can have no specific affinity to the language of the 
 Kymry. And, therefore, the question of the Welsh Indians, 
 considered as it formerly stood, and in reference to the 
 numerous statements made respecting them, admits only of a 
 negative reply. We can have no hesitation whatever in com- 
 ing to the conclusion that none of the several tribes mentioned 
 spoke anything at all resembling Kymraeg ; and that, in a 
 word, no such people as Welsh Indians do now or ever did exist. 
 The inflexibility of the Indian character is also opposed 
 to the idea of a European origin. The Indian, accustomed 
 to live by the chase, and free from all social or legal restraint, 
 spurns the idea of labour, as being both an evil and a disgrace. 
 His pride and his indolence alike dispose him to offer an in- 
 vincible resistance to every advance of civilisation. He retains 
 his opinions, and the most insignificant of his habits, with a 
 degree of tenacity which has no parallel in history. For two 
 hundred years the wandering tribes of North America have 
 had daily intercourse with the whites, and they have never 
 derived from them either a custom or an idea. ' The Indian,' 
 says De Tocqueville,^ from whom I have taken these state- 
 ments, ' will never conform to civilisation ' ; if so, will it be 
 patriotism to affirm his descent from the family of Owen 
 Gwynedd? Mackenney and Hall, who spent many years 
 among them, paint the picture in still darker colours : ' All 
 
 ' JohntiS, op. cit. p. 165. 
 
 " Democracy in America, vol. ii. pp 282, 296. 
 
ABE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 145 
 
 the Indian tribes, uttdet every variety of climate, were alike 
 stationary and improvident. Ages passed by and made no 
 impression on them; the experience of the past and the 
 aspirations of the future were alike unheeded ; and they lived 
 only in and for the present. Their history is utterly lost in 
 the darkness which precedes authentic records among other 
 nations : it rests, and probably ever will rest, upon the Indians, 
 for no Indian tradition is of any value whatever that extends 
 back further than fifty years.' ' If these pictures are truthful— 
 and that they are admits of no doubt — will any of my country- 
 men be bold enough to acknowledge an affinity, and to pro- 
 claim the Indians to be worthy descendants of the Ancient 
 Britons ? 
 
 In deference to the prejudices of many of my countrymen, 
 I have gone thus patiently through a large mass of details, 
 and have refuted the belief in Welsh Indians with all becom- 
 ing gravity ; but in sober seriousness, and in justice to the 
 higher intelligence of Wales, I ought to remark that the 
 stories told of these people have long been known to be false, 
 and felt to be foolish. John Evans, in searching for them, 
 became convinced of their non-existence. The Eev. Walter 
 Davies distinctly states that not only the narrative of Morgan 
 Jones, but ' several others of a later date, turned out to be 
 complete fictions.' ^ Mr. J. T. Roberts, as we have seen, spoke 
 to the same effect. The Eev. Thomas Price still more strongly 
 says that these were 'empty and thoughtless assertions — 
 naked and designed falsehoods ' ; ^ and the Eev. Eobert 
 
 1 Condensed from their History of the Inddcm Tribes, a sumptuous 
 work, in 3 vols, folio, published under the auspices of the United States 
 Government, vol. iii. pp. 12, et seq. 
 
 " Camhricm Quarterly Magazine, vol. i. p. 440 (1829). 
 
 ' Eanes Cymru, p. 591. ' Am y oyf-brofion diweddar, am gaffhad 
 llwyth y Madawgwys yn America, y mae cymmaint o haeriadau gvjag, 
 ffic amJiwyllog wedi eu gwneud a'u hail-adrodd, a chymmaint o 
 geVwyddoM noeth a hwriadol, wedi eu ychwanegu attynt, a bod gofya 
 
 L 
 
146 MADOC. 
 
 Williams is equally candid. ' Many accounts,' lie says, ' have 
 been published within the last seventy years of the supposed 
 discovery of tribes of Indians bearing Welsh names, and even 
 speaking in purity the Welsh language. Such statements, 
 however, are not entitled to a moment's consideration.' ' But, 
 having a lingering faith in the reality of the Madogwys, and 
 apparently unconscious of the fact that John Evans had visited 
 the Mandans, he continues : ' Yet the probability is in favour 
 of Madog's claim, which has lately been confirmed by Mr. 
 Oatlin, the American traveller, who is convinced that he 
 found the descendants of the Welsh immigrants in the Man- 
 dans, an amiable and civilised tribe, with which he resided 
 for a considerable length of time, and became intimately 
 acquainted ; and he has described in detail their manners, 
 customs, ceremonies, and peculiarities.' ^ 
 
 Mr. Catlin is the only stay of the Madogwys that now 
 remains, and it should be admitted that he is the most respect- 
 able witness that has yet appeared on their behalf. His book 
 is replete with interest, and his account of the Mandans the 
 most pleasing part of the work. He is therefore entitled to 
 a candid hearing. It appears to have struck him at once that 
 the Mandans were radically different from other Indians, and 
 that they were either a different people, or a mixture of a 
 civilised with a native race. They appear, from mounds and 
 traces of encampments, to have ascended the Missouri from 
 the eastern sea-board, and to have been settled on the Ohio. 
 They had a kind of pottery and blue glass peculiar to them- 
 selves, had coracles like the Welsh, and spoke a language 
 which he considered had a resemblance to Kymraeg. Madoc 
 is said to have landed at Florida, and to have probably 
 ascended the Mississippi; and in Mr. Catlin's opinion the 
 
 ar y neb a gy m mero y testun hwn mewn Haw fod 3^11 wyliadwrus iawn 
 rhag cael ei gam-arwain.' 
 
 ^ Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Madog.' ' Tbid. 
 
AKE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 147 
 
 Mandans were the descendants of these Cambrian settlers • for 
 Mandan, he thought, had an appearance of being a derivative 
 of Madawgwys, and mandon, he says, is a Welsh word for a 
 red colour, a kind of madder, of which these Indians are very- 
 fond.' These are all arguments that assume the point to be 
 proved, and it is evident that Mr. Oatlin shines more as a 
 pictorial than as a critical writer. With the exception of the 
 remarks about the language, the whole hangs upon the sup- 
 position that Madoc landed at Florida ; and that supposition 
 rests only on the conjecture of Humphrey Llwyd, that, by order 
 of cosmography, Madoc must have landed at Florida or New- 
 foundland — that is, at nearly the same point as Columbus. 
 But this falls to the ground of itself, if Dr. Powel's idea be 
 adopted that he landed in Mexico. It may be admitted that 
 the Mandans ascended the Missouri, and were the remains of 
 a civilised race ; but it may also be urged that Madoc's colony 
 were neither the only nor the most probable settlers from 
 whom they could have sprung. The native races to the south — 
 for instance, the Aztecs — might have sent forth this colony, 
 which from other indications seems to have come from a more 
 southern country. Or, if the indications of a European origin 
 were clear, as they certainly are not, might not a Spaniard say 
 that they were the descendants of the colony which Columbus 
 left at San Domingo, and which had disappeared when he 
 came a second time ? This we know to be a fact ; but there 
 are, as we have seen, good Cambrian critics who think the 
 Madoc narrative has no foundation in reality. 
 
 Let us see, in the next place, whether the test of language 
 will furnish any proof of a more conclusive character. The 
 derivation of Mandans from Madawgwys may be dismissed at 
 once ; that is out of the question ; the Kymry have no word 
 for ' madder,' and the Welsh word mandon means, not madder, 
 
 ' Oatlin's North American Indians, vol. i. p. 206, and vol. ii. pp. 
 259-201. 
 
 L2 
 
148 
 
 MADOC. 
 
 but dandriff! If there be one characteristic more thaa 
 another which a Welsh colony would preserve, it would be 
 their name ; but these people, so far from calling themselves 
 Kymry, said their name in their own language was 8ee-pohs- 
 Jca-nu-mor-Jca-hee, or ' the people of the pheasants,' a designa- 
 tion that cannot possibly have been applicable to Wales in the 
 twelfth century, but might with propriety have been applied 
 to Mexico. 
 
 Mr. Oatlin found a striking similarity between certain 
 Mandan pronouns and the corresponding words in Welsh, 
 and his table is here subjoined : 
 
 iglish. 
 
 
 Welsh. 
 
 
 Mandan. 
 
 I 
 
 
 Mi 
 
 Me 
 
 Tou 
 
 
 Ohwi 
 
 Ne 
 
 He 
 
 
 A 
 
 E 
 
 She 
 
 
 B 
 
 Ea 
 
 It 
 
 
 Hwynt 
 
 Ount 
 
 We 
 
 
 Ni 
 
 Noo 
 
 They 
 
 
 Hwna 
 Hona 
 
 Eona 
 
 Those 
 
 ones 
 
 Y rhai hyna 
 
 — 
 
 No, or 
 
 There is not 
 
 Nagoes 
 
 Megosh 
 
 No 
 
 
 Nage 
 •Nag 
 Na 
 
 
 — 
 
 Head 
 
 
 Pen 
 
 Pan 
 
 The Great Spirit 
 
 Mawr 
 
 Denaethir 
 
 Mahopeneta 
 
 But it must be evident, to anyone who examines these 
 columns with a critical eye, that the writer had only a very 
 imperfect acquaintance with the Welsh language or even the 
 Welsh pronouns, and that several of his parallels must be 
 rejected. Thus, the Kymric language has no neuter per- 
 sonal pronoun ; hwynt, given as the equivalent of it, is really 
 
AEE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 149 
 
 fhe third person plural, they ; and hwna (masculine), hona 
 (feminine), are really two forms, not of they, but of the de- 
 monstrative pronoun that. The compound Mawr-penaethir 
 is formed in opposition to the genius of the Welsh language, 
 in which the adjective foUows the noun ; and, if allowed, the 
 initial p would undergo the regular mutation into b ; for the 
 Welsh would be either Penaeth Mawr or Mawrbenaeth. 
 
 These Mandan pronouns have already attracted the atten- 
 tion of an able philologist, namely, our countryman, Mr. Arthur 
 James Johnes. He added a column of ' other Asiatic and 
 European analogies ; ' and arrived at a conclusion somewhat 
 different from that of Mr. Catlin, which, as it has a direct 
 bearing on this inquiry, may be here transcribed. ' By some 
 of our countrymen,' he says, ' it has been sanguinely main- 
 tained that the descendants of a body of Welsh, who left 
 their country under Prince Madoc in the twelfth century, 
 may be still traced by afiSnities of language among the North 
 American Indian tribes. Struck by the resemblance he has 
 detected, Mr. Oatlin has been led to favour the same^ con- 
 clusion, and to suggest that the Mandans may probably be 
 shown to be the descendants of the lost Cambrian c©lony ! 
 But the examples selected by this writer, however creditable 
 to his accuracy and research, do not tend, as, he suggests, 
 to prove the existence of a specific connection, between the 
 Welsh and the Mandans ! This will be evident from the 
 words contained in the right-hand column, which have been 
 added by the author of this work. An examination of the 
 whole comparison will serve to show clearly that though, in 
 most of the instances he has noticed, the resemblance dis- 
 played by the Mandan to the Welsh is a close one, in 
 many of them it displays an equally close affinity to the 
 Latin and Greek; while, in some, this North American 
 Indian dialect totally differs from the Welsh tongue, and eJb 
 the same time agrees with other languages of the Old Woi'ld. 
 
150 MADOC. 
 
 Many of those examples wliich precede the comparison are 
 also illustrations of the principle that the Mandan, like 
 other North American Indian dialects, exhibits a general 
 resemblance to all, and not a specific relation to any one of 
 the Asiatic and European tongues.' ' 
 
 We have thus th^ assurance of a competent linguist that 
 Mr. Catlin's 'proofs' do not establish a specific connection 
 between the Mandans and the Kymry. 
 
 The other resemblances are equally illusory ; the vocabu- 
 lary of this tribe presents no analogy to Kymraeg ; and the 
 Mandan canoe, as figured by Catlin (vol. ii. p. 138, pi. 240), 
 has no resemblance to the Welsh coracle. Finally, John 
 Evans, a Welshman fully competent to decide this point, 
 spent a winter among the Mandans, but found no reason to 
 believe that either they or any other Indian tribe were of 
 Kymric origin. Messrs. Lewis and Clarke had similar op- 
 portunities for judging of their affinities ; but they never 
 suspected them to be Welsh Indians ; and our own examina- 
 tion has now proved, beyond any possibility of a doubt, that 
 Mr. Catlin was mistaken. 
 
 I have already intimated that the archseological remains 
 are evidences of a more authentic and important character ; 
 and we have now to consider their bearings upon this inquiry. 
 The Kymry have never been famous for their castrametation 
 or their pottery; and it remains to be seen whether these 
 remains can be more satisfactorily accounted for in any other 
 way. 
 
 Much has been said of White Indians ; the Moravian 
 missionaries had heard of such persons ; the Eev. Morgan 
 Eees considered that the various concurrent evidences respect- 
 ing them were worthy of credence, and it may be assumed that 
 there was a tribe of Indians to whom this designation was 
 not altogether inappropriate. The accounts generally point 
 ' Johnes, Philological Proofs &c. p. 165. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 151 
 
 towards the Mandans ; and the statement of Mr. Catlin, that 
 one in ten of the Mandans, especially of the female sex, had 
 chevevx gris, grey, and in some instances perfectly white hair, 
 as also light complexions,' places this beyond a doubt ; but 
 this affords no support to the Madoc narrative ; for whether 
 we regard this, with Mr. Catlin, as an ethnographic peculiarity, 
 or attribute it, with Mr. Johnes, to their settled habits, or, 
 what is still more probable, if we consider them to be ' albinoes ' 
 and exceptional instances, the result to us is the same, since 
 the Mandans could not have had any specific affinity to the 
 Kymric race. 
 
 The archaeological remains lead to the same conclusion. 
 The pottery found on the Ohio, the remains of ancient 
 buildings, and the skulls found in the old sepulchral mounds 
 and burial places, afford no trace whatever of European affini- 
 ties or of high civilisation ; ^ but they may be assumed to have 
 belonged to the ancestors of the Mandans, and they point 
 unmistakably to a connection with the ancient inhabitants 
 of Mexico and Peru. The skulls have been by competent 
 authority pronounced to be Mongolian,' and not Caucasian, 
 as they should have been (according to Blumenbach's classifi- 
 cation) to suit our Kymric story ; and they have been found 
 to resemble very closely the Mexican and Peruvian skulls 
 preserved in ancient mounds further south.* Even Mr. Catlin 
 found the Mexican features to prevail among the Missourian 
 Indians, as also in Mandan paintings ; ^ and Pickering un- 
 equivocally refers all the North American Indians to the 
 Mongolian type.* The pottery also closely resembles that of 
 the old inhabitants of Mexico ; and the ruined buildings, 
 
 ' North American Indians, vol. i. p. 94. 
 
 " Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. ii. p. 920. 
 
 ' Pickering On the Baces of Man, p. 37. 
 
 • Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. ii. p. 920. 
 ' Catlin, q^J. cit. vol. i. p. 193. 
 
 * Pickering, uhi sup. 
 
152 MADOO. 
 
 remarkable alike for their large proportions, purity of taste, 
 and refined ornamentation, can only be referred to those par- 
 tially civilised races who reared the stupendous temples of 
 Central America.' Even the traditions of existing tribes 
 point in the same direction. The Choctaws on the Missis- 
 sippi referred their origin to the west of the Rocky Mountains, 
 from whence the Mexicans deduce their origin, and where the 
 Flathead Indians still retain the abandoned Choctaw custom 
 of depressing the skull ; ' the Natchez Indians expressly claim 
 for themselves a Mexican origin ; ' of a civilised tribe located 
 north-west of the Missouri and St. Pierre (probably the 
 Mandans) Captain Carver said they were supposed to be some 
 of the different tribes that were tributary to the Mexican 
 kings, and who fled from their native country, to seek an 
 asylum in these parts, about the time of the conquest of 
 Mexico by the Spaniards ; ^ and the Chichemecs, on the Mis- 
 sissippi, retained in their new settlement the name of a tribe 
 well known in the history of Mexico.' It is not improbable, 
 also, that the Toltecs, flying before the Chichemecs, might have 
 executed a movement resembling that of the Crimean Kim- 
 meroi flying before the Scythians ; and that when they left 
 Mexico, in 1050, they turned their faces northward and 
 eastward, while the Chichemecs descended on the western 
 side of the Rocky Mountains : for the peculiar letter ' I ' 
 was preserved among the Mandans and the Iroquois, and 
 the law of succession among the Iroquois and Ojibbe- 
 ways shows them to have been akin to the Toltecs and 
 Aztecs.^ 
 
 ' Humboldt's Travels (Bohn's edit.), vol. ii. p. 309. 
 ' Catlin, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 112. 
 ' Bancroft, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 876. 
 * Cited by Dr. Williams, Farther Observations, p. 36. 
 ^ Bancroft, op. cit. vol. ii. p. 921. 
 
 " Wilson, New History of the Conquest of Mexico, London, 1859, 
 pp. 62-68. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 153 
 
 Following these indications, we now turn our backs on the 
 North Americana, and proceed to the Mexican frontier. This 
 is marked by Mr. Catlin as ' hostile ground,' and the climate 
 is fatal to Europeans ; but, as we travel only in imagination, 
 we need be under no apprehension of Indian assaults or bilious 
 fever. This is the direction indicated by Captain Stewart ; 
 his light-complexioned and red-haired Indians probably were 
 the Pueblos, or civilised Indians of the province of New 
 Mexico, which are said by Humboldt to number twenty-four 
 tribes ; they live in towns or villages. Seven hundred miles 
 up the Eed Eiver would have brought him to its upper course, 
 where it is called Eio de Pecos, probably his river Post, where 
 the Pueblos may be found. Again, on the west side of the 
 Rocky Mountains are the Moqui Indians, who may stand as 
 the representatives of the Mactotantes, in whose name Mr. 
 Edward Williams thought he detected that of Madoc. They 
 may be considered together. 
 
 The population of Mexico or New Spain is thus classified 
 by Humboldt : 
 
 (1) Gachupines, or persons born in Europe ; (2) Creoles, 
 or Whites bom in America ; (3) Mestizoes, descendants of 
 Whites and Indians ; (4) Mulattoes, descendants of Whites 
 and Negroes ; (5) Zamboes, descendants of Negroes and 
 Indians ; (6) Indians of the indigenous race ; and (7) African 
 Negroes. 
 
 The Indians form two-fifths of the whole ; they have the 
 same leading character as the North American tribes ; and, 
 like them, have many different languages. Of these, said to 
 be twenty in number, fourteen have been studied, and have 
 grammars and dictionaries ; but that which is most widely 
 distributed is the Aztec or Mexican. 
 
 Some of these Mexican tribes have made considerable 
 advances in civilisation ; and those located in New Mexico, as 
 well as those who dwell between the rivers Gila and Colorado, 
 
154 MADOC. 
 
 to the south- west of the Great Salt Lake, and to the east of 
 California, invite especial notice. The district occupied by the 
 latter was formerly called the Province of Moqui ; but the 
 Moquis are now (1860) only a subdivision of the Apaches, 
 located north of the Colorado and south of the San Juan, 
 They live in towns, and have asserted their independence of 
 the Spaniards since 1680. Some Spanish priests visited 
 them in the year 1773, and found there ruins of extraordinary 
 extent, and corresponding in character to the architecture of 
 the Aztecs or old Mexicans. They wore clothes, and lived in 
 villages, where they cultivated the soil. On the Rio ToquesUa, 
 lat. 36°, Father Garces said he found an Indian town with 
 two great squares, houses of several stories, and streets well 
 laid out in parallel directions. Every evening the people 
 assembled on the terraces which formed the roofs ; and these 
 edifices in construction resembled the Aztec remains on the 
 Eio Gila.' They cultivate cotton, maize, gourds ; and the former 
 article is used in the manufacture of blankets among the 
 Moquis and Navajoes. These are said to be excellent in 
 quality, are dyed in brilliant colours, and so close in texture 
 as to be impervious to rain. It was of a Navajo blanket that 
 an old negro woman at Fort Leavenworth declared, ' That is 
 a Welsh blanket, I know it by the woof ; ^ but in the Indian 
 blanket the warp was of cotton, which is not usual in real 
 Welsh flannel ; and the resemblance extends no further than 
 this woof. The Moqui are said to have five puehlos or towns ; 
 and this tribe, says Euxton, is known to the trappers and 
 hunters of the mountains as Welsh Indians. They are said 
 to be much fairer in complexion than other tribes ; and, like 
 the Navajoes, to have among them several Albinoes, perfectly 
 white, with Indian features, and with light eyes and hair. 
 All this, however, is only hearsay evidence, as Euxton did not 
 
 ^ Humboldt, cited in Bell's Geography, vol. v. p. 603. 
 ' Buxton, Adventures in Mexico, p. 195. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 155 
 
 visit the Moqui district. A surer criterion would be that of 
 their language, if it were sufficiently known ; but at present 
 the ' doctors ' differ respecting it. Humboldt pronounces the 
 language spoken by the Moqui, and other Indians on the Rio 
 Colorado, to be essentially different from the Mexican ; but 
 Ruxton says that all the Indians of Northern Mexico, including 
 the Pueblos, belong to the Apache family, understand each 
 other's tongue, and speak dialects of the same language, 
 all analogous in structure, and more or less approximating 
 to the Apache, which, it was his impression, would be found 
 to assimilate greatly to, if not to be identical with, the 
 Mexican.' 
 
 Notwithstanding the vagueness of the information given 
 respecting the Moquis, they form the last stay of the Welsh 
 Indian tradition. The trapper friends of Ruxton pointed to 
 them ; Mr. J. T. Roberts, in California, heard statements to 
 the same effect ; and it seems to have been an accepted belief 
 among the Mormon settlers that the Moquis were the descen- 
 dants of Madoc and his reputed colonists. 
 
 Brigham Young told Captain Jones, one of the most 
 astute of his lieutenants, on the authority of a nameless ' man 
 of good character,' that there was a Welsh settlement on the 
 Rio Colorado ; and a trader named Barney Ward told Jones 
 that the Moqui spoke Kymraeg ; but Ward himself was not 
 a Welshman, and his informant was a man who knew ' a few 
 words only' of the Welsh language. The captain himself 
 had heard much of Madoc and his colonists ; had read in a 
 Wesleyan publication at St. Louis that there were Welsh 
 Indians on the Iroquois river in the state of Illinois ; and had 
 heard of traces of supposed Kymric settlers in the mounds of 
 the Ohio, where monuments had been found showing that the 
 dresses worn were of a Roman form, and exhibiting a mermaid 
 playing upon the harp! He had heard, besides, of their 
 ' Euxton, 0^. cit. p. 194. 
 
156 MADOC. 
 
 having ascended the river of Taunton in Massachusetts ' In 
 ten floating houses,' and having settled themselves after 
 defeating the natives ; and he felt convinced there was some 
 truth in this tradition. Where there was so much smoke, he 
 said, there must be some fire. He commenced a journey in 
 1851 to the Colorado, with the view of exploring that river, 
 and of visiting the Moquis ; but he returned without having 
 accomplished the last object, and without making any 
 addition to our knowledge of the Welsh Indians. ' An abortive 
 attempt was made in America, in 1858, to collect subscriptions 
 for a mission to the Welsh Indians, but it was very properly 
 distrusted ; ^ and until Captain Jones visits the Moquis and 
 discovers them to be Kymry, we need not trouble ourselves 
 with Mormon tales. 
 
 The most civilised, however, of the Indian aborigines of 
 New Spain are those who are located on the Eio del Norte, 
 in the province of New Mexico, and who, from their living 
 in towns, are called Pueblos. They attracted attention as 
 early as 1583, when Antonio de Bpejo gave a graphic account 
 of them. This was copied by Hakluyt,^ and has been re- 
 peatedly used to show that they were Welsh Indians.* 
 They were recently visited by Lieutenant Euxton, and his 
 account confirms that of Epejo. They cultivate the soil 
 more assiduously than even the New Mexicans themselves, 
 dress leather of various kinds, breed cattle and fowls, rear 
 corn, grapes, fruit, and roses, make fine mantles of cotton 
 dyed blue and white, and have curious kinds of feather work. 
 
 ^ Udgorn Seion (a Welah Mormonite publication), vol. iii. pp. 220, 
 257. [' Captain ' Dan Jones was very well known in South Wales 
 a generation ago, and was a brother of the redoubtable ' Jones, 
 LlcMigollen.'] 
 
 ^ Y Ba/rdd, a Welsh American periodical (Minersville, Pa. 1858). 
 
 ' HaHuyt, Voyages, vol. iii. p. 311. 
 
 * Dr. WiUiams, Farther Observations, p. 37 ; J. S. Jones, Seren 
 Gomer, 1818, p. 297. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 157 
 
 They inhabit houses built of stone and lime, several stories 
 high, and in the flat-roofed architectural style of their Mexican 
 progenitors ; and they retain in secret many of the religious 
 rites of the Aztecs, though they are nominally Christian.' I 
 do not find any notice of books or pictorial skins among them ; 
 but such pictorial skins existed among the North American 
 Indians ; ^ and the Aztecs, though neither they nor any of 
 the American tribes had any alphabet, were famous for their 
 hieroglyphics.^ It is, therefore, quite credible that some 
 Pueblos may have shown some hieroglyphic document to 
 Captain Stewart ; for such remains have been found even in 
 recent times ; but the art of deciphering them is lost both to 
 the natives and Europeans. 
 
 Nothing definite can hence be deduced in proof of the 
 existence of ' Welsh Indians ' ; but these civil arts of the 
 Moquis and the Pueblos show them to have been akin to, if 
 not descended from, the former occupants of the country; 
 and the same presumption arises with respect to their lan- 
 guage. Hence, in pursuing this inquiry, the next question 
 that presents itself is. Who were the Aztecs or Mexican 
 aborigines ? 
 
 This naturally leads us to consider the suggestion of Dr. 
 Powel. If Madoc did not land at Florida, might he not 
 have landed in Mexico ? If it be hopeless to think of finding 
 Welsh Indians on the Missouri, are there not proofs that the 
 British language was spoken in the territories of Montezuma ? 
 Let us see. Powel, Herbert, and Howell give a list of 
 Mexican words supposed to be of British origin, of which 
 the most striking were Gorroeso, the name of an island ; Cape 
 Bryton ; and pengwyn, the name of ' a bird with a white head.' 
 
 ' Buxton, Ad^entii/res in Mexico, pp. 190-194. 
 ' Bancroft, vol. ii. p. 881 ; CatKn, vol. i. p. 148. 
 ' Lardner's Cycloptedia : The Western World, vol. i. p. 25 ; Ban- 
 croft, loc. cit. 
 
158 MADOC. 
 
 Let us examine these. The island is supposed to bear a* 
 kindly and poetical name, the equivalent of ' welcome ' ; but 
 in the Spanish orthography Guragoa does not look or sound 
 particularly like the Welsh word groesaw ; and it is known to 
 be a South American name for the sun.' Cape Breton is a 
 better example ; but, unfortunately for Powel's argument, the 
 island of Cape Breton is thirty degrees too far east, and 
 twenty degrees too far north, to be included in any part of 
 Mexico ; and it received its name, not from the Madogwys, 
 but in or about the year 1504, from a colony of Armorican 
 Bretons.^ Lastly, the word pengwyn proves equally deceptive ; 
 for the bird so called has a black instead of a white head, as 
 also all the birds of that genus ; and hence, as an eminent 
 naturalist, our countryman Pennant, pointedly observes, ' we 
 must resign every hope founded on this hypothesis, of re- 
 trieving the Cambrian race in the new world.' * The other 
 words mentioned by Herbert, Howell, and others, are equally 
 illusory. I do not know to what localities craigwen, white 
 rock, and gwenddwr [fair water] are intended to apply ; but 
 these words, with tad, father, wy, egg, huwch, cow, ha/ra, bread, 
 dwr, water, trwyn, a nose, pryd, time, and cluga/r, a heathcock 
 or partridge, may be at once denied any claim to a Mexican 
 character; for we are informed by Olavigero, himself a 
 Mexican, and therefore a good authority, that the consonants 
 h, d, f, g, r, s, have no place in the Mexican language. The 
 vowel w is peculiar to the Kymric speech ; and the word 
 llwynog, a fox, lies open to the additional objections that the 
 
 1 Johnes, Philological Proofs, p. 18. 
 
 ^ Bancroft, History of United States, vol. i. p. 12. ' Within Beven 
 years of the discovery of the continent, the fisheries of Newfoundland 
 were known to the hardy mariners of Brittany and Normandy. The 
 island of Cape Breton acquired its name from their remembrance of 
 home, and in Prance it was usual to esteem thera the discoverers of 
 that country.' 
 
 ^ Philosophical Transactions, cited by Robertson, vol. i. p. 370, 
 
AEE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 
 
 159 
 
 Mexican word is coyotl ; tliat the letter I never begins a word 
 in this or any of the American languages ; ' and that the 
 Kymric and Iberian II only occurs in the words llanos and 
 llama, introduced by the Spaniards. On the other hand, the 
 old Mexicans had the letters ch, as sounded in chill, chair ; 
 and q, x, and z, which are unknown to the Welsh language. 
 It must therefore be quite apparent that the Aztec speech 
 had no affinity to Kymraeg ; and a few words thereof, noted 
 in reading Prescott's 'History,' will place this beyond any 
 reasonable doubt. 
 
 
 Kymraeg. 
 
 Aztec. 
 
 Woman 
 
 Benyw 
 
 Cihuatl 
 
 White 
 
 Gwyn 
 
 Iztac 
 
 White-woman 
 
 Benyw wen 
 
 Iztac-cihuatl 
 
 Serpent-woman 
 
 
 Cioa-coatl 
 
 [Child oi the'] Sun 
 
 Haul 
 
 Tonatiuh 
 
 Moon 
 
 Lleuad 
 
 Meztli 
 
 A Hill 
 
 Bryn 
 
 Popo 
 
 Smoking-hill 
 
 
 Popo-catepetl 
 
 Mowers 
 
 Blodau 
 
 Milco 
 
 Field of Mowers 
 
 
 Xochimilco 
 
 Water 
 
 Dwr 
 
 Huac 
 
 Eoot 
 
 Gwraidd 
 
 Oimatl 
 
 Place 
 
 Lie 
 
 Calli, callan 
 
 Place of bread 
 
 
 Tlaxcallan 
 
 Place of worship 
 
 Addoldy 
 
 Teocalli 
 
 Paper 
 
 Papur 
 
 Amotl 
 
 Book 
 
 Llyfr 
 
 Moxtli 
 
 The grammar of this language suggests the same con- 
 clusion, and, when considered in reference hereto, all the 
 languages of New Spain, as well, indeed, as those of all 
 America from its northern to its southern extremity, resolve 
 
 1 Humboldt's Travels, vol. i. p. 322. 
 
160 MADOC. 
 
 themselves into two classes, monosyllabic and polysynthetic. 
 The first class, or the Othomite, spoken by the tribes located on 
 the shores of the Pacific Ocean, has a remarkable affinity to 
 the Chinese, and Pickering affirms the people to be Malays. 
 All the other languages, widely different as they are in their 
 vocabularies, have the same organisation — namely, that 
 peculiar synthetic structure which distinguishes every dia- 
 lect throughout the whole continent from the land of the 
 Esquimaux to Tierra del Puego. This consists in a curious 
 mechanism, which brings a great number of ideas within a 
 small compass, and condenses whole sentences into a single 
 word. A few examples were given in speaking of the North 
 American dialects ; and two words will suffice to illustrate 
 the flexibility of the Mexican language. The sentence, 
 ' Venerable minister of God, that I love as my father ' is ex- 
 pressed in the one word Notlazomaliuozteopixcatatzin • and 
 the still more comprehensive word Amwtlacuilolitquitcatlax- 
 tlahuitli signifies ' the reward given to a messenger who 
 bears a hieroglyphic map conveying intelligence.' ' This, 
 most certainly, is not the language of the Kymry. 
 
 We are thus thrown back upon what the Eev. R. W. 
 Morgan calls 'the family traditions of the Mexican kings.' 
 Herbert's account of these is much exaggerated ; and the 
 most modest statement is that of Powel, who says that 
 Montezuma confessed in his speech to the Mexicans, spoken 
 in the presence of Cortes, that the Mexican rulers ' descended 
 from a strange nation that came thither from a farre countrie.' 
 This statement of itself would not prove much ; and, even if 
 correct, would fall far short of justifying Mr. Morgan's bold 
 statement that ' it clearly proved their descent from Madoc and 
 his followers.' But, in the first place, let us see if this was 
 what Montezuma really said, or is reported to have said by 
 the Spanish chronicles. On such a point as this Prescott, 
 
 ' Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. iii. p. 324. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 161 
 
 the historian of the ' Conquest of Mexico,' is, in the republic of 
 letters, considered to be the highest authority ; and he reports 
 the speech in these terms. Montezuma was at this time a 
 kind of prisoner in the Spanish quarters ; and in compliance 
 with the demand of Cortes, that he should recognise the 
 supremacy of the Spanish Emperor, he called his nobles 
 together and thus addressed them : 
 
 ' They were all well acquainted, he said, with the ancient 
 tradition, that the great Being, who had once ruled over the 
 land, had declared, on his departure, that he should return at 
 some future time, and resume his sway. That time had now 
 arrived. The white men had come from the quarter where 
 the sun rises beyond the ocean, to which the good deity had 
 withdrawn. They were sent by their master to reclaim the 
 obedience of his ancient subjects. For himself, he was ready 
 to acknowledge his authority.' ' 
 
 This has not the remotest reference to the descent of the 
 Mexicans. It is a tradition of an Aztec god who had once 
 ruled in that country, and who, having left it, was expected 
 to return, just as Eling Arthur, or King Cadwaladr, was in 
 olden times expected to reappear in Wales. This diifers 
 essentially in its character from the representation of Powel 
 and Herbert, and it affords no support whatever to the 
 Cambrian tradition. But, as the subject is interesting, I 
 will pursue it a little further. The name of this god 
 
 ^ Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. ii. p. 1C8 
 (Bentley's edit. 1850). Eobertson, History of America, vol. ii. p. 332. 
 Another speech, differing from this both in argument and spirit, was 
 published in the Public Advertiser, September 23, 1790, by an anony- 
 mous ' Columbus,' in a letter to the Bight Hon. William Pitt ; but, 
 whether seen by the writer in Mexico or not, it is a manifest forgery, 
 and Dr. Williams (Fa/rther Observations, p. 35) certainly mistook its 
 purport when he thought it countenanced the Cambrian story ; for, in 
 assigning the origin of the Mexicans to ' a northern country,' it could 
 only have pointed, in accordance with all Mexican traditions, to the 
 north-west of the Eocky Mountains. 
 
 M 
 
162 MADOC. 
 
 was Quetzalcoatl, and Prescott gives this account of 
 him : 
 
 ' A far more interesting personage [than the Mexican 
 Mars, Huitzilopochtli] in (Mexican) mythology was Quetzal- 
 coatl, god of the air — a divinity who, during his residence on 
 earth, instructed the natives in the use of metals, in agriculture, 
 and in the art of government. He was one of those benefactors 
 of their species, doubtless, w'ho have been deified by the 
 gratitude of posterity. Under him the earth teemed with 
 fruits and flowers, without the pains of culture. An ear of 
 Indian corn was as much as a single man could carry. The 
 cotton, as it grew, took, of its own accord, the rich dyes of 
 human art. The air was filled with intoxicating perfumes 
 and the sweet melody of birds. In short, these were the 
 halcyon days which find a place in the mythic systems of so 
 many nations in the Old World. It was the golden age of 
 Anahuac. 
 
 ' From some cause, not explained, Quetzalcoatl incurred 
 the wrath of one of the principal gods, and was compelled to 
 abandon the country. On his way he stopped at the city of 
 Cholula, where a temple was dedicated to his worship, the 
 massy ruins of which still form one of the most interesting 
 relics of antiquity in Mexico. When he reached the shores of 
 the Mexican Gulf, he took leave of his followers, promising 
 that he and his descendants would revisit them hereafter; 
 and then, entering his wizard skiff, made of serpents' skins, 
 embarked on the great ocean for the fabled land of Tlapallan. 
 He was said to have been tall in stature, with a white skin, 
 long dark hair, and a flowing beard. The Mexicans looked 
 confidently to, and kept a continual watch by a holy fire for, 
 the return of this benevolent deity, throughout the wide 
 borders of Anahuac ; a general feeling seems to have prevailed, 
 in the time of Montezuma, that the period for the return of the 
 deity and the full accomplishment of his promise was near at 
 
AEE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 163 
 
 tand ; and this remarkable tradition, deeply cherished in their 
 hearts, prepared the way for the future success of the Spaniards. 
 Even after the conquest it still lingered among the Indian 
 races, by whom it was fondly cherished, as the advent of their 
 King Sebastian continued to be by the Portuguese, or that of 
 the Messiah by the Jews.' ' 
 
 This superstition respecting Quetzalcoatl and his expected 
 return remains in the interior of Mexico to this day among 
 the descendants of the Aztecs, who are now known as the 
 Apache Indians. The Pueblos, who are a branch of the 
 Apaches, retain the rites of their ancestors ; the sacred fire 
 in honour of this deity is still kept burning in a solitary cave, 
 and its dim light is often seen by the wandering hunter. 
 Even when nominally Christian, the aged and devout of both 
 sexes cling in secret to their ancestral rites ; they are often 
 seen on the tops of their flat houses, with their earnest gaze 
 turned to the rising sun ; for from that direction they expect, 
 sooner or later, that the beneficent ' god of the air ' will make 
 his appearance.^ The only point of analogy is found in the 
 statement that this divinity was a white man, wearing a long 
 beard, and that he came from the East, to which he returned, 
 and from which he is expected to appear again ; but it must 
 be borne in mind that Mexican traditions have come down to 
 us through the hands of Christian, and not very scrupulous, 
 monks ; and, if we assume him to have been Madoc, we must 
 contest the accumulated ' proofs ' of Father Yeytia that he 
 was my inquisitive namesake, the Apostle Thomas, and the 
 still wilder assertion of Lord Kingsborough that he was a 
 dim-veiled type of the Messiah ! ' 
 
 ' History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. i. pp. 49, 264. The 
 reference to the holy fire has been added to Prescott's narrative, on the 
 authority of Kuxton, Adventi/zres in Mexico, p. 192. 
 
 ^ Euxton, Adventtires in Mexico, pp. 192-194. 
 
 ' Prescott, vol. iii. p. 313, and the references there given. 
 
 M i; 
 
164 MADOC. 
 
 Other religious analogies prove equally illusory. The 
 Mexicans had rites resembling baptism and the communion ; 
 but these also prevailed among pagan nations on whom the 
 light of Christianity never shone. Baptism prevailed among 
 the Jews as well as the ancient Greeks, and consecrated bread 
 and wine were used among the Egyptians, Greeks, and 
 Romans.' The Mexicans had a tradition of an Eve or primi- 
 tive mother of mankind, named Cioacoatl, or serpent-woman. 
 They had also a tradition of a Deluge, from which two persons 
 only were saved, namely, Coxcox and his wife ; and the Pera- 
 vians,^ and the White Indians,^ Mandans,^ with the American 
 tribes generally, had traditions of a ' great water,' a ' big 
 canoe,' and a Noah named Nu-mohk-muck-a-nah ; but similar 
 traditions prevailed among the Hindoos, Chaldeans, Greeks, 
 and Eomans,' apparently without their having any knowledge 
 of the Hebrew records ; and hence, in accordance with the 
 reasoning applied in Comparative Philology and Mythology, 
 it becomes probable that they are all radiations from some 
 common centre of still higher antiquity. When the Spaniards 
 visited the island of Cozumal, they were amazed to see a cross 
 of stone and lime, about ten palms high,^ and wildly conj ectured 
 that it must have been of Christian origin ; but they were not 
 aware that the cross was antecedent to Christianity, and that 
 it was a symbol of worship of the highest antiquity in Egypt, 
 Syria, and Italy. Several specimens of crosses have been 
 found among Egyptian inscriptions, and have been interpreted 
 to mean ' life to come,' and ' support or saviour ' ; ^ a cross 
 was found in the ' House of Pansa,' among the ruins of Pom- 
 peii, overwhelmed by a volcanic eruption before the Christian 
 
 • Presoott, vol. iii. p. 316. 
 
 ^ Humboldt, Travels, vol. ii. pp. 182, 473. 
 ' Cambrian Register, vol. i. p. 380. 
 
 * Catlin, vol. i. pp. 177-178. 
 
 ' Presoott, vol. iii. p. 316, and his authorities. 
 
 ^ Ibid. vol. i. p. 228. 7 uui vol. iii. p. 316. 
 
AEE THKEE WELSH INDIANS? 165 
 
 era,' and the Tau, or last letter of the Hebrew as well as 
 several other Eastern alphabets, had a crucial form. This 
 cross-like letter was inscribed on Jewish shekels, and was the 
 mark spoken of in Ezekiel ix. 4, which was to save the chosen 
 of Jerusalem.* This saving mark is even now often used in 
 infant baptism ; and when illiterate men sign their names with 
 a cross, they are unconsciously perpetuating a Jewish custom 
 of high antiquity. These, with other remarkable coincidences, 
 have given rise to many attempted explanations ; Lord Kings- 
 borough concluded that the Mexicans had an extensive 
 acquaintance with both the Old and New Testaments, and the 
 Spanish monks at first leaned to the same view ; but they 
 afterwards concluded that the relics in question were all the 
 works of the Devil, and that the enemy of mankind had given 
 in America a counterfeit presentment of the history of God's 
 chosen people.^ It must be manifest, however, that these, as 
 well as the Madoc hypothesis, are wholly inapplicable, and we 
 must seek further light in the traditions of the Mexicans 
 themselves. 
 
 The origin of the Mexicans has puzzled philosophers of 
 all countries. The general outline of their architecture, and 
 some of their rites, present analogies of an Egyptian character ; 
 the statues and pottery of the Mexicans have points of resem- 
 blance to those of the Etruscans ; their massive walls remind 
 us of the Cyclopean remains found in Pelasgian settlements ; 
 and in some other respects they resemble Mongolian struc- 
 tures.* Some writers, looking at the first class of analogies, 
 identify the Mexicans with the subjects of Rameses and 
 Sesostris ; but others, with more reason, assign them a Mon- 
 
 ^ Woodward, History of Wales, p. 829. 
 
 ' Notes cmd Queries, January 16, 1858 (2ad ser. vol. v. p. 52). 
 
 ' Prescott, vol. iii. pp. 316, 317. This historian has discussed the 
 whole subject with great learning and ahUity, and should be consulted 
 for further information. 
 
 * Wilson's New History of Mexico, chap. v. 
 
166 MADOC. 
 
 golian origin, and in so doing are borne out by the whole 
 current of American tradition, as well as by their craniological 
 affinities. The Mexicans refer their origin to the northern 
 and uorth-western parts of the American continent; they 
 affirm themselves to have come from Aztlan, a region, whether 
 fabulous or not, usually placed in the country now forming 
 the newly-constituted state of British Columbia. Mexican 
 history speaks of several distinct migrations from that quarter. 
 The first of these was that of the Toltecs, a highly-civilised 
 tribe, and the supposed builders of the ruined temples of 
 Central America ; the second was that of a ruder tribe, the 
 Chichemecs, whose name, as we have seen, survives on the 
 Mississippi ; a third was that of the Acolhuans, and the last 
 was that of the Aztecs or Mexica;ns. 
 
 The Toltecs arrived in the Mexican valley a.d. 648 ; 
 they abandoned the country in 1051. The Chichemecs 
 arrived in 1170. The Acolhuans arrived about 1200. The 
 Mexicans reached Tula, to the north of the valley, in 1196; 
 were subject for a time to the Coluhans, and ultimately 
 founded Mexico in 1325.' All these races belong to the 
 Mongolian type, and are with reason said to be of Asiatic 
 origin. The Toltecs date their migration in a.d. 544, and 
 it is a remarkable fact that this date corresponds with 
 that of the ruin of the Tsin dynasty in China. Indeed, it 
 is said that a Chinese book has recently been discovered 
 which gives an account of a voyage from China to Mexico as 
 early as the fourth century.'' This people occupied a country 
 to the north-west of the Eio Gila, called Uueliuetlwpallan, from 
 which they were expelled, and 104 years later they arrived 
 in the Mexican valley. About 644 the Chichemecs occupied 
 the Toltec settlement beyond the Gila, and five centuries later 
 
 ' Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. ii. pp. 8, 13 
 (cabinet edit.). 
 
 Notes and Queries, January 7, 1860, 2ncl ser. vol. ix. p. 13. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 167 
 
 they expelled the Toltecs from Mexico. Lastly, the Aztecs 
 followed the same southward route. They left Aztlan, which 
 is usually placed in N. lat. 57°, between Nootka Sound and 
 Cook's Eiver, in 1160 ; and after a migration of fifty-six years, 
 which is divided into three grand periods, reached the Mexican 
 valley in 1216. The^rst migrated to the south of the Rio 
 Nabajoa, in lat. 35° ; then to the south of the Gila, lat. 
 33° 30' ; then to the vicinity of Yanos, lat. 30° 30' ; afterwards 
 to Tula in 1196, and Zumpanco in 12 16 ; and, after the lapse of 
 165 years from the first migration, founded the city of Mexico 
 in 1325, where they were foand by the Spaniards.' 
 
 Architectural remains attest the reality and mark the 
 course of these migrations. To the south of the Gila, in the 
 country of the Moqui, ruins are found extending over three 
 square miles ; the whole surrounding plain is filled with frag- 
 ments of Mexican stoneware, beautifully painted in red, white, 
 and blue ; ruins of acequias or irrigating canals of great 
 length and depth are here found ; and the Spanish monks, 
 Garces and Pont, who visited this region in 1778, said they 
 found there, in the middle of an ancient Aztec city, an edifice 
 of extraordinary magnitude, being 445 feet long by 276 feet 
 broad, built with bricks, and having three stories and a terrace. 
 It was divided into five apartments ; the walls were four feet 
 thick ; and a wall interrupted with large towers surrounded 
 it, with a view, apparently, to its defence. Five such ruined 
 cities are said to have been found in the country of the 
 Moqui ; and the architecture in each resembles that of the 
 ancient Aztecs and the modern Pueblos.^ 
 
 The country to the north of the Gila and the Colorado 
 has not been fully explored ; but hunters are said to have seen 
 similar remains in those districts ; and, in still higher regions, 
 traces of a kindred race are still found. The Cora language, 
 
 ^ Humboldt, cited in Bell's Geography, vol. v. p. 575. 
 ^ Ibid. p. 602 ; Euxton's Adventures in Mexico, p. 194. 
 
168 MADOC. 
 
 spoken along the Californian Gulf, closely resembles the 
 Mexican ; the tl so common among the Aztecs still prevails 
 in the neighbourhood of Nootka Sound, and tribes stUl exist 
 there, such as the Chinooks and Nisquallys, whose dialects 
 resemble, in their terminations and general sound, the speech 
 of the Aztec race. Their fringed dress, plaited hair, predilec- 
 tion for hieroglyphics, and general style of carving, as dis- 
 played in their clay pipes and rock sculptures, present other 
 points of resemblance ; ' and these facts, taken in their totality, 
 clearly indicate a Mongolian origin, not only for the Mexicans, 
 but also for all the American tribes. The alphabet of Mexico 
 wanted precisely the same letters as are now wanting in that 
 of the Chinese, who have no h, d, g, r, v, or short a ; ^ the 
 languages of Northern Asia resemble closely those of Northern 
 America in their grammatical structure ; philology and 
 craniology alike attest the Mongolian origin of the American 
 races ; ^ Ledyard saw but one race on each side of the North 
 Pacific ; and it may safely be assumed that the New World 
 was first colonised from the Asiatic side, principally through 
 the Aleutian Islands, and partly, perhaps, across Behring's 
 Strait." 
 
 The latest account of the Indians of the Gila and Colorado 
 is that of Julius Froebel, in his ' Journeys in Central America,' 
 and that fully sustains the views here put forth. He affirms, 
 
 ' Prescott, vol. iii. p. 327 ; Pickering, Baceso/M«TO, p. S41. Captain 
 Jones says that the Indian rock inscriptions or sculptures coincide in 
 form and purport with the tablets of the Book of Mormon ! (TJdgorn 
 Seion, vol. iii. p. 240). 
 
 ' Saturday Beview on the Besearches of M. Stamslaus JuUen^ 
 March 8, 1861, 
 
 ' Bancroft, History of Umted States, vol. ii. p. 927 (Eoutledge's 
 edit.). 
 
 * Bunsen, Philosophy of the History of Mankind, vol. ii. p. 3 ; 
 Latham, in his edition of Priohard's Eastern Origin of the Celtio 
 Nations, pp. 7, 22 ; also in Orr's Circle of the Sciences, pp. 349 et seq., 
 where the question is fully discussed and settled. 
 
ARE THERE WELSH INDIANS? 169 
 
 quite decidedly, that the physiognomy of these people is 
 Mongolian. He gives fac-similes of the Indian hieroglyphics, 
 or rock inscriptions ; some of them resemble patterns of 
 embroidery ; some are figures of birds, beetles, and other 
 animals ; and when they have any appearance of being letters, 
 the characters have a close resemblance to the Chinese.' 
 
 Unlike most of the persons who met with Welsh Indians, 
 he had much difficulty in collecting words and names of 
 objects in the native tongue, as the Indians generally spolce 
 Spanish, and were very chary of using their own language in 
 the presence of strangers ; but he attests the prevalence of 
 Aztec words in most of the Indian dialects. Many of their 
 names of objects, chiefs, and tribes, as mesquite, Moqui, Gocopa, 
 had a decidedly Aztec sound ; and the names of chiefs and 
 other persons invariably have the agglutinate and bi-literal 
 syllabic character, now so famUiar to us in Mongolian or 
 Chinese names. Finally, Froebel identifies their arts, 
 manners, and customs with those of the Aztec race. 
 
 Lastly, it may possibly be expected that I should notice 
 an attempt made in the early part of the last century to prove 
 a connection between the language of the Ancient Britons 
 and that of the Indians of the Isthmus of Darien, who had 
 
 ' Seven Tears' Travel in Central America, London, 1859, pp. 502, 
 519, et seq. Since this work was published a pretentious work on 
 Indian hieroglyphics, by the Abb4 Domenech, was issued under the 
 auspices of the Emperor of the Trench ; but as the figures are supposed 
 to be the work of some German boy, they need not occupy our atten- 
 tion. 
 
 ' A portion of Von Tsohudi's researches is devoted to the aboriginal 
 inhabitants. He declares his most decided conviction that these belong 
 to the Mongolian race, and adds that, but for the difference of 
 costume, it would frequently be impossible to distinguish a. Botocudo 
 Indian from a Chinese, and vice versa. The opinion of so intelligent 
 an observer, who has lived so much among both nations, is entitled to 
 the greatest weight, and is amply confirmed by the portraits of Indians 
 which illustrate this volume.' — SatiJ/rday Beview, February 16, 1867, 
 pp. 216, 217 ; art. Von Tschudi on American Aborigines. 
 
170 MADOC. 
 
 been for two centuries in contact with Spaniards. This idea 
 was first started in Wafer's ' Description of the Isthmus of 
 America' (1699), being possibly a faint echo of the unfortunate 
 and premature attempt of Patterson to found a colony at 
 Darien. He noted down twenty-four words, which he said 
 resembled Gaelic in sound, though not in signification ; the 
 Eev. David Malcolme, in an essay on the antiquities of Great 
 Britain and Ireland, endeavoured to show that twenty-three 
 of them were related to the Gaelic, Erse, Welsh, Cornish, or 
 Armorican forms of speech ; and a Welshman, possibly Dr. 
 Owen Pughe, has countenanced the same assertion. The 
 latter selects thirteen words for comparison ; and to these he 
 only suggests five analogous Welsh words,' viz. : 
 
 Darien. Welsh. 
 
 Cotchah, sleep Cwsg 
 
 Doolah, water Dwvr 
 
 Eenah, to call or name Enwi 
 
 Pa, an interrogative Pa, which 
 
 Tautah, father Tad 
 
 Here the first two have no resemblance to Welsh ; and 
 in the third and fourth the comparison is deceptive, as the 
 Welsh words have specific meanings, whereas those of the 
 Indian words are vague. Thus, enwi, to name, as ' Adam 
 named the animals in Eden,' to give an instance familiar to 
 and accepted by Welshmen, is an abstract term not likely to 
 be found in any Indian language, while the Welsh word ' to 
 call ' is galw. It is equally idle to compare pa with an inter- 
 rogative. Tautah is simply an infantile ejaculation. The 
 Erse analogies are equally unreHable. 
 
 ' Camhro -Briton, vol. iii. p. 32. This, as well as the subject of 
 Welsh Indians generally, has been ably discussed by Professor Elton 
 and Mr. Thomas Jones of Chetham's Library, Manchester, in the 
 earlier volumes of Notes and Queries, to which I refer any reader who 
 may be still unsatisfied. 
 
WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 171 
 
 We have thus examined, step by step, and one by one, 
 all the evidences adduced in proof of the existence of the 
 Madogwys. We have discovered some instances of gross and 
 deliberate falsehood ; many indications of extraordinary cre- 
 dulity, and not a few evidences of a remarkable proneness 
 to self-deception. Every one of the pretended facts, when 
 closely looked at, vanishes ' like the baseless fabric of a vision,' 
 and the whole mass of ' proofs ' has crumbled away under the 
 test of criticism, leaving no semblance of reality to the Indian 
 tale. And when we look at the claims urged in favour of 
 these tales, and by men of eminence in Cambrian literature, 
 can we help being surprised at their inability to discriminate 
 between fact and fiction, and at their utter want of critical 
 capacity ? The Cambrian mind has here given ' a local habi- 
 tation and a name ' to a mere figment of the mind ; and the 
 fact suggests not a few humiliating reflections. 
 
 I do not know what effect this examination has produced 
 on the mind of the reader; but it has led me to conclude 
 that there are not, and that there never were, any 
 Welsh Indians. 
 
 This denial, however, does not necessarily imply a rejec- 
 tion of the Madoc narrative, in the simpler form in which 
 it is given by Humphrey Llwyd. That will come under con- 
 sideration in the next section. 
 
 Section II. — Was the Madoc Narrative written 
 
 BEFORE THE VOYAGE OF COLUMBDS ?. 
 
 It has been seen already that the Rev. Thomas Price 
 (Garnhuanawc) suspended his belief in this Cambrian story 
 until it should be definitely ascertained whether Guttyn 
 Owen's account of the discovery of America was written 
 before or after the voyage of Columbus ; but, as I believe this 
 to be a false issue, and as it may turn out that Guttyn Owen 
 
172 MADOC. 
 
 did not write any such narrative, I have placed the issue on. 
 a broader basis, and raised the question whether it was 
 written by anyone before that voyage. We have thus widened 
 the range of inquiry, and raised the issue in a form which 
 does not restrict us to the consideration of the writings of 
 that bard, but enables us to consider whether it may or may 
 not have been written by some other person. 
 
 Dr. John Williams said the first account of this discovery 
 was found in the ' History of Wales,' written by Caradoc of 
 Llancarvan, and translated by Humphrey Llwyd ; but he 
 supposed the passage which he found in Powel's edition of 
 Llwyd's work to have been written by Llwyd himself, and not 
 by Caradoc. If the common supposition, which he rejected, 
 had been correct, the statement would not have been open to 
 question, and the Madoc discovery would have rested on the 
 firm basis of contemporary history; but, as Dr. Williams 
 acutely remarked, this statement could not be correct ; for 
 Caradoc died in 1 1 56 ; and, accordingly, it becomes quite clear 
 that he could not have written any account of a voyage in the 
 year 1170. 
 
 It should be observed, however, that there is and has been 
 a loose practice of giving the name ' Chronicles of Caradoc ' to 
 almost everything in the Welsh language that was cast in an 
 historical form ; and this practice is justified to some extent 
 by the probability, if not the known fact, that most of our 
 old Welsh chronicles are based upon, and are continuations 
 of, the original chronicle of Caradoc. There would, therefore, 
 be no difficulty in assuming that the statement might have 
 occurred in one of these continuations ; and the question 
 naturally arises, Does this narrative occur in any document 
 called a ' Chronicle of Caradoc ' ? 
 
 There is a great deal of difficulty in determining what the 
 original chronicle of Caradoc really was ; as the document 
 published under that name contains . several anachronisms, 
 
WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 173 
 
 and mentions personswho lived a.d. 1203, 1293, 1316, 1828 
 and 1555, while its orthography is comparatively recent • ' 
 and as there now remains no copy, nor any trace of any copy, 
 that can on critical grounds be considered to have been that 
 original. Judging, however, from the MSS. we now have, 
 the true Chronicle of Caradoc must have been, assuming it 
 to have been in the Welsh language, a translation from the 
 Latin chronicles called ' Aanales Cambriee.' The best part of 
 the Latin originals, and the whole of the translations, namely, 
 ' Brut y Tywysogion ' and ' Brut y Saeson,' are now in print, so 
 that we know what they really contain ; but neither in any one 
 of the three copies of ' Brut y Tywysogion,' for which Caradoc's 
 original work may have served as the basis, and which con- 
 tains independent additions, nor in ' Brut y Saeson,' nor in 
 the chronicle attributed to Caradoc, which the Eev. Thomas 
 
 ' I have recently subjected this document to a careful examination 
 in an article entitled ' The Book of Aberpergwm,' improperly called 
 ' The Chronicle of Caradoc ' (Archceologia Cambrensis, January 1858, 
 3rd ser. vol. iv. p. 77). 
 
 I am warranted, by the authority of the Eev. Thomas Price [Hanes 
 Cymru, p. 427), in giving this document the designation of J(Z2/'/r.45er- 
 pergwm. My views are opposed in the Camhricm Journal for April 
 1858, though not, I think, successfully. 
 
 [The following are the conclusions at which Mr. Stephens arrives in 
 the article in question : 
 
 ' (1) That the Book of Aberpergwm is not the Chronicle of Caradoc, 
 but ought always to be cited by the former name. 
 
 ' (2) That it is a respectable authority for the history of Glamorgan, 
 but not for the general history of Wales. 
 
 ' (3) That it abounds in mistakes, conjectures, and unauthorised 
 additions ; that it exhibits several anachronisms, and names persons 
 who lived in the years 1203, 1293, 1317, and 1328 ; and that it was 
 written in or about a.d. 1555. 
 
 ' (4) That it has many paralleUsms with Brut leuan Brechfa, and 
 that several of its special statements are evidently founded on that 
 document. 
 
 ' (5) That both the Book of Aberpergwm and the so-called Book of 
 Caradoc are written in an orthography comparatively recent, and are 
 both documents of the sixteenth century.'] 
 
174 MADOC. 
 
 Price calls ' Llyfr Aberpergwm,' nor yet in ' Brut leaan 
 Breclifa,' is there any reference whatever to Madoc ab Owen 
 Gwynedd himself, to his departure from Wales, or to his re- 
 puted discovery of a new land in the Par West. If th© 
 narrative had a place in any of these records, the fact could 
 not have failed to attract attention, and to have been deemed 
 important, if not conclusive ; but as the ancient chronicles of 
 Wales contain no such statement, the reputed discovery loses 
 much of its authority. Still, this is not absolutely fatal to 
 the Kymric claim, since there are a few remarkable instances 
 of the absence of local records of important events where they 
 might confidently have been expected. It is an undeniable 
 fact that Columbus entered triumphantly into the town of 
 Barcelona ; but there is no trace of the fact in the local records. 
 Marco Polo must have seen the Great Wall of China ; but 
 he has no notice thereof. And Amerigo Vespucci sailed on a 
 voyage to America under the auspices and in the service of 
 the Crown of Portugal ; but the archives of that kingdom are 
 absolutely silent upon that point.' The argument ab silentio 
 is not, therefore, quite conclusive ; but it must, nevertheless, 
 be allowed considerable weight, especially when it is borne in 
 mind that the Welsh records are particularly copious about 
 that period ; that the event, had it occurred, would have formed 
 a unique fact in the history of Wales ; that there is no posi- 
 tive record elsewhere ; and that the claim to the discovery of 
 America was first put forth sixty-seven years after the voyage 
 of Columbus. History failing us, we may next attend to the 
 voice of tradition. 
 
 In historical trustworthiness, the ' Brut ' of leuan Brechfa 
 comes after ' Brut y Tywysogion ' and ' Brut y Saeson,' and 
 before the Book of Aberpergwm ; and, as will be recollected, 
 leuan Brechfa is one of the authorities cited on the affirmative 
 
 ' Humboldt, History of the Geography of the New World, part iv. 
 pp. IGO et seq. 
 
WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 175 
 
 fSide ; but Ms statement occurs, not in his ' Brut ' or chronicle 
 but in ' A Book of Pedigrees ' ; and then we only have it at 
 second-hand. So far as we can judge from the citation of 
 Dr. Williams, his testimony amounts to this : that Madoc 
 and his brother Riryd, who was Lord of Clochran in Ireland, 
 went (somewhere) across Mor-werydd, to some lands they had 
 there, and there dwelt.' 
 
 What precise meaning he attached to these words cannot 
 positively be determined ; but it must be at once apparent 
 that sailing ' across the Irish Sea ' ^ — for that is the proper 
 
 ' It is difficult to find trustworthy evidence in dealing with this 
 question. We must assume the existence of this statement in some 
 Book of Pedigrees, hitherto only known to those who quote it ; but 
 they differ in the words they profess to find. The author of the Essay 
 sent by Ab Ithel to LlangoUen (lolo Morgan wg ?) represents the words 
 of leuan Brechfa to have been these : 
 
 ' Madoc a Ehiryd a aethant draw i'r Morwerydd, i diroedd a gawsant 
 yno, lie trigfanasant.' — Camhriam Journal, 1859, p. 98. 
 
 Here the most significant word is cl/roM, beyond ; but Humphreys 
 Parry, professing to cite the very words of the author, uses terms quite 
 different, but equally significant, viz. : 
 
 ' Madog a Bhiryd a gawsant dir yn mhell yn y Merwerydd, ao yno 
 y cyfaneddasant.' — Ca/rmarthen Essay, p. 33. 
 
 The first is Englished thus : ' Madoc and Eiryd went beyond 
 (Morwerydd) the Atlantic, to land they had fownd, there, where they 
 remained.' The second is rendered thus : ' Madoc and his brother 
 Ehiryd discovered land at u, considerable distamee in the Western 
 Ocean, and settled there.' Can two citations so different both be 
 genuine ? Dr. WiUiams's Essay discountenances the suspicious words 
 in both these professed origuials, and says that ' Ehiryd, who was Lord 
 of Clochran in Ireland, accompanied Madoc across the Atlantic (Mor- 
 werydd — properly, the Irish Sea), to some lands they had found there, 
 and there dwelt.' Cawsamt, again, does not signify to find or discover, 
 but to have a thing given one, to get or obtain, 
 
 ^ Morwerydd is now used to denote the Atlantic Ocean ; but this 
 signification first occurs in Dr. Williams's Enquiry (1792), and has 
 only been admitted into the dictionaries within the present century. 
 It first occurs in W. Eiohards's Dictionary, 1821. In the verses attri- 
 buted to Gwyddno Garanhir, descriptive of the irruption of the sea 
 over ' Cantrev y Gwaelod,' or the Submerged Cantrev, on the coasts of 
 
176 MADOC. 
 
 meaning of Morwerydd, and was the only meaning in leuaa 
 Brechfa's time — ^conveys a very different meaning from Llwyd's 
 words, ' sailing to tbe west, leaving Ireland to the north ' • 
 and if we may nse the Book of Aberpergwm to interpret the 
 words of the herald-bard of Brechva, we shall have historical 
 authority for giving his words their plain and natural signifi- 
 cation — that Modoc and Riryd went to Ireland. The herald- 
 bard says in his ' Brut ' that Owen Gwynedd married an Irish 
 lady named Pyvog, by whom he had his celebrated son Hy wel ; 
 that Hywel, on the death of his mother, went to Ireland to 
 claim her property ; and that this was the reason why the 
 
 Merioneth, Cardigan, and Pembroke, the Irish Sea is called ' Mererit ' ; 
 and it is highly probable that, in leuan Brechva's time, this was the 
 name of the Irish Chaimel. [Cf. Humphrey Llwyd, Commentarioli 
 BriianniccB Descriptionis Fragmentv/m, Cologne, 1572, p. 41 : 
 ' Albaniae parte in Mare Vergivio (quod Britani Morweridh quasi Mare 
 Hibemicum vocant, et unde antiquum vocabulum Vergivium deflux- 
 isse reor) sunt Hebrides insulse.' Also his description of Cambria 
 prefixed to Powel's Historic of Cambria, p. xvii (edit. 1810) : ' From 
 Humber to the sea Orkney, called in the Brytish toong Mor Werydh, 
 and in Latine Mare Caledonicum.'] At a later date, and even within 
 a very recent period, it certainly had this signification. Dr. Davies, in 
 his Dictionary (1632), uses it in this sense, and adds Dr. Powel's 
 authority to his own : ' Morwerydd = Mare Hibernicum. D.P.' An 
 eminent antiquary of the seventeenth century, John Jones of GeUi 
 Lyfdy, in a MS. uses the word iu the same sense. Sion Ehydderch's 
 Enghsh- Welsh Dictionary (2nd edit. Shrewsbury, 1737) has : ' Irish 
 Sea. Mor Werydd. Mor y Werddon.' Eichards, the author of the 
 Welsh-English Dictionary (1751), also renders it thus: 'Morwerydd 
 and Mor Gwerydd, s.m. the Irish Sea.' Thos. Jones's Dictionary 
 (Shrewsbury, 1777) has ' Morwerydd — Mor y Werddon, the Irish 
 Sea ' ; and Davydd Ddu Eryri (1795), in explaining the verses attributed 
 to Gwyddno, says that {Cylchgrawn Cynmraeg, p. 227) ' Mor y Werydd 
 yw Mor y Werddon,' i.e. is the Sea of Ireland, as positively as he would 
 have said that two and two make four. 
 
 Morwerydd, properly speaking, is the 'QKeavbs Ovepyioiios, or 
 Oceamus Vergivius of Ptolemy — that is, St. George's Channel; and the 
 V of Vergiv or Weryv, in accordance with a mutation common in South 
 Wales, would acquire the sound of dh or dd. Thus Caerdyv, or Cardiff, 
 is sounded Caerdy(f(J; and tyvu, to grow, is sounded tyddu. 
 
WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 177 
 
 Britons say that a large part of Ireland thenceforth belonged 
 
 to them.' So far leuan Brechva's ' Brut ' : the Book of Aber- 
 
 pergwm says, further, that Hywel having been defeated by his 
 
 brother David, and wounded in the side, his brother Eiryd 
 
 took him to a ship and went to Ireland, that Hywel died 
 
 there, and that he left his possessions in that country to his 
 
 brother Riryd.^ Hence it becomes highly probable that 
 
 leuan Brechva alluded by the word cawsant to the lands thus 
 
 bequeathed to Riryd, and that in his estimation Madoc must 
 
 have gone to Ireland. This bard signed an heraldic return, 
 
 August 12, 1460,' and is usually said to have died about 
 
 1500.'' If so, may we not assume that, in its present form, 
 
 the Madoc narrative was to him unknown ? Does not his 
 
 statement point to Ireland rather than America ? 
 
 lolo Morganwg says : ' We have manuscript accounts of 
 
 this discovery [i.e. of America] that were written before the 
 
 birth of Columbus. Dr. David Powel, in Queen Elizabeth's 
 
 time, says, in his History of Wales (on the authority of Guttyn 
 
 Owen, who wrote in Welsh in King Edward the Fourth's 
 
 time), that Madoc sailed westward in hopes of discovering 
 
 the lands that lay beyond the Atlantic (of which there were 
 
 ancient manuscript accounts, as well as traditions, in Wales). '° 
 
 This statement was published in 1794, before the publication 
 
 ' Brut leuan Brechva, auh an. 1130. Myv. Arch. vol. ii. pp. 556-7 ; 
 Gee's edit. p. 720. This Brut terminates with the year 1150-1. The 
 Welsh Chronicles were called Bruts, from the fact that the Welsh 
 translation of Geoffrey of Monmouth's History of Brutus, &c. was 
 called Brut j Brenhinoedd. 
 
 * Llyfr Aberpergwm, improperly called the Chronicle of Caradoc, 
 and Brut y Tywysogion, sub an. 1169. Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 572 ; 
 Gee's edit. p. 712. 
 
 2 This return is published in Fenton's Pembrolteshire, Appendix, 
 No. 14, pp. 45-47. 
 
 * Owen's Cambrian Biography, and WiUiams's Eminent Welsh- 
 men, articles ' leuan Brechva ' and ' Berchva (a misprint for Brechva) 
 leuan.' 
 
 ^ Edward Williams, Poems, Lyric and Pastoral, vol. ii. p. 64. 
 
 N 
 
178 MADOC. 
 
 of the 'Myvyrian Archaiology ' (1801), when Cambrian anti- 
 quaries used to make very loose assertions respecting the 
 contents of Welsh MSS. I venture to assert that lolo 
 Morganwg has done so in this instance. The contents of our 
 MSS. are now well known, and I deliberately affirm that no 
 sach early traditions or manuscript accounts. of lands beyond 
 the Atlantic are known to have existed in Wales, neither are 
 there any manuscript records in the Principality of the dis- 
 covery of America, or other transmarine lands in the West, 
 ' before the birth of Columbus.' And, independently of these 
 a priori grounds for doubting this statement, there are two 
 ways by which we may estimate its truthfulness. The first 
 arises from the consideration of the Book of Aberpergwm, and 
 the second wUl appear in speaking of G-uttyn Owen. I have 
 said already that the Aberpergwm document names persons 
 who lived in 1316 (Llywelyn Brenn) and in 1328 (Bishop 
 Martin of St. Davids) ; but further we read, under the year 
 1114,' of ' Gwylliaid Mawddivy, a geffir fyth yn anrheithiaw 
 gwlad ym mhell ac agos,' ' who are ever found despoiling the 
 country far and near.' These Gwylliaid Mawddwy were a 
 band of robbers, whose head-quarters were at Mawddwy, in 
 Merionethshire, who caused much terror in the first half of 
 the sixteenth century, who murdered Baron Owen, October 
 11, 1555, and who were exterminated soon after.^ The 
 present tense, are ever, furnishes the date of this composition; 
 but this document, thus seen to be written about 1555, makes 
 no mention whatever of Madoc ab Owen, or of any such dis- 
 covery of transatlantic lands. Can we, then, believe the 
 statement of lolo that manuscript accounts of the discovery 
 of America existed in Wales ' before the birth of Columbus ' ? 
 This assertion stands alone, is unsupported by any specific 
 
 ' Llyfr Aberpergwm, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 547 ; Gee's edit. p. 706. 
 Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Owen, Lewis, y Barwn, 
 pp. 382 3. 
 
WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 179 
 
 reference, and is nowhere anticipated or repeated by any- 
 other writer. I therefore deliberately affirm that lolo here 
 asserted more than he could have proved, and that his state- 
 ment is highly improbable, if not utterly untrue. 
 
 Seeing that in all these cases we have failed to find any 
 traces of a circumstantial narrative of Madoc's discovery 
 written in early times, we come in the next place to consider 
 the statements made respecting Guttyn Owen. No name 
 plays so important a part in this controversy as that of this 
 bard ; his authority has been confidently claimed for the 
 affirmative side by Dr. Williams, lolo Morganwg, and Mr. 
 Humphreys Parry (in his earlier writings) ; and not a little 
 dexterity has been shown in the endeavour to place him 
 chronologically before Columbus. 
 
 Guttyn Owen was a bard and herald of high reputation, 
 living near Oswestry at a place called Ifton. He has left 
 behind him a large number of poems, called Gywyddau ; a 
 Welsh Chronicle, that of Basingwerk, brought down to his 
 own day ; and one or more books of pedigrees. And so high 
 was his reputation that he was employed as an historiographer, 
 both at the Abbey of Basingwerk and at that of Tstrad Fflur 
 (Strata Florida), residing alternately at both monasteries. As 
 dates are important in the present discussion, we must aim at 
 exactness. He is said by one authority to have died about 
 1 480 ;' but, as will be seen hereafter, this is evidently too early. 
 Another says he flourished about 1480 ; ^ and a third that he 
 wrote in Welsh in the reign of Edward IV. (1461-1483) ; ' 
 a fourth that he wrote from 1460 to 1490 ; * and a fifth that 
 he was a person of note in the reign of Henry VII., ^ who 
 
 • Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Owain, Guttyn.' 
 
 2 Pennant, Tours m Wales, vol. i. p. 40 (edit. 1810) ; Eev. P. B. 
 Williams, Camiro-Briton, vol. i. p. 210. 
 » Sir Thos. Herbert, cmte, p. 33. 
 
 * Cambrian Biography, art. ' Gutyn Owain,' p. 152. 
 ^ Dr. Williams's Enquiry &c., p. 9 (note/). 
 
 n2 
 
180 MADOC. 
 
 ascended the throne in 1485. That he was living in this 
 reign is quite clear, as he was named among other persons in 
 a Royal Commission to make out the king's descent from the 
 ancient British kings ; but the date of this Commission is 
 undetermined. Pennant places it in the early part of the 
 king's reign ; ' Dr. Williams thinks it was issued about the 
 year 1500, when Henry sent his son Arthur into Wales; and 
 Dr. Jones dates it in 1504.^ 
 
 We are now in a position to discuss some of the questions 
 raised in reference to this bard.» It is currently assumed that 
 he wrote an account of Madoc's discovery, and that Humphrey 
 Llwyd and Dr. Powel were simply translators of that original. 
 The only question, therefore, that affected the holders of the 
 aflBrmative view was this, whether he wrote before or after 
 the voyage of Columbus in 1492 ? Some writers have striven 
 to show that he wrote before 1492 ; and in confirmation it 
 might be said that the last entry in the Book of Basingwerk 
 is dated 1461 ; but as that MS. chronicle makes no reference 
 to the voyages of Madoc, or his discovery of America, the 
 fact may also be used on the other side to show that his 
 reference to Madoc must have been written at a later date. 
 The opponents of the narrative afSrm that he wrote after the 
 voyage of Columbus, and it cannot be denied that, as the bard 
 formed one of the above-mentioned Royal Commission, he 
 might very well have done so. But whether his reference to 
 this matter was made in words corresponding to those of 
 Llwyd and Powel, and before or after 1492, cannot be 
 determined, as we have not the Welsh original, and it is not 
 known on what writing of his Dr. Powel founded his state- 
 ment.' 
 
 ' Pennant, op. cit. vol. iii. p. 49. 
 
 = History of Wales, by John Jones, LL.D. (London, 1824), p. 119. 
 
 ^ Humphreys Parry {Carmarthen Essay, p. 33) asserts that Guttyn 
 
 Owen, ' in his epitome of "Welsh history, gives a particular relation of 
 
WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE \\RITTEN ? 181 
 
 ' The late Rev. Thomas Price, as we have already seen, 
 suspended his belief in the Madoc narrative until the above 
 question had been decided ; ' but this was rather uncritical 
 ground to take ; for, though it be assumed that Guttyn Owen 
 did write some account of Madoc's discovery, it should have 
 been quite clear to him, from the Llwyd narrative alone, that 
 Guttyn Owen did not write anything corresponding to that, 
 and that, in its present form, this could not have been written 
 until long after the discovery by Columbus ; for Guttyn would 
 hardly have quoted the Spanish writings of Francis Lopez de 
 Gomara, published in 1553, and no one could have referred 
 to ' Nova Hispania ' until the Spaniards had given it that 
 name ; neither would anyone affirm that America had been 
 discovered by Britons ' long before either Columbus or 
 Vespucci led any Spaniards thither,' until these two navi- 
 gators had become pretty generally known. I conclude, 
 therefore, that, though Guttyn Owen might have written 
 something in reference to Madoc and some voyage of his, the 
 Llwyd narrative, as it stands, cannot be a translation of any 
 writing of his. 
 
 But, if Guttyn's statement is not represented by Llwyd's 
 account, what was it that Dr. Powel saw ? A monlent's con- 
 sideration will suffice to show that he could not have seen 
 any reference by Guttyn to Spaniards, Columbus, or Amerigo 
 Vespucci ; and it will probably be equally evident that Dr. 
 Bowel's own reasons for differing from Llwyd, and for believing 
 that Madoc went to Mexico, could have had no place in 
 Guttyn's MS. Omitting these particulars — namely, the Llwyd 
 narrative, which makes no reference to the bard, and Dr. 
 Bowel's own speculations — we shall only have to consider the 
 following paragraph : 
 
 this occurrence.' This is a mere assertion which we know to ba 
 untrue. 
 
 ' Ante, pp. 92-93. 
 
182 MADOC. 
 
 ' This Madoc arrining in that Westerne Countrie unto the 
 which he came in the yeare 1170, left most of his people 
 there : and returning backe for more of his owne nation, 
 acquaintance, and freends, to inhabite that faire and large 
 countrie ; went thither againe with ten sailes, as I find noted 
 by Gutyn Owen. I am of opinion, &c.' ^ 
 
 This only differs from Llwyd in giving the date, 1170, 
 and in the passage in italics ; and the question now arises. 
 What did Powel find noted by Gutyn Owen ? Or, first of 
 all, how much of this paragraph rests on his authority ? I 
 cannot answer for other persons, but it seems to me quite 
 clear that the bard's authority covers nothing but the ' ten 
 ships.' But, if so, was that all that Powel found ' noted ' by 
 him ? Here again I answer afiirmatively ; for it is scarcely 
 credible that he would have omitted any further particulars 
 if they had occurred in the MS. ; and this supposition gains 
 strength when Guttyn's statement is compared with the Triad 
 quoted in the first chapter.^ 
 
 One other question yet remains. In the connection in 
 which the statement is used by Powel, Guttyn Owen seems 
 to say that Madoc went to America ; but are we to infer that 
 his words would convey that meaning if we had them in their 
 original and independent form? Before answering that 
 inquiry, it may be well to observe that the reference to the 
 'ten ships' suggests a comparison with the Triadic statement. 
 There \ire find that Madoc went away with ten shvps and three 
 hund/red men, but that it was not hnown where he went to. 
 Here we have two points not specified by Powel ; but it is 
 scarcely probable that he would have omitted the ' three 
 hundred men ' if they had been named by Guttyn, and I must 
 therefore conclude that the bard's statement was simpler in 
 its form than even this Triad, and that in the original it did 
 
 ' Historic of Cambria (edit. 1811), p. 167. 
 - [Ante, p. 20.] 
 
WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 183 
 
 not affirm the discovery of the western continent, or of any- 
 other country. 
 
 If this reasoning be correct, the statement of Guttyn 
 Owen is far less important than it is generally supposed to 
 be, and belongs exclusively to the earlier and simpler form of 
 the Madoc tradition. The assertion that ' the rightful whelp 
 of Owen Gwynedd ' discovered America must, therefore, remain 
 without the sanction of the herald-bard of Oswestry. 
 
 We are thus brought back to the consideration of the Llwyd 
 narrative, and have now to determine whether it is a trans- 
 lation from some Welsh account, or is itself an original state- 
 ment. It must be evident, from many allusions and authentic 
 facts given in the preceding pages, that there was a Madoc 
 tradition of some kind before the times of either Columbus or 
 Humphrey Llwyd ; and it is not difficult to conceive that 
 there may have been an embryo narrative in the minds of the 
 natives of Wales, before it assumed its present written form ; 
 but I know of no Cambrian document from which it could 
 have been translated ; and as we have it, it bears unmistaka- 
 ble evidences of having come from the hands of an accom- 
 plished scholar, not only well acquainted with the science and 
 literature of his day, but also thoroughly conversant with the 
 literature of American discovery. The hand of Humphrey 
 Llwyd is too evident in. its phraseology, topography, and 
 allusions, to render it doubtful that he did not translate the 
 words of any other writer ; and as Powel gives the name of 
 Llwyd as the authority in his margin, and evidently knew of 
 no other, it must be considered to be a point fully established, 
 that the sole author of Llwyd's narrative was Llwyd him- 
 self. 
 
 Of this there cannot possibly be any doubt. Columbus 
 made his discovery in 1492 ; and, half a century later, Spanish 
 writers published histories of the New World. The writer 
 of Llwyd's narrative quotes these writers ; and no one will 
 
ISi MADOC. 
 
 venture to affirm that he could have quoted them before the 
 date of their publication. One of these writers was Francis 
 Lopez de Gomara, the first edition of whose ' Cronica de la 
 Nueva Espana' appeared at Medina in 1553. It was re- 
 published at Antwerp in 1554; ' and, as Llwyd's continental 
 correspondents were Hollanders, it is almost certain that it 
 was this reprint that came under his notice. Llwyd's work 
 was written in 1559; and that is the earliest date that can 
 possibly be assigned to the written assertion of the discovery 
 of America by Madoc ab Owen Gwynedd. His narrative was 
 not written until sixty-seven years after the discovery by 
 Colurtibus; and it was first published in 1584, twenty-five 
 years later, or ninety-two years after the first voyage of that 
 great navigator. 
 
 If, therefore, the question be asked, whether the narrative 
 of the discovery of America by Prince Madoc was written 
 before the accomplishment of that feat by Columbus, I shall 
 have no hesitation in giving a negative reply ; but it must 
 not be assumed too hastily that it is on that account all 
 pure invention. The traces of Llwyd's pen might be all 
 removed without destroying the integrity of the native 
 legend, of which they form no essential parts. There was, 
 as we have observed, an antecedent tradition ; and Llwyd 
 himself informs us that there were such narratives in his 
 day: 
 
 ' Of the viage and returne of this Madoc there be manie 
 fables fained, as the common people doo use in distance of 
 place and length of time, rather to augment than to diminish ; 
 but sure it is, that there he was.' ^ 
 
 He, therefore, simply, to all appearance, adorned and gave 
 a definite form to a vague tradition already current among 
 his countrymen ; and, as it did not originate with him, so its 
 
 ' Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. ii. p. 402. 
 ' Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 167. 
 
WHEN WAS THE MADOC NARRATIVE WRITTEN? 185 
 
 •vitality in its earlier form does not cease when his authority 
 is withdrawn. We shall, therefore, continue the discussion in 
 another form. 
 
 Section III. — DoEs the Narrative of the Discovery of 
 America by Madoc ab Owen bear the Marks of 
 Originality and Probability ? 
 
 Traditions are the foundlings of history. They have no 
 recognised paternity, and are the expressions of popular 
 rather than individual feeling, the aggregate contributions of 
 many minds, warmed by the breath of zeal or nationality, 
 rather than emanations from the minds of independent 
 authors. And this is the case with that now under considera- 
 tion ; the germs of it existed long before Llwyd wrote ; and 
 it appears from him that the tradition had assumed something 
 of its present form, and become current in his day ; but all 
 our efforts to determine its paternity have failed ; and we must 
 therefore waive that question in order to deal with the 
 tradition in itself, and to determine whether it bears the 
 marks of originality and probability. 
 
 In order to obtain a clear conception as to whether the 
 Cambrian story has or has not marks of originality, it may be 
 well to compare it with the leading facts in the history of 
 the voyages of Columbus. If it differs from these, we may 
 reasonably infer that it is a tradition of native and inde- 
 pendent growth ; for, though there were many navigators in 
 that day famed for American discovery, the voyages of 
 Columbus were the best known of all these, and the most 
 likely to influence the growth of such a tradition as that 
 under our notice. But if the Madoc narrative presents any 
 very striking coincidences with the voyages of Columbus, 
 there will be reasonable grounds to suspect that it took its 
 form under their influences ; and it must be evident that 
 
186 MADOC. 
 
 between 1492 or 1493, and 1559, when Llwyd wrote, tkere 
 had been quite enough of time to account for such develop- 
 ments. 
 
 Columbus sailed, on his first voyage to the West, on 
 August 3, 1492, from the bar of Saltes, near Palos, in Spain, 
 with three small ships and 120 men. After many mishaps, 
 and much opposition from his own men, he discovered the 
 New Continent, and landed at one of the Bahama Islands — 
 either San Salvador or Watling Island — on the morning of 
 October 12.' On the 24th he proceeded to explore the 
 newly-discovered region, and found other islands, such as 
 Concepcion, Exuma, Cuba, and Hayti. He took the latter to 
 be theancient Ophir, the source of the riches of Solomon, and he 
 gave it the Latin diminutive name of Hispaniola, from its re- 
 semhling the fairest tracts of Spain. He there constructed a 
 fort, and, leaving there the germ of a future colony, he set sail 
 homeward on January 4, 1493, and landed triumphantly 
 at Palos on March 15 following. On September 25, 1493, 
 he left Cadiz on a second expedition, with seventeen ships 
 and 1,500 men, many of them volunteers, eager for gold 
 and glory. He discovered many new islands, and visited 
 Hispaniola to recruit his health ; but here he found that the 
 men he had left there were nowhere to ie found ; and it was 
 thought they had quarrelled with, and been massacred by, the 
 natives. He returned in 1496 ; and after having made two 
 more voyages, and suffered many vicissitudes of fortune, died 
 at Valladolid in Spain, on May 20, 1506, with a world-wide 
 reputation, which becomes more and more lustrous with each 
 succeeding age. This outline of his career is, of course, ex- 
 ceedingly meagre, and is not intended to be a biography of the 
 great navigator ; but it will suffice for the present purpose. 
 
 Two considerations at once present themselves. When 
 
 ' History of Maritime Discovery, vol. i. pp. 393, 396 ; vol. ii. 
 pp. 3-4. 
 
ORIGINALITY OF THE MADOC NARKATIVE. 187 
 
 Columbus returned, he brought with him several natives of 
 the newly-discovered country ; Ferdinand and Isabella loaded 
 him with honours ; the news spread like wildfire through the 
 length and breadth of Christendom ; all Europe rang with the 
 praise of the great admiral ; and the learned men of every city 
 and kingdom in the civilised world united in rendering their 
 tribute of admiration to the daring and sagacious navigator 
 who had conceived the existence and accomplished the dis- 
 covery of the New Continent. But Madoc, assuming the 
 truth of the story, was far less fortunate ; Europe remained 
 wholly unconscious of any such discovery ; and even the annals 
 of his own country afford no trace of an event which, had 
 it been real, they certainly would have recorded. Again, had 
 Madoc sailed to America, and returned, he could scarcely have 
 failed to note and record the wholly different and very peculiar 
 aspect of the American heavens. The ancients, having sailed 
 round the Cape, have left us descriptions of what they saw, 
 which enable us to say that they visited the Southern and 
 Indian Seas ; and descriptions of the astronomical phenomena 
 of the southern hemisphere find place in the accounts of 
 all the Spanish voyages ; but Welsh literature affords no 
 trace of an acquaintance with the new stars and nebulae which 
 attracted the attention of the Spaniards ; and the repeated re- 
 ferences to the ' three quarters ' of the world shows that the 
 Kymry had no conception of the existence of a new and 
 fourth quarter. 
 
 Let us now compare the two narratives, and see whether 
 there be any resemblance between them. ' Madoc,' it is said, 
 ' left the land in contention betwixt his brethren, and prepared 
 certaine ships with men and munition, and sought aduentures 
 by seas, sailing West, and leaning the coast of Ireland so far 
 north that he came to a land unknowen, where he saw manie 
 strange things.' ' This land, in the opinion of Llwyd, must 
 ' Historie of Cambria, p. 166. 
 
] 88 MADOC. 
 
 needs be ' Nova Hispania,' discovered by Columbus, or Florida/ 
 discovered by Juan Ponce de Leon in 1512 ; but these con- 
 jectures could have formed no part of the native tradition. 
 ' Madoc then returned home, declared the pleasant and fruit- 
 ful countries that he had seene without inhabitants, prepared 
 a number of ships, got with him such men and women as 
 were desirous to liue in quietnes, and taking leaue of his 
 freends, took his journie thitherward againe.'' 
 
 Are there any resemblances here ? Madoc, like Columbus, 
 is said to have sailed directly West, and like him to have 
 found a strange land ; but, unlike Columbus, he did not give 
 it a name. Why was this ? And when Llwyd gave the new 
 land a name, why was he compelled to use one given by the 
 Spaniards ? These facts seem to indicate that the tale of the 
 discovery was post-Columbian. Again, Madoc left Wales in 
 disgust ; but no sooner has he found a land to his liking in the 
 Far West than he returns to fetch more of his countrymen 
 than cared at first to accompany him. Is this a satisfactory 
 explanation ? Columbus went out intending to return ; took 
 possession in the name of the King of Spain ; ^ left the germ 
 of a colony behind him ; and returned to get a larger number 
 of men. In his case the motive is clear ; but the return of 
 Madoc is not so easily explained ; and the fact begets a sus- 
 picion that here also the statement is a myth, and that the 
 story has been shaped in accordance with the voyages of 
 Columbus. 
 
 Llwyd, it wUl have been observed, represents Madoc to 
 have made a speech to his countrymen on his return ; and 
 this, again, has the appearance of being an imitation ; for 
 Columbus, when he had an audience, on his return, from 
 Ferdinand and Isabella, the King and Queen of Spain, gave, 
 
 ' Historic of Cambria, p. 167. 
 
 ^ History of Maritime Discovery, vol. i. p. 393 ; and Eobertson's 
 History of America, vol. i. p. 128. 
 
ORIGINALITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 189 
 
 in an elaborate oration, a circumstantial account of his dis- 
 coveries ; and the effect of that, and the speeches of his fellow- 
 voj'agers, was the same. ' The name,' says Robertson, ' by 
 which Columbus distinguished the countries which he had 
 discovered (West Indies) was so inviting, the specimens of 
 the riches and fertility which he produced were so consider- 
 able, and the reports of his companions, delivered frequently 
 with the exaggeration natural to travellers, so favourable, 
 as to excite a wonderful spirit of enterprise among the 
 Spaniards.' ' 
 
 Llwyd does not state that Madoc left any men behind 
 him on his first voyage ; neither does he give its date or 
 the number of his ships ; but Dr, Powel supplies these 
 omissions. He fixes 1170 as the date of the first voyage, 
 and says that Madoc ' left most of his people there, and 
 returning back for more of his own nation to inhabit 
 that fair and large country, went thither again with ten 
 ships.' 
 
 The authority for the number of ships we know to be Gutty n 
 Ow«n ; and as that presents no resemblance to any Columbian 
 fact, it must be assumed to be of home growth. The date was 
 easily determined from the wars of the sons of Owen Gwynedd ; 
 but where is the authority for the assertion that Madoc left 
 most of his men behind him ? If he had native authority for 
 this, why does he not give it, as he did in the case of the ten 
 ships ? But if he had no such authority, may we not conclude 
 that he was shaping his narrative in accordance with, and 
 under the influence of, Columbian facts ? 
 
 Sir Thomas Herbert writes still more circumstantially. 
 He says that Madoc ranged the coast of the new world, and 
 as soon as he found a convenient place sat down to plant, 
 meaning thereby that he fixed on a spot to form his intended 
 settlement ; that after he had stayed there a while to recruit 
 - History of Am eric n, toI. i. p. 157. 
 
190 MADOC. 
 
 the health of his men, as Columbus did,' he fortified his 
 settlement, as Columbus had done,^ and left 120 men, the 
 exact number Columbus had left, there to protect it. The 
 same thing occurred to these settlers as to the crew left by 
 Columbus ; for, on the reported return of Madoc and his 
 countrymen, they found but few remaining, and they attri- 
 buted their death to the same causes — either an incautious 
 indulgence in the produce of a novel climate and country, or 
 the treachery of the natives. Coincidences of this kind cannot 
 have been accidental ; for, though many other navigators 
 visited the same regions, no such resemblances occur between 
 their adventures and those of the discoverers of Hispaniola ; 
 and we must therefore adopt one of two alternatives, either 
 that Columbus followed servilely in the footsteps of Prince 
 Madoc, of whom to all appearance he never heard, or that 
 the Madoc narrative in its successive stages was closely 
 modelled upon that of the great admiral. 
 
 It would be thought to be a satire on Welsh credulity if 
 I were to say that any of my countrymen would adopt the 
 first alternative ; and yet Dr. John Williams did not hesitate 
 to suggest that, ' in the space of about 300 years, a report of 
 Prince Madog's successful Westei'n navigations might obtain 
 throughout Europe ; and that the penetrating and enterprising 
 genius of Columbus might excite him to pursue the same 
 course, in hopes of finding a nearer way to China, and other 
 countries.' ' But there is no warrant for any such suggestion, 
 and, for my own part, I must adopt the other alternative ; and, 
 in answer to the question proposed at the head of this section, 
 I have no hesitation in afiirming that the narrative of Madoc's 
 discovery does not bear the marks of originality. 
 
 ' History of Maritime Discovery, vol. ii. p. 7. This was on the 
 second voyage. 
 
 ^ Ihiii. vol. i. p. 397 ; Eobertson, History of America, vol. i. p. 144. 
 ^ Farlhrr Ohservittious &c., p. 58, note. 
 
PROBABILITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 191 
 
 The foregoing remarks must, I conceive, have made the 
 fact quite manifest, that the Madoc narrative, in the form in 
 which we now have it, and so far as it relates to the discovery 
 of America, must have been framed after the voyages of 
 Columbus, and under the influence of his discoveries ; but 
 the criticism, so far as it has yet gone, affects the form of the 
 narrative rather than its essence, and does not exclude either 
 the possibility or the probability of the discovery. Still, in 
 the absence of any positive record of the fact, we can only 
 discuss it now in the light of probability. This question 
 presents itself under three aspects, which we shall consider 
 seriatim : — 
 
 (1) Is it probable that America would have been dis- 
 covered by accident ? , This is the form in which it first 
 suggests itself; for we are told that Madoc went in search of 
 adventure, sailed direct West, and discovered the New Conti- 
 nent. Is this probable? Columbus, we have seen, set his 
 face westward, sailed in that direction continuously for nine 
 weeks, and then descried Guannahi, which he named San 
 Salvador. He had a firm persuasion that India, for that was 
 what he sought, could be approached from the West, and he 
 determined to sail westward until he should find it. But is it 
 within the range of probability, either ordinary or extraor- 
 dinary, that Madoc, without having any such persuasion, and 
 in mere search of adventures, would have sailed continuously 
 for nine weeks, into an unknown sea, and without any pro- 
 spect or expectation of finding new lands ? Raised in this 
 form, the question admits, in my judgment, of but one 
 answer, and that one wholly adverse to the claims of Prince 
 Madoc' 
 
 ' I here assume that the course marked by Llwyd, i.e. that Madoc 
 left Ireland on the North, is the correct one. Had he sailed up the 
 North Sea, leaving Ireland to the South, the question would have ad- 
 mitted of a different answer ; for, as will be seen m the sequel, Gree n 
 land, and probably North America, had been discovered from this 
 
192 MADOC. 
 
 (2) Rejecting this, let us next inquire wtether it is 
 
 probable that the existence of a new continent was suspected 
 
 in the twelfth century, and whether it would have been 
 
 sought by Madoc or any of his contemporaries. This is the 
 
 form of the question suggested by Sir Thomas Herbert. He 
 
 quotes the prediction of Seneca, the Roman philosopher, in 
 
 his ' Medea ' : 
 
 Venient arniis 
 Secula seris, quibus Oceanus 
 VincTila rerum laxet et ingens 
 Pateat Tellus, Typhisque Novos 
 Detegat Orbes, nee sit Terris 
 Ultima Thule. 
 
 In English : 
 
 The time shall one day be, 
 Guided by Providence, when men shall see 
 The liquid Ocean to enlarge her bounds, 
 And pay the earth a tribute of more grounds 
 In ample measure. For the sea gods then 
 Will show new worlds and rarities to men, 
 Yea, by His leave who everything commands, 
 See Thule far less north than other lands. 
 
 He then remarks that these were ' dim lights to show the 
 way to the western world ' ; and adds that ' it is not unlikely 
 that Madoc was acquainted with the prophecy or dim lights 
 which led to the discovery of the western world.' ' The 
 
 quarter as early as the end of the tenth century, and that, to aU ap- 
 pearance, accidentally. 
 
 At the quarterly meeting of the Eoyal Society of Northern Anti- 
 quaries, December 6, 1861, Mr. Gisle Brynjulfsson suggested that, as 
 Madoc was the grandson of Griffith ab Conau, who on the mother's 
 side was descended from the Scandinavian Kings of Dublin, he may 
 have heard of the discovery of Greenland and other western countries 
 by the Northmen, ' these being well known to the Scandinavians in 
 Ireland.' The remark is ingenious, but I presume there is no positive 
 evidence to support the last statement (Arch. Camb. 1862, 3rd ser, 
 vol. viii. p. 150). 
 
 ' Quoted in Stephens's Literature of the Kymry, p. 144; 2nd 
 edit. p. I.'SD. 
 
PEOBABILITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 193 
 
 suggestion here thrown out is ingenious; but there is a 
 total absence of evidence to show that any such ideas existed 
 in the dark ages, or in the twelfth century ; while Seneca 
 was an author only known to a few, if known at all ; and it 
 is perfectly certain that these ' dim lights ' had no share what- 
 ever in the ultimate discovery ; for Columbus sought to find 
 a western way to India ; and to his dying day he thought he 
 had discovered, not a new continent, but the extremity of 
 Asia. He gave the name of Indies to the islands he had dis- 
 covered ; and the West Indies retain to this day the name 
 thus given under a false impression. It is therefore, I think, 
 improbable that Madoc and his contemporaries had any 
 suspicion of the existence of the American continent ; and, 
 even if they had, it is improbable that Madoc, in the absence 
 of a sufficient motive, would have gone to seek it. Columbus 
 was allured by the riches of India, and the glory that would 
 accrue to himself from the discovery of a new highway for 
 Western commerce ; but while India was comparatively un- 
 known, and the foreign commerce of Europe, and especially 
 Wales, very small, this motive would scarcely have sufiiced to 
 influence Madoc. 
 
 I may, however, state in this connection, though not 
 strictly relevant to the inquiry, that in the fifteenth century 
 the existence of other lands was strongly suspected. Pulci, 
 the Italian poet, affirmed, ' it is possible to navigate far 
 beyond the Pillars of Hercules [i.e. the Straits of Gibraltar], 
 as the sea is level everywhere, although our world has a 
 round form, as everything above is attracted to the centre, 
 and the earth itself stands suspended among the stars. And 
 ships shall proceed far beyond the boundaries which Hercules 
 fixed here in times of ignorance, and they will discover another 
 hemisphere, where a/re towns, nations, and empires. Those are 
 the Antipodes, and they adore the Sun, md Jupiter and 
 
 
 
194 MADOC. 
 
 Mars, they have trees and cattle, as you have, and often wage 
 war against one another.' ^ 
 
 This was written fifteen years before Columbus sailed ; 
 and if not inspired by his previous voyages, and those of his 
 fellow-countrymen, as well as by the grand project he was 
 known to entertain long before he executed them, may have 
 had some influence on his mind ; but he evidently had clear 
 and definite conceptions of what he sought, and had no 
 intention of going to the Antipodes to seek the New "World. 
 (3) We now approach the third form of the question. 
 Assuming that Madoc believed in the existence of such 
 transmarine lands, and desired to reach them, is it probable, 
 considering the state of navigation in Wales in the twelfth 
 century, that he could have made his way to America ? 
 This view of the question has been already under discussion. 
 Lord Lyttelton aflSrmed that, ' if Madoc did really discover 
 any part of America, he performed an achievement incom- 
 parably more extraordinary than that of Columbus ; but, 
 without the help of the compass, at a time when navigation 
 was ill understood, and with mariners less expert than any 
 others in Europe,' he held such a feat to be in the highest 
 degree improbable. On the other hand, it was alleged by 
 Dr. Williams that the voyages of the Phoenicians, the Greeks, 
 &c., to Britain and the Baltic were equally long and equally 
 dangerous ; but this is a very weak argument ; for these 
 voyages were made by sailing in sight of land, and along 
 known coasts. It was more forcibly urged that the Britons 
 in the middle ages had frequent intercourse with the conti- 
 nent, visited Norway, and went to Iceland ; that the natives 
 of the South Sea often made such voyages ; and that, with 
 fair weather, Madoc's voyage was not impossible.^ And a 
 
 ' Morgante Maggiore, Canto xxv. stan. 228 et seq. 
 ' Hanes Cymru, p. 591. With modem skill and scientific appli- 
 ances, it might be possible to make the voyage to or from America 
 
PROBABILITY OP THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 195 
 
 still better argument might have been found in the fact that 
 the Icelanders in the eleventh century used the loadstone in 
 navigation, and that the mariner's compass really was known, 
 if not to Madoc, at least to the Arabians, at or near the date 
 of his reputed voyage ; for Guiot de Provins, one of the 
 Troubadour poets, about 1181, mentions the magnet, its 
 property of turning to the pole, and its being suspended; 
 and he also adds that it is useful to direct the mariner through 
 the ocean.' Jaques de Vitry, Bishop of Ptolemais, expressly 
 notices it in 1204, as the well-known guide of seamen; it 
 was in general use among the Spanish navigators, who are 
 supposed to have received it from the Arabian Moors, in the 
 middle of the thirteenth century ; ^ and a circumstantial ac- 
 count of its properties was written by a German physician, 
 named Peter Adsiger, in 1269. It is, therefore, manifest that 
 Flavio Gioja, a native of Amalfi, in the kingdom of Naples, 
 who is supposed to have invented it about the year 1302,* 
 was rather the improver of the instrument than its real 
 inventor. But, though the compass was thus known, its 
 
 with inferior craft. Pour men sailed from Bermuda to Ireland in a, 
 decked boat in 1618 ; but they had a compass and were experienced 
 mariners {Calendar of Colonial Papers, 1862 ; World Displayed, 
 vol. iv. p. 144). For a reference to passages to and from America in 
 small vessels, see the Athenceimi, September 8, 1866, p. 305. 
 
 ' Claude Fauchet, Becueil de I'Orig, de la Lwng. Franqadse, p. 555, 
 cited in the History of Ma/ritime Discovery, vol. i. p. 349. 
 
 ' Un art font qui mentir ne peut, 
 Par la vertu de la mariniere, 
 Un pierre laide, et bruniere, 
 Ou le fer volontiers se joint, 
 Ont regardent ler droit point.' 
 
 La Bible Ov/yot. 
 
 ' Capmany, Quest. Crit., Quest. 11, cited in the same work and 
 page. In 1266, larl Starla, a Norwegian poet, was rewarded with a 
 mariner's compass for an elegy on a Swedish Coimt (Torfseus, History 
 of Norway). 
 
 ' History of Maritime Discovery, vol. i. p. 347. 
 
 2 
 
196 ) MADOC. 
 
 value was but little understood; and most navigators, especially 
 in Southern Europe, were very timid in trusting themselves 
 to the Atlantic, out of the sight of land. 
 
 However, this is apparently a false issue ; for the inhabi- 
 tants of Iceland, who were already half way, discovered 
 Greenland in 982, and North America in 986,' without the 
 aid of the compass ; and, on the other hand, a Portuguese 
 navigator, who by a breach of faith on the part of John II., 
 Kin g of Portugal, was made acquainted with the plans of 
 Columbus himself, failed to realise them, was unable to direct 
 his course at sea, and, after being greatly tossed about, had to 
 return home, and confess the treachery and failure.^ It must, 
 therefore, be evident that the most important element in the 
 solution of this problem is the character of the navigators 
 and their chief. Let us, therefore, inquire, What kiud of 
 character do the Kymry bear as sailors ? 
 
 This question, also, has been answered in two different 
 senses. Dr. Williams afErms that they had a large navy in the 
 time of Julius Caesar, and that they had an extensive trade 
 with the Phoenicians ; ' but these reasons are rather far- 
 fetched, considering that the principal question is- the naval 
 character of the Kymry in the twelfth century, even if they 
 
 ' Blaokwell's edition of Mallet's Northern Antiquities, pp. 244, 251.- 
 There can be but little doubt that the Scandinavian or Icelandic pirates 
 did discover Greenland, though Eobertson {History of America, vol. i. 
 p. 337, note) and Bancroft (vol. i. p. 5) have some hesitation in admit- 
 ting the fact. The proofs are given in the Antiquitates Americance 
 of the Northern Antiquaries, of which there is an English translation 
 by Mr. J. T. Smith {Discovery of America by the Northmen im the 
 Tenth Century &c., 2nd edit. 1850). Wheaton {History of the 
 Northmen ; as also in his Scandinavia, vol. i. p. 163) aflSrms the 
 reality of the discovery ; Blackwell also accepts the testimony of the 
 Icelandic Sagas; and the evidence has been popularised in one of 
 Chambers's Papers for the People. The Vikings used to take ravens 
 with them to direct their course homeward (Frode, Landnamaboh). 
 
 ^ History of Maritime Discovery, vol. i. p. 386. 
 
 ^ Williams's Enquiry &c., p. 60. 
 
PROBABILITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 197 
 
 were sound ; unfortunately they are both erroneous ; for the 
 ships mentioned by Caesar were those of the Veneti of Gaul, 
 and the foreign trade was carried on in Phoenician ships. 
 
 Another writer comes nearer home, and, in the interest of 
 the Madoc legend, claims naval celebrity for the Britons of 
 the fourth century. This impression, which Camden had 
 attempted to produce before, is effected by garbling the words 
 of Pestus Avienus (who wrote about a.d. 370) thus : 
 
 Turbidum late fretum 
 Et belluosi gurgitem oceani secant 
 Eei ad miraciilum. 
 
 Far and wide they plough the rough sea, 
 And the gulf of the raging ocean 
 
 In a most wonderful manner.' 
 
 But, on verifying this quotation, the original is found to 
 
 produce a more specific and less flattering impression. 
 
 Speaking of the people of the CEstrymnides, or Scilly Islands, 
 
 he says : 
 
 Multa vis hio gentis est, 
 Superbus animus, efficax soUertia, 
 Negotiandi cura jugis omnibus ; 
 Notisque cymbis turbidum late fretum, 
 Et belluosi gurgitem oceani secant. 
 Non hi carinas quippe pinu texere 
 Acereve norunt, non abiete, ut usus est, 
 Curvant faselos ; sed rei ad miraculum, 
 Navigia junctis semper aptant peUibus, 
 Corioque vastum ssepe percurrunt salum.' 
 
 That is : 
 
 This is the great power of the nation, 
 
 Their proud mind, their efficient skill, 
 
 Their desire of negotiating with all climes ; 
 
 Their well-known boats widely traverse 
 
 The troublous sea, and the gulf of the monster-bearing ocean. 
 
 Certainly, they know not how to cover their keels 
 
 ' Camh. oMd Caledon. Quart. Mag. vol. iv. p. 470. 
 ''■ Monumenta Historica, Britannica, p. xix. 
 
198 MADOC. 
 
 With pine or maple (decks), nor do they, as is customary, 
 Curve their little vessels vsrith fir ; but the wonder is, 
 They always make their vessels of joined skins, 
 And often run through the vast deep in a hide. 
 
 This, therefore, is only a description of that very primitive 
 British boat — the coracle — which may still be seen on the 
 Towy and the Teivy, and certainly does not lend much 
 support to the Madoc narrative. 
 
 A better argument might be founded upon the ' Gododin,' 
 
 from v?hich it is quite evident that the British aborigines had 
 
 a navy in the seventh century ; one Cynddilig is specially 
 
 named, with his ' glassawc tebedawc tra mordwy alon,' or 
 
 ' blue flag against naval foes ' ; and of another chief it is said, 
 
 ' golet moryet ny bu aesawr ' (v. 79), that, ' from having led 
 
 a seafaring life, he bore no shield.' Cynddilig is also called 
 
 ' gwrawl amddyvrwys, gorvawr ei In ' (v. 81), ' hero of 
 
 surrounding waters, great was his host.' ' But it does not 
 
 appear that the Kymry had a navy in the twelfth century ; 
 
 and it is a pure fiction to affirm that Madoc commanded his 
 
 fatber's fleet at the battle of Tal y Moelvre in 1142, for the 
 
 battle took place on land — ■' ac am dal moelvre mil fanieri,' as 
 
 Gwalchmai says ; and the only shipping present was that of 
 
 the invaders. Still it was a gross misrepresentation on the 
 
 part of Dr. Jones to say they had only coracles and wicker 
 
 boats ;^ for they often went to and from Ireland,' and cer- 
 
 ' It wOl be observed that I have given my own version of the 
 ' Gododin ' passages : I am not satisfied with any of the translations yet 
 published. 
 
 ^ Monthly Magazine, September 1819. 
 
 ^ ' Note the frequent notices of emigration from Wales to Ireland, 
 about A.D. 1170, and insert in text : — 
 Annales Ga/mhrice, a.d. 1167. 
 Book of Aberpergwm, a.d. 1169, 1172, 1173. 
 Gruffydd ab Cynan, 1170. 
 Hywel ab Owain, 1171. 
 Pyvog, &c.. 1172, 1173, 1177.' 
 
 [Author's note inserted on revision.] 
 
PROBABILITY OF THE MADOC NARRATIVE. 199 
 
 tainly had some kinds of shipping. It does not, however, 
 appear that their ships were numerous ; and it must be con- 
 fessed that the testimony of Giraldus, who wrote within a 
 few years of the reputed voyages of Madoc, is unfavourable to 
 any supposition of their having been partial to naval pursuits ; 
 for he says expressly that the Cambrians ' pay no attention 
 to commerce, shipping, or manufactures.' ' This distaste for 
 the sea seems to have continued to later times ; and it is 
 diflBcult to deny,- in the face of such facts and of our own 
 experience, that there was some truth in Lord Lyttelton's 
 assertion that the natives of Wales are less expert as 
 mariners than any others in Europe. There are, it is true, 
 a few brilliant exceptions, as Captain Griffiths (commander of 
 the ' Conqueror ' at Port Eoyal, 1766), Sir Edward Parry, and 
 a few others : still they were exceptions. Among such a 
 people as we know ourselves to be in this respect, and in 
 the face of the adverse contemporary testimony of Giraldus, 
 we should not expect to find a great naval commander and 
 adventurous sailors in Wales in the twelfth century ; and, 
 in the total absence of good positive testimony in favour of 
 Madoc's discovery of America, I am compelled to decide 
 against its probability. 
 
 Section IV. — Did Madoc leave his own Country? 
 
 Having now examined the evidences in favour of what I 
 have termed the affirmative view, and found them insufficient 
 to prove the discovery of America, we come in the next place 
 to consider the evidence in favour of what may be termed the 
 tentative view. 
 
 This, it has been seen, was held by Dr. Jones, and Mr. 
 Humphreys Parry, and less positively by the late Eev. Thomas 
 Price. Dr. Jones held that Madoc was an eminent fisherman ; 
 
 ' Hoare's Giraldus, vol. ii. p. 289. 
 
200 MADOC. 
 
 that he left his country ; that his departure was lamented ; 
 and that he was lost at sea.' Mr. Parry held that he left his 
 own country, but that there is no sufficient evidence to show 
 what country he discovered. And Mr. Price contented him- 
 self with affirming that he preferred a seafaring life to con- 
 tending hopelessly for landed possessions ; but that, for any- 
 thing more than that, it was 'necessary to wait for further 
 proofs. 
 
 We are now entering into the region of pure nativ* 
 tradition ; and it affords me pleasure to be able to state that, 
 whatever conclusions we may draw from the facts now to be 
 presented, there can be no good ground for doubting the 
 authenticity of the documents in which they occur. They are 
 found, on examination, to consist of three classes, namely : 
 
 (1) Testimonies that are irrelevant to the inquiry; 
 (2) Affirmations that Madoc went to sea, and was never heard 
 of more ; (3) Facts showing that he died in Wales, and tend- 
 ing to prove that he was murdered by and among his own 
 countrymen in Wales. We will examine them in the order 
 of this classification. 
 
 (1) Let us first produce the passages which are, or seem to 
 be, irrelevant. It is stated by the biographer of ' Eminent 
 Welshmen ' that ' the expeditions of Madoc are mentioned by 
 Cynddelw, Llywarch Prydydd y Moch, Gwalchmai, and 
 Meredydd ab Rhys ' ; ^ but Mr. Williams could scarcely have 
 examined their statements very carefully ; for of all the pas- 
 sages usually cited, one alone can be thought to justify this 
 assertion. 
 
 Apparently the least relevant of these bardic testimonies 
 is that of Gwalchmai. After naming Owen, Oadwaladr, and 
 Cadwallon, the three sons of Grufiydd ab Gynan, he pro- 
 ceeds : 
 
 ' Monthly Magazine, September 1819. 
 
 ^ Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Madog ab Owain.' 
 
DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY ? 201 
 
 Madog madioedd goddoli 
 Mwy gwnaeth vy modd no'm coddi, 
 Un mab Maredudd a thri meib Gruffudd, 
 Biau budd beirdd weini.^ 
 
 The lines are thus translated by Mr. Humphreys Parry : 
 
 And Madog, too, of liberal heart 
 Delight to me would oft impart : 
 Yes he, Maredudd' s only heir. 
 With Gruffydd's sons my praise shall share. 
 For they in proud esteem the bardic name would bear. 
 
 Here, assuming that the passage really alludes to Madoc 
 ab Owen, there is evidently no reference to any sea voyage ; 
 but it is also evident that the Madoc of this poem was not 
 the reputed hero of American discovery, but Madoc ab 
 Meredydd, Prince of Powys,^ who was a liberal patron of this 
 bard. To him Gwalchmai addressed one or more poems ; and 
 he perpetuated his fame in a long and very beautiful elegy. 
 This testimony of Gwalchmai's may, therefore, be dismissed as 
 being irrelevant to this inquiry. 
 
 One of the passages from Prydydd y Moch also seems to 
 
 have no reference to our present subject. Modernised, it runs 
 
 thus : 
 
 Llywelyn 
 
 Wyr Madawo ermidedd vwyvwy 
 Wyr Twein virein ei avarwy. 
 
 Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 301 ; Gee's edit. p. 213. 
 
 ' Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 198 ; Gee's edit. p. 146. I have modernised 
 the orthography for the convenience of the reader. The passage at 
 length, and in its original form, was given in the first chapter {cmte, 
 p. 16). 
 
 ^ Mr. Humphreys Parry uniformly treated this passage as being 
 irrelevant : see the Camhro-Briton, vol. i. p. 60, where one of the bardie 
 passages is said to be relevant ; the Carmarthen Essay, where it is 
 omitted ; and the Camibro-Briton, vol. iii. p. 184, where the whole 
 poem is translated, and these lines said to be intended for Madoc ab 
 Meredydd. 
 
202 MADOC. 
 
 and may be rendered in these terms : 
 
 Llywelyn 
 
 Grandson of Madoo, 
 
 Grandson of Owen, grief for whom is becoming. 
 
 On the same page Llywelyn is said to be ' Wyr Madawc 
 vreiniawc enwawc ' ; but it must be evident at a glance that 
 the epithet ' vreiniawc ' (royal) does not apply to the reputed 
 voyager ; and an examination of Llywelyn's pedigree shows 
 that here again we have the Prince of Powys. 
 
 , Owen Gwtnbdd Madoc ab Mbeedydd 
 
 I I 
 
 loEWEETH AB OwKN married Maegbd,' a daughter 
 
 to this prince, and 
 , by her had 
 
 Llywelyn ab Iobwerth, 
 
 who was thus the grandson of both Owen Gwynedd and Madoc 
 ab Meredydd. It was thought that an allusion to Madoc ab 
 Owen's departure lurked in the word ' ermidedd ' ; but 
 Dr. John Davies renders it ' vita eremitica,' and Richards ' an 
 ascetic solitary life, the life of a hermit.' 
 
 And as Madoc ab Meredydd was a devout man, who feared 
 God, and built a church at Meifod at his own cost,^ it was 
 probably intended to refer to his pious life, or to his death 
 and burial; for he died in 1159, upwards of thirty-five or 
 forty years before the date of this poem. We therefore find 
 that this also is irrelevant. ' 
 
 Another of the poems of Llywarch, on which much stress 
 has been laid, is that which refers to the ''two princes ' who 
 
 ^ Sir John Wynne's History of the Gwedir Family, Miss Angharad 
 Llwyd's edit. p. 21 ; also Williams's Eminent Welshmen, art. 
 ' lorwerth Drwyndwn.' 
 
 ^ Eminent Welshmen, art. ' Madoc ab Meredydd.' 
 
DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 203 
 
 broke off in wrath ; but in this poem the name ' Madoc ' does 
 not occur at all. It is addressed to Eodri ab Owen ; ' and a 
 little acquaintance with the history of this period shows that 
 he was the person alluded to, and not Madoc. In 1175 Eodri 
 was put in prison by his brother David ; but, escaping there- 
 from,^ he took possession of and expelled David from Anglesey 
 and Gwynedd ' uwch Oonwy,' above the Conway, towards the 
 end of the same year. This is probably the subject of the 
 reference in the poem ; ^ the two princes were David and 
 Rodri ; the one ' on land in Arvon ' was David ; the one ' on 
 the bosom of the great sea ' — one of the designations of Mona ■* 
 — was Rodri ; and the ' claim easily guarded ' was not 
 America, but Ynys Fon, the Isle of Anglesey. The expres- 
 
 ' It is entitled ' Arwyrein Eodri vab Yweip. Prydyt y Moch ae 
 cant.' [Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 284 ; Gee's edit. p. 202.] 
 
 ^ Brut y Tyvjysogion, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 437 ; Gee's edit. p. 632 ; 
 Brut y Saeson, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 577 ; Gee's edit. p. 681. Ll/yfr 
 Aberpergwm, called by uncritical writers ' The Chronicle of Caradoc,' 
 gives 1177 as the date of his escape [Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 577 ; Gee's 
 edit. p. 714] ; but I have followed the older authorities. 
 
 ' The four lines given at p. 12, amte, and left untranslated, bear 
 expressly on this meeting at Aberoonway, between David and Eodri : 
 
 ' Near Aberconway two " draigs " met by appointment, 
 Two Dragons in the Strait (of the Menai), 
 Two taciturn ones placed on the land, 
 Two illustrious armies.' 
 
 And it is scarcely possible to doubt that these lines refer to the facts 
 mentioned in the native chronicles, and that they have no reference 
 at all to Madoc ab Owen. 
 
 * The Isle of Anglesey is so called by Gwilym Ddu (a.d. 1280) 
 (Myv. vol. i. p. 411 ; Gee's edit. p. 277) : 
 
 ' Mon, mynwes eigion.' 
 (Mona, bosom of Ocean.) 
 
 And it is evident that the epithet of the earlier bard was applied to 
 that island. Indeed, we may consider that the latter bard had in view 
 the passage under consideration, and that his repetition of the epithet 
 fuUy establishes my position. 
 
204 MADOC. 
 
 sion ' separated from all for a habitation ' must probably be 
 taken in connection with other lines which follow it : 
 
 At Vinnn rodri mon .... 
 Due eil ruthyr, &c. 
 
 Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 284 ; Gee's edit. p. 202. 
 
 That is, 
 
 On this, Bodri of Mona 
 Made a second attack. 
 
 This refers to a later event. Rodri retained possession of 
 Anglesey, apparently by treaty with David, for about fifteen 
 years. He was the lord of that island in 1188, when 
 Griraldus made his crusading tour with Archbishop Baldwin. 
 But he lost it a few years afterwards. He was first married 
 to Agnes, daughter of the Lord Rhys of South Wales, and by 
 her had two sons, named Grufiydd and Binion. But after her 
 death, being expelled about the year 1192, he went to 
 Gotheric, king of the Isle of Man, married his daughter, and 
 with his assistance recovered Anglesey in 1193.' This was 
 probably the ' second assault ' named by the poet ; but he 
 was repulsed the same year by the sons of Cynan ab Owen 
 Gwynedd; and, in 1194, Llywelyn ab lorwerth became king 
 of North Wales by the aid of the sons of Rodri. What 
 became of Rodri afterwards is not known, except that he 
 died, and was buried at Caergybi, or Holyhead.^ 
 
 Great stress was laid upon this passage by Mr. Humphreys 
 Parry, and he rested much of his case upon it ; but it does 
 not stand the test of examination ; and, unless I am much 
 mistaken, it will be admitted to have no reference whatever 
 to the matter under discussion. 
 
 ^ Brut y Tywysogion, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 439 ; Gee's edit. p. 633 ; 
 and Brut y Saeson, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 580 ; Gee's edit. p. 683. Also 
 Wynne's History of the Owedir Family, p. 25 ; but Sir John was in 
 error when he put 1248 as the date instead of 1193. 
 
 " History of the Gwedir Family, p. 25. 
 
DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 205 
 
 (2) We now approact the second class of testimonies, and 
 will, at least, have the satisfaction of dealing with statements 
 that are of importance. Of these the first in point of date is 
 the passage from Meredydd ab Rhys, who says, in returning 
 thanks for a fishing-net : 
 
 Let Evan, of generous growth, hunt 
 
 Upon his fair land, a true patrimony, 
 
 In an auspicious hour, I also on water. 
 
 With the consent of the generous one, will be a hunter. 
 
 Madoe the bold, of expanding form. 
 
 True whelp of Owen Gwynedd, 
 
 Would not have land (he was my kindred soul). 
 
 Nor great wealth, except the seas. 
 
 I am a Madoc to my age, and his passion 
 
 For the seas have I also shared ; 
 
 I win walk by sea and river. 
 
 Along the strand with my circled net. 
 
 The boldness here attributed to Madoc is at variance 
 with the placidity claimed for him by late writers, and quite 
 accords with the character given to him by his contemporary 
 Cynddelw ; and it is quite evident that in the middle of the 
 fifteenth century, when this poem was written, there was a 
 distinct Madoc tradition. The only question here is. What is 
 the purport of the passage ? It clearly proves that, to 
 Meredydd ab Rhys, Madoc had the reputation of being fond 
 of a seafaring life, and of being eminent as a fisherman ; but 
 does it prove more than this ? The Rev. Thomas Price 
 thought it did not ; and I confess that to be my opinion also ; 
 for the expressions used were clearly intended to mark ah 
 opposition between sea and land, and to show that he preferred 
 a sea life to landed possessions ; and it seems to me that they 
 exclude the supposition that Madoc would have cared for land 
 anywhere, either in his own country or in foreign parts. And 
 this view is supported by the concluding lines ; for how else 
 could the bard say, ' Madog wyf im hoes ' (' I am a Madog to 
 
206 MADOC. 
 
 my age ') ? The subject of comparison is evidently the pisca- 
 torial character ; and the meaning of the bard certainly was 
 that both St. Peter and Madoc resembled him in this 
 respect.' 
 
 The statement of leuan Brechva seems to come next in 
 point of date, though, as we have neither the original words 
 nor a specific reference to the work from which they are 
 taken, we cannot speak very positively on this head. All we 
 know for certain is that this carries the tradition a step 
 further. leuan Brechva may only have meant that Madoc 
 went to Ireland ; but, at most, his statement can only warrant 
 the inference that, in his judgment, Madoc left his own 
 country, and went across St. George's Channel. This is, 
 however, an advance upon the statement of Meredydd ab 
 Ehys. 
 
 We are in the same uncertainty respecting the testimony 
 of Guttyn Owen. The reference to the ' ten ships ' is evidently 
 an advance upon the statement of the bard of Brechva ; but 
 how much more it meant, and whether it afforded any express 
 indication as to whither Madoc went, now remains unknown. 
 As we have his words in citation only, though Dr. Powel, in 
 all probability, stated all that he found, we can only assert 
 
 ' ' It is better to be the wife of a fisherman 
 Than of such as would not go to the water. 
 Peter, great was his fortune, 
 Was a fisherman, the best of men. 
 To the same pursuit will I go, 
 More than Peter I wiU not desist.' 
 
 lolo MSS. pp. 324, 703. 
 
 The lines are interpreted in this sense by the Editor of the latter 
 part of the lolo MS8., the late Eev. W. J. Eees, of Oascob. ' The 
 passage in itself,' he says, ' contains no more than an intimation of 
 Madoo's preferring the sea to living on land.' He adds, it is true, that 
 ' when joined to the history given by Gruttyn Owen, it assumes some 
 degree of importance ' ; but as Guttyn wrote no such history, the 
 passage must be viewed in and by itself. — lolo MSS. p. 703, note. 
 
DTD MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 207 
 
 the authority of Guttyn Owen so far as this, that Madoc left 
 his country and went to sea with ten ships.' 
 
 The Triads of the third series present the statements of 
 the two persons last mentioned in a still more advanced 
 stage, and enable us to see what the native tradition really 
 was before the voyages of Columbus. As the triad here 
 referred to is in every way the most important of this class, 
 it will be well to note the exact words : The third ' divancoll' 
 of the Isle of Britain was that of ' Madog, son of Owen 
 
 ' [The following curious traditional tale of the ship of Madoc, re- 
 duced into writing ia the year 1582, while speaking of Madoc's fond- 
 ness for a seafaring Hfe, his many voyages to foreign countries, and the 
 wreck of his ship, says nothing of his discoveries or his fate. The story 
 occurs in a MS. in the possession of the Eev. D. Silvan-Evans, B.D., is 
 in the orthography of Grif&th Boberts's Welsh Qrammar (a.d. 1567), 
 and in the handwriting of Eoger Morris, and was pubUshed in a 
 modernised orthography in Y Brython for 1863, p. 471. 
 
 ' Madoc ap Ouain guyned oed voriur maur a chuannoc i drafel ac 
 am na ale o vod aral entrio ir Sygned guneilthiir ac adeilad a unaeth 
 long heb hayam ond i hoyho a chyrn keiru rhac lynckii or mor hunnu 
 hi ai galu oi guneiithiiriad Guenncm gorn ac ynn honno i nofiod y 
 moroed urth i blesser ac i trafaehod i lauer or uledyd tra mor ynn 
 diarsuyd ond urth dymchuelyd adre ynn gyfagos at Ynys Enli yr 
 yskyttiod phrydie yno hi yn greiilon ac ai hamharod ymhel ac ara 
 hynny vyth hyd hediu i geluir y mann hunnu ar y mor Phrydie 
 Kasuennan yr ystori honn a doeth o lau buy gUyd dann uarat gredaduy 
 o hynny hyd hediu. / vely i dyvod Eduart ap Sion uynn i mi 1582 y 13 
 o Vis Maurth.' 
 
 (' Madoo ap Owain Gwynedd was a great sailor, fond of travel, and 
 since he could not otherwise enter the Vortex he made and 'built a 
 ship without iron, but nailed with stags' horns, lest that sea should 
 swallow her up, and he called her from her make Horn-Owennan, 
 and in her he sailed the seas at his pleasure, and fearlessly voyaged to 
 many foreign countries. But in returning home, near Bardsey Island, 
 the currents there shattered her cruelly, and greatly damaged her ; and 
 therefore is that part of the sea called, from that day to this, " the 
 currents of Gwennan's Bane." This story has come down from hand to 
 hand, under credible warranty, from that time to this day. So Edward 
 ap Sion Wynn told me, this 13th March, 1582.') 
 
 Another copy of this story occurs in Hengivrt MS. No. 337. 
 
208 MADOC. 
 
 Gwynedd, wlio went to sea vAth three hund/red men in ten 
 
 ships, AND IT IS NOT KNOWN TO WHAT PLACE THEY WENT.' ' 
 
 It must be quite evident that the first and last clauses 
 expressly exclude all reference to America, or to any known 
 location, and that they are directly opposed to the idea that 
 Madoc had made any such discovery. Mr. Humphreys Parry, 
 therefore, overrated this passage when he inferred 'that 
 Madoc left Wales, but that, with' respect to the particular 
 country he discovered, there is no positive evidence ' ; for the 
 triad affirms no discovery at all ; and it would evidently have 
 been looked upon as a disqualification for inclusion in this 
 triad if any such discovery had been made ; for it could not 
 then be said that the place whither he went was wholly un- 
 known ; while it is evidently a part of the very essence and 
 intention of the triadic statement to say that he was never 
 heard of more. Still less is there any indication here that 
 he had discovered new lands in the West ; had returned 
 home, reporting the result of his voyage ; and departed 
 thence a second time. It may be presumed, assuming that 
 he had gone away at all, that he had some object in view ; 
 but no hint is given as to what that may have been. On the 
 other hand, there is an indication that, whatever his object 
 was, he had failed to attain it. The exact meaning of the 
 word divaneoll does not appear to be known. It is sometimes 
 rendered ' loss by disappearance ' ; by Dr. Pughe, who falsified 
 a quotation to support his version, it is translated ' devasta- 
 tion ' ; and by Humphreys Parry ' vanished loss.' The word 
 occurs only three times in our ancient literature ; the first 
 time in Davydd ab Gwilym ; once in the Triads of the second 
 series, in connection with the straying of Gavran ab Aeddan ; ^ 
 
 ' [Triads, ser. iii. tr. 10; My v. Arch. vol. ii. p. 59; Gee's edit. 
 p. 401.] 
 
 ^ [Triads, ser. ii. tr. 34 (' Tri Diweir Deulu '), Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 7 ; 
 Gee's edit. p. 390.] 
 
DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 209 
 
 and in the triad under consideration. It seems to mean 
 ' straying.' Davydd relates his adventure, on amorous 
 thoughts intent, on a winter's night, when he lost his way, 
 stumbled over frozen ditches, ponds, and other obstructions, 
 and imagines himself to die of the cold caught thereby. His 
 ghost, he says, would be seen, ' a sad object, because of death 
 from straying (oherwydd tra^gc difangcoll), and fittingly, 
 all over ice" (Works, p. 387). If this be the meaning of the 
 word, the Triad merely affirms that Madoc went astray, and 
 that it is not known where he went. 
 
 These passages fall short of proving the discovery by 
 Prince Madoc of any unknown lands ; and being manifestly 
 of a traditional character, capable of solution into simpler 
 forms, and exhibiting the phenomena of growth, they have 
 no claim to take the place of authentic history ; but, waiving 
 these considerations, they may be admitted to afford pre- 
 sumptive evidence that Madoc left the Principality, unless 
 there be some other evidence of an opposite character. 
 
 (3) Leaving this matter in suspense for a while, let us now 
 proceed to examine the third class of facts, mentioned above. 
 
 On examining the evidences on the subject of Madoc and 
 his reputed discoveries, most persons have been surprised to 
 find that there is no notice whatever of any naval expeditions 
 of the kind named in the pages of any contemporary historian. 
 If the statements were true, they could scarcely have been 
 thought unimportant; and, if Madoc had returned from a 
 strange land, it is utterly incredible that none of the annalists 
 of the time would have placed the fact on record ; yea, even 
 if he had gone to sea with ten ships and three hundred men, 
 and never returned, it is fairly to be presumed that the fact 
 would have found an historian. But no such record appears. 
 ' Brut y Tywysogion ' says nothing of any such expedition, 
 neither does it name Madoc at all ; the three other ' Bruts ' 
 
210 MADOC. 
 
 published in the 'Myvyrian Archaiology ' are all equally 
 silent ; and all the MSS. of ' Brut y Tywysogion ' at Hengwrt 
 and elsewhere are equally destitute of any reference to Madoc, 
 or his reputed voyages and discoveries. Giraldus Cambrensis 
 visited North Wales in 1188, withiu eighteen years of the 
 reputed date of the expedition ; and he, who was so ready to 
 seize upon such marvels, would undoubtedly have mentioned 
 the fact if he had heard it ; but he has not a word upon the 
 subject ; and this silence is omiuous, for, had it been a fact, 
 some priest, if no other person, would surely have told 
 him. 
 
 The inference deducible from these negative indications is 
 seen to be strengthened by two bardic poems, both of which 
 assert that Madoc was slain at home ; and one of them indi- 
 cates that he was murdered. The latter of these is the ' Ode 
 to the Hot Iron,' by Llywarch Prydydd y Moch ; and from 
 that, as given in the first chapter,' it appears (1) that Madoc 
 was slain by an assassin ; (2) that Llywarch was suspected 
 of the murder ; (3) that he denied the charge, as he does in 
 addressing ' the Hot Iron ' : 
 
 Prom having with my hand and blade slain the blessed one, 
 From being accessory to a murderous deed, 
 Good iron exonerate me : that when the assassin 
 Slew Madoc, he received not (the blow) from my hand ; 
 
 and that he was put upon his trial for the murder. He was 
 evidently threatened with the trial by ordeal when he com- 
 posed this poem ; but it is not known whether the threat 
 was put in practice. At any rate, it would seem that he was 
 acquitted; for the poem must have been composed before 
 1169, and he was living forty or fifty years later. Thispoem 
 is utterly at variance with the notion that the Madoc men- 
 tioned in it had openly left his country, and even with that, 
 which affirms that he was lost at sea ; for the fact that he 
 ' [A7ite, pp. 11, 12.] 
 
DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 211 
 
 died^t home is distinctly indicated; the statement that he 
 was murdered is equally explicit ; and, if the poem really 
 refers to Madoc ab Owen, as I believe it does, it saps the 
 foundation of the popular narrative. 
 
 The other poem is still more significant. It is entitled 
 ' Mahwnad Teilu Twein Gwynet,' and was attributed to 
 Llywelyn Vardd ; but the copy in the ' Myvyrian ' has the 
 inscription ' Oyndelw ai cant ' ; and the internal evi- 
 dences favour that statement. At the first glance one is apt 
 to think that the title includes all the seventeen sons of Owen 
 Gwynedd ; but, on closer examination, we find that the word 
 ' Teilu,' or Family, here includes only so many of the family 
 of Owen as had died towards the latter end of his life ; for 
 the poem opens with an invocation to Owen himself; it does 
 not iuclude the names of his sons David, Howel, Maelgwn, 
 Rodri, and others who survived their father, and must have 
 been composed shortly before the year 1169, when Owen died. 
 The poem commences thus : 
 
 Ewein arwyrein awe wron Kymry 
 Kymroeyd orchordyon 
 Miir metgym mechdeym mon 
 Meu hoet am hoetyl y dragon.' 
 
 Or, in English : 
 
 Owen I extol, golden hero of Cambria, 
 Of Kymrio retinues ; 
 
 Bulwark of mead-horns, monarch of M6n, 
 Sorrow is mine for the life of the dragon. 
 
 And i4thus becomes clear that Owen was living at the time, 
 thougMfar gone in years. The bard then mentions first the 
 name oilLIywelyn, one of the sons of Owen ; afterwards, a long 
 string of others now unknown ; and towards the end introduces 
 the verse on Madoc : 
 
 -^ ' Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 224 ; Gee's edit. p. 
 
 163. 
 
 p2 
 
212 MADOC. 
 
 Eny lias Madawc mur dygyvorth var, 
 
 Meu avar car cynnorth 
 Oet anwas oas cad ehorth 
 Oet anwar par yn y porth. 
 
 The Llywelyn here named died in the year 1164 ; ' and 
 thus it is seen that the poem was composed after that date, 
 and before the year 1169. Madoc must, therefore, have been 
 killed between these -two dates, in the lifetime of his father, 
 and probably not later than 1168. 
 
 Bearing these points in mind, let us now proceed to 
 render the verse into English, and to apply the facts connected 
 therewith to the subject of our inquiry. Dr. Owen Pughe, 
 then Mr. William Owen, altered, as I have already intimated, 
 the word ' mur ' into ' myr,' ^ and made the verse to testify 
 that Madoc had been killed ' by the overwhelming wrath of 
 the seas' ; but the verse makes no reference to the sea what- 
 ever ; the original reading is ' mur ' ; and anyone who knows 
 anything of our old poetry is well aware that this metaphor 
 is applied very commonly. It occurs in two other instances 
 in this very poem; Owen Gwynedd is termed 'mur meddgyrn,' 
 and his son Morgant is called ' mur gawr.' It is also applied, 
 in the very next poem, five times in succession, to the Lord 
 
 Ehys : 3 
 
 Mur mawrgor, &c. 
 Mur mawrdir, &o. 
 Mur mawrdut, &c. 
 Mur mawrdaryf, &c. 
 Mur mawrdreis, &c. 
 
 And hence I presume there can be but little doubt that ' mur ' 
 
 ^ [Brut y Tywysogion, Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 432 ; Gee's edit. p. 629.] 
 ^ Mr. Hmnffi-eys Parry also indulges in this misrepresentation, 
 
 though he expressly refers to the Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 225 [Gree's edit. 
 
 p. 164], where the true reading occurs {Carmarthen Essay, p. 31). 
 
 [See Pughe's Dictionary, s.v. ' Myr,' for a different rendering of the 
 
 word — e.g. ' Myr meddgyrn ' is translated by ' spirit of mead-horns.'] 
 ■'' Myv. Arch. vol. i. p. 226; Gee's edit. p. 164. 
 
DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 213 
 
 is the proper reading. Assuming that, the verse was thus 
 rendered in Chapter I. : ' 
 
 Since Madoo, the bulwark of swelling rage, was slain, 
 
 I mourn a helping friend : 
 The virile one was fierce in the busy fight. 
 He was an arrogant commander in the portal. 
 
 And there can scarcely be any room to doubt that this is a 
 fair representation of the poet's meaning. 
 
 Let us, then, proceed to apply the facts thus obtained to 
 the allegations usually made in reference to Madoc. He was 
 (so Dr. Powel affirms) an illegitimate son ; ^ and, at a time 
 when the commanding abilities of his brother Howel failed to 
 wash out the stain of illegitimacy, he could not have possessed 
 a very large amount of influence. Howel, though he failed 
 to obtain a throne, had a celebrity which extended itself over 
 the whole of Wales, and obtained for him an honourable 
 place in Welsh history, both as a warrior and as a poet ; but 
 Madoc has no place in the annals of that time, and could 
 scarcely have displayed abilities of a high order, else this 
 silence is unaccountable. All the allegations respecting him 
 break down when closely examined. He is said to have been of 
 a placid disposition ; but Cynddelw says he was ' the bulwark 
 of swelling rage,' ' fierce in the busy fight, and an arrogant 
 commander in the portal.' He is said by Owen and others to 
 have been overwhelmed by the sea ; but the verse cited in 
 evidence makes no reference to the sea at all. He is said to 
 have sai^d on a voyage of discovery in 1170 ; but we find 
 
 that he must have been killed two years at least before that 
 date. His departure is said to have been deplored ; but the 
 passage relied on in support of this refers to Madoc ab 
 Meredydd, iPrince of Powys. He is said to have sought ai 
 
 ^ Ante^ Tp.,10. 
 
 ' Wynne's edition of Powel's Historie of Cambria, p. 194, edit. 
 1812 ; Rby- T. Price, Hanes Cymrn, p. 580. 
 
214 MADOC. 
 
 peaceful settlement in foreign lands ; but the nearest proof 
 on this point only indicates that he disliked landed possessions, 
 and preferred a seafaring life. It is said he was led to take 
 this step in consequence of the dissensions of his brethren 
 after the death of his father ; but we find that Owen was yet 
 living, while Oynddelw sang the elegy of Madoc; and 
 Prydydd y Moch was tried upon a charge of having been 
 either a principal or an accessory to his death. We are told 
 that he discovered strange lands, returned home, and sailed 
 away a second time ; and yet his contemporaries are as silent 
 as the grave as to anything of the sort. And we are further 
 told that he went to sea, and was never heard of more ; but 
 his contemporaries afiirm that he came to a violent death in 
 his own country, point to his dead body, sing his 'In 
 Memoriam,' and try his suspected murderers. Thus, on 
 every point, the statements of Madoc's contemporaries, whose 
 incidental testimony is free from any suspicion, and is 
 necessarily of the highest authority, is directly at variance 
 with, and completely upsets, all the allegations usually made. 
 Again, he appears to have had a family, and they remained 
 in Wales ; for at a later date we find persons tracing their 
 descent from him. Edward Morus, slain at Llanfyllin fair, 
 1689, is thus described: 
 
 Gwiwddyn gweddaidd mewn tangnefedd, 
 
 hil Madog, enwog annedd, ab Owain Gwynedd gain. 
 
 (Huw Morus, Poems, vol. ii. p. 221.) 
 A good man, — 
 
 Of the race of Madoc, of celebrated residence, 
 Son of the brilliant Owen Gwynedd. 
 
 It does not seem to be known at the present day where 
 this ' celebrated residence ' was ; but it may, seeing that his 
 brother lorwerth" possessed the Commot of Ardudwy, iu 
 Merionethshire, have been Gallt Vadog, near Barmouth. 
 There is a place called Cae Madog in the same parish 
 
DID MADOC LEAVE HIS OWN COUNTRY? 215 
 
 (Llanaber), and a Havod Vadog in the parish of Llanvor in 
 the same county. Conan, one of Owen's seventeen illegitimate 
 sons, is said to have had Merioneth,' hence called by Giraldus 
 ' Terra filii Conani.' Possibly his illegitimate brethren had 
 shares of it also. 
 
 Eelying on these bardic passages, the late Eev. Walter 
 Davies said, ' I believe it may be proved from indisputable 
 documents that Madog ab Owen Gwynedd . . . fell by the 
 sword in his own country ' ; ^ and as a competent critic, and 
 one of the most clear-headed of Welshmen, his opinion carries 
 with it much weight. Can we honestly arrive at any other 
 conclusion ? We have carefully and conscientiously examined 
 every scrap of evidence adduced in favour of the Madoc narra- 
 tive ; and yet have we not found them to be 
 
 Lite Dead Sea fruit, that tempt the eye, 
 But turn to ashes on the lip 1 
 
 We examined the plausible tale of the ' Welsh Indians,' 
 and patiently considered the numerous ' proofs ' adduced on 
 their behalf; and yet, did we not find that in many instances 
 the statements were deliberate falsehoods, and that in all 
 there was gross credulity? Transferring our attention to 
 home authorities, we found an abundance of confident asser- 
 tions; and yet, in all instances, did not the affirmative 
 evidences turn out to be either mere conjectures or total 
 misconceptions ? 
 
 Ascending to the more respectable platform of pure Welsh 
 traditipn, have we not found that the statements were still of 
 a shadowy character, and that the basis of fact became smaller 
 and smaller as we approached the time when Madoc lived, 
 moved, and had his being? Arriving among the contem- 
 
 ' Wynne's History of the Owedm- Family, p. 359 (in Barrington's 
 Miscellanies : London, 1781). 
 
 ' Cambrian Quarterly Magazine (1829), vol. i. p. 440. 
 
216 MADOO. 
 
 poraries of the traditional voyager, Lave we not found them 
 totally unconscious of everything usually alleged respecting 
 ' the true whelp of Owen Gwynedd,' and not only unconscious 
 of these allegations, but affording indications strikingly in- 
 consistent with almost every portion of the national legend ? 
 In an era redolent of bards and bardism, we might have ex- 
 pected to find poets and annalists lauding the wonderful 
 sailor, voyager, and discoverer ; and had he been so in reality, 
 he most certainly would not have been left unhonoured and 
 unsung; but, instead of that, we find his contemporaries 
 mourning his death, distinctly affirming him to have been 
 killed at home, among his own kinsmen, and trying parties 
 charged with his murder. After such an examination, ending 
 in such results, it is, in my judgment, impossible honestly 
 to arrive at any other conclusion than that of the Eev. Walter 
 Davies. In answer, therefore, to the question proposed at 
 the head of this section, I have to state, after a careful and, 
 it is believed, fair consideration of all the evidence, that 
 Madoc the son of Owen Gwynedd never left Wales, but came 
 to a violent death in his own country, in the lifetime of his 
 father, and from two to six years before the assigned date of 
 his first alleged voyage. 
 
 This narrative must, therefore, cease to be accounted 
 historical ; and it is to be hoped that my countrymen may 
 henceforth feel that they degrade themselves, and heap dis- 
 credit upon our motherland, by giving credence to this idle 
 and unfounded tale. 
 
 Section V. — The Growth of the Legend. 
 
 The early literatures of almost all nations abound in 
 legendary elements ; and whether we view the histories of 
 Greece, Rome, Germany, or the far East, we shall find abun- 
 dant evidences of this fact. As to Greece, we have the 
 
THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 217 
 
 evidences of the fact in the Homeric and Cyclic poems, in 
 the pages of Herodotus, the Pindaric Odes, and the dramas 
 of w^schylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. ' The Heroic Legends 
 of Ancient Eome ' have been preserved by Livy, disengaged 
 from the body of Roman history by the sagacious Niebuhr, 
 and ably illustrated in the metrical versions of Lord Macaulay. 
 In Germany, the long poem called the ' Nibelungen Lied ' 
 is a great storehouse of historic legends. And the ancient 
 literatures of Arabia, Persia, and India, which are slowly 
 becoming known in the West, exhibit the same fact, in the 
 legendary histories of Antar, Rustum, Sohrab, Krishna, Dama- 
 yanti, and a host of others. In France, also, do we not find 
 a cluster of legends around the name of Charlemagne ? 
 
 If, therefore, the literature of Wales were free from, and 
 destitute of, historic legends, the Kymry would form a grand 
 exception to the general rule of other nations, and would sink 
 at once into an inferior position ; for the absence of legendary 
 lore indicates a want of imagination in the people ; and a 
 deficiency of imagination is proof of intellectual sterility. But 
 this character cannot, and does not, apply to the Kymry ; for 
 it is almost a proverbial saying that ' a Kymro has imagina- 
 tion enough for fifty poets,' though, it is added, ' without 
 judgment enough for one.' Here, then, are the constituents 
 of legendary literature ; and will anyone say that, when the 
 soil is so well adapted for their growth, historic legends have 
 no place in the Principality of Wales ? On the contrary, has 
 it not been the nursery of fables, legends, and romances for 
 the whole of Europe ? Did not the Arthurian romances, 
 currcHife in Wales in the twelfth century, and first introduced 
 into European literature by Geoffrey of Monmouth, find their 
 way into, and expand and fructify in, England, Prance, Spain, 
 Italy, Greece, Germany, and Scandinavia ? And have we not 
 still in our own language a whole series of ' Mabinogion ' ? 
 Have we not already in print the ' Mabinogion ' of Bran ab 
 
218 MADOC. 
 
 Llyr, of Pwyll and Pryderi, of Lladd and Llevelys, of Kilhwch 
 and Olwen, of the Lady of tlie Fountain, of Geraint ab Erbin, 
 of Peredur ab Bvrawc, and the bard Taliesin ? Do we not 
 know tliat ' Tstori Bown o Hamtwn,' ' Ystori Gwlad leuan 
 Vendigaid,' ' Ystori Idrian Amberawdyr ag Ipotis Tsprydawl,' 
 and ' Tstori mal yr aetb Mair i Nef,' are rotting and being 
 worm-eaten in the libraries of North Wales ? And are not 
 all the antiquarians of Wales shaking in their shoes lest the 
 famous ' Tstori Seynt Greal,' which Gutto'r Glyn called ' Llyfr 
 o greffb yr holl Ford Gron,' should meet at Ehug with the 
 same fate as the manuscripts at Hafod, and the library of Sir 
 Watkin Williams Wynn recently at Wynnstay ? Heaven for- 
 bid that this valuable MS. should meet such a fate ; and I 
 trust that Cambrian archaeologists will raise their voices in 
 favour of having this story, which has never been published, 
 speedily made known to the world at large.' 
 
 Who, then, shall say that the Kymry are destitube of 
 imagination, or that the native mind of Wales is unfavourable 
 to the growth of historic legend ? And if they indulged in 
 fiction in past times, have they completely changed their 
 nature since ? If they clothed the actions of Arthur, Geraint, 
 Peredur, Owain ab Urien, Gwalchmai, Kai, and Klydno in a 
 romantic garb, who shall say that they stopped there, and 
 that the same imaginative faculty may not have been at work, 
 shaping the imputed adventures of Madoc ab Owen ? 
 
 Assuming that there is no antecedent improbability in 
 
 that supposition, let us notice the story in its various forms, 
 
 and see whether it does not exhibit the phenomenon of 
 
 development, and present a legendary character. We find, 
 
 then, as a fact admitting of no doubt, that Madoc was killed 
 
 ' [The author had the satisfaction of living to see the calamity here 
 BO fervently deprecated happily averted, and the Seynt Oreal, and 
 several of the other MSS. mentioned above, published through the 
 liberahty of their owner, the late Mr. W. W. E. Wynne of Peniarth, in 
 the series of Hengivrt MSS. edited by the late Canon WiUiams.J 
 
THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 219 
 
 at home, and by the hand of an assassin ; and it is evident 
 that the murder was secret, and instigated by some powerful 
 motive, whether political or otherwise ; for it is probable that 
 the assassin was hired for the purpose, as Prydydd y Moch 
 only claims to be exonerated from having himself struck the 
 blow, and does not profess to have no knowledge of the 
 murder, while it is clear that he was a warm partisan of Rodri 
 ab Owen. There was a mystery, therefore, about the death 
 of Madoc, and that is what the human mind generally abhors. 
 Many conjectures would, therefore, get into circulation, and 
 in the lapse of time and space the popular imagination would 
 multiply their number, and crystallise them into alleged 
 facts. 
 
 The chief difficulty in explaining the growth of this story 
 is encountered at the first step — that is, in accounting for the 
 seafaring reputation of Prince Madoc. He may have been 
 fond of the sea for all that we know, and the framers of the 
 original legend may have had some traditional information on 
 this head that we have not ; but there is no reference to any 
 seafaring taste in the poems of his contemporaries, and we 
 have, therefore, no right to assume the existence of any such 
 testimony. Hence the difficulty. The Eev. Walter Davies, 
 admitting that ' we have no authority for supposing that he 
 [Madoc] ever sailed beyond Ireland or the Isle of Man, or 
 even that he ever boarded a skifi", save over the straits of the 
 Menai, and that he met, as is above hinted, with a violent 
 death in his native land,' suggested that ' the perpetrators of 
 the nefa#Dus deed, to account for his disappearance, spread a 
 report that he had collected a fleet and set sail in quest of a 
 more pacific settlement.' ' But this explanation does not 
 seem satisfactory, for there could have been no doubt of his 
 death aniong his contemporaries, as Cynddelw affirms that he 
 was killed ; and Prydydd y Moch, in denying his participation 
 ' Camibrian Quarterly Magazine, vol. i. p. 441. 
 
220 MADOC. 
 
 in the murder, yet adraits and affirms the fact. The story, 
 therefore, is not likely to have been either invented or circu- 
 lated at that time, and it was probably only after the lapse of 
 a couple of centuries, when the fact of the murder had been 
 resolved by time into a 'disappearance,' that imagination, 
 
 which 
 
 . . . bodies forth 
 
 The forms of things unknown . . . 
 
 . . . and gives to airy nothing 
 A local habitation and a name, 
 
 gave a definite form to the disappearance of Madoc. 
 
 The traditions of various countries furnish many illustra- 
 tions of this kind. National heroes, though dead, still lived 
 in the native traditions. The fate of Arthur must have been 
 well known to his contemporaries, but in later times he was 
 said to be still alive, and he will 
 
 Come again, they say, 
 Blowing trumpets into day. 
 
 King Sebastian lived in Portuguese tradition long after his 
 death ; the Cid Eodrigo was expected for centuries to reappear 
 and redress the wrongs of the Spaniards ; it is said that the 
 Emperor Frederick Barbarossa stiU lives in the popular tradi- 
 tions of Germany ; and, on a recent visit to Ireland, I found 
 that the O'Donoghue still ' lives ' beneath the Lakes of Kil- 
 larney, and that the boatmen of that lake really believe that 
 he occasionally reappears. 
 
 Neither did local knowledge prevent the formation of 
 legends analogous to that of Madoc. The death of Aristobulus, 
 Joseph of Arimathea, and St. Paul, must have been known 
 to their contemporaries ; but in later traditions Aristobulus 
 and St. Paul preached to the Britons, and Joseph founded 
 the Abbey of Glastonbury. Nero's fate must have beeu 
 well known in Eome ; but the Book of Revelation furnishes 
 evidence of the existence of a fabulous statement, even among 
 
THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 221 
 
 hia contemporaries, that he had gone to the East, and was 
 expected to reappear. Mexican history furnishes a parallel 
 in the tradition of Quetzalcoatl ; and mediEeval romance re- 
 presents Charlemagne to have visited Jerusalem, and to have 
 contended with ' Hugun le Fort, Emperor of Constantinople,' 
 or the Hu Gadarn of the Kymric Triads. Nor are such 
 parallels wanting in the traditions of Wales itself St. David 
 was said to have visited the Holy City, as also was King 
 Arthur ; and King Cadwaladr, who died in Wales, was said 
 to have gone to Rome, and was expected to return in order 
 to expel the Saxon intruders. 
 
 And it is not improbable that the genesis of the Madoc 
 legend may be satisfactorily explained. There were two 
 precedents already existing, in or about the fourteenth century, 
 when the formation of Triads began to become a recognised 
 form of literary composition. The first of these was that of 
 Gavran ab Aeddan, whose fate is thus indicated : 
 
 ' The three faithful families of the Isle of Britain. The 
 family of Cadwallawn when they wore fetters ; the family of 
 Gavran ab Aeddan, when the " diuankoll " was ; and the family 
 of Gwenddolau ab Ceidio, at Arderyd, who continued the fight 
 a fortnight and a month after their lord was slain. And the 
 number of each of these families was 2,100 men.' ' 
 
 The name Gavran ab Aeddan is a mistake, for Aeddan 
 was a king of the Scots, who died in a.d. 607, and Gavran 
 was his father ; but Aeddan had a son named Conan, who was 
 drowned in the sea in the year 622,^ and that fact is the basis 
 of this legend. The second series of Triads gives a further 
 insight into the nature of this ' divancoll ' or disappearance, 
 
 1 Triads, oldest series, from the Llyfr Coch (14th century) ; M%jv. 
 Arch. vol. ii. p. 16 ; Gee's edit. p. 397. [This series, although the oldest 
 in point of date, is given as series ii. in the Myv. Arch.l 
 
 " Tighernac, quoted hy O'Flaherty, Ogygia, p. 475 : ' DCXXII. 
 Conangus regis Aidani filius mari demersus.' [See a long and inter- 
 esting note upon Aeddan ab Gavran in Stephens's Gododin, recently 
 
222 MADOC. 
 
 and states that this family ' went to sea for their lord ' — a 
 aethant i'r mor dros eu harglwyd. ' And the third series states 
 the object, that ' they went to sea in quest of the " Gwerddonau 
 Llion," or Green Isles of Ocean, and were never heard of more.'^ 
 This ' divancoU ' seems to have been the only one known to 
 the compilers of the first and second series of Triads, but it is 
 possible that this may have suggested the form given to the 
 ' divancoU ' of Madoc ; and most certainly, when a second 
 ' divancoU ' had been framed from the legend of Merddin 
 Emrys, the nine bards, and the ' Glass House,' which of course 
 is a complete fiction, the temptation would have been very 
 strong to make Madoc complete the Triad. The suggestion 
 that he was lost at sea would naturally arise from, and be 
 confirmed by, these two precedents, even without any nucleus 
 of fact. 
 
 However this may be, it is quite clear that, in the time of 
 Meredydd ab Rhys, Madoc had obtained the character of a 
 sailor, a fisherman, and lover of the sea. It is possible, indeed, 
 that the origin of this legend may be traced to the words of 
 Llywarch [Prydydd y Moch], ' Ar vynwes mor,' &c., and that 
 Meredydd ab Rhys may have thought they referred to Madoc. 
 Such a misconception in an unlettered age would have been 
 natural, and far more pardonable than that of such men as 
 Dr. Pughe and Humfireys Parry in later times. leuan 
 Brechva's story is an advance upon the words of Meredydd 
 ab Rhys ; Guttyn Owen's ' ten ships ' is a still further advance ; 
 and the last addition, the ' three hundred men ' of the Triad, 
 probably represents its complete form as a native legend. 
 Up to this time, the close of the fifteenth century, there was 
 evidently no supposition that any discovery had been made 
 
 edited for the Cymmrodorion Society, by Professor Powel, pp. 280 
 et seq.] 
 
 ' Myv. Arch. vol. ii. p. 7 ; Gee's edit. p. 390 [series i. tr. 84]. 
 
 '^ Ibid, vol. ii. p. 59 ; Gee's edit. p. 401 [series iii. tr. 10]. 
 
THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 223 
 
 by Gavran, Merddin, or Madoc ; and of the latter and his 
 three hundred men, the Triads of the third series, composed 
 not earlier than the close of the fifteenth century, expressly 
 assert that ' it is not known whither they went,' and that the 
 place where they were lost was utterly unknown. And it is 
 in the highest degree probable that, if no such discovery had 
 been made by Columbus, no such claim would have been 
 made on behalf of Prince Madoc. 
 
 Thus, up to the very close of the fifteenth century, this 
 tradition, in its pure Kymric form, did not pretend to affirm 
 that Madoc had discovered any Western lands, nor to know 
 whither he had gone; but when the discovery of America 
 took place, and became generally known, and not before, the 
 Madoc legend assumed a new form, and adapted itself to the 
 facts thus published to the world. Before the voyages of 
 Columbus, it is expressly said that ' it was not known ' whither 
 Madoc went ; but, the new lands having been found, there 
 was no longer any mystery about the matter ; and patriotic 
 Welshmen easily convinced themselves that Madoc went to 
 America. Humphrey Llwyd could now clearly mark the 
 course he took ; declare, with all the appearance of historical 
 authority, that he sailed to the West, leaving Ireland to the 
 North ; and affirm, without hesitation, that Madoc must have 
 landed where the Spaniards did. But the miist of Llwyd 
 failed to satisfy Powel ; and, having the results of Mexican 
 conquests before him, he sought and found, to his own satis- 
 faction, traces of the Madogian settlement in that locality. 
 Hornius aaid Hakluyt, who, for reasons of their own, fixed the 
 settlement in Virginia, circulated the new tale; and Sir 
 Thomas Herbert, who is erroneously supposed to have drawn 
 his materials from the library of Raglan Castle, adorned the 
 narrative with details from the voyages of Columbus, as 
 Llwyd and Powel had done before him ; and having a cordial 
 hatred of the Spaniards, who were then the enemies of England, 
 
224 MADOC. 
 
 he claimed the priority of discovery for the Cambrian Prince. 
 Then followed the crowning glory of the poetic epitaph found 
 in Mexico, upon the tomb of ' the true whelp of Owen 
 Gwynedd.' 
 
 Up to this point there had been no suspicion of Welsh 
 Indians. Llwyd was of opinion that Madoc and his followers 
 had neither preserved their language nor remained a distinct 
 people ; for he expressly says that, ' because this people were 
 not manie, they followed the manners of the land they came 
 unto, and used the language they found there.' But, as time 
 rolled on, the story grew ; Morgan Jones preached to the 
 Welsh Indians in Silurian Kymraeg ; Welsh Bibles were found 
 among them ; and every confirmation that falsehood and 
 credulity could invent and credit were eagerly pressed into 
 the service, until the Kymry, wise and foolish, learned and 
 unlearned, elevated the existence of the Welsh Indians into 
 an article of national faith, and believed as firmly that Madoc 
 crossed the Atlantic and settled on the Missouri as that Moses 
 crossed the Red Sea, and that the Israelites occupied the 
 land of Canaan. Southey made the reputed discovery the 
 subject of an epic poem ; and the story, through the zeal of 
 William Owen and Edward Williams, and the genius of the 
 late Poet Laureate,' gained very general acceptance. 
 
 Then came a reaction. Tangible proofs were demanded 
 of these confident assertions. Searches were made for the 
 Welsh Indians ; but they could not be found. The survey of 
 Lewis and Clarke, as well as the journeys of Evans and 
 Eoberts, proved that they did not exist ; Southey's epic was 
 found to rest on ' the baseless fabric of a vision ' ; and ever 
 since the crp.dit of the whole story has rapidly declined, so 
 that at the present moment it is generally discredited, and 
 not a single living writer of any standing in literature can be 
 
 ' [The allusion here is to Southey ; this work having been written 
 a few years after his deatli, and in tlie lifetime of Tennyson.] 
 
THE GROWTH OF THE LEGEND. 225 
 
 named as a positive authority in its favour. My readers and 
 myself have now carefully examined the evidence, in order to 
 form our own judgment ; and I shall marvel much if any 
 candid reader rises from the perusal of these pages with any 
 other impression than that the story is not founded on facts. 
 
 Seeing, then, that we have here a legend, and not an 
 historic narrative, it behoves us seriously to consider whether 
 we are not wantonly trifling with our national character, and 
 bringing our name and country into much discredit, by boast- 
 ing of glories which do not belong to us, while neglecting to 
 perform duties which would really enlarge our name and 
 fame ; and by thrusting in the faces of English and Continental 
 scholars assertions which we cannot prove and they will not 
 believe. The Madoc story has already done us very serious 
 injury; it has lowered our character as truthful men, and 
 lost us much of our credit as a literary people. How long 
 are we to continue this ruinous practice ? The story is clearly 
 a legend, and has had its day ; and it is rather late for us 
 even to retrieve our lost ground. But let us do our duties, 
 late as it is. Let us put the legend in its proper place in the 
 list of our ' Mabinogion.' Let us show that we are not inca- 
 pable either of self-analysis or of historical criticism ; and let 
 us show that we have, in our ancient history, literature, and 
 language, honours enough that are really our own, without 
 filching the glories or tarnishing the renown of Christopher 
 Columbus. 
 
 M We inherit, and stUl fluently speak, one of the parent 
 languages of the world ; let it be our aim to illustrate it 
 worthily, and obtain for it an honoured place in comparative 
 philology. We have an ancient Hterature, which Europe 
 expects us to translate and illustrate : be it our pleasing duty 
 to gratify the expectation. We have an honourable history, 
 as yet unwritten, and existing in bardic materials : may we 
 seek to study these records, to write our annals honestly 
 
 Q 
 
226 MADOC. 
 
 and thoroughly, and to present such pictures of our forefathers 
 and ourselves, as from their fidelity shall obtain for us lasting 
 honours, when the fables which form the texts of stump- 
 oratory have been scattered to the four winds of heaven. Our 
 fathers did their duties in their days and generations ; let us 
 be worthy inheritors of their fame, and discharge the duties 
 of our own day, manfully and well, so that our names also 
 shall savour as sweetly in the nostrils of our posterity as 
 those of our ancestors do in ours. 
 
 TERFYNAIS. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 MADOC LITEBATUBE. 
 
 I. 
 
 Honoured Cousin, — This is a copy of the paper which my dear 
 brother T. K. sent unto me from New York, in America, which 
 I promised to give you a copy of when I was at Trefnanny, and 
 which thou hast a desire to let the Bishop of St. Asaph i see. My 
 long absence from home hindered me tUl now ; but to elucidate 
 things a little to thyself, as well as to that great antiquary, give 
 me leave to premise a few things of the occasion of it. Myself 
 and brother, some years since, discoursed with cousin Thomas 
 Price, of Llanvilling, on this subject ; and he told us that one 
 Stedman, of Brecknockshire, was, about thirty years ago, more or 
 less, on the coast of America, in a Dutch bottom, and, being about 
 to land for refreshment, the natives kept them off by force, till 
 at last this Stedman told his fellow Dutch seamen that he under- 
 stood what the natives spoke: the Dutch bid him speak to them, 
 and they were thereupon very courteous ; they supplied them 
 with the best things they had ; and these men told Stedman that 
 they came from a country called Gwynedd in Prydain Fawr. 
 This was the substance of it as far as I can remember. It was, 
 as I think, betwixt Virginia and Florida or Mexico. This dis- 
 course is said to be attested by the dying man. Oliver Humphreys, 
 a merchant, lately dead (whose wife was, not long since, at St. 
 Asaph, to prove his nuncupative will), told me that he spoke, 
 when he lived at Surinam, with an English privateer or pirate, 
 who, being near Florida a-careening his vessel, had learnt, as he 
 
 » Dr. WUIiam Lloyd. (T.S.) 
 
228 MADOC. 
 
 thought, the Indian language, which my friend said was perfect 
 Welsh ; and, to omit other uncertain relations and conjectures, 
 Sir Thomas Herbert hints at this about the last half of his book 
 of Travels to the East Indies, and he cites Dr. Powel's chronicle, 
 or rather his annotator's, H. Lloyd • of Denbigh, for confirmation 
 of it ■ both which, or one of them, are said to extract this relation 
 out of Gitto of Glyn, and, as I remember, in Owen Gwynedd, or 
 his son David's life, for I have not the book by me at present, it 
 being now in Herefordshire, in which place it is said that five or 
 six ships went from Anglesey towards the south-west, leaving 
 Ireland on the right hand, and found at last this country, and 
 returned back and persuaded his countrymen not to strive with 
 the English, or kill one another about so barren a country, for 
 that he hath lately found a better with few or no inhabitants ; 
 and upon this about eleven ships went away, fuU of Britons, 
 which were never heard of to any purpose until now. My brother 
 having heard this, and meeting with this Jones at New York, he 
 desired him to write it with his own hand in my brother's house ; 
 and to please me and my cousin, Thomas Price, he sent me the 
 original. This Jones lived within twelve miles of New York, 
 and was contemporary with me and my brother at Oxford. He 
 was of Jesus College, and called then Senior Jones for distinction. 
 The names being not inserted as modern writers do write them 
 nowadays ; but I bid the clerk transcribe according to the 
 original. The bishop will soon rectify them, or any geographer : 
 I was willing to leave the apographon to be like the autographon. 
 But, if I may speak my sentiments, the Doeg Indians may be 
 corrupted from the Madog Indians, and Cape Atros may be Cape 
 Hatterash, near Cape Pair in Carolina ; for he saith that these 
 British Indians be seated on Pantigo river, near Cape Atros. 
 This Pantigo is perhaps some old name, yet hath a British sound. 
 He names Cape Fair, not Peir ; qumre an idem ? He names 
 Port Royal, which is now in Carolina. Then he fled towards 
 Virginia. The Tuscorara Indians and Doeg Indians are placed 
 there in the new maps of the English empire. I suppose his 
 flight, and finding deliverance from his unexpected countrymen, 
 was about Bacon's rebellion in Virginia, and was with the Indians 
 about 1669. This Jones promised to bring any thither, his charges 
 being borne, in a month's time from New York. 
 
 ^ Powel was the annotator of H. Lloyd. (T.S.) 
 
APPENDIX. 229 
 
 Bear with my hasty one hour's descant, the bearer being in 
 haste, which I thought once to publish more largely in print, if 
 some more worthy would not attempt it. If I came near the 
 bishop, I might enlarge about this and some other things of 
 antiquity, of which I had some cursory discourse with him at 
 London. 
 
 I am, 
 
 Thy much obliged friend and kinsman, 
 
 Charles Lloyd.' 
 
 M. Day 
 Dolobran : 8 14 f (i.e. August 14, 1704). 
 
 II. 
 
 JOHN EVANS'S LETTER. 
 'Taith at t Madogion.' 
 
 Cqpi o Lythyr odcliwrih John Evans o'r Waunpawe, yn Aefon, 
 at ei Frawd. 
 
 Baltimore : Dydd Gwyl Stephan, 1792. 
 
 Anwyl Frawd, — Nid yw yr ehangder sydd rhyngof k thydi, 
 yn Ueihau dim ar y gwreiddiol gariad sydd yn fy nghalon tu ag 
 attoch oil. Llawer a feddyUais am danoch, pan oeddwn wedi fy 
 amgylchi gan fynyddoedd o donau ar y cefnfor ; yn ganlynol ti 
 a gai ychydig o'm hanes : Mi a gyrhaeddais y Porthladd yma, y 
 degfed o Bagfyr ; gan mai y neges fwyaf gennyf oedd ymholi 
 ynghylch yr Indiaid Cynmreig ; er mwyn dwyn ar ddyall i ti 
 pwy wyf yn feddwl wrth Indiaid Cynmreig, rhaid it wybod 
 ddarfod i Fadawg ah Owain Gwynedd hwylio gyd % deg o longau 
 i eigion y Gorllewin yn y flwyddyn 1170 : yr Indiaid Cynmreig 
 ydynt hUiogaeth y g^ enwog hwnnw, wedi amlhau yn genhedl 
 liosog, yn awr, yn preswylio y wlad ehangaf a ffrwythlonaf dan 
 haul, o ddeutu i dair mil o fiUtiroedd yn y gorllewin oddi yma. 
 Myfi, dy fiyddlonaf frawd sydd wedi cymmeryd arnaf y gwaith o 
 fyned i'w plith. 
 
 Mor ddedwydd wyf yn tybied fy hun o gael bod yngwaith fy 
 anwyl lesu, y Person bendigedig hwnnw a gymmerodd arno ein 
 natur ni, ac ynddi a f oddlonodd ddwyf ol gyfiawnder. Bendigedig, 
 
 ' Published in Owen's British Bemams, pp. 107-111. 
 
230 MADOC. 
 
 ie, bendigedig a fyddo ei enw yn dragywydd, efe a fu yn gym- 
 morth i mi, yn wyneb mil o brofedigaethau, pan oedd pob noddfa 
 arall wedi pallu, i'r agen hon o'r Graig gorfu i'm ddiangc, a 
 chefais ddiogelwoh : y Gwr sydd yn noddfa rhag y gwynt, ac yn 
 lloches rhag y dymhestl a wnaeth i mi cyn hyn edrych angeu yn 
 ei wyneb pan yr oedd o fawn modfedd i mi, a hynny gyd k 
 sirioldeb. Yr ydwyf yn meddwl mai fy nyledswydd y-w gogoneddu 
 ei enw, os gallaf , drwy agor y drws i'r efengyl dragywyddol fyned 
 i blith y trueiniaid hyn, fy mrodyr ; am hynny yr ydwyf wedi 
 offrymmu fy mywyd i waith yr Arglwydd, gan ymddiried y gofala 
 ef am danaf. Yr ydwyf yn bresennol yn Glare i un o'r mar- 
 siandwyr mwyaf yn y dref hon, fy nghyflog yw 50 punt, a rhyfeddol 
 o'r cyf eillion sydd gennyf yn y Byd newydd yma, llawer mwy nag 
 oedd gennyf yn Nghynmru, nac yn Lloegr ; cynnygiodd fy meistr 
 fy rhoddi mewn Masnach (Bussiness) fy hun, neu adael i mi 
 yrru am eiddo i Loegr, a'u gwerthu yn ei Slop ef, os arhoswn yno ; 
 ond yr ydwyf yn rhwym yn fy nghydwybod i gynmyg oael allan 
 fy mrodyr, y Cynmry, yr wyf yn hynod o hoff o'r hen Gynmraeg, 
 siarad Gynmraeg wrthyf f y hun, rhag im' ei goUwng yn anghof, a 
 bob amser yn canu Gynmraeg. Dywed wrth fy ngh§,r, Dafydd 
 Thomas, ddarfod im' ganu ei garol, ar Byw heih a/i-all i'w wneuthur, 
 yma, ddydd ISTadolig. Y mae chwech o Gynmry yn y dref hon, 
 a llawer o feibion Cynmry, y rhai nid ydynt yn dyall yr iaith. 
 Mi a gerddais dri chant o fiUdiroedd, i ymweled a'r Dr. Samuel 
 Jones, Cynmro, ac un o aelodau y Senedd-d^ yn America ; y mae 
 ef yn cynnyg cael i mi ugain o w^r S,g arfau i fyned gydS, mi, i'm 
 diogelu rhag yr Indiaid. — Dyma y wlad hyfrydaf a welais erioed ; 
 y mae y bobl dlodion yn y wlad yma yn byw yn well na'r 
 Ffarmwyr yn Nghynmru. Ti a elUt, pe bait yn gwerthu Tai'r 
 Ffynnon, a dyfod yma, brynu tyddyn mwy na'r Glyn-Llifon, am 
 yr arian. Nid wyf yn meddwl byth ddyfod i Loegr i ymsefydlu, 
 ond e allai y deuaf i'ch ceisio chwi, ac i ganu ffarwel i wlad fy 
 ngenedigaeth. Mi a fedraf ddyfod am ddim, am fod gennyf 
 gydnabyddiaeth gyd a'r Marsiandwyr yn y dref yma. y 
 llawenydd a fydd yno! pan y cyfarfyddom a'n gilydd etto, wedi 
 i'r Arglwydd fy ngwared o filoedd o gyfyngderau, cymmaint a 
 fydd ein llawenydd a phan gyfarfu yr hen Siacoh a'i fab Sioseph. 
 Y mae Mr. John Williams, mab Meillionen, yn meddwl dyfod 
 ar fy ol ymhen blwyddyn. Yr ydwyf yn gobeithio y byddaf yn 
 ngwlad y Madawgwya cyn hynny. Y mae myrdd o beryglon yn 
 
APPENDIX, 231 
 
 arcs am danaf, ti a elli feddwl, gan fod gen i fil a hanner o 
 filldiroedd i'w teithio drwy wlad y dynion gwylltion. 
 
 O f y mrawd, a phawb sydd yn caru f y llwyddiant, gweddiwch 
 droswyf, ar i Dduw'r nefoedd fy nwyn yn ddiogel i ben £y 
 ymdaith, er gogoniant iV enw. — Yr ydwyf yn eich cofleidio i gyd 
 yn fy meddwl, gyd k dagrau, rhag mai dyma y tro diweddaf y 
 clywch oddi wrth eich brawd : ond os cwympaf o flaen fy 
 ngelynion, yn yr ymdrechiad ; gwybyddwch fy mod wedi marvsr 
 yn ddewr yn achos fy nghyd-wladwyr, fal y dylai Brython. 
 
 Na -wylwch droswyf, am fod presennoldeb yr HoUalluog wedi 
 bod gyd k mi yn neillduol, ynghanol coed wig y gorllewinol fyd 
 hwn yn fynych, pan wrthyf fy hun, yr wy'n canu fal hyn: 
 
 Ar f6r o Wydr teithio 'r wy' 
 Lie garw, enbyd, yw ; 
 Lie soddodd myrdd, a llawer mwy 
 A mi trwy ras yn fyw, &c. 
 
 Wyf dy garedig Frawd, 
 
 Ibuan ab Ipan. 
 
 O.S. Byddaf yn myned oddi yma i Ffort Cumberland, oddi 
 yno i Ffort Pitt, oddi yno i lawr yr afon Ohio mewn cwch ar/og. 
 
 III. 
 
 LETTER FBOM DB. SAMUEL JONES. 
 
 Llythyr oddiwrth Dr. Samuel Jones at T. E. oV Waunpawr, 
 yn Aefon. 
 
 Lower Dublin : Mai 'r 8fed, 1793. 
 Str, — Eich brawd, f el yr wyf yn meddwl, a diriodd i Baltimore 
 yr hydref diweddaf, oddiyno y daeth i Philadelphia, ac yna i'm 
 tf inau, ddenddeg milldir oddiyno. Wedi ycliydig amser fe a 
 ddychwelodd i Baltimore, He treuliodd y gauaf mewn Cyfrif-d;^, 
 ac yna dychwelodd yn y gwanwyn. Dywedodd wrthyf fi, mai ei 
 brif ddiben yn dyf od i America oedd amcanyd cael allan yr Indiaid 
 Cymreig, Cychwynodd, o'm ty i, ddechreu mis Ma wrth ar ei daith 
 i'r gorllewin, i'r diben hyny. Anturiaeth glodfawr ond ei bod 
 yn beryglus. Fel yr ydwyf fy hun yn wresog yn yr achos hwn, 
 dymunaf iddo Iwyddiant o'm calon, ond ni roddais iddo ddim 
 annogaeth, ond yh hytrach mi ai cynghorais i'r gwrthwyneb, hyd 
 
232 MADOC. 
 
 onis cawsai ragor o gyfeillion i uno &g ef yn y daith. Ond yr 
 oedd wedi ragderfynu yn ei feddwl i fyned, ac felly efe a aeth. 
 Erbyn hyn yr wyf yn disgwyl ei fod fil o fiUdiroedd yngwlad yr 
 Indiaid. Pan gadawodd fy nhy i dymunodd amaf anfon y 
 Uythyrau a allswn ei gael oddiwrtho, ac atteb y cyfryw a anfonyd 
 iddo yma, am y byddai yn amhosibl eu hanfon ar ei ol ef. 
 
 Yr ydwyf wedi 'sgrifennu dau lythyr i LundaLa yn barod 
 mewn atteb iV eiddo ef. 
 
 Ni ychwannegaf, ond bod gennym wlad hyfryd, He yr ydym 
 
 yn rhydd ac yn ddedwydd, a lie mae rbyw beth o rym duwioldeb, 
 
 yn gystal a'i rith. na b'ai miloedd yn dyfod drosodd, yma, o 
 
 wlad fy ngenedigaeth, He tynais yr anadUad gyntaf, ar He sydd 
 
 anwyl gennyf hyd y dydd hwn. 
 
 Ydwyf eich, &c., 
 
 Samuel Jones. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Evans's Ascent of the Missouei, and Visit to the Mandans. 
 
 ' Hanes Taith John Evans yn yr Avierica.' 
 
 ( ' Greal neu Eurgrawn,' 1800.) 
 
 ' Ynghylch chwe' blynedd (neu ychwaneg), a aeth ant heibio, 
 yr hyspyswyd yn gyhoeddus, fod Uwyth o Indiaid Oymreig yn 
 cyf aneddu ar Ian af on Missouri ; a bod dyn ieuangc o'r enw John 
 Evans (yr bwn a anwyd yn y Bettws Garmon, gerllaw Caernarfon) 
 wedi cymmeryd y gwaith yn Uaw o gael gafael yn y cyfryw bobl. 
 
 ' Ar ol gorchfygu amry wiol rwystrau, efe a gychwynnodd ei 
 daith yn Awst 1795, o St. Lewis ynghwmp'ni Mr. James Mackay, 
 goruchwiliwr y farsiandaeth ar yr afon Missouri ; ac ynghylch 
 diwedd y flwyddyn, efe a diriodd ymhlith Uwyth o Indiaid a elwir 
 Mahas, 900 o filldiroedd i fynu yr afon Missouri, ac yno y gauafodd 
 efe. Yn Chwefror 1796, efe a ail gychwynnodd i'w daith tu a'r 
 GorUewin, ac a aeth yn ei flaen ynghylch 300 milldir ; ond gorfu 
 iddo droi yn ol i'w sefydle flaenorol, pan ganf u fod y Seaux mewn 
 agwedd ryfelgar ; ond yn y Maihafhin canlynol, efe a gychwyn- 
 nodd ar hyd yr un ffordd ; ac yn Awst, efe a diriodd yn mysg y 
 Mandan a'r cenhedloedd bobliog,' 900 milldir oddiwrth y Mahas. 
 
 ' ' Pobliog ' is here used apparently in the sense of the Spanish 
 ■word, pueblo, a town, to denote that the Mandans had fixed habitations, 
 unlike the migratory Indians. 
 
APPENDIX. 233 
 
 ' Mae'r Missouri, medd efe, dros 780 o filldiroedd o St. Lewis, 
 yn ymddolenu, ac yn ffurfio camrhedyneu ardderchog, ac yn 
 rhedeg drwy ddolydd hyfryd morwastad a bwrdd; ond ar ambell 
 dro, y mae'r afon yn rhedeg ar bob ochr i'r bryniau ; ond ei 
 thyniad cyffrediaol sydd tu a'r dehau i'r gwastadedd ynghylch 
 1200 o filldiroedd ; y mae hi yn Uawn o ynysoedd bychain, ac yn 
 derbyn iddi amryw o firydiau mawrion o'r Mandas, a'r Puncas, 
 yr hyn sydd agos i 600 milldir. Mae'r afon wedi ynnUl ei ffordd, 
 ac yn rhedeg yn orwyllt drwy fynyddoedd a bryniau yn llawn o 
 fwngloddiau. 
 
 'Wedi golygu achymmeryd darlun o'r afon Missouri am 1800 
 milldir, efe a ddychwelodd gyd & chefnfifrwd yr afon mewn 68 o 
 ddyddiau. Cyrhaeddodd i St. Lewis, yn y Gorphenhaf 1797, ar 
 ol bod yn absenol agos i ddwy flynedd. 
 
 ' Mewn perthynas i'r Indiaid Cymreig, y mae efe yn dywedyd, 
 nad allai ef gyfarfod a'r fath bobl : ac y mae efe wedi sefydlu ei 
 farn, yr hon a seiliodd ar gydnabyddiaeth gyd ag amryw Iwythau, 
 nad oes y fath bobl mewn bod.' 
 
 This document alone would suffice to negative the supposition 
 of the Kjrmric origin of the Mandans, and of the existence of 
 Welsh Indians on the Missouri. The editor of the ' Greal ' 
 suggested that Evans did not go far enough ; but the researches 
 of Catlin have shown that this was an error, and that the Black- 
 feet, Crows, and Knisteneux, who lay further west, were not 
 ' Welsh ' Indians. 
 
 V. 
 
 There are several pieces composed in reference to the supposed 
 voyages of Madoc, which may be referred to here, if not repro- 
 duced. Of course, they cannot be accounted to be authorities. 
 Dr. Williams's two essays have been frequently cited in the fore- 
 going pages, as also the pamphlet of the Rev. G. Burder; but the 
 most celebrated work of this kiad is Southey's epic poem, which, 
 being now well known, needs no further notice. 
 
 VL 
 
 The ' Cylchgrawn,' already quoted, contains in No. 2, p. 103, a 
 speech entitled ' Madawg ab Owain Gwynedd, yn ymadaw k 
 Chynmru ' ; but, as it is not remarkable for imaginative power or 
 literary ability, I will simply indicate its existence. 
 
234 MADOC. 
 
 VII. 
 
 The latest Reference to the Madogwys. 
 
 LETTER OF MB. J. T. B0BEBT8. 
 'Yr Indiaid Cymreig.' 
 
 , Sacramento City, California : Tach. 17, 1857. 
 
 Anwyl Frawd Everett, — Yr wyf yn ysgrifenu attoch eta 
 ychydig linellau ar yr hen bwiic, sef yr Indiaid Cymreig neu 
 Wynion. Ychydig ddyddiau yn ol darfu i ddyn o'r enw Gilman 
 aros yn fy nhy (yn y mwngloddiau) am rai dyddiau, yr hwn a 
 dreuliasai auaf 1852-3 yn Great Salt Lake City. Yr oedd yn 
 byw y pryd hyny tua 40 milldir o'r ddinas hen wreigan a'i merch. 
 Tra bu fy hysbysydd yno, gwelodd dri o Indiaid Gwynion yn 
 galw yn y ty, un ddynes a dau hogyn mawr, sef dau frawd a 
 chwaer. Gwynion oedd y tri, a'r hogiau yn bengoch. Yr oedd 
 y ddynes yn brydweddol ac yn lied ffyrf a thra Uydan ei 
 hysgwyddau, a gwallt du. Yr oedd ganddi fab yn bengoch. 
 Dywedai yr hen wreigan fod gan ei gwr wallt coch. Dywedai yr 
 hen wraig y gallai hi ddeall yn mron y cwbl a ddywedai mai 
 Cymraeg oedd. Dywedai yr Indies i'w phobl hi ddyfod dros y 
 Dwfr Mawr, mewn tair Hong, ac na ddychwelsant fyth. Dywedai 
 eu bod wedi eu hamddiffyn yn gadarn, lie y preswyliant yn awr, 
 a bod gauddynt lawer o ddefaid, a'u bod yn gweithio y gwlan i 
 wneyd dillad. Dillad gwlan oedd ganddi hi y pryd hyny. 
 Maent yn cael llawer o helbul oddiwrth Indiaid eraill. Y bechgyn 
 a ddywedent iddynt gael eu lladratta gan Indiaid a'u gwerthu i 
 bobl wynion yn California-Isaf neu Mexico Newydd. Yr oeddynt 
 wedi bod yn ymweled a'u pobl ; ac yr oeddynt yn awr ar eu 
 ffordd yn dychwelyd at y bobl wynion yn ol eu haddewid, a mynai 
 y chwaer ganlyn y brodyr. Gwelodd Mr. Gilman dri o Indiaid 
 Gwynion eraill a gwallt coch yn yr un gymydogaeth, dau ddyn 
 ac un bachgen; a barna oddiwrth yr hysbysrwydd a gafodd trwy 
 yr hen wraig hono, a rhai o'r Mormoniaid a fuasent yn eu gwlad, 
 eu bod yn byw i'r de oddiwrth y Llyn Halen Fawr, yn agos i'r 
 llinell derfyn rhwng Utah a Mexico Newydd. 
 
 Daeth teulu yma yn ddiweddar y rhai a welsant yn mysg yr 
 Indiaid hyny lawer o rai gwynion a gwallt coch. Dywedir fod 
 rhai o'r Mormoniaid wedi bod yn eu mysg, yn ceisio eu proselytio 
 
APPENDIX. 235 
 
 iV fifydd hwy, a'u bod wedi methu. Maent yn grefyddol a 
 chanddynt dy cwrdd mawr. Md oedd Mr. Gilman wedi olywed 
 son am Madog ab Owen Gwynedd erioed. Fy meddwl i yw, fod 
 hyn yn brawf o fodoliaeth yr Indiaid Oymreig cryfach na dim a 
 welais etc ; a barnaf nad oes Uawer o amheuaeth nad ellid cael 
 hyd iddynt. Yr -wyf yn meddwl pe buasai genyf y fath hysbys- 
 rwydd a hyn pan yr oeddwn yn St. Louis yn ymchwilio am 
 danynt yn 1819, y buaswn yn gwneyd fyffordd atynt. Nid oedd 
 y pryd hyny ond ychydig o Gymi-y yn America mewn cydmariaeth 
 i'r hyn sydd yn awr, a'r casgliad a wnaed y pryd hyny nid oedd 
 ddim mwy na digon i dalu traul dau ddyn i St. Louis ac yn ol. 
 Nis gallwyd cael dim hanes am eu bodoliaeth yno, ac ni awd dim 
 yn mhellach. Meddyliwyf y geUid cael hyd iddynt yn awr heb 
 lawer o drafferth. 
 
 John T. Roberts. 
 
 (Extracted from the ' Cenhadwr,' an American publication, 
 into the ' Amserau,' published at Liverpool, March 31, 1858.) 
 
 Mr, Roberts here shows a livelier faith in the existence of the 
 Welsh Indians than he showed in 1819; and it is not improbable 
 that his hint respecting a subscription may lead to another 
 search. But, in order to prepare Kymric minds for the dis- 
 appointment that must result, it may be well to remark that the 
 Indians here spoken of, who wore and wove woollen garments, 
 had a large meeting-house among them, had white skins and red 
 hair, and lived to the south of the Great Salt Lake, could be no 
 other than the Moquis or Navajoes, of whom we have already 
 w^ritten at length. We know from Ruxton and others that they 
 have albinoes among them, that they are light- coloured as com- 
 pared with other Indians, that they have a casa grande or great 
 temple, and that they make blankets ; but all that does not show 
 them to be Welsh, and we cannot trust the statement of an old 
 woman, who possibly did not know Welsh herself, or, perhaps, 
 like Barney Ward's friend, knew ' only a few words.' The 
 Moquis, as we have already said on the authority of Ruxton, 
 spoke the Aztec or Mexican language, which has no resemblance 
 to Kymraeg. 
 
236 MADOC. 
 
 The Llangollen Adjudication on the Madoc Essays. 
 
 The adjudication of the Rev. D. S. Evans, formerly professor 
 of the Welsh language at Lampeter College, and author of an 
 excellent English-Welsh dictionary in two vols., recently pub- 
 lished, is as follows : 
 
 ■ To the Secretaries of the Llangollen Eisteddfod. 
 
 Gentlemen, — Inasmuch as a controversy has arisen respecting 
 the adjudication on the Madoc Essays, and as one of the reasons 
 alleged by the Llangollen committee for withholding the prize 
 from the author of the best essay is an imputed informality in 
 my award, I, as one of the appointed judges, consider it to be my 
 duty to the competitors and to myself again to lay before the 
 committee a formal statement of my views. 
 
 The subject was announced in these terms : ' For the best 
 essay on the discovery of America in the 12th century, by Prince 
 Madoc ap Owen Gwynedd, 20?. and a silver star.' 
 
 Six essays were forwarded to me. Five of the writers took 
 the aifirmative side, and laboured with more or less ability to 
 show that Madoc ap Owen had discovered America ; but one of 
 them, under the signature of Gwenbsth Ergtdlym, by far the 
 ablest writer, took the opposite side ; examined the subject fully 
 and candidly ; displayed throughout a deep acquaintance with all 
 the evidences bearing upon the question ; and manifested no 
 small amount of critical sagacity. 
 
 While the essays were under consideration, I received a note 
 from one of the secretaries, stating that both he and his colleague 
 were of opinion that a treatise ' sent in on the non-discovery of 
 America ought not to be received, there being no such subject ia 
 the programme.' This interference with the functions of the 
 judges appears to me to have been irregular and improper, and 
 implied that those to whom the adjudication of these essays had 
 been entrusted were not capable of deciding whether they were 
 on the proposed subject or not. I therefore claim for myself, and 
 for those who acted with me, the right to interpret the terms of 
 the announcement in accordance with their obvious meaning, and 
 the spirit of the age in which we live. I am decidedly of opinion 
 that the negative essayist ought to participate in the competition; 
 and I emphatically deny that the competitors were bound to 
 
APPENDIX. 237 
 
 commit the immorality of adopting any conclusion that seemed 
 to them not warranted by the premises. 
 
 I do not think it necessary to enter into the comparative 
 merits of the affirmative essays. All of them, whether we take 
 them singly or collectively, appear to me to fall far short of 
 establishing the points which their respective writers have under- 
 taken to prove ; and as literary compositions, none of them will 
 bear comparison with the masterly essay of Gwrnerth Ergydlym. 
 
 Having read the whole of the essays with as much care as the 
 circumstances permitted, the impressions produced on my mind 
 are these : 
 
 1. That the existence of the so-called Welsh Indians has not 
 yet been established. 
 
 2. That Madoc's alleged discovery of the American continent 
 rests upon bare conjecture. 
 
 3. And that it is still an open question whether he ever left 
 his own country. 
 
 If these essays exhaust the subject to which they refer, I can 
 draw no other inference from their contents than that these points 
 cannot, with our present stock of knowledge, be proved to the 
 satisfaction of unbiassed minds. I am, therefore, of opinion that 
 one judgment alone is possible ; and that the prize ought to be 
 awarded to Gwrnerth Ergydlym. 
 
 In this sense, but less fully, I had expressed myself to you in 
 the communication which I addressed to you in the earlier part 
 of the Eisteddfod week; and I must be permitted to observe that 
 my decision in this case was as formal as in the case of 'Barddas' 
 and the 'Diarebion Cymreig,' of which I acted as one of the judges 
 and no complaint was made that my verdict, in reference to those 
 subjects, was deficient in point of formality. 
 
 I now confirm my former judgment, and must be understood 
 to affirm emphatically, — 
 
 1. That the essay of Gwrnerth Ergydlym is strictly upon the 
 subject, and entitled to compete. 
 
 2. That it is by far the best essay sent to me. 
 
 3. And that the author is fully entitled to the prize of 201. 
 and the silver star. 
 
 I remain. Gentlemen, 
 
 Your faithful servant, 
 Llangian: December 8, 185S. D. SiLVAN EvANS. 
 
238 MADOC. 
 
 ' I hereby certify that the above is a true copy of the adjudica- 
 tion sent this day to the honorary secretaries of the Llangollen 
 Eisteddfod. Witness my hand this eighth day of December, 
 1858. 
 
 'D. Silvan Evans.' 
 
 (The prize for ' Barddas ' was awarded to one of the Hon. Sees., 
 the Rev. John Williams (' Ab Ithel '), who is also a competitor 
 for the Madoc prize.) 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Abbott, ' History of the World ' by, 
 29 
 
 Abergwili (or Abergele?), Madoc 
 sailed from, 28 
 
 Aberpergwm, book of, improperly 
 oaUed ' Chronicle of Caradoo,' 
 178 ; Stephens's views respecting, 
 ib.; contains no reference to Madoc, 
 174 ; its probable date, 178 
 
 Ab Ithel, Bev. John Williams, Madoc 
 essay by, 133, ISa 
 
 Acusamil, people of, adored the Cross, 
 28 
 
 Adair, 'History of American Indians,' 
 cited, 141 
 
 Adjudication, Llangollen Eisteddfod, 
 236 
 
 Alexander the Great, romance of, 21 
 
 Alexander, Sir J. E., 'L'Acadie,' 
 cited, 86 
 
 America, place of Welshmen in his- 
 tory of, 2 ; alleged discovery of, by 
 Maidoo, disputed by Welshmen of 
 repute, 3 ; a frequent subject for 
 competitionatWelshEisteddfodau, 
 ib. ; English Colonies in, 41 ; said 
 to have been discovered by King 
 Arthur, 29 ; from Canada to Peru 
 claimed as habitation of Madogwys, 
 72 ; the name said to be Welsh, 
 86 ; ' ' discovered by the Welsh,' by 
 Bev. B.F. Bowen, 87; ' Pre-Colum- 
 bian Voyages of Welsh to,' by De 
 Costa, ib. ; Bobertson's history of, 
 88, 158, 161, 189, 190, 196 ; hardly 
 discoverable by accident, 191 
 
 Amerious Vesputius, 27, 34, 86 
 
 ' Amserau,' the, newspaper, John T. 
 Boberts's letter in, 119, 235 
 
 Analectic Magazine, the, referred to, 
 58 
 
 Archseologia Cambrensis referred to, 
 178, 192 
 
 Arctic regions, Indians from, said to 
 speak Welsh, 51 
 
 ' Ar myr ucha,' alleged original Welsh 
 form of ' America,' 85 
 
 Arthur, King, said to have discovered 
 America, 29 
 
 Asquaw Indians, Welsh, 62 
 
 ' Athenseum,' the, on voyages to 
 America in small vessels, 195 
 
 ' Awdyl yr Haiarn Twymyu,' by 
 Llywarch Prydyddy Moch, 11 ; its 
 relevance first indicated by Mr. 
 Humffreys Parry, ib. ; first trans- 
 lated in Stephens's ' Literature of 
 the Kymry,' ib. 
 
 Aztecs, or Mexican aborigines, ac- 
 count of, 157 ; their language had 
 no afiBnity to Welsh, 159 
 
 ' Babel, the Tower of,' by John 
 
 Jones, 80 
 Bancroft's History of United States, 
 
 43, 130, 142, 151, 158 
 'Bardd, Y,' a Welsh American 
 
 periodical, 156 
 Bardic Museum, the, by Edward 
 
 Jones, 20 
 
 — Poems, supposed allusions to 
 Madoc in, 8 ; cited in support of 
 conflicting theories, 7 ; shown to 
 be irrelevant, 200 ; or prove Madoc 
 to have been killed in Wales, 210 
 
 Bartlett, John Eussell, professed to 
 hold documents proving truth ot 
 Cambrian tradition, 86 
 
 Beatty, Bev. Charles, ' Journal of 
 Two Months' Tour ' &c., 52, 55, 65 
 
 — and Duffield, Messrs., 54 
 
240 
 
 MADOC. 
 
 'Beirniad, Y,' Stephens's essay on 
 ' Triads ' in, 21 
 
 Bell's Geography referred to, 167 
 
 Bennett, Major-General, Morgan 
 Jones chaplain to, 45, 129 
 
 Bentley's Dissertations on 'Phalaris ' 
 referred to, 4 
 
 Berkeley, Sir William, Governor of 
 Virginia, 129 
 
 Bibles, Indians said to possess MS., 
 65 
 
 Binfin, Mr., of Coetty, an Indian 
 trader, 53 ; Indians told him their 
 ancestors canie from Wales, ib. ; 
 his stay among Welsh Indians, 60 ; 
 great purity of Indian Welsh, ib. ; 
 Indians showed him MS. book, 65 ; 
 and stone with inscription in 
 honour of Madoo, 71 
 
 Blathwayte, Secretary of Charles II., 
 a Welshman, 137 
 
 Bowen, Emanuel, geographer, ac- 
 cepted Madoc tradition, 75 
 
 — Eev. B. F., ' America discovered 
 by the Welsh,' 87 
 
 Bowles, General, Cherokee chief, 
 knew Padoucas or Welsh Indians, 
 50,51 
 
 Brechfa, leuan. Triads compiled 
 from his book, 21 ; died about 
 A.D. 1500, 22 ; ' Brut,' epitome of 
 Welsh History by, ib. ; contains 
 no reference to Madoc, ib. ; ' Book 
 of Pedigrees ' by, makes no men- 
 tion of Madoc's expedition, ib., 
 174, 177 ; signs heraldic return 
 in 1460, 177 
 
 Bretons, Armorican, gave name to 
 Cape Breton, 158 
 
 ' Breviary of Britain,' by Humphrey 
 Llwyd, 16 
 
 'British Sailor's Discovery,' the, 
 34 
 
 ' British Eemains,' Nicholas Owen's, 
 45,48 
 
 Britons of 4th century, alleged naval 
 celebrity of, 197 
 
 Broughton cited by Sir Thomas 
 Herbert, 34 
 
 Brown, Dr. Thomas, essay on ' Cause 
 and Effect,' 4 
 
 Brydones, reputed descendants of 
 Britons, 64 ; possessed MSS. 
 referring to island ' Brydon,' ib. 
 
 BrynjulfsBon, Mr. Gisle, on Madoc's 
 presumable knowledge of North- 
 men's discovery of Greenland, 192 
 
 ' Brython, Y,' 59, 119 
 
 Buache, M., a believer in Madoc 
 
 tradition, 75 
 Bunsen's ' Philosophy of History of 
 
 Mankind ' cited, 168 
 Burder, Eev. George, 52, 57, 58, 65, 
 
 76, 111 
 Burnell, Eichard, knew Lewis, who 
 
 saw Welsh Indians among Chick- 
 
 asaws, 55 
 
 Cabots, the, their discovery of 
 
 America, 41 
 Caldwell, Sir John, Welshmen in his 
 
 company said Pawnees spoke 
 
 Welsh, 71 
 ' Cambrian Biography,' Owen's, 22, 
 
 72, 79, 104, 177, 179 
 ' Cambrian Journal,' Ab Ithel's 
 
 Madoo essay in, 133, 136, 175 
 ' Cambrian ' newspaper, Owen 
 
 WiUiams's letter in, 123 
 ' Cambrian Quarterly Magazine,' 84, 
 
 86, 96, 136, 143, 197, 215 
 ' Cambrian Eegister,' the, 14, 50, 79, 
 
 103, 105, 109, 164 
 ' Cambro-Briton,' the, 11, 14, 17, 
 
 22, 33, 36, 63, 72, 90, 170, 179 
 Camden, Wilham, 33 
 Campbell, Dr., author of 'Naval 
 
 History,' a believer in Madoc 
 
 story, 76 
 Campbell's, Mrs., 'Tales about 
 
 Wales,' 56, 66 
 Canada, Governor of, his mission to 
 
 Welsh Indians, 68 
 Cape Breton, so named from Breton 
 
 sailors, not Madogwys, 158 
 Caradoc of Llancarvan, 21 ; Madoo 
 
 narrative not found in any 
 
 chronicle of his, 172 ; ' Book of 
 
 Aberpergwm ' wrongly called 
 
 chronicle of, 173 
 Carmarthen Eisteddfod of 1823, 
 
 Madoo question an open one there- 
 at, 4 ; the decision there essentially 
 
 negative, i6., 91; Humffreys Parry 
 
 essay for, 9, 22 
 'Carmarthen Journal,' letter of H. 
 
 Phillips in, 124 
 ' Carnhuanawc ' (Eev. Thomas 
 
 Price), 92, 145, 194, 213 
 Carolina, North, settlement of, by 
 
 Sir Wm. Berkeley, 129 
 Catlin's 'North American Indians,' 
 
 43, 50, 51, 70, 147, 151 
 
INDEX. 
 
 241 
 
 ' Cenhadwr, Y,' John T. Eoberts's 
 
 letter in, 235 
 Chaplin, Captain Abraham, of 
 
 Kentucky, heard Indians speaking 
 
 Welsh to Welshmen, 57, 126 _ 
 Charlevoix refers to civilised Indians, 
 
 71, 141 
 Cherokee Indians said to use Welsh 
 
 words, 63 
 Chickasaws, Welsh Indians seen 
 
 among, 55 
 Childs, Mr., his statement respecting 
 
 Morris Griffith, 59 
 Chishohn, Mr., said Padouca chief 
 
 possessed MS. Bomish missal, 66, 
 
 124 
 Christian relics in Mexico, alleged, 
 
 32 
 Clarke, General, said Mandans were 
 
 half white, 50, 51 
 Clarkson's ' Life of Penn ' cited, 
 
 186 
 Cleland, John, writer of ' Letters of 
 
 Turkish Spy,' 135 
 Colorado, Eio, alleged Welsh settle- 
 ment on, 155 
 Columbus, Christopher, 28 ; no 
 
 Welsh MS. record of discovery of 
 
 America before his birth, 178 ; 
 
 striking coincidences between 
 
 Madoo narrative and facts of 
 
 Columbus's voyages, 184; sketch 
 
 of his voyages, 186 
 Compass, Mariner's, known, but its 
 
 value little understood, in twelfth 
 
 century, 195 
 Cortes, 29, 32 ; finds stone cross in 
 
 Mexico, 41 
 ' Courier ' newspaper, Owen Wil- 
 liams's letter in, 123 
 Crochan, Col., his letter to Governor 
 
 Dinwiddle, 67 
 Cross among American aborigines, 
 
 not necessarily Christian, 102, 164 
 ' Cylchgrawn Cynmraeg, Y ' (Tre- 
 
 fecoa), Dafydd Ddu Bryri's note in, 
 
 80, 105 
 Cymreigyddion Society of London, 
 
 discussions on Madoc question, 82 
 Cynddelw, his supposed allusions to 
 
 Madoo, 8 ; first cited by Dr. Owen 
 
 Pughe, ib. ; elegy of family of 
 
 Owain Gwynedd, 8, 211 
 Cynwrig ab Gronw, a bard named by 
 
 Sir Thomas Herbert, his works 
 
 lost, 19; five persons so named, 
 
 ib. ; ' the learned poems of,' 33 
 
 Daeien, isthmus of, supposed Celtic 
 affinities of words used there, 170 
 
 Davey, John, a Welshman, under- 
 stood Indians speaking language 
 like Welsh, 51; produced parch- 
 ment MSS. obtained from Indians, 
 64 
 
 Davies, Captain, of Trefdraeth, 
 referred to by Mrs. Campbell, 56 ; 
 said Mud Indians spoke Welsh 
 and had MS. Welsh Bible, 67 
 
 — Dr. John, of Mallwyd, accepted 
 Madoc story, 75 
 
 — Eev. Jenkin, of Washington, 
 letter to ' Seren Gomer,' 123 
 
 — Eev. Mr., of Somersetshire, 
 letter from his sou in America, 
 111 
 
 — Richard, of Cloddiau Cochion, 
 first Welsh Quaker, 45 
 
 — Eev. Walter (' Gwallter Me- 
 chain '), rejected Madoo story, 
 48, 84, 94, 219 
 
 Davydd ab Gwilym, his use of the 
 
 word ' divancoll,' 209 
 Davydd Ddu Eryri believed in ex- 
 istence of Madogwys, 80, 104 
 De Costa's ' Pre-Columbian Voyages 
 
 of the Welsh to America,' 87 
 De Tooqueville's opinion of American 
 
 Indians, 144 
 'DifancoU,' the word, 208 
 Dixon's ' Life of Penn ' cited, 187 
 Doeg Indians, Morgan Jones preaches 
 
 in Welsh to, 47 
 Dolobran, the Lloyds of, 44 
 Drummond, Captain, heard Mexican 
 
 woman singing Erse, 141 
 ' Drych y Prif Oesoedd,' by Eev. 
 
 Theophilus Evans, 38, 39, 75 
 Duffield and Beatty, Levi Hicks told 
 
 them Mississippi Indians spoke 
 
 Welsh, 54 
 Du Ponceau on Indian languages, 
 
 143 
 
 Eastern Argus, the, story of Morris 
 Griffiths, 59 
 
 Edwards's, Eev. Charles, ' Hanes y 
 Ffydd,' accepted Madoc story, 75 
 
 Edwards, Eev. Morgan, of Penn- 
 sylvania, believed in existence of 
 Welsh Indians, 50 
 
 Eisteddfod, the Carmarthen, 4 ; 
 Llangollen, 3 
 
 ' Eminent Welshmen,' Williams's, 
 
 K 
 
242 
 
 MADOC. 
 
 17, 18, 22, 27, 72, 84, 89, 104, 146, 
 177-9, 200, 202 
 
 Emrys Wledig, 20 
 
 Enderbie, author of ' Cambria Tri- 
 umphans,' accepted afl&rmative 
 view, 75 
 
 Bnglyn, Cynddelw's, 8 . 
 
 ' Enquiry into Truth of Madog Tradi- 
 tion,' by Dr. John Williams,^assm 
 
 ' Epistolse Ho-Blianas,' by James 
 Howell, 28, 33, 35-7, 75 
 
 'Essay,' the term, implies liberty of 
 thought, 4 
 
 ' Eurgrawn Cymraeg,' edited by Eev. 
 Josiah Bees, 25 
 
 Europeans adopting Indian habits, 
 instances of, 113 
 
 Evans, Eev. D. Silvan, his adjudica- 
 tion at Llangollen Eisteddfod, 236 
 
 — John, his attempts to dis- 
 cover Madogwys, 79, 104 ; account 
 of his journey, 107, 282 ; letter to 
 his brother, 229 ; concluded no 
 Welsh Indians in existence, 108 
 
 — Eev. Theophilus, ' Drych y 
 Prif Oesoedd,' quotes Madoc's 
 ' Epitaph,' 38 ; his expansion of 
 Madoo narrative, 39 ; and belief 
 in it, 75 
 
 ' Examen Critique de I'Histoire de 
 Gtographie,' by Baron Humboldt, 
 referred to, 85 
 
 ' Fabtheb Observations on Discovery 
 
 of America by Madoc,' by Dr. 
 
 John Williams, passim 
 Fenton's ' Pembrokeshire ' referred 
 
 to, 122, 177 
 Festus Avienus, citation from, refers 
 
 to SoUly Islands, 197 
 Filson's ' State of Kentucky,' 43, 56, 
 
 70 
 Fox, George, autobiography of, 130 
 Froebel's, Julius, ' Seven Years' 
 
 Travel in Central America,' 168 ; 
 
 describes Indians of the Gila and 
 
 Colorado, ib. 
 
 Gaffabel, M. , onresemblance between 
 Irish and the Algonquin language, 
 141 
 
 Gafran ab Aeddan, Triad as to dis- 
 appearance of, 20, 221 
 
 ' Geirgrawn Cymraeg ' (Holywell), 
 Eev. Morgan J. Eees's letter in, 106 
 
 ' Gentleman's Magazine,' 43, 45, 48, 
 
 60, 63-67, 71, 122 
 Gibson, Mr., on civilisation of Welsh 
 
 Indians, 71, 124 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 24 
 ' Gilbert's Voyages,' 34 
 Giraldus Cambrensis, Hoare's edition 
 
 of, referred to, 16, 199 ; visited 
 
 North Wales, but apparently 
 
 ignorant of Madoc story, 210 
 Glanygors, John Jones of, allusion 
 
 to Madoc in song by, 83 
 Glass house in mediteval romances, 
 
 21 ; in Triad probably means 
 
 Glastonbury Abbey, 21 
 ' Gododin,' the, shows Britons had 
 
 navy in seventh century, 198 ; 
 
 Stephens's work on, 220 
 ' Goleuad Cymru,' J. T. Roberts's 
 
 letter in, 115 
 Gorddwr, the, its situation, 15 
 ' Greal, neu Eurgrawn ' (Carnarvon), 
 
 51, 54, 59, 63, 65, 80, 107 
 ' Greal, Y ' (London), 54, 59, 63, 65, 
 
 80, 112, 136 
 GriiEths, Morris, conversed with 
 
 Welsh-speaking white Indians on 
 
 the Missouri, 59 
 — Thomas, owner of ' Book of 
 
 Basingwerk,' 26 
 Grotius, on affinity of North Ameri- 
 can to Germanic languages, 141 
 Growth of the Madoc legend, 216 
 Guttyn Owen, 23, 24, 26, 180 
 Gwalchmai, contemporary of Owain 
 
 Gwynedd and his sons, 16 ; poem 
 
 to Prince David, son and successor 
 
 of Owen, 16 ; supposed allusions 
 
 to Madoo therein, 16, 39, 198; 
 
 translation of, 17 ; his testimonies 
 
 irrelevant, 201 
 ' Gwennan Gorn,' the ship of Madoo, 
 
 207 
 ' Gwerddonau Llion,' search for, by 
 
 Gafran ab Aeddan, 20 
 ' Gwyliedydd, Y,' 136 
 Gwyn, Howel, James Howel's letter 
 
 to, with Madoc's epitaph, 37 
 Gwyueddigion Society of London, 
 
 discussions on Madoo question, 82 
 
 Hackett's collection of epitaphs, 38 
 
 Hakluyt's ' Voyages,' 29 ; his account 
 
 a mere repetition of Llwyd and 
 
 Powel, 30, 33, 44; says Madoo 
 
 made three voyages, 75 
 
ISTlEX. 
 
 243 
 
 'Hanea Cymru,' by Eev. T. Price 
 (' Carnhuanawo '), summarises 
 Madoo story, but declares proofs 
 insufficient, 93, 145, 194, 213 
 
 Harris, Dr., the naval historian, 34 
 
 Hatteras Indians (Morgan Jones's 
 Doegs), descendants o{ Ealeigh's, 
 not Madoc's, followers, 139 
 
 Hawkins, Sir John, 34, 51 
 
 Hengwrt MS., 414 ; a ' Book of Pedi- 
 grees,' by leuan Breohfa, makes 
 no mention of Madoc's expedition, 
 22 
 
 — MSS. referred to, 207, 218 
 Hem-y II., Lord Lyttelton's History 
 
 of, 87 
 
 Herbert's, Sir Thomas, ' Travels,' 
 17, 28, 30, 35, 75, 179 
 
 Hicks, Levi, said Indians on Missis- 
 sippi talked Welsh, 54 
 
 Historical testimonies as to Madoc, 
 20 
 
 Hornius referred to, 42 
 
 Howel ab Owen, Madoc's brother, 
 supposed reference to Madoc in 
 verses by, 20 
 
 Howell, James, his ' Epistolse Ho- 
 Elianse,' 28, 33 ; account of, 35 ; 
 Welsh epitaph on Madoc's tomb- 
 stone in Mexico ! 35 ; letter to 
 Earl Rivers, 86 ; letter to Howel 
 Gwyn, giving Madoc's epitaph, 37, 
 75 
 
 Howells, Reynold, -his letter to Mr. 
 Miles, ' Welsh Indians found out 
 on west side of Mississippi,' 111 
 
 Hu Gadarn, or ' Hugun le Fort,' 
 Charlemagne's visit to, 221 
 
 Hughes, Jack, interpreter to Welsh 
 Indians on the Ohio, 58, 124 
 
 — Eev. B., of Bodfari, reference to 
 Madoc in poem by, 92 
 
 Humboldt, Baron, desired inquiry 
 into Madoo story, 85; 'Travels,' 
 141, 152, 164, 167 ; ' History of 
 Geography of New World,' 174 
 
 Hume's ' History of England ' referred 
 to, 122 
 
 Humffreys Parry, J., 9, 11, 12, 22, 
 83, 36, 90, 180, 201, 212 
 
 Humphreys, Oliver, said Florida 
 Indians spoke 'perfect Welsh,' 44, 
 
 ' Ipokydd, Tb,' 59 
 
 Indian languages, 125 ; said to re- 
 semble Hebrew, Scandinavian, 
 
 Welsh, Irish (Erse), and Gaelic 
 languages, 141 ; classification and 
 characteristics of, 142 
 Indian skulls, Mongolian, not Cauca- 
 sian, 151 
 
 — traditions, 51 
 
 — tribes, names of, said to involve 
 name of Madoo, 43 
 
 ' Indian Tribes, History of,' by Mao- 
 kenny and Hall, 145 
 
 Indians, American, supposed de- 
 scendants of lost tribes of Israel, 
 136, 140 ; Mongolian origin of, 
 169 ; said to possess MSS. and 
 Bibles, 63, 65, 125 
 
 Ingram, David, 24; his ' Relation,' 
 the earliest authority for Indian 
 Welsh, 34, 44 
 
 lolo MSS., the, poems by Meredydd 
 ab Rhys, 18, 206 
 
 lolo Morganwg, 25, 31, 33, 43, 60, 
 71, 77, 177 
 
 Ireland, emigration from Wales to, 
 in twelfth century, 198 
 
 Jahn's ' Hebrew Commonwealth ' 
 
 cited, 141 
 James, Rev. Thomas ('Llallawg '), 
 
 one of the judges of this essay, 87 
 'J. J.' (Cheapside), his reasons for 
 
 believing in existence of Welsh 
 
 Indians, 66 
 Jocelyne's (or Josselyn), Captain, 
 
 ' History of Virginia,' 133 ; other 
 
 works of, 135 
 Johnes' 'Philological Proofs, &c.,' 
 
 148, 149, 158 
 Johnson's, Dr. Samuel, Latin ver- 
 sion of Madoc's 'Epitaph,' 37 
 Jones, Captain Dan, Mormonite, 
 
 155, 168 
 
 — Edward, 'Bardie Museum,' 29 
 
 — John, ' The Tower of Babel,' by, 
 80 
 
 — John, LL.D., an opponent of 
 claims of Madoc, 9 ; account of, 
 88 ; article in ' Monthly Magazine ' 
 ridiculing Madoc story, 14, 88 ; 
 ' History of Wales ' by, 180 
 
 — John (Glanygors), allusion to 
 Madoc in song by, 83 
 
 — John Solomon, his speech on 
 affirmative side, 82 
 
 — Morgan, of Maes Aleg, 45 ; his 
 narrative, 46 ; preaches in Welsh 
 to Indians (Doegs), 47 
 
244 
 
 MADOC. 
 
 Jones, Rev. John Emlyn, M.A., editor 
 of ' Hanes Prydaiu Pawr,' held evi- 
 dence for Madoo story insufficient, 
 99 
 
 — Rev. Morgan, of Hammersmith, 
 believed in existence of Welsh 
 Indiana, 50 
 
 — Rev. Morgan, of Pennsylvania, 
 his friend visited by Welsh- 
 speaking Indians, 57 
 
 — Rev. Samuel, of Pennsylvania, 
 resolved to visit Welsh Indians, 
 50 ; his letter to Thomas Evans, 
 103, 231 
 
 Joseph, an Indian interpreter, knew 
 Welsh-speaking Indians, 54 
 
 KiNE, Paul, 'Wanderings among 
 Indians ' Ac, says -no oaths in 
 Indian languages, 122 
 
 ' Kentucky,' Filson's ' State of,' 43, 
 56 
 
 — Palladium,' story of Morris 
 Griffiths in, 59 
 
 — Roman coins said to be found in, 
 126 
 
 Kohl, J. G., ' History of Discovery 
 of America,' favours the Madoc 
 story, 86 
 
 Kymry, the, as sailors, 196 ; Gi- 
 raldus's negative testimony, 199 
 
 ' L'AcADiE,' by Sir J. E. Alexander, 
 
 referred to, 86 
 La Houtan, Baron, on civilised 
 
 Indians, 71 
 Legend, the Madoc, growth of, 216 
 Lewis, a captive Welshman, Indians 
 
 spoke Welsh to, 55 
 
 — Rev. George, D.D., urged Cymreig- 
 yddion to send missionaries to . 
 Madogwys, 89 
 
 — Captain, and Captain Clarke, 
 their ascent of the Missouri, 109 ; 
 found no trace of Welsh Indians, 
 
 lis 
 
 — Sir G. Cornewall, referred 
 to, 4 
 
 Lhuyd, Edward, 48 
 Literature of the Kymry,' Ste- 
 phens's, 11, 21, 30, 96 
 
 Llangollen Eisteddfod Committee, 
 3 ; Eev. D. Silvan Evans's adjudi 
 Cfttion at, 236 
 
 Lloyd, Charles, letter of, 44, 53, 227 
 
 — 'Thomas, of Dolobran, 44 ; Gover- 
 nor of Pennsylvania, 45 
 
 Llwyd, Humphrey, his ' Breviary of 
 Britain,' 16, 43 ; his Welsh His- 
 tory written a.d. 1559 ; extended 
 and published in 1584 by Dr. 
 Powel, 26 ; his account of Madoc, 
 27 ; says ' Morwerydd ' was ' Mare 
 Hibernicum,' 176 ; must have 
 seen Lopez de Gomara's work, 
 published in 1554 ; wrote his own 
 work in 1559 ; the earliest written 
 assertion of Madoc's discovery, 
 184 
 
 Llywarch ab Llywelyn (' Prydydd y 
 Moch '), 8 ; his ' Ode to the Hot 
 Iron,' 11, 210 ; poem to Eodri ab 
 Owain Gwynedd, 12 ; Owen's 
 (Pughe) translation thereof, 13 ; 
 iParry's translation, ib. ; his verses 
 shown to be irrelevant, ib. ; poem 
 to Llywelyn ab lorwerth, 14 ; 
 misrepresented by Owen (Pughe), 
 ib. ; the Madoc referred to therein 
 was Madoc ab Meredydd, Prince 
 of Powys, 202 
 
 ' London Volunteer,' the, 69 
 
 Long, Major, his ' Expedition to 
 Rocky Mountains ; ' found no evi- 
 dence of existence of Welsh 
 Indians, 115 
 
 Lopez de Gomara, Francis, 28, 32 ; 
 his ' Cronica de Nova Espana,' 
 published at Antwerp 1554, pro- 
 bably known to Humphrey Llwyd, 
 184 
 
 Lyttelton, Lord, the first avowed 
 opponent of the Cambrian tradi- 
 tion, 87, 194 
 
 Mackenny and Hall's ' History of 
 Indian Tribes,' 145 
 
 Madoo, alleged discovery of America 
 by, a frequent subject for com- 
 petition at Eisteddfodau, 3, 4; but 
 disputed by Welshmen of repute, 
 '3 ; supposed contemporary bardic 
 testimonies to, 8-17 ; not an 
 uncommon name among Kymry 
 in twelfth century, 12 ; Triad re- 
 specting disappearance of, 20 ; and 
 his brother Rhiryd said to have 
 crossed ' Morwerydd ' (Irish Sea), 
 23 ; landed in Nova Hispania, or 
 Florida, according to Humphrey 
 
INDEX. 
 
 245 
 
 Llwyd, 27 ; in Mexico, according 
 to Powel, 28 ; narrative, striking 
 ooinoidenees of, with leading facts 
 of Columbus's voyages, 185 ; story 
 of his ship, 207 ; probably killed 
 in Wales, 210 ; situation of his 
 residence, 214 ; legend, growth of, 
 216 ; should be placed ampng 
 ' Mabinogion,' 225 ; analogous 
 legends among other peoples, 220 ; 
 and in Wales itself, 221 
 
 Madoo ab Meredydd, the real subject 
 of verse of Prydydd y Mooh, 202 ; 
 built church at Meifod, 202 
 
 Madoc's tombstone, with Welsh in- 
 scription, found in Mexico, 35, 37, 
 75 ; reputed partiality for sea- 
 faring life, 205 
 
 Magellan referred to, 34 
 
 Mallet's ' Northern Antiquities,' re- 
 ference in, to Northmen's discovery 
 of Greenland, 196 
 
 ' Manco Capao ' and ' Mamma Ocello,' 
 42 
 
 Mandan words compared with Welsh, 
 148 ; their alleged resemblances 
 found illusory, 150 
 
 Mandans identified with Madogwys 
 by Catlin, 70 
 
 Mariner's compass known in 12th 
 century, but its value little under- 
 stood, 196 
 
 ' Maritime Discovery, History of,' 
 103, 186, 196 
 
 Marriott, John, referred to, 29 
 
 Martyr, Peter, ' Decades ' of, 42 
 
 ' Mateo Zunga ' and ' Mat Ingam,' 42 
 
 Mather's, Dr. Cotton, ' Magnalia 
 Christi Americana,' 76 ; a believer 
 in Madoc tradition, ib. 
 
 ' Mawddwy, Gwylliaid,' 178 
 
 Meifod, Madoc ab Meredydd buOt 
 church at, 202 
 
 Merddin, bard of Emrys Wledig, 
 went to sea in glass house, 21 ; and 
 his nine bards, possibly monks of 
 Glastonbury, 21 
 
 Meredydd ab Rhys, two poems by, 
 18 ; imply a Madoc tradition, 19, 
 33 ; proved Madoo to have loved 
 a seafaring life, but nothing more, 
 207 
 
 Mexican peoples, classification and 
 characteristics of, 153 ; and 
 language, account of, 157 ; 
 language certainly not Welsh, 160 
 
 Mexicans, origin of, 165 
 
 Mexico, Madoc said to have landed 
 
 in, 28 ; British words alleged to be 
 
 used in, 29 ; Prescott's ' History 
 
 of Conquest of,' 41, 159, 162; 
 
 Buxton's ' Adventures in,' 50, 71, 
 
 72 ; Wilson's ' New History of 
 
 Conquest of,' 152, 165 
 Milford, Madoo said to have sailed 
 
 from, 23 
 Mississippi, a nation beyond the, 
 
 said to speak Welsh, 57 
 ' Missouri, Travels to Sources of,' by 
 
 Captains Lewis and Clarke, 109 ; 
 
 no trace of Welsh Indians found 
 
 on, 118 
 Montezuma, 29 ; his speech to 
 
 Mexicans, 32, 51 ; his last descen- 
 dant, 52, 161 
 ' Monthly Magazine,' Dr. John Jones' 
 
 letter in, 88, 198, 200 
 ' Monumenta Histo'rica Britannica ' 
 
 referred to, 26 
 Moquis, the last stay of Welsh 
 
 Indian tradition, 155 ; believed by 
 
 Mormons to be descended from 
 
 Madoc's followers, ib. ; said by 
 
 Barney Ward to speak Welsh, 
 
 155 
 Moravian missionaries heard of 
 
 Welsh Indians, 50 
 Morgan, Maurice, Under-Secretary 
 
 of State, his copy of Colonel Cro- 
 
 chan's letter, 67 ; account of, 121 
 — Eev. E. W., ' The British Kymry ' 
 
 by, 40 ; a believer in Madoc 
 
 story, 85, 160 
 ' Morgante Maggiore,' the, of Pulci, 
 
 cited, 193 
 Morris Griffiths, story of, 59 
 Morris, Eoger, his story of the ' Ship 
 
 of Madoc,' 207 
 Morus, Huw, reference to Madoo in 
 
 poem by, 214 
 Morwerydd anciently meant the 
 
 Irish Sea, 175 ; authorities for 
 
 this statement, 176 
 Mud Indians said to speak Welsh, 
 
 56 ; to possess MS. Welsh Bible, 
 
 67 
 Myvyriau Archaiology of Wales, 
 
 passim 
 
 Nash's, D. W., ' Taliesin ' referred 
 
 to, 4 
 Navigation in Wales in the twelfth 
 
 century, state of, 194 
 
246 
 
 MADOG. 
 
 Nennius mentions ' Tower of Glass,' 
 
 21 
 Nicholson, Bishop, referred to, 43, 
 
 141 
 Nicholson's ' Journal of Natural 
 
 Philosophy,' .story of Morris 
 
 Griffiths in, 59 
 Northmen, discovery of Greenland 
 
 by, 196 ; History of, by Wheaton, 
 
 196 
 ' Notes and Queries ' referred to, 80, 
 
 87, 136, 165, 166, 170 
 
 Orb's ' Circle of the Sciences ' referred 
 
 to, 168 
 Owen, Aneurin, his edition of Welsh 
 
 Chronicles, 26 
 
 — Baron, murdered by ' Gwylliaid 
 Mawddwy,' a.d. 1555, 178 
 
 — Mr. Edward, his ' Madoc ' Essay 
 in ' The Red Dragon,' 23 
 
 -- Guttyn, most important wit- 
 ness in this case, 23 ; supposed 
 authority for Humphrey Llwyd's 
 statements, 23 ; really authority 
 for ' ten ships ' only, 24 ; his 
 Chronicle (Book of Basingwerk) 
 still extant, but contains no refer- 
 ence to Madoc, 26 ; account of, 
 179 ; named in Henry VH.'s 
 Pedigree Commission, 180 ; criti- 
 cal examination of statements 
 ascribed to, 180 
 
 — Gwynedd, Prince of North Wales, 
 father of Madoc, 8 ; Cynddelw's 
 Elegy of, 8 ; died a.d. 1169, 10 
 
 — Nicholas, his ' British Eemains,' 
 45, 48, 53, 58, 76 
 
 — William (Pughe), his transla- 
 tions of bardic poems, 8, 9, 13, 14, 
 43 ; a firm believer in Madoc story, 
 78 ; ' Cambrian Biography ' by, 17, 
 22 ; ' Cambrian Biography ' cites 
 ' Book of Pedigrees ' by leuan 
 Brechfa, 22 ; letters in ' Gentle- 
 man's Magazine,' 48 ; articles in 
 ' Cambrian Eegister,' 79, 103 
 
 Padoucas believed to be Welsh In- 
 dians, 49 ; said to possess sacred 
 books, 64 ; proved to have no re- 
 semblance to Welsh, 80, 140 
 
 Paget's ' Christianography ' referred 
 0,29 
 
 Pantigo river, abode of Morgan 
 Jones's Welsh Indians (Doegs), 48 
 Parry, J. Humffreys, 9 ; his essay 
 for Carmarthen Eisteddfod, 22 ; 
 cites leuan Brechfa's ' Book of 
 Pedigrees,' 22, 33, 36 ; replies to 
 Dr. John Jones, 90 ; his conclu- 
 sions, 91, 180, 201, 212 
 Pawnees, white, known to Mr. Pond, 
 50 ; called ' white ' and ' Welsh ' 
 Indians, 71; considerably civilised, 
 71 
 Peckham, Sir George, pamphlet by, 
 23 ; the first printed reference to 
 Madoc story, 23, 24 
 ' Pedigrees, Book of,' by leuan 
 Brechfa, Hengwrt MS. of, contains 
 no reference to Madoc, 22 
 ' Penguin,' the bird so called has 
 
 black head, 158 
 Penn, William, founder of Pennsyl- 
 vania, 41; alleged address to South 
 Wales Quakers, 136 
 Pennant, Thomas,rejeetedthe Madoc 
 claim, 94; says penguins have black 
 heads, 158 ; ' Tours in Wales,' 179 
 ' Penny Cyclopedia,' art. ' America,' 
 
 cited, 109 
 Perry and Eoberts's unsuccessful 
 
 search for Welsh Indians, 115 
 Phillips, Miles, a fellow-sailor of 
 
 David Ingram, 34 
 ' Philosophical Transactions,' Pen- 
 nant's account of ' penguins ' in, 
 158 
 Pickering, ' On the Kaces of Man,' 
 
 cited, 151, 168 
 Plott, Dr., reads Morgan Jones's 
 narrative before Royal Society, 48 
 Pocahontas and Captain John Smith, 
 
 132 
 ' Poems, Lyric and Pastoral,' by 
 Edward Williams ('lolo Mor- 
 gauwg '), 31, 33, 77, 177 
 Pond, Mr., knew white Pawnees, 
 
 50 
 Postellus cited by Sir Thomas Her- 
 bert, 32 
 Powel, Dr. David, his 'Historic of 
 
 Cambria ' cited, 23, 28, 182, 187 
 ' Powysion, Y,' Hev. E. Hughes's 
 
 poem in, 92 
 Prescott's ' History of Conquest of 
 
 Mexico ' cited, 41, 159, 162 
 Price, Thomas, of Llanfyllin, 44 
 — Eev. Thomas (' Carnhuanawc '), 
 considered Madoc story not proved. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 247 
 
 92, 145 ; ' Hanes Cymru ' by, 93, 
 
 145, 194, 213 
 Price, Mr., his father said to have 
 
 conversed in Welsh with Padouoas, 
 
 57 
 Prichard, William, of Philadelphia, 
 
 believed in existence of Welsh 
 
 Indians, 50 
 Priehard's ' Eastern Origin of Celtic 
 
 Nations ' cited, 142, 168 
 ' Prydydd y Mooh,' Llywaroh, ' Ode 
 
 to the Hot Iron,' 11 ; poem to Rodri 
 
 ab Owen Gwynedd, 12 ; irrelevant 
 
 to this subject, 201 
 ' Public Advertiser,' the, 37, 51, 64, 
 
 161 
 Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, 156 
 Pughe, Dr. WiUiam Owen (see Owen, 
 
 William) 
 Purohas's ' Pilgrimages ' cited, 29 
 
 Raleigh's, Sir Walter,' ' History of 
 the World,' 29 
 
 Rankin, Rev. Mr., of Kentucky, be- 
 lieved in existence of Welsh In- 
 dians, 50, 70 
 
 ' Red Dragon,' the, Mr. Edward 
 Owen's ' Madoc ' essay in, 23 
 
 Rees, Rev. Josiah, his magazine, 
 ' Eurgrawn Cymraeg,' 25 ; Welsh 
 chronicle inserted therein makes 
 no mention of Madoc, 46. 
 
 — Rev. Morgan, had heard of Welsh 
 Indians, 50, 70 ; his letters, 79, 
 106 
 
 ' Revue Celtique ' referred to, 141 
 
 Rhiryd and his brother Madoc, alleged 
 discovery of western lands by, 22 ; 
 across the Atlantic, 28 
 
 Richards, a South-Walian, saw In- 
 dians who spoke North-Wales 
 Welsh, 123 
 
 . — Dr., of Lynn, mentions purity of 
 Indian Welsh, 63 ; a firm believer 
 in Madoc story, 78 ; published the 
 evidences in ' Gentleman's Maga- 
 zine,' ib. 
 
 — Rev. W., ' Memoirs ' of, cited, 
 111 
 
 Rimington, Mr., spoke of white In- 
 dians on Mississippi and Ohio, 
 50, 58, 124 
 
 Rivers, Earl, James Howell's letter 
 to, 36 
 
 Roanoke, prominent in Morgan 
 Jones's story, 137 ; also in Capt. 
 
 John Smith's, ib. ; fortunes of 
 settlers of, 138 
 Roberts, John T., of Rosa Vawr, 63 ; 
 his fruitless search for Welsh In- 
 dians, 115 ; his last letter, 234 
 
 — Lieut. Joseph, Indian chief said 
 to have spoken Welsh to him, 54; 
 his letter, 61 ; superiority of In- 
 dian's Welsh, 62 
 
 — Thomas (Llwynrhudol), locates 
 Welsh Indians on the Missouri, 
 65 ; ' Father of the Madogwys,' 
 83 
 
 Robertson, the historian of America, 
 assailed the Cambrian tradition, 
 88, 158, 161, 189, 190, 196 
 
 Rodri ab Owain Gwynedd, 203 
 
 Roman coins said to be found in 
 Kentucky, 126 
 
 Ruxton, Lieut., his ' Adventures in 
 Mexico and Rocky Mountains,' 50; 
 found albinoes among Pueblo and 
 Navajo Indians, 50, 71 ; identified 
 Moquis with Madogwys, 72, 154, 
 167 
 
 Saoeed books, alleged possession of, 
 by Indians, 63 
 
 Salt Lake, the Great, white or Welsh 
 Indians said to be found to S.W. 
 of, 119 
 
 ' Saturday Review,' the, on ' Re- 
 searches of M. Stanislaus Julien,' 
 168 ; on Von Tschudi, 169 
 
 Sayle, William, Governor of Oyster 
 Point Settlement, 129 
 
 Seneca's ' Medea ' quoted by Sir 
 Thomas Herbert, 192 
 
 ' Seren Gomer,' Joseph Roberts's 
 letter in, 63 ; letter signed ' Be- 
 geryr,' the first Welsh utterance 
 on negative side, 82 ; other articles, 
 83, 84, 114, 115, 119, 123, 126 
 
 ' Ship of Madoc,' traditional tale of 
 the, 207 
 
 Sidney, Sir Henry, possessed Hum- 
 phrey Llwyd's MS., 26 
 
 — Sir Philip, indenture between 
 him and Sir George Peckham, 
 24 
 
 Smith, Captain John ('Father of Vir- 
 ginia '), story of Pocahontas, the 
 foundation of Morgan Jones's 
 tale, 132 
 
 — J. Toulmin, 'Discovery of America 
 by Northmen ' cited, 86, 196 
 
248 
 
 MADOC. 
 
 Southey, Robert, his epic ' Madoc,' 
 21, 81 ; song, ' Where are the sons 
 of Gavran ? ' 21 
 
 Spaniards' II received from Welsh 
 through Mexicans, 43 
 
 ' Spy, Turkish,' the, letters of, 9, 38 
 
 Stedman, a native of Breconshire, 
 met Indians ' from Gwynedd in 
 Prydain Fawr,' 44, 53 
 
 Stephens's ' Literature of the Kymry , ' 
 11, 21, 30, 96, 192 ; ' Essay on the 
 Triads,' 21 ; on ' Position of Welsh 
 in Civilisation,' 97 ; work on ' The 
 Gododin,' 220 ; on ' Book of Aber- 
 pergwm,' 178 
 
 Stewart, Captain, referred to, 51 
 
 Stoddart's, Colonel, ' History of 
 Western Parts of America,' 117 
 
 Sutton, Benjamin, on Delaware 
 customs, 53 ; saw Welsh-speaking 
 Indians west of Mississippi, 54, 
 who possessed Bible, 65, 124 
 
 Symonds's ' Life of Maurice Morgan ' 
 referred to, 122 
 
 Tal t Moelfke, battle of, 198 
 Thomas's, Kev. Joshua, ' Hanes y 
 
 Bedyddwyr ' cited. 111 
 Tombstone of Madoc, alleged, in 
 
 Mexico, 35, 37, 75 
 Toulmin, Henry, wrote story of 
 
 Morris Griffiths from Mr. Child's 
 
 narration, 59 
 ' Traethodydd, Y,' Stephens's Essays 
 
 in, 2, 98 
 Travellers' tales respecting Welsh 
 
 Indians, 41 
 Triad, the, ' Three Vanished Losses 
 
 of Isle of Britain,' 20 ; third series 
 
 of Triads composed in sixteenth 
 
 century, 21, 207 
 ' Turkish Spy,' letters of, 38, 138 
 Tuscaroras said to have spoken 
 
 Welsh, 134 
 
 ' Udgorn Seion,' Welsh Mormonite 
 magazine, Captain Dan Jones's 
 letter in, 156, 168 
 
 Vebputics Ameeious, 27 
 
 Virginia, alleged traces of Welsh in, 
 44 ; ' Generall Historie of,' by 
 Captain John Smith, 132 ; ' His- 
 tory of,' by Jooelyne, 133 
 
 Virginians and Guatemalians said to 
 worship Madoc, 42 
 
 Von Tschudi on American abori- 
 gines, 169 
 
 Voyages to and from America in 
 small vessels, 196 
 
 Wafer's ' Description of Isthmus of 
 America,' 170; words used in 
 Darien akin to Celtic, ib. 
 
 Walsirigham, Sir Francis, Ingram's 
 ' Eolation ' made to, 24, 84 
 
 Ward, Barney, told Captain Dan 
 Jones that Moquis spoke Welsh, 
 155 
 
 Warrington's, Eev. W., ' History of 
 Wales,' accepted Madoo tradition 
 with reserve, 81, 108 
 
 Welsh Indians identified with Doegs, 
 Delawares, Tuscaroras, Padoucas, 
 Pawnees, and another tribe, un- 
 named, 49 ; with Matocantes, Mao- 
 totatas, and Kansez, 71 ; Mud In- 
 dians, Asquaws, Hietans, Aliatans, 
 Cherokees, Moquis, and Mandans, 
 72 ; their astonishing civilisation, 
 71 ; said to exist S.E. of Great 
 Salt Lake, 119 ; there never were 
 any, 171 
 
 Welsh-speaking Indians, belief in, 
 54 
 
 Welsh words used in Mexico, 29, 
 33,43 
 
 West, Joseph, his settlement at 
 Oyster Point, 129 
 
 Wheaton's * History of the North- 
 men ' referred to, 196 
 
 ' White ' or ' Welsh ' Indians be- 
 lieved convertible terms, 50, 71 
 
 Williams, Edward (' lolo Mor- 
 ganwg '), 25, 31, 33, 48 ; his con- 
 versation with Mr. Binon, 60, 71 ; 
 locates Welsh Indians on Missis- 
 sippi, 77 ; his verses on Madoo, 77 
 
 — Griffith, letter respecting Mr. 
 Chisholm, 66 
 
 — John, ' Natural History of Mineral 
 Kingdom ' cited, 43 
 
 — Eev. John (' Ab Ithel '), his essay 
 on Madoc question, 133, 136 ; 
 query lolo Morganwg, author of 
 essay, 175 
 
 — Dr. John, of Sydenham, his ' En- 
 quiry ' and ' Farther Observations 
 on Discovery by Madoc,' passim, 
 
 — Owen , letter in ' Courier ' news- 
 
mDEX. 
 
 249 
 
 paper, 123 ; a oonoootion by Dr. 
 John Jones, 124 
 Williams, Eev. Peter Bayley, 17 
 
 — Eev. Robert, ' Eminent Welsh- 
 men,' 17, 18, 22, 27, 72, 84, 89, 
 104, 146 
 
 — Dr. Eowland, his verses on Ma- 
 doe, 85 ; reference to sermon by, 
 102 
 
 — William, of Philadelphia, letter 
 from, said ' Welsh Indians live at 
 sources of Missouri,' 112 
 
 Willin, Mr., a Quaker, his statement 
 to Burnell, 55 ; his son Cradog's 
 superior knowledge of Welsh 
 Indians, ib. 
 
 Wilson's ' New History of Conquest 
 of Mexico ' cited, 152, 165 
 
 Wolf's ' Prolegomena ad Homerum ' 
 
 referred to, 4 
 Woodward's, B. B., ' History of 
 
 Wales,' 14, 23, 25, 27, 64, 72, 98, 
 
 165 
 ' Words and Places,' Taylor's, cited, 
 
 28 
 Wynne's, Sir John, ' History of the 
 
 Gwedir Family,' 202, 204, 215 
 
 Yeamans, Sik John, his settlement 
 
 south of Cape Fear, 129 
 ' Ymofynydd, Yr,' 59, 119 
 Ynys Hir, near Portmadoo, Madoo 
 
 said to have sailed from, 28 
 Young, Brigham, his statements to 
 
 Captain Dan Jones, 155 
 
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 [Continued on next pagc^ 
 
A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 SILVER LIBRARY (THE)— continued. 
 
 Weyman's (Stanley J.) The House of the 
 Wolf: a Romance. Cr. 8vo. y. 6d. 
 
 Wood's (Rev. J. G.) Petland Bevisited. With 
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 60 Illustrations. 3J. 6d. 
 
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 tions. 35. 6d. 
 
 SMITH (R. Bosworth). 
 
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 GINIANS. With Maps, Plans, &c. Cr. 
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 Verse. By Robert Whitelaw, M.A., 
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 STEPHEN (Sir James). 
 ESSAYS IN ECCLESIASTICAL BIO- 
 GRAPHY. Cr. Svo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 STEPHENS-(H. Morse). 
 A HISTORY OF THE FRENCH RE. 
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 A CHILD'S GARDEN OF VERSES. 
 
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 A CHILD'S GARLAND OF SONGS, 
 
 Gathered from ^ ' A Child's Garden of 
 
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 IS. 6d. cloth. 
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 STRONG (Herbert A., M.A., LL.D.), 
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 SULLY (James). 
 •THE HUMAN MIND-.- a Text-Book of 
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 THE, TEACHER'S HANDBOOK OF 
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 SUPERNATURAL RELIGION: an In- 
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 Nicder) : The Autobiography of Martha 
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 SWINBURNE (A. J., B.A.). 
 
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 larise the Science of Reasoning. Post 
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 duction to the Practical Sciences. Svo. 
 los. 6d. 
 
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 THOMPSON (Annie). 
 A MORAL DILEMMA : a Novel. Or. 
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PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, S CO. 
 
 23 
 
 THOMSON (Most Rev. William, D.D., 
 late Archbishop of York). 
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 THE EARLY HISTORY OF CHARLES 
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 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF 
 
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 ELEMENTS OF LOGIC. Cr. Svo. 4s. 6d. 
 ELEMENTS OF RHETORIC. Cr. Svo. 
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 [Continued on next page. 
 
24 
 
 A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS IN GBNERAI, LITERATURE. 
 
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 WOLFF (Henry W.). 
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 WOOD (Rev. J. G.). 
 
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 INSECTS AT HOME: a Popular Account 
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 OUT OF DOORS : a Selection of Origiiial 
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 PETLAND REVISITED. With 33 Illus- 
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 BIRD LIFE OF THE BIBLE. 32 
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 WONDERFUL NESTS. 30 Illustrations. 
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 HOMES UNDER THE GROUND. 28 
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 WILD ANIMALS OF THE BIBLE. 29 
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 DOMESTIC ANIMALS OF THE ■ 
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 SOCIAL HABITATIONS AND PARA-' 
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 WORDSWORTH (Charles, D.C.L., 
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 ANNALS OF MY EARLY LIFE, 1806. 
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 WYLIE (James Hamilton). 
 
 HISTORY OF ENGLAND UNDER 
 HENRY IV. 2 vols. Vol. I. 1399-14041 'I 
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 HISTORY OF ECLECTICISM IN 
 
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