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 The industrial situation; its effect upon 
 
 3 1924 013 854 454 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924013854454 
 
The Industrial Situation 
 
The Industrial Situation 
 
 Its Effect Upon 
 
 The Home, The School 
 
 The Wage Earner and The Employer 
 
 By 
 
 FRANK TRACY CARLTON, Ph. D. 
 
 Professor of Economics and History in Albion College. 
 Author of "The History and Problems of Or- 
 ganized Labor," "Education and In- 
 dustrial Evolution," etc. 
 
 New York Chicago Toronto 
 
 Fleming H. Revell Company 
 
 London and Edinburgh 
 
.>^^ 
 
 Copyright, 1914, by "^ 
 
 FLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY 
 
 
 Ar \ i94 a 
 
 New York: i;8 Fifth Avenue 
 Chicago: 125 North Wabash Ave. 
 Toronto: 25 Richmond Street, W. 
 London: 21 Paternoster Square 
 Edinburgh: 100 Princes Street 
 
In commending thia volume the Federal 
 Oonncil Commission on the Ghorch and 
 Social Service does so for the purpose of 
 bringing to the churches a thoughtful con- 
 sideration of the problems of modern in- 
 dustry. 
 
 This authorization does not relate to 
 matters of interpretation in detail, which 
 are, of necessity, in large measure the re- 
 sponsibility of the author. 
 
 For the Commission, 
 
 Chabi.es S. Macfasiand, 
 
 Secretary of the Cottncil. 
 
Introduction 
 
 THE social question is the outstanding 
 question of our day. In the providence 
 of God and the processes of history we 
 are brought face to face with this question. The 
 issues involved are here to challenge the inteUi- 
 gence and the faith of men. The social question 
 includes the question how to secure a more just 
 and equitable distribution of the resources of so- 
 ciety, the question how to bring larger oppor- 
 tunity and more happiness into the lives of many, 
 the question how to moralize wealth and human- 
 ize industrial processes, the question how to 
 bring the disinherited into the family circle and 
 give them an heir's portion in life, tiie question 
 how men can live together on terms of justice and 
 brotherhood. These questions cannot be evaded. 
 It is for the churches to give men the clue to 
 their solution. 
 
 That the churches are earnestly seeking to in- 
 dicate their solution is one of the most hopeful 
 signs of our times. Especially are the churches 
 at present concerned with what is perhaps the 
 most insistent phase of the social problem — ^the 
 problem of industry. Much has been said and 
 much has been written concerning the workers' 
 alienation from the churches and the churches' 
 lack of sympathy with the workers. How feu* 
 .7 
 
8 Introduction 
 
 these complaiDts have been justified in the past 
 we need not here consider ; the fact is that to-day 
 the churches are seeking to express the mind of 
 the Master npon questions which vitally affect 
 the welfare of the workers and of society at large. 
 Various religious bodies in this country hare 
 already formulated declarations of industrial 
 principles. More significant than any of these 
 is the united declaration put forth at Philadel- 
 phia in 1908, and reaffirmed at Chicago in 1912, 
 by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ 
 in America, representing several million Chris- 
 tians. This platform, which embodies what has 
 been called the "social faith" of the churches, 
 has been ratified by several of the leading de- 
 nominations of the country.* 
 
 " The Churches must stand : 
 
 "I. For equal rights and complete justice for all 
 men in all stations of life. 
 
 " 2. For the protection of the family, by the single 
 standard of purity, uniform divorce laws, proper regu- 
 lation of marriage, and proper housing. 
 
 " 3. For the fullest possible development for every 
 child, especially by the provision of proper education 
 and recreation. 
 
 " 4. For the abolition of child labor. 
 
 "5. For such regulation of the conditions of toil 
 for women as shall safeguard the physical and moral 
 health of the community. 
 
 " 6. For the abatement and prevention of poverty. 
 
 " 7. For the protection of the individual and so- 
 
 »Bee "Christian Unity at Work," Maofarland. Pub- 
 lished by the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in 
 America. 
 
Introduction 9 
 
 ciety from the social, economic and moral waste of the 
 liquor traiEc. 
 
 " 8. For the conservation of health, 
 
 " 9. For the protection of the worker from dan- 
 gerous machinery, occupational diseases, and mor- 
 tality. 
 
 " 10. For the right of all men to the opportunity 
 for self-maintenance, for safeguarding this right 
 against encroachments of every kind, and for the pro- 
 tection of workers from the hardships of enforced 
 unemployment. 
 
 "II. For suitable provision for the old age of 
 the workers, and for those incapacitated by injury. 
 
 " 12. For the right of employers and employees 
 alike to organize; and for adequate means of con- 
 ciliation and arbitration of industrial disputes. 
 
 " 13. For a release from employment one day in 
 seven. 
 
 " 14. For the gradual and reasonable reduction 
 of the hours of labor to the lowest practicable point, 
 and for that degree of leisure for all which is a condi- 
 tion of the highest human life. 
 
 "15. For a living wage as a minimum in every 
 industry, and for the highest wage that each industry 
 can afford. 
 
 "16. For a new emphasis upon the application of 
 Christian principles to the acquisition and use of 
 property, and for the most equitable division of the 
 product of industry that can ultimately be devised." 
 
 As will be seen, most of the " planks " of this 
 platform have to do with aspects of modern in- 
 dustrial reform. Valuable though they are as 
 expressions of the churches' changed attitude 
 towards labor, they are scarcely specific enough 
 for the average reader. In order that the various 
 Christian bodies of this country may take effect- 
 
lo Introduction 
 
 ive action looking towards the reform of indus- 
 trial conditions of the present and the institution 
 of justice in the relations between the employer 
 and the employee, it is essential that these differ- 
 ent constituencies should know just what are the 
 facts concerning our modern mechanism for the 
 production and the distribution of the necessities 
 of life. 
 
 A clear statement of a problem is a first step 
 towards its solution. In the following pages 
 Prof. Prank T. Carlton, who has already con- 
 tributed a valuable study of " The History and 
 Problems of Organized Labor," attempts to 
 show the basic factors and the principal phases 
 of the recent industrial situation. The author 
 has endeavored to put the facts in a way which 
 should prove helpful to the average member of 
 the Christian Church who may have had no op- 
 portunity to learn the facts at first hand. His 
 statement of the problem may be recommended 
 as both clear and concise. 
 
 It is hoped that the summaries and questions 
 appended to the various sections may prove of 
 value in adapting the book to the purposes of 
 study classes as well as of private readers. 
 
 S. Z. Batten, 
 F. M. Ceotjoh, 
 Special Committee on Puhlication. 
 
Contents 
 
 I. The Evolution OF Modern Industry 15 
 
 1. Social Progress and the Work of the World. 
 
 2. The Relation Between Social Progress and 
 
 the Work of the World During the Last 
 Century. 
 
 3. The Birth of Modern Industry. 
 
 4. The Worker of a Century Ago. 
 
 5. Growth of Manufacture Before the Civil War. 
 
 6. The Second Industrial Revolution. 
 
 7. After the Civil War. 
 
 8. Immigration. 
 
 II. The Industrialism of To-Day 32 
 
 I. Rural and Urban Population. 
 
 3. The Growing Importance of the City. 
 
 3. Monotonous Work. 
 
 4. Tendencies in Agriculture. 
 
 5. " Satellite Cities." 
 
 6. Scientific Management. 
 
 7. The Relations of Employer to Employee. 
 
 III. The Effect of Industrial Evolution 
 
 Upon the Home and Home Life . 51 
 
 I. The Home of the Pioneer. 
 3. The Urban Home. 
 
 3. The Process of Adjustment. 
 
 4. Woman's Place in the Home. 
 
 5. Relation of Children to Parents. 
 
 6. The Functions of the Home. 
 
 7. The Home in the " Good Old Days." 
 
 8. Commnnity Effort. 
 
 IV. Industry and the School System . 61 
 
 1. Education is a Labor-Saving Device. 
 
 2. Education May be a Progressive or Reac- 
 
 tionary Force. 
 
 3. Education Should be a Directive Agent, 
 
 II 
 
12 Contents 
 
 4. The Changing Sphere of Formal Education. 
 
 5. New Educational Ideals are Needed. 
 
 6. What Shonld the American Public School 
 
 Aim to Accomplish ? 
 
 7. The Four Standards. 
 
 8. The Insistent Demand for Practical Educa- 
 
 tion. 
 
 9. Demands of Social Reformers. 
 
 ID. The Parting of the Educational Road. 
 
 11. The Need of a Yardstick. 
 
 12. The School Should Exist for Workers as 
 
 Well as Non- Workers. 
 
 V. Women and Children in Industry . 78 
 
 I. Woman and Child Labor is an Old Phe- 
 nomenon. 
 3. Statistics of Woman and Child Labor. 
 
 3. Legislation. 
 
 4. Legal Status of Legislation. 
 
 5. Childhood is a Preparatory Period. 
 
 6. The Fundamental Child Labor Problem. 
 
 7. Child Labor is an Economic Mistake. 
 
 8. Woman's Work. 
 
 9. The Solution. 
 
 VI. Wages and Hours .... 93 
 
 1. Accurate Wage Statistics are Difficult to 
 
 Obtain. 
 
 2. Statistics. 
 
 3. The Menace of Low Wages. 
 
 4. Real and Money Wages. 
 
 5. Wages and Taxation. 
 
 6. Hours. 
 
 7. The Economy of the Short Working Day. 
 
 VII. Employment 107 
 
 I. Number of Persons Engaged in Different 
 
 Occupations. 
 3. Overwork. 
 
 3. Irregular Employment. 
 
 4. Unemployment. 
 
 5. Looking for Jobs. 
 
 6. Homeless Workers. 
 
 7. The Unemployable. 
 
Contents 13 
 
 VIII. Organized Labor in the United 
 
 States 122 
 
 1. Why Labor is Organized. 
 
 2. The Structure of Labor Organizationii. 
 
 3. Trade and Industrial Unions. 
 
 4. The American Federation of Labor. 
 
 5. Affiliated Branches of the American Fed- 
 
 eration of Labor. 
 
 6. The Industrial Workers of the World, 
 
 7. The Future of Industrial Unionism. 
 
 8. Employers' Associations. 
 
 9. The Effect of the Antagonism Between 
 
 Employers' Associations and Labor 
 Organizations. 
 10. The Advance Agent of Radical UnioDitm, 
 
 IX. Industrial Betterment . . 1 39 
 
 1. Voluntary Action on the Part of Employers. 
 
 2. The Pressure of Organized Labor. 
 
 3. Legislative Action. 
 
 4. Organization of Consumers. 
 
 5. Public Opinion. 
 
 6. Industrial Control. 
 
 7. The Proposals of the Single Taxen, 
 
 8. The Proposals of the Socialists. 
 
 9. The City vs. the Rural Districts. 
 
 10. The Church and Industrial Bettennent. 
 
 References for Further Reading 157 
 
THE EVOLUTION OF MODERN INDUSTRY 
 
 SOCIAL PROGRESS and the Work of 
 the World.— Social progress is vitally and 
 intimately connected with changes in the 
 methods of doing the world's work. Throughout 
 the history of mankind discoveries, inventions, 
 new methods of getting a living, and new ways 
 of travelling and communicating have ever caused 
 cataclysmic changes in human society. The dis- 
 covery of the use of fire, of the smelting of 
 metals, the invention of gun-powder, of the 
 mariner's compass, and of the steam engine, 
 each preceded and caused sweeping social and 
 industrial changes. The Eeformation is the 
 child of gun-powder and printing ; the remark- 
 able democratic upheavals of the nineteenth 
 century, of the Industrial Eevolution. ISTot one 
 of the great reform or progressive movements of 
 history can be adequately explained or clearly 
 understood without turning the attention to the 
 industrial revolution which preceded it and 
 ushered it upon the more spectacular stage of 
 political history. The unrest, the progressivism, 
 the radicalism of to-day can only be explained, 
 understood, and intelligently dealt with by those 
 who are able and willing patiently to study the 
 Industrial Situation of to-day and of yesterday. 
 
 15 
 
i6 The Evolution of Modern Industry 
 
 Human society in recent generations has pre- 
 sented to the student of sociology and of history 
 a bewildering moving picture show. It has often 
 seemed that nothing is stable, that everything is 
 undergoing modification, upheaval, or rejection. 
 We are often tempted to cry out passionately 
 against the new and to cling valiantly to the old 
 because it is old. Methods of doing the world's 
 work and of controlling the world's wealth have 
 been changing in recent decades with unprece- 
 dented rapidity, and, consequently, social, po-s 
 litical, l^al, and religious readjustments are not 
 only imperative but unfortunately difficult of or- 
 derly attainment. A fragile article, subjected to 
 sudden stresses and strains, is likely to crack ; 
 human society subjected to rapid industrial 
 modifications is in danger of a revolution unless 
 wise and progressive leadership eases the strain 
 by adapting the political, social, educational, and 
 religious institutions to the new situation. To 
 preserve the status quo is impossible ; the alter- 
 natives are chaos or progress along many lines. 
 
 3. The Relation between Social Progress 
 and the Work of the 'World during the Last 
 Century. — Especially during the last century and 
 a half the intimate relation between industrial 
 evolution and social progress has been forced 
 upon the attention of all thoughtful observers. 
 The occidental peoples have been transformed. 
 Sural life, isolation, the domestic system of in- 
 dustry, and non-specialized work, are replaced by 
 urban life, interdependence, the factory system, 
 
Social Progress and Work of the World 17 
 
 and minute subdivision of labor. The individ- 
 uals and nations of the globe have been brought 
 closely in touch with each other. The fighter has 
 been displaced by the financier, the isolated 
 worker by the trade unionist, the partnership by 
 the giant corporation, the local by the world 
 market, the stage-coach by the Pullman, and the 
 sickle by the harvester. These kaleidoscopic 
 changes in industry are distinctly reflected into 
 the home, social, and political life of the com- 
 munity. New laws, new governmental forms, 
 modified relations between husband and wife and 
 between children and parents, new social im- 
 peratives, and new relations between social 
 classes are some of the visible fruits of industrial 
 transformation. Much of the current discussion 
 of reform movements of various kinds is vitiated 
 because adequate attention is not paid to the 
 fundamental forces which are producing the 
 visible social changes. 
 
 In the study of the political, educational, re- 
 ligious, or ethical problems of to-day, two im- 
 portant facts, often neglected by the student who 
 is unacquainted with the history of industrial 
 evolution, must be given careful consideration. 
 In the first instance, the social environment, in- 
 cluding the sum-total of influences which bear 
 upon the life of the individual, has been enlarged. 
 People, intelligence, goods, now come from or go 
 to distant parts of the earth quickly, regularly, 
 and surely. The world of the twentieth century 
 is one vast neighborhood ; no dark, unknown 
 
l8 The Evolution of Modern Industry 
 
 continents remain upon the map. In the second 
 place, specialization of industry has tended to 
 confine the life and activity of the vast majority 
 of workers of all grades within very narrow 
 grooves. While modern methods of communica- 
 tion and transportation, world markets and the 
 multiplicity of industrial products offer oppor- 
 tunities to broaden the mental horizon and tend 
 to differentiate the demands of individuals for 
 necessities, comforts, and luxuries, occupations 
 have been specialized and subdivided until the 
 life of the individual is cramped. Earlier forms 
 of industry gave the worker a relatively broad 
 outlook, and did not force him into a rigid 
 routine. Our daily work and home environment 
 usually tend under modern conditions to astigma- 
 tize our view at the time when democracy and 
 world unity should thrive. This is the grim and 
 forbidding paradox of modern industrial life. 
 
 In the earlier centuries, work was necessarily 
 drudgery because of the dif&culty in satisfying 
 the necessities of men. To-day with the aid of 
 steam and innumerable steel and iron assistants, 
 production has been multiplied many fold. It 
 has been observed that machinery has taken the 
 soul out of industry, that it has taken away the 
 joy of working. But the condition of the wage 
 earner in the handicraft or pre-machinery age, 
 measured according to the standards of to-day, 
 was distressing. However, no improvement 
 comparable with the great increase in productiv- 
 ity has as yet taken place. With progress, 
 
The Birth of Modem Industry 19 
 
 poverty still remains, the sky-scraper and the 
 mansion stand beside the sweat-shop and the 
 hovel, and the idle rich sorfeited with an excess 
 of leisure present a marked contrast to the twelve- 
 honr-per-day, seven-day-per-week, steel worker. 
 The fundamental industrial problem of to-day is 
 that of putting joy and self-expression into in- 
 dustrial processes, or at least that of reducing 
 drudgery to a minimum. And the fundamental 
 social problem of to-day is that of giving to each 
 individual the opportunity to live a healthful, 
 joyous, and useful life. 
 
 3. The Birth of Modern Industry. —The busi- 
 ness and financial methods of ancient Bome and 
 of the medieval cities presented many features 
 similar to those found in modern times. But 
 modern industry may not inaccurately be said to 
 date from the opening of the Industrial Bevolu- 
 tion in the latter portion of the eighteenth cen- 
 tury. Briefly stated, the Industrial Bevolution 
 means the great and rapid change produced in 
 the methods of manufacturing and transporting 
 goods by the introduction of machinery and 
 water or steam power to supplement hand tools 
 and the muscular strength of men, women, and 
 children. Machinery was first used in the manu- 
 facture of cotton goods in spinning the thread 
 and weaving the threads into cotton fabrics. 
 England was the first country in the world to 
 utilize the fiictoiy system of manufacture involv- 
 ing the use of power and machinery. The first 
 factories in England and the United States were 
 
20 The Evolution of Modern Industry 
 
 cotton factories. In Beverly, Massachusetts, in 
 1787, was established the first American factory. 
 This was an unsuccessful venture. The first suc- 
 cessful factory was built by Samuel Slater at 
 Pawtucket, Bhode Island, in 1790. Mr. Slater 
 is often called the "father of American manu- 
 facture." The early factories were prepared only 
 to spin the raw cotton into threads. It was not 
 untU 1814 that Francis Lowell invented the 
 power loom and established the first American 
 factory for the conversion of raw cotton into 
 doth. The factory system in this country may, 
 therefore, be said to be one hundred years old. 
 
 4. The Worker of a Century Ago. — During 
 the first years of our national life, the all-im- 
 portant occupation was farming. But the early 
 farmer was also an artizan. He fashioned his 
 own tools and implements, made the rude 
 vehicles and harnesses needed. The farmer was 
 also a house builder and furniture maker. The 
 family made the clothing and prepared the food. 
 The wife made the tallow candles which provided 
 light, and the tallow came from animals raised 
 and slaughtered on the frontier farm. 
 
 The average American worker of the pre- 
 factory period was a jack-of-all-trades. He per- 
 formed numerous tasks each and every day ; and 
 the kind of tasks to be performed varied witii the 
 weather and the season of the year. His hours 
 of work were long but there was little of routine. 
 On the other hand, the early American worker 
 lived of necessity an isolated life. He knew 
 
Growth of Manufacture 21 
 
 little or nothing of the great world outside. 
 Means of transportation and communication -were 
 still very primitive. The railway, the steamboat, 
 and the telegraph were unknown. The work of 
 the average American of a century ago tended to 
 bring him into contact with many kinds of pro- 
 ductive activity, but his isolation from the out- 
 side world tended to give him a narrow and 
 provincial view of the world. 
 
 5. Growth of Manufacture before the Civil 
 War.— The close of the War of 1812 was fol- 
 lowed by a period of depression which continued 
 until after 1820. From the time of recovery from 
 the effects of this period of hard times until 1860, 
 the growth of factories proceeded quite steadily, 
 and factory industry began to assume larger and 
 larger proportions relative to the handicraft form 
 of industry. Mill towns and industrial cities de- 
 veloped and absorbed larger and larger percent- 
 ages of the entire population. In Massachusetts, 
 for example, according to the Census of 1820 over 
 33,000 persons were engaged in manufacture ; by 
 1840, the number had increased to slightly more 
 than 85,000. But during the same period the 
 number reported as engaged in commerce de- 
 creased, and the number engaged in agriculture 
 increased about forty per cent. In the three New 
 England States, Massachusetts, Bhode Island, 
 and Connecticut, during the same period, 1820- 
 1840, the number of persons engaged in agricul- 
 ture increased approximately one-fourth; those 
 engaged in commerce decreased about one-third ; 
 
22 The Evolution of Modem Industry 
 
 and those engaged in manofacture and trade in- 
 creased nearly two and one-half times. In 1831, 
 the capital invested in cotton factories was ap- 
 proximately $41,000,000 and the number of em- 
 ployees, 62,000; in 1850, the capital invested 
 had increased to $76,000,000 and the number of 
 employees to 95,000. In tiie production of woolen 
 goods, a similar increase took place. 
 
 Among the important inventions and innova- 
 tions of the decades immediately preceding the 
 Civil "War are many which practically revolution- 
 ized industrial methods ; for example, the general 
 introduction of the power loom, the use of the 
 hot-air blast in iron smelting, the introduction 
 of anthracite coal into the same industry, the in- 
 ventions of the mower, the reaper, the sewing- 
 machine, and the friction match, the introduction 
 of the steam printing-press, the use of the screw 
 propeller on steamboats, and the invention of 
 the steam hammer for steel working. Methods 
 of transportation and communication changed 
 even more completely than did those employed 
 in manufacture. The Erie Canal was completed 
 in 1825. The succeeding ten or fifteen years saw 
 a rapid development of canal systems in the 
 Northern States. The use of steamboats, which 
 began before 1820, increased at a rapid pace. 
 But still more important was the development 
 of the railway system. The first steam railway 
 had thirteen miles open for traf&c in 1830. In 
 1840, the mileage of the steam railways of the 
 XTnited States was 2,640; in 1850, 9,021; in 
 
The Second Industrial Revolution 23 
 
 I860, 36,636. The first telegraph line was con- 
 structed in 1844. 
 
 6. The Second Industrial Revolution. — ^The 
 relatively brief period of the Civil War may be 
 said to have ushered in a second industrial revo- 
 lution ; it hastened the opening of a new indus- 
 trial epoch. Before the War industrial establish- 
 ments had been small, the rural districts were 
 dotted with many smaU factories, and the rail- 
 ways were short. But in the sixties began a very 
 pronounced movement towards large-scale indus- 
 try and centralized industrial control. Capital, 
 railways, manufactories, mercantile houses, and 
 urban communities grew rapidly. The War 
 caused an unprecedented drain of workers from 
 the farm, the of&ce, and the shop. Into the ranks 
 of the army went the best workers of the North. 
 An abnormal and standardized demand arose for 
 supplies to feed and equip the soldiers. The 
 scarcity of workers on farm and in factory, and 
 the fact that the new demand was, in a large meas- 
 ure, for goods of a uniform quality, hastened the 
 introduction of machinery. A demand for stand- 
 ardized articles makes large-scale industry par- 
 ticularly advantageous. The woolen industry 
 grew at a phenomenal rate because of the demand 
 for army clothing and because the importation 
 of cotton from the South was cut oflF. The manu- 
 facture of shoes passed from the small shop to the 
 modem fectory. The amount of capital invested 
 in the manufacture of iron increased nearly six- 
 fold in the decade of the sixties. Twice as many 
 
24 Tne Evolution of Modern Industry 
 
 mowers and reapers were manufactured in 1864 
 as in 1862. Almost in the twinkling of an eye a 
 new industrial era was opened. 
 
 7. After the Civil War. — In the half century 
 since the Civil War, in many lines of manufac- 
 ture the number of establishments has decreased 
 or increased very slowly while the average num- 
 ber of wage earners, the amount of capital in- 
 vested, and the value of the output per establish- 
 ment has increased rapidly. The following table 
 presents comparative statistics of factories ac- 
 cording to the Census of 1900 and that of 1910. 
 The statistics are for the years 1899 and 1909. 
 
 Number^ ^ y^ j 
 
 1900 207,514 $8,975,256,000 4,712,763 $11,406,927,000 
 1910 268,491 18,428,270,000 6,615,046 20,672,052,000 
 
 Z^L^^h^ 29.4 105.3 40,4 81.2 
 
 01 increase 
 
 The manufacture of agricultural implements is 
 a classic example of concentration in industry. 
 In 1870, there were 2,076 establishments reported ; 
 and in 1910, only 640. The average number of 
 wage earners per establishment was, in 1870, 12 ; 
 in 1910, 79. The value of the output per estab- 
 lishment was, in 1870, $25,000 ; in 1910, nearly 
 $229,000. In 1910 the number of establishments 
 was reduced to about one-third of the number in 
 1870, but the number of wage earners per factory 
 was six and one-half times the number in 1870, 
 and the value of the output nine times that of 
 
After the Civil War 25 
 
 1870. The corporate form of business enterprise 
 has become the predominant form. According 
 to the Census of 1910, 25.9 per cent, of all manu- 
 facturing establishments in the United States were 
 operated by corporations ; but 79 per cent, of the 
 total value of the products of manufacturing es- 
 tablishments was produced by corporate estab- 
 lishments. In some lines of manufacture the 
 corporation is supreme. In the smelting and 
 refining of lead the total output is produced by 
 corporate establishments; of steel works and 
 rolling mills, 99.5 per cent. ; of gas plants, 99 per 
 cent. ; and of petroleum refineries, 98.1 per cent. 
 The control of American railways is now placed 
 directly or indirectly in the hands of a small 
 number of corporations. In agriculture, the 
 corporation has not obtained a foothold. 
 
 In recent years a new phenomenon — called 
 integration of industries — has also become plainly 
 visible. Great businesses like the United States 
 Steel Corporation and the Standard Oil Company 
 not only control in a large measure the iron and 
 steel Jbusiness and the oil business respectively, 
 but they are reaching out into other lines of busi- 
 ness activity. The first named corporation con- 
 trols through its board of directors not only iron 
 and steel mills, but bridge works, tin plate plants, 
 coal and iron mines, coking furnaces, railway and 
 steamship lines, docks and limestone quarries. 
 Through stock ownership and interlocking di- 
 rectorates the great railway, mining, manufac- 
 turing, and banking interests of the nation are 
 
26 The Evolution of Modern Industry- 
 being knit closely together. A conununity of 
 interests is being formed. 
 
 As our industries have grown larger, the mar- 
 kets supplied by them have been enlarged, and 
 more and more efficient methods have been em- 
 ployed. A hasty survey of the meat packing 
 industry of Chicago will famish an excellent 
 illustration. In 1860, this business was small 
 and only supplied a local market. By 1877, the 
 market area had enlarged until it comprised the 
 entire United States. In 1910, this inland city 
 sent its beef and other meats to Europe, South 
 America, Africa, Asia, Australia, and the East 
 India Islands. This astonishing growth of market 
 area has been made possible by the use of the 
 refrigerator and the process of canning. In the 
 early history of the pacj^ing industry much was 
 wasted ; but to-day practically nothing is allowed 
 to go to waste. Blood, bones, hoofs, horns, trim- 
 mings, and sinews are all utilized. A variety of 
 articles are produced from what was formerly 
 thrown away, — soap, gelatine, butterine, bristles, 
 glue, ammonia, pepsin, albumin, fertilizer, and 
 many other products. The packing industry also 
 practices extreme subdivision of labor. "Skill 
 has become specialized to fit the anatomy." Each 
 worker has his own special and minute task to 
 perform. He makes his particular cut or mo- 
 tion, and passes the material to the next worker 
 in the long line of specialized and articulated 
 workers. 
 
 The foregoing statistics ar6 presented because 
 
Immigration 27 
 
 the important, almost phenomenal, changes in 
 indnstry mark equally Important changes in the 
 living and working conditions of the American 
 people. Social, educational, political, and re- 
 ligious institutions are feeling the effects of these 
 changes. The statistics of the preceding sections 
 are freighted with human weal or human woe. 
 They are the concrete marks of a revolutionary 
 change in American life. Can we as a nation 
 adjust our habits and institutions formed when 
 we were a frontier community, to large-scale 
 manufacture, to big cities, to the situation which 
 obtains after the frontier line has faded away t 
 In the light of a new industrial situation which 
 has been evolved with startling rapidity, what 
 new function or functions should be performed 
 by the state, the school, and the church ? What 
 function or functions, if any, should no longer be 
 performed f 
 
 8. Immigration,— The United States is, and 
 has been, a country possessing a large, foreign- 
 bom population. Statistics of immigration have 
 been gathered since 1820. During the period 
 from 1820 to 1910, 27,918,992 immigrants came 
 to our shores. Of this total 8,795,386, or 31.5 
 per cent., arrived during the last decennial period, 
 1901 to 1910. The arrivals during that decade 
 equalled the population of the United States 
 when James Monroe was first elected President. 
 The immigrants have not flowed to this country 
 in a steady but gradually widening stream. They 
 have come in a somewhat irregular manner. 
 
28 The Evolution of Modern Industry 
 
 There has been first a high tide and then a low 
 tide. This wave-like motion has followed quite 
 closely the ebb and flow of prosperous conditions. 
 A period of prosperity in the United States has 
 ever served as a magnet to draw immigrants to 
 seek homes on this side of the Atlantic. On the 
 contrary, a period of depression is always fol- 
 lowed by a marked diminution in the flow of 
 immigration. The last decennial period furnishes 
 an example. In the last months of 1907 occurred 
 a financial crisis of considerable magnitude. The 
 efiect upon immigration is clearly seen in the 
 following figures which give the number of 
 immigrants coming to this country during the 
 decade,— 1901, 487,918; 1902, 648,743; 1903, 
 857,046; 1904, 812,870; 1905, 1,026,499; 1906, 
 1,100,735; 1907, 1,285,349; 1908, 782,870 ; 1909, 
 751,786; 1910, 1,041,570; 1911, 878,587; and 
 1912, 838,172. 
 
 Although of&cial statistics have only been 
 gathered since 1908, the outward movement or 
 emigration of aliens is about one-third of the 
 immigration. Or, the net immigration is only 
 about two-thirds of the gross immigration. If 
 this ratio has held good during the last decennial 
 period, the net immigration for the ten years 
 would be approximately two-thirds of 8,795,386, 
 or about 6,000,000. The average net immigra- 
 tion per year would be in round numbers 600,- 
 000, or about j^^ of the total population of the 
 United States in 1910. During the decade, 
 1841-1850, estimating that the net immigration 
 
Immigration 29 
 
 bore the same ratio to the gross, the average 
 yearly immigration was approximately ^^a of 
 the population in 1850. 
 
 Before the Civil War, Germany, Great Britain, 
 and Ireland furnished the bulk of our immigrants. 
 In recent years. Southern Europe, rather than 
 Northern Europe, is contributing the major 
 portion of the great stream of immigrants. As 
 striking contrasts may be drawn between the 
 typical immigrant of the pre-Civil War period 
 and that of to-day, as may be drawn between the 
 small-scale industry of 1850 and the large-scale 
 business of 1913. The shifting character of the 
 typical immigrant is both a cause and an eJSect 
 of the industrial transformation which the United 
 States has witnessed since the middle of last 
 century. The decline in immigration from 
 Northern Europe is also in some measure due to 
 the improved industrial and living conditions in 
 many countries of Northern Europe and to the 
 utilization of other outlets for population such as 
 Canada, Australia, and South America. 
 
 In recent decades, the rough and hard work of 
 the nation has beeii in no small measure per- 
 formed by the recent immigrant. It is this 
 neglected and often despised recent immigrant 
 who has built, and who repairs, our railways. 
 He mines much of our coal and iron ore, he un- 
 loads our vessels, cleans our streets, and works 
 in our packing houses and canning factories. 
 The immigrant of recent decades tends to con- 
 centrate in the cities. In 1900, 66.3, per cent. 
 
3© The Evolution of Modern Industry 
 
 of the total foreign-born popnlation lived in 
 cities having a population of 25,000 or over. 
 Many important industries and many large cities 
 would shrink into insignificance if divested of 
 the foreign-born and the children of the foreign- 
 born. In 1900 Chicago would have lost nearly 
 four-fifths of her population through a migration 
 of foreign-born and of those born of foreign 
 parents. The great influx into the United States 
 of low standard-of-living workers has tended to 
 increase the division and subdivision of labor. 
 On the other hand, without this influx of foreign 
 workers more machinery might have been em- 
 ployed in our industries. 
 
 The Immigration Commission has pointed out 
 several "salient characteristics" of recent immi- 
 gration. 1. The bulk of recent immigrants 
 have been farmers in their home country ; but 
 the great majority become wage earners in our 
 mines, in our factories, on our railways, or in 
 construction work. 2. They lack industrial 
 training and experience. 3. The typical immi- 
 grant of to-day has an almost empty pocketbook. 
 He must get a job at once. A. His standard of 
 living is low. 5. The recent immigrant is 
 migratory, docile, and subservient. He has no 
 property interests, and often no family ties, to 
 attach him to any particular community. 
 
 SUMMABY 
 
 Changes in methods of doing the world's work 
 make imperative modifications In social Institn- 
 tionB. 
 
Summary 31 
 
 Sacoessfnl reform movements act in harmony 
 with the fundamental forces making for social 
 change. 
 
 The modern industrial age opened with the In- 
 dustrial Bevolution. 
 
 The early American worker was a jack-of-all- 
 trades ; but the typical wage earner of to-day is 
 a specialized worker. 
 
 The American factory system was developed 
 before the Civil War. During the Civil War, 
 industrial progress was rapid. 
 
 Since the Civil War, large-scale industry has 
 become predominant ; and Americans have be- 
 come familiar with subdivision of labor and 
 world markets. 
 
 Consequently, the real functions of different 
 social institutions are being modified. 
 
 The recent immigrant is our typical unskilled 
 worker. 
 
 Suggestive Questions 
 
 What new duties and functions should the 
 Church assume in modern, complex, urban civi- 
 lization ? 
 
 Does your church devote more attention to in- 
 creasing its membership than to improving the 
 living and working conditions in the community t 
 
 What is the attitude of your church towards 
 higher wages and shorter working days for the 
 manual laborer ? 
 
 How far should the churches concern them- 
 selves with industrial questions t 
 
II 
 
 THE INDUSTRIALISM OF TO-DAY 
 
 RURAL and Urban Population. — In 
 1800, there were six American cities 
 having a population of more than 8,000 
 persons, and four percent, of the total population 
 lived in these six cities. One hundred and ten 
 years later, over nine per cent, of the total popu- 
 lation lived in three cities of over 1,000,000 each, 
 22.1 per cent, in cities of over 100,000 each, and 
 46.3 per cent, in towns and cities of 2,600 or 
 over. At least one in every fifteen persons living 
 in the United States in 1910 resided in the met- 
 ropolitan district of New York City, that is, New 
 York City and the contiguous urban districts. 
 
 The Census Bureau divides Continental United 
 States into ten geographic divisions for purposes 
 of statistical comparison. In 1860, the first rank 
 in population was held by the Middle Atlantic 
 States, — New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- 
 vania ; but during the next four decades the East 
 North Central held the first place, — Ohio, Indiana, 
 Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. In 1910, 
 however, the tide turned and that great industrial 
 workshop, the Middle Atlantic division, again 
 took first rank. Twenty-one per cent, of the total 
 32 
 
Rural and Urban Population 33 
 
 population lived in these three factory, mining 
 and commercial States. And seventy-one per 
 cent, of the people living in the Middle Atlantic 
 States resided in towns and cities containing 
 2,600 or more people. In New England, the per- 
 centage was 83.3. In the three geographic di- 
 visions — New England, Middle Atlantic, and 
 East North Central States — were contained 
 4,800,000 of the 6,600,000 wage earners en- 
 gaged in manufacturing, — nearly seventy-three 
 per cent. 
 
 American cities have been growing rapidly for 
 several decades preceding the present ; but the 
 census returns for 1900 gave some indication of a 
 checking of the rate of increase of the urban rel- 
 ative to the rural population.' The 1910 returns, 
 however, show evidences of a renewed surge 
 towards the cities ; the trend towards the cities 
 was unmistakable. In only two States, Montana 
 and Wyoming, was the percentage of increase in 
 the rural population greater than in the urban. 
 In the decade, 1900-1910, the urban population 
 of Continental United States" increased 34.8 per 
 cent., or slightly over eleven millions. The rural 
 population increased during the same decade 11.2 
 per cent., or nearly five millions. In the three 
 
 'Carlton, "The Growth of Rnral Population," Pojntfar 
 Soienee Monthly, December, 1903. 
 
 'An urban population was defined by the Bureau of the 
 Census in 1910 as that " residing in cities and other incor- 
 porated places of 2,500 inhabitants or more." In preceding 
 reports, the limit was fixed at 8,000. 
 
34 The Industrialism of To-Day 
 
 great industrial divisions, New England, Middle 
 Atlantic, and East North Central States, in which 
 dwell nearly one-half of the total population, the 
 total increase in urban population during the last 
 decennial period was over 6,500,000. But the 
 rural population of the same divisions only in- 
 creased 435,188. And, in New England and the 
 East Central States, the rural population actually 
 declined during the ten years. In a solid block 
 of thirty counties in the southeastern part of 
 Michigan only one county showed an increase in 
 rural population during the decade. 
 
 2. The Growing Importance of the City. — 
 The traditional American democracy has been 
 that of an increasing population facing almost 
 unbounded natural resources and living upon a 
 rising level of income. The familiar American 
 type of democracy has been that developed among 
 frontiersmen ; but to-day American democracy 
 is confronting a new situation. The ever west- 
 ward-travelling population wave reached the 
 Pacific a score or more years ago, and that great 
 barrier has turned the wave back upon itself. 
 "With the frontier eliminated and nearly one-half 
 of the population classified as urban, the indus- 
 trial problem in the United States takes on new 
 aspects. New and often misinterpreted factors 
 are introduced into the national equation. As in 
 the ancient days when agriculture replaced hunt- 
 ing and fishing, or in the less remote period when 
 slavery and serfdom were replaced by the wages 
 system, working and home conditions are now 
 
The Growing Importance of the City 35 
 
 undergoing great transformations. America is, 
 indeed, a great melting pot for the amalgamation 
 of the peoples of the globe. 
 
 Some writers enamored with an idealized view 
 of early life in America consider cities to be 
 danger points in our national life. Asks Pro- 
 fessor Fetter, " Shall it be our ideal to multiply 
 men on our city streets and smoking suburbs, 
 away from fields and forests and mountains ; or 
 shall we not rather give to all our people space 
 to earn an ample living and to live an ample life, 
 worthy of our democratic ideal?" It is urged 
 that, if the population still continues to increase 
 because of high birth-rates and large immigra- 
 tion, America is in danger of yielding a large 
 crop of peasant farmers and city proletarians. 
 More optimistic Americans assert that the city 
 is " the hope of democracy." Certain it is that 
 both the city and the Victory are here and here 
 to stay. Our problem as thoughtful American 
 citizens is to "humanize" them, not to lament 
 their coming or to attempt to eli^uate them. 
 Twentieth century Americans must learn to live 
 in cities ; they must be able to develop strong, 
 clean, and capable men and women in cities. 
 
 If not, then is the nation doomed to travel the 
 downward path towards decay and degeneracy. 
 The rural districts, already drained of much that 
 is best, can no longer continue to furnish the city 
 with its leaders. In the cities are found crowd- 
 ing, hustle, noise, allurement, and excitement ; 
 but in the cities are also found sanitary in- 
 
36 The Industrialism of To-Day 
 
 specters, playgrounds, good schools, public libra- 
 ries, aud labor orgauizations. In the past our 
 cities have grown without reference to the needs 
 of the men, women, and children who were forced 
 to live in them. The city of the future is to be a 
 planned city. It is to be one in which human 
 resources may be conserved and increased ; it is 
 to be more than a market-place, a site for smok- 
 ing factories, or an opportunity for the land 
 speculator. The city of the future will be a 
 place where people live instead of merely exist. 
 But in order to achieve this transformation, in- 
 telligent, purposeful, devoted, and organized 
 effort is needed. And our churches and church 
 organizations have an opportunity to play a 
 leading part in "humanizing" our cities, in 
 making them the hope of democracy. 
 
 3. Monotonous Work. — Two important char- 
 acteristics of modern large-scale production are 
 speed and monotony, — the products of extreme 
 subdivision of labor. The typical unskilled 
 laborer of to-day is the machine tender ; and 
 many occupations may be accurately character- 
 ized as "blind-alley trades," or trades which lead 
 nowhere. A few examples will suffice to illus- 
 trate the characteristics of many occupations. 
 In the needle trades, power machines are often 
 used. Some kinds carry as many as twelve 
 needles, and make nearly 4,000 stitches per 
 minute. The attention of the operator who is 
 usually a woman cannot be relaxed " a second 
 while the machine runs its deafening course, for 
 
Monotonous Work 37 
 
 at the breaking of any one of the twelve gleam- 
 ing needles or of the darting threads, the power 
 must instantly be shut off." In canneries, 
 "capping" the cans is a good example of speed 
 and monotony. After the cans are filled with 
 fruit or vegetables, they are carried by a belt 
 conveyor to the sealing or capping machine. 
 The capping girl usually holds a number of the 
 caps in her hands and drops "them monoto- 
 nously, one at a time, upon the cans as they 
 swiftly pass on the tireless conveyor, at a rate 
 varying from fifty-four to eighty cans per 
 minute." The attention of the reader has been 
 called to the extreme subdivision of labor 
 found in the meat packing industry. Hand 
 workers who wrap and pack small objects, such 
 as crackers, glassware, candy, or who label cans, 
 have also an occupation as monotonous as those 
 connected with the use of machinery. 
 
 When this routine work is continued day after 
 day, week after week, it becomes deadening and 
 stupefying. The man becomes almost a machine. 
 All interest in the work vanishes. He becomes 
 a passive agent in a great industry, and is known 
 only by his number. Professor Commons has 
 drawn the following depressing word-picture of 
 the worker feeding a semi-automatic machine. 
 " But the work is monotonous— just one or two 
 operations, hour after hour, ten hours a day, 
 sixty hours a week." The worker at the ma- 
 chine "keeps on — his mind shrinks — he never 
 thinks of his work unless something goes wrong 
 
38 The Industrialism of To-Day 
 
 — he thinks of other things — ^his childhood, his 
 former playmates — his days and nights of fun 
 and wild oats — anything to keep his mind off 
 from the deadly monotony." And yet many 
 more fortunately circumstanced individuals do 
 not understand why the worker in his moments 
 of leisure demands excitement, thrills, a climax. 
 Excesses, carousals, the melodrama, are inevi- 
 table reactions from the excessive and deadening 
 monotony of daily work. 
 
 4. Tendencies in Agriculture. — The last de- 
 cennial period disclosed some very significant 
 tendencies in agriculture. The average acreage 
 per farm declined from 146.2 in 1900 to 138.1 in 
 1910. But the average value of all property per 
 farm increased from $3,563 to $6,444. In the 
 immediately preceding decades the increase in 
 &rm values was almost a negligible quantity, — 
 from 1860 to 1900 inclusive the value per farm 
 was over $3,000 and less than $4,000. The aver- 
 age value of all property per acre of land in farms 
 was $24.37 in' 1900 and $46.64 in 1910 ; the aver- 
 age value of the land per acre was $15.57 and 
 $32. 40 respectively. The average investment per 
 farm increased remarkably during the ten-year 
 period. This considerable rise in the market 
 value of farms has added to the obstacles which 
 confront the young man without money who 
 seeks to become a farm owner. Statistics indi- 
 cate that an increase in tenancy and an increase 
 in land values went hand in hand during the 
 decade. The percentage of tenancy is, however. 
 
\ Tendencies in Agriculture 39 
 
 high throtighout the South where land values are 
 low ; but this is due iu a large measure to the 
 number of Negro tenants. 
 
 One of tlie great evils of tenancy in the United 
 States is the frequent moving of tenants from 
 farm to farm. "In the South," writes an au- 
 thority, "about half the tenants move every 
 year." In the North, the average period is 
 somewhat longer. The constant shifting of 
 tenants causes a double difficulty. It tends to 
 wear out the soil and sooner or later tends to 
 impoverish the farmers working the land. In 
 the second place, the frequent moving from farm 
 to farm weakens the neighborhood ties, dimin- 
 ishes interest in local affairs, prevents the de- 
 velopment of strong community organizations of 
 various kinds. ^ 
 
 In the West North Central States — Minnesota, 
 Iowa, Missouri, North and South Dakota, 
 Nebraska, and Kansas — the average number of 
 acres per farm increased from 189.5 in 1900 to 
 209.6 in 1910. In the East North Central States 
 — Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wis- 
 consin — the figures are 102.4 and 105.0 respect- 
 ively. In the above-named States which, if the 
 production of cotton is excluded, produce the 
 great bulk of our staple agricultural products, 
 the average size of farms and the average value 
 per acre are increasing. These figures are 
 portentous of great changes in the life and 
 
 'Hibbard, Quarterly Journal of Econoinica, Kaj, 1913, pp. 
 495-496. 
 
40 The Industrialism of To-Day 
 
 activity of our farmers and farm laborers in 
 the North. And the probable introduction of a 
 successful mechanical cotton picker in the South 
 will doubtless revolutionize the rural life in that 
 section. 
 
 This tendency towards larger farms in the 
 North Central States will probably be accelerated 
 during the next decade or two. An increasing 
 use of mechanical tractors and gang plows may 
 be expected, and these can be most efficiently 
 utilized upon large farms. On the experimental 
 farm of Perdue University, it is reported that a 
 thirty horse-power kerosene engine, hitched to a 
 giant plow having fifty bottoms and turning fifty 
 furrows simultaneously, plowed an acre in four 
 and one-fourth minutes. It seems probable that 
 important savings may follow the substitution of 
 the tractor for the horse. At present the prices 
 of agricultural products are high and the op- 
 portunities for extensive" investment in railway 
 and manufacturing enterprises are not as great 
 relatively as were found up to the last decade or 
 two. These two facts indicate a rush of capital 
 into agriculture in the not distant future. The 
 application of capital on a large scale, the ap- 
 peal to scientific agriculture, and the introduc- 
 tion of scientific management and cost account- 
 ing, may be expected to work marvellous 
 changes. Many omens of changes to come may 
 be discerned. 
 
 The following census statistics are indicative of 
 present tendencies in agriculture. 
 
Tendencies in Agriculture 41 
 
 Siee of farms. Per cent, of total. 
 
 tgio igoo 
 
 Under 20 acres 1.0 ... 0.9 
 
 20 to 49 " 5.2 ... 5.0 
 
 50 to 99 " 11.7 . . 11.8 
 
 100 to 174 " 23.4 . . . 23.0 
 
 175 to 499 " 30.2 . . . 27.8 
 
 500 to 999 " 9.5 .. . 8.1 
 
 1,000 acres and over 19.1. . .23.6 
 
 These figures indicate that the typical farm of the 
 near future is to contain from 175 to 1,000 acres. 
 There were, in 1910, 50,135 farms containing 
 1,000 or more acres each ; in 1900, the number 
 was 47,160. One-half of the big farms are found 
 in the West North Central and the West South 
 Central States, composing the first two tiers of 
 States west of the Mississippi Eiver. In the 
 West North Central States, the acreage in farms 
 containing 500 to 999 acres each increased ap- 
 proximately fifty per cent, in the ten years. In 
 the South Atlantic and East South Central States, 
 the acreage in small farms containing twenty to 
 forty-nine acres increased very materially. The 
 tenant farms of the South are small. The tenant, 
 especially the Negro tenant, in the South is more 
 rigidly supervised and controlled by the land 
 owner than in the North. In fact, leasing cotton 
 lands in small tracts is practically a method of 
 operating a plantation. In the new renting 
 system which is being developed in Oklahoma 
 and Texas, the tenant agrees to work under the 
 supervision of the owner. Under such condi- 
 tions, the tenant is placed in a position similar 
 to the sub-contracting foreman in a manufactur- 
 
42 The Industrialism of To-Day 
 
 ing establishment. The conditions which make 
 for sweating in agriculture are being prepajed. 
 
 The Taft farm or ranch in Texas contains about 
 150 square miles, or nearly 100,000 acres, of ex- 
 cellent farming land. The farm is supervised by 
 an agricultural expert. Farming on this big 
 farm is scientific and large-scale. The company 
 owning and operating the farm also operates its 
 own packing house, cotton gins, an ice plant, a 
 machine shop for repairing, and an electric 
 lighting plant. The workers live in company 
 houses and buy at company stores. The factory 
 system is here taken to the farm. The farm 
 laborers work in gangs under overseers who in 
 turn are subordinate to other managers, and so 
 on up to the expert in charge. The farm laborer 
 on this giant farm, like the factory worker, is a 
 mere cog in a great machine. The Taft farm is 
 an extreme example of the new type of "bo- 
 nanza" farms. 
 
 5. "Satellite Cities."— On the outskirts of 
 many large American cities are smaller clusters 
 of home and business establishments scattered in 
 an irregular manner around some huge manufac- 
 turing plant. These are the "satellite cities" 
 which big industries have built at some distance 
 from the city proper in order to avoid high rents 
 or the exactions of labor organizations, or for 
 some other reason held to be good by the employ- 
 ing corporation. The greatest of these is Gary, 
 Indiana, — a city built on the sandy shores of 
 Lake Michigan according to the deliberate plan 
 
" Satellite Cities " 43 
 
 of the United Steel Corporation* "Gary is 
 probably the greatest single calculated achieve- 
 ment of America's master industry. A score of 
 steel towns have grown slowly from small begin- 
 nings. But the creators of Gary planned de novo 
 a city which in five years attained a size that re- 
 quired thirty years of growth at Homestead, and 
 which is not unlikely to become the second city 
 in Indiana before many decades pass." ' Almost 
 as by magic a gigantic corporation caused the 
 sandy waste to become a city with homes, paved 
 streets, schools, churches, stores, and great steel 
 mills, and peopled it with a busy and hetero- 
 geneous population. The great financial power 
 thus exhibited necessarily is a potent factor for 
 good or ill upon the lives of thousands who con- 
 gregate in the "satellite city." The voters in 
 the municipality are the employees of the great 
 corporation. The company becomes a powerful 
 factor in promoting or in checking the growth of 
 vice and immorality. Political and industrial 
 power is in the satellite city clearly and unmis- 
 takably concentrated in the hands of the com- 
 pany. 
 
 Even small cities are developing "satellites" 
 in which reside the workers for some manufac- 
 turing plant. For example, in Albion, a town 
 of six thousand inhabitants, is found a consider- 
 able group of houses owned by a manufacturing 
 company. Neady all of the wage workers em- 
 ployed by the company live in this settlement. 
 ' G. E. Taylor, The Survei/, March 1, 1913. 
 
44 The Industrialism of To-Day 
 
 They are thus set apart from the rest of the town. 
 Many cannot speak the English language. These 
 workers live in houses innocent of modern con- 
 veniences. The yards and streets are devoid of 
 anything which makes for beauty. The writer 
 visited the second story of one of these company 
 houses in the two small rooms of which at least 
 twenty-five men sleep and live during their lei- 
 sure time. Here were working men, many of them 
 recent immigrants, living in filth and squalor, 
 and under conditions which cannot make for good 
 citizenship. Yet this little community is prac- 
 tically neglected by the people living elsewhere 
 in the city. True it is that few of us know "how 
 the other haK lives." 
 
 6. Scientific Management. — N'early all of 
 the great expanse of fertile land within the bor- 
 ders of the United States has passed into the 
 hands of private owners, and the vast natural 
 resources of the nation have been tapped. We 
 can no Jonger tolerate the wastefulness and the 
 rule-of-thumb methods of the pioneer. Effi- 
 ciency and conservation are now the magic 
 words. Cost accounting, the card index, the stop 
 watch, and the adding machine are some of the 
 necessary accessories of efficiency engineering or 
 scientific management. Expenses of production 
 are accurately determined ; and both men and 
 machines are carefully and scientifically studied. 
 *' The primitive competition of employer against 
 employer is a children's game compared with the 
 modern competition of manager against manager 
 
Scientific Management 45 
 
 checked up every month by the cold statistics of 
 cost. Under this system managers go down like 
 tenpins, or up like Schwab. They 'hire and 
 fire' their employees, promote and derate their 
 subordinates, with the precision of rapid-fire 
 guns. Under their exact system of cost they 
 measure a man as they do coal, iron, and kilo- 
 watts, and labor becomes literally, what it has 
 been by analogy, a commodity. If one be a 
 scientist or an engineer one can but admire the 
 marvellous results. The astounding reductions 
 of cost, the unheard-of efficiency of labor, the 
 precise methods of scientific experiment and 
 tests, reveal a new field of conquest of the human 
 mind." ' 
 
 The potentialities of scientific management 
 seem enormous. The application of scientific 
 principles to such apparently simple tasks as 
 bricklaying, shovelling, or carrying pig iron has 
 demonstrated that many of the motions of the 
 average worker are unnecessary, and that much 
 more work may be performed in a day without in- 
 creased fatigue. Scientific management doubtless 
 will greatly increase the per capita output. But 
 like the introduction of machinery, scientific man- 
 agement bids fair to cause "another intensive, 
 resistless reordering of industrial life " ; and this 
 unfortunately often means for many wage earners 
 unemployment and uncertainty. A recent book 
 on scientific management is authority for the state- 
 
 > Commons, The American Jowmal of Sociology, Vol. XIII, 
 pp. 757-758. 
 
46 The Industrialism of To-Day 
 
 ment that one company " cut its shop force from 
 100 men to 70, and at the same time increased 
 its output 300 per cent.,"— by using the methods 
 of scientific management. The wage earners 
 naturally fear that this new system devised and 
 proposed by their employers, a,nd which is being 
 forced upon them without their consent, is some 
 subtle method of getting more out of employees 
 without increasing the size of the pay checks. 
 Before the hearty cooperation of the employees 
 can be obtained, this fear, born of past experi- 
 ence with the introduction of machinery, must 
 be dispelled. Scientific management has its 
 psychological side. It cannot achieve its fullest 
 success until the employees see more in it than a 
 subtle means of speeding them. Certainly the 
 workers ought to share in the benefits which flow 
 from efficiency engineering. And they are justi- 
 fied in taking steps through their organizations 
 to obtain a share in the benefits which are to 
 come from scientific management. 
 
 7. The Relations of Employer to Employee. 
 — From the early days when the captives in battle 
 were first forced to till the soil for the benefit of 
 their conquerors, through the long eras of slavery 
 and serfdom, to the modern wage system with its 
 definite payment of money wages, there has been 
 a fundamental difference in view-point between 
 the worker on one hand, and the master, feudal 
 landlord, or employer, on the other. The latter 
 is interested primarily in the product of the 
 worker's toil, and only secondarily in the welfare 
 
Relations of Employer to Employee 47 
 
 and uplift of the toiler. The modern employer is 
 more humane than his prototype ; but the basic 
 incentive in his demand for workers is old. The 
 workers, ancient, medieval, or modern, were and 
 are, of course, self-centred. They have been 
 dragged into the active work of the world un- 
 willingly, as if by the hair of the head. Com- 
 pulsion, — the lash, fear of hunger and of the lack 
 of comforts, — has been the potent, but negative, 
 force which has throughout the years hastened 
 the steps of the lagging worker. "Work has been 
 to the worker a means to an end, — escape from 
 the lash of the master or to gain a livelihood. To 
 the employer, or master, productive activity on 
 the part of the mass of people is the excuse for 
 their existence. The workers in this new era of 
 great productivity are catching the vision that 
 work should be performed for the sake of leisure 
 and comfort for themselves. Modem democracy 
 is emphasizing, in the phraseology of another, 
 not more respect for men, but respect for more 
 men. " More respect for men ' ' is the older idea ; 
 "respect for more men" is a phrase pregnant 
 with hope of better living conditions for the 
 masses. But this is little more th^n a vision as 
 yet ; and few are the employers who have even 
 caught a glimpse of this inspiring ideal. 
 
 The typical employer of to-day is a corporation. 
 Under present-day conditions, the urge for divi- 
 dends is often the potent and compelling pressure 
 which moulds the policy of a large corporation. 
 And this insistent yearning for dividends pro- 
 
48 The Industrialism of To-Day 
 
 ceeds usually from distant and widely scattered 
 stockholders who know little or nothing of the 
 conditions in the industry, the wages paid, the 
 length of the working day, or the protection pro- 
 vided against accident. But this keen demand 
 for dividends is more potent in determining the 
 policy of the corporation than was the desire for 
 profits in the ante-corporation days of " person- 
 alized" management. When the proprietor 
 knew each man by name, the settlement of griev- 
 ances required a very different method of pro- 
 cedure than it does when the workers are num- 
 bered and the employer is a legal person, — a 
 corporation. The elimination of the personal 
 equation is balanced, however, by the potency of 
 the growing ideal of democracy, and by the weak- 
 ening of the older idea of a depressed working 
 class, inherited from the days of slavery and serf- 
 dom. Unfortunately, while the modern worker 
 has secured a modicum of independence, he has 
 become a cog in a big industrial machine and he 
 is unable to grasp the import of his work. "The 
 man in the factory as well as the man with the 
 hoe," writesMiss Jane Addams, "has a grievance 
 beyond being overworked and disinherited in 
 that he does not know what it is all about." 
 
 Further analysis of the view-points held by the 
 representatives of labor and capital will bear 
 fruit. The producer and the consumer of sugar 
 or of steel have opposing interests, — the former 
 desires to get high prices for his output and the 
 latter wishes to buy at a bargain. Ingenious 
 
Relations of Employer to Employee 49 
 
 hair-splitting and soft words will not materially 
 change this situation. The wage worker is a 
 seller of labor power and a business firm is the 
 purchaser of that commodity. While both have 
 certain interests in common, as bargainers for the 
 purchase and sale of labor power, their interests 
 are by no means identical. 
 
 The training, experience, and social life of the 
 manager of a business enterprise and that of the 
 manual worker employed by the firm, are quite 
 dissimilar. One is closely in touch with the 
 world of buying and selling, the other with a nar- 
 row portion of the technical side of the business ; 
 one obtains experience in the financial world, the 
 other in the sphere of manual industry ; and the 
 two live in very different sections of the city or 
 town, have different circles of friends, and are out 
 of close touch with each other during the working 
 and during the leisure period of the day. 
 
 The clashing economic interests, the dissimilar 
 working experience, and the separate spheres of 
 social activity, produce a situation which is not 
 conducive to harmonious relations between em- 
 ployer and employee. As a consequence, each is 
 inclined to under-emphasize the ability, the im- 
 portance of the function, and the virtues of the 
 other. Yet very frequently when the represent- 
 atives of the two can be brought together and 
 can get a glimpse of the view-point of the other, 
 more or less satisfactory compromises can be 
 made, and a wage bargain consummated which 
 obviates the resort to industrial warfere. 
 
50 The Industrialism of To-Day 
 
 SXJMMAEY 
 
 The United States is rapidly becoming a pre- 
 dominantly urban community. 
 
 The famous American frontier line has faded 
 away ; and the cities are beginning to dominate 
 in our social and political life. 
 
 Americans must learn to live and to grow strong 
 in urban communities. 
 
 Eeaction from routine work is a cause of ex- 
 cesses. 
 
 In agriculture, tenancy is increasing and land 
 values are rising. 
 
 The introduction of scientific management 
 tends to increase the ef&ciency of a manufactur- 
 ing plant ; but the workers fear that it is some 
 subtle means of speeding up. 
 
 The growth of large-scale production and of 
 corporate management has tended to destroy the 
 personal nexus between employer and employee. 
 Two distinct and clashing View-points are devel- 
 oped. 
 
 Suggestive Questions 
 
 Is the Church doing its part in " humanizing " 
 our cities f 
 
 Long-continued drudgery and monotonous rou- 
 tine are deadening and debilitating. What atti- 
 tude is your church taking in regard to the long 
 day, the seven-day week, and the absence of 
 wholesome recreation ? What should be its atti- 
 tude? 
 
 Is a " satellite" community located in or near 
 your city ? What do you know of the conditions 
 in that community ? 
 
Ill 
 
 THE EFFECT OF INDUSTRIAL EVOLUTION 
 UPON THE HOME AND HOME LIFE 
 
 THE Home of the Pioneer.— The typical 
 American home of preceding genera- 
 tions -was situated on a farm. It was 
 somewhat isolated from other homes. The iso- 
 lated farmhouse is proudly pointed to as the 
 birthplace of all beloved Americans from Wash- 
 ington to McKinley. This traditional home was 
 in early days a centre of a considerable number 
 of small-scale industries, — farming, dairying, 
 slaughtering, carpentering, tool and implement 
 making, sheep raising, fuel producing, soap 
 making, cloth making, cooking, and so on 
 through a long list of occupations. In a large 
 measure the pioneer farm was a self-contained 
 economic unit. It consumed nearly all that it 
 produced and consumed little which was not 
 there produced. Iron tools, sugar, spices, 
 furniture, cooking utensils, dishes; and a few 
 other things came from the outside world. 
 Neighbors occasionally changed works. From 
 time to time, the father would take a wagon load 
 of wheat, or drive a few head of cattle, to the 
 nearest town. The water supply, milk supply, 'i 
 food supply, and the supply of clothing and \ 
 51 
 
§2 Effect Upon the Home and Home Life 
 
 shelter were largely matters of home efforts. 
 The Isolated environment reduced the problems 
 of social and political life to a minimum. Each 
 family worked and lived largely for itself with- 
 out reference to the outside world. The industrial 
 problems were simple, and the problems of each 
 family were worked out in no small measure by 
 themselves. 
 
 2. The Urban Home. — As time passed the 
 city gained on the rural districts, and, also, the 
 farm lost many of its industrial functions. The 
 new-born giant, the factory, has reached out to 
 the farm and the home, and has taken from both 
 certain kinds of work. The typical home is no 
 longer the isolated, many-functioned, rural farm- 
 house ; it is the village or city house. Indeed, 
 in the days of good roads, rural mail delivery, 
 suburban electric lines, telephones, and numerous 
 other conveniences, the isolated home is becom- 
 ing uncommon even in the rural districts. The 
 farmer is being rapidly transformed into a busi- 
 ness man. He is improving the methods of pro- 
 duction ; and he is giving much attention to 
 marketing his products. 
 
 The effect of these changes upon the home has 
 been at least threefold : (1) it has lost many of its 
 industrial functions ; (2) it has been brought into 
 close touch with other homes, and (3) it is now 
 dependent upon the outside world for its necessary 
 supplies, and, consequently, the cleanliness and 
 purity of such supplies depend upon agencies 
 operating outside the residence of the family. 
 
The Process of Adjustment 53 
 
 On the other hand, the mobility of the popula- 
 tion to-day is greater than in earlier days. The 
 percentage of rented homes is greater in both 
 city and country than it was a generation or 
 two ago. Families change their residence fre- 
 quently. This mobility tends to prevent the de- 
 velopment of affection for town or city. It 
 weakens the ties which bind the family to the 
 community, the school, and the church. 
 
 3. The Process of Adjustment. — The process 
 of adjusting our ideals of home and home life de- 
 veloped during the period when the old isolated- 
 farmhouse home was the typical home, to fit the 
 conditions of home making in modern towns and 
 cities is a very difficult one. Old ideals relating 
 to the home, like those relating to religious be- 
 liefs and educational methods, change slowly and 
 only under great and steady pressure. There is 
 a powerful social inertia which prevents rapid 
 modifications in ideals and customs. We are too 
 prone to insist without careful consideration that 
 the old-fashioned isolated home is the best pos- 
 sible sort of home for all peoples and all time. 
 But the relentless and unsentimental industrial 
 changes of recent years are forcing a new situa- 
 tion upon us. 
 
 4. 'Woman's Place in the Home. — Indus- 
 trial progress during the last few generations has 
 vitally affected the industrial functions of the 
 home, and in so doing has materially altered 
 woman's place in the home and her relation to 
 her husband. The farmer's wife was, and in a 
 
54 Effect Upon the tlome and Home Life ^, 
 
 large measure still is, a co-laborer with her hus- 
 band and the older children for a common end. 
 A generation ago she was a co-producer of staple 
 and salable products. To-day, the woman in 
 the household can in no way directly aid her 
 husband in his efforts to earn a living in shop, 
 store, mine or office. She may aid him in many 
 ways but she is no longer his co-laborer in 
 earning a living, nor are the children of the 
 family unless they work outside the home circle. 
 If the children work, it may be in another part 
 of the town, in another shop, or in another de- 
 partment of the same shop. 
 
 The factory in seizing the industrial functions 
 of the home and by drawing homes so close to- 
 gether, has thrust upon the v nation several com- 
 plex problems. Throughout the ages woman has 
 been an industrial worker in the home. Shall 
 she now follow industry out of the home t But 
 the factory is routinized ; it is a deadening and 
 dehumanizing institution. Again, when the 
 mother leaves the home, what will become of the 
 children! If she attempts to bring her tradi- 
 tional forms of work back into the home in com- 
 petition with the factory, the result invariably 
 spells sweat-shop. Home industry is no longer a 
 dignified phrase. Again, the children have lost 
 their opportunity for home work and for many 
 forms of training formerly afforded by the home. 
 The factory offers at best only a sorry substitute 
 for the early home training which our fathers 
 and grandfathers received. 
 
Relation of Children to Parents §^ 
 
 Professor Noyes has presented the sitaation in 
 our large cities very clearly and forceftdly. "As 
 the result of the prevalent conditions of home 
 life in the tenement, the child is inevitably forced 
 out into the street, not only during the daytime, 
 but, as common observation shows, until late at 
 night, not only in good weather but in foul. The 
 child has nothing to do at home unless, perhaps, 
 his home be a sweat-shop where he works ; other- 
 wise he is only in the way there. In the evening 
 he cannot go to sleep even if he stays there on 
 account of the talk and work, and so he often 
 runs in the street until ten, eleven or twelve 
 o'clock. As a result it is no exaggeration to say 
 that the tenement child grows up on the street, 
 where he is 'educated with fatal precision.' " 
 " The dilemma for the city child seems to be 
 either painful exhaustion and demoralizing work 
 on the 'one hand or futile idleness and its conse- 
 quent immorality on the other." This dilemma 
 is one which did not confront the typical Amer- 
 ican boy of a generation ago ; but to-day the 
 problem is before us. And the cities are grow- 
 ing rapidly. 
 
 5. Relation of Children to Parents. — As has 
 been indicated, in the town or city the home 
 offers little opportunity to the child for regular 
 and useful tasks. Unless the child enters the 
 factory, store, office, or the street trades as a wage 
 earner, he is an economic burden to the family. 
 And, if he does go into those industries while 
 still of school age, he is likely to be forced into 
 
56 Effect Upon the Home and Home Life 
 
 " blind-alley" occupations presenting fewoppor- 
 tanities for future usefulness. On the contraiy, 
 on the pioneer farm children were economic as- 
 sets. They could be utilized to do many odd jobs 
 and various kinds of work not requiring consid- 
 erable muscular development. And this work, 
 unless the child was pushed too hard, was educa- 
 tive and developmental. Too frequently in our 
 discussions of the home and home life, we ignore 
 this marked and significant change in the relation 
 of children to parents, or neglect to discuss its 
 effect upon the continuity of family life. For it 
 must not be forgotten that the family was evolved 
 as a social institution for " advantages in toil " as 
 well as for the preservation of the race. 
 
 6. The Functions of the Home. — The iso- 
 lated farm-home had plenty of play space for the 
 small children. The postage-stamp yard or the 
 yardless home of to-day complicates the amuse- 
 ment problem. The chores of the farm-home and 
 the almost unlimited play space offered adequate 
 opportunity for the boy and girl to exercise and 
 toj expend the surplus energy of childhood. But 
 the very forces which have taken away the chores 
 have also eliminated the home playground. The 
 alternatives offered are little or no play and too 
 much work under conditions which do not edu- 
 cate, or no work and too much idleness under 
 conditions which often make for moral degen- 
 eracy. The solution is an important part of the 
 educational problem of the community. The 
 effect of the machine and the factory has been to 
 
The Home in the " Good Old Days " 57 
 
 take industry oat of the home and to call the 
 women and children to the factory. The machine 
 and the factory are here as permanent industrial 
 agencies. The clock cannot be turned back- 
 wards ; society will not return to the hand-tool 
 stage of industrial development. Whether the 
 effects of machine industry upon home life be 
 good, bad or indifferent is a matter chiefly of 
 academic interest. The big, pulsing, practical 
 question relates to the improvement and hu- 
 manizing of the machine and the factory. 
 New factors have entered the problem, and 
 we must solve it without eliminating those new 
 factors. 
 
 7. The Home in the " Good Old Days."— 
 The beautiful picture painted by certain enthu- 
 siasts in regard to the good old times and the old- 
 fashioned home is by no means accurate. The 
 glamor of the past is upon it. And the glamor 
 of the past is one form of the powerful lure of 
 the far-away and uncommon which leadsmen and 
 women to overemphasize the distant and the un- 
 usual, and to underestimate the present, the com- 
 mon, and the tangible. The bright spots in the 
 picture of the traditional home are over-colored, 
 and the hard, never-ending toil in the monoto- 
 nous life of the housewife is carefully concealed 
 from the observer. The mother was always at 
 home. Her work drove her unceasingly. She 
 knew little or nothing of the great outside world ; 
 and too often she was a prematurely aged woman. 
 Indeed^ the average home of two or three gener- 
 
58 Effect Upon the Home and Home Life 
 
 ations ago, if reproduced to-day in one of our 
 towns or cities, would be called a sweat-shop of 
 an inef&cient tjrpe. 
 
 8. Community Effort. — ^The replacement of 
 the isolated farm-home by the town and city 
 home as the typical American home, causes more 
 and more stress to be laid upon community prob- 
 lems. The purity of the food, water and milk 
 supply, the disposal of wastes, the control of con- 
 tagious diseases, and the moral influences affect- 
 ing the children of the family were matters of 
 little import to the primitive or frontier com- 
 munity. Each family solved its own local prob- 
 lems ; and the great mass of its problems were 
 local. To-day, a corporation, municipal or pri- 
 vate, pumps water into the home, a milk com- 
 pany brings milk to your door from distant 
 dairies, meat is purchased from a Chicago pack- 
 ing house and breakfast food from Sattle Creek, 
 garbage collection and a sewage system are neces- 
 sities, and contagious diseases, if uncontrolled, 
 readily spread throughout a community, the sa- 
 loon and the cheap amusement house are moral 
 menaces to each and every home in the commu- 
 nity. The individual householder has seen func- 
 tion after function, process after process, literally 
 wrested from his grasp. 
 
 To-day, the individual alone is almost helpless 
 to cope with the situation bom of the modern 
 machine process. With reluctance, fostered by 
 the false and inherited pride of individual self- 
 suf&ciency, American families are finally seeing 
 
Summary 59 
 
 new visions. The purity of foods, the cleanliness 
 of the house, the elimination of moral and phys- 
 ical contagion, the disposal of wastes, and the 
 like; are now becoming recognized, and rightly 
 so, as community problems. "I will " is being 
 replaced by '*we will" as an efficient, effective 
 and practical slogan. Housekeeping and home- 
 making are now municipal and national prob- 
 lems. Home is now spread city-, state-, nation- 
 wide. A thousand hands rock the cradle ; and 
 these hands can only be controlled from outside 
 the four walls of the house in which the family 
 lives. The Church should exert its powerful in- 
 fluence towards forcing community problems 
 upon the municipality and the state. And it 
 should firmly stand for efficient work on the part 
 of the officials. 
 
 SUMMAET 
 
 The contrast between the function of the rural 
 home of the pioneer and the home of to-day's city 
 dweller is striking, 
 
 Americans are now in a trying process of 
 adjustment to new home conditions and environ- 
 ments. 
 
 The work of women has been transformed ; and 
 the relations between parents and children have 
 suffered certain modifications. 
 
 The home in the "good old days" was, how- 
 ever, by no means ideal. 
 
 The replacement of the isolated farmhouse by 
 the urban residence as the typical American 
 home forces us to place more emphasis upon 
 community action. 
 
6o Effect Upon the Home and Home Life 
 
 SUGGEBTIYE QUESTION^ 
 
 Inefficiency and corruption on the part of mu- 
 nicipal officials strike a blow at American civili- 
 zation. Can our churches aid in generating a 
 public sentiment which will demand good clean 
 government even though it be costly and even 
 though it demands self-sacrifice from all good 
 citizens ? 
 
 What is your church doing for the young peo- 
 ple of the community! 
 
 How far is the entrance of women into industry 
 to be regarded aa desirable ? 
 
IV 
 INDUSTRY AND THE SCHOOL SYSTEM 
 
 EDUCATION is a Labor-Saving De- 
 vice. — The fundamental purpose of edu- 
 cation is to place in the hands of an 
 incoming generation the knowledge and the 
 results of the experience of the generation now 
 in control of affairs. Education is a labor- 
 saving device. If each and every generation 
 were obliged to begin at the bottom and re- 
 capitulate the growth and experience of all 
 preceding generations, progress would neces- 
 sarily be almost nil. Education formally pre- 
 sented in connection with a school system or 
 informally imparted at home, in the shop or 
 elsewhere, enables the young to obtain within 
 a comparatively short time the fundamentals of 
 the scientific, technical, and cultural achieve- 
 ments of the race. Upon this foundation, further 
 development may proceed. " It is as if a torch- 
 bearer began millions of years ago running down 
 the ages with his light, at first but a feeble spark, 
 which as he fell breathless he passed to another 
 and he in turn to another, the torch growing and 
 flaming more brightly until at last it has been 
 committed to our hands," and our duty it is to 
 pass the torch to another well-prepared genera- 
 tion to carry a little farther. 
 6i 
 
62 Industry and the School System 
 
 2. Education may be a Progressive or a 
 Reactionary Force. — The scope of modern edu- 
 cation is not confined to the mere passive transfer 
 of the torch of experience. Education is more 
 than Chinese formalism and memory drill. The 
 modern educational system should serve to aid 
 the runner in keeping his sense of direction, in 
 avoiding dangers and in overcoming obstacles in 
 new and untrodden territory. The r61e to be 
 played by the school in the twentieth century is, 
 indeed, of great importance. The school may 
 become a lamp to guide the feet of the inexperi- 
 enced, or it may be a millstone about the neck 
 of the eager, hopeful youth. The keystone in 
 the arch of true democracy is education ; but a 
 school system may be so organized and utilized 
 aa to become a powerful obstacle in the path 
 towards a higher and a better civilization. 
 
 3. Education should be a Directive Agent. 
 — The true function of education is to be a social 
 directive agent, and to reduce social maladjust- 
 ments ; or, in other words, to be the trusted 
 servant of sociology. The only stable standard of 
 educational values is sociological. Heretofore, 
 educational advance has lagged behind social 
 progress. Science is gathering data for directive, 
 purposeful social action ; and it is the function 
 of sociology, the science of human society, to re- 
 duce the iiiction which retards and oftentimes 
 temporarily diverts the onward march of human 
 progress. Since sociology is still distant fi-om a 
 true scientific basis, education must also remain 
 
Changing Sphere of Formal Education 63 
 
 in a measure unscientific. Only general rules 
 can be laid down ; and men haying different 
 ideals and interests wUl necessarily di£fer in re- 
 gard to them. No one is justified, however, in 
 condemning or approving an educational process 
 or method because it is old or because it is new. 
 Each and every educational project, method, and 
 ideal, old or new, should be constantly subjected 
 to careful and unbiased scrutiny from two dis- 
 similar standpoints— that of psychology and that 
 of sociology. The educator, let it be repeated, 
 who overlooks one or both of these criteria stands 
 condemned in the light of modern scientific and 
 historical knowledge. He has not grasped the 
 fundamentals of pedagogical science. His place 
 is in the machine-shop or the counting-room, not 
 in the school. 
 
 4. The Changing Sphere of Formal Educa- 
 tion.!— Education in its broadest sense includes 
 all of the personal experience which forms a 
 man's character and personality. Education 
 from this broad view-point is life, and may be 
 imparted in an informal as well as a formal way. 
 Education in the narrower and more technical 
 sense is the training imparted in a formal way 
 through the instrumentality of a system of 
 schools. Human progress not only increases the 
 sum total of experience to be imparted to a new 
 generation, but it also tends to shift the line of 
 demarkation between formal and informal edu- 
 cation. Among primitive peoples education was 
 entirely informal ; but among modern people of 
 
64 Industry and the School System 
 
 the industrial type, the sphere of formal edu- 
 cation has seriously encroached upon the pre- 
 serves of informal education. The home and the 
 shop have been deprived by the march of modern 
 industry of many of their educational functions. 
 Formal or school education has suddenly as- 
 sumed a dignity and importance unknown to it 
 in the past history of mankind. The school is as- 
 suming new educational functions. The enlarge- 
 ment and enrichment of the school curriculum 
 is the result of somewhat naive attempts to meet 
 the requirements of a new and bewildering in- 
 dustrial situation, complicated by the rapid 
 growth of crowded urban communities. Further- 
 more, since industry is coming to mean efBiciently 
 applied science the well-trained worker is the 
 need of the hour. 
 
 5. New Educational Ideals are Needed. — 
 The classic concept of formal education as 
 memory drill and mental gymnastics is a per- 
 verted product of an epoch before the factory 
 became an important industrial instrument. 
 Twisted and distorted, it has come down to the 
 present generation from the time when education 
 was in a large measure informal, when the home 
 and the small shop readily provided adequate 
 training for all except the few who entered the 
 professions. One of the big problems of the 
 school of to-day is that of harmonizing our edu- 
 cational ideals with the new industrial situation. 
 In short, the school ought to teach the things 
 which the twentieth century needs, not what 
 
Aim of the American Public School 65 
 
 the traditions of the eighteenth or the nineteenth 
 century hold dear. 
 
 6. What should the American Public School 
 Aim to Accomplish ? — ^In view of the present 
 industrial situation, what should the American 
 public school system aim to accomplish ? This 
 question, above all others connected with edu- 
 cational matters, needs at the present moment 
 clear, careful, and dispassionate discussion. The 
 answers which an earnest and persistent inquirer 
 will receive to this important question will be al- 
 most as numerous as the number of people inter- 
 rogated. The American people have made a 
 fetish of their public school system and of com- 
 pulsory education. Yet they persistently cling 
 to a multitude of more or less nebulous and con- 
 flicting opinions as to the character of the product 
 of their school system. But a careful inspection 
 and classification of the various views as to the 
 nature of educational standards will enable us to 
 thrust them into four pigeonholes labelled: — cul- 
 tural, practical, psychological, and social. Surely 
 the first step towards transmuting our educational 
 system into a piece of scientific mechanism con- 
 sists in definitely analyzing the aims and ideals 
 which the American people hold as to the char- 
 acter of the product sent forth from our many 
 public schools. An analysis of these four edu- 
 cational standards is therefore fundamental to 
 any real progress towards a systematic modi- 
 fication of the school and college curriculum. 
 
 At the outset, unfortunately, it must be noted 
 
66 Industry and the School System 
 
 that these standards are somewhat antagonistic, 
 — and compromise will be difficult. Educational 
 ideals are moulded by group ideals, group in- 
 terests, and group inter-relationships. The em- 
 ployers' ideal of an adequate and suitable school 
 system does not coincide with the one uppermost 
 in the minds of their employees. The merchant, 
 the manufacturer, the banker, the teacher, and 
 the wage earner see the educational problem 
 from different angles ; and each will tenaciously 
 cling to his own peculiar interpretation of the 
 problem. And since these groups are not stable 
 and unchanging, our educational policy con- 
 stantly suffers modification. The formation and 
 deformation of educational ideals and the equat- 
 ing of educational values proceed under the guid- 
 ing pressure of constantly shifting interests and 
 groups. The study of educational standards, 
 values and methods is, therefore, intimately con- 
 nected with the study of industrial evolution. 
 And changes which bring new groups and in- 
 terests to the front or modify old ones call new 
 educational ideals into being and modify edu- 
 cational values. 
 
 7. The Four Standards. — The cultural Stand- 
 ard shines in the pale reflected light of the past ; 
 it is the product of an epoch in which trade aUd 
 industry did not bulk large in the direct determi- 
 nation of educational values and methods. The 
 prestige which clings to the cultural or classical 
 form of education is purely traditional and in- 
 herited ; it is based in no small measure upon 
 
The Four Standards 67 
 
 dass prejudice. Indeed the cnltnral form of 
 modern education was formerly the practical ; 
 it was once a part of the necessary training of the 
 professional man. By a curious, but not un- 
 usual, process of slow evolution classical train- 
 ing is now esteemed because it bestows upon 
 its possessors ideals and mannerisms which are 
 directly opposite to those appertaining to pres- 
 ent-day practical education. Modem cultural or 
 classical education which is so disdainfdl of any- 
 thing pertaining to the bread-and-butter side of 
 life, is in reality an outgrown, out-of-date form 
 of practical education. Such is the irony of hu- 
 man progress. The effect of cultural education 
 is to carry old ideals, habits of thought and class 
 demarkations down into modern industrial so- 
 ciety. It leads to conservatism, to foppishness 
 and disdain for the struggling, toiling and sweat- 
 ing mass of humanity ; and it tends to focus the 
 mind upon problems which do not directly and 
 vitally touch modern complex life. Cultural 
 education directs the attention towards the dis- 
 tant, the uncommon, the immaterial, and the 
 conventional. The cultural ideal glorifies the 
 safe and sane, and art for art's sake ; but it care- 
 fully and conscientiously avoids contact with the 
 radical or the insurgent. The old shaded paths 
 of quietude and isolation are sought. The scholar 
 in search of the cultural goal will not linger in 
 "the house by the side of the road where the 
 race of men pass by." The cultural ideal of edu- 
 cation is chiefly valued because it is to be at- 
 
68 Industry and the School System 
 
 tained only by the chosen and sheltered few. Its 
 charm, like that of the diamond, is in no small 
 measure due to scarcity and exclasiveness. 
 
 Becent psychological stndy and investigation 
 show that a certain variety and sequence of train- 
 ing are necessary in order that each and every 
 individual may develop his maximum mental 
 and manual ability. The psychological demand 
 is for a well-rounded development of the student. 
 Scientific students of child life are evaluating the 
 curriculum and pedagogical methods from the 
 psychological standpoint. 
 
 The social criterion for educational efficiency 
 is based upon the democratic demand for good 
 citizenship and for racial efficiency. It places a 
 high valuation upon that \rhich tends to break 
 down class demarkation, to reduce artificial 
 inequality and to uplift the human race as a 
 whole. This criterion has not as yet been 
 couched in as well-defined terms as the other 
 three. Its advocates still speak in phrases which 
 partake of the nature of glittering generalities. 
 
 On the other hand, the practical standard of 
 educational values is applied to the mass of hu- 
 man workers, the hewers of wood and the 
 drawers of water. The practical standard is 
 important because of the urgent need for a con- 
 siderable variety of trained and efficient workers 
 in the various occupations of the industrial, 
 commercial, and clerical world. Commercial, 
 trade, industrial, agricultural, and professional 
 training are grouped under the head of practical 
 
Insistent Demand for Practical Education 69 
 
 education. To-day the emphasis is placed upon 
 trade and commercial education ; but professional 
 training for the law, theology, medicine, and 
 pedagogy yraa in former generations the most 
 important form of the practical work of the 
 educational system. 
 
 8. The Insistent Demand for Practical 
 Education. — ISew conditions in the business 
 world are causing the insistent demand for cer- 
 tain forms of practical — trade or vocational — 
 education. Industry has become a huge, articu- 
 lated piece of social mechanism in which each 
 working man is reduced to the subordinate posi- 
 tion of a cog or a lever. To adjust nicely the 
 industrial machine, each human cog must be 
 trained or formed for his particular and spe- 
 cialized position. But profits and the shop edu- 
 cation of apprentices are incompatible in the 
 systematized factories where the pace is swift. 
 As a consequence employers, finding the former 
 sources of skilled men drying up, turn frantically 
 to the public school system for relief. The 
 manufacturers of this country were not en- 
 thusiastically interested in manual training 
 which was introduced into the grades as a 
 pedagogical necessity in order that each and 
 every child might have an opportunity to use 
 his hands in some form of constructive work. 
 In fact, the manufacturers being also taxpayers 
 were inclined to oppose manual training because 
 it was expensive. The purely educational value 
 of this training to the American youth was not 
 
70 Industry and the School System 
 
 small ; but the old-line manual training work 
 did not directly aid business managers in their 
 laudable efforts to swell profits and to increase 
 dividend!^. To-day, however, when skilled men 
 are an urgent necessity the proposition seems 
 very different to the same class of men ; and an 
 organized effort is being made by our captains 
 of industry to convert the public schools, or 
 certain departments of the educational system, 
 into schools for apprentices. 
 
 The business interests of the country are 
 making two demands upon our school system. 
 (1) Both big and little business interests are 
 urging the ef&cient and economical training of 
 wage earners in all lines from the highest down 
 to the lowest positions in order to insure an 
 adequate supply of efficient employees. (2) Cer- 
 tain large financial interests are favoring higher 
 forms of education for the favored few. The 
 kind of higher education preferred is that which 
 emphasizes the importance of vested rights, the 
 danger of social changes, individualism and the 
 value of financial leadership. It is desired that 
 stress be laid upon astronomy rather than upon 
 sociology, upon physics rather than upon eco- 
 nomics, upon research rather than upon action, 
 upon the efficacy of benevolence rather than 
 upon justice, upon the sacredness of legal forms 
 rather than upon the sacredness of humanity. 
 Many industrial leaders avowedly emphasize the 
 value of higher cultural education as introducing 
 a counteracting force to radicalism of various 
 
Demands of Social Reformers 71 
 
 kinds. Conservative educators place a high 
 valuation upon this sort of training, either be- 
 cause they live in a world of unreality or 
 because they are looking for increased endow- 
 ments. 
 
 9. Demands of Social Reformers. — The so- 
 called educational and social reformers, the scien- 
 tific students of the world's progress, together with 
 the leaders and thinkers among the wage earners, 
 are urging the importance of the psychological 
 and social ideals of education. These interests 
 are not opposing the practical forms of educa- 
 tion, but they do strenuously maintain that the 
 school shall not be a mere factory to turn out 
 plodding, unthinking, narrowly trained wage 
 earners, that the school shall not be utilized to 
 break down the power of labor organizations, to 
 lengthen the hours of daily toil, or to lower the 
 standard of living of the American working man. 
 These interests stand firmly for the view that the 
 school system of to-day exists for the purpose of 
 producing thinking, as well as working, men and 
 women, for the training of citizens rather than 
 for the fashioning of human tools. " In order to 
 bring about an industrial democracy," writes 
 Prof. William Noyes, "men must be trained not 
 only in democracy but in industry." This sen- 
 tence well expresses the twofold function of the 
 public school system in a modern democracy, — 
 training in citizenship and in workmanship. 
 The school should not train machine-men, but 
 men for citizenship in an industrial society. 
 
72 Industry and the School System 
 
 10. The Parting of the Educational Road. — 
 The American public school system, extending 
 from the kindergarten to the graduate school of 
 the university, is in a process of rapid modifica- 
 tion in regard to educational aims, ideals, meth- 
 ods, and values. The United States to-day 
 stands hesitatingly, torn by conflicting emotions 
 and impulses, at the forks in the educational 
 road. The important zone of conflict lies be- 
 tween the practical and the social criteria. 
 Which of two powerful forces, emanating from 
 business and social interests, is to control in the 
 council chambers of American boards of educa- 
 tion? "Will the demands of " big business " or 
 the demands for good citizenship and for racial 
 efiaciency dominate? Are our schools to be 
 transformed into cheap and efficient instruments 
 for training the youth for commercial and indus- 
 trial jobs ; or will they become studios for the 
 training of efficient workers and intelligent citi- 
 zens? Is the school of the future to be a mere 
 trade school ; or is it to become an engine for 
 improving human beings, for developing men and 
 women who will be more than cogs in our great 
 industrial mechanism? These are some of the 
 insistent questions which our educational workers 
 ought to solve in the near future. Fundamen- 
 tally, the problem is one of educational ideals and 
 values, in other words, of class versus mass in- 
 terest, or of occupational versus social welfare. 
 
 The practical ideal calls for a standardized prod- 
 uct ; the social ideal for an individualized prod- 
 
The Need of a Yardstick 73 
 
 net. And the adherents of the former are 
 insistent in urging the claims of a " business ad- 
 ministration." Now, the chief merit of a busi- 
 ness administration in a factory, a store,* or a 
 school is found in a reduction of the expenses of 
 production ; and this result is normally accom-, 
 plished by standardizing methods, processes, and 
 output. Can the American people afford to mould 
 boys and girls in our schools as the shop manager 
 turns out bolfcs, hammers, and hoesf Can we 
 conserve and develop our human resources with- 
 out insisting that our schools send forth an indi- 
 vidualized product at a somewhat higher expense 
 of production? In short, is not the demand for a 
 business administration a consequence of taking 
 a selfish and short-sighted view of the problem ? 
 It seems to involve the sacrifice of the future and 
 of the child in the immediate interest of business 
 and of the tax-payer. EfiQ.cient teaching and effi- 
 cient administration are desirable ; but good 
 factory management applied to the school system 
 does not necessarily spell good school administra- 
 tion. The social standard must be thrown over- 
 board if the American people insist upon a 
 standardized, low-expense-of-production school 
 output. Economical management is not, how- 
 ever, a misnomer in a studio or in a school. 
 Unnecessary waste of materials or of efforts is 
 to be deprecated ; but the prime motive should 
 be to turn out a good rather than a cheap product. 
 II. The Need of a Yardstick.— Before it will 
 be possible to obtain a semblance of unanimity 
 
74- Industry and the School System 
 
 between these conflicting interests in regard to 
 educational standards and values, some fairly 
 definite standard of judgment for all social and 
 political institutions must be utilized. This is a 
 prime essential. Is there any yardstick for the 
 measurement of social values which will be ac- 
 ceptable to many dififerent classes and interests 1 
 The customary standard of recent decades has 
 been social welfare, the good of society considered 
 as a unit. But this popular criterion is open to 
 the serious indictment of indeterminateness and 
 abiguity ; it is too indefinite for practical use. 
 Social welfare is interpreted in as many ways as 
 there are different classes and interests in the 
 community ; and industrial progress has in recent 
 decades increased the number of interests, and 
 has brought different nationalities into contact 
 with each other. If we are to judge accurately 
 of the influence of industry upon social progress, 
 of the value of any social or political institution, 
 or of the importance of any proposed measure of 
 reform, some fairly deflnite, tangible, and funda- 
 mental standard must flrst be established which 
 will supersede that of social welfare or of the good 
 of the greatest number. If this can be success- 
 fully accomplished, all except the most radical 
 reformers or the revolutionists on one hand, and 
 the most reactionary of the conservatives on the 
 other, should be able to meet upon common 
 ground, and to work in practical harmony in 
 hastening institutional reforms of various kinds. 
 Professor Boss has insisted that policies and in* 
 
School for Workers and Non-Workers 75' 
 
 stitutions should be evaluated according to their 
 significance in improving the character and 
 stamina of the human race or the *' breed of 
 men." AU can fairly well agree upon a defini- 
 tion of health, efficiency, and individual and so- 
 cial stamina ; but not upon that abstract concept, 
 the good of all or social welfare. Pew there are 
 who will openly question the desirability of any 
 institution or of any measure which will aid in 
 raising the standard of health, economic efficiency, 
 or intellectual acumen. Industrial or vocational 
 education, or any other policy from socialism to 
 the abolition of child labor in factories, should 
 stand or fall by this definite, fundamental, and 
 universal test : Does or does it not tend to im- 
 prove the health, vigor, and efficiency of the 
 race 1 * 
 
 12. The School should Exist for Workers 
 as Well as Non- Workers. — It is clear that in 
 a democracy the school should reach workers as 
 well as non- workers. Not so to do is to discrimi- 
 nate against the poorer and weaker classes in the 
 community. Education and industry once went 
 hand in hand ; through the introduction of man- 
 ual training we are attempting again to unite 
 them. But the vital need of the present is edu- 
 cation for those who are forced to enter our 
 shops, stores, and offices without coming into 
 contact with the training which our schools ought 
 
 'Carlton, " Beoort of the Committee on the Place of In- 
 dnstries in Pnblio Education, National Education Associa- 
 tion," 1910, pp. 13-14. 
 
76 Industry and the School System 
 
 to give in science, history (not chronology), and 
 literature. The ideal school of the future will not 
 close its doors in the face of the worker as the 
 whirling wheels of the fectory stop, the click of 
 the typewriter ceases, and the constant hum of the 
 cash carrier dies away. No educational system 
 which does not aim to reach young workers as 
 well as those who are not obliged early to earn 
 their daily bread, is worthy of high rank in the 
 present era. The public schools have not ade- 
 quately provided for the educational needs of the 
 young workers ; this has been largely left to pri- 
 vate correspondence schools and the Y. M. C. A. 
 night schools. In preceding centuries the bur- 
 den-bearers of the race were considered to be 
 unworthy of an education. Eecause of social 
 inertia and class demarkations, our ideas in re- 
 gard to the proper scope of a public school sys- 
 tem are still influenced and colored by the old 
 prejudices against the wage earner. The high 
 school, the continuation school, the college, and 
 the university ought to stand ready to help any 
 one in the community in any important line of 
 study or of investigation. The school system 
 should be for "any one, anywhere, any time." 
 The school of the future should be an all-year, 
 six-day week school. The school day should be 
 lengthened. The school of the future should be 
 a day school, a night school, and a continua- 
 tion school. It should be a workshop, a gym- 
 nasium, and a social centre as well as a place for 
 study. 
 
Summary 77 
 
 SUMMABT 
 
 Education is a method of passing the experi- 
 ence of preceding generations to the youth of the 
 nation. 
 
 But it should be more than a mere passive 
 agent; education should be a directive force 
 •working for social uplift. 
 
 With changing industi-ial conditions, the scope, 
 ideals and methods of the educational system are 
 modified. 
 
 But educational standards are conflicting. 
 
 The demands of business men and of social re- 
 formers do not coincide. 
 
 The American people must soon decide which 
 standard shall be adopted by the public school 
 system. 
 
 Certainly, the school system in a democratic 
 nation should aid in improving the character and 
 stamina of the race ; and it should reach workers 
 as well as non-workers. 
 
 Suggestive Questions 
 
 Is the Church effectively using its powerful in- 
 fluence against the adoption of the narrow or 
 practical standard of education for the great mass 
 of children * 
 
 Are the schools in your community used as 
 social centres ? 
 
 Are your schools provided with equipment for 
 physical training ? 
 
 What are the sanitary conditions in your 
 schools 1 
 
 How large a percentage of children in your 
 community drop out of school before entering 
 high school? Before graduating from high 
 school ? Why do so many drop out t 
 
V 
 
 WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN INDUSTRY 
 
 WOMAN and Child Labor is an 
 Old Phenomenon. — ^The primitive 
 woman was the first industrial worker. 
 Throughout all historical epochs women have 
 borne their full share of the burden of producing 
 and preparing food, clothing, and shelter, — the 
 elemental necessities of mankind. But this work 
 has in the past been performed in close connec- 
 tion with the home ; it has indeed been an inte- 
 gral part of the duties of home life. Child la- 
 bor is also not a new phenomenon accompany- 
 ing and growing out of the factory system. And 
 neither woman nor child labor is in essence evil. 
 Each and every boy and girl of ten to sixteen 
 years of age ought to do some productive work, 
 regularly and systematically. Productive activ- 
 ity is an essential part of the educative process. 
 The dangers in connection with both the woman 
 and the child labor of to-day are connected with 
 the conditions of work — routine, long working 
 day, insanitary surroundings, etc. — found in our 
 factories, stores, ofSces, and sweat-shops. 
 
 2. Statistics of W^oman and Child Labor. 
 — Until recent decades practically'all child and 
 woman workers were not wage earners. The 
 78 
 
Statistics of Woman and Child Labor 79 
 
 transfer to gainful or breadwinning occupations 
 has been going on since the beginning of the 
 nineteenth century. The increase of child (under 
 sixteen years of age) labor is being checked by 
 legislation 5 but the woman breadwinner has se- 
 cured a permanent foothold in industry. In 
 1900, about one in every five women, sixteen 
 years of age or over, was a wage earner. The 
 amount of unpaid work done by women in the 
 home must, of course, still be very considerable. 
 In 1909, a total of 6,615,046 wage earners were 
 employed in the manufacturing plants of the na- 
 tion. Of this number, 1,290,389, or 19.5 per 
 cent., were females sixteen years of age and over, 
 and 161,493, or 2.5 per cent., were children under 
 sixteen years of age. The total number of female 
 wage earners was larger in 1909 than in 1904 or 
 1899, but the percentage of the total number was 
 the same in each of the three years for which 
 Census statistics are available. The percentage 
 of child workers in manufacture has declined 
 slightly, — 3.4 per cent, in 1899, 2.9 per cent, in 
 1904, and 2.5 per cent, in 1909. In the mining 
 industries of the country, 8,151 boys under six- 
 teen years of age, or 0.8 per cent, of the total 
 number of wage earners in the industry, were 
 employed in 1909. In 1900, 1,750,178 wage 
 workers, ten to fifteen years of age, were re- 
 ported in all industries. Of this number, 1,264,- 
 411 were boys and 485,767 were girls. In 1880, 
 there were reported 7,462 saleswomen, or 23.1 
 per cent, of all store employees. In 1900, the 
 
8o Women and Children in Industry 
 
 percentage was practically the same, — 23.3 jper 
 cent. ; but the total number had increased to 
 142,265. In manu^cture, the largest percentage 
 of child workers, 10.4,^ is found in the cotton 
 goods industry. In hosiery and knit goods, the 
 percentage is 8.1 ; and in the silk and silk goods 
 industry, 8.0. The artificial flower industry haa 
 the highest percentage of adult women workers, 
 83.7. The percentage among the confectionery 
 workers is 68.1. The silk industry stands high in 
 the list with 57.1 per cent. 
 
 3. Legislation. — In the United States, the 
 regulation of working conditions in factories, 
 stores, offices, etc., is a state, not a national, 
 function. Therefore, there is as yet little uni- 
 formity in such legislation. Each State has its 
 own peculiar legislation which is different from 
 that of any other State. At present such organi- 
 zations as the American Association for Labor 
 Legislation and the National Child Labor Com- 
 mittee are using their influence to bring about 
 greater uniformity. Among the subjecte ordi- 
 narily dealt with in matters of labor legislation 
 are the regulation of the length of the working 
 day, the prohibition of night work, provisions 
 relating to safety and to sanitary conditions, the 
 time of payment of wages, and special regulations 
 in regard to hazardous occupations. Broadly 
 speaking, European countrieshave adopted better 
 labor laws than the great majority of the States 
 of the United States. More accurate information 
 is needed in regard to the conditions under which 
 
Legislation 81 
 
 men, -women, and children work, and a wide 
 dissemination of such iuformiation is highly de- 
 sirable. 
 
 All American States now have on their statute 
 books some provision in regard to child labor. 
 But unfortunately up to the present time (1913), 
 no State protects all of its child workers. In the 
 majority of the Northern and Eastern States, the 
 employment of children under fourteen years of 
 age in factories, stores, workshops, or mines, is 
 prohibited. In employments considered danger- 
 ous to health or morals, the age limit is raised. 
 In the street trades and in agricultural pursuits, 
 the limit is usually lower or no limitation is pro- 
 vided. As a rule, children between the ages of 
 fourteen and sixteen are allowed to work pro- 
 vided they are granted working papers. Work- 
 ing papers may be granted if the child has com- 
 pleted a certain amount of school work, if the 
 earnings of the child are needed by the family, 
 and if the child is in good physical condition. 
 Night work is prohibited in a considerable 
 number of States. The exact provisions of the 
 law are, of course, different in different States. 
 In the South, the laws are less stringent than in 
 the North. 
 
 An increasing number of States are passing 
 legislation relating to the work of adult women. 
 Michigan limits the working time for women and 
 children in factories, laundries, and stores to 
 nine hours per day and fifty-four hours per week. 
 At least two States, California and Washington, 
 
82 Women and Children in Industry 
 
 have established an eight-hour day for women 
 and children. Several States have provided that 
 ten hours shall constitute the legal working day 
 for female employees. Night work by adult 
 women is prohibited in Massachusetts, South 
 Carolina, Nebraska and Indiana. Many States 
 have passed laws prohibiting the employment 
 of women in certain occupations. Many health 
 regulations relating to working women are found 
 on the statute books of the various common- 
 wealths. Massachusetts and seven other States 
 provide for the establishment of minimum wage 
 boards in certain industries. And a Utah statute 
 fixes a minimum wage for different classes of 
 women and child workers. 
 
 The enforcement of labor legislation is usually 
 placed in the hands of a labor commissioner or 
 commission. Under the commissioner or com- 
 mission is employed a corps, usually inade- 
 quate, of factory inspectors. A few States still 
 make practically no provision for enforcing labor 
 laws. The efificient administration and enforce- 
 ment of labor legislation is to-day of greater 
 practical importance than the passage of more 
 legislation. The difficulties in connection with 
 the enforcement of labor laws are many. The 
 laws are often hastily and improperly drafted ; 
 both employer and employee are frequently will- 
 ing and anxious to evade the law ; the general 
 public too often manifests little interest in the 
 matter; reform organizations often erroneously 
 conceive that their work is ended when desired 
 
Legal Status of Legislation 83 
 
 legislation Is finally placed upon the statute 
 books ; the corps of inspectors is often insuffi- 
 cient, inefficient, and poorly paid ; and court 
 decisions may hamper the enforcement of the law 
 or nullify it. 
 
 4. Legal Status of Legislation. — Each and 
 every piece of labor legislation is forced in this 
 country to run the gauntlet of both the state and 
 the federal courts and constitutions. It may be 
 declared unconstitutional, and therefore null and 
 void, because it conflicts with some provision of 
 either state or federal constitution. The right 
 of a State to regulate child labor is no longer 
 questioned. The child is a ward of the State, 
 and as such is unable to make legally binding 
 contracts. The police power of the State can be ex- 
 tended to protect the child workers of the nation. 
 
 In regard to adult women workers, the legal 
 situation is not quite as clear ; but the tendency 
 of the courts undoubtedly is towards a recogni- 
 tion of the right of the lawmaking bodies to 
 regulate the conditions under which women may 
 work for wages. The United States Supreme 
 Court has declared Ian Oregon law limiting the 
 hours of women workers in laundries to ten hours 
 per day to be constitutional. State Supreme 
 Courts have handed down similar decisions. In 
 the Oregon laundry case before the United 
 States Supreme Court and in the Eitchie case be- 
 fore the Illinois Supreme Court, decisions favor- 
 able to laws limiting the working day werel 
 handed down because a long working day was) 
 
84 Women and Children in Industry 
 
 held to be detrimental to the health of women 
 and, therefore, a menace to the future children 
 of working women. Because of the detrimental 
 effect of a long working day for women, upon 
 the stamina of the race, the courts held that a 
 law limiting the hours of labor of women con- 
 stituted a legitimate exercise of the police power. 
 Other laws relating to the conditiona under 
 which women work must stand practically the 
 same test. 
 
 In the case of adult males, the provisions of 
 the federal constitution and of many of the state 
 constitutions, render null and void legislation in 
 regard to hours of labor, night work, and the 
 like, unless it can be clearly and unmistakably 
 shown to the satisfaction of the courts that the 
 occupation is distinctly dangerous or unhealth- 
 ful. A law limiting the hours of labor in mines 
 was declared constitutional by the United States 
 Supreme Court ; but one limiting the hours in 
 bakeries was declared unconstitutional by the 
 same tribunal. Laws in regard to safety devices, 
 fire escapes, and the like are constitutional even 
 though applying only to adult males. Outside 
 of public employment, shorter hours of labor 
 for adult male wage earners must apparently 
 come through trade union action. However, the 
 Supreme Court of Mississippi has recently up- 
 held a ten hour law applying to all adults em- 
 ployed in manufacture. 
 
 5. Childhood is a Preparatory Period.— 
 The tendency towards the enactment of mor« and 
 
Fundamental Child Labor Problem 85 
 
 more stringent child labor laws indicates that 
 in the near future labor in practically all gain- 
 ful occupations will be illegal when performed 
 by children under fifteen years of age. At least 
 it is not visionary to anticipate that such legisla- 
 tion will be passed in all Iforthern States within 
 a few years. Childhood should be a period of 
 preparation for usefulness when adult life is 
 reached. While children should be required to 
 participate in productive activity, the prime pur- 
 pose of such activity should be developmental ; 
 the pecuniary reward received, if any, should be 
 a secondary consideration. The shop and the 
 factory are organized for profit and the produc- 
 tion of goods. They are not prepared to perform 
 the function of educating boys and girls in an 
 eflBcient manner. The work of giving the 
 American youth contact with productive in- 
 dustry must hereafter devolve in a large measure 
 upon the public school system. It is an im- 
 portant part of the work of the schools. Both 
 the vocational training and the vocational guid- 
 ance of the youth must be assumed by our edu- 
 cational authorities. The problem cannot be 
 solved by our shops and factories ; and it is too 
 big to be handled by the individual parent. It 
 is a communal task. And the leaders of public 
 opinion ought to emphasize this important fact. 
 
 6. The Fundamental Child Labor Prob- 
 lem. — The children who are forced out of school 
 and into industry at an early age are over- 
 worked, under-educated, and improperly pre- 
 
86 Women and Children in Industry 
 
 pared to enter a skilled occapatiou. On the 
 other hand, the child that stays in school until 
 the end of the tenth or twelfth grade is too often 
 oat of touch with the practical affairs of life. 
 And too frequently he has too much unoccupied 
 time. When vacations and absences are consid- 
 ered, "it appears that on an average the school 
 keeps children busy about one-third of the time 
 when they are awake." Some of the children 
 are spending their out-of-school hours in hard 
 work in stores, in the street trades, as deliv- 
 ery boys, and in other blind-alley occupations. 
 Others are idling away their time on the street 
 and in questionable places of amusement. The 
 great child problem of to-day is that of obtaining 
 a mean between overwork and no-work. The 
 basal problem is to dovetail intellectual training, 
 play, and vocational training. Modern industry 
 by depriving the home of many forms of home 
 work and by destroying the home playground 
 has introduced new and grave difficulties into 
 the boy and girl problem. The child worker is 
 in no more danger than is the child standing 
 around " waiting for something to turn up." 
 
 Both the boy and the girl need training in 
 regular constructive work ; both need opportu- 
 nity for healthful play in a wholesome environ- 
 ment. But overwork and under-play constitute 
 a menace. The school system must face this 
 problem. ,The solution involves, as was advo- 
 cated in the preceding chapter, an all-year school 
 year, a six-day week, a longer school day, voca- 
 
Child Labor is an Economic Mistake 87 
 
 tional training, supervised play, and perhaps a 
 half-time school for young workers. It does not 
 necessarily mean more purely intellectual drill, 
 and it may mean less. The advocate of legisla- 
 tion prohibiting child labor who believes that the 
 passage and enforcement of such statutes solves 
 the problem, is a very superficial student of so- 
 ciety. 
 
 7. Child Labor is an Economic Mistake. — 
 The stinging indictment which the anti-child 
 labor agitators are now reading against child 
 labor is that it is an economic mistake. The 
 element of pity, the sentiment of humanitarian- 
 ism, is no longer placed conspicuously in the fore- 
 ground. It is being urged that child labor does 
 not pay. Child labor is held to be an expensive 
 and inefficient form of labor for the employer to 
 hire. And from a national view-point, child 
 labor is a menace because it tends to cripple the 
 next generation of adult workers and to lower 
 their stamina and efficiency. The utilization of 
 the child in mill and mine is like " grinding the 
 seed corn." This kind of argument, i-epeatedly 
 driven home by representatives of various child 
 welfare organizations, and supplementing the old 
 sentimental arguments, is giving a powerful im- 
 petus to the passage and enforcement of laws 
 restricting gainful child labor. The agitation 
 against gainful child labor is now an integral 
 part of the important and encouraging move- 
 ment for the conservation of the human resources 
 of the nation. 
 
88 Women and Children in Industry 
 
 It is also an educational fallacy to build fine,; 
 well-equipped buildings and maintain a well- 
 trained corps of teachers, and then to allow the 
 young child to go early into industry. If modern 
 industry provides excellent training for youthful 
 workers, then let less money be expended for 
 schools and teachers ; but, if it does not, the 
 American people should firmly demand that all 
 children have an actual opportunity to get the 
 benefit of the educational facilities offered by an 
 improved public school system. 
 
 8. Woman's Work. — Any scientific consid- 
 eration of the tendencies in connection with the 
 home, home life, and the work of women is quite 
 certain to ciit across many traditional ideas and 
 ingrained, inherited prejudices. Consequently, 
 a discussion of woman's work is likely to provoke 
 harsh criticism. The reader is asked to consider 
 the following pages as calmly and dispassionately 
 as possible. 
 
 The American woman, married or unmarried, 
 is finding many new interests outside the four 
 walls of the house in which she lives and outside 
 the confines of the immediate neighborhood. 
 And even a cursory glance at the progress of in- 
 dustrial evolution proves almost conclusively that 
 this phenomenon is likely to be more rather than 
 less noticeable in the future. Man's work has 
 undergone great transformations as the result of 
 the development of modern industry, and woman's 
 work is now passidg through a similar transfor- 
 mation. Although public opinion by fostering 
 
Woman's Work 89 
 
 a sentiment opposed to the earning of wages by 
 women, particularly after marriage, may retard 
 the movement of industry outside the family res- 
 idence, a careful study of recent industrial his- 
 tory points to the conclusion that household in- 
 dustry is doomed to undergo important transfor- 
 mations within a few decades. 
 
 It is, of course, not impossible that other po- 
 tent forces and influences may counteract the 
 tendencies which are disclosed by a study of in- 
 dustrial history ; but the burden of proof lies 
 upon the shoulders of those who assert that they 
 can clearly discern such forces and influences. 
 In all other lines of productive activity, sooner 
 or later the method or policy which runs counter 
 to the forces making for efficiency, and for the 
 reduction of unnecessary expenditures of human 
 energy, gives way to a new method or policy. 
 Household industry may never become large- 
 scale, but it has passed through great transforma- 
 tions in recent years, and is destined to undergo 
 further modifications. 
 
 A fact also capable of demonstration is that not 
 only are many forms of work formerly done within 
 the home now performed outside the home, but 
 that many kinds of work now often performed 
 within the home may be more efficiently done 
 outside or by specialists coming into the house at 
 stated intervals. As long as household industry 
 remains small-scale and non-specialized, the work 
 performed may be expected to lack scientific pre- 
 cision and a high degree of efficiency will not be 
 
90 Women and Children in Industry 
 
 attained. Unless women follow their work out- 
 side the home, they must perforce become idlers 
 or perform work inside the home at a great dis- 
 advantage from the standpoint of economic effi- 
 ciency. 
 
 The progress of industry out of the home has 
 been retarded partly because the woman in the 
 home has not been a wage earner. Her time was 
 not considered to be of economic importance. 
 In reckoning the cost of articles made at home 
 for the use of the family, no allowance is usually 
 made for a time or piece wage for the women of 
 the household. As a consequence, clothes made 
 at home in an inefficient manner by small-scale 
 methods have often competed successfully with 
 those made outside according to efficient and up- 
 to-date factory methods. 
 
 9. The Solution. — Like those connected with 
 child labor, the problems connected with adult 
 female labor are social. But these problems are 
 not to be solved, like those connected with child 
 workers, by withdrawing the women workers 
 from the busy industrial world. They are not to 
 be solved by making the wage-earning woman a 
 non-wage earner. The solution lies in the im- 
 provement of working conditions, — shortening 
 the working day, reducing the danger to health, 
 life, and morals. In short, the problem is that 
 of humanizing industry. The Church can do 
 much to aid various organizations which are en- 
 deavoring to improve working conditions, and 
 it can also perform efficient service in crystalliz- 
 
Summary 91 
 
 ing public sentiment in favor of the enactment 
 and enforcement of better labor laws. 
 
 The working woman is the normal woman. 
 Living in " decorative idleness " is as abnormal 
 for the woman as it is for the man. Idleness, the 
 performance of useless work, or working under 
 conditions which make for low efficiency, as many 
 housewives must, is as undesirable in the case of 
 women as in the case of men. Useful and efficient 
 productive activity is the birthright of each and 
 every individual. The individual or group de- 
 nied this right is on the toboggan which leads 
 towards weakness and degeneracy. Parasitism 
 in the case of women as well as in the case of men 
 is a racial menace. Working women rather 
 than idle women have normal instincts. Olive 
 Schreiner has well stated the demand of normal, 
 far-seeing women of to-day. " We demand that 
 in this new strange world which is arising alike 
 upon men and women, where nothing is as it was, 
 and all things are assuming new shapes and rela- 
 tions, we demand that in this new world we also 
 shall have our share of honored and socially 
 useful human toil, our half of the labor of the 
 children of woman." Both economic considera- 
 tions and the necessities of racial advance de- 
 mand that woman continue, but under new and 
 better conditions, to be an industrial worker. 
 
 Summary 
 Women and children have for ages been in- 
 dustrial workers ; but modern industry has trans- 
 formed working conditions. 
 
92 Women and Children in Industry 
 
 American States are rapidly placing new legis- 
 lation on their statute books relating to hoars, 
 night work, and other conditions of labor. 
 
 Childhood should be a period of preparation 
 and of activity. Intellectual training, vocational 
 training, and play are essentials in the develop- 
 ment of each and every child. 
 
 From a social view-point, child labor is waste- 
 ful. 
 
 Woman's work is now undergoing great trans- 
 formations. 
 
 The normal woman is not an idler. 
 
 SUGGESTITE QUESTIONS 
 
 Is your church actively working for better 
 labor laws ? 
 
 Are the labor laws now on the statute books 
 enforced in your community 1 
 
 How many women and children are wage earn- 
 ers in your community ? 
 
 What are the effects of child labor in industry 
 upon adult workers f 
 
VI 
 WAGES AND HOURS 
 
 ACCURATE Wage Statistics are Diffi- 
 cult to Obtain. — All atatistlcs of wages 
 covering a given occupation or a State 
 must of necessity be considered to be only ap- 
 proximately accurate. The United States Bureau 
 of Labor and the Bureaus of Labor of Massa- 
 chusetts, New Jersey, and perhaps a few other 
 States give some fairly accurate wage statistics. 
 The Census Bureau also presents some wage sta- 
 tistics which are fairly reliable. But nearly all 
 other statistics covering an entire industry or an 
 entire State must be used with caution. 
 
 2. Statistics. — Using the best statistics avail- 
 able, Dr. Scott Nearing has estimated the wages 
 of adult workers at the opening of the second 
 decade of the century for the great industrial 
 region north of Mason and Dixon's line and 
 east of the Bocky Mountains. A deduction of 
 twenty per cent, from the total working time is 
 made for unemployment. The first table pre- 
 sents the estimates for adult males ; the second 
 for adult females. 
 
 Table I 
 
 A ot tha total nnmber reoeiy* leaa than $326 per year 
 1 -t( 11 t( K i( tt 500 *' 
 
 t (1 11 n 11 11 11 gQQ 11 
 
 % 11 It 11 11 11 11 g^ 11 
 
 93 
 
94 Wages and Hours 
 
 Table II 
 
 i of the total number receive less than $200 per year 
 
 I <l .1 .4 4. 14 .4 325 44 
 
 j| " " " " " " 600 " 
 
 According to the Bureau of the Census, making 
 no allowance for unemployment, of the adult 
 males employed in the manufacturing industries 
 of the United States, in 1905, 25 per cent, received 
 less than $8 per week or $416 per year, and 50 
 per cent, received less than $10.25 per week or 
 $533 per year. According to the Census of 1910, 
 the average wage paid factory wage earners — 
 men, women, and children — was $518 per year. 
 The Massachusetts Minimum "Wage Commission 
 in 1911 found that 41 per cent, of the adult women 
 candy workers and 22 per cent, of the adult 
 women cotton workers in that State earned less 
 than $5.00 per week. As the result of a munici- 
 pal investigation made in Kansas City in 1911 by 
 an of&cial committee, it was estimated that one- 
 half of the wage-earning girls in that city earned 
 $6. 00 or less per week. And the investigating com- 
 mittee held that $9.00 per week was a living wage. 
 
 In 1908, a committee appointed by the New 
 York State Conference of Charities and Correc- 
 tions, after a painstaking study of the cost of 
 living in New York City estimated that $825 is 
 sufficient for the average family of five individu- 
 als, comprising the father, mother, and three 
 children under fourteen years of age, to maintain 
 a fairly proper standard of living in the Borough 
 of Manhattan. In other parts of New York City 
 
Statistics 95 
 
 and in smaller cities the amount might be slightly 
 reduced. This means that the income of the 
 heads of families must in a large percentage of 
 cases be supplemented by the earnings of wife or 
 children or by taking boarders and renting rooms, 
 or the family income will fall below the amount 
 deemed necessary for a decent standard of living. 
 The cost of food forms a large item in the total ex- 
 penditure of the low-income family. In seventy- 
 two New York families investigated having a fam- 
 ily income of $600 to $700 per year, 44.6 percent, 
 of the total income was spent for food. In recent 
 years the price of foodstuffs has been rising 
 rapidly and the wage earners have "felt the 
 pinch." According to careful estimates made 
 by the United States Bureau of Labor, covering 
 the period, 1890 to 1913, the relative retail prices 
 " weighted according to the average consumption 
 of the various articles of food in working men's 
 families," were in the ratio of 95.2 in 1896, the 
 year of lowest prices, to 154.2 in 1912, — an in- 
 crease of more than sixty per cent. 
 
 An imposing array of fairly accurate figures 
 might easily be presented. These statistics could 
 be gathered from different parts of the nation 
 and from different industries for the purpose of 
 proving that the wages of both men and women 
 are very low. But it seems unwise to multiply 
 statistics in this section. The wages of women 
 are considerably lower than those of men ; and 
 the wage received by a large percentage of work- 
 ers, particularly women workers, is less than an 
 
96 Wages and Hours 
 
 adequate living wage. A variety of reasons may 
 be assigned for the low wages paid women rela- 
 tive to those received by men. One of the funda- 
 mental reasons is fonnd in the fact that few young 
 girls expect to remain long as wage earners; 
 and, as a consequence, they too frequently enter 
 blind-alley occupations. The typical female wage 
 earner changes frequently from one position to 
 another, is unskilled, under-paid, and often over- 
 worked. A study of factory girls in New York 
 City led to the conclusion that only approxi- 
 mately one-half of the positions obtained are held 
 for more than six months. As long as woman's 
 work outside the home is considered to be a make- 
 shift, it may be expected that women workers 
 will be unskilled and poorly paid.' 
 
 3. The Menace of Low Wages. — Equality 
 of opportunity is an essential part of the Ameri- 
 can concept of justice between individuals. But 
 can equality of opportunity obtain while many 
 receive wages which are below a living wage t 
 There is in the United States and elsewhere, a 
 fairly well marked division of classes or groups 
 of people according to income received. Pro- 
 fessor Seager divides American families into five 
 classes. In the first class, the income is $3,000 
 or more per year. The second group may be 
 called the great middle class. The children in 
 the families of these two groups have excellent 
 care and training. The third class includes the 
 skilled workers. The standard of living of this 
 
 ' Beread the last two aeotioiu of the preceding chapter. 
 
The Menace of Low Wages 97 
 
 class is somewhat lower than that of the middle 
 class. Its members marry earlier in life, have 
 larger families, and their children begin to earn 
 their living at an earlier age than is the case in 
 the middle class. The unskiLLed workers belong 
 to the fourth group. " Their hours are long and 
 their labor exhausting, and in consequence their 
 lives afford little opportunity for attention to 
 other than the merely physical wants. Early 
 marriages are facilitated by the fact that the full 
 earning power of men of this class is attained at 
 nineteen or twenty, and that their standard of 
 living opposes no barrier so long as work is 
 steady and wages are certain. Children come in 
 this class before the parents have themselves 
 reached maturity, and their number, and the 
 rude way in which the family is compelled to 
 live, prevent the mother from, giving tiiem the 
 attention that their interests demand. As these 
 chUdren approach the age when they can go to 
 school they are allowed to spend more and more 
 time on the streets and to acquire knowledge so 
 destructive of the idealism natural to children. 
 In school their progress is retarded by the lack 
 of that stimulus and encouragement on the side 
 of parents which is so helpful to children reared 
 in more fortunate circumstances, and just as they 
 are getting old enough to form judgments for 
 themselves their help is needed at home, or jobs 
 are secured for them, and the formal part of 
 their education is brought to an abrupt close." ' 
 'Se^er, " Intioduotion to Eoonomics," p. 239. 
 
98 Wages and Hours 
 
 In the fifth class is found the "submerged tenth." 
 These groups are more or less distinct and non- 
 competing. Individuals may rise above or fall 
 below the group into which they were born ; but 
 the great mass find their work and status in life 
 determined by their parentage and early environ- 
 ment and training. This is contrary to an opin- 
 ion quite generally accepted by complacent 
 Americans ; but it is a fairly accurate statement 
 of the situation at the present time. 
 
 Eeoently, the matter of low wages, particularly 
 when paid to women, has attracted much atten- 
 tion. Many have asserted that prostitution and 
 the white slave traffic were the direct results of 
 low wages paid to young women. Others have 
 vigorously opposed this dictum. It is probably 
 true that a low wage is not, in a large percentage 
 of cases, the direct cause of moral degradation ; 
 but, as has been indicated above, the wage rate 
 does in no small measure determine the approxi- 
 mate location of the home or the boarding place 
 in the town or city, the environmental influences 
 surrounding it, the opportunities for recreation 
 and amusement, the amount of schooling received, 
 and the nature of other potent factors in forming 
 the character of the young. Many young girls, 
 and young men also, are forced, or at least go, 
 into industry at an early age while their char- 
 acters and their bodies are still in the process of 
 formation and growth, while they are still plastic 
 and impressionable, at a time when they ought 
 to be in school or on the playground. As long 
 
Real and Money Wages 99 
 
 as these conditions, coupled with low wages, a 
 long working day, nervous strain, and the lack 
 of opportunity for wholesome amusement, exist, 
 a potent and constant force is exerted to produce 
 unsocial and degrading conduct. And, on the 
 whole, the temptations which come to the poorly 
 paid girl are stronger, more compelling, and 
 more recurrent than those which assail one re- 
 ceiving a larger income. A popular writer has 
 written wisely, "The girl who wants food and 
 a decent^room and warm clothing and a touch of 
 finery, who wants to feel that she is living, is in 
 no fit condition to resist temptations which offer 
 her all these things, and more. ' ' And Michigan's 
 efficient woman factory inspector. Miss Burton, 
 writes : "Pretty clothes and a few of the luxu- 
 ries are as much a necessity to the normal girl as 
 food and sunshine and shelter." 
 
 Surely in these days of marvellous productivity, 
 of increasing wealth, and of gigantic undertak- 
 ings, the person possessed of an inquiring spirit 
 may ask whether poverty must necessarily ac- 
 company progress ? Is not the subsistence wage 
 a survival of the days of the pre-machinery and 
 pre-steam-engine age ? And is it not time that 
 we individually and as members of various 
 organizations, societies, and churches, not only 
 inquire, but earnestly tackle the job of eliminat- 
 ing extreme poverty in a land of plenty ? 
 
 4. Real and Money Wages. — Wages may 
 be divided into two classes — money and real 
 wages. Money wages is, as the name indicates, 
 
lOO Wages and Hours 
 
 the wage received measured in terms of dollars 
 and cents. The real wage of the worker is the 
 wage received when computed in necessities, 
 comforts, and savings which the wage earner is 
 able to obtain as the result of his daily toU. If 
 the level of prices for the bulk of commodities 
 rises, the real wage will fall provided no rise 
 occurs in the money wage. Conversely, if the 
 level of prices falls, real wages will rise. Prom 
 the standpoint of the wage earner, the crucial 
 test of the adequacy or inadequacy of a wage rate 
 can only be ascertained by considering real rather 
 than money wages. As prices have been rising 
 for the last decade and a half, the tendency has 
 been to force a reduction of the real wages of the 
 workers ; this tendency has been counteracted in 
 some measure by the rise in money wages. 
 
 A broader and more accurate definition of real 
 wages will include in that term not only the in- 
 come of comforts and necessities derived from 
 the money wage but also the services rendered 
 by the community, — ^free education, parks, free 
 disposal of garbage, provision for water, gas, and 
 transportation at reduced rates, and a variety of 
 other services. An increase in the services ren- 
 dered by the community is equivalent to an in- 
 crease in real wages, unless the increased ex- 
 penditure is made possible by a tax which 
 directly or indirectly falls upon money wages. 
 
 5. Wages and Taxation. — This enlarged 
 concept of real wages leads directly to the con- 
 sideration of the vexatious and important prob- 
 
Hours loi 
 
 lems connected with the taxation and regulation 
 of monopolies. Trade unionists, social reformers, 
 and students of economics have not laid sufficient 
 emphasis upon taxation as a method of reducing 
 the burdens placed upon industry and as a means 
 of improving the condition of the wage earners 
 of the nation. The flow of national income — 
 material goods and services — is divided into 
 wages, interest, depreciation, rent, profits, mon- 
 opoly gains, chance gains, and the like. Land 
 rent cannot be legislated out of existence ; and 
 wages cannot be directly raised by legislation or 
 by trade union action so as to reduce greatly or 
 to eliminate monopoly gains. Eents may, how- 
 ever, be partially, if not wholly, diverted into 
 the public treasury. Through the taxation of 
 land values and franchises, and through govern- 
 mental ownership and operation of public utilities 
 and other monopolies, the governmental income 
 may be considerably increased. As a conse- 
 quence, the taxation of capital and of competitive 
 businesses could be reduced. And the services 
 furnished to the community by the municipality 
 and the State may be increased, and the charges 
 for such services may be eliminated or rMuced. 
 
 6. Hours. — The introduction of machinery 
 pushed the question of the length of the working 
 day into the foreground. In the preceding eras 
 when the work of the world was performed with 
 crude hand tools and unaided .human energy, 
 only the bare necessities of life could be obtained 
 by working diligently &om sun to sun. Ma- 
 
102 Wages and Hours 
 
 chinery and steam made possible the emanci- 
 pation of the human worker from the dreary 
 round of incessant toil. Leisure now becomes 
 possible for each and for all ; and democracy be- 
 comes more than an iridescent dream. But the 
 reduction of the working day has not followed 
 automatically the introduction of labor-saving 
 devices. And in many industries in which a 
 reduction has taken place, it has availed the 
 wage earner very little because the overstrain 
 and speeding-up have increased as the hours 
 have been reduced. The pressure of organized 
 labor and the force of legal enactments have, as 
 a rule, been the potent means by which the wage 
 earners have gained the shorter working day. 
 The demand for a shorter working day is one of 
 the oldest and most frequently reiterated of the 
 demands of organized labor; and in standing 
 for the short day organized labor has exhibited 
 a keen insight in regard to the fundamental 
 forces making for industrial betterment. Social 
 justice can never be approximated as long as 
 long hours and overstrain continue. The words 
 of Professor Patten are to the point. "Ten 
 hours of sedentary routine in crowded rooms, or 
 of hard manual work that oflfers no perspectives 
 to the mind, stupefy the laborer and drain the 
 force that ought to be stored for to-morrow. 
 Whoever has seen such a toiler after he has 
 slipped from the harness, saturated with fatigue, 
 dozing heavily in a chair or urging his faculties 
 more actively by recourse to the excitements of 
 
Hours 103 
 
 the streets, knows that no profits can overcome 
 the losses of the long day." ' The worker should 
 gain not only a shorter working day but also the 
 elimination of overstrain and relentless speed- 
 ing-up. 
 
 The average working day is somewhat shorter 
 than it was a century ago. In certain hazardous 
 occupations like that of mining, and in some 
 occupations in which the trade unions are strong, 
 such as the building and the printing trades, 
 an eight-hour day is customary. But in many 
 others, the long working day is still the rule. 
 In 1910, an investigation showed that over one- 
 fifth of the employees in the iron and steel 
 industry worked eighty-four or more hours per 
 week, — ^at least twelve hours per day for seven 
 days each week. In the blast furnace depart- 
 ment, eighty-eight per cent, of the total worked 
 regularly seven days per week. In the blast 
 furnace department of the iron and steel industry 
 continuous operation is a practical necessity. 
 But humanity and racial preservation demand 
 three shifts of eight hours each. In 1910, the 
 women ticket agents of the Chicago elevated 
 railways were regularly working twelve hours 
 per day and seven days per week. In the candy 
 industry in Chicago, 1908-1909, women were re- 
 ported as working during the rush season as 
 many as ninety hours in a week. An investiga- 
 tion recently made of Michigan's canneries dis- 
 closed the following exceptional case of a woman 
 » Patten, "New Basis of CSvilization," pp. 190-191. 
 
104 Wages and Hours 
 
 worker. A forewoman in one of the factories 
 worked the following number of hours per week 
 in six, not consecutive, weeks, — 84, 102, 90, 91 J, 
 100, 115. The last four weeks indicated were 
 consecutive. In California canneries, weeks of 
 96i, 90, and 83 hours are reported ; in the Balti- 
 more canneries, weeks of 93, 91J, and 81 hours 
 are reported. The twelve-hour day and the 
 seven-day week are both unnecessary and brutal- 
 izing. 
 
 7. The Economy of the Short 'Working 
 Day. — Over a century ago in England, attempts 
 to limit the hours of labor were met with the 
 cry that such legislation would ruin England's 
 manufacture. It was asserted that the manufac- 
 turer's profits were derived from the output of 
 the last hour or hours of the day. If the length 
 of the working day were reduced, the profits of 
 the manufacturer would be eliminated and the 
 industry would be destroyed. In spite of these 
 doleful and offcen-repeated prophecies, the reduc- 
 tion in the working day was hot followed by the 
 promised industrial disaster. And yet in the 
 light of a century of experience with the reduc- 
 tion of the working day, the old cry that industry 
 will be ruined by eight-hour legislation is still 
 retarding progress. In fact, reducing the hours 
 of labor from twelve and fourteen to eight and 
 nine per day has not diminished the total volume 
 of production. The shorter working day leads to 
 greater rapidity of movement on the part of the 
 worker, it increases his efficieucjy, and it has 
 
Economy of the Short Working Day 105 
 
 caused machinery to be introduced more rapidly. 
 Only a few definite statistics tending to prove the 
 economy of the short working day are available. 
 
 Certain laboratory experiments show that the 
 second or third hour of work in the morning 
 marks the period of maximum productivity. 
 After that period the output per hour decreases 
 until the noon period of rest. The output for the 
 first hour after noon is higher than that of the last 
 hour before noon. But the decline of produc- 
 tivity after the noon hour is quite rapid. The 
 last hours of the long day are periods of iu- 
 ef&ciency. And too great exhaustion militates 
 against to-morrow. Quite careful experiments 
 made in 1900 by the Zeiss optical factory located 
 at Jena, in 1893-1894 by the Salford Iron Works 
 of Manchester, England, in 1893 by the Engis 
 Chemical Works near Liege, Belgium, and in 
 1892 by the Solvay Process Company of Syracuse, 
 New York, led in each case to the permanent 
 adoption of the eight-hour day.' 
 
 The eight-hour day was introduced into the 
 bituminous coal industry in the fall of 1897. 
 Before that date ten hours had been the length 
 of the working day. In 1895 and 1896, under 
 the ten-hour system the average output per day 
 per worker for the ' * country at large ' ' was 2. 9 and 
 2.72 tons respectively. In 1898, 1899, and 1900, 
 the first three years under the eight-hour system, 
 
 lOoldmark, " Fatigne and Efficiency," pp. 133-167; 
 Carlton, " History and Problems of Organized Labor," 
 pp. 140-141. 
 
io6 Wages and Hours 
 
 the average output ranged from 2.98 to 3.09 tons.* 
 And the result seems to be due to increased effi- 
 ciency on the part of the worker rather than to 
 an increased use of machinery. 
 
 Summary 
 
 Statistics prove that the typical American 
 wage earner receives a low wage. 
 
 Low wages produce inequality of opportunity. 
 
 Can poverty be eliminated ? 
 
 The usual definition of real wages is inadequate. 
 The taxing power can be used to raise real wages. 
 
 Machinery makes possible the reduction of 
 the working day. The average working day is 
 shorter to-day than in earlier decades. 
 
 The short working day does not necessarily 
 mean reduced output. 
 
 Suggestive Questions 
 
 What rates of wages are paid men, women and 
 children in your community ? 
 
 Are any wage earners in your community 
 receiving less than a " living wage" ? 
 
 Do the stores in your town close early 1 
 
 What can be done to insure every worker a 
 living wage? 
 
 'Goldmark, "Fatigue and Efficiency," p. 170. 
 
VII 
 EMPLOYMENT 
 
 NUMBER of Persons Engaged in 
 Different Occupations.— In 1900, 
 29,074,117 persons were reported aa 
 gainfully employed in the United States. These 
 were in five large classes:— 10,381,765 in agri- 
 cultural pursuits, 1,258,739 in professional serv- 
 ice, 5,580,657 in domestic and personal service, 
 4,766,964 in trade and transportation, 7,085,992 
 in manufacturing and mechanical pursuits. In 
 1910, 7,678,578 persons were reported as en- 
 gaged in manufacture, of whom 6,615,046 were 
 wage earners. The remainder were proprietors 
 and salaried employees. Housewives are not 
 considered by our Census statisticians as gainfully 
 employed. 
 
 The absolute and relative number of workers 
 engaged in routine work and in highly sub- 
 divided forms of labor is increasing. These 
 kinds of work are usually called unskilled ; but 
 we are beginning to realize that the term un- 
 skilled labor is a misnomer. There are, how- 
 ever, many unskilled or inefficient laborers in 
 all trades or occupations. The term, unskilled, 
 ought to be applied to the workers rather than 
 to the occupation. A large fraction of the rou- 
 107 
 
lo8 Employment 
 
 tine and monotonous work, not reqairing con- 
 siderable physical strength, is being turned over 
 to women wage earners. 
 
 2. Overwork. — In the preceding chapter, it 
 was shown that from the standpoint of profits, 
 the short — eight- or nine-hour — day was more 
 desirable than the ten- or twelve-hour day. 
 Prom another, and a broader, view-point the 
 short working day is desirable. Long hours and 
 intensity of exertion wear out the worker at a 
 time when he ought to be in his prime. " Old 
 at forty" is too often at present the result of 
 modern factory life. To reduce the intensity of 
 exertion during working hours would undoubt- 
 edly involve grave difficulties. The most feasible 
 method of conserving human energy is that of 
 reducing the length of the working day. 
 
 This plea for the conservation of human energy 
 is essentially democratic. It aims at remedying 
 conditions which force the wage earners of the 
 country prematurely to deplete their physical 
 and intellectual energy. The industrial and the 
 governmental regime which places output above 
 the health and welfare of the working population 
 is undemocratic. Good citizenship and racial 
 uplift require a considerable modicum of leisure 
 for each and every member of the community. 
 Leisure, in the words of Miss Goldmark, "limits 
 work, indeed, to make good the daily deficits, 
 and to send back the worker physiologically pre- 
 pared for another day. It frees the worker from 
 toil before exhaustion deprives leisure of its po- 
 
Irregular Employment 109 
 
 tentialities. It thus fulfills a reasoned purpose. 
 As the physiological function of rest is to replace 
 fatigue, so the function of the shorter day is to 
 afford to working people physiological rest — with 
 all that is implied further by way of leisure." 
 
 A sweated industry is parasitic. It is a des- 
 troyer of human resources. It draws into its in- 
 satiable maw the youth of the land, overdrives 
 them under abnormal and deteriorating condi- 
 tions, and ^then, having worn them out in the 
 fierce race for products and profits, cynically 
 throws them upon the scrap-heap of industry to 
 become the wards of the nation. National effi- 
 ciency requires regulation and improvement of 
 the sweated industry. Careful investigations 
 have placed the right of the worker to rest, lei- 
 sure, and the absence of overstrain upon a scien- 
 tific sociological basis. A sweated industry may 
 be distinguished by the following somewhat in- 
 definite earmarks, — low wages, a long working 
 day, insanitary workshops and speeded-up or 
 overdriven workers. The clothing industry has 
 been the greatest of all sweated industries. 
 Sweating is not confined to the small workshop ; 
 sweating is often found in the factory. The great 
 iron and steel industry, the meat packing estab- 
 lishments, and the big department stores present 
 many of the features which characterize a sweated 
 industry. 
 
 3. Irregular Employment. — Casual or irreg- 
 ular labor is demoralizing. "The man," writes 
 Dr. Edward T. Devine, " who changes constantly 
 
1 1 o Employment 
 
 from job to job, with periods of idleness between, 
 comes to every job demoralized, unskilled, un- 
 steady, and unfit." Yet, to-day in the United 
 States, the amount of unemployment and of ir- 
 regular employment is alarming. The industrial 
 world is confronted by a large floating, poorly 
 educated, improperly trained, and undisciplined 
 horde of wage earners. Young boys and girls 
 leaving school early in life drifting from one blind- 
 alley occupation to another are constantly recruit- 
 ing the numbers. At the other end of the line, 
 the older "casual workers are entering the great 
 and repulsive ranks of the vagrants, the unem- 
 ployable, the pauper, and the criminal. One of 
 the sorest spots in our social and industrial or- 
 ganism is that due to the existence of the casual 
 worker and the man out-of-work. 
 
 Many industries are necessarily seasonal. A 
 slack and a rush season are almost unavoidable 
 in the building trades. In 1900, the Census fig- 
 ures indicated that out of every 1,000 masons, 
 only 445, or less than one-half, had steady work 
 throughout the year. The demand for agricul- 
 tural laborers is much greater in the summer 
 than in the winter. Seamen on the Great Lakes 
 are thrown out of employment during the winter 
 seasons. The only adequate solution for seasonal 
 employment seems to be the dovetailing of differ- 
 ent seasonal industries. For example, the sea- 
 men and the longshoremen on the Great Lakes 
 might be utilized in the logging camps diu-ing 
 the winter season. This solution obviously faces 
 
Unemployment 1 1 1 
 
 many obstacles. There is fi-equently little or no 
 incentive leading employers to aid in bringing 
 about such an adjustment. And it is often diffi- 
 cult to dovetail appropriate industries together, 
 — industries requiring approximately the same 
 kind of skill and training. 
 
 4. Unemployment. — ^Accurate and compre- 
 hensive figures as to unemployment are not avail- 
 able. In New York and in Massachusetts fairly 
 accurate statistics have been collected in regard 
 to unemployment among organized workers. In 
 Massachusetts, the percentage of unemployed in 
 the membership of the unions reporting was 12.1 
 per cent, in 1908 ; 5.6 per cent, in 1909 ; 5.6 per cent, 
 in 1910 ; 5.4 per cent, in 1911 ; and 4.5 per cent. 
 in 1912. The percentage of unemployed fluctuates 
 during each year. It is higher in the winter 
 months than during other portions of the year. 
 For the three months ending September 30, 1912, 
 the percentage of unemployed was three ; and re- 
 ports were received from, unions having approx- 
 imately seventy-five per cent, of the total mem- 
 bership of all labor organizations in the State. 
 In the State of New York, on March 31, 1911, 
 20.3 per cent, of the union men were reported as 
 unemployed, and 10.8 per cent, on September 
 30th of the same year. In 1908, a year in which 
 the percentage of unemployment among wage 
 earners was unusually large, the average percent- 
 age of unemployment among the wage earners 
 "in representative trade unions" of New York 
 reached the extraordinary rate of 29.7 per cent. 
 
112 Employment 
 
 Or, on the average throughout the year, nearly 
 thirty out of every 100 organized workers in the 
 great State of New York were unemployed. The 
 number of unemployed among the unskilled was 
 probably somewhat higher. The coal mining in- 
 dustry reports a very high average o{ slack work. 
 During the best years the anthracite and bitumi- 
 nous mines are idle about one-fourth of the work- 
 ing days of the year. The miners are forced 
 through lack of work to be idle from seventy-five 
 to one hundred and twenty -five days each year. 
 To this excessive amount of unemployment must 
 be added that due to sickness and other causes. 
 
 Such a situation in regard to many lines of in- 
 dustry is certainly one which should startle even 
 the most optimistic or conservative of Americans, 
 and lead them actively to seek some remedy for 
 the evils which are growing out of it. Employers 
 often increase the amount of unemployment un- 
 necessarily. They adopt the method of hiring a 
 larger number of men than are required for 
 steady operation. "The normal state of every 
 industry," declares one of the most careful stu- 
 dents of unemployment, "is to be overcrowded 
 with labor, in the sense of having drawn into it 
 more men than can ever find employment in it at 
 any one time." The establishment or industry 
 will be operated with a large force for a rush 
 period, after which the plant or plants will 
 be partially or entirely shut down for a time. 
 An investigator who studied the coal mining in- 
 dustry of West Yirginia declares that the mine op- 
 
Unemployment 1 13 
 
 erators employ from fifty to one hnndred per cent, 
 more men than would be needed for steady opera- 
 tion. The average number of working days in the 
 month for the miner is reduced to from twelTC to 
 seventeen.' Similar conditions obtain in other 
 industries. The sweated industries usually have 
 one or more rush and slack seasons in each year. 
 During the rush season the workers are crowded 
 to the limit of human endurance. On the other 
 hand, the slack season is one of unemployment 
 and idleness for many. 
 
 The evil of "laying-off" men without notice 
 or warning is the cause of much unemployment. 
 A factory is built and equipped, and employees 
 establish their homes within a short distance 
 from the site of the factory. The business is 
 prosperous ; more and mol-e wage earners are 
 employed. The demand for the output of the 
 establishment is overestimated, and presently 
 the manager discovers that he is producing too 
 large an output to be disposed of at a profit. 
 This jerky method of doing business leads to 
 alternate periods of taking on and laying off 
 workers. Employees who have come to the 
 factory community expecting a permanent job 
 are suddenly discharged. Unemployment, job 
 hunting, scarcity, want, and, perhaps, the 
 necessity of removal to another home, face the 
 man who is laid off and his famUy. This is 
 especially disastrous for the man who marries 
 and undertakes to establish a good home. And 
 
 ' The Survey, April 5, 1913. 
 
114 Employment 
 
 this process usually takes place wholly with 
 reference to profits and not to the welfare of the 
 working force and their families. Organized 
 workers and the general public have good rea- 
 sons for insisting that employers earnestly en- 
 deavor to spread their work-out more evenly 
 throughout the year and even through a period 
 of years. But so long as an excess of unorganized, 
 unskilled and unattached workers can be found 
 outside the factory doors and around the mines, 
 little incentive will be given the employer to 
 systematize his work so as to avoid rush and 
 slack seasons. A considerable supply of casual 
 workers is also quite effective in keeping down 
 wages and in discouraging the activity of union 
 organizers. 
 
 5. Looking for Jobs. — The labor market, com- 
 pared with the market for ordinary articles of 
 merchandise, is in a disorganized condition. 
 The average wage earner out of a job is still 
 forced to go from employer to employer, from 
 place to place, seeking employment. The method 
 of finding a job corresponds quite closely to the 
 discarded pack-pedlar method of selling goods. 
 The market and the store are now the established 
 instrumentalities utilized for bringing the com- 
 modities produced to the consumer. The em- 
 ployment bureau is the corresponding agency for 
 facilitating the purchase and sale of labor power. 
 Like the store, the normal function of the em- 
 ployment bureau is not to create a demand for 
 labor or to increase the amount of labor power. 
 
Looking for Jobs 1 1 5 
 
 Its aim is solely that of bringing purchasers and 
 sellers of labor power together in a systematic 
 and businesslike manner. As yet employment 
 agencies in the United States, with few excep- 
 tions, are crude and inefficient instruments. The 
 managers of employment agencies are not as a 
 rule thoroughly conversant with the merchandise 
 which they supply. They are not as expert as 
 the managers of stores or of departments in a 
 department store. Too often the employer is 
 unable to rely upon the judgment of the manager 
 of the employment bureau. Labor power is a 
 complex and unstandardized commodity, but the 
 obstacles which tend to prevent placing its pur- 
 chase and sale upon a business basis are not in- 
 superable. The need of an ef&cient method of 
 marketing labor power is pressing. Not only 
 is drifting from job to job a demoralizing prac- 
 tice, but the discouraging, disheartening, aim- 
 less search for a job on the part of the unem- 
 ployed is wasteful and demoralizing. Many a 
 man who started out bravely and hopefully in 
 search of a job has been transformed into a 
 vagrant and an unemployable by the long-con- 
 tinued search. A well-organized system of em- 
 ployment bureaus could not make jobs, but it 
 would reduce the number of industrial maladjust- 
 ments and the amount of unemployment. The 
 function of the employment bureau is both intra- 
 industrial and inter-industrial. 
 
 In the United States, three different kinds of 
 employment agencies exist : private, operated 
 
1 16 Employment 
 
 for profit; private, operated by philanthropic 
 associations; and free public employment bu- 
 reaus. The private employment agency of the 
 first type is found in nearly all cities. Some of 
 these agencies perform a desirable service, but 
 many of them are operated by unprincipled 
 managers who often defraud the poor and help- 
 less seeker for employment. In 1904, Miss 
 Kellor found 522 licensed private agencies in 
 New York City. Over one-half of the private 
 agencies in large cities exclusively supply 
 workers for the household. The employment 
 agencies connected with the Y. M. C. A. and the 
 Y. W. 0. A., and with the associated charities of 
 various cities do much good work. In 1912, 
 fifteen States and a few cities in other States 
 provided for free employment bureaus. In no 
 State is the number maintained more than six, 
 and in several only one such office is maintained. 
 No State of the United States has as yet organized 
 a unified system of free employment agencies. 
 
 6. Homeless Workers. — The conditions 
 which to-day surround the workers in a number 
 of the basic industries make for irregularity and 
 degeneracy. ''The woodmen are to-day home- 
 less workers in logging camps ; ice is also cut by 
 the homeless man living in the bunk-house. 
 Construction gangs working on railways, canals, 
 reservoirs, and the like, are often herded together 
 like cattle and live in insanitary quarters. Ber- 
 ries are picked, beet and onion fields weeded, 
 and the grain of the West harvested by a class of 
 
The Unemployable 1 1 7 
 
 floating workers living and working under ab- 
 normal conditions, — conditions which endanger 
 the physical and moral stamina of the workers. 
 At the conclusion of the season many drift back 
 to the cities to increase the debauchery, disease, 
 and crime of our crowded centres of population. " * 
 The abnormal life and the irregularity of the 
 work make the social and moral problems con- 
 nected with these elemental occupations very 
 dif&cult of solution. Although it is primarily a 
 rural problem, the drift back to the cities from 
 time to time and during seasons of idleness makes 
 the homeless worker in the country districts an 
 additional complicating factor in our complex 
 city problem. These homeless and temporarily 
 idle workers increase the amount of drinking, 
 gambling, debauchery, and crime in our cities. 
 Many recent immigrants are of the mobile, float- 
 ing type without strong home ties. They go 
 readily 'from place to place, and they are not 
 particular as to food, lodging, or working con- 
 ditions. 
 
 7. The Unemployable. — At the bottom of 
 the heap, pressed and crowded, is the great re- 
 pulsive mass of the unemplQyable of working 
 age, — defective, debilitated, crippled, criminal, 
 vagrant. Since the American people are passing 
 through a period of adjustment to city life and to 
 large-scale, subdivided industry, a considerable 
 percentage of the unadjustable and unemployable 
 
 'The ■writer in "The History and Problema of Organized 
 Labor," p. 377. 
 
1 18 Employment 
 
 may be anticipated ; bat the large and increasing 
 number of persons who must be classified as un- 
 employable is becoming alarming even to those 
 of an optimistic temperament. Eeputable author- 
 ities unite in insistently pointing to the menacing 
 increase in the number of defectives. Unneces- 
 sary sickness, insanitary homes and workshops, 
 overwork, improper care and feeding of children 
 and adults, a lack of adequate nourishment, 
 liquor drinking, the drug habit, and vice are 
 daily adding to the roll of the debilitated. Ac- 
 cidents on railways, in factories, and in mines are 
 producing a great host of cripples and incapaci- 
 tated. But the American people are being awa>k- 
 ened to the problems connected with these classes 
 of the unemployable. The 'propaganda for the 
 conservation of the human resources of the na- 
 tion is in no small measure directed against the 
 causes which produce defectives, cripples, and 
 debilitated persons. But even a brief considera- 
 tion of the solution of the problems connected 
 with these unfortunates and the criminals cannot 
 be entered into in this volume. 
 
 The vagrants in the United States probably 
 number about 500,000. This great drab army of 
 tatterdemalions has been considered to be "a 
 national joke." But it has been estimated that 
 each vagrant receives on the average an income 
 of $200 per year, or, if these estimates be fairly 
 accurate, about $100,000,000 is spent annually 
 upon this "national joke." The tramp produces 
 nothing ; be adds considerably to the judicial and 
 
The Unemployable 119 
 
 police expenditures. The "knight of the road " 
 is too expensive, too dangerous, and too numer- 
 ous to be longer treated as a joke. 
 
 The tramp proper is a nomad. In primitive 
 times, all persons were nomadic. Many of the 
 American pioneers and frontiersmen were semi- 
 nomadic. They followed the frontier line west- 
 ward, moving from time to time as more settlers 
 moved in. The twentieth century tramp is not 
 purely a product of modern social and industrial 
 conditions ; the wanderlust is inherited. The 
 tramp becomes more apparent as conditions be- 
 come more settled, and as routine and regularity 
 become increasingly characteristic of the business 
 world. Nevertheless, irregular work, frequent 
 discharges, and overwork lead many a young 
 man, who otherwise would become an efficient and 
 regular worker, to become a hobo. In the event 
 of a crisis, a period of slack work, or some local 
 industrial maladjustment, men are thrown out of 
 work ; they begin to tramp looking for jobs. 
 Presently they find tramping an easy method of 
 getting a living and of " seeing the world" ; too 
 jnany sympathetic, kind-hearted, but thoughtless, 
 persons are willing to give them "hand-outs" 
 without applying the work test. In many cases, 
 never again will these amateur tramps hold jobs 
 for any considerable lengths of time. The con- 
 trast between the regular job with its routine and 
 punctuality and the care-free life pf the vagrant 
 is marked, and the latter has its strong appeal. 
 The lure of the primitive is strong." 
 
1 20 Employment 
 
 Again, an overworked, under-developed child 
 worker frequently gets a taste of vacation and of 
 tramp life, and never again can he be dragged back 
 into routine made loathsome by premature toil as 
 a wage earner. The semi-automatic machine re- 
 quiring a monotonous, routine kind of work for 
 a long working^day from the machine tender, is 
 responsible for the evolution of a large number of 
 youthful workers into "rolling stones," casual 
 workers, and finally unemployables. Many a 
 young man enters a blind-alley occupation, and 
 soon becomes dissatisfied with the routine or the 
 lack of opportunity for advancement. Monotony 
 and routine are especially distasteful to the young. 
 Day after day, his work grows more and more 
 repulsive. Suddenly one day he leaves in disgust 
 or is discharged. He gets another position ; and 
 the experience is repeated. Soon he drifts down- 
 ward, he becomes first a casual worker, and finally 
 an unemployable. Such is the brief, tragic 
 life history of a great ai-my of youths who are 
 early forced into industry by adverse circum- 
 stances, or leave school scorning a low-paid ap- 
 prenticeship-job leading to future usefulness, tb 
 enter an occupation pajdng a relatively high 
 wage but without opportunity for future ad- 
 vancement. Youth, untrained and unadvised, is 
 ever careless of the future. To them the present 
 looms up big and fascinating. Large employers 
 are realizing that the source of trained workers is 
 drying up; they are "feeling the pinch." The 
 problems connected with the industrial and vo- 
 
Summary i2i 
 
 cational training of the young are important from 
 both the industrial and the social view-points. 
 
 SUMMAEY 
 
 The plea for the short working day and for the 
 conservation of human energy is essentially demo- 
 cratic. 
 
 A sweated industry is parasitic. 
 
 Irregular employment is demoralizing. 
 
 The extent of unemployment in the United 
 States is alarming. 
 
 The labor market is not well organized. Em- 
 ployment bureaus are not ef&cient agencies for 
 ttie sale of labor power. 
 
 The homeless worker famishes the American 
 people with a perplexing problem. 
 
 At the bottom of the heap of humans is the 
 mass of unemployables. 
 
 The vagrant is not "a national joke." 
 
 Irregular work or long-continued monotonous 
 work is a potent cause of vagrancy. 
 
 Suggestive Questions 
 
 How does your town or city deal with tramps t 
 
 How large a percentage of the youth of your 
 town or cummunity enter " blind-alley" occupa- 
 tions? 
 
 What are the conditions in the cheap lodging 
 houses of your city 1 
 
 What is being done for the unemployed! 
 
vm 
 
 ORGANIZED LABOR IN THE 
 UNITED STATES 
 
 WHY Labor is Organized. — It has been 
 pointed out that iudastrial progress 
 has taken the ownership of the tools 
 or machines and of the finished product out 
 of the hands of the workers. The worker has 
 become a wage earner. He sells his labor power 
 and receives a definite contractual income, — 
 wages. The modem labor organization is an 
 unmistakable sign of the existence of a distinct 
 line of cleavage between employers and em- 
 ployees. Before the Civil War American labor 
 organizations were weak and ephemeral. Large- 
 scale industry was still in the making, and vast 
 areas of fertile public land still remained untilled 
 and unclaimed. But since the war consolidation 
 in industry has led the wage earner to under- 
 stand that his opportunity to become a small 
 capitalist and an employer is slight. In the 
 words of John Mitchell, "the average wage 
 earner has made up his mind that he must re- 
 main a wage earner." Many who under more 
 primitive conditions would have eagerly looked 
 forward to a career as a small business man must 
 now be content with the more prosaic positions 
 offered by large corporations. The blocking of 
 
 122 
 
The Structure of Labor Organizations 123 
 
 the road to wealth and independent business 
 careers is cementing the workers together. Class 
 lines are being drawn more distinctly ; and the 
 labor organizations are here, — permanent, ag- 
 gressive, hopeful, and provided with leaders. 
 
 The writer has elsewhere pointed out that 
 "labor is organized primarily because it is 
 vitally interested in the amount, method, and 
 time of remuneration for the labor of wage 
 earners." The individual, unorganized wage 
 earner cannot hope to drive an equitable bargain 
 with capital aggregated into corporations. The 
 rise of labor organizations parallels the evolu- 
 tion of large-scale industry. The union com- 
 bines the units in the field of labor ; the cor- 
 poration combines the units in the realm of 
 capital. To refuse to recognize the right of 
 labor to organize into unions and at the same 
 time to favor the organization of corporations 
 and of employers' associations, is illogical ; and 
 such an attitude offers conclusive evidence of 
 bias and prejudice. It is true that labor organi- 
 zations, and corporations also, often use unfair, 
 dictatorial, and cruel methods. But this is not 
 a sufScient reason for demanding the elimination 
 of either. 
 
 2. The Structure of Labor Organizations. — 
 American labor organizations vary greatly in gov- 
 ernment, policies, methods, and ideals. Some, 
 like the aristocrats of organized labor, the 
 brotherhood of locomotive engineers, rarely use 
 the strike, and manifest little interest in the 
 
124 Organized Labor in the United States 
 
 closed shop or in apprenticeship mles; others, 
 like the coal miners, are insistent in regard to the 
 closed shop ; and the unionists of the building 
 trades emphasize the importance of the strike. 
 The cigar makers have inaugurated a successful 
 and considerable system of benefits for members 
 who are sick, disabled, or out of work. Some 
 unions use the strike frequently, others rarely ; 
 certain unions are radical, others are conserva- 
 tive. In the case of some organizations, the 
 locals are nearly self-governing ; in other unions 
 the national organization exercises a large amount 
 of supervision over the locals. 
 
 The policies and methods employed by labor 
 organizations have been developed, as was the 
 unwritten English constitution, in a piecemeal 
 manner. As different organizations have met 
 with very different obstacles and have developed 
 under very different circumstances, this variation 
 in structure is normal. In general, immediate 
 results have been demanded of their leaders by 
 the rank and file of unionists. And the peculiar- 
 ities of union structure have been evolved under 
 the pressure of an opportunist policy. The suc- 
 cessful leader of the strong American labor or- 
 ganizations is an exponent of "business union- 
 ism" ; he is the man who can get higher wages, 
 shorter hours, or other concessions for the mem- 
 bers of his union. It has been observed that 
 each country gets the agitators it deserves ; like- 
 wise each country and each industry develops 
 the type of labor organization it deserves. The 
 
Trade and Industrial Unions 125 
 
 peculiarities of structure and the methods em- 
 ployed by a particular labor organization are 
 the outgrowth of the particular conditions and 
 balance of forces in the particular industry con- 
 cerned. 
 
 3. Trade and Industrial Unions. — In spite 
 of the many and important variations among 
 labor organizations, two quite distinct classes 
 may be discerned : — trade or craft, and industrial 
 unions. The trade or craft union is the older 
 form and is especially adapted to the organization 
 of workers in a skilled trade. Into a trade union 
 are organized only workers belonging to one trade 
 or crafb as, for example, carpenters or printers. 
 In a local of the International Typographical 
 Union are found printers from different printing- 
 offices in a city or town. The pressmen and 
 lithographers in a given establishment do not 
 belong to the same union as the printers. The 
 latter may have a dispute with their employers 
 and go on a strike ; but the pressmen may con- 
 tinue at work and work with "scab" printers 
 brought in as strike breakers. The trade or craft 
 rather than the establishment is the unit. 
 
 The industrial union recognizes the establish- 
 ment or plant as the fundamental unit. Into an 
 industrial union are gathered all the workers, 
 skilled and unskilled, working in a given establish- 
 ment. The brewery workers and the coal miners 
 are organized as industrial unions. All workers 
 in and around the mines are organized in the 
 United Mine Workers' Union. The Industrial 
 
126 Organized Labor in the United States 
 
 Workers of the World represent a radical or 
 revolutionary type of industrial unionism. When 
 a labor dispute arises in connection with an in- 
 dustrial onion, aU workers in the plant are di- 
 rectly affected and interested. A strike on the 
 part of a well-organized industrial union will tie 
 up the entire establishment. 
 
 4. The American Federation of Labor. — 
 The most inclusive American labor organization 
 of to-day is the American Federation of Labor. 
 This organization, as its name indicates, is a 
 federation of unions. Individual unionists have 
 little or no direct connection with it. In 1912, the 
 American Federation was composed of five de- 
 partments, 112 national or international unions, 
 41 state federations, 660 city central bodies, 434 
 local trade unions, and 156 federal labor unions. 
 The five departments were the building trades, 
 mining, railway employees, metal trades, and 
 union label trades. Nearly all of the impor- 
 tant national or international unions belong to 
 the Federation. The railway brotherhoods, the 
 Bricklayers and Masons' Union, and the National 
 Association of Letter Carriers are among the im- 
 portant unions outside the Federation. 
 
 The American Federation of Labor is con- 
 trolled by the national and international unions, 
 and the departments are also controlled by the 
 national unions. In the annual convention of 
 1911, the voting strength of the national unions 
 was 17,104 out of a total vote of 17,240. The 
 total paid-up membership of the American Fed- 
 
American Federation Branches 127 
 
 eration in September, 1913, was 2,054,526. This 
 is somewhat less than the total membership of 
 the unions affiliated because some of the locals 
 are "tax dodgers," and report less than their 
 actual membership. There are probably not 
 more than 600,000 or 700,000 American unionists 
 outside the American Federation of Labor. The 
 great bulk of the revenues of the Federation are 
 derived from per capita assessments upon the 
 affiliated bodies. Samuel Gompers is the presi- 
 dent of the organization, and John Mitchell was, 
 until January, 1914, one of its vice-presidents. 
 
 The American Federation is not a powerful 
 body exercising considerable authority over the 
 federated bodies. "According to its constitu- 
 tion, the chief purposes of the American Fed- 
 eration of Labor are to knit the national and 
 international labor unions together for mutual 
 assistance, to encourage the sale of union label 
 articles, to secure legislation favorable to the 
 interests of the working people, to influence 
 public opinion in favor of organized labor, to 
 aid and encourage the labor press, and to aid in 
 the formation of local unions." ' 
 
 5. Affiliated Branches of the American 
 Federation of Labor. — The primary unit in 
 labor organizations is the "local." In a trade 
 union, a local is composed of workers in a given 
 trade, living in one locality. These locals usually 
 belong in turn to a national (sometimes called 
 
 'Carlton, " History and ProblemB of Orj;anized Labor," 
 pp. 79-80. 
 
1 28 Organized Labor in the United States 
 
 mtemational) union. A national union is a fed- 
 eration of locals. The locals of carpenters belong 
 to a national union of carpenters. In some unions 
 the national organization is very powerfdl and 
 controls and directs the locals; in others the 
 locals are strong and may strike or adopt certain 
 policies without reference to the national union. 
 In the industrial unions, like the United Mine 
 Workers, various craftsmen may be brought 
 together in one local. This was the method 
 employed by the Knights of Labor. 
 
 Locals may also be grouped into state and city 
 federations. The work of these bodies is chiefly 
 political and educational. They exercise little 
 direct control over the activities of the locals. 
 A local in a trade which as yet has no national 
 union may be directly af&liated with the Amer- 
 ican Federation of Labor. A federal union is a 
 mixed local union in which men of different 
 trades are brought together. It is a temporary 
 expedient only. As soon as a sufficient number 
 of one trade are recruited, a local of that trade 
 should be formed. A local may belong to a na- 
 tional union af&liated with the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor. It may also belong to a state and 
 city federation, both of which may likewise be af- 
 filiated with the American Federation. And the 
 national luiion to which it belongs may be con- 
 nected with a department of the Federation. 
 
 6. The Industrial Workers of the \Vorld.— 
 The American Federation of Labor accepts the 
 present capitalistic system ; the Industrial Work- 
 
The Industrial Wor'kers of the World 1 29 
 
 era of the World is a socialist and revolutionary 
 organization. The latter aims to eliminate the 
 capitalist and the present wage system. Craft or 
 trade lines are obliterated in this radical labor 
 organization. In a given establishment all wage 
 earners would be grouped in one or more locals 
 irrespective of the kind of work performed. The 
 organization has a central executive committee 
 and holds an annual convention. The member- 
 ship of the Industrial Workers of the World is 
 small and fluctuating. Its strength lies in its 
 passionate appeal to class hatred and to the 
 solidarity of the wage earners. Its strength is 
 found in its destructive power, rather than in 
 any constructive program. 
 
 The Industrial Workers are at present divided 
 into two branches, each of which claims to be 
 the original and genuine organization. The 
 Detroit branch is closely connected with the 
 Socialist Labor Party, and emphasizes the im- 
 portance of organization in the political as well 
 as the industrial field. The Chicago branch 
 is the more aggressive and widely known. It 
 seems to have little confidence in political action, 
 and exhibits some of the earmarks of anarchism. 
 The leaders of the Chicago branch are advocates 
 of direct action, the mass strike, sabotage, and 
 other strenuous practices. Sabotage is a word of 
 somewhat uncertain meaning ranging from wreck- 
 ing industrial plants and railways to diluting the 
 eflacieney of a plant by a system of concerted 
 soldiering, or by rigid obedience to the exact 
 
130 Organized Labor in the United States 
 
 letter of all orders. Sabotage might mean that 
 the shipping clerks of a manafactaring establish- 
 ment would deliberately and concertedly jnis- 
 send goods, or that the cooks and waiters in a 
 hotel would put unpalatable substances in the 
 food served. 
 
 7. The Future of Industrial Unionism. — 
 The trend of industrial evolution indicates that 
 industrial unionism will grow in strength relative 
 to trade or craft unionism. The Mends of the 
 former assert that it adapts itself to the condi- 
 tions of modem industry. Trade unionism was 
 the form adapted to small-scale industry ; but 
 the growth of large-scale business tends to make 
 it an out-of-date form of organization. As 
 machinery destroys trades and makes certain 
 forms of skilled work useless, trade or craft 
 unionism is weakened and the "one big union " 
 grows in potential strength. The employing 
 corporation of to-day employs a multitude of 
 workers, skilled and unskilled ; and union 
 organization should, it is urged, parallel the 
 organization of the plant. The old-line trade 
 union cannot successfully cope with the giant 
 trust of to-day. The largest and, perhaps, the 
 strongest national union affiliated with the 
 American Federation of Labor is an industrial 
 union, — the United Mine Workers. The two 
 forms of unions, trade and industrial, might 
 exist side by side. Stationary engineers, work- 
 ing for a coal mining company, might belong to 
 both the tlnited Mine Workers and the Inter- 
 
£)mployers' Associations 131 
 
 national Union of Steam Engineers. The In- 
 dostrial Workers of the World is an extreme and 
 radical type of industrial unionism which, of 
 coarse, is not affiliated with the American 
 Federation of Labor. 
 
 In the industrial union the unskilled men are 
 in the majority. To the unskilled industrial 
 unionist, the solidarity of labor is a real, living 
 ideal. Industrial demarkation, jnrisdictional 
 disputes, and even racial antipathies tend to 
 disappear under the potent influence of the 
 union card of the industrial unionist. The 
 growth of industrial unionism, evolved because 
 of extreme subdivision of labor and the increase 
 of the unskilled and the machine tenders, relative 
 to the old-line craftsmen, is bringing the nation 
 to the threshold of a new era in unionism. The 
 skilled are now finding it to their advantage to 
 amalgamate and fraternize with the unskilled. 
 They are beginning to realize that a depressed 
 stratum of workers is a menace to the skilled and 
 relatively well-paid workers. Professor Patten 
 finds industrial unionism to be a great force for 
 uniting all grades of labor. "Utilitarian in its 
 motive, and passionately selfish in its singleness 
 and intensity of purpose, it has a social and 
 ethical significance that is without parallel in the 
 institutions of democracy : it is the first great 
 coalition of the economic powers of the basal 
 men and the high-grade, skilled workers." 
 
 8. Employers' Associations. — ^An employ- 
 ers' association is the trade union of employers. 
 
132 Organized Labor in the United States > 
 
 It is organized to advance the interests of em- 
 ployers and to resist the aggressions of labor 
 organizations. Employers' associations oft6n 
 resort to practices similar to those of labor or- 
 ganizations. For the strike, they ose the lock- 
 out, instead of the boycott is used the blacklist, 
 instead of pickets are used spies and armed 
 guards. The National Association of Manu- 
 facturers is the American Federation of Labor 
 of the employers. An establishment is a local ; 
 and there are state employers' associations and 
 city associations. Dues and special assessments 
 are paid by the firms af&liated; and defense 
 funds are accumulated. 
 
 Employers' associations may be divided into 
 two general types. The first and more conserva- 
 tive type recognizes labor organizations to be 
 legitimate. Trade agreements in regard to wages, 
 hours, and the conditions of employment are 
 made from time to time between associations of 
 the first type and the organizations of employees. 
 The Stove Founders' Defense Association and 
 the a^ociation of soft coal mine operators are 
 fine examples of this sort of employers' associa- 
 tions. In these two industries, strong and sane 
 employers' associations confront well-organized 
 labor unions. Collective bargaining on a large 
 scale has been utilized, and for the strike is sub- 
 stituted the trade agreement and arbitration. 
 The possibility of serious labor disputes in these 
 industries is not eliminated, but the probability 
 of such troubles is reduced. 
 
Employers' Associations 1 33 
 
 The second class of employers' associations is 
 bitterly antagonistic to labor organizations, or at 
 least to labor organizations which are strong and 
 virile. The members favor labor organizations 
 of the weak type which teach contentment with 
 existing conditions. The writer has elsewhere 
 contrasted the two as follows: "The first type 
 aims to check the abuses and excesses of organ- , 
 ized labor; the second is hostile to the funda- 
 mental principles of unionism and wishes to 
 extirpate or erlasculate unionism." The l^a- 
 tional Association of Manufacturers and its 
 affiliated associations are of the second type. 
 The class consciousness of the members of this 
 association is a marked phenomenon. The reiter- 
 ated assertions that " We intend to run our own 
 business" and "There is nothing to arbitrate," 
 sound like voices from the distant past. The 
 hatred of the leaders for the average unionist and 
 his organization is portentous of future class con- 
 flicts. The following from the lips of a former 
 president of the Association leaves no room for 
 compromise or conciliation. It is a savage ap- 
 peal to arms. "K"© organization of men, not 
 excepting the Ku Klux Klan, the Mafia, or the 
 Black Hand Society, has ever produced such a 
 record of barbarism as has this so-called organ- 
 ized labor society which through misdirected 
 sympathy, apathy, and indifference, has been 
 permitted to grow up to cripple our industries, 
 and to trample in the dust the natural and con- 
 stitutional rights of our citizens." And this 
 
134 Organized Labor in the United States 
 
 attack is directed against the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor, not against the Industrial Work- 
 ers of the "World. 
 
 g. The Effect of the Antagonism between 
 Employers' Associations and Labor Organ- 
 izations. — The bitter and short-sighted antago- 
 nism of employers' associations and of certain 
 large trusts is forcing organized labor to become 
 aggressive and to adopt new policies or suffer 
 disintegration. The worst episode in the recent 
 history of labor organizations, the McNamara 
 affair, arose in connection with a labor organiza- 
 tion which was indirectly confronted in a life and 
 death struggle by the United States Steel Cor- 
 poration or interests closely affiliated with it. 
 Hostile court decisions such as the Danbury 
 Hatters' case and those connected with the prose- 
 cution of Gompers, Mitchell and Morrison, the 
 highest officials of the American Federation of 
 Labor, are also leading conservative unionists 
 to question the efficiency of the time-honored 
 methods of bargaining, striking, and boycotting. 
 Six years ago Professor Commons reached the 
 conclusion that "it does not seem likely, when a 
 corporation has reached the position of a trust, 
 that unionism will get a footing, no matter how 
 class-conscious the workmen have become." In 
 spite of repeated efforts labor organizations have 
 been unable to gain a foothold in the mills of the 
 United States Steel Corporation. 
 
 When confronted by great obstacles in the 
 form of hostile corporations whose policy is to 
 
Associations and Organizations 135 
 
 destroy Qniooism not to treat with nnion rep- 
 resentatives, certain labor organizations have 
 deliberately turned to violence and dynamiting. 
 Their leaders knowing of no legitimate methods 
 other than those used by the old-line trade 
 unions, and seeing only destruction ahead, 
 adopted the cruel and primitive method of 
 terrorism. And, it must also be said, employ- 
 ers have also, on occasion, grasped the same 
 weapon, ^f which the recent labor difficulties 
 in the coal-mining industry of West Virginia 
 bear eloquent testimony. Another type of work- 
 ers have turned to the idea of a mass union 
 or syndicalism emphasizing the general strike, 
 sabotage, and the overthrow of the capitalist 
 and the wage system. The syndicalist does 
 not believe in arbitration or trade agreements. 
 "There is nothing nice or polite" about the 
 program of the syndicalist. Syndicalism, repre- 
 sented in this country by the radicals of the 
 Industrial Workers of the World, spells anarchy 
 rather than democracy. 
 
 A third, and a very important and increasing, 
 group when confronted by bitter opposition, and 
 after learning that victories on the economic field 
 are to be few and far between, is turning to the 
 political field. A portion of this class is trying 
 to elect labor representatives through the old 
 parties. The more radical and class-conscious 
 portion is turning to the Socialist Party. The 
 returns from political action are less immediate, 
 personal, and tangible than those derived as the 
 
136 Organized Labor in the United States 
 
 result of action in the economic field. And for 
 a labor organization to turn from the economic 
 field in which its successes have been gained to 
 the untried political field, indicates that the 
 opposition is formidable, and that class con- 
 sciousness among the workers is developing. 
 
 10. The Advance Agent of Radical Union- 
 ism. — It is foUy for employers' associations to 
 expect permanently to eliminate labor organiza- 
 tions. The conservation of labor organizations, 
 not their destruction, is desirable. To destroy the 
 organizations of the better class now affiliated with 
 the American Federation of Labor would be a 
 great national calamity because organizations of 
 the revolutionary type would inevitably replace 
 those destroyed. Sabotage, violence, and indus- 
 trial warfare would replace collective bargaining 
 and strikes which are conducted in a relatively 
 peaceful manner. The revolutionary mass union 
 would become the dominant type of unionism. 
 
 The employer who arbitrarily and scornfully 
 refuses to recognize the union or to treat collect- 
 ively with his employees, is an excellent pro- 
 moter of radical, uncompromising unionism 
 which rejects trade agreements and stands for 
 sabotage and the social revolution. President 
 Gompers of the American Federation of Labor 
 has described the option open to employers. 
 *' The problem now resolves itself into a question 
 of what kind of organization they wish to deal 
 with, — a responsible union employing business 
 methods, or organizations unwilling to make and 
 
Summary 137 
 
 keep contracts, unwilling to promote individual 
 restraint and collective discipline, fearing to give 
 the workers any present relief lest their despair 
 and misery be lessened and Utopian possibilities 
 lose their charm." The proud, imperious em- 
 ployers, ignorant of industrial history, are often 
 the best advance agents of radical unionism and 
 of syndicalism. 
 
 Summary 
 
 The labor organization is a product of modern 
 industrial development. 
 
 Labor organizations differ greatly in struc- 
 ture, methods and ideals. The peculiarities of 
 union structure have evolved under the pressure 
 of an opportunist policy. 
 
 The trade union is older and more conserva- 
 tive than the industrial union. The latter is 
 patterned after the organization of industrial 
 plants. 
 
 The American Federation of Labor is a feder- 
 ation composed chiefly of national unions. 
 
 The Industrial Workers of the World is a social- 
 istic organization of wage workers. 
 
 Industrial unionism is likely to gain upon trade 
 unionism. 
 
 Employers' associations use policies quite sim- 
 ilar to those of labor organizations. 
 
 The bitter antagonism of certain employers' 
 associations is forcing labor organizations to adopt 
 direct-action methods. 
 
 SiraGESTivE Questions 
 
 Has any group or organization connected with 
 your chiu-ch studied the problems of organized 
 labor! 
 
138 Organized Labor in the United States 
 
 How extensively is labor organized in your 
 community ? Employers f 
 
 What is the attitude of employers in your com- 
 munity towards labor organizations f 
 
 What is being done to bring about a better 
 understanding between employers and em- 
 ployees! 
 
IX 
 INDUSTRIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 VOLUNTARY Action on the Part of 
 Employers. — The bulk of the proposals 
 for industrial betterment may be classi- 
 fied into four groups : — voluntary action on the 
 part of employers, the pressure of organized 
 labor, legislative activity, and the organization 
 of consumers. In order to achieve the best re- 
 sults social action should proceed simultaneously 
 along each of the four lines. The general public 
 can take an active part in promoting proposals 
 classified under the third and fourth groups. 
 Employers may improve industrial conditions 
 for one or both of two reasons, — because of hu- 
 manitarian sentiments entertained by them, and 
 because of a desire to obtain a higher degree of 
 efficiency in their business. The first has not as 
 yet proven strong enough, except in a compara- 
 tively small number of cases, to be effective. 
 The pressxu-e of competition often forces em- 
 ployers to adopt methods which they abhor. 
 The problem is that of the "twentieth man." 
 If nineteen retail merchants out of twenty in a 
 small city are willing to close their stores in the 
 evening, the twentieth man may prevent such 
 action by refusing to act in unison with the 
 139 
 
140 Industrial Betterment 
 
 others. Many employers subjected to the stress 
 of competition feel that they are unable to im- 
 prove conditions in their stores or factories be- 
 cause of anticipated increased costs. If their 
 competitors do not adopt the same methods, 
 voluntarily or otherwise, they fear, and often 
 with reason, the disastrous effects of competition. 
 
 In the case of corporations having more or less 
 monopoly power and a considerable amount of 
 watered stock, the insistent demand of absentee 
 stockholders for dividends often produces practi- 
 cally the same effect as the pressure of competi- 
 tion. The improvement of working conditions 
 because of the humanitarian sentiments of the 
 employer is, therefore, seriously interfered with 
 by the demand for dividends and profits, and by 
 the stern pressure of competition. Philanthropy 
 likewise offers no important program for in- 
 dustrial betterment. 
 
 In recent years, many corporations are coming 
 to believe that the efBciency of their plant de- 
 pends in a large measure upon the working and 
 living conditions surrounding their employees. 
 As a consequence, many corporations are im- 
 proving the sanitary conditions in stores and 
 factories and introducing what is commonly 
 called welfare work. Some employers frankly 
 admit that they have taken these steps as a busi- 
 ness proposition, to increase the efficiency of 
 their workers, to make the latter more con- 
 tented, and, consequently, to increase thp profits 
 of the company. It may be noted that a corpora- 
 
The Pressure of Organized Labor 141 
 
 tion which is well established, which looks for- 
 ward to continued corporate existence for a long 
 period of years, and which considers its business 
 to be on a permanent footing, has greater in- 
 centives to liberal and kindly treatment of em- 
 ployees than has an ephemeral business. The 
 well-established business must look far into the 
 future. It is interested in the probable character 
 of the labor force a generation hence. Imme- 
 diate profits are in a measure subordinated to 
 the prospect of continued and future profits. 
 Nevertheless, the employee is still considered to 
 be a producing machine. Leisure, recreation, 
 and a safe and sanitary working environment 
 are desirable from the employer's view-point be- 
 cause they tend to increase the efficiency of the 
 working force of the business, and to increase 
 the profits derived therefi-om. This point of 
 view is quite different from that of the employee 
 who considers his work as a means to a very 
 different end. There are quite obvious limita- 
 tions to industrial betterment through voluntary 
 action on the part of employers. Competition 
 and the demand for immediate profits often 
 operate adversely. And under the most favor- 
 able circumstances, voluntary action on the part 
 of employers is paternalistic, and therefore more 
 or less distasteful to many classes of employees. 
 
 2. The Pressure of Organized Labor. — 
 Employees banded together in a labor organiza- 
 tion are able to bargain with their employer more 
 nearly on a plane of equality than can the indi- 
 
142 Industrial Betterment 
 
 vidaal, nnorgaoized worker. As was indicated 
 in a preceding chapter, organized labor may 
 raise wages within certain somewhat indefinite 
 limits, but trade union action cannot directly and 
 effectively attack monopoly profits or land rents. 
 Most students of labor problems agree, however, 
 that organized labor has been a direct and po- 
 tent factor in raising the rate of wages, in reducing 
 the length of the working day, and in improving 
 working conditions. In the present industrial 
 situation, labor organized is labor in its normal 
 form. Organized labor is essential to a fair and 
 equitable wage bargain. But the part played by 
 organized labor in industrial betterment has 
 certain very definite limitations. 
 
 3. Legislative Action. — The great third 
 party, the general public, takes a hand in indus- 
 trial betterment through legislative action. Both 
 employers and employees also use their influence 
 as individuals or as organizations to obtain legis- 
 lation. Legislative acts in connection with in- 
 dustry are passed under the pressure of at least 
 three interests, — labor, capital, and the general 
 pnbUc. Through legislative action uniform reg- 
 ulations may be established affecting alike all 
 employers and employees within a given class or 
 group. By means of legislative action, a new 
 limit may be fixed beyond which competition is 
 no longer allo^^^ed to force an employer or an 
 employee. A child labor law, for example, pro- 
 hibits all employers in certain lines of industry 
 from employing cbUdreu below a certain ag& 
 
Organization of Consumers 1 43 
 
 All employers, humane and otherwise, are thus 
 placed on the same footing in this one phase of 
 competition. A minimum wage law narrows the 
 competitive sphere. The humane employer can 
 no longer be forced by the pressure of an un- 
 scrupulous competitor to pay starvation wages or 
 go out of business. The latter is precluded by 
 law from paying starvation wages. The pur- 
 pose of industrial legislation is to place limita- 
 tions upon private property rights, to establish 
 limits to the competitive field, and to regulate 
 monopolistic businesses. Legislative action may 
 end "jungle" or " tooth-and-claw " competition, 
 and establish the limits beyond which monopo- 
 lists are not allowed to go. Some of the chief 
 forms of labor legislaition are : — in regard to the 
 hours of labor, sanitary conditions and safety 
 appliances, workingmen's compensation in case 
 of accident, sickness insurance, old age pensions, 
 the minimum wage, and industrial training. 
 
 4. Organization of Consumers. — Practically 
 all individuals are consumers of products pro- 
 duced by wage earners. Therefore, practically 
 everybody is directly interested in the character 
 of the articles produced in our industrial estab- 
 lishments, and also in the conditions under which 
 these articles are produced, transported, and sold. 
 The consumers are everywhere, but organizations 
 of consumers are difficult to form and to make 
 effective agents. It is so difficult for the average 
 individual to picture the evils of the sweat-shop, 
 the unclean bakery, or the foul cannery ; and the 
 
144 Industrial Betterment 
 
 cheap prodnct attracts the bargain hunter. The 
 National Gonsniuers' League has been organized 
 to fight sweat-shops and stores conducted under 
 "unfair" conditions. Stores and manufactories 
 in which the labor laws are obeyed, and operat- 
 ing with proper care as to purity of product, 
 cleanliness, and sanitary conditions, are placed 
 upon the *' white list " of the League and are al- 
 lowed to use the label of the League. The trade 
 union label is placed on many articles made by 
 trade unionists. 
 
 Small local groups of consumers could accom- 
 plish much in the way of improving the quality 
 of goods by refusing to purchase of storekeepers 
 who violate labor laws or the regulations in re- 
 gard to health and cleanliness, and by refusing to 
 purchase goods which are not produced under 
 proper conditions. Litelligent, aggressive, and 
 united action on the part of even small groups 
 can accomplish much. The sweater, the adul- 
 terator, and the maker of shoddy goods are eager 
 to make profits ; it is to make profits that they 
 enter upon such nefarious businesses. If only a 
 small number of consumers would steadfastly re- 
 fuse to purchase their output, they would mend 
 their ways. Inspection, publicity, united action, 
 and a reasonably stiff back-bone, are powerful 
 forces making for betterment. The organization 
 of the earnest, humanity -loving men and women 
 of each community into local pure food commit- 
 tees and civic leagues is very desirable. Definite, 
 cooperative action may in this manner be ob- 
 
Public Opinion 145 
 
 taiued. Such organizations should be potent 
 factors in publicity work, and in the enactment 
 and enforcement of laws relating to the health 
 and morals of the community. 
 
 5. Public Opinion. — Industrial betterment in 
 the last analysis depends in no small measure 
 upon the force of public opinion. If public 
 opinion can be crystallized against night work 
 for women and children, the seven-day week, the 
 sweat-shop, the starvation wage, and the fire-trap 
 tenement, these evils wUl soon disappear. Pub- 
 lic opinion has ostracized the thug, the poisoner, 
 and the red-handed murderer ; but we only 
 mildly disapprove of the adulterator, the em- 
 ployer of child labor, the man who pays starva- 
 tion wages, and the man who refuses to install 
 safety devices and fire-escapes in his shop, factory 
 or store. Such as these are, however, the most 
 dangerous men of to-day. "Your up-to-date 
 criminal," writes Professor Boss, "presses the 
 button of a social mechanism, and at the other 
 end of the land or the year innocent lives are 
 snuffed out." It takes imagination and knowl- 
 edge vividly to visualize the new kinds of crime. 
 Public opinion has not as yet focussed its disap- 
 proval upon the men who commit dispassionate 
 and long-distance crimes for profits. We need a 
 new test of citizenship, — a test which is a social 
 rather than a purely individual test. We need a 
 kind of imagination which will vivify distant 
 deeds, and dastardly deeds which are not spec- 
 tacuW or blood-curdling. 
 
146 Industrial Betterment 
 
 6. Industrial Control. — Indnstrial betterment 
 is also dependent upon industrial control. A 
 few centuries ago the dominant form of govern- 
 ment was autocratic. Political power was con- 
 ceived to be the birthright of the few. The great 
 mass of people were not considered to be capable 
 of participating in government. To-day in theory 
 at least in the United States, autocracy has been 
 replaced by democracy, — a government of, by, 
 and for the people. In the industrial world, the 
 owner of the capital invested in the business has 
 been the autocrat. It was the theory, barring 
 stealing and contract breaking, that a man should 
 be allowed to operate his business, buy or sell, 
 hire and discharge, in the manner which, in his 
 judgment, seemed best. The government ought 
 to keep hands off; and no employee should be 
 allowed in any way to dictate or even to suggest 
 how the business in which he was expending his 
 labor power should be operated. These were 
 fundamentals in the creed of business absolutism 
 which now is being discredited. 
 
 Nearly all Americans to-day are willing to 
 concede that business absolutism has its dangers. 
 But, if the business autocrat be benevolent, may 
 not the resultant form be highly successful and 
 desirable? The benevolent business man may 
 introduce welfare work, profit sharing, and old 
 age pensions ; he may give liberally to libraries, 
 hospitals and Christmas entertainments. Withal 
 the benevolent employer may be a capable and 
 kindly industrial despot. The crucial indict- 
 
Industrial Control 147 
 
 meut which may be brought against him is that 
 he is not responsible to the mass of the people or 
 to his own employees. To-day, great financial 
 and industrial power is concentrated in the hands 
 of men nearly as independent of the public will 
 as was Louis XIV of France or Catharine of 
 Bussia. 
 
 The industrial world is emerging &om the era 
 of industrial autocracy. The regulation of big 
 industries is one of the methods of reducing 
 autocratic power in the industrial field. Begula- 
 tion of industry is in reality the first step towards 
 state socialism. Private property rights are 
 diluted by the regulation imposed from without. 
 Begulation of industry in the United States is 
 still on trial ; but it seems probable that more 
 industries will be obliged to submit to govern- 
 mental regulations, and that more and more 
 stringent regulations may be applied. Govern- 
 mental fixation of prices is likely to come first in 
 regard to some article supplied by a local mon- 
 opoly such as milk or ice. If regulation does 
 not measure up to the expectations of the Ameri- 
 can people, a movement towards government 
 ownership or state socialism, or towards some 
 form of industrial democracy may be expected. 
 Of course, government ownership and operation 
 do not diflfer greatly from extremely rigid regula- 
 tion. 
 
 State socialism is in reality a form of autocratic 
 control of industry. A majority of the citizens 
 of the community or nation are substituted for 
 
148 Industrial Betterment 
 
 the private corporation or individual owner. 
 The workers have no voice in the management of 
 the business except as voters. Our post-office 
 system is an example of state socialism. In- 
 dustrial democracy grants to the workers in the 
 business a large measuie of control in regard to 
 the management of the business. A cooperative 
 factory is an example of industrial democracy. 
 The socialists look forward to a form of industrial 
 democracy. The trade agreement system in 
 which employers treat with their organized em- 
 ployees, and thus determine many of the con- 
 ditions under which the business is to be oper- 
 ated, is a compromise between industrial democ- 
 racy and autocracy. The best illustration of this 
 system is found in the soft coal mining industry. 
 Industrial autocracy is doomed. To ignore both 
 the general public and the employees will no 
 longer be possible. Pour alternative methods of 
 controlling industry are possible and practicable : 
 — regulation, government ownership or state 
 socialism, trade agreements, and cooperation or 
 some other form of industrial democracy. 
 
 7. The Proposals of the Single Taxers. — 
 The many-headed program of social workers for 
 industrial betterment is not acceptable to certain 
 more radical groups of men. The single tax 
 program has a double significance. It proposes 
 a method of getting revenue for the government, 
 and also a scheme for the elimination of poverty. 
 The thoroughgoing advocates of the single tax 
 propose that all of the economic rent of land be 
 
The Proposals of the Single Taxers 149 
 
 taken by the government in the form of a land 
 tax, and that no other tax of any kind be levied. 
 The selling value of the land, not including im- 
 provements, would be reduced to zero, and men 
 could no longer afford to hold land which they 
 did not use. According to the theory of the 
 single tax, monopoly and great economic in- 
 equalities arise out of the private receipt of land 
 rents. Place all men on an equality in regard to 
 access to land and competition wiU then have 
 fair play, argue the single taxers. They desire to 
 continue, not to destroy competition. Henry 
 George, the great American advocate of the 
 single tax, set for himself the task of discovering 
 why with progress continues poverty. His con- 
 clusion was that the fundamental cause of poverty 
 and economic injustice was bound up in the 
 receipt of land rent by private individuals. 
 Divert land rent to public coffers and remove all 
 other forms of taxes, and, according to Henry 
 George and his followers, poverty will vanish. 
 Land now held out of use for speculative purposes 
 would, after the introduction of the single tax, 
 immediately be utilized, or at least released from 
 the grip of the speculator. 
 
 Without going to the extreme advocated by 
 Henry George, it seems reasonable to argue that 
 taking the tax off from buildings, machinery, 
 and personal property, and correspondingly in- 
 creasing the tax on land, will tend to increase 
 the number of buildings erected and the amount 
 of machinery utilized. Bad housing is now 
 
150 Industrial Betterment 
 
 recognized as a serious social evil. The demand 
 for houses outruns the supply of good and 
 sanitary houses. We now penalize the man who 
 builds a residence or an apartment house by tax- 
 ing his building. If the tax on buUdings were 
 removed and the builder no longer penalized for 
 improving his property and benefiting the city, 
 more bmldings would be built. By placing an 
 added tax on land we would also stimulate the 
 land owner to erect more buildings. And when 
 landlords compete fiercely for tenants the man 
 with poor insanitary buildings goes without 
 tenants. A potent incentive is given the former 
 to improve their property, — more potent and 
 searching than housing regulations. The ex- 
 perience of certain cities in Southwestern Canada 
 tends to prove the validity of this thesis. No 
 student of social reform should neglect to study 
 the theory and art of taxation. 
 
 8. The Proposals of the Socialists. — So^ 
 cialists propose to improve conditions by elimi- 
 natiDg the private receipt of rent, interest, and 
 profits. All large-scale industries are to be owned 
 and operated by the community collectively. 
 Socialists stand for political and industrial de- 
 mocracy. They do not, as do the single taxers, 
 emphasize the importance of competition ; they 
 point out that competition is wasteful. These 
 enthusiasts for radical social reform declare that 
 competition leads to combination and large-scale 
 industry ; and when an industry becomes large- 
 scale it is held to be ripe for social control. Ac- 
 
The City vs. the Rural Districts 151 
 
 cording to the socialists, society is outgrowing 
 private capitalism as it has outgrown slavery or 
 feudalism. Nevertheless, under socialism it is 
 assumed that the private ownership of many 
 forms of wealth would be continued. Under 
 capitalism, the socialists insist, the wage earners 
 are exploited. Prom their point of view, the 
 private capitalist is an unnecessary evil. The 
 socialists hold high a fine ideal of economic jus- 
 tice and of equality of opportunity. In 1912, 
 the Socialist Party poUed about 900,000 votes. 
 In the immediate future, socialism is a force to 
 be reckoned with ; and all students of human 
 society should carefully and calmly study the 
 literature of scientific socialism. The denuncia- 
 tions of many ignorant opponents of socialism 
 are worse than futile. 
 
 9. The City vs. the Rural Districts. — Some 
 Americans insist that industrial betterment can 
 come only after the rush of men and women 
 towards the cities is stopped. Prom time to 
 time back-to-the-land movements are started, 
 and plans are formulated for the distribution of 
 immigrants in the farming districts. "Three 
 acres and liberty " is typical of some of the theo- 
 rizing upon the subject of rural independence 
 and simplicity. But the trend towards the cities 
 cannot be stopped by Utopian theorizing, it con- 
 tinues. And the same motives which lead native 
 Americans to go to the cities tend to keep the 
 immigrant there. Can we expect the immigrant 
 to go to the rural districts at a time when the 
 
152 Industrial Betterment 
 
 natives axe deserting the farm for the city f The 
 city is a "high speed social-transformer." It is 
 a "learn-while-you- wait-school " in which immi- 
 grants learn American ways and language. 
 
 Unfortunately we have our eyes turned in the 
 wrong direction. "We laud country life when we 
 should strive for the improvement of the cities." 
 Americans should cease bewailing the rise of 
 cities and the depopulation of the rural districts. 
 Our attention should be turned towards maMng 
 our cities beautiful and healthful, and towards 
 reducing the isolation and monotony of life in 
 the rural districts. Positive social action is 
 needed. The indications are that in the future 
 the demarkations between rural and urban will 
 grow less and less pronounced. The predominant 
 type of the future wiU not be urban or rural ; it 
 will be suburban. 
 
 Industrial betterment and improved conditions 
 in our cities must include better and more whole- 
 some facilities for recreation. The routine, regu- 
 larity, and monotony of work ought to be balanced 
 byjoyons and uplifting amusements. "The spirit 
 of play which keeps human beings young is very 
 early atrophied in the specialized labor of this 
 day. " Too many workers of to-day do not know 
 how to play ; debauchery and hoodlumism typify 
 their concept of a good time. The American 
 people are just awakening to the value of directed 
 amusements. The time is not far distant when 
 municipalities wiU provide recreation facilities 
 for old and young as they now provide facilities 
 
The Church and Industrial Betterment 153 
 
 for education of the ordinary type. The tradi- 
 tional attitude of the Christian churches has been 
 to repress or to ignore the desire for recreation. 
 It is high time a new policy was adopted ; and 
 the Y. M, O. A. and a few churches are doing 
 creditable pioneer work. But the reactionary 
 who favors nothing that is new is still to be 
 reckoned with. Let us keep before our eyes 
 those splendid words of Professor Patten : " Vice 
 must first be fought by welfare, not by restraint ; 
 and society is not safe until to-day's pleasures are 
 stronger than its temptations. . . . Amuse- 
 ment is stronger than vice and can stifle the lust 
 of it." 
 
 10. The Church and Industrial Better- 
 ment What light does a brief study of the 
 
 Industrial Situation throw upon the work of the 
 Christian churches ? It has been noted that, as a 
 consequence of industrial changes, the functions 
 of the home, the school, and the government 
 have undergone considerable modifications. Is 
 it reasonable to expect the Church to remain un- 
 affected ? The Church is an institution and, as 
 such, is affected by institutional inertia. The 
 Church as a great and powerful institution was 
 evolved, made strong, and crystallized in an era 
 preceding the recent revolutionary changes in 
 industrial activities. Consequently, it is logical 
 to infer that many methods which were excellent 
 a generation or two ago may be ineffective or in- 
 efScient at the present time. For example, in the 
 days when families lived in comparative isolatloD 
 
154 Industrial Betterment 
 
 and when reading material was not abundant^ the 
 Ghnrch, the minister, and the sermon served a 
 purpose which is to-day performed in part by 
 other agencies. All thinking men and women 
 recognize that the Church is a powerful social 
 institution. But are its leaders tackling these 
 problems of adjustment as seriously as is desir- 
 able? Can the potent influence of this great in- 
 stitution be efficiently, and without considerable 
 friction and lost motion, directed towards indus- 
 trial betterment, towards improving the lot of the 
 working classes ? Can the influence of the Church 
 be so directed as to bring the heavy weight of its 
 disapproval upon those who break labor laws, 
 adulterate food products, and pay starvation 
 wages ? Can we place regard for social welfare 
 alongside of "personal correctness " as a requisite 
 of Christian character? These are some of the 
 vital questions which the followers of the Car- 
 penter must answer and answer correctly. The 
 young men and young women of the Churckcan 
 do much for its future by studying in this era of 
 trausformation the industrial situation, — its effect 
 upon men and women, and upon the functions of 
 social institutions. And this study should be 
 undertaken in the scientific spirit, — it should be 
 a searching after truth. 
 
 As a matter of fact, our churches are finding it 
 difficult to reach and to help the wage earners of 
 to-day. Yet all Christians are followers of a 
 working man. Correctly or incorrectly, no in- 
 considerable percentage of American wage earners 
 
Summary 155 
 
 think that the Church is not in sympathy with 
 them. They note that it is supported in a large 
 measure by contributions made by the wealthy 
 and the employing class. The working men feel, 
 and often for good and suf&cient reasons, that the 
 Church as an institution does not look with favor 
 upon the activities of labor organizations. Only 
 a short time ago the writer listened to an attack, 
 made by one of the most prominent clergymen of 
 the Middle West, upon certain wage earners' move- 
 ments. The nature of the address proved conclu- 
 sively either that the speaker was ignorant of the 
 aspirations and ideals back of the labor move- 
 ment, or that he was hopelessly biased and preju- 
 diced. Men of this type are destroying the pres- 
 tige and influence of the Church among the wage 
 workers of the nation. They are leading the 
 working man to feel that the Church represents 
 what has been called "Churchianity," not Chris- 
 tianity. 
 
 Summary 
 
 Many well-established businesses are introduc- 
 ing welfare work in their plants; but welfare 
 work has obvious limitations. 
 
 Organized labor through collective bargaining 
 may raise wages and improve working conditions ; 
 but trade-union action cannot directly and effect- 
 ively attack monopoly profits or land rents. 
 
 Through legislative action the competitive field 
 may be narrowed. 
 
 Organizations of consumers may accomplish 
 much in improving the quality of products and 
 the working conditions ; but again there are very 
 
1^6 Industrial Betterment 
 
 obTions limitations to this plan of indnstrial bet- 
 terment. 
 
 A new test of citizenship is needed in the 
 twentieth century. v 
 
 The industrial world is emerging &om the era 
 of industrial autocracy. 
 
 Both single taxers and socialists aim to elimi- 
 nate special privileges and economic injustice. 
 
 The future American type of civilization is to be 
 suburban. The problems centering around proper 
 recreational facilities are vital to social better- 
 ment. 
 
 The Church is not efficiently directing its pow- 
 erful influence towards industrial betterment. 
 
 Suggestive Questions 
 
 What percentage of the membership of your 
 church are wage earners ? 
 
 What percentage of the employees of the shops, 
 factories and stores of your community are in 
 sympathy with the churches of the community t 
 
 Is your pastor a student of modern sociological 
 problems f 
 
 Has a social survey been made of your com- 
 munity* 
 
 Is your church coSperating with the board of 
 health, the anti-tuberculosis society, or other 
 agencies interested in the health of men, women 
 and children living in your community and state 1 
 
References for Further Reading 
 
 Chapter I 
 Ely, "Evolution of Industrial Society." 
 Hobson, "Evolution of Modern Capitalism." 
 Carlton, "Economic Influences upon Educational 
 
 Progress in the U. S., 1820-1850," Bulletin of the 
 
 University of Wisconsin. 
 Carlton, " History and Problems of Organized 
 
 Labor," chapters 2, 3, 4, 5, 11. 
 
 Hourwich, " Immigration and Labor." 
 Commons, " Races and Immigrants in America." 
 
 Chapter II 
 Howe, " The City, the Hope of Democracy," 
 Taylor, " Satellite Cities," a series of articles in 
 
 The Survey, 1912-1913. 
 Carver, " Principles of Rural Economics." 
 Carlton, " Scientific Management and the Wage 
 
 Earner, " Journal of Political Economy, October, 1912. 
 Veblen, " The Theory of business Enterprise." 
 Carlton, " History and Problems of Organized 
 
 Labor," chapter i. 
 
 Chapter III 
 
 EUwood, " Sociology and Modem Social Problems." 
 
 Addams, " Democracy and Social Ethics," chapters 
 3 and 4. 
 
 Patten, " New Basis of CiviUzation," chapters 2 
 and 3. 
 
 Parsons, "The Old-Fashioned Woman." 
 
 Oilman, " The Home." 
 
 ^57 
 
158 References for Further Reading 
 
 Chapter IV 
 CarltX)n, " Education and Industrial Evolution." 
 Dewey, " The School and Society." 
 Ward, " Dynamic Sociology," volume I, chapter 14. 
 Carlton, " History and Problems of Organized 
 Labor," chapter 17. 
 
 Dean, "The Worker and the State." 
 Kerschensteiner, " Education for Citizenship." 
 
 Chapter V 
 Goldmark, "Fatigue and Efficiency." 
 Carlton, "Education and Industrial Evolution," 
 chapters 5 and 6. 
 
 Carlton, " History and Problems of Organized La- 
 bor," chapters 13 and 14. 
 
 Publications of The National Child Labor Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Spargo, " The Bitter Cry of the Children." 
 Schreiner, " Woman and Labor." 
 
 Chapter VI 
 Goldmark, "Fatigue and Efficiency." 
 Nearing, " Wages in the United States." 
 Chapin, "Standard of Living among Workingmen's 
 Families in New York City." 
 
 StreightoiF, " The Standard of Living among the 
 Industrial People of America." 
 
 Carlton, " History and Problems of Organized La- 
 bor," pp. 4-6, 62-63, 137-143- 
 Adams and Sumner, "Labor Problems." 
 
 Chapter VII 
 Kellor, "Out of Work." 
 Hunter, "Poverty." 
 Devine, "Misery and its Causes." 
 Hobson, "The Problem of the Unemployed." 
 Hadley, "Economics," chapter 11. 
 
References for Further Reading 1 59 
 
 Carlton, " History and Problems of Organized La- 
 bor," chapter 16. 
 
 Sargent, "Statistics of Unemployment and the 
 Work of Employment Offices," Bulletin of U. S. 
 Bureau of Labor Statistics, Number 109. 
 
 Chapter VIII 
 
 Carlton, " History and Problems of Organized La- 
 bor." 
 
 Commons, "Trade Unionism and Labor Prob- 
 lems." 
 
 Adams and Sumner, "Labor Problems." 
 
 Mitchell, "Organized Labor." 
 
 Brooks, " American Syndicalism : The I. W. W." 
 
 Ely, " The Labor Movement in America." 
 
 Chapter IX 
 
 Patten, "New Basis of Civilization." 
 
 Rauschenbusch, " Christianity and the Social 
 Crisis." 
 
 Earp, " The Social Engineer." 
 
 Brooks, "The Social Unrest." 
 
 Carlton, " History and Problems of Organized La- 
 bor," chapter 18. 
 
 Fillebrown, " The A. B. C. of Taxation." 
 
 Cross, " Essentials of Socialism." 
 
 Prtnttd in the United States ofAtiuriai 
 
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