m <-mi .m!> ^k-^. im V L^/ls-/ Ktljaca. SJeta lork .Eu-Jol-i-slae-rs. The date shows when this volume wae-teken. To nnew this book copy the call No. and give to thehbrai^an. HOME USE RULES III jm^ fii^ ..DEr23«*f^r All Books subject to Recall All borrowers must regis- ^ ter in the library to borrow books for home use. All books must be re- turned at end of college year For inspection and • repairs. Limited books must be re- turned within the four week limit and not renewed. Students must return all boc^s before leaving town. Officers should arrange for the return of books wanted during their absence from town. Volumes of periodicals and of pamphlets are held in the library as much as possible. For special pur- poses they are given out for a liinited time. Borrowers should not use their library privileges for the benefit of other persons. Books of special value and gift books, when the giver wishes it, are not allowed to circulate. Reados are asked to re- port sUl cases of booki marked or mutilated. ' Bo not driace books by maiks and writing. Cornell University Library D639.L2 A51 Labor and the war: olin 3 1924 032 724 688 The original of tiiis book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924032724688 LABOR AND THE WAR y< ^^ ..Xrf. American Federation of Labor and the Labor Movements of Europe and Latin America PRICE, 50 CENTS PUBUSHED BY THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR ^ AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D. C. DECEMBER. 1918 m k □ c 3]\C ^m LABOR AND THE WAR AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND THE LABOR MOVEMENTS OF EUROPE AND LATIN AMERICA From the Proceedings of the Conventions of 1914-15-16-17-18 American Federation of Labor and from The American Federationist and Labor's Book of All Colors as Published in the American Federationist November and December, 1916, January, May, and November, 1917, and April, 1918 Published by the AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR DECEMBER, 1918 A. F. OF L. BUILDING, WASHINGTON, D. C. PRICE, 50 CENTS FOREWORD For the purpose of placing before all who may be interested the fullest possible information upon the subjects indicated in the title, this pamphlet is published. In addition it should be stated that in August, 1918, two American Labor missions visited Great Britain, France, Belgium and Italy. The first mission consisted of: Samuel Gompers, Presi- dent American Federation of Labor; John P. Frey, Editor Inter- national Molders' Journal; C. L. Baine, Secretary Boot and Shoe Workers' Union; Edgar Wallace, former Editor United Mine Workers' Journal; W. J. Bowen, President Bricklayers and Masons' Inter- national Union. The personnel of the secopd mission: James Wilson, President Pattern Makers' League of North America; F. J. McNulty, President International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers; John Golden, Presi- dent United Textile Workers of America; Michael Green, President United ' Hatters of North America; Peter Josephine, member Granite Cutters' International Association. These two missions returned to the United States the first part of November. At the time this pamphlet is prepared, the opportunity has not been afforded for these two missions to make their formal reports to the A. F. of L-; hence their omission from this pamphlet. These reports when made will be submitted to the 1919 convention of the American Federation of Labor or published in pamphlet form or in the American Federationist. International Relations in 1914 From the report of the Executive Council in. the Philadelphia Convention. November, 1914, which was unanimously adopted: INTERNATIONAL WAR AND PEACE _ A stupendous conflict is shaking to its foundations the structure of world civilization. The normal relations of commerce and interchange have been dis- rupted. In Europe values placed upon the interests and purposes of human activity have been reversed. Before the war, the thought and effort of civilization were centered upon the development and the glorification of human life. One life was counted of in- finite value. The end of progress, development, and work was that each individual might have life more abundantly. Indefatigable minds have forced understanding of the unknown that human life might be protected and con- served, and that all the forces and resources of the universe might be put under the control of the will of man. Hearts that were great with love and understand- ing of the yearnings and aspirations that lie in every life sought to bring beauty and joy into the common life of all. Over all the world was felt the stir of that great ideal — the fellowship of men. But since the cataclysm that brought war between nations, all the skill, the inventions, the knowledge of civilization have been perverted to purposes of destruction of human life and devastation of the products of human labor. Men are treated as only military pawns to obey implicitly the command of the gen- eral. They are targets for the most perfect guns and destructive ammunition human minds have invented. Things are valued for their life-destroying power. Guns are worth more than men. The value of military position is estimated in terms of human lives. The life and property ot the individual are ruthlessly sacrificed to ends of war. , The cruelty and butchery of the war are appalling. The waste and the suffer- ing in its wake are heart-rending. The blackened homes, the ruined lives, the long procession of homeless, seeking food and she'ter from the hands of stran- gers — all these are the products of war. There are nations that are sending the flower of their manhood to meet almost certain death. The strong, the healthy, the fit leave the work of the nation tq the old and the very young, to women and to children. For centuries the nations will suffer from this mad, stupid waste — for the fathers of the next generations will be the unfit physically and mentally, those whose vision or hearing is imperfect, those of undersize and subnormal development. Yet this war, with its terrific toll of human lives, is the product of artificial conditions and policies and is repugnant to the thought and political progress of the age. The big things of life and civilization are international. But so far we have made little effort or progress in providing agencies for organizing interna- tional relations to maintain peace and justice. We realize intellectually that peace and justice should obtain among nations, but we have not yet instituted permanent means adequate to make that conviction a reality. A time when we are confronted by the effects and the appalling realities of a most terrible war is a peculiarly appropriate opportunity for the people to think out methods and agencies for the maintenance of peace. The terrible con";e- quences of war which are forced upon us everywhere envelop peace plans with an unusual atmosphere of practicability and urgency. The appeal for peace is getting very close to the American people, the only great nation not directly involved in the war and consequently the nation that holds in its hands the power of mediation and use of its good offices. This opportunity constitutes a duty if we really believe in the fellowship of men and the sacredness of human life. For years peace societies and organizations have presented arguments for peace, have adopted peace resolutions, and have declared for various international sentiments, but they have made little effort to give these visions reality in the organization of society and the relations among nations. But the war has shov^fn that war can not be stopped by paper resolutions and that war can not put an end to itself. Wars will cease only when society is convinced that human life is really sacred and when society establishes agencies, international as well as national, for protecting lives. We profess to believe that all men have inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, but we do not see to it that these rights are secured to each individual. Industry is conducted upon the supposition that human life is cheap. Profits are held to be the ultimate end of business. Therefore business managers must get profits and in furthering the getting sacrifice the workers in the process. Employers cold-bloodedly calculate in money terms the relative expensiveness of machinery and workers; of the eight-hour day and the twelve- hour day; of child labor and adult labor; of compensation for loss of life and limb and preventive measures. In coal mines, steel works, and in transportation, human life is risked and sacrificed with cynical disregard. We profess to believe in democratic freedom, yet domination of power so ruthlessly prevails in industry. Consider the statistics of industrial accidents, injuries, and deaths. In har- mony with this waste of human life in industry is waste of human life in a crude effort to decide political issues on the battlefield. When we realize the wonderful possibilities in permitting each individual to develop his abilities and do his work with a sound mind and body, then shall we appreciate the sanctity of living and we shall not dare to hamper development in- any way. 'When this ideal becomes a part of our daily thinking and doing and working then fellow-beings will not be robbed of that which no one has the power to restore — life. The establishment of this ideal of the sacredness of life is a problem of education. It mvjst be drilled into people, made a part of their very being, and must saturate every mental fibre. It is not only that we are shocked at the waste of human life, but that we have not yet adjusted ourselves to this particular kind of waste — waste in war. We must realize the awful responsibility for the loss of human life opportunity with clearness and with understanding of the meaning of that waste that nothing will prevent our putting an end to all preventable waste. When conviction is suffi- ciently compelling, practical results will follow. Education and agitation are necessary to create that conviction. Those who wish to abolish war must lose no opportunity to implant the ethics of humanity, to make the sacredness of human life a part of the thought and action of the nations. The power to declare war must be put in the hands of the people or their chosen representatives. In addition to establishing a sentiment and a conviction for peace there must be agencies established for the maintenance of peaceful relations among nations and for dealing with international issues. Militarism and competitive armament must be abolished and tribunals for awarding justice and agencies for enforcing determinations must be instituted. International interests and issues exist. Political institutions should be established, corresponding to political develop- ments. Those most interested should lead in the demands for world federation and the rule of reason between nations. The working people of all lands bear the brunt of war. They do the fighting, pay the war taxes, suffer most from the disorgan- ization of industry and commerce which results from war. In accord with the action of the Seattle Convention upon the resolution en- dorsing the .Naval Holiday plan proposed by the First Lord of the Admiralty of Great Britain, that the nations cease from making additions to their, navies for the period of one year, and that the plan be urged upon all the labor raoyements and governments of the, civilized world, the President of the American Federa- tion of Labor wrote to President Lpgien of the International. Federation of Trade Unions advising him of this action, and requesting that it be conveyed to the various affiliated national centers, for presentation to their respective gov- ernments. President Legien replied that under the laws of Germany as a representative of a trade union he would not be allowed to forward such a document to the officers of the national trade union centers of the different countries. He stated • that in Germany the difference between political and economic organizations was carefully distinguished, and that discussion of the A. F. of L. resolution would entail consequences limiting their activities. President Legien also stated that it would be inexpedient to circulate the manifesto through the medium of the International Federation. However, the international office was helpful in having the manifesto translated into several different languages and forwarded to A. F. of L. headquarters. The translations were sent out from the A. F. of L. headquarters with the exhortation that the National Centers take action similar to the declaration of the Seattle Convention. Replies to the communication were received from France, Denmark, Great Britain, Austria, Sweden, Holland, South Africa, and Switzerland. The Fed- eration of South Africa did not endorse the resolution. The national labor movements can promote the cause of international peace by two complementary lines of action, by creating and stimulating with their own nations a public sentiment that will not tolerate waste of life, and by estab- lishing international relations, understanding, and agencies that will constitute an insuperable barrier to policies of force and destruction. With humanization, education, cultivation, the establishment of the rule of reason, occasions for wars and wars themselves will cease. The working people, the masses of the world's population, can end wars if they but have the independence to think and to give their convictions reality by daring to do. This convention should, aye, must, adopt some constructive suggestion and take some tangible action upon this world problem which so intimately affects the workers of all countries. The committee on International Relations recommended the following declaration, which was unanimously adopted : "Your committee is in full accord with the presentation of fundamental prin- ciples, the sentiment of which appeals to the higher instincts and ennobling human attributes of mankind and' clearly represents labor's declaration that independ- ence, liberty, and justice for all mankind are paramount under all circumstances. Your committee holds and desires to give expression to the following summaries as our interpretation of the statesmanlike expression of labor's attitude upon this important question: Back of all wars of conquest is the spirit of brutality, greed, and commercialism. Back of all revolutionary wars for redress of wrongs is the spirit of independence, liberty, justice, and democracy. We declare against the former under all circumstances. In the second instance we emphasize the vast difference between the two kinds of wars and affirm that in the case of oppression, if the people have constitutional means of redress of wrongs and for obtaining liberty, justice, and a fuller democracy, such means should be exhausted before resort to arms is justifiable. Where there are no constitutional means of ■redress available for the people and their destinies are governed and controlled by despotic or hereditary rulers who subordinate the interest and welfare of the toiling masses to the further enrichment of those in control of agencies of power, if the people resort to arnis as the last means to obtain the inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, justice and freedom, we have no words of condemnation." From Executive Council Report : INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS While we realize that the information which comes to us as to the events transpiring in the war zone is very rigidly censored,; yet it seems to be the consensus of opinion that the conflict will not be of short duration. In view of the complete upheaval of all the activities of ordinary normal life in a social, industrial, and personal way attendant upon war, it is scarcely reasonable to suppose that even should hostilities case, and peace be restored among the warring nations at any time within the next few months, that the activities of the organized labor movement as represented through the national centers of the various countries involved in the war will have been restored to such an extent, even without considering the terrible loss of life, as/ would permit a meeting of the International Federation of Trade Unions in 1915. Later, two letters were received from President Legien. In a letter replying to President Legien's statement that the meeting of the International Federation of Trade Unions would have to be deferred. President Gompers expressed the hope, which we share, that when normal conditions shall have been established the next meeting of the International Federation of Trade Unions whenever held will be held in the United States at some city and upon some date agreeable to the American Federation of Labor. He expressed great doubt as to the possi- bility of a meeting of the International Federation of Trade Unions in San Francisco in 1915. The Seattle Convention gave power and authority to the officers of the A. F. of L. to make arrangements for the 1915 meeting of the International Federation of Trade Unions in San Francisco. In the event that it develops later that the 1915 meeting will be held, unless otherwise directed by this con- vention arrangements will be made in conformity with the authority of the Seattle Convention. This indorsement by the Committee on International Relations was adopted unanimously: Your committee regrets extremely that the normal activities of our fellow trade unionists of war-stricken Europe have been diverted from peaceful, con- structive efforts, education and the progressive development of the economic, social and political well-being of our fellow-workingmen and womeh in par- ticular, and of people in general, to brutal destruction of human life and ruth- less destruction of property. We recommend that the Executive Council hold itself in readiness to carry forward to completion the instructions of the Seattle Convention in reference to the meeting of the International Federation of Trade Unions in 1915, or at any time thereafter that circumstances will permit of such meeting, and that this convention elect two delegates to represent the American Federation of Labor in such convention, when held in the United States. Man's inventive genius has annihilated distance which yesterday seemed insurmountable. Today it is but a matter of less than one week from the shores of the Old World to our own. In so far as industries and the em- ployment of working men and women are concerned, there are no lines of demarkation. For this reason, we suggest for the attention of the national and international unions the advisability of and the necessity for international rela- tions, between national labor movements. In connection with this we remind all unionists what has been accomplished by the International Federation of Trade Unions. This organization is the federation of the national labor move- ments of the following^, twenty-one countries, according to its tenth annual repo^ (1913) : Great Britain, France, Belgium, The Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Nor- way, Finland, Germany, Austria, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia-Slavonia, Hun- gary, Servia, Rumania, Switzerland, Italy, Spain, United States, New Zealand and British South Africa. The headquarters of the International Federation are at Berlin. Biennial conferences are held to which all affiliated national cen- ters send representatives. We *ish to emphasize the significance of this organization and these relations that in international as well as in local matters economic organization and relations precede and prepare the way for political relations and organization. From Executive Council Report: SITUATION IN MEXICO As a matter of historical record, as well as to ask your approval of our course, we submit to you herewith a letter which President Gompers, by the authority of the Executive Council, addressed to the United States representative of the Mexican Constitutionalists : Washington, D. C, July 35, 1914. Mr. R. Zubaran, United Representative Mexican Constitutionalists, Burlington Apartment, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir : From direct communication as well as from statements published in the newspapers within the past few days, the situation now existing in Mexico has been fairly and accurately presented to my associates, the E. C. of the American Federation of Labor, during our last week's session. We are prompted, and I was directed, to communicate to you and respectfully ask that you com- municate in turn to General Carranza, chief of the Constitutionalists of Mexico, the following statement of fact and expression of hope. But, first, let me say that it is with much satisfaction that th» E. C. of the A. F. of L. extends felicitations to the Constitutionalist cause and expresses hopes for its early and successful consummation. At the outset I should say that the working peopl'-. of the United States are intensely interested in the. affairs of the people of Mexico, as they are by their very position and organization vitally concerned in the affairs of th« people the world over, and especially those conditions which affect the working people and their conditions of life and work. Nor is it amiss to say that during the Mexican revolution again,» tte auto- cratic and tyrannical administration of President D/az, the A. F. of L. aided as best it could, and particularly in the field of inff rmation and the r^ration of public opinion in the United States in the movem^'iit to depose Diaz We were greatly gratified when, as a result, the great Mad.fo was installed into office as President of the Republic and in the high purpos> to whjch he was devoting his talents and ideals for the benefit of the Mexican people. When General Huerta and his coterie, by assassination and treachery, over- turned the government of President Madero and General Huerta established himself as Provisional President and then dispersed the Mexican Congress ?nd proclaimed himself dictator, there was no power, outside that of the government of the United States, which exerted so potential and international an influence in the solution of the difficulty which confronted the Mexican people as the A. F. of L. We helped in sustaining the attitude of the Government of the United States in its refusal to recognize Huerta up to the present hour and for the success of the revolutionary movement headed by General Carranza. Now the only difficulty which seems to be in the way of a complete settle- ment of the contest of the last several years is the avowed declaration on the part of those who speak or assume to speak in the name of General Cawanza, that punishment and retribution of the most draconian character will be'Tneted out by him and his government to the Huertists and those responsible for the overturning of the Madero government. What I have in mind is, that since th? A. F. of L., as no other American instrumentality outside the goyernment of the United States, has aided for the success of the prospective government, we have the right to suggest to those who represent General Carranza and the vietorlus revolutionary army that the higher humanitarian consideration be given, aye, even to those who have been guilty. And that in our judgment such a poliqy would have » tranquiljzing effect, promoting the successful inauguration of the new constitutional govern- ment of Mexico and would tend to unite the people of Mexico in support of an orderly government of the country. And it is also earnestly hoped and respectfully suggested that some definite declaration be made, not only upon the lines indicated above but should be coupled with an avowal of purpose that the Constitutionalists will carry into effect a rightful and justifiable division of the lands of Mexico for the working people. We feel confident that such a declaration faithfully carried into effect would institute and maintain a better . economic condition and a more humanitarian policy than have heretofore prevailed in Mexico. In our judgment such a declaration and policy would do more than aught else to bring peace, unity, and progress to the people of Mexico and the stability of their government, all of which is submitted to the respectful consideration of yourself and your chief from the sincere purpose of your well-wishers and your friends. Very truly yours, Executive Councii,, American Federation of Labor, Samuel GomperS, President. The United States representative of the Constitutionalists expressed himself as profoundly grateful for this expression of opinion, suggestion, and judgment of the A. F. of L. as to the course which should b.e pursued by the Mexican Con- stitutionalists. And now that the Constitutionalists have driven the traitor and tyrant Huerta from the office he usurped and have established the constitutional government, and that the true aims in the purposes which prompted the Carranza- Villa constitutional revolution are to be carried out, we can take pride and satis- faction in the course pursued by the A. F. of L. and by the E. C. in giving aid and encouragement to the men of Mexico who are engaged in their avowed pur- pose for the democratization of the institutions of the Republic of Mexico to make for the greater safety and protection of life and liberty to her people, for the abolition of slavery and peonage, and for the better distribution of the fer- tile lands of that country. We extend to the people of Mexico under this new regime our felicitations and our best hopes for their welfare and progress. The convention indorsed this recommendation of the Committee on Reso- lutions: We have read the communication forwarded by the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, signed by Samuel Gompers, President, to R. Zubaran, the United States representative of the Mexican Constitutionalists. We approve the action taken by the Executive Council as indicated by the text of the communication and we recommend that the policy which the communica- tion advocates should remain the policy of the American Federation of Labor relative to the Mexican situation and that this receive the endorsement of this convention. The convention adopted these resolutions: Whereas, The horrors and the burdens of the war which is now raging be- tween the nations of Europe fall most heavily upon the wage workers and their families; therefore, be it Resolved, That the American labor movement through the convention of the American Federation of Labor express its earnest desire for the early and equitable adjustment of the causes of the destructive conflict among the warring nations to the end that the sufferers may be relieved of the burdens placed upon them, and that human labor may be employed in constructive efforts for the advancement of human welfare. Whereas, The world stands appalled by events in Europe which indicate a wanton disregard of advancing civilization and the temporary enthronement of savagery, a condition made possible only by the domination of militarism, accen- tuated by the continual presence of the outward evidences of the military power. with its attendant drain on the wealth of the nations for the purpose of main- taining at a point of mechanical efficiency the tremendous engines of destruction designed for use in war, thereby affording a perpetual temptation to the rulers to put into use these weapons against mankind; and, Whereas, The present exhibition of the potentiality of these modern arma- ments for the purposes of destruction is such as transcends any experience of humanity and outdoes the wildest dream of death deliberately brought about by human agency, with the attendant misery and suffering that have been thrust upon hundreds of thousands of peaceful, industrious and thrifty people who were entirely innocent of any thought of war; and, Whereas, This most impressive example must teach us but one lesson, th<. beauty and desirability of a peace that preserves order with honor, that con- serves life and property and insures the pursuit of happiness, and that is the noblest end of man's endeavors; therefore, be it Resolved, That we pledge our support to any plan which has for its purpose the bringing about of the disarmament of all nations to the furthest extent consistent with the preservation of law and order throughout the world. Whereas, The whole ci'v ilized world is torn by the awful titanic struggle which is now devastating continental Europe, disturbing the commercial and industrial conditions of the whole world, submerging the nations of Europe in the shadows and horrors of war, touching sharply our sympathy and stirring the depths of our emotion; and Whereas, All history has proved that trial by conflict does not result in per- manent peace when it does not establish justice as its foundation of those agencies which seek to regulate the relations between men that jusvi"? may prevail; and Whereas, Political experience shows that the welfare and the interests of all the people are promoted in proportion as they are represented in the govern- ment and the government is responsive and responsible to them, it is necessary that the workers have a will and an effective voice in determining international relations; and Whereas, The workers of every age had special and imperative reasons for advocating and endeavoring to secure provisions insuring the maintenance of peace with justice, since upon them fall the burdens of actual warfare and the real' fighting in the ranks, while the hardships and the suffering accompanying war following it are felt most keenly and most palpably by them and those dependent upon them, and the costs of war ever fall disproportionately upon their already inadequate resources; and Whereas, The workers of all countries have been leaders in protesting against injury and violence to human life in peace as well as. in war, and against the cruelty and the waste of needless war, and they have steadfastly endeavored to rouse the general public to realize the enormity of war, thereby rendering public opinion alert and sensitive to the responsibility of all men for the exist- ence of war, and, moreover, the workers have been inspired to assist in con- structive movement for the prevention of wars, whereby peace may be maintained with justice; and Whereas, The organized wage workers of the civilized nations have estab- lished fraternal relations for the purpose of binding together the trade unions of all countries for the promotion of common interests and ideals, and by fre- quent and regular communication, co-operatioii and exchange of representatives have brought about an understanding and sympathy between the organization and their members in the various countries, relations which are necessary for the inception and the continuance of peace; and Whereas, Out of the experience of these workers, out of their burden bearing and their wrongs, out of their hopes and their victories, have developed princi- ples of justice and the conviction that the establishment of these principles as 10 practical forces in the lives of the workers, is conditioned upon establishing de- pendable representative agencies for the realization of purposes and agree- ments determined upon; therefore, be it Resolved, That we, the delegates of the organized labor movement in America, express and hereby convey to the organized labor movements of Europe fraternal greetings and our sympathy with their great suffering and distress, and that we express our most earnest hope for the early cessation of the terrible warfare now desolating the lands, destroying the families and impoverishing the nations of our fellow- workers ; and be it further Resolved, That we desire tliat fraternal relations between national labor move- ments shall continue with no more interruption than shall be absolutely un- avoidable during the war, to the end that our regular intercourse and co-opera- tion shall be resumed immediately at the close of the war; and be it further Resolved, That the convention of the American Federation of Labor, in view of the general Peace Congress which will no doubt be held at the close of the war, for the purpose of adjusting claims and differences, hold itself in readiness and authorize the Executive Council to call a meeting of representatives of organized labor of the different nations to meet at the same time and place, to the end that suggestions may be made and such action taken as shall be helpful in restoring fraternal relations, protecting the interests of the toilers and thereby assisting in laying foundations for a more lasting peace; and be it further Resolved, That copies of these resolutions be sent to the International Federation of Trade Unions, to all national trade union centers throughout the world and to the President of the United States ; and be it further Resolved, That the official views of the organized labor movements enumer- ated be ascertained and their co-operation invited in order to carry into effect the purposes of the resolution. 11 International Relations in 1915 Prom report of Executive Council, San Francisco Convention, November, I9I5-- INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND WAR When the Executive Council made its report to the Philadelphia Conven- tion, the European war had been in progress for several months. The horrors, the destruction and the waste of war were all so new that they were like a terrible weight on the spirits of all. The waste of human life, the brutality and the butchery, seemed so horrible as to be well-nigh impossible. But the months that have passed have revealed the tenacity of purpose involved in the war, the grim determination to fight the struggle to some definite decision, yet every day and every month of the war have demanded their toll of human blood and human life and the suffering of those left at home. The purpose and the method of war are a direct reversal of the purpose and the ideals of peace. Human beings are merely the agencies for carrying on war — they are the centers about which activities for peace revolve and for whom all of civilization and all of progress exist. With the beginning of hos- tilities, civilized life has been completely revolutionized and the affairs of life have been put upon a war basis. Those things which do not help in the destruc- tion of the enemy or for their own protection and defense are, for the time being, neglected by the warring nations. AH of science, literature, music, and art that do not have some direct bearing upon the war or conduct of war seem to have disappeared completely from the thoughts of those who are intent upon destroying the armies of the enemy. Out of all this grim and deadly hostility there have grown an intensity of feeling, racial preiudice and bitterness that make all efforts at peace impractical and futile for the present. America has maintained a policy of isolation from entangling alliances and has kept free from the diplomatic jugglery that has involved so many European countries in wars. Our situation and physiography have aided this purpose. It has_ been our most earnest desire since the beginning of this European war to maintain our country free from any dispute that would involve us with any of the war- ring nations and so enable us to maintain an impartial attitude that would deserve the respect and the trust of each and every nation. Through such a policy we hope to be in a position to use our national power and influence to take advantage of any opportunity to secure' peace and to establish conditions of equity and justice between nations. However, the economic ties that bind together the nations of modern civilization are so strong, so numerous and so interwoven, that the life and the affairs of any one country necessarily affect all other countries, and it is impossible for any nation to maintain isolation. The countries of the world have intimate international relations. Finances have international centers. There are common storehouses and common factories in all the nations. These ties can not be severed wholly or partially without bringing well-nigh incredible suffering upon the peoples of the countries concerned. The outbreak of the war interfered with many of the industries and occupations of Europe. These peoples became increasingly dependent upon the stores and resources of the United States and other countries. As a result, our foreign commerce was completely changed in character. The products that we sent abroad had to be adjusted to meet new demands and new needs. This necessitated change and readjustment in the industries of the United States. We found that we were unable to obtain many things for which we had depended upon European countries. 12 This period of readjustment in the winter of 1914 meant to the wage- earners of the United States unemployment for many and all o^ the evil conse- quences of unemployment. But with the readjustment there came to many industries great opportunities for the sale of their products abroad, opportunities to produce the things that were necessary to supply the needs of the warring nations. As our country had maintained a policy of political neutrality, it was necessary also to maintain a policy of commercial neutrality and the products of our factories and our fields were open to purchase by the buyers of any nation. The fortunes of war made commercial intercourse with our country easier for some nations than for others. The nature, the extent and the direc- tion of our commerce have almost completely changed during the months that the war has been in progress. It was necessary for the protection of American citizens to continue our foreign commerce. There has developed in this country and in some other countries a conscience that is extremely sensitive to the effects of our foreign commerce. According to this concept, commerce that supplies nations with certain products becomes, in some degree at least, responsible for the war itself and for the loss of life. Those who have this conviction feel that an embargo should be put upon such products, and that all trade should be forbidden in these things which enable Europe to continue the struggle. But these persons do not consider fully the disastrous efffects upon the workers of our country as well as upon all of the citizens that would come from such a restriction and discrimination of trade which would result in closing so many industries and would quickly reduce thousands of men, women and children of our country to starvation. There is no middle ground, for it is impossible to distinguish between munitions of war and the ordinary articles of commerce. Cotton, automobile trucks, horses, mules, are normal and neces- sary agencies for the cultivation of peace — they are also necessary agencies in carrying on war. Should we make any attempt to differentiate we would be involved in an interminable dispute over the possible purpose to which materials can be put. All nations_are now turning to America as the great producer of food, clothing, and the necessities of existence. Although it is recognized that these supplies from America do in a sense enable the foreign countries to carry on the war, yet it is also recognized that we have no right as a nation to interfere with the right of any other nation to determine in what manner it shall uphold its demands for justice. So long as nations are free and independent, so long as they shall maintain tlational self-respect, they must have the right to determine as they seem best the things which affect them directly and intimately. As Americans we believe fully in freedom. If nations are to remain free they can not be forced or coerced by other nations, even in the matter of peace. There are evils and horrors vvhich result from war, but there are also evils and horrors that result from a despotism that denies people and nations free- dom to work out their own best welfare according to their own highest ideals. We respect neither an individual nor a nation who forgets his or its rights merely for the sake of maintaining peace. Individuals or nations who con- sciously permit a right to be denied establish a precedent of injustice that affects all others. We do not condemn individuals or nations that have fought nobly for ideals and for rights. On the contrary, we glory in their courage and in their convictions and in the noble fight they have made. Had our forefathers preferred peace to justice, we would not now have the ideals and the institutions of freedom that exist. So now in our attitude toward European nations and the European war we must have in mind justice for America's citizens as well as our desire to restore peace. Peace can not be restored_ until the European nations are willing. There have been in the last year sentiments and movements for peace that have been 13 powerful to tHe ultimate realization of that purpose! Some of these movements have been genuine, others have been created by individuals aild interests that were really unneutral. These movements have taken various forms; some have tried to influence the policies of the state and governmental authorities of our country ; others have tried to work upon public opinion and still others have sought to use the good name of our labor movement to further the interests of some foreign country. But all of these efforts have thus far been futile. The citizens of our country, including all of the workingmen, are too genuinely patriotic, liberty-loving and humane to permit themselves to be used by any such agency. The efforts to use the workingmen of our country have been of two kinds : one to get through them the endorsement of the foreign policy to place an embargo upon so-called "munitions of war" ; the other has been to stir up industrial contentions and disputes and thus interfere with the actual process of production so that products to be sent abroad may be stopped. For- eign agencies have been trying to reach corruptly some of the organizations of the workers but they have not succeeded. There is nothing touching the indus- trial and commercial life of America that is not of interest to the warring nations. They have sought all angles of control but everywhere they have found a spirit of faithfulness in America, a spirit of unity and solidarity among the workers that impelled them indignantly and decisively to reject such offers after their real nature was made clear. Labor's Proposed Peace Congress The Philadelphia Convention adopted a resolution favoring the holding of a labor conference at the sime time and place that a general congress should be held at the close of the present European war in order to determine conditions and terms of peace. The resolution instructed the E. C. to hold itself in readiness to call to such a meeting renresentatives of the organized labor movements of the various nations. It was thought that such a conference would have great weight in urging and rresi^nting the welfare of humanity and in determining the nature of the de- c's'ons of the world congress. This proposal was submitted to the various organized labor movements of other countries and they were asked to communicate their opinions in regard to the plan. So far we have had replies expressing approval from the French national movement, from the secretary of the Trades Hall Council of Melbourne, and from the South African Industrial Federation; from Germany came an opinion that such a plan was impracticable. Of course, it is impossible to know whether the communication containing the section of the E. C. report upon international war and peace and the resolution adopted by the Philadelphia Convention ever reached many of the labor headquarters. Attention is here called to the correspondence published in the current issue of the American Federationist, and upon which we amplify under the caption, "International Federation of Trade Unions." That correspondence must also be considered in connection with the subject now under consideration. Previous peace congresses of this nature have been more concerned with political scl'emes ?nri the apgrandi/ement of the individual nations, the mainte- nance of spheres of influences, than they have been with human welfare, democ- racy, and the rights of the people. The organized labor movement of the world represents the causef of humanity. There is no agency more capable or more fit to present and urge the claims of the people than the organized labor movements of the various countries. Ordinarily representatives in these great political congresses are not chosen by the people, or as representative of the interest of the people, but they are chosen from among statesmen, politicians, and those who represent great material interests. There is no assurance that the members of this next congress that must be held will be chosen in any different manner. Therefore, the holding of a Labor congress becomes necessary in order to infuse the spirit of humanity and democracy into this political conference. The congress will afford a tremendous opportunity for many nations are in- 14 volved in the war, practically all of the eastern hemisphere. There may be pre- sented an opportunity tending to democratize the countries and the institutions of Europe politically, and to determine the spirit and the kind of relations that are to prevail between the peoples thereof in the future. This is an oppor- tunity for which America is peculiarly fitted. Our country stands as the land of freedom, the land of democracy. Our ideals have been an inspiration to the people of all lands and have induced many to make the struggle for freedom. Freedom is our ideal because we value human life, because we have the concep- ^ tion of the possibilities into which men and women may grow. The people of all countries have turned to our shores for inspiration and for hope. Millions have sought refuge here; others sought opportunity. This congress may enable our country to make our ideals the ideals of the whole world. To be sure, we have not been able to realize our ideals fully, but the great value of America has been that she has given the world a tremendous inspiration. It may be in this congress we can come nearer to making that ideal a reality in the lives of the people of the whole world. It is because of this great opportunity we have been especially desirous that America and her citizens shall avoid any relations that may in the future interfere with our effectiveness in acting as a disinterested mediator and conciliator. The war is so tremendous, the struggle so intense, the chances so uncertain, that it is impossible to tell at what time peace may come and peace proceedings be inaugurated. For that reason it was felt that the E. C. ought to agree upon ■some tentative plan for the rapid assemblage of a labor conference. This is .particularly necessary inasmuch as the organized labor movements of the fight- ing countries are necessarily somewhat demoralized through the war; their finances are depleted, and they have not the means nor the facilities to obtain immediate and authentic information in regard to the political movements of th'i various countries. For these reasons, it is necessary that some general agreed ■'Upon plan shall be made public in these various countries. Of course, there will ■be bitterness engendered from the experiences and the results of the war, but the workers everywhere will have to lay aside their personal prejudices and even emotions that are closely related with their ideals, in order to co-operate for the mutual wlfare and common betterment of humanity. As members of a great world society all of the interests of our lives are very closely entwined, and we can not, even if we desire, maintain our interests isolated. Either we must be united for our common advancement and our common protection or we will be defenseless against the plans and manipulations of the agents and representatives of the great interests, for it may be depended upon that these interests will co- operate for their own aggrandizement; that they will not allow individual feel- ings to interfere with their ultimate purposes. Purposes of Labor's Peace Congress A conference such as we proposed must be approached by representatives of Labor of the world with full consciousness of common mterest and all methods necessary to attain those interests. There must be so keen an appreciation of the great things and the important things that the ephemeral and the personal may not interfere with the co-operation necessary to establish greater ideals. The nations engaged in the war have the right to determine their own policies, and the American labor movement does not propose any interference with this right of each nation. The war was caused by conditions and influences for which we are not responsible and the beginning of which it is not now our mission to discuss. Any effort on the part of our country to intervene now would be interpreted as partisan and hence a violation of neutrality. Only by holding aloof from all movements, however well intentioned, until the right time to influence our government to interfere, can the labor movement be in a position to be most helpful in the constructive work of preparing reguUitions for inter- national adjustments. The matters with which we are mainly concerned and which it is our diity to help determine, are those things whicn have to do with reorganization at the close of the war and the establ'shment of agencies to 15 maintain international justice and, therefore, permanent peace between nations. During the previous history of the world, international relations have been left as the field for professional diplomats and politicians. As a result, this field has not been organized and there are few permanent agencies for dealing justly, comprehensively, and humanely with international questions and rights. There exists, however, what may constitute a nucleus for developing permanent insti- tutions. This nucleus consists of The Hague Tribunal and that indefinite mass of international customs known as international law. Suggestions have been made to these embryonic institutions to further develop into a more comprehensive provision for influencing international relations. However, there has been no effort to democratize these institutions and to make them directly responsible to the peoples of the various nations concerned. . The demand for democratic control and democratic organization of inter- national agencies and international methods must come from the people, for it is hardly probable that diplomats and statesmen will voluntarily propose to share their power and authority with the masses of the people ; and yet it is the masses of the people who suffer most grievously from wars and who must bear the brunt of war both during the time of fighting and in the period of readjustment that follows cessation of warfare. Not only has there been little or no effort to democratize international rela- tions, but very little consideration has been given to democratizing the foreign policies of countries. The latter problem must be worked out by each nation, but would follow naturally from the establishment of the rule of the people in international' affairs. The matters that will be considered by any general Peace Congress called at the end of the present European war will be of vast im- portance in determining future policies and the direction of development for decades, aye, perhaps for all time. At all previous congresses of this type the matters considered have been purely political and have been determined from the viewpoint of professional diplomacy which is concerned with statescraft rather than with the larger prob- lems of nationail statesrtianship aiid the general welfare of the masses of the people. Since the welfare of the wage-earners of all nations is largely affected by international regulations, in all- justice it should be given primary consideration in the deliberations of a World Peace Congress. Just as the wage-workers of each country have by insistent demands forced their political agents to consider matters affecting their welfare, and have forced national recognition of the principle that the well-being of the people that constitute the nation is a matter of fundamental importance to the nation, so the wage-workers of the various nations must insist that there shall be established as an international princif)le that the welfare of human beings is of the greatest importance in international relations and intercourse. In whatever provisions are made for international political agencies, the labor movements must present the demands of the people that these agents must be responsible to them. No doubt propositions concerned with international industrial and commercial undertakings will be considered by the Peace Congress. It will devolve upon the representatives of the wage-earners to present and to demand recognition for the human element concerned in such agreements. It has been altogether too common for such problems to be considered from the purely commercial and private profit standpoint. Consideration of the human side will result only from the self-interest and the altruism of the wage-earners themselves. Any effective effort along this line will necessitate a more thorough international organization of the labor movement of the various countries. Experience has demonstrated that the success of the labor movement of each country has been directly proportionate to its success in economic organization, so success in rnaintaining the interests of the wage-earners and international relations will depend upon the kind and nature of our international organization. It is impossible to plan in advance for all questions that may come up for consideration. The delegates must use discretion and judgment guided by the fundamental principle that human welfare must have the greatest consideration. 16 Suggested Plan for the Congress There are various difficulties that arise in making a plan to convene the proposed conference. Not all the organized labor movements of the world belong to the International Federation of Trade Unions, and not all countries have national centers or federated labor movements, consequently any regula- tion for representation in such a congress must have considerable flexibility. This perhaps would be a workable plan : Let every national center affiliated to the International Federation of Trade Unions send not more than two delegates to the conference. The labor movement of any country, even though not affiliated, could send one delegate. If there is no one general labor movement in a country, let the representa- tives of the organizations of that country agree to send one delegate. It hap- pens that many of the European countries consist of several nations, which have their separate national labor organizations. The wage-earners of many countries have not yet effected national organi- zations. It would be extremely difficult to get in touch with the responsible officials of these labor movements as quickly as might be necessary in order for them to send representatives to the proposed labor conference. It is neces- sary then to make provisions for the representation of such countries in some other than purely formal methods. It is suggested that, in addition to the formal invitations sent to labor centers, that publicity be given to these invitations through the press, and that the notice of the time and place of holding the conference shall constitute in itself an invitation to participate in that conference through authorized repre- sentatives. In the meantime until then if there be time the E. C. of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor be authorized and empowered to extend formal invitations and issue the call in the name of the A. F. of L., and at the earliest ■ possible moment after action has been taken by this convention. In view of the fact that peace when it comes will probably come very, 'quickly and -there will be comparatively little time for making provisions for the labor conference and for circulating information in regard to that confer- 'ence, it might be well to prepare in advance a circular to be sent to national centers, national labor movements and to be circulated by the labor press of the world generally in order that a more complete representation may be obtained. Then it should also be understood that representatives to this con- gress must be either officials or duly accredited representatives of economic organizations of wage-earners. No representations of political organizations, of philanthropic associations, or any other sort of an orgariization except a bona fide labor organization, shall be admitted as members of the conference. The delegates to this international conference before leaving their home countries should make provisions for publicity through the labor press of their countries for the deliberations and the decisions of the labor conference so that the wage-earners of the whole world would be in possession of the truth in regard to what transpires. In order that the position of the workers of the United States in regard to international peace and war may be fully representative and carry with it the weight of the unanimous voice of Labor of the country, we recommend that all International Trade Unions be urged to give their endorsement and pledge their co-operation to the program and plan outlined by this convention for the holding of a World's Labor Conference. Report of the Committee on International Relations, which was adopted by unanimous vote : On that portion of the Executive Council's report under the caption of International Peace and War, we are in full accord and take pleasure in so 17 reporting. We have taken note of and fully indorse the statement that the "horrors, the destruction and the waste of war were all so new that they were like a terrible weight on the spirits of all. The waste of human life, the bru- tality and the butchery seemed so horrible as to be well-nigh impossible"; and again with the further statement: "It is then our most earnest desire since the beginning of this European war to maintain our country free from any dispute that would involve us with any of the warring nations, and so enable us to maintain an impartial attitude that would deserve the respect and the trust of each and every nation" ; and further and more particularly with the following statement : "There is no middle ground, for it is impossible to dis- tinguish between munitions of war and the ordinary articles of commerce. . . . So long as nations are free and independent, so long as they shall maintain national self-respect, they must have the right to determine as they seem best the things which affect them directly and intimately. As Americans we believe fully in freedom. If nations are to remain free, they cannot be forced of coerced by other nations even in the matter of peace" ; and finally : "Had our forefathers preferred peace to justice, we would not now have the ideals and the institutions of freedom that exist; so now in our attitude toward European nations and the European war we muSt have in mind justice for American citizens as well as our desire to restore peace." We are fully in accord and agree with the sentiments expressed. We hold America has the right to carry forward its normal or extraordinary activities, industrial, political or otherwise, so long as we do not violate any rule of humanity or fundamental rule of strict neutrality. We stand for justice and right rather than for peace at any price, we want peace, we shall work for peace, and hope finally to attain it. We agree with and commend the sajangs, acts and attitude of President Gompers which in their wise application have done much to safeguard and protect the honor and best interests of the Amer- ican labor movement and all America. Fearlessly, freely and boldly expressed, his guidance has received the warmest endorsement of our nation and has been a potential factor in the national policy that has kept us out of the spineless class, yet free from entanglement in the cataclysm now devastating Europe. Labor's Peace Conference We are in full accord with the plan suggested in the Executive Council as outlined in its report, and fully concur in the suggested arrangements for holding such conference. While we reaffirm the action taken by the Philadelphia convention, we hold the Executive Council should again be instructed to make all arrangements for holding the anticipated conference, and further that the Executive Council be and is hereby authorized to select the President of the American Federation of Labor and one other to represent the A. F. of L. in such conference. The A. F. of Li., the American trade union center, because of its strict neutrality, isolation and distance from the seat of trouble, its freedom from race bitterness, hatred and passion, is eminently qualified to lead in the effort which portends so much and is so important for the future wellbeing of the trade union movement, human life, liberty, justice and a broader democracy for all mankind. From Executive Council Report: INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS As a result of war conditions, the work of the International Federation of Trade Unions has been virtually suspended. The international conflict disrupted the interests and occupations of peaceful civilization and has instituted a war regime. All life and industry have been forced to readjust to war conditions. 18 The ideals and the purposes of peace have been replaced by institutions and organizations to serve the purposes and furtherance of war. As the war has cut asunder many of the ties that bound nation to nation, so it has rendered impossible the fraternal relations existing between the national labor movements of the belligerent countries. Since the headquarters of the National Federation of Trade Unions is in Berlin, the capital of a country virtually surrounded by armed forces, it has been difficult for this international organization to continue its work or to keep in touch through correspondence with the trade union cen- ters of other countries. In November, of 1914, President Legien of the International Federation announced that under the conditions the regular work of the organization would be discontinued and the funds be used only for the purpose of main- taining the organization, and not for the purpose of propaganda. This was necessary in order to preserve the neutrality of the labor organizations. He also announced that the President of the Dutch 'I'rade Union Center, Mr. J. Oudegeest, would be the intermediary through whom he would communicate with the various national trade union centers. It was also decided that the Congress of the international federation which the Zurich Congress decided should be held at San Francisco, 1915, would be indefinitely postponed. But the progress of the war intensified feeling and made communication increasingly difficult. The rigid censorship in many countries renders it practically impossible to secure adequate and comprehensive information in order to keep in touch with labor conditions in the various countries and to discuss any common interest. In February a conference of some labor representaitves of France and England was held in London. Both the Bfitish Federation of Trade Unions and the Confederation du Travail of France disavowed any responsibility for the holding of this conference, or any of the views expressed therein. The French trade union movement had been invited to participate in that meeting, but not the British as an organization. The delegates from the French organiza- tion were instructed to confer during their stay in London with the British Federation in regard to plans for the future of the International Federation of Trade Unions. As a result of long and serious conferetices, W. A. Appleton and L. Jouhaux jointly wrote to President Gompers. In their letter they asserted that, while there was no personal animosity toward the people of Germany, yet all present in the conference agreed that the national and racial bitterness engen- dered by the war would nullify the usefulness of the international trade union movement if headquarters were continued within a belligei-ent country. They stated that it was obvious that many yeai"s must elapse before the British, Belgian and the French workers could proceed to Berlin with the same freedom and confidence that existed prior to the outbreak of war. They felt that some change was necessary in order to prevent the disintegration of the internatibnal trade union movement, and they suggested that the international oifice should be moved, at least for the time, to some country -whose neutrality was guaran- teed by treaty and physiography. America was considered ideal in all respects except that it was too widely separated by distance. Switzerland was the only otlier country that seemed to have all desirable characteristics, and Berne was designated as the most satisfactory location. Inasmuch as Messrs. Appleton and Jouhaux appreciated fully the gravity of the situation and the desirability of avoiding dismemberment of the inter- national trade union movement, they requested President Gompel-s to present this matter to Mr. Legien. They most earnestly and emphatically asserted that their request was not due to any personal feeling against President Legien, but because of their deep anxiety to maintain the solidarity of the international trade union movement. In accord with this request. President Gompers wrote to Mr. Legien and laid the matter fully before him. The course which President Gompers pursued was endorsed by us in our 19 official capacity as the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. We proposed also that a plan be adopted which, in case of future wars, would automatically remove the headquarters of the international federation from a belligerent country to a neutral one. As before referred to, the war has made regular correspondence extremely difficult. Mr. Legien wrote in connection with this matter, but his original letter was lost. His_ first impression was that the proposition was a matter that ought not to be decided by vote through correspondence, but only after a thorough and personal conference in which the whole question could be discussed. He felt that to change headquarters of the International Secretariat at that time, under the existing conditions, would be an expression of lack of confidence that would, in the future, have a harmful effect upon the whole movement. He expressed uncertainty as to whether or not the request of the French and British representatives was in the form of a regular motion that was to be subinitted to the members of the international federation, or whether the affiliated organizations that did not , participate in the London conference should have a separate conference. However, in the interim, before his letter was received, the representatives of the British and French movements issued a circular to the affiliated organiza- tions presenting this proposition for neutralization of the offices and officers of the International Federation of Trade Unions. In the official journal of the British General Federation of Trade Unions, the correspondence which that office had between Messrs. Appleton, Jouhaux, Legien, Oudegeest and Gompers was published. Later, Mr. Oudegeest of Hol- land, upon request of Mr. Legien, issued a circular publishing a fuller version of the correspondence. In the November, 1915, issue of the American Federationist, President Gompers published the entire correspondence between him as the representative of the A. F. of L., and the officers of the trade union movements in other countries; and between the officers of various countries. This correspondence is published under the title, "Labor's International Relations — As a Result of the European War. Labor's Book of All Colors." That correspondence should be considered in connection with our report. Mr. Legien's proposal to hold a conference in Amsterdam did not meet with general approval. Mr. Appleton in writnig to Mr. Oudegeest upon the subject stated that Mr. Legien did not appreciate the bitterness that the war had engendered in Great Britain and France, and that it would be useless to ask the people to agree to a conference. We have endeavored as best we could to maintain friendly relations with the labor movements of all countries and to avoid any action that would in the slightest degree interfere with our usefulness and our influence in promoting the best interest of the organized labor movement the world over. We have been able to hold ourselves in readiness to be helpful at such a time when an opportunity for constructive work shall be presented and in order that our influence may be unimpaired and may be powerful for the cause of human rights and democracy. We have been very careful to avoid anything that might be construed as unneutral or in any way hostile to the interests of any group of workers. In December, 1914, Mr. Oudegeest of Holland wrote a circular letter to the various trade union national centers presenting the terrible conditions that existed in Belgium and the want and dire necessity that had befallen the Belgian people. They had no work and no way to maintain themselves. The peril of starvation was imminent. Mr. Oudegeest asked in behalf of these Belgian workers contributions from the trade union movement of the other nations. A personal representative of the Belgium people brought President Gompers information which substantiated the statements already received. Tliis appeal for help for the Belgian workers the E. C. of the A. F. of L. directed to be published in the American Federationist with the direction to send 20 all contributions to Mr. Oudegeest who was entrusted with their distribution. As already stated the regular congress of the International Federation of Trade Unions was to have been held at San Francisco concurrent with this convention. That was to have been the first meeting this organization ever held outside of Europe. For that reason it was expected that this meeting would have a far-reaching influence and consequence in extending the spirit and relationship of fraternalism, and in strengthening and increasing the tie of unionism that binds together the working people of all countries. However, 1915 finds such conditions existing in the civilized world as have made impossible the holding of this labor congress from which so much was expected that would be of infinite value in promoting human welfare and in establishing agencies whereby the workers could secure for themselves ever increasing benefits and opportunities. In discussing the subject of the next congress of the International Federa- tion of Trade Unions, President Gompers has urged upon the officers of the laljor movement of other countries that the spirit of the Zurich declaration should be observed and that when the official congress shall be held after the close of the war, it should be held in the United States, and at some time approximately near the time of the holding of the convention of the A. F. of L- The following report of the Committee on International Relations was adopted unanimously : We have read and carefully considered the report under the foregoing cap- tion, together with the correspondence entitled "Labor's Book of All Colors," published in the November, 1915, issue of the American Pederationist, and fully concur in every action taken by President Gompers and the action of the Execu- tive Council as a whole. The report and correspondence present forcefully the human side of the world's trade union movement, and emphasize the necessity of a more comprehensive and more effective system which will safeguard and protect the movement regardless of any and all circumstances which may develop. The preservation of the national, international unions, the national trade union centers, and finally the International Federation of Trade Unions, is our highest concern. One way to do this is to formulate a method and organization whereby prompt action may be taken. Under this caption and at this time your committee prepared the following declaration : Because the maintenance of the trade union movement of our country, or all civilized countries, and of the International Federation of Trade Unions is of paramount importance in so far as the economic condition of the workers is concerned, at all times and under all conditions, the stability of our movement here or elsewhere should not be subject to the disturbing influences and possible destruction by any cataclysm, be it a fire, flood, war, or pestilence. In times of great stress there is more and greater need of workable machinery and unhampered officers to safeguard and protect our movement and the rights and best interests of the members thereof. . Under the present laws of the Trade Union Centers and the International Federation of Trade Unions, there is no law flexible enough to meet an emergency which might be caused by any of the foregoing catastrophes. We recommend, first, that the next delegate to the Congress of the Fed- erated Trade Unions be and is hereby instructed to offer a motion creating an honorary President who shall perform under circumstances stated hereinafter all of the functions and necessary duties of the President of the International Federation of Trade Unions, to wit : If the President of the International Federation of Trade Unions is pre- vented from exercising and performing the normal functions of his office, by reason of a disastrous fire, flood, war, or pestilence, the functions and duties of the office shall temporarily revert to the honorary President, and as soon as the cause or causes which rendered it impossible for the President to per- form the normal duties of the office no longer exist, the functions of the office 21 of President of the International Federation of Trade Unions shall automatically revert to the regularly elected President. And, second, that the President of the American Federation of Labor be and is hereby instructed, if in the judgment of the Executive Council it may be deemed necessary, to take this matter up by corresppndence and endeavor to have the principal involved in this resolution adopted. We wish to call particular attention to the recommendation of the Executive Council and recommend that the convention specifically endorse that suggestion which is as follows : "In discussing the subject of the next congress of the International Federa- tion of Trade Unions, President Gompers has urged upon the officers of the labor movement of other countries that the spirit of the Zurich declaration should be observed and that when the official congress shall be held after the close of the war, it should be held in the United States, and at some time ap- proximately near the time of the holding of the convention of the A. F. of ly." From Executive Council report: PAN-AMERICAN LABOR RELATIONS Since the opening of the Panama Canal, there has been a growing realiza- tion that there ought to exist closer political, industrial and commercial relations between the peoples of the western hemisphere. The Panama Canal opened up new trade routes, new markets, and, therefore, new industrial and commercial opportunities, and with them the necessity for a closer political alliance. This has been augmented by the fact that the present European war has closed old trade routes and destroyed many of the markets to which the Pan-American Republics formerly carried the greater amount of their export merchandise. During the past year the Congress of the United States authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to call a Pan-American Congress Conference for the purpose of considering better financial, industrial and commercial relations and the development of the natural resources of the countries of the western hemi- sphere. Accordingly the conference of representatives from the South American countries, Central America and Mexico, met with the representatives of the United States in Washington, May 24-29, 1915. These delegates represented ail the great financial, industrial, and commercial interests of the Latin-American countries — the steamship companies, the mines, the banks, railroads, telephones, and all the great corporations. This conference was to deal with matters and policies that were to be of a far-reaching consequence, not only in international relations between various countries, but in the internal development of the countries. All these industrial enterprises depend upon human agencies which ought to be most carefully protected and conserved. Those who participated in this conference are to decide policies and to outline plans that will affect the lives of millions of people for years to come. It is conceded that the chiefs of industry, finance and commerce, have their own interests foremost in mind — in fact, some who are recognized as world powers have recently stated that they know nothing of industrial relations with employes and that they considered labor conditions irrelevant to their concern. If as a nation we have a true conception of the value, of human life, we ought to make human relations of chief concern in all our plans. We ought to improve our conception by providing representation. There is but one organi- zation that stands for human welfare and human rights and nothing else. It is an organization that has concern not only for its membership, but for all those who do the work of the nation — a strong, militant organization that fights the battles of the weak and clears the path for progress that all the toilers may join the forward movement toward freedom and larger opportunity and welfare. This is the organization that ought to be represented in all of the councils of the nation— it expresses the burdens, the heartaches, the yearnings and the ideals of the masses of the nation. 22 Although these matters were of such tremendous significance, not only for the interests concerned, but ultimately an alliance of the peoples of these various nations, including our own, there was not a representative who stood either directly or indirectly for the cause of the toilers — for the cause of human rights, human liberty and ideals of democracy and greater freedom. Although it is recognized that material civilization, wealth, and all problems are to serve ulti- mately the needs of the. people, yet the representatives of this Congress were of a type that would consider the development and the management of these interests purely from the standpoint of profits, with little or no regard for the human beings concerned, either as producers or consumers — as men, women or children. The tremendous matters that were to be considered by this Congress were not generally understood, nor the far-reaching consequences of its decision, yet these representatives of financial interests, of commerce and of industry, apparently were representatives of their national governments and were author- ized to make provisions for the future. It requires no great imagination or discernment to understand that these able representatives of the interests would so plan and manipulate conditions and events, that the great corporate interests of thp various countries would be in a position to control, not only the industries and commerce within their own countries, but international regulations for commerce and industry. In other words, this conference plainly would enable the corporate interests to entrench themselves in a powerful position that would require years of struggle to enable the people of the nations, the masses of the wage-earners, to secure for them- selves protection and a right to opportunities in accord with their importance. This conference would determine the tone of international relations, the stand- ards and ideals that would dictate policies and would thus establish a whole line of intangible powerful influence that would make doubly difficult the age-lofig struggle for freedom that the workers everywhere have waged. It was because he felt that it was necessary for the wage-earners to be represented in the first meetings where policies were to be formulated and stand- ards were to be set, that President Gompers entered a protest with Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo against the policy that excluded from representation in this conference representatives of human rights and of the masses of the people. The inauguration of these Pan-American conferences makes it evident that the employing interests of all the countries feel an identity and that there is foreshadowed closer association, if not organization, of the employers of both the North and South American countries. If the employers of all these countries are to unite for the promotion of their common interests, it becomes all the more evident that the wage-earners of these countries must also unite for their common protection and betterment. With the Pan-American organization of employers it is clearly evident that organization on a national scale will not be adequate for the protection of the workers in international relations where it is probable that policies will be decided which will be the determining factors in all national policies. Therefore, we deem it wise to urge at this present time the inauguration of a special effort and policy to draw together more closely in fraternal relationship the workers of the North and South American conti- nents. There have been made conditions that have hitherto hindered intercourse and close relationship, but now that the countries are to be bound closely together by industrial, commercial and financial ties, the workers must plan for the future. Of course conditions of life and standards of living, educational oppor- tunities, language — all differ vitally as between the various American countries, but despite all of these differences, there is that time of common economic, political and social interest that will make for closer relationship and unity of action. From time to time, we have had correspondence with the organized labor movements of some of the countries of South America and Mexico, but this has been intermittent and without permanent association for mutual advancement. 23 But the time has come when it is necessary to plan for our mutual protection. ,We recommend, therefore, that the Executive Council be authorized to consider this matter during the coming year, and to enter into correspondence with representatives of organized labor movements of these various countries for the purpose of promoting a better understanding and closer relationship, to the end that all the workers of the various countries may be prepared to act concertedly for their mutual advancement and protection. We recommend also that some plan be devised for the exchange of fraternal representatives and delegates in some capacity, probably to visit the South American countries and Mexico, in order to carry personal greetings, and to bring back first-hand reports of conditions existing there. Of course, a representative for work of this character must have some knowledge of the Spanish language. During the past year, a beginning has been made that ought to have an effect in promoting closer relationship and better understanding. The country just to the south of us has been passing through a period of terrible turmoil and distress. After many years of nominal freedom, yet actual despotic control, when the policies of the whole government were in the interests of employers and the exploiters, there came a rebellion for the purpose of securing greater freedom for the people, and the establishment of democratic policies and prac- tices. Under the Madero government considerable progress was made, yet the effect of the past year's work plainly shows the lack of self-control and the failure to understand the_ workings of a government by the people and for the people. Madero was an idealist who had in mind the interests and welfare of the people. He gave them many rights that had been previously denied them. Among these was the right of free assembly and the right of free speech. The working people were given the right to organize into labor unions. Then there developed first of all the labor movement of Mexico. But the Madero govern- ment was not of long duration. Madero was succeeded by a despot who ruled without regard to constitutional rights. The people of Mexico who were strug- gling for liberty united in what was known as the "Constitutionalist"' party, with Carranza as their leader. After a period of fighting they drove Huerta from power, and then there began a struggle between various leaders of the army for control and power. Gradually it became evident that Carranza represented the majority of the people of Mexico and that he stood for the purpose of con- stitutional rights, the principles of justice and equity to all citizens of the country. Many of his policies revealed a rare humanitarian spirit that is fully appreciative of the value of human lives, whether of humble position or of more influential. Carranza entered into a contract with the Organized workers of Mexico known as the "La Casa del Obrero Mundial," which represented the trades and callings of Mexico's workers. This body is a federated body of unions, and its name has been translated by one of its adherents as "The Federation of Industrial Workers." The agreements which Carranza made with the people were circulated in the form of manifestos and posted on streets and dwellings of the Mexican cities. Their purpose was clearly that of the imme- diate advancement of the working people, their full right to organize, in order that they might be given opportunities to exercise normal activities for their protection. The Carranza government gave the labor organizations not only the right to hold meetings, but furnished them with buildings for that purpose. He inaugurated the policy of either taking over land that had been secured by illegal or sharp practices, or buying up large estates and dividing these out into small farms for the people. This was a practical method of meeting one of the chief difficulties in Mexico, a difficulty arising out of the large estates in the hands of comparatively few people. The labor movement in Mexico has sprung up since the time of Madero. The federated movement consists of unions of stone masons, wood cutters, printers, carpenters, shoemakers, musi- cians, and the usual skilled artisans. Of course, the federated movement of Mexico found itself hampered by lack of funds, for not only are the workers 24 of Mexico poorly paid in times of peace, but they had been under even worse conditions during the protracted civil war. It had been the intention of the "La Casa del Obrero Mundial" to send two representatives to the American Federation of Labor, but lack of funds prevented the execution of this plan. However, tlje officers of that movement have communicated, with the headquarters of the A. F. of L., from time to time, both through letters, telegrams and finally through a personal representa- tive. This personal representative stated that the Mexican working poeple had chosen General Carranza as their leader in the struggle for freedom and that they were willing to support their choice with their lives. They felt that Mexico was working out her own problems in accord with her ideals and was in a position to establish the democratic government which they desired. The labor movement of Mexico protested vigorously against any action on the part of the United States which should interfere with the right of that nation to settle its own internal difficulties. The workers of Mexico felt that the people and the officials of the United States had been misinformed by those who had their own personal interests to serve through deception and misinformation. Any action on the part of the United States to interfere in the internal affairs of Mexico would be interpreted by them as in conflict with the ideals of free government, and in the interests of great corporations that. had money invested in their country. They felt that they were entitled to the sympathy of the Americans who stood for an ideal of freedom and they urged that the Carranza army is made up of free men willing to sacrifice their lives for freedom and that the American nation bear with them yet a little while longer for they thought they saw in sight the goal for which they yearned. The rank and file of the Carranza army is made up of the workingmen of Mexico, industrial lodges and trades unions. Many of these labor organiza- tions have joined the army as a body and serve in the regiments with the officers of their unions acting as the officers of the regiment. A representative of the wage-earners of Mexico was sent to this country with a request from them to President Gompers that he do everything within his power to see to it that the effort of the Mexicans to secure greater freedom was given a fair oppor- tunity. President Gompers has written several times to President Wilson in regard to this matter. He urged upon the President the plea of the Mexiccins for time to accomplish whatever they desired and for the patience and indulgence of the United States in their efforts. This matter was considered by us at our September meeting and we decided to authorize President Gompers to write to the President urging upon him the recognition of the Mexican government with General Carranza as its head, upon the ground that that government was the representation of democratic ideals in Mexico. Report of the Committee on Reiolutions, adopted by unanimous vote: Your committee recommends that this convention endorse the action taken by the Executive Council in connection with the subject referred to in this portion of the report. From report of Porto Rican Federation of Labor to the Executive Council, adopted by the Convention. MEXICAN SITUATION General Carranza and his party, as appeared in the manifestos that we have received and read, has promised many good things for the workingmen for their protection, for their elevation and progress, but I fear that when the revolution is ended, if the workingmen have not enough organization and power to pro- tect and defend their position, and to see that these promises are made good, the labor people of Mexico will find themselves in the same position that they were in before the revolution. 25 General Carranza and his party offered to the labor organizations, repre- sented by the General Federation of Labor, the following permanent grants : "The liberty of the wage working class to organize and to strike is recognized by our constitution which declares that nobody may be prevented from associating peacefully for any legal purpose. If it is legal for capital to associate I do not find any reason why it should be illegal for labor to organize." "The constitutionalist government will distribute the national lands and will recover for distribution those tracts of which private indi- viduals and communities have been illegally dispossessed, as well as acquire by purchase and other legal means more land should it be necessary for the solution of the problem. It will also place the agri- culjurist in a position to acquire farming instruments and to withstand the loss of crops by means of a system of agricultural credits." "To better the condition of the working class a maximum time of labor and a minimum wage will, be fixed by law. Special measures will be enacted to regulate the labor of women and children. Labor organizations that comply with the law will be recognized by the gov- eirnment. An accident indemnity law will be enacted to protect workmen and due care will be taken for the hygienic life of the workmen in the factories, shops and in general in all the centers of industry." "The comolete abolishment of labor as a means of paying debts is one of the conquests already realized by the revolution — a conquest that has won us our most numerous and stubborn enemies." "Reforms of a social and economic character rather than those of political character. A change in the personnel of the government or the realization of political reforms is of small importance." "I am in favor of universal suffrage without any more restrictions than those absolutely necessary to make effective the vote of every citizen." PAN-AMERICAN LABOR CONVENTION In view of the close relations that are being cultivated by the big financial interests of the country through the governmental authorities of Washington among the various governments and financial corporations of the Spanish speak- ing republics, it seems both wise and necessary that the A. F. of L. should invite the labor federations of Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, Chile, and of the other southern as well as central American republics to meet together in a great Pan-American Labor Convention, which should be held in Wash- ington for the purpose of considering the economic problems that are to con- front in the near future the various labor people owing to the fraterniza- tion and combination of the biggest capitalist representations of Wall Street and those of the said republics, which are ready to be mutually helpful to themselves, and to control as much as possible the business of those countries. That is to say, shipping companies, railroads, mines, banks, telegraphs, tele- phones, and the general combination of industrial, commercial and financial interests. The masses of the people of those republics know very, little about these great schemes and the working classes of these countries can not see now what the results will be. It seems to me that as bankers, financiers and manu- facturers of the United States and the government officials of the various countries' and merchants called and held a conference of all financial and polical interest, the A. F. ' of L. should call a conference of the representd- tives of ill the Pan-American Labor Federations in order to meet the new conditions in a comprehensive manner and in behalf of the common ideals of liberty, justice, and the development of the spirit of the true American and true to the service of mankind. 26 International Relations in 1916 From the Executive Council's report to the Baltimore convention, Novem- ber, 1916, which was unanimously adopted : WORLD LABOR CONGRESS In our report _to the San Francisco Convention we suggested a practical plan for the holding of a World Labor Congress at the same time and place as the World Peace Congress shall be held at the close of the present European war. The plan was suggested in accord with the direction of the Philadelphia Convention, which had adopted the suggestion that such a labor congress ought to be held, and directed that a practical plan be suggested to the next convention. The plan which we recommended to the San Francisco Convention was adopted by that convention and we were instructed to make all arrangements for holding the proposed conference. The convention authorized us to send as representatives of the American Federation of Labor to that Congress the president and one other representative of our Federation. In order to carry out the instructions of the convention, we had prepared a statement setting forth the purposes of the World Labor Congress and the tentative plan for the congress which had been endorsed by the San Francisco Convention. This statement was to be in the form of a circular letter addressed to the organized labor movements of all countries. It was printed in English and translated into French, German, and Spanish, and sent, in these various languages, to the organized labor movements of all countries for which we had secured the names and addresses of officers. Despite the strict censorship maintained in all belligerent countries, we have reason to believe that this letter was generally allowed to pass the censors. During the course of the year many letters of inquiry and approval were received from various countries, and in our own country the proposed congress aroused general interest and met with enthusiastic approval. The influence which a representative group of workers of the world could wield in such a congress was appreciated by all those who had an understanding of the definite progress that the world has been making toward democracy and toward an understanding of human rights and human freedom. Somehow thinking people have been catching the mean- ing of democracy; they have come to realize that it means that the people — all of the people — have a right to do things for themselves; that they need no longer to look up to others to do things for them, not even the things that pertain to government and international relations. Every worker, because he is a human being, has a right to a place in the world; a right to a voice in determining his life and the conditions under which he shall live, and a right to an opportunity to have his ideas and welfare considered before national issues are determined. It was the old thought that workers knew nothing about problems and issues; that they were to work for others and do nothing else; that the big things in life, that the fundamental principles determining affairs, should be decided by others — those of another class. As the workers have gained in economic power they have been able to justify their position, that they, the great rnasses of the people of America, had a right to determine all of their own affairs, and that the affairs governing organization of society were just as much theirs as they were the politicians or the statesmen or the employ- ing or property holding classes. Tradition has given power of determination to these classes; their purposes and policies were primarily influenced by their personal interests and the desire to maintain control for their own classes be- cause that insured the present organization of society. The guiding concept of the wage-earners is the paramount importance of the human being. Accord- 27 ing to this understanding of life everything else— land, property, influence- must be subordinated to human welfare and made to serve the people. This concept will never be made the controlling concept of society except through the will and action of the workers themselves. It was this understanding and this purpose that lay back of the proposal made by the A. F. of L. to hold a World Labor Congress, by setting standards, presenting ideals and bringing these matters before the World Peace Congress and the people of all of the nations in such a way that they could not be ignored. In this way the wage-earners would have a part in giving a high tone to the World Peace Congress and in setting standards below which they would not dare to fall. We regret to report that the proposal' of the A. F. of L. to hold an Inter- national Labor Conference at the time and place when the representatives' of the governments of the various countries shall meet for the purpose of deter- mining conditions of peace and entering into a treaty was not approved by the organized labor movement of Great Britain. This action, together with the statement of President Legien of the Federation of Trade Llpions of Ger- many that such a movement would be of doubtful practicability, necessarily requires that our proposition be abandoned. When information of this official rejection of the plan adopted by the San Francisco Convention reached this country, because of the tremendous impor- tance of the plan and of the infinite and boundless influence that a representa- tion of wage-earners could liave upon the deliberations of the World Peace Congress, the following suggestion was considered by us and adopted : Since the first proposal submitted by the A. F. of L. to the labor organizations of Europe has been definitely rejected by them, we sug- gest_ that the organized labor movements of those countries that shall participate in the general peace conference to determine terms and conditions of peace at the close of the war, shall urge upon their respective governments that the wage-earners shall be represented in an official commission from their respective countries. The same policy ought to be pursued also by organized labor movements of neutral countries if it shall be determined that neutral countries also will partici- pate in the general peace congress. Thus representatives of wage-earners would be seated with other representatives of the nations in general conferences connected with the formulation of peace terms. In this way the ideals and needs of wage-earners would be presented and considered by the general official body. PAN-AMERICAN LABOR RELATIONS The necessity for promoting closer relations between the workers of all Pan-American countries was presented in our 1915 report. The events of the past year, particularly the relations between our country and Mexico, have shown even more clearly the necessity of permanent international organization for the workers of both countries. The San Francisco Convention endorsed the policy of furthering a Pan- American Labor Union. The proposition began to take definite form in the United States-Mexico conference at Washington and was incorporated in the declaration signed by the members of the conference. The government of Yucatan, which is a labor government, had authorized and directed its repre- sentatives in that conference to visit all Pan-American countries in furtherance of a Pan-American labor organization. As these representatives were leaving Washington, President Gompers gave them the following letter : Washington, D. C, July 6, 1916. To the Workers of All American Countries: A purpose has long been in the minds of many which has gradually been taking form and seeking an opportunity for concrete expression. 28 Such an opportunity has been born out of the strained relations that have recently existed between the United States and Mexico and the great anxiety aroused thereby in hearts and minds of the workers of both countries. There has come at least one result that is potential for the maintenance of human rights and the establishment of principles of human welfare in international relations. Just as the situation between the United States and Mexico was most critical, there came to our country two representatives of the government of Yucatan, Mr. Carlos Loveira, Chief of the Department of Labor, and Mr. Baltazar Pages, Editor of the Voice of the Revolu- tion, bringing an appeal to the workingmen of our country to use their influence in the interest of peace and justice between our countries. At the same time, in response to an invitation from the A. F. of L., the organized labor movement of Mexico sent as representatives to Wash- ington for the purpose of holding a conference, Mr. Luis N. Morones, Mr. S. Gonzalo Garcia, and Mr. Edmundo E. Martinez. During the recent past, through personal representatives of the Mexjpan government and information gained from others in close contact with conditions in Mexico, it became plain to us that the revoluiton in Mexico represented a genuine effort on the part of the Mexicans to establish institutions of freedom and justice. The A. F. of L. made an appeal to the President of the United States to recognize the Constitu- tionalist government of Mexico. It has since on several occasions when important decisions of national policies affecting the United States and Mexica were in balance been the instrumentality through which the desires of the masses of tne people have been expressed, and further time and opportunity afforded to Mexico for understanding our national attitude and demonstrating good will and good faith on her part. Because of this historic relation it was felt that a conference between representatives of the labor movement of Mexico and representatives of the A. F. of L. would be a direct means by which the masses of the people of both countries could wield an influence that would counteract the influence of financial powers and those who were willing to precipi- tate international conflicts for their own aggrandizement. At this conference held in Washington between the representatives of the Mexican labor movement and the E. C. of the A. F. of L. a declaration was signed by all parties to the conference. This declaration in addition to provisions which concerned immediate relations between our two countries, provided for future conferences between representa- tives of both countries and declared in favor of efforts to establish a Pan-American Federation of Labor. This was not a new thought for the A. F, of L.- Upon several occasions the same idea had been advanced, and in the Proceedings of the 1915 Convention of the A. F. of L. endorsement was given to a proposal for an organization that would represent human rights and interest in all Pan-American countries. The necessity for such a labor federation has been made increasingly greater through efforts to establish closer commercial and political relations between the countries included in the Pan-American Union. In the High Commission, which recently made a trip to Pan- American countries for the purpose of promoting better commercial and industrial relations, although there was no phase in any of the relations between these different countries that did not in some way affect human interests and human welfare, there was no one on that commission who distinctively represented human interests and the rights and welfare of the masses of the people. I have urged upon the United States government that this serious omission ought to be rectified, and I urge the labor movements of all Pan-American countries to bring the same matter to the attention of their respective governments. But such representation, valuable as ' it would be, is not sufficient to protect and promote the rights and welfare of the workers of all countries. A Pan-American Federation of Labor is not only possible but is necessary. It will constitute a ready and fit agency for injecting into international deliberations at opportune and critical times consideration for human rights, interests, and welfare. In view of the importance of this purpose, it is most gratifying to find that the representatives from the state of Yucatan are to travel through the countries of Central and South America for the purpose of prornoting a Pan-American Federation of Labor. The purpose of their rnission has our most sympathetic and hearty co-operation. The realiza- tion of ati international alliance between the . labor movements of all Pan-American countries will constitute a genuine parliament of men, one of the highest purposes to which mankind has aspired. It is earestly hoped that the representatives of all organized workers in Pan-America will come into and continue correspondence with the undersigned. With sincere greetings, I am, Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor. It will be observed that as a result of our conferences with the representa- tives of the organized labor movement of Mexico, it was agreed that conferences should be held not only with the representatives of the organized labor move- ment of Mexico, but of the several other South Americaii countries. We therefore recommend that the E. C. be authorized to arrange for and be repre- sented in such conferences as may be proposed and held. We submit that it is fair to assume that the E. C. of the A. F. of L. is not likely to enter into any arrangements or agreements unless th6y are conducive to the welfare of Ameri- can workers as well as to the toilers of all other countries. In connection with the proposal to establish a Pan-American Federation of Labor, it is important to bear in mind the fundamental principle that the labor movements of all countries must be supreme over the organization and the labor problems of their respective countries. In other words, a national labor organ- ization mus.t be autonomous within the jurisdiction of that country. In our communication to the workers of the South American countries, it is plainly stated that the A. F. of L. will yield to no other organization authority over the affairs of the economic movement in this country. We stand for the right of the workers of every country to work out their own problems' in accord with their ideals and highest conceptions. The right that we claim for the workers of the United States we are willing lo concede to the workers of every other country; but over and above national issues, there are matters of of international character and which are of general concern to the workers of all of the countries of the two American continents. MEXICO In our report to the San Francisco Convention we gave an account of the friendly relations that had been established between the labor movement of Mexico and that of the United States and showed how that relationship had been helpful in preventing intervention by the United States in the affairs of Mexico. We reported that on September 33 we had asked President Wilson to ■recognize the Constitutionalist government. On, October 19, 1915, official action >vas taken by which the Constitutionalist government was recognized. During the following months President Gompers kept in touch with the 30 representatives of the labor movement of Mexico through correspondence and through conferences. In the spring, when conditions had arisen that seemed to make war between Mexico and the United States inevitable, the understanding between the labor movements of the United States and Mexico took on more definite form and was again instrumental in throwing light upon the influences and the agents that were trying to create war sentiment and the seeming necessity for intervention in the affairs of Mexico, and was able to help bring about an adjustment of misunder- standings without resorting to war. When war seemed most imminent, on May 23, 1916, President Gompers sent an invitation to the labor organizations of Mexico asking them to send representatives to participate in a joint conference with representatives of . the labor movement of the United States so that they might consider the conditions that seemed likely to bring about war and carry back to the masses of the people of both countries whom they represented information that would convey to them the real sentiment of the people of both nations and enable them to know the elements and conditions attempting to drive both counries into war. It was first planned to hold this conference in an American city on the border between the two countries, but the labor movement of Mexico acted instantly and sent representatives to the border line without first informing our headquar- ters of their action and our agreement upon the definite time for the conference. It was, for lack of time, impossible to assemble a representative group to confer with the representatives of the Mexican workers at Eagle Pass. It was arranged that Mexican workers should send representatives to (Washington to hold a joint conference with the E. C. of the A. F. of L. which was to hold its regular meeting in Washington, June 26. The representatives of the Mexican workers who met with the E. C. were L. N. Morones, S. Gonzalo Garcia, representing the Casa del Obrero Mundial; Edmundo E. Martinez, representing the Federation de Sindicatos Obreros de la Republica Mexicana ; C. Loveira and Baltazar Pages, representing the organized labor movement of Yucatan. During this conference, which was in part quite informal, the representatives of the Mexican labor movement discussed very freely industrial and political conditions in Mexico and the growth and progress of their various organiza- tions. Considering the fact that the organized labor movement of Mexico dates only from the time of Madero, progress in development there has been most extraordinary. The local unions are affiliated to the two national organizations which were represented in the conference. While this conference was being held, relations between the United States and Mexico became acute. Our government had issued an ultimatum demand- ing the immediate release of American soldiers. As ho response had been re- ceived from General Carranza, First Chief of the Mexican government, re- sponsible governmental officials had become extremely anxious. It was at this time that a request was made to President Gompers that he make a personal appeal to General Carranza to release the United States soldiers. Mr. Gompers sent General Carranza the following telegram : Washington, D. C, June 28, 1916. General VenusTiano Carranza, First Chief, Constitutionalist Government, Mexico City, Mexico. In the name of common justice and humanity, in the interest of a better understanding between the peoples and the governments ot the United States and Mexico, for the purpose of giving the oppor- tunity to maintain peace and avoid the horrors of war, upon the grounds of highest patriotism and love, I appeal to you to release the Americafi soldiers held by your officers in Chihuahua. Samuel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor. 31 That same evening "extra" papers announced General Carranza had issued 3n order releasing the American soldiers. On the next day the following telegram from General Carranza was received : Mexico, June ^p, igi6. Samuei, Gompees :, President, American Federation of Labor, Washington. In replying to your message dated yesterday, I would state that the government in_my charge has ordered the liberty of the American soldiers whom the Mexican forces took as prisoners at Carrizal. Salute very affectionately, V, Carranza. On authority of the E. C, President Gonjpers sent the following telegram: Washington, D. C, June 30, 1916. General Venustiano Carranza, First Chief, Constitutionalist Government, Mexico City, Mexico. Your telegram of June 29 received and laid before the Executive Council of the Atngrican Federation of Labor in session at Washington, and ^ve express to you our appreciation of your order releasing the American soldiers and thus helping to clear the way for a mutually honorable settlement of any differences existing between the govern- ments of the United States and of Mexico. Samuel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor. Although the danger -of immediate war had passed, there yet remained many conditions that were likely to keep relations between the two countries in an unsettled state and might at any time agairi bring about danger of war or precipitate war. Those who participated in the conference of the workers of the United States and Mexico fully appreciated that unless definite, con- structive suggestions were made and adopted, the existing friendly and advan- tageous relations would not be assured 'permanence, This conference of workingmen was helpful in bringing about a better understanding in the United States of the real meaning and purpose of the Mexican revolution and an appreciation of what the people of Mexico were trying to accomplish in overthrowing old institutions. This understanding made more general the feeling that the people of Mexico knew what they wanted, understood their peculiar problems and had a right to work out their own salvation in accord with their ideals. The conference in itself was an illustration of how easily war may be averted when an element of reasonable- ness is introduced into a critical situation and the people of both countries insist upon knowing what are the true causes behind the demand for war. As a result of this conference held in Washington the following declaration was signed by those participating in the conference : Mexican-United States Compact Washington, D. C, Jnh 3, ^9^^- The undersigned, the Executive • Copncil of the American Federa- tion of Labor, and the representatives of the organized labor movement of Mexico express our deep gratification in the consummation of this conference which we hope and believe has laid the basis for better understanding and has vyelded ties that shall bind together the workers of our respective countries. 32 We are confident that personal conferences of the workers of the United States and of Mexico will be a constructive force in bringing about understanding necessary for better relations between our countries and for maintaining peace founded upon a proper regard for the rights of all. It is our opinion that this conference should be followed by another in which the workers of both countries shall be more generally represented for the purpose of agreeing upon plans for maintaining permanent relations and for the federation of the labor movements of all of the countries of the two Americas. In view of present relations between the United States and Mexico we are of the opinion that such a general conference is for the present untimely and we express the judgment that the holding of such a con- ference should be deferred until later in the year. However, in the event of an emergency which would make a general conference of advantage in averting an international crisis, such a conference could and should be called for the earliest time mutually agreeable. To carry this plan into effect a joint commission shall be chosen to consist of two members from both labor movements, to remain in Washington until the present crisis is passed, the said joint commission to have the power of calling a general conference if necessary. We hold this to be fundamental — no relations between our countries can be permanent that are not based upon the will of the masses of the people and in accord with their concepts of justice. We deem it an essential step toward democracy and justice that there shall be established for the masses who have hitherto been without regular agencies for expressing their views and desires, opportunities that will enable them to have a voice in helping to determine inter- national affairs. The labor movements of the various countries constitute the in- strumentalities that can best accomplish this purpose and give expression to national ideas and convictions that have been too long inarticulate and impotent. We direct that the President of the A. F. of L. and the official representatives of organized Jabor of Mexico should keep in touch through correspondence and that they be authorized to carry out the purposes specified in this declaration. In joint conference, as the representatives of the workers, the masses of our respective countries, we urge upon our governments to adjust existing differences without war and to establish conditions con- ducive to permanent peace with justice. We appeal to the workers and all of the people of the United States and of Mexico to do everything within their power to promote correct understanding of purposes and actions, to prevent friction, to encourage good will, and to promote an intelligent national opinion that ultimately shall direct relations between our countries and shall be a potent humanitarian force in promoting world progress. It is an unavoidable conclusion that present differences between our countries are the result of misunderstanding growing out of inade- quate or incorrect information; that the unfortunate consequences of past relations between the United States and Mexico have formulated a national attitude that questions the good faith of our governments; that existing agencies and methods of reaching an adjustment of these differences are unsuitable for dealing with those problems which are fundamentally human problems; and that the relations between our countries ought not to be directed in accord with abstract standards of justice but ought to be keenly sensitive and responsive to the human 33 interests and moral forces. Therefore, we, the representatives of the organized workers, having the right to speak for all of the workers and in the interests of all of the people, urge upon our governments the appointment of a commission to be composed of high-minded citi- zens, fully representaitve of our nations, to consider differences that have brought our nations to the verge of war and to make such recom- mendations for adjustment as shall fitly express the highest ideals of the great rank and file of the citizenship of our two countries. We direct that copies of this declaration shall be presented to the President of_ the United States, Honorable Woodrow Wilson, and to the First Chief of the Constitutionalist government of Mexico, General Venustiano Carranza, and that it be given widest publicity among the workers of our respective countries. For the organized workers of the United States: Sam'l GompERS, President James Duncan, First Vice-President .Tas. O'Conneli,, Second Vice-President D. A. Hayes, Third Vice-President Jos. F. Valentine, Fourth Vice-President John R. Alpine, Fifth Vice-President H. B. Perham, Sixth Vice-President Frank Duffy. Seventh Vice-President Wm. Green, Eighth Vice-President John B. Lennon, Treasurer Frank Morrison, Secretary For the organized workers of Mexico : C. Loveira Baltazar Pages L. N. MoRONEs ' S. GoNZALO Garcia Edmundo E. Martinez As is evident from this declaration the constructive suggestion of the con- ference was the appointment of a joint commission to consider the differences between the two countries that had so nearly embroiled two nations in war and to suggest recommendations for adjustment. This plan met with favor in both countries and was later adopted. When it became apparent that the critical situation had passed, it was no longer necessary that the two representatives of the labor movement of Mexico should remain in- Washington. They, therefore, returned home, with the under- standing that the representatives would be returned should the necessity arise. The workers of Mexico affiliated to the Federacion de Sindicatos Obreros de la Republic Mexicana felt that they could be benefited by sending repre- sentatives to Washington to confer with President Gompers about labor condi- tions in Mexico and secure advice upon practical matters of organization. Three representatives of this organization, Messrs. Carvallo, Alonzo and Ramos, came to Washington and had conferences with President Gompers. He gave these representatives the following letter to be conveyed to the workers of Mexico : Labof's Message to Mexico's Toilers Washington, D. C, July i8, 1916. To the Members of Confederacion de Sindicotos , Obreros de la Repub- , lica Mexicana. Dear Sirs and Brothers : It was a great satisfaction to have addi- tional proof of the desire of the Mexican wage-earners to establish 34 cordial, fraternal relations and to prevent misanderstandings between the labor movements of Mexico and the United States. The spirit that prompted your organization to send delegates with additional informa- tion of organized labor in Mexico and your declarations of good will are an earnest of what can be accomplished by international organization. As Col. Martinez has doubtless informed you, on July 1 and 3 a joint conference was held between the E. C. of the A. F. of L,. and representatives of the Mexican labor movement. The conference was in pursuance of an invitation extended by the A. F. of L. which was given such general publicity in Mexico as was possible in the limited time and restricted agencies available to us. The diplomatic situation became so critical that labor representa- tives from Mexico City came to the United States before a definite time had been mutually determined. Under the circumstances that existed it was not possible for the A. F. of L. to call together a representative labor group to meet with the Mexican delegates in Eagle Pass, Texas. Therefore it was suggested that the Mexican delegates come to Washington where the E. C. had arranged for a ten days' session closing with the dedication of the new A. F. of L. office build- ing. This was agreed upon. A delegation consisting of Mr. Luis N. Morones and Mr. Salvadore G. Garcia, of Mexico City, came to the conference. It was most opportune that your representative Col. Ed- mundo E. Martinez came on his mission to bring to the A. F. of L. the beautiful gold medal from the workers of Mexico and that he was authorized to represent your organization in the conference. Two representatives of Yucatan, Messrs. Carlos Loveira and Balta- zar Pages, had come to the United States commissioned to bring an appeal to the workers of our country to help avert war and to establish ways by which information could be conveyed to the workers of both countries that would protect them against the mistakes due to misunder- standing. As Messrs. Loveira and Pages also participated in the con- ference its representative character is apparent. The conference was devoted chiefly to discussion necessary for mutual information and to consideration of means to avert the imme- diate danger of war in which baneful elements and greedy exploiters were seeking to plunge pur countries. A declaration was signed by the representatives participating in the conference. A copy of the declaration is enclosed. As you will note it was provided that two representatives of organ- ized labor of Mexico should remain in Washington in order to act quickly and effectively upon any emergency that might arise. But when the critical period had passed and no new danger seemed probable the Mexican representatives decided that it would not be necessary for them to remain longer. Messrs. Loveira and Pages had been commissioned by their state government to visit all Latin-American countries to urge a Pan-Amer- ican Congress of workers for the purpose of establishing a Pan-American Federation. This was an idea that had been given serious consideration in our country and had been approved by the A. F. of L. in its annual convention held in San Francisco in November, 1915. In order that the workers of all American countries should know that the A. F. of L. gives hearty approval to the proposed Congress and Pan-American F. of L., I gave each of the Mexican representatives a letter stating the position of the workers of the U. S. A copy is enclosed. I hope you will assist in giving general publicity to this letter, and will urge consideration of the plan contained therein. 35 But in working for this far-reaching purpose we must not forget that which is immediate — the holding of a general labor conference to consider matters that immediately concern the wage-earners of Mexico and the U. S. Let me suggest that through correspondence, the press and all agencies of publicity, you give the workers of Mexico information as to what already has been accomplished by the power of economic organi- zation" and direct attention to common interests and problems of the workers — interests and problems which extend past national boundary lines and intermingle wherever the industrial and commercial interests of our countries extend. The hope of the workers of all countries lies in their economic organization which is an organic force limitless in its possibilities. This fact makes very gratifying the information you send of the strength and the number of labor unions aflSliated to your Federation. We in our country are dependent upon the organized workers of .Mexico for information in regard to your movement. We went to know more about you, and to keep in close touch through correspondence. I have been asked to make the suggestion as my experience may warrant as to the organization, development and direction of the Mex- ican labor movement. Of course, it is not possible, at this time, to enter into the subject minutely, but I may be privileged to state that: 1. The wage-earners engaged in any particular trade should be organized in a union of that trade. 2. That the unions of the trade should be organized in every city and town wherever that trade has a sufficient number of workers to form a union thereof. 3. That as soon as there is a sufficient number of unions of a trade in the various localities so as to permit of the safe financial conduct of a national trade union of these various local trade unions, then such a national union should be formed, and it should have absolute author- ity to determine its own laws, methods and policies for the protection and promotion of the rights and interests of the workers of the trade. 4. This should apply to each and all trades and occupations of wage workers whether skilled or unskilled. 5. In each city there should be formed a central labor union com- posed of delegates from each trade union. The Central Labor Union of each city should concern itself with the affairs of the workers gen- erally aflfecting them, and not interfere with the internal trade affairs of any of the organizations, these being reserved to the unions them- selves. 6. The central labor unions should not allow representation of any group of persons other than the delegates from the bona fide trade unions. 7. Central labor unions should meet not less than twice each month. 8. In each state of Mexico there should be a State Federation of Labor which should meet annually and be composed of delegates from local trade unions and local central bodies within the state. None but bona fide delegates from bona fide trade unions and central bodies should be admitted as delegates. The State Federation of Labor should concern itself with state legislation affecting the interests of the workers ; both the State Federations and City Central Bodies should aid in the organization of workers in existing unions, or institute new unions, and when such local trade unions are organized, they should be placed under the immediate jurisdiction of the national union of the trade. 36 9. There should exist a Mexican Federation of Labor somewhat after the plan of the A. F. of L. The Mexican Federation of Labor should guarantee to every National Union affiliated to it the right to determine its own laws and policies. The Mexican Federation of Labor should exercise no power except that which is conceded to it by the National Trade Unions. The Mexican Federation of Labor should be voluntary in every respect declaratory of general policies and purposes, and it should aid any National Union to the fullest extent in the effort to protect and promote the interests of its members or of the trade. The Mexican Federation of Labor should concern itself largely with organizing, with securing legislation or administrative acts from the Mexican congress and government. The Mexican Federation of Labor should hold annual conventions at which the National Trade Unions would be represented by delegates from National Unions in proportion to the numerical strength of each and one delegate from the Mexican State Federations and the Mexican City Central Labor Unions. The Mexican Federation of Labor should issue charters or certifi- cates of affiliation to National Unions, to State Federations and to City Central Labor Unions. I am sending you a blank charter as sample, which the A. F. of L. issues. The Mexican Federation of Labor should also organize and issue charters to local trade unions of which there is an insufficient number to form a National Union. Enclosed with this I am sending you a copy of the constitution and laws of the A. F. of L. I am also sending you a copy of the official printed proceedings of the last A. F. of L. convention. I am also sending you a copy of the New York State Federation of Labor constitution, and also copy of the laws of one of the City Central Labor Unions of the A. F. of L. Please communicate our desire to all officers of labor organizations and request all to send us written and printed information. We shall be glad to receive regularly copies of your labor papers and to send you our publications. Again permit me to express my gratification at the opportunity to meet the representatives of the Mexican Federation of Labor, Messrs. Carvallo, Ramos and Alonzo, and learn from them of your splendid progress. Sometime I have the hope of meeting more of Mexico's workers — her people face to face. With fraternal greetings and best wishes, I am, Fraternally, Samuel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor. During the conference held in Washington in June, the representatives of this organization presented to the A. F. of L. a gold medal on which was the following inscription: To the American Federation of Labor As a loving token from the Mexican Workingmen to the Workers of America. Later they presented a beautiful diploma, again expressing the spirit and feeling of fraternity and good will. It was the understanding at these conferences that later conferences should take place between the representatives ■ of the workers of Mexico, and that the relations that had been established between our two countries should be broad- ened and made to comprehend the workers of all the countries of America. 37 I Better and closer relations and understanding between the workers of the United States and Mexico are necessary for the protection of the worliers of both countries. The boundary line between the two countries does not consti- tute a real barrier to industrial and commercial development and organization. There is an identity of interest between the property holders and employers of both countries. The fifteen millions of Mexicans among whom low stand- ards of living and work, low wages and long hours have prevailed have con- stituted a real barrier toward progress and betterment among the workers in this country. This is true not only along the border line but its influence is felt even among the central states. There are now thousands of Mexican workers in the cities along the border lines and in the mining regions of the west and in some of the eastern states. In Los Angeles alone there is a Mex- ican population of about fifteen thousand. There are mining communities in Arizona and Colorado which are composed almost wholly of Mexicans. Mex- ican workers have been imposed upon and brought into this country even as far as Chicago to be used as strike-breakers to defeat efforts of the United States workers in reducing hours of work and securing higher wages. This problem must be met by the development of the organized labor movement in Mexico and by the organization of the Mexicans within our own country. We can aid and support the Mexican workers in working out their own problems, and we ought to begin a definite canipaign for the organization of Mexicans in this country. In connection with this section of the report we wish to call attention to the editorial in the July issue of the American Pederationist entitled "Liberty's Hope Is in Thy Keeping, Organized Labor," and to the article in the August issue entitled "United States-Mexico Labor, Their Relations." These articles describe briefly the development of the labor movement in Mexico which is identified with the cause of the revolution and the attempt to establish a con- stitutional government. As clearly and keenly we have been kept in touch with the progress of the labor movement of Mexico (for be it always remembered that in Mexico the revolutionary movement was really a labor movement), yet we were agree- ably surprised to learn of the wonderful progress and achievements of the workers of Mexico in shortening hours of labor, increasing their wages and standards, and improving their conditions of work, and this particularly since the overthrow of Huerta and the establishment of the Constitutionalist govern- ment. This has been general; yet in the state of Yucatan, Mexico, some of the broadest and best constructive labor conditions and labor legislation have been adopted within the past year and a half. In all of our relations with the workers of Mexico it has been our purpose to impress upon them that economic organization is that which is of paramount importance to wage-earners, for only through the organization and control of their economic power can they hope to secure their protection and their free- dom. ,We have also tried to call attention to the fact that the development of the labor movement in Mexico must be directed in accord with the peculiar needs of the Mexican workers and must be worked out to meet the problems and conditions that exist within their country. By establishing closer relations with the labor organizations of that country we can bring about the better protection of the workers of the United States and the advantages of the workers of both countries. Supplemental report of the Executive Council: REPORT ON INTERNATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS. Since our report was prepared and in printed form an important communi- cation has been received that ought to be considered by this convention in 38 connection with that subiect. The following is a letter from Carl Legien, President of the Federation of Trade Unions in Germany: International Federation of Trade Unions, Berun, October 4, igl6. To the American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C. Dear Comrades: Incidents which appear apt to break up the organization of the International- Federation of Trade Unions render it expedient to sum- mon an International Trade Union Conference during the time of war. The conference is to take place at Berne (Switzerland) on Decem- ber 11, 1916. The agenda will comprise decision regarding: 1. The continuation of the International Federation of Trade Unions. 2. The publication of the International News Letter. 3. Miscellaneous proposals. According to the rules (resolutions of the conferences of Budapest, 1911, and Zurich, 1913), each national center is not allowed to send more than two delegates to the international conference. The necessity of the conference is apparent from the following: On July 5th of the current year a trade union conference sat at Leeds, England, at which the Confederation Generale du Travail and the General Federation of Trade Unions were officially represented by their secretaries. Besides, there were present representatives from Belgium and two representatives of a trade union organization in Italy not affiliated to the Confederazione Generale del Lavoro, but recognized by the conference as representing the trade unions of Italy. The international trade union organization known as the Inter- national Federation of Trade Unions continues to exist even if, at present, it can only execute the tasks entrusted to it in a limited way. As long as the war ravages the European countries, exterminates the masses and internationally separates labor, it is the office of the Inter- national- Federation of Trade Unions to safeguard the unity without, so that it may resume more easily its former manner of activity and be developed to a greater degree. The Amsterdam branch office makes it possible for all national sections which — owing to the war- — could not communicate with the central office of the International Federation of Trade Unions to main- tain the connection without getting into conflict with the interests of their own country. Each national center ought to have refrained, there- fore, from holding special conferences. Neither the national centers of the neutral countries nor those of the Central Powers has ever attempted or even suggested anything of the kind. Their exchange of correspondence with the International Federation of Trade Unions was exactly the same as that conducted with the Entente Powers via Amsterdam, although the desire for discussion existed here just as much as there. Not only did such discussions take place at the Leeds conference, but resolutions were passed the carrying out of which would be identical to the establishing of a new international organization for the four countries named. A correspondence bureau is to be erected in Paris, which is to be headed by a council of delegates of the affiliated coun- tries. The secretary of the Confederation Generale du Travail was, besides, commissioned with preparing a new conference of trade unions of the allied countries. Thus the organization of the International Federation of Trade Unions has been violated. The affiliated national organizations must be given the opportunity of deciding in regard to the continuation of 39 the International Federation of Trade Unions and its further activity. This can only be done at a conference at which all national centers affiliated to the Inetrnational Federation of Trade Unions can be repre- sented. For that reason Berne has, after consulting the Swiss trade unions, been decided on as the place of meeting and the date put off until the middle of December. The difficulties in the way of sending delegates to and holding an international trade union conference are obvious. The matter, how- ever, cannot be settled in any other way, if the trade union is not to be paralyzed completely for years to come. Once before, in June, 1915, the majority of the national centers decided by letter that no change was to take place regarding the International Federation of Trade Unions until the conclusion of the war. It will not be possible now to consult the opinion of the national organization by letter, because after the sitting of the Leeds conference the question at issue is not the removal of the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions, but .the continuation of the trade union international and the form it is going to take in the future. Under these circum- stances the difficulties in the way of an international conference must be overcome and the unpleasantness connected with the representation question endured. We trust, therefore, that all national centers desirous of preventing the international separation of the trade unions will send representatives to the conference. With fraternal greetings, (Signed) C. LegiEn President Gompers wrote to Mr. Legien acknowledging receipt of his com- munication and stating that it would be submitted to this convention. .On November 11 the following, cablegram later was received: "KjoEBENHAVN (Copenhagen). "Mr. Samuel Gompers, "American Federation of Labor, "Washington, D. D. "International Trade Union Conference at Berne, Switzerland, J.lth of December, cancelled until other information is given. Letter follows. "Legien." We ought to call the attention of the delegates to the action of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor approving the proposal submitted by the Federation Generate du Travail of France to move the international office to Switzerland. The American Federation of Labor then submitted that in the event of war between groups of countries the labor movements of which are affiliated with the International Federation of Trade Unions the headquarters should be auto- matically neutralized and the affairs of the international labor movement pro- tected against the charge or the appearance of partisanship. The American labor movement has refiised to consider or to suggest any other international proposition concerned with the labor matters during the war. The proposition considered by the Philadelphia and San Francisco con- ventions was to give the workers an opportunity to find a means for presenting the immense human interests affected by international relations at the time when, after the war, steps were being taken for reconstruction and for giving direction, tone and purpose to future development. We have been appalled by the human suffering, the physical and mental agony and the loss and waste of human life in the European w&r and we earnestly desire to prevent the recurrence of such a horror. That purpose cannot be achieved unless constructive measures are devised to accomplish it. The domain of international relations is yet in chaotic condition. There exists a vague mass of customs known as international law and the beginnings of international morality. However, there has been little or no effort to organize this domain for peace and for constructive work. Public opinion has 40 been educated far in advance of the development of agencies through which it must operate. The important thing is to take steps in the right direction, when peace brings opportunity. This thought has been uppermost in the minds of humani- tarian men, many of whom have banded together and formulated definite programs. In order that the wage-workers of America may be ready to participate in the field of international affairs, it is necessary for us to consider various tentative suggestions and to determine upon a definite program promoting labor's interests. The various proposals for the organization of international relations dis- close that the field and its problems are analogous to those of relations between individuals— a domain that is now systematically regulated by the governments of the various states. Some of the same principles will apply to the larger domain between nations. We submit that there ought to be a voluntary uniop of nations, a league for peace to adjust disputes and difficulties, and to take the initiative in con- structive efforts to direct and facilitate world progress in accord with highest concepts. Among the suggestions usually made for maintaining peace is arbitration. Arbitration has been so generally discussed that it is not necessary at this time for us to consider its purposes and functions. However, it has been generally conceded that arbitration has an exceedingly important field of service within definite limitations. Arbitration can be effective only in the adjustment of differ- ences, and thus is limited to justiciable matters. We suggest, therefore, that it is not suited to adjust difficulties that are most likely to threaten peace between countries, and it cannot deal constructively with elements and conditions in their making, which, when further developed, would inevitably result in friction, misunderstanding, or the use of force. There is nothing novel or untried in the first proposition. Arbitration treaties exist between practically all civilized countries. Between some, as the United States and Canada, permanent courts have been established to adjudicate differ- ences. To apply this principle to world relations would necessitate a permanent agency to which would be submitted all justiciable differences arising between signatory nations and not susceptible of other adjustment. Would not a per- manent world judicial tribunal, composed of jurists and those familiar with international law, with jurisdiction over judicial questions concerning members of the league, be a fitting agency to perform this work? In international, judicial, and justiciable matters there are a large number of problems susceptible to mediation and administrative action. For these we sug- gest a second agency adapted to deal with matters of an entirely different nature, such as economic issues and the affairs concerned in the daily life and work of the citizens of the nations. Such a commission should be composed of men in close touch with industrial and commercial forces in action, not those who from a viewpoint remote from the political and industrial struggle look down upon the activity of the people and the creative forces hewing out the destiny of the nations. The real interests, needs, and ideals of the people would be best repre- sented by selecting for this commission journalists, publicists, scientists, profes- sional men, men of affairs, wage-earners — those in close touch with the heart of the nations, through their, work, whether as organizers of the processes of pro- duction and commerce or as the human agents necessary for the utilization of material resources. Fundamentally, would not the creation of this commission for hearing, con- sidering, and recommending as to the infinite variety of interests arising between nations make for "the organization of the field forces of diplomacy? By democra- tizing the commission and appointing to it those representatives of the rank and file of nations and their varied interests, the light of publicity would be turned upon secret diplomacy and its agents would be rendered more responsive to the will of the people. 41 Old style diplomacy here failed. The traditional diplornat regarded his serv- ice as an art detached from the crude struggle for an existence and was unmindful or ignorant of the human interests involved in machinations of diplomacy. Diplo- macy must be made more open, more honest, more effective if our civilization is not to be brought into question and jeopardy. We suggest consideration of means to make the purpose of the League for Peace effective. Would not those nations that band themselves together in a league for peace need to agree upon means for securing compliance with regula- tions and for the use of force against a signatory nation which might go to war or engage in hostilities against another member of the league without having sub- mitted its grievances in the proper way provided by the agreement? Joint use of both economic and military forces of signatory nations could be directed against the offending nation. In order to render international law more tangible and better adapted to the problems with which it must deal would it not be well to provide for conferences of nations to meet at definite times to formulate and codify international law? The suggestions which we submit are to be considered as a general founda- tion for organization for peace between nations, and would help to avert unneces- sary wars. iWe do not declare that it would abolish war — ^but by mediating the causes of war, war becomes less probable. We submit for consideration whether each separate nation ought not to main- tain its separate agencies for compulsion, with the assurance to each of sov- ereignty and necessary authority to determine matters of a distinctively national character? Collective action by a league of nations ought not to dictate the limi- tation or the regulation of military and naval equipment, but it can properly prevent the use of such force for national aggrandizement and for exploitation of the small countries. We deplore militarism, but the fight against militarism must ultimately be made by the citizens of the different nations. Establishing methods and agencies which render display of military and naval power no longer effective is the practical and direct way to abolish rivalry between nations in standing armies and naval equipment. The way to prevent war is to organize for peace. The working people of all countries are vitally interested in the maintenance of world peace. We feel that in addition to expressing our desire we ought to consider constructive suggestions. ■ _ We are keenly conscious that institutions and regulations alone are not suffi- cient. These are only the agencies. B^ck of them must be an international mind and conscience and humanization of our common affairs. The labor movements of all countries have contributed much to the will for peace and justice, and must do their part in the development of the agencies by which their will can be expressed. We suggest that the Executive Council be authorized to continue its efforts in behalf of an international labor conference after the war, with instructions to have the American Federation of Labor represented in that conference. No one can foretell what eventuality may occur in the war ; perhaps ,it may end before our 1917 convention. Therefore, the Executive Council oughtto be in a position to take action to carry out labor's purpose and to protect its interests. Fraternally submitted, Samuei, Gompers, James Duncan, James O'Connei,!,, D. A. Hayes, Joseph F. Valentine, John R. Alpine, H. B. Perham, Frank Dufpy, William Green, Frank Morrison, John B. Lennon, Executive Council, American Federation of Labor. 42 The Committee on International Relations submitted the following recom^ mendation, which was unanimously adopted: The European war is daily growing in extent and horrors, and the nations unfortunately involved in it are at present powerless to check the fury of mutual destruction and wholesale bloodshed. Many nations in Europe are held in political subjugation by the direct powers, are deprived of the right of self-government, hampered in their free, national, and cultural development, oppressed, maltreated, and persecuted, and the existence of such oppressed nationalties and their natural and legitimate struggles to liberate themselves constitute a fruiful source of international strife and war. Some of the warring nations of Europe still withhold from the Jewish and other oppressed peoples the political, national, and civil rights enjoyed by other citizens or subjects of those countries, although the Jews are making untold sacri- fices in goods and blood for the countries of their birth or adoption. We declare that the international movement of organized labor, having justice for its aim, must give its best efforts to the aboltion of all forms of oppression and discrimination, national, racial, as well as political and industrial. We urge that the organized workers of the United States render moral and material assistance to the full extent of their means to their suffering fellow- workers, the victims of the war and of political, religious, racial, and industrial injustice. That the American Federation of Labor pledges itself and all whom it can persuade to act in co-operation with us to render every service in order that justice and freedom for labor and for humanity be secured and maintained for the peoples of all countries the world over. This report of the Committee on International Relations was unanimously approved by the convention: Your committee desires to reiterate that you may reaffirm the expressions and declarations of the conventions of the American Federation of Labor on the questions of war and its causes as follows : Back of all wars of conquest is the spirit of brutality, greed and com- mercialism and back of all revolutionary wars for redress of wrongs is the spirit of independence, liberty, justice and democracy. We declare against the former under all circumstances and in the second instance we have no words of condemnation, and that your committee feels the American Federation of Labor through this convention; can serve the best interests of all our fellow- workers regardless of where located and, moreover,, those of our trade union movement by maintaining strict neutrality under existing circumstances. We again repeat and express that fraternal spirit and world-wide sympathy and kindly regard for the welfare of our fellow-workers regardless of where located or of nationality. While words cannot express the horror we feel over the terrible conflict now devastating Europe and by which so many human souls are being dropped into the vortex of eternity, we express the judgement that unless a larger measure of human liberty, justice and democracy shall come to the toiling masses, the frightful sacrifice has been and will be in vain. Let us here express the hope that, while regretting the existence of the world war, since it has been inaugurated, its end will usher in an era which shall witness the establishment of a better understanding of labor's viewpoint and better economic, social and political conditions for all, the workers, and finally that from the ashes of destruction andl the carnage of conflict there shall be merged a new spirit, a new courage and the determination upon the part of labor to obtain and hold a fuller democracy which shall safeguard, protect and advance the liberties and material interests of the masses. While civilization has wandered far from the ideals of humanity and a brutalizing madness is temporarily enthroned in this war, we are neither pessimists nor necessarily 43 crmh'tL h^L ^""^T^ ^^ .judgment that first the war cannot and will not th^ fr,^ ■ ^""^ aspirations and activities of organized labor, and secondly t^fnin^^ '""°" ™°^e«ent will be a potential force in establishing and main- ificH^f "lore permanent peace upon a foundation which will maintain greater w=.l ( ^™^" ''''^'■'y ^""^ ^'^^"y ^t^nd as a bulwark of strength against wars of conquest waged in the interest of commercialism, kings, potentates merciaHsm'^^"''^ arrogant autocracy grounded upon finance and com- International Labor Relations We note with extreme regret the failure of certain European labor move- ments to accept the invitation and plan adopted by the San Francisco Convention ot the American Federation of Labor, and submitted to all labor centers of all the countries to participate in a World Labor Congress at the same time and place as the World s Peace Congress shall be held at the close of the present Jiuropean war. The present confusion and chaotic conditions of the world's trade union movement justify the wisdom of the proposition made and adopted at the San Francisco 1915 Convention of the American Federation of Labor, wherein we suggested,: that m times of stress, and when the normal functions and activities of the International Federation of Trade Unions should be interrupted for any cause, that the office of the President should automatically revert to some neutral country. Had this been agreed to we would not now be facing the danger of a disruption of the International Federation of Trade Unions. We cannot, and we do not, condemn the action of any federated center. We realize that they are influenced by extremely abnormal conditions, and that they are controlled by national and racial passions engendered by this war that are now at white heat; that their actions are not necessarily the sober second thought and judgment which might, and undoubtedly would be, expressed under normal living conditions. We are keenly mindful of the fact that it is extremely difficult for us to get information to the labor movement of certain countries, and more difficult for such movements to get the true information to us. AH communications are held up and censored, hence judgment' should be stayed, and conclusions reached only after we are in possession of the absolute facts. While we are forced to abandon the original proposition to hold a World Labor Congress at the time and place as the World's Peace Congress shall be held at the close of the war, while reaffirming the judgment which prompted the adoption of such a proposition, yet in the event of the failure to hold a congress such as proposed we concur with the Executive Council that some action should be taken and the necessary machinery adopted to carry forward the purposes and intent of such a congress and- recommend that the Executive Council be authorized to continue efforts to bring about a conference after the war in which the organized labor movement of all countries affiliated to the International Federation of Trade Unions may participate, and that the Execu- tive Council be instructed to have the American Federation of Labor represented in that conference, as directed by the San Francisco Convention. From the results of the correspondence, as well as the conferences had between the representatives of the labor movement of the various European countries and some of the officers of the American Federation of Labor, it is not now determined whether the national conference proposed by the American Federation of Labor can be held, and yet we do not believe that the American Federation of Labor should entirely abandon the proposal. In any event we recommend that further effort be made to clear away the misapprehensions or whatever there may be of groundless opposition to the conference; that at 44 all events we urge that the labor movements of the various countries should insist upon representation by men of organized labor movement in the treaty- making congress in which the terms of peace and J;he future conduct of the nations shall be determined. We hold/ that the voice of labor should be heard in the official* congress of the nations and in the conferences of organized labor and that the Executive Counnil is authorized to carry both or either of these propositions into effect. Mexico The report of the Executive Council upon this subject contains irrefutable evidence of the potentially of the organized labor movement as an international influence for humanity, justice and peace. We are keenly appreciative of the. constructive statesmanship that has been exercised by President Gompers and the Executive Council ir< maintaining human interests and giving expression to the ideals of the common people in the relations between our country and the Mexican Republic and in helping to avert hostilities which pernicious interests sought and are seeking to bring about in order to secure privileges and oppor- tunities for exploitation. ' We recommend that the Executive Council be authorized and instructed to continue its present policies and to be on the alert to take advantage of all future opportunities for furthering humanitarian ideals and protecting the rights and interests of the workers of both countries. The purposes of the Mexican revolution appeal to the highest concepts and impulses of all liberty loving men and women. The struggle now in progress in Mexico is the effort of cV nation to free itself from irresponsible use of gov- ernmental power and from the letters of tyranny. We affirm the right of every nation to work out its own destiny in accord with the concepts and the genius of its own people. The labor movement of the United States through the President and the American Federation of Labor and its Executive Council has been helpful in maintaining this right for the labor movement of Mexico, and we recommend that such intercourse and conferences as may be deemed helpful to thisf purpose shall be continued. One immediate course for action presents itself. President Gompers sub- mitted to this committee a decree issued by General Venustiano Carranza, First Chief of the Constitutionalist Government in Mexico City, on August 1, 1916. That decree is of vital importance to the very existence of the labor movement of Mexico. It is based upon a principle of universal significance to the workers of all countries, as is disclosed in these sections which we here quote : Article 1. The death penalty shall be applied, not only to disturbers of the peace mentioned in the Law on January 35, 1862, but also to : First — Those who may incite workmen to strike in factories and concerns devoted to public service, or who may engage in propaganda to that end; to those who may preside at meetings where such strikes are proposed, discussed, or approved; to those- who may defend or uphpld the same ; to those who may approve or subscribe thereto ; to those who may attend said meetings, or may not withdraw from the same as soon as they learn their purpose ; and to those who strive to render the strike effective after it has once been declared. Second — To those who, because of the suspension of work in said factories, or in any other, take advantage of disorders occasioned, or to aggravate matters and impose the strike by force, should proceed to damage, or destroy property of the concerns operated by the employes or workmen interested in the suspension, or belonging to other con- cerns whose workmen it is desired to cause to strike ; and to those who, with the same purpose; may foment public disturbances, either 45 against public functionaries or against private parties, or who may have recourse ta violence against the person or property of any citizen, or citizens, or who may proceed to take possession of, or destroy, or cause damage to public or to private property, and Third — To those who by means of threats, or the use of force may prevent that others may work in the concern to take the place of the strikers. Since this decree represents a tendency manifested by other governments to deny wage-earners the fundamental rights of free workers, we feel it the duty of this convention to voice the cause of labor in all countries. Because of the pecuhar advantages which our nation or our labor movement now enjoy, we can give expression to the unalterable determination of the workers every- where to refuse to relinquish a right secured or minimize our demands for freedom and justice. Your committee learns with satisfaction that the President of the American Federation of Labor has already emphatically declared to the representatives of the Constitutionalist Government of Mexico that labor's sympathy with and approval of that government were based upo'n the friendly, helpful relations between it and the labor movement of Mexico and that continuation of that policy is necessary to our confidence. On behalf of the Constitutionalist Government of Mexico its representatives explained that the cause of the issuance of the decree of August 1, 1916, was not against strikes inaugurated for improved conditions of the workers of Mexico, but that an order for a general srtike had been issued by irresponsible, and at the time unknown, parties and demands made for conditions impossible to be conceded and that the government's representatives in Mexico sought in vain to have a conference with the persons who called the strike foi' the purpose of reaching an adjustment, but that no representative of any of the workers, organized or unorganized, responded. Efforts have already been made to secure the revocation or the modification of the decree outlawing strikes in Mexico, and we recommend that this con- vention authorize and direct that these efforts be continued to the end that the labor movement of this country be helpful in everyi honorable way in restor- ing to Mexican wage-earners the rights and opportunities of free workers. Pan-American Labor Relations Your committee is in full accord with the expressions and declarations of the Executive Council upon this important matter. We hold that there are no other means whereby greater progress can be made and friendly relations main- tained, misunderstandings prevented and cordial relations maintained among the workers — the masses, and finally a permanent and lastingl peace between all republics of continental America except by first encouraging labor to organize there and secondly through the establishment of a Pan-American Federation of Labor. We recommend that the Executive Council exert every available effort to first be helpful in organizing the workers of all Pan-American republics and, secondly, to federate them in the Pan-American Federation of Labor. President Gompers said: "During the most critical period it seemed wise to endeavor to meet the situation by having a conference of representatives of labor in Mexico and some representatives of the American Federation of Labor. Our Mexican friends were impetuous and impatient; they came to the border without giving the representatives of the American Federation of Labor an opportunity to get there, and as a consequence the inter- national confernece was not held. Telegraphic communications were conducted between the representatives of labor and myself as to what 46 should be done, and it was decided that they would send representatives to Washington. "At that time the organized workers of the state of Yucatan sent a committee consisting of Mr. Carlos Loviera and Mr. Balthaser Pages to help preach the doctrine of a Pan-American Federation of Labor. Mr. Loviera and Mr. Page, learning of our conference, came to Washington. About that time the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor was in session and a general conference was held lasting several days. A joint declaration was reached and given to the world of our unalterable opposition to a conflict between the work- ers of Mexico and the workers of the United States, to endeavor to prevail upon the working people not to be inflamed, to prevail upon the governments of our respective countries to hold themselves properly in leash and prevent a conflict, even against the outbursts of jingoism and the exploiters. At that meeting^ there were a number of the repre- sentatives of the syndicalists, and of the trade unionists of Mexico and the representatives of the American Federation of Labor and it was my privilege to communicate the opinions I had as to what form the organized labor movements of Mexico and of the South American republics should take in order to be of the most practical use to the lyorkers. "Mr. Pages was unable to accompany Mr. Loviera to the South American countries, but Mr. Loveria visited a number of these countries and took with him, not only the agreement reached, but also the sug- gested basis which I had the honor of formulating and to suggest to the workers of these countries. Mr. Loveria has made this special effort t. A. Hayes, Third Vice-President. Jos. F. Valentine, Fourth Vice-President. John R. Alpine, Fifth Vice-President. H. B. Perham, Sixth Vice-President. Frank Duffy, Seventh Vice-President. Wm. Green, Eighth Vice-President. John B. Lennon, Treasurer. Frank Morrison, Secretary. For the organized workers of Mexico : C. LovEria. Baltazar Pages. L. N. MoRONES. S. GoNZALO Garcia. Edmundo E. Martinez. Labor's Efforts to Prevent War While the conference was in progress, an actual clash between the American troops m Mexico and the Mexican army had taken place, in which some Ameri- can soldiers were killed and some were imprisoned and held in jail. The Presi- **?"t°^A*^ United States issued an ultimatum demanding the immediate release of the American soldiers. No word was received from the Mexican government as to their intentions in the matter, public opinion was aroused to fever heat and It seemed as though war was inevitable. ' In this great anxiety an appeal came from the Mexican governmental rep- resentatives in this country to the President of the A. F. of L. asking him to 145 send a personal appeal to General Carranza for the release of the American soldiers. On the afternoon of June 28, about half past two, the following telegram was sent: Telegram Washington, D. C, June 28, 1916 Generai, Vbnustiano Cakranza, First Chief, Constitutionalist Government, Mexico City, Mexico. In the name of common justice and humanity, in the interest of a better understanding between the peoples and the governments of the United States and Mexico, for the purpose of giving the opportunity to maintain peace and avoid the horrors of war, upon the grounds of highest patroitism and love, I appeal to you to release the American soldiers held by your officers in Chihuahua. SamtjEI, GompBrs, President, American Federation^ of Labor On the evening of that same day extra papers on the streets announced that General Carranza had just issued an order releasing the American soldiers. On the following day was received from General Carranza this : Telegram Mexico, June 29, 1916 Samuei, Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor, Washington. In replying to your message dated yesterday, I would state that the government in my charge has ordered the liberty of the American soldiers whom the Mexican forces took as prisoners in Carrizal. Salute very affectionately. V. Cakranza The E. C. which was, at the time, considering Mexican affairs, authorized the sending of the following: Telegram Washington, D. C, Juiie 30, 1916 Generai, Venustiano Carranza, First Chief, Constitutionalist Government, Mexico City, Mexico. Your telegram of June 29 received and laid before the E. C. of the A. F. of L. in session at Washington, and we express to you our ap- preciation of your order releasing the American soldiers and thus helping to clear the way for a mutually honorable settlement of any differences existing between the governments of the United States and of Mexico. SamtjEi, GompErs, President, American Federationi of Labor Federacion de Sindicatos Ohreros de la Repuhlica Mexicana The headquarters of the Federacion de Sindicatos Obreros is at Vera Cruz. This federation consists of all branches of labor, such as bakers, stevedores, masons, waiters, clerks, railway men of all departments, tailors, carpenters, street sweepers, marine workers and sailors, painters, electrical workers, boiler- 146 makers, iron workers, motormen, conductors of street cars, etc. Each trade organization has control over its own immediate affairs, but all unite in pre- senting their demands. All over Mexico there are local organizations of various trades affiUated to their federation. They occasionally send delegates to Vera Cruz, but the meet- ings at Vera Cruz are largely made up of local men. The( federation is only in the formative stage for it must be remembered that a revolution is in progress in Mexico. The workers not only have to carry on the economic struggle, but they have to- make their contribution to the maintenance of the government that affords them opportunities for freedom. The representative of this organization. Col. Martinez, related the following activities, showing the effectiveness of the economic movement. The street car men in Vera Cruz before the revolution worked for about $1 per day, but soon after raised their wages to $2.50 per day. When other opportunities pre- sented themselves the street car men made demands for large increased wages. At first the street car company refused, but yielded when the men struck to enforce their demands. When the government attempted to regulate the price of bread so that the poor people could have food, the bakery owners declared they could not produce bread at the price fixed by the government. The government then made an arrangement with the union bakers by which they should take control over the bakery shops and sell bread at the fixed prices. The result of this arrangement was that the bakers made good wages for themselves, had money left over for the owners of the property and the people had bread at the cheap prices fixed by the government. The stevedores in Vera Cruz made demands upon the steamship companies for higher wages. The companies got their money in gold but paid their em- ployes in Mexican silver. When they rejected the demands of the stevedores, the latter struck, demanded their pay in gold, which amounted to higher wages, and enforced their demands. A very interesting strike was that of the cart drivers who have practically control over traffic in Vera Cruz. When the street carmen were on strike, the cart drivers inaugurated a sympathetic strike and refused to work until the street car strike was won. The best organized states are those along the coast, including Vera Cruz, Tampeche, Yucatan and Tamaulipas. In these states the eight or nine hour day prevails generally for all organized labor. Many of the workers, both in Vera Cruz and elsewhere in the state, were forced by revolutionary conditions and imperative necessities to take their families to the Casas that were the headquarters of the union organization and there many of them still live. In these labor centers meetings are held practically every day and general meetings about once a week. _ The economic movement and other activities have not yet been fully differ- entiated from the revolutionary movement. The whole is an effort to express the desires and the ideals of the people. The labor movement had adopted many forms and practices that will be modified later under conditions of peace and in the practical constructive work of the movement. There are some unde- sirable characteristics, but the labor movement as it now exists in Mexico repre- sents the best that they can do under the circumstances. It is the first efforts of a people, many of whom were recently slaves or peons, to work out their freedom, economically as well as politically. It was most unfortunate that the representatives of the Confederacion de Sindicatos Obreros were unable to reach Washington in time for the conference which was held between representatives of Mexican workers and the E C However, they authorized Col. Martinez by telegram to participate in "the conference. i- i». ii 147 Owing to unavoidable difficulties their three delegates, Messrs. Carvallo, Alonzo and Ramos, did not reach New York until after the other delegates had left for their homes. They proceeded to Washington where they presented to the President of the A. F. of L. credentials, from their organization m Vera Cruz and a letter stating their mission. They filed a statement containing the names of about 500 unions organized and affiliated to- the Confederacion de Sindicatos Obreros. This organization, they stated, consists of a federation of local unions organized in practically all of the Mexican states. , Their total membership is something like 250,000. The main purpose of their trip to Washington was for a conference with the representative of the A. F. of L. in order to learn of our methods and funda- mental principles and to give the workers of America information that they ought to have to estimate correctly the Mexican labor jnovement. They were given the information desired and a letter expressing the good will and sympathy of the American workers, together with suggestions that may be helpful in the development of the Mexican labor movement. These delegates also expressed their earnest desire to co-operate for the realization of the proposed Pan-American Federation of Labor. The Pan-American Movement There is an ideal that has been the hope of liberty-loving men and women of all ages and the labor movements of all countries — internationalism. It is an ideal that for a while seemed hopelessly obscured by the awful European war, but we know that the fault was not with the ideal. It lay in the failure to plan the realization of that ideal. The men of the labor movement of America have had their dreams just as have the workers everywhere and we have been laying a firm foundation for the realization of that ideal. With the development of the labor movement in Mexico there was mani- fest an opporutnity for the workers of the United States to join hands with the workers of Mexico. When conditions presented practical possibilities there came another development that demonstrated the necessity for an international labor entente and organization. Our government took the initiative in plans for promoting closer relations between the Pan-American countries. Congress appropriated money and author- ized the Secretary of the Treasury to appoint a High Commission to visit the countries in the Pan-American Union. When this commission was under con- sideration the President of the A. F. of L. wrote to Secretary McAdoo urging that inasmuch as the scope of the matters which the commission had to deal and consider all concerned in some way the lives and work of wage-earners — for neither production nor commerce can be carried on without wage-earners, who are that which gives the whole organization life, and principles of human welfare are concerned in all relations — there ought to be on the commission distinctive representatives of the human side of Pan-American relations. This whole matterl was incorporated in an official report of the E. C. to the San Francisco Convention of the A. F. of L. and has been called to the attention of men in public life both in this and in other Pan-American countries. One of the most important features, therefore, of the declaration signed by the members of the. Mexican-United States labor conference was that which called attention to the necessity for international relations between the labor movements of all of these countries. When the crisis in the diplomatic relations between the United States and Mexico had passed, the Mexican delegates presented to the President of the A. F. of L. in a letter their opinion that it was no longer necessary to retain two delegates at Washington as had been planned. 148 The delegates from Yucatan have been commissioned to ™ake a tour of Latin- American countries, presenting greetings from the people and the workers of Yucatan. One of the delegates from the Casa del Obrero Mundial of Mexico was instructed to go to Cuba to carry a message to the workers there. At the last conference which the President of the A. F. of L. had with these delegates, he placed in their charge and for their use the following message : Washington, D. C, July 6, 1916 To THE Workers of All American Countries : A purpose has long been in the minds of many which has gradually been taking form and seeking an opportunity for concrete expression. Such an opportunity has been born out of the strained relations that have recently existed between the United States and Mexico and the great anxiety aroused thereby in hearts and minds of the workers of both countries. There has come at least one result that is potential for the maintenance of human rights and the establishment of principles of human welfare in international relations. Just as the situation between the United States and Mexico was most critical, there came to our country two representatives of the government of Yucatan. Mr. Carlos Loveira, chief of the Etepartment of Labor, and Mr. Baltazar Pages, editor of the Voice of the Revolution, bringing an appeal to the workingmen of our country to use their influence inthe interest of peace and justice between the countries. At the same time, in response to an invitation from the A. F. of L., the organized labor movement of Mexico sent as representatives to Washington for the pur- pose of holding a conference, Mr. Luis N. Morones, Mr. S. Gonzalo Garcia and Mr. Edmundo E. Martinez. During the recent past, through personal representatives of the Mexican government and information gained from others in close contact with conditions in Mexico, it became plain to us that the revolu- tion in Mexico represented the cause of humanity and democracy, and that the Constitutionalist government represented a genuine effort on the part of the Mexicans to establish institutions of freedom and justice. The A. F. of L. made an appeal to the President of the United States to r,ecognize the Constitutionalist government of Mexico. It has since on several occasions, when important decisions of na- tional policies affecting the United States and Mexico were in balance, been the instrumentality through which the desires of the masses of the people have been expressed, and further time and opportunity af- forded to Mexico for understanding our national attitude and demon- strating good will and geod faith on her part. Because of this historic relation it was felt that a conference be- tween representatives of the labor movement of Mexico and representa- tives of the A. F; of L. would be a direct means by which the masses of the people of both countries could wield an influence that would counteract the_ influence of financial tJowers and those who were willing to precipitate international conflicts for their own aggrandizement. At this conference held in Washington between the representatives of the Mexican labor movement, and the E. C. of the A. F. of L., a dec- laration was signed by all parties to the conference. This declaration, in addition to provisions which concerned immediate relations between our two countries, provided for future conferences between representa- tives of both countries and declared in favor of efforts to establish a Pan-American Federation of Labor. _ This was not a new thought for the A. F. of L. Upon several oc- casions the same idea has been advanced, and in the proceedings of the 1915 Convention of the A. F. of L. endorsement was given to "a pro- 149 posal for an organization that would represent human rights and in- terests in all Pan-American countries. The necessity for such a labor federation has been made increasingly greater through efforts to estab- lish closer commercial and political relations between the countries in- cluded in the Pan-American Union. In the High Commission which recently made a trip to Pan-Ameri- can countries for the purpose of promoting better commercial and in- dustrial relations, although there was no phase in any of the relations between these different countries that did not in some way affect human interests and human welfare, there was no one on that commission who distinctively represented human interests and the rights and welfare of the masses of the people. I have urged upon the United States Government that this serious omission ought to be rectified, and I urge the labor movements of all Pan-American countries to bring the same matter to the attention of their respective governments. But such representation, valuable as it would be, is not sufficient to protect and promote the rights and wel- fare of the workers of all countries. A Pan-American Federation of Labor is not only possible, but is necessary. It will constitute a ready and fit agency for injecting into international deliberations at opportune and critical times consideration for human rights, interests and welfare. In view of the importance of this purpose, it is most gratifying to find that the representatives from the state of Yucatan are to travel through the countries of Central and South America for the purpose of promoting a Pan-American Federation of Labor. The purpose of this mission has our most sympathetic and hearty co-operation. The realization of an international alliance between the labor movements of all Pan-American countries will constitute a genuine parliament of men, one of the highest purposes to which mankind has aspired. It is earnestly hoped that the representatives of all organized work- ers in Pan-America will come into and continue correspondence with the undersigned. » With sincere greetings, I am. Fraternally yours, SAMxrei, Gompers, President, American Federation( of Labor There is great hope in this effort to bring about a Pan-American Federation of Labor — a hope that is based upon the helpfulness of the organized movements of Mexico and the United States in helping to avert war between the two countries. The labor movement succeeded in doing what other organizations desired to do and hoped to do. The success of the economic organization is due to the following reasons : The labor movement is essential. It is organic. It is something created for the promotion of an ideal ; it is a movement that has inevitably grown out of the needs and the lives of people confronted by pressing problems. If per- forms necessary functions and has adapted its available resources so that it has achieved marvelous results in the face of almost impossible obstacles and opposition. It is fundamental. It can not be crushed as long as there are those who work for wages. Its forms and its methods extend and .expand ; its neces- sity never ceases. When, therefore, two great fundamental organisms in two countries which were threatened by war sent their representatives to a conference to discuss the mutual interests of the masses of the two nations concerned, there was a conference of delegates authorized to speak in the name of the masses of both countries — a conference that resulted in brushing aside non-essentials and fic- tions that had been created for prejudicing the minds of both nations and mis- 150 informing them in order that they might be more willing to clash in war. For the first time the desires and the ideals of. the masses of the two nations were given an opportunity for expression in a. great international crisis. As an expression of the feeling of Mexicans as to the influence of that con- ference, the following letter is enlightening in tone and in statement: New York, July 12, 1916 Mr. Samuei, Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C. My Dear Mr. Gompers: I am in receipt of yours of the 6th inst. As you say in your letter, I am delighted at the reply of the First Chief, General V. Carranza, regarding mediation of the two countries. We all probably will never fully realize the great conseq;iences of your won- derful work for the welfare of the working masses and incidentally for the happiness of the people of the great American continent. I can assure you that the Mexican people appreciate your great efforts in their behalf. It seems to me like a dream to have been aligned against the most powerful interests of the world, and have won* God grant that the working people of our two countries may realize their great power and work hand in hand for our general emancipation. I thank you for copy you enclosed of the resolutions drawn up in Washington Ijetween our organizations. If some time you have the pleasure of seeing President Mr. Wilson, I wish you will tell him that the Mexican people appreciate what he has done towards cementing real friendship and good will between the hon- est people of the two countries. He has done what bloodshed and strife could not accomplish. With best wishes, I am, Sincerely yours, Edmundo E. Martinez Although this conference was devoted to economic matters and dealt with plans which look to future growth and development, it was a tremendous steady- ing force in the diplomatic crisis and exerted a tremendous power in clearing up the facts which were to be presented to the public. It was a force that stood for reasonableness, for justice and for the interests of humanity. At the conference held in Washington it was decided that a later and more general conference should be held some time during this year when conditions shall become more favorable. At such a conference plans for permanent rela- tions can be decided, at least between this country and Mexico, and it is hoped that other countries will send delegates to the conference. Some beginning at least will be made in the establishment of a Pan-American Federation of Labor. .from the very beginning of our efforts to promote this Pan-American Fed- eration ot Labor one fundamental principle must be thoroughly understood. We, in the United States, concede to Mexico and the people of Mexico the right to 7h^.^^\, VZ" P''°^!?.'"= according to their own ideals and in accord with for V/ntr^ the conditions that exist. We must insist upon the. same right !oL H^h^tn h1^*''-^'\J^«^'"^T\" ^r^"^^ '^"'°" movement must have the sole right to determine the affairs of the American trade union movement Tust fnstitu'Iii^'.nnn^ofh "° '""Y^'^^"* .*" «"f°'-« American thought and Amer can institutions upon other peoples, so it can not permit the theories of anv other canTXr Tvlm^eS. '°"""^^^' "^'^ °^ "^^^^^ '^^ princip°/erof°^thrA^t^^ The American labor movement has held itself free of all theorists nartisan ofLabor Thi A*m'"^""^ f'^"'^^^' ^''' '^''' '* '"'^ht press hoSede^S of Labor. The American labor movement consists of adherents of all parties 151 and believers in many theories. But these personal beliefs are not the concern of the labor movement. They are individual. The movement itself must be concerned with cardinal principles and fundamental demands upon those things upon which a commoA understanding has been reached. The movement does not advocate theories, it makes demands and presses them home. The jurisdiction of a Pan-American Federation of Labor would properly be to enable the workers of the various countries to so direct affairs that no one of them would be used against the interests of others, to promote certain fundamental principles of common action and their universal application such as standards of work and life, hours and conditions of labor and minimum wage established, not by law, but by economic action, to take advantage of time and opportunity to cultivate the best relations between the national labor movements of the various countries, and to work out in the interests of the common good those matters upon which there is unanimous agreement. It is the ho_pe of the labor movement of the) United States that the purpose and the ideals that have averted this war and made possible a Pan-American Federation of Labor can be extended to include the workers ' of all countries into a World Federation of Labor — a genuine parliament of men. American Federationist, March, 1917 TO PAN-AMERICANIZE LABOR (EDITORIAL) A practical move has been made to unite the peoples of Pan-America. In compliance with the instructions of the Baltimore Convention a Conference Com- mittee was formed to make necessarj*! arrangements for a Pan-American Labor Congress. February 9, 1917, the committee issued a manifesto to the organized labor movements of all countries of the Western Hemisphere calling upon them for co-operation in the practical work preliminary to the Congress, as well as to participate in the Congress. * The movement was not a matter of premedita- tion grown out of years of desire of the workers of this hemisphere to form a Pan-American Federation of Labor and a closer alliance of all Pan-Amei'ican countries, but had its origin in the developments of the past two and a half years as manifested in the European conflict. The movement is in response to a conviction that is general among the people of all these countries but has lacked means of expression. Although working people have had their ideals they have been very slow to act. The proposed organization will provide a means for action. It will enable the or- ganized labor movement in each country to get its feet firmly on the ground and be ready to do things. The international organization will further the develop- ment of the organized labor movement in each country, and the national develop- ment will further the work of the international organization. The immediate eflfect will be to develop the influence of workers and to enable them to use their own power. At no time has the need of such an organization been more conspicuous than at present. There exist the highest ideals of civilization and peace, but there are no agencies through whicla these ideals can function. More than one-half of the world is at war. There is imminent danger that the other half will inevitably be drawn into the conflict. There are those who would avert war, but they are helpless against the apparent on-coming torrent. In the Western Hemisphere there is an eager desire for peace, but in order to maintain peace it is necessary that we organize for that purpose, that we keep open the way for reason, and that we plan to defeat the efforts of those who would profit by involving us in war. Peace between countries can only be main- tained on a basis of mutual confidence and understanding. Confidence and understanding are possible only when there is frequent contact, communication and conferences. Unfortunately in the past, practically all intercourse between 152 North and South American countries has been that growing out of business relationships and in the interest of private enterprise. United States business, as represented in Pan-American countries, is con- ducted for the' purpose of profit and for the enrichment of its promoters. American business as conducted in the United States ia upon ideals far inferior to concepts of morality held for individuals. Business is upon an impersonal basis— the corporation responsible for the morality. As conducted m bouth American countries it is even more ruthless and immoral than here. The only standard by which it is judged is the amount of profits. The people of Latin America form their judgment of the United States from those agents with whom it comes in contact. They impute to the people of the United States the same low ideals that prevail in our business life. But the ideals of big business do not represent the prevailing desires and ambitions of the people of this nation. The only way by which the purposes of the masses of the .people of this country can find expression in our dealings with other countries is by the establishment of democratic means of com- munication. The masses of the people of other countries are those who are primarily interested in human freedom and economic justice. The great problem of the present age is economic freedom. There are those in all countries who are making a heroic struggle for this great ideal. If these heroes of all countries can join hands in a great International Federation of Labor, a grand step for- ward will have been made iri the common cause of an International Federation of Pan-American countries. At the present time power everywhere is in the hands of those in control of production. They control the governments, the press, distribution and op- portunities of life and development. Although fewer in number to the masses who do the creative work, they have been able to perpetuate domination by organization for their own common profiteering. When workers once under- stand their own power and unite, then ideals of justice, humanity and democracy will find their rightful placd not only in national affairs, but in international. It will be the purpose of the Pan-American Federation of Labor to unite the masses of Pan-America for the cause of human freedom, economic justice and democracy. The opinion of the masses is often inarticulate and vague and has too long been kepti so because denied means of expression. Once give the masses the means of expression and not only do their ideals become clarified, but they gain in power and effectiveness. The Pan-American Federation of Labor will represent the highest Ameri- can ideals — ^the highest ideals of humanity. It will give impetus to a great movement whose transcendant importance and benefit no one can foresee. American Federationist, March, 1917 MANIFESTO Pan-American FfiDERATioN op Labor. Confederacion Pan- Americana de Trabaj adores. Washington, D. C, February 9, 1917 To the Workers of Latin America. Fraternal Greetings: The convention of the American Federation of Labor, held in November, 1916, in the city of Baltimore, United States of North America, passed resolu- tions and gave authority to its Executive Council whereby this, the Pan-Ameri- can Federation of Labor Conference Committee, is called into being. r }^ accordance with this action there has been established in the building of the A. F. of L. in Washington, D. C, an office in charge of the Pan-American I'ederation of Labor Conference Committee whose mission it is to give form 153 to the projected conference of bona fide labor representatives from all Pan- American countries. . The Conference Committee is composed of Samuel Gompers, Chairman, representing the A. F. of L.; John Murray, Secretary, and the following com- mitteemen: Santiago Iglesias, representing the organized workers of Porto Rico, and Carlos Loveira, representing the organized workers of Yucatan, Mexico. The committee welcomes representatives from the organized labor movements of Latin- American countries to join with us. All are urged to select their representatives as soon as possible. If an official selection can not be made early, the name and address of some one should be given the committee, who will correspond with the committee and with whom it and others can correspond. By means of correspondence with all the labor centers of the American continent, and through the daily, weekly and monthly press friendly to Labor, the Conference Committee proposes to carry on an active propaganda for the attainment of practical, immediate benefits as well as the ideals of organized labor. As is well known, the capitaUsts of North America and some European countries are scattering millions and millions of dollars through Latin-America acquiring concessions and business properties which are disposed of to them by Latin-American politicians and speculators without taking into consideration the rights of the masses of the people, who, by these transactions, have their future endangered for decades and perhaps centuries. If the employers, the capitalists, of Pan-America thus unite for the pro- tection of their common advantage, it becomes all the more evident that the wage-earners of these countries must also unite for their common protection and betterment. It will be the duty of the Pan-American Federation of Labor to show to the world that its purpose is to permeate the Western Hemisphere with a hu- mane influence. This influence will more truly represent the sentiments of the American people than the influence of all the corporations of the United States, and is in strong contrast with those capitalists who are eternally crying "Busi- ness, business," and "Dollars, dollars." Above all things, the Pan-American Federation of Labor should stand as a guard on watch to protect the Western Hemisphere from being overrun by military domination from any quarter. The Conference Committee desires to impress upon its brother workers throughout Pan-America that in its opinion each national organization should be autonomous within the jurisdiction of its own country. The Conference Committee stands for the right of the workers of every American country to work out their own problems in accord with their ideals and highest conceptions. Authorized by the A. F. of L., the E. C. held a most important conference in Washington, during the month of July, 1916, with representatives of the or- ganized labor movement of Mexico. It is generally conceded that this conference was one of the main factors in averting war between the two countries which at that very moment was made imminent by the Carrizal affair. Two of the Mexican delegates participating in this conference, Baltasar Pages and Carlos Loveira, left Washington on a tour of propaganda and study through South American countries. They carried with them credentials from organized labor of the State of Yucatan, Mexico, and from President Gompers of the A. F. of L. This oropaganda tour lasted for over five months, the dele- gates going as far south as Chile and Argentina, besides visiting other Latin- American countries. Everywherei Loveira and Pages, speaknig for the ideal of a Pan-American Federatior^ of Labor, were received with a warm welcome, and a full report was made by Mr. Loveira to the Thirty-sixth Annual Con- vention of the A. F. of L. held in Baltimore. The report cited the significant situation now existing between Chile and Peru. These countries had been at war with one another and, officially, still regard each other with suspicion. In 154 spite of this, however, the labor movements of these countries have established the most friendly relations, each country maintaining a fraternal delegate in the land of the other and holding labor congresses from time to time. The report went on to show that between Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Guatemala the same fraternal labor conditions exist. The Conference Committee hopes that every bona fide labor organization in Latin-America will immediately establish correspondence, one with another, and for this purpose and to facilitate this correspondence, the Conference Com- mittee encloses a list of names and addresses so that there may be a free interchange of opinions and suggestions to bring about the purposes expressed in this document. It is earnestly requested that labor organizations which desire any further information in regard to matters of trade union tactics, rules, regulations and customs may freely ask this. Conference Committee for them, in order that all may acquire fraternal solidarity. The working people of all our countries should give their first attention to securing better standards of life and work: Higher wages. Shorter workdays. More safe and sanitary conditions in all places of employment. Better homes. Better surroundings. Prohibition of child labor. Protection of children. Legislative enactments to achieve and maintain equal rights: The right of association. The right of free assemblage. The right of free speech. The right of free press. The right, singly or collectively, to withhold 'our labor power — the right to strike. Latin-American labor organizations are asked to spread the suggested ideals of this conference by means of correspondence, by means of the press at their disposal, and through pamphlets. In order to facilitate this great work it is desired that all possible information in relation to unions, syndicates, federations and confederacions be sent to the- Pan-American Federation of Labor Con- ference Committee, A. F. of L. Building, Washington, D. C, U. S. A., giving in detail names and addresses of leaders, number of members and other matters of moment. It is not the purpose of the Conference Committee in this circular letter to undertake to discuss all that this Pan-American Federation of Labor may en- compass or portend. Suffice it to know that this Conference Committee has in mind the establishment of the most cordial and fraternal relations, co-operation tor the protection and the promotion of the rights and interests of the working people— this^ to maintain the integrity of our several countries in order that the largest field of helpfulness may be utilized, and that thd people and all the fX'.Zr f Pan- America may stand as one great unit for our common protection and advancement. hTaSr/co'nTt^itTpp^o,?;: ^^^^ ''''■ °"^ -'^-'^ ''-^°"' *^-r ™-<^'^^«. have^^^'";!^^ *u"f''* ^""^i ^"P? ^°'" ^ Pan-American Federation of Labor ™r^' T" ''""'T-' '°"^ .'" contemplation and for nearly a year b the course of preparation. This manifesto has been in course of preparatbn for 155 several weeks, and is not based upon the present critical international situation betweeri the United States and Germany. Indeed, it was written before the break came, but between the time of its production in the English language and its translation into Spanish, the crisis was reached and its printing! held up to incorporate this paragraph. That which precedes this is all the more sig- nificant by reason of the crisis in which the United States and necessarily the Latin-American countries find themselves, and emphasizes more clearly than ever the necessity for a Pan-American Federation of Labor and a spirit of Pan-Americanism. It is hoped that the best fraternal relations shall be estab- lished between the workers and all the peoples of Pan-America with the peoples of all other countries, but come what may, at least the workers and the peoples of Pan-America must stand true, not only to their geographical situation, but for the common protection and the opportunity for the development and main- tenance of their ideas and ideals of democracy, justice and freedom. Fraternally, Conference Comomttee: Samuel Gompers John Murray c. loveira Santiago Iglesias American Federationist, Novemlber, 1917 PAN-AMERICAN LABOR ACTIVITIES (EDITORIAL) On October 12, in Santiago, Chile, will convene the Latin-American Labor Congress which is composed of representatives of organized labor of Chile and Peru. After the last war between Chile and Peru, which occurred in 1884, the countries failed to re-establish diplomatic relations. As a result of that war, Chile took from Peru two of her richest provinces, with the understanding that after twenty years a referendum was to be taken in the two provinces to de- termine to which country they should finally belong. But commercial inter- course and economic relations proved stronger ties than the political. The workers of the two countries found their organized labor movements an agency through which mutual interest could be best promoted. The Latin-American Labor Congress has been a potential factor in main- taining peace and checking militarist elements, for peace has been maintained despite the fact that both countries have kept their armies on a war basis. The Congress that met on October 12, Columbus Day, considered the Ameri- can Federation of Labor proposal to establish between the labor movements of all American countries relations similar to those existing between Chile and Peru. The following cablegram was sent to the Congress : Washington, D. C, October 11, 1917 CoNGRESo Obrera Latino Americano, Arturo Pratt 28, Santiago, Chile. The A. F. of L. extends greetings to the labor movements of Chile and Peru. It is our hope that the day upon which your Congress convenes, commemorating the discovery of the new world and a new epoch in world affairs, is an auspicious omen of a new and more emancipated era for American countries in which there shall be demo- cratic organization and control of international relations. Such a pur- pose will be furthered by a Pan-American Labor Congress and we hope your Congress will join in that movement. Samuel Gompers 156 The idea of a Pan-American Federation of Labor grew out of a pact be- tween tlie organized workers of Mexico and the United States, which originated in a crisis in the diplomatic relations between the two countries. X^e good will and understanding that grew out of that simple pact have continued potential factors for peace and better relations between the two countries. The decision of these two countries is of importance' in determining the future of Pan-Amer- ican labor as well as international relations. The Pan-American Conference Committee, constituted in accord with the direction of the Philadelphia Con- vention of the A. F. of L., has been carrying on correspondence with labor organizations of Latin- American countries explaining the purpose and the benefits of such an organization. The countries have no doubt decided this question. Another meeting of significance to, the Pan-American labor movement that will be held in the near future, is that provided in an action of the Arizona State Federation of Labor. The last convention of that organization elected a committee of five to meet with representatives from the Sonora Working- men's Congress. Sonora is a Mexican state just across the border line from Texas which has been making progress in bettering labor conditions along the same lines as those followed in Yucatan. This international meeting will prob- ably be held in Douglas and Agua Prieta on alternate dates. These two towns are practically one, but are divided by the international boundary line between the United States and Mexico. This meeting is of particular significance be- cause Sonora is one of the gateways through which the Mexicans come into the southwest. There are in Arizona alone approximately 14,000 Mexican work- ers; organization of them, both in Sonora and in Arizona, constitutes one of the immediate problems of the labor movement. From Arizona and the other border states, the Mexicans travel northward into all of the western states, and recently have been cpming into the east. One Mexican authority estimates the number of Mexicans within the United States at over one million. Because of the mobility of Mexican workers and the fact that they have constituted a considerable element in the unskilled labor of this country, it is of the utmost importance that definite steps be taken to organize, not only the Mexicans within our country, but to be helpful in the movement to organize them within their own country. Such practical, bene- ficial work is an instance of what may be expected from a. Pan- American Fed- eration of Labor, operating in the affairs between nations to call attention to the human agencies in all those relations, diplomatic, industrial and commercial, and to maintain principles of human justice and freedom. American Federationist, August, igi8 MBXICO-UNITBD STATES LABOR PACT Unheralded, unnoted save by those accustomed to study vital international affairs, have occurred international labor conferences in the capitals of Mexico and the United States for the purpose of making possible the feeling and re- lationship of neighborliness between the United States and Mexico. The Mexican revolution has brought new opportunities by increasing our community of interests. The Mexican revolution represented an aspiration of our neighbors to the South that leveled the boundary line barrier between the liberty loving people of the United States and those of Mexico. Mexico became a neighbor in spirit and purpose as well as in physical fact. Standards of living and desires are an essential basis for true neighborliness. Internationally these facts make necessary the development of a continental policy, aftecting all countries occupying the American continent and democrat- ically determined and administered. There is comparatively little to obstruct the development of such a policy with the English-speaking people of the North, but there are differences of institutions and standards of living that constitute barriers more formidable than the political boundary which separates Mexico from the United States. 157 These separating barriers have been the fulcrum used by exploiters in foist- ing a system of special privilege upon the Mexican people. Concessionaires could not maintain their vampire hold on Mexican wealth and life if they had not accentuated diflferences and stirred up strife and misunderstanding betvireen the peoples of the two countries. An isolated Mexico would be more easily their victim, or an "annexed" Mexico more profitable. The interests of the concessionaires were identified \yith the old regime, the cientificos of Mexico. They antagonized the revolution. They have tried to force United States intervention in Mexico. Wage-earners have learned that their interests are furthered by co-operation rather than competition. The basic facts of the workers' advancement and betterment are the same the world over. The one force in' the United States to which Mexicans confidentially turned for unfailing assistance and advice was the organized labor movement. During all the years when the revolution in Mexico was in the making the organized workers of the United States were closely in touch and co-operating with efforts of Mexican fellow-workers. When the revolution finally came it gave Mexican wage^earners the right to organize and assured an agency by which the masses of both countries could co-operate. It was through this agency that in 1916, when war with Mexico seemed un- avertible, that mutual confidence was restored and the border terrorists repulsed. When the war clouds were dark, representatives of organized labor of Yucatan and of the City of Mexico met with the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, and the foundation was laid for an international labor movement of the two Americas. During the months following a Pan-American Federation of Laber Con- ference Committee was organized at the headquarters of the A. F. of L. at Washington. This resident committee consisted of representatives of the A. F. of L., organized labor of Yucatan, of Cuba, Porto Rico and Chile. A publicity campaign was conducted setting forth the purposes of the Pan-American Fed- eration of Labor in order that the general thought in all countries might be receptive. Early in the spring of 1918 it seemed necessary to take some definite action. Carlos Loveira, who chiefly directed the literary propaganda sent out from headquarters, made a tour of many of the South American countries ex- plaining /the proposed Pan-American Federation of Labor. In! order that an agreement might be reached between the labor movement of the United States and Mexico, it was decided to send a commission representing the A. F. of L. to Mexico. The commission consisted of the following: James Lord, President of the Mining Department, A. F. of L. ; Santiago Iglesias, President of the Free Federation of Labor of Porto Rico, and John Murray, member of the Interna- tional Typographical Union, and secretary of the Pan-American Federation of Labor Conference Committee. The commission was given the following cre- dential which explains the work they were to perform : Washington, D. C, May ii, igi8 To Whom It May Concern: This is to certify that by authority of the Buffalo Convention of the American Federation of Labor, the undersigned, as President there- of, and as Chairman of the Conference Committee of the Pan-American Federation of Labor, has appointed the bearers, James Lord, President of the Mining Department of the A. F. of L. ; Santiago Iglesias, President of the Free Federation of Work- ingmen of Porto Rico; John Murray, Secretary, Pan-American Federation of Labor Conference Committee, to meet and confer with the representatives of the workers of Mexico and with all others for the following purpose : 158 1. To bring about a better understanding between the workers of Mexico and of the United States. . 3. To bring about a more reciprocal and co-operative course be- tween the working people of the United States and Mexico. 3. To lay the basis for the mutual acceptance of the union cards of the bona fide unions of both countries, subject to the approval of the particular unions involved. 4. To help secure the economic, political, and social improvement of the conditions of the workers of both countries through — (a) Economic action. (b) Sympathetic and co-operative legislation. (c) Sympathetic and co-operative administration. 5. To establish the permanency of the Pan-American Federation of Labor between the workers of Mexico and of the United States, and thus help secure the extension of the Pan-American Federation of Labor to the labor movements of all the Latin-American countries. 6. To endeavor to have a representative labor man or two to yisit the convention of the American Federation of Labor, St. Paul, Minne- sota, beginning June 10, 1918. 7. To endeavor by every honorable means and within the Unfits of the powers of private voluntary associated effort, to secure the co- operation of the governments of the United States and Mexico in firmly establishing the principles of protection of the peoples and the governments of all American countries against sinister influences or , power from any other country or group of countries in the war. 8. To safeguard as far as it is possible the principles of autono- mous independence and democratic Pan-American countries from open or insidious attempts of autocratic forms of government. In a word, to bring about mutual ^ood will, co-operation and confi- dence among the workers, the peoples, and the governments of Pan- America. I bespeak for Messrs. Lord, Iglesias and Murray, the courteous consideration of all workers and the officers of the government of Mexico, and wish for their mission the greatest possible success. Fraternally, Samuel GompEes, Chairman, Pan-American Federation of Labor, President, American Federation of Labor The commission performed its work and two of the members returned in time to make a report directly to the St. Paul Convention of the A. F. of L.t The third member of the commission, John Murray, remained in Mexico to arrange for the sending of a Mexican labor commission to the St. Paul Convention. The Federation of Workers Sindicatos and the Mexican Federa- tion of Labor sent the following communication to the American labor com- mission : Mexico Federacion de Sindicatos Obreeos Dei, D. F.* Comite Central. To Our Fellow Workers, Santiago Ighsias, James Lordj and John Murray, Representatives of the American Federation of Labor, Greetings: In regard to the propositions that we have received through the General Secretary of our association, Mr. Francisco Ramirez Plancorte, tThis report is omitted from this art'cle but is published on pages 123-131 of this volume. ♦Translation of the responses to the American Federation of Labor Commission from the Federacion De Sindicatos Obreros Del D. F., being also, almost word for word, the re- sponses of the Confederacion Regional Obrera Mexciana. 159 which were introduced and read for consideration before our various associations, which belong to -the Federacion de Sindicatos Obreros del Distrito Federal, and in accordance with the answer given by the Central Committee of the Confederacion Regional Obrera as instructed by the labor congress recently assembled in the city of Saltillo, Coahuila, we have great satisfaction in giving the following statement: 1. The Federation which we represent has in its program, perfectly determined the scope and work for a close understanding of the labor organizations wherever may be their locality, their good relations, soli- darity, all as an indispensable means to obtain common welfare ; and, therefore, we are pleased to give you our felicitations for that affinity of opinion between us which is referred to in a general way as labor unity. 2. We judge it most important and beneficial for the higher nature of organized labor that there be acceptation and interchange of union cards for identification by the labor organizations which are affiliated with the Federation; and, for this reason, we are in favor of close re- lations within and out of Mexico, and we consider it urgent to call upon every power and to seek every opportunity that may bring about and facilitate guarantees to the working men who immigrate from one country to another; and we hope for reciprocity on the part of the American Federation of Labor at every opportunity in this important matter. 3. We comprehend that we must procure and obtain better econ- omic and social positions for the laboring classes by every possible means as the sure way to exercise our rights as working men within the sur- roundings in which we live, and we can assure you that at the opportune time every effort will be used to establish the rights of organized labor of this region ; but we consider it very premature and inconvenient, at this moment, to form a labor program which might compromise our efforts and action in the matter relating to international politics. 4. We believe it is necessary and beneficial that there be estab- lished an interchange of labor representatives who will appear before the labor conventions or congresses which may be organized in any place in the world. To this end we will do our best to send our delega- tion to the convention at St. Paul, Minnesota, in order that this delega- tion can study and obtain information which may prove of great benefit. Wishing to express our sincere recognition of the attentions which we have received we hereby express our gratification. 5. We will consider satisfactorily, if circumstances permit, the proposal to assist in the international conference which is being organ- ized for the future to be held on the border of the United States and Mexico for the purpose of considering and determining the best form in which to constitute the central committee of the Pan-American Fed- eration to the end that there be an ennobling unification of the Ameri- can, working men. 6. We are profoundly convinced that it is our unmistakable duty to constantly study the best methods in order to get the necessary de- velopment of labor's personality which will bring about decisive justice in the future for all mankind arid we will with much pleasure do our modest part to obtain the realization of this sublime ideal. In conclusion : We believe it is necessary, owing to the continued increase of capitalist organization everywhere, that such organizations of capital be confronted bv organizations of labor wherever the former may manifest itself, in order to avoid the inhuman exploitation to which all unorganized labor is subjected. 160 We conclude by giving you our complete assurance that all we have stated above is the conception of our sincere thoughts in regard to the matters discussed. And we take this happy opportunity to express our appreciation of your estimable conduct and send a fraternal salute from the workers of Mexico to the workers of North America. Mexico, June 7, 1918. Francisco Ramirez Plancarte For the Federation of Workers Syndicates of the Federal District by the Executive Committee. It was further arranged the Mexican Labor Commission should be present at the St. Paul Convention. That commission consisted of the following : Luis N. Morones, Secretary General, Mexican Federation of Labor; Salvador' Al- varez, representing Sindicatos of Mexico; Ignacio Moralez, representing Or- ganized Mill Workers of Mexico. , ,. When this commission, together with John Murray, left the border line they sent the following telegram to the. President of the A. F. of L. at St. Paul : Laredo, Texas, June i6, igiS. Samuel Gompers, Pres. A P. of L., Convention, St. Paul, Minn. Commission representing Mexican -Federation of Labor and Sin- dicatos of Mexico arrived in Nuevo Laredo today and sends greetings to convention. Being too late to attend convention, we desire to have conference in Washington with committee appointed by your conven- tion. Answer. Luis N. Morones Secretary General, Mexican Pederation of Labor. Salvador Alvarez Representing Sindicatos of Mexico Ignacio Moralez Representing Organized Mill Workers of Mexico John Murray Inasmuch as the St. Paul Convention was held only six months after the 1917 convention, by the time the telegram from the Mexican commission reached St. Paul it was evident that the work of the convention would have been com- pleted before the commission could reach that city. Therefore, the commission was requested to come to Washington for conferences with representative labor men at headquarters. A formal meeting of the Pan-American Federation of Labor Conference Committee was held on June 27, 1918. Mr. Luis N. Morones and Mr. Salvador Alvarez represented the Mexican workers, Ignacio Moralez having been taken seriously ill at Laredo. Mutual expressions of fraternity and good-will were exchanged. The Mexican delegates presented their credentials, explaining that they had been authorized to attend the St. Paul Convention. Conferences were held at Washington extending 'over several days in which the resident members of the E. C. and the officers of the various departments and labor representatives at headquarters participated. Proposals were drawn up in the conferences. The committee requested President Gompers to give to the Mexican commissioners a letter explaining the nature of the proposed Pan- American Federation of Labor and incorporating the joint agreement adopted. President Gompers' letter follows: 161 Washington, D. C, July 3, 1918 To the Commissioners from Mexico: Luis N. Morones, representing, the Confederation Regional Obrera Mexicana (Mexican, Feder- ation of Labor), and Salvador Alvarez, representing the Peder- acion de Sindicatos Obferos Del Distrito Federal 'dte Mexico (Federation of Workers Syndicates of the Federal District of Mexico) : In the name of the American Federation of Labor, I express ap- preciation ofi your fraternal mission to this country because of the manifest desire to bring about better understanding and more ad- vantageous relations between the people of the United States and of Mexico. Our countries have both benefitted in the past through con- ferences participated in by labor representatives of our two countries which meeting during a crisis in the relations between our two Re- publics emphatically recorded the desire for peace between our peoples and thus give power to our chief executives to maintain this great idea. We realize that there are powerful forces seeking to subordinate the best interests of the masses of our two countries to further their per- sonal privilege; therefore, we deem it of fundamental importance that everything shall be done to promote free intercourse between the masses of our countries and to establish agencies whereby the desire and the ideals of the common people shall be given an opportunity for expres- sion. It was in, furtherance of these purposes that the American Fed- eration of Labor proposed a Pan-American Federation of Labor, and has sought conferences with the working people of Mexico. As has been well said by a noted Mexican high in the confidences and offices of this country, "it remains with the organized labor movements of our countries to bring about a fraternal understanding that even diplomacy might not be able to accomplish." In addition to the international conferences in which you have participated here in Washington during the past few. days with the Pan-American Federation of Labor Conference Committee, I desire, in the name of the American Federation of Labor and thd working people of the United States, to urge your earnest co-operation in the following proposals drawn up and approved in our conferences: "As well expressed in the responses of the commissioners repre- senting the Confederacion Regional Obrera Mexicana (Mexican Fed- eration of Labor), and the Pederacion de Sindicatos Obreros Del Dis- trito Federal de Mexico (Federation of Workers Syndicates of the Federal District of Mexico"), wherein it is declared that: '"Fifth. We will consider satisfactorily, if circumstances permit, the proposal to assist in the international conferences planned for the near future on the frontier of the United States and Mexico, to study and decide upon the best form iri which to constitute the Pan-American Federation Central Committee to the end that there be an ennobling uni- fication of the workers of America,' and as clearly set forth in the credentials of the commissioners sent to Mexico by the American Fed- eration of Labor, as follows : " '5. To establish the permanency of the Pan-American Federation of Labor between the workers of Mexico and of the United States, and thus help secure the extension of the Pan-American Federation of Labor to the labor movements of all the Latin American countries,' and, in view of these things, a delegation from Mexico having been sent to the convention of the American Federation of Labor, recently held in St. Paul, Minnesota, but for lack of time was not able to at- 162 tend the sessions of the same, it having closed on the tenth day, and the delegation having been invited by President Gompers of the A. F. of h. to a meeting in the offices of the American Federation of Labor at which were present the comrades, Samuel Gompers, Luis N. Morones, Salvador Alvarez, James Lord, John Murray, Santiago/ Iglesias and certain members of the Pan-American Federation of Labor Conference Committee, Vice-Presidents of the A. F. of L. in Washington, and hav- ing named a special committee to submit proposals to the labor move- ment of Mexico for delivery to the commissioners of Mexico for the consideration of the organized workers of the sister Republic, the aforenamed committee presents the following recommendations and solutions : "First. That an international conference be held at the earliest pos- sible date, at the most convenient place on the frontier, at which shall be represented the American Federation of Labor and representatives of the organized labor movement of Mexico. "Second. That President Carranza and President Wilson of the two Republics be earnestly requested to be present at this conference for such periods as they may deem proper. "Third. That the governors of the border states be invited to at- tend this international conference. "Fourth. That the svtbjects for consideration at the international conference shall be: "(a) The establishment of the Pan-American Federation of Labor, "(b) The establishment of better conditions for workingmen who emigrate from one country to another. "(g) The establishment of a better understanding and relationship between the peosples of the United States and Mexico, "(d) To utilize every lawful and honorable means iot the protec- tion and promotion of the rights, the interests and the welfare of the peoples of the United States and of Mexico, "(e) To utilize every lawful and honorable means for the purpose of cultivating the most favorable and friendly relations between the labor movements, the peoples and the republics of Mexico and of the United States." It is tentatively proposed that the conference shall begin in Laredo, Texas, Wednesday. November 13, 1918. to continue until the business be- fore the conference shall have been completed. When definite replies to this invitation have been received further and detailed information will be conveyed. This communication and the conference suggested are but the fore- runners for what is hoped and believed will inaugurate the movement that shall permanently establish an international labor movement of which all Pan-American countries shall be component and equal parts. World events of the recent past have demonstrated the necessity for organizing and maintaining agencies for democratizing relations be- tween nations and for directing international dealings in accord with principles of democracy and human justice. These ideals can be ac- complished only when the people themselves throug'h their representa- tives are participating in the molding and determination of international affairs. We realize that the lives of nations are now so closely inter- related that no one country can maintain the rights and protect the wel- fare of Its men and women without the co-operation of other nations. So closely identified are the interests. and welfare of the working people of Mexico and the United States, and so slight a barrier does our boundary line interpose to economic and commercial organization, that it is indispensable to maintain friendly relations and a constructive pro- 163 gram and agencies for mutual self-protection and advancement of, the working people of our two countries. These mutual interests are keenly appreciated by the working people of the United States as is proved by the declarations and instructions adopted by several conventions of the organized labor movement of this country. In the name of the working people of the United States, I ask you to convey to the working people and the citizens of Mexico generally, the good will and desire of the working people and the liberty-loving people of the United States for mutually advantageous relations with the people of your country. Convey to the organized labor movement of Mexico our deep appreciation of their action in authorizing your mission to the workers of the United States and our earnest desire that they shall approve and co-operate in the additional program sug- gested. Please keep me advised as to the wishes and decisions of the Mexican labor movement Fraternally, Samuel Gompers, President, Americanl Federation of Labor The) plan agreed upon in these conferences is the practical method of solv- ing the difficulties that interfered and still further threaten to interfere with friendly relations between Mexico and the United States. By organizing inter- national agencies that stand for mutual justice and co-operation for common interests, power and opportunity is taken from those predatory elements which seek merely their own gain and special privileges at the expense of the peoples of both countries. A meeting of the minds and wills of the masses of two countries represents a new conception of international- diplomacy and a new- era in international relations and organizations. When the results of these co-operative efforts shall have proven the mutual advantages to both Mexico and the United States we feel assured that the ben- eficent influences will reach our fellow-workers of all Pan-American countries and genuinely and firtnly establish the Pan-American Federation of Labor to the lasting friendship, benefit and fraternity of all the peoples of these countries. American Federationist, August, igi8 AMERICAN ORGANIZED LABOR CRUSADERS, FOR LIBERTY By Santiago Iglesias When President Gompers appointed a commission to go to Mexico to confer with the representatives of the workers of the Republic of Mexico, he said: "We must safeguard as far as it is possible the principles of autonomy, inde- pendence and democracy in Pan-American countries from open or insidious at- tempts of auotcratic forms of government." We know that since the opening of the Panama Canal there has been a growing realization that there will soon exist closer political; economic, and social relations between the labor movements of the Western hemisphere. As is well known, the capitalists of North America and some European countries in combination with financial interests and officials of the various governments, are scattering millions and millions of dollars through Latin-America, acquiring concessions and business properties which are disposed of to them by Latin- American politicians and speculators without taking into consideration the needs and rights of the masses of the people, the masses of the people who by these transactions have their future endangered for decades and perhaps cen- turies. 164 If the employers and capitalists of Pan-America thus unite for the pro- tection of their common advantage, it bp.comes all the more evident that the wage-earners of these countries must also unite for their common protection and betterment. Out of all the chaotic mixings, strivings and plottings of the money trust and profiteers of the nation with conflicts forced upon the Latin-American peoples, one sees steadily emerging and growing the desire and determination of these financial agents to control the governments, because of the promised power and wealth to be won out of cheap labor and even more cheap land. The conventions of the American Federation of Labor in recent years passed resolutions and gave authority to President Samuel Gompers and its Executive Council to organize a Pan-American Federation of Labor in order to unite all the labor movements of the Latin Republics with the great labor movement of this nation and to instill a truei conception of the value of human life, and to make human relations the chief concern of these international re- lations. ' ■ During the year of 1915 the first Pan-American financial conference took place in Washington with' the purpose of considering better financial, industrial, and commercial relations and the development of the national resources of the countries of the Western hemisphere. The delegates to this conference represented all the great financial, industrial and commercial interests of Latin- American countries, the steamship companies, the mines, the sugar, the tobacco, the banks, railroads and telephones, and all the great corporations. That con- ference dealt with matters and policies that were to be of a far-reaching conse- quence, not only in international relations between the American-Latin Republics, but in the internal development of the same countries. President Gompers at that time stated : "It requires no great imagination or discernment to understand that these able representatives of the interests would so plan and man- ipulate conditions and events, that the great corporate interests of the various countries would be in a position to control, not only the in- dustries and commerce within their own countries, but international regulations for commerce and industry. In other words, this con- ference plainly would enable the corporate interests to entrench them- selves in a powerful position that would require years of struggle to enable the people of the nations, the masses of the wage-earners, to secure for themselves protection and a right to opportunities in accord with their importance This conference would determine the tone of in- ternational relations, the standards and ideals that would dictate policies and would thus establish a whole line of intangible powerful influence that would make doubly difficult the age-long struggle for freedom that the workers everywhere have waged." The employing interest of all the countries feel the indentity of interests and there is closer association, if not a greater organization, of the most influ- ential employers of both the North and South American countries. In most of these countries the conditions of the masses of working people are deplorable. Plutocratic forces of the United States are taking the good name of this great nation and spreading among these peoples a wrong conception of American ideas and ideals. So it will be the duty of the Pan-American Federation of Labor to show to the world that its purpose is to permeate the Western hemisphere with humane influence. This influence will more truly represent the sentiments of the American people than the influence of all the corporations of the United States and be in strong contrast wtih those) capitalists' ideas and sentiments which are eternally crying, "Business, business," and "Dollars, dollars." The American working people as represented by the A. F. of L., should give their first attention to the securing of better standards of life and work 165 for those peoples of the Latin Republics who are being invaded by American plutocratic combinations. The American labor movement must go in the name and with the senti- ments of the American people, their ideas of civilization and human rights, to the peoples of Latin-America. The A. F. of L., through organized labor's ef- forts, has fought and is fighting with many struggles, for higher wages, shorter workdays, safe and better sanitary conditions in all places of employment; it is fighting for better homes, better surroundings; prohibition of child labor and protection of the children. It is also securing the enactment of legislation for the maintenance of equal rights of expression, free assemblage, free speech, free press and the right to control and act collectively in labor affairs, the right toi strike and the right of proportional representation of labor on all the nation's councils, commissions and committees, which have the power to deal with the affairs of the nation. It is with these thoughts and hopes uppermost in the minds and hearts of the American labor leaders, that the spirit of fellowship wiU obtain the desired end and make possible the building up a great Pan-American Federation of Labor. American Federationist, August, 1918 MBSSAGE FROM THE LABOR MOVEMENT 0F\ CHILE The labor movement of Chile is one of the best organized among the South American countries due to the fact that freedom of speech and association is re- spected as well as the right to strike and to make agreement as to wages, hours of labor and regulations for better homes for workers. The political ideals of the Chilean workers are profoundly democratic. They have already won prestige in winning several seats for labor in the Na- tional Congress in order to enact legislation of moderni democratic character for the welfare of the masses. The most prosperous institution that we have in our country is the Labor Federation of Chile which is a modern organization and which we hope will become in a very short time powerful enough to deal with all the problems and difficulties pertaining to relations between capital and labor. I have been fortunate myself in being one of its founders and today I have the honor of being its delegate before the Pan-American Federation of Labor Conference Committee in the United States. When I came to this great country I had the honor to receive from the' Federation of Labor of Chile my credential obligating me to do my best for the establishment of fraternal relations between the labor organizations of this country and that of Chile. Many other labor institutions of my country have spontaneously accepted this great and noble idea of solidarity. I have taken a very deep interest in this cause and it is one of my great desires to help in accomplishing its practical realization. I understand that the, prospects for the formation of the Pan-American Federation of Labor are very bright and I am certain that all masses of, work- ingmen of all South American; countries will respond to the call to make good this aspiration, especially Chile, which maintains a very deep spirit of solidarity and union toward all the countries and their brothers. When I return to my country next year I will have the great pleasure to carry on with me the most faithful expressions of the thoughts of the Ameri- can organizations presenting them to their Latin American brothers with the view that some day in the near future we can meet together in fraternal senti- ments and with the good feeling of every brother and sister delegate from every 166 country and every people of this great continent to constitute forever the Pan- American Federation of Labor. CaedEnio GonzalBz Delegate of the Chile Federation oj Labor American Federationist, August, 1918 FROM THE WORKERS OF CUBA Having been informed of the remarkable convention that you held at St. Paul and of the report rendered before your nationa:! assembly by the com- mission tiiat was sent to Mexico and also being interested in the conferences that your committee have held with the Mexican labor delegates and those of North America, I am very pleased to highly applaud the continual relations between United 'States and all those peoples which are willing to join into the Pan- American Federation of Labor. When each of those countries of the Pan-American continent can send a labor delegate to Washington, there will be some easy way for the realization of this great association, which, as I understand ity will be a real fact immediately after the termination of this world war, which at this time is taking the mental and economic power of the American workers. In Cuba, with a few exceptions, all the labor organizations of the republic have given me the honor of representing that labor body of my country with the duty of giving you all special thought and information to help out the work of building up the Pan-American Federation of Labor. I hope when this great association has been formed all the laborers of the new continent will directly receive the benefits of the social, economical prog- ress, solidarity and culture from this great labor body of America. In Cuba, - in the great capital of Havana, lower wages still remain ; ten, eleven and twelve hours' work prevail and most of the srtikes are being lost owing to the importation of contract laborers from Spain, Jamaica and even the skilled mechanics from the United States. I hope when this terrible European war brings about the great victory for true universal democracy the labor cause will win. Antonio Correa, President, delegate for the Cuban Labor Movemient of the Pan-American Federation of Labor Brooklyn, N. Y., July 15, 1918 American Pederationist, November, 1918 LABOR OF THE AMERICAS JOINS HANDS (EDITORIAL) _ Not the least of world-significant events of! the year will take place on the United States-Mexican border on November 13, when- the first formal pan- American labor conference opens its sessions. The American Federation of Labor has long manifested a keen interest in .developing fraternal relations with the labor movements of the other nations on the American continents. The history of the development of these relations, and their bearing upon the des- tinies of nations, would fill a sizable and most interesting book. But thus far these relations have been what might be called formative-^erhaps just a bit more than tentative; there has been no established relationship, although emis- saries have traveled back and forth now and then bearing messages of greet- ing and good will. Now, however, comes a chapter in which an entirely new phase of pan- American labor relationship is to be chronicled. Delfegates from the labor movements of many American nations will gather to discuss together the prob- lems of the workers and to plan mutual helpfulness. From the United States, from Mexico, from Cuba, from Porto Rico, from the South American nations, 167 delegates will come bearing the credentials ofi their labor organizations, to make what all will hope shall one day be a great pan-American Federation of Labor, working mightily for the cause of the working people throughout the two con- tinents. What has been, let us hope, is but a slight indication of what may be for if that is true, the future is surely bright. It is not the fault of today that in the long years stretching back into the past the peoples to the south have hesitated to believe that, only altruism came out of the north. The spirit of America today is in truth the spirit oi democracy. It is the will of the American people today that democracy shall mean something that can be understood and felt in every home. No agency in the United States can so adequately interpret this spirit to the people of Latin America as the organized working people. And so, in clasping hands with the workers to the south the American trade union movement is serving in the highest sense the whole American people — serving, in fact, all of the people of both American continents. The working people of these American nations are going to come together for mutual helpfulness, for mutual understanding, to join thought upon those problems that are common to all workers. We seek and value interchange of thought today as never before. The destinies of peoples are more closely linked. The world is smaller in every sense except the geographical. During the year the American Federation of Labor has sent four missions to foreign lands seeking interchange of thought and information. It must be the thought everywhere that interchange must grow more perfect and frequent. Nothing so makes for trust and understand- ing ; nothing so routs suspicion and undoes distrust. The world is shaken with great and terrible doings today; likewise and at the same time it is warmed and comforted in the light of wonderful advances for human kind. In magnificent fury the people of democracy are tearing away the barricades of bondage, while in exaltation they rear magnificent new edifices of liberty. The world is witnessing a welter of death and destruction, and a marvelous surge of creation and idealism. The conference on the Rio Grande will he- far from European battle fields, but its spirit will be in keeping with the spirit of the whole free world that is fighting today to keep its freedom and develop it. It will be the spirit of men and women working together to make better and fuller and finer the life of all humanity, working through mutual trust and understanding and helpfulness, with the utmost of freedom for all and the utmost of co-operation among all. President Gompers will attehd this conference. He will have come from a great mission to our heroic allies across the Atlantic. It will be fitting to come from Europe to the Rio Grande. No man has had more deeply at heart the cause that will find its expression in the coming gathering. And so, presently there will be something happening about which historians will one day write — something of hope and help for the men and women who work. American Federationist, November, 1918 MEXICO— THE DAY AFTER THE WAR What the Coming International Labor Conference May Mean in the Life of Nations. By John Murray Secretary, Pan-American Federation of Labor Conference Committee Public diplomacy will take the place of secret diplomacy on the border line between the United States of Mexico and the United States of America at the 168 gathering of the International Labor Conference in Laredo, Texas, beginning on November 13, 1918. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. Such words as these from Woodrow Wilson — unquestionably echoing the convictions of Venustiano Carranza — have urged the peoples of the two sister Republics to action, and the American Federation of Labor and the Confedera- cion Regional Obrera Mexicana, representing the organized expression of the interests of that class which makes up the great majority of the peoples of the two countries, namely, the wage- working class, have agreed to meet and come to an international understanding. The delegates will assemble on the border which for over half a century has been historically a "dark and bloody ground," and, to this day, teems with possibilities of deadly strife. Secrecy, diplomatic and otherwise, has been the prime cause of border war- fare, invasion, and intervention. It will be the prime purpose of the International Labor Conference to make public those facts which — the peoples of the two countries once clearly knowing — will abolish for all time the possibility of war between the two Republics. Upon the very face of all this it must be plain that as the scope of dis- cussion in this conference covers questions dealing with the economic and social welfare of over a million and a half of Mexican wage-workers now in the United States — and the consequent effect upon the standards of living in this country — the interests involved take a much wider field than problems presented by an ordinary labor convention. Both the representatives of organized labor in Mexico and of the United States have been deeply impressed by the gravity and the scope of the present international situation. The necessities of the workers dovetail immediately into the necessities of the entire peoples of the two countries. Proof of this is shown in the following proposals for discussion at the La- redo Conference which have been presented, officially, by the labor men of Mex- ico and of the United States. First come the propositions presented by the American Federation of Labor : First That an International Conference be held at the earliest possible date, at which shall be represented the American Federation of Labor and representatives of the organized labor movement of Mexico. Second. That President Carranza and President Wilson, of the two Republics, be earnestly requested to be present at this conference for such periods as they may deem proper. Third. That the governors of the border states be invited to at- tend this International Conference. Fourth. That the subjects for consideration at the International Conference shall be : fa) The establishment of the pan-American Federation of Labor. (b) The establishment of better conditions for workingmen who emigrate from one country to another. (c) The establishment of a better understanding and relationship between the peoples of the United States and Mexico. (d) To utilize every lawful and honorable means for the protec- tion and promotion of the rights, the interests and the welfare of the people of the United States and of Mexico. (e) To utilize every lawful and honorable means for the purpose of cultivating the most favorable and friendly relations between the labor movements, the peoples and the republics of Mexico and of the United States. 169 Follow the propositions of the Confederacion Regional Obrera Mexicana: First. Appointment of one or two delegates by the Confederacion Regional Obrera Mexicana with residence in the United States near the American Federation of Labor, and upon whom should devolve the duty of organizing and watching the interests of Mexican workers liv- ing in that country, in cooperation with the American Federation of Labor. Second. That both the American Federation of Labor and the Confederacion Regional Obrera Mexicana appoint permanent representa- tives in the cities near the border and ports of embarkation so that they see to it that workers going from one country to another should be the object of the attention which they undoubtedly deserve. Third. That facilities be granted to Mexican workers which would place them in position, if they are willing, to join the labor organiza- tions in the United States, and that without curtailment of the support and privilege which such organizations allow to their own members. Fourth. That in view of the fact that the American Federation of Labor is already in correspondence on its own account with the work- ers of Central and South America in order to appraise them of the projects of unification, it seems to the Confederacion Regional Obrera Mexicana that delegates from its organization also should visit the above mentioned countries, so that the opinion of the organized work- ers of these countries be known as to the convenience of holding as soon as possible an International Conference. Fifth. That, in the meantime, while the delegation sent to Latin- American countries to get information leading to a truthful knowledge of their point of view for the proper organization of said committee is at work, the present temporary committee of the Pan-American Labor Federation should limit its action to the development of our plan as stated in our propositions. Sixth. That an agreement be reached as to the best way for finding honorable means to exert influence so that justice and protection be imparted to those workingmen who, for various reasons, are deprived of their liberty in the jails of the United States. . Seventh. That a date and place be fixed where the representatives of the two organizations should again meet together, so that they hear officially the report upon the mutual work for the before-mentioned unification. We approve the invitation the American Federation of Labor pro- poses to extend to President Wilson and President Carranza and the governors of the border states to attend the International Conference. The presence of these officials will mark a precedent which will demon- strate that the influence of the two labor organizations has succeeded in bringing them together at the conference so that they may obtain first- hand information of the aspirations and sentiments of the working people of their respective countries. We believe it will be more convenient to hold the conference in the city of Eagle Pass on the date proposed by you. And finally, we consider it opportune to mention the necessity of having the same number of delegates chosen by both organizations. Therefore, we propose that each organization choose twenty, taking care that the delegates represent the greatest number of crafts possible, namely, miners, textile workers, railroad men, machinists, electricians, carpenters, printers, and, if it is possible, farm laborers. 170 With but a small fraction of this million and a half of Mexican wage-work- ers in the United States organized into their respective trades, starvation wages and cut-throat competition along the border have existed for fifty years. An instance typical of the situation presents itself in the onion-raising in- dustry in Texas. Fortunes were made in onions and men dubbed financiers for their enormous takings in the onion industry. The facts are that onions need an immense amount of hand work in their cultivation, and Mexican labor could be procured at the rate of forty-five cents a day per laborer. Out of this forty-five cents the Mexican was compelled to board and lodge himself. War came. Millions of American wage-workers entered the army and sev- ered themselves from production. The labor needs of the United States were acute. Frank expression of all this has just been made in San Antonio by T. A. McLean, representing the United States Department of Labor. Mr. McLean said : It takes from six to ten men behind the lines to keep every soldier at the frpnt, and with the proposed draft extensions there will be an army of 6,000,000 men within a year. That will mean at least 36,000,000 workers behind that army to keep it eflfective. All together, the army will number about 42,000,000 soldiers, indus- trial and military — and all of that out of a population of 100,000,000, the greater number of which are women and children ! What does that mean? It means that you business men will have to dispense with every unnecessary workman. With these things in mind it was plain why Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson decided against the demands of the millionaire landowners of California and the Northwest calling for the importation of Asiatic labor and turned to Mexico as the most available source of labor supply. He stated freely that it was his conviction that the Mexican has proved his ability, when organized as a union man, to uphold the standards of living in the United States. It has ever been the position of the American Federation of Labor that groups of working peoples coming into, or already within the nation, should not be permitted to lower standards of living maintained by organized labor in the United States. Race questions, creed questions, or color questions enter not at all into this basic proposition. As a matter of fact those problems of labor more particularly under consideration by the American Federation of Labor have to do with wage-workers after they come into the United States. The American Federation of Labor is in no sense an employment office for the labor of other countries. But, it follows, as surely as water rans down hifl, that as soon as the foreign wage-worker arrives in this country the American Federation of Labor will use every endeavor to organize him, not only for his self-protection, but for the protection of, all American labor. So much for labor problems pure and simple. Now for the consideration of those larger questions necessarily involved in this, the first unchained, untrammelled, non-political, non-diplomatic meeting of the peoples of the two countries. Questions of property, questions of boundary lines, questions of concessions, questions of claims will have no place in a con- ference composed of the common peoples, the wage-workers. Clean hands — no one can show them on either side of the border except the wage workers. Bankers, financiers, promoters, are all in the discard in meetings wh,ere the conferees will arrive at "open covenants of peace." The International Labor Conference will mark out a road for the people of the United States and of Mexico to travel upon on "The Day" which may come tomorrow, "The Day" upon which hostilities cease in Europe. The road of labor will be one of peace. But there is another road mapped out by other interests for the United States to follow — here it is : 171 "The Day," as depicted by The Annalist, that magazine of finance and com- merce published in iSlew York City, will see the beginning of a warfare as in- tense, drastic, and concentrated as any military operation. The Annalist faithfully reflects a certain grouping of commercial minds in the United States of America which look eagerly for "The Day" in Pan-America when the news will be flashed from the European battlefields that the order has been given to "cease firing." Says The Annalist: The trade offensive when it comes, will in great part be fought out in the fertile fields of Latin America. Will we be prepared for the fight? Will we have grasped the gigantic opportunity to pave the way to trade dominance when peace returns? Let the people of the United States consider well the beginnings and the endings of these two roads — one road to peace ; one road to conquest. Will "The Day" see the United States of America — ^the money market of the world — turning her eyes from the problems of Europe, withdrawing her fleets and armies to the western hemisphere, and concentrating her powers upon the commercial conquest of Latin- America? Will "The Day" bring open demands upon Mexico that she abrogate her constitution wherein it declares for the national ownership of petroleum? Will "The Day" show Mexico to be devastated by her "neutrality" and com- mercial isolation, a wreck of ruined machinery and people crippled by want? Will "The Day" disclose the eyes of all Latin America fixed on Mexico, watching, watching the things that are happening in the Republic south of the Rio Grande with the conviction that the fate of Mexico is the fate of all Latin- American RepubUcs? But one organized power can save Pan-America from "The Day" now be- ing planned by profiteering and commercialized wealth in the United States; namely, the American Federation of Labor joined in action with the Confeder- acion Regional Obrera Mexicana and linked in a fraternal chain with the organized labor movements of the entire western hemisphere. There is but one sole medium of trusted intercourse left between the peoples of Latin America and the peoples of the United States — left untouched by a suspicion of bargain and sale, claims and concessions, intervention and conquest — and that medium is organized labor. Prophetic were the words of President Wilson when he said : When you reflect how wonderful a storehouse of treasure Mexico is, you can see how her future must depend upon peace and honor, so that nobody shall exploit her. And again where he says to the Mexican editors: Peace can only come by trust As long as there is suspicion there is going to be misunderstanding.Vand as long as there is misunder- standing there is going to be trouble. These fraternal words of President Wilson can be made into actual, living facts only by the formation of a Pan-American Federation of Labor. American Federationist, December, 1918 UNITING PAN-AMERICA (EDITORIAL) Pan-American Labor took its stand for principles of Freedom and Democ- racy in the conference held in Laredo, November 13 to 16. In this conference the Pan-American Federation of Labor was organized, with Samuel Gompers 172 as President; John Murray, member International Typographical Union, Secre- tary for the English speaking people, and Canuto Vargas, member United Mine Workers of America, Secretary for the Spanish speaking people. Headquarters of the Federation! are to be in Washington, D. C, where all of the officials will have offices, The resolution in which the new Federation laid down its position in rela- tion' to the peace about to be determined upon was submitted to the conference . by the President of the A. F. of L. It is in substance and essence the declara- tion adopted by the September Inter-Allied Labor conference held in London. The resolution in full follows: Whereas, We, the delegates to the first Pan-American Federation of Labor Convention, meeting at such a critical time in the world's history realizing that the problems now confronting humanity in the building of an enduring peace are no less acute than the problems of war, and being deeply and fervently desirous that in the reshaping of the world's affairs the most critical consideration be given those prin- ciples that make for an enduring peace and create equality of opportunity for the peoples of all nations, and Whereas, The time has arrived when the organized labor move- ment, with full understanding of its rights, its power and resources, its value and contributions to society, must bring forward its most profound, constructive thought, calculated to establish and insure the principles of true democracy; therefore be it Resolved, That we declare that the following essential fundamental principles must underlie the peace as well as the principles of all civilized nations : A league of the free peoples of the world in a common covenant for genuine and practical co-operation to secure justice and therefore peace in relations between nations, No political or economic restrictions meant simply to benefit some nations and to cripple -or embarrass others, _ No reprisals based upon vindicative purposes, or deliberate desire to injure, but to right manifest wrongs, f* ' ^ Recognition of the rights of small nations and of the principle "No people must be forced under a sovereignty under which it does not wish to live," No territorial changes or adjustment of power except in further- ance of the welfare of the peoples affected and in furtherance of world peace. And be it further. Resolved, That in addition to these basic principles there should be incorporated in the Treaty which shall constitute the guide of nations m the new period and conditions into which we are entering the fol- lowing declarations fundamental to the best interests of all nations and of vital irnportance to wage-earners : ^1- I'^u^* 'r '^7 ^^^ ^" practice the principle shall be recognized that the labor of a human being is not a commodity or article of commerce _ Industrial servitude shall not exist except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted The "ght of free association, free assemblage, free speech and free press shall not be abridged, • A.y^f\ ^^^- =^^™^.n o^ the merchant marine shall be guaranteed the right of leaving their vessels when the same are in safe harbor iNo article or commodity shall be shipped or delivered in inter- national commerce in the production of which children under the ase of sixteen years have been employed or permitted to work 173 It shall be declared that the basic workday in industry and com- merce shall not exceed eight hours per day. Trial by jury should be established. These resolutions present in concise form the platform upon which the organized workers of the world's free nations stand today. The vote cast for adoption in Laredo was unanimous. The voice that speaks for the principles here laid down is the voice of the greatest constructive force in society — a| .voice that the world can not afford to ignore, a voice that the world will do well to heed with the utmost seriousness and consideration. The great fundamentals of a proper peace are in this declaration. With- out the fundamentals here outlined there can not be a proper peace. The Laredo conference knew well the import of the declaration, weighed it well, and finally placed its unanimous seal upon it as the declaration of the organized workers of Pan-America, speaking in unison with the organized workers of the democracies of Europe. 7 The Laredo conference opened a great new chapter in the history of this hemisphere. Its deliberations were careful and thoughtful. Its acts were the acts of earnest men. It now is a permanent body, destine(f to occupy a place of importance in the affairs of men and women who live and work upon the American continents. It is not possible here to go fully into the work of the Laredo conference, but in the next issue of the American Federationist a complete account may be given. 174 Labor's Book of AH Colors From the American Pederationist for November and December, 1915; January, May and November, J917, and April, igi8. November, 1915. Despite all obstacles the labor movements affiliated to the International Federation of Trade Unions have not been entirely disrupted ; they have been able to keep in touch with each other. The correspondence between the repre- sentatives of the national labour movements reveals the strength of the fraternal ties that still bind the workers even of the warring nations. Communication between the representatives of the labour movement of our country and,' of the movements of the belligerent countries has met with very little interference. This correspondence is particularly illuminating in that it reflects the emotions and the minds of the masses of the people. It is invaluable in attempting to extend international relations and to devise plans and policies for taking advan- tage of opportunities that shall exist at the close of hostilities in order that those opportunities may be used for the promotion of justice, democracy, and humanity. For this reason the following correspondence is published that it may be available for the information of all, and for the use of the delegates to the San Francisco Convention when proposals relative to the international situation shall 6e under consideration. — S. G. International SecRETARiAT of Nationai, Trade Union Centers Berlin, August 27, IQ14 1)EAR Appleton : Our international relations, which a few weeks ago we thought were extraordinarily well established, have been, through the frightful declaration of war, for the immediate future rendered impossible. With the neutral states, at least, I shall ever strive, even though in the most fugitive manner, to preserve our connections intact, in order to show, on the one hand, that the war has no influence upon the good relations between the workers of these countries and those of Germany, and, on the other hand, in order to receive occasional news of the conditions in these lands, or to forward such news of Germany. In the foreign labour press i have found certain news over events in Ger- many the falseness of which must have been recognized by the editors of those papers. Such information as that our labour organizations are injured in their activity, that some of our political representatives are imprisoned, or have been even shot, is absolutely without foundation. On the contrary, the state authorities confer with representatives of the trade unions and of the Social Democratic party in a great number of matters, when advice is given as to how to mitigate the needs of the unemployed, how in create means of employment, and how the work of harvesting can be done. Further, I read in the foreign labour press that! foreigners are being treated in Germany in the most vulgar manner. This assertion also cannot be in the least substantiated. Apart from a few irresponsible people, who have nothing to do with the labour movement, and who are far removed from political life, who have against a foreigner here and there jostled, all foreigners at present in Germany are treated in the most friendly manner, and are well cared for We regret exceedingly that such news can be contributed to the foreign labour press as pvits our organized German labour movement in a very unfavor- able light, and we' wish most urgently that the editors of these labour newspapers, after the experiences which for years they have had with the German working class, would examine such dreadful news very carefully before publication, and be quite sure as to its veracity. That the Social Democratic party has decided to grant war loan can not, by those in other lands, be regarded as a reproach if this fact is borne in mind, that Germany found itself at war with both Russia and France. In this matter the Social Democratic parties of other lands, which have greater parliamentary 175 influence than we, have done just the same. In any case, our decision can not be so interpreted that we have abandoned the ideals of the international sig- nificance of the labour movement. I hope this letter will reach you, and that soon I shall have news from you. With fraternal greetings, C. Legien Berlin, August 27, i§)i^ My Dear GompERS : I have endeavored by wire and letter to state a few facts of interest to you in regard to the conditions now obtaining in Germany. Not knowing, however, whether my communications reached you, I am handing this letter to Brother Meyling, an American who has been employed in our office for some time. I mentioned the fact that the American press news about our conditions here are absolutely false, in my previous communications to you. You have, no doubt, meanwhile received further proof of this statement, for the truth must have been published by now, everii in your country. I therefore refrain from repeating previous statements. You may rest assured that we have done everything possible to preserve peace and to prevent war, but unfortunately our power was too limited yet, and we have not been able to make this terrible war impossible, in which almost all of the civilized nations of Europe are involved. Even Japan has declared war against us, a fact to be proud of in a certain sense, although I doubt whether this can also be said for those who pushed the Japs on the warpath. Time alone will judge this action of a so-called civilized nation of western Europe, or whether it behooves a civilized people to cut German-American cables for the purpose of preventing Germany to oppose the most abominable lies that are being circulated by British and French!, press agencies in regard to Germany. I am happy to say that the British working class, as far as they belong to the organized labor movement, have nothing to do with these and similar shameful acts. We learn from occasional news that has leaked through — no direct communication being possible — that the British workers too have fought bravely against the danger of war. This fact alone will doubtlessly facilitate the British and German workers joining hands again — as soon as this bloody struggle is ended — to fight for their common interests against the employing class. Our international movement must not and shall not die, although the workers of various lands are compelled today to use deadly weapons against their own brothers on the other side of the frontiers. The sacrifice necessary for this terrible war must be tremendous, but we hope this may be one more reason to end wars forever. I firmly believe that such a cry of terror and shame will go round the civilized world as soon as the loss of human life is made known, that this must be the natural result. I think all the nations of western Europe will have to unite then for the sake of humanity and of civilization. Such a union would put a stop to the fearful influence exercised for more than 150 years by Russia over European politics, and perhaps make Russia a civilized nation. Russia has succeeded in getting the nations of western Europe to fight each other, to spend senseless sums on war preparations and, the most terrible of all, to make the well advanced French and German workers cut each others' throats, who would otherwise continue their united efforts against their common enemy, the capitalist. It may sound Utopian to utter any opinion as to the end, but I think a British- French-German alliance after the war will be the only means by which to save the present state of civilization of western Europe. Our trade unions are endeavoring hard to support the great army of unem- ployed. They are, in these endeavors, assisted by the government, which, although opposing us up to quite recently, appears to have learned now the importance and value of the trade union movement in such critical times as these. We may even some day be thanked for having developed our organiza- tions in spite of a government entirely guided by the _ employing class. Things are being carried out for which we have been fighting many years^-in vain'. 176 Unemployment benefit on the so-called "Ghent" scheme, for instance. Berlin has started in this direction already and other cities are following the lead thus given. No doubt the state as such. will have to do the same before long. I am afraid we shall have to give up our long cherished plan of meeting in San Francisco next year. It will scarcely be possible to meet in Frisco even if we were to succeed in re-uniting the trade unions of all lands before that time. Our unions will not be able to afford the expense and I am afraid conditions will be worse in all other countries affected by the war. The presidents of our unions, furthermore, will be badly wanted over here for the next few years, for the difficult work of putting new life into the unions. I am writing in haste, not knowing whether you will ever read this letter. As soon as I get a reply from you, however, perhaps via Brother Appleton, f will write more fully and also send receipts for the money received from Brother Morrison. With best wishes to all mutual friends, Yours fraternally, C. LegiEN, President More good wishes from yours sincerely, H. Baumeister Washington, D. C, Oct. is, 1914 Executive Council, American Federation op Labor. Colleagues : Enclosed you will find copy of a letter received about a week -ago from Mr. Carl Legien, President of the International Federation of Trade Union Centers. It was received at Washington while I was at Chicago. Secre- vtary Morrison telegraphed me asking whether it should be published in the Weekly News Letter. I answered by telegraph as follows : Chica>go, III., Sept. 20, 1914 Mr. Frank Morrison, Ouray Building, Washington, D. C. Copy of Legien's letter received. It must not be published at this time. It would arouse unfavorable comment and feeling and react injuriously to him and the movement in that country. Am mailing agreement reached Cigar Stogie Makers. Am holding conference Steam Shovelmen. Lennon, Alpine participating. Samuel Gompers I am just now in receipt of a letter from Mr. W. A. Appleton, secretary of the General Federation of Trade Unions of England, and because it is so im- portant I have caused copies to be made and enclose one of them herein. I urge the members of the council to read both of these letters with the greatest care, and to regard them as confidential, at least for the time being. Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers President, A. P. of L. Washington, D. C, Sept. i, 1^114 Mr. Carl Legien, President, International Federation of Trade Unions, Berlin SO. 16, Bngelufer 15, Berlin, Germany. Dear Sir and Brother: Your cablegram of August 36th was duly received. I was indeed glad to get direct information from you in regard to the German labor movement, and particularly with reference to the labor members of the Reichstag. The press reports in this country were so conflicting that one scarcely knew what to believe, but the report that the socialist members of the Reichstag had been summarily shot, and other demonstrations, hardly seemed credible. I scarcely know how to express my sentiments in regard to this terrible, monstrous war that is devastating the whole continent of Europe. I realize of 177 course that the reports published by the newspapers in the United States are only fragmentary and highly censored and that we have no way of getting accurate information as to what is really transpiring. I can only express the fervent hope, which I am convinced is the earnest hope of the whole American people, that this terrible and bloody war may be speedily ended and peace established. As there is such delay and difficulty in even first-class mails, after consult- ing the Post-office Department, I deemed it advisable not to attempt to send the American Fedekationist or any printed matter of second-class mail, to either Germany or Austria for the present. I should like very much, though, for you to see the September issue, but when the time is propitious to send second-class mail I shall see that copy is sent to you. Please let me hear from you often. I would particularly like to have information from you as to the probability of the 1915 meeting of the International Federation of Trade Unions. I assume that by reason of the war that meeting will not be held. The British Trade Union Congress has been postponed indefinitely. Again expressing the earnest hope for the speedy ending of the war, and trusting that I may hear from you as frequently as convenient, I am. Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers President, A. F. of L. General Federation of Trade Unions i8th September, 1914 Mr. C. Legien, Berlin S.O. 16, Bngelufer 15. Dear Legien: Like you, I profoundly regret the disastrous eifect of the war upon our international relationships, and I daily wonder at the ease with which the few dominate and destroy the many. It is not that the many lack intelligence or capacity, but rather that the few possess ambition, arrogance, and the instruments of government. Throughout the crisis I am comforting myself with the assurance that this war, horrible and wasteful as it is and must be, will open the minds of the common people in every land and lead them consciously and unitedly towards a civilization which has for its objective the general well-being and happiness rather than national aggrandizement or notoriety. There will be difficulties in the way of those who seek to promote truly enlightened policies, and these difficulties will be increased by the excesses of those who make war, and by the mendacities of those who report war with its usual, but often bestial circumstances. The statements to which you refer, and about which you justly complain, had full currency in the early days of the war, but little is heard of them now. It is now generally understood that the trade unions in Germany are carrying on their work, and that the officials are treated with consideration. I have done my best to make so much clear to our people. You do' not, however, suffer alone in respect of false news. Much that is published for consumption in Germany has no basis in fact. We gather from information published by the Wolfe Bureau that India and ' Ireland are in revolt, that the British army has been twice annihilated, and that France had, some weeks ago, lost, in addition to killed and wounded, 800,000 prisoners and 12,000 guns. We are also told that the Labour Party had issued a manifesto condemning the war. None of these staternents are true, though it is true to say that the independent labour party, with a total membership of about 20,000, has refused to join in the recruiting campaign. The members of the Parliamentary Labour party, however, are all over the country acting as very efficient and successful recruiting agents. I think it advisable that you should realize the attitude of the British people towards the situation. If you were amongst us you would see for your- self that, while deploring the war,, they are convinced that they are not respon- sible for it. They did not desire it, but they are bound in honor to see it 178 through. However grotesque the conceit may appear to you, millions of them believe that this war is a war of liberation from the domination of militarism, and that the success of the Allies means beneficent results for the German people as distinguished from that section which follows the teachings of Treitschke and von Bernhardi. The sale and effect of the latters book is enormous, and his teachings will present a greater obstacle to the resuscitation of international relationships than the war itself. The publication of the White Papers dealing with the events which imme- diately preceded the war, particularly the one recently published dealing with the position of Austria and her willingness to settle the Serbian trouble by mediation, has profoundly impressed not only our people, but the people in the United States of America. All deeply regret the frustration of the Austrian willingness by the too precipitate ultimatums to Russia and France. Affairs here now approximate to the normal. During the first week or two there was some dislocation, but today food is plentiful and prices not much above the average, and the percentage of unemployment is 7.1, or 8.4 below what it was in 1909. I am happy to say there has been no demonstration against the Germans here unless you consider compulsory registration a demonstration. Some Germans have foolishly brought trouble upon themselves by failing to register, or to reveal the fact that they possessed firearms and other means of offensive action. These foolish ones have had to suffer imprisonment or fines, even though the firearms were obsolete and not very dangerous as opposed to modern weapons. Some Germans were in a state of serious destitution, and these were arrested more as a matter of kindness than as a matter of hostility. Many were of military age, and under thei circumstances could not be sent back. No stigma attaches to them, and they will receive both food and shelter. As a matter of fact, they are infinitely better off than are the thousands of Belgian refugees who are seeking the charity and hospitality of London. You may gather how little personal animosity exists, and how anxious our people are to demonstrate the possession of that culture which expresses itself in kindliness and chivalrous courtesy from the fact that the King's train was held up at the beginning of the week to allow German wounded instant access to the military hospital to which they had been sent. The King afterwards visited the wards, and spent some considerable time in friendly chat with these same German wounded. Public opinion here would have been shocked if the King's train , had taken precedence of the wounded, or if he had failed to express sympathy with them in their suffering. We are looking to the end of the war, but we do not expect it yet. We realize the seriousness of the situation and the cost both in human life and material wealth. We shall pay the cost without grumbling if the goal is reached and the power of the military caste is smashed. There is no desire here for territorial aggrandizement or for the disturbance of nationalities, and because of this we hope that it will be possible to resume our joint efforts to secure real liberty, equality, and fraternity. Yours faithfully, W. A. Appleton Generai, Federation of Trade Unions London, W. C, 23d September, IQ14 Mr. SamuEi, GompErs, President, American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C. Dear Mr. Gompers : I am enclosing the pamphlets and articles indicated in your letter of the 5th instant, and I am also trying to obtain copies of' the "Academy," containing articles which I wrote on the Insurance Act some time since. I gave Sullivan every possible facility for acquiring information while he was in London, and he will be able to tell you many things.' If you think my experience will be of any value please do not hesitate to write; I shall only be too happy to help you to avoid some of the mistakes we have made, particu- 179 larly those mistakes which have led us to contravene, business principles in our efforts to conciliate sentiment. I understand that Sullivan will have many things to tell you concerning the war. The whole business is most deplorable, and after you have read Bern- hardi's Book and the White Papers issued I am certain that your conclusions concerning the responsibility for the war will harmonize with oUrs here. You will be delighted to learn that there is little real hostility towards the German, while atthe same time, you will expect to hear that there is the strongest pos- sible antipathy to the Prussian military caste and a determination to do every- thing possible to break this up and leave the better part of German feeling and aspiration to develop itself more naturally. The bitterness towards the Prussian military system has been intensified by the destruction of Louvain and other Belgian villages, and by the wanton and foolish destruction of the Cathedral at Rheims. In war one must always deduct greatly from the stories concerning outrage and atrocity, but even after very liberal deduction it is obvious that Germany has carried on this war, particularly in Belgium, an inoffensive and neutral state, exactly on the lines advocated by Treitschke and Bernhardi. They have acted as if the power to slay conferred the right to slay even the non-combatant. The counter-charges made against the Belgians do not appear to be supported by a single shred of evidence. Up to the present the only affidavit in support of these counter- charges appears to be one filed by a person claiming to be a Swiss but who is a German so well known to the Swiss Police that they expelled him from Switzerland just recently. These same Swiss police aver that Counstans was under their observation for some time and could not possibly have beeti an eye-witness of what he alleges has been perpetrated by Belgians upon the German troops. It is exceedingly sad that just when we appeared to have brought the international movement on to the plane of practicability all our eflforts should have been nullified. It will take some years to restore the situation or even to convince large numbers of our people that the International Secretariat is not a part of the German system of espionage. Under such circumstances it will be our duty to maintain and develop, as far as possible, the amicable relationships between the English speaking workers, to draw closer the cords that bind their organizations together, and to hold ourselves in readiness for the time when the resuscitation of the international movement becomes possible. You are often in my thought and I wonder many times how best to develop the relationships between the trade union movements of the two coun- tries. Periodical speeches and interchange of delegates does much, but the interlocking of practical relationships will do infinitely more. I know this is difficult but it is not impossible and I sometimes feel that the greatness of the task will appeal to you, and set you on the move. If ever this happens you may count upon the loyal and plenary co-operation of, Yours faithfully, W. A. AppuTon IWashington, D. C., Sept. so, 1914 Mr. W. A. Appi,BTon, Secretary, General Federation of Trade Unions, 8 Adelphi Terrace, Adam St., London, England. Dsar Sir and Brother: I am in receipt of several letters from Mr. Carl Legien, President of the International Federation of Trade Unions. They were forwarded to me in a roundabout way. You may have seen the one Mr. Legien sent me via London, but for tactful reasons in the interest of the move- ment I only refer to it herein. I am writing him by this mail hoping that it may reach him. In a letter from him under date of August 85th, he sends me a letter in duplicate and requests that I forward one of them to you. I do so with a great deal of pleasure and you will find it enclosed. May I call your attention to the editorial in the September issue of the American Federationist, entitled "European Cataclysm or Democracy — 180 which?" and in the October issue I reprinted my Labor Day speech vmder the caption of "Labor and the War." With fraternal greetings to you and our fellow friends and trade unionists of England, and hoping to hear from you, I am. Sincerely and fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers President, A. F. of L. Washington, D. C, Sept. so, 1914 Mr. Cam, Legien, President, International Federation of Trade Unions, Berlin SO. 16, Bngelufer 15, Berlin, Germany. Dear Sir and Brother: Your favor of August 37th came duly to hand and contents noted. I have written to Mr. Herman Meyling thanking him for his kindness in performing the duty assigned him. I was in the middle west in several, cities performing some official duties, and I know you will be glad to learn that success was achieved in many respects. As Secretary Morrison has already stated to you in his letter of September 23d, your wireless message was published in the most conspicuous place in the Weekly News Letter. I am clipping it from one of the Weekly News Letters and enclosing it herein. It was the purpose to give your information the widest possible publicity in America and I should say that the message was copied in many of the newspapers of - the country. I trust you may receive these as well as the News Letters and the American Federationist which has been and will be sent to you by first-class mail. May I call your attention to the editorial in the September issue of the American Federationist, entilted "European Cataclysm or Democracy — Which?" and in the October issue I reprint my Labor Day speech under the caption of "Labor and the War." In addition to my expressions of horror at this terrible war with its slaughter of human beings and the setback if not the destruction of all or a large part of the constructive uplift work which has been accomplished for the past quarter of a century, there is a sadness that has come upon all of our people the world over as to what the outcome may be — ^the awful consequences. I fear to give my mind full rein as to the devastation and the results to not only the people of the nations engaged in the struggle, but even the bystanders who are not engaged in conflict. It is scarcely imaginable the influence which the war has exerted upon the affairs of the people of America, particularly the working people. It is most gratifying to find the American people united in the one thought of endeavoring to strictly maintain an impartial neutrality. There may be, aye, thfere is, sympathy most pronounced, but the people with their sjmipathy are holding themselves in leash and hoping for the best. I suppose that even for a message to you as well as to other labor men in other European countries, it would be best to withhold a full expression of judgment entertained by the men in the American organized labor movement. In addition to the regrets which we must necessarily feel is what seems to be one of the inevitable consequences of the war, that is, that the meeting of the International Secretariat at San Francisco in 1915, will have to be postponed for an indefinite period. You know that for years I have been most anxious that the meeting of the International Secretariat should be held in the United States, and finally succeeded in having the invitation accepted and the decision reached to hold the next meeting in San Francisco in 1915. We were anxious that the representatives of the labor movement of the various countries might come to America and see a convention of the A. F. of L., in operation, and to judge of the work from their own immediate observation. I was anxious that they should see and study on the ground the American labor movement in the various localities that they would visit; that they would see us as we are, and study our industry and our workers and our movement, and all that we have done and are trying to do, also that they would have the opportunity of witnessing the Panama Exposition at San Francisco. And all these hopes which would have done so much for the better understanding of our movement and for the solidification of the knowledge, feeling and sentiment are gone bv the board. 181 Yes, I can understand that even^ should the war be at an end before 1915, the active men in the labor movement will be required in their own home countries to help build up what has been so ruthlessly set back or set aside in the labor movement. But I do entertain the hope that the war may end at an early date, and that some compensation may come to the great masses of the people for the burdens that have been borne, and the sacrifices that have been made. May I express the hope that recuperation may soon come after the close of the war, helpful, beneficial recuperation, and with it the reviving growth and extension of the labor movement with its beneficent purposes to the masses of people, and that with it we may soon have determined that the International Congress shall be held and held in the United States of America, at a point which the A. F. of L. may suggest. I also have your letters of August 27th and 35th. I shall write to Brotlrer Appleton as you request. In sadness, and yet in hope for the best, I send fraternal greetings to you and our fellow friends and trade unionists of Germany. I am, Sincerely yours, Samuel Gompers President, A. F. of L. Generai, Federation of Trade Unions Chief Office: Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London, W. C, nth November, 1914 Mr. Samuel Gompers, American Federation of Labor, Washinigton, D. C. My Dear Gompers: I have been trying for days to reply to your letter of October 13th, and to tell you how I have enjoyed reading your Labour Day utterances. I am making an abstract of those that particularly apply to whole world politics as distinguished from purely American conceptions. I propose publishing this in our December Federationist, because I appreciate the real importance of many of the things you say. You know how diflScult it is to get the ordinary trade unionist to read the things that really matter, and you will understand why I wish to concentrate his attention upon those points which have international rather than national significance. Your letter is full of encouragement. I see that you^are not content with the work you have already accomplished and that you are ready to take the lead in any considered effort to repair the breaches which this war has made. At the moment no actual effort is possible, but thought and preparation are necessary now if we are to take full advantage of the reaction against militarism which must follow upon publication of the actual facts concerning this war and the realization of what humanity has lost. It is difficult to. write of the war itself because our stock of fact is very small indeed and in some respects the reticence of the authorities is to be com- mended. There have been no belated and inaccurate reports of victories that have never been won; there has been no excitement of the populace by stories that were untrue; but, on the other hand, we are conscious of the suppression of news even where the publication could do no possible harm. We know from the changing positions on the map that our soldiers have been doing heroic work, but rarely a line comes through indicating the character of the work or the connection of par.ticular sections of the service with it. The Germans know far more about the position and operation of our troops than we know ourselves; even the introduction of the Indian troops into actual warfare and their terrific charge with its appalling carnage was not officially reported* the story crept out in bits nearly a fortnight after the action had taken place. We can understand secrecy in connection with the disposition of troops, but none of us can understand the need for keeping back information which is fully possessed by the opposite side. The same criticism applies to the action of the London Scottish. In this case official information was vouch- safed some days after the event had taken place, but much has been left to the 182 imagination of various correspondents who are more or less in touch with opinions and rumors at the rear of the German or Allied lines. Here in London everything, except the lighting, is pretty normal. Food prices are very little higher than before the war broke out. Last Saturday night, in order to satisfy myself upon this point I did what Sullivan would have done, wandered round the markets myself and I found that fruit and vegetables were exceedingly cheap ; magnificent apples were being sold from a penny to two- pence per pound and you could buy the very best potatoes in the market at four pounds for 2d. The two commodities which seem to have increased in price were bacon and the cheaper forms of meat. Legs of New Zealand and Australian mutton in the quarters through which I walked would, before the war, fetch about 6J^d. to 7d. per pound; they are now fetching from 7d. to 8J^ per pound. So far as the temper of the people is concerned there has been some change owing to a dastardly and pernicious campaign by one of the press syndicates. A greater hostility towards Germans has been developed and there has been one or two regrettable incidents particularly in Deptford; two or three shops were raided by a crowd which followed the lead given by this particular section of the press. You will see from our quarterly report and from a copy of the Federationist which I am sending you that I have done my best to meet this new position and today even those newspapers which excited foolish folk seem to be a little bit ashamed of themselves. It has been difficult to combat the bitter hostility to the system of espionage which has penetrated everywhere. One is constantly faced with stories of flashlight signals along the coast and of secret wireless installations. I have no means of ascertaining the truth of many stories which come to hand, but it does . appear that the Germans have pretty accurate information concerning our fleet and its movements, and drastic action against spies will meet with general approval. The reports of the ill-treatment of British prisoners and the bayoneting of British wounded which came to hand through soldiers' letters did arouse bitter feeling even though it was obvious that some of the statements were exag- gerated, while others I think must have been untrue. Perhaps the story that created most bitterness was one of Doctor MacNab, a nephew of one of the Scottish Devines who, when one of the British posts was driven in, remained with those who were wounded and was afterwards found dead with the rest of those who had been wounded, all of whom are said to have been bayoneted. Apart from these incidents, the general temper here is exceedingly cool and quiet. There is no semblance of the excitement which rather discredited our people during the South_ African war; in fact so very manifest is this coolness that some of the Canadians who are over here have mistaken it for coldness and apathy. There is in fact neither coldness nor apathy; on the contrary, there is an intense national spirit and a quiet belief ih a mission of liberation which is really astonishing. Yesterday I had to attend a meeting at the offices of tie Trade Union Congress and in my journey to the place was brought into actual contact with the Crown just as the Lord Mayor's procession commenced to pass. The demonstration was largely a military one and the contingents of soldiers who passed were in splendid condition, both men and officers, officers particularly, hard and fit as if trained for long distance racing. I can imagine such a procession passing down Fifth Avenue in New York, or Broad Street in Philadelphia, or Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, and seeing an American crowd go mad with enthusiasm, but yesterday there was scarcely any cheering or any noise and yet I saw men and women whose feelings were so intense that though they articulated no sound, tears were coursing down their faces. You know, Gompers, that such is the type of emotion displayed by a nation which is still capable of doing great things. ♦ Opinions here vary as to the duration of the war. Translating, as far as I am able, the premiums at Lloyds into sporting language, it seems that the odds amongst financiers are eighty to twenty against the war terminating in February, even against it terminating before June, 1915, and eighty to twenty on a termi- nation before December, 1915. 183 Whenever and as soon as it terminates / trust you, whom I always regard as the head and father of the English speaking trade union movement, will initiate steps for the reconstruction of the international side of it. I have not heard recently from Legien, and I can well imagine how heart brokenly he surveys the wreckage of so many dear hopes. For the moment, we can do little to help him or to comfort him, but whenever opportunity occurs we must assure and reassure him of our continued trust and regard. To me Legien always typifies a rock jutting out in advance of a coast line. For years the seas that have moved round the "rock" have been comparatively smooth; they are now lashed to inconceivable fury, but I expect it will be there when the storms have abated and that we shall then realize how valuable the "rock" was. I am enclosing for your information a copy of a letter I have sent to Legien. With affectionate and kindest regards. Yours faithfully, W. A. Appieton Washington, D. C, Dec. 7, 1914 Sir: I have the honor to transmit to you herewith copy of preambles and resolutions submitted by the undersigned to the recent convention of the A. F. of L., held at Philadelphia, Pa., November 9-31, 1914, which were adopted by the convention. The enclosed is commended to your thoughtful considera- tion, in the event that a Peace Congress shall be ultimately called. It should be added that copies of the enclosed have already been transmitted to the International Federation of Trade Unions and to the National Trade Union Centers throughout the world. I have the honor to remain, Very respectfully yours, Samuel GompErs President, A. P. of L. Hon. WooDROW Wilson, President of the United States, The White House, Washington, V. C. The White House, Washington December 10, 1914 My Dear Mr. GompErs : I have your letter of December 7th, and thank you for sending me the enclosures. I shall read them with much interest. Cordially and sincerely yours, Woodrow Wilson Mr. Samuel GompERS, President, A. P. of L., Washington, D. C. A. F. of L. To All Countries. Washington, D. C., December 11, igi4 C. Legien, President, Federation of Trade Unions of Germany.* Dear Sir and Brother : The Thirty-fourth Annual Convention of the Ameri- can Federation of Labor met in Philadelphia, Pa., November 9-21, 1914. It was attended by the delegates from nearly every international union, from a large number of central bodies and from directly affiliated local unions. There were 369 delegates, representing over two million organized workers. At the convention the Executive Council in submitting its report dealt with the subject of "International Peace and War," a copy of which you will find enclosed, marked, "A." t In view of the terrible conflict now being waged in Europe, as was natural, a number of resolutions were submitted dealing with the subject of the Euro- pean war. With one of these resolutions introduced by the undersigned, the convention directed by its adoption that copies should be forwarded to the International Federation of Trade Unions, and to the various national trade union centers throughout the world. Copy is enclosed herein marked "B." t * Identical letters were sent to all National Trade Union Centers, thirty- five in all.— S. G. t See 1914 printed proceedings, Philadelphia Convention, A. F. of L. i These resolutions, adopted by the 1914 Philadelphia A. F. of L. Convention, are printed elsewhere in this issue of the American Federationist.— S. G. 184 It is earnestly commended to the thoughtful consideration of the International Federation of Trade Unions and such national centers whose activities have not been wholly interfered with by the terrible war. Owing to the disturbed condition of the mails, I do not even know that this letter will reach you. In the event that it does, I would indeed be glad to have you write me in regard to the recommendations and suggestions made in the accompanying resolution an^ which were adopted by and became part of the declarations of the Philadelphia Convention of the A. F. of L. You will observe that the resolution as adopted by the convention requires that the official views of the organized labor movements of the various national centers are to be ascertained and their co-operation invited in order to carry into effect the purposes of the resolution, and it is especially with this point in view that your recommendations and suggestions in regard to the resolution are invited. Trusting that I may hear from you in regard to the above at your early convenience, and expressing the earnest hope for the early re-establishment of peace between the warring nations, and the maintenance of the humanitarian purposes of our great labor movements, I am. Fraternally yours, SamuEi, Gompers. President, A. J*! of L. Internationai, Federation of Trade Unions (en route) Amsterdam, Reguliersgracht 80, December 27, igi4 Dear AppI/ETON : German trade unionists have written to the trades council at Soest (Westphalia) asking for German literature to be sent to them at the prisoners of War Camp II, Frith Hill, Frimley. It appears that they feel the time hang heavy on them, and they would be very thankful for anything to read. Please let me know whether it is possible at all to send books, maga- zines, etc., to the prisoners' camps, and, eventually, you would be good enough to forward such literature as I can send on to you from time to time. This year's Christmas certainly is not an occasion to rejoice, neither here nor in your country. Unfortunately we shall have to submit, hoping that we may soon again be able to speak of "peace on earth." With best wishes to you and your co-workers, believe me, dear Appleton, Fraternally yours, C. Legien, President, International Federation of Trade Unions • From the G. F. T. U. to the American Federation of Labour London, ^ist December, ic)i4 Mr. Samuei, Gompers, Washington, D. C. Dear GomeErs : I am writing to you as the old year closes, and in the hope that the new year, ere it ends, will have offered tangible justification of our faith in the gradual uplifting of humanity. Your communication of the 11th inst. was deeply interesting and we are publishing the conclusions of the Philadelphia Convention in the Pederationist in the hope that these conclusions may help to influence working-class opinion here. During the month I have received two communications from Legien, and I am writing him today to assure him of the continuance of our regard. I do not, however, disguise from myself the fact that there will be difficulties. On my own committee there is very little bitterness or anti-German feeling, but in some other trade union quarters I have heard opinions expressed that I have had to combat, and which have shown that the internationalism of those who ex- 185 pressed them was based upon ephemeral situations and not upon reasoned con- victions. Those who have displayed facile capacity for change will not offer very serious obstacles to the creation and commencement of new effort; they will change again when circumstances are favorable to change. The real difficulty will lie with that larger class which is honestly convinced that Britain had no other course open than the one she took, and who, having lost fathers and brothers and sons in the effort to uphold the sanctity of treaties, will very quiet- ly, but very ' stubbornly refuse to associate with any movement that has a Ger- man base, or which is under German influence. Please accept for yourself, and convey to the dear friends with whom you are in touch, my very kindest wishes for the New Year. Yours faithfully, W. A. ApplETon KoBENHAUN, K. DEN, December 31, 1914 American Federation of Labor. Dear Comrades : Your favor of the 10th inst we received, and it was read to our Executive Council in session today. . We fully comprehend your fraternal feeling and your anxiety about the international relations of organized labor after the war. With you we most earnestly wish that hostilities may be brought to an early close. However, we want to remind you of the Socialist conference which is go- ing to take place on the 17th and 18th of January in this city where representa- tives from United States of America, Switzerland, Holland, Norway, Sweden and Denmark will meet and deliberate what may now and in the future be undertaken by the international labor movement. We hope — and expect — that this conference will in a proper way start international relationship afresh and be a means for expression of the wants and views of organized labor. More- over this conference was originally proposed by the labor movement in these Skandinavian countries, Sweden, Norway and Denmark. Regarding all this we dare not as yet bind ourselves to any other prefixed arrangement after the war. We hope, dear comrades, that you will understand our position and our sincere hope for an early cessation of war and for re-establishment and a mighty invigoration of international labor movement — the only power able to finally remove the menace of war. Fraternally yours. Cam, F. Madden The Trades Hau, Councii, Melbourne, Australia, January 2g, igis Mr. S. Gompers, President, A. P. of L,. 801 G Street, N. W., Washington, D. C. Dear Comrade: Your letter of the 10th ultimo containing resolutions of the thirty-fourth annual convention of the A. F. of It., held in Philadelphia, Pa., November 9-31, 1914, came to hand safely. May I say in reply that my council whole-heartedly endorses the resolution carried by the convention. The question however of taking part in the convention or congress suggested to be held simultaneously with the general Peace Congress at the termination of the war has been referred to the Grand Federal Labor Council of Australia who will, I have no doubt, deal with same as early as possible. With best wishes for a speedy termination of the terrible conflict now being; waged, I am. Yours fraternally, Chas. Gray Secretary 186 C. G. T. TO A. F. ofl I,. Paris, February 3, 1915 Comrade GompErs: We have received your letter concerning the San Fran- cisco Exposition. Agreeably to your suggestion, we have accepted the invitation which you proffered the French Committee. We have sent to the same com- mittee our exhibit, consisting of three table-diagrams, which will be exposed with various similar works of our country. We hope that tne pavilion of social economy shall be the same for all. ' i. u You will receive also our circular in response to your proposal to hold an international congress of working class organizations at the end of hostilities. It is not necessary to tell you that we have accepted this invitation, ^ye are sending this reply at the same time to all the national central unions which are in alliance with the international bureau. With the desire to see the present sad situation rapidly come to an end, and the hope to see peace re-established so that we may pursue our struggle for emancipation, receive, comrade, my fraternal and sympathetic salutations. L. JOtJHAtrx Secretary To THE Working Class InternaTioUai To THE Nationai, CenTrai, Organizations Paris J France Comrades: In spite of the terrible disaster which has arisen in Europe, a disaster which came against its will and its action, the C. G. T. of France de- sires to affirm once more its unswerving attachment to the cause of international labor. War, remains for it the most abominable of social crimes. No argument is possible to diminish the responsibility of those who have begun it. That is to say, that the C. G. T. remains today as yesterday the partisan of peace between the nations. Its propaganda and its action have always been contrary to the lower forms of nationalism, to the conquest of militarism, and it is opposed to the return of worn-out regimes. Its desire would be to lead the entire international in a struggle against wicked force. It has understood that it was indispensable upon this point of creating unity of thought, determining a unity of attitude among the organized proletarians of all countries, in order that when exacted by circumstances it could exercise a unit of action against a common peril. (Proofs) : "Proposition at the international conference, Amsterdam, 1905; intervention of the C. G. T. by its secretary before the German unions, 1905; proposition at the international conference, Paris, 1909; delegation of the C. G. T. in Germany, 1910; intervention before Legien at Brussels, July, 1914." It was in part for not having recognized the value of this point of view that the working-class international was impotent in opposing the war. For six months we have suffered from this war, and all the horror of in- vasion. We have seen the neutrality of Luxemberg and Belgiutn violated, the departments of the north and east of our country invaded, and the scenes of carnage through which we have lived have only served to verify our point of view with respect to the attitude which the international proletariat ought to observe as against the waf. Meantime, however ardent we may be in desiring to establish peace between the nations today belligerent, we can not forget that Belgian territory is almost entirely occupied and that oun departments of the north and of the east are In the same situation. On the other hand, the conditions essential to social prog- ress are the inviolability and the independence of the nations. 187 We have too often protested against colonial expeditions to forget today the profound reasons for our protestations. Humanity can develop toward a civilization always more elevated, she can create the social relations more suitable to human rights only in so far as brutal force shall disappear, and as a means of serving in the transformation and an auxiliary of intelligence put at the service of labor. The United States of the world, a form of human organization which we ought to attempt to realize, shall only be possible the day when each nationality, however feeble it is, shall have the assurance of being respected in its own proper development, shall have the collaboration of all nations, and shall thus be rendered possible. That day shall re-establish the true regime of international liberty resulting from the normal play, and without constraint, of the liberty of all the nations. In that constitution, militarism being without any object, shall eliminate itself. This conception of the future which is ours, in spite of the terrible times in which we now live, we are in the hope of realizing if all the proletariat will bring their part of sincere work to the edification of the common work of- lib- eration. To adopt this ideal is to banish the idea of hegemony; that is, to wish the harmony between all human beings through the equality of all peoples. If it is not possible in present circumstances for the French C. G. T. to formulate the conditions of peace, which it believes to be the nearest possible, it is, however, permissible to it to indicate that the pacific eflfort to be employed practically ought to be in the direction of the goal which shall make this war the last of wars. With those who accomplish this work, the C. G. T. is one. Again at this terrible moment it demands that the working classes of all countries associated with it to affirm and to maintain formally action to penetrate the thought of the workers of the entire world, under the form of the United States of America peace shall be definitive and assured with the day when all the working classes of all the nations shall have/ acquired within their organizations a profound moral conscience of their reciprocal duties, and by that a power of action veritably capable to hinder all war by the direct opposition of the organized forces acting in the working-class international. The C. G. T. approves and accepts the proposition of the A. F. of L. to hold "at the same time and place as the general peace conference which shall be held without doubt at the end, of the war, of a congress of the representatives of the working-class organizations of the different nations," "in order to aid in the establishment of fraternal relations, to protect the interests of the workers and everywhere to aid to form the foundations of a durable peace." On the order of (1) suppression of the regime of secret treaties ; (2) of the absolute respect of nationality; (3) of the immediate and international limitation of armaments, a measure which ought to assist in their total suppression ; (4) the application of obligatory arbitration in the case of conflicts between nations. Vive the international, always and everywhere ! By order of the committee : The Secretary, L. JOUHAUX London, W. C, February i6, 1915. Me. Samuel Gompers, Washington, D. C. Dear iGoMPERS : You. will see from the enclosed cutting, which is taken from the Daily Chronicle of February 15, that a conference of representatives of the Socialist and Labour parties of the allied nations was held in London on the 14th. Neither the General Federation of Trade Unions nor the Confed- eration du Travail were in any sense responsible for convening the conference, 188 nor can they be held responsible for any opinions expressed. The Confederation du Travail and representatives of the co-operative movement of France were invited, but not the_ General Federation of '1 rade Unions nor the organized co- operators of Britain. When the Confederation du Travail realized the circum- stances under which the conference had been convened they were adverse to attending, buti agreed to do so rather than give opportunity for public con- troversy. The delegates from the confederation were instructed to confer during their stay in London with the general federation concerning the future of the Inter- national Secretariat. Yesterday afternoon (the 15th) long and serious discus- sion took place. There was no sign of personal animosity towards the German people, but all present agreed that racial bitterness had been engendered, and would affect, amongst many other things, the position and usefulness of the international trade union movement. It was obvious to all that years must pass before British and Belgian and French could proceed to Berlin with the freedom and confidence which existed prior to the outbreak of the war. Some new arrangement was therefore necessary if the international movement was to avoid disintegration and disaster. All thought that the International Secretariat should, at least for a time, have its chief office in a country whose neutrality was guaranteed not only by treaty, but by physiographical circumstances. America would have afforded an ideal solution, but for her distance from other centers. Outside America, Switzerland appeared to be the country best suited to the requirements of the Secretariat, and though the French preferred Geneva, they waived the consider- ation of this city when it was pointed out that its Latin sympathies might make it objectionable to Germany. Ultimately it was agreed to epitomize and place before you the suggestion made, and to ask you to assume the responsibility of forwarding them to Legien. All present felt that he would appreciate the situation. The representatives thought that the chief office of the Secretariat should be removed to a neutral country, preferably Switzerland ; that the per- sonnel of the Secretariat should be neutral and resident in Berne. We fully appreciate the gravity of these suggestions, just as we appreciate the gravity of the situation and the desirability of avoiding any form of inter- national trade union catastrophe. There is not the slightest personal feehng against Legien, and it is under- stood that the arrangement suggested may be only temporary. Either Jouhaux or myself might have communicated with affiliated coun- tries, but it seemed wiser to transmit our thoughts through non-belligerents, and we know of no one who would so seriously consider what is suggested, or who would more conscientiously act in the interests of international trade unionism than Samuel Gompers. We send you the expression of our deepest regard, and we know that you will try to understand our perplexities and difficulties, and our anxiety to main- tain, irrespective of personalities, the solidarity of our movement. Yours faithfully, W. A. ApplETon L. Jouhaux Washington, D. C, February 26, 1915 Mr. L. Jouhaux, Secretary, Confederation Generate du Travail, 33 Rue de la Grange-aux-Belles, Paris, France. Dear Sir and Brother : ' Your favor of February 3 was duly received and also copy of the circular letter you sent to the National Trade Union Centers. I am indeed glad to note that the French Trade Union Center will co-operate with the A. F. of L. in the proposition adopted bv the last annual convention relative to the peace conference at the close of the present terrible European 189 war. Thus far I have not heard from any other trade union center as to the proposal made by the A. F. of L- I am sending copy of your communication to my colleagues of the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. 1 am exceedingly gratified to know that the French Trade Union Center has prepared an exhibit for the Panama-Pacific International Exposition which has just opened in San Francisco. I shall be greatly interested in seeing your exhibit. I am now completing the exhibit of the A. F. of L., anS hope to ship it to San Francisco in the course of a few days. I shall be glad to send you copy of our official catalogue as soon as it is completed. With kind regards and hoping to hear from you often, I am, Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers, President, A. P. of L. American Federation op Labour, Washington, D. C March 4, 19 15 Mr. W. a. ApptETON, Secretary, General Pederation of Trade Unions, Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London, W. C. Dear Sir and Brother: Your letter of February 16, signed jointly by you and Mr. L. Jouhaux, secretary of the French trade unions, has been duly re- ceived and contents noted. For some time before I received your letter I had been giving very careful consideration to the matter of the International Federa- tion of Trade Unions and the probability of our ability to maintain the movement despite the terrible conflict in which the various European nations are now involved. The plan suggested by you and Mr. Jouhaux for the temporary conduct of the work of .the International Federation of Trade Unions, its locatioh and personnel, appeals to me as being eminently practicable and in the best interests of the international trade union movement. Of course, the fortunate position in which the American people, as well as the American labour movement finds itself in the present terrific situation, might afford the opportunity for all to concede that the American Trade Union Center would be the best possible means of the future conduct of our international labour movement, even though that n^^y be temporary. You know as well as I do that the peoples of the various countries of nearly all Europe look upon each other with aj suspicious side glance, if nothing more. There is nothing in all America, and particularly in the organized labour movement of our continent, which even smacks of suspicion, We should be very glad to serve the best interests of the workers and of the people generally of all the civilized world, including the contending nations in this great titanic struggle, but if, as you and Brother Jouhaux think, it were best to have the administrative affairs of the international trade union move- ment, even though temporarily, vested in Switzerland, I am sure we shall have no objection to interpose. I have just written' to President Legien, and have placed the matter before him, requesting his most careful consideration of the suggested plan for the lOffiices of the International Federatiofi of Trade Unions to be transferred to Berne, Switzerland, and that the personnel of the federation should be neutral. I have not heard from Mr. Legien for several months. It is possible that the letter I have just written him may never reach him. However, I am hoping for the best, that is, that my communication will finally reach his hands, and that he may find a way to communicate to me in regard thereto. You may rest assured that as soon as I hear from him voU will be oromptly advised. I am not writing to Mr. Jouhaux, as I am in doubt as to whether he is now in Paris or in London, but I count upon your advising him of this letter to you. I thank you for the clippings you enclosed, and hope to hear from you further at your early convenience. Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers, President, American Pederation of Labor 190 Washington, D. C, March 4, 1915 Mr. Cam, Legien, President, International federation of Trade Unions, SO. 16, 'Engelufer 15, Berlin, Germany. Dear Sir and Brother : It has been quite some time since I have ^^'f^J^^, any communication from you. In view of existing conditions, I apprehend that there may be some considerable doubt as to this letter reaching you. However, there is an important matter which it has become necessary I should bring to your attention. 1. u • t On February 15, as you are probably aware, a conference was held in L,on- don of the representatives of the Socialist and Labour parties of the allied nations. Neither the English nor the French Federation of 1 rade Unions was in any way responsible for the conference. However, the delegates to the con- ference were instructed to and did hold a conference with the officers of the General Federation of Trade Unions concerning the future of the International Federation of Trade Unions. A long and serious discussion occurred. The information was given me that while there was no indication of any personal animosity towards the German people, yet all those who participated in the conference agreed that by reason of the racial bitterness engendered from the war. the position and usefulness of the, international trade union movement would be much affected ; that it was obvious to all that years must elapse before the British, Belgian, and French trade unionists could proceed to Berlin with the freedom and confidence which existed prior to the outbreak of war, and that, therefore, some new arrangement is necessary if the international move- ment is to avoid disintegration and disaster. The opinion was then expressed that the chief office of the International Federation of Trade Unions should be, at least for the present, located in a country whose neutrality is guaranteed not only by treaty, but by physiographi- cal circumstances. All agreed in the opinion that America would afford an ideal solution oft the question, but for th4 great distance from other trade union centers. The next suggestion was that Switzerland would be best suited to the requirements expressed by the persons in the conference that the chief office of the International Federation of Trade Unions should be removed to a neutra" country, preferably Switzerland,, and that the personnel of the Internationai Federation of Trade Unions should also be neutral, and resident in Berne. I have given this entire subject-matter my most careful thought and con- sideration. I fully appreciate the gravity of the above suggestion^ the gravity of the entire situation, and I desire above everything to avoid any form of international trade union misunderstanding. The views expressed above are substantially those addressed to me in a joint letter signed by Messrs. W. A. Appleton, of the General Federation of Trade Unions, and L. Jouhaux, of the French Federation of Labour. Without in any way expressing my own judgment in' the matters of dispute at this time, but the suggestions as I have ;substantial!y quoted them are made as I have given them to you, for the temporary conduct of the business of the Interna- tional Federation of Trade Unions, and appeal to me as being practical and in the best interests of the continuity and usefulness of the international trade union movement. No one of us can disregard the situation as it exists, de- plorable as it is, and' I take it that Mr. Appleton and Mr. Jouhaux are as keenly interested as the American Trade Union Center in maintaining and perpetuating the fraternal international Labour movement, and to tide over the present un- fortuate situation so that our work for the common good may be continued to the ultimate purposes for which our great movement has been inaugurated. The entire subject is commended to you for your most careful thought and consideration, and I ask you that you let me hear from you in regard to the matter at your earliest convenience. Fraternally yours, Saml. Gompers President, American Federation of Labor 191 Amsterdam, Reguliersgracht 80 March 28, 19^5 Dear Appleton : I am in receipt of your letter of the 37th of January, and glad to hear of your intentions to somewhat relieve the sad lot of the prisoners of war. For intellectual workers especially it must be very hard to remain with- out books, and I sincerely hope your efforts will be successful. For some time I have had the intention to see a prisoners' camp myself. Unexpectedly, however, the work at our offices has accumulated during the war in such a way that I hardly find an hour or two for work not directly con- nected with the office. After reading your letter, however, I resolved to find the necessary time at once. On the 19th of March I spent several hours at the Doberitz prisoners' camp. I did not take my information from supervising officers, but from the prisoners themselves without any of the former listening to our talk. I am bound to say that I found everything as described in a report which I enclose, although this report deals with the Parchim camp. The report was published in the Schleswig-Holsteinische Volkszeitung, the local party daily of the constituency which I represent in the Reichstag, viz., Kiel. It must be taken into consideration, of course, that all arrangements are made for a camp of prisoners, that great numbers of men are assembled there, and that it is extremely difficult to attend to the individual wishes of every one. An. English prisoner, for instance, to whom I talked complained that he had not seen any meat. This is not to be wondered at. Evefj? prisoner is allowed ninety grammes of meat per day, but this meat is added in various forms to the general food they receive without any nutritive value being lost to the in- dividual prisoner. A Frenchman, who had stayed there since the 33d of August, told me that he could not stand the German soldiers' food, especially their heavy bread. I fully understood his complaint, for the' cooking methods of his native town — Paris — are indeed very different from those obtaining here. The same is true as regards bread. Prisoners receive 300 grammes of bread per day (six- ninths of one pound), as against 350 grammes allowed per head of the civilian population of our country. All such complaints are easy to understand, but I feel it will be impossible to attend to all individual desires of the 800,000 war prisoners we have in the country now. As regards food, they, too, will have to submit to what hjis been found necessary under existing conditions for the whole of Germany. In any case, the prisoners are by no means worse off than our civilian population. At the post-office of the camp I spent nuite a while. I was really astonished to see the tremendous number of narcels — containing all sorts of food and delicacies — that had arrived for the Britishers. It made me feel sorry for the Russian prisoners. It appears to be very rare that one of them receives a similar valuable set of greetings from home. Everything eatable, of course, is handed to the prisoners, although all parcels are opened. The prisoners themselves nut them together again if no arms have been found. I saw about fifty parcels be- ing opened and searched, and only in one case was there some delay, as an un- usually long knife had been found among its contents. The prisoners are not permitted to get dailv papers from home, while magazines and books are oer- mitted after having passed the censors' office. Here' I was told that very rarely anything was withheld for political reasons. Considering the ma^s of people living within the camp, I must say that dwellings, lavatories, baths, heatinsr nnd lighting wpre quite up to 'reasonable expectations. I have seen manv lodgings of proletarians, and I havp often dwelled ifl lodgings mysHf that were far worse than those I saw at Doberitz, although this was one of the first camps. Friends who visited other camps tell me that they are better pnuipopd and have more up-to-date arrangements. During the debates in the Reichstag Committee on the Budget, and in the same Committee of the Prussian Landtag, it was demanded not only by the 192 members of our party, but even by those of all other parties, that war prisoners should be well treated. This was demanded for humanitarian reasons, and, further, because it was recognized by all that our own soldiers, when captured by the other side, would have to suffer for any harsh treatment meted out to our war prisoners here. I merely intended to send the enclosed cutting, but my remarks have de- veloped into quite a long letter. I am convinced, however, that you will take my description just as it is given, a description of what I saw and felt at the camp. I have read with interest the letter you wrote to Brother Gompers. Let me say that I quite share your views, which are expressed even more distinctly in the Federationist for March (page 5). I am fully . convinced that there will be little difficulty to re-establish and even strengthen the trade union bonds again within a very brief space of time as soon as the war is over. For arfe we not all depending on each other if we desire to attain our ends. I sincerely hope, therefore, that we may soon be able again to continueour old work. Hoping to hear from you at your earliest convenience, I'am yours, very sincerely, C. LEGIEN Milan, Italy, April z, iqis Mr. S. Gompers, President of the A. F. of L., Washington, D. C. Dear Sir: . I heard that the American Federation of Labor proposed to hold a meeting of all the national organizations the same' day and in the same city where the meeting of the delegates of powers will ineet in order to ne- gotiate the next peace at the end of the war, I do not understand how the proposal did not reach us. I would be obliged to you if you would be so kind to send me as soon as possible, the exact text of this proposal so that we may discuss it and let you know our view on this matter. I received the other letter which you sent us about the war, but it is impossible for us to find the last one. Perhaps it was lost in the mail. Receive, dear sir, my thanks, and my hearty and cordial salutations. RiNALDO RiGOLA The Secretary International Secretariat oe National Trade Union Centers C. LegiEn, Berlin SO. i6, Bngelufer 15 Berlin, April 2, igis Mr. Samuel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C. My Dear Gompers: When I wrote my last card on New Year's Eve I promised to write more fully as soon as possible. Hitherto, however, I have not been able to fulfill my promise, not because I had, nothing to tell you, but rather because I am so overburdened with work that everything remains undone which is not absolutely necessary. Quite recently I read in American papers that you escaped a great danger on February 3, when you stayed at the Chicago Kaiserhof which went up in fire. It is-ior this reason that I arn writing today to tell you how glad I felt when I read the story of your lucky, escape. I take it as a good sign showing that your life will- be spared many years yet, for our great labor movement. I sincerely hope that we may once more be able to meet at that very Kaiserhof pursuing our common work. Unfortunately, there is very little chance for such a meeting now. Who would have dreamed of such duration of this war or of its methods as practised 193 between Great Britain and Germany today. We need not discuss whoever is responsible for these methods of warfare. By the way, my views on the matter would, of course, scarcely be without bias. The British government appears to try a starvation policy on the German people, but our submarine warfare against British commercial ships is a similar method. I From our point of view we believe the one as dreadful as the other. The object Great Britain had in view can not be achieved, however;. at the very moment when the war commenced the possibility of our foodstuffs being insufficient had been taken into account. Every man and woman with some social feelings felt the necessity of safeguarding our women and children against hunger and privation. This is why the trade unions did not hesitate for one moment to do their share in this direction. The general organization is in such working order today that the danger of famine is banished once and for all. Our education along the lines of organization has shown its full value during these days. I sincerely hope that the lessons learned now will not be forgotten after the war is over. It is quite possible that our capitalistic society as well as our constitutionalistic and absolutistic state take the lesson to heart. In this case, some progress on the social field would at least be one satisfactory out- come of the terrible calamity which has befallen the nations of Europe. Of course, all this would by no means be a compensation for the tremendous sac- rifices this war demands from man and property. I need not describe to you our feelings in reading the daily war bulletins or what our imagination shows us of modern warfare with modern weapons. It all is a fearful picture, although we in the middle of the country do not wit- ness any of these things ourselves. If it was not for the great number of active soldiers and of wounded in our streets, none of us would imagine what terrible tragedy is being played near the frontier, for our daily life appears so absolutely normal. Many of us, and I among them, believed that the economic life of the coun- try and consequently our unions would break down immediately after the out- break of war. After a few critical weeks, however, our unions have fully re- covered, as you have certainly noticed from my reports in the Correspondem- blatt (I hope the paper reaches you regularly). I am not too optimistic, how- ever, as to the value of the present state of trade here. It is often said and rightly, too, "war nourishes war." This is true today as much as during the Thirty Years' war. There is little doubt that as soon as millions of German workers return home to their work of peace, production will undergo a: serious crisis and that many new difficulties will arise for our unions. We are already today preparing for that period, doing everything possible to keep our trade union and political organization in perfect order. We have indeed been able to maintain our unions in our own country and I sincerely trust that we will equally succeed to bring about our international organization as soon as the war is terminated. I even hope that our international relations will become better and stronger than ever.. I am not as pessimistic as Brother Appleton appeared to be when he wrote. his letter of November 11, 1914, to you, a copy of which he was good enough to send to my address. I maintain our old relations, as far as possible, with all national centers, ably as- .sisted in this direction by Brother Oudegeest with whom I confer whenever anv- thing of importance is at stake. I hope to meet him again tomorrow and hand this letter to him. In this way, I tfiink it will reach you safely and without undue loss of time. Contrary to what I expected Sweden and Holland have sent their usual contribution to tho I. F. T. U., and the German center has also paid the usual Quota. I believe this to be one of the best signs for the future of our interna- tional organization. The International Federation of Trade Unions will not be able to offer much in exchange for these contributions at the present moment. 194 but I feel sure that this will be recovered soon after the war. The interna- tional feeling of solidarity of the workers has not been lost during this terrible crisis, as is shown by the action of these three centers. The same ideas, by the way, are expressed in your peace resolution passed at the Philadelphia Convention of the A. F. of L. Let me thfink you and your friends heartily for this demonstration of international solidarity. I have my doubts, however, whether it will be actually possible to hold a labor convention during the peace negotiations of the belligerent countries, because the state of war in these countries will not be withdrawn in time. Our direct influence on these negotiations, moreover, will probably carry no weight. Indeed, wo all have permitted ourselves to be deceived as to the actual power of our labor organizations. We shall have to develop this power and make it sufficiently strong to avert a similar conflict in the future, as soon as our common work is started again at the end of this war. These, briefly, are my ideas as to the next future. It would be better, how- ever, if I were in a position to tell you of the end of the terrible slaughter and of the beginning of new international efforts on behalf of our commn cause. Please find enclosed, somewhat belated, a receipt for the contribution paid by the A. F. of L. for our fiscal year 1913-14. With best wishes and fraternal greetings to you and all our mutual friends, also to Mrs. and Miss Gompers, believe me to be, Yours sincerely, C. Legien President, I. P. of T. U. Nederlandsch Verbond van VakvereEnigingen Amsterdam, April 3, 1915 Mr. W. a. APEtETON, Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London, W., C. Dear Mr. ApplETon : We received a letter from Comrade Oscar Beck, which surprises us somewhat, as in this letter the desires was expressed that closer relation should be established between London and Amsterdam. You will readily understand that we, too, , do not like anything better than this. Especially in these terrible times we on our part do everything in our power to keep up the international relations as well as we possibly can. We, therefore, were very glad that our president was requested by the International Bureau of Berlin to see to the exchange of the correspondence, etc., between the countries now at war, and besides that the Executive Council of the I. T. F. took similar measures .and established a temporary Bureau at Amsterdam under management of our president. Consequently it will be clear to you that we, not less than you, wish to maintain the good relations which have existed until now, and to strengthen same. But communciation between our country and yours seems to be very difficult. Until now we have only received a few letters from you, which had to be sent to our mutual friend Legien, amongst others a copy of your letter to Sam Gompers, in which you expressed yourself so appreciatingly about the president of our International Bureau. Your letter concerning the Relief Fund from the Belgium comrades also reached us. Mr. Oscar Beck now informs us that he wrote to us previously, but about this letter nothing is known to us. Till now our Dutch movement has not been much affected by the crisis. We lost a few thousand members,, but this is of no great importance. There is, however, a great number of unemployed here, but this decreases gradually. On the other hand, we have succeeded in extending the unemployment insurance considerably, and to further influence the relief movement on behalf of the un- organized and the families of those called out for active service with the army 195 in the good direction. You will see by this that we give matters every attention, and expect to see a considerable growth of our movement after the crisis is over. At the present moment we are busily engaged in creating a strong agi- tation for reduction of prices of victuals, which we hope will also meet with good success. We shall be very pleased to hear soon something from you. We notice from the papers that there seems to be some trouble amongst certain groups, especially amongst dockers and railwaymen. Is this really of a serious nature? Awaiting your early reply, we remain, with fraternal greeting and best wishes, Yours fraternally, J. OUDEGEEST Internationai, Federation oe Trade Unions Berlin^ April 12, 1915 rMR. Samuel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor, 801-809 G Street, Northwest, Washington, D. C. Dear Sir and Brother: I am very much surprised to hear of the proposi- tion emanating from thdl conference of representatives of some trade union centers which was held in London in February last, to the effect that the head- quarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions should be removed to Switzerland. The Zentralorgan, of the German Social Democratic party; the Vowarts, in Berlin, and a few provincial papers of the same quality, as well as the official paper of the Social Democratic party in Switzerland, the Berner Tagwacht, have indeed made an effort — which was bound to be in vain, of course — to dis- cover that the means at the disposal of the fnternational Federation of Trade Unions were wrongly used in the interest of Germany alone. Those taking part' in London conference, however, should not have permitted themselves to be led astray by these endeavors. On November 23, 1914, I wrote a circular letter to all national bodies affiliated to the I. F. of T. U., saying that during thei time of war there could be no question of any activity on the part of the International Federation of Trade Unions, but of merely of maintaining the existing relations. The only action undertaken by the I. F. of T. U. during this period — a financial appeal on behalf of Belgian Trade Unions — ^had not only my full endorsement, but also the direct co-operation of the German General-kommission der Gewerk- schaften, while it was issued by the Dutch National Center. It is not because of the headquarters of the I. F. of T. U. not being located in a so-called neutral country that the Belgian Trade Unions believe they must not accept any help from the unions of Germany and Austria-Hungary. Our future co-operation will not depend on whether the headquarters of the I. F. of T. U. are located here or elsewhere, but rather on the amount of confidence the trade union centers and those put at the head of the former have towards each other. The International Federation will never acquire any power of action if this confidence should be lacking. During the time of war I have remained in touch, although with long in- tervals, with all national bodies affiliated, and it therefore appears to me that the decision arrived at by the London conference expresses a want of confidence. This would knock the bottom out of the I. F. of T. U. As far as I can judge from the contents of your letter of March 4, 1915, the decision arrived at by the London conference is not to be considered as a mo- tion which should be submitted to the vote of the affiliated national bodies. In case it is to be taken as such; a motion, it would become necessary for the na- tional centers not represented by the London conference to discuss the matter 196 in a conference of their own, after' the motion is presented as the result of an oral discussion of representatives of some national bodies. I trust this will not be necessary. It would not be a good start for our future co-operation which, after the present war, will need much more energy, solidarity, and especially more confidence towards one another than used to be necessary before the war. Will you kindly let me know whether the London conference resulted in a regular motion being moved, which would .have to be submitted to the na- tional centers for their decision, i In this case I, of course, shall at once attend to my duty as President of the International Federation of Trade Unions. With best wishes, believe me to be, Yours fraternally, C. LegiEn. President, International Federation of Trade Unions [Note: From the following letter from Mr. Jouhaux, it is quite evident that my letter suffered in translation from English into French, for I at no time suggested that the seat of office of the International Federation of Trade Unions be located in the United States, or that I should act as its executive officer. — S. G.] Paris, April 13, 1915 To Comrade Gompers, President of the A. P. of L., Washington, D. C. In thanking you for your parcel and your answer about the removal of the seat of the international union office, the committee expresses this opinion. Although deeply moved by our offer to accept temporarily the international office, America representing all the guarantees of impartiality and security, it can not, considering that there is'too large a distance between America and the majority of the national centers, accept your generous proposal. It upholds its decision concerning Berne, the work of the international office being assured by neutral elements. The committee thanks you once more for your internationalist feelings, those feelings must stay entire above the present conflict. Having heard by newspapers, that American workmen associations, had met in order to discuss about the contingency of holding an international meeting in view to hasten peace; that the decision taken by those organizations would become definitive, only after being submitted to you, the committee asks you to be so kind and inform it about the authenticity and official value to be given to these newspaper news. You will understand the main reasons which induce us to ask you for these informations, and we hope you will be able to give us precise explanations about those facts. Hoping to hear from you soon, receive, comrade, for you and the members of your committee our fraternal salutations, The Secretary, Jouhaux International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centers Berlin, April 13, 1915 To the Affiliated National Trade Union Centers. Dear Sirs and Brothers : You will find enclosed several documents relating to a pj-oposal to transfer the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions to some neutral country, viz., copies of a joint letter written by Brothers Appleton and Jouhaux to Brother Gompers,. of Mr. Gompers' reply and of his letter advising me, further copy of a letter I intended to address to Presi- dent Gompers before I knew of this correspondence having been published in the 197 Federationist, and copy of the official reply I have today forwarded to President Gompers. I do not think it advisable to have a vote taken by letter on the proposition that has been made. The decision to be arrived at w^ill no doubt have a great influence on the future position of the International Federation of Trade Unions. For this reason I consider it absolutely necessary to have the whole question discussed in a conference. Brother Oudegeest is about to' issue a call to this effect to all aifiliated na- tional centers, and I trust you will accept his invitation to meet in conference. It need scarcely be pointed out to the officers oi\ the affiliated National Centers that in view of the conditions under which the conference is to meet,, this publication should not be made public. Yours fraternally, C. Legien President, Internationali Federation of Trade Unions International Federation of Trade- Unions Berlin, April i6, 1915 Mr. Samiiel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor, 801-809 G Street, Northwest, Washington^ D. C. Dear Brother Gompers : I had just written a lengthy reply to your letter of March 4, in which I explained my doubts as to the wisdom of removing the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions to some so-called neutral country. Simultaneuosly I received the April number of the Federation- ist, the official journal of the British Federation of Trade Unions, containing the full text of the letter Brothers Appleton and Jouhaux wrote to you and of your reply thereto. I take it for granted, of course, that the other national centers also get the Federationist regularly, asi well as I do myself. The whole question has, after these letters are made public, lost its personally friendly character which you gave it in your letter of the 4th of March. The letter which was to be sent to you on the 11th of April mainly con- tained my personal views on the matter, but now I feel compelled to first consult my friends. This, of course, will take some time, but you will hear from me on the matter as soon as possible. Your communication of the' 23d of March relating to the three copies of the official catalogue of the A. F. of L. exhibit, etc. With very best wishes. Yours fraternally, C. LegiEn. President, Internationali, Federation of Trade Unions General Federation op Trade Unions Hamilton House, Bidborougk Street, London, W. C, 2ist April, 1915 Mr. C. LegiEn, c. 0. Oudegeest, Reguliersgracht 80, Amsterdam'. Dear LEGiEN : I am in receipt of your letter and your account of your ef- forts to investigate and improve the situation of British prisoners of war. We are all very grateful. Both myself and O'Grady are interesting ourselves in the conditions under which German prisoners are confined. Speaking generally, we are certain that these conditions are much superior to the conditions under which our own people are interned in Germany. Particularly is this the case in respect to officers ; there is, in fact, some outcry against the luxury permitted them. This outcry has 198 been accentuated in the case of the officers since the two in Wales broke their parole and did not return from the golf match. They have since been recaptured, but apparently did not realize the seriousness of their offence against honor. Any efforts will be rendered more difficult, by the methods of warfare adopted. The torpedoing and sinking of the Falaba, the drowning of unwarned, unarmed, undefended, and helpless non-combatants, and the useless and sense- less firing upon would-be rescuers is begetting a hardness of heart that cer- tainly did not exist previously. In addition to this, there is in circulation amongst the medical profession a number of photographs alleged, upon what is regarded as unimpeachable authority, to have been taken on the. actual battlefields in Belgium. These photographs are of Britishers who, having fallen wounded, were brutally mutilated. Amongst the cases there are pictures of disembowelled men, and men whose faces have been hacked and whose brains have been smashed out. ' Honestly I don't want to believe all these bestial stories ; bull the fact that they are told, and the source from which they come, make our position very difficult indeed. You will understand how readily the general public believe these after reading the stupid utterances of some of the German papers, and after hearing with what gusto the "Hymn of Hate" has been sung and advertised. You may rest assured that we will do our best, quite uninfluenced by cur- rent stories. We should continue to do our best even if we had irrefutable evi- dence of the truth of all these statements, because we believe and seek to teach that even in war it is incumbent upon our people to play the game, and to set up a standard of conduct which will increase rather than diminish, both now and in the future, their personal self-respect. Today the stories I have heard fill me with sadness, because I can not hopi that we shall, much longer, be able to keepl out of our people's minds -the idea of vengeance which attempts to find expression in reprisals. Hitherto our people have been inclined to meet "Gott strafe England" with a quiet "God forgive Ger- many," but this spirit is jeopardized by recent events. Yours faithfully, W. A. Appleton General Federation of Trade Unions Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London, W. C, 22d April, igis Mr. J. OuDEGEEST, ReguUersgracht, 80, Amsterdam. I Dear OudEgeest: I was very) pleased indeed to hear from you. and shall endeavour to keep in touch with you. The war has altered many things, and I am afraid it is groins' to alter and affect rather seriously the international trade union movement. We have tried very hard to prevent bitterness arising, but the methods of warfare adopted will, I am afraid, make this impossible. The stories that are coming to hand will make our people as bitter as the Belgians and the French, who have had personal sight and knowledge of the devastation and outrage that has taken place. On the, 15th February we had a conference in London between the repre- sentatives of the Confederation Generale du Travail and our organization, "rhis conference arose out of another by a section ofi the Socialist party, and which did not end very happily. At our own conference we discussed the future of the international movement, and came to the conclusion that for many years it would be impossible for French or British or Belgians to visit Germany with the same freedom and pleasure as they had visited Germany in the past, and it was decided to take steps to secure the transference of the Secretariat to a neutral country. A letter was written, which was signed by Jouhaux and ray- self, and sent on to Gompers, who forwarded same to Legien. I have since re- 199 ceived a letter from Legien, and am quite sure that he understands the situa- tion, and think he will not stand in the way of anything that can be done for the real advantage of the international movement. The Confederation Generate du Travail has asked me to prepare a circular letter to all the nations, and I intend doing this, but the subject is so profoundly important that I have, up to the present, hesitated to commit my thoughts to paper. I feel the burden of responsibility in this matter, and am most anxious to act without prejudice or ill-feeling and entirely in the interests of that wider movement to which v/t belong. Like you, w^ have suffered from increased prices. It is one of the inevitable consequences of war. We have to be thankful that so far, while there has been increased prices, there has been increased wages or allowances to meet these advances and that there has been no real suffering. As a matter of fact, the people seem to be better fed and better clothed than they are at normal times, and there is no disquietude as to the ultimate result of the war. You ask about the trouble amongst the dockers and railwaymen. There has been trouble with a small section x)i dockers at Birkenhead, near Liverpool, and with some engineers in Scotland, but this has been happily settled, and I believe that the whole of the people are now bending their energies towards securing a successful termination of the war. It is true that some of the newspapers have made charges of idleness and drunkenness, but these are gross slanders, and there is now a tendency to apologize for the charges preferred against the workers. It will be no new thing to you to have to defend your own people against false and slanderous accusations. You will be quite aware that when the war broke out we were entirely un- prepared for it. We hoped for peace until the very last, and when the war broke out we had to organize an army and provide all its equipment. I am not in a position to tell you how many men have been enrolled or very much about it, but we have good reason for believing that at the present moment there are more than three millions, all of whom have volunteered for service. We regret the necessity for all this, and would gladly have remained at peace with the world, but we do hope! that one result of our struggle will be the liberation of the smaller nationalities from the thraldom of fear and the se- curing to them for all timd of the right to develop and enjoy their national life in their own way. With kindest regards, yours faithfully, W. A. Appleton Inteenationai, Secretariat of National Trade Union Centers (Berlin, SO. 16, Bngelufer 15.) April 23, 191S Mr. Samuel. GompErs, President, American Federation of Labor, 801-809 G Street, Northwest, Washington, D.. C. My Dear Gompers : I enclose a letter which I intended to forward to you in reply to your communication of March 4, although^ on the 16th I wrote an- other letter which is also enclosed. The first letter is added because it may be of interest to you to know my personal view on fhe matter in dispute. I do not think it advisable to have a vote taken by letter on the proposition made. The decision to be arrived at will no doubt be of great influence on the future position of the International Federation of Trade Unions. For this reason I consider it absolutely necessary to discuss the whole question in a conference. Brother Oudegeest is about to issue a call to all affiliated national centers to this effect and I trust you will accept his invitation to meet in conference. 200 It need scarcely be pointed out that. in view of the conditions under which the conference is to meet, this communication should not be made public.' Hoping to hear from you soon, I beg to remain. Yours fraternally, C. LegiEn President, International Federation of Trade Unions Washington, D. C, April 27, 1915 Mr. RiNAi,D0 RiGOLAj via Miflnfredo Fanti z, Milan, Italy. Dear Sir and Brother: In addition to the enclosed letter which I have just ■written you I desire to call your attention to a communication which I received, signed jointly by Mr. W. A. Appleton, for the General Federation of Trade Unions of England, and Mr. L. Jouhaux, for the French Trade Unions, regard- ing the transfer of the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions from Berlin to a neutral country. On February 15, as you are probably aware, a conference was held in London of the representatives of the Socialist and Labor Parties of the allied nations. Neither the English nor the French Federation of Trade Unions was in any way responsible for the conference. However, the delegates to the conference were instructed to and did hold a conference with the officers of the General Federation of Trade Unions concerning "the future of the Inter- national Federation of Trade Unions. A long and serious discussion occurred. The information is given me that while there was no indication of any personal animosity toward the German people, yet all those who participated in the conference agreed that by reason of the racial bitterness engendered from the war, the position and usefulness of the international trade union movement would be much affected; that it was obvious to all that years must elapse before the British, Belgium, and French trade unionists could proceed to Berlin with the freedom and confidence which existed prior to the outbreak of the war and that, therefore, some new arrangement is necessary if the international movement is to avoid disintegration and disaster. The opinion was then expressed that the chief office of the International Federation of Trade Unions should be, at least for the present, located in a country whose neutrality is guaranteed not only by treaty, but by physiogra- phical circumstances. All agreed in the opinion that America would afford an ideal solution of the question, but for the great distance from other trade union centers. The next suggestion was that Switzerland would be best suited to the requirements of the situation and the belief was finally expressed by the persons in the conference that the chief office of the International Federation of Trade Unions should be removed to a neutral country, preferably Switzer- land, and that the personnel of the International Federation of Trade Unions should also be neutral and resident in Berne. The proposition submitted by Messrs. Jouhaux and Appleton came before the Executive Council of the A. F. of L., at its meeting the week of April 19-24, 1915, and was approved. I have communicated to President Legien and also to Messrs. Appleton and Jouhaux. I should be pleased to hear from you in regard thereto. With kind regards and hoping to hear from you at your early convenience, 1 am, Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers President, A. F. of L. 201 South African Industrial Federation Johannesburg, 15, Trades Hall, Rissik Street April 28, 1915 Sam'l Gompers, Esq., President A. P. of L., U. S. A. Dear Sir and Brother: Your letter dated 10th December, 1914, together with copies of "report of E. C. to the Philadelphia Convention," and resolution, of that convention "No. 104," were duly received and considered by my execu- tive at its last meeting when, after full discussion, I was instructed to reply and express to your federation our hearty sympathy with both your Executive Council report and resolution No. 104. Distance and financial disability make it impossible for our South African movement to take any large or active part in the inauguration of international congresses but such efforts as are being made by your federation have our sincere blessing and to the extent of our capacity we are prepared to co-operate with you. It would be unreasonable for us in the present state of our national develop- ment to claim any considerable attention in such instances for our views, and to make suggestions would be almost impertinent. We feel confident that the consensus of labour opinion in Europe and America will reach conclusions with which we can agree. We further hope that you will keep us informed as to the future steps you may take and thus enable us to play whatever small part we can in influencing a final settlement of the war favourable to the workers of the world. I remain, Yours fraternally, A. Crawford. Secretary ' Washington, D. C, April 29, 1915 Mr. L. JouHAx, Secretary, Confutation Ge trale du Travail, ss Rue de la Grange-aux-Belles, Paris, France. Dear Sir and Brother: The Executive Council of the A. F. of L. met at headquarters the week of April 19-24, 1915. I placed before my colleagues the communication signed jointly by you and Mr. Appleton in regard to the transfer of the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions from Berlin to a neutral country. The Executive Council approved the proposition and I have so advised President Legien. I should be glad to hear from you further in regard to the matter. Of course, I am also writing an identical letter to Mr. Appleton. A sub-committee of the Executive Council of which I am a member, under the direction of the Executive Council is preparing a statement to be issued in the name of the Executive Council of_ the A. F. of L., as to the attitude of the A. F. of L. regarding the proposition for a conference of labor repre- sentatives to be held in the same city and at the same time when the Peace Congress is held. 1 shall be glad to send you copy of this statement as soon as it is completed. With kind regards and hoping to hear from you often, I remain, Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers , President, A. P. of L. NEDERLANDSCH VERBOND van VAKVEREtNIGINGEN Amsterdam, May 3, 1915 Mr. W. A. Appleton, Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London, W. C. Dear Mr. Appleton : I duly received your letter of the 22d ult. on Monday last, together with the letter for our friend Legien. I was very glad to read that the reports with regard to the troubles which 202 are said to have taken place in your country have been very exaggerated. We, too, have been vexed by the silly and stupid incitement of a certain part of the English press against the working classes, asserting that the laborers do not produce enough on account of their drinking habits. It is with great astonish- ment that we have read such a charge, but the press of whatever party and of nearly every nation is publishing in these days such a number of silly things .and of deliberate lies, and' it has done already such a lot of harm that really nothing should surprise us any more. Everything has undergone an enormous change by the war, and most likely more great changes are to follow. Therefore I am so glad that a regular correspondence is possible between you and me, and that we shall be able to do our utmost to further the splendid movement to which we belong and which is of such inestimable value for the civilization and the improvement of the position of the working classes, and to maintain as much as possible the unity, nationally and internationally, of the trade union movement of all countries. Last Monday our friend Legien paid us a visit in Amsterdam and brought us the letters which you will find enclosed. We gave him your letter, which had just come to hand. He will send you his reply from Berlin. Legien intended, with a view to the difficult communication between Germany and the other countries of Europe, to despatch from here a circular stating that the correspondence between you and our friend Gompers has induced him to ask the Dutch Trade Union Center to convoke an international conference in order to discuss the transfer of the seat of the International Bureau. We are, of course, quite willing to call such a conference together, espe- cially of thfe representatives of the more important organizations, such as the English and American and the German ones, which certainly are able to judge and. oversee the world-wide movement not less well as we wish to hold such a conference. It is obvious that we have noticed the bitterness which has come into existence during this disastrous war between the labourers of the belligerent nations, and we have asked ourselves what will be the consequences for our international movement as soon as the war is over and the Inter- national Bureau will be able to resume its usual work? Up till now we did not think it necessary to take special measures such as proposed by you and Jouhaux, because the International Bureau is not in a position to function in a normal way during these times. We were of opinion that immediately after the war, as soon as peace has been concluded, when the sentiments can take its normal course again, and the necessity of the international unity of the working classes will make itself manifest stronger than now, a conference had to be held about the question whether it will be possible to let everything remain as it was before. It seems that you are of another opinion . As we fear, however, that under the present circumstances an international conference might perhaps not have a very fruitful result if all circumstances and possibilities have not been well considered before its preparation, and as we presume that the representatives of the neutral countries will have to know exactly what will be their position and what they will have to do, we should like to have some more information concerning the opinion you hold with regard to the general position and cir- cumstances of our movement, and whether you think that this conference may be useful also to some other object. It is for this reason that we have asked Legien not to send his circular letter to the National Trade Union Centers, and to wait till a personal conference between you and us has taken place. This conference _might_ take place, for instance, in Amsterdam ; we can then fix, after mutual deliberation, time and place of such conference. You would oblige us by sending us a wire informing us what day you, and if possible Jouhaux also, will be able to come to Amsterdam. If you might think it a_dvisable that Legien also assists at this conference we shall ask him to come over in time. 203 This whole matter has been amply discussed in a meeting of our Executive Council, which has been called together with all speed, and Legien, too, has at last accepted our proposal. In case you are not willing or not in a position to hold this preliminary conference — which we hope and trust will not be the case — ^we shall convoke an international conference as soon as possible and at such a time that all National centers will be able to send their representatives. Awaiting your early reply, I remain, with fraternal greetings, Yours faithfully, J. OUDEGEEST American Federation of Labor Washington, D. C, May 4, 1915 Mr. W. A. Appi,ETon, Secretary, General Federation of Trade Unions, 8 Adelphi Terrace, Adam Street, Strand, London, England. Dear Sir and Brother : The Executive Council of the American Federation of Labour met at headquarters the week of April 19 to 34, 1915. I placed before my colleagues the communication signed jointly by you and Mr. Jouhaux in regard to the transfer of the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions from Berlin to a neutral country. The Executive Council approved the proposition, and I have so advised President Legien. I should be glad to hear from you further in regard to the matter. Of course, I am also writing an identical letter to Mr. Jouhaux. A sub-committee of the Executive Council, of which I am a member, under the direction of the Executive Council, is preparing a statement to be issued in the name of hte Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor as to the attitude of the American Federation of Labor regarding the proposition for a conference of labour representatives, to be held in the same city and at the same time when the Peace Congress is held. I shall be glad to send you copy of this statement as soon as it is completed. With kind regards, and hoping to hear from you often, I am. Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor General Federation of Trade Unions Hamilton House BiDBOROuGH Street, London, W. C, loth May, igis Mr. J. OuDEGEEST, Reguliersgracht 80, Amsterdam. Dear OudegeesT: I am in receipt of your letter, together with the letter issued by Legien on the 23d of April, in which he states that you are about to call a conference of the nations affiliated to the International Secretariat. Legien has not appreciated the difficulty of carrying out his suggestion for a conference in Amsterdam. For him it would mean nothing more than a more or less inconvenient journey; for the delegates of France or Great Britain it would be a much more serious matter. Legien is not in a position to appreciate the bitterness which has been engendered in Great Britain and, I thinji, in France also, by Germany's utter disregard of The Hague Convention and the usages of civilized warfare. Poisoned wells, poisoned trenches, and the infamous murder of helpless non-combatants have created a new spirit. Hitherto our people have treated war as they treat the higher forms of sport, and they have endeavored to observe those amenities which even war demands from hohorable men, but today there is a cry for vengeance. Today the papers are publishing photographs of the little babies who were drowned as a consequence of the attack of the Germans upon the unarmed Lusitania. Even if any representative was willing to incurf the risks it would be 204 useless to ask our people to agree to a conference. It may be possible in Germany and the Scandinavian countries to do these things, but in Britain and in France there is, in fact, democratic control and to attend any conference at the present moment would be to outrage the feelings of a people who are overwhelmed, not only with horror, but with a determination to punish. I shall place the communications before my committee, but I feel sure the answer will for the present be no. Yours faithfully, W. A. ApplETon CoNPfiDfelATION G&ffeRALE DU TRAVAIL 33, Rue de la Grange aux Belles, Paris (Xe), nth May, iqis My Dear Appleton : I return the circular letter addressed to the National Centers affiliated to the International Secretariat. I have corrected the French and it is now accepted by the confederation and you can issue it. Receive our salutations fraternal. L. JOUHAUX Circular Letter (in French) Sent to Societies Affiliated to the Interna- tional Secretariat 14th May, 1915 Comrades: The terrible war which is devastating Europe and which is also bringing disturbance and suffering into parts of Asia and Africa has arrested many movements. Among these is the International Trade Union movement, the progress of which has filled internationalists with so much satisfaction and hope. The one thing certain about the war is that it must come to an end; the cost to the nations, both in men and munitions and in the loss of property which the toilers have created and which they will have to replace, must sooner or later compel a cessation of hostilities. When this moment arrives inter- ' national trade unionism must be rehabilitated. It is no use attempting to disguise the fact that there will be difficulties ; racial animosities and a spirit of vengeance have been aroused, and peoples who have recently been hostilely engaged will not fraternize as freely as they did before the war broke out. The representatives of the General Federation of Trade Unions of Britain and of the Confederation du Travail of France have already discussed the possibility of reconstructing the movement in such a fashion as to minimize antagonism and opposition. Economic pressure and capitalistic organization will compel the workers to reorganize internationally, but it is hopeless to expect that the representatives of countries now fighting each other can go to Berlin as freely and with as much usefulness as they have gone in the past. Even though the leaders them- selves were able to subordinate all feelings except those of devotion to the international movement it is certain that they would not be able to command the general and immediate support of those whom they represent. Under such circumstances we suggest that the countries affiliated to the International Secretariat shall arrange to transfer the Secretariat to Berne, in Switzerland, and to provide a personnel of neutral origin. The neutrality of Switzerland is guaranteed not merely by treaty, but by its physiographical situation and circumstances, and, for a time at least, it appears to offer the best center for the movement we believe to be essential to the future interests of the proletariat. We trust that you will see the force of the reasons driving us to take action, and that you will give your adhesion to the suggestions put forth. These have already been placed before Samuel Gomp'ers, the President of the Ameri- can Federation of Labour, himself an ardent internationalist and responsible 205 leader, and he agrees that for the reasons stated it is better, as far as possible, to neutralize the international trade union movement. We wish it to be understood that the action suggested implies no reflection upon our present President ; in spite of all things he holds our affections, and we are conscious of the efforts and sacrifices he has made on behalf of the trade union movement. We write you because in the present deplorable circumstances it is impossible to convene conferences, and yet we feel that it would be disastrous to remain inactive. We shall be glad to hear that you agree with this proposal, and letters ad- dressed to us at the offices of the General Federation of Trade Unions, Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London, England, will receive immediate attention. Yours fraternally, W. A. ApplEton, Secretary of the General Federation of Trade Unions of Great Britain L,. JOUHAUX Secretary of the Conf^dS-ration GSn^rale du Travail, France International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centers Berlin, May 26, 1915 The National Trade Union Centers. Dear Sirs and Brothers : I have today received a circular letter, dated May 14, 1915, and addressed to the National Trade Union Centers by Brothers Apple- ton and Jouhaux. They ask the various national centers to let the General Fed- eration of Trade Unions know their opinion as to the suggested transfer of the International Federation of Trade Unions' headquarters into a so-called neutral country. May I ask the national centers, before applying to the above mentioned cir- cular, to carefully examine the various documents relating to the proposition to, remove the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions, which emanates from the national centers of Great Britain and France and which was adopted by them on February 15, 1915. These documents will be forwarded to you by Brother Oudegeest. I had pre- pared these on April 26, and I^ intended to forward them to the various centers on that date during my stay at Amsterdam. Our friends of the Dutch center, however, thought it better not to send them on. They suggested that Brothers Appleton and Jouhaux should first meet me before my circular letter was to be sent on. The Dutch center explained their views in a lengthy letter which I saw before leaving Amsterdam. The documents I intended to forward to all .centers were added to this letter to Brother Appleton. I take it, therefore, that Brother Appleton knew of the reasons raised against the proposition to remove the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions before releasing his circular of May 14, provided he has received the letter of our Dutch friends. It is for the latter reason that I refrain from passing any judgment on Brother Appleton's action at this juncture. In case Brother Appleton knew of my circular letter of the 36th of April, it would at least be unfair to now arrange for a general vote of all national cen- ters on the proposition without the latter knowing my reasons for opposing the suggested action. I had no knowledge that Brothers Appleton and Jouhaux intended to take a vote themselves, for otherwise I would certainly have forwarded my circular letter at once. Now, however, I have sent a wire to Brother Oudegeest request- ing him to post my letters immediately. Please permit me to point out that the replies which will be sent to the Gen- 206 eral Federation of Trade Unions, must be considered equal of a vote on the mat- ter and that, therefore, they will decide on the future international cooperation of the trade union movement. Yours fraternally, C. LegiBn. President, International Federation of Trade Unions The Trades Union Congress Parliamentary Committee London, May 26, 1915 Mr. Samuel Gomper?, President, American Federation of Labor. Dear Mr. Gompers : The time is rapidly approaching for the meeting of the Congress, which, as you are aware, is fixed to be held in Bristol on Monday, the 6th of September next, and five following days. We shall look forward with considerable pleasure to the presence of the fra- ternal delegates from the A. F. of L., and upon receipt of the names and addresses of the chosen representatives, I will be happy to place myself in communication with them, and to arrange for their reception and accommodation in Bristol. Doubtless you will be writing me upon the matter in diie course. With kindest regards and best wishes to yourself, family, and colleagues of the Federation Council. Believe me to remain. Fraternally yours, C. W. BOWERMAN, Secretary Nederlandsch Verbond van VakverEEnigingen Amsterdam, May 20. igis . Mr. W. a. ApplETon, Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London, W. C. My Dear ApplETON : I received your letter of the 10th inst., from which we understand, with great regret, that you are not willing to hold the preliminary discussion which our Executive Committee considered desirable. We regret this very strongly, because we are of opinion that such a conference between you and Comrade Jouhaux and us would serve the interests of our international very much. We are already informed by the press that the feelings of the British people are very much hurt, but up till now we hoped — and your previous letters gave us good reasons for doing so — that the relations in our international would suffer no damage on account of the increased feelings of bitterness. No other choice is left for us now but to comply with the request of Legien and to send out the documents he gave us already a month ago, by which an in- ternational conference is convoked. We sent them yesterday to all national trade union centers affiliated to the international bureau. We are very sorry indeed that our endeavors to come to one line of conduct with you in the interest of our international trade union movement have failed for the moment. Believe me, as ever, yours faithfully, J. Oudegeest Nederlandsch Verbond van VakverEEnigingen Amsterdam, May 31, 1915 To THE National Trade Union Centers. Dear Comrades : Enclosed we beg to hand you copies of a correspondence which has been exchanged between us and the secretary of the General Federation of Trade Unions in L,ondori, with reference to the proposal of our friends Apple- 207 ton and Jouhaux to transfer the seat of our International Federation of Trade Unions from Berlin to Berne. You will see from this correspondence, as well as from the documents we sent you last week on behalf of the international bureau, that our friend Legien has been willing to call an international conference together immediately, in order to discuss the transfer proposed, but it was the Executive Committee of the "Nederlandsch Verbond van Vakvereenigingen," who, being of opinion that such a conference without a preliminary discussion might probably not have a very satisfactory result, has persuaded Legien not to convoke an international confer- ence at this juncture and to wait until such a preliminary discussion will have taken place with Appleton and Jouhaux. As Comrade Appleton's letter to us of the 10th inst. will show you, however, he refuses such a preliminary discussion. We do not have to judge his reasons for this refusal, but even if they are right it remains impossible to take any de- cision, by which the seat or the activities of the International Federation of Trade Unions might be changed, without an international conference. The de- cision of the Dublin conference of 1903 is quite clear on this point. It states : "The international conference of the national secretaries of trade union cen- ters appoints an 'international secretary of the national centers of trade unions,' whose duty it shall be to keep in constant touch with all national centers, etc." Jugt the very difficulty to hold an international conference at this juncture has induced the international bureau in November last, already to take measures in order to secure a regular communication between the organizations of the heU ligerent countries by appointing the president of the national trade union center of the neutral Netherlands as a temporary intermediary for the maintenance of the international relations, as you were informed by Legien in his letter of No- vember 23rd, last. Several times our English, French and American friends have made use of his good offices and they nor one of the other national trade union centers, have shown in any way, that they did not approve the measures taken, and never a complaint has been heard with regard to the activities of the temporary jti'- stitute. Although we do not see much good in an international conference at this moment, and we also doubt whether it will be very easy to get in connection with a bureau in Berne, which is surrounded on all sides by belligerent countries, we are quite willing to comply with the desire of Legien and to convoke an inter- national conference, if such conference will be attended. We intend to hold the international conference at Amsterdam in the second half of August or in the be- ginning of September. As it will not be easy, having regard to the difficult means of conveyance and communication, to take all necessary measures in time, you will greatly oblige us by informing us at your earliest convenience, whether you will send a delegate to the conference and, if so, who will be your representative, and what proposals you wish to be put on its agenda. Awaiting your early reply, we remain. With fraternal greetings, J. OuDEceEST, President For the Executive Committee of the "Nederlandsch Verbond van Vakvereenigingen " General Federation of Trade Unions London, 3d June, 1915 Mr. J. OudEGEESt, ReguUersgracht 80, Amsterdam. Dear OudegeEST: Your letter of the 29th May to hand. I can not believe that Legien has so far misunderstood the facts of the situation or the mentalities of the people involved as to insist upon a conference of the trade union centers 208 affiliated to the International Secretariat just when passions are at their highest. It must be obvious that neither the French, Italians, Serbians, nor British on the one side can attend, and the position of America makes it doubtful as to whether they would consent at the moment to send a representative; the whole conference would, therefore, be in the hands of the Germanic and Scandinavian delegates. The findings of such a conference could hardly be accepted with that whole-heartedness which is a necessity if any success is to be achieved. Yours faithfully, W. A. Appleton Washington, D. C, Jtine 5, 1915 Mr. W. A. Appleton, Secretary, General Federation of Trade Unions of Great Britain. Mr. L. JoUHAUx, Secretary, Confederation G^nSyale du Travail of Prance, Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London, England. Dear Sirs and Brothers: -The circular letter jointly issued by you, under date of May 14, 1915, came duly to hand, and I find myself in full accord with every sentiment and view expressed. Better still, I am gratified to repeat what i have already advised you under date of May 4th, that the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. officially endorsed the position for the neutralization of the ■oflSce and personnel of the International Federation of Trade Unions. Both on the platform, in meetings, and in the columns of the American TedErationist, I have dealt as comprehensively as possible on the subject of the terrible conflict now going on in Europe, and the questions which must be deter- mined by the representatives of the organized labor movement of the several -countries in order to endeavor to reduce to a minimum the possibility of a recur- rence of such titanic contests. You will recall that I transmitted to you the resolutions adopted by the last 'convention of the A. F. of L. regarding the subject of international war and peace. It seemed to me that these propositions have not been given the considera- tion which they deserved. Perhaps in the hurly burly of the struggle, the de- mands made upon time, have made it impossible to give them the consideration which their importance really demands. I wish I had the opportunity of a con- ference with both of you, and with such other representatives of Labor, not only of England and France, but of other countries involved in the struggle. Thus far, the United States has maintained a position of absolute and impartial neu- trality, and I am in hopes that we may be enabled to be kept out of the war, and if fortune and circumstances so decree that we shall remain out of it, the very fact of the neutrality of the United States, and my own position, would make it possible that I could meet, even though separately, the representatives of Labor of the several countries which might be helpful, but in view of the many duties devolving upon me at present, I do not see how it would be possible for me to make such a trip at this time, or in the very near future. At any rate, I should be very glad to have an expression of opinion from both of you regarding the resolutions of the A. F. of L- Philadelphia Convention. As you know, I have tried to reach the chief officer of the labor movem.ents of the various countries, and mailed to them the copies of the resolutions. Thus far I have received but one reply, and that was from Mr. Legien, and he rather under- estimates the value of a meeting of representatives of the organized labor move- ments of the various countries at the place and at the time when the representa- tives of the countries will meet to determine the questions of terms of peace and future conduct of nations. With best wishes for both of you, for the men of Labor of your countries, and the world over, I am. Sincerely and fraternally yours, Samuei, Gompers President, A. F. of L. 209 Washington, D. C, June 14, 10 r 5 The Executive Counch, American Federation of Labor. Colleagues: The members of the Executive Council will recall the corre- spondence from Mr. Appleton of the British Trade Union Congress and Mr. Jouhaux of the French Federation of Trade Unions regarding the transfer of the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions to a neutral country, also my oral report upon the matter at the April meeting and the direc- tion of the Executive Council that I should draft a program in accordance with my report, the program to be approved by the resident members and Treasurer Lennon after May 4. I have been so fully engrossed with other more pressing and important matters that as I have not been able to carry out the instructions of the Executive Council. In the meantime President lyCgien has written me several communications, all of which were received in one enclosure by the same mail. Copies of all are en- closed herein. You will note that in his letter of April 23, President Legien states that Mr. Oudegeest has issued a call to the national trade union centers for a conference to discuss the matter of the proposed transfer of headauarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions, and that in his later letter of April 36, Mr. Legien states that as Mr. Oudegeest is of the opinion that it would be very diffcult to call a conference or a convention at that time that they would try to come to an understanding as to the best way to solve the question and that he, Mr. Legien, will later give me more definite information. You will also find enclosed copy of letter signed by Messrs. Appleton and Jouhaux, dated May 4, regarding the same matter, together with copy of my reply. The entire matter is submitted to the members of the Executive Council for your information and also for your advice, whether in view of the enclosed correspondence, it would not be better to defer carrying out the instructions given at our April meeting until further information is received from Messrs. Legien, Appleton, and Jouhaux. Trusting that I may hear from you at your early convenience, and with kind regards, I am, Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers President, A. F. of L. The General Federation of Trade Unions. London, June 16, igis Mr. Samuel GompErs, President, American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C. Dear Gompers : I am enclosing you, under personal cover, a copy of our annual report. You will find reproduced therein the correspondence which has recently taken place in connection with the International Secretariat. For the moment there is little further to add, but it is true that public opinion has liard- ened here and that any attempt to attend a conference, such as the one that has been called at Amsterdam, would have increased our difficulties. You are perhaps reading a lot of stuff about the drunkenness and delin- quencies of the British workmen ; don't believe one-twentieth part. It is true that now, as always, there are a few here and there who play the fool and rogue but, generally speaking, the whole working class community has borne itself with courage and quiet devotion to national interests and safety. My own candid opin- ion is that the outcry has been raised by the really responsible people to cover up their own shortcomings; experts were not expert enough, government depart- ments as usual were hide-bound, and contractors have cried out because, having contracted to produce more than their machinery and appliances would permit, they have had to find excuses somewhere. 210 You will have read of the deplorable anti-German outbreaks which followed the sinking of the "Lusitania." We were all very sorry for these outbreaks but they had been carefully prepared by the Northcliffe press; for weeks and weeks it had been harping on the one string. We all regret the fact of war, but we are under no misapprehensions as to our position. Germany has definitely shown us that we must fight or die, and not only must we fight or die but all the other nations who dislike the idea of ab- sorption into the German scheme must take up a similar attitude. We are not prepared as a nation to die just yet and we shall fight, and we expect to save our- selves and to help in the saving of other nations. You will regret, for old association's sake, to hear that one of the aeroplane raids led to some damage being done in and around Shoreditch and to the loss of seven lives. There have been other raids in different parts of the country where the damage and loss of life has been sometimes more and sometimes less serious. Five times German aeroplanes or zeppelins have passed over the dis- trict in which my family live, but fortunately no bomb has dropped nearer than three miles to the place. This district is entirely rural and, as far as we know, there are no fortifications within many miles. We do not anticipate an early termination of the war because we recognize that it is a war in which endurance counts for much ; we are not yet destitute of the capacity for enduring things. With kindest regards. Yours faithfully, W. A. Appi,ETon Washington, D. C., June zs, 1915 Executive Council, American Federation of Labor. CoiiEAGUES : Because of the extremely important matters with which I have had to deal in the past month or so, it has been impossible for me to communicate with you upon the subject of our international relations with the organized labor movement of the several European countries as well as with the International Federation of Trade Unions as such. There are some matters with it tl^at must receive the attention and action of the Executive Council and at a very early date. I have had recent correspondence copied which I have received from Mr. Jou- haux of the Confederation Generale du Travail of France ; Mr. Appleton, Secre- tary of the British Federation of Trade Unions, and Mr. C. Legien, President of the German National Trade Union Center, and Mr. Oudegeest, President of the Netherlands (Holland) National Trade Union Center. The latter also writing on behalf of Mr. Legien. You will observe that a conference has been called and requests me for representation. May I prevail upon each member of the Execu- tive Council to read fully and carefully the enclosed copies of that correspondence? If a conference could be held, arud in my judgment it should be secured, by which the representatives of the trade union movement in various countries, in- cluding the United States, could meet, it would make for a tremendous influence in the existing terrible conditions and strained relations of the countries, as well as of the labor movement. Secretary Morrison and I have discussed some of these matters and also the important matters which the Executive Council should consider in connec- tion with our movement, and it seemed to us more than likely that it will be necessary to have a meeting of the Executive Council at a date earlier than was set at their last meeting but we have come to no definite conclusions as yet* re- garding it. However, I ask you to keep all these matters in mind and after an early and careful reading of the enclosed correspondence to promptly write me a full and comprehensive statement regarding your judgment upon these affairs. In the 211 event of a meeting of the Executive Council being called I should judge from the expressions of the members that about July 18 will be appropriate. With best wishes, I am, Fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers President, A. F. of L. Washington, D. C, July 2, 1913 Mr. Charixs W. BowermaNj Secretary, Trades Union Congress Parliamentary Committee, General Buildings, Aldwych, London, W. C., England. Dear Sir and Brother: It has been sometime since I heard from you, and I would like to have you write me regularly about the conditions as they arise in the labor world of England and such other places that you have interesting facts. I suppose, however, that the terrific strain upon the people of England and the labor movement there has interfered and it is no fault of yours. The newspapers here publish voluminous dispatches from Europe and, of course, are read by all of us who are interested in all human events. One of the subjects which has made a deep, and I may say, regrettable, impression is the proposed bill introduced in parliament providing for a com- pulsory system of labor. I earnestly hope that a condition will never arise, either permanently or temporarily, to establish and enforce a compulsory system of labor. I am watching for the result of the campaign of the representative Labor men of England before the expiration of the seven days' time allotted before a final determination is reached. As I have already advised you, Mr. W. D. Mahon and Mr. Matthew Woll, who were elected last year to attend the 1914 Congress of the British Trade Unions, have been designated by the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. to attend your Bristol meeting September, 1915. Mr. Mahon advises me that by reason of the fact that a convention of his own international union taking place in September, it will be impossible for him to serve as one of the delegates, and hence that he can not go. Now there is scarcely any difficulty for the Execu- tive Council to select a successor to Mr. Mahon, and the Executive Council may do it. But the question which I ask you, and which I know you will be very glad to answer, is whether, if a law should be passed providing for com- pulsory labor, the British Trade Union Congress will hold its meeting, and if it does, whether, in your judgment, we ought to send the fraternal delegates from tiie A. F. of L. to the Congress. I have had considerable correspondence with the representative labor men of various countries in Europe and have had some conferences here with a few, and I have seen a copy of the correspondence published in the sixteenth annual report of the General Federation of Trade Unions. Several of the letters 1 have received and answered, and yesterday another interesting letter from Mr. Appleton, to which I have made reply to him and advised him, as I now do you, that is, I enclose a copy of my letter to Mr. Appleton herein for your information. Kindly accept for yOurself kindest regards and best wishes, and asking to be remembered to all our kind friends, I am, Sincerely and fraternally yours, Samuel Gompers President, A. F. of L. Berlin, August 16, 1915 To THE Trade Union National Centers. Dear Colleagues: The President of the International Federation of Trade Unions, Colleague Legien, has commissioned me to resume up from August 1st the publication of the international news letter temporarily suspended at the beginning of the war. According to the means at our disposal, it will, for the 212 present, appear in modest dimensions and be forwarded fortnightly in German, French and Englsh. As heretofore, it will be devoted exclusively to trade unionistic subjects, to social politics, and matters related thereto. The French translations will, as before, be done by colleague Graber, formerly employed for many years as secretary to the Swiss Metal Workers and Watchmakers. In regard to the forwarding of the news letter, we shall avail ourselves of the old addresses which, most probably, will in most cases no longer be adequate. I therefore take the liberty of requesting you to let me have-^at your earliest convenience — an exact list of the addresses of labor and trade union newspapers, as well as of other places in your country to which the news letter is to be sent from here. We shall, of course, be pleased, if you use your discretion in adding addresses suitable for the purpose. We take this opportunity of requesting you kindly to see to it that the labour papers of your country will be forwarded to us, as before. In many cases the editorial offices have, quite against our wishes, cut us off from an exchange of papers. We further beg you to arrange that important items for insertion in the news letter will be communicated to us directly as possibk. It will be to the national centers' own interest to attend to these matters. As heretofore, the communications are kindly to be forwarded to the above address. Com- munications from the allied countries are to be' addressed to the International News Letter, Reguliersgracht 80, Amsterdam, Holland. Anticipating that the matter will kindly be attended to speedily, I remain, with trade union greetings, A. BaumEister Washington, D. C, Aug. i8, igis Mr. C. W. BowERMAN, Secretary, The Trades Union Congress Parliamentary Committee, General Buildings, Aldwych, London, England. Dear Sir and Brother: It has been brought to my attention that literature and other mail sent out from this office to Belgium, Aijstria, and to a few other addresses in other countries on the continent of Europe have been returned to this office. This means, of course, that the American labor movement is no longer able to communicate directly with the offices of the labor unions of those countries. This is particularly to be regretted at present, for it is extremely important that the representatives of the various labor movements should be in very close communication with each other in order to be helpful in promoting the general interests of all the workers in the whole world. The labor movement is the one agency that insists upon making humar. rights and the value of human rights of paramount importance to all else. If is the agency that calls the attention to humahity and insists upon humanizing every activity of the state. If you can suggest to me any way out of this present difficulty or be in any way helpful, I shall be very glad of this suggestion. I have been extremely interested in all of the accounts telling of conditions among the wage-earners of Great Britain and particularly in regard to your attitude toward proposal? that would deprive you of the advantages gained by years of trade unionism. I know you are crowded with work, but if you will keep me advised from time to time through literature and other means of anything that happens in connection with this, I shall gladly appreciate your courtesy. With best wishes, I am. Fraternally yours, SamuEi, GompErs, President, A. F. of L. 213 Washington, D. C, August 23, i^is Mr. C W. BowERMAN, Secretary, Parliamentary Committee, British Trade Union Congress, Bristol, England. Dear Sir and Brother: I was in hopes that some arrangement could be made by which the fraternal delegates from the A. F. of L. to the Bristol meeting of the British Trades Union Congress could be in attendance. But the fates seem to be against us. The fact of the matter is that Mr. W. D. Mahon, one of the delegates elected by the A. F. of L. is president of the Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railway Employes of America, and the con- vention of that organization takes place in Septernber, and that, of course, precludes the possibility of him attending. Then again Mr. Matthew Woll is president of the International Photo-Engravers' Union of North America, and the convention of that organization is now in session at San Francisco, Cal. He advises me that it is simply impossible for him to travel from California to New York, and from New York to England to be in attendance at your Congress. The Executive Council of the A. F. of L., entrusted with the power of filling vacancies,, did not know of these circumstances at the time when the Executive Council met last, and the letter from Mr. Woll came so late that it was simply impossible for our council to choose other trade unionists in their stead. It is genuinely regrettable that we shall have no representation at your forthcoming Congress for I feel that the fraternal intercourse has been plucked fragmentary, and yet from all appearances so effectually. Upon the heads of those who are responsible for this world disturbance and slaughter and sacri- fice must rest a heavy weight. Upon the organized labor movement rests the responsibility to make the rescue for the future; that peace may be brought about at the earliest possible hour; that when peace shall be declared, it shall find its basis rooted in the hearts and consciences of the liberty, justice and humanity loving men and women of our time. Unfortunately, as one of the results of this terrible European conflict, fraternal relations have been largely, if not entirely interrupted. It has been impossible to have communications reach our fellow-unionists in some of the countries involved in the struggle or to receive communications from them. This, too, makes a break in our efforts for brotherhood. Earlier in the year, that is, December 10, 1914, I transmitted to you and to Secretary Appleton of the British Federation of Trade Unions, and to the secretaries of all European national trade union centers, a proposition adopted by the A. F. of L., another copy of which is herewith enclosed. I am not quit? sure whether it is upon the agenda of your Congress, but it seems to me that the propositions are of so far-reaching a character, and may have so tre- mendous an influence upon the practical projects for peace, justice, democracy and fraternity, that it should have the deepest consideration at the hands of your Congress. Therefore imagine my additional chagrin when the A. F. of L. will be denied the opportunity of having its fraternal delegates present the matter in person to the officers and delegates to the British Congress. In the absence of representation at Bristol, may I ask that you will impress upon the Congress not to fail to elect delegates to the A. F. of L. Convention at San Francisco, beginning November 8, 1915. Let us, as best we can, take up the broken thread of the interchange of fraternal delegates, and thereby aid in establishing a better, more harmonious, practical and effective international trade union movement of the civilized globe. Kindly extend to the delegates at the Bristol Congress the fervent hope that the principles of trade unionism and solidarity shall be maintained at all haz- 214 ards, and the earnest good wishes of the organized labor movement of America under the banner of the A. F. of L. Fraternally yours, Samuel GompErs President, A. F. of L. P. S. — Of course you recall the fact that Messrs. Mahon and Woll were elected to attend the British Trades Union Congress of last year, and that the meeting of the Congress was postponed and that these two delegates held over to attend your present meeting. — S. G. The Trades Union Congress Parliamentary Committee General Buildings, Aldwych London, August 30, 1916 Mr. Samuel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor. Dear Mr. Gompers : Your communication of the 18th inst., relative to the difficulty you are experiencing in communication with Austria, Belgium, and other places on the continent of Europe, duly reached me this morning. I may state that we here experience similar difficulties and great delays in corre- sponding with our friends in Belgium and France, although we have had no occasion to test the postal facilities with Austria or Germany. I am just leaving for Bristol in connection with our Congress, and will write you more fully upon the matter later. Up to this moment no word has been received from your delegates as to when and where they will land in this country. I do hope that we are not to be deprived of the pleasure of greeting them at Bristol next week. With kind regards and best wishes. Yours faithfully, C. W. BowErman I Secretary Cablegram Bristol, 31 Aug., 1915 Gompers, AFEL., Washington, D. C. Have fraternal delegates started ; when and where can committee meet them ? Bowerman Cablegram Washington, D. C, Sept. 4, 191 5 Bowerman, Bristol, England. A. F. of L. sends fraternal greeting and best wishes to Congress and through it to all British trade unionists. We regret impossibility our delegates attending British Congress, but urge you elect yours to Federation Convention at San Francisco, Cal., beginning November 8, and thus avoid breaking tie which binds us. Gompers The General Federation of Trade Unions Bristol, W. C, England, September 7th, 1915 Mr. Samuel Gompers, American Federation of Labor. Dear Friend Gompers: We have all had considerable difficulty with our correspondence with belligerent countries, but if you have anything to com- municate and you will send it direct to me, I will go to our foreign office and endeavour to get the matter through. You will understand that their chief objection is to information that may be likely to be advantageous to the enemy countries. 215 Since last writing you I have myself been right into the extreme trenches, actually within forty-five yards of the German trenches. I have seen our sol- diers actually at work and have, myself, been under fire for considerable periods. I have had experience of the sniper, the thirteen pounder and of practically all the shells up to the forty-two centimetre. I have mixed amongst the troops quite freely, both in the presence and in the absence of their officers, and what strikes me most is the magnificent spirit, both of officers and men, and the wonderful comraderie existing between them. I have seen beautiful examples of the kindliness of officers and of their insight into human nature just as I have seen wonderful examples of calm determined courage under serious stress and difficulty. Both the British and the French governments afforded facilities , to O'Grady, Crinion, and myself to visit the armies at the front,. Owing to his lameness O'Grady was not able to go into the trenches, but Crinion and I went everywhere, and for a short spell, at least, endured most of the things our soldiers have been called upon to endure. I can assure you that it is not a pleasant sensation to feel the shells whizzing within a few feet of your head, or the sniper's bullet humming past you so close that you can almost translate its pleasant drone into musical terms. Still, I count the expe- rience as amongst the valuable experiences of my life and I have come back quite determined to do my share in securing for our men everything that is necessary to give them opportunities of securing victory. I am the more anxious to do this because I am satisfied that defeat for us would mean the annihilation of every tfuly democratic sentiment and practice. Our men are being killed! in thousands in Flanders and in the Dardanelles and whatever our opinions oi war may be we can not, nor do we desire, to escape the sorrowful pride theii courage compels. I have been in France recently in consultation with Jouhaux and his diffi- culties are great because he has many idealists whose knowledge of actualities is small and whose general outlook is impracticable. I have listened to long speeches, lasting two hours, on the awfulness of war and its futility, practi- cally every sentence of which I agreed with, and then I have shuddered at the lack of conclusiveness and the failure to understand existing circumstances. This letter is being written from the Bristol Trade Union Congress which has just unanimously passed a resolution pledging itself to support the govern- ment, but expressing unabated antagonism to conscription or the importation of any phase of Prussian militarism. With kindest regards to all, Yours faithfully, W. A. ApplETon American Federation oe Labor Washington, D. C, Sept. 24, 1915 Mr. W. S. ApplETon, Secretary, The General federation of Trade Unions, Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London, England. Dear Sir and Brother : Your letter of September 7th was read with the greatest interest. Your vivid description of your experiences in going into the trenches made the bullet seem very close indeed. From your statement that the British and the French governments afforded facilities to you three representatives of orgarized labor to visit the armies at the front it is evident that the power of the labor movement is recognized even by war governments as one of the most powerful constructive forces influencing the life of the nation. I have followed with keenest interest and concern different efforts made to compel the labor movement to lower its standards and to sacrifice rights that are the result of decades of struggle. Information has just come to me that an effort will be made in Canada to foist upon the workers a compulsory work 216 law by amending the Canadian Industrial Disputes Act. I have just received a copy of that bill, but haVe not yet had time to give it attention, owing to the fact that our Executive Council is now in session, and in addition to our regular work, have under consideration the preparation of our annual report to the San Francisco Convention. Secretary Draper of the Canadian Trades and Labor Congress has promised to write me in the near future fully in connection with this bill. The indications are that the Canadian workers are alive to the danger in such legislation. To me it is one of the most glorious and inspiring of events to see working men resist efforts of compulsion and stand firmly in a demand for their rights. When I read the account of the action of the Trades Union Congress in regard to conscription, it made me thrill. You refer in your letter to the fact that Mr. Jouhaux has met with diffi- culties because many idealists whose knowledge of actualities is small and whose general outlook is impracticable. Indeed the events of the past year have demonstrated many of the fallacies of impractical idealists, and we have had here in our own country some of those who desire peace at any price. Some of these, together with a group of that class of persons that is always hanging on the fringe of any movement hoping to gain some advantage for themselves, have tried to inaugurate a campaign of so-called neutrality and international peace. Several of these movements have endeavored to use the labor movement to promote their purposes, but it has been due to the intelligence, the honor and the integrity of the officers, as well as the rank and file of our trade unions that these efforts have been defeated and the purposes of their leaders exposed. It was in June that one of these peace societies endeavored to hold a "peace" meeting in New York City for the purpose of influencing our international policy. I was invited to attend that meeting. I am enclosing a copy of the letter that I wrote declining to participate in that meeting, and also a copy of a letter further explaining my position in regard to that matter. More recently under another name an effort was made to hold another "peace"' meet- ing at Chicago. I declined to attend this meeting also and wrote to the chairman of the committee arranging for that meeting. A copy of that letter is enclosed. We are all of us earnestly hoping that an early peace shall be brought about, a peace that shall be honorable, just, humane, and shall make for greater democ- racy in all of the institutions of all of the countries of the world. I earnestly hope that the Bristol Congress arranged for fraternal delegates to our San Francisco Convention. Permit me to thank you for your kind offer to get through any correspond- ence for the belligerent countries. Recently I received a circular letter from Mr. Baumeister, and as soon as I can get to it, I shall reply and shall forward it in your care so that you can forward it to him. We are exceedingly anxious to have direct information from the labor movement of England, France, Germany, and all other countries, and therefore hope that you will write me as often as convenient. As a matter of fact, it is possible that the American government may be in the best position at the appropriate time to act as the mediator between the countries now at war, and of course in that effort the A. F. of L. will put forth its best efforts, but we realize here that any premature or insincere effort may prove an anti-climax and render even the good services of our country and our movement ineffective. With best wishes, and hoping to hear from you frequently, I am. Fraternally yours, Samuei, Gompers President, A. F. of L. \ 217 Oct. 4, igis Mr. A. BaumeisteRj International News Letter, R&guliersgracht So, Amsterdam, Holland. My Dear Mr. Baumeister: It was with much interest that I received and read your letter of August the 16th, addressed to the national centers with the advice that the publication of the international news letter was resumed on August 1st. Thus far copy has not reached me, but I am looking iforward to receiving it regularly. I am glad to comply with your request by enclosing to you herein the latest copy of the list of trade union publications and official journals, and will notify the editors of the labor press of the resumption of the publication of the international news letter, and your request for copies of all trade union publications. We are now in the midst of preparation of reports and work for the San Francisco Convention of the A. F. of"L., for which we will leave headquarters probably about the 30th of this month. I shall not fail to have copies of the reports and the daily proceedings sent to you. With kindest regards to you and Brother Legien, and hoping to hear from you both often, I am. Fraternally yours, SamuEi, Gompers President, A .P. of L. In the following issue of the A. F. of L. Weekly News Letter, Mr. Bau- meister's request for the American labor publications was published and sent all over America. — S. G. In an article by Mr. J. Oudegeest, of Holland, in the Weekly Report of the International Transport Workers' Pederation published in Berlin, August 7, 1915, upon the subject of "The International Trade Union Movement," he dis- cusses a number of matters, all of them of great interest, but scarcely germane to the matters here presented. In one part of Mr. Oudegeest's article, however, he states that he does not know whether Appleton and Jouhaux acted in con- formity with their organizations. He then adds that "they subsequently asked Sam Gompers in Washington for his opinion, who agreed to their proposal. Whether he was authorized by his organization is also not known to me. For the present I am inclined to the opinion that the organization in question did not express any demand to that effect and that the resolutions are of a purely personal nature." It was because of Mr. Oudegeest's insinuation that I acted upon my own personal authority, when, as is shown, I submitted the entire question to the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, that I wrote him the following letter. — S. G. Washington, D. C, Oct. i6, 1915 Mr. J. Oudegeest, President, Dutch Pederation pf Trade Unions, Reguliersgracht 80, Amsterdam, Holland. Dear Sir and Brother : My attention was called to your article published in the Weekly Report of the International Transport Workers' Pederation in which you refer to a series of articles which "has, no doubt, rejoiced the hearts of all those who would like to see the German party and trade union move- ment broken up." You then quote the comment of a Russian paper upon the proposal to transfer the headquarters of the International Federation of Trade Unions to Switzerland. The natural inference is that you regard the proposal to transfer the headquarters as an effort to break up the German trade union movement. Although I think you have the wrong interpretation of the pro- posal made by Messrs. Jouhaux and Appleton, yet I would not have replied to your statement had you not questioned my authority to transmit the proposal of the English and the French representatives to Mr. Legien. 218 As the President of the American Federation of Labor, I am authorized to act for the Federation except at such times as the convention of the dele- gates representing the various affiliated internationals, or the Executive Council, may be in session. For my judgment and fidelity in performing the duties of my office, I am answerable to those whose representative I am. In one part of your article you express a doubt whether Messrs. Appleton and JouhauK "acted in conformity with their organization." Of course I am not in a position to affirm or deny this, but when you express your doubt whether or not I was authorized by the A. F. of L., you do me a grave injustice, and against which I must enter my emphatic protest. You may remember that when I attended the Paris Congress in 1909, I was asked by Mr. A. Hueber to declare at once that the A. F. of L. would become affiliated to the International Secretariat, and that I answered substantially that while I favored the affiliation and would so report and did so report, that in the American labor movement autocratic power to decide things was not vested in the President of the A. F. of L., and therefore affiliation would have to be determined by the next con- vention. Of course as you know I did recommend to the next convention of the A. F. of L. its affiliation, and that the convention adopted the recommenda- tion and became affiliated to the International Secretariat. Somehow you do not seem to understand that only upon such subjects where instructions or the laws of the A. F. of L. are direct can the President of the A. F. of I,, act. In the instance in question, I laid the proposition of Jouhaux and Appleton before my colleagues of the Executive Council of the A. F. of L., and they approved the proposition for the neutralization of the office of the International Federa- . tion of Trade Unions. When Messrs. Appleton and Jouhaux wrote me that in their opinion it was necessary for the best interests of the International Federation of Trade Unions to have the headquarters removed to a neutral country, and asked me to transmit the proposition to Mr. Legien, it w^s my plain duty, as the representative of the American national labor movement, to perform this necessary service in order to get the proposition, through Mr. Legien, before the various national labor movements for consideration. My letter to Mr. Legien contained the statement made to me by Messrs. Appleton and Jouhaux and can not in any way be misinterpreted to be an attack, either direct or indirect, upon the German national labor movement, or against the unity of the international trade union movement. The proposition was a general one to establish a regulation appli- cable at any time under similar circumstances and to any country. It was in no sense an attack upon any one, only an effort to safeguard the interests of the workers of all of the countries. My connection with the proposal was that of an intermediary representing the labor movement of a neutral country, and using my good oifices in behalf of the best interests of all. The letters of Messrs. Appleton and Jouhaux to me in regard to this matter were submitted to the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. at our meeting held during April, 1915. My associates in the Execu- tive Council approved the plan suggested by the representatives of the French and the British trade union movements. The correspondence in connection with the proposition was later published in the Sixteenth Annual Report of the British General Federation of Trade Unions. A copy of that report, which contained letters from all parties in interest was sent to every member of the Executive Council of the A. F. of L. who endorsed my course in the matter. My correspondence in regard to matters in connection with the International Federation of Trade Unions has always been of an official nature and as Presi- dent of the A. F. of L. My letter to Mr. Legien in regard to the proposal was signed by me as President of the A. F. of L. It has been my unfailing custom never to use my official title when writing in a personal capacity, and the insinuation that I have done so is unjustifiable and unwarranted. The proposition that I transmitted to Mr. Legien had no connection at all 219 with the German party, and the German trade union movement. It concerned only the international movement. My position, which has been publicly stated and repeatedly reaffirmed, is that the wage-earners of every country have the right to work out their own problems in accordance with their own best judg- ment. No foreign influence of whatever character has a right to interfere in national problems and without the consent of those concerned. I have always maintained the ideal of the sacredness of human rights, indi- vidual rights and national rights, and I have never deviated from that ideal. Since the beginning of the European war, the purpose and policy of the A. F. of L. have been in favor of refraining from any word or act that would involve us in the European conflict, because we are convinced that only by maintaining that attitude in spirit and in fact, can we have any influence to help to bring about peace and be most powerful to maintain democratic ideals and the inter- ests of humanity when the terms of peace shall be under consideration. It is because I desired above all things to maintain the International Federation of Trade Unions, as well as the national movements affiliated with it, free from any association that would engender racial bitterness and prejudice that grow out of partisan struggles, that the judgment of the Executive Council of the A. F. of L., including my own, was in accord with the proposition of Messr^. Jouhaux and Appleton for the neutralization of the headquarters of the inter- national federation. It may not be possible to maintain international peace, but the workers must see to it that they maintain the unity and the neutrality of the world trade union movement, and that no force and no agency shall be permitted to use this movement for humanity for any lesser purposes of the promotion of the welfare of any particular group of members. The proposition ought to be considered and acted upon in the same humanitarian spirit in which it was proposed. The trade union movement of every country is the hope of the workers. It is that which affords them the most necessary protection and is the greatest power in furthering their interests and their welfare. As every day more clearly demonstrates that the center of power has gravitated from government and political affairs to economic affairs, the significance and the importance of the trade union movement becomes increasingly apparent. Its maintenance is of vital concern to those who do the world's work. I am convinced that those who make up the labor movements of the various countries are men and women of as high ideals, as broad purposes, as great honesty, integrity and ability as can be found in any other walks of life. In our own country we have seen the men of Labor resist insidious attacks upon our national policy of beneficent neutrality. These efforts to use the labor movement of America for partisan purposes have attempted to corrupt the leaders and the rank and file by the offer of money and by attempting to instigate strikes that would promote the interests of particular countries. It has been due to the honesty and the steadfastness of the men in the labor movement that these attempts have failed. Men of the labor movement of America have held true to the guiding purpose that every condition and every opportunity must be made to serve the betterment of the wage-earners and the cause of humanity due to their wisdom and honesty. It is our purpose to so maintain our power and influence that we shall be in a position to demand in the Peace Congress that our ideals shall be respected, and we hope to infuse into the deliberations of that body a spirit that is mindful of human rights and human welfare. The position of the A. F. of L. in connection with this matter will be fully presented in the report which the Executive Council shall make to the San Francisco Convention under the headings "International Peace and War," and "The International Federation of Trade Unions." As soon as a copy of that report is available I shall send you one. I am sure that a careful reading of the statements will convince you that the American labor movement desires earnestly and honestly to further the interests of humanity and to be helpful 220 in promoting those things which are really important for the best development of the workers in all of the countries. I am sending an extra copy of this letter to you herein and in justice to the American labor movement, as well as myself, expect that it will be published in an early issue of the weekly report. I wish you would send me copies of the "Het Volk" containing the articles to which you refer and ask the editor for me to place my name upon his mailing list. If he so desires, I shall be very glad to send him regularly the issues of the American Federationist, the official organ of the A. F. of L. Fraternally yours, Samuex Gompers President, A. F. of L. De ember, 1915 In the November, 1915, issue of the American Federationist we published the correspondence from the representatives of organized labor of several coun- tries. While the November issue was being printed we received a letter from L. Jouhaux, Secretary of the French Trades Union Centre. Because it contains so important an expression it is deemed necessary to print it at once. The letter follows.— S. G. General Federation of Labor To THE National Trade Union Centrals. Comrades : In February, 1915, we brought to the knowledge of the national trade union centrals affiliated with tne International Trade Union Secretariat, in agreement with The General Federation of Trades Unions of England, a pro- posal for the transference of the bijreau headquarters of the international to a neutral country, as its operation ought to be assured by a staff equally belong- ing to a neutral country. By way of indication, we gave the name of the city of Berne, Switzerland, as the one possible to be chosen as the provisional seat of the international trade union bureau. Neither in our mind, nor that of the General Federation of Trades Unions, did there enter any sentiment of animosity or national hatred. We wished that the workingmen's "international" might contrive to work for the good of all, even during this critical period. The only favorable responses which came to us were from the American Federation of Labor of Ainerica, the Federation of Labor"of Australia, and the Trade Union Central of Switzerland, this last with reserves. The other countries affiliated have abstained from replying or have been in a situation in which a reply was impossible. This was the case of Belgium. As a counter proposal to ours, we have received an invitation to formulate our notice so as to call an international conference which should discuss the question. Our reply was negative. From the non-realization of the_ second proposal we conclude that it was rejected by a majority of the Centrals consulted. _ Today we received an invitation to collaborate with the International Bul- letin, official organ of the trade union international bureau, which, it is said, is to reappear under the same conditions as before the war. To this third proposal, we are oljliged to reply in the negative. Our col- laboration in the publication of the hiternational Bulletin would be, in fact, our adhesion as to the operation without modification of the personnel and the place of the International Trade Union Secretariat. This situation of waiting and inertia is liable to continue indefinitely, to the great prejudice of the international. This is why we again bring to the knowledge, of the national tra special treaties, be carried into effect by the various states. This concerns the payment of benefit and the classification of trade diseases as labor accidents with respect to the same claims to benefit. It is the duty of the workmen's organizations in the various countries! to advocate that principle; its recognition will render it easier to arrive, by treaty, at the desired settlement of the claimsi of the migrating workmen. But a peace treaty is not the proper instrument to effect a reform which depends essentially on the nature of the insurance systems of the various countries. The unemployment insurance can not be continued for work- men who left for another country. Only a certain contribution to the traveling expenses can be granted, but even this should not be settled in the peace treaty, because it might easily be turned into an authorized international formula for the expulsion of unemployed aliens, even should they have spent a great part of their life in the country in question. The first three paragraphs in section "Limitation of Hours of Labor" in the Leeds program can not be completely accepted. The fix- ing of the age limit of 14 years for the admittancdl of children to industrial work as well as for the discharge from school would be a worsening of the conditions of those countries where school attendance is compulsory up to the age of 15 years. Even the non-socialist Labor Protection Congress held at Zurich in 1907 and attended by all sorts of social reformers demanded the protective age of children to be raised to 15 years, likewise the extension of compulsory school at- 4:endance to the completion of 15 years of age. In som6 of the bellig- erent countries, to judge from the number of their illiterates, the schol- astic conditions appear to be so primitive that this question is more of a political nature and therefore does not properly come within the sphere of trade union action. We should therefore prefer to demand a minimum age of 15 years for the admittance of children to wage work, without consideration of the age of leaving school. The demand for an unconditional prohibition of work of women and juveniles in continuous factories can not be agreed to. Not all continuous establishments are unhealthy. It would also be impossible to establish, by peace treaty, a half-holiday on 'Saturdays, for the regulation of rest days iiust be left to the various countries and their trade unions. We can only demand a complete rest of thirty-six hours between Saturday and Monday morning, and in case technical reasons are against it, to put it off to week-days. A forty-four hours' week with stoppage of work on Saturday noon should bel fixed for women. For the rest, the Leeds demands do not go far enough. They remain partly far behind that which organized labor has demanded for decades with regard to labor protection. Even in full appreciation 245 of the intention of the Leeds Conference to be practical and to raise only such demands which may have some prospects of realization through the instrumentality of a peace treaty, we can not forego the duty of asking an extension of some demands of the Leeds program. Also with such an extension there is surely a possibility of its being realized. Most of the demands put forward in the enclosed program are accomplished facts in various countries. One country has more of children protection, another has a comprehensive code for regulating female work, again in other countries social insurance has been largely developed. The main object of our action must be to carry into effect, on an international basis, certain elementary demands on which clear views prevail already in wide circles of opinion. This is the means for paving the way, in the various countries, for the further develop- ment of labor legislation and the speeding up of social reform action. We must remove the obstacles which socially backward countries are putting in the way of socially advanced countries. It was this point of view which guided us while drafting our program. In the latter the demands have a different arrangement from those which were, settled at the Leeds deliberations. We have given less weight to the special questions of particular trades than to the elaboration of a general outline. We submit our program to the consideration- of the trade unions of all countries. Its final draft will probably be settled at an interna- tional labor conference which should be convoked at the earliest pos- sible date. With fraternal greetings, C. LSGIBN President of the International Federation of Trade Unions Peace Demands of the Internationai, Federatioh op Tjiade Unions The devastating effects of the wan render it more than ever neces- sary to promote in an efficient manner the protection of Labor in all countries in order to restore and reinvigorate the energies of the people and to render the future of the nations more secure than ever. Ex- perience has taught us that, in the years before the war, the social reform work of the more advanced countries was impeded by the backwardness of social legislation and institutions of other countries. The representatives of capital and industry in the former countries raised opposition to new social reform demands _ by pointing out that they were laboring under a disadvantage in their competition on the world's markets through the backwardness of other countries which had not the same social reform burdens to bes r. That objection and opposition caused the European governments f ) take common action in some — unfortunately in few — questions of labor protection. From the above mentioned grounds it is imperatively necessary to accelerate the development of international protection of labor. The Peace Treaty which, earlier or later, will terminate the war, appears to offer a proper occasion and point of departure for an ef- fective co-operation of all nations in the domain of social reform. The International Labor Federation as representative of eight millions of trade unionists of all countries takes therefore the liberty to ask the Governments of the belligerent countries to ensure to the working classes, in the Peace Treaty, a minimum of protection and rights which all countries should be bound to carry into effect. The Peace Treaty 246 should include provirsions foi^ securing to the working classes free- dom of movement, right of combination and the carrying out of labor protection measures on the following lines : /. Freedom of Movement (a) The enactment of laws prohibiting emigration is inadmissible. (b) The enactment of laws generally prohibiting immigration is inadmissible. This provision does not affect: (1) The right of every State to take measures, in times of com- mercial depression, for temporarily limiting immigration in order to protect the native and migratory foreign workers. (3) The right of every State to control immigration for the pur- pose of protecting the health of its citizens, and even temporarily to prohibit immigration in case any danger of the spread of infectious diseases exists. (3) The right of every State to demand from the immigrant a certain minimum knowledge of reading and writing in its language for the purpose of protection of its national culture and of effective execution of its labor legislation in industrial establishments in which foreign labor is mostly employed. (c) The Contracting Powers pledge themselves to enact at the earliest opportunity, laws and regulations prohibiting the recruiting of contract labor and the activity of professional agents for the same purpose. (d) The Contracting Powers pledge themselves to develop the statistics of the labor market on the basis of the State-regulated em- ployment offices and mutually to exchange, in short intervals, the statistical information through the intermediary of an international center, in order to prtoect the workers from migrating into countries with slender opportunities for employment. //. Right of Combination (a) To grant/ to the workers of all countries the right of com- bination. Immigrant workers enjoy the same rights as the native workers in respect of participation and activity in trade union organiza- tion, including the right to strike. (b) Laws and regulations (Master and Servant Acts, anticom- bination laws, etc.) which place agricultural laborers or domestic serv- ants in a disadvantageous position as compared with other labor cate- gories, or withhold from them the right of combination and of de- fence of their economic interests, are to be abolished. (c) Attempts at obstructing or preventing workmen organizing themselves, are liable to prosecution. (d) The, alien workman has the right to claim the rate of wages and conditions of work which have been agreed upon by the trade union with the employers. Failing such agreements, the alien worker is to receive the rata of wage customary in the locality and in the trade. ///. Social Insurance (a) Countries which have not yet enacted insurance laws con- cerning sickness, accidents, disablement, old-age and unemployment, are in duty bound to enact them within the shortest possible time. (b) The immigrant workmeUi regardless of the supposed duration of their stay in the foreign country, are to be placed on an equal foot- 247 ing with tjie native workers in respect o£ the rights and duties in all branches of social legislation. (c) Workmen who are temporarily employed outside the country, or transport workers who are) usually employed on the territory of several States, are, in point of insurance, placed under the laws of that State in which the' main offices of the business firm ars situated. (d) All documents and certificates in connection with social insur- ance are to be made out free of charge and exempted from all fiscal dues. (e) Alien workmen entitled to pensions, on leaving the country in which their right to pensions has been legally established, do not forfeit their claims, provided that their native country recognizes reciprocity. All particular provisions governing this matter, likewise those on the payment of the pensions, and the settlement about the control of these pensioners, are to be embodied in the commercial treaties. (f) The commercial treaties should also contain the provision as to the inclusion of trade diseases into the category of labor accidents. (g) The right to unemployment benefit of a State expires on leav- ing the country in which that right has been acquired. The question as to whether such a claimant should be granted a traveling allowance, must be settled in the commercial treaties. IV. Hours of Labor (a) The daily work of all workmen must not exceed ten hours. The Contracting Powers are bound to enact legal regulations according to which the shortening of the daily work should proceed, in certain intervals, in such a manner that after the lapse of ten years from the time of the conclusion of the Peace the legal Eight-Hour-Day should be everywhere established. (b) The daily work in mines, continuous factories, and particularly unhealthy industries is to be reduced to a maximum day of eight hours. (c) Night work between 8 o'clock p. m. and 6 o'clock a. m. is to be legally prohibited in all industrial establishments which from their nature or from technical grounds are not dependent on night work. The work in industrial establishments in which night labor is per- mitted, must not exceed eight hours per shift. (d) A consecutive rest of thirty-six hours per week must be legally ensured to all workmen. It should take place between Saturday and Monday morning. Exceptions to this rule may only be made for the carrying out of operations which are necessary for the resumption of woric on Monday, likewise for establishments which on technical grounds can not be interrupted, and for arrangements which are required for the recreation and education of the people on Sundays. In all such cases the thirty-six hours consecutive rest must be granted on week- days. The exceptions must be carefully specified in the laws governing this matter. In continuous factories and establishments, reserve shifts must be arranged in order to allow the workmen a continuous rest of thirty-six hours ; the shifts are to be so arranged that the workmen should get alternately every tljird week one free Sunday. (e) The particularly unhealthy industries should be carefully de- fined by regulation or law in every country. V. Hygiene (a) The Contracting Powers pledge thernselves to promote the development of the legislation of their countries for the protection of the health of the workers. A serious attempt should be made to unify the hygienic regulations for the various industries and permanently to 248 cooperate against industrial poisoning and for the prohibition of par- ticularly unhealthy processes of production. (b) The lists of industrial poisons kept by the International Asso- ciation of legal Protection of Labor are to be consulted when the com- mon efforts on behalf of trade hygiene, as mentioned sub a, are being made. In industrial and trade establishments the use of such poisons is to be excluded for which less dangerous poison can be substituted. (c) For the industrial establishments mentioned sub IV, special regulations as to the maximum hours of labor should be agreed upon according to the magnitude of the danger involved in the particular branches of industry. VI. Home Industries (a) All laws and regulations concerning labor protection should be applied in a reasonable manner to the home industries. (b) Social insurance is to be extended to home industries. (c) Home industries are to be prohibited: 1. In all kinds of work which expose the workmen to severe injuries to health or poisonings. 3. In the production of articles of food and luxuries. (d) Compulsory notification of infectious diseases should be insti- tuted in home industries. (e) Medical inspection of all minors working in home industries should be made analogous to the medical School inspection. (f) Compulsory keeping of lists and control of lists are to be agreed upon for all workers and sub-contractors, likewise the keeping of wages books for all workers. (g) In all districts of home industries there should be instituted wages boards, consisting of an equal number of employers and employed, whose duty it is to fix rates of wages; these rates of wages shall be legally binding. The lists of wages shall be posted up in the workshops. VII. Protection of Children (a) Children under 15 years of age shall'-not be employed as wage- workers in any trade or industry. (b) The maximum working day of juveniles from 15 to 18 years of age shall be eight hours, with an hour and a half rest for meals after uninterrupted work of four hours at the utmost. Trade and Continuation Schools are to be established for the juvenile workers of both sexes ; the school hours to be timed between 8 o'clock a. m. and 6 o'clock p. m. The juveniles must be given time to attend school. (c) The employment of juveniles is to be prohibited: (1) From 8 o'clock p. m. to 6 o'clock a. m. (3) On Sundays and festival days. (3) In particularly dangerous and unhealthy trades referred to wi section IV. (4) In mines at underground work. ' VIII. Protection of Women (a) Female workers and employes in factories and' workshops, in trade, commerce, and transport, and in home industries shall be limited to eight hours daily or forty-four hours weekly. On Saturdays their work must cease at noon, so that the female workers and employes shall be secured a rest of forty-two hours till Monday morning. 'The employment of women in the time from 8 o'clock p. m. to 6 o'clock a. m. is to be prohibited. 249 (b) The employers are not allowed to give out to the female work- ers, after the daily task is finished, new work to be done at their homes. (c) The employment of women in particularly unhealthy trades (referred to in Section IV) and in mines at underground work, is to be prohibited. (d) Before and after confinement, women shall not be allowed to ■work for a period of ten weeks (after the confinemnet for at least six weeks). The granting of a maternity benefit, the amount of which shall at least be equal to the legal sickness allowance, is to be made obligatory upon all States. IX. Execution of Labor Protection Laws (a) An effective inspection of factories and workshops, trade, commerce, transport, home industries, likewise in agriculture in case mechanical power is used, shall be introduced in all countries. (b) The officers of factory inspection shall be recruited from the ranks of experts, workers, and employes. Their number must be ade- quate, so that every establishment, factory, workshop, mine, etc., shall be inspected at least once in six months; the officers must be invested with executive powers and be in a position of independence. For the control of the execution of the regulations concerning protection of female labor, lady inspectors shall be appointed. (c) The trade unions called into being by the granting of coalition rights to the workmen in all countries (referred to in Section Ila) are to participate in the effective execution of labor protection. Especially the trade unions are to be urged upon to render, by their committees, secretariats, etc., all possible assistance to the factory inspectors. (d) For the purpose of. insuring the execution of the laws and regulations concerning labor protection, the employers of factories with at least five alien workmen, are to be legally bound to establish, at their own expense and under the control of the public School authori- ties, courses of instruction in which the alien workmen should learn the language of the country. (e) The International Association of legal Protection of Labor (at Basle) should be, in the Peace Treaty, expressly recognized as the organ for the execution and promotion of international labor protection. Its international Labor Office should collect and publish in the three main languages all social reform materials, as statistics, social insurance and labor protection laws, important regulations, etc. ; to watch over the execution of the social reform agreements sketched out or embodied in the international treaties ; to be in constant communication with the central labor offices or Government departments which have also the functioiis of labor offices ; to furnish, on demand, expert opinion on the various matters of social reform legislation; to undertake the prepara- tion and direction of international inquiries regarding these questions; and to study all factors -yvhich concern the development and the appli- cation of social reform legislation. The International Association has particularly to care for a rapid exchange of labor market statistics between the various countries. (f) The International Labor Federation should be allowed to have a representative in the International Labor Office. (g) The International Labor Office is to convoke the International Congresses for the Promotion of Labor Protection and Social Reform Legislation which shall be arranged periodically, and be officially repre- sented, by the Contracting States. The latter Powers pledge them- selves to take action for the carrying out of the resolutions of those Congresses. 250 (h) The cost of that Office shall be defrayed by the Contracting States. The foregoing demands are to be considered as the minimum of labor protection which can and must be fixed in the coming Peace Treaty. In view of the enormous losses in man-power sustained by all belligerent countries it is the imperative duty to exercise a wise economy with the remaining popular forces. Those nations will recover quickest who are most profoundly convinced of the importance of social reform after the war and who are determined enough to effect, with least delay, comprehensive reforms. The outline of a series of such pledges in the Peace Treaty should pave the way for such reform work. It is not necessary to adduce lengthy arguments in support of those demands, since we are dealing with legal provisions which are in force in various countries, not in their entirety, but some of them in this or that country and others in several other countries. At any rate, their practicability has been proved. The question is now to lend international sanction to a uniform outline of fundamental requirements of labor protection. We must, however, say a few words as to our demand for a liberal right of combination of the workmen in all countries. Apparently, this is a question mainly 6i home affairs of every country; in reality, how- ever, the right of combination and freedom of movement are first-rate international questions when we come to deal with labor protection, since all social reform Acts are of small value if the workmen them- selves, through their organizations, are not able to watch over and to enforce the carrying out of those enactments. If labor protection, as agreed upon internationally, is to succeed in bringing about a certain uniformity of the conditions of work in all countriesy the right of coalition must, in the first place, be acknowledged and carried through in all countries. This has not been the case up till now. Whilst in some of the belligerent countries the workmen have got the oppor- tunity for raising thernselves to a higher level, they are groaning in other countries under the oppression of autocratic arbitrariness. To remove this state of things is not only the moral duty of the Govern- ments on the occasion of the making of the Peace Treaty, but is a prerequisite to the realization of labor protection which our Motion desires to effect. The few neutral States which have been able to keep away from the war and therefore can not participate in the making of the Peace Treaty, should be urged upon to join the social reform section of the said Treaty. They will all the less be able to shirk this duty as the working classes and the progressive elements of those countries will press upon them to acknowledge it. Still, it may be advisable to make them come in and take part in the proceedings on this question, in order to put, at the conclusion of the Peace, the international association of the States for legal labor protection on the broadest possible basis. Our demands will put all Governments to the test with regard to their social reform sentiments and intentions. The Governments of many States have surfeited the world with high-sounding words — words of "freedom for the nations." Words alone won't do. We desire deeds. Proposed International Conferences The most interesting correspondence of the year is concerned with efforts to arrange international conferences of representatives of workers. The diffi- culties these efforts encountered were serious. In addition to the natural aver- sion against meeting during the war with representatives of the enemy of their country or their enemies' allies, there were reasons for the convictions that the 251 peace conferences were furthered by not wholly proper purposes. Some ot the peace propaganda was rightly classified as a "peace aggressive" and intended to strengthen the power of autocracy. The first proposal was to hold a conference of representatives of the trade union movements of the various countries at Berne, Switzerland. As the corre- spondence shows, this conference was to consider labor's peace demands at the close of the war and a program that was adopted at Leeds, England, by a conference of representatives of the workers of the allied countries. The Berne conference was not held. Another proposition was made that such a conference should be held in December of this year. The Russian workers after their revolution first suggested the holding of an international conference within their own country. When this was found impracticable a conference was suggested for Stockholm. Various representa- tives went to Stockholm at different times during the summer, chiefly repre- sentatives of Socialist parties. The resident group in Stockholm continued its efforts throughout the summer to secure a conference that would be representa- tive of the various countries. Conviction prevailed, however, that the same influence that was attempting to thwart freedom of action in Russia 'was also intending to dominate the proposed conference at Stockholm. The following correspondence ensued relative to the movements concerned in the Berne and Stockholm proposals: Cablegram Washington, D. C, May 8, 1917 As you know the most insidious influences are at work not only to create a pro-Kaiser propaganda but also to divide and alienate from one another the nations and peoples fighting for the freedom and democracy of the world. It is your duty as it is the duty of all to im- press upon all labor organizations of European neutral countries the truth about the pretended international socialist congress called to be held at Stockholm. It should be emphasized that it does not represent the work- ing class of America, England, France or Belgium, but was called by the German socialists and certain other notoriously pro-German agitators in other countries either to bring about a Kaiser-dictated peace under the deceptive catch-phrase "no annexations, no indemnities," or in the hope of deceiving the Russian socialists into betraying the great western democracies into consenting to a separate peace. It was for the above reasons I cabled yesterday direct to the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies at Petrograd. Samuei, GompErs. Note. — Identical telegrams were sent to the following: Jouhaux, Secretaire-Confederation Generale de Travail, Paris, France; Louis Dubreuilh, Secretaire, Parti Socialiste, Paris, France; G. J. Wardle, M. P. Chairman, The British Labor Party, No. 1, Victoria St. West- minster, London, S. W. England. Cablegram. ■May 14, 1917 London, Samuel Gompers, President, American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C.- British Workers' League sends Federation enthusiastic congratula- tions on your splendid lead to European democracy resolved to struggle with you for destruction of German autocracy and vindication of rights, labor, humanity and freedom of peoples. Seddon, Chairman Victor Fisher, Secretary 252 Cablegram Amsterdam Gompers, Washington. I am charged by the International Federation of Trade Unions to invite you to assist at an international congress of trade union centers, which is to be held in Stockholm Folkshus on June 8, Agenda; dis- cussion, and establishment of claims of trade unionists at peace nego- tiations. I beg information by wire of the names of your delegates. The Dutch Federation of Trade Unions in charge. Oudegeest, May 24, 1917 Cablegram Washington^ May 24, 1917 Oudegeest, Amsterdam. Long before United States entered the war, American Federation of Labor proposed an international conference after the war and at the time and place where the representatives of each government were to meet to determine the treaties and international relations. That proposition was rejected. Now after United States is in the war you propose a conference be held at Stockholm at same time and place when the so-called International Socialist Conference is to be held at Stockholm and this proposition, too, without consultation with trade union centers of United States and other countries. There is no time by which American organized labor could select delegates to attend the Stockholm Conference, June 8, and can not see how any good could come from our participation in such a congress at this time. Gompers Cablegram Amsterdam Gompers, Afel, Washington, D. C. Your telegram received. Your proposition re international confer- ence has never been rejected by us. There was no time for consulta- tion conference of trade union centers for discussing and establishing claims trade unionists on basis of program Leeds being necessary before socialist congress. This last adjourned to first July. Are you able to come if trade union conference is equally adjourned. Oudegeest . ' {Received July, 1917.) Landsorganisationen I Sverige Landssekretariatet Invitation to a General Intetnational Trade Union Conference The international conference of trades unions in Stockholm, June 8, n;i7, to which the trades unions of Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Germany, Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria had sent representa- tives, has paid due attention to the program that the trades union con- ference in Leeds, July, 1916, drew up as the outlines of the claims of peace of the trades unions federation. The conference considers .that the assurance of the protection of the workers' rights, of their protection against accidents, and of the 253 insurance of the workers to life and safety, etc., must become one of the most important conditions of the coming treaty of peace. As these questions have intimate connection with the working classes the world over, the conference considers it not to be expedient, to take them up to a definitive discussion at present. The conference therefore resolves to appoint a new conference to be held in Switzer- land, September 17, 1917, so that the trades unions of all countries will have the possibility to participate. The workingmen of all countries, organized in their trades unions, are invited to send representatives to this new conference. The conference of Stockholm considers it to be expedient, that to this new conference not only threi representatives may be sent from each country, according to the rules of the Inter- national Trades Unions' Federation, but that it will be permitted for each country to send up to ten representatives, with the maintenance of the stipulation, that each country will have only one vote. The conference is fully convinced, that such a meeting of repre- sentatives of the organized workers of all the world shall have a decisive importance to assure the situation of the international working classes and the progress of the human civilization. The war has already for too long a time internationally divided the working classes. Once more to unite them to the struggle for the rights and for the protection of the workers, is the great duty, for the fulfilment of which we must join together in the common cause. Stockholm, 8th of June, 1917. With fraternal greetings, J. OuDEGEEST, Holland; Oi,E O. Lian, Norway; Ernst SoDERBERG, Sweden; G. Bauer, Germany; Carl F. Mad- sen, Denmark; P. Aaroe, Norway; K. H. Wiik, Fin- land; I. SassENBach, Germany; PedER HedEbol, Denmark; Herm. Lindquist, Sweden; C. Legien, Ger- many; A. HuEBEr, Austria; S. Jaszai, Hungary; Dr. SakaroFF, Bulgaria. Cablegram June 6, igi7 OuDEGEEST, Amsterdam. Cablegram received. Please advise me names of national trade union centers you propose inviting to conference July 1. GOMPERS Cablegram Appleton, Hamilton House, Bidborough Street, London. In your letter May 9 just received you say federation would be willing to be represented in conference delegates from allied countries. American papers a few days ago published cablegram stating your federation would be represented at Stockholm conference. These appear to conflict. Just received telegram from Oudegeest stating that if I will go to conference he would be willing to postpone it from June 8 to July 1. Impossible for me now definitely answer but would be pleased to have cable answer from you. GompERS 254 Cablegram lOW D London 17 Afel., (Amn Fed of Labor), Washington. Federation declines to attend conference at Stockholm. Will for the present only attend allies. Appleton June 6, 1917. Cablegram Amsterdam GoMPERS, Washington. Succeeded in getting conference Stockholm adjourned. Will prob- ably take place end July. Intention to invite all national centers affiliated with International Federation of Trade Unions. OUDEGEEST June p Cablegram Stockholm, Sam Gompers, American Federation of Labor, Washington. The conference of trades unions on June 8 in Stockholm at which was represented Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Ger- many, Austria-Hungary, and Bulgaria has decided to call together an international conference of trades unions to discuss the demands of peace of the trades unions on September ■ 17 in Switzerland. I am given the office to invite all the trades unions centrals to this conference. Please and give me communication whether you accept the invitation. LiNDQuisT, President of the Conference. June 16 1917 Cablegram Washington, June 18, igiT LlNDQUIST, President, Conference, Stockholm. Cablegram received. Executive Council, American Federation Labor begins meeting Thursday. Will lay your communication before them and advise you. Gompers Cablegram WM London 44, Afel, Washington. Telegram received frorn Lindquist letter from Jouhaux re new proposajs for international conference. Management committee opposed to meeting any but representative of allies is however sending deputa- tion to Paris to confer with French federation. Desires that you should be kept posted. ApplETon June IS, '17 255 Cablegram Washington, June i8, V)i7 Appleton, London. Cablegram received. Cablegram from Lindquist also received. Will lay tnatter before Executive Council, American Federation of Labor at meeting beginning Thursday. Please keep me advised result your con- ference with Jouhaux and decision British Federation. Will also advise you. GOMPERS Cablegram Washington, D. C, ]u,m 27, 1917 Lindquist, Stockholm. The Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor in session after due deliberation upon invitations received, from you and from Oudegeest of Amsterdam, Holland, to send delegates to a con- ference proposed to be held at Stockholm, September 17, decided that we regard all such conferences as pjemature and untimely and can lead to no good purpose. We apprehend that a conference such as is contemplated would rather place obstacles in the way to democratize the institutions of the world and hazard the liberties and opportunities for freedom of all peoples. Therefore, the American Federation of Labor with its 2,500,000 members can not accept invitation to partici- pate in such a conference. If an international trade union conference is to be held it should be at a more opportune time than the present or the immediate future, and in any event the proposals of the American Federation of Labor for international conference should receive further and more sympathetic consideration. Shall be glad to continue correspondence. GoMPERS Cablegram * Washington, D. C, June 27, 1917 Jouhaux, Paris. Have just sent following cable. "Lindquist President Conference Stockholm. The Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor in session, after due deliberation upon invitations received from you and from Oudegeest of Amsterdam Holland, to send delegates to a conference proposed to be held at Switzerland September 17, decided that we. regard all such conferences as premature and untimely and can lead to no good purpose. We apprehend that a conference such as is contemplated would rather place obstacles in the way to democra- tize the institutions of the world and hazard the liberties and oppor- tunities for freedom of all peoples. Therefore the American Federa- tion of Labor with its 2,500,000 members can not accept invitation to participate in such a conference. If an international trade union con- ference is to be held it should be at a more opportune time than the present or the immediate future, and in any event the proposals of the American Federation of Labor for international conference should receive further and more sympathetic consideration. Shall be glad to continue correspondence." Gompers ♦ Similar cablegrams also sent to Appleton, London, and Oudegeest, Amsterdam. 256 Cablegram Washington, D. C, June 27, i^ij James Duncan, Petrograd. The following cablegram was sent to Lindquist, Oudegeest, Apple- ton, Jouhaux : "The Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor in session, after due deliberation upon invitations received from Lindquist and from Oudegeest of Amsterdam, Holland, to send dele- gates to a conference proposed to be held at Stockholm, September 17, decided that we regard all such conferences as premature and untimely and can lead to no good purpose. We apprehend that a conference such as is contemplated would rather place obstacles in the way to democratize the institutions of the world and hazard the liberties and opportunities for freedom of all. peoples. Therefore, the American Federation of Labor with its 3,500,000 members can not accept invita- tion to participate in such a conference. If an international trade union conference is to be held it should be at a more opportune time than the present or the immediate future, and in any event the pro- posals of the American Federation of Labor for international confer- ence should receive further and rnore sympathetic consideration. Shall be glad to continue correspondence." Gompers. Executive Council sends greetings and best wishes for full success your mission for cooperation, freedom and democracy. Samuei. Gompers Cablegram London 60, Afel, Wash. Representatives back from France. Still opposed to conference at Berne. Matter will be decided this week at annual conference. Please await written report. Just addressed Canadian soldiers at Crow- borough Kent. They unanimously send you their regards and express their pleasure at landing of American troops in France. Delighted at opportunity of lining up with your boys. ApplETon Jul. 2, '17. Cablegram Gloucester 43, Afel, Wash. General Federation of Trade Unions in conference assembled on Independence Day conveys sincere good wishes to American colleagues and are happy in the knowledge that American having won and enjoyed liberty is now fighting for the liberty of the world. ApplETon July 5, '17. Cablegram Gloucester 22, Afel, Washington. French confederation address best wishes on anniversary of Ameri- can liberty and hopes for the immediate independence of all people. Jouhaux July 5, '17. Opposite Page Missing in Printing and Binding Best Image Available Opposite Page Missing in Printing and Binding Best Image Available 259 Cablegram Washington, D. C, Aug. lo, 1917 Compare Morei,, Chamber of Deputies, Paris. Your cablegram received. American Federation of Labor will not be represented at Stockholm conference. Our delegates will be in attendance at the London conference September 10 of the representa- tives of labor of the allied countries. Regret exceedingly that it will be impossible for me personally to be in attendance. My duties here forbid. GOMPERS Seddon, London. Cablegram Washington, D. C, August 7, 1917 Replying your cablegram would say I have already cabled Apple- ton that the conference of the labor organizations of all countries can not at this time or in the near future be productive of good; that so far as the American Federation of Labor is concerned it will not at this time send representative to such conference; that more favorable results must develop before the conference of labor of all countries can be advantageous. Our fraternal delegates will attend British Trade Union Congress and conference of labor organizations of allied coun- tries for September 10. GOMPEES . CABLfiGRAM Stockholm GOMPERS, 801 G Street, Washington. Time August. Place Stockholm. Aims position labor to war principles of stable peace, means to realize. Aug. II. HuySMANS Cablegram. London Gompers, American Federation of Labor, "■ Washington. We are acting with Appleton and other reliable trades unionists. The voting of the branches of unions taken by us record the fact that 1,500,000 trades unionists are in favor of the seamen's and firemen's action. We are convening a further conference of trades unionists to demand referendum prior to s'ending delegates to Stockholm to meet enemy delegates. It is rumored that you are coming to London; if so the committee of the Sailors' and Firemen's Union desire that you will be our guest. Havelock Wilson Aug. II, '17- 260 Cablegram Washington, D. C, August ii, 1917 Havelock Wilson, No. 53, Parliament Street, London. Cablegram received. Felt sure you would be acting with Appleton and other reliable trade unionists. American Federation of Labor will not be represented in Stockholm conference. We regard that con- ference as prejudicial to the cause of permanent peace and democracy. Thanks for courteous invitation, but duties' here forbid my leaving the United States at this time. GOMPERS 33, Rue De La Grange-Aux-Belles, Paris Paris, August 23, 1917 M. GoMPERS, President, American Federation of Labor, 801-809 G Street N. W., Washington,, D. C, America. Comrade : The Committee of the Confederation in session of Mon- day, 20th of August, decided on the principle of participation of the Stockholm Conference, maintaining a reserve with respect to the meth- ods, the form of representation and the attitude to be observed. I informed you of this decision because) we will speak of it at our inter-allied conference. In awaiting to see you, receive, comrade, my fraternal and trade union salutation. L. Jouhaux Stockholm, 27 Cablegram Samuel Gompers, Washington. Please induce whole American labor and socialist press to send copies information Bureau Russian Workman's Soldiers' Council, Stockholm, Postfack 682. Oblige, Socialist Greeting. Weinberg Another document received at the A. F. of L. offices during July, 1917, is of great interest where it shows the situation existing in a neutral country and demonstrates the far-reaching effects of the war. Berne, June 30, IQ17 To Mr. Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor, Washington. Dear Sir and Brother: The organized workers of Switzerland are following with great apprehension the development of the war. A feeling of relief went through our ranks when in December last Presi- dent Wilson invited the belligerent powers to announce their aims of war. We hoped this to be the first step to end the murderous con- flict which devastates Europe, annihilates the flower, of nations and impoverishes the countries. It was, alas, a short illusion. The great republic beyond the Atlantic has since entered the lists, and now it very much looks as if Europel were to bleed to lMPERS, Washington, D. C. I desire to make on the part of the working class delegation com- ing to America, to express to you satisfaction at our meeting soon. JOUHAUX 284 Declaration of Principles of the Inter-Allied Labor Conference The Inter-allied Labor Conference held in London, September 17, 18 and 19, 1918, adopted the following declaration of principles proposed by the American Federation of Labor delegates : We recognize in this World War the conflict between autocratic and democratic institutions ; the contest between the principles of self-develop- ment through free institutions and that of arbitrary control of govern- ment by groups or individuals for selfish ends. It is therefore essential that the peoples and the governments of all countries should have a full and definite knowledge of the spirit and determination of this Inter-allied Conference, representative of the workers of our respective countries, with reference to the prosecution of the War. We declare it to be our unqualified determination to do all that lies within our power to assist our allied countries in the marshalling of all of their resources to the end that the armed forces of the Central Powers may be driven from the soil of the nations which they have invaded and now occupy; and, furthermore, that these armed forces shall be op- posed so long as they carry out the orders or respond to the control of the militaristic autocratic government of the Central Powers which now threaten the existence of all self-governing people. This Conference endorses the fourteen points laid down by President Wilson as conditions upon xjjhich peace between the belligerent nations may be established and maintained, as follows : — (1) Open covenants of peace openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. (2) Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas outside territorial waters alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of interna- tional covenants. (3) The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establsihment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to peace and associating itself for its maintenance. (4) Adequate guarantees, given and taken, that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. (5) A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all Colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the popula- tions concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. (6) The evacuation of all Russian territory, and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest co-opera- 285 tion of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unham- pered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy, and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and more than a welcome assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good-will, of their comprehension of her needs, as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy. (7) Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in com- mon with all other free nations. No other single act will serve, as this will serve, to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their re- lations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions re- stored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly 50 years, should be righted in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all. (9) A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. (10) The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the first opportunity of autonomous development. (11) Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated, the occupied territories restored, Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea, and the relations of the several Balkan States to one another deter- mined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality, and international guarantees of the political and eco- nomic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be entered into. (13) The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be as- sured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees. (13) An independent Polish State should be erected, which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant. 286 (14) A general association of nations must be formed under specific cove- nants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political inde- pendence and territorial integrity to great and small States alike. The world is requiring tremendous sacrifices of all the peoples. Be- cause of their response in defense of principles of freedom the peoples have earned the right to wipe out all vestiges of the old idea that the government belongs to or constitutes a "governing class." In determin- ing issues that will vitally affect the lives and welfare of millions of wage-earners, justice requires that they should have direct representation in the agencies authorized to make such decisions. We therefore de- clare that — In the official delegations from each of the belligerent countries which will formulate the Peace Treaty, the Workers should have direct official representation: . We declare in favour of a World Labor Congress to be held at the same time and place as the Peace Conference that will formulate the Peace Treaty closing the War. We declare that the following essentially fundamental principles must underlie the Peace Treaty: A league of the free peoples of the world in a common cove- nant for genuine and practical co-operation to secure justice and therefore peace in relations between nations. No political or economic restrictions meant to benefit some na- tions and to cripple or embarrass others. No reprisals based upon purely vindictive purposes, or deliber- ate desire to injure, but to right manifest wrongs. Recognition of the rights of small nations and of the principle, "No people must be forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live." No territorial changes or adjustment of power except in fur- therance of the welfare of the peoples affected and in furtherance of world peace. In addition to these basic principles there should be incorporated in the Treaty which shall constitute the guide of nations in the. new period and conditions into which we enter at the close of the War, the following declarations fundamental to the best interests of all nations and of vital importance to wage-earners : That in law and in practice the principle shall be recognized that the labour of a human being is not a commodity or article of commerce. Involuntary servitude shall not exist except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted. The right of free association, free assemblage, free speech and free press shall not be abridged. That the seamen of the merchant marine shall be guaranteed the right of leaving their vessels when the same are in safe harbour. _ No article or commodity shall be shipped or delivered in inter- national commerce in the production of which children under the age of sixteen years have been employed or permitted to work. It shall be declared that the basic workday in industry and commerce shall not exceed eight hours per day. Trial by jury should be established. Samuei, Gompers. John P. Frey Charles L. Baine. William A. Bowen Edgar Wallace Delegates 287 (INSERTED) American Federationist, August, 1918 LABOR LEGISLA TION IN MEXICO Importance of International Labor Organization By Ygnacio Bonillas, Ambassador from Mexico The pi-esent Constitutional Government of Mexico emanated from the revohi- tion headed by Venustiano Carranza, incorporated in- the new constitution, pro- mulgated on February 5, 1917, the most advanced labor legislation in the world, along the lines adopted by New Zealand. Article 123 of the new constitution, relative to labor and social welfare, is a beacon light in the history of labor legislation, and properly might be called, the Declaration of Independence of the Mexican Laborer, a synopsis of which, pub- lished in the Latin- American Year Book, 1918, is herein given: Labor Legislation "The new Constitution provides that Congress and the legislatures of the states shall regulate labor matters, provided all legislation adopted is along the following lines: A maximum day's work of 8 hours in the daytime and 7 hours in nighttime. In unhealthy and dangerous occupations, also in night work and for children of 12 to 16 years, the working day must be six hours. Labor of children under 12 is forbidden. A day of rest for each six days is established. Liberal provisions are adopted in reference to the work of married women for the protec- tion of their children. Minimum wages shall be fixed according to local conditions. Workmen will have the right to a part of the profits. Equal wages are established for both sexes and all nationalities. The minimum wage can not be subject to discount or rebate. All wages aie to be paid in legal money. Overtime shall be paid at double price and under no circumstances more than three hours over- time is allowed. No overtime is permitted for women or children under 16. Em- ployers in agricultural, mining or any other enterprise are compelled to furnish healthy and comfortable lodgings for the workmen and the rent charged them can not exceed 6 per cent a year of the assessed value of the building. Employers are also obliged to furnish schools, hospitals, markets, etc., when necessaiy, and are forbidden to open bar rooms and gambling places for, their workmen. They are liable for accidents and illness. The adoption in shops and factories, of sanitary conditions and devices for the prevention of accidents, is compulsory. Both em- ploye and employers have the right to associate for the defense of their interests. The law recognizes the right to strike and lockout. Strikes are forbidden when brought by acts of violence or in case of war, when affecting government services. Military establishments, however, are under military law. Lockouts are only recognized when necessary, because of an excess in the production. Boards of conciliation and arbitration are established for the settlement of all labor differences. Arbitration of labor difficulties is compulsory. Employers refusing to arbitrate are liable to pay their workmen three months salary. Workmen refusing to arbi- trate will, by their refusal, forfeit their rights as per their contracts. Debts for wages are prefeient. Employes shall not be required to pay agents commission for obtaining position far them. "No labor contract is valid if it provides for a longer working day than allowed, or if the wage is exceedingly low; if payments are not made at least every week; if payments are made in a pleasure resort so that workmen are liable to spend their wages immediately there. The workmen can not be compelled, either directly or indirectly, to buy from certain inerchants. Wages can not be held under the pretext of fines. No contract is valid if the workmen forfeit therein their right to indemnity and compensation for accidents or damages." 288 Labor Conditions Before the present goverament was firmly establishel in Mexico, labor con- ditions were very unsettled, and, in fact, caused by labor UTarastbordsringdespetation. The new government, therefore, as soon as the military situation was under control, undertook a radical reform in the labor system of the country, adopting as a base for its program, the most advanced principles governing labor in its re- lation with capital. Labor conditions were very peculiar. There was a labor shortage all over the country. Wages, however, were small and the conditions of the working people were decidedly bad. The relations between capital and labor in the industrial centers were strained to the breaking point. The industrial organization followed the system of the old European capitalism, made worse still, because it was imposed on a laboring class much weaker than in Europe, since it was unorganized and not very advanced in civilization. The new government decided boldly to solve the troubles by a radical reorganiza- tion, in the belief that at the present time when industries were just beginning development, it would be much easier to undertake a complete change, than later, when larger interests would have been created, which would become a. serious obstacle in the way to reformation and improvement. As a positive proof of the interest taken by the laboring classes in Mexico, may be cited the assembling of labor conventions throughout the Republic, in which the states of Senora, Yucatan, Coahuila, Vera-cruz, and Pueblo have taken the lead to initiate legislation and to promote national organization and friendly relations of Pan-American character, especially with national organizations of labor in the United States, where thousands of Meticin laborers are at work in the farnjs, with the railroads and other industrial enterprises. The contiguity of Mexico and the United States, the vast amount of American capital invested in Mexico and the facilities of inter-communication have brought about an interchange of laboring elements, whose conditions" have necessarily incited a deep interest among the labor organizations of both countries, as shown by the special comm;s3ions sent out to study and report upon the organization, purposes, ideals and achievements of the working people concerned. To the wage earners who constitute the vast majorities in both nations this intermingling process is of great mutual importance, as the intercourse will lead to an intimate knowledge of their conditions and to concerted action as to the most practical solution of the problems affecting their collective rights and duties. The action of organized labor, properly directed, more than any other agency, should represent the genuine expression of the will of the majorities. To organized concerted labor action, therefore, must we turn for assistance to the strengthening of relations which make for international comity, peace and fraternity. Neighbors we shall always be, consequently, our bounden duty as such is to promote good feeling, just, kindly and neighborly relations. INDEX Foreword... 2 1914, Philadelphia Convention International War and Peace (E. C. Report) 3-4-5 Naval Holiday urged governments and labor movements of world International Federation of Trade Unions (E. C. Report) _ 5-6 Situation in Mexico (E. C. Report) 7-8 Mexican Constitutionalists Zubaran Correspondence Carranza Government, declaration of policies International Peace (Carpenters' resolution) 8 Disarmament of all nations (Printers' Resolution).... 8-9 Labor's Peace Conference (Cigarmakers' Resolution) 9-10 Committee on International Relations, report of., 5-6 Committee on Resolutions, report of-., 8 1915, San Francisco Convention International Peace and War (E. C. Report).., 11-17 Labor's Proposed Peace Congress Purposes of Labor's Peace Congress Suggested Plans for Congress Labor's Peace Conference International Federation of Trade Unions (E. C. Report) 17-20 English aiid French Conference London, February Legien's suggestion for Amsterdam Conference International Federation of Trade Unions Congress San Francisco Pan-American Labor Relations (E. C. Report) 21-24 Mexican situation (Report of Porto Rican Federation of Labor) Pan-American Labor Convention (Report of Porto Rican Fed- eration of Labor) Committee on International Relations, report of 20-21 Committee on Resolutions, report of— ,... 24 1916, Baltimore Convention World Labor Congress 26-27 Pan-American Labor Relations 27-29 Mexico - 29-37 Conferences, representatives American and Mexican workers Carranza, Release of American soldiers Mexican-United States Compact (Labor) Labor's message to Mexico's toilers Labor's part in preventing war Gold medal presented to A. F. of L. Diploma presented to A. F. of L. Supplemental report of E. C. (International Labor Relations)... 37-41 Legien's letter October 4th Berne (Switzerland) conference Leeds (England) conference Proposed removal International headquarters to Switzerland Convention declaration for justice and freedom for peoples of all countries 42 Committee on International Relations, report of 42, 43, 44, 45, 49 Labor's protest against Carranza's decree prohibiting strikes E. C. Supplemental report Report on Labor Unions Central and South American countries 46, 47, 48, 49 11 INDEX Page 1917, Buffalo Convention International Labor Relations (E. C. Report) : 50-52 Russian Revolution American mission to Russia, Duncan member of Leeds (England) Conference, July , Stockholm (Sweden) Conference, June London (England) Conference, August (Political Movements) London (England) Conference, September (Labor) Peace terms (E. C. Report) 53-54 Pan-American Labor Relations (E. C. Report) 54-55 FirstPan-AmericanFederationof Labor Conference, January 31 Legality of right to strike recognized by Mexican Constitution Labor and the War (E. C Report) 55-72 American labor's position in Peace or in War, March 1 2 President Wilson's address to Congress, April 2 Declaration of War, April 6 President Gompers appointed by President Wilson on Advisory Commission, Council of National Defense English Labor Commission conference with Committee on Labor, April 2 Soldiers and Sailors' Compensation Housing Labor's representation on Government Boards and Commit- tees, etc. Committee on International Relations, report of..: _ 72-75 Committee on Resolutions, report of. 75-77 Interallied Labor Conference, London, September 10, report of delegates 77-90 1918, St. Paul Convention International Labor Relations (E. C. Report) 91-94 Interallied Conference (Ltondon) February 20 British and American Labor Commission (E. C. Report) 94-96 Peace Terms (E. C. Report) 96-98 Pan-American Federation of Labor (E. C. Report) 98-102 American Labor Mission to Great Britain and France, report of 104-122 American Labor Mission to Mexico, report of. 123-131 Committee on International Relations, report of 102, 103, 122, 123 President Gompers instructed to visit England, France and Italy Pan-American Relations of A. F. of L. from American Federationist July, 1916 , Liberty's Hope is in Thy Keeping, Organized Labor (editorial) 131-133 August, 1916 ' United States-Mexico Labor — Their Relations 133-151 March, 1917 To Pan-Americanize Labor (editorial) 151-152 March, 1917 Manifesto by Pan-American Federation of Labor 152-155 November, 1917 Pan-American Labor Activities (editorial) 155-156 August, 1918 Mexico-United States Labor Pact 156-163 August, 1918 Laljor Legislation in Mexico, by Ygnacio Bonillas 287-288 August, 1918 American Organized Labor Crusaders for Liberty, by Santiago Iglesias- 163-165 INDEX iii Page August, 1918 Message From the Labor Movement of Chile by Cardenio Gonzalez : 165-166 August, 1918 From the Workers of Cuba by Antonio Correa 166 November, 1918 Labor of the Americas joins hands (editorial) 166-167' November, 1918 Mexico, the Day after the War, by John Murray..... 167-171 December, 1918 Uniting Pan- America (editorial) ...'. 171-173 Labor's Book of All Colors, From American Federationist, for November and December, 1915, January, May, and Noviember, 1917, and , April, 1918 November, 1915 ' , Correspondence by cable and mail with Labor of Germany, Great Britain, Holland, Australia, France, Italy, South Africa, August, 1914, to October, 1915._ 174-220 December, 1915 Correspondence, France..... 220-221 January, 1917 Correspondence, Great Britain, France 221-224 May, 1917 Correspordence, Russia, France, Great Britain, Cuba 224-226 November, 1917 Correspondence, France, Germany, Russia, Switzerland, Sweden 226-276 April, 1918 Correspondence, Great Britain, France, Russia 276-^83 Declarations of principles. Interallied Labor Conference. London, Sep- tember 17-19, 1918 , 284-286 AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR RECONSTRUCTION PROGRAM. The world war has forced all free peoples to a fuller and deeper realization of the menace to civilization contained in autocratic control of the activities and destinies of mankind. It has caused a world-wide determination to overthrow and eradicate all autocratic institutions, so that a full measure of freedom and justice can be established between man and man and nation and nation. It has awakened more fully the consciousness that the principles of democracy should regulate the relationship of men in all their activities. It has opened the doors of opportunity through which more sound and progressive policies may enter. New conceptions of human liberty, justice and oppor- tunity are to be applied. The American Federation of Labor, the one organiza- tion representing Labor in America, conscious that its re- sponsibilities are now greater than before, presents a program for the guidance of Labor, based upon experience and formu- lated with a full consciousness of the principles and policies which have successfully guided American trade unionism in the past. ^.^ DEMOCRACY IN INDUSTRY Two codes of rules and regulations affect the workers; the law upon the statute books, and the rules within industry. The first determines their relationship as citizens to all other citizens and to property. The second largely determines the relationship of employer and employe, the terms of employment, the conditions of labor, and the rules and regulations affecting the workers as employes. The first is secured through the application of the methods of democracy .in the enac ment of legislation, and is based upon the principle that the laws which govern a free people should exist only with their consent. The second, except where effective trade unionism exists, is .established by the arbitrary or autocratic whim, desire or opinion of the employer and is based upon the principle that industry and commerce can not be successfully conducted unless the employer exercises the unquestioned right to estab- lish such rules, regulations and provisions affecting the em- ployes as self-interest prompts. Both forms of law vitally affect the workers' opportuni- ties in life and determine their standard of living. The rules, regulations and conditions within industry in many instances affect them more than legislative enactments. It is, there- fore, essential that the workers should have a voice in determin- ing the laws within industry and commerce which affect them, equivalent to the voice which they have as citizens in de- termining the legislative enactments which shall govern them. It is as inconceivable that the workers as free citizens should remain under autocratically made law within indus- try and commerce as it is that the nation could remain a democracy while certain individuals or groups exercise auto- cratic powers. It is, therefore, essential that the workers everywhere should insist upon their right to organize into trade unions, and that effective legislation should be enacted which would make it a criminal offense for any employer to interfere with or hamper the exercise of this right or to interfere with the legitimate activities of trade unions. UNEMPLOYMENT Political economy of the old school, conceived by doc- trinaires, was based upon unsound and false doctrines, and has since been used to blindfold, deceive and defeat the workers' demands for adequate wages, better living and working con- ditions, and a just share of the fruits of their labor. We hold strictly to the trade union philosophy and its developed political economy based upon demonstrated facts. Unemplojonent is due to underconsumption. Under- consumption is caused by low or insufficient wages. Just wages will prevent industrial stagnation and lessen periodical unemployment. Give the workers just wages and their consuming capacity is correspondingly increased. A man's ability to consume is controlled by the wages received. Just wages will create a market at home which will far surpass any market that may exist elsewhere and will lessen unemployment. The employment of idle workmen on public work will not permanently remove the cause of unemployment. It is an expedient at best. There is no basis in fact for the claim that the so-called law of supply and demand is natural in its operations and impossible of control or regulation. The trade union movement has maintained standards, wages, hours and life in periods of industrial depression and idleness. These in themselves are a refutation of the declared immutability of the law of supply and demand. There is in fact no such condition as an iron law of wages based upon a natural law of supply and demand. Conditions in commerce and industry, methods of production, storing of commodities, regulation of the volume of production, bank- ing systems, the flow and direction of enterprise influenced by combinations and trusts have effectively destroyed the theory of a natural law of supply and demand as had been formulated by doctrinaire economists. WAGES There are no means whereby the workers can obtain and maintain fair wages except through trade union effort. Therefore, economic organization is paramount to all their other activities. Organization of the workers leads to better wages, fewer working hours, improved working conditions; it develops in- dependence, manhood and character; it fosters tolerance and real justice and makes for a constantly growing better eco- nomic, social and political life for the burden-bearing masses. In countries where wages are best, the greatest progress has been made in economic, social and political advancement, in science, art, literature, education, and in the wealth of the people generally. All low wage-paying countries contrasted with America is proof for this statement. The American standard of life' must be maintained and improved. The value of wages is determined by the purchas- ing power of the dollar. There is no such thing as good wages when the cost of living in decency and comfort equals or ex- ceeds the wages received. There must be no reduction in wages; in many instances wages must be increased. The workers of the nation demand a living wage for all wage-earners, skilled or unskilled — a wage which will enable the worker and his family to live in health and comfort, pro- vide a competence for illness and old age, and afford to all the opportunity of cultivating the best that is within mankind. HOURS OF LABOR Reasonable hours of labor promote the economic and social well-being of the toiling masses. Their attairmient should be one of Labor's principal and essential aJctivities. The shorter workday and a shorter work week make for a con- stantly growing, higher and better standard of productivity, health, longevity, morals and citizenship. The right of Labor to fix its hours of work must not be abrogated, abridged or interfered with. The day's working time should be limited to not more than eight hours, with overtime prohibited, except under the most extraordinary emergencies. The week,'s working time should be limited to not more than five and one-half days. WOMEN AS WAGE-EARNERS Women should receive the same pay as men for equal work performed. Women workers must not be permitted to perform tasks disproportionate to their physical strength or which tend to impair their potential motherhood and prevent the continua- tion of a nation of strong, healthy, sturdy and intelligent men and womeuL CHILD LABOR The children constitute the nation's most valuable asset; The full responsibility of the government should be recog- nized by such measures as will protect the health of every child at birth and during its immature years. It must be one of the chief functions of the nation 'through effective legislation to put an immediate end to the exploita- tion of children under sixteen years of age. State legislatures should protect children of immature years by prohibiting their employment, for gain, under six- teen years of age and restricting the employment of children of less than eighteen years of age to not more than twenty hours within any one week and with not less than twenty hours at school during the same period. Exploitation of child life for private gain must not be permitted. STATUS OF PUBLIC EMPLOYES The fixing of wages, hours and conditions of labor for public employes by legislation hampers the necessary exer- cise of organization and collective bargaining. Public employes must not be denied the right of organi- zation, free activities and collective bargaining and must not be limited in the exercise of their rights as citizens. COOPERATION To- attain the greatest possible development of civiliza- tion, it is essential, among other things, that the people should never delegate to others those activities and responsibilities which they are capable of assuming for themselves. De- mocracy can function best with the least interference by the state compatible with due protection to the rights of all citizens. There are many problems arising from production, trans- portation and distribution, which would be readily solved b'y applying the methods of cooperation. Unnecessary mid- dlemen who exact a tax from the community without render- ing any useful service can be eliminated. The farmers through cooperative dairies, canneries, pack- ing houses, grain elevators, distributing houses, and other cooperative enterprises, can secure higher prices for their products and yet place these in the consumer's hands at lower prices than would otherwise be paid. There is an almost hmitless field for the consumers in which to establish coopera- tive buying and selling, and in this most necessary develop- ment, the trade unionists should take an immediate and active part. Trade unions secure fair wages. Cooperation protects the wage-earner from the profiteer. , Participation in these cooperative agencies must of neces- sity prepare the mass of the people to participate more effec- tively in the solution of the industrial, commercial, social and political problems which continually arise. THE PEOPLE'S FINAL VOICE IN LEGISLATION It is manifestly evident that a people are not self-gov- erning unless they enjoy the unquestioned power to determine the form and substance of the laws which shall govern them. Self-government can not adequately function if there exists within the nation a superior power or authority which can finally determine what legislation enacted by the people, or their duly elected representatives, shall be placed upon the statute books and what shall be declared null and void. An insuperable obstacle to self-government in the United States exists in the power which has been gradually assumed by the Supreme Courts of the Federal and State governments, to declare legislation null and void upon the ground , that, in the court's opinion, it is unconstitutional. It is essential that the people, acting directly or through Congress or state legislatures, should have final authority in determining which laws shall be enacted. Adequate steps must be taken, therefore, which will provide that in the event of a supreme court declaring an act of Congress or of a state legislature unconstitutional and the people acting directly or through Congress or a state legislature should reenact the measure, it shall then become the law without being subject to annulment by any court. POLITICAL POLICY In the political efforts, arising from the workers' neces- sity to secure legislation covering those conditions and pro- visions of life not subject to collective bargaining with em- ployers, organized labor has followed two methods; one by organizing political parties, the other by the determination to place in public office representatives from their ranks; to elect those who favor and champion the legislation desired and to defeat those whose policy^ is opposed to Labor's legis- lative demands, regardless of partisan politics. The disastrous j^experience of organized labor in America with political parties of its own, amply justified the Amer- ican Federation of Labor's non-partisan political policy. The results secured by labor parties in other countries never have been such as to warrant any deviation from this posi- tion. The rules and regulations of trade unionism should not be extended so that the action of a majority could force a minority to vote for or give financial support to any political candidate or party to whom they are opposed. Trade union activities can not receive the undivided attention of members and officers if _^ the exigencies, burdens and responsibilitie of a political party are bound up with their economic an industrial organizations. The experiences and results attained through the non- partisan political policy of the American Federation of Labor cover a generation. They indicate that through its appli- cation the workers of America have secured a much larger measure of fundamental legislation, establishing their rights, safeguarding their interests, protecting their welfare and open- ing the doors of opportunity than have been secured -by the workers of any other country. The vital legislation now required can be more readily secured through education of the public mind and the appeal to its conscience, supplemented by energetic independent political activity on the part of trade unionists, than by any other method. This is and will continue to be the political policy of the American Federation of Labor if the lessons which Labor has learned in the bitter but practical school of experience are to be respected and applied. It is, therefore, most essential that the officers of the American Federation of Labor, the officers of the affiliated organizations, state federations and central labor bodies and the entire membership of the trade union movement should give the most vigorous application possible to the political policy of the A. F. of L. so that Labor's friends and opponents may be more widely known, and the legislation most required readily secured. This phase of our move- ment is still in its infancy. It should be continued and de- veloped to its logical conclusion. GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP Public and semi-public utilities should be owned, op- erated or regulated by the government in the interest of the public. Whatever final disposition shall be made of the railways of the country in ownership, management or regulation, we insist upon the right of the workers to organize for their common and mutual protection and the full exercise of the normal activities which come with organization. Any attempt at the denial by governmental authority of the rights of the workers to organize, to petition, to represcDtation and to col- lective bargaining, or the denial of the exercise of their politi- cal rights is. repugnant to the fundamental principles of free citizenship in a republic and is destructive of their best interest and welfare. The government should own and operate all wharves and docks connected with public harbors which are used for commerce or transportation. The American Merchant Marine should be encouraged and developed under governmental control and so manned as to insure successful operation. and protect in full the benof.- cent larws now on the statute books for the rights and welfare of seamen. The seamen must be accorded the same rights and privileges rightfully exercised by the workers in all other em- ployments, public and private. WATER WAYS AND WATER POWER The lack of a practical development of our waterways and the inadequate extension of canals have seriously handi- capped water traffic and created unnecessarily high cost for transportation. In many instances it has established arti- ficial restrictions which have worked to the serious injury of communities, owing to the schemes of those controlling a monopoly of land transportation. Our navigable rivers and our great inland lakep should be connected with the sea by an adequate system of canals, so that inlajid production can be more effectively fostered, the costs of transportation reduced, the private monopoly of transportation overcome and imports and exports shipped at lower costs. The nation is possessed of enormous water power. Legis- lation should be enacted providing that the governments, federal and state, should own, develop and operate all water power over which they have jurisdiction. The power thus generated should be supplied to all citizens at rates based upon cost. The water power of the nation, created by nature, must not be permitted to pass into private hands for private exploitation. REGULATION OF LAND OWNERSHIP Agriculture and stock-raising are essential to national safety and well-being. The history of all countries, at all times, indicates that the conditions which create a tenant class of agriculturists work increasing injury to the tillers of the soil. While increasing the price of the product to the consumer these conditions at the same time develop a class of large land owners who contribute little, if anything, to the welfare of the community but who exact a continually in- creasing share of the wealth produced by the tenant. The private ownership of large tracts of usable land is not con- ducive to the best interests of a democratic people. Legislation should be enacted placing a graduated tax lapon all usable lands above the acreage which is cultivated by the owner. This should include provisions through which the tenant farmer, or others, may purchase land upon the lowest rate of interest and most favorable terms consistent with safety, and so safeguarded by governmental supervision and regulation as to give the fullest and freest opportunity for the development of land-owning agriculturists. Special assistance should be given in the direction of allotments of lands and the establishment of homes on the public domain. Establishment of government experimental farms, measures for stock raising-instruction, the irrigation of arid lands and reclamation of swamp and cut-over lands should be under- taken upon a larger scale under direction of the Federal gov- ernment- Municipalities and states should be empowered to ac- quire lands for cultivation or the erection of residental build- ings which they may use or dispose of under equitable terms. FEDERAL AND STATE REGULATION OF CORPORATIONS The creation by legislative enactment of corporations, -without sufficient definition of the powers and scope of ac- tivities conferred upon them and without provisions for their adequate supervision, regulation and control by the crea- tive body, has led to the development of far-reaching abuses which have seriously affected commerce, industry and the masses of the people thrdugh their influence upon social, industrial commercial and poHtical development. Legis- lation is required which will so. limit, define and regulate the powers, privileges and activities of corporations that their imethods can not become detrimental to the welfare of the people. It is, therefore, essential that legislation should provide for the federal licensing of all corporations organized for profit. Furthermore, federal supervision and control should include the increasing of capital stock apd the incur- ring of bonded indebtedness with tjie provision that the books of all corporations shall be open at all times to federal examiners. 10 FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ASSOCIATION The very life and perpetuity of free and democratic- institutions are dependent upon freedom of speech, of the press and of assemblage and association . We insist that all restric- tions of freedom of speech, press, public assembly, associa- tion and travel be completely removed, individuals and groups being responsible for their utterances. These funda- mental rights must be set out with clearness and must not be denied or abridged in any manner. WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION Workme'n's Compehsation laws should be amended to provide more adequately for those incapacitated by in- dustrial accidents or occupational diseases. To assure that the insurance fund derived from commerce and industry will be paid in full to injured workers, state insurance must supplant, and prohibit the existence of, employers' lia- bility insurance operated for profit. IMMIGRATION Americanization of those coming from foreign lands, as well as our standards of education and living, are vitally affected by the volume and character of the immigration. It is essential that additional legislation regulating im- migration should be enacted based upon two fundamental propositions, namely, that the flow of immigration must not at any time exceed the nation's ability to assimilate and Americanize the foreigners coming to our shores, and that at no time shall immigration be permitted when there exists an abnormal degree of unemployment. By reason of existing conditions we urge that immigra- tion into the United States should be prohibited for a period of at least two years after peace has been declared. TAXATION One of the nation's most valuable assets is the initia- tive, energetic, constructive and inventive genius of its people. These qualities when properly applied should be fostered and protected instead of being hampered by legislation, for they constitute an invaluable element of progress and material development. Taxation should, therefore, rest as lightly as possible upon constructive enterprise. Taxation should 11 provide for full contribution from wealth by a tax upon profits which will not discourage industrial or commercial enterprise. There should be provided a progressive increase in taxes upon incomes, inheritances, and upon land values of such a nature as to render it unprofitable to hold land without putting it to use, to afford a transition to greater economic quality and to supply means of liquidating the national in- debtedness growing out of the war. EDUCATION It is impossible to estimate the influence of education upon the world's civilization. Education must not stifle thought and inquiry, but must awaken the mind concerning the application of natural laws and to a conception of inde- pendence and progress. Education must not be for a few but for all our people. While there is an advanced form of public education in many states, there still remains a lack of adequate educational fa- cilities in several states and communities. The welfare of the republic demands that public education should be ele- vated to the highest degree possible. The government should exercise advisory supervision over public education and where necessary maintain adequate public education through sub- sidies without giving to the government power to hamper or interfere with the free development of public education by the several states. It is essential that our system of public educa- tion should offer the wage-earners' children the opportunity for the fullest possible development. To attain this end state colleges and universities should be developed. It is also important that the industrial education which is being fostered and developed should have for its purpose not so much training for efficiency in industry as training for life in an industrial society. A full understanding must be had of those principles and activities that are the founda- tion of all productive efforts. Children should not only become familiar with tools and materials, but they should also receive a thorough knowledge of the principles of human control, of force and matter underlying our industrial relations and sciences. The danger that certain commerical and indus- trial interests may dominate the character of education must be averted by insisting that the workers shall have equal repre- sentation on all boards of education or committees having control over vocational studies and training. 12 To elevate and advance the interests of the teaching profession and to promote popular and democratic education, the right of the teachers to organize and to affiliate with the ■movement of the organized workers must be recognized. PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT AGENCIES Essentials in industry and commerce are employe and •employer, labor and capital. No one questions the right of organized capital to supply capital to employers. No one should question the right of organized labor to furnish workers. Private employment agencies abridge this right of organized labor. Where federal, state and municipal employment agencies are maintained they should operate under the supervision of joint committees of trade unionists and employers, equally represented. Private employment agencies operated for profit should not be permitted to exist. HOUSING Child life, the workers' physical condition and public health demand that the wage-earner and his family shall be given a full opportunity to live under wholesome condi- tions. It is not only necessary that there shall be sanitary and appropriate houses to live in but that a sufficient number -of dwellings shall be available to free the people from high rents and overcrowding. The ownership of homes, free from the grasp of exploitive and speculative interests, will make for more efficient workers, more contented families, and better citizens. The government should, therefore, inaugurate a plan to build model homes and establish a system of credits whereby the workers may borrow money at a low rate of interest and under favorable terms to build their. own homes. Credit should also be ex- tended to voluntary nojn-profit making housing and joint tenancy associations. States and municipalities should be ireed from the restrictions preventing their undertaking proper housing projects and should be permitted to engage in other necessary enterprises relating thereto. The erec- tion and maintenance of dwellings where migratory workers may find lodging and nourishing food during periods of un- €mployment should be encouraged and supported by munici- palities. 13 If need should arise to expend public funds to relieve unemployment the building of wholesome houses would best serve the public interests. MILITARISM The trade union movement is unalterably and emphatically opposed to "militarism" or a large standing army. "Mili- tarism," is a system fostered and developed by tyrants in the hope of supporting their arbitrary authority. It is utilized, by those whose selfish ambitions for power and wordly glory lead them to invade and subdue other peoples and nations, to destroy their Uberties, to acquire their wealth and to- fasten the yoke of bondage upon them. The trade union movement is convinced by the experience of mankind that "militarism" brutalizes those influenced by the spirit of the institution. The finer elements of humanity are strangled. Under "militarism" a deceptive patriotism is estabhshed in the peoples' minds, where men believe that there is nobility of spirit and heroism in dying for the glory of a dynasty or the maintenance of institutions which are inimical to human progress and democracy. "Militarism" is the application of alrbitrary and irresponsible forces as opposed to reason and justice. Resistence to injustice and tyranny is that virile quality which has given purpose and effect to ennobling causes in all countries and at aU times. The free institutions of our country and the liberties won by its founders would have been impossible had they been unwilling to take arms and if necessary die in the defense of their liberties. Only a people willing to maintain their rights and defend their liberties are guaranteed free institutions. Conditions foreign to the institutions of our country have prevented the entire abolition of organized bodies of men trained to carry arms. A voluntary citizen soldiery supplies what would otherwise take its place, a large stand- ing army. To the latter we are unalterably opposed as tending to establish the evils of "militarism." Large standing armies threaten the existence of civil liberty. The history of every nation demonstrates that as standing armies are enlarged the rule of democracy is lessened or extinguished. Our ex- perience has been that even this citizen soldiery, the militia of our states, has given cause at times for grave apprehen- sion. Their ranks have not always been free from undesir- 14 able elements, particularly the tools of corporations involved in in- dustrial disputes. During industrial disputes the militia has at times been called upon to support the authority of those who through selfish interests desired to enforce martial law while the courts were open and the civil authorities competent to maintain supremacy of civil law. We insist that the militia of our several states should be wholly organized and controlled by democratic principles so that this voluntary force of soldiery may never be diverted from its true purpose and used to jeopardize or infringe upon the rights and liberties of our people. The right to bear arms is a fundamental principle of our government, a principle accepted at all times by free people as essential to the maintenance of their liberties and institutions. We demand that this right shall remain in- violate. SOLDIERS AND SAILORS Soldiers and sailors, those who entered the service in the nation's defense, are entitled to the generous reward of a grateful republic. The necessities of war called upon millions of workmen to leave their positions in industry and commerce to defend, upon the battle fields, the nation's safety and its free insti- tutions. These defenders are now returning. It is advis- able that they should be discharged from military service at the earliest possible moment; that as civilians they may return to their respective homes and families and take up their peace-time pursuits. The nation stands morally obli- gated to assist them in securing employment. Industry has undergone great changes due to the dis- location caused by war production and transportation. Further readjustments in industry and commerce must follow the rehabilitation of business under peaceful conditions. Many positions which our citizen soldiers and sailors filled previous to enlistment do not exist today. It would be manifestly unjust for the government after having removed the worker from his position in industry and placed him in military service to discharge him from the army or navy without having made adequate provision to assist him in procuring employment and providing sustenance until employment has been secured. The returned citizen soldier or sailor should not be forced by the bitter urgent neces- 15 sity of securing food and clothing to place himself at a dis- advantage when seeking employment. Upon their discharge, transportation and meals should be supplied to their places of residence. The monthly salary previously paid should be continued for a period not to exceed twelve months if employment is not secured within that period. The federal and state employment bureaus should be directed to cooperate with trade union agencies in "securing emplojonent for discharged soldiers and sailors. In assist- ing the discharged soldier and sailor to secure employment, government agencies should not expect them to accept employ- ment for less than the prevailing rate of wages being paid in the industry. Neither should any government agency request or require such discharged men to accept employment where a trade dispute exists or is threatened. Nor should the refusal on the part of any of these discharged soldiers or sailors to accept employment where trade disputes exist or are threatened or when less than the prevailing wage rate is offered, deprive them of a continuance of their monthly pay. Legislation also should be enacted which wUl give the nation's defenders the opportunity for easy and ready access to the land. Favorable inducements should be provided for them to enter agriculture and husbandry. The govern- ment should assume the responsibility for the allotment of such lands, and supply the necessary capital for its develop- ment and cultivation, with such safeguards as will protect both the government and the discharged soldier and sailor. CONCLUSION No element in our nation is more vitally concerned with the problems of making for a permanent peace between all nations than the working people. The opportunities now before us are without precedent. It is of paramount impor- tance that Labor shall be free and unhampered in shaping the principles and agencies affecting the wage-earners' con- dition of life and work. By the light that has been given to it the American Fed- eration of Labor has attracted to its fold over three millions of wage-earners and its sphere of influence and helpfulness is growing by leaps and bounds. By having followed safe and sound fundamental principles and policies, founded on freedom, justice and democracy, the American trade union movement has achieved successes of an inestimable value to the masses of toilers of our country. By adhering to these 16 principles and policies we can meet all problems of readjust- ment, however grave in importance and difficult of solution, with a feeling of assurance that our efforts will be rewarded by a still greater success than that achieved in the past. Given the whole-hearted support of all men and women of labor our organized labor movement with its constructive program, its love for freedom, justice and democracy will prove the most potent factor in protecting,, safeguarding and promoting the general welfare of the great mass of our people during this trying period of reconstruction and all times thereafter. The American Federation of Labor has attained its present position of dignity and splendid influence because of its ad- herence to one common cause and purpose; that purpose is to protect the rights and interests of the masses of the workers and to secure for them a better and a brighter day. Let us therefore strive on and on to bring into our organizations: the yet unorganized. Let us concentrate our efforts to or- ganize ail the forces of wage-earners. Let the nation hear the united demand from the laboring voice. Now is the time for the workers of America to come to the stand of their unions and to organize as throughly and completely and compactly as is possible. Let each worker bear in mind the words of Longfellow: "In the world's broad field of battle. In the bivouac of Life, Be not like dumb, driven cattle! Be a hero in the strife!" The foregoing program was drafted by the Committee on Reconstruction, appointed by instruction of the Convention df the American Federation of Labor, held at St. Paul, Min- nesota, June 10-20, 1918. The committee did not report on " Health Insurance," because that subject, by action of the St. Paul Convention, was referred to a special committee. The committee' s report was unanimously endorsed by the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor. Committee on Reconstruction: Executive Council, A. F. of L. JOHN P. FREY SAMUEL GOMPERS WILLIAM GREEN B. M. JEWELL JAMES DUNdAN W. D. MAHON JOHN MOORE JOS. F. VALENTINE T. A. RICKERT G. W. PERKINS JOHN R. ALPINE JACOB FISCHER MATTHEW WOLL FRANK DUFFY DANIEL J. TOBIN FRANK MORRISON ^.^, m^. Wlf}^ :/