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 Four years in the Stonewall brigade: con 
 
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 3 1924 030 906 220 
 
The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030906220 
 
Some Opinions. 
 
 This history purports to be an absolutely truthful account of 
 the facts recorded. Following are a few of the many testimonials 
 received from friends and acquaintances of my reputation as a 
 soldier : 
 
 Arkansas City, Kan., October 1, 1893. 
 J. O. Casler: 
 
 Dear Sir: I have read your book, "Four Years in the Stonewall 
 Brigade," and find it intensely interesting. I would not take twenty- 
 five dollars for it if I could not get another. Yours truly, 
 
 FRANK D. AUSTIN. 
 
 Bloomery, W. Va., July 25, 1893. 
 This is to certify that John O. Casler belonged to Company A, 
 33d Virginia Infantry, Stonewall Brigade. John was a good soldier, 
 always ready and willing to perform any duty assigned him. 
 
 W. H. POWELL, 
 Captain Company A, 33d Virginia Infantry, Stonewall Brigade. 
 
 Arkansas City, Kan., March 12, 1894. 
 J. O. Casler: 
 
 Dear Sir: 1 nave read your book through. I must say it is a 
 fair, impartial record — the first one I ever read from a Southerner; 
 not from any prejudice, but because I have never found them on 
 the market. Respectfully, C. M. SCOTT. 
 
 Norway, Me., June 1, 1894. 
 J. O. Casler: 
 
 Dear Comrade in Gray: I received your book, "Four Years in 
 the Stonewall Brigade," yesterday. I read it through and was de- 
 lighted with it. ****»» J w i sn y 0U success with the 
 book. I am sure I will speak a good word for it, and will sell all 
 I can for you. Ycurs fraternally, J. B. BRADBERRY, 
 
 10th Maine Infantry, U. S. A. 
 
 New York City, March 3, 1894. 
 Mr. J. O. Casler: 
 
 My Old Confederate Comrade: Your interesting book, "lour 
 
Years in the Stonewall Brigade," came duly to hand, and aa illus- 
 trating the daily life of a soldier in the ranks it is one of the very 
 best publications I have yet read. I found it a vivid reminder of 
 the days gone by, and, regardless of the fact as to whether one 
 was a "Johnnie" or "Yank," it should have a very large sale 
 with all. Especially interesting to me was your narrative of Stone- 
 wall's and Turner Ashby's early movements in the Valley about 
 Bolivar, Winchester, Dam No. 5 and Hancock. «»**•• 
 Excuse length, and I hope to hear from you again, old Comrade, and 
 should you ever come this way, the latch-string is out, and we will 
 drink from the same canteen. Yours fraternally, 
 
 E. M. SCHUTTE, 
 Late Sergeant Company C, 13th Massachusetts. 
 
 Staunton, Va., June 10, 1895. 
 Mr. John O. Casler: 
 
 My Dear Comrade: A friend of mine in England (Colonel Hen- 
 derson of the Staff College), is writing a two-volume life of Stone- 
 wall Jackson. He has written to me to know something about the 
 private soldier of the Confederacy. Send me one of your books and 
 I will send it to him, as it is the best information of the private 
 soldier I have ever read. Yours most sincerely, 
 
 JED HOTCHKISS. 
 
 Baltimore, Md., December 23, 1896. 
 John 0. Casler: 
 
 Dear Sir: I have your letter of December 19, 1896, and your 
 book, which I read with profound interest until after midnight last 
 night. »»»»*» J ara surprised at the accuracy of your 
 memory. How pleasant it is to look back to the oases in the desert 
 of the war such as that experience. Yours truly, 
 
 RANDOLPH BARTON, 
 Staff Officer in Stonewall Brigade. 
 
 Charlestown, W. Va., March 1, 1894. 
 John 0. Casler: 
 
 Dear Sir: — L have read your book recounting your experience as 
 an eye witness— the very best history of the particular events of 
 intensely interesting, and,being the only history recording the daily 
 experiences of a private soldier during the whole of the late struggle, 
 I believe it entitled to a place in our permanent literature. It is as 
 interesting as "Robinson Crusoe," with the advantage of being true 
 to life. Yours sincerely, DANIEL B. LUCAS, 
 
 Late President Supreme Court of Appeals, West Virginia. 
 
 Hennessey, Okla., December 18, 1900. 
 To Whom it May Concern: This is certify that John O. Casler 
 
was a member of Company A, 33d Regiment, Virginia Infantry, 
 Stonewall Brigade; was a good soldier, prompt and efficient in the 
 discharge of his duties as such. 
 
 He has written a book, title, "Four Years in the Stonewall 
 Brigade," which is intensely interesting and true, and all friends of 
 the cause in which we were engaged will appreciate it. Respect- 
 fully, P. T. GRACE, 
 
 Captain Company A. 33d Virginia Infantry, Stonewall Brigade. 
 
 Promoted to Major of Regiment in September, 1862. 
 
 Ardmore, I. T., May 6, 1895. 
 The Ardmorite acknowledges with sincere gratitude a copy of J. 
 O. Casler's book entitled "Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade." It 
 is handsomely printed, and portrays the life of a soldier in a striking 
 and graphic manner. It is a work of more than ordinary merit, and 
 should be read by everyone who desires an impartial history of the 
 bloody four years' struggle, written by one from the ranks as he 
 saw it. Everyone who cares to go over the events of soldier days 
 should not fail to secure a copy. 
 
 Lexington, Mo., February 23, 1904. 
 John O. Caslers 
 
 My Dear Sir and Brother: I have just finished reading your 
 "Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade," and cannot refrain from 
 writing you a line. It is the most real, lifelike picture of actual 
 soldier life that I have seen. ***** I am glad you wrote 
 that book. It will do for our boys to read, and in after time will 
 be helpful in preparing a correct history of Lee's campaign. * * * 
 * * * I, too, was a Confederate soldier, in the 1st Missouri 
 Brigade, for four years, under Brigadier General F. M. Cockrell. Re- 
 spectfully, THOMAS M. COBB. 
 
 The Times-Journal is under obligations to Mr. John O. Casler 
 for an advance copy of his new book, "Four Years in the Stonewall 
 Brigade," a story of the war from the standpoint of a private in 
 the ranks of that noted brigade, under the command of that noted 
 general. It does not deal with the causes of the war, nor its effects, 
 but is a story of field and camp life, telling of the incidents of the 
 march, the happenings in camp and around the camp-fire, the battles 
 and skirmishes, the amusements and the tragedies — and all told in a 
 most interesting fashion. It will be read with interest by the old 
 soldiers of both armies, and by the young and rising generation. 
 
 New Orleans, La., March 27, 1894. 
 John O. Casler i 
 
 Dear Comrade: I have read the book written by you, and was 
 interested in it from the first to the last page. It is replete with 
 
historical facts and data, And interspersed with humorous incidents, 
 making it a most useful book for lovers of history, and of a most en- 
 tertaining nature for general readers. You deserve thanks and grat- 
 itude for having preserved and embodied these historical incidents in 
 book form, for the benefit of the living and for those to come after 
 us, and I hope you will receive such substantial financial reward 
 in the sale of your book as its high merit justly entitles it to. Fra- 
 ternally, GEORGE MOORMAN, 
 
 Adjutant General and Chief of Staff, U. C. V. 
 
 Oklahoma City, O. T., October 1, 1897. 
 J. O. Casler: 
 
 Dear Sir: I have just finished reading your book, "Four Years 
 in the Stonewall Brigade." Your style is clear and entertaining. It 
 will do all the old boys of both sides good to read it. The Confed- 
 erates were entertaining during the '60s, but not so pleasing or sat- 
 isfactory to the Federals. 
 
 I am also proud of the fact that Federals and Confederates vie 
 with each other in showing that nothing is now left in their hearts 
 but kindness to and for each other. It will do them all good to 
 read your book. Yours fraternally, J. G. WINNE, 
 
 Late 16th New York Horse Artillery. 
 
 Martinsburg, W. Va., February 27, 1894. 
 J. O. Casler: 
 
 Dear Comrade: I state with pleasure that I have read your book. 
 Being very familiar with the whole country, with every campaign 
 personally, » captain of the Confederate cause, I can vouch for the 
 similarity and lifelike experiences — not exaggerated, but plain facts 
 jotted down at the time, and from careful thought. Those who would 
 know the true life and worth of a private soldier in one of the 
 grandest brigades of an anrmy that was great in all that could make 
 an organization great, should read this book carefully, and compare 
 it with the life of Lee and Jackson. Most truly yours, 
 
 J. M. McSHERRY, 
 Mayor of Martinsburg, W. Va. 
 Captain in 2d Virginia Infantry. 
 
 The undersigned know that John O. Casler was in the service of 
 the Confederate Army up to the year 1865. Having been ourselves 
 soldiers of the Confederate service, attached to the army in Virginia, 
 and having, in the year 1865, met and known said John 0. Ciisler in 
 said service. His reputation was that of a good and brav« soldier, who 
 had been a member of Company A, 33d Regiment, Stonewall Brigade, 
 from the organization of said company, in 1861, until it was wiped out 
 by the killing, wounding and capture of nearly all the company, 
 when (in 1865) said John 0. Casler was for a short time attached 
 
to Company D, 11th Virginia Cavalry, in the Confederate service, 
 until his capture by the Federal forces. 
 
 JOHN S. PANCAKE, 
 Company D, 11th Virginia Cavalry. 
 WM. H. MALONEY. 
 
 McNeil's Rangers. 
 
 Romney, W. Va., July 17, 1893. 
 I, William Montgomery, of Hampshire county, West Virginia, 
 was Orderly Sergeant Company A, 33d Regiment, Stonewall Brigade, 
 Confederate Army, at the time of and some time before my capture by 
 the Federal forces at Spottsylvania, in May, 1864, and was a member 
 of said Company A from the time it entered the service in the 
 spring of the year 1861, and know that John O. Casler, who was 
 raised in said county, volunteered in said company when it was or- 
 ganized, and remained a member thereof up to the time of my said 
 capture (in May, 1864), and that he was a faithful and gallant sol- 
 dier during that time. This I speak of my own knowledge. And 
 speaking upon information received by me from other Confeder- 
 ate soldiers who were good, reliable men, I am perfectly satisfied 
 that he remained in the Confederate service, a good and faithful sol- 
 dier, until his capture in the year 1865. Respectfully, 
 
 WILLIAM MONTGOMERY. 
 
 STATE OF WEST VIRGINIA, County of Hampshire— To- wit: 
 
 I, C. S. White, Cletk of the County Court of Hampshire County, 
 in said state of West Virginia, certify that William Montgomery, 
 John S. Pancake and William H. Maloney, who have signed the pre- 
 ceding testimonials, are citizens and taxpayers of said county, 
 known to me for many years, and whose standing and character are 
 unimpeachable, and whose statements are entitled to full credit and 
 belief. 
 
 In witness whereof I have hereto set my hand and official seal 
 (which is the seal of said court), the 17th July, 1893. 
 (Seal) C. S. WHITE, County Court Clerk, Hampshire County. 
 
 It describes the different engagements of the regiment, brigade, 
 division and army in Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania. 
 
 Had such a history been written from a diary kept during the 
 Revolutionary war, or War of 1812, it would have been invaluable 
 at this time. 
 
 It is entertaining as a novel, and is the only history of the kind 
 ever published. 
 
 It preserves those very particulars we would most like to know, 
 and which have escaped the attention of the historians of the period- 
 It is written in the plain style of a common man, telling a simple 
 it explains some discrepancies and corrects some errors in contempo- 
 raneous history. 
 
 Taken altogether, it is — because authentic, impartial and from 
 
an eye witness — the very best history of the particular vents of 
 which it treats, of any yet given to the public, or that it is possible 
 should be hereafter written. 
 
 To the public at large it will be a surprise — to the compilers of 
 war history a revelation. A. T. STONE, 
 
 Colonel 17th Louisiana, C. S. A. 
 
 Staunton, Va., March 23, 1894. 
 Mr. John O. Casler, Oklahoma City, Okla.: 
 
 I have read through with very great interest and pleasure your 
 book entitled "Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade," and do not 
 hesitate to recommend it as one of the most graphic and truthful 
 stories of our great Civil War that it has been my privilege to read. 
 
 Having been the Topographical Engineer of the Army of the 
 Valley District, and of the 2d Corps of the Army of Northern Vir- 
 ginia, in both of which the Stonewall Brigade was an important 
 factor, and in consequence of my position on the staff of Lieutenant 
 General Jackson, and of his successors, Lieutenant General Ewell 
 and Lieutenant General Early, and John B. Gordon, and of necessity 
 thoroughly familiar with all the events of the campaigns in which 
 this famous brigade participated, I think I may say that I am 
 thoroughly competent to judge of the merits of such a work as 
 yours; and it is from this standpoint, and with this knowledge, that 
 I commend it, not only to all the veterans who wore the "gray," 
 but also to those who wore the "blue," as recalling to each of 
 them the stirring events in which they participated with equal 
 courage and devotion, and which have become a part of the common 
 history and heritage of glory of our Nation, one now united by a 
 common baptism of blood. I not only recommend it to those who 
 participated in it, but to all others who would know how soldiers, 
 and more especially those of the Confederacy, endured the privations 
 of war and the contest of arms in defense of what each considered 
 the right as he himself saw it. 
 
 Trusting that your modest volume may have the. wide circula- 
 tion that its merits deserve, I remain, Fraternally yours, 
 
 JED HOTCHKISS, 
 Topographical Engineer Jackson's Corps, R. E. Lee's Army of 
 
 Northern Virginia. 
 
 "Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade," by John O. Casler, is a 
 peculiar write-up of the late - "ar — peculiar because it is his own ex- 
 perience and observation as one of that mighty body of marchers, 
 campers and fighters, whose dash and pluck placed Stonewall Jack- 
 son among the immortals. 
 
 It records the private's joys, dangers, privations, fatigues and 
 battles to the life — never strained or stilted — always so candid, so 
 true, that the soldier reader, be he "Yank" or "Johnnie," lives his 
 
army life over again, journeying, suffering, exulting with the author. 
 Mr. Casler has written war as it is. The civilian who reads learns 
 that an army is not all major generals — not all panygerics. He 
 finds prosy, practical heroes in the ranks, whose fighting and dying 
 clothes in garish colors the few of whom writers write. He who 
 carried the musket knew this before. DELOS WALKER. 
 
 Major General 137th, Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry, U. S. A. 
 
 Colonel William Byrd, an old Texas soldier, in the Winchester, 
 Va., Times, says: 
 
 "Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade," by John O. Casler, a 
 private in Company A, 33d Virginia Infantry, Stonewall Briagde, 
 who appears to have served his country faithfully from the birth 
 of that proud and renowned corps to the surrender at Appomattox. 
 It is a very interesting narrative, and far more entertaining to 
 the mass of readers than any general account of battles, however 
 complete and accurate they could possibly be. The book is well 
 and clearly written, and gives a thrilling detail of the personal 
 daily life of a private soldier, his grievances, his hardships, and the 
 scenes of blood, disease and suffering through which he passed. 
 He declares that he was neither a hero nor a coward, and modestly 
 admits that while he always went where duty called him, he 
 went no farther than he was obliged to go. 
 
 I am greatly pleased with the book, and think that everyone 
 who is interested in history should have it. 
 
 A SOLDIER'S TALE. 
 
 Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade, by an Oklahoma Authol. 
 (Copied From the Daily Oklahoman.) 
 
 "Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade'' is the title of a volume 
 lately issued. The author is John O. Casler, a citizen of Oklahoma 
 City, who served as a private through four years in "Stonewall 
 Jackson's Brigade." In his preface the author frankly disclaims 
 any special literary style or finish, but simply aimed to present the 
 everyday experiences of a private soldier. 
 
 In this he appears to have succeeded, admirably, and the charm! 
 of the anecdotes and reminiscences with which the book is filled is 
 the very simplicity of authority. 
 
 One can shut .his eyes and almost imagine the bivouac scenes, 
 when the days' weary march is over and the tired soldiers are 
 stretched about the camp-fire, beguiling the time by exchanging ac- 
 counts of their personal experiences. In the life of the soldier there 
 are always more or less exciting experiences, and Mr. Casler seems 
 to have had his full share of adventures during his four years' ser- 
 vice. His accounts of them read with thrilling interest. 
 
FOUR YEARS 
 
 IN THE 
 
 STONEWALL BRIGADE 
 
 By JOHN O. CASLER 
 
 Ex-Commander Oklahoma Division United Confederate Veterans, 
 
 Private Company A, 33d Regiment Virginia Infantry, 
 
 Stonewall Brigade, 1st Division, 2d Corps, Army 
 
 of Northern Virginia, Gen. Robert E. 
 
 Lee, Commanding. 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Containing the daily experiences of four years' service in the ranks from 
 diary kept at the time— A truthful record of the battles and skirmishes, 
 advances, retreats ami maneuvers of the army— Of incidents as 
 they occurred on the march, in the field, in bivouac and 
 in battle, on the scout, in hospital and prison- 
 Replete with thrilling adventures and 
 hair-breadth escapes. 
 
 SECOND EDITION 
 
 Revised, corrected and improved by Mai. Jed Hotchkiss, Topographical 
 Engineer 2d Corps, Army of Northern Virginia. 
 
 GIRAKD, KANSAS 
 APPEAL PUBLISHING COMPANY 
 
 1906 
 
 CONTINENTAL BOOK COMPANY 
 
 MARIETTA, GEORGIA 
 1951 
 2 
 
C-54 
 IS 
 
 Copyrighted by 
 
 Maynadier T. Bruce, Dallas, Texas, 
 
 1906. 
 
 fattfJ- 
 
 1 
 
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$nrtJjurvudUL, 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The demand for "Four Years in the Stonewall Brigade" 
 has led to a re-issue, in a cheaper form, but as several years 
 have elapsed since the first edition made its appearance, the 
 author considered that extensive alterations and improvements 
 would be necessary before its re-publication. It has, there- 
 fore, been carefully revised, and, though the salient points of 
 the history have been left untouched, several new chapters, and 
 more and better illustrations have been added in order to 
 make it a more complete history, which will be read by future 
 
 generations. 
 
 The Author. 
 
DEDICATORY. 
 
 This work is respectfully dedicated to the boys who wore the 
 Gray and the boys who wore the Blue, and who fought and suffered 
 for what they conceived to be right. 
 
 No more shall the war cry sever, 
 
 Or the winding rivers be red; 
 They banish our anger forever 
 
 When they laurel the graves of the dead; 
 Under the sod and dew, 
 
 Waiting the judgment day, 
 Love and tears for the Blue, 
 
 Tears and love for the Gray. 
 
 —The Author. 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 John Overton Casler, Frontispiece 
 
 Maynadier T. Bruce 326 
 
 Bomney, West Virginia, 1861 17 
 
 33d Virginia going to Bull Run 23 
 
 Where the Brigade Received the Name of "Stonewall" 28 
 
 Burial of William I. Blue 31 
 
 .lohn O. Casler, 1863 39 
 
 Guard House at Camp Harman 52 
 
 Stealing Whiskey from the 1st Kentucky Regiment 55 
 
 Night Amusements in the Confederate Camp 65 
 
 Foraging 75 
 
 Frayer in "Stonewall" Jackson's Camp 79 
 
 "Stonewall" Brigade at Malvern Hill,. 1862 93 
 
 Punishments for Unruly Soldiers 100 
 
 Field Hospital at Bull Run Ill 
 
 Federal Soldiers Plundering Virginia- Homes 117 
 
 Last Meeting of Generals Lee and Jackson 144 
 
 "Stonewall" Jackson Mortally Wounded 148 
 
 A Charge and Capture of Fedt-ral Breastworks 150 
 
 "The Night was Lighted Up by Burning Human Bodies*' 15? 
 
 Federal and Confederate Pickets Trading Tobacco and Coffee... 160 
 
 "Stonewall" Brigade Marching into Pennsylvania 169 
 
 "Stonewall" Brigade at Culp's Hill, Gettysburg 175 
 
 The Famous Snowball Battle , 203 
 
 Lieutenant-Genera! John B. Gordon, of Georgia 211 
 
 Stump of Tree Cut Down by Bullets 216 
 
 Bruce and Casler Capturing McFern, a Federal Quartermaster. . 254 
 
 In the Cells at Ft McHenry 271 
 
 Last Days of the Confederacy , 283 
 
 The Confederate Soldier's Return Home 290 
 
 Conquered Banners 314 
 
 Cumberland, Md., in 1863 332 
 
 John Dailey 334 
 
 John S. Arnold 335 
 
 Capture of Generals Crook and Kelley 337 
 
 McNeil, Welton and Fay 341 
 
 Kuykendall and VanDiver 349 
 
 Generals Crook and Kelley 355 
 
 The "Stonewall" Jackson Medal 360 
 
 Their Game of Poker Was Spoiled 365 
 
CONTENTS: 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 The War Inevitable. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Enters the Army — Attached to T. J. Jackson's Brigade — Bull 
 Run — In Line of Battle — Pledges Burial to a Companion. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 First Battle of Bull Run — General Jackson's Brigade Christened 
 Stonewall — Fulfills Pledge and Buries Dead Body of Comrade. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Letters of Colonel A. C. Cummings, Captain Randolph Barton 
 and J. 0. Casler. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Gets in the Guardhouse — Jackson Promoted to Major General — 
 His Address to the Brigade. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Midwinter Campaign of '62 — Battle of Kernstown, or First Bat- 
 tle of Winchester. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Up the Shenandoah — Battle of McDowell — From Front Royal to 
 Harper's Ferry — A Running Fight of Fifty Miles — Jackson's Retreat 
 Up the Valley. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Death of Ashby- — Battle of Cross Keys — Battle of Port Republic 
 — On the Road to Richmond— R. E. Lee in Command — First Battle 
 of Cold Harbor. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Savage Station — Malvern Hill — The Blues and Grays Mingle in 
 the Blackberry Field — Incidents of the Seven Days' Fight. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Battle of Cedar Mountain— Death of General Winder— Flag of 
 Truce. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Capture of Commissary Stores at Manassas Junction — Second 
 Battle of Manassas. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Soldiers Shot for Desertion — Battle of Chantilly— Death of Gen- 
 eral Kearney — Battles of South. Mountain and An tie tarn — Jackson 
 Captures Harper's Ferry — Skirmishes at Kearneysville. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Lieutenant Blue's Scouting Party — Join the "Outfit" — Thrilling 
 Adventures. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 At Imboden's Camp — Court-Martialed — Detailed in the Pioneer 
 Corps. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Battle of Chancellorsville — Jackson's Flank Movement — Re- 
 ceives His Death Wounds — Last Words of "Stonewall." 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 To Culpepper, Front Royal, Winchester, Shepherdstown, Wil- 
 liamsport, Hagerstown and Up the Cumberland Valley to Carlisle- 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 On the March to Gettysburg — Battle of Gettysburg — In Position 
 at Culp's Hill— In Line July 4, 1863— Retreat to the Potomac— Build- 
 ing Pontoons — Cross Into Virginia — Incidents. 
 
 CHAPTER XVin. 
 
 Arrested — Escapes — Interesting Adventures — Deserters Shot to 
 Death. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Flank Movement Towards Washington — Turned Back at Bris- 
 tow Station— Kelly's Ford— Retreat Across the Rapidan— Mine Run. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Battle of the Snowballs — General Grant Takes Command of Army 
 of the Potomac — Battle of the Wilderness— In a Hot Place May 11th 
 — Battle of Spottsylvania Court House May 12th. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Clubby Johnson Prisoner — "Remember Fort Pillow! Charge" — 
 Back in Company A— A Terrible Night on Picket— To Sleep Was 
 Death — Battles of Bethesda Church. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 Second Battle of Cold Harbor — At Lynchburg — Federals Retreat 
 to West Virginia — Brigades Consolidated. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Battle of Monocacy — Skirmish at Winchester — In Line at Ce- 
 dar Creek— Battle of Winchester or Opequon— Early Retreats Up the 
 Valley — Thrilling Adventures. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Death of Lieutenant Meigs, U. S. A.— Battle of Cedar Creek. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 The Last of Company A — Attempts to Wade the Potomac — Cap- 
 ture of McFern. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Lets McFern Escape — Captured by the "Jessie Scouts" — On the 
 Road to Prison. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Prisoners on the March — Two Escape — Arraigned Before Sheri- 
 dan — Treated as Guerrillas — At Fort McHenry. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Lee Surrenders — Lincoln Assassinated — Released From Prison — 
 Oath of Allegiance. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Arrives at Home— Neither a Hero Nor a Coward. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Justice to Absentees — Roster of Company A — Roster of the Of- 
 ficers of the 33d Regiment, Stonewall Brigade, 1st Division, and 2d 
 Corps, with List of Killed, Wounded and Prisoners. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 A Few Opinions — Devotion of the Soldiers — A Rebel Colonel Re- 
 sents the Hissing of the Stars and Stripes in a London Theater — 
 Union Soldiers Protect Rebel Soldiers in Baltimore. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXn. 
 
 Conclusion — Tribute to the Women of the South — Their Appeal 
 to the Soldiers — Romantic Letter of War Times. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 Southern Songs and Poems. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 Appendix. 
 
It is not the purpose of the writer, in giving the events 
 that happened in the four years' struggle between the North 
 and South, to enter into a detailed account of the causes 
 that led up to the war. 
 
 These are matters of history, and have gone upon rec- 
 ord, according to the prejudices and passions of the contend- 
 ing parties; or they have been given from the different 
 points from which men viewed them. 
 
 When the Mason and Dixon line was first blazed out 
 the country was divided into two powerful, distinct and 
 widely diverging factions, differing radically in the policy 
 of the government and financial interests, and these of such 
 magnitude that the casual observer will understand at once 
 they must not only lead to a disruption of the government, 
 but to war and bloodshed. 
 
 From that very hour the two factions began forming 
 their ranks for the final conflict; the coming was as fixed as 
 fate itself. 
 
 Nor did either think of grounding their arms. True, 
 one was aggressive and the other defensive. But if the ag- 
 gression was persistent, the defense was determined. In 
 both the North and the South the worst passions of men 
 were appealed to, and in the name of patriotism each was 
 called upon to stand for their homes, their firesides and 
 their country. South of the Mason and Dixon line were the 
 homes and firesides of the Southerner, and north of it the 
 homes of their former Northern brethren. 
 
 True, there was a large element, both North and South, 
 whose patriotism arose above sectional lines, and who looked 
 with dark forebodings upon the coming conflict, and who 
 were ready to interpose in behalf of peace and good govern- 
 ment, and whose love of country reached beyond the sec- 
 tional strife that was raging. 
 
12 TOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 But in the great whirl of passion and prejudice their 
 efforts proved in vain; their voices hushed, and they found 
 themselves powerless to avert the inevitable. The die had 
 been cast; the line drawn; the decree had gone forth, and 
 no mortal hand could stay the tempest or arrest the 
 calamity. 
 
 And when, at last, the crash came,, even the conserva- 
 tive element had nothing to do but to drop into line, ac- 
 cording to their feelings or mutual interests. 
 
 There was no half-way ground to occupy; war knows 
 nothing but decision, and if one could not decide for him- 
 self there was a fate to decide for him. 
 
 "He that is not for me is against me" is an inexorable 
 decree of battle, and to that decree men were compelled to 
 bow, whether they would or not. Thus, as the mighty ava- 
 lanche, or the terrible cyclone, were they swept on. 
 
 America was young, and filled with younger sons, sons 
 each of whom felt himself a king. With him to be an 
 American was to be a freeman, and he stood proudly upon 
 his royal rights; to dare to trample upon these inherent 
 privileges was an insult to his honor, to his Americanism. 
 The fires of seventy-six were rekindled into a blazing, burn- 
 ing flame, as each pictured to himself the long catalogue of 
 grievances. 
 
 The cannon of 1812 echoed and re-echoed over the 
 plains of South Carolina, while the defiant tones were 
 hurled back from the mountains of New Hampshire, rous- 
 ing the young blood of the sons of New England. 
 
 The young men, full of martial fire, pictured the Amer- 
 ican flag borne, with proud, victorious arms, into the very 
 halls of the Montezumas, showing that our arms had been 
 victorious on every battle-field; that never had we crossed 
 swords with any foe but that victory had followed. 
 
 The American eagle, proud, victorious bird, belonged to 
 each, and each felt called upon to see that that bird soared 
 unfettered in the clear, bright sunlight of heaven. 
 
 Each thought himself the special guardian of freedom 
 and the protector of American liberty. None stopped to 
 ponder the old adage, "When Greek meets Greek, then 
 comes the tug of war." 
 
FOUR YEABS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 13 
 
 With such a spirit animating each heart, it was not sur- 
 prising that, when the hugle sounded to arms, from the 
 prairies of Texas to the cotton and rice fields of South Car- 
 olina, and the hlue-tinged hills of the Old Dominion, men 
 sprang to arms hy the thousands, eager for the battle to 
 hegin. If the Southerner felt his arm strengthened and 
 nerved for the conflict, the Northern son as confidently 
 rushed to the front at his country's call. 
 
 The muttering thunders of war rolled over the vast 
 sweep of country from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and was 
 echoed back from the Gulf to the Lakes. 
 
 The hour for calm, sober reflection had passed; no time 
 to reason now, but from hilltop to valley echoed the tramp 
 of war, till a nation trembled beneath the tread of armies. 
 
 As the drunken, frenzied rabble rolls on, moved by they 
 know not what, so the gathering hosts shouted, "To arms! 
 To arms!" 
 
 From the time of the election of Abraham Lincoln in 
 November, 1860, until the conflict actually began, the 
 whole country was thrown into a fever of excitement, and 
 this was increased in intensity with every floating breeze. 
 One startling event followed another in quick succession; 
 reason was dethroned, and the great whirlwind of passion 
 and prejudice swept the whole land, kindling the fires of 
 conflict in all the States. 
 
 On the 20th of December, 1860, the Legislature of 
 South Carolina unanimously declared that that State no 
 longer belonged to the American Union. In January, 1861, 
 Florida withdrew, followed by Mississippi on the 9th of the 
 same month, Alabama on the 11th, Georgia on the 20th, 
 Louisiana on the 26th, and Texas on February 1st. Thus, in 
 less than three months from the time of the election of Abra- 
 ham Lincoln to the Presidency, all the cotton states, 
 proper, had, by a unanimous vote, withdrawn from the 
 Union, and had taken possession of all the Federal fortifica- 
 tions except those in Charleston harbor. 
 
 While the sympathies of the people of Virginia were 
 overwhelmingly with the South, yet her condition, adjacent 
 as she was to the border of the Free States, made her hesi- 
 tate before she took a decided stand. She even tried to 
 
14 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 throw herself into the breach, and, if possible, heal up the 
 differences and wounds of the past, and thus avert the ter- 
 rors of war. But her effort was not only in vain, but futile. 
 The storm had already gathered; the dark clouds of passion 
 and hatred had already formed, and each hurled black 
 defiance at the other. 
 
 The two volcanoes, one at the South and the other at 
 the North, whose pent-up fires had been hissing and strug- 
 gling to break loose from their smothered furies, were now 
 belching forth fire and flame, and the burning lava rolling 
 on but mocked the feeble efforts of the Middle States for 
 peace. 
 
 Hot blood was up, and the furies were all turned loose, 
 and an inexorable fate led them on. What Virginia could 
 not settle for herself was soon settled for her, and she was 
 compelled, whether she would or not, to action. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 15 
 
 II. 
 
 I was born in Gainsboro, Frederick County, Virginia, 
 nine miles northwest of Winchester, on the first day of De- 
 cember, 1838. My mother's maiden name was Heironimus, 
 an old family of that county, dating back of the Revolu- 
 tionary war. When I was three years old my father removed 
 to Springfield, Hampshire County (in what is now West 
 Virginia), an adjoining county, where I spent my boyhood 
 days as most other boys do, in learning a trade and going 
 to school, where I received a fair English education for 
 those days. » 
 
 In March, 1859, when I was in my 21st year, I cut 
 loose from the parental roof and took Horace Greeley's 
 advice to "Go West and grow up with the country." I landed 
 in Cass County, Missouri, in which state I remained, living 
 in different counties, until the spring of 1861, when the 
 signs of the times indicated war, and I concluded to go back 
 to old Virginia. I left Sedalia, Mo., the 8th day of April, 
 1861, and returned to Frederick County, Virginia, where my 
 father was engaged in farming, having moved back to that 
 county during my absence. 
 
 After leaving Sedalia I went to St. Louis, and there 
 got on board a steamboat bound for Pittsburg, Pa. After 
 passing Cairo, 111., we heard of the firing on Fort Sumter, 
 and saw bills posted at the different towns we passed calling 
 for 75,000 troops for ninety days to protect Washington and 
 put down the rebellion. Then we knew that war had com- 
 menced. 
 
 Various opinions were indulged in by the passengers, 
 some saying that the North did not need that many troops, 
 and that it would all be settled in less than ninety days. 
 But, alas! vain hope! How little we knew of the struggle 
 that was before us. I parted with my fellow passengers at 
 
16 FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Parkersburg, W. Va. Some were going into the Union 
 army, and some of us into the Southern army. 
 
 I arrived at home and remained there a short time. At 
 that time the Governor of Virginia was calling for volun- 
 teers. There had been a company raised at Springfield, my 
 native town, and they were in service and camped at Blue's 
 Gap, fifteen miles east of Eomney, on the road leading to 
 Winchester. As I had but fifteen miles to go to reach them, 
 I bade farewell to my parents and sisters and went to the 
 company, and arrived that evening in camp. 
 
 I met old schoolmates and acquaintances whom I had 
 parted from two years before in the school room, and 
 now found them in arms. I signed my name to the muster- 
 roll, put on the uniform of gray, and was mustered into 
 service for one year. The name of the company was "Poto- 
 mac Guards," Captain P. T. Grace, commanding; S. D. 
 Long, First Lieutenant; Jacob N. Buzzard, Second Lieuten- 
 ant; William Johnson, Third Lieutenant. There was an- 
 other company camped at that place, the "Hampshire Bifle- 
 men," Captain George Sheetz. They were doing picket 
 duty, not having yet been assigned to any regiment. 
 
 The next morning, which was the 19th of June, we were 
 ordered to fall in, and marched to Eomney. The day was 
 hot and the road dusty, and marching went quite hard with 
 us, especially myself, who had never marched a day in my 
 life ; but I kept in ranks, for, "Who would not a soldier be, 
 and with the soldiers march?" Arriving in Eomney about 3 
 p. m., we quartered in an old building, took a good wash, 
 had some refreshments, and felt like soldiers indeed, with 
 our clothes covered with brass buttons and the ladies smil- 
 ing at us and cheering us on. 
 
 In the early part of June Colonel A. C. Cummings, 
 who had seen service in the Mexican war, and whose home 
 was at Abington, Va., was commissioned Colonel by the 
 Governor of Virginia, and sent from Harper's Ferry to 
 Eomney to collect together the different companies organ- 
 izing in that and adjacent counties and form a regiment. 
 He had been there but a few days, and had three companies 
 — the Potomac Guards, from Springfield; the Hampshire 
 Eiflemen, from New Creek, and the Independent Greys, 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 17 
 
18 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 from Moorefield, Hardy County. The Kiflemen were organ- 
 ized before the war, and were well equipped. The other 
 two companies came there with nothing but their uniforms, 
 but were given old, altered muskets and old flintlock rifles 
 that had been sent there from Harper's Ferry, and two four- 
 pound cannon that had been sent there during the John 
 Brown raid, but had no one to use them. They had a few 
 rounds of ammunition in their coat pockets; no tents, cart- 
 ridge boxes, or any other equipment. 
 
 In order that the reader may more fully understand 
 the organization of the Southern army, I will explain: 
 
 The maximum number of a company was one hundred 
 men, commanded by a Captain and three Lieutenants, com- 
 missioned officers; then there were Sergeants and Corporals, 
 non-commissioned officers, appointed by the Captain. 
 
 A regiment was composed of ten companies, making 
 one thousand men. Sometimes there were less, and often a 
 regiment was reduced to two or three hundred able for 
 service, 
 
 The field officers of a regiment were a Colonel, Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel and Major. Two or more regiments com- 
 posed a brigade, generally four or five regiments — some- 
 times more, sometimes less, according to circumstances — 
 and commanded by a Brigadier General. 
 
 Two or more brigades (generally four) composed a 
 division, commanded by a Major General; two or more di- 
 visions (generally three) composed an army corps, com- 
 manded by a Lieutenant General, who was styled a full Gen- 
 eral. General B. E. Lee ranked as such. There were five 
 full Generals in the Southern army. 
 
 Several companies banded together — less than ten — 
 was called a battalion, and commanded by a Major. Two 
 companies of cavalry formed a squadron. A company of 
 artillery had four or six cannon, generally four, and one 
 piece was called a section; going into action and unlimber- 
 ing ready for business was called going into battery. 
 
 The Federals were camped at New Creek, about twenty 
 miles from Bomney, and sent a regiment over one morning 
 to capture the whole outfit, and they would have succeeded 
 had it not been for a citizen on the road coming a near way 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 19 
 
 and giving the Colonel warning. The consequence was the 
 Colonel beat a hasty retreat, taking everything with him. 
 
 Talk about your first big battles of the war, that was 
 one of them. There were about a dozen shots exchanged, 
 no one hurt and no one captured, the Southern boys pull- 
 ing out for Winchester and the Federals coming into town. 
 They remained about an hour, and then went back to New 
 Creek — both armies marching from each other all day. As 
 a result, three regiments under Colonel A. P. Hill were 
 sent there from Harper's Ferry: the 10th Virginia, 13th 
 Virginia, and 3d Tennessee. 
 
 When our companies arrived we found those regiments 
 there. Our three companies were then formed into a battal- 
 ion and put in command of Major William Lee, and called 
 Lee's Battalion — Colonel Cummings going back to Win- 
 chester to recruit more companies. 
 
 We remained there until the 21th, expecting an attack 
 every night, and consequently had plenty of false alarms. 
 We then marched back to Winchester, a distance of forty- 
 five miles, leaving some cavalry there under command of 
 Captain Turner Ashby. 
 
 As we marched out of town the brass bands were play- 
 ing, the drums beating, colors flying, and the fair ladies 
 waving their handkerchiefs and cheering us on to "victory 
 or death." Oh! how nice to be a soldier! 
 
 On the 27th we went into camp on Opequon creek, 
 three miles south of Winchester, remaining several days, 
 cleaning arms, drilling, etc. Our next move was to the 
 Shawnee Springs, in the suburbs of Winchester, where we 
 were temporarily attached to General Elzey's Brigade. The 
 Hampshire Eiflemen, not numbering enough (only forty- 
 five) to be mustered in, were transferred to the cavalry and 
 ordered back to Eomney to recruit and get horses. How I 
 wished then that I had joined that company, and could 
 have done so only a short time before, but my name was 
 down on the roli, and there was no chance to get it off 
 honorably. I therefore had to remain in the infantry. 
 
 General Elzey was quite fond of a dram, as most sol- 
 diers are, and one night when he and his staff were drinking 
 quite freely, and feeling very liberal, he called in the sen- 
 
20 TOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 tinel who was on guard at his quarters and gave him a drink, 
 and then went to bed. Now, when this same sentinel was on 
 post again, about daylight, he put his head in the tent door, 
 and, finding the General still asleep, woke him up by ex- 
 claiming: "General! General!' ain't it about time for us to 
 take another drink ?" 
 
 The General roused up, and, not being in as merry a 
 mood as the night before, ordered him to be taken off to the 
 guardhouse for his insolence. 
 
 That soldier was greeted for months afterwards by the 
 whole command by, "General, General, ain't it about time 
 for us to take another drink ?" 
 
 The Federal General Patterson had crossed the Po- 
 tomac with a considerable force. Our army, under Gen- 
 eral Joseph E. Johnston, had evacuated Harper's Ferry, 
 and the two armies were close together below Martinsburg. 
 One day our advance had a considerable skirmish with the 
 enemy and captured forty-five prisoners, and then fell back 
 south of town to Darksville, where our whole force lay in 
 line of battle. They were the first prisoners I had seen. 
 As we were ordered to tear down all fences, it looked 
 like a battle was imminent. We lay in line the next day, 
 which was the 4th of July, but still no fight, and on the 5th 
 we returned to Winchester and went into camp at the 
 "Shawnee Springs." 
 
 The boys were all mad because we had had no fight, and 
 accused General Johnston of being a coward, but they soon 
 found out that he knew his business, and that a braver man 
 never lived. After remaining in this camp three days our 
 battalion was ordered to report to Colonel Cummings, one 
 mile south of Winchester, where we found he had collected 
 five more companies, viz.: Page Grays, Captain Rippe- 
 toe; Shenandoah Riflemen, Captain Gatewood; Emerald 
 Guards, Captain Sibert (nearly all Irishmen); Mount Jack 
 son Rifles, Captain Allen, and Brook Company, Captain 
 Crabill. 
 
 We remained in this camp several days, and received 
 our equipments from Springfield, as our company was 
 equipped by private subscription, and they were not ready 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 21 
 
 when we left. Our equipments consisted of knapsacks, blan- 
 kets, cartridge boxes, canteens and tents.' 
 
 "We had all started out with a carpet sack full of "store 
 clothes, biled shirts and paper collars," but we loaded them 
 in the wagon and sent them home. We soon found out that 
 we had no use for "store clothes and biled shirts." 
 
 On the 15th of July our regiment was marched one mile 
 north of Winchester and permanently attached to General 
 T. J. Jackson's Brigade, consisting of the 2d, 4th, 5th and 
 27th Virginia Regiments. Ours, not being full yet, was not 
 numbered, but called Colonel Cummings' Eegiment. 
 
 On the 16th, the report being that General Patterson 
 was advancing on Winchester, we were rushed out in line of 
 battle, tore down all the fences, and lay on our arms ready 
 for action at a moment's warning. The next day passed 
 off in the same way, but no enemy appeared, and we re- 
 turned to camp and lay quiet. 
 
 Another new company comes to our regiment, the 
 "Shenandoah Sharpshooters," Captain David Walton. They 
 have no arms and are given flintlock muskets. We are now 
 ordered to cook rations and be ready to march at a moment's 
 warning. Our regiment now has eight companies, and 
 numbers about 650 men; but the measles have been raging 
 in camp and about 200 are sent to the hospital, being una- 
 ble to march. 
 
 July 18th we marched through Winchester and took 
 the road leading to Berry's Ferry, on the Shenandoah river, 
 about eighteen miles distant. The citizens were very much 
 grieved to see us leave, for fear the enemy would be in town, 
 as there were no troops left but a few militia and Colonel 
 Turner Ashby's cavalry. 
 
 After marching a few miles we were halted, and the 
 Adjutant read us orders that the enemy were about to 
 overpower General Beauregard at Manassas Junction, and 
 we would have to make a forced march. It was General 
 Johnston's wish that all the men would keep in ranks and 
 not straggle, if possible. Then we started on a quick march, 
 marched all day and nearly all night, wading the Shenan- 
 doah river about 12 o'clock at night, halted at a small vil- 
 lage called Paris about two hours, then resumed the march 
 
22 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 about daylight, and arrived at Piedmont Station, on the 
 Manassas Gap railroad. 
 
 Our brigade was in the advance on the march, and 
 when we arrived at the station the citizens for miles around 
 came nocking in to see us, bringing us eatables of all kinds, 
 and we fared sumptuously. There were not trains enough 
 to transport all at once, and our regiment had to remain 
 there until trains returned, which was about 3 o'clock in the 
 afternoon. We had a regular picnic; plenty to eat, lemon- 
 ade to drink, and beautiful young ladies to chat with. We 
 finally got aboard, bade the ladies a long farewell, and went 
 flying down the road, arriving at the Junction in the night. 
 
 The next day, the 20th of July, we marched about four 
 miles down Bull Kun, to where General Beauregard had en- 
 gaged the enemy on the 18th, and repulsed their advance. 
 There we joined the brigade. We lay on our arms all night. 
 We tore all the feathers out of our hats, because we heard 
 the Yanks had feathers in theirs, and we might be fired on 
 by mistake, as our company was the only one that had black 
 plumes in their hats. We could hear pickets firing at in- 
 tervals, and did not know what minute we would be rushed 
 into action. 
 
 My particular friend and messmate, William I. Blue, 
 and myself lay down together, throwing a blanket over us, 
 and talked concerning our probable fate the next day. We 
 had been in line of battle several times, and had heard 
 many false alarms, but we all knew there was no false alarm 
 this time; that the two armies lay facing each other, and 
 that a big battle would be fought the next day; that we 
 were on the eve of experiencing the realities of war in its 
 most horrible form — brother against brother, father against 
 son, kindred against kindred, and our own country torn to 
 pieces by civil war. 
 
 While lying thus, being nearly asleep, he roused me up 
 and said that he wanted to make a bargain with me, which 
 was, if either of us got killed the next day the one who 
 survived should see the other buried, if we kept possession 
 of the battle-field. 
 
 I told him I would certainly do that, and we pledged 
 ourselves accordingly. I then remarked that perhaps we 
 
FOUR TEAES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 o. 
 
 -4 
 
 5- 
 n 
 
 III 
 
 E 
 
 W 
 g 
 
 
24 TOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 would escape unhurt or wounded. He said: "No, I don't 
 want to be wounded. If I am shot at all I want to be shot 
 right through the heart." 
 
 During the night we heard a gun fired on the left of the 
 regiment and I got up and walked down the line to see what 
 had happened. I found one of the men had shot himself 
 through the foot, supposed to have been done intentionally, 
 to keep out of the fight, but the poor fellow made a miscal- 
 culation as to where his toes were, and held the muzzle of 
 the gun too far up and blew off about half of his foot, so it 
 had to be amputated. 
 
FOtTR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 25 
 
 HI. 
 
 July 21st dawned clear and bright (and for the last 
 time on many a poor soldier), and with it the sharpshooters 
 in front commenced skirmishing. We were ordered to "fall 
 in," and were marched up the run about four miles, and 
 then ordered back to "Blackburn's Ford." Our company 
 and the "Hardy Greys" were thrown out as skirmishers, op- 
 posite the ford, in a skirt of woods commanding a full view 
 of the ford, and ordered to fire on the enemy if they at- 
 tempted to cross the run. While we were lying in that po- 
 sition heavy firing was heard on our left, both infantry and 
 artillery. In a few moments we were ordered from there to 
 join the regiment, and went "double quick" up the run to 
 where the fighting was going on. The balance of the 
 brigade was in line of battle behind the brow of a small 
 ridge. We were halted at the foot of this ridge and Colonel 
 Cummings told us that it was General Jackson's command 
 that our regiment should depend principally on the bayonet 
 that day, as it was a musket regiment. 
 
 Some of the boys were very keen for a fight, and while 
 we were down in the run they were afraid it would be over 
 before we got into it. One in particular, Thomas McGraw, 
 was very anxious to get a shot at the "blueeoats," and when 
 the Coionel read us the order about the bayonet I asked 
 Tom how he liked that part of the programme. He said 
 that was closer quarters than he had anticipated. 
 
 Our regiment marched up the hill and formed "left in 
 front," on the left of the brigade, and on the entire left of 
 our army. As we passed by the other regiments the shells 
 were bursting and cutting down the pines all around us, and 
 we were shaking hands and bidding farewell to those we 
 were acquainted with, knowing that in a few moments many 
 of us would be stretched lifeless on the field. 
 
 At this time our troops were falling back, but in good 
 
26 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 order, fighting every inch of the way, but were being over- 
 powered and flanked by superior numbers. They were the 
 2d Mississippi and Colonel Evans' 4th Alabama Kegiments, 
 General Bee's South Carolina Brigade, Colonel Bartow's 
 7th and 8th Georgia Kegiments, Major Wheat's Battalion 
 (called the Louisiana Tigers), and Imboden's Battery. They 
 had resisted the main portion of the "Federal Army" and 
 had done all that men could do, and had lost severely, but 
 were still holding the enemy in check while we were forming. 
 
 It was there and at this time that General Jackson re- 
 ceived the name of "Stonewall," and the brigade the ever 
 memorable name of "Stonewall Brigade." General Bar- 
 nard E. Bee, riding up to General Jackson, who sat on his 
 horse calm and unmoved, though severely wounded in the 
 hand, exclaimed in a voice of anguish: "General, they are 
 beating us back!" 
 
 Turning to General Bee, he said calmly : "Sir, we'll give 
 them the bayonet." 
 
 Hastening back to his men, General Bee cried enthusi- 
 astically, as he pointed to Jackson: "Look yonder! There 
 is Jackson and his brigade standing like a stone wall. Let 
 us determine to die here and we will conquer. Eally behind 
 them!" 
 
 They passed through our brigade and formed in the 
 rear. I knew they were South Carolinians by the "Palmetto 
 tree" on their caps. General Bee and Colonel Bartow fell, 
 mortally wounded. The enemy, flushed with victory, pushed 
 on, never dreaming what was lying just behind the brow 
 of the hill in the pines. There seemed to be a lull in the 
 firing just at this time, and Sergeant James P. Daily, of my 
 company, walked up to the brow of the hill, but soon re- 
 turned with the exclamation: "Boys, there is the prettiest 
 sight from the top of the hill you ever saw; they are coming 
 up on the other side in four ranks, and all dressed in red." 
 
 When we heard that, I, with several others, jumped up 
 and started to see, but Colonel Cummings ordered us to 
 "stay in ranks," and Daily remarked: "We will see them 
 soon enough." Sure enough, in a few seconds the head 
 of the column made its appearanee, with three of- 
 ficers on horseback in front, and marching by the flank, 
 
FOUB YEAES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 27 
 
 with the intention of flanking: one of our batteries — the 
 Rockbridge Artillery, Captain W. K Pendleton. In a few 
 minutes they spied us lying there, and I heard one of the 
 officers say: "Hello! what men are these?" At that moment 
 some of our men who, evidently, had the "buck fever," com- 
 menced, without orders, firing some scattering shots. The 
 enemy then poured a volley into us, but as we were lying 
 down the balls went over our heads, harmless. 
 
 That morning we had been given a signal to use in 
 time of battle, to distinguish friend from foe, which was to 
 throw the right hand to the forehead, palm outward, and 
 say, "Sumter." When this regiment (which was the 14th 
 Brooklyn, N. Y.), appeared in view Colonel Cummings gave 
 the signal, and it was returned by one of the officers, but 
 how they got it was a mystery. So, when the scattering 
 shots were fired by some of our regiment, Colonel Cum- 
 mings exclaimed: "Cease firing, you are firing on friends!" 
 and the volley came from them at the same time, and I 
 know I remarked, "Friends, hell ! That looks like it." 
 
 Colonel Cummings, seeing his mistake, and also seeing 
 a battery of artillery taking position and unlimbering, in 
 close proximity and in a place where it could enfilade our 
 troops, determined to capture it before it could do any 
 damage. I don't think he had any orders from any superior 
 officer, but took the responsibility on himself. Then came 
 the command: "Attention! Forward march! Charge bayo- 
 nets! Double quick!" and away we went, sweeping every- 
 thing before us; but the enemy broke and fled. 
 
 We were soon in possession of the guns, killed nearly 
 all the horses, and a£ great portion of the men were killed 
 or wounded; and we were none too soon, for one minute 
 more and four guns would have belched forth into our 
 ranks, carrying death and destruction, and perhaps been 
 able to have held their position. As it was, the guns were 
 rendered useless, and were not used any more that day, al- 
 though we had to give them up temporarily. 
 
 We were halted, and one of my company, Thomas Fur- 
 lough, who had belonged to the artillery in the Mexican war, 
 threw down his musket and said : "Boys, let's turn the guns 
 
28 
 
 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 29 
 
 on. them." Th'at was the last sentence that ever passed his 
 lips, for just then he was shot dead. 
 
 While this was going on, the enemy were throwing a 
 force on our left flank in the pines, and commenced pouring 
 it into us from the front and an enfilading fire from the 
 flank, and were cutting us to pieces, when we were ordered 
 hack, and halted at our first position. 
 
 Then we were reinforced by the 49th Virginia and the 
 6th North Carolina Eegiments, commanded by Colonel Chas. 
 F. Fisher (who was killed a few minutes afterwards) and 
 "Extra Billy" Smith. This made our line longer, and we 
 were ordered to charge again. The charge of Jackson's men 
 was terrific. The enemy were swept before them like chaff 
 before a whirlwind. Nothing could resist their impetuosity. 
 The men seemed to have caught the dauntless spirit and 
 determined will of their heroic commander, and nothing could 
 stay them in their onward course. The 33d Virginia, in its 
 timely charge, saved the day by capturing and disabling 
 Griffin's battery, altho' they could not hold it just then. The 
 name won that day by the brigade and its General is immortal. 
 
 In this action our regiment (the 33d Virginia), being 
 on the extreme left, was alone, the balance of the brigade 
 not charging until later, and we were terribly cut up and 
 had to fall back. General Jackson said he could afford to 
 sacrifice one regiment to save the day; and it was the first 
 check and first repulse the enemy had received, and during 
 the remainder of the day the battle turned in favor of the 
 Confederates. 
 
 We did not follow them far, for fresh troops were com- 
 ing in all the time, and we had lost severely, and were con- 
 siderably demoralized. I then took a stroll over the battle- 
 field, to see who of my comrades were dead or wounded, and 
 saw my friend, William I. Blue, lying on his face, dead. I 
 turned him over to see where he was shot. He must have 
 been shot through the heart, the place where he wanted to 
 be shot, if shot at all. He must have been killed instantly, 
 for he was in the act of loading his gun. One hand was 
 grasped around his gun, in the other he held a cartridge, 
 with one end of it in his mouth, in the act of tearing it off. 
 I sat down by him and took a hearty cry, and then, thinks 
 
30 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 I, "It does not look well for a soldier to cry," but I could not 
 help it. I then stuck his gun in the ground by his side, 
 marked his name, company and regiment on a piece of 
 paper, pinned it on his breast, and went off. 
 
 I then saw three field officers a short distance from me 
 looking through a field glass. I very deliberately walked up 
 to them and asked them to let me iook through it, and one 
 of them handed it to me. When looking through it I saw, 
 about two miles off, in a large field, what I took to be about 
 10,000 of the enemy. The field appeared to be black with 
 them. I returned the glass, saying: "My God! have we all 
 of them to fight yet?" Just at that moment "Pendleton's 
 Battery" turned their guns on them and I saw the first shell 
 strike in the field. I don't think it was five minutes until 
 the field was vacant. I felt considerably relieved. I had 
 had enough of fighting for that day. We had gained a 
 great victory. The enemy were completely routed and 
 panic-stricken, and never halted until they arrived at Alex- 
 andria and Washington. 
 
 My company only numbered fifty-five, rank and file, 
 when we went into service, but, so many having the measles 
 and other ailments, we went into the fight with only twenty- 
 seven men, and out of that number we lost five killed and 
 six wounded. The killed were William I. Blue, Thomas 
 Furlough, James Adams, John W. Marker and Amos Hol- 
 lenback. The wounded were Sergeant William Montgom- 
 ery, John Binehart, Bobert C. Grace, Edward Allen, A. A. 
 Young and Joseph Cadwallader. 
 
 The regiment went into action with about 450 men, and 
 lost forty-three killed and 140 wounded. Our regiment 
 fought the 14th Brooklyn Zouaves and the 1st Michigan, 
 which poured a deadly volley into us. While we were en- 
 gaged in front, Colonel Cummings ordered the regiment 
 to fall back three times before they did so. All the troops 
 engaged suffered more or less, but the loss in the 33d Vir- 
 ginia was greater than that of any regiment on either side, as 
 the statistics will show, and it was the smallest regiment, not 
 being full and not numbered. 
 
 We worked nearly all night taking care of the wounded, 
 for nearly all of the enemy's wounded were left in our 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 31 
 
 e — 
 
 a 
 e. 
 
 4 
 
32 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 hands. I took a short sleep on the battle-field. The next day 
 was rainy and muddy. The regiment was ordered to "fall in," 
 but not knowing where they were going, I did not want to 
 leave until I had buried my friend, according to promise. 
 When they marched off I hid behind a wagon, and Sergeant 
 Daily, seeing me, ordered me to come on. I told him never 
 would I leave that field until I had buried my friend, unless 
 I was put under arrest. He then left me, and I looked 
 around for some tools to dig a grave. I found an old hoe 
 and spade, and commenced digging the grave under an apple 
 tree in an orchard pear the "Henry house." 
 
 While I was at work a Georgian came to me and wanted 
 the tools as soon as I was done with them. He said he 
 wanted to bury his brother, and asked if I was burying a 
 brother. 
 
 "No," I replied, "but dear as a brother." 
 
 "As you have no one to help you," he said, "and I have 
 no one to help me, suppose we dig the- grave large enough 
 for both, and we can help one another carry them here." 
 
 "All right," I said, "but I want to bury my friend next 
 to the tree, for, perhaps, his father will come after him." 
 
 So we buried them that way and gathered up some old 
 shingles to put over the bodies, and a piece of plank between 
 them. Then I rudely carved his name on the tree. 
 
 Captain William Lee, who was acting Lieutenant Colo- 
 nel, was killed, and our Sergeant Major, Eandolph Barton, 
 a cadet from the Virginia Military Institute, was severely 
 wounded. 
 
 That evening there was a detail made from each com- 
 pany to bury the dead, and we buried all alike, friend and 
 foe, and thus ended the first battle of "Bull Bun," and the 
 first big battle of the war. 
 
 There is no doubt but that the timely charge of the 
 33d Virginia turned the tide of battle and saved the day for 
 the Confederates. Colonel Cummings took the responsi- 
 bility upon himself and ordered the charge just in the nick 
 of time, for in five minutes' time the Federals would have 
 had their battery in position and would have had an enfilad- 
 ing fire on the brigade and Pendleton's Battery, and made 
 their position untenable. I herewith append a letter from 
 
FOUE TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 33 
 
 Colonel Cummings, and one from Captain Randolph Barton, 
 which bear me out in my statement, and more fully explain 
 the situation and results. Also one that I had written to 
 my parents three days after the battle, and which is still 
 preserved. 
 
34 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 IV. 
 
 "Abington, Va., November 10, 1896. 
 "John 0. Casler, Esq. : 
 
 "My Dear Friend : If you could realize the great pleas- 
 ure your letter gave me you would not regret the time spent 
 in, writing. As you know, the 33d Eegiment, which I organ- 
 ized at Winchester, was made up from Hampshire, one com- 
 pany; Hardy, one; Frederick, one; Rockingham, one; Page, 
 one, and Shenandoah five, and as I have hardly ever been 
 from home for the last fifteen years I rarely meet any of 
 the old regiment, and when I do, or hear from them, it is a 
 source of the greatest pleasure, especially when I learn 
 they are getting on well, as I am sure you are. 
 
 "As you say, I never had a great deal to say, and am 
 somewhat reserved in my manners, but from my experience 
 as Captain in the Mexican war I found that the greatest 
 service I could render the men under my command was to 
 see they were as well taken care of and provided for as cir- 
 cumstances would permit. 
 
 "I am pleased to know that you have written your ex- 
 perience of Tour Years in the Stonewall Brigade,' and 
 when your new edition is published I will certainly procure 
 a copy, as I am sure of being interested in it. 
 
 "I noticed one slight mistake in your' letter with regard 
 to myself, but of no importance. I did not resign, but for 
 what I regarded as sufficient reason (not necessary to state 
 now) was not a candidate for re-election at the reorganiza- 
 tion 1 of the army. Was elected to the Legislature, in which 
 I served the last years of the war, until the surrender; 
 practiced law for some fifteen or more years, since which 
 I have devoted myself to my farm a few miles from 
 Abington. 
 
 "The law was my profession, which I commenced to 
 practice the year after the close of the Mexican war. I have 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 35 
 
 had two letters from Eandolph Barton recently, whom 
 you may remember, who had for the first time since the 
 close of the war visited the battle-field of the First Manas- 
 sas, and who seems to be much interested in the part per- 
 formed by the 33d and the Stonewall Brigade on that mem- 
 orable 21st of July, 1861. 
 
 "Barton was a cadet at the Virginia Military Institute, 
 Lexington, Va., at the commencement of the war; was as- 
 signed to the 33d when I was organizing at Winchester in 
 the early part of July. I had no field officer at that time, 
 and made him Sergeant Major. He was a bright young man, 
 an Adjutant General on General Walker's staff, and is now 
 a prominent lawyer in Baltimore. He desired my recol- 
 lection of the part performed by the 33d and the Stonewall 
 Brigade, which I furnished him, and which corrresponded 
 pretty well with his own, with a few minor exceptions. 
 
 "Our army left Winchester about 2 o'clock on the 18th 
 of July, the Stonewall Brigade in front. The 33d did not 
 reach Manassas until a little before daylight on Saturday 
 morning, the 20th. On Saturday morning we marched 
 out and joined the other regiments of the brigade in rear 
 of McLane's Ford, on Bull Kun. Our line of battle ex- 
 tended from about Union Mills, on Bull Eun, on the right, 
 to the stone bridge. It was expected we would be attacked 
 upon the right and cenetr, but when it was ascertained early 
 Sunday morning that the enemy was marching in the direc- 
 tion of the stone bridge, with the evident design of turning 
 our left flank and reaching the Manassas Gap railroad, the 
 Stonewall Brigade was moved up Bull Eun and somewhat 
 parallel with it (making short stops at intervals), until we 
 reached the brow of the hill in front of the "Henry house," 
 where the brigade was formed in line of battle in a thicket 
 of small pines. In the meantime, the battle was raging in 
 the direction of the stone bridge, and our forces were being 
 driven back before overpowering numbers. The line of the 
 brigade was formed, with the 5th Eegiment on the right, 
 then the 4th and 27th (the latter two supporting Pendle- 
 ton's Battery), then the 2d and 33d. 
 
 "At that time the brigade was the extreme left of our 
 army, and the 33d, on the left of the brigade, was ordered 
 
36 FODE YEAES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 to lie down in the edge of the pines, which, aided by the 
 conformation of the ground, at that time concealed us from 
 the sight of the enemy, who, in large numbers, were press- 
 ing towards our right. 
 
 "Our orders were to wait until the enemy were within 
 thirty paces, then to fire and charge with the bayonet. 
 About that time General Jackson came along the line and 
 directed me to look out for the enemy's artillery. As you 
 are aware, the 33d had just been organized before we left 
 Winchester, and, with the exception of two or three compa- 
 nies, were perfectly raw troops, and two of those, Captain 
 Holliday's (afterward Governor) and Captain Jones' (af- 
 terward Colonel) were left behind, one as guard and one on 
 detached service, and consequently were not in the fight. 
 So there were but eight companies present, numbering 
 about 400 men, for active duty. When General Jackson di- 
 rected me to look out for the enemy's artillery, Captain Wil- 
 liam Lee, who was acting as Lieutenant Colonel, and a gal- 
 lant man he was, and I walked out on the plateau and saw 
 the artillery of the enemy moving rapidly up the Sudley road 
 to our front and left, and large bodies of the enemy's 
 infantry moving along the hill towards our left flank, and 
 we returned immediately to the regiment. 
 
 "There had been some confusion in the regiment, pro- 
 duced by a solid shot being fired towards the regiment and 
 tearing up the ground, together with the appearance of 
 some red-coats on our left. Previous to this time the en- 
 emy's artillery fire had been directed towards the regiments 
 of the brigade and at Pendleton's Battery. This little con- 
 fusion in the regiment, and the fact of the men being raw 
 and undisciplined, made me uncertain as to what would be 
 the result, if I waited, as directed by General Jackson, 
 until the enemy was within thirty paces. And, therefore, as 
 soon as I returned to the regiment I ordered the charge, 
 without waiting, as directed, until the enemy was within 
 thirty paces, with the result that the enemy's battery was 
 taken, or rather, as I think, a section of it, without, as I be- 
 lieve, a gun being fired. No old regulars ever made a more 
 gallant charge, though not a very regular one. Of course, 
 we could not hold it without support, in the face of such 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 37 
 
 overwhelming numbersy though the horses were shot down, 
 and I have now an artillery bit, cut from one of the horses, 
 which I have used ever since. 
 
 "The 33d suffered more in the first battle of Manassas 
 than any regiment in our army. 
 
 "I regretted very much Captain Lee's death. My ac- 
 quaintance with him was short, but I esteemed him very 
 highly. He was a true and gallant man, and being from 
 the old army, and experienced, was of great service to me. 
 My friend Barton is also of the true blue order. I have long 
 cherished the hope of visiting the Vallev, where I would 
 meet some of the survivors of the 33d, but suppose I must 
 be content to remember them with the greatest kindness. 
 
 "I am now in my 75th year, and feel the heavy weight 
 of years. Very truly your friend, 
 
 "AETHUR C. CUMMINGS, 
 "Colonel 33d Virginia Infantry." 
 
 "Manassas Junction, July 24, 1861. 
 
 "Dear Father and Mother: I seat myself once more to 
 write you a few lines, to let you know where I am and that 
 I am still alive. 
 
 "Last Sunday was such a day as I had never seen, and I 
 hope to God I never will see another such a time. We had 
 one of the hardest battles that ever was fought in the 
 United States. I have not power to describe the scene. It 
 beggars all description. 
 
 "We left Winchester on Thursday, and traveled that 
 day and night, and Friday, about 9 o'clock, we arrived at 
 Piedmont Station, and that evening we got on the cars and 
 arrived at the Junction that night. The next morning we 
 marched about four miles east, where they had had a battle 
 on Thursday. We stayed there all that day and night, ex- 
 pecting an attack every hour. 
 
 "On Sunday morning our forces were attacked four 
 miles higher up, and we made a quick march from there to 
 the battle-field, where we arrived about 12. They had 
 been fighting all morning, but about 10 they got at it in 
 
38 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 earnest. We got there (that is, Jackson's Brigade) just in 
 the heat of the battle, and our regiment was on the ex- 
 treme left, and the enemy was trying to flank us. They did 
 not see us until they were within fifty yards of us, as we 
 were under the brow of the hill, and they were ordered to 
 fire, but we were too soon for them. We fired first, and ad- 
 vanced, and then they fired. We then charged bayonets, 
 yelling like savages, and they retreated, and our regiment 
 took their artillery ; but they were reinforced, and we had to 
 fall back, exposed to two heavy fires, when we were rein- 
 forced by a North Carolina regiment; then we charged 
 again and they retreated, and that part of the field, with 
 the famous Griffin's Battery, was ours. But the battle lasted 
 about one hour longer in another part of the field, when 
 they retreated in great confusion towards Alexandria, and 
 then the cavalry and artillery pursued them about seven 
 miles, killing and wounding a great many, and taking all 
 their artillery and baggage; but the field for five miles 
 around was covered with the dead and the dying. 
 
 "I cannot tell how many we lost, but we lost a great 
 many. Their loss was three times as great as ours. Our reg- 
 iment lost thirty-five killed and over one hundred 
 wounded. Our little company of thirty-two lost five killed 
 and five wounded. Among the killed was poor Will Blue. 
 He was shot dead. Never spoke, shot through the heart. 
 Amos Hollenback, Polk Marker, Tom Furlough and Jim 
 Adams, a fellow that lived with Dr. Moore, were killed. 
 Will Montgomery was badly wounded, but not dangerously. 
 Also John Einehart, Bob- Grace, Arch Young and Ed Allen 
 were slightly wounded, but are able to go about. 
 
 "We took seventy-six pieces of cannon and between 
 1,000 and 8,000 prisoners— several important ones, some of 
 Lincoln's cabinet. Also, General Scott's carriage. He and 
 some of the ladies from Washington came out as far as Cen- 
 terville to see the Rebels run. They saw us running, but it 
 was after the Yankees. 
 
 "The next morning I went on their retreat two miles, 
 and the baggage was lying in every direction — coats, cartridge 
 boxes, canteens, guns, blankets, broken-down wagons. 
 
 "The bombs, cannon balls and musket balls whistled 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 39 
 
 John O. Casler. 1863. 
 "High Private in the rear rank.' 
 
40 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 all around my head. I could feel the wind from them in 
 my face, but I was not touched. It is rumored that we are 
 going to take Washington. Jeff Davis got here just after 
 the battle, and is on his way to Alexandria no^. 
 
 "There were about 40,000 of the enemy engaged in the 
 battle, and 25,000 Confederates. 
 
 "You must not be surprised to hear of me getting 
 killed, for we don't know when we will be killed. Farewell, 
 
 "JOHN O. CASLER." 
 
 CAPTAIN RANDOLPH BARTON'S LETTER. 
 
 "Baltimore, Md. r January 15, 1897. 
 "John O. Casler: 
 
 "Dear Comrade: Our command reached Manassas 
 Junction on the 20th of July, in the morning, I think. We 
 marched during the day to the right of the line, and the 
 next day we marched and countermarched, halted and 
 rushed, as the changing localities of the conflict, as far as 
 our commanders could anticipate, seemed to require. My 
 dinner was made from blackberries, for being outside of the 
 ranks (as Sergeant Major) I could pick them as we passed 
 over the fields. About 1 o'clock our regiment reached the 
 elevation on which is seated the historic Henry house, and 
 took position on the left flank of our brigade, up to that 
 hour known as the 1st Brigade, or Jackson's Brigade, ever 
 afterwards as the Stonewall Brigade. 
 
 "As we approached our position, we heard for the first 
 time the horrid screaming of hostile shells going over our 
 heads, high up in the air, but not so high as not to be dan- 
 gerous. I recall now with some amusement the intense 
 gravity and astonishment written upon the faces of the men 
 as these dangerous missiles from the batteries of Rickett 
 and Griffin went hurtling over us; but I recall no signs of 
 timidity. The men kept in their ranks, obeyed orders and 
 moved into position on the left of the 2d Virginia, of which 
 Brother Strother, my cousin, Willie Barton, and all my Win- 
 chester friends were members, with steadiness and resolu- 
 tion. My brother David was in the Rockbridge Battery, 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 41 
 
 which was being supported by our brigade. My uncle, 
 Frank Jones, and my brother-in-law, Thomas Marshall, were 
 on Jackson's staff. I felt the solemnity of the moment, but 
 I recall no disposition whatever to turn and run. On the 
 other hand, a sense of pride, a desire to emulate the action 
 of the best men on the field possessed me, as it did, I believe, 
 all of our command, except the Adjutant of our regiment. 
 I think I went into that action with less trepidation than 
 into any subsequent one. Inexperience doubtless had much 
 to do with it, but, again, I attribute much of the nerve that 
 sustained me to my year at Lexington. I felt on the field 
 that the orders of our officers were supreme; that come 
 what might, they must be obeyed, and discipline told on me 
 from first to last. I will not give many details of the battle ; 
 they have been told by so many writers that it would pro- 
 long this narrative unduly for me to repeat them. I will 
 only say that, after taking our position on the left of the 
 brigade, we laid upon the ground listening to the musketry 
 and cannonading going on to our right, or, rather, somewhat 
 in front of our right, from the Confederate fores, which 
 was being vigorously responded to by the Yankees. The 
 'Henry house' was in front of our brigade, over the hill — 
 the upper part of the house visible — and the Robinson house 
 was to the right of that a few hundred yards. Occasional 
 shells would explode over our regiment, and the solemn won- 
 derment written on the faces of the men as they would crane 
 their heads around to look out for falling branches was 
 almost amusing. I was near the left flank of the regiment, 
 a few steps in rear, where, upon the formation of the regi- 
 ment in line of battle, I belonged. Doubtless I wished I 
 was home, but I had to stick. I remember an elderly man 
 riding leisurely by towards the left, in rear of us, apparently 
 giving orders. Some one, possibly myself, asked him who he 
 was. He turned his horse and said: 'I am Colonel Smith, 
 otherwise Governor Smith, otherwise Extra Billy Smith.' 
 It was, in fact, Colonel Smith, a game old fellow, who, I 
 suppose, was looking over the ground for a position for his 
 regiment, the 49th Virginia, as it subsequently took position 
 on our left, and finally united in one of the charges upon 
 Griffin's Battery. 
 
42 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 "Colonel Cummings and Lieutenant Colonel Lee were 
 in front of our regiment, perhaps a hundred yards, stooping 
 down, and occasionally standing to get a view over the 
 crest of the hill that rose gently before us for a little over 
 a hundred yards. The musketry kept up on our right, and 
 then Colonels Cummings and Lee were seen to rise and, 
 bending down, to come back with somewhat quickened steps 
 to the regiment. I remember, as Colonel Cummings drew 
 near, he called out: 'Boys, they are coming, now wait until 
 they get close before you fire.' 
 
 "Almost immediately several pieces of artillery, their 
 horses in front, made their appearance on the hill in front 
 of us, curving as if going into battery, and at the same time 
 I descried the spear-point and upper portion of a United 
 States flag, as it rose in the hands of its bearer over the hill ; 
 then I saw the bearer, and the heads of the men composing 
 the line of battle to the right and left of him. At the sight 
 several of our men rose from the ranks, leveled their mus- 
 kets at the line, and, although I called out, 'Do not fire yet/ 
 it was of no use ; they fired and then the shrill cry of Colonel 
 Cummings was heard, 'Charge!' and away the regiment 
 went, firing as they ran, into the ranks of the enemy, and 
 particularly at the battery towards which our line rapidly 
 approached. Although bearing a non-commissioned of- 
 ficer's sword, I had obtained a cartridge box, belted it on, 
 and had in some way secured a flintlock musket, with which 
 one of our companies was armed. This gun, after two futile 
 efforts, I fired at a man on horseback in the battery, one of 
 the drivers, I think. I got near enough to the battery to 
 see that it was thoroughly disabled, horses and men falling, 
 and our line driving ahead, when I felt the sting of a bullet 
 tearing a piece from my side, just under my cartridge box, 
 which I had pulled well around on the right and front of 
 my waist. I called out that I was wounded to my uncle, 
 Frank Jones, who helped me up on his horse, and carried 
 me to the rear. 
 
 "I think it can be demonstrated that the victory of 
 First Manassas is traceable to Colonel Cummings. For fifteen 
 or twenty minutes before our regiment (the 33d Virginia) 
 rose and charged Griffin's Battery the men of Bee's and Bar- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 43 
 
 tow's (and, I think, Evans') commands were coming back 
 over the hill from the Eobinson and Henry houses in the 
 greatest disorder, a flying, panic-stricken mob. The Stone- 
 wall Brigade maintained its line with the steadiness of vet- 
 erans. The Rockbridge Battery, with its little guns, was do- 
 ing its best. Jackson, about that time, rode along the 
 front of his brigade, waiting for the critical moment to or- 
 der his men into action. It was in his efforts to rally his com- 
 mand that the gallant Bee called to them to rally behind the 
 Virginians. Pointing to Jackson, he used the memorable ex- 
 pression, 'Look at Jackson, standing like a stone wall.' The 
 precise expression he used it is impossible to learn. He most 
 probably said, 'Look at Jackson and his men, standing like a 
 stone wall.' He had galloped up to Jackson a moment be- 
 fore, and had said: 'General, they are driving us back,' and 
 Jackson replied, the words snapping from his lips like 
 grape-shot from a gun, 'Then we will give them the bayonet.' 
 
 "Bee turned to gallop toward' his fleeing men, with the 
 inspiration of Jackson possessing him, called out his immor- 
 tal language, and fell, mortally wounded. 
 
 "Jackson had, within the half hour before, passed along 
 his brigade the order not to fire until the enemy was within 
 thirty paces, and then charge. So Colonel Cummings writes 
 to me under date of September 20, 1896. But, says Colonel 
 Cummings, the shells of the enemy had caused some con- 
 fusion 'with the left company of my regiment,' or, rather, 
 his command, of eight companies, and when Griffin's Bat- 
 tery showed itself on the hill in front of us, and occasional 
 shots began to fall among us from the enemy moving 
 towards our left to flank us, when the tumult of the broken 
 ranks of Bee and Bartow was threatening the steadiness of 
 our right, and the enemy, with exultant shouts, was pressing 
 on, Colonel Cummings, like a flash, thought if those guns 
 get into battery and pour one discharge of grape and canis- 
 ter into the ranks of my raw recruits the day is gone, 
 and then it was, with splendid discretion, he took the re- 
 sponsibility of changing his orders, with the changed con- 
 ditions, as Grouchy should have done at "Waterloo, and 
 charged the enemy. 
 
 "The suddenness of our attack, the boldness of it, for 
 
44 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 our men went over and past the battery, the disabling of the 
 guns, all checked the advancing line. It was immediately 
 followed up by the remainder of the brigade charging, and 
 the troops on our left poured in. The tide of battle turned 
 when it dashed against the farmer boys of the 33d Vir- 
 ginia. It was the first resistance it had met. The enemy 
 came upon the point of a spear, one small regiment of undis- 
 ciplined boys and men, not a month from the plough-handle 
 and the mechanic's shop. The point broadened, as to the 
 right and left assistance poured in, until it became a sharp 
 blade against which the enemy could not and dared not 
 rush; but the 33d led the van of the movement that first 
 arrested McDowell's victorious line, and from that moment 
 the scene changed, and from the brink of disaster our army 
 turned to a great victory. Colonel Cummings changed the 
 life of McDowell by his order, 'Charge!' He may have 
 changed the history of the war. The battle pivoted upon 
 his nerve. It was the turning point in tremendous events. 
 
 "I visited the Robinson and Henry houses in Septem- 
 ber, 1861, and again in September, 1896. My last visit 
 caused me to correspond with Colonel Cummings and read 
 every line I could lay my eves upon, including the reports of 
 officers on both sides, as published in the compilation called 
 the Rebellion Record, and I believe what I have attributed 
 to Colonel Cummings cannot be successfully gainsaid. He 
 turned the tide of battle at First Manassas. Instead of the 
 Confederate army flying as a mob to the Rappahannock, the 
 Yankee army fled as a mob to Washington. 
 
 "Several days have elapsed since I wrote the above. A 
 day or so ago I accidentally saw in the Mercantile Library 
 the 'Recollections of a Private,' by Warren Lee Goss, of the 
 Federal army. Turning to his narrative of the battle I find 
 (p. 13) a good representation of the Henry house plateau 
 and the confusion in Griffin's Battery following the attack 
 of the 33d Regiment. I recognize the Sudley mill road, 
 the entrance to the Henry place, on the left of the road, 
 and the fence torn away to allow Griffin's Battery freely to 
 leave the road and go upon the plateau. In September, 
 1896, I stood on this very ground, and, observing that be- 
 tween the bed of the road and the fence on the left hand 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 45 
 
 side there was the usual wash, or gutter, I remarked to my 
 companions that no doubt Griffin tore down the fence and 
 filled the wash with the rails, thus making an easy crossing 
 into the field for his artillery. The picture I am looking at 
 shows the fence torn down, and imagination shows the rails 
 placed as I surmised. 
 
 "And now I quote from the book what seems to me 
 brings the 33d face to face with the troops Goss writes 
 about. Eemember that the Sudley Mills road runs a south- 
 easterly course from the mill to the Henry plateau. Our 
 regiment charged northwesterly. McDowell's line came 
 over the hill supporting Griffin's Battery, at right angles to 
 the Sudley Mills road, advancing southeasterly. 
 
 "Says Goss : 'About 1 o'clock the fence skirting the road 
 at the foot of the hill was pulled down to let our batteries 
 (Griffin's and Rickett's) pass up to the plateau. The bat- 
 teries were in the open field near us. We were watching to 
 see what they'd do next, when a terrible volley was poured 
 into them. It was like a pack of Fourth of July fire-crackers 
 under a barrel magnified a thousand times. The Rebels 
 had crept upon them unawares and the batteries were all 
 killed and wounded. 
 
 " 'Here,' says Goss, continuing, let me interrupt Tink- 
 ermann's narrative to say that one of the artillerymen then 
 engaged has since told me that, though he had been in sev- 
 eral battles since, he had seldom seen worse destruction in 
 so short a time. He said they saw a regiment advancing, 
 and the natural inference was that they were Eebels. But 
 an officer insisted that it was a New York regiment, which 
 was expected for support, and so no order was given to fire 
 on them. Then came a tremendous explosion of musketry,' 
 said the artillerymen, 'and all was confusion; wounded men 
 with dripping wounds were clinging to caissons, to which 
 were attached frightened and wounded horses. Horses at- 
 tached to caissons rushed through the infantry ranks. I 
 saw three horses galloping off, dragging a fourth, which was 
 dead. 
 
 '"The dead cannoneers lay with the rammers of the 
 guns and the lanyards in their hands. The battery was an- 
 nihilated by those volleys in a moment. Those who could 
 
46 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 get away didn't wait. We had no supports near enough to 
 protect us properly, and the enemy was within seventy yards 
 of us when that volley was fired. Our battery being demol- 
 ished in that way was the beginning of our defeat at Bull 
 Run,' says the old regular. 
 
 "This ends the quotation. I have italicized the words 
 which strike me as a direct confirmation of the claim I 
 make that the 33d turned the tide, and Colonel Cummings' 
 timely order let loose the 33d at the very crisis of the bat- 
 tle. I distinctly only claim that with the order and because 
 of the order came trie first check McDowell sustained. That 
 other troops immensely aided in forcing back the Yankee 
 line when thus checked, I freely admit. But our regiment 
 called a halt in the victorious advance of the enemy. I 
 dwell upon the circumstance because of the great interest 
 it adds to the engagement to know that you belonged to the 
 regiment that received and repelled the dangerous thrust of 
 the enemy at the nice turning point of the day. I should 
 think to Colonel Cummings the circumstance would be of 
 extraordinary interest, and that he would time and again 
 reflect how little he thought, when he braced himself to 
 give the order to his regiment, that he was making a long 
 page in history. KANDOLPH BARTON, 
 
 "Late Staff Officer 2d Corps, A. N. V." 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 47 
 
 V. 
 
 The Adjutant of our regiment was L. Jacquelin Smith, 
 and the regiment took a dislike to him from the first, for he 
 was a fop in kid gloves, and wanted to be very strict, es- 
 pecially on dress parade. In reading orders he always pro- 
 nounced his name as above, and put on more airs than a 
 Brigadier General. Some of the boys prophesied that he was 
 a coward. Sure enough, when the battle commenced he 
 showed the "white feather" and disapneared. In a few days 
 he returned to camp. 
 
 When Colonel Cummingrs saw him he called out, "Hello, 
 Smith, how did the battle go about Winchester?" and then 
 told him that he had no further use for him. Winchester 
 was about eighty miles to the rear. That was the last we 
 ever heard of "L. Jacquelin Smith, Adjutant."* 
 
 We were camped about five miles east of the battle- 
 field, and from the impurity of the water and the stench 
 from the surrounding country the boys gave it the name of 
 "Maggot Camp." A great many were taken sick at this 
 camp, and General Jackson turned the house that he used 
 for his headquarters into a hospital; 
 
 While here' we received two more companies into our 
 regiment — the "Mountain Rangers," Captain W. F. M. Hol- 
 liday, from Frederick County, Virginia, and the "Rocking- 
 ham Confederates," Captain J. R. Jones, from Rockingham 
 County, which made ten companies — the full number for a 
 regiment. We were numbered and lettered, our number 
 being 33d Virginia Infantry, and my company "A." There- 
 
 * Some years after this was written, I met in Texas an old 
 gentleman by the name of Jacquelin Smith, from Fauquier County, 
 Virginia, who, having seen an extract from my diary published in a 
 newspaper, begged of me, if I should ever publish my diary, to leave 
 that part out, as someone might think that it referred to him. He 
 was a true representative of the Virginia gentleman, and I make 
 this statement in justice to the Smith family. It wasn't this Smith. 
 
48 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 fore I belonged to Company A, 33d Virginia Infantry, 
 Stonewall Brigade, General Joseph E. Johnston's Corps, 
 Army of the Potomac, as it was then called. 
 
 The regiments; which composed the Stonewall Brigade 
 were the 2d, 4th, 5th, 27th and 33d Virginia Kegiments of 
 Infantry, the Rockbridge Artillery, commanded by Captain 
 W. N. Pendleton, and Carpenter's Battery, as it was com- 
 posed of a company of the "Allegheny Roughs" from the 
 27th Virginia Infantry. Those five regiments were together 
 in that brigade during the whole war, and no others were 
 attached to it. 
 
 It would not be amiss to give here a brief history of the 
 famous Stonewall Brigade Band. 
 
 This historic association was organized in 1855, at 
 Staunton, Va., under the name of "The Mountain Sax- 
 Horn Band," which name it retained until the commence- 
 ment of the Civil War, at which time it mustered in as the 
 "5th Virginia Regiment Band." 
 
 Being recognized by General "Stonewall" Jackson as 
 the best band in the brigade, he appointed it his Brigade 
 Band, hence its present name. 
 
 The band served during the entire four years of strife, 
 and the members were often exposed to great danger, as 
 they acted as assistant surgeons, and helped to bear the dead 
 and wounded from the field. They also did hospital duty, 
 and several of them could, in war times, amputate a leg or 
 an arm as well as a regular surgeon. Only two were killed 
 in battle. 
 
 At Appomattox General Grant issued an order to allow 
 the members of the band to take their instruments* home 
 with them, and they are now on exhibition in their band hall. 
 
 The band occupied a post of honor at the funeral 
 of General Grant, in New York, and has attended nearly all 
 the famous military events in this country. The organiza- 
 tion was incorporated in 1874 under the laws of Virginia. 
 
 * These instruments, which are probably the only complete set 
 in existence that were used during the entire Civil War, have at- 
 tracted much attention in Northern cities, and were exhibited by 
 the Band at the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 49 
 
 The present membership (exclusive of honorary war 
 members) is thirty. 
 
 There are three original war members still in active 
 service. 
 
 A few days after the battle, Joseph Earsome, of the 2d 
 Regiment, and myself took a stroll over the battle-field and 
 surrounding country, on the line of retreat as far as Center- 
 ville. The whole country was strewn with broken guns, 
 cartridge boxes, canteens, knapsacks, cannon, caissons, broken 
 wagons and the general baggage of an army. 
 
 I must here relate an act of heroism that happened 
 where the battle raged the hottest. There was a small 
 house that stood between the lines of the two armies, and in 
 it lived an old lady of 90 years, and her daughter, who was 
 pretty well advanced in years. 
 
 I don't suppose the soldiers of either army knew there 
 was anyone living in the house, for all the other citizens 
 around had fled for safety earlv in the day. However, be 
 that as it may, they were there. The house was riddled 
 with shot and shell from both sides, and the old lady, being 
 helpless and confined to her bed, was pierced with several 
 bullets and killed, while the daughter, unable to carry her 
 off at the commencement of the fight, remained with her. 
 She had crawled under the bed and escaped unhurt. I con- 
 versed with the daughter the next day, when she related 
 what is here recorded. I also saw the corpse of the old lady. 
 Their names were Henry, and this was the since noted 
 "Henry house." 
 
 We moved camp the 1st of August, one mile east of 
 Centerville, to a beautiful place where we had good water, 
 which we called "Camp Harman," in honor of Major John A. 
 Harman, our Brigade Quartermaster, who selected the camp. 
 We remained in this camp one month, nothing of interest 
 transpiring but the usual routine of camp life. We 
 marched three different times down to Fairfax Court House 
 to fight the enemy, but each time it was a false alarm. 
 
 Some six or seven of my company, being very anxious 
 to go home on a visit, and not being able to get a furlough, 
 took a 'Trench Furlough" and disappeared one night. What 
 we meant by "French Furlough" was simply "absent without 
 
50 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 leave," and was not considered desertion. If they returned 
 without being arrested they were put on extra guard duty 
 for a few nights, but if arrested and brought back they 
 were court-martialed, and had to ride a wooden horse, or 
 wear a barrel shirt, or receive some such punishment. 
 
 While here Lieutenant Buzzard, of my company, was 
 detailed to go to Hampshire County and gather up absentees. 
 When he returned be brought back sixteen. 
 
 The day before those boys took their "French Fur- 
 lough" Sergeant James A. Parsons had taken several of 
 them to the surgeon's tent to get some medicine, as they 
 were complaining of being sick. Dr. Nete Baldwin, our sur- 
 geon, prescribed for them, and that night they left. The 
 next morning Parsons rushed up to Dr. Baldwin's tent, very 
 much excited, exclaiming: "Doctor! doctor! for God's sake 
 what kind of medicine was that you gave those men yes- 
 terday?" The doctor, thinking perhaps he had made some 
 mistake in prescribing, wanted to know what had hannened. 
 
 Parsons replied that it had had a terrible effect on 
 them, as it had worked them clear out of the county, and 
 to not give the men any more of that kind of medicine. 
 When they returned we were joking them about it, and they 
 were very much insulted, and talked of whipping Parsons. 
 
 While in this camp we received our first pay, and I re- 
 ceived some new clothes from home. There were a great 
 many hucksters came to camp, with chickens, butter, eggs, 
 etc., to sell, and always found ready sale. One morning, 
 just after roll call, Mike Dagnon (a messmate) and myself 
 saw- a wagon near camp, retailing produce. 
 
 "Come," says Mike, "we will have some chickens for 
 breakfast." 
 
 When we arrived at the wagon we found a considerable 
 crowd. So Mike mounted the wagon, and, selecting two fine 
 chickens, handed them to me, saying: "You hold these until 
 I get my change." 
 
 "What change ?" says I, "you haven't paid him yet." 
 
 "Never mind," says he, "you hold the chickens. Come, 
 old man," turning to the chicken vendor, "give me my 
 change. I'm in a hurry." 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 51 
 
 The old man, being very busy selling, and confused, 
 says : "How much did you give me ?" 
 
 "Five dollars," says Mike. 
 
 When he handed us the change and we walked off with 
 four dollars and the chickens I told Mike that was too bad. 
 He "allowed" it was good enough for war times. 
 
 At this time we had a cook, Jacob Adams, detailed, who 
 cooked for the whole company, so we repaired to the cook 
 house and wanted him to cook our chickens for us, but he 
 contended that chicken was not on the bill of fare, and refused 
 to do so. Consequently, we took the frying pan from him 
 and proceeded to cook them ourselves. This ended in a skir- 
 mish between us and the cook, in which the cook beat- a re- 
 treat. He went to the Captain's tent and reported the state 
 of affairs. The Captain ordered the Sergeant to take a file 
 of men and conduct us to the guardhouse. By this time 
 the chickens were about cooked, and we took them along. I 
 told Mike that we were getting: paid for cheating the old 
 man out of his change and chickens. 
 
 Now, this was the brigade guardhouse we were put in, 
 and as it was getting pretty well crowded, Colonel Cum- 
 mings concluded to have a regimental guardhouse. So the 
 next day all those who were in the guardhouse from my reg- 
 iment were taken out and taken to our regimental head- 
 quarters and put in charge of an officer and ordered to build 
 a new guardhouse. A guardhouse was simply a large pen of 
 round logs, with no roof on. 
 
 Mike and I were ordered to carry up the corners. Some 
 of the logs were crooked, and Mike says to me: "Let's put 
 two of the crooked logs together, so we can creep out some 
 nights." 
 
 "All right." says I, and we did so. 
 
 We remained in the guardhouse six days, and every 
 night we would slip out that crack and roam around over 
 the brigade, crawling back before day. We did not care 
 if the sentinel did see us coming back, for we would make 
 him believe we got out while he was on duty, and would 
 report him for negligence. So he would keep mum, and 
 every night there would be a different sentinel. But soldiers 
 
52 
 
 FOtJK TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 53 
 
 had to do some devilment to relieve the monotony of camp 
 
 On the 1st of September we moved camp to within one 
 mile of Fairfax Court House, about ten miles nearer Alex- 
 andria, and our regiment went on picket duty at "Mun- 
 son's Hill," in sight of Washington City. We remained on 
 picket one week, and had quite a nice time. 
 
 My cousin, Smith Casler, of the 1st Kentucky Eegi- 
 ment, came to see me while in this camp. I had not seen 
 him since we were little boys, he living in Louisville, Ky., 
 when the war broke out. I got a pass for a few days and he 
 and I went to the battle-field,, and I showed him all about 
 the place, and the ground we fought over. We saw the mar- 
 ble shaft erected to mark the place where General Bee fell. 
 
 We then went to the "Henry house," and there acci- 
 dentally met a son of the old lady who was killed there. 
 He was living in Alexandria, and had slipped through the 
 lines to visit his old home, now desolate and torn to pieces 
 by the ravages of war. He spoke kindly to us, and was 
 much grieved about his mother's death. He gave us a 
 short history of his past life, and entreated us to~go forth 
 and avenge his mother's death. He was apparently about 50 
 years of age, and we parted with him with sad hearts, if not 
 with tears in our eyes. We then went to a house near by 
 and stayed all night. 
 
 The next morning we went to Manassas Junction and 
 got on the cars and went to Fairfax Station, visited the 
 "Hampshire Guards" in the 13th Virginia, • remained two 
 days and then returned to our respective commands. I 
 found my regiment about starting on picket again. This 
 time we went to "Falls Church," which was very close to the 
 enemy. We had very strict orders, for we were expecting 
 an attack from the whole army. 
 
 I was on post the first night, and had orders to fire at 
 anything I heard in front that would not "halt" when chal- 
 lenged. I had not been on post long when I heard some- 
 thing walking in the leaves. 
 
 "Halt!" I cried, and it stopped. 
 
 "Who comes there?" 
 
 No answer. 
 
54 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Directly I heard the steps again, and was about to fire, 
 when I heard a hog grunt. By this time the captain had 
 come from the reserve post, having heard my challenge. I 
 felt a little mortified from being deceived by a hog, but he 
 said I did exactly right, for the enemy had killed several of 
 our pickets in that way — by sneaking up on them in the 
 night. 
 
 One time, when the 13th Virginia was on picket at 
 "Munson's Hill," near Alexandria, they had thrown up a 
 little earthwork for protection, and the Federal pickets had 
 done the same, as in those days the pickets would fire on 
 each other whenever the opportunity presented itself; but 
 we learned better afterwards. Our pickets had the old 
 smooth-bore altered muskets, and the Federals had longer 
 range guns, and it was soon found that our guns would not 
 reach their lines, while theirs would whistle around, making 
 it very uncomfortable for a fellow to be exposed too much, 
 and they, knowing our bullets could not reach them, took 
 advantage of the situation, and would expose themselves on 
 their work's and tantalize our boys. 
 
 Lieutenant P. W. Pugh, of the 62d Virginia, who was 
 then temporarily attached to the 13th Virginia, and an- 
 other soldjer, happened to capture two of the Federal pick- 
 ets who had these long-range guns. Pugh then remarked 
 that we would pay those pickets back in their own coin. 
 
 Consequently, the next day, when the firing and tan- 
 talizing commenced, Pugh and his partner took deliber- 
 ate aim at two of the Federals, who were making themselves 
 conspicuous, and fired. The Federals rolled off the bank 
 and disappeared, but whether they were hurt or not was 
 not known. Anyway, they kept concealed after that, but 
 stuck their heads above the works and hallooed over to our 
 boys: "You stole them guns, you d — d Rebel thieves." 
 
 They at least found out that our boys had guns that 
 would reach their lines, and kept quiet. 
 
 We remained on picket one week, were not attacked, 
 and had plenty to eat. There was a farmhouse near by, 
 but the family had all left, leaving a fine garden of potatoes 
 and other vegetables behind, which we dug for them and 
 appropriated to our own use. The woods were full of 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 55 
 
56 FOUE TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 chestnuts and chinquepins, which we gathered when not 
 on duty. 
 
 We came back to camp, and after remaniing a few 
 days the whole army had orders to fall hack to Centerville 
 and commence fortifying. But before leaving this camp the 
 rail fence all around the field we were camped in had disap- 
 peared, and we had had strict orders not to burn a rail. But 
 they were gone, and, of course, nobody did it. Colonel 
 Cummings knew that it was done by his regiment, and he 
 made the whole regiment go into the woods, make new rails, 
 and rebuild the fence. 
 
 The day we fell back to Centerville we marched very 
 slowly and halted quite often. One time we halted where 
 the 1st Kentucky had been camped, and where they had left 
 some commissary stores behind in charge of the Commis- 
 sary Sergeant until the wagons returned for them. We had 
 noj; halted long before we discovered a barrel of whiskey in 
 the lot. To get it out of the bunghole without being dis- 
 covered was the trouble with us, but one fellow happened 
 to have a long reed pipestem that had never been used. We 
 soon had it in the bunghole, and took turns sucking 
 through it. But that was too slow a process to supply so 
 many, so we got to tilting the barrel over and catching it 
 in out tin cups. But the old Commissary Sergeant discov- 
 ered us just as we were ordered to "fall in" and march off. 
 He raved and charged and swore that if the 1st Kentucky 
 was there he would make them whip the whole brigade, but 
 it did no good, for we had the whiskey and he had the 
 barrel. 
 
 While in this camp near Centerville we had a grand 
 review before Governor John Letcher, then Governor of 
 Virginia, who presented each Virginia regiment with a 
 beautiful state flag, and made us a short speech, in which 
 he told us we had a long and bloody war before us. 
 
 It was against orders for anyone to sell whiskey to the 
 soldiers, or bring any into camp; but one day a huckster, 
 more bold than the others, had some five-gallon kegs full 
 of whiskey in the bottom of his wagon, and was selling it on 
 the sly to the soldiers. My mess, some eight in number, 
 concluded to buy a keg, which we did, and smuggled it into 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 57 
 
 the tent and buried it in the ground under the bunk: We 
 appointed one of the mess to issue it out, as we needed 
 it, but in a few days we were ordered to get ready to go on 
 picket, none being left in camp but the sick. We therefore 
 detailed one of the mess (who was pretty good at it anyhow) 
 to play off sick, so he would be excused from duty and get 
 to stay in camp and take care of our tent, which he did ad- 
 mirably the next morning. The rest of us went on picket 
 down on the "Little River Turnpike," and remained one 
 week. When we returned we found him well and the whis- 
 key safe, but each of us had taken his canteen full along 
 on picket for fear of an accident. 
 
 On the 4th of October General Jackson was promoted 
 to Major General, and ordered to Winchester, to take com- 
 mand of the forces then in the Shenandoah Valley, and 
 he had his brigade paraded to bid them farewell. We all 
 had the blues, for we did not want to part with him as our 
 commander. Besides, we all wanted to go with him, as 
 nearly all of us came from the different counties in the 
 Shenandoah Valley. 
 
 General Jackson and his staff officers rode up in front 
 of the brigade, after we had formed on the hillside, and 
 looked up and down the line. He then slowly raised his cap 
 and said: 
 
 "Officers and Soldiers of the First Brigade: I am 
 not here to make a speech, but simply to say farewell. I 
 first met you at Harper's Ferry, in the commencement of 
 this war, and I cannot take leave of you without giving ex- 
 pression to my admiration for your conduct from that day 
 to this, whether on the march, the bivouac, the tented field, 
 or the bloody plains of Manassas, when you gained the well 
 deserved reputation of having decided the fate of that battle. 
 
 "Throughout the broad extent of country over which 
 you have marched, by your respect for the rights and prop- 
 erty of citizens you have shown that you were soldiers, not 
 only to defend, but able and willing both to defend and pro- 
 tect. You have . already gained a brilliant and deservedly 
 high reputation throughout the army and the whole Con- 
 federacy, and I trust in the future, by your own deeds on 
 the field, and by the assistance of the same kind Providence 
 
58 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 who has heretofore favored our cause, you will gain more 
 victories, and add additional luster to the reputation you 
 now enjoy. 
 
 "You have already gained a proud position in the fu- 
 ture history of this, our second war of independence. I shall 
 look with great anxiety to your future movements, and I 
 trust that whenever I shall hear of the 1st Brigade on the 
 field of battle it will be of still nobler deeds achieved and a 
 higher reputation won." 
 
 Here he paused and glanced proudly around him. Then, 
 raising himself in his stirrups and throwing the reins on his 
 horse's neck, he exclaimed in a voice of such deep feeling 
 that it thrilled through every heart in the brigade: "In the 
 Army of the Shenandoah you were the First Brigade, in the 
 Army of the Potomac you were the First Brigade, in the 
 2d Corps of this army you are the First Brigade; you are 
 First Brigade in the affections of your general, and I hope by 
 your future deeds and bearing you will be handed down to 
 posterity as the First Brigade in this, our second war of in- 
 dependence. Farewell !" 
 
 For a moment there was a pause, and then arose cheer 
 after cheer, so wild and thrilling that the very heavens rang 
 with them. General Jackson waved farewell to his men, 
 and, gathering his reins, rode rapidly away. 
 
 This was the only time I ever heard him open his 
 mouth to speak, except once afterwards he spoke a few words 
 in my presence. He was a man who had very little to say. 
 
 Now, I don't consider that the "Stonewall Brigade" 
 was better than other brigades, for there were plenty of 
 other brigades that did just as good service as we did, and 
 if any other brigade had been similarly situated at the first 
 battle of Manassas I have no doubt they would have done 
 as well as we did, and gained the same reputation. 
 
 We had to pay dearly for our reputation afterwards, 
 for whenever there was an extra hard duty to be performed 
 General Jackson always sent his old brigade to that post of 
 duty for fear the other brigades under his command would 
 think and say that he favored his old command. Conse- 
 quently we often had harder duty to perform than the 
 others. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 59 
 
 We all returned to camp after his farewell address con- 
 siderably out of humor, for we wanted to go with him 
 wherever he went, and be immediately under his eye, and 
 especially to the Valley, as our homes were there. 
 
 Nothing of interest transpired in camp, except every 
 few days some private belonging to the brigade would come 
 into camp with a long yarn, that he heard such and such 
 officers say that our brigade had orders to report to General 
 Jackson. But they all proved to be "false alarms," until 
 one day, about a month after he left us, such an order did 
 come, and we were ordered to "strike tents" and be ready to 
 march the next morning. Then there was joy in the camp, 
 and the excitement kept up until the next morning, when 
 the 2d, 5th and 27th Eegiments marched off to Manassas 
 Junction and took the cars for Strasburg, about fifty miles 
 away. 
 
 For want of transportation, my regiment and the 4th 
 had to wait until the next day. We then marched to the 
 railroad, but the trains had not returned, and we anxiously 
 waited all day. It then commenced raining, but we could 
 not put up our tents, for we did not know what moment 
 the trains would return; so we had a glorious night in the 
 rain and mud. 
 
 About one hour before day the cars came, when we 
 loaded on our baggage, boarded the trains and away we 
 went, as merry a set of fellows as ever rode. We had a gay 
 time that day, waving our hats and cheering every lady we 
 saw, and, in due time, arrived at Strasburg. 
 
 Several of our companies were from that neighborhood, 
 and their friends and relatives came to meet them, and 
 brought them cooked food and many delicacies. It was quite 
 an affecting scene for a short time, for some were overjoyed 
 with meeting their husbands, brothers and lovers, while 
 others were bathed in tears for their husbands, brothers, 
 sons or lovers who had fallen on the bloody plains of Ma- 
 nassas. 
 
 We then marched about one mile from town on the 
 road to Winchester, and camped in an old barn. 
 
 The next day we marched toward Winchester, eighteen 
 
60 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 miles distant, and joined the brigade and went into camp 
 near Kernstown, a few miles from Winchester. 
 
 Some of the soldiers belonging to the 27th Kegiment 
 were determined to go on to Winchester, and they flanked 
 the guard and kept on down the road, but when in sight of 
 town they were halted by the militia picket and were told 
 they could go no farther without a pass. 
 
 Now, the militia were never much in the way of vol- 
 unteers when they had a notion for a raid in town. So one 
 of the volunteers took command of the squad and ordered 
 them to load their arms and prepare to charge the militia. 
 Then the militia broke and fled as fast as their legs could 
 carry them — the boys yelling and charging until they got 
 to town. Here they scattered, for fear of being arrested 
 by the provost guard. 
 
 They all got on a spree, and most of them landed in the 
 guardhouse that night, and were sent to the camp under 
 arrest. We remained in this camp about one week, when 
 my cousin, Smith Casler (who was on a furlough), and my 
 sister Sallie came in a buggy to see me. They spent a few 
 hours with me and returned home. 
 
 I wanted a leave of absence for a few days to go with 
 them, but could not get it. Smith told me to meet him in 
 Winchester the next day and he would let me have the horse 
 and his pass, and I could go home, a distance of fifteen 
 miles. I got a pass the next day from my Captain to go to 
 Winchester and meet my cousin. I then changed the date 
 of his pass, got on the horse, and was soon on my way home, 
 as merry as if I had a genuine furlough. 
 
 I remained at home seven days, and then returned to 
 camp, and found the brigade had moved camp four miles 
 north of Winchester, near Stephenson's Depot. I was put 
 on double duty for seven nights, as a punishment for my 
 "French Furlough." 
 
 We remained at "Camp Stephenson" for some time; 
 had good tents, plenty to eat, and nothing to do but guard 
 duty and drill, with plenty of visitors at our camp every 
 day. While at this camp Brigadier General R. B. Garnett 
 was made Brigadier of our brigade, and we had a review, in 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 61 
 
 order to display our soldierly qualities before our new Gen- 
 eral and the ladies. 
 
 On the 17th day of December we struck tents and 
 marched about fifteen miles towards Martinsburg, and 
 camped within three miles of that place. The next morning 
 we were on the march, and went through Martinsburg down 
 to Dam No. 5, on the Potomac river — another fifteen miles. 
 We had about twenty flatboats with us, in covered wagons. 
 They were not so much concealed but they could be easily 
 seen by any spies there might be about', and there were 
 plenty of them. This was a ruse to make the Federals 
 think we were going to cross the Potomac, while our object 
 was to destroy the dam, so the Chesapeake and Ohio canal 
 could not be used by the enemy. 
 
 Almost everybody thought we were going to invade 
 Maryland, but we halted at the dam and commenced to 
 destroy it. The enemy, on the other side of the river, 
 kept up such a continuous firing that we could not work, so 
 we took the boats up the river opposite Little Georgetown, 
 Md., unloaded them, and made preparations as if we were 
 going to cross. The enemy at once drew all their forces up 
 there in order to intercept us, and left us free to tear open 
 the dam in their absence, which we did. We then returned 
 to our old camp near Winchester, where we remained until 
 January 1, 1862. Thus ended the first year of the war. 
 
62 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 VI. 
 
 On the 1st of January, 1862, we struck tents, marched 
 out of camp, and took the road leading to Bath (now 
 Berkely Springs), Morgan County, Va. (now West Virginia), 
 about forty miles distant, and near the Baltimore and Ohio 
 railroad. It was a very pleasant, warm day for the time of 
 year, and we marched about twenty miles and camped for 
 the night. I went home, as it was near, and stayed all 
 night, and returned to camp next morning, ready for the 
 march. But the weather had changed considerably, and it 
 was cold and rainy. We continued the march, but it snowed 
 that evening, so that our baggage wagons could not get 
 up with us, and we were without tents, blankets and rations. 
 
 They came up next morning, when we cooked rations, 
 and were soon on the march again. That evening we en- 
 tered Bath (now Berkely Springs) and captured some few 
 of the enemy, but the greater portion escaped by running 
 over the militia force that was sent around to cut off their 
 retreat to the Potomac. 
 
 The next day we went on to the river, opposite Hancock, 
 Md., and threw a few shells across. We captured some gov- 
 ernment stores and remained there two days, the weather be- 
 ing very bad all the time — snowing, sleeting, raining and 
 freezing. We would lie down at nights without tents, rolled 
 up head and heels in our blankets, and in the morning would 
 be covered with snow. Every few minutes some one of the 
 party I was sleeping with would poke his head out from 
 under the blankets and let in the snow around our necks, 
 when he would get punched in the ribs until he would "haul 
 in his horns." 
 
 We then marched back towards Winchester and camped 
 at Unger's Store. The roads were one glare of ice, and it 
 was very difficult for the wagons and artillery to get along. 
 Four men were detailed to go with each wagon in order to 
 keep it on the road on going around the hillside curves. I 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 63 
 
 was on one detail, and we would tie ropes to the top of the 
 wagon-bed in the rear. and all swing to the upper 6ide of the 
 road. The horses were smooth shod, and in going up a 
 little hill I have seen one horse in each team down nearly 
 all the time. As soon as one would get up, another would 
 be down, and sometimes all four at once. 
 
 That day I saw General Jackson get down off his horse 
 and put his shoulder to the wheel of a wagon to keep it 
 from, sliding back. By slow and tedious work we arrived 
 at camp after night. The troops were marching in the rear. 
 I had our tent up and a good fire made out of rails by the 
 time they arrived. 
 
 We remained at this camp three days, sent all the sick 
 to Winchester, and took up the line of march for Romney, 
 Hampshire County, thirty-five miles west. The first night 
 we camped at the Great Capon river, built a bridge across 
 it and North river, and camped the second night at Slane's 
 Crossroads. 
 
 The third day we entered Romney, and found the en- 
 emy had evacuated the place on hearing of our approach. 
 The weather was extremely rough. We were all covered 
 over with sleet, and as it would freeze fast to us as it fell 
 we presented rather an icy appearance. 
 
 We remained in Romney several days, when our brigade 
 was ordered back to Winchester, some of General W. W. 
 Loring's command remaining. My company, being' from 
 Hampshire County, received ten days' furlough, through the 
 kindness of Lieutenant Colonel J. R. Jones, who pleaded 
 with General Jackson in our behalf. So we all started off for 
 Springfield, our native town, nine miles north of Romney, 
 in high spirits, and the brigade started for Winchester. 
 
 But when we arrived at Springfield we were not as 
 happy as we expected to be, from the fact that we were two 
 miles outside of our pickets, and were constantly in danger 
 of being picked up by a scouting party from the enemy, 
 which came in nearly every day or night. But we managed 
 to dodge them all the time, and enjoyed ourselves hugely 
 with the girls with whom we had spent our schoolboy days. 
 But the last day they came near capturing some of our 
 boys, for they were just starting out of town when the scouts 
 
64 FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 came in, and they ran into the houses and hid until all 
 were safe. 
 
 We all met in Eomney at the time appointed, and 
 started en route for Winchester, leaving Loring's brigade to 
 hold the place, and arrived in Winchester in three days. 
 We found the brigade building winter quarters four miles 
 northwest of town, on the Pughtown road. So we went to 
 work and did likewise. Thus ended a severe winter cam- 
 paign. 
 
 We were out nearly one month, and had miserable 
 weather all the time, and did no fighting, except some little 
 skirmishing, but we lost more men from sickness than if we 
 had been engaged in a big battle. We accomplished noth- 
 ing, for the enemy retreated across the Potomac, only to 
 come back again as soon as we left. Winchester was full 
 of soldiers sick with the pneumonia, and they died by 
 hundreds. 
 
 We lost our Second Lieutenant, Jacob N". Buzzard, who 
 died in Winchester, where our company buried him with 
 the honors of war. It was a very solemn ceremony, as he 
 was greatly beloved by the whole company. 
 
 We finished our quarters the 1st day of February, when 
 I was taken sick and sent to the hospital in Winchester. I 
 remained there until the 11th of March, at which time 
 General Jackson evacuated Winchester, and the boys had to 
 give up their good quarters and take the field for it again. 
 I was sent on to the hospital at Mount Jackson. General 
 Jackson fell back to Eude's Hill, fifty miles from Winches- 
 ter, and remained there some time. I began to get better, 
 and, being tired of the hospital, I returned to my regiment 
 the 21st of March. That day we started towards Winches- 
 ter to advance on the enemy. The next day we made a 
 forced march of twenty-eight miles, and I, just getting over 
 my sickness, could hardly make the "riffle," and it was dif- 
 ficult to keep up with the troops. The next day, the 23d 
 of March, we marched fifteen miles, and met the enemy 
 three miles south of Winchester, near Kernstown, and there 
 fought one of the hardest little battles of the war, and were 
 defeated. 
 
 General Jackson attacked 8,000 of the enemy under 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
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66 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 General Shields, with 2,500 infantry and Ashby's cavalry, 
 and repeatedly charged them, but was driven back, and finally 
 had to give up the field and retreat. Darkness was all that 
 saved us. 
 
 As part of our brigade were marching up a hill in the 
 open field, alongside a fence, to take position, at the com- 
 mencement of the fight, the enemy could see us, and they 
 commenced shelling us from a hill on our right, and killed 
 and wounded several. Just as Elijah Hartley, of my com- 
 pany, was making a step a shell passed between his legs 
 and exploded, literally tearing him to pieces. He fell over 
 in the fence corner, and that was the last we ever saw or 
 heard of him. 
 
 We went on and took position, and were soon hotly 
 engaged. A shell struck an artillery horse and exploded 
 inside of him, tearing him to pieces and tearing both legs 
 off of his driver. 
 
 There was a stone fence between two fields running 
 parallel with the lines of battle — a Federal regiment on one 
 side, a short distance from it, and the 37th Virginia about 
 the same distance on the other side, advancing towards each 
 other. Both regiments charged for the fence about the 
 same time, and it was "nip and tuck" which would reach it 
 first, but the 37th Virginia got there, and, kneeling down, 
 poured a deadly volley into the other at close quarters, and 
 nearly annihilated it. Such would have been their fate if 
 the Federals had gotten there first. 
 
 Our company lost two men killed — Elijah Hartley and 
 Thomas Gross — three wounded — Sergeat James P. Daily, 
 Robert C. Grace and Mart Miller — and two captured — Mike 
 Bright and Ed. Allen. E. C. Grace was wounded early in 
 the action, and put into an ambulance with other wounded 
 and sent to the rear. The ambulance was fired on by the 
 enemy's cavalry and Grace wounded again, and all captured. 
 He was taken to Winchester, and from there his friends 
 took him home, where he died. Sergeant J. P. Daily was 
 wounded in the leg as we were falling back, and his brother, 
 William Daily, wanted to stay and help him along, but 
 he said, "No, save yourself, and I will do the best I can." 
 He fell into the hands of the enemy, was taken to Win- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 67 
 
 Chester, and died. Mart Miller was shot in the back of the 
 neck as we were running down, a hill, and the bullet came 
 out in front, near his windpipe; but he kept on running, 
 when a spent ball struck him in his overcoat collar and 
 lodged there. He turned a complete somersault, and we all 
 thought he was dead; but he said he was all right, and was 
 helped up and escaped. He was sent to the hospital, but 
 came back to the company in about six weeks, perfectly well 
 and ready for duty. 
 
 Several of us had halted under a tree in the edge of 
 the woods, to see what was best to do, and while there a 
 man on horseback came dashing up to us and asked us what 
 command we belonged to. Seeing that he was a Confed- 
 erate, we told him. He exclaimed: "We've lost the day; 
 we've lost the day," in the saddest tones I ever heard. He 
 looked all around and then repeated it: "We've lost the day; 
 we've lost the day," and turned his horse toward the battle- 
 field and dashed off at full speed. None of us knew him or 
 his rank, as it was getting too dark to observe him well. 
 But I thought then, and have since thought, that the man 
 was shocked by a shell passing or exploding near him, for 
 he appeared crazy, or bewildered. We all scattered back as 
 far as Newtown that night, about five miles from the battle- 
 field, and lay along the road, every fellow for himself, build- 
 ing fires out of fence rails, and making ourselves as com- 
 fortable as we could after the fatigues of the day. I did 
 not see but one regiment in any kind of order, and that 
 was the 5th Virginia, of our brigade. It had acted as a 
 reserve during the battle, and covered our retreat. There 
 was no attempt to rally us that night, but next morning we 
 were all at our posts in our respective regiments. 
 
 We continued to fall back in good order to the south 
 side of Cedar creek, Ashby's cavalry holding the enemy in 
 check. They did not appear very anxious for another fight. 
 Our loss was not very heavy in that battle. The citizens 
 who gathered up our dead, and buried them, reported eighty- 
 three dead on the field. A greater portion of the wounded 
 fell into the enemy's hands ; also a few prisoners. 
 
 That was a kind of Virginia fight, for they were all 
 Virginians, except a few Maryland companies, on the South- 
 
68 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 era side, and there were a good many Virginia regiments 
 on the Federal side; and it was fought in Virginia. 
 
 After the fight was over it was a mystery to us why 
 General Jackson, would evacuate Winchester and fall back 
 fifty miles, and then turn around with a smaller force than 
 he left Winchester with and go back and attack such a large 
 force, with no chance of success. We had a smaller army, 
 to my certain knowledge, for after we left Winchester there 
 were one or two regiments sent away, and the soldiers were 
 re-enlisting, getting $50 bounty and thirty days furlough; 
 besides, one-fourth or one-third of our command were already 
 absent on furlough. We had also left all the militia behind. 
 
 But military men don't tell privates their plans, and 
 General Jackson never told officers his. But we knew it 
 was all right' when "Old Bluelight" gave his orders. We 
 found out afterwards the cause. 
 
 When the Southern army evacuated Manassas Junction, 
 and fell back to the Eappahannock, General Jackson had to 
 evacuate Winchester and fall back, in order to form a line 
 or junction, if necessary. As the Federals had given up 
 going to Bichmond by way of Manassas Junction, and were 
 landing troops on the peninsula, under General McClellan, 
 to approach Bichmond from the east, also a large force in 
 the Valley to approach Bichmond from the west, it was 
 highly important for the Southern army to keep them from 
 forming a junction. The very day that General Jackson 
 fought the battle of Kernstown there were Federal troops 
 leaving Winchester and marching towards Fredericksburg, 
 and when the battle commenced they were halted and or- 
 dered back, and that scheme was frustrated. So General 
 Jackson lost the battle of Kernstown, but accomplished 
 what he went to do with a very small force. 
 
 This was the only time he was ever defeated, and the 
 only battle he lost during the war.* 
 
 He made such an impression on the enemy that a large 
 force was recalled in order to hold him in check, thinking 
 
 'Major Jed Hotolikiss said: "General Jackson spent the night 
 after the battle near where he had formed his line of battle in the 
 afternoon. He never considered that he was defeated at Kernstown." 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 69 
 
 he had five times the men he had. The enemy's, loss was 
 much greater than ours in killed and wounded, as they stood 
 so thick that a bullet could hardly miss them if aimed low 
 enough. 
 
 The day after the battle, while we were cooking rations 
 on a hill south of Cedar creek, the enemy came in sight on 
 an opposite hill, placed a battery in position and com- 
 menced throwing shells at us, in order to knock over our 
 camp kettles, I suppose, and we were ordered to load up the 
 wagons, "fall in" and depart hence. Now, four regiments 
 of our brigade marched to the left around the brow of the 
 hill, and were soon out of view and out of danger; but 
 Colonel A. J. Grigsby, commanding the 27th, who was always 
 rather headstrong, marched his regiment to the right, in 
 the main road and in full view, when a shell came tearing 
 along through the ranks, killing and wounding twelve men. 
 
 We continued to fall back slowly until we reached Eude's 
 Hill, Colonel Ashby, with his cavalry, covering our retreat 
 and harrassing the enemy. We remained there several days, 
 skirmishing nearly every day. 
 
 While at this camp the militia force was disbanded and 
 put into the volunteer companies, by which each company 
 was considerably recruited. Our company was larger than 
 ever before, numbering about eighty. But the militia did 
 not like that way of doing business, for they considered it 
 certain death to be put into the Stonewall Brigade, and 
 wanted to choose their own companies. The consequence 
 was the greater number of them ran off and went home to 
 their respective counties, and there formed cavalry compa- 
 nies, organized new regiments, and did good service during 
 the balance of the war. About twenty remained in my com- 
 pany, and some of them made as good soldiers as ever shoul- 
 dered a musket. 
 
 The enemy kept advancing on us in considerable force, 
 and as Colonel Ashby was disputing the passage of the 
 Shenandoah at Meem's bottom he had his white horse shot 
 under him, but he rode him back to the rear, where he died 
 in a short time. ("I saw this myself." — J. H") Mv uncle, 
 E. S. D. Heironimus, who belonged to Ashb/s cavalry, was 
 wounded in this skirmish. 
 
70 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 We kept on falling back until we reached Harrison- 
 burg, when we turned abruptly to the left and marched east 
 to Swift Eun Gap, in the Blue Ridge mountains. The en- 
 emy advanced no farther than Harrisonburg, with the ex- 
 ception of some scouting parties. We lay here for some time, 
 the weather being very rough, it raining and snowing con- 
 tinuously. 
 
 While here the army was reorganized. As we had been 
 mustered into service for one year, and the time expiring, 
 most of the men had re-enlisted. They received $50 bounty 
 and thirty days' furlough, but as only part of the army could 
 be furloughed at once, those who did not get a furlough be- 
 fore we began to move never got one at all, and those who 
 would not re-enlist were retained in service also, and received 
 the bounty, but not the furlough. 
 
 All the companies elected company officers, and the 
 company officers elected regimental officers, but that was 
 the last time it was done, for after that they always went 
 up by promotion. 
 
 Colonel A. C. Cummings, of my regiment, would not 
 serve any longer, and our Adjutant, A. J. Neff, was elected 
 Colonel, which very much disappointed the Lieutenant Colo- 
 nel and Major. But he made a* splendid officer, and did 
 good service. We were then mustered into service for three 
 years, or during the war. 
 
 A good many men who lived along the base of the Blue 
 Ridge, who were liable to military duty, and some deserters, 
 had taken refuge in the mountains and fortified themselves, 
 and defied the conscript officers to arrest them. General 
 Jackson sent some infantry and cavalry to capture them, 
 when an old lady living near remarked that "The deserters 
 had mortified in the Blue Ridge, but that General Jackson 
 sent a foot company and a critter company to ramshag the 
 Blue Ridge and capture them." 
 
 The day we arrived at Swift Run Gap our wagon train 
 was in advance, and part of them had taken the wrong road 
 and did not reach camp that night. Sergeant Parsons, of 
 my company, was with them. The next day, when they 
 arrived in camp, he said he stayed all night at a house way 
 up in the mountains, and the people were so ignorant that 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. VI 
 
 they did not know that the war was going on. When he 
 began to explain it to them and told them that he belonged 
 to General Jackson's command, they said: "Oh! yes; we 
 have read about General Jackson and his army!" He got 
 them to show him the book. It was about old Andy Jack- 
 son, in the war of 1812. 
 
72 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 VII. 
 
 My father had left home for fear of being arrested and 
 sent to prison, for he had been in the militia six months, and 
 with our army until we arrived at this camp, when he con- 
 cluded to go to Richmond and join the heavy artillery. He 
 was over age, and could not stand active field service. I 
 tried to persuade him to remain out of the army, for if both 
 of us got killed my mother and three sisters would be left 
 alone in the world. But he would go, and so we parted; 
 but after he got to Eichmond the company he joined was 
 put in the infantry. He would not be mustered in, but re- 
 turned to the Valley, and afterwards, when our army occu- 
 pied Winchester, he went home and remained there during 
 the war. 
 
 The 10th Virginia Regiment was organized in the Val- 
 ley, but had been east of the Ridge in General Johnston's 
 army ever since the battle of Manassas. It had been trying 
 for a long time to be transferred to the Valley under Jack- 
 son, and at last succeeded. So the regiment came to us at 
 this camp, and was put into the 3d Brigade of our division, 
 and we had considerable sport out of them tantalizing them. 
 We told them they had lain down there in good quarters all 
 winter, doing nothing but eat and sleep; that they would 
 soon get enough of Jackson; that he would soon take the 
 starch out of them and make them earn their board. Sure 
 enough, we soon had a battle at McDowell, and they got into 
 it hot and heavy, and lost a good many men; among them 
 their commander, Colonel S. B. Gibbons, a fine officer. The 
 regiment acted nobly, and had a high reputation during the 
 whole war. 
 
 General R. B. Garnett, commanding our brigade, was 
 relieved of his command by General Jackson for some mis- 
 management at the battle of Kernstown. I never heard ex- 
 actly what it was; but General C. S. Winder took command 
 
FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 73 
 
 of our brigade. He was an old United States officer, and 
 very strict. General Garnett afterwards commanded a bri- 
 gade in Pickett's Division, and was killed at Gettysburg. 
 
 We had heretofore always had a large wagon train to 
 haul our cooking utensils, mess chests, tents and blankets, 
 but were here ordered to reduce the train, use fewer cook- 
 ing utensils, and dispense with the mess chests and tents, 
 and every man to carry his knapsack and blankets. If 
 found in the wagons they were to be thrown away. So we 
 started on the march up the Shenandoah river under the 
 new tactics, through the rain and mud; and, as we had a 
 good many blankets and an overcoat apiece, it was a hard 
 task, and a great many blankets were thrown away. I sup- 
 pose the order was from headquarters, but General Winder 
 had just taken the command of the brigade, and, as this 
 order came at the same time, we all thought he was the 
 cause of it. 
 
 As he was a kind of fancy General, and seemed to put 
 on a good many airs, and was a very strict disciplinarian, 
 the boys all took a dislike to him from the start, and never 
 did like him afterwards. Whenever he would pass the bri- 
 gade on the march we would sing out, "More baggage, more 
 baggage," until he got tired of it. He wheeled suddenly 
 around one day and told my Captain to arrest the men for 
 such conduct. I was one of the men, but it was like "hunt- 
 ing for a needle in a haystack" to find out who we were, 
 so we escaped. 
 
 We marched on and crossed the Blue Eidge to the east 
 by Brown's Gap, and continuel until we reached the Vir- 
 ginia Central railroad, at Mechum's river, when we got on 
 the cars and went by rail to Staunton. 
 
 Before we left Swift Run Gap General Ewell's Division, 
 from General Joseph E. Johnston's army, had come and 
 taken our position, and lay there ready to form a junction, 
 either with Jackson or Johnston, as was necessary, and at 
 the same time to watch the enemy in the lower Valley. Gen- 
 eral Ed. Johnson had a small force in Augusta county, and 
 he was falling back on Staunton from the west, before Gen- 
 eral Milroy. So, when we got to Staunton, we marched 
 west to Buffalo Gap, and, joining Johnson's command, 
 
H tfOtJR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 turned on the enemy, who in turn fell back to McDowell, 
 about twenty-five miles, and there made a stand on the top 
 of Bull Pasture mountain. 
 
 Now, Johnson, being about six hours in advance of 
 Jackson, did not wait until we came up, but pitched in and 
 came very near being repulsed; but Jackson coming up in 
 time, by double-quicking us several miles, we swept the field 
 just at dark. Our loss was small, but Johnson lost severely, 
 as also did Milroy. 
 
 Our brigade marched thirty-six miles that day. We 
 carried our knapsacks twenty miles, when we were ordered 
 to "pile them" and go for it double-quick. 
 
 The Federal soldiers knew General Johnson by sight, 
 and, during the battle one time, being separated a little 
 from his command, some of them hallooed out: "There's old 
 Johnson; let's flank him!" Johnson heard them, and, wav- 
 ing his club in the air, exclaimed: "Yes, damn you, flank 
 me if you can." He was wounded in the foot. He very 
 seldom carried a sword, but nearly always a big hickory 
 club, or cane. We always called him "Old Clubby Johnson," 
 to distinguish him from the other Johnsons. 
 
 That was the only battle I was ever in or heard of dur- 
 ing the war where there was no artillery used. The place 
 was so rugged and steep that neither army could get a piece 
 in position, nor could we get an ambulance to the battle- 
 field. We had to carry the wounded down a steep, rocky 
 hollow, and it took us nearly all night to do so. 
 
 The enemy retreated about one mile and went into 
 camp, we thought, for they built a great many fires, but the 
 next morning they were gone. They had been retreating 
 all night, leaving some baggage and a good many wounded 
 in camp. We were on the march early next morning, but 
 did not overtake them until we got near Franklin, Pendle- 
 ton County, a distance of forty miles, where they met rein- 
 forcements and made another stand. 
 
 We were drawn up in line of battle, and lay there all 
 day, skirmishing some with them, but had no general en- 
 gagement. At dark we retired from their front, went into 
 camp, cooked rations, and the next morning started back. 
 We marched east until near Staunton, when we turned down 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 75 
 
 1 
 
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 3 
 
76 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 the Valley, marching north, passing by Stribling Springs, 
 Mount Solon, Bridgewater and Dayton, on to Harrisonburg, 
 where we were ordered to pile away our knapsacks in the 
 court-house. We knew there was some game on hand then, 
 for when General Jackson ordered knapsacks to be left be- 
 hind he meant business. 
 
 We marched on at a quick march down the Valley to 
 Newmarket, where we turned east, crossed the Mlassanutton 
 mountain, and over into the Page Valley, on down Page 
 Valley until we arrived at Front Royal. 
 
 .Now, General Banks, of commissary fame, had a con- 
 siderable army at Front Royal and Strasburg, and we had 
 been re-enforced by General EwelPs Division. Our advance 
 surprised the enemy at both places, and got in between the 
 two armies. We had some sharp fighting for a while, but we 
 got them cut off, and captured a great many, besides wagons, 
 artillery, etc., and the rout became general. The roads to 
 Winchester, a distance of eighteen miles, showed wreckage of 
 all kinds of baggage and commissary stores. We followed 
 the retreating army all that night. Their rear guard would 
 sometimes take advantage of the darkness and lay in am- 
 bush for us, but we would soon outflank them and move 
 on. My company and Company F were in advance, and we 
 had several men wounded. 
 
 When we got to Winchester, at daylight, they had made 
 another stand in the fortifications around the town, and we 
 had to form a line around them and charge. Our brigade 
 did not get engaged in this fight, but we lay in line of battle 
 on a hillside and were exposed to a severe shelling from the 
 enemy, and lost several men in killed and wounded. The 
 Louisiana Brigade in Ewell's Division charged the fort under 
 a galling fire. They hotly contested the place, but finally 
 gave way at all points, and the rout became general. We 
 followed them a few miles north of Winchester and halted; 
 but the cavalry kept up the pursuit until dark. 
 
 We captured a great amount of commissary stores, am- 
 munition and baggage of all kinds, also all the sutler stores 
 in Winchester, and, I think, about 5,000 prisoners. The 
 enemy had set fire to a part of the town in order to burn 
 up their stores, but we were too close on them and extin- 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 77 
 
 guished the fire, so there were only two or three buildings 
 burnt. In one of them I saw the corpses of two men chained 
 to the wall; but we never knew who they were, whether 
 Rebels, citizens, or some of their own men. A guard was 
 put around the captured stores, which worried us consid- 
 erably, for we wanted to plunder the sutlers. The main 
 force of the enemy had taken refuge in Harper's Ferry, and 
 there was no way of capturing them or driving them out 
 without getting possession of the Maryland Heights, across 
 the Potomac. 
 
 The day after the rout at Winchester our brigade, alone, 
 marched on towards Harper's Ferry. When we got to 
 Charleston, a few miles from the Ferry, we found a small 
 force posted there to dispute our passage. We were formed 
 in line and my company deployed as skirmishers on the 
 extreme left of the brigade in order to watch flankers; but 
 we saw no enemy, and a shot or two from our artillery caused 
 them to retreat. We then hurried on to get with the brigade. 
 
 When we got to the edge of town the brigade had passed 
 through, and two of our cavalrymen came dashing up from 
 another direction and wanted my Captain to take his com- 
 pany out a short distance on the Martinsburg road and capt- 
 ure some of the enemy's cavalry. They were cut off from 
 their command, but would not surrender. He told them he 
 was ordered to join the brigade as soon as possible and 
 could not disobey orders. The cavalrymen then said if he 
 would only let them have ten men it would do. The Captain 
 said he would not order ten men out, but if they chose 
 to volunteer he would give his consent. Immediately ten 
 men stepped out of the ranks, myself included, and went 
 double-quick up the road, keen for a capture. 
 
 We had not proceeded far when we saw them coming 
 down the road in a gallop. We jumped over a stone fence 
 that ran parallel with the road, and, bringing our muskets 
 to bear on them, commanded them to halt and surrender. 
 No sooner was this said than a white handerchief was seen 
 to flutter in the breeze. All were made prisoners without 
 firing a shot. They were composed of a squad of twelve 
 men with a Captain, and belonged to some New York regi- 
 
78 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 ment, and were all Germans. We took them on to town and 
 delivered them to the guard. 
 
 In a few minutes we learned that in the morning this 
 same squad had passed through town, riding along on each 
 side of the street, and broke every window with their sabres, 
 and that this brave Captain had struck a lady in the face 
 with the flat side of his sword. Had we known this when we 
 jumped over the stone fence we would never have called 
 on them to surrender, but shot them down in their tracks 
 and left their bodies there for food for buzzards. We then 
 went into camp near Charlestown and put out pickets near 
 the Ferry— all that was left of General Banks' army was 
 being cooped up there and at Williamsport, Md. 
 
 This fighting has been designated by some as the battle 
 of "Front Royal," also "Battle of Winchester;" but it was 
 a continuous fight, and skirmish from Front Royal to Har- 
 per's Ferry, a distance of fifty miles. We had no general 
 engagement, and our loss was small ; it being a kind of one- 
 sided fight all the time. General Jackson "got the drop" 
 on them in the start, and kept it. 
 
 The enemy's loss was great in killed, wounded, prison- 
 ers and munitions of war. In fact, it was nearly annihi- 
 lated; for hundreds of them were cut off from their com- 
 mands and took to the woods and mountains. This hap- 
 pened the 23d and 24th of May, 1862. 
 
 Previous to this time we had fared very well in the way 
 of rations, clothing, etc. We had the usual army rations: 
 one pound and two ounces of flour ; three-fourths of a pound 
 of bacon, or one and one-fourth pounds of beef; coffee, rice, 
 beans, sugar, molasses, etc.; but on account of transporta- 
 tion and blockade, it soon came down to meat and bread, 
 with occasional sprinklings of the others. So, whenever 
 we made such a haul as we did from Banks we fared sumptu- 
 ously until the quartermasters got it in their clutches. That 
 would be the last of it, especially the sutler stores. There- 
 fore, the soldiers began to appropriate anything in the way 
 of grub, such as hogs, chickens, apples, corn, etc., to their 
 own use. We would not allow any man's chickens to run 
 out into the road and bite us as we marched along. We 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 79 
 
 o 
 
 p 
 B 
 
80 FOUB YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 would not steal them! No! Who ever heard of a soldier 
 stealing? But simply take them. 
 
 Some wag in the brigade had gotten up a nick-name 
 for every regiment in the brigade. The 2d was called "The 
 Innocent 2d," because they never stole anything; the 4th, 
 "The Harmless 4th," because they had no fights in camp; 
 the 5th, "The Fighting 5th," because it was the largest regi- 
 ment and would have some rows in camp; the 27th, "The 
 Bloody 27th," as there were several Irish companies in it, 
 and the 33d (my regiment), was "The Lousy 33d," because 
 it was the first regiment in the brigade that found any lice 
 on them. So this is the way it went from camp to camp: 
 "The Innocent 2d," "The Harmless 4th," "The Fighting 
 5th," "The Bloody 27th" and "The Lousy 33d." 
 
 We lay in camp near Charlestown several days picket- 
 ing and skirmishing near Harper's Ferry. I suppose Jack- 
 son could have taken Harper's Ferry, but he had to watch 
 some armies that were threatening his rear. So one morn- 
 ing my company, being then on picket, was ordered to join 
 the regiment, and we all started on the march towards Win- 
 chester. We marched hard all day, and at dark, when 
 within a few miles of town, our Colonel came riding back 
 along the line and told us we would have to make a forced 
 march; that he did not know how far we would go before 
 camping, and desired all of us to keep up if we could; if 
 not, to keep on coming until we got up with the regiment. 
 But when we got to Winchester I and three others of my 
 company concluded we would stay all night with some of 
 our friends. We could start early in the morning, refreshed, 
 and soon overtake the command. We had a good supper, 
 good beds and good breakfast. We started out early and 
 found a good many soldiers in town that had done as we 
 had. We found out at the same time that the quartermas- 
 ters had failed to take all of the sutler stores we had capt- 
 ured out of town, but had turned them over to the soldiers, 
 and most of them were loaded with good things. We had 
 missed it all, which we regretted very much. We also found 
 out that the army had marched eight miles beyond Win- 
 chester that night and went into camp near Newtown. This 
 made forty miles the brigade had marched that day. 
 
FOUB TEAES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 81 
 
 We struck out in a hurry to overtake them. On reach- 
 ing Newtown, now Stephens City, we met some of our cav- 
 alry that General Jackson had sent back to inform all strag- 
 glers that the enemy under General Shields was approaching 
 from the east; also a force under General Fremont from 
 the yest; that they had formed a junction at Middletown, 
 between us and our army, and that all stragglers should leave 
 the road and take to the mountains on our right and follow 
 the mountains on up the Valley until we should reach our 
 commands. 
 
 There were about five hundred of us cut off in this 
 way; but if we had all been together, and had a commander, 
 we could have forced our way through the enemy's cavalry. 
 As it was we were scattered along the road for about eight 
 miles in little squads of three and four. 
 
82 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 We then left the main road and went towards the 
 mountains, keeping in the woods as much as possible. When 
 near the mountains we came to a house, and as we were 
 going up to it to make some inquiries about the roads we 
 saw a Federal soldier walking about in the yard. We did 
 not know what that meant, but, as he appeared to be alone 
 and unarmed, we thought there was not much danger. As 
 he saw us coming he went into the house. When we got to 
 the house we met a lady who begged us not to arrest him, as 
 he had been put there as a guard by General Banks when 
 his army was there. That when Banks retreated this soldier 
 did not know it in time, and had remained under her pro- 
 tection. We told her we would not bother him; that we 
 were trying to escape ourselves, and might be captured yet 
 before night. She gave us a good dinner and we left, tell- 
 ing her the enemy would soon be there and she could put 
 the soldier on guard again. We also asked him not to in- 
 form his cavalry which way we went, and he promised to 
 do so; but whether he did or not I do not know. 
 
 A squad of cavalry was sent after us in a few hours, 
 and we just escaped by accident. That evening there was 
 a very hard thunder shower, and we went into a barn to 
 keep out of the rain. While there a little negro boy came 
 running down from the house, and said: "You soldiers had 
 better hide, for the upper end of the medder is black wi'd 
 Yankees." We then got up into the haymow and hid under 
 the hay, the boy still staying outside saying: "Here they 
 come; now they got some of your men; they'll soon be 
 here." I had told him several times to run on to the house 
 and not tell on us, but he still stayed, and, fearing he would 
 draw the enemy's attention, I put my gun out of a crack 
 and told him if he did not scamper off to the house I would 
 shoot him. It had the desired effect, for he left immedi- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 83 
 
 ately. Very soon the cavalry rode by, but we were not mo- 
 lested. We then got out and hurried on, and would have over- 
 taken our army sometime that night, but when we got to 
 Cedar creek we found it so much swollen from the rain 
 that it was impossible to cross it. We could not remain 
 there, so there was nothing left for us to do but to follow 
 up the bank of the creek to the mountains. 
 
 When we got there we remained on the top of Forth 
 mountain one whole day, traveling without road or path, 
 keeping the mountain as our guide. At night we came down 
 to stay at some house. After that day we kept the by- 
 roads between the mountains. Charley French, Mart Mil- 
 ler, John Kelley and myself remained together. We would 
 often meet up with other soldiers in small squads, and there 
 would be twenty of us together for a short time. But as 
 we had to subsist upon the citizens living in this moun- 
 tainous country we were obliged to travel in small parties 
 in order to get provisions. We would inquire every day 
 from some one as to the whereabouts of our army. We 
 learned it was falling back every day, closely pursued by the 
 enemy. 
 
 We could never get ahead far enough to leave the moun- 
 tains. One day we heard heavy cannonading and then we 
 knew that Jackson had made a stand. The next day we 
 could still hear the artillery belching forth, but it appeared 
 to be in a different place, and as we were getting tired of 
 the mountains we passed through Hopkins' Gap and came 
 out in the Valley. We stayed all night about eight miles 
 from Harrisonburg. The next morning we were feeling our 
 way slowly, and trying to find out how the battle went, when 
 we came to Mr. Thompson's farm house, and he told us that 
 he was not certain, but thought . General Jackson had de- 
 feated the enemy, and he thought they were retreating down 
 the Valley. 
 
 "If such is the case," he said, "I advise you to remain 
 here until night, and we will know for certain, and then 
 you can soon reach your command." We took his advice 
 and halted, and got every soldier who came along to do 
 likewise, until we had collected about thirty. 
 
 "Now," says Thompson, "whenever the enemy retreat 
 
84 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 down the Valley they always send out their cavalry, far and 
 near, on each side of the main road and take all the horses 
 they can find. I and my neighbors have some good farm- 
 ing horses that we don't want to lose; and if you men will 
 go with me we will go out on the hill in the woods beyond 
 my house, and if they come into this neighborhood after 
 horses we will give them a warm reception." 
 
 "I have a good rifle," he remarked, "that is true to its 
 aim, and I can aim it as well as any one, and I assure you 
 I will bring down as many of the enemy as any of you old 
 soldiers." 
 
 We all agreed to his proposal, for it was sport for us to 
 have a brush with the cavalry, especially when we had the 
 drop on them. So we all took a position on the hill and 
 put out a picket, who could see the road for some distance, 
 and remained there all day. But no enemy came; and at 
 dark we all went to Thompson's house and got a good sup- 
 per, and slept in the barn. The next morning we heard that 
 Jackson had defeated the enemy in two different battles 
 and they were retreating in a hurry and did not have time 
 to plunder the country for horses. 
 
 We then went on and soon arrived in Harrisonburg, 
 where we found some of our cavalry, who informed us that 
 our brigade was camped near Port Republic at Weyer's Cave. 
 We then went on towards camp, having marched about 
 eighty miles through the mountains, and arrived there that 
 evening. Our Captain had reported us captured. 
 
 I must now go back and bring up the brigade, and 
 give an account of its transactions from the time I left it 
 at Winchester until I joined it again at Weyer's Cave, as 
 was told me by members of my company. 
 
 They camped south of Newtown, now Stephens City, 
 the first night after leaving Charlestown, and the next 
 morning hurried on and just got through Strasburg before 
 the enemy made their appearance. They had not yet formed 
 a junction; but some portion of our army had a little skir- 
 mish with the enemy in order to save the wagon train. Jack- 
 son kept falling back slowly, Ashby with his cavalry cover- 
 ing the retreat and holding them in check. 
 
 When Jackson reached Harrisonburg he turned to the 
 
FOUE YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 85 
 
 left, taking the Port Republic road, and marched east to- 
 wards the Blue Eidge. When a few miles from Harrison- 
 burg Colonel, now General, Ashby, thinking the enemy were 
 pressing too close to be healthy, charged them at the head 
 of the 1st Maryland and 58th Virginia Infantry and was 
 killed (June 6, 1862) ; but the enemy was repulsed. 
 
 We there lost a -brave and gallant cavalry officer, who, 
 had he lived, would have been one of the greatest cavalry 
 generals of the war. 
 
 The death of his brother, Eichard Ashby, about a year 
 before, near Cumberland, Md., while a member of his (then 
 Captain) company, had greatly affected him. He had sent 
 his brother Dick with a small detachment to reconnoiter 
 the enemy on Kelley's Island. He was ambuscaded by 
 a detachment of an Indiana Zouave Eegiment in charge of 
 Corporal Hays, at the mouth of a ravine near the railroad. 
 His horse made a misstep and threw him into a cattle-guard, 
 where he was set upon by the enemy and severely beaten 
 and left for dead. He was rescued by his brother, Turner 
 Ashby, but was so severely wounded that he lived but a few 
 days. He was buried in the beautiful Indian Mound ceme- 
 tery at Eomney, Va., July 4, 1861. General (then Captain) 
 Ashby's behavior at his brother's funeral, as described in 
 "Pollard's Southern History of the War," was touching and 
 pathetic, and doubtless had a marked effect upon his sub- 
 sequent acts. 
 
 "He stood over the grave, took his brother's sword, broke 
 it and threw it into the opening; clasped his hands and 
 looked upward as if in resignation; and then, pressing his 
 lips as if in the bitterness of grief, while a tear rolled 
 down his cheek, he turned without a word, mounted his 
 horse and rode away. Thenceforth his name was a terror 
 to the enemy." 
 
 Both bodies have since been removed, and now lie buried 
 in the Stonewall Cemetery at Winchester, Va. 
 
 Now General Shields and General Fremont each had an 
 army superior in numbers to General Jackson; therefore, 
 to render Jackson's capture certain, they had divided down 
 the Valley near Strasburg. General Fremont with his army 
 followed General Jackson up the Main Valley, while General 
 
86 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Shields went up the Page Valley in order to cut him off 
 near Harrisonburg, where the two valleys intersected. They 
 had the bag tied, but could not hold the game. 
 
 When General Jackson found they were about to form 
 a junction he wheeled suddenly on Fremont at Cross Keys, 
 and, after a severe fight, defeated him and put his army to 
 flight. He could not follow him far as he had to turn and 
 cross the Shenandoah river in order to get ahead of General 
 Shields. The next day he attacked Shields under a great 
 disadvantage; but after hard fighting he defeated him and 
 the cavalry pursued them for fifteen miles. 
 
 A portion of General Jackson's command lost severely, 
 especially Ewell's Division. Our brigade did not lose many 
 men in either engagement. The 33d, the regiment to which 
 I belonged, was not engaged in this last fight, as they were 
 out on picket watching for a flank movement. 
 
 It was said by those who knew that before General 
 Jackson and staff had crossed the river the enemy were 
 placing a battery in position between him and the river, and 
 were about to fire on some of our troops; that Jackson rode 
 up to them and ordered them not to fire; and they, mistak- 
 ing him for one of their officers, did not fire, and he and 
 his staff rode on and escaped being captured. Those two 
 battles were called the battles of "Cross Keys" and "Port 
 Kepublic," and occurred on the 8th and 9th of June, 1862. 
 
 We lay in camp at Weyer's Cave three days, the army 
 washing in the river and cleaning up generally, and also 
 exploring the wonders of the cave. We were soon ordered 
 to cook rations and be ready for another march. The day 
 before we started we were reinforced by General Whiting's 
 division from Eichmond. Whether they came to help Jack- 
 son to fight the enemy in the Valley or to give him a larger 
 force in order to turn General McClellan's flank, I never 
 knew. Be that as it may, I know they came one day and 
 we all started down the Virginia Central railroad the next 
 day towards Eichmond. 
 
 Some of the troops were embarked on the cars, but as 
 there were not trains enough for all, our old brigade had to 
 march, as we had gained the name by this time of "Jack- 
 son's Foot Cavalry." We could break down any cavalry bri- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 87 
 
 gade on a long march. As the cars reached their destination 
 they would return and meet us, and take another load; but 
 we still had to march. We passed through Charlottesville and 
 Gordonsville on to Louisa Court House, where we got on the 
 cars and rode twenty miles to Beaverdam Station. Here 
 we got off the cars and marched all night, the rain at in- 
 tervals pouring down in torrents. 
 
 A short time before this the army around Eichmond, 
 commanded by Joseph E. Johnston, had fought the battle 
 of "Seven Pines." General Johnston was wounded and Gen- 
 eral Eobert E. Lee was placed in command. General Mc- 
 Clellan was concentrating his troops near Richmond and his 
 lines were, at one place, within three miles of the city. We 
 all knew by this time that there was some fighting on hand, 
 and that General Jackson was hunting their rear, or flank. 
 And, sure enough, at daylight we heard our skirmishers in 
 front firing, and soon learned that they had attacked the 
 enemy's flank at Mechanicsville and the enemy had fallen 
 back on the main line. 
 
 We, therefore, marched slowly all day, and in the morn- 
 ing, which was the 27th of June, the firing commenced again. 
 
 A big battle was imminent; for the two armies were 
 drawing closer and closer together. Our division was march- 
 ing in the rear, acting as the reserve, and consequently 
 moved along very slowly; but firing in front kept getting 
 heavier and heavier, the artillery belching forth in volleys, 
 and we all knew they were at it then. We kept moving on 
 slowly until 3 o'clock in the afternoon, when we heard ter- 
 rific firing and were ordered to load our arms and start 
 for the scene of action double-quick. We all threw down 
 our knapsacks in a pile, leaving one man to guard them, 
 and kept on at double-quick through woods, fields and 
 swamps until we arrived at a little hill, where the shells 
 commenced bursting over us. We were formed in line of 
 battle, where we remained a few minutes, the shells and 
 bullets flying thick and fast. While in this position a spent 
 ball struck my cartridge box, but did no damage. We soon 
 advanced in line of battle through a deep swamp and up a 
 little rise, when we heard cheer after cheer rend the air. 
 
88 FOUH TBABS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 We knew it came from Southern soldiers and that the day 
 was ours. 
 
 When we reached the place whence the cheering came 
 there was little left for our brigade to do; which little was 
 to give the enemy a few volleys to inform him that we had 
 arrived. Our brigade lost but few men, but the field was 
 covered with dead. Colonel J. W. Allen, of our 2d Regiment, 
 was killed; and also Johnnie Washington and Tom Brooks, 
 of the 13th Virginia, old schoolmates of mine. Some of 
 our troops lost severely — the enemy terribly. It was a hardly 
 contested fight, but the enemy had to yield. At dark we 
 had possession of the entire battle-field, and the enemy were 
 in full retreat, darkness saving them from a rout. 
 
 As we were going into the fight a bullet struck in my 
 shoe heel, and a shell burst just after passing me, and so 
 near that it fairly lifted me off the ground, and made me 
 see more stars than I ever saw before. 
 
 After the firing ceased our brigade marched by the 
 flank, left in front, through a piece of woods. It then being 
 dark, and my regiment being in the rear, about one-half of 
 it became separated from the balance of the' brigade, when 
 Major Holliday, who was riding in the rear of the regiment, 
 ordered us to halt until he got in front to find the brigade. 
 
 A few minutes afterwards we heard great cheering on 
 our right, and Major Holliday, thinking it was our brigade, 
 turned our course in that direction. Some of the men said 
 it was not our men cheering; it was the Yankees. 
 
 "Oh! no," says Holliday, "they have nothing to cheer 
 about," and kept on marching. We then passed down a 
 little slope, at the bottom of which was a ravine, some four 
 or five feet deep, with some water in it. 
 
 As we were all very thirsty we got down in it to get 
 water; and just as some few of the men, who had satisfied 
 themselves with drinking, got out on the opposite bank, we 
 were challenged by some one a short distance in our front. 
 
 "What regiment is that?" came the voice. 
 
 "The 33d Virginia," they replied, thinking, of course, 
 that it came from some of our troops. 
 
 Instantly a volley of musketry was poured into us at 
 close quarters; but as nearly all of us were in the ravine 
 
FOUE TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 89 
 
 we escaped with the loss of one man killed and two wounded. 
 We returned the volley, but they had fired and fled. 
 
 It was a regiment of the enemy placed there on picket, 
 as we learned the next day from prisoners, and we asked 
 them what they were cheering about. They said they heard 
 that the left wing of their army had captured Richmond. 
 We told them they were woefully mistaken; that the left 
 of their army was retreating as fast as the right. 
 
 We soon found our brigade; but my company was sent 
 to the front on picket duty. Of course, I went with them; 
 but I knew what many of the boys were up to. Shall I tell 
 you? They were robbing the dead. That is, they were 
 searching the dead bodies. 
 
 Now, I am not a moralist, nor capable of moralizing, ex- 
 cept in a crude way; but all my moral training caused me to 
 abhor the idea of taking anything from a dead body, except 
 for the purpose of restoring it to the rightful owner, be he 
 friend or foe ; and I was greatly shocked when I first learned 
 that such things were done. But why try to conceal what is 
 well known by all the soldiers of both armies. 
 
 Of course, the orders were very strict, and after a bat- 
 tle details were made from each company, so far as possible, 
 to bury their own dead, and preserve their effects. 
 
 Undoubtedly war has a demoralizing effect upon the 
 soldier. He becomes familiar with scenes of death and car- 
 nage, and what at first shocks him greatly he afterwards 
 comes to look upon as a matter of course. It was difficult 
 for a soldier to figure out why a gold watch or money in 
 the pocket of a dead soldier,- who had been trying to kill 
 him all day, did not belong to the man who found it as 
 much as it did to anyone else. 
 
 This was among the first of the hard-fought battles of 
 the war. There were a great many killed and wounded on 
 both sides, and we could hear the shrieks, cries and groans 
 of the wounded and dying all night long. The ambulances 
 and the ambulance corps were working all night; but there 
 were so many that all could not be attended to for several 
 days. Thus ended the 27th of June, 1862, and the first 
 battle of Cold Harbor and Gaines' Mill. 
 
90 FOUR YEAfiS Mf THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 IX. 
 
 In the morning at daybreak, as we were still on picket, 
 we gathered up several prisoners who had got lost from their 
 command the night before; and while conversing with them 
 about the battle one of them remarked that we got the best 
 of them in that fight; but that General Shields and General 
 Fremont had General Jackson surrounded in the Valley and 
 would sure capture him and his command. I then told him 
 that we belonged to Jackson's command; but could hardly 
 make him believe it. He asked me how we got here so 
 quick. I informed him that General Jackson and his little 
 army had cleared the Valley of both Shields and Fremont, 
 and was now here to help clean out McClellan, and that in 
 less than a week we would have him in the James river. 
 
 In a few moments another Federal soldier came to me 
 from the brush and wanted to know where our hospital was. 
 He had his hand on his breast, and I asked him where he 
 was wounded. He said he was shot in the breast and the 
 ball had gone through his lungs, and that he had to keep 
 his hand over the bullet hole so that he could get his breath. 
 When he removed his hand I could hear the breath puffing 
 through the wound. I directed him to the field hospital, but 
 never knew whether he got well or not. 
 
 Soon after, as some of us were advancing to pick up 
 more stragglers, or whatever came in our way, I was pass- 
 ing by a small ravine where some bushes had grown up 
 quite thick, and saw a man come crawling out of the ravine 
 in his shirt sleeves with blue pants on. I halted to see what 
 he wanted, as he did not look like a soldier. As he came 
 up he said, "I want to surrender to you ; I have been watch- 
 ing for some of your infantry to come along for some time. 
 I saw some of your cavalry in sight, but was afraid to come 
 out to them for fear they were "guerillas" and would kill 
 me; and I wanted to surrender to the infantry, knowing 
 
JOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 91 
 
 they would treat me right." I then told him we did not 
 keep such animals as guerillas in our army; that they were 
 General Stuart's cavalry he had seen, and if he had come 
 out to them they would have treated him as a prisoner of 
 war, and I could do no more. 
 
 I then asked him where his coat and gun were. He 
 said that he had pulled off his blouse and hid it in his 
 haversack, as he thought we would shoot at anything blue 
 we saw, whether in battle or not, and that his gun was hid 
 in the ravine. I told him to go back and get it and bring it 
 to me, which he did, when I stuck it up in the ground, and 
 told him to put on his blouse and go back to the rear ; that 
 he would there find the guard with other prisoners, and to 
 report to the officer in command. 
 
 He insisted that I should go with him, but I told him 
 I had not time as I was on the skirmish line and could not 
 leave; but that I would insure him that he would not be 
 hurt. 
 
 He started, and after going a few steps he halted, and, 
 turning towards me, said: "Look here, what troops were 
 those who fought us here yesterday?" 
 
 I told him it was "Stonewall" Jackson and his com- 
 mand. 
 
 "Well," he says, "by ! I thought something was 
 
 wrong all day, and that accounts for it. How did you get 
 here so quick?" 
 
 I answered that we walked here to by the "light of the 
 moon." He then went his way and I went mine. I think 
 that was the first fight he was ever in, for he was terribly 
 demoralized. I then went a short distance and picked up a 
 long string of Catholic beads with a cross attached. I sup- 
 pose some fellow was counting them over, and, in his haste, 
 dropped them. I kept them a long time, but finally lost 
 them. 
 
 We then saw some of the enemy near a house on a small 
 hill wandering around as if lost, and, making our way to- 
 wards them, we called them to come to us, which they started 
 to do; but just then some of their cavalry came dashing 
 around the brow of the hill between us and saved them 
 from capture. But they received a volley from us when 
 
92 FOUE YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE 
 
 they disappeared. That was the last of the enemy we saw 
 that day. 
 
 Chickahominy river was near by, and the enemy had 
 destroyed the bridge in their retreat the night before 
 and we had to repair it before we could advance; therefore, 
 our portion of the army remained on the battle field all day 
 and repaired the bridge. While six of us were carrying a 
 log on the bridge with hand-sticks General Jackson was 
 standing on the bridge, with his back toward us, directly in 
 our way. As we were turning to one side to pass around 
 him he noticed us and, quickly stepping to one side, said: 
 "Oh! come on, never mind me," as if he were somebody 
 of small importance. 
 
 Those few words and the farewell address that I have 
 mentioned were the only words I ever heard him speak dur- 
 ing the whole of his military career. I have often been 
 close to him, just before, during and after a battle, and 
 have seen couriers bring dispatches to him which he would 
 read, write out something, hand it back to them and not 
 open his mouth to speak during the time. I have seen some 
 of his aids and staff officers ride up to him when he was 
 sitting on the "little sorrel" viewing the country and tell 
 him something about the lines, or about something of im- 
 portance, and he would calmly sit there for a few moments, 
 then turn his horse and ride slowly away, his staff following, 
 without his uttering a single word. 
 
 Such was Stonewall Jackson; a man of few words. He 
 was not a man of moods, but always the same. He kept his 
 own counsel. Jim, his cook and camp servant, knew as 
 much of his intentions as anybody. He said whenever Jack- 
 son got up at night and commenced to pray he immedi- 
 ately packed his haversack. "Cos den I knowed dere wuz a 
 move on hand," he would say. 
 
 But the soldiers loved him. Every time he would pass 
 our brigade we would all commence cheering him, to see 
 him raise his cap, show .his high, bold forehead, and go 
 dashing by in a gallop. No matter whether it was raining 
 or snowing, the cap would be raised and kept off until he 
 had passed the whole line. 
 
 It got to be a common saying in the army, when any 
 
FOUB TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 93 
 
 
 War: 
 
 iff' •/•' 
 
 St/ ' '* 
 
 •m'f 
 
 7W 7 ^ a' 
 
 ,0 
 
 i &: 
 
 M 
 
 
 WW''. *' 
 
 8^ 
 
 ft 1 '* » n 
 
94 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 cheering was heard in camp or on the march, that it was 
 either "Jackson or a rabbit." 
 
 While we were repairing the bridge we heard heavy 
 firing on our right; but that did not disturb us, as some 
 portion of our army was engaged every day. We did not 
 move, however, until the 29th. 
 
 McClellan would fall back every night, and we would 
 overtake his rear every evening when there would be some 
 fighting done by some portion of the army. We had a con- 
 siderable battle at Savage Station, where McClellan destroyed 
 an immense amount of commissary stores, etc. I have seen 
 molasses knee deep in the railroad ditch, and great piles 
 of burnt coffee. Some of it was burnt too much for use, 
 but some was scorched just enough to be good, and we went 
 for it "heavy." 
 
 We, that is our brigade, had no general engagement 
 until the 1st of July, when both armies met on MalveiU 
 Hill, where a desperate battle was fought. Our troops 
 charged and recharged, and finally gained the field at dark; 
 that was all. We could not rout them and it was with heavy 
 loss that we gained a victory. The enemy had a good posi- 
 tion, bristling with bayonets and plenty of artillery. They 
 threw some shells over from their gun-boats about the size 
 of camp-kettles, but as they were as likely to light among 
 their own troops as ours they soon ceased. Dark put an end 
 to the fight, when the enemy fell back under cover of their 
 gun-boats, and we could advance no farther. 
 
 Colonel Grigsby, of the 27th Virginia, was wounded in 
 the shoulder, and while some of us were at a # spring that 
 evening getting some water he came along and wanted some 
 water poured on his wound. 
 
 One of the boys says : "Colonel, does it hurt ?" 
 
 <f Yes, damn it," says he, "it was put in there to hurt." 
 
 The 3d day of July we marched down to Harrison's 
 Landing, on the James river, and while on the march I had 
 a chill. I had not had a chill for nearly two years; but 
 being down in the Chickahominy swamps caused it, I sup- 
 pose. I lay down in a fence corner and rolled my blanket 
 around me and was making the best of it I could. 
 
 The whole army had passed, and I had lain there sev- 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 95 
 
 eral hours in a kind of stupor. Now the wagon train was 
 passing. Hundreds of wagons, ambulances and artillery had 
 passed and I never looked up. All at once I thought I had 
 better draw my feet up, as I was working down in the road 
 too far. Just as I did so, from some cause, the wagon 
 wheels went right along where my feet had been. If I had 
 not drawn them up as quick as I did both legs, just above 
 my ankles, would have been crushed off by a heavy ordnance 
 wagon. It was one of the most providential things I ever 
 heard of, for hundreds of wagons had passed and I had 
 never even given them a thought. If this one had kept in 
 the track it would not have hurt me if I had let my feet 
 remain; but the mules shied at something and ran the wagon 
 upon my side and I had not moved one minute too soon. 
 After the fever passed off some I got up and toddled on to 
 my regiment. They had not gone many miles and were 
 in camp. 
 
 The next day, the 4th of July, we lay in line of battle 
 all day, my regiment being on picket; but not a shot was 
 fired. The post I was on was in the woods, and in front of 
 us was an open field; beyond the field were woods, and the 
 enemy was on picket there. This field was full of black- 
 berries; so our boys and the "Yanks" made a bargain not 
 to fire at each other, and went out in the field, leaving one 
 man on each post with the arms, and gathered berries 
 together and talked over the fight, traded tobacco and coffee 
 and exchanged newspapers as peacefully and kindly as if 
 they had not been engaged for the last seven days in butch- 
 ering one another. 
 
 1 was not well, and felt badly and did not go out with 
 them, but remained on post. At the battle of Cold Harbor, 
 as we charged across a swamp, the mud was about one foot 
 deep, and my shoes got full of mud and gravel, and, being 
 new and stiff, as all army shoes are, they rubbed all the 
 skin off of my heels. My feet hurt me so much that night 
 that I pulled my shoes off, and my feet were so sore the 
 next morning that I could not get them on, so I had to go 
 barefooted during that campaign. It was not for the want 
 of shoes, however, for I could have picked up a good pair 
 
96 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 every day, as the whole country was full of knapsacks, blan- 
 kets, etc. 
 
 As we had left our knapsacks behind at the commence- 
 ment of the fight, we would gather up some blankets, sleep 
 on them at night and leave them there in the morning. 
 One morning, as it was a little rainy, I put on a blue blouse, 
 and that evening was on the skirmish line. As we were 
 going through a piece of woods I thought I had better pull 
 off my blue blouse, as I might be taken for the enemy by 
 some "Johnnie Beb" and popped over. So I took it off and 
 hung it on a bush, never thinking of a fine meerschaum pipe 
 I had left in the pocket until too late to go back for it; 
 but I suppose some one got it that knew how to appreciate it. 
 
 While on this skirmish I saw a man in a kneeling posi- 
 tion, as if in the act of firing; but upon closer examination 
 he did not appear to have any gun. As no one was firing 
 just then I thought strange of his position; but as I went 
 up to him I found him dead. He had been killed the day 
 before, and so suddenly that he remained in the same posi- 
 tion as when living — one knee and one foot on the ground, 
 his arms in position of taking aim, but the gun had fallen 
 and his head was thrown a little back. 
 
 The night after the battle of Malvern Hill I was on 
 a detail to guard some ordnance wagons that we had cap- 
 tured and which were packed together. There was a guard 
 put around them simply to keep any one from going amongst 
 them with fire. It was late at night when I went on post, 
 and, being very tired, I quit walking my beat and sat down. 
 
 Directly the sentinel on the next post came to me and 
 says: "Soldier, you must not sit down on your post, it 
 is against orders." I told him I knew the orders. I got 
 up and walked a few rounds and again sat down on a stump. 
 
 He soon came to me again and says : "Soldier, indeed, 
 you must not sit down on your post; if the officer of the 
 guard finds you he will punish you, and if you go to sleep 
 you will be shot." 
 
 "Look here," says I, "what regiment do you belong to ?" 
 
 "The 47th Alabama," he replied. 
 
 "How long have you been in service?" 
 
 "But a short time," said he. "Our regiment and the 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 97 
 
 48th Alabama came to Richmond a few days ago and drew 
 arms that you fellows had captured at Cold Harbor and 
 we were put in General Jackson's division. We have been 
 in 'nary fight yet." 
 
 "Well," I remarked, "I thought you were some new 
 recruit and did not know how to play off when you were 
 on camp guard. We old soldiers sit down on our posts on 
 camp guard every time we have a chance and signal to one 
 another, by whistling, when the officer or relief is coming. 
 I never go to sleep on my post; but camp guard is different 
 from a picket post next to the enemy. So you just go along 
 and walk your beat as much as you want to and I will at- 
 tend to mine as I please." With that he left me and did 
 not bother me any more; but every few turns he would walk 
 up close enough to see if I was asleep. 
 
 The 5th of July we left Harrison's Landing and 
 marched back towards Richmond and went into camp three 
 miles from the city; drew new clothing, washed up, and 
 cleaned our arms. Thus ended the seven days' fight at 
 Richmond; and instead of General McClellan capturing the 
 city, he was compelled to seek shelter under cover of his 
 gunboats with the remnant of a demoralized army, and the 
 loss of thousands in killed, wounded and prisoners, besides 
 a great amount of army stores. 
 
98 FOUB YEABS IN THK STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 X. 
 
 Stonewall Jackson's Corps, including his old brigade, at 
 the close of the seven days' fight, returned from Harrison's 
 Landing to within three miles of Kichmond and went into 
 camp. On the evening of the second day after our arrival 
 Charley French, my dog-tent messmate, and myself got 
 passes to spend the next day in Eichmond. Neither of us 
 had ever been in Kichmond and we intended to make a 
 day of it. But when morning came we had orders to march 
 to Eichmond sure enough; but it was for the whole corps. 
 We marched there and took the cars for Louisa Court House. 
 That was the only time I was in Eichmond during the war. 
 
 When we arrived at Louisa Court House we went into 
 camp near town. The next day Tom Powell and myself 
 got a pass from our Captain to go out in the country and 
 "forage" for something good to eat. So we traveled around 
 the country, stopping at farm houses, and, finally, got a 
 good dinner, and there heard that at the next station, a 
 short distance off, there was a store where they kept whiskey 
 for sale. We then sallied forth, thinking we would get 
 our canteens full to take to camp. When we arrived at 
 the place the merchant told us he had some whiskey to sell, 
 but that General Jones was making his headquarters at his 
 house, and had forbidden him to sell any to soldiers without 
 an order from him. I asked him what Jones it was, when he 
 replied, "General J. K. Jones, of the 2d Brigade." Now 
 we were personally acquainted with General Jones, for he 
 had been Captain and afterwards Lieutenant Colonel of our 
 regiment. I then studied up a plan to get the whiskey. I 
 told him to conduct me to General Jones' room, which he did. 
 
 Upon entering his presence I saluted him, and he rec- 
 ognized me and enquired my business. I then said, "Gen- 
 eral, I have a pass here from my Captain for this day in 
 order to procure some extra rations, and he told me if I 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 99 
 
 found any whiskey in my rounds to Bring him a canteen 
 full to camp. The gentleman here says he has some, but 
 can not let me have any without your orders, and I would 
 like to have your consent." 
 
 He looked at me a few moments, and, knowing my 
 Captain was quite fond of a dram, he said: "Now, you 
 are not telling me a lie, are you, in order to get it for 
 yourself? You are certain your Captain will get it?" 
 
 "0, no, I am not lying, General ; I will deliver it safely," 
 I replied. 
 
 Then, addressing the merchant, he told him to let me 
 have a canteen full. I asked him if he could not let us 
 have two canteens full. 
 
 "No," says he, "that is enough, and I will ask Captain 
 Grace the next time I see him if you delivered it safely." 
 
 We then got the whiskey and tried to get the mer- 
 chant to fill the other canteen, but it was "no go." We 
 each got an extra dram from him, and that was all; but 
 Captain Grace nor any one else ever saw or heard anything 
 of that canteen of whiskey. 
 
 I was afraid for a long time that General Jones would 
 ask my Captain about it, but he never did. Some time after- 
 wards I told my Captain how I had run the blockade for a 
 canteen of whiskey on his responsibility, but he just laughed 
 at the trick. 
 
 After leaving Jones's headquarters we started for camp. 
 On the way we met with a very clever farmer, who sold us 
 a nice ham, some lard and butter, and invited us to stay all 
 night, which we concluded to do, and were treated very 
 kindly. After breakfast the next morning we went to camp and 
 found the brigade had marched towards Gordonsville about 
 one-half hour before we arrived. Some of the boys had 
 put our guns in the wagon, but our knapsacks, full of nice 
 things that we had gotten at the Eichmond fight, were car- 
 ried off by some stragglers, which we regretted very much. 
 
 We soon followed the brigade up the railroad towards 
 Gordonsville, and before overtaking it a train of cars passed 
 us loaded with wounded from Eichmond which were being 
 taken to Staunton. As it was running very slowly we jumped 
 aboard and rode to Gordonsville and got there ahead of the 
 
100 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 The Barrel Shirt. 
 
 Is this soldier doing this for fun? 
 Not much, he ain't. He was absent 
 from camp without leave and came 
 back drunk. The Colonel thinks this 
 will sober him. 
 
 Tied Up By the Thumbs. 
 
 The way of the transgressor Is 
 hard. 
 
 Carrying the Rail. 
 
 Been absent without leave, an fl 
 sentenced to carry the rail eight 
 hours under guard. 
 
 Bucked and Gagged. 
 
FOUH YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 101 
 
 brigade. While we were in a house getting our dinner the 
 brigade marched through town and went into camp about 
 one mile beyond. 
 
 General Winder, commanding our brigade, had issued 
 orders that morning that when the regiments halted to camp, 
 and stacked arms, the roll should be called, and all who were 
 absent should be bucked the next day from sunrise to sunset; 
 that he was determined to break up straggling in the bri- 
 gade. As I and my friend Powell were not there in time to 
 answer to roll call we were included in the number to be 
 bucked. 
 
 Now, bucking a soldier is tying his hands together at 
 the wrists and slipping them down over his knees and then 
 running a stick through under the knees and over the arms. 
 Gagging is placing a bayonet in the mouth and tying it with 
 a string behind his neck. 
 
 Some of the officers complained to General Winder about 
 the severity of the order and tried to get him to revoke it; 
 but it was no use — it had to be done. Accordingly about thirty 
 belonging to the brigade were taken out in the woods the 
 next morning, placed under guard, and bucked from sun- 
 rise to sunset. It was a tiresome and painful situation, as 
 we had to sit cramped up all day in one position, and if 
 a fellow happened to fall over one of the guards would 
 have to sit him up. 
 
 We were all as mad as fury about it, for it was a 
 punishment that had never been inflicted in our brigade 
 before. That night, after we were released, about one-half 
 of the number deserted. 
 
 We marched the next day a short distance, but I would 
 not "fall in ranks." I told my Captain I did not intend 
 to answer to roll call that evening, and if I was bucked again 
 for straggling it would be the last time; that I would never 
 shoulder my musket again for a cause that would treat 
 soldiers in that manner. 
 
 Some of the officers then went to General Jackson and 
 made complaint about Winder's order. He sent Winder word 
 that he did not want to hear of any more bucking in that 
 brigade for straggling. That was the last of it, and the only 
 time it was ever done. General Winder would often have 
 
102 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 some of the men tied up by the thumbs at his headquarters 
 all day for some small offense. 
 
 He was a good General and a brave man, and knew 
 how to handle troops in battle ; but was very severe, and very 
 tyrannical, so much so that he was "spotted" by some of 
 the brigade; and we could hear it remarked by some one 
 near every day that the next fight we got into would be the 
 last for Winder. So it proved ; for in a short time we fought 
 the battle of Cedar Run, or Slaughter Mountain, and General 
 Winder was killed. But he was killed by a shell from the 
 enemy before the brigade was engaged. 
 
 We lay in camp near Gordonsville about three weeks, 
 nothing of interest transpiring, but all taking a good rest 
 after our severe campaigns. From the time we left Swift 
 Run Gap, about the first of May, we had marched hundreds 
 of miles and fought seven general battles, viz. : McDowell, 
 Front Royal, Winchester, Cross Keys, Port Republic, Cold 
 Harbor and Malvern Hill, besides some smaller engagements 
 and skirmishes, and had defeated and demoralized four sep- 
 arate armies, viz.: Milroy's, Banks', Fremont's and Shield's; 
 had cleared the whole Valley of the enemy and assisted Gen- 
 eral Lee to defeat McClellan and banish the foe from before 
 Richmond. We had remained in no camp over three days at 
 one time until we reached Gordonsville; but had marched 
 and fought the enemy, often marching all night and often 
 through rain and mud, and never, during that time, did 
 General Jackson have over twenty thousand men, and often 
 not that. History does not record more brilliant campaigns 
 within the short period of a little over two months than 
 those of "Stonewall" Jackson. 
 
 We had in the Army of Northern Virginia General 
 "Stonewall" Jackson, Generals A. P. Hill and D. H. Hill, 
 General Early, General Pickett and General Longstreet. So 
 we would tell the enemy, or send them word, that before 
 they could capture Eichmond they would have to wake up 
 "Early," charge the "Pickett," have two big "Hills" to climb, 
 a "Longstreet" to pass through and a "Stonewall" to batter 
 down, and that they would find it a hard road to travel. 
 
 While in camp near Gordonsville we heard that General 
 Pope, from the West, had taken command of the Federal 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 103 
 
 Army, and that he was going to Kichmond sure. He was 
 going to show us how to fight; that he had never seen any- 
 thing but the back of a Rebel yet, and would head his dis- 
 patches, "Headquarters in the Saddle." I heard that Gen- 
 eral Jackson sent him word that it was "strange that a Gen- 
 eral would have his headquarters where his hindquarters 
 ought to be." 
 
 We had been victorious in so many battles that the boys 
 were rather anxious to meet General Pope; and we could 
 hear it remarked in camp, "Just wait 'till Old Jack gets a 
 chance at him; he'll take some of the starch out of him." 
 
 We did not have long to wait, for we soon heard that 
 he was advancing on us and had crossed the Rappahannock 
 river, and was in Culpeper county. On the 8th of August 
 we left camp, marched toward the enemy, passed through 
 Orange Court House, crossed the Rapidan river and went 
 into camp about one mile beyond. The day was hot and 
 several men dropped dead in ranks from sunstroke. 
 
 The next morning we were on the march and soon 
 heard some skirmishing. We still advanced until about 
 12 o'clock, when we filed out of the road to the left and 
 were formed in line of battle in a piece of woods and halted. 
 We had not been there long before the artillery opened out 
 on both sides and shells rattled through the woods over our 
 heads very lively. We advanced in line slowly for some dis- 
 tance and could hear the infantry at it on our right as if 
 heavily engaged. In a few moments we reached an open 
 field with woods on each side. As we entered it the right 
 and left of our brigade extended into the woods. My regi- 
 ment being on the right was partly in the woods. When 
 we were about half way across the field we met the enemy's 
 line lying down behind a small slope. We commenced fir- 
 ing and advancing — the enemy returning the fire — but as 
 our line on the left was about one regiment longer than 
 theirs the brigade kept on advancing and coming around 
 on a wheel. The first line of the enemy fell back on the 
 second; and as our regiment reached the edge of the woods 
 we came to a wheat field that was cut and shocked. There 
 the firing was very heavy. We halted at the fence, when 
 Major Holliday, commanding the regiment, ordered us sev- 
 
104 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 eral times to advance, and, as we were slow getting over the 
 fence, he says: "Get over the fence with the colors and I 
 know the men will follow." The color bearer sprang over, 
 and the whole regiment at the same time. The color bearer 
 was shot down; but the colors did not more than touch the 
 ground before they were up again. 
 
 Major Holliday lost his arm and was taken to the rear. 
 We had severe fighting for a short time, when the enemy 
 broke. An officer came dashing down between the lines to 
 rally them and was riddled with bullets. He was a Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel,* I know, for I took particular notice of his 
 shoulder straps a few minutes afterwards; they were such 
 beautiful ones, with silver leaf. 
 
 We pursued the enemy two miles, until dark, and lay 
 in line all night. At one time we received a shower of 
 shells from the enemy, but we did not reply. 
 
 So ended the 9th of August, 1862, and the battle of 
 Cedar Run, and Mr. Pope had a chance to see the faces of 
 the "Johnnie Rebs," but would rather have seen their backs. 
 
 Our Brigadier General, C. S. Winder, heretofore re- 
 ferred to, was commanding our division in this battle, and in 
 the commencement of the fight was riding forward, giving 
 some instructions to a battery, when he was mortally wounded 
 by a shell from the enemy and died in a short time. I saw 
 him as he was carried back by the brigade on a stretcher. 
 His death was not much lamented by the brigade, for it 
 probably saved some of them the trouble of carrying out 
 their threats to kill him. I would not have done it had I 
 the chance; but I firmly believe it would have been done 
 by some one in that battle. 
 
 The next day the army was marched back to the rear 
 a short distance and went into camp. Everything was quiet, 
 
 • Lieutenant Colonel Louis H. D. Crane, 3d Regiment Wisconsin 
 Infantry, was killed August 9, 1862, at the battle of Cedar Mountain, 
 Va., falling from his dark claybank horse inside the fence in the 
 wheat field. The extreme right of Union army that day. was 27th 
 Indiana Infantry; next, 3d Wisconsin Infantry, then the 2d Massa- 
 chusetts Infantry. Most respectfully yours, 
 
 W. N. THOMAS, 
 Formerly Company H, 3d Regiment Wisconsin Infantry. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 105 
 
 our cavalry being deployed in front. A detail was made 
 to bury the dead and gather up the guns, etc. I was on the 
 gun detail. We gathered them up, loaded them in wagons 
 and started them to the rear. 
 
 Just as we were starting for camp some soldiers, who 
 were straggling over the battle field, commenced running 
 and saying the Yankee cavalry was charging. We looked 
 and saw them coming, and for a few moments it caused 
 quite a stampede; but it turned out to be a flag of truce 
 come to bury the dead and get the wounded. But as we 
 went to camp we found the stampede had gained strength 
 as it went; we found wagons hitched up and pulling for 
 the rear, and the troops out in line of battle; but it was 
 soon settled down. 
 
 General Jackson fought this battle with his corps, and 
 he gave General Pope a foretaste of what was to follow if 
 he remained in Virginia long. We remained here two days 
 and then marched back to our old camp near Gordonsville, 
 and General Pope fell back across the Eappahannock. 
 
106 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 XI. 
 
 The enemy, being heavily reinforced, commenced ad- 
 vancing their cavalry again, and had got as far as Orange 
 Court House when General Lee came on from Eichmond 
 with the whole army. 
 
 On the 20th of August we again took up the line of 
 march and crossed the Rapidan river and went on to the 
 Rappahannock. We lay along the south bank, while the 
 enemy occupied the north bank of the river. A continual 
 firing, by both infantry and artillery, was kept up, each 
 army trying to cross, or making believe they were trying 
 to, and each army failed, in every attempt, until one morn- 
 ing General Jackson started to the rear with his corps. 
 
 As we passed through a small village we were ordered 
 to leave our knapsacks in some vacant building with men 
 to guard them. We then knew what was up the same as 
 if "Stonewall" had told us. It simply meant a "forced march 
 and a flank movement." We then turned our course west- 
 ward up the Rappahannock, and, after marching some dis- 
 tance, crossed the river and turned east towards Alexan- 
 dria. After marching two days and nights, with very little 
 rest, we struck the Orange and Alexandria railroad, at 
 Bristoe Station; captured several trains of cars, and, leav- 
 ing General Ewell's Division there, went a few miles to 
 Manassas Junction, where we captured several more trains, 
 a large amount of commissary stores and several sutlers. 
 We also dispersed and captured a brigade of the enemy that 
 was guarding that point. 
 
 We were now completely in General Pope's rear, and 
 between his army and Washington City. General Lee, with 
 the greater portion of our army, was in his front at the 
 river. We had no wagon train with us except ordnance 
 wagons, medical wagons and ambulances. 
 
 We had started with but three days' rations, and if we 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 107 
 
 had failed to make those captures we would have been in 
 a barren country without rations. We remained there all 
 day loading ourselves with provisions. The soldiers were 
 at liberty to take all they wanted except the sutler stores, 
 which were kept under guard for the officers. But we would 
 form in a solid mass around the tents and commence push- 
 ing one another towards the center until the guard, who 
 was not very particular about it, would give way, and then 
 we would make the good things fly for a short time, until 
 some officer would ride up with more guards and disperse 
 us. We kept this up until we had gobbled up nearly every- 
 thing, when we would look around for fresh supplies. I 
 went to the commissary building, which was full of army 
 rations up to the roof. I soon found, in one corner of the 
 second story, a room filled with officers' rations and several 
 soldiers supplying themselves with coffee, sugar, molasses, 
 etc. When we had appropriated all we could carry we 
 found a barrel of whiskey, which we soon tapped; but as 
 we had our canteens full of molasses, and our tin cups full 
 of sugar, we had nothing to drink out of. We soon found 
 an old funnel, however, and while one would hold his hand 
 over the bottom of it another would draw it full. In this 
 way it was passed around. But the officers soon found us 
 out and broke up that game. 
 
 We then sallied forth in quest of more plunder, and 
 went to the captured trains of cars. They were loaded with 
 everything belonging to an army — such as ammunition for 
 infantry and artillery, harness, tents, blankets, clothing, hos- 
 pital stores, and several loads of coffins for officers to be sent 
 home in (we didn't want them), and one car was loaded with 
 medical stores in boxes. Here we found something we did 
 want, for each box had stored away in it from four to eight 
 bottles of fine brandy and whiskey. We soon commenced 
 tearing them to pieces, throwing the medicine around in 
 every direction in search of bottles. I squeezed into the car 
 among a number of others and got a box opened and found 
 eight bottles of brandy in it. I then told a comrade at the 
 car door that as I jot them I would pass the bottles to him 
 and he should hide them away and we would divide. Our 
 surgeons, seeing that it was a medical car, came up and 
 
108 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 begged us to save the morphine and chloroform, as they 
 were scarce articles in our army and they would greatly 
 need them in the coming battle. But we paid no heed to 
 their entreaties, telling them that we had no use for medi- 
 cine. They then rode off and informed General Jackson 
 how affairs stood. He then ordered the guard to disperse 
 us and save the medicines. I had just passed my chum four 
 bottles when some officer came with a guard to rout us out. 
 I slipped the other four under my jacket. As I was pass- 
 ing out of the car door some one jammed me against the side 
 of the car and broke one of my bottles; but I escaped with 
 three. I met my partner outside, but the guard had relieved 
 him of his four. We then went to the regiment, where I 
 divided two of them with my Captain and the company, 
 keeping one for myself. 
 
 We now heard firing up the railroad, where we had left 
 General Ewell, and soon learned that General Pope was 
 coming down on us with his army like an avalanche. We 
 remained there until dark, when we had orders to burn up 
 everything that was left, which was soon done. When the 
 ammunition cars got on fire they made as great a racket as 
 if a big battle was going on. General Jackson then started 
 on the march to the old battle ground of Bull Bun. 
 
 We had had a great day of plundering and eating, and I 
 was somewhat tired. So, after marching some distance, I 
 lay down in a fence corner and went to sleep; but was soon 
 roused up by the rear guard, who told me if I did not want 
 to be captured that I had better go on, as the enemy would 
 soon be there. I then marched on and soon came to wheixj 
 the roads forked. Some troops had taken one road and some 
 the other, and I could not find out which one my brigade 
 had taken; but I took one of the roads and reached Center- 
 ville a little after daylight. I found that my brigade had 
 taken the other road and was a few miles west of Center- 
 ville, near Sudley church. I then started for my command, 
 and had gone about one mile when one of our cavalrymen 
 came dashing by leading a mule and said to me : "The Yan- 
 kee cavalry are in Centerville and if you don't want to be 
 captured jump on this mule," which I was glad to do, and 
 we went up the road as fast as the mules could carry us. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 109 
 
 I had a big load of provisions and five or six pounds of coffee, 
 roasted and ground, tied up in a piece of old coffee sack, 
 tied to my gun. In, my ride it came loose and I lost it all. 
 
 I also had a fine silver watch, and, on looking for it, 
 found it was gone. As the enemy did not appear to be fol- 
 lowing I told the cavalryman to halt and I would dismount ; 
 that by riding in that style I would lose all my "commissary," 
 which I could not afford to do in so critical a time, as we 
 knew not where the next was to come from. But upon look- 
 ing around I found my watch down next to my belt between 
 my fatigue shirt and undershirt. It had got loose from the 
 chain and slipped through the pocket in my fatigue shirt 
 and my cartridge belt being tight had saved it. 
 
 I write thus particularly now that it may be seen to 
 what straits we were put to in emergencies and what means 
 were resorted to by the soldier in the field upon occasions. 
 Such an appearance as I presented would be ludicrous enough 
 could it be witnessed in these "piping times of peace." 
 
 I arrived at the brigade safely, with no loss but my 
 coffee, which I had treasured very highly, as genuine coffee 
 was a rarity for a Johnnie Reb. I found my division in 
 line of battle in an old field, and some skirmishing going 
 on in front. General Jackson had taken his position and 
 was waiting for the enemy. They came up in fine style 
 about 3 o'clock p. m., when we opened fire on them. We 
 had a terrible fight, which lasted until 9 o'clock at night, 
 neither party giving back, but remaining as we had com- 
 menced, and being guided in our firing by the flash of the 
 other's guns. But the firing gradually ceased, each army re- 
 taining the same position as before. My brigade was behind 
 an old fence, and would lie down, load and fire, and it 
 seemed that every one who would raise up was shot. 
 
 We lost severely. My company had but seventeen men 
 in the fight, and we lost five killed and mortally wounded, 
 five severely wounded and one missing, who was supposed 
 to be killed, for he never turned up afterward nor was he 
 ever heard of after the war. The whole brigade lost in the 
 same proportion. Colonel Neff, of my regiment, was killed, 
 and Lieutenant Joseph Earsome, of my company, was mor- 
 tally wounded. He had just been transferred from the 2d 
 
110 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Regiment to ours. General Ewell lost a leg, and our los8 
 in officers was great. 
 
 We carried the wounded back that night a short distance 
 to a piece of woods. Major F. W. M. Holliday had been 
 wounded at Cedar Run; Lieutenant Colonel Edwin G. Lee 
 was absent sick, and Colonel Ncff being killed, it left us 
 without a field officer. Captain Grace of my company being 
 the oldest officer, took command of the regiment. We had 
 our old wheel horse, "Stonewall" left, and knew he could 
 manage affairs. 
 
 The next morning the enemy was gone from our front, 
 but had only changed position, and skirmishing soon com- 
 menced. My Captain told me to get Lieutenant Earsome, 
 who was shot through the bowels, into an ambulance and 
 take him to the hospital at Sudley church, which I did. 
 After going a short distance, he said he could not stand the 
 jolting of the ambulance and wanted us to take him out. 
 We did so, and, making a stretcher out of two rails and a 
 blanket, four of us started to carry him on our shoulders, 
 but soon met the ambulances and wounded coming back in 
 a hurry, saying the enemy was at Sudley and we would have 
 to go in another direction. After going to the rear, as we 
 thought, some distance, the enemy suddenly ran a battery 
 up on a hill in front of us and commenced shelling. I told 
 the other boys that we would stop and rest until we found 
 where the rear was, if there was any rear, as the enemy ap- 
 peared to be on three sides of us, and, perhaps, would soon 
 be on the fourth; but we soon saw a yellow flag hoisted to 
 denote a hospital, and we went to it. I then got a surgeon 
 to examine the Lieutenant's wound. When he had done so, 
 he said that he was shot through and through and his 
 entrails were cut; that he could not live and he could do 
 nothing for him. 
 
 As I was a particular friend of his, he asked me to 
 remain with him and take care of him until he died, as he 
 knew he could not live. 
 
 I told him I would like to do so, but could not do it 
 without permission from the Captain. He begged me to go 
 and see the Captain, as he knew his dying request would be 
 granted. 
 
FOUR TEAES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Ill 
 
112 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 I immediately did ' so, when my Captain said : "Cer- 
 tainly, remain with him; and when he dies bury him and 
 join the company." 
 
 I went back to him and did all I could for him, but he 
 suffered terribly; he could not lie still, but was up and 
 down continually, and I worried with him all day and all 
 night. The next morning he died, when I buried him as 
 decently as I could and then joined my regiment. 
 
 There had been some fighting the day previous, but no 
 general engagement, as General Jackson wanted to hold his 
 position and keep off a general battle until General Lee 
 should arrive with the balance of the army. As Lee was 
 following General Pope's army, and had to pass through 
 Thoroughfare Gap, a gorge in the mountain, and his pas- 
 sage was disputed by the enemy, he was kept back some 
 time. Our condition appeared critical, indeed, for we had 
 lost severely and were being hemmed in on all three sides 
 by nearly the whole army of the enemy; our retreat cut off, 
 and no assistance possible until Lee and Longstreet could 
 arrive. But the way was forced, and we could see clouds of 
 dust rising up between us and the mountain and we knew 
 assistance was at hand if we could hold out a little longer. 
 Soon cheer after cheer rent the air as General Longstreet 
 arrived and straitened out the line on our right. 
 
 The night was spent in forming troops. Our division 
 was formed along the line of the Alexandria, Loudoun and 
 Hampshire railroad, which had been graded before the war, 
 but never finished, and served as a breastwork. At day- 
 light on the third day skirmishing commenced and was 
 kept up, but the firing increased as brigade after brigade 
 became engaged, until about 3 o'clock p. m., when the whole 
 line on both sides became heavily engaged. It was one con- 
 tinuous roar from right to left. My brigade was in a small 
 cut, with a field in front sloping down about four hundred 
 yards to a piece of wood. The enemy would form in the 
 woods and come up the slope in three lines as regular as 
 if on drill, and we would pour volley after volley into them 
 as they came; but they would still advance until within a 
 few yards of us, when they would break and fall back to the 
 woods, where they would rally and come again. They 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 113 
 
 charged in this maner three times, and the third time, as 
 they broke, we were ordered to charge, and as Longstreet's 
 corps had turned their left, our whole line charged and the 
 rout became general. But the stone bridge over Bull Eun 
 became blocked up with artillery and caissons, and we could 
 not cross with our artillery; and as it was getting dark, this 
 put an end to the conflict. If we could have had a few hours 
 more of daylight they would never have been able to rally 
 until they reached Alexandria. It was a terrible battle, and 
 both sides lost severely. The slope in front of us was cov- 
 ered with dead, dying and wounded; but my brigade lost 
 but few, as we were protected by the railroad. Thus ended 
 the second battle of Manassas, the 28th, 29th and 30th days 
 of August, 1862. 
 
 General W. S. H. Baylor, commanding the brigade, for- 
 merly Colonel of the 5th Virginia, was killed the evening 
 of the third days' fight, in the railroad cut. He had just 
 grabbed the colors of the 33d Virginia from the dead color- 
 bearer and was rushing to the front. Colonel C. A. Ronald, 
 of the 4th Virginia, took command of the brigade, and Cap- 
 tain P. T. Grace took command of the 33d Regiment. 
 
 Charles Arnall,* of Staunton, Va., and who was General 
 W. S. H. Baylor's Adjutant and Chief of Staff, but now 
 living in Atlanta, Ga., tore the flag of the 33d Virginia 
 from the staff that General Baylor was holding when killed, 
 replaced it with a new one, and still has that flag, and has 
 it on exhibition at the Confederate Reunions. 
 
 *He is now dead. 
 
114 FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 XII. 
 
 The next day after the battle the enemy came up with 
 a flag of truce and a long train of ambulances to get their 
 wounded. A few hours were granted them; and they gath- 
 ered up all they could take and left. We gathered up the 
 dead by wagon loads and threw them into a cut in the rail- 
 road — hundreds together. 
 
 I must here relate an incident that happened during 
 this campaign, which, probably, has never before been re- 
 corded. Before we left Gordonsville we had a general court- 
 martial, and among the prisoners to be punished for deser- 
 tion there were four to be shot from our division, three be- 
 longing to the 10th Virginia, in the 3d Brigade, and one to 
 the 5th Virginia, in my brigade. They were the first that had 
 been sentenced to be shot for desertion in our division. While 
 on the march, as we went into camp for the night near "Pis- 
 gah Church," in Orange County, their sentences were read to 
 them. They were to be executed the next day; but in the 
 night one of the doomed men, belonging to the 10th Vir- 
 ginia, by the name of Rothgeb, broke through the guard and 
 ran for dear life and made his escape to the enemy, who were 
 close by. The others were taken out the next day and exe- 
 cuted; after which we resumed our march. In the battle 
 of Manassas, which soon came off, all three of the officers 
 who composed the court-martial were killed or mortally 
 wounded (my Colonel, A. J. Neff, being one of the number), 
 and most of the soldiers looked upon it as a judgment. 
 
 But no one cast any reflections upon our Colonel, for 
 he was a splendid officer, a gallant man and always treated 
 us with respect and kindness. He was greatly beloved by 
 the whole regiment, and his death was much lamented. 
 
 The next year General Lee issued a general order, re- 
 citing, I think, a proclamation, pardoning all absentees and 
 deserters who would return to their commands in thirty days. 
 
POUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 115 
 
 Then this man Eothgeb returned and was pardoned; but in 
 a short time he deserted again. He was afterwards arrested, 
 but as the guards were taking him to Eichmond to be placed 
 in Castle Thunder he jumped from the cars while they were 
 running at full speed and made his escape the second time, 
 and remained North until the war closed, when he came 
 home. 
 
 After this severe campaign and the battles of Manassas 
 I found myself completely used up. I had slept but little 
 for six days and nights, and was suffering with sore feet and 
 hemorrhoids. I had been worrying night and day with my 
 Lieutenant, who died, and could go no further. I, there- 
 fore, reported to our surgeon, as the army started on the 
 march again, and he sent me to the field hospital near the 
 battle ground. When I got there I found a great many 
 tents filled with sick and wounded — more than the surgeons 
 and nurses could attend to. I thought it was a poor place 
 to recruit; but upon looking around I found a great many 
 farmers there with their wagons, who brought in supplies 
 for the wounded, such as butter, milk, chickens, vegetables, 
 etc. As one of them, a fatherly-looking old man, was about 
 starting home I went to him and told him my condition and 
 asked him if he would not take me home with him and take 
 care of me until I got well. He was much pleased to do 
 so, and would willingly have taken a wagon load if the 
 doctors would consent to it; but the wounded had to remain 
 in their charge until properly cared for. 
 
 I proceeded home with my farmer, whose name was Lee. 
 He lived about ten miles from the hospital in Loudoun 
 County. He and his family treated me very kindly and 
 gave me every attention. In about a week I felt like a new 
 man. General Lee's army had crossed the Potomac into 
 Maryland, and as none of our troops except a few cavalry 
 were in this part of Virginia it was open to the enemy 
 from Alexandria, and the sick and wounded were being re- 
 moved to Winchester. After remaining at my friend Lee's 
 ten days, I went to the hospital at Aldie, and was sent from 
 there to Winchester, but was as well as ever. When we were 
 within a few miles of Winchester I left the main road, 
 "flanked" around Winchester and went home. I remained 
 
116 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 at home until General Lee's army came back from Mary- 
 land into Virginia, and camped a few miles north of Win- 
 chester at a small place called Bunker's Hill, when I left 
 home and reported, to my regiment. 
 
 A few days after the Manassas battle part of our army 
 had a short, but hard, engagement with the enemy at Ox 
 Hill, or Chant'illy, on the Little Eiver turnpike. 
 
 It was in this battle, and inside our lines, that General 
 Philip Kearney, a Federal General, spoken of in both armies 
 as "Brave Phil Kearney," was killed. The Southern soldiers 
 had so much respect for him that his body was wrapped in 
 a captured United States flag and sent to their lines after 
 the battle. 
 
 The army then crossed the Potomac into Maryland, 
 went to Frederick City and marched up the left bank of the 
 Potomac; the enemy, under General McClellan, following. 
 They had a considerable battle on the South Mountains and 
 at Crampton's Gap, and afterwards a general engagement at 
 Antietam, or Sharpsburg, on the 17th of September. Gen- 
 eral Starks, Brigadier General of the Louisiana Brigade, 
 was commanding the division and was killed. In the mean- 
 time General Jackson surrounded the enemy at Harper's 
 Ferry and compelled them to surrender, capturing a large 
 quantity of artillery, wagons, army stores and eleven thou- 
 sand prisoners, who were paroled on the ground for want 
 of men to guard them to the rear. Jackson had to hurry 
 back to Antietam to support Lee. 
 
 The battle of Antietam was one of the severest battles 
 of the war. The loss was very heavy on both sides; but 
 neither army was defeated. General Lee did not fall back 
 until the next night, when he fell back across the Potomac 
 into Virginia. The Federal Army was too much crippled 
 to follow. They claimed, however, a great victory; but Gen- 
 eral Lee would have been compelled to fall back into Vir- 
 ginia if he had defeated the enemy. His supplies were in 
 Virginia, and he had but a small force in Maryland, as the 
 greater portion of his army had been killed, wounded, or 
 had straggled before crossing into Maryland. The country 
 was covered with stragglers from Eichmond to the Potomac 
 on account of hard marching and hard fighting, and a few 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 117 
 
 ft 
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 B' 
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 M 
 
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118 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 days after the battle in Maryland his army was larger than 
 it was during the fight. If the enemy had followed him into 
 Virginia he would have been repulsed. A considerable force 
 of the enemy did attempt to cross the Potomac at Shepherds- 
 town, and several brigades actually crossed, but were repulsed 
 by General A. P. Hill with great slaughter. 
 
 We remained in the lower Valley of Virginia for some 
 time, recruiting the army and making raids on the Baltimore 
 and Ohio railroad, from above Martinsburg down to Harper's 
 Ferry, destroying the road, burning the ties and bridges and 
 that company's works at Martinsburg. After destroying the 
 road we would fall back to Bunker Hill, when the enemy 
 would rebuild the road and get the cars to running. We 
 would then make another raid and destroy it again; but no 
 general engagement followed. 
 
 One time our brigade went down to the railroad to Kear- 
 neysville, a few miles south of Shepherdstown, and while 
 we were destroying the track a division of the enemy came 
 out from Shepherdstown and attacked us and we had to give 
 up the job and fall back; but before we fell back we were 
 formed in line of battle, and my company and Company "F" 
 were put in a small redoubt near the station in advance of the 
 line. When the line fell back we had nc orders to leave, 
 and remained there until the enemy had crossed the rail- 
 road above and below us and were closing in on us in front, 
 when we left without orders, and joined the brigade at 
 double-quick. If we had stayed a few moments longer we 
 would have been captured. 
 
 We then fell back about one mile, in a piece of woods, 
 and took a stand and remained until dark, but the enemy 
 • did not attack us. We had several killed and wounded. 
 Colonel Bonald, commanding the brigade, was wounded, 
 when Colonel Grigsby, of the 27th Virginia, took command. 
 We started back to camp at dark and went several miles. It 
 rained in torrents and was so dark we could hardly get 
 along. We finally camped in an old mill that accommodated 
 the whole brigade; and the next morning went on to our 
 old camp at Bunker Hill. 
 
 We remained in the lower Valley for some time, mov- 
 ing about from place to place, nothing of interest trans- 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 119 
 
 piring. Colonel E. F. Paxton, of the 27th Regiment, was 
 promoted to Brigadier General of the brigade; Lieutenant 
 Colonel Lee was promoted to Colonel of my regiment; Ma- 
 jor F. W. M. Holliday (afterwards Governor of Virginia) 
 was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, and Captain Grace (my 
 Captain) was promoted to Major; consequently we had to 
 have a new Captain, and First Lieutenant William Powell 
 was promoted to that rank. 
 
 About the 1st of December the whole army started on 
 the march to Fredericksburg, as the enemy were moving in 
 that direction from Washington under the command of Gen- 
 eral Burnside, with another "On to Richmond." Major 
 Grace's family being all sick or dying, he resigned and went 
 home. The first day the army passed through Winchester 
 and camped near Newtown, and, as usual, I stopped in Win- 
 chester and remained for the night. 
 
 The next morning as I was on my way to join the 
 command I met Sergeant M. Miller and Private W. A. 
 Daily of my company. They informed me that eight men of 
 our company had deserted that night and gone home to 
 Hampshire, with the intention of mounting themselves and 
 joining the cavalry, as they were determined not to go east 
 of the Blue Bidge again, being tired of the foot cavalry. 
 Consequently they (Miller and Daily) were detailed and 
 supplied with written instructions to go to Hampshire County 
 and try to persuade them and other absentees to return to 
 their company, and to tell them if they would do so they 
 would not be punished; but if they refused they would be 
 punished to the full extent of martial law. 
 
 Sergeant Miller wanted me to go along with them and 
 be included in the detail. I was very anxious to do so, but 
 was fearful I would get into trouble, but he assured me he 
 would be responsible for my absence, when I readily con- 
 sented to go. Now it was rather a critical undertaking for 
 a small squad of Southern soldiers to go into Hampshire 
 armed with rifles, in those days, as the county was in pos- 
 session of the enemy, who were camped at Springfield and 
 Romney, and who were scouting all over the country. Our 
 absentees lived in and around Springfield; therefore, when 
 we reached the borders of the county we had to move cau- 
 
120 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 tiously, keeping to the byroads and woods as much as possi- 
 ble. But we succeeded very well, as we were raised there 
 and knew every hog-path and knew who were Union men 
 and who were Rebels. 
 
 We remained in that neighborhood about two weeks, 
 stopping at houses where we would be safe in the daytime 
 and visiting the members of the company at night. In that 
 manner we saw nearly all of them, but got but one man 
 (Thomas McGraw) to consent to go back with us. 
 
 The Federals had told these absentees if they would 
 remain at home peaceably and not go to bushwhacking they 
 would not molest them, for they knew if they arrested them 
 and sent them to prison they would be exchanged and put 
 in ranks again; but if they did not molest them the proba- 
 bilities were that they would remain at home. 
 
 Those absentees were all good soldiers, but they were 
 tired of the infantry, and said they would do service in the 
 cavalry; they knew as soon as General Jackson found out 
 they had joined the cavalry he would send for them and 
 have them brought back to the infantry, and they were de- 
 termined never to do service in the infantry any more. If 
 he would give them a transfer to cavalry they would go in 
 service again; if not, they would remain at home or go 
 across the lines. Therefore, we could do nothing with thern, 
 as we had no orders to arrest them, and could not have got- 
 ten out with them if we had. 
 
 So we concluded to return to our company and report. 
 But before we started back I told the boys I must go into 
 Springfield and see some of my old friends. We were stop- 
 ping within two miles of town, and there was a company of 
 Federal cavalry quartered in town (Captain Greenfield's 
 company, 100 strong). They said I would be captured; 
 but I told them I would risk it. I was wearing a blue over- 
 coat and Mrs. Conley gave me a pair of blue pants, so I 
 thought if I was. seen by any one I would be taken for a 
 Yankee. 
 
 The weather was very cold, and about one hour before 
 dark I slipped through the woods and posted myself on a 
 high hill about one-haif mile from town, and watched where 
 they posted their pickets for the night. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 121 
 
 There were two roads which led through the town, and 
 they crossed in the center at right angles. There was a 
 picket post on each of the four roads a few hundred yards 
 out of town. As it grew dark I went down the hill, through 
 an open field in the angle formed by the roads, until I came 
 to the rear lot of Mr. John W. Shouse's house, got over the 
 fence, went through the back yard and onto the porch, and 
 there waited for developments. 
 
 I had heard that the officers and some of the privates 
 were boarding with the citizens, and that I had better be 
 careful how I entered a house. I listened for a few mo- 
 ments and then looked in at the window, and, seeing no one 
 but the family, I cautiously opened the door and went in. 
 Mrs. Shouse raised her hands in astonishment and was as 
 much surprised as if one had arisen from the dead. Every 
 one in the town, both black and white, had known me from 
 my childhood up. There were but one or two Union men 
 in the place, and I was not afraid of them reporting me; 
 neither was I afraid of the blacks; but still I did not want 
 them to know I was there. 
 
 After I got in the first house I felt safe. I could then 
 lay my plans for seeing my friends, as I intended to stay 
 all night and run the blockade before daylight. I conversed 
 with the ' family a short time and then got Miss Gennie 
 Shouse to run across the street to the house of Mr. John 
 Hawes, who lived in my old home, to see if the coast was 
 clear. I then went over, for I wanted to see the house that 
 I had spent most of my boyhood days in, not knowing 
 whether I would ever see it again. I did not stay there long, 
 however, for Mrs Hawes appeared so frightened for fear I 
 would be captured; besides it made me feel sad, as the old 
 house brought back to memory scenes of other days when 
 all was joy and peace. To think that I had to sneak back 
 like an outlaw, in the night, to look once more upon the 
 scenes of my childhood, and then depart to the distant bat- 
 tle-field, and, perhaps, leave my bones bleaching in the sun, 
 was too much. I had to leave. 
 
 I then went up the street a short distance to the resi- 
 dence of Mrs. Daily, whose son, William, was in the country 
 waiting my return. They were glad to see me and hear from 
 
122 FOtTB YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 their son and brother. I will state that a Eebel soldier from 
 "Lee's Army" was quite a curiosity in that place, for the 
 enemy had possession of the country from the time the war 
 commenced until it ended, except during some occasional 
 raids made by our cavalry. 
 
 The next place I wanted to visit was the house of Mr. 
 Uriah Blue, who had lost a son in our company; but he 
 lived near the center of the village, and I was told there was 
 a sentinel a few yards from his house on the store porch. 
 But I struck out down the street whistling "Yankee Doodle," 
 and soon met the relief picket going out to the post in the 
 west end of town. I passed on down, walking on the side- 
 walk, while they kept in the middle of the street. 
 
 As soon as I arrived at Mr. Blue's house I reconnoitered 
 a short time and then went in. Mr. Blue told me that a 
 Federal officer had just left his house a few moments be- 
 fore I came. I was perfectly lionized by the family. I had 
 intended to go to Mr. James Kuykendall's house, but learned 
 there were five or six Yankees in there spending the evening, 
 so I concluded it might not be agreeable to all concerned, and 
 remained where I was. But Mr. K's family all came to see 
 me, one at a time, as it was only a few doors away, and so 
 were able to entertain their company at the same time. 
 
 It was now getting late, and I concluded to go to Mr. 
 Jacob Grace's (my Captain's father) house and spend the 
 remainder of the night. His residence was the last house' 
 in the lower end of the town; so when I left Blue's I went 
 through the back lots and down the back street, then up 
 through the garden to the house. There was a back porch 
 to the house, and I knew the family stayed in the dining 
 room in the wing building. I boldly stepped onto the porch 
 and was about to enter when I thought I had better be 
 careful, as there might be someone in there whom I did not 
 care to see. So I took off my shoes, slipped up to the 
 window, sat down on a bench and listened. The window was 
 down and I could not see in; but after listening for some 
 time I found out that Mr. Yankee was in there. As it was 
 very cold I went into the hall of the main building and sat 
 down about half way up the stairs in order to retreat further 
 up if necessary. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 123 
 
 After sitting there some time I heard some one come 
 into the yard and go to the well and draw some water; at 
 the same time I heard the dining-room door open and shut; 
 but as no one passed through the hall I thought they were all 
 in there still. After waiting some time and getting very 
 cold, I heard the door open and some one come out on the 
 porch and into the hall. I then went further up the stairs. 
 He passed through the hall, opened the front door, and shut 
 it. I now thought my Yankee was gone and I would go 
 down and entertain the family; but as soon as I started 
 down the steps some one started up, so I wheeled and ran up 
 the first flight of stairs and then on up the second fight to 
 the garret. When at the turn of the stairs I fell over some- 
 thing and came down with considerable racket. Some one 
 exclaimed, "Who's that?" I thought all the time that, per- 
 haps, this Yankee boarded there and was coming up stairs 
 to go to bed; but as soon as I was challenged I knew the 
 voice and felt safe. It was my Captain's brother, Stephen 
 W. Grace, about my own age and one of my old playmates. 
 I never answered him, but started down stairs, and he kept 
 on hallooing to me making threats, so I made myself 
 known. After a hearty hand-shaking I was conducted to the 
 sitting room, where there was a nice warm fire in the fire- 
 place, and his three sisters, Misses Amelia, Flora and Katie, 
 and his father, who was an invalid, confined to his bed. 
 Well! I then and there spent several hours, I think, as 
 pleasantly as any I ever spent in my life, for the whole 
 family were near and dear friends to our family. They 
 then explained to me the mistake I had made in thinking 
 the Yankee was leaving. He had been gone for some time; 
 had left when the one came to the well for water, and had 
 gone with him through the back yard while I was expecting 
 him to go through the front door. 
 
 I intended leaving there that night and going back to 
 where I left Miller and Daily ; but they insisted on me stay- 
 ing all night and the next day and then go out the next 
 night, as I could stay up stairs by a good fire and no one 
 would know it. I concluded to do so, and Stephen and I 
 went up stairs and retired for the night — but not to sleep. 
 I believe we talked until daybreak. The next day I enjoyed 
 
124 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 myself hugely. I stayed up stairs all day. They brought 
 my meals up to me, and informed friends where I was, so 
 I was thronged with company all day. 
 
 But only one came at a time, in order to avoid suspi- 
 cion. Several Yankees were in the house during the day. 
 Some ate dinner there at the same time I was eating my 
 dinner up stairs. About one hour after dark I bade fare- 
 well to my friends, and ran the blockade between the pickets, 
 but by a different route from that by which I had come in. 
 I arrived safely where the boys were, who had conjectured 
 that I was captured, as I did not return the first night. 
 
 I ran a greater risk than I thought I was running at 
 the time by having on the blue uniform of the enemy. If 
 I had been captured by them in their camp I would have 
 been hung as a spy, and there could have been no reprieve 
 for it. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 125 
 
 XIII. 
 
 The next day we started to go to our command, which 
 we heard had fought the battle of Fredericksburg, and was 
 then in winter quarters below Fredericksburg, near Guinea 
 Station, on the Richmond and Potomac railroad. As we 
 were passing through the woods and came in sight of a road 
 that led out from Springfield, about three miles from there, 
 I told the boys to halt and I would go down to the road and 
 see if the way was clear before we crossed. I passed on to 
 the road. There was a high bank on one side, but as I did 
 not see anyone I jumped down the bank and came face to 
 face with Double-Thumbed John Kerns, who was walking 
 along close to the bank and coming from the Yankee camp. 
 I knew in a moment I was caught, for I knew him to be 
 one of those meddlesome Union men who took the trouble to 
 report to the enemy everything he knew about the Rebels. 
 I knew he would have every one of us arrested if he could, 
 and I knew if I let him pass he would have a squad of the 
 enemy after us in two hours. 
 
 His life had been threatened several times for having 
 the boys arrested and reporting the citizens, and I made 
 sure he knew me, for he had known me from boyhood up. 
 I was just revolving in my mind whether to kill him right 
 there or call the other boys and take him in the woods and 
 kill him, when a few words he uttered saved his life. 
 
 "Have you been out hunting?" he asked. It struck me 
 in a moment, from my having a blue overcoat on, he had 
 mistaken me for a Yankee from the camp out hunting, and 
 I concluded to keep up the deception until I got rid of him. 
 
 "Yes," I replied, "but I find game scarce." I asked 
 him if he had been to camp. He said he had ; he had taken 
 some butter and eggs to sell, and got a good price from 
 the boys. 
 
126 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 I asked him what the boys were doing, and if any of 
 them were out on the scout. 
 
 "No," he said, "they are all lying around doing nothing." 
 
 I then asked him if there were any Kebels about that 
 he knew of. 
 
 "Oh, no," said he, "they are afraid to come in here 
 now, except some who have run off from the army and are 
 at home, and I can tell you where they all live if you want 
 to arrest them." 
 
 "No, we do not want to bother them," I replied, "if 
 they will stay at home and not bushwhack us." I then 
 asked him the time of day, and told him I must hurry on 
 to camp, and be there in time for roll call, and left him. 
 
 As soon as he got out of sight I whistled for the boys 
 and they came; they had heard me talking to some one, and 
 when I told them who it was and what had transpired they 
 said we ought to have killed him anyhow; but I did not 
 want to hurt him if it could be avoided in any way. 
 
 But he was a very meddlesome fellow and did a great 
 deal of michief in the neighborhood without doing any good 
 for himself. He had two thumbs on one hand, and was 
 called "Double-Thumbed John Kerns." He was killed before 
 the war was over by some Eebel for reporting. 
 
 We then proceeded on our way and when we reached 
 Lost Eiver, about one day's march from Springfield, we met 
 Lieutenant Monroe Blue, belonging to General Imboden's 
 Cavalry Brigade, with a small squad of soldiers. Lieutenant 
 Blue formerly belonged to my company, but had left it and 
 joined the cavalry and was elected Lieutenant. 
 
 He said business was dull in their camp and he thought 
 he would come down into Hampshire with a squad and 
 gather up some more soldiers, and make a raid on the Yan- 
 kees and stir them up and see what they were doing. He 
 wanted us to go along with them, as they were going to 
 leave their horses and go in on foot. He simply wanted 
 to get near their camp and watch the road for some scout- 
 ing parties from their camp, and capture them in order to 
 get their horses; and all we captured would be divided 
 equally among the men. We were just keen for a raid of 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 127 
 
 that kind, but Sergeant Miller would not consent to go; he 
 would, however, give us liberty to go if we wished. 
 
 So we arranged the plan, and were to meet at Mr. 
 Ewer's, on top of South Branch mountain, about six miles 
 east of Springfield, and be ready to start at daylight the 
 next morning. Lieutenant Blue then left us, and said he 
 would hunt up some more men. T. McGraw, W. Daily and 
 myself then started for the place of rendezvous, leaving Mil- 
 ler behind to await our return or hear of our capture, as the 
 case might be. 
 
 The next morning Lieutenant Blue made his appearance 
 with a guide and scout (Ed. Montgomery) and we numbered 
 in all fifteen, each one armed with a rifle and sixshooter. 
 We then marched down the mountain in sigle file until we 
 reached the river (the south branch of the Potomac), where 
 we found a canoe and crossed. We then kept down the 
 mountain, going north, aiming to get in rear of their camp. 
 It was seven miles from Springfield to the Baltimore and 
 Ohio railroad. 
 
 We knew the troops at Springfield and Romney got their 
 supplies at the railroad, and we would aim to post ourselves 
 about half way between the railroad and camp and capture 
 all that passed. 
 
 We arrived at our point of destination about the middle 
 of the day. There was a rail fence on each side of the road, 
 and on the west side there was a small ravine with some 
 scrubby pines. We divided our force, placing one-half at 
 a point near the road, and the other half at a point also 
 near the road, but about three hundred yards farther down. 
 If a scouting party came along, going either north or south, 
 the first party was to let them pass until halted by the other 
 party and then run out behind them and cut off their re- 
 treat. In this manner we would bag our game; but if the 
 enemy should be too strong for us to attack we were to keep 
 concealed and let them pass. 
 
 We had not been long in position when the lookout re- 
 ported a wagon and team coming from the railroad, driven 
 by one man. So when he got in our trap two men stepped 
 out and ordered him to halt, and opened the fence for him 
 to drive in and ordered him to drive up the ravine out of 
 
 10 
 
128 FOUE TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BEIGADE. 
 
 sight, which he did. We then got around him in order to 
 hear the news. The poor fellow was nearly scared to death; 
 thought he had fallen into the hands of guerillas, and that 
 his day had come; so he commenced praying and begging; 
 but we soon assured him that he should not be hurt; that 
 we were regular soldiers, out on a raid of our own get up ; 
 that all we wanted of him was all the information we could 
 get, but if he did not tell us the truth he should surely die. 
 
 He then told us that he had been sent that morning to 
 the railroad for a load of beef for the company, but as it 
 did not come on the cars he had to return empty ; that there 
 were no scouting parties out that he knew of; that they did 
 not scout much, as it was too cold; that he had left two 
 cavalrymen at the depot and each one had a large sack of 
 mail for the troops at Eomney and they would be along in 
 a short time; that the next day there would be five wagons 
 leave camp and go up to Patterson's Creek, about eight miles 
 west of camp, for hay; that there would be one man besides 
 the driver to each wagon, and four or five cavalrymen as 
 a guard, all armed with six-shooters, and they would leave 
 camp about sun-up. He would not have to go, as he had 
 gone that day to the depot. 
 
 In a few moments we saw the cavalrymen coming with 
 the mail, and when they got into our trap we told them to 
 ride in, and we had a fine time plundering the mail and 
 reading love letters to the boys in the army. We now had 
 four horses and three prisoners. We would have paroled 
 the prisoners, but had more work to do and were afraid to 
 turn them loose. We did not want to be bothered with them 
 and the horses on our next day's raid, so we concluded to 
 send them back to the rear that night. Lieutenant Blue 
 then detailed three men to take them back to Lost River 
 and there wait until we came. 
 
 As soon as it was dark three men started with the three 
 prisoners, four horses and the mail, and we started for the 
 Frankfort road to be ready for the hay wagons the next 
 day. We stayed all night with John Martin, who lived in 
 a secluded place, put out a picket and passed the night com- 
 fortably. 
 
 Directly after daylight we were on the road, about four 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 129 
 
 miles west of Springfield and two miles east of Frankfort. 
 We divided in two squads, as on the day before. We held a 
 little council of war as to the best method of procedure. 
 
 Ed. Montgomery said we should lay our trap and capt- 
 ure the whole outfit as they came from camp, and would 
 have daylight to make our escape in, and they would not 
 know anything of it in camp until evening, and we would 
 be too far ahead for pursuit. I replied that that was all very 
 good if we succeeded in capturing all, but if any escaped 
 they would only have four miles to go, while we would have 
 to make a circuit of about ten before we could cross the road 
 leading from Springfield to Eomney, and they could cut 
 us off and capture us; that I thought we had better wait 
 until they had got their hay and capture them on their 
 return. We could then burn the wagons and have the night 
 to go out in, and they could not trail us after dark. But 
 we finally concluded to adopt Ed.'s plan, as our escapade 
 of the day before would be found out before night and our 
 plans foiled. 
 
 It was a cold, icy morning, with a light snow on the 
 ground. We did not have long to wait. We soon heard the 
 wagons coming, rattling over the frozen ground, and pre- 
 pared for them. There were pine bushes on each side of the 
 road. I was in the front squad and was to halt the train. 
 Our object was to capture; we did not want to kill any one 
 or fire a gun if we could help it. Our plan was a good one 
 and would have succeeded well if the wagons had been closed 
 up; but they were scattered along the Toad for a quarter of 
 a mile. There were three cavalrymen in advance, and when 
 they got up to our post we ran out and halted them. One 
 surrendered on the spot, but the other two wheeled and 
 dashed into the pines and made their escape. Some of the 
 boys fired at them, but did no harm. I grabbed the reins 
 of the horse belonging to the one who had surrendered, dis- 
 mounted and disarmed him, and was about to mount when 
 Ed. Motgomery came running up and wanted to ride back 
 to the rear to see what was going on. 
 
 As soon as we halted the advance the rear squad ran 
 out and captured one cavalryman; but there were three 
 wagons that did not get into the trap. 
 
130 FOUB TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 The wagoners, and all who were with them, jumped out 
 and ran at the first fire and let the horses go; so we had 
 to run to the wagons in order to keep the horses from run- 
 ning off. 
 
 There were five wagons and four guards. We got two 
 of the guards and twelve horses; the balance escaped. As 
 one man was running across the road Lieutenant Blue shot 
 at him and hit him in the arm. He then ran to where he 
 was, tracking him by the blood, and found him in the pines ; 
 took his pistol and let him go. 
 
 We were now in a critical condition. We were in rear 
 of their camp and had to make a considerable circuit to get 
 out. We had to cross the river, and the main road leading 
 from Springfield to Romney, a distance of nine miles, and 
 then open country for two miles before we reached the 
 mountains; and we knew they would soon have the news 
 and be in hot pursuit. So we mounted at once. There were 
 twelve of us, and twelve horses; but only two saddles. The 
 two prisoners we took on behind us. 
 
 We laid on the whip and went as hard as we could go 
 over hill and hollow, through woods and fields, and never 
 slackened up until we had crossed the river and the road 
 leading to Romney. When we reached the foot of the moun- 
 tain we halted to fix the saddle-blankets and arrange the 
 harness, which were still on the horses. I told the boys we 
 had better get up the mountain side before we halted for 
 fear of being surprised ; but they thought we were safe from 
 pursuit. We were sadly disappointed, however, for in a few 
 moments the head of the pursuing column came dashing over 
 the hill not one hundred yards off. 
 
 Part of our men were dismounted, but we soon galloped 
 off as fast as we could go, the enemy yelling and firing at 
 us as rapidly as possible. We soon came to a fence running 
 along at the foot of the mountain, and nine of us rode up 
 to it, when Daily threw off a few rails and we passed through 
 and up the steep mountain side. 
 
 Lieutenant Blue, Montgomery and MeGraw went to 
 another place to get through, but just as they had succeeded 
 in getting over the fence, and as Montgomery attempted to 
 mount, his saddle turned. By this time the Yankees were 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 131 
 
 upon them. They captured the three horses and McGraw. 
 Lieutenant Blue and Montgomery ran and hid in the laurels 
 and escaped. 
 
 At the first onset we had released the prisoners and 
 told them to take care of themselves. The nine of us who 
 were together went up the mountain through the brush as 
 fast as we could go, the bullets rattling around us, and the 
 Yankees in hot pursuit. We nearly all lost our hats, and 
 Will Daily had his eye put out by a brush. 
 
 We had made no calculation for a fight after we cap- 
 tured the wagons. We knew our only chance was in flight; 
 but if we had posted ourselves at the foot of the mountain 
 we could have ambushed and repulsed them. We did not 
 want to hurt any one, nor get hurt ourselves, if we could 
 avoid it. We had made a good capture and wanted to get 
 away with our booty. As we got near the top of the moun- 
 tain our pursurers fell behind, and we made sure the other 
 three had been captured at the foot of the mountain. 
 
 The horse I was riding happened to be the oldest in the 
 outfit, and gave out before we reached the top. I had to 
 dismount and lead him. The other boys wanted to wait for 
 me, but I told them to save themselves, and I would try to 
 take care of myself the best I could. So they went on as 
 fast as possible. After reaching the top I came to an open 
 field, and, seeing a thicket of pines off to my right, I thought 
 I would hide my horse there and then hide myself until the 
 storm had passed. 
 
 I went to the thicket and concealed the horse the best 
 I could and then passed out. After going a short distance 
 I saw the trail where my companions had just passed along. 
 I thought I was leaving the trail and had come back on it 
 again ; but it was too late then to go back and move the horse." 
 Seeing a small house not far off I went to it, not knowing 
 whether they were friends or foes. I went into the house 
 and enquired how long since our boys had passed along. 
 
 "About half an hour," the man said dubiously. 
 
 I sat there a few minutes when the dog commenced 
 barking. On looking out of the window I saw the blue coats 
 coming over the hill. I jumped up instantly. 
 
 "Where will I hide?" I asked him. 
 
132 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGAM. 
 
 "There is no place to hide here," he replied. 
 
 I knew then I was in the hands of a Union man. Seeing 
 a door leading to another room I started for it, but recol- 
 lecting I had left my gun outside I stepped to the door and 
 got it and then ran into the other room and crawled under 
 the bed that was there and got behind some wool that was 
 under the bed. By this time some of the Yankees were in 
 the house, and I heard them inquiring about our fellows. 
 They never suspicioned I was in there and soon went out on 
 the porch; the man of the house following them. While 
 they were talking out there I heard a little girl crying in the 
 next room. 
 
 "Oh ! mother, don't tell," she pleaded. 
 
 "Hush up ! I am going to tell the truth if they ask me. 
 This is no way of stealing horses from one another." 
 
 "Well," I thought, "I am gone up for ninety days, no 
 Providence preventing." 
 
 But the Yanks never came in the house any more, and 
 what few stopped for information soon mounted and went 
 on. As soon as they were gone the man came to the door 
 and said: 'You had better get out of here as quick as pos- 
 sible; they have gone now, but will soon return." 
 
 I felt considerably relieved, for my heart was in my 
 mouth all the time I was under that bed. As I came out I 
 looked at the woman as savage as I could, and said: "You 
 would have told on me, would you?" She never looked up 
 and I passed on out and went back and looked for my horse, 
 but he was gone. He must have nickered as they passed by, 
 and they probably took him. 
 
 Now, I knew Lieutenant Blue had left his horse at Mr. 
 Jack Thompson's, about two miles from where I then was. 
 Therefore, I concluded, as he had been captured at the foot 
 of the mountain, I would go to Thompson's and get his horse 
 and wait in the bushes until dark and then escape. I went 
 on, and when I got there I found the family had all gone to 
 church, except the blacks, it being Sunday. I told the black 
 woman all about our adventure, and that I came for the 
 horse, but that I wanted something to eat, as I was hungry 
 as a dog, She hurried around and soon had a dinner pre- 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 133 
 
 pared, and just as I was commencing to eat who should 
 step in but Lieutenant Blue himself. 
 
 "Why, Lieutenant!" I exclaimed, "I thought you were 
 captured !" 
 
 "I thought so, too," says he, "but they happened to ride 
 over me while I was hid in the laurels and did not see me." 
 
 He then told me that' Montgomery had escaped in the 
 same manner, but that McGraw was captured, and we had 
 lost the finest horse of the bunch. 
 
 He said he came for his horse, but that we had better 
 eat some and then hide in the woods until night. So we 
 sat down and ate a hearty meal, leaving the black woman 
 on picket at the door. 
 
 As soon as we were done we started out, when Blue 
 remarked that he was "so tired." 
 
 Just then the black woman threw up her hands and 
 exclaimed, "Lord God! men, here dey is!" 
 
 We were just passing out the door onto the porch, and 
 sure enough there they were close to the yard fence. They 
 commenced firing at us and commanding us to halt, but 
 we ran down the steps and around the end of the house. As 
 we passed through the yard the little negroes there set up 
 such a yelling and squalling as I never heard before in all 
 my life. I thought they were all shot by the racket they 
 made. 
 
 As we passed around the end of the house I said to 
 Blue: "Oh! let's give up; they will be sure to kill us if we 
 run." 
 
 "They will kill us anyhow if they get us, and we may 
 as well run for it," he replied. He kept on running and I 
 after him. They had to ride around the house to get a view 
 of us, and by that time we were running along by a fence. 
 We had to get over the fence and run across a large field 
 to the woods. I can never tell how I got over that fence; 
 whether I jumped over, rolled over, or crawled over, anyway 
 I got over, and then we had to run the gauntlet, for by this 
 time there were forty Yankees ranged along that fence. 
 Each one emptied his carbine and six-shooter at us as we 
 ran across the field. They were so sure of killing us that 
 they never attempted to pull down the fence and ride us 
 
134 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 down, which they could have done before we reached the 
 woods. 
 
 Now, I will explain how I know all this to be true. 
 They had McGraw prisoner at the time, and he was sitting 
 on a horse and witnessed it and heard what they said. 
 McGraw was sent to "Camp Chase," Ohio, to prison; and I 
 saw him after he was exchanged, when he told me all about 
 it. He knew how many there were, and that they emptied 
 their arms firing at us. He said he expected to see us drop 
 every minute. 
 
 I expected it, too, for the bullets rattled around us on 
 every side, and when we reached the woods they were spat- 
 ting the trees. As we ran across the field Lieutenant Blue 
 threw down his carbine, but I held on to my rifle. 
 
 The woods were very open, and we kept on running as 
 long as we had breath to run. After we had stopped run- 
 ning and were walking along, all at once — bang ! bang ! bang ! 
 came from the rear. They were still after us. We started 
 off again on the run, and as quick as if we had not run 
 any that day. I then undertook to throw down my Enfield 
 rifle behind a log; but as I threw it the hook in the gun 
 strap caught in my overcoat, and it dragged along. Said 
 I: "Old fellow, if you don't want to leave me I will hold 
 on to you and we will both die together." So I picked it up 
 and went on. 
 
 At last we reached some thick underbrush and lay down 
 perfectly exhausted. We heard no more of the enemy then, 
 but concluded they were surrounding the piece of woods we 
 were in and would have us anyhow. So we concluded we 
 had better try and get across the road, and then we would 
 be in woods they could not surround. 
 
 We were sneaking along as cautiously as we could, and 
 had nearly got to the road when we heard horses' feet. We 
 dropped to the ground, when the command rode by, not one 
 hundred yards from us. They appeared to have given us up 
 and were on their way to camp. There were eighty of them 
 when they first came on us, but had afterwards divided. 
 
 We lay there until after dark, two of the worst demor- 
 alized lads that ever shouldered a gun. I came very near 
 being captured three times that day, and I don't know how 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 135 
 
 many times I came near being killed. I was afraid of my 
 own shadow. To hear a brush crack would frighten me. 
 Oh! I was terribly used up. If I had seen another Yankee 
 I would have run all night, I think. 
 
 After it had been dark a while we concluded we would 
 slip back to Thompson's and see if the horse was still there, 
 but we were afraid the Yankees had left part of their force 
 on the lookout for us. Finally, however, we started, and, 
 after going some distance, we heard someone talking. We 
 jumped over the fence and lay down in the grass, but it was 
 only some people going to church. We then ventured on, 
 and when we arrived at Thompson's we found the horse was 
 still there, and that the blacks had seen Lieutenant Blue 
 throw down his carbine and had gone out in the field and 
 found it. We saddled the horse and left. We concluded 
 to go to a Union man's house near there and stay all night. 
 If they searched for us they would hardly search his house; 
 and then we knew he was an honest Union man — a Union 
 man from principle, not a Union man for devilment, as some 
 were. He said we could stay all night, but if they came to 
 search for us he would have to tell them we were there; 
 but said he would manage that we should have a chance to 
 escape first. We knew we could trust him, and we slept — 
 "Oh! how sweetly!" 
 
 It was one of the most eventful days of my life, and I 
 always call it "Running the Gauntlet." The next morning 
 we started on to Lost River to meet the balance of our party 
 at the place we had appointed; but when we got there we 
 found none but Will Daily, who was suffering from the loss 
 of his eye. They had all escaped safely, but had concluded 
 that we were captured, and so went on to General Imboden's 
 camp in Augusta County. It was, therefore, arranged that I 
 should go to camp with Lieutenant Blue, and he would 
 make sale of our captures and divide the proceeds equally. 
 I was then to return with my share and Daily's, when 
 Miller, Daily and myself were to go to our own command in 
 Eastern Virginia. 
 
136 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 We parted there, I going with Lieutenant Blue, and 
 Miller and Daily remaining. I have never seen them from 
 that day to this, for reasons I shall relate hereafter. In a 
 few days we reached General Imboden's camp, when our 
 captures were put up at public sale and sold to the highest 
 bidder, and the money divided, which amounted to four 
 hundred dollars apiece in Confederate money. 
 
 There was a soldier in camp who had a broken-down 
 horse, and he wanted to send him home to Hampshire to 
 recruit, so he got me to ride him back. Two of the Pownell 
 boys, who had just returned from prison, were going home 
 to recruit, so the three of us started back for Hampshire 
 together. After two days' march we stopped for the night 
 at Mr. Thompson's, in Rockingham County. After dark there 
 were three other soldiers came to stay all night. While con- 
 versing around the fire that evening they inquired what 
 command we belonged to. The Pownell boys told them 
 they belonged to Imboden's command, and I told them I 
 belonged to the 33d Virginia, Lee's Army. 
 
 When we went to bed that night Mr. Thompson told us 
 that those soldiers were conscript officers and were gather- 
 ing up all absentees from Lee's Army, and if I did not have 
 a pass he was afraid they would arrest me in the morning; 
 that I had better told them I belonged to Imboden's Cavalry. 
 I told him I would not deny my command. 
 
 Sure enough, the next morning they told me as I had 
 no pass they would have to arrest me and send me back to 
 my command under guard. I explained matters to them; 
 that Sergeant Miller had the pass and I was on my way to 
 report to him; but it all did no good. I had to leave the 
 horse there and go with them to Harrisonburg, a distance 
 of eight miles, and was put in the guard-house. I hated it 
 very much; not because I had to go back to the army, but 
 because I had to go back under arrest. I knew my officers 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 137 
 
 knew nothing of the circumstances of my long absence, and 
 that I would be court-martialed without Miller should appear 
 and relieve me. 
 
 I was sent off from Harrisonburg in a few days with 
 about thirty other absentees from our division. We marched 
 to Staunton and then took the cars for Guinea Station, 
 After arriving there we were conducted about six miles to 
 General J. R. Trimble's headquarters, who was command- 
 ing the division, when we were ordered to our respective 
 brigade guard-houses. I found two or three hundred in 
 the guard-house, and the court-martial in full blast. Pun- 
 ishments of all kinds were being inflicted on the prisoners, 
 such as shot to death, whipped, heads shaved and drummed 
 out of service, riding wooden horses, wearing barrel shirts, 
 and all other punishments in the catalogue of military courts- 
 martial. 
 
 I soon sent word to Captain Wm. Powell, commanding 
 my company, of my situation, when he came to see me in 
 the guard-house. I explained to him how matters stood, 
 and he said he would have me out in a few days; that I 
 should not be punished much, but that I had been reported 
 "absent without leave" and would have to be court-martialed ; 
 but it should be done in the regiment and should not go to 
 a brigade court. 
 
 During this time Colonel Edwin G. Lee, Colonel of our 
 regiment, had been assigned to other duty at Lexington, Va. ; 
 Lieutenant Colonel Holliday, who lost his arm, was elected 
 to the Confederate congress, and Major Grace had resigned, 
 therefore, Captain A. Spangler, of Company F ("Hardy 
 Grey's"), was Lieutenant Colonel of the regiment. So Colo- 
 nel Spangler, Captain Herrell and Captain Eastman com- 
 posed the court-martial and they all knew me personally. 
 When I appeared before them for trial and explained to them 
 where I had been and what I had done, and that I had never 
 been home during the time that I was absent (for my pa- 
 rents lived then in Frederick County), they said they would 
 make the punishment as light as possible. It resulted in 
 my being put on extra duty for ten days, when I was re- 
 leased. 
 
 At this time the roads had become so muddy and bad 
 
138 FOUR YEAES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 between our camp and Guinea Station, a distance of eight 
 miles, that it was almost impossible to haul rations for the 
 army; so there was a detail of one hundred men made from 
 our division to make pole or corduroy roads from camp to 
 the railroad station. Some were taken out of each regi- 
 ment and there were twenty-two regiments in our division. 
 It fell to my lot to go and work the road. 
 
 We were put in command of Lieutenant David Cock- 
 rill, of the 2d Eegiment, and camped about half way be- 
 tween our camp and the station. We would cut down pine 
 poles (there were thickets of them close by) and lay them 
 crosswise, put some brush on top and then throw some dirt 
 on that and make a splendid road. 
 
 At the time I left the brigade at Winchester the army 
 was on the march to Fredericksburg, on the Rappahannock 
 river. They arrived there and fought the battle of Freder- 
 icksburg the 12th and 13th of December, 1862, and de- 
 feated General Burnside, commanding the Federal Army. 
 He fell back across the river and was relieved of his com- 
 mand, and another "On to Richmond" was upset by the 
 superior generalship of Lee, Jackson and Longstreet. 
 
 During our raid in Hampshire County we remained on 
 Jersey mountain, at different places, for some time. While 
 there a Methodist revival was going on. We frequently at- 
 tended church at night; and through the influence and 
 earnest working of Miss Sallie Cain, afterwards Mrs. Sallie 
 Harper (an old schoolmate of mine), who was teaching 
 school there, Lieutenant Blue, Mart Miller and myself be- 
 came seekers of religion and made a profession and joined 
 the church. We soon afterwards separated, never to see 
 each other again in this world. How Miller held out I never 
 heard, but have heard that he died some time after the war. 
 
 As for myself, I have not lived up to the doctrines of 
 Christianity as I should. At times I have been wild and 
 reckless, and, continuing in the army as I did, amongst wild 
 companions, naturally retrograded considerably; but I never 
 forgot the teachings of pious parents nor the good offices 
 of Miss Sallie, nor the pleasure I experienced in trying to 
 be good. 
 
 Lieutenant Monroe Blue, as I afterwards learned, for 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 139 
 
 I never saw him after parting with him in General Imboden's 
 camp, was, shortly afterward, captured by the enemy and 
 taken to "Johnson's Island," an officers' prison near San- 
 dusky, Ohio. As they were removing him and some other 
 officers to Ft. Delaware he jumped from the train in the 
 dead of night while it was running at full speed, after hav- 
 ing knocked down the sentinel, who was guarding the door, 
 and, by traveling at night and hiding in the day-time, finally 
 reached Virginia. He went to his command, but was after- 
 wards killed at the battle of New Hope in Augusta County. 
 He lived faithful to his professions to the end ; and a better 
 soldier never stood in ranks. Peace to his ashes. 
 
 General Lee's army remained in winter quarters near 
 Guinea Station all winter, picketing along the Rappahan- 
 nock. The enemy were on the opposite side. Our detail 
 continued to work the road until about the first of April, 
 when we were taken down to the river at Skinker's Neck 
 and commenced fortifying along the hills near the river 
 between Fredericksburg and Port Royal. We drew plenty 
 of rations and more sugar than we had use for, and would 
 trade sugar to the negroes for corn meal. We drew plenty 
 of flour, but little corn meal. One day Bill Grady was sick, 
 and we told him to take our sugar (about ten pounds) and 
 trade it off. When we came in at night and I saw the 
 small quantity of meal that he had, I asked him how he 
 had traded. He said "Pound for pound, of course." He 
 thought that was the way to trade, he said. He never heard 
 the last of "pound for pound." One pound of sugar was 
 worth ten pounds of corn meal. The devices resorted to by 
 the soldiers to procure extra rations may be interesting to 
 those who never dream of want of "grub" in these times of 
 peace. I will relate an instance. 
 
 Our rations were drawn from the commissary at Guinea 
 Station. One day when the wagon went after flour two of 
 my mess went along to help. They were to get eight bar- 
 rels of flour. Sewell Merchant, one of the detail, was in 
 the wagon, and when the first barrel was rolled in left it 
 lying on its side, and the other eight he sat up on end. 
 So when the Commissary Sergeant looked in the wagon from 
 the rear he could see but eight. "All right," said he, and 
 
140 FOUK TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 they drove off to the camp, but before reaching camp they 
 halted and rolled the extra barrel out and hid it in the 
 pines. That night several of our mess took sacks and went 
 to where the barrel was hid and carried the flour to camp, 
 and we had extra rations for some time. 
 
 We were expecting the spring campaign to open most 
 any time, and the army was making preparations to move 
 or fight, as the case might be. Lieutenant Cockrill had 
 orders to organize a regular pioneer corps of 100 men, and 
 to select the best workmen out of the force that he had; 
 principally mechanics, who could build bridges, pontoons, 
 etc., and was furnished a wagon load of tools. He had one 
 man, who was a shoemaker, to cobble up the shoes as they 
 wore out. One day as we were cutting down some trees that 
 would be in the way of our artillery a limb, as it fell, hit 
 the axe of the shoemaker and drove it into his leg, making 
 a fearful wound. He was sent to the hospital and soon died. 
 
 The Lieutenant said he must have another shoemaker 
 in his corps, and some of them told him that I was a shoe- 
 maker, when he had me regularly detailed in the pioneer 
 corps. 
 
 I did not want to belong to it, for, on the march, we 
 had to go in front of the division and carry our shovels, 
 picks and axes, and repair the roads and bridges when nec- 
 essary; and when a fight came off we had to go into the 
 fight with a battery of artillery to cut out roads for them in 
 the woods, or cut down timber in front that obstructed their 
 view of the enemy, and remove blockades, etc. When lying 
 in camp we had to repair roads and make breastworks, so 
 it was all work and danger, and no play; although it was 
 not as dangerous as being in the line of battle with a 
 musket, for we had a chance to protect ourselves when at 
 work. Sometimes also we had nothing to do during the 
 fight; but we had to be there in readiness, should we be 
 needed. We never let an opportunity slip to protect our- 
 selves the best we could by digging holes to get into in case 
 of emergency, or finding some gully that would protect us. 
 As soon as a battle was over we had to bury the dead. Each 
 division in Lee's Army had a pioneer corps from that time 
 until the end of the war. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 141 
 
 XV. 
 
 On the 29th of April, 18G3, we left our winter quar- 
 ters and marched up the river to Hamilton's Crossing, near 
 Fredericksburg,* about twelve miles from Chancellorsville. 
 
 We found the whole army on the move, and formed in 
 line of battle. General Joe Hooker (Fighting Joe), com- 
 manding the Federal army, was threatening to cross the 
 river and some artillery and skirmish fighting was going on. 
 
 We now had six divisions of infantry; Early's, A. P. 
 Hill's, D. H. Hill's (commanded by General E. E. Rodes) 
 and Trimble's, commanded by General R. E. Colston, all 
 belonging to Jackson's Corps; and Anderson's and McLaw's 
 Divisions, belonging to Longstreet's Corps. General Long- 
 street was down in Southeastern Virginia, near Suffold, with 
 his other three divisions, and did not come to us until after 
 the battle of Chancellorsville. 
 
 We maneuvered around near Fredericksburg until the 
 1st of May, when we all marched twelve miles up the river 
 to near Chancellorsville (excepting General Early's Division), 
 as General Hooker had crossed the main part of his army 
 and fortified at Chancellorsville. Hooker had left Sedgwick's 
 6th Corps at Fredericksburg to attract Lee's and Jackson's 
 
 * Fredericksburg is on the Rappahannock river. Chancellors- 
 ville, a mere hamlet, is about twelve miles above, and to the north- 
 west, and some two miles from the Rappahannock at its nearest 
 point, where there is a shallow place called the United States ford. 
 
 Hamilton's Crossing, a station on the Richmond and Potomac 
 railroad, is also about two miles from the river, below Fredericks- 
 burg. 
 
 A country road runs between Hamilton's Crossing and Chan- 
 cellorsville, keeping at some distance from the river. 
 
 The country around Chancellorsville is high and rolling, and 
 covered with timber interspersed with dense undergrowth, with an 
 occasional farm; and on the south and west forming what was called 
 the "Wilderness." 
 
142 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 attention, while he massed his forces at another place. Stu- 
 art's Cavalry, however, soon informed them of the movement 
 up the river. If all Lee's army had marched against Hooker 
 the Federals could have crossed at Fredericksburg and come 
 in on our rear. So General Early was left there to watch 
 their movements. In the morning, on the 2d of May, our 
 army was lying in line of battle in front of General Hooker, 
 near Chancellorsville, facing westward. 
 
 Three divisions of our corps under Jackson started on 
 the march and moved south for a while, and we could hear 
 skirmishing on our right. We could not imagine where we 
 were going. We continued marching through fields and 
 woods until about three o'clock in the afternoon. The day 
 was hot, and we marched fast — the men throwing away their 
 overcoats and blankets. 
 
 The other two divisions were in front of ours and we 
 began to think Jackson was on one of his flank movements, 
 when one of his couriers came back and told our General 
 to hurry up his command, as General Jackson was waiting 
 for it to form in line. We knew then there was business 
 on hand. Our pioneer corps always marched in .front of 
 the division near the General and staff, and was under direc- 
 tions from the engineers; consequently we heard and knew 
 more of the movements of the army than generally falls 
 to the lot of a private. 
 
 In a short time, about three miles southwest of Chan- 
 cellorsville, we came to a road leading from Orange Court 
 House through Chancellorsville to Fredericksburg. We were 
 halted and the three divisions formed in three lines of battle 
 across the road to the right and left — one division in rear 
 of the other. General Eodes' formed the first line, our 
 division the second and General A. P. Hill's the third, but 
 marching in column facing to the east, directly opposite to 
 our position in the morning. 
 
 jackson's last dispatch. 
 
 Near 3 p. m., May 2, 1863: General — The enemy has made a 
 stand at Chancellor's, which is about two miles from Chancellors- 
 ville. I hope as soon as practicable to attack. 
 
 I trust that an ever kind Providence will bless us with great 
 
FOUR TEAES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 143 
 
 success. Respectfully, T. J. JACKSON, Lieutenant General. 
 
 Later — 3:15 p. m. General — The leading division is up, and the 
 next two appear to be well closed. T. J. J. 
 
 As yet not a gun had been fired; everything was still 
 and quiet'; the troops were tired and moved about noise- 
 lessly; there were thick woods and underbrush on each side 
 of the road, with an occasional field or farm. While resting 
 in this position a courier came to us, who was acquainted 
 with some of our boys, and said we were in rear of the 
 Yankees, and that he could not tell how it was, but we would 
 soon see the greatest move of the war. 
 
 In a few moments Lieutenant Oscar Hinrichs, one of 
 the engineers, came and said he wanted ten pioneers to go 
 with him to remove a blockade in the road. I was one of 
 the ten. We moved down the road in front and commenced 
 clearing the road of trees that had been felled across it. 
 There were four pieces of artillery there waiting to move 
 forward. They unlimbered one piece, and we helped them 
 to get it over the blockade before we had it cleared. They 
 then fired a shot down the road, and moved on. At the 
 same time the three lines of infantry moved forward at 
 double-quick with a yell. I learned afterwards that the 
 firing of the gun was a signal for all to move; and move 
 they did with a vengeance, and moved everything in front 
 of them. 
 
 We soon got the blockade open and all the artillery 
 through. We then came to another blockade and soon opened 
 that. I heard two or three shells come tearing up the road 
 from the enemy, but heard nothing else from them until 
 we got to Chancellorsville after dark. 
 
 It was a running fight for three miles. We took them 
 completely by surprise, and our three divisions got merged 
 into one line of battle, all going forward at full speed. Our 
 artillery did not have time to unlimber and fire; they had 
 to keep in a trot to keep up with the infantry. We ran 
 through the enemy's camps where they were cooking supper. 
 Tents were standing, and camp-kettles were on the fire full 
 of meat. I saw a big Newfoundland dog lying in one tent 
 as quietly as if nothing had happened. We had a nice chance 
 
144 FOtJB YEAES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Last Meeting of Gen. Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson, 
 
FOUB TEAB8 IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 145 
 
 to plunder their camps and search the dead; but the men 
 were afraid to stop, as they had to keep with the artillery 
 and were near a good many officers, who might whack them 
 over the head with their swords if they saw them plundering ; 
 but the temptation was too great, and sometimes they would 
 run their hands in some dead men's pockets as they hurried 
 along, but seldom procured anything of value. 
 
 I saw a wounded man lying beside the road and had 
 got past him; but, noticing he was an officer, I ran back 
 to him to get his sword and pistol. I asked him if he was 
 wounded badly. He said he was not. He was shot through 
 the foot, but thought he would lie there until the fight was 
 over; that he was a Captain of some Ohio regiment. I took 
 off his belt and sword, which was a very fine one, but T 
 found no pistol in the scabbard. I asked him where the 
 pistol was, and he said he supposed he must have lost it in 
 the fight; that he did not know it was gone; but I thought 
 he had it in his bosom, so I unbuttoned his coat and searched 
 him for it, but could not find it. He declared he did not 
 have it, but he had a fine gold watch and chain. I was look- 
 ing at it when he told me to take it along; but I would not 
 do it. I told him that as he was wounded and a prisoner 
 I would let him keep it. 
 
 It was the 11th United States Army Corps that we first 
 attacked and demoralized. Another corps, the 5th, was sent 
 to their assistance, but were likewise repulsed. Our army 
 did not halt until dark, when we came to the enemy's for- 
 tified position in and around Chancellorsville. 
 
 Our officers then commenced forming the men in line, 
 and getting them in some kind of order, but the men kept 
 up a terrible noise and confusion, hallooing for this regi- 
 ment and that regiment, until it seemed that there were not 
 more than three or four of any regiment together. They were 
 all mixed up in one confused mass. The enemy could hear 
 us distinctly by the noise we made. They located us pre- 
 cisely, and immediately opened on us with twenty pieces of 
 artillery, at short range, and swept the woods and road with 
 the most terrific and destructive shelling that we were sub- 
 jected to during the war. 
 
 Charlie Cross, Sam Nunnelly, Jake Fogle and myself 
 
146 FOUE TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 were together when the shelling commenced. We stepped 
 to one side and happened to find a sink, or low place, where 
 a tree had blown down some time in the past, and laid down 
 in it. We filled it up even with the ground, and it seemed 
 as if the shells did not miss us more than six inches. Some 
 would strike in front of us, scattering the dirt all over us. 
 I believe if I had stuck my head up a few inches I would 
 have been killed. 
 
 We could hear some one scream out every second in the 
 agonies of death. Jake Fogle kept praying all the time. 
 Every time a shell would pass directly over us Jake would 
 say: "Lord, save us this time!" "Lord, save us this time!" 
 Sam Nunnelly, a wild, reckless fellow, would laugh at him 
 and say: "Pray on Jake! Pray on Jake!" and the two 
 kept that up as long as the shelling lasted. Cross and I 
 tried to get Sam to hush, but it was no use. 
 
 Our infantry and artillery did not reply, as we did not 
 have a piece in position. It stood in the road just where 
 they left it when they drove up, and every man of them 
 was lying as close to the ground as he could get. They 
 dug "nose holes" to get closer. The Yankees soon ceased 
 firing, however, and the men commenced calling their com- 
 mands again, making as much noise as ever. Immedi- 
 ately we were treated to another dose of shells as terrific as 
 before, and with fearful effect, but for some reason it was 
 not long continued. 
 
 If the enemy had known our situation, and the good 
 range they had on us, and had kept it up, they would liter- 
 ally have torn us to pieces and nearly annihilated our corps 
 that night. It was fortunate for us that they kept it up no 
 longer; but it was fearful while it lasted. It was some time 
 during the shelling that General Jackson was wounded, which 
 resulted in his death one week afterwards. 
 
 I happened to hear of it that night, but it was not 
 known to many of the soldiers. I was standing near some 
 officers, who were on horseback, and heard them say some- 
 thing about General Jackson being wounded, and it sur- 
 prised me so much that I stepped up to them and asked them 
 if he was wounded badly. One of them replied that he was 
 slightly wounded, and told me to go on to my command. 
 
TOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 147 
 
 The next morning that road was covered for some dis- 
 tance with dead men torn to pieces; dead horses, cannon 
 wheels, cannot broken off at the trunnions, caissons over- 
 turned, and desolation generally. 
 
 That night, it seems, General Jackson and his staff had 
 gone in front of our line of skirmishers to reconnoiter,* in 
 order to throw his corps between the enemy and the river, 
 when he met their line of skirmishers advancing. He wheeled 
 at once and came back rapidly. Our line mistaking him and 
 his staff for the enemy, fired a volley into them with fatal 
 effect, killing several of them and wounding others. 
 
 General Jackson was shot through the right hand and 
 received two balls through the left arm. He had to lie there 
 during the shelling, and nearly bled to death before his 
 wounds were staunched. 
 
 They finally got him on a stretcher and started to the 
 rear, when some of the bearers were cut down and he fell 
 heavily to the ground, opening the wounds afresh. "They 
 finally got him to the ambulance, and he was taken to the 
 field hospital, where Dr. Hunter McGuire amputated his 
 left arm near the shoulder. 
 
 The battle that day was only a prelude to what was to 
 follow on the next two days. General Hooker had massed 
 his troops that night and strengthened his works and con- 
 structed new ones. The next morning, the 3d of May, Gen- 
 eral J. E. B. Stuart took command of the corps and at- 
 tacked the enemy on the flank, while Lee attacked in front. 
 
 Before General Stuart took command of the corps he 
 saw Jackson and attempted to ascertain from him what his 
 plans were. 
 
 "Form your own plans, General," said Jackson. 
 
 What Jackson's plans were at the time he was wounded 
 was the subject of speculation at the time, and has been 
 
 * Major Jed Hotchkiss says : "Jackson halted his men at the 
 enemy's abattis near Chancellorsville, and, having ordered a new 
 line of battle from his reserves, he rode forward with his staff to 
 reconnoiter, which, done, turned and rode back, when, in the dark, 
 he was fired on by the men of his new line of battle, who mistook 
 his staff and escort for the enemy's cavalry." 
 
148 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 & e 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 14!) 
 
 ever since. It was discussed among the soldiers in the field 
 who generally believed that if Jackson had succeeded in 
 getting in the rear of the enemy, between Chancellorsville 
 and the river (and it has been claimed this was his object), 
 he would have been powerless to prevent Hooker's retreat 
 across the Rappahannock at United States Ford ; and that 
 an attempt to hold the Ford would have been disastrous 
 
 But I am not writing a history of the war, only of my 
 experiences in the army. I will leave that to those wise men 
 who are presumed to know all about it. But I am satisfied 
 no one but Jackson himself ever knew exactly what his 
 plans were at that time. 
 
 It would be well also to remember that couriers arc 
 soldiers taken from the ranks; that couriers have opportu- 
 nities to learn more military secrets than even staff officers; 
 that they have comrades in the army, and that intelligent 
 soldiers composed the rank and file of both armies. The 
 reader can form his own conclusions. 
 
 It was charge after charge, through thick underbrush, 
 as the cry of "Remember Stonewall Jackson!" rang along 
 the lines, until the works were gained; the enemy driven off 
 the field and our troops in possession of his strongest posi- 
 tion. But at what cost? The loss of life was fearful, some 
 of our regiments being decimated. 
 
 A large brick house was fired by our shells, and it was 
 said that General Hooker was standing by one of the col- 
 umns of the porch when a shell struck it and exploded. A 
 Federal battery of six or eight guns, near the house, was 
 entirely disabled, not a live horse or whole cannon being left. 
 Many of the cannoneers were found dead. 
 
 We fortified that night in order to hold our position, as 
 we did not know how General Early would succeed in driv- 
 ing the enemy back at Fredericksburg. Several brigades 
 had been sent to his assistance, and we soon learned that 
 the enemy, under General Sedgewick, had been compelled 
 to retreat across the river. 
 
 Meanwhile General Lee was not idle, but kept ham- 
 mering away all day at Chancellorsville, driving the enemy 
 back at some points, and holding his own everywhere. That 
 night General Hooker, finding all his plans frustrated and 
 
150 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 151 
 
 his army defeated at both points, hastily retreated across 
 the Rappahannock, leaving a good many prisoners, arms, 
 artillery, etc., in our hands. 
 
 Our pioneer corps then went to work burying the dead, 
 when I witnessed the most horrible sight my eyes ever beheld. 
 On the left of our line, where the Louisiana Brigade had 
 fought the last evening of the battle, and where they drove 
 the enemy about one mile through the woods, and then in 
 turn fell back to their own position, the scene beggars de- 
 scription. The dead and badly wounded from both sides 
 were lying where they fell. The woods, taking fire that 
 night from the shells, burnt rapidly and roasted the wounded 
 men alive. As we went to bury them we could see where 
 they had tried to keep the fire from them by scratching the 
 leaves away as far as they could reach. But it availed not; 
 they were burnt to a crisp. The only way we could tell to 
 which army they belonged was by turning them over and 
 examining their clothing where they lay close to the ground. 
 There we would usually find some of their clothing that was 
 not burned, so we could see whether they wore the blue or 
 gray. We buried them all alike by covering them up with 
 dirt where they lay. It was the most sickening sight I saw 
 during the war and I wondered whether the American people 
 were civilized or not, to butcher one another in that man- 
 ner; and I came to the conclusion that we were barbarians, 
 North and South alike. 
 
 Three of our pioneers were badly wounded by shells 
 during the battle, and Lieutenant Pownell, who had lately 
 been elected Lieutenant of my company, was mortally 
 wounded, and died at the field hospital. I had given him 
 the handsome sword I got at the first day's fight. 
 
 The day after the battle I wandered back to the field 
 hospital to see if I could find Lieutenant Pownell, to learn 
 how badly he was wounded, and find my sword. I found 
 out that he was dead and buried, and no one knew anything 
 about the sword. But as I was passing through the wounded 
 a Federal officer hailed me and called me to his side. I 
 found him to be the Captain that I had found wounded the 
 first day, and from whom I had gotten the sword. He had 
 recognized me and said that I had better taken his gold 
 
 11 
 
152 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 153 
 
 watch that day; that I had not been gone ten minutes until 
 some soldier came along and took his watch. I then re- 
 gretted that I had not done so ; but it was too late. 
 
 After everything was quiet we moved down in the neigh- 
 borhood of Hamilton's Crossing and went into camp, and 
 the doctors were busy for some time, embalming dead bodies 
 and sending them to their friends south by rail. 
 
 Our loss was , estimated at ten thousand five hundred; 
 the enemy's at eighteen thousand; but we lost Jackson, who 
 was a whole corps in himself. General Lee's force was fifty 
 thousand men, General Hooker's Army was estimated at 
 one hundred and twenty-five thousand. The Federal Army 
 was better prepared to continue the fight than we were, 
 for the difference in numbers was greater after the battles 
 than before. General Hooker's Army lay on the north side 
 of the river, with pickets along the bank, while ours was 
 on the south bank. The picket guard of each army would 
 go in swimming together, and trade coffee and tobacco, and 
 be as friendly as if nothing had happened. Such is war. 
 
 General Jackson was taken to a private house near 
 Guinea Station, the best physicians attending him, and his 
 wife and daughter (Miss Julia, then seven months old,) 
 came to see him. Our old brigade would inquire -after him 
 every day, and the news was that he was doing well, and 
 we thought that he would soon be with us. But alas! vain 
 hope! death is no respecter of persons, and we were doomed 
 never to see him again. He suddenly got worse, and died 
 on the 10th of May, 1863. We were terribly shocked, for 
 we thought from what we had heard that he would surely 
 recover. 
 
 A great many of our boys said then our star of destiny 
 would fade, and that our cause would be lost without Jack- 
 son, as there was no General who could execute a flank 
 movement with so much secrecy and surprise as he could. 
 So it proved to be; but the war might have ended the same 
 as it did had he lived. Though the destiny of a nation may 
 appear to be in one man's hands sometimes, yet there is 
 One above all who controls both men and nations. 
 
 But I believed at the time, and believe now, and always 
 shall belieye, that if we had had Jackson with us at the 
 
154 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 battle of Gettysburg he would have flanked the enemy oft 
 those heights with his corps, if he had to take one day's 
 rations and go around by Washington City to get there. 
 He would have found his rear if he had any. 
 
 General Jackson would order some other General to 
 hold some position at all hazards, and the General would 
 reply that he was afraid he could not hold it if the enemy 
 should press him. Jackson would say, "You must hold it; 
 my men sometimes fail to drive the enemy, but the enemy 
 always fail to drive my men." 
 
 General Stuart had reported to him that a considerable 
 force had crossed the river above Chancellorsville, and 
 threatened his left. He then sent one brigade up there 
 after dark with orders to form a line when they came in 
 view of the Federals, to fire three volleys and then return 
 and take their places in line of battle. They did so, and 
 the consequence was the force of Federals at that ford re- 
 mained there during the next two days' fight, fortifying 
 their position for fear of an attack. Such was the strategy 
 of "Stonewall." Shortly after he was wounded, and when 
 the enemy were rushing up fresh troops, General Pender 
 told him that his men were in such confusion that he 
 feared he would not be able to hold his ground. 
 
 "General Pender," said Jackson, "you must keep your 
 men together and hold your ground." 
 
 This was the last military order ever given by Jack- 
 son. The last sentence he ever uttered was, "Let us pass 
 over the river and rest under the shado of the trees." 
 
 Before his death he sent General Lee word that he 
 had lost his left arm. General Lee replied that he (Lee) 
 had lost his right arm in losing him. 
 
 He inquired minutely about the battle and the different 
 troops engaged, and his face would light up with enthusiasm 
 when told how his old brigade acted, and he uttered "Good, 
 good," with unwonted energy when the gallant behavior 
 of the "Stonewall Brigade" was alluded to. He said: "The 
 men of the brigade will be, some day, proud to say to their 
 children, 'I was one of the Stonewall Brigade.' They are 
 a noble body of men." 
 
 Just before he died he seemed to be caring for his 
 
FODE TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 155 
 
 soldiers, and giving such directions as these: "Tell Major 
 Hawks to send forward provisions to the men; order A. P. 
 Hill to prepare for action. Pass the infantry to the front." 
 
 After his death orders came to the "Stonewall Brigade" 
 to be in readiness to march to the house where Jackson lay 
 a corpse and escort the remains to the railroad depot, to 
 be sent to Kichmond. The brigade rigged up in the best 
 they had, cleaned their arms and were anxious to go, and 
 kept waiting impatiently until, finally, the order was coun- 
 termanded and we did not get to see him. 
 
 We all thought very hard of it, for we wished to show 
 our respect for our beloved commander, and gaze on his 
 face once more ; but that small privilege was denied us. His 
 only escort were some doctors and officials who never had 
 followed him in battle, while the men who had followed him 
 from Harper's Ferry to Chancellorsville had to lie idle in 
 camp. 
 
 The news of the wounding of General Jackson filled 
 the army with the most profound and undisguised grief. 
 His men loved him devotedly, and he was the idol of the 
 whole army. 
 
 Many stout-hearted veterans, who had, under his guid- 
 ance, borne hardships and privations innumerable, and dan- 
 gers the most appalling, without a murmer, wept like chil- 
 dren when told that their idolized General was no more. 
 The death of General Jackson was communicated to the 
 army by General Lee in the following order: 
 
 Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, May 11, 1863. 
 General Order No. 61. 
 
 With deep grief the commanding General announces to the army 
 the death of Lieutenant General T. J. Jackson, who expired on the 
 10th instant, at quarter past 3 p. m. The daring, skill and energy of 
 this great and good soldier, by the decree of an Allwise Providence, 
 are now lost to us. 
 
 But while we mourn his death we feel that his spirit still lives, 
 and will inspire the whole army with his indomitable courage and un- 
 shaken confidence in God as our hope and strength. 
 
 Let his name be a watchword to his corps, who have followed 
 him to victory on so many fields. 
 
 Let his officers and soldiers emulate his invincible determination 
 to do everything in the defense of our beloved countrv. 
 
 R. E. LEE, General. 
 
156 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 On Monday morning, the 11th of May, it was announced 
 that the remains of General Jackson would reach Eichmond 
 during the day, and the Mayor of that city at once requested 
 all persons to suspend business after 10 o'clock, in token 
 of their respect for the departed hero. All stores, work- 
 shops, the government departments, and all places in which 
 labor was performed, were closed. Flags were hung at 
 half-mast and a deep silence reigned over the Capital of 
 Virginia. Large crowds filled the streets, and, in spite of 
 the intense heat, waited patiently for the arrival of the 
 cars from Fredericksburg. 
 
 Shortly after 4 o'clock in the afternoon the special 
 train containing the precious burden, moved slowly into the 
 city. Only the solemn peal of the bells as they tolled their 
 mournful knell broke the deep silence that reigned over 
 everything. 
 
 At the depot the coffin was removed from the cars, and 
 placed in a hearse to be carried to the mansion of the Gov- 
 ernor. The escort which received it consisted of Major 
 General Elzey and staff, the State Guard of Virginia, with 
 colors shrouded in mourning, the 44th North Carolina and 
 the 1st Virginia Begiments (after which came the hearse 
 and General Jackson's staff), the city authorities and citi- 
 zens on foot. 
 
 The remains were escorted to the mansion of the Gov- 
 ernor and placed in the reception parlor. The lid of the 
 coffin was removed, the new flag of the Confederacy, which 
 had never before been used for any purpose, was thrown over 
 it, and a single wreath of laurel laid upon the lifeless breast. 
 
 During the evening his friends were allowed to visit the 
 body. The only change that was perceptible was that the 
 features seemed somewhat smaller than they were in life. 
 But there was still the firm, grave expression which had 
 always dwelt there, and, above all, there rested upon the 
 lifeless countenance an expression of happiness and peace 
 so perfect and so intense that the gazer was awed and 
 thrilled by it. 
 
 During the night the body was embalmed and a plaster 
 cast of his features taken in order that they might be pre- 
 served in marble. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 157 
 
 The next day all the honors that his native state could 
 lavish upon her noble son were heaped upon him. At 11 
 o'clock his body was removed from the Executive Mansion, 
 and conveyed, with appropriate ceremonies, to the Capitol 
 of Virginia. 
 
 The procession was formed in the following order, the 
 troops marching with reversed arms : 
 
 A brass band; the 19th Eegiment of Virginia Infantry; 
 the 56th Eegiment of Virginia Infantry; the State Guard of 
 Virginia; Major General Picket and Staff, mounted; a bat- 
 tery (six pieces) of artillery; a squadron of cavalry; the 
 hearse, containing the coffin, with Major General Bwell, Bri- 
 gadier Generals Winder, Churchill, Corse, Stuart (G. H.), 
 Kemper and Garnett, and Admiral Forrest of the Navy, as 
 pallbearers; the favorite horse of General Jackson fully 
 caparisoned and led by his servant; the members of the old 
 "Stonewall Brigade" who were present in the city; a band 
 of music; General Elzey and Staff; the officials of the 
 military department of Henrico; a carriage containing the 
 President of the Confederate States; the Members of the 
 Cabinet on foot; the heads of bureaux and their clerks on 
 foot ; the Governor of Virginia and his Aids ; the State officers 
 and clerks; the Mayor and city authorities; the judges of 
 the State and Confederate Courts, and the citizens on foot. 
 
 The procession moved from the Executive Mansion down 
 Governor street into Main, up Main to Second, through Sec- 
 ond to Grace, and down Grace to Capitol Square. The streets 
 were filled with large crowds. The mournful cortege moved 
 on in silence, which was only broken by the solemn strains 
 of music and the discharge of artillery at intervals of half 
 an hour. Tears rolled down many cheeks, and hundreds who 
 had known General Jackson only by his great deeds wept 
 as though mourning for a brother. Such an outburst of 
 grief had never been witnessed'in Virginia since the death 
 of Washington. 
 
 Upon the arrival of the procession at the square the 
 column was halted, the body removed and borne into the 
 capitol, where it was laid in state, in the hall of the House 
 of Eepresentatives of the Confederate States. At least twenty 
 
158 POUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 thousand persons visited the hall to behold the remains of 
 the hero of that day. 
 
 The next morning the remains were placed on a special 
 train and conveyed to Lynchburg. 
 
 It was hoped that General Jackson would be buried in 
 Hollywood Cemetery, near Richmond. There Virginia has 
 prepared a last resting place for her honored children. There 
 rest the ashes of Monroe and Tyler and many of the good 
 and brave of this revolution, and it was hoped that there, 
 too, would rest the dust of General Jackson; but it was his 
 wish to sleep in his dearly loved home in the Valley, and 
 thither all that remained of him was carried. On Wednes- 
 day morning the remains passed through Lynchburg. Minute 
 guns were fired, bells were tolled, and a large procession of 
 citizens followed the body through the city. On Thursday 
 afternoon they reached Lexington. They were met at the 
 canal by the corps of cadets, the professors of the Institute, 
 and a large number of citizens, and escorted to the Institute 
 barracks. The body of General Jackson was placed in the 
 old lecture room, which once had been his. Two years be- 
 fore he had left it an humble and almost unknown man; 
 now he returned to it with the hero's laurel wreath encircling 
 his brow and enshrined forever in the hearts of his coun- 
 trymen. 
 
 With the exception of the heavy mourning drapery with 
 which it was hung, the room was just as he had left it. It 
 had not been occupied during his absence. The body was 
 deposited just in front of the chair in which he used to sit. 
 It was a beautiful and touching scene, and brought tears 
 to every eye that witnessed it. Guns were fired every half 
 hour during the day, and the deepest grief exhibited by 
 everyone. 
 
 The next day, the 15th of May, General Jackson was 
 buried in the cemetery at Lexington, Virginia, where rest 
 the remains of his first wife and child. 
 
 "There in the beautiful Valley of Virginia, with which 
 his name is so imperishably connected, the hero lies sleep- 
 ing. Around him 'the everlasting hills' keep eternal guard, 
 and the deep and unswerving love of his stricken, but still 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 159 
 
 glorious, mother, watches with tender devotion over his 
 sacred dust. 
 
 "Ages shall roll away, empires crumble into dust, nations 
 pass away, but the memory of Jackson will still shine out in 
 all its clear and radiant splendor. And when the last great 
 trump shall sound, and the dim light of the resurrection 
 morn shall break away the gloom which overshadows the 
 world, Virginia, whose pure heart beats but for God and 
 duty, shall there be found still watching by the tomb of 
 Jackson. And yet he is not Virginia's alone; God gave him 
 to the world." 
 
 After the death of General Jackson the officers and men 
 of the old "Stonewall Brigade" met and passed a series of 
 resolutions, which were but a feeble expression of their 
 feelings. 
 
 The following is an account of their proceedings: 
 
 "Camp Paxton, near Fredericksburg, Va., 
 
 "May 16, 1863. 
 
 "At the appointed hour there was a full attendance of 
 officers and men of the brigade. 
 
 "The meeting was organized by the selection of Colonel 
 Charles A. Eonald, of the 4th Virginia, as President, and 
 Adjutant Robert W. Hunter as Secretary. On motion of 
 Captain H. Kidd Douglas, a committee of three, consisting 
 of Colonel J. Q. A. Nadenbouch, 2d Virginia, Major Wil- 
 liam Terry, 4th Virginia, and Adjutant E. W. Hunter, 2d 
 Virginia, was appointed to prepare appropriate resolutions. 
 The committee retired, and, after consultation, reported, 
 through Adjutant Hunter, the following preamble and reso- 
 lutions, which were unanimously adopted: 
 
 " 'Whereas, It has pleased Almighty God, in the ex- 
 ercise of supreme, but unsearchable wisdom, to strike down, 
 in the midst of his career of honor and usefulness, our glo- 
 rious hero, Lieutenant General T. J. Jackson, the officers 
 and men of this brigade, which he formerly commanded, 
 who have followed him through the trying scenes of this 
 great struggle, and who, by the blessings of Providence, un- 
 der his guidance, have been enabled to do some good in our 
 country's cause; who loved and cherished him as a friend, 
 
 12 
 
160 
 
 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUE TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 161 
 
 honored him as a great and good man laboring with hand 
 and heart and mind for our present and future welfare ; who 
 obeyed and confided in him as a leader of consummate skill 
 and unyielding fortitude, and who now mourn his loss, unite 
 in the following tribute of respect to his memory : 
 
 '"Resolved, 1st, That in the death of Lieutenant Gen- 
 eral Jackson the world has lost one of its best and purest 
 men, our country and the church of God, 'a bright and 
 shining light,' the army one of its boldest and most daring 
 leaders, and this brigade a firm and unwavering friend. 
 
 '"Resolved, 2d, That General Jackson has closed his noble 
 career by a death worthy of his life, -and that while we mourn 
 for him, and feel that no other leader can be to us all that 
 he has been, yet we are not cast down or dispirited, but even 
 more determined to do our whole duty, and, if need be, to 
 give our lives for a cause made more sacred by the blood of 
 our martyrs. 
 
 " 'Resolved, 3d, That in accordance with General Jack- 
 son's wish, and the desire of this brigade to honor its first 
 great commander, the Secretary of War be requested to order 
 that it be known and designated as the 'Stonewall Brigade ;'* 
 and that, in thus formally adopting a title which is insep- 
 erably connected with his name and fame, we will strive to 
 render ourselves more worthy of it, by emulating his virtues, 
 and, like him, devote all -our energies to the great work 
 before us of securing to our beloved country the blessings 
 of peace and independence. 
 
 " 'Resolved, 4th, That a copy of these proceedings be for- 
 warded to the widow of the deceased, and published in the 
 newspapers of the City of Richmond, Va., with a request that 
 they be copied by the papers throughout the state.' 
 
 "Captain H. Kidd Douglass addressed the meeting in a 
 feeling manner; among other things, stating that it was the 
 General's wish that his old brigade should be known as the 
 Stonewall Brigade, and moved in this connection that a com- 
 
 * The Secretary of War and Confederate congress confirmed the 
 name of "Stonewall" for the brigade and made it the official and his- 
 torical name of the brigade. 
 
162 FOUE YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 mittee of five be appointed to correspond with the Secre- 
 tary of War in order to carry out the third resolution of the 
 meeting. The Chair named the following committee: Colo- 
 nel Funk, 5th Virginia; Lieutenant Colonel Colston, 2d Vir- 
 ginia; Major Terry, 4th Virginia; Captain Frazier, 27th 
 Virginia, and Captain Bedinger, 33d Virginia. 
 
 "Major Terry submitted the following resolutions: 
 
 "'Resolved, 1st, That it is the desire of this brigade to 
 erect over the grave of Lieutenant General Jackson a suita- 
 ble monument.* 
 
 " 'Resolved, 2d, That a committee of five be appointed to 
 carry into effect the aboye resolution; and that for the pur- 
 pose the committee be clothed with full power to appoint a 
 treasurer and sub-committees in each regiment to collect 
 funds, adopt design, inscriptions, etc' 
 
 "The resolutions were passed unanimously, and the fol- 
 lowing committee appointed : Colonel J. Q. A. Nadenbouch, 
 2d Virginia; Captain Strickler, 4th Virginia; Lieutenant 
 Colonel Williams, 5th Virginia; Lieutenant Colonel Shriver, 
 27th Virginia, and Lieutenant Colonel A. Spengler, 33d 
 Virginia. On motion, meeting adjourned. 
 
 "C. A. RONALD, President. 
 
 "B. W. HUNTER, Secretary." 
 
 * A fine monument and statue were erected over the grave of 
 General Jackson and unveiled the 21st of July, 1891, just thirty years 
 after the battle of Bull Run. There were a good many survivors of 
 the old brigade present. 
 
POUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 163 
 
 XVI. 
 
 General Paxton, commanding the Stonewall Brigade, 
 was killed at Chancellorsville, and General James A. Walker, 
 who was Colonel of the 13th Virginia, was put in command. 
 General Trimble, division commander, being unfit for service 
 by reason of sickness, General Ed. Johnson took command of 
 the division. General E. E. Colston commanded the division 
 at Chancellorsville. Johnson always carried a big hickory 
 club or cane, and when he got mad could work his ears like a 
 mule, so that he had the name in the army of "Clubby John- 
 son" and "Allegheny Johnson." 
 
 Our army lay in camp near Hamilton's Crossing; noth- 
 ing of interest transpiring, except a thorough reorganization 
 of the troops. 
 
 There were nine divisions in the 1st and 2d Corps, five 
 in Longstreet's, and four in Jackson's, up to the time of the 
 reorganization. After Jackson's death, about the 20th of 
 May, 1863, the army was formed into three infantry corps 
 of three divisions each. The 1st Corps was composed of 
 Hood's, Pickett's and McLaw's Divisions, and commanded 
 by General Longstreet; the 2nd of Johnson's, Early's and 
 Eodes', commanded by General Ewell, and the 3d of An- 
 derson's, Pender's and Heth's Divisions, commanded by 
 General A. P. Hill. 
 
 The cavalry was formed into one corps, commanded by 
 General J. E. B. Stuart; the artillery corps by General W. 
 N. Pendleton (formerly Captain of the Rockbridge artillery), 
 and the whole army by General. Eobert E. Lee. 
 
 The different divisions,. brigades and regiments, previ- 
 ous to this time, had been scattered over different portions 
 of Virginia, and had been called at different times the 
 "Army of the Potomac," the "Army of the Shenandoah," but 
 was now consolidated and called the "Army of Northern 
 Virginia," although there were detachments often sent away 
 to operate at different points. 
 
164 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Our division, commanded by General Edward Johnson, 
 consisted of four brigades, nearly all Virginians. The 1st and 
 3d North Carolina Regiments were in the 3d Brigade, and 
 part of the time the "Maryland Line" was attached to that 
 brigade. The 4th Brigade was composed of the 1st, 2d, 10th, 
 14th and 15th Louisiana Regiments. 
 
 The 2d Division was composed of Virginians, North 
 Carolinians and Louisianians, and commanded by General 
 Jubal A. Early. 
 
 The 3d Division was composed of Georgians, Alabam- 
 ans and North Carolinians, and commanded by General 
 R. E. Rodes. 
 
 The infantry and cavalry were always casting jokes at 
 one another as they passed. The infantry would ask them 
 how long it took "them things to grow out of a man's 
 heels" (referring to their spurs), and "who ever saw a dead 
 man with spurs on?" They would reply: "If it wasn't for 
 them things you'd lose your wagon trains," intimating they 
 would have to protect them while we retreated. We would 
 ask the North Carolinians if they had any "tar," and call 
 them "Tar Heels." They would reply that they were just 
 out, as they had let us Virginians have all they had to make 
 us stick in the last fight, and call us "sore-backs," as they 
 had knocked all the skin off our backs running over us to 
 get into battle. 
 
 And so it would go, but all in the best of humor, know- 
 ing that all did their duty. 
 
 About the 1st of June we got orders to cook three 
 days' rations and be ready to move at a moment's warning. 
 Our pioneer troops were in carrm a short distance from the 
 station, and did not get orders for rations until near night, 
 as they had neglected us. So, when the orders did come, 
 we had to be in a hurry. We had to draw our rations from 
 the commissary at the "Crossing" and cook them that night. 
 Therefore, in order to lose no time, our Sergeant detailed 
 about twenty of us to go with him' to the commissary and 
 carry them to camp. When we got there all hands were busy 
 weighing and packing up, and we had to wait some time. 
 While waiting Sam Nunnelly, of the 21st Virginia, and my- 
 self noticed a large pile of hams lying there, with no one 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 165 
 
 guarding them. We soon stole a ham apiece and hid them, and 
 told some of the other boys about it. When we drew our 
 rations and got back to camp we found we had nine extra 
 hams for our trouble, which was a fine treat', and kept us 
 in extra rations for some time. The bacon the soldiers drew 
 was side meat, the hams being reserved for the officers. We 
 never let an opportunity pass to get extra rations, no mat- 
 ter if we had to steal them — never forgetting the motto 
 that "everything is fair in war." 
 
 On the 3d of June our army, Ewell's Corps, took up the 
 line of march. Our corps went west through Culpeper 
 Court House, and went into camp a few miles beyond, where 
 we remained but a few days. We were soon ordered to fall 
 in, and were marched in a hurry back through Culpeper. 
 We heard the enemy's cavalry had recrossed the Rappahan- 
 nock, and that there was fighting at Brandy Station, about 
 twenty-five miles up the river from Chancellorsville. We 
 were soon halted and remained there about an hour; then 
 marched back to camp. We found out that it was a general 
 cavalry fight, and one of the hardest cavalry engagements 
 of the war. 
 
 The enemy's cavalry had crossed in force and took our 
 cavalry by surprise. They had some advantage at the start, 
 but we soon rallied and were reinforced by other brigades. 
 It was a desperate hand-to-hand conflict, but our cavalry 
 soon got the best of them and they retreated across the river. 
 
 I saw more men cut with the sabre that day than I ever 
 saw before or have seen since. My uncle, E. S. D. Heironi- 
 mus, belonging to Eosser's Brigade, was severely wounded 
 by being cut through the scalp with a sabre, laying the skull 
 bare, but he recovered. The enemy lost four hundred pris- 
 oners, three pieces of artillery and several stands of colors, 
 besides killed and' wounded. 
 
 The next day we resumed our march, and, crossing the 
 Blue Eidge, proceeded to Front Eoyal. We then turned 
 towards Winchester. We then began to understand what 
 was up. The Federal General, Milroy, occupied Winchester 
 with a considerable force, and was well fortified. He had 
 a strong position. As we waded the Shenandoah river that 
 evening I told the boys that we would get no rest that night 
 
166 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 until our line was formed around Winchester. Having 
 been so accustomed to General Jackson's flank movements, 
 we knew if he were in command there would be no halt, but 
 we soon went into camp. I then remarked that Milroy would 
 hear of our move, and would either retreat to Harper's 
 Ferry or be prepared to give us battle, as we could not sur- 
 prise him. 
 
 We were on the march the next morning, the 13th of 
 June, and soon heard our cavalry skirmishing with the 
 enemy. We moved on to near Winchester, when our troops 
 were disposed around in battle order, but there was no en- 
 gagement of any consequence by our division. 
 
 That night our division was marched around to the east 
 of Winchester, by Jordan's Springs, and came on to the 
 turnpike leading from Winchester north to Martinsburg. 
 We were now at Stephenson's depot, about four miles from 
 Winchester. We were not quite soon enough, for as the head 
 of our column got inl sight of the road we saw the enemy 
 retreating. We were in their rear, and if we had been one 
 hour sooner we would have had our line formed across the 
 road and captured the whole "outfit." 
 
 Some had already got through, but it was a running 
 fight as it was. A large number were captured, and others 
 dispersed and demoralized. My old brigade captured six reg- 
 iments and got six stands of colors. The General gave one 
 to each regiment and kept one himself. 
 
 The Louisiana Brigade was running parallel with a 
 brigade of the enemy, trying to head them off; but they 
 made such good time that they were about to get away, 
 when they happened to meet about twenty stragglers from 
 our army, who had fallen behind during the night, and who, 
 while coming on, seeing the Yankees rushing along at such 
 headlong speed, and knowing that we were in their rear, 
 formed across the road and called on them to halt. The 
 enemy, thinking it was another detachment of our infantry, 
 halted and surrendered. But the Louisiana Brigade was 
 near by and took them in charge. That was one time 
 stragglers came in good play. The enemy's column would 
 doubtless have escaped had it not been for the stragglers in 
 their front. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 167 
 
 Our cavalry were on the flanks, and we had none there 
 to follow the retreating enemy. So the infantry gathered 
 up the wagon horses and mules and mounted them, bare- 
 hack and in every way, as best they could. They were the 
 hardest looking cavalry regiment I ever saw, with their 
 knapsacks and blankets around their shoulders;' with their 
 long rifles and no saddles, and blind bridles, and mounted 
 on mules and horses promiscuously. Away they went down 
 the pike, as hard as they could go, yelling and firing, as if it 
 were big fun for an infantry man to be mounted in any 
 shape. They were after the wagon train ahead of the in- 
 fantry, and made a fine capture. 
 
 Hays' Louisiana Brigade charged the enemy in their 
 forts around Winchester, driving them out and capturing 
 their guns, and turning them on them. Early's Division 
 charged and ran them out of Winchester, our division head- 
 ing them off and capturing them. Eodes' Division was at 
 Berryville, to cut off their retreat in that direction, and went 
 from there to Martinsburg and captured a great amout of 
 stores. We followed them on to Harper's Ferry, when they 
 crossed the Potomac and occupied Maryland Heights. 
 
 General Milroy escaped, with about 300 cavalry. Our 
 captures amounted to 4,000 prisoners, twenty-nine pieces of 
 artillery, 270 wagons and ambulances, 400 horses, and a 
 large amount of military stores. Our loss was small. 
 
 General Ewell was a good officer, and our corps pre- 
 ferred him to any other after we had lost General Jackson. 
 He did well in routing Milroy from Winchester, but Jack- 
 son (in my opinion) would have marched all night the night 
 we went into camp, and by daylight would have had his line 
 of battle around Winchester, and captured the whole com- 
 mand. Our corps was rather 1 anxious to capture Milroy, as 
 he had tyrannized over the citizens of Winchester, insulting 
 ladies (so it was reported), and rendering himself obnoxious 
 in different ways — more so than any Federal General had 
 done during the war; and if he had been captured by some of 
 our men he would have fared badly. 
 
 All this time General Hooker's army was lying on the 
 north bank of the Eappahannock, opposite Fredericksburg; 
 General A. P, Hill remaining there to watch him. Long- 
 
168 FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 street had remained in Culpeper, while Ewell moved on 
 Winchester, and as Ewell had cleared the Valley of the en- 
 emy, the key to Washington City was open, consequently 
 the Federal Army fell back to Washington to protect it. 
 
 This was General Lee's object— to draw the Army out of 
 Virginia on Northern soil. A. P. Hill followed up and took 
 Longstreet's place, east of the Blue Eidge, at Snicker's Gap, 
 and came into the Vallev, while Ewell, with our corps, 
 crossed the Potomac at Shepherdstown into Maryland. We 
 then went to Williamsport, from there to Hagerstown, and 
 on to Greencastle, Pa., through Shippensburg and many 
 other villages and towns, on to Carlisle, Pa., about one day's 
 march from Harrisburg, the capital, and then halted. 
 
 When we crossed the Potomac we thought we would 
 have a fine time plundering in the enemy's country, and 
 live fine; but General Lee had orders read out that we were 
 not to molest any of the citizens, or take any private prop- 
 erty, and any soldier caught plundering would be shot. 
 
 The infantry did not have much chance to plunder, as 
 we were kept close in ranks and marched slowly. We would 
 camp every night near some town; but there would be a 
 guard in town, and we could not get in without a pass, and 
 after we got in were not allowed to disturb anything. Of 
 course we could go to the houses and get all we wanted to 
 eat without money, for they did not want our money, and 
 were glad to give us plenty through fear. 
 
 But our quartermasters managed to gobble up every 
 thing they came to. They would take the citizens' horses 
 and wagons and load them up with provisions and goods 
 from the stores; consequently, we accumulated an immense 
 train. The cavalry were in front, and on our flanks, and 
 they had a good chance for plundering and getting good 
 horses. They made good use of it, too, and came out well 
 supplied; but the infantry got nothing but what we could 
 eat, but we got plenty of that. As soon as we would go into 
 camp in the evening some of the soldiers would strike out 
 into the country, before they had time to put out a guard, 
 and would come back loaded with "grub." As we would 
 march through the towns the ladies would usually be at the 
 up-stairs windows, waving their Union flags at us. We would 
 
FOUK YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 169 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
170 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 laugh at them, hut never disturb them. If the ladies of the 
 South had done what I saw them do in Pennsylvania it 
 would not have been tolerated by the Federals. 
 
 Some of them would look very sour at us, when we 
 would ask their names so we could write them on a piece of 
 paper, so we told them, and put the paper in water, as we 
 knew it would turn the water to vinegar. 
 
 One day there was a very red-headed one at a window, 
 who was very insulting, when the boys got to calling her 
 "brick-top," and such names. She got so mad she fairly 
 frothed at the mouth, and threatened to fire into the ranks. 
 We then tried to persuade her to assume male attire and join 
 the army and get satisfaction fighting us. They would make 
 sport of our dress, when an Irishman among our troops 
 replied : "Be jabers, we always put on our dirty clothes when 
 we go to a hog-killing:" 
 
 Cherries were ripe while we were in Pennsylvania, and 
 there were a great many trees along the road. We stripped 
 them both of cherries and limbs, leaving nothing but the 
 trunks. Otherwise, we were kept close in ranks, and not al- 
 lowed to plunder or destroy anything. General Lee was 
 more strict on us than while in Virginia. 
 
 One day there was an old farmer standing by his gate 
 talking to the boys, saying he was a "copper-head" and a 
 Rebel sympathizer, and had quite a crowd around him. He 
 had a fine farm and a fine house, and was well "fixed," but 
 when any of them attempted to go in the gate he 
 would say they had nothing to eat, as the soldiers ahead 
 of us had already eaten him out. I listened to him awhile, 
 but soon "tumbled to the racket," and saw he was giving us 
 that kind of taffy to keep us out of the house. I told my 
 chum to come on, and we would soon see what was in there. 
 When we were about to go in at the gate the old man sakl 
 there was nothing in there to eat. I told him that was too 
 "thin;" that we would go in and see; that if he was such t 
 good Rebel he could sacrifice a little for us ; that he might 
 never have another opportunity of feeding the Rebels, and 
 that he oughD to embrace this chance, as this was our first 
 trip into Pennsylvania, and in all probability would be our 
 last. We went on to the house and found plenty to eat by 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 171 
 
 simply asking the ladies for it. When we went back to the 
 road we told the other boys that the old woman said we were 
 to "come on" and get what we wanted, and they went. The 
 old man saw his game was up, but I expect he raised a racket 
 with the old woman afterwards. 
 
 As we lay in camp near Carlisle one day, and I saw we 
 were not going to march, I told Charlie Cross, of the 10th 
 Louisiana, a messmate, of mine, that we would go out to 
 some farmhouse and get a good dinner and some cherries. 
 We went about one mile, when we came to a large farm- 
 house. A picket was posted there, and they would not let us 
 go any farther. We then went into the house and found 
 the family were Dutch; an old man, his wife and daughter. 
 We asked if we could have some cherries. He said we could 
 have all we wanted except from two trees that stood near 
 the house; that he wanted them for their own use. When 
 we examined the other trees we found very few cherries, 
 as the soldiers had stripped them. We then got up in the 
 trees the old man had reserved and ate what we wanted 
 and broke off several limbs, and went to the house and sat 
 down on the porch where the old folks were, and asked them 
 if they would not have some cherries, but they declined. We 
 then asked them if we could get dinner. They said no, the 
 soldiers had eaten all they had. 
 
 While sitting there, conversing with the old people, we 
 heard a terrible racket around in the back yard, and did not 
 know what to make of it. The old woman jumped up and 
 ran around the house, and soon came back with both" hands 
 up. By the expression of her face we knew something ter- 
 rible had happened. She kept on talking Dutch all the time. 
 So we all ran around to see what was the cause. We found 
 one of the horses had fallen into the cistern, and there lay 
 doubled up, all in a mass, at the bottom. 
 
 The old man then explained that he had run all his 
 horses off to the mountains when he heard the Rebels 
 were coming, except this one, which was an old family mare 
 that they prized very highly for the good service she had 
 done them, and as she was getting old he thought the Rebels 
 would not take her. He had turned her loose in the yard so he 
 could watch her, but as there had been no horse in the yard 
 
172 POUH YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 for years, and the old cistern was not used any more, and had 
 no water 1 in it, it was only covered with some loose planks. 
 The old mare had stepped on them, when they broke and 
 precipitated her to the bottom. 
 
 The cistern was very wide, and about twelve feet deep. 
 We felt sorry for the old folks, as they appeared so distressed 
 about the fate of the old mare. They would doubtless rather 
 have lost their best horse than to lose her. Cross, who had 
 been an old sailor, soon climbed down the wall to see what 
 could be done. He found her doubled up considerably, but 
 still alive, and asked the old man if he had any stout rope. 
 He replied that he had a block and tackle out at the barn. 
 We told him to go and get it, and to tell two of the soldiers 
 at the picket post to come and help. He went to the barn 
 and got the rope. He also found some other soldiers there, 
 stealing eggs, and got them to come along. 
 
 We then got ropes around the old mare, and fastened 
 one end around a tree near by, and commenced hauling 
 away, and as we would raise her we would dig down the 
 bank and fill up under her, and in this way finally got her out 
 and lifted her upon her feet. We rubbed and worked with 
 her some time, until she stood up and commenced eating 
 grass. 
 
 The old folks were very much rejoiced. When we all 
 went around to the porch the old man took me to one side 
 and told me and Gross to remain awhile and they would 
 have something to eat. The pickets went back to their posts 
 and the others went off, and then we were invited in to din- 
 ner. We sat down to the best meal we had had in m:iny 
 a day. 
 
 We parted good friends, leaving the impression that 
 Rebels were not such a detestable set as he had been led to 
 believe. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 173 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Bodes' Division and ours (Clubby Johnson's) had 
 marched direct from the Potomac to Carlisle, while Early's 
 Division had crossed the mountains east, and gone to York, 
 where they captured some ninety-day men who were guard- 
 ing the place, whom they paroled and sent home. Long- 
 street's and Hill's Corps had not advanced far into Pennsyl- 
 vania at this time. 
 
 After lying in camp one day at Carlisle we started on the 
 march and returned towards the Potomac, when we met the 
 paroled prisoners that Early had captured at York. General 
 Johnson made them pull off their shoes and give them to his 
 men who were barefooted. Some of our men thought it was 
 cruel, but Johnson said they were going home, and could get 
 other shoes quicker than he could, as he had work for his 
 men to do. 
 
 We marched on until one day we turned abruptly to 
 the left and crossed the South Mountain to the east. We 
 had not heard a gun fired, nor heard anything about the 
 Yankees until we had reached the top of the mountain, when 
 we heard some artillery firing a long way off. Some of the 
 boys remarked that "Old Early" had found some of the Yan- 
 kees some place. We had no idea that the two armies were 
 closing together, and that the greatest battle ever fought on 
 the American continent had virtually commenced; but, of 
 course, our officers knew. 
 
 We marched on down the mountain and heard the battle 
 raging louder and fiercer; and just before sundown we 
 reached the battle-ground, and saw some of the wounded 
 and a great many prisoners. We learned that Early and Hill 
 had attacked the advance corps of the enemy and driven 
 them (with great slaughter on both sides) from the field and 
 through the town of Gettysburg, on to the adjoining heights 
 of Cemetery Eidge. Our division was marched over the bat' 
 tie-field and around to the east of Gettysburg, and took po- 
 
174 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 sition that night on the extreme left of our army. We soon 
 heard that the two armies had concentrated at that point, 
 and that the ball would open in earnest at daylight. This 
 was the night of July 1st, 1863. 
 
 The battle raged with increasing fury for the next two 
 days. It commenced on the 1st of July, 1863, and lasted 
 three days — the whole of both armies being engaged on the 
 2d and 3d. 
 
 Our pioneer troops had a good time during that battle. 
 We had to remain near our division, but were not in much 
 danger except from a few shells that would pass over us 
 occasionally. 
 
 Lee's Army was the attacking party, and the enemy 
 were strongly entrenched on the ridge, and acting on the 
 defensive. General Lee wanted to turn their left; the 
 hardest fighting was on our right and center. Our whole di- 
 vision had less to do and was in less danger than any other 
 portion of the army, as we had in our front the rugged and 
 steep ridge of Culp's Hill, covered with trees and huge rocks. 
 As the men advanced they couldv protect themselves. They 
 had to fire at an angle of about forty-five degrees to reach 
 the breastworks on top of the ridge, and it would have been 
 foolhardiness for any troops to attempt to charge the works 
 at that point. The main object of our division was to make 
 a bold front and keep up a continual firing, with an occa- 
 sional charge, where the ground would admit of it, in order 
 to attract the enemy's attention, while Longstreet was to 
 charge and turn their left. 
 
 The enemy had every advantage of position, and would 
 repulse every charge that was made. Our troops would at 
 different points drive them from their works, but could not 
 hold them for want of proper support. 
 
 The charging column would be nearly annihilated, and 
 if a position were taken, they would not have men enough left 
 to hold it. During the evening of the third day all the artillery 
 on both sides opened fire (about 400 pieces), and it was the 
 most terrible cannonading I ever heard. I was in a position 
 where I could see the smoke from both sides along the whole 
 line, which was in crescent shape, and it was one continual 
 roar. I could not distinguish one report from another. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 175 
 
176 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Night closed the terrible havoc, with nothing accom- 
 plished, both armies resting on their arms in the same posi- 
 tions they occupied the day before. That night the left of 
 our army withdrew quietly from its position in front of the 
 enemy, fell back beyond Gettysburg, and formed a line 
 of battle in a good position, and laid there in line all day 
 the 4th of July, expecting to be attacked by the enemy. His 
 position was too strong for our army to successfully attack, 
 and General Lee did not have ammunition enough to risk 
 another engagement, except on the defensive. But I sup- 
 pose the enemy had enough of fighting, too, for they never 
 left their works during the day, and everything was quiet. 
 
 Thus ended the battle of Gettysburg; and, as General 
 Lee had failed to drive the enemy from their position, there 
 was nothing left for him to do but to retreat into Virginia. 
 
 During the second day's fighting we were rather short 
 of rations, and, as all the people in the neighborhood had 
 fled for safety, leaving everything in their houses, we found 
 plenty to eat by going to them and helping ourselves. 
 
 There was one large farmhouse close by> where we pio- 
 neers were placed, and we went to it and found a bountiful 
 supply of provisions. The family must have left in haste, 
 as the table was still set, with the dishes on it, just as if 
 they had left their meal and run for dear life. We found 
 several barrels of flour, a smokehouse full of bacon, a spring- 
 house full of milk and butter, the garret full of crocks of ap- 
 ple butter, and everything eatable that is kept in a well-to- 
 do farmhouse of a Pennsylvania Dutchman. If we did not 
 live well for two days, and fill our haversacks full of good 
 things there, I don't know a good thing when I see it. We 
 would build fires in the stoves and outside and bake bread, 
 cook meat and chickens, milk the cows, and run the planta- 
 tion generally. We told the boys in the regiment about it, 
 and some of them came over and cooked rations and carried 
 them back for others. But in the evening of the third day, 
 by some carelessness, the house caught on fire in the sec- 
 ond story from the stovepipe. 
 
 I was on the hill watching the artillery duel, and hap- 
 pened to look towards the house and saw the smoke coming 
 from the roof, and knew it must be on fire. Several of us 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 177 
 
 Tan to the house. The men that were cooking inside did not 
 know it was on fire. We then ran up stairs and found it all 
 in flames, and too far gone for us to save. We then went to 
 work and carried everything out of the lower story and base- 
 ment, except the stoves, and put them in the garden near 
 the barn. The house was soon reduced to ashes, but it was 
 done accidentally, and we regretted it very much. There 
 must have been several young ladies living there, for we 
 found their pictures and clothing in the bureau drawers, 
 and also letters from their sweethearts in the army. 
 
 I suppose that when they came back and found their 
 house burned they thought it was set on fire by the shells, 
 as several had hit near there, and one had gone through the 
 barn. They could see by the things we had saved that it 
 was not burned intentionally. 
 
 That night, when the army fell back, our pioneers never 
 received any orders to leave, and we remained there all 
 night. The next morning, as some of our cavalry' were scout- 
 ing around, they came to us and asked our officer what we 
 were doing there, and if he did not know that our whole 
 army had fallen back beyond Gettysburg that night. 
 
 Our Lieutenant replied that 'he did not know it, and 
 that he had no orders to leave; but the cavalryman told us 
 there was nothing between us and the Yankees, and that we 
 would soon be captured if we did not get away in a hurry; 
 that they were just on a scout to see and watch the enemy's 
 movements. 
 
 But we had been moved around so much, and moved 
 in the night sometimes, that we did not know where to go, 
 nor which way to start. One of the cavalry offered to pilot 
 us out, when we started, and by making a considerable cir- 
 cuit we arrived at our division in safety. If the Yanks had 
 pushed out from their front that morning they would have 
 picked up many a straggling Kebel ; but they did not appear 
 anxious to see any Eebs. They remained quiet all day. 
 
 The night of the 4th we started on the retreat towards 
 the Potomac. We had such an immense wagon train that 
 we traveled very slowly, keeping the wagon train in front. 
 The next day our rear guard and the enemy had several 
 little skirmishes, but we were not bothered much except at 
 
178 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 one place. The Federal cavalry dashed into our wagon 
 train as it was crossing the mountain, and turned about 
 twenty wagons over and down the mountain side. The citi- 
 zens would run out of the woods in some places and cut 
 the spokes of the wheels, until one or two of them got killed 
 for their trouble, when they ceased. 
 
 One day we were out of rations, and our officers let us 
 kill any stock we found to get something to eat. We had 
 stopped near a mill and large farmhouse, and some of the 
 men were searching through the mill for rations. Down 
 amongst the wheels they found a large lot of store goods 
 that had been hidden there .from a store near by, so they 
 loaded themselves down with them and carried them off. I 
 went to the house and found some of the soldiers carrying 
 off the bee-hives, but the bees stung one fellow so bad that 
 he had to throw the hive down. Just then General Walker 
 rode up and reprimanded them for taking the bees, and 
 made them leave them. 
 
 I saw a beautiful young lady and her mother on the 
 porch of the house, the only occupants about, and they were 
 weeping so bitterly at the losses thev had sustained from 
 the soldiers that I had no heart to take anything. Just then 
 I saw a soldier crawling out of the window with a ham of 
 meat, and, as the young lady saw him, she commenced cry- 
 ing again, and said: "There goes the last mouthful in the 
 house; what will we do?' ; and gave me an imploring 
 look, and asked me if I could not do something for them. I 
 knew it was no use for me to interfere, but, recollecting that 
 General Walker was near by, I ran around the house and 
 told him the situation of affairs, when he rode around and 
 made the man give the ladies the ham of meat, and they 
 thanked us so kindly on their bended knees, the tears flow- 
 ing down their cheeks, that it made an impression on 
 me that I shall never forget. I went back to my command as 
 well satisfied as if I had eaten a hearty meal. The looks of 
 that beautiful lady imploring me for mercy did me good all 
 over, although I knew our own dear women in Virginia had 
 suffered ten times more from brutality of soldiers than these 
 ever did. 
 
 When we arrived at Hagerstown, Md., our army halted 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 179 
 
 formed a line of battle and made breastworks, in order to give 
 battle should the enemy advance. Their cavalry had got 
 between our army and the river, in order to destroy our 
 wagon train ; but General Imboden, with his cavalry and the 
 wagoners, had repulsed them and driven them back, and 
 saved the train. 
 
 The pioneers of each division were then sent on to Wil- 
 liamsport, on the Potomac river, a distance of six miles, and 
 put to work building a pontoon bridge. We had brought 
 pontoons along when we first crossed the river, and left the 
 bridge there while we were north; but the enemy's cavalry 
 had made a raid in our absence, and had cut the bridge loose, 
 and a great many of the pontoons had floated off; conse- 
 quently we had to build some rough ones. We went to a 
 lumber yard and carried the lumber to the bank of the 
 river, and in two days) had built sixteen pontoon boats, or 
 scows. The lumberman remarked, as we were taking his 
 lumber, that the lumber was worth five dollars per hundred 
 in gold. I told him to charge it to Jeff Davis & Co. — that 
 General Lee's army was worth more than his lumber in gold. 
 The river was full and past fording when we arrived at it, 
 and the ferryboat was kept busy taking men across and 
 bringing ammunition back for our army. The cavalry were 
 swimming their horses across all the time we were at work, 
 the army lying in line of battle, waiting for us to get the 
 bridge built. When we got the boats made we got some tar 
 and borrowed the wash kettles around town to boil it in. 
 The old women wanted to raise a row when we took their 
 kettles, but we promised to bring them back; but we didn't. 
 We then caulked and pitched the boats, launched them in 
 the river, loaded them with lumber and went down the 
 river to Falling Waters, five miles below, and put in the 
 bridge. We there gathered up ten of the original pontoons 
 that had been cut loose by the Yanks, and that had lodged 
 along the river for a distance of five miles. Then the good 
 ones we had saved and the sixteen new ones made twenty- 
 six in all. It took all of them to reach across the river. 
 When the bridge was completed the army commenced cross- 
 ing the river, but the bridge was kept full all the time with 
 ambulances, medical wagons, ordnance wagons and artillery, 
 
180 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 and such things as had to be kept dry, consequently there 
 was no room for the infantry to cross, except one division, 
 that was guarding the bridge. The rest waded the river at 
 Williamsport. The greater portion of the wagon train had 
 to ford at the same place. The water would come up under 
 the arms of the men, but by crossing in a body and using 
 their guns to steady themselves, they all got over safely. 
 
 We brought out 5,000 prisoners and had paroled 2,000 
 on the field, who had been captured at different places before 
 the battle commenced. We also had an immense wagon 
 train. We lost but few wagons, and only one or two pieces 
 of artillery, that had been broken down. 
 
 The enemy's cavalry made a charge to capture the bridge, 
 not knowing there was infantry lying behind the brow of 
 the hill until they came close upon them, when the infantry 
 poured such a volley into them at close quarters that they 
 were nearly annihilated, and horses without riders were seen 
 running in every direction. As the last ones crossed the 
 bridge they cut the cable that held it on the Maryland side, 
 and the bridge floated around to the Virginia side. 
 
 That night, when everything was quiet, with sharp- 
 shooters on each side of the river, and the rain pouring 
 down, we pioneers slipped down to the water's edge and 
 drew out the ten good pontoon boats, loaded them on the 
 wagons and sent them to the rear, and at the same time 
 scuttled and sank the ones we had made up at Williamsport; 
 but we worked very quietly, and made no noise, for we ex- 
 pected a volley every minute from the other side, but there 
 was not a shot fired. 
 
 I will now give a detailed account of General Ed John- 
 son's Division of the 2d Corps (my division), from the time 
 it crossed the Potomac river, going north, until it returned. 
 Other divisions and corps crossed at different times, at dif- 
 ferent places, and marched different roads. 
 
 We waded the Potomac river on the 18th of July, 1863, 
 at Shepherdstown, what is now West Virginia, camped in 
 Maryland, and moved by easy marches to Middleburg, on 
 the State line between Maryland and Pennsylvania, and 
 camped there the 23d; then on to Greencastle and Marion, 
 and camped near Chambersburg, and remained there one 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 181 
 
 day. Then through Chambersburg and Green Village, and 
 camped near Shippensburg. On the 27th we marched 
 through Shippensburg, Palmstown, Stowestown, Mount 
 Rock, and camped near Carlisle. 
 
 We lay in camp at that place the 28th, about twenty 
 miles from Harrisburg, the capital of the State. The 29th 
 we marched back over the same road through Mount Rock, 
 Stowestown and Palmstown, and went into camp. The 30th 
 we passed through Shippensburg and Green Village, then 
 turned to the east through Scotland, destroyed a railroad 
 bridge, and camped near Fayetteville. 
 
 On the 1st of July marched through Fayetteville, Grif- 
 fenburg Springs and Cashtown, arriving on the battle-field 
 at 4 o'clock p. m. A. P. Hill's Corps and Early's Division of 
 the 2d Corps had been fighting all day, and were driving the 
 enemy when we arrived. We were marched around Gettys- 
 burg and took position on the extreme left, at Culp's Hill, 
 but were not engaged that day. General R. E. Rodes' Divis- 
 ion crossed the South Mountain, near Carlisle, and marched 
 to the battle-field on the east side of the mountain, and ar- 
 rived in time on the 1st of July to take part in the battle, 
 and drove the Federals through Gettysburg. 
 
 The division was engaged more or less during the next 
 two days, with varying success, sometimes advancing and 
 gaining temporary advantage, then falling back and taking 
 another position; sometimes losing heavily, and sometimes 
 lightly, some brigades losing more than others, but the ag- 
 gregate loss was less than several other divisions. 
 
 We started on the retreat from our line of battle at 
 midnight of the 4th of July, moved along very slowly, wait- 
 ing for the wagon train and artillery to get strung out in 
 advance. Then marched all day, passing through Fairfield 
 and Fayetteville, and camped at the foot of South Mountain 
 at 10 o'clock at night. On the 6th we marched over the 
 mountain, through the villages of Mountain Dale, Caledo- 
 nia Springs and Frogtown, and camped to the left of Waynes- 
 boro. 
 
 On the 7th, marched through Lightersburg and camped 
 three miles from Hagerstown, Md. The 8th and 9th re- 
 mained in camp. On the 10th the pioneers were marched 
 
182 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 to Williamsport, on the Potomac river, and commenced 
 building pontoon boats, the army remaining near Hagers- 
 town in line of battle and entrenching, receiving ammunition 
 from the Virginia side. 
 
 On the 11th the pioneers floated the pontoon boats, 
 loaded with lumber, down the river five miles, to Falling 
 Waters, and made the bridge. 
 
 The army crossed the Potomac into Virginia the 13th 
 and 14th, at Falling Waters, and we took up the bridge the 
 night of the 14th, making twenty-seven days that the divis- 
 ion was north of the Potomac. 
 
 So ended the Pennsylvania campaign and the battle of 
 Gettysburg. Our loss has been estimated at 15,000— the en- 
 emy's at 18,000, besides the 5,000 prisoners on each side. 
 Captain William Powell, of my company, was severely 
 wounded, which was all the loss our company sustained; 
 but there were very few in the company at that time. In one 
 of the charges on our right a color-bearer in one of the 
 Louisiana regiments in our division was cut off from his 
 command and found that he would be captured, so he tore 
 the flag from the staff, pulled off his clothes and wrapped the 
 flag around his body, then put his clothes on over the flag. 
 He was captured and went to prison. When he was ex- 
 changed and arrived in ltichmond he took off his clothes 
 and unfurled the Aaar. Soldiers love their colors with such 
 devotion that they will die in defending them, and consider 
 it a disgrace to have them captured, and especially the color- 
 bearers. 
 
 "Billy," or Wes Culp, was born and raised at Gettys- 
 burg, but had been living in Virginia for some time, and was 
 a member of the 2d Virginia Infantry, Stonewall Brigade, 
 and was killed on Culp's Hill the third day of the battle. 
 
 In a few days our army moved on up the Valley, and, 
 crossing the Blue Eidge, went into camp in Orange county, 
 with the Rapidan river as our line of defense. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 183 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 My father and family were living in Frederick County, 
 about fifteen miles west of Winchester, and as we had given 
 up all hope of emigrating to Missouri, they had concluded 
 to move to Rockingham County, Virginia, the first opportu- 
 nity. When our army drove the enemy out of Winchester 
 and went on to Pennsylvania' my father came on after the 
 army to see me. He overtook us the night we camped on 
 the line between Maryland and Pennsylvania, and stayed all 
 night with me, when we consulted as to what had best be done. 
 I advised him to return home at once and move as soon as 
 possible to Rockingham, as we did not know how long our 
 army would remain north of Winchester, and if we fell back 
 before he got moved, the chances were that he might not 
 be able to get through for another year, as the enemy would 
 occupy Winchester as soon as we left. He then left me, to 
 return home and move farther south. 
 
 When our army reached Winchester, on our way to 
 Orange County, I had not heard a word from my father — 
 whether he had moved or not — and was very anxious and 
 uneasy about the family, and thinking perhaps they did 
 not know we were f ailing back, and would be caught and cap- 
 tured while moving, I therefore stated the circumstances to 
 our Lieutenant, and asked permission to leave the army and 
 go to my father's, that I might assist them if they had not 
 left, and if they had moved I would return to the army the 
 next day. 
 
 The Lieutenant said that he could not give me permis- 
 sion to go, as it would have to come from higher authority, 
 and that a pass from him would not amount to anything, 
 anyhow ; that he could not take the responsibility on himself 
 to grant me leave of absence, but, if I went, he would not 
 report me, and" if I returned as soon as possible, without be- 
 ing arrested, he would not have me punished; but if I was 
 arrested for being absent the martial law would have to 
 
 13 
 
184 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 take its course, and I would have to take the responsibility 
 on myself. 
 
 So, with that understanding I started for home, and by 
 keeping the by-roads I arrived there that night. I found 
 my mother and sisters in a great state of excitement and 
 fear. They had heard that our army was falling back, and 
 told me father had taken one load to Eockingham, a distance 
 of seventy miles, and had returned and started with another, 
 and if he went on he would not be back for several days, 
 and that my sister Mary had gone on horseback with my 
 uncle, who belonged to the cavalry. But while we were pon- 
 dering over this state of affairs my father drove up with 
 the team. He heard that our army was falling back, and 
 had unloaded the wagon at Strasburg, in Shenandoah 
 County, and made all haste to return for the family. 
 
 So we loaded up in a hurry, and by daylight were on 
 the road to Winchester with the wagon and a one-horse 
 buggy. When we got within nine miles of Winchester we 
 heard that our army had already passed through, and there 
 would be no troops between us and the enemy. We were 
 then afraid to go on for fear of being captured and losing 
 the team," especially if I was with them, so we concluded to 
 take a by-road and keep near the mountains until we ar- 
 rived at Strasburg. 
 
 That evening the rain poured down in torrents, and 
 when we arrived at Hog creek, a small stream that crossed 
 the Northwestern turnpike, we found it so swollen from the 
 rain that it was impossible to cross. I did not like the idea 
 of remaining there in that public place all night, for I 
 wanted to travel on during the night; so I waded into the 
 stream to see if we could risk it, but found it impossible to 
 do so. I waded until the water reached my armpits, and 
 found it getting deeper and swifter. There was no alterna- 
 tive but to camp on the bank of the creek all night. 
 
 At daylight the waters had so receded that we could 
 cross in safety, and we did so. As we neared Winchester we 
 heard that some few of our cavalry were still in the place, 
 and that the enemy were not advancing. We then concluded 
 to risk it by going through Winchester, as we would have a 
 good macadamized road to travel, while if we took the by- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 185 
 
 road it would be rough and muddy. But in crossing a 
 small washout in the road one of the hind wheels chucked 
 down in a hole, and as the wagon was very heavily loaded 
 it strained and cracked the axle. We passed safely through 
 Winchester, but when we arrived at Middletown, five miles 
 from Strasburg, we found the axle had given way so much 
 that we could go no further. 
 
 My father then went to Major Crisman, a farmer near 
 by, with whom he was acquainted, and borrowed a large 
 wagon of him, so we could get on to Strasburg. We unloaded 
 the contents of our wagon into it and proceeded on our jour- 
 ney. When we arrived at Cedar creek we found the bridge 
 burned, and had to cross the creek at a miserable ford. The 
 wagon being a four-horse wagon, with a heavy load on it, our 
 two horses could not pull it up the bank on the opposite 
 side, so we had to camp another night on the bank of a 
 creek and run the risk of being captured. But by good 
 luck, with all the bad luck mixed with it, we arrived in 
 Strasburg the next day. We felt considerably relieved, as 
 no enemy had yet been heard of in the neighborhood. 
 
 We then unloaded Major Crisman's wagon, and my 
 father took it back, and returned with our wagon when he 
 had a new axle put in. We loaded up and proceeded on our 
 journey safely, nothing of interest transpiring until we ar- 
 rived at Lacy Springs, in Eockingham County, where my 
 father had rented a house of Mr. Barly, and where he had 
 left his first load of goods. We found that Sister Mary had 
 arrived there in safety. I remained a few days at home, 
 helping them to fix things up, when I filled my haversack 
 with good "grub," bade them farewell, and started across the 
 mountain on a by-path to the army, in Orange County. 
 
 The first night I stayed with a farmer in Swift Run 
 Gap, at the foot of the Blue Ridge. The next evening I ar- 
 rived at Standardsville, on the east side of the Ridge, in 
 Green county, and there found several soldiers on their way 
 to the army — some of them musicians belonging to the 10th 
 Virginia band. They wanted me to stay all night with 
 them, but I went on. 
 
 After traveling about two miles, I met a man on horse- 
 back and two soldiers walking. He halted me and wanted 
 
186 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 to know where I was going. I replied that I was "on my way 
 to my command." 
 
 "Have you a pass ?" said he. 
 
 I told him I had not. He then said he would have to 
 arrest me and take me to the army; that he had orders to 
 arrest every soldier that had no pass or furlough, and take 
 them to headquarters; that he had arrested the two men 
 that were with him; and told me to turn round and go back 
 to Standardsville with him, and he would take us to the 
 army the next day. 
 
 It surprised me very much, for he was dressed in cit- 
 izens' clothes, and did not look like a soldier that had seen 
 any service. So I sat down by the side of the road and 
 wanted to know who he was, and what command he be- 
 longed to. He replied that he was a "conscript officer," and 
 that he did not belong to the army, but that he lived in 
 Standardsville. 
 
 I then told him that he could not arrest me; that I wac 
 an old soldier, and was on my way to the army; that my 
 home was many miles behind me, and that I would arrive at 
 the army the next day. I then commenced abusing him 
 for keeping out of the army, and told him he had better 
 take a musket and go in ranks, instead of hunting up men 
 that were in the service; and that I did not intend to go 
 back with him. 
 
 He then said he would make me go, and pulled out his 
 pistol and threatened to shoot me. I just dared him to 
 shoot, and told him that I would bet that he never shot at a 
 Yankee or any one else in his life; that he was coward, or 
 he would not seek for such an office in order to keep out of 
 the range of bullets. I then scolded the two soldiers who 
 were with him for being arrested by such a "puke" as he was. 
 
 One of the soldiers then came to me, and, whispering, 
 told me they were Louisianians, and for me to come and go 
 back with them, and we would put the "fixins" on our bold 
 conscripting officer that night. I knew then they had some 
 plan to escape; so, after quarreling awhile longer with him, 
 I told him I was very tired after walking all day, and if he 
 would dismount and let me ride back to town, I would go; 
 but if not, I would remain where I was. 
 
FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 187 
 
 He concluded that was the best he could do, and I got 
 on his horse and rode back; but I abused him so much he 
 threatened, if I did not stop, to make me walk. I told him 
 if he did I would not go a step further, so that settled it. 
 When we arrived in town it was dark, and he took us out 
 to the edge of town and put us in a small brick jail (the 
 county jail). 
 
 But before leaving us we made him promise to bring 
 us something to eat. I then told him there were several 
 more soldiers up there at the hotel, and to go and bring 
 them also, and we would have a fine time. He said he 
 would, but I knew some of them had guns, and if he went 
 to fooling around them they would kill him. I did not care 
 if they did; but he never brought them down; neither did 
 he bring us anything to eat, and we never heard of him 
 afterwards. 
 
 As soon as he had gone we inspected our room by the 
 aid of matches, and found it had two windows with iron 
 gratings across, and a fireplace in one corner. There hap- 
 pened to be an old musket standing in one corner. So we 
 soon formed our plan, which was that when he brought 
 us something to eat we would knock him in the head with 
 the musket and then make our escape. But we waited in 
 vain. After a long time we commenced hallooing, and 
 yelled as loud as we could; but no one came. We then con- 
 cluded to try another plan. We tore out all the sash in the 
 windows and made a fire in the fireplace. I divided my ra- 
 tions with the others, and as we had table knives in our hav- 
 ersacks, we commenced digging the mortar out between the 
 bricks near one window. As soon as we got one brick loose, 
 we took the stock off the gun, and, using the breech for a 
 pry, we soon made a hole large enough to crawl through, 
 but still prepared, if any one came, to adhere to our firs* 
 plan. But everything remained quiet. 
 
 The jail appeared to be in an isolated place, for we 
 made as much noise as possible, to attract some one there. 
 When the breach in the wall was large enough one of the 
 Louisianians got out, and I passed him the gun-barrel. He 
 surveyed the premises, and found no one about. We then 
 handed out our baggage, and left. After going a short dis- 
 
188 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 tance we held a council of war. The other two soldiers said 
 they had deserted the infantry, and were going to join 
 Major Harry Gilmore's command. That they were tired of 
 the infantry, hut would go in the cavalry, and insisted that 
 I should go with them, but I would not consent. I told 
 them 1 was going on, to the army. They said that fellow 
 would arrest me again. I told them he would not. I then 
 parted with them — they going one way and I another. I 
 then walked down the road about two miles, and lay down 
 and slept until daylight. 
 
 The next day I kept in the big road and went on to the 
 army, unmolested. I never saw nor heard anything more 
 of my bold "conscript officer." I arrived in camp that even- 
 ing, and told everybody of my adventures, but was not pun- 
 ished in any way. 
 
 Our division was camped at Montpelier, President Mad- 
 ison's old homestead, a few miles from Orange Court House. 
 As the weather was hot and dry, we did not have any work 
 to do, but lay idle in camp and took a good rest, and re- 
 cruited up after our severe campaigns. 
 
 There was a large cornfield between our pioneer camp 
 and where our brigade was camped, and the corn was in 
 roasting-ears ; but there was a guard kept stationed around 
 the field to keep the soldiers from stealing the corn. There 
 was a road through the field, and on one side the Rapidan 
 river. Every day some of us would go through the field to 
 the brigade, and as we came back we would steal a few ears 
 of corn, and then hide them under our jackets, so the guard 
 could not see them. On the river side there were no guards 
 stationed. We would go above the field and go in swimming, 
 taking sacks along, and swim down the river until we had 
 passed the guards and gotten opposite the cornfield, when 
 we would get out of the water and fill our sacks with corn, 
 and then swim back, keeping the sacks under water. We 
 managed in that way to steal about half the corn that was 
 in the field, although it was guarded night and day as long 
 as we remained in that camp. 
 
 Directly after we arrived at this camp there were about 
 thirty soldiers belonging to the 1st and 3d North Carolina 
 Regiments in our division, who deserted in a body and took 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 189 
 
 their guns with them. They started for home in North 
 Carolina, intending to resist arrest if molested; but when 
 they arrived at the James river they found every ford and 
 ferry guarded, and could not cross. They undertook to 
 force their way, with the result that some were killed and 
 wounded on both sides, some escaped, and ten were captured. 
 They were sent to Richmond and court-martialed imme- 
 diately, and sentenced to be shot to death. They were then 
 sent back to their regiments to be executed in the presence 
 of the whole diviison, as a warning to the balance of us. 
 When they arrived our pioneer corps were detailed to dig 
 the graves, make the coffins, put up the posts and bury them. 
 We planted ten posts in the ground, about three feet high 
 and about fifty feet apart, all in line, boring a hole in each 
 post near the top, and putting in a cross-piece. We dug 
 one large grave in the edge of the woods, large enough to 
 hold the ten coffins. 
 
 When everything was completed and in readiness, the 
 division was formed in a hollow square around the field, ex- 
 cept the side the posts were on. The prisoners were then 
 brought from the guard-house, conducted by a heavy guard, 
 accompanied by the Chaplain and surgeons. As the column 
 entered the field they were headed by the fifers and drum- 
 mers — the drums being muffled — playing the dead march. 
 They had some distance to march before arriving at the 
 place of execution, and I noticed that they kept step and 
 marched as precisely as if they were on drill. 
 
 On arriving at the place they were halted, and the 
 Chaplain talked to and prayed with them. Then an officer 
 took each man, conducted him to his post, placed him on his 
 knees, with his back to/ the post and his arms hooked over 
 the crosspiece, and his hands tied together in front of his 
 body, and then blindfolded him. 
 
 One hundred and fifty men composed the detail for the 
 execution of the prisoners. They were taken from the different 
 commands of the division. The posts before which the pris- 
 oners were placed were fifty feet apart. Ten men marched 
 out in front of each prisoner—making one hundred in all in 
 the front line. One-half the guns were loaded with ball 
 cartridges — having been prepared by some officer so the 
 
190 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 soldier would not know whether his gun was loaded with 
 ball or not. In the rear of each ten men there were five 
 more soldiers with loaded guns, as a reserve, to finish the 
 execution should any of the condemned men not be killed 
 at the first fire. At the command: "Keady! Aim! Fire!" 
 one volley was heard, all the guns in the front rank being 
 discharged. Then a surgeon stepped forward to each pris- 
 oner and felt his pulse. They found two of them not' dead, 
 when the reserve guard stepped out and fired again. When 
 they were pronounced dead the division was marched by 
 them in two ranks, in order that all might see them. 
 
 After the troops had gone to camp the wagons drove up 
 with the coffins, and it was our duty to untie them, place 
 them in the coffins and load them in the wagons. The one 
 that I helped to put awav had received four bullets in his 
 breast, and the rope that his hands were tied with was cut 
 apart by a bullet. We then buried them. The Chaplain, 
 being an Episcopalian, performed the services according to 
 the ritual of his church. 
 
 It cast a gloom over the entire army, for we had never 
 seen so many executed at one time before. But we knew it 
 would never stop desertion in the army, for I believe the 
 more they shot the more deserted, and when they did desert 
 they would go to the enemy, where they knew they would 
 not be found. One day the whole army was formed near 
 Orange Court House and marched in review in columns and 
 inspected by the officers. They kept us marching around all 
 day, and at night we returned to camp. 
 
 As we were cleaning up camp one day we were divided 
 into two squads, sweeping with brush brooniR and doing 
 police work generally. As we finished we met in rear of 
 the camp, and each squad claimed they had done the most 
 work, until, finally, one fellow belonging to the other squad, 
 named James Eoadcap, of the 10th Virginia, got mad at 
 some remark I had made, and struck me over the head and 
 face with his brush broom. I flew at him, and we had a 
 regular knock-down for a few minutes, until some of the 
 others separated us, for fear the officers would see us and 
 put us in the guard-house. But I mashed the knuckle of my 
 little finger against his head, and it is in that fix today, al- 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 191 
 
 though not the least in my way. I think every time I look 
 at it that it is one of the relics of the war. But Jim and I 
 were soon good friends again. I carried a crippled hand for 
 several days, and told the officers I had a boil on it. 
 
192 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BBIGADE. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 In September, as the enemy had advanced their lines 
 from the Eappahannock to the Rapidan, we were moved 
 down the river several miles north of Orange Court House, 
 and camped at Pisgah Church, and commenced fortifying 
 along the south bank of the Rapidan. 
 
 The first day they took us out to work we reported to 
 the engineers, who were laying off some gun-pits for artillery 
 in a potato patch, near a large farmhouse, and as the pio- 
 neers had to wait until they were laid off before we could 
 go to work, we soon commenced digging potatoes. 
 
 I had gotten some distance from my squad and was very 
 busily occupied with the potatoes, not noticing that they had 
 gone to work at the pits, when General George H. Stuart 
 (Maryland Stuart), Brigadier of the 3d Brigade, happened 
 to notice me and saw what I was doing, and came riding up 
 to me, and, before I knew it, was alongside of me. 
 
 "What are you doing here?" said he. He took me so 
 by surprise that I wheeled around, not realizing who had 
 spoken. 
 
 "Digging a gunpit," I replied. 
 
 "The h — 1 you are," said he, "you are digging potatoes ; 
 now go back to your place and let those potatoes alone." 
 
 But I had my haversack full of potatoes, and the boys 
 joked me for a long time about it, and by the time those pits 
 were done there wasn't a potato left in that patch. 
 
 The Yankee pickets were quartered in some houses 
 along the river on the opposite side from us, and our boys 
 would make up a volunteer party and wade the river at night, 
 surround the house and capture the whole post, just for 
 amusement, and get some good, genuine coffee. They had 
 to get the consent, however, of some of the officers first. 
 
 They had made several successful raids of that kind 
 when, one day, as we were working near the river, we located 
 a good post to capture, and as General Ewell came riding up 
 
FODH TEAHS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 193 
 
 at that time some of the boys asked him if we could not go 
 over that night and capture the post. He remarked that it 
 would not amount to anything, and that we would be run- 
 ning a risk that was not at all necessary, and that he had 
 found that if a soldier did his duty in the ranks he had 
 enough to do without volunteering to do any more. 
 
 I often thought of his advice afterwards, and was 
 pleased to think that he would not rush us into danger 
 unless it was necessary. 
 
 As we were making trenches for the infantry we would 
 divide out in squads of three, one pick for two shovels, and 
 as soon as we would finish one piece we would move on up 
 the line. One evening the Lieutenant had gone to camp and 
 left us in charge of Sergeant McGhee, of the 23d Virginia, 
 and when the time arrived to quit work the squad that I 
 was with had not finished our space. As they were all re- 
 turning to camp I proposed that we should go, too, and leave 
 it unfinished. The others sanctioned my proposal, and we 
 went to camp. 
 
 On arriving there the Lieutenant inquired if the line 
 was completed. The Sergeant replied that there were sev- 
 eral spaces unfinished. He wanted to know, then, "Who was 
 working at them, and who proposed leaving it undone?" He 
 was informed that I was the one. He ordered me before his 
 august presence and commenced cursing me, and wanted to 
 know why I did not remain and finish it. I replied that we 
 had done as much work as the balance of the corps, and had 
 gotten that much ahead of them, and that I did not consider 
 that we were required to remain there longer than the 
 others, but that if they would have remained I certainly 
 would. "And furthermore," said I, "you must not curse me, 
 or I will report you to headquarters." 
 
 He then ordered the Sergeant to take me out and make 
 me pile brush for one hour. I went out with the Sergeant, 
 but told him that "I would not pile brush," that "I would 
 go to the guard-house first." That was one advantage a pri- 
 vate had over an officer. An officer can punish a private, 
 but he dare not curse him. 
 
 The Sergeant then went back to the Lieutenant and 
 told him what I had said. He then sent for me and talked 
 
194 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 very mildly, and said that he did not want to punish me; 
 that he knew I was a good hand to work, and that he wanted 
 that to be the last time I disobeyed orders. He knew that 
 I would report him, and 1 he wanted to smooth it over. He 
 told me to go to my quarters, and he never cursed me after- 
 wards. 
 
 Several days after that someone stole his watch out of 
 his tent, and the next morning he had the long roll beat at 
 daylight, and we were ordered to fall in and be ready to 
 march at once. None of us knew that he had lost his watch 
 but the one who stole it, and we were taken by surprise to 
 think there was a move on hand. But it was a ruse of his 
 to search the whole corps for his watch; but no watch was 
 found. He never did get it or hear from it. The fellow 
 who stole it was as sharp as he was, and made way with it. 
 We always suspected Sam Nunnelly stole it, but never knew. 
 Sam would risk his life for a watch. 
 
 On the 8th of October the greater portion of our army 
 crossed the Eapidan, and by a circuitous route, through Mad- 
 ison Court House, came to the Rappahannock river, west of 
 where General Meade's Army lay, the object being to make 
 a flank movement and get in rear of his army and between 
 him and Washington City. 
 
 We met a small force of the enemy, who wanted to op- 
 pose our passage across the river, but they were soon driven 
 back by our cavalry. We had left some of our troops on 
 the south bank of the Rapidan, and the enemy had crossed 
 there, but were repulsed and driven back. 
 
 By this movement General Meade learned General Lee's 
 intentions, and fell back towards Manassas Junction. Out 
 advance troops under General A. P. Hill attacked him at 
 Bristoe Station, but were repulsed. He failed to get in his 
 rear, and before the whole army was up and in line General 
 Meade had fallen back again beyond Bull Run and com- 
 menced fortifying. As Lee was too near Washington to 
 effect a flank movement, there was nothing left for him to 
 do but fall back across the Rappahannock. As we fell back 
 we destroyed the railroad and burned the bridges. 
 
 As we were tearing down the stone abutments of a 
 bridge one day several of us were sent to the base of the 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 195 
 
 "butment" to roll the rocks in the river. Some of the men 
 above, not noticing the party working below, threw a 
 large rock down on us, but fortunately no one was hurt ex- 
 cept myself. One corner of the rock grazed my head and 
 cut a gash about one inch long, and stunned me considera- 
 bly; but I soon recovered and was all right except a sore 
 head for several days. It was a narrow escape, for if it had 
 hit me squarely it would have fairly mashed me. 
 
 The flank movement was planned all right, but failed 
 in its execution, as the enemy found out our movements soon 
 after we started. We did not have Jackson, with his secrecy 
 and midnight marches, to take them by surprise. He was 
 the only General in the army that could make a move of that 
 kind succesfully. It was the same kind of a move, and over 
 some of the same ground, that he had made in rear of Gen- 
 eral Pone previous to the second battle of Manassas. Our 
 other Generals were good defensive Generals, but we never 
 had a General that could execute a flank movement like 
 General Jackson. During the balance of the war we had to 
 fight the enemy when attacked, and fortify in order to hold 
 our own. 
 
 After crossing the Rappahannock our division went into 
 camp near Brandy Station, and as the weather was getting 
 cold some of the soldiers commenced building winter quar- 
 ters, although we had no orders to do so. 
 
 My mess hesitated in building quarters, fearing that we 
 would have to move again, and leave them, but as regiment 
 after regiment continued to build and the officers were hav- 
 ing permanent quarters put up, we concluded that we would 
 build also. Charley Cross, Sam Nunnelly, John Hawkins 
 and myself were messing together. We went to work in 
 earnest and put up a nice log shantv, covered it with clap- 
 boards, went to an old barn near by and got some planks 
 for a floor and bunks, built a stick chimney, and were pre- 
 pared to live in high style. 
 
 The evening we finished it I built a fire in the fireplace 
 to see how my chimney would draw. Hawkins cooked sup- 
 per, and just after dark we were seated on the floor partak- 
 ing of our evening meal, and complaining of being very tired, 
 as we had worked hard, when the unwelcome sound of "long 
 
196 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 roll" aroused us from our reveries, and we had to fall in 
 ranks, bag and baggage, and march off at a quick march 
 down the river to Kelley's Ford, where Bodes' Division was 
 quartered. 
 
 We learned that the enemy had crossed in force, taking 
 our troops by surprise and capturing the greater portion of 
 two regiments. We were halted in Eodes' camp, where his 
 men had rushed out in line of battle in order to check the 
 enemy, and had left everything belonging to them in their 
 shanties except their arms. We remained there about one 
 hour, and plundered their camp thoroughly, taking what- 
 ever we could make use of. We then marched back, passed 
 our quarters, and continued all night towards Culpeper 
 Court House. That was the last time I saw our shanty from 
 that day to this. 
 
 That night, on the march, Sam Nunnelly came to me 
 and gave me what he thought to be a bag of smoking to- 
 bacco, as I was a great smoker and he did not use the weed. 
 So I filled my pipe to take a good smoke, but, after a few 
 puffs, I found I had something besides tobacco in my pipe, 
 as it burned my tongue and seemed to set my mouth on fire. 
 I then went to a light to examine the contents of the bag, 
 and found it to be cayenne pepper. I was going to fight 
 Sam about it, thinking he had done it intentionally, but he 
 declared he thought it was tobacco, as it was in a tobacco 
 sack; but we kept the pepper all the same, and used it on 
 our meat. 
 
 General Early's Division was guarding the river above 
 our division, and had two brigades on the north side of the 
 river, and a pontoon bridge thrown across. They were at- 
 tacked in the night, taken by surprise, and nearly all cap- 
 tured. There were not many killed or wounded in these en- 
 gagements, but we lost about 2,000 prisoners and two strong 
 positions, and General Lee was compelled to fall back across 
 the Eapidan to our old position that we had left in October. 
 It showed a good piece of generalship on the part of Gen- 
 eral Meade, and neglect on the part of our division command- 
 ers, but as the enemy had never been known to make an 
 advance in the night with such desperate and quiet charges, 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 197 
 
 our troops were taken by surprise before they could realize 
 the situation. 
 
 The second night of our retreat I laid down in a fence 
 corner near Culpeper Court House, by a good fire made of 
 rails, went to sleep with my feet to the fire, and got to 
 dreaming of having my feet mashed as in a vise, and awak- 
 ened with so much suffering that I at once grabbed my feet 
 and found that my shoes were burned to a crisp, and held 
 my feet like a vise sure enough. I took them off in a hurry 
 and could never get them on again. I had to go on to camp 
 barefooted, although the weather was severely cold. 
 
 When we arrived in camp Sam Nunnelly was missing, 
 and we thought he was captured; but some of the boys said 
 they would bet he was out plundering some place. 
 
 Sure enough, the next day Sam came riding into camp 
 on a crippled cavalry horse he had picked up, barebacked 
 and with a rope bridle. He had such a load of plunder that 
 he looked like a Jew peddler. The boys all commenced teas- 
 ing him and wanted him to "divide up." They wanted to 
 know if he had joined the cavalry, and where were his spurs, 
 and stripes, as we thought he ought to be a Brigadier. 
 
 Sam was as good-hearted a fellow as ever lived ; a brave 
 soldier, and) one of the best foragers in camp. If there was 
 anything to be had for love or money or by stealing it, Sam 
 would have it ; but he was the greatest of all in plundering a 
 battle-field. Sam said he intended to keep that horse to for- 
 age with, but he soon had to turn him over to the quarter- 
 master. 
 
 Our division was camped near, and guarding Ger- 
 manna Ford, on the Rapidan. On the 27th of November 
 General Meade crossed the river and undertook a flank 
 movjment around our army; but our division was marched 
 out to intercept him, and as we were marching along the road 
 near Mine Run, we were suddenly attacked. The division 
 was thrown into confusion for a few moments, but General 
 Johnson soon faced them in line towards the enemy, and 
 charged them so vigorously that they were soon repulsed, 
 and by the time the other division arrived the battle was 
 over. Our loss in killed and wounded was about 450; the 
 
198 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 enemy's must have been double that number, as we fought 
 the 3d Corps (French's) and one division of the 5th. 
 
 We were marching in front of the division as usual, 
 when all at once we heard firing in our rear on the road that 
 we had just passed along. The attack was so sudden and 
 unlooked for that if it had not been for the presence of mind 
 and indomitable courage of General Johnson, the other offi- 
 cers and the men, the whole division might have been routed 
 and the flank of our whole army turned, our strong position 
 taken and a repetition of the affair of Brandy Station and 
 Kelley's Ford enacted. But as it was, General Lee formed 
 his line that night on the south bank of Mine Kun, on a 
 commanding position, and fortified. 
 
 For several days General Meade lay in front of us with 
 his whole army, and kept up a skirmish and artillery fight, 
 but declined a general engagement. We heard from some 
 prisoners that at one time he had ordered an attack, but 
 thinking our position too strong he countermanded the or- 
 der and fell back to the north bank of the Rapidan. 
 
 While we lay in line of battle on Mine Run two men 
 belonging to the Louisiana Brigade were sentenced to be 
 shot, and were taken out in front of the works to be exe- 
 cuted, but they broke and ran to the enemy's line and es- 
 caped. The guards fired at them, but did not hit them, and 
 did not try, I suppose, for we did not want to see any of 
 the soldiers executed, and would give them every chance to 
 escape that we could so as not to incriminate ourselves. 
 
 After everything was quiet we marched back and went 
 into winter quarters near Orange Court House. Our pioneer 
 troops happened to get some good quarters, already built, 
 that had been vacated by a battalion of artillerymen. So 
 we were repaid for the quarters we lost at Brandy Station. 
 
 When we were camped at Pisgah Church, early in the 
 fall, John Hawkins, of the 23d Virginia, was acquainted with 
 a family named Kube, near Mine Run, and insisted that I 
 should go on a visit with him one Sunday to see them. I 
 readily consented as soon as he had informed me that there 
 were two or three good-looking young ladies there. We paid 
 them a visit and spent a pleasant time. I was considerably 
 smitten with one of them, Miss Mollie, and, being invited to 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 199 
 
 come again, we visited them at every opportunity, and I 
 came nearer falling in love than I had during any time of 
 the war. 
 
 When we were lying in line of battle at Mine Eun we 
 were near the house, and several shells fell in their yard, 
 and, of course, Hawkins and myself sympathized with them 
 and watched every opportunity to offer them protection 
 should they need it, as the family was composed of a widowed 
 mother and three daughters, their son and brother being in 
 a different portion of the army, and the husband and father 
 dead. 
 
 After going into winter quarters we visited them several 
 times and enjoyed their company hugely. The other boys 
 would tease us and want to know when we were going again 
 to "Cuba." We lay quietly in camp, with nothing to do except 
 keep the roads in repair between our camps and Orange 
 Court House, where we drew our supplies. Thus ended the 
 campaign of 1863. 
 
200 FOUK TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 XX. 
 
 General Meade displayed better generalship than any 
 General in the Northern army that we had to contend with, 
 except General McClellan, and came nearer baffling General 
 Lee than any of the others by his vigorous and prompt 
 movements and his secrecy in every movement from Gettys- 
 burg to Mine Eun. 
 
 The pioneer troops were divided into messes of twelve, 
 and one of the twelve remained in camp to cook, while the 
 others went out to work. During the winter of 1863 and '64 
 I was cook for our mess. 
 
 One day as they returned from work Sam Nunnelly 
 brought a pig along that he had caught in the road near 
 some negro shanties, and gave it to me to raise. I told him 
 I did not want to be bothered with it, but he insisted we 
 should keep it, and as it was quite a pet we adopted it and 
 called it "Susan Jane." It would run around the quarters 
 and eat the scraps and find some corn at the stables and get 
 plenty to eat. At night we would let it sleep in our shanty 
 under the bunks ; but when we got up every morning it would 
 be lying in the fire-place in the ashes to keep warm. Every 
 wash day we would wash it clean in the suds, and then 
 make it stand up on the bed until it got dry. It was a white 
 pig and improved rapidly, and was as tame as a dog and 
 would follow any one who called it. I had to tie a clog to 
 it to keep it from following some of the soldiers to their 
 camps. 
 
 One day it got loose from the clog and I could not find 
 it; but some one told me they had seen it following some Geor- 
 gians who belonged to Rodes' Division. I hurried over to 
 Rodes' Division, which was camped about one-half mile from 
 us, and just got there in time to save its throat from being 
 cut, and it being made a feast of by the Georgians. It was a 
 great pet in camp and I had to watch it continually to keep 
 it from being stolen from me, as it would make good pork 
 
FOUB YEABS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 201 
 
 any time. Every one who knew it said they never saw a 
 hog increase in weight so rapidly. 
 
 About the first of April I concluded to butcher it and 
 have a barbecue for the whole company, as it would weigh 
 about two hundred pounds, and we did not know how soon 
 we would have to start on a campaign. Lieutenant Cockrill, 
 of the 2d Virginia, had spoken for the head for his mess ; but 
 we were all doomed to disappointment, for a few days before 
 the slaughter was to take place "Susan Jane" turned up 
 missing, and we never saw her again. I always thought the 
 Louisianians stole her, as they had made the attempt several 
 times. Anyway, I lost my pork. 
 
 Soldiers are very fond of pets, as I think all persons 
 are who are isolated from home. Nearly every separate 
 command had some kind of pet. The Louisiana Brigade had 
 a medium sized dog, black and white spotted, very intelli- 
 gent, called "Sawbuck." Nearly every one in the division 
 knew the dog. He would go into battle with the brigade, 
 dashing up and down the line barking and making all the 
 racket he could. One time he got wounded in the fore leg, 
 and never would go in again. The boys said "Sawbuck" 
 was playing "old soldier." If he would happen to get lost 
 from the brigade when they went into camp after a day's 
 march, he would station himself by the road and watch for 
 the stragglers until he saw one belonging to his brigade, then 
 follow him to camp. He knew every man who belonged to 
 Stafford's Louisiana Brigade. 
 
 Mjy father came from Bockingham to see me in this 
 camp and brought me a new pair of boots and some new 
 clothing; also a box of good things to eat, which were rel- 
 ished by my mess. He remained with us several days and 
 then went home. Some of the boys would get up parties 
 and dances in the country, and have a houseful of ladies. 
 We would take the musicians from camp, and, altogether, 
 spent a pleasant time that winter. 
 
 Considerable snow fell that winter, and every time it 
 snowed the soldiers would turn out and have snow-ball bat- 
 tles. One day our division challenged Bodes' Division to 
 battle in a large field. They came out, and the battle raged 
 with various success until towards evening, when a great 
 
202 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 many of our division got tired of it and went to camp. When 
 Bodes' men saw our line weakened 'they brought up some 
 fresh troops and made a charge and ran us into our quarters, 
 and then fell back, formed a new line and dared us out. 
 It looked rather bad for us to be defeated in that way, so 
 some of the boys went to General Walker and got him to 
 come out and take command. 
 
 It was fun for Walker, so he mounted his horse, col- 
 lected his staff, and sent conscript officers all over camp and 
 forced the men out. We had signal corps at work, took our 
 colors out in line, had the drummers and fifers beat the 
 long roll, had couriers carrying dispatches and everything 
 done like in a regular engagement with the enemy. 
 
 In the meantime Eodes' men were making snow balls, 
 and had piles of them along the crest of the ridge ready for 
 us when we should charge. Some of their officers on horse- 
 back started on a raid to get in our rear and capture our 
 wagon train. They did get in our rear and came across 
 three wagons that were going to the station for rations, and 
 rode alongside and commenced whipping the mules and 
 started off with them at a gallop, the drivers not knowing 
 what it all meant. But our officers got after them and re- 
 captured the wagons and dispersed them, and they had to 
 make a circuit of about five miles to get back to their lines. 
 Several of them lost their hats and never did find them. 
 
 When General Walker got everything in readiness, and 
 the line formed, he ordered us to charge up close to Eodes' 
 men and then wheel and fall back, so as to draw them after 
 us and away from the piles of snowballs they had made. 
 When the drums beat we were to wheel again and charge 
 them and run them over the hill and capture their snowballs. 
 We did so and the plan worked successfully. At the same 
 time the Louisiana brigade slipped around through the woods 
 and struck them on the left flank, by surprise, and the rout 
 was complete. We ran them, on to their camps and through 
 them, and as some of the Louisianans were returning they 
 stole some cooking utensils from Eodes' men and kept them. 
 We captured several stands of colors, but we had lost sev- 
 eral in the earlier part of the fight. Officers would be capt- 
 ured and pulled off their horses and washed in the snow, 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 203 
 
204 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 but all took it in good part. After the fight was over we 
 went out with a flag of truce and exchanged prisoners. 
 
 It was probably the greatest snowball battle ever fought, 
 and showed that "men are but children of larger growth." 
 The Eichmond papers had several columns each giving an 
 account of the battle. If all battles would terminate that 
 way it would be a great improvement on the old slaughter- 
 ing plan. 
 
 Directly after we went into winter quarters, near Or- 
 ange Court House, the Louisiana brigade and our brigade 
 joined together and built a large log house, covered it with 
 clapboards, erected a stage, organized a theatrical troupe of 
 negro minstrels and gave performances nearly every night 
 to a crowded audience. "Admission one dollar — net pro- 
 ceeds to be given to widows and orphans of Confederate 
 soldiers." 
 
 Noble T. Johnson, of the 5th Virginia, was one of the 
 end men, handled the bones, and was one of the most com- 
 ical characters I ever saw. He could keep the house in a 
 roar of applause all the time. Miller, of the 1st Louisiana, 
 was banjoist, and a splendid performer. They would write 
 some of their own plays, suitable to the times and occasion. 
 
 One splendid piece was called the "Medical Board" — a 
 burlesque on the surgeons. The characters were a number 
 of surgeons sitting around a table playing cards, with a 
 bottle of brandy on the table, which was passed around quite 
 frequently, until one doctor inquired how they came to get 
 such good brandy. 
 
 "Oh! this is some that was sent down from Augusta 
 County for the sick soldiers, but the poor devils don't need 
 it, so we'll drink it." 
 
 Then a courier would come in and inform them that 
 "there was a soldier outside badly wounded. 
 
 "Bring him in ! bring him in !" said the chief surgeon. 
 When brought in an examination would take place with the 
 result that his arm would have to be amputated. Then the 
 poor fellow wanted to know if when that was done he could 
 not have a furlough. 
 
 "Oh! no," replied the surgeon. A further examination 
 developed that his leg would have to be amputated. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 205 
 
 "Then can I have a furlough?" said the soldier. 
 
 "By no means/' replied the surgeon, "for you can drive 
 an ambulance when you get well." 
 
 It was finally determined by the medical board, as he 
 was wounded in the head, that his head would have to 
 come off. 
 
 "Then," says the soldier, "I know I can have a fur- 
 lough." 
 
 "No, indeed," replied the surgeon, "we are so scarce 
 of men that your body will have to be set up in the breast- 
 works to fool the enemy." 
 
 Many such pieces as the foregoing were acted — bur- 
 lesques on the officers, quartermasters and commissaries, or 
 whatever was interesting and amusing. Taking it all to- 
 gether we had splendid performances. I have never seen 
 better since the war, as we had amongst us professional actors 
 and musicians; and the theatre became a great place of re- 
 sort to while away the dull winter nights. 
 
 As I was a shoemaker and had a few tools, such as 
 awl, claw-hammer and pocket-knife, I was prepared to half- 
 sole the boys' shoes. I made my own pegs and a last. The 
 next thing, and most important, was leather. Sometimes we 
 could get government leather from the quartermaster; but 
 in order to obviate that difficulty I formed a partnership 
 with Sam McFadden, a messmate, of the 14th Louisiana. 
 Sam was to steal the leather, such as cartridge-box lids, 
 saddle-skirts, and housings from the harness, as they were 
 very common on the Virginia harness used in the army. 
 We would then charge five dollars in "Confed" for half- 
 soling, and divide, which kept us in spending money. 
 
 One night as we were returning from a visit to our 
 brigade, in passing the tent of the Colonel of the 2d Vir- 
 ginia, we noticed his McClellan saddle hung up on the out- 
 side. Sam said that was a good chance to lay in a stock 
 of leather, as the firm was about out. Consequently we 
 clipped the skirts off and went on to our quarters; but as 
 there were several soldiers in our shanty who did not belong 
 there, we concluded to leave the saddle skirts on the out- 
 side until the coast was clear, knowing full well the Colonel 
 
206 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 would raise a racket in the morning about his saddle being 
 cut. 
 
 After the crowd had dispersed we went out to bring in 
 our stock, but it was gone. Some one had stolen it from 
 us. We never did hear of those skirts again, and were afraid 
 to inquire for fear the Colonel would hear of it and have 
 us punished. 
 
 Our division was not called out for any active service 
 during the winter of 1863-4 until in March, when the Fed- 
 eral cavalry crossed the Rappahannock under Kilpatrick and 
 Dalgren on their raid to capture Richmond. They were 
 repulsed, when our corps was sent down to the old battle- 
 field of Chancellorsville to head them off, but they did not 
 return that way. After lying there one day our corps re- 
 turned to camp. As I was cook I was left in camp, and had 
 charge of the camp in their absence. The boys reported 
 that the old battle ground was full of bones bleached white 
 by exposure, as the bodies of the slain had been covered very 
 shallow, and the rains had washed the dirt off. 
 
 We were kept busy fortifying along the Rapidan, mak- 
 ing roads and doing picket duty until May 4, 1864, when we 
 heard that General Grant had taken command of the "Army 
 of the Potomac" in person and was crossing the Rapidan at 
 Germanna and Ely's fords with his whole army, intending 
 to turn General Lee's right and march on to Richmond. 
 
 My old Company A was quite small at this time. It 
 consisted of Sergeant William Montgomery and John Tharp, 
 who had returned to the company from Imboden's cavalry; 
 James Gaither, William Sivells; Captain William Poweil, 
 who was not well yet from his wound ; Jos. Carder, who was 
 detailed as Commissary Sergeant; Elisha Carder, the drum- 
 mer nick-named "Purty," Joe McNemar, who was sick in 
 the hospital, and myself, detailed in the pioneer troops. 
 
 Lee's Army left camp on the morning of the 4th of 
 May and marched all day towards the enemy, passed by 
 Mine Run and the house where Miss Mollie Kube lived. I 
 called in and gave her farewell and have never seen or 
 heard of her since. So that wound up my army courtship. 
 
 The next morning, the 5th, we were on the march again 
 and soon heard the skirmishers engaged. It was not long 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 207 
 
 until the battle of the Wilderness opened with great fury. 
 We pioneers were halted while the battle raged the hottest, 
 but were soon ordered up to the front and commenced for- 
 tifying. 
 
 We found our troops had repulsed and driven the enemy 
 some distance, and we were ordered to make a line of works 
 in order to hold our position. We worked with the- troops 
 nearly all night and had a very good line by daylight. 
 
 I got a pocket diary out of a dead Yankee's pocket that 
 evening and he had written in it that morning just after 
 he had crossed the river. It ran thus: "May 5th our corps 
 has crossed the river safely and seen no Rebels yet; have 
 not heard a gun fired." 
 
 But the poor fellow soon met the Rebels and lay cold 
 in death. I kept the diary for a long time intending, if I 
 ever had an opportunity, to send it home to his parents, as 
 their address was in it. He was from Pennsylvania; but, 
 having lost it, I have forgotten his name. On the 6th the 
 battle iaged again with fury, Grant making the attack at 
 different points along the line, but he was everywhere re- 
 pulsed with great slaughter, as our men had gathered up 
 all the guns from the dead and wounded, and had them 
 loaded and ready for a charge. Towards night the troops 
 on our right charged the enemy under Generals Shaler and 
 Seymour, capturing them and nearly all of their commands. 
 They came near routing the whole army; but it was then 
 dark and they did not know how successful they had been, 
 and did not push on. 
 
 General Grant, on the 7th, seeing that he was foiled 
 and outgeneraled, commenced moving to the right. A por- 
 tion of our army, keeping on the move parallel with him, 
 had considerable skirmishing and fighting. Our corps re- 
 mained in the Wilderness on the 7th to watch their move- 
 ments and bury the dead. At one place in front of the 3d 
 Brigade, where the enemy had made a desperate charge on 
 the 6th, we buried five hundred of them that lay in line 
 as they fell. Our troops at this place only lost two men, 
 and one of them was shot accidentally. 
 
 Sergeant Bradly, nicknamed "Doggie" because he could 
 bark like a fice, of Company P, was on the skirmish line on 
 
208 FOUE YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 the fifth. He always held to the theory that if a man was 
 born to be killed he would be killed anyway and there was 
 no use in trying to protect himself from the bullets. As 
 the firing was heavy, and each man behind a tree on the 
 skirmish line, some one hallooed to "Doggie" to get behind 
 a tree or he would be killed. He replied that if he was 
 "to be killed the tree wouldn't save him," and remained 
 where he was. In a few moments he was shot dead. I 
 never believed in such a theory and would shield myself all 
 I could. 
 
 One evening one of our officers was telling us that he 
 had found a wounded Yankee officer down in the pines; 
 that he had a fine gold watch and had taken it off and 
 wrapped it up in a piece of paper and put it in his pants' 
 pocket; that he was mortally wounded and unconscious, and 
 would die soon, when he would go back and get the watch, 
 as he did not like to take anything from a wounded man. 
 Sam Nunnelly heard him telling this. That was enough 
 for Sam — he was soon missing. When he came back I 
 asked him if he had not been down there and taken that 
 watch from the Yankee. He said he had, as the man was 
 about dead anyhow, and that the Lieutenant would never 
 see that watch. 
 
 As we started out to bury the dead there was one of the 
 Federals lying beside the road, who had been killed about 
 the first fire, and had lain there nearly three days. I had 
 noticed him the first. I and another soldier started to 
 bury him, when the other fellow said: "Hold on until I 
 search him." I said that was no use, as he had been lying 
 there so long, and thousands of troops had passed by him, 
 and that he had probably been searched before he got cold. 
 But he kept on searching and finally found forty dollars 
 in greenbacks. I then wanted him to divide, but he re- 
 fused to do so. After that I searched every one I helped to 
 bury, but found nothing but a few pocket-knives. 
 
 We got out of rations during this battle and could not 
 get to our wagons, but the Yankees had four or five days' 
 rations of "hard tack" and bacon in their haversacks, and we 
 would get them from the dead. I have been so hungry that 
 I have cut the blood off from crackers and eaten them. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 209 
 
 On the 8th oub corps moved on down the line as Gen- 
 eral Grant was concentrating his force near Spottsylvania 
 Court House. But General Lee had headed him off, and 
 there was considerable fighting that day. Our whole line 
 was formed in the evening, and that night we fortified again. 
 General Longstreet's Corps, commanded by General Ander- 
 son, fought them on the 8th, General Longstreet having been 
 wounded on the 6th. 
 
 There was considerable skirmishing and artillery firing 
 on the 9th, and General Sedgewick, commanding . the 6th 
 United States Corps, was bantering some of his men, so it 
 was reported by prisoners, about dodging their heads at the 
 whistling of the Rebel bullets, and said that we could not 
 hit an elephant at that distance. A moment afterwards he 
 was killed, pierced through the brain by a Rebel bullet. He 
 was one of their best corps commanders. 
 
 On the 10th they made a desperate attempt to carry 
 our works on the left of our corps, and succeeded in getting 
 over the works at one point, but were repulsed and driven 
 back to their lines. Each army would fortify at night, and 
 through the day, when not fighting, in order to hold the 
 ground they had gained, and resist an attack. On the night of 
 the 10th Sam Nunnelly came to me and said we would get 
 over in front of our works that night and plundered the dead, 
 as he knew there were plenty of them there that had never 
 been searched. I told him I would not do it, as we would be 
 in danger of being shot by our own men as well as the enemy. 
 But he said he would go by himself and crawl around and 
 "play off" wounded. So he went, and was gone all night, 
 coming back at daylight. He got three watches, some money, 
 knives and other things. He would risk his life any time 
 for plunder. 
 
 On the 11th there was some skirmishing and heavy 
 artillery firing from both sides, and everyone who had to 
 be near the front had a hole dug to get into. Our line in 
 front of our corps was crescent shaped — our division in the 
 center, Hill's and Longstreet's to the right and left. We 
 were exposed to shells from two directions and shells from 
 one direction would drop in behind the works from the 
 
210 FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 opposite angle. Therefore, on part of the line we had to 
 throw dirt on each side of the ditch. 
 
 While making a ditch of this kind on the 11th they 
 opened on us with artillery. Most of the pioneers ran to 
 another ditch, which was already completed, for protection. 
 Several of them, myself included, remained where we were 
 working, and among the number was one great, big cowardly 
 fellow named Ayleshire, of the 10th Virginia, who always 
 carried a big knapsack and wore a No. 13 shoe. He was six 
 feet high and could take half a plug of tobacco at one chew. 
 At the first fire he fell flat to the ground. As the shells 
 passed over he would attempt to rise to run to the works, 
 but by the time he would get on his hands and knees another 
 shell would pass over, when he would fall flat and stretch 
 out as before. He would then attempt to rise again, but 
 never did get on his feet to run. He kept up that motion 
 while the shelling lasted, which was about half an hour. 
 He had nearly pumped himself to death, and had the ground 
 all pawed up with his feet — the balance of us laughing at 
 him and hallooing to him to "Run Ayleshire ! run Ayleshire !" 
 If I had known I would be killed for it the next minute I 
 could not have helped laughing at him, it was so ridiculous. 
 I was wishing a shell wound take his knapsack off without 
 hurting him. If one had I believe he would have died right 
 there from fright. 
 
 On the night of the 11th every preparation was made 
 for a big battle, as both armies lay close together. The 
 space between the two lines was thick with underbrush and 
 little jack oaks, which stood so close that we could not see 
 twenty steps in advance. The artillery was posted behind 
 the works with the muzzles pointing over and the horses 
 were all taken to the rear. The cannoneers themselves had 
 pits dug to shield them. The ambulance corps, the bands 
 and musicians, with the pioneers, all had pits to get into, as 
 at times the shells would fairly rain over us. 
 
 As the army had been marching, fighting, or working, 
 night and day ever since the morning of the 4th, with but 
 little sleep, one-third of the men were allowed to sleep at a 
 time, on their arms. The others had to keep on the look- 
 out for an attack. We had a skirmish line a little in front 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 211 
 
 Lieut. -Gen. John B. Gordon, of Georgia, 
 (From a war-time photograph.) 
 
212 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 of the works and a line of videttes on top of the works. A 
 detail of pioneers was sent back to the rear to cook rations 
 and bring them up before daylight. 
 
 But just at daylight on the morning of the 12th, it being 
 so foggy that a man could not be seen ten feet away, and 
 having massed their troops in front of our corps, and in 
 front of the crescent, or horseshoe, the enemy made a charge, 
 and before the men knew it they were coming over the 
 works in front of the second brigade of our division in solid 
 column. They filed out to the right and left, firing at us 
 behind our breastworks. 
 
 The result was they got possession of that part of the 
 works held by our division, captured sixteen pieces of our 
 artillery, .and about two-thirds of our division, together with 
 our Division Commander, General Ed. Johnson, wounded our 
 Brigadier, General Walker, and demoralized the balance of 
 the division. All that escaped had to "run for it" some 
 distance, but were soon rallied by General Gordon, who took 
 command and formed into line. The troops from the right 
 and left of our line closed in and checked the enemy until 
 Hill's and Longstreet's corps came up, when the enemy 
 were driven back, and part of the works regained, but the 
 battle raged with great fury at that point from daylight until 
 dark; bullets rained and shells shrieked, but we never did 
 recover all our lines, nor our artillery. 
 
 The enemy had the key to our position, and if they had 
 not been checked there by the most desperate fighting on 
 record, the whole of Lee's army would have been routed, 
 and General Lee knew it. He came dashing up to take the 
 head of the troops in a charge, knowing full well that the 
 men would follow him any place he went; but the soldiers 
 caught him and held him back, when General Gordon rode 
 up and made him go back, saying : "General Lee, you must 
 go to the rear; we are Virginians and Georgians, and we will 
 recover your lines, won't we, boys?" They answered with 
 a yell, when Gordon took them to the front, and General 
 Lee was forced to the rear. 
 
 As there has been some controversy in regard to what 
 troops took General Lee to the rear, I will here explain 
 and settle that controversy, The Texas Brigade took Gen- 
 
FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 313 
 
 eral Lee to the rear on the 6th of May, at the battle of the 
 Wilderness. Under similar circumstances the Georgians and 
 Virginians took him to the rear on the 12th of May at the 
 battle of Spottsylvania Court House, or "Bloody Angle." 
 
 Sergeant Will Montgomery and John Tharp were cap- 
 tured, and James Gaither, after getting out some distance, 
 as he turned around to look at the enemy, was struck by a 
 ball in the eye and fell dead. That was three more of 
 Company A gone, which left but two in ranks, William 
 Sivells and myself. 
 
 I was going to the front that morning with rations, 
 but the fight opened before we got there. The firing with 
 small arms was kept up during the whole night, and we 
 had to form a new line across the Angle and work all night 
 through a thicket of pines. Some were building breastworks, 
 cutting down trees, which fell in every direction, some car- 
 rying them and piling them up, others with picks, shovels, 
 bayonets and tin-cups throwing up earth on top of the logs, 
 it being at the same time so dark we could not see each other, 
 and we so sleepy we could hardly stand up. 
 
 I was digging with a pick, and every time I would stick 
 it in the ground it would get fast in the pine roots, which 
 was very aggravating. The bullets whistled around us all 
 night, and every few minutes some one was hit with a ball. 
 Daniel Hoffman, a North Carolinian, was shoveling after 
 me as I was digging, and I heard a bullet "spat," when he 
 fell over and hallooed out that he was "hit." 
 
 "Are you hurt bad?" I asked. 
 
 "No, I think not," said he. "I am hit in the leg." 
 His brother George was working along the line some place, 
 and I called to him and told him Daniel had a "furlough," 
 and to come and take him to the rear. He did so, and I 
 never heard of him afterwards. 
 
 It got to be a common saying among the soldiers, when 
 a man got wounded, that he had received a "furlough," and 
 the length of his furlough was rated according to his wound. 
 If mortally wounded he had his "final discharge." A sol- 
 dier who received a moderate wound was considered in luck, 
 as he could go to the rear and get a rest and nurse his wound, 
 wounded soldiers being the only ones furloughed. 
 
214 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Generals Lee and Ewell walked up and down the line 
 all night encouraging the men to work, and telling us that 
 "the fate of the army depended on having that line done 
 by daylight," and I knew by the way they acted that it was 
 a critical time. At daylight the works were filled with 
 troops expecting a charge; but everything was quiet. Gen- 
 eral Grant had withdrawn his troops from our front and we 
 lay undisturbed all day. 
 
FOUR YEAHS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 215 
 
 XXI. 
 
 That was one time I cannot help but think General 
 Grant displayed poor generalship, for he had gained a great 
 advantage over us. If he had made a desperate attack that 
 morning with the superior number of troops he had, he 
 certainly would have driven us from the field and turned 
 our flank and captured a great portion of the army and 
 compelled General Lee to surrender then and there, instead 
 of a year hence. But he quietly gave up all the advantage 
 he had gained with such immense loss, being baffled again, 
 and started on another flank movement. He kept up those 
 flank movements until he arrived at Petersburg on the south 
 side of the James. 
 
 Every move he would make brought him nearer Kich- 
 mond ; but he was going all the time in an oblique direction, 
 with General Lee's army moving parallel with him, and every 
 time he attempted a direct course he was headed off and 
 confronted by Lee. After every battle Grant would dispatch 
 north that he was so many miles nearer Eichmond, which 
 was true, and they in the North would think he was driv- 
 ing us straight back, when the fact was he was no nearer, 
 so far as the army was concerned, when he reached the 
 James river than he was at the Wilderness. He could have 
 gotten that close, as respects distance in miles, on the 5th 
 of May, without a battle; but he had lost thousands of men 
 in the attempt, and was just wearing our army out by de- 
 grees, for what we lost could not be replaced, as we did 
 not have the men to draw from. No prisoners were being 
 exchanged at this time, and General Grant knew if he lost 
 ten thousand men every day they could be replaced by new 
 ones, while we could not get a man. General Lee had about 
 fifty thousand men when the Wilderness fight commenced 
 and General Grant one hundred and twenty-five thousand. 
 
 During the battle on the 12th there were two trees cut 
 down with bullets that 6tood between the lines. One was 
 
 13 
 
216 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 3tump of the Tree Cut Down by Bullets at Spottsylvania 
 
 Court House, Hay 12th, 1864. 
 
 Taken from "The Blue and Gray." 
 
FOUR YEAHS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 217 
 
 eighteen inches across the stump, the other, a pine, twelve 
 inches across. They were cut so near off that they fell, and 
 nothing but bullets hit them. I have heard that the stumps 
 were taken up and taken to Washington and kept there as 
 trophies. 
 
 It is related that as the Federals were rushing our pris- 
 oners to the rear and punching them with bayonets to hurry 
 them up, "Clubby" Johnson, who was also a prisoner, halted 
 in the road and, waving his "club" in the air, cursing, swore 
 he would not move another step, but die there if they did 
 not quit bayoneting his men; and that he worked his ears 
 backward and forward and was in a terrible rage. They 
 then quit punching them with the bayonets and all were 
 marched to General Grant's headquarters. I was told this 
 by Bob Coffman since the war. Bob belonged to the 10th 
 Virginia Regiment and was captured at the same time. 
 
 We lay still for several days, with the exception of 
 some skirmishing, until the 18th, when General Bwell took 
 our corps and moved in front of our works to find out what 
 the Yanks were doing. If they kept still for a few days it 
 was a sure sign they were making a move of some kind. We 
 marched several miles to the front and found the enemy 
 had abandoned the ground in front of us. 
 
 Our skirmish line, however, suddenly came to their 
 wagon train as it was moving along the road and captured 
 a great many wagons; but as the balance of the troops were 
 marching along the road some distance behind, the enemy 
 sent some of their infantry back and drove off our skirmish 
 line and recaptured them before our troops could be formed 
 in line of battle. The enemy, thinking it was some cavalry, 
 attempted to charge us, but were repulsed. They finally 
 brought up more troops and it seemed at one time that there 
 would be a general engagement. 
 
 Our troops lay silently in line, and just at dark we 
 could hear the enemy ordering a charge. The command 
 was "Forward! Remember Fort Pillow! Charge!" But they 
 could not tell exactly where our line was, as our men were 
 ordered not to fire until they came close up. The enemy 
 would charge a short distance, fire a volley and then break 
 and run back. We could hear the officers rallying them and 
 
218 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 ordering another charge. This they did three times, 
 the command being the same, to "Remember Fort Pillow ! 
 Charge!" Our line never fired a shot and the enemy soon 
 retired. We lay there for some time and then fell in and 
 marched back to camp that night. 
 
 We had just heard of General Forrest killing the negro 
 troops at Fort Pillow, and it seemed to inspire the enemy 
 with great bravery to have revenge. 
 
 Our troops had captured a whole company of Federals 
 that evening who had been stationed at Washington all the 
 time of the war as heavy artillerymen, and only a few days 
 before had been ordered to the front and given muskets to 
 guard the wagon train. They were captured the first en- 
 gagement they were in, and without firing a shot, and were 
 sent to Richmond. They hated it very much, but there was 
 no help for it. There was one very clever fellow among 
 them who took it so hard that I would have assisted him 
 to escape, but had no opportunity. 
 
 General Lee, anticipating General Grant's move, marched 
 out and formed a line of battle between the North Anna and 
 South Anna rivers before General Grant reached the North 
 Anna. Being baffled again, there being no fighting except 
 some skirmishing, General Grant swung around to the right 
 when he found Lee confronting him at Hanover Junction. 
 
 On the 23d, and again on the 25th, General Grant made 
 attempts on the Confederates, but was repulsed. General 
 Grant then left the North Anna, and on the 27th and 28th 
 his entire army was across the Pamunkey. 
 
 General Lee formed his line so as to cover all the wagon 
 roads and railroads leading into Richmond from a distance 
 of about ten miles. General Ewell being now unable, from 
 ill health and the loss of one leg, for service in the field, 
 was assigned to duty in Richmond, and General Early took 
 command of the corps, General J. Pegram commanding 
 Early's Division. General Gordon commanded our division 
 in place of "Clubby" Johnson, now a prisoner. 
 
 Colonel Wm. Terry, of the 4th Virginia, was made Bri- 
 gadier of our brigade. It was recruited to some extent by 
 putting in ranks some of the musicians, the wagoners and 
 pioneers that belonged to the brigade, and calling in nearly 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 219 
 
 all that were on different details. So I left the pioneer 
 corps, took a musket and went to my old company, which 
 consisted of Captain Powell, Sivells, Will Pollard, from 
 Rockingham (who had to go into the infantry from the 
 cavalry because he had no horse), and myself. 
 
 The day I went to the company they were lying in 
 the breastworks across a level field and the enemy were in 
 the woods a short distance in front of us. Their sharp- 
 shooters would get up in the tree tops and fire at every 
 fellow who showed himself behind the works. The sun was 
 hot and we had to lay in the ditches all day and nearly suffo- 
 cate, and when we would want water would draw straws who 
 should go for it. The one whose lot was to go would take 
 as many canteens as he could carry and run the gauntlet 
 to the rear, to a small ravine. While filling them he would 
 be safe, but he had to run back again, for the sharpshooters 
 would open fire on him as soon as he started. Several got 
 shot in this way. 
 
 Every move we would make we would fortify, and the 
 enemy would do the same. The country was dug up along 
 the whole line from the Wilderness to Richmond, and nearly 
 every fight would come off in the open field or woods, for 
 as soon as we were fortified the enemy, instead of attack- 
 ing us, except in a few instances, would undertake to flank us. 
 
 One day, about 1 o'clock, our division was ordered to 
 leave the works we were in and move farther to the right, 
 some of Hill's Corps being ordered to take our place. We 
 had our flags stuck up on the works, and the artillery point- 
 ing over; the horses being in the rear. When Hill's men 
 came they had sneaked down the line unperceived by the 
 enemy, and, being very tired, they lay down to rest. When 
 we left the works we made a rush for a piece of woods not 
 far off, and the enemy saw us leave and fired at us. 
 
 After we had marched down the line some distance we 
 heard terrific firing back at the place we had left. We were 
 halted and formed along the works, expecting a general 
 attack, but in a short time everything was quiet, and we 
 soon learned the cause of the firing, as we were told by the 
 prisoners. It seems the enemy had seen us leave the works 
 in front of them, but had not seen Hill's men come in and 
 
220 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 take our places, and they concluded, as there was no in- 
 fantry there, they would charge the works and capture the 
 artillery. Consequently they formed in three lines and 
 charged across the field; but Hill's men held their fire until 
 they were close to the works and then opened on them with 
 a deadly volley of musketry, and grape and canister from the 
 artillery, and nearly annihilated them. 
 
 They then came out of the works and charged them in 
 turn, capturing nearly all that were left alive, and all with- 
 out the loss of a man. 
 
 We were marched on that evening some distance, Peg- 
 ram's Division being in front, feeling for the enemy. Sud- 
 denly the division ran onto a full corps and had to fight 
 terribly to keep from being surrounded before our division 
 could arrive. We went forward double-quick, and when we 
 came up Pegram's men were falling back. We formed in 
 line across an open, sandy field, and were ordered to throw 
 up a hasty work in order to check the enemy. 
 
 There was a fence near by, and a large pile of cord- 
 wood near a house, and every soldier took a load of rails or 
 wood and, laying them along the line, would dig up the sand 
 with his bayonet and throw it over with a. tin cup or tin 
 plate, or with his hands, and in a few minutes we had very 
 good defense. 
 
 I never before saw men carry such loads of rails, or 
 work so hard, as they did on that occasion. It undoubtedly 
 saved our two divisions, for by the time Pegram's men got 
 back to us they fell in behind our works, and the enemy, 
 seeing a formidable line in front, halted. 
 
 General Terry complimented us very highly, and said 
 that he knew if men would not flinch under those circum- 
 stances, and under a galling fire, they could be depended on 
 for anything, and that he did not see a man shrink from 
 duty, and that he was proud that he commanded such a 
 body of men, although few in number. 
 
 That night we fell back about a mile to a good posi- 
 tion and threw up a line of good works. We lay in this 
 position several days, not much fighting being done, except 
 on our extreme right. Our rations of corn bread and bacon 
 would be cooked in the rear and brought up to the front, 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 221 
 
 three days' rations at a time; but as we were moving about 
 so much, and changing positions all the time we often missed 
 our "grub." 
 
 We were allowed one pint of corn meal (not sifted) 
 and one-fourth of a pound of bacon for one day's ration, 
 and as there was nothing in that country to steal, we were 
 pretty badly off. The coin bread would get so hard and 
 moldy that when we broke it it looked like it had cobwebs 
 in it. Numbers of the citizens came into our lines who had 
 been robbed of everything they had, and their houses burned 
 besides, and we often divided our scanty rations with them 
 to keep them from starving. 
 
 The' poor in Richmond were suffering for something to 
 eat, and when the soldiers heard of it the whole of Lee's 
 Army voted to give them one day's rations; and that was 
 done several times to my certain knowledge. After being 
 up and losing sleep for three nights, one evening I thought I 
 would have a good rest, but was soon ordered to report to 
 General Gordon's headquarters with my gun. 
 
 When I arrived I found about two hundred soldiers 
 there, detailed for special duty. We were then taken up 
 the line and deployed in a swamp in front of our lines, in 
 shape to take the enemy by flank. As soon as we were 
 ordered to move forward it commenced pouring down rain, 
 but we moved on and soon came to the enemy's line, and, 
 taking them completely by surprise, they were thrown into 
 confusion. As soon as our guns opened our main line from 
 the breastworks moved forward, and we drove the enemy 
 about two miles and captured about one thousand prisoners 
 and took position at their works, but on the opposite side. 
 We were kept awake all night by false alarms and firing 
 from the pickets. During this campaign if we got two hours' 
 sleep out of twenty-four we were doing well. 
 
 The next night I was put on picket in this swamp, and 
 it came my turn to stand the first two hours. I was so near 
 the enemy that I could not light my pipe and so sleepy that 
 I could not keep my eyes open to save my life, and I knew 
 that if I sat down I would be fast asleep. 
 
 I pleaded with the officer of the guard for "God's 
 sake and for the sake of humanity to not leave me on post, 
 
222 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 for it was impossible for me to keep my eyes open," but 
 of no avail, as he replied "that all were in the same condi- 
 tion." 
 
 I was more frightened than I had ever been in any 
 battle during the war, for I could conceive of no way to 
 keep awake and was not allowed to walk my beat. I well 
 knew what my fate would be if found asleep on the outpost, 
 which was death by a drum-head court-martial; I would 
 have rather died a dozen deaths on the field of battle than 
 be disgraced by being shot to death for negligence of duty. 
 
 I, therefore, braced myself on the ground, and, rest- 
 ing my chin on the muzzle of my gun, would soon be fast 
 asleep, only to be awakened by falling. In that manner I 
 worried out the two hours — the rain continuing to pour 
 down all the time. I thought it was the longest two hours 
 I ever spent in my life. I never was so sleepy before or 
 since. When finally relief did come, I went back to the 
 reserve and rolled up in my gum blanket and slept — oh! 
 how sweetly — the rain pouring down all night, but an earth- 
 quake could not have awakened me. Those engagements 
 were called the battles of Bethseda Church. 
 
FOUE YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 223 
 
 XXII. 
 
 General Grant then moved to Cold Harbor, where he 
 could have been the 1st of May without firing a gun; but 
 that was McClellan's plan, and Grant did not want to fol- 
 low any of his predecessors, but take a new route for Rich- 
 mond by the Wilderness. But he had to adopt all of their 
 old routes, and fail as they did. 
 
 On the 3d of June he was determined to fight the de- 
 cisive battle of the war, and massed his troops and rushed 
 them on our works amidst a storm of shot and shell that 
 it seemed "no men could stand, but they w.ere repulsed with 
 great slaughter. The battle did not last more than one hour. 
 
 It was the most destructive that had been fought dur- 
 ing the war, considering the- length of time the engagement 
 lasted. It was estimated that he lost ten thousand men in 
 that short time, and his troops, it is said, seeing it was a 
 useless slaughter, could not be induced to try it again. That 
 place, the second Cold Harbor battle, was called "Grant's 
 Slaughter Pen." The men were left there to rot, as Grant 
 would not bury them; neither would he allow us to do so. 
 
 There were fourteen different assaults made along the 
 line in that short time and all repulsed with the above re- 
 sults, and but very few Confederates lost; but the enemy 
 were no nearer Richmond than before, and Grant had to 
 adopted another plan. 
 
 During this time General Grant had sent an army under 
 General Sigel up the Shenandoah Valley in order to destroy 
 railroads in our rear and cut off our line of retreat; but 
 General John C. Breckinridge came from Southwest Vir- 
 ginia with his division, and gathered up some scattering 
 troops in the Valley, together with the cadets from the 
 Virginia Military Institute, and met General Sigel at New 
 Market. Sigel was defeated on the 15th of May and re- 
 treated to Winchester. General J. C. Breckinridge then left 
 the Valley and reinforced General Lee at Hanover Junction 
 
 16 
 
224 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 and remained with us until after the battle of Cold Harbor. 
 But in the meantime another army was sent up the Valley 
 under General Hunter, whose march was opposed by General 
 William Jones, a cavalry commander, with a small force of 
 cavalry. General Jones was defeated and killed at the bat- 
 tle of Piedmont, in Augusta County. 
 
 The enemy soon had possession of Staunton and our 
 railroad communication, and continued his march on through 
 Lexington to Lynchburg. At the same time a large Federal 
 force was approaching Lynchburg from West Virginia under 
 General Crook, who joined Hunter at Staunton. Should 
 they capture Lynchburg we would be cut off from our base 
 of supplies. Therefore, General Breckinridge was sent from 
 Lee's Army to get between Hunter and Lynchburg and de- 
 feat him ; but he failed to do so, and had to protect Lynch- 
 burg with his division, the cavalry and some militia. 
 
 It was a critical time, and as Grant, being defeated in 
 his plans, had changed his base to the south side of the 
 James river, our corps, under General Early, was started 
 out on a forced march to Lynchburg, two hundred miles 
 distant. We marched one hundred miles, to Charlottesville, 
 in four days. The night we arrived there it was my turn 
 to cook rations. The wagons were late coming up, and by 
 the time I drew rations and cooked them the long roll beat 
 to fall in. My feet were so sore that I had to crawl around 
 the fire and cook on my hands and knees. I got no sleep 
 the whole night. So when we were ordered to fall in I went 
 to Dr. Baldwin, our surgeon, and showed him my feet and 
 told him that it was impossible for me to march any farther. 
 He said we would not march that day, as we were going to 
 take the cars from there to Lynchburg. I told him I could 
 stand that very well. 
 
 We loaded up and started out, the artillery, wagon train 
 and ambulances keeping on the wagon road. Some of the 
 divisions also had to march all day, as there were not trains 
 enough to transport all at once. They had to go to Lynch- 
 burg, unload, and return and load up again. 
 
 We had a fine time until our engine broke down, when 
 we had to unload and camp all night. When the train came 
 we were crowded in, and just as we got on the high bridge 
 
FOUK YEARS IK THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 225 
 
 over the James river at Lynchburg, the rear car jumped the 
 track; but as we were going very slowly and the soldiers 
 commenced hallooing to the engineer, he stopped. Some of 
 the men jumped off for fear the whole train would be pulled 
 off the bridge. One or two were killed and some fell on the 
 bridge, and some caught in the timbers and were badly hurt. 
 But they soon tumbled the rear car off the track and 
 rushed on to the depot. 
 
 It was rushing times then, as the Yankee shells were 
 falling in the edge of Lynchburg. We unloaded and went 
 double-quick through the city and out to the fair grounds 
 and formed a line of battle, threw out skirmishers, and went 
 to our old trade — fortifying. 
 
 Our division and Pegram's were on the ground, 
 but Bodes' Division was still behind and would not get up 
 until that night. General Gordon wanted to attack the 
 enemy that evening, but General Early would not consent 
 to do so until Bodes arrived. General Gordon said the 
 "Yanks" would be gone by morning. Sure enough, at day- 
 light we found they were many miles ahead of us, and all 
 had gone towards Liberty. 
 
 We then started on a forced march to overtake them; 
 but I could not march, and Dr. Baldwin gave me a pass to 
 remain in the rear and get in an ambulance when they over- 
 took us, or else go back to Lynchburg to the hospital. 
 
 I did not want to go to the hospital just for sore feet, 
 although they were raw and bleeding; but I thought they 
 would be all right in a few days, and I waited for the am- 
 bulances. When they came up I got in and arrived in 
 Liberty, now Bedford City, a distance of twenty-five miles, 
 the next day. There we heard that the advance of our army 
 had overtaken the rear of the enemy at Liberty, now Bed- 
 ford City, near night, and had driven them on to their 
 main line ; but they had the night to retreat in again. This 
 was repeated every day until our army reached Salem, Ro- 
 anoke County. Every evening our army would overtake 
 them; but night would again save them. As it was, after 
 we attacked them at Hanging Rock Pass, they were scat- 
 tered to the mountains and disWanded, and made their way 
 
226 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 to the Ohio river and points in West Virginia in. small 
 squads, and had to subsist off the country. 
 
 The cavalry followed them up ; but General Early, with 
 the infantry, turned at Salem and started down the Valley 
 towards Staunton. When the ambulance I was in arrived 
 at Liberty the doctors there had orders to put all the men 
 in the hospital who were unable to march, and I was left 
 at Liberty, now Bedford City. I remained there seven days, 
 and was nearly eaten up by the bugs at night, and did not 
 know from which I suffered most, my feet or the bugs. 
 
 As soon as I heard the army had gone down the Valley 
 I applied for my discharge from the hospital. I could have 
 stayed there longer; but as my parents and sisters lived in 
 the Valley at Dayton I knew it would be a good excuse to 
 get home for a few days. As the railroads had been de- 
 stroyed, there was no transportation, and I had to "foot it" 
 twenty-five miles to Lynchburg. I arrived there next day 
 and took the cars, around by way of Charlottesville, to 
 Staunton. There were a good many in the cars going on to 
 the army from the different hospitals ; also, quite a number 
 of stragglers. We were to draw rations in Staunton, but 
 when we arrived there Early's army was one day ahead of 
 us, and had taken all the rations with them and we got 
 none. The citizens had also been stripped of provisions by 
 having both armies to feed. 
 
 We started down the turnpike, thinking we would get 
 something to eat in the country; but after trying at every 
 house for five miles without success I told the boys I was 
 going to kill the first thing I came across that would do to 
 eat. I was anxious to get home that night, but knew I 
 could not make it unless I ate something, as I had not 
 eaten a mouthful since leaving Lynchburg. The first house 
 I came to I went into the yard and commenced throwing 
 my ramrod at the chickens, but the old woman saw me 
 and "fired" me out. We soon came across some hogs in the 
 road. I loaded my gun, and as I was trying to slip around 
 them to head them off they started to run, and I fired and 
 hit one just behind the shoulder, and he fell over in the 
 fence corner and never squealed. I had killed him dead. 
 As we were not near camp we did not have to use the bay- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 22? 
 
 onet. We then saw some officers coming down the road, and 
 we threw the hog over the fence and went and sat down on 
 the opposite side until they passed. We then "skinned" a 
 ham and cut out as much as we wanted, when we left. 
 Some more soldiers coming up, we told them to draw their 
 rations of pork; and I don't think there was any of that 
 hog left but the hair. 
 
 The next point to make was to get some bread and 
 coffee. I went to a house and inquired for bread; but, as 
 usual, they had none. I was not to be baffled in this way, 
 however. I went around to the kitchen and told the old 
 negro woman that I would give her plenty of meat if she 
 would give me some bread. "You bet" the bread was forth- 
 coming immediately. We then cooked our meat, had a good 
 square meal, and proceeded on our journey. I arrived at 
 home that night after a twenty-five-mile march and one meal. 
 
 I remained at home in Dayton a few days, hearing from 
 the army every day. It was still marching on north down 
 the Valley toward the Potomac. 
 
 I did not like the idea of marching on after the army 
 such a long distance, as the time had arrived in the progress 
 of my soldiering that I was, about "played out." I could 
 not stand hard marching and was broken down other ways 
 and completely used up by hard service and severe exposure. 
 I had no energy or activity left and just felt like lying 
 down and resting in one place for months; but I knew I 
 could not stay at home, and that I must follow on after the 
 army or be arrested by the provost guard. 
 
 My sister Sallie at that time wanted to make a visit 
 to our friends and relatives in Frederick and Hampshire 
 Counties; and as my father had a horse and buggy we con- 
 cluded that we would follow up the army in that style, as 
 it was more agreeable and comfortable to me than walking. 
 I thought also that, perhaps, I could come up with the army 
 near Winchester. So we started out, my discharge from the 
 hospital and my musket being a good pass. When we ar- 
 rived at Winchester, a distance of ninety miles, we heard 
 that General Early had crossed the Potomac river into Mary- 
 land, and was advancing on Washington City. He had sent 
 orders back to Winchester to hold all the stragglers and ab- 
 
228 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 sentees from the army in Winchester until his return from 
 Maryland, as it was not safe to follow on for fear of being 
 captured by the enemy. My sister wanted to go fifteen miles 
 west of Winchester to our uncle's. As I did not want to 
 lie around Winchester I wanted to go with her into the 
 country and wait for the army; but I knew I could not get 
 a pass to go through the pickets. 
 
 We stopped at Miss Afflick's, and I sent Sallie around to 
 the provost marshal's office to get a pass for herself and 
 driver ; we determined to see if we could not run the blockade 
 in that manner. When she arrived at the office she found an 
 old acquaintance there, Mr. Tom Wilkins, from Dayton, 
 who belonged to the 10th Virginia, and who was temporarily 
 detailed provost clerk. She very easily got a pass from Tom 
 for her and myself, and when she came back we proceeded 
 on our journey to our uncle's unmolested. 
 
 I remained there several days, until I heard that Gen- 
 eral Early had returned from Maryland and was in camp 
 near Winchester. My uncle then hitched up his team and 
 we started for camp; but when we got near Winchester we 
 heard considerable firing, so we halted until we could hear 
 further news. We stayed all night near Winchester and 
 found out next morning that our army had fallen back dur- 
 ing the night, and that the Yankees were in possession of 
 Winchester. 
 
 I then came to the conclusion that I had better be 
 making myself scarce in that neighborhood. I, therefore, 
 started on foot by the mountain road up the Valley, knowing 
 that I would soon get with them, as they would not go far. 
 I soon fell in with two other soldiers and we traveled on 
 until we reached the Valley turnpike at Woodstock, when 
 we found we were ahead of the army, as they were camped at 
 Fisher's Hill and were fortifying. 
 
 I reached my command the next day. I found them 
 in camp on Cedar creek, a few miles north of Strasburg; 
 but found no Company "A." Captain Powell had gone 
 home, as he could not stand the service on account of his 
 wound. Joseph Carder was in the hospital at Lynchburg 
 and William Sivells had gone home to Hampshire. Elisha 
 Carder, with his drum, and I, with my musket, were all 
 
FOUK TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 229 
 
 there was left of Company A fit for duty, and I felt con- 
 siderably discouraged. I was put in Company "F," under 
 Captain A. H. Wilson (the Hardy Company), but made up 
 my mind that I would leave the regiment and go into the 
 cavalry, or to some partisan ranger company, the first op- 
 portunity. I hated to leave the old brigade, as I had been 
 with it so long; but I was of no use in the infantry. I 
 could not stand marching any longer, and had no company, 
 and I must either go to the cavalry or leave the service. 
 
 The officers in the regiment, and Captain Martin, our 
 commissary, gave me the name of "The Last of the Mohi- 
 cans." The whole division was considerably reduced, as we 
 had lost about two-thirds of the number captured at Spott- 
 sylvania Court House, and kept losing men all the time, with 
 no recruits except possibly a few from the hospitals. Our 
 whole brigade did not number over 500 men. Each of the 
 other brigades in the division contained about the same. 
 There were not 100 men in my regiment, all told. The three 
 Virginia Brigades in our division were consolidated into one. 
 
 The soldiers and officers cared very little for exact dis- 
 cipline. We drilled very seldom, and dress parade was 
 played out. Very little camp guarding was done, and when 
 we did have a camp guard they would sit on their posts 
 unconcerned. In some ways the discipline was as good and 
 strict as ever; but we were on the march or fighting nearly 
 all the time. 
 
 One day a soldier was sitting on his post as camp 
 guard, and had taken his gun to pieces and was cleaning 
 it when the "officer of the day" happened to come along 
 and asked him what he was doing there. 
 
 "Oh," said the soldier, "I am sort o' sentinel." 
 
 "Well," said the officer, "don't you know it is against 
 orders to sit down on your post while on duty, much less 
 to take your gun to pieces in that manner?" 
 
 "That used to be the law in the commencement of the 
 war," replied the sentinel, "but it's sort o' played out now." 
 
 "Yes, but I want you to understand that I am officer 
 of the day, going on my rounds." 
 
 "Are you?" replied the sentinel. "Well, just hold on 
 
230 FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 'till I get this old gun together and I'll give you a sort o' 
 salute." 
 
 It showed how careless and indifferent the soldiers had 
 become about technicalities; but in a fight, or on picket in 
 "the front" they were as dutiful as ever. 
 
POUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 231 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 General Early had marched into Maryland and fought 
 a battle at Monocacy bridge, defeated the enemy, and con- 
 tinued his march to within four miles of Washington City. 
 He laid there one day and then returned to Virginia. It 
 was said that he could have taken Washington, as there were 
 but few troops there ; but the move was made to draw a large 
 force from General Grant's Army and relieve General Lee, 
 which it did, as troops were sent to Washington at once. 
 
 It was during this battle that two of my former mess- 
 mates and intimate friends, who have been mentioned before, 
 passed out of existence, andwill be dropped from further men- 
 tion — Jacob Fogle and Sam Nunnelly. Pogle was killed in 
 the charge, and Nunnelly turned up missing. Whether he 
 was killed or captured or died in prison is unknown, for he 
 was never heard of afterwards, and inquiries for him since 
 the war failed to reveal his fate; but he is numbered with 
 the great army of unknown. 
 
 After remaining in camp a few days, after I had 
 reached the army at Cedar creek, we started on the march 
 towards Winchester. After getting below Newtown we were 
 filed out to the left of the road and formed in line of battle 
 and ordered to load our arms. We were not thinking of a 
 battle and it took us rather by surprise when we heard the 
 skirmishers firing. When I went to load my gun I found 
 I had no cartridges; but in place of cartridges I had a 
 withered boquet of flowers a young lady had given me at 
 Dayton. I had thrown my cartridges away when I left the 
 hospital and had forgotten about it; but I soon borrowed 
 some from the others. 
 
 We were ordered to advance, when the enemy gave way, 
 and we had a running fight from there to Winchester. There 
 they made a short stand, but were soon routed and put to 
 flight. We ran through the streets of Winchester pellmell, 
 at full speed — the ladies waving their handkerchiefs and 
 
232 FOUB YEAB8 IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 cheering us on. We halted that night in the open fields 
 below Winchester with rain pouring down upon us in tor- 
 rents. 
 
 We then maneuvered in the lower Valley for some time, 
 in and around Bunker Hill, Smithfield and Berryville, until 
 the enemy advanced on us, when we, in turn, fell back, with- 
 out a general engagement, to the south bank of Cedar 
 creek. That was the last battle I was in while belonging 
 to that brigade; and I was the only man of Company A that 
 was carrying a musket. My career in the Stonewall Brigade 
 was soon to terminate. 
 
 The next day we lay in line of battle in the hot, broil- 
 ing sun of August, without a particle of shade, from day- 
 light until dark. The enemy was lying in line on the hills 
 on the opposite side of the creek, and considerable skir- 
 mishing was going on all day along the banks of the creek. 
 At times it was very heavy on our right, the enemy open- 
 ing on us once in awhile with artillery. We could see the 
 smoke from their guns, and occasionally a shell would come 
 whistling by; but we seldom heard the report, although we 
 were not more than a mile away. I suppose the reason for 
 our not hearing the reports so near can be accounted for by 
 the peculiar shape of the country and direction of the wind; 
 but it appeared singular to us. 
 
 After dark our army fell back to Fisher's Hill, about 
 two miles south of Strasburg, to our intrenched position. 
 That night I was taken desperately sick, and I thought I 
 would surely die. I had them get the doctor and he said 
 I had the cholera morbus. He gave me some relief, but I 
 was very sick the next day. It was the worst attack I ever 
 had in my life. It was occasioned, they said, by lying in 
 the hot sun all day. 
 
 The second day the army started on the move again, 
 towards Winchester, as the enemy had fallen back. I was 
 put into an ambulance and taken to Winchester and there 
 left at the hospital. I got permission in a few days to go 
 to my uncle, J. H. Heironimus, who lived in the country. 
 I remained there one week, but was afraid of being cap- 
 tured, as the Yankees were scouting everywhere. My uncle 
 took me to Winchester, and got permission from the sur- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 233 
 
 geon of the hospital to let me stay at a private house, which 
 1 did, but had to report to the hospital every day for medi- 
 cine, as I had the chronic diarrhoea, I remained there until 
 the 19th of September, the day the big battle of Winchester 
 was fought. 
 
 General Sheridan attacked General Early at daybreak 
 down on the Opequon creek. As General Bodes' Division 
 was down near Bunker Hill there was no chance for Early 
 to fall back until Eodes formed a junction with him. By 
 that time the troops were so hotly engaged that retreat in 
 good order was impossible. General Eodes' Division was 
 nearly cut off; and as he was bringing them into action he 
 was killed, which was a severe loss. 
 
 I was in Winchester at the time, and it was thought 
 there that it would be a short fight, and I went to the 
 hospital to see what orders they had, but found they had 
 none to move. I knew I would have to ride if I got away, 
 and I did not like the way the battle was raging, for it 
 appeared to me that the musketry was getting closer and 
 that our right was being turned. Just before sundown the 
 enemy's cavalry had flanked our cavalry, and the whole line 
 was going back." I could see them on the hills west of 
 Winchester. 
 
 I then started out of town on foot, but soon got into 
 a wagon, and when we reached the south end of town we 
 found all our wagon train parked there, and the army routed. 
 Our wagons, ambulances and artillery commenced dashing 
 up the pike, three abreast, and the infantry in the fields on 
 each side were running — every fellow for himself. Every 
 few minutes a shell would go tearing through the wagon 
 train and make the camp kettles and things fly; but dark 
 soon put a stop to the rout. 
 
 If the enemy had pushed on a little longer they would 
 have captured nearly the whole command, for Early's Army 
 was completely routed, and there is no use in denying the 
 fact. It was the first time I ever saw it routed and stam- 
 peded; but the army had fought well all day. 
 
 General Early had about 8,000 infantry and 2,500 cav- 
 alry, and General Sheridan 40,000 infantry and 11,000 
 cavalry, and our line never gave back until both flanks were 
 
234 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 turned. General Early was to blame for the defeat. He 
 displayed poor generalship. He ought to have fallen back 
 to Fisher's Hill in time, and not fought a general battle with 
 such odds, in that place, where the Valley was so wide and 
 open. The corps never had any confidence in him after- 
 wards, and he never could do much with them. He was as 
 brave a General as ever lived, and did well when he com- 
 manded a brigade or division under some other General; 
 but when he had command of a corps, and was operating by 
 himself, he displayed no strategy whatever. He would fight 
 the enemy wherever he met them and under any circum- 
 stances, no matter if he had but one brigade and the whole 
 northern army came against him. He would always show 
 fight. It was a critical time with our army and it required 
 Generals that knew how to strike a blow and at the same 
 time save their men. 
 
 This may appear unusual criticism coming from a pri- 
 vate in the ranks; but after three years' service in the thick 
 of the fight, under various commanders, and under every 
 variety of circumstances, and with opportunities of observa- 
 tion, such as fall to the lot of pioneers and picket guards, 
 it would seem that a man of ordinary intelligence might have 
 opinions which are entitled to consideration. 
 
 The next day the army arrived safely at Fisher's Hill; 
 but we had lost considerably. It was said, however, that 
 General Sheridan lost more men than Early had in his 
 whole command. 
 
 I was sent on with the sick and wounded to Harrison- 
 burg to the hospital. When we got there we were ordered 
 on to the Staunton hospital, as the Harrisonburg hospital 
 was overcrowded. There was a young soldier in the wagon 
 with me who belonged to an Alabama Eegiment, from 
 Wetumpka, Ala., and who was wounded slightly in the neck. 
 After we passed through Harrisonburg I told him we would 
 get out of the wagon and go to my home in Dayton and stay 
 there until we got well ; that I did not intend to go to a 
 hospital as long as I had a home that near to go to. We 
 then got out of the wagon and went across the fields to 
 Dayton. 
 
 We had been there but three days when we heard that 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 235 
 
 General Early had been defeated again at Fisher's Hill, and 
 was falling back towards Staunton, and the "Yanks" would 
 soon be in Dayton, so we took my father's horse and started 
 to "refugee" towards the mountains. The roads were full 
 of citizens "refugeeing" with their stock and valuables. 
 
 When we arrived at Harnsberger's farm, on Muddy 
 creek, we found Captain Stump, from Hampshire County, 
 who belonged to Imboden's command, lying there very badly 
 wounded through the head. He insisted that we should 
 take him along with us and take care of him, as he would 
 rather die than be captured. 
 
 He had one of his company with him and a black boy 
 waiting on him. We told him we would do all we could 
 for him and would defend him to the last. So we hitched 
 our horses to Harnsberger's carriage and took him on six 
 miles farther to a friend's house. 
 
 After remaining there a few days we heard that Eariy 
 was still falling back and that Sheridan's cavalry was scout- 
 ing the whole country. We then moved him farther back 
 to the foot of the mountain on Briery branch and stopped at 
 a small house. I rode out in the settlement's every day to 
 get rations and find out the news. 
 
 We could still hear that the Yankees were spreading 
 their scouting parties farther and farther into the country 
 every day, and Captain Stump was fearful they would come 
 across us and that we would be captured. We told him there 
 was no danger and that we would move him if it became 
 necessary; but one day they came within two miles of us 
 and we concluded to move farther into the mountains. We 
 found out from the man we were stopping with that by going 
 up a deep hollow or gorge in the mountain about six miles 
 we would find an old vacant house; but there was no way 
 to get to it but by a bridle path. 
 
 So nothing would do Captain Stump but we must go to 
 that house. He was suffering terribly from his wound, as 
 he was shot through and through the back part of the head, 
 and could sit up but a short time. We had to pour cold 
 water on the wound every few minutes out of a coffee pot 
 to relieve the pain; but he repeated he would rather die 
 
236 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 than be captured and would try and ride the distance on 
 horseback. 
 
 We then started on the march, but had to stop every mile 
 and get him off the horse and let him rest while we bathed 
 his wound. He had more fortitude and endurance than 
 any man I ever saw before or have seen since. We finally 
 arrived at our rendezvous and made him as comfortable as 
 we could under the circumstances. 
 
 The second night we were there his wound pained him 
 so severely that we were afraid he would have the lockjaw. 
 He said he could not stand it till morning if he did not 
 get relief of some kind, and insisted that I should go to 
 Sangersville, a distance of ten miles, for a doctor. We 
 tried to persuade him that it would be useless, as no doctor 
 would come, and could do him no good if he did come, and 
 that by pouring water on the wound continually it would give 
 him relief. But he still insisted that I should go, and if 
 the doctor would not come he could send some morphine, 
 which would give relief. 
 
 I then procured a pine torch, as it was very dark, sad- 
 dled the best horse, and started down the mountain. I got 
 along very well for two or three miles until it commenced 
 thundering and lightning in a most terrific manner. In a 
 short time the rain poured down in torrents, putting out my 
 light and leaving me in darkness as dense as in a cave. But 
 I still kept on, the horse following the path by instinct, until 
 I reached the settlements and got into the wagon road. It 
 was still raining, but not so hard, and was not quite so dark. 
 I still had four miles to go, but with great difficulty, and 
 losing the road several times, I finally reached Sangersville 
 about 12 o'clock and found a doctor. 
 
 It was as I expected; he would not go. He said he 
 knew the place very well and it would be impossible, in the 
 rain and darkness, for us to find our way back that night, 
 and insisted that I should stay until morning and he would 
 go with me. I pleaded with him my best to go with me, 
 but in vain. I then told him to give me some morphine and 
 I would return, or make the attempt. He did so, and said 
 he would come to see the Captain in the morning. 
 
 Under these promises I started to return, but it seems 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 237 
 
 the horse was bewildered and could not keep in the road 
 where it led through the woods, and I often found myself 
 out of my path in the woods. I would then get down and 
 strike a match and feel my way to the road. In this manner 
 I proceeded until near the mountain, when I came to a 
 branch. I thought I would ride up the bed of the branch 
 until I came to the place where the road recrossed it; that 
 by so doing I could cut off about one mile, and that I could 
 keep in the bed of the branch better than in the path. But 
 I found it a difficult task, as the branch was obstructed by 
 drifts, logs and rocks. The water was shallow, and by the 
 aid of the streaks of lightning I could manage to get around 
 them. 
 
 Finally my horse came to a stand just as I had gotten 
 out on the edge of the bank to get around some logs, and 
 with all the whipping and spurring I could do, I could not 
 make him move. Just then, by the aid of the lightning, 
 I saw that the horse was standing on the edge of a perpen- 
 dicular rock, and I could not see the depth below. I quickly 
 dismounted and turned the horse around and got him on 
 solid ground. I then tied him to a tree, took off the saddle, 
 rolled myself in the blanket and slept until morning. It 
 rained, thundered and lightened the whole night. 
 
 Under* most circumstances I would have felt some fear 
 and lonesomeness ; but, strange to say, nothing of the kind 
 entered my mind. The next morning at daybreak I resumed 
 my journey, and at the first house I came to, which was the 
 last one I would pass, I stopped and got my breakfast, and 
 told them of my adventure of the night. 
 
 They all remarked that they were not surprised at me 
 not getting through that place, as that thicket of pines was 
 haunted, and there had never anyone been able to go through 
 there after dark, as they would invariably get lost, see ghosts, 
 and hear unusual noises, groans, etc. There had been a 
 man murdered there once, they said, and no sum of money 
 could be laid down that would induce them to sleep there 
 as I had done. I had heard nothing of the kind, however, 
 and paid no attention to their ghost stories. I was too mad 
 all night to think of fear, and to have met a well-disci- 
 
238 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 plined ghost would have been company and amusement 
 for me. 
 
 When I arrived where Captain Stump was I found him 
 considerably better. He said he got relief directly after I 
 had left, and was sorry I had gone, and that if he lived he 
 would do anything in his power to help me. But, alas! 
 like many a dear and near friend that I have had in old 
 Hampshire County, he never lived to see the war over. Many 
 of my old-time friends and comrades who survived the war 
 also have passed over the river and are quietly resting under 
 the shade of the trees, while I still live (but in a far dis- 
 tant state), and seldom see anyone that I ever knew in my 
 younger days. 
 
 The doctor never came the next day, as he promised, 
 nor did I ever see him again. In a few days we persuaded 
 the Captain to go down in the settlements, as there was no 
 danger of being captured, for if he were to die in that lonely 
 place we would be unable to give him a decent burial. Af- 
 ter placing him in kind hands we heard the enemy were 
 falling back down the Valley, when we bade him farewell and 
 started to Dayton. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 239 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 When we arrived in Dayton we saw a distressing sight — 
 ruin and desolation on every hand. The enemy, in falling 
 back, had burned all the barns and mills on their line of 
 retreat. 
 
 The greater part of Sheridan's Army had been camped 
 around Harrisonburg and immediate vicinity. One regi- 
 ment at that time was camped at Dayton, four miles south, 
 and several regiments were camped in the advance at dif- 
 ferent points. His cavalry had scouted the country and 
 done picket duty near General Early's lines. Some of our 
 cavalry would scout inside of the Yankee lines and in their 
 rear to find out their movements, strength, etc.; principally 
 men who were acquainted with the country and knew every 
 by-road. 
 
 One day Frank Shaver, of the 1st Virginia Cavalry, 
 and Campbell and Martin, of the 4th Virginia Cavalry, were 
 passing along a by-road between Dayton and Harrisonburg, 
 when they unexpectedly came upon three Yankees. It was 
 either fight or be captured; and as they preferred fighting 
 the ball soon opened. In the affray one of the "Eebs" was 
 wounded and one of the Yankees killed and one captured, 
 while the other one made his escape and returned to camp. 
 The "Eebs" left in a hurry, taking their wounded man with 
 them. It so happened that the one killed was Lieutenant 
 Meigs, a promising young officer of General Sheridan's staff, 
 and greatly beloved by the General. 
 
 He was so enraged about his death, particularly as the 
 one who escaped had reported to him that they were am- 
 bushed by bushwhackers, that he issued orders that Dayton 
 should be burnt to the ground and also all the habitations 
 for five miles around. Consequently the torch was applied 
 to houses and barns in the country, and the citizens of Day- 
 ton given one hour to move out of their houses into the 
 fields. But the Colonel of the Federal Regiment camped at 
 
240 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Dayton knew they were regular) soldiers who did the killing, 
 and, thinking the order inhuman, refused to fire the town 
 until he could prevail upon General Sheridan to counter- 
 mand the order. 
 
 A petition was sent to him signed by the whole regiment 
 to that effect. In the meantime the citizens, who were all old 
 men, women and children, had to remain out in the fields 
 during that day and night. No orders came during the 
 next day, when my mother and Mrs. Williams went to Gen- 
 eral Custer's headquarters, about one mile from the village, 
 and begged him to relieve them of their suspense. 
 
 He informed them that he had just received a dis- 
 patch from General Sheridan countermanding the order to 
 burn the town; then, turning to one of his staff officers, he 
 told him to ride to the village and tell the citizens to move 
 back into their homes, that they would not burn them. 
 The ladies returned with the staff officer, who informed the 
 citizens that "Through the mercy of General Custer their 
 property was saved." 
 
 It was the 116th Ohio Regiment of infantry that was 
 quartered in the town, and but for the gallantry of that 
 noble Ohio regiment the town would have been in ashes 
 and the inhabitants rendered homeless. 
 
 Lieutenant Dutton, quartermaster of that regiment, was 
 at my father's house making out the payrolls, and did all 
 he could to, protect the family ; and when the Federal Army 
 fell back he bade them an affectionate farewell and said: 
 "When I return again I hope to bring an olive branch of 
 peace." 
 
 But not so with the country, for nearly every house 
 and barn within the circle of five miles was burned. It 
 was a rich neighborhood, with fine residences and outbuild- 
 ings, and the barns full of grain and farm implements. 
 They, were not even allowed to save their household property. 
 Oh ! those who never saw war have no idea of the ruin, deso- 
 lation, death and suffering it brings. My mother, father 
 and sisters went through this, ordeal, and related the scenes 
 to me when I arrived at home. 
 
 In a few days after this burning took place our army 
 began the advance on the enemy, when he in turn fell back 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 241 
 
 to Winchester, burning all the mills and barns on the route. 
 General Sheridan had orders from General Grant to reduce 
 the Shenandoah Valley to such a state of poverty that a 
 crow, in flying over it, would have to carry his rations to 
 keep from starving; and it looked like such would be the 
 case. The mills and barns were full of grain, and Grant 
 knew the Valley was a rich store-house for General Lee ? s 
 Army. If he could not whip us out he would starve us out. 
 Such is policy in war. 
 
 Poverty stared the citizens in the face, as this was in 
 the fall season of the year, and too late to raise any pro- 
 visions. Their horses and cattle were all gone, their farm 
 implements burnt and no prospects of producing anything 
 the next year. Thousands of them "refugeed" with the 
 Federal Army, as all were furnished transportation any 
 where north they chose to go. 
 
 There lived a family by the name of Baugh on the Val- 
 ley turnpike, two miles north of Harrisonburg, consisting 
 of father, mother and seven children — five daughters and 
 two sons. Four of the daughters were grown. When the 
 Federal Army passed their house on their way back to Win- 
 chester they told this family they had better get in their 
 wagons and go with them and they would be. given trans- 
 portation to any point north they wished to go. That there 
 were hundreds of families going, and that they were going 
 to burn up the Valley so that no one could subsist there. 
 It had that appearance, for hundreds of barns and mills 
 were then burning; so the old people consented to go, as it 
 looked like starvation to stay. 
 
 They then gathered up some clothing and bedding and 
 got into the wagon; but the grown girls would not go and 
 determined to remain where they were. The Federals then 
 told them if they did not go with them they would have 
 to burn their house down over their heads, and they would 
 be compelled to go. The girls told them they could burn 
 if they wanted to, but remain they would. 
 
 Consequently the house was fired and burnt to the 
 ground; the girls trying to save what they could by dashing 
 into the house and rescuing what they could carry out. Some 
 
242 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 of the Federals, seeing their determination, assisted them 
 and saved most of the property. 
 
 After the Federals had left one of the girls went across 
 the field to Mr. Armentrout's, a neighbor about one-half mile 
 distant, procured a wheelbarrow and moved their goods to 
 his house. They then lived with their relatives and friends 
 until the war closed. 
 
 After the war I married Miss Martha E. Baugh, one of 
 those same girls. We still have a mirror frame that was 
 saved at that time, but the glass was broken and I had a 
 new glass put in after marriage, and keep it as relic of 
 other days. 
 
 But thousands preferred to remain, let the consequences 
 be what they would. It caused hundreds to take up arms 
 for the South, who had, up to that time, remained out of 
 the army. Our cavalry followed close after the burners and 
 dealt out vengeance with a vengeful hand. Whenever they 
 caught a party burning they would take no prisoners, but 
 shoot them down; and often threw them in the fire alive 
 when they caught them burning their own homes. 
 
 The main body of the enemy's infantry marched down 
 the main road, our infantry following, while the enemy's 
 cavalry were scattered over the country in small squads 
 doing the burning. 
 
 Some of the Federal soldiers would burn the property 
 with fiendish delight and not let the people save anything, 
 not even wearing apparel, while others, more humane, would 
 not burn them if they could possibly avoid it, and would tell 
 the women that they would set them on fire in order to 
 shield themselves and obey commands; but that they would 
 fire them in such places that it would not do any harm for 
 some time, and as soon as they got out of sight they, the 
 women, could extinguish the fire. I saw several barns after 
 the war that were saved in that manner, but they were very 
 rare cases. 
 
 As to the battle of Cedar Creek, the 19th of October, 
 1864, where General Early attacked General Sheridan's 
 Army, commanded by General Wright, I will make this 
 statement as told me by a relative of mine, Mr. Sewell Mer- 
 chant, of the 2d Virginia, who was wounded in both legs 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 243 
 
 and had one amputated on the field. I took him from the 
 hospital in Harrisonburg to my father's house, where he re- 
 mained until he got well. He said that our army attacked 
 the Federal Army at daylight, routing them, capturing their 
 camps and a great amount of baggage. That after the 
 Federals were driven off our army was halted and in a short 
 time the whole army were plundering, and had nothing in 
 line of battle but a thin skirmish line; that when the Fed- 
 erals returned there was nothing in shape to resist them but 
 this skirmish line, which soon gave way, and the whole army 
 went pellmell back to Fisher's Hill. 
 
 Now, whoever was to blame for our army not pushing 
 on when the enemy were routed, and for being allowed to 
 scatter and plunder, it is not for me to say. But it was a 
 terrible oversight, and was the cause of the disaster in the 
 evening. It was reported that General Gordon was anxious 
 to push on after the enemy, but that General Early ob- 
 jected. The enemy, finding no one in pursuit, had halted 
 at Newtown, eight miles from Winchester. 
 
 Now, I wish to correct some erroneous statements in 
 regard to General Sheridan's "twenty-mile ride," made in 
 one hour, and which has been repeated in song and story 
 until it is believed to be true by the rising generation. 
 
 I will prove by General Sheridan's own words that he 
 only rode eight miles in one hour and a half, and only five 
 of that at a lively gait. In "Personal Memoirs of P. H. 
 Sheridan," page 68, Vol. II., he says: "Toward 6 o'clock 
 on the morning of the 19th the officer on picket duty at 
 Winchester came to my room, I being yet in bed, and re- 
 ported artillery firing from the direction of Cedar Creek." 
 Again, on page 71, says: "We mounted our horses between 
 half -past 8 and 9." Then on page 80 he says : "I returned 
 to the road, which was thickly lined with unhurt men, who, 
 having got far enough to the rear to be out of danger, had 
 halted, without any organization, and began cooking coffee, 
 and I arrived not later, certainly, then half-past 10 o'clock." 
 On page 88, he says: "Between half -past 3 and 4 o'clock I 
 was ready to assail." 
 
 Cedar Creek is fifteen miles south of Winchester, where 
 the battle commenced. The enemy fled to Newtown, seven 
 
244 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 miles from Cedar Creek and eight miles from Winchester, 
 where General Sheridan arrived at half -past 10 o'clock; 
 then consumed the time until 3 or 4 o'clock in forming his 
 troops ready to advance, with no enemy nearer than five 
 miles. Now suppose General Early had followed on instead 
 of halting, where would General Sheridan's ride come in? 
 
 Any reasonable person would say between Winchester 
 and Harper's Perry, thirty-two miles north of Winchester. 
 
 I am a great admirer of the truth, especially in relation 
 to historical facts. Let the truth be told, no matter whom 
 it hurts, for the rising generations. 
 
 Another fictitious poem is "Barbara Frietche" of Fred- 
 erick City, Md., wherein it was said that Stonewall Jack- 
 son was indifferent about the actions of the soldiers in re- 
 gard to threatening to shoot the ladies for waving the "Stars 
 and Stripes" until he saw this old lady, when he ordered 
 them to desist. No such circumstance as related in that 
 poem of Whittier's ever happened. It was too un-Jackson 
 like. On the other hand, if one of his soldiers had attempted 
 such a dastardly outrage, Jackson would have had him shot 
 on the spot. Jackson's men were soldiers in every sense of 
 the word, and had mothers, wives, sisters, daughters and 
 lovers at home, and knew how to protect and defend defense- 
 less females regardless of their politics. 
 
 This is confirmed by Dame Barbara's own nephew, Valer- 
 ius Ebert, of Frederick City, who writes to a Northern paper : 
 "As to the waving of the Federal flag in the face of the 
 Rebels by Dame Barbara on the occasion of Stonewall Jack- 
 son's march through Frederick City, Md., truth requires me 
 to say that Stonewall Jackson, with his troops, did not pass 
 Barbara Frietche's residence at all; but passed through what 
 in this city is called 'The Mill Alley,' about three hundred 
 yards from her residence, then passed due west towards An- 
 tietam, and thus out of the city. But another and stronger 
 fact with regard to this matter may be here presented, viz.; 
 the poem by Whittier represents our venerable relative (then 
 ninety-six years of age) as nimbly ascending to her attic 
 window and waving her small Federal flag defiantly in the 
 face of Stonewall Jackson's troops. Now, Dame Barbara 
 was at the moment bed-ridden and helpless, and had lost 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 245 
 
 the power of locomotion. She could at that period only 
 move as she was moved by the help of her attendants." 
 
 These are the facts, proving that Whittier's poem upon 
 this subject is pure fiction. 
 
 Here is another mistake which has often been told in 
 song and story, and spoken of by prominent orators: That 
 at the surrender of Lee's Army at Appomattox General Lee 
 offered his sword to General Grant and that he refused to 
 accept it. 
 
 Following is an extract from Colonel Charles Mar- 
 shell's letter, who was General Lee's Chief of Staff, and who 
 was present at the surrender: 
 
 "There is one very important matter I wish settled. It 
 is this : General Lee did not meet General Grant in the 
 McLean house in the morning of April 9th, 1865, for the 
 purpose of then and there effecting a surrender of his armv. 
 It was simply for the purpose of hearing General Grant's 
 terms. 
 
 "As a matter of fact, if they had not suited General Lee 
 he would not have accepted them; but General Grant's offer 
 was so liberal, so magnanimous, and so chivalrous that it 
 was accepted at once. 
 
 "It is well to add that had General Gran't terms been 
 less favorable than those he made, General Lee would not 
 have accepted them, no matter what the circumstances might 
 have been. We had become accustomed somewhat to deal 
 with desperate circumstances. 
 
 "I wish to have another matter understood before begin- 
 ning a consecutive narrative of the surrender. 
 
 "This is in regard to General Horace Porter's statement, 
 made repeatedly, orally and in writing, that General Lee of- 
 fered his sword to General Grant. General Lee never of- 
 fered his sword to General Grant, and the latter never re- 
 fused it. 
 
 "I was with the great Southern chieftain from the time 
 he greeted General Grant in the McLean house until he rode 
 away, and the only time the mention of a sword was made 
 was when Grant apologized to Lee for his dress, explaining 
 that it was not possible for him to get access to his baggage 
 and at the same time keep the appointment. 
 
246 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 "The terms of capitulation expressly excepted side arms, 
 and in view of that fact it would have been a most unusual 
 procedure for General Lee to have offered his sword to Gen- 
 eral Grant. These matters are unimportant in themselves, 
 
 but it is well for the sake of history to have them cleared up. 
 ***** * * * 
 
 "When General Grant had written his ultimatum em- 
 bodying the terms of surrender he took it to General Lee, 
 who remained seated. 
 
 "General Lee read the letter and called General Grant's 
 attention to the fact that he required the surrender of the 
 cavalry horses as if they were public horses. He told Gen- 
 eral Grant that Confederate cavalrymen owned their horses 
 and they would need them for planting a spring crop. Gen- 
 eral Grant at once accepted the suggestion." 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 247 
 
 XXV. 
 
 I remained at home in Dayton for a few days, but had 
 to report to the hospital in Harrisonburg. The doctor in 
 charge there would not give me permission to remain at 
 home, although it was only four miles, but said I was not fit 
 for duty in the field, and that I could do duty in the hospital 
 as Ward Master. 
 
 Our army was so "hard up" for men that as soon as 
 one was fit for duty he would be sent to the front, and a 
 sick one, as soon as he was convalescent, would have to 
 nurse or be Ward Master until he was fit for active service. 
 
 I remained there as Ward Master until some time in 
 December, 1864, when our corps, then in the Valley, was 
 placed under command of General John B. Gordon and or- 
 dered to Petersburg. General Early was left in command of 
 the Valley, with a few regiments of infantry and some cav- 
 alry. As the army marched through Harrisonburg I bade 
 farewell to a great many of the boys that I knew iD the 
 brigade, and in the old pioneer corps, but there was not one 
 man of Company A there, and but few of Company F. 
 Elisha Carder, our drummer, had been given a musket and 
 was wounded at Fisher's Hill, and had gone home; Will Pol- 
 lard having been wounded at the battle of Winchester, Sep- 
 tember 19, 1864. Joseph McNemar had returned to the reg- 
 iment from the hospital while it was in front of Petersburg 
 in 1865, and was captured at Hatcher's Run and remained in 
 prison until the close of the war, and he was the* last repre- 
 sentative of Company A. 
 
 When I saw there was no Company A, and never would 
 be, I told Captain Wilson, of Company F, that I intended to 
 go to the 11th Virginia Cavalry, Company D, from Hamp- 
 shire. 
 
 "Well," he said, "you can go as far as I am concerned, 
 and I wish I could go myself." That if I went he would 
 never report men. 
 
 17 
 
248 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 In a few days we had orders to move the hospital to 
 Staunton, and as I was fit for duty I got my discharge to 
 report to Company A, 33d Virginia Infantry. But, as I was 
 familiar with the hospital' office, I got some blank discharges 
 and filled one out to suit myself, which was to report to Com- 
 pany D, 11th Virginia Cavalry, Eosser's Brigade. It was 
 camped at Swope's Depot, west of Staunton. 
 
 I went home and stayed one day, and then went to 
 Staunton and reported to the provost marshal, and he fur- 
 nished me transportation to Swope's Depot. I was soon with 
 the 11th Cavalry, and found Lieutenant Parsons in com- 
 mand, and several that I knew. Kennison Taylor was there 
 under the same circumstances, as he was an old member of 
 the 13th Virginia. John Daily, Eph Herriott and a good 
 many that I cannot recollect now were there; also a great 
 many that I did not know, but they were all Hampshire 
 boys, and I felt at home. I told Lieutenant Parsons that I 
 came to join his company. He advised me to go and see 
 Major McDonald. I did so, and told him my situation; that 
 I had no company, but did not want to desert the cause, and 
 would like to be in his command, and if I could not join it I 
 would go to some partisan ranger company. He replied that 
 he would like for me to remain, and that I should do so, but 
 if General Lee called on him for me he would have to give 
 me up, as it was his orders to deliver up an infantryman 
 when caught in the cavalry. 
 
 I told him what Captain Wilson said, and that I had no 
 fear of being called back to the infantry. But there was an- 
 other difficulty in the way; I had no horse, and each soldier 
 had to furnish his own horse; but I knew I could get one 
 some way or other. The third day after I arrived in this 
 camp the brigade was disbanded for the winter, and sent to 
 different portions of the country to get provisions for their 
 horses. 
 
 The squadron I was with, composed of the Hampshire 
 and Hardy Companies, were ordered to Lost River, in Hardy 
 County. John Daily happened to have an extra broken-down 
 horse that he wanted to send to Hampshire to recruit, and 
 he gave it to me to ride. So I fastened a good lot of blankets 
 on him and mounted. We happened to go by my father's 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 249 
 
 house, and I got his saddle, but it was a citizen's saddle; 
 so when we arrived at Brock's Gap I exchanged his saddle 
 with Bud Peterson for a Confederate cavalry saddle, and 
 went on to camp. The squadron went into winter quarters 
 near Mathias, on Lost river. 
 
 After remaining there a few days and helping to build 
 quarters, Ken Taylor and myself started to Hampshire to 
 capture each of us a horse. The others bade us farewell, and 
 said we were bound for Camp Chase. We continued on until 
 we reached Joseph Pancake's, on the "South Branch" of 
 the Potomac, where he turned over the horse he was riding 
 and I delivered Daily's horse to Joseph Patterson. We were 
 now both afoot, but determined to go to the Yankee camp 
 and capture a horse apiece. 
 
 We then went to Bomney, where Taylor's parents lived. 
 We maneuvered in that county as far down as Springfield for 
 some time, and finally fell in with William French, of the 
 13th Virginia, "Manny" Bruce, of McNeil's Bangers, and Ed 
 Montgomery, and formed a plot to watch the road for a 
 squad of straggling Yankees, capture them, take their horses 
 and turn the prisoners loose. But the weather was very cold, 
 with snow on the ground, and the "Yanks" did not venture 
 far from camp. 
 
 We finally heard that there was a cattle speculator, 
 quartermaster or government agent, or something of the 
 kind, by the name of McFern, who came out from Cumber- 
 land, Md., every week on Patterson's creek. He bought all 
 the cattle he could find, and if a Southern man would not 
 sell him he would take them anyhow, or if he heard of their 
 selling them to go South he would take them, and he gen- 
 erally had a gooct pile of greenbacks with him. 
 
 We did not care who or what he was; it would be a 
 picnic for us to get him and take him "in out of the wet." 
 Therefore we marched across Middle Bidge early one morn- 
 ing in the cold and snow and posted ourselves in a school- 
 house that stood near the road leading from Frankfort up 
 the creek. We would keep one man on post near the road, 
 while the others would remain in the schoolhouse; but we 
 were afraid to "make a fire, for fear of attracting attention. 
 We waited and watched all day, but in vain, for our man 
 
250 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 never came. At dark, being cold and hungry, we went to a 
 house near by and the gentleman gave us a good drink 
 of apple brandy, a good supper and a good, warm fire to sit 
 by, which was quite refreshing. 
 
 We then held a council of war to determine how to pro- 
 ceed. Montgomery, French and Taylor were in favor of 
 going to the mouth of Patterson's creek, on the "North 
 Branch" of the Potomac, cross over into Maryland and get 
 horses out of a camp of condemned cavalry horses that were 
 there recruiting. Manny Bruce, who was raised in Cumber- 
 land, was in favor of going into Cumberland and getting 
 good horses, as he did not want any of the old, broken- 
 down ones. 
 
 Now, there were about 12,000 troops camped in and 
 around Cumberland, Md., and it was quite a risky business 
 wading that river and going into that camp ; but Bruce said 
 he knew every hog-path, and he would pilot us safely. I was 
 indifferent about which route we took, and Bruce, seeing 
 this, insisted that I should go with him to Cumberland. So 
 things were arranged in that way. Bruce and I started for 
 Cumberland, and French, Montgomery and Taylor for the 
 Potomac, to the condemned camp. We gave each other good- 
 bye. We did not know whether we would be killed or land 
 in prison or be hung as spies. It was a critical and danger- 
 ous move, but we were hardened to such work, and did 
 not care. 
 
 After traveling through the snow for several miles 
 Bruce and I came to the conclusion that we could not make 
 the trip on foot, as it was about twelve miles, and get out 
 safely by daylight, so we concluded we would stop at some 
 farmhouse and get horses, ride them to the river and turn 
 them loose. At the next house we came to we stopped and 
 wakened the old man and told him that we had a very im- 
 portant trip to make that night, and that we were "given 
 out" entirely, and could not make it on foot, and that he 
 should let us have a horse to ride, and we would return him 
 safely. We did not tell him which army we belonged to, but 
 pretended we were Yankees, as we had on English-grey 
 overcoats, which appeared blue after dark. He told us that 
 he had but one horse, and he could not think of letting it 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 251 
 
 go for any consideration. We offered to pay him for it, but 
 it was "no go." I then told him it was a case of necessity, 
 and if no persuasion would do, we would take the horse 
 anyhow. 
 
 So we proceeded to the stable and got the horse, and 
 both mounted it, bareback, and rode to the river at the 
 place where we expected to wade it, as Bruce said there was 
 a "riffle" there, and we could wade very easily. The weather 
 was very cold, but the river was not frozen over. 
 
 When we got to the ford we learned that there was a 
 picket post on the opposite side. We could see their fire and 
 see the men standing around. So we were foiled, and did 
 not know what to do, but conclurled to go down the river 
 until we could find another rift or bar, and then wade. 
 
 After going some distance we thought we had found the 
 desired place, and made preparations to take to the water. 
 We each procured a long stick, and as we were armed with 
 six-shooters, we kept our belts on. When we started into the 
 water it was very cold, and kept getting deeper every step. 
 When it reached our waists we unbuckled our belts and 
 swung them over our shoulders to keep them dry; but as we 
 proceeded it got deeper and deeper, until nearly up to our 
 armpits. As I was in front, I halted and told Bruce we 
 could not make it, as I could tell by feeling with my stick 
 that it was still deeper further on, and that we would get so 
 chilled that we could do nothing if we got across safely, and 
 that if we got down with our overcoats on we could not swim 
 with them, and would be sure to drown. He said: "No, 
 we can not make it, and will have to give it up." 
 
 We then came out of the water and went to a house 
 about one-fourth of a mile from there, and by that time our 
 clothes were frozen stiff. We wakened the man of the house, 
 not knowing whether he was Rebel or Union, and told him 
 "for God's sake" to make a fire, as we were nearly frozen to 
 death. He got up and made a roaring fire, which felt very 
 comfortable to us. After drying and warming ourselves we 
 lay down by the fire and took a short nap. When I awak- 
 ened I had burned my boots so badly that the whole front 
 came out of one of them. I told Bruce we must get out of 
 this before daylight, or we would be captured. We then tried 
 
252 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 to hire the man of the house to take us a few miles on his 
 horses, but no go; he would not do it. So we drew our pis- 
 tols and informed him that we would make him go. We 
 then marched him to the stable and got two horses and 
 mounted them, taking him along. 
 
 We had not proceeded more than one mile when we 
 came across the old horse we had ridden to the river and 
 turned loose. We then discharged our man and sent him 
 home, giving him a $5 bill on a broken bank in Michigan 
 that I had gotten while in Maryland. We mounted our old 
 horse and arrived at the house where we had procured him 
 by daylight. We found them perfectly delighted at the re- 
 turn of their horse, as they never expected to see him again. 
 They insisted we should remain and have a good, warm 
 breakfast, which was very acceptable. During our travels 
 in the night we passed by a house where a sleighing party 
 from Springfield and Frankfort were having a dance. I 
 knew several who were there, but we did not stop or make 
 ourselves known, as we were engaged in more pressing busi- 
 ness at that time than "tripping the light fantastic toe." 
 
 After partaking of breakfast we started on until 
 we arrived at Joshua Johnson's, who had several sons in the 
 Confederate Army — one, William Johnson, was Lieutenant 
 in my old company, and had died at Charlottesville, Va. — 
 and we knew we would be welcomed. We needed rest and 
 sleep. Mr. Johnson gave us a good drink of brandy and 
 put us up-stairs to sleep, promising to keep a lookout for us 
 if any Yanks should pass along, and to waken us about 4 
 o'clock, as we wanted to get out of that neighborhood that 
 night, for fear the boys that went to the condemned camp 
 might have stirred up the enemy and they would make it 
 red hot for us. 
 
 We slept sweetly until Mr. Johnson roused us up from 
 our peaceful slumbers, gave us another good dram and a 
 good supper, when we sallied forth for fresh adventures. We 
 proceeded up the creek until we came to the path that led 
 across Middle Ridge to the South Branch. There was a ne- 
 gro cabin there, and Bruce was acquainted with the colored 
 man who lived in it, as he had lived in Camberland with 
 the Lynn family. Bruce made him believe that he was 
 
FOUR YEABS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 253 
 
 Sprig Lynn, and that I was Johnnie Fay. He "took it all 
 in" and believed it firmly, as Bruce could relate to him 
 many incidents of his boyhood days. 
 
 We then inquired of him if McFern had gone up the 
 creek that day, but he did not know, as he had been away 
 all day himself, but we could find out by going to the next 
 house. Bruce went on to the next house, while I stood 
 picket in the road. We still had it in our heads to capture 
 him if we could. So when Bruce returned he brought the 
 joyful news that McFern had gone up the creek that morn- 
 ing, and was still up there, buying cattle. We then deter- 
 mined to have him, if it took us all night. There was a lady 
 in that neighborhood who requested us, if we captured him, 
 to hold him as a hostage for her father, whom the Yankees 
 had in prison as a citizen, and it was my full determination 
 to do so. 
 
 As we proceeded up the creek we were overtaken by a 
 man in a wagon, and we got in and rode a short distance. 
 We soon found that he was a Hebel, and we divulged our 
 plans to him. He told us that we would find McFern at one 
 of two houses that he located. We then got out of the 
 wagon and waited some time, in order to keep suspicion 
 from our friend, and then cautiously proceeded to the first 
 house and inquired for our man, but they said he was not 
 there; that we would find him at the next house, Mr. Davis 
 Bees'. 
 
 We then knew how to lay our plans. I was to arrest 
 him while Bruce was to watch that no one else interfered. 
 We belted our pistols, already cocked, under our overcoats, 
 walked up to the front door of the house, and knocked, pass- 
 ing ourselves off as Yankees. A young ladv came to the door 
 and we asked her if we could stay all night. She said she 
 supposed we could, and asked us to come in. We then walked 
 into the front room. She sat some chairs up to the fireplace 
 and requested us to be seated there. There was no one else 
 in the room. 
 
 We had no sooner taken our seats than the young lady 
 left us and went into the dining room. As she opened the 
 door I saw several men seated there. I tapped Bruce on the 
 shoulder and told him to come on. We went into the other 
 
254 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 255 
 
 room and found some seven or eight men, mostly citizens. 
 We bid "Good evening" to t'hem and took our seats side by 
 side. They seemed a little surprised at our abruptness, but 
 said nothing, and soon resumed their conversation. In a few 
 minutes we knew which one was our man, and Bruce touched 
 my foot as a sign to proceed. I then opened the conversa- 
 tion. 
 
 "Your name is McFern, is it not?" 
 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 "You are buying cattle for the United States govern- 
 ment, are you not ?" 
 
 "Well, not exactly. I am butchering them." 
 
 "Well, Mr. McFern, you can consider yourself our pris- 
 oner," I said, at the same time rising and walking up to 
 him with pistol drawn, Bruce at the same time standing up 
 with his pistol ready. McFern, thinking we were Yankees, 
 wanted to know, very insolently, what he had done to be ar- 
 rested for in this manner, and what authority we had to 
 arrest him. 
 
 "Simply," says I, "because we are Rebels, and you are a 
 Yankee, or working for the government, and we want those 
 cattle you have to take to the Southern Army, and you along 
 with them." 
 
 If a cyclone had struck the house it would not have 
 more surprised him, and all that were there, as they did not 
 think there was a Rebel under arms within forty miles of 
 that place. 
 
 He commenced begging at once, and as I was standing 
 by him holding my pistol in hand, with the muzzle pointed 
 to the floor, my finger on the trigger, and searching him for 
 arms with my other hand, my pistol, I suppose from the 
 numbness of my hand, accidentally went off and bored a 
 hole through the floor. He then pleaded "for God's sake" 
 not to kill him, and the women commenced screaming and 
 begging me not to shoot him, I explaining all the time that 
 it was an accident, and that he would not be hurt. One of 
 the men in the room spoke up and said he knew it was 
 accidental. We finally got quiet restored. 
 
 He declared he had no arms but a pocketknife, and 
 gave that to me, but as I was searching him I felt a big, fat 
 
 18 
 
256 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 pocketbook, but did not take it just then. We then made 
 preparations to go. He said he had twenty-four head of 
 cattle in the yard, but had let the young ladies of the house 
 have his horse to go sleighing that evening. We gave him his 
 overcoat, and, as we stenned out of the door, I told him he 
 had better let me carry that pocketbook, for fear of an acci- 
 dent, and that I would trade gloves with him, also, as he 
 had a nice pair of lamb's wool gloves, and mine were quite 
 worn. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 257 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 I guarded him while Bruce, after pressing two or three 
 of the young men who were there into service, drove the cat- 
 tle out of the yard and counted them. There were twenty- 
 four big, fat cattle. My old school teacher, Ziler Chadwick, 
 was in the room at the time, but I did not let it be known 
 that I knew him, and he avoided recognizing me. A young 
 Mr. Herriott was there also. Chadwick was teaching school 
 in the neighborhood. 
 
 After starting the cattle I told Bruce to take charge of 
 the prisoner and I would take charge of the cattle, as it 
 would be difficult to drive them. It was my full determina- 
 tion to bring the cattle and prisoner out South, for we had 
 made arrangements with the colored man to help us drive 
 them across the Eidge from his house. But after we had pro- 
 ceeded about one mile Bruce came running to me and told 
 me that the prisoner had gotten away from him, and we had 
 better "skip out," as he would give the alarm and have the 
 Yankees after us. I was vexed considerably, and upbraided 
 him for being so careless, when he said it made no difference, 
 as there was plenty of money in that pocketbook to get us 
 all the horses we wanted. I asked him how he knew what 
 was in it. He said McFern told him there was nearly $900 
 in it, and he knew he had told him the truth, and if we had 
 captured him in the morning we would have gotten $2,500. 
 So there was no other course to pursue, and we left the cattle 
 in the road and departed. 
 
 We hurried on down the road to the old colored man's, 
 and gave him $5 to take us across the Eidge on his horses, 
 which he did. For fear of getting separated we went to a 
 cabin in the woods and aroused them. By the light from 
 a pine torch on the hearth we divided the money and found 
 it as McFern had said, nearly $900 in greenbacks. Bruce 
 then told me he let him go on purpose, as he did not want 
 to be bothered with him. 
 
258 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 We then went on the "South Branch" to Vause Herri- 
 ott's plantation, and roused him up and asked him to let us 
 stay the remainder of the night. It was arranged before we 
 got there that I was to buy Vause's fine bay horse, and 
 Bruce was to buy a fine black mare from Frank Murphy. 
 
 So, after we had gone to bed, I asked Vause what he 
 would take for the horse. He said $225 in greenbacks, but 
 as I wanted him for service, and he was afraid the Yankees 
 would take him, I might have him for $200. We had not 
 told him of our capture, and he did not think we had any 
 money, but I told him I would take him. He then wanted 
 to know where we had made a raise. Bruce told him we had 
 been to Cumberland and made a capture. But in the morn- 
 ing, when I handed him $200 and took the horse he was 
 very much surprised. We then told him how we got it, and 
 he became very uneasy, and wanted us to leave immediately, 
 as he said the Yankees would be sure to be after us, and if 
 they found us there they would bum him out. We told 
 him we were as anxious to leave as he was to have us, and 
 to help us across the river, as it was quite high. I swam the 
 horse across, and Vause took Bruce across in the canoe, when 
 we both mounted and started for Romney. We did not stay 
 at Romney long, but went on to Mr. Pancake's. I left 
 nearly all my money with Mrs. Sallie Pancake and went to 
 Patterson's and got the saddle I had left there, and, mount- 
 ing, I began to feel like, a cavalryman. Bruce went on to 
 Frank Murphy's and bought the black mare, when he, too, 
 was well mounted. 
 
 I intended to go right on to the company, but meeting 
 William French and George Arnold at Pancake's, th,ey per- 
 suaded me to go back with them to Jersey Mountain, as 
 some more of Company D were coming in, and we would 
 make a raid on the railroad and capture a train of cars. I 
 concluded to do so. 
 
 We first went to their stronghold up in. the mountains, 
 called "Fort Defiance," and from there on down the moun- 
 tain to Frank Ewer's place, and then down on the "Levels" 
 to Swisher's, where I got Mrs. Swisher to go to Paw Paw 
 Depot, on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, for me, and run 
 the blockade with some grey goods to make me a new suit; 
 
POUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 259 
 
 also a pair of boots and a lot of calico. I wanted to take the 
 calico out South, as if was a great object at that time. A 
 young lady who could sport a calico dress those times felt 
 rich, as all the wear was homespun. As Bid Leopard used 
 to say, we could board a week in the Valley for a yard of 
 calico or a Hagerstown almanac. He and Bill Herbert, 
 both cavalrymen, once took a load of almanacs to the Page 
 Valley and made a fortune in "Confed." But 1 am di- 
 gressing, and will return. 
 
 I had left some money with Mrs. Scanlon to run the 
 blockade for me and get some clothes also, thinking if one 
 failed the other would not, and if they both succeeded I 
 could very easily dispose of all I could carry at a handsome 
 profit when I got South. I wanted the clothing mainly for 
 myself and father's family. William French and I were 
 together for some time, scouting around to see what we could 
 pick up. 
 
 At Swisher's I met my old friend and comrade in arms, 
 Mr. Charles French, but he was only with us a short time. 
 We went from there up the South Branch one night and 
 learned that a sleighing party was having a dance at Mrs. 
 Brooks', across the river. So we left our horses at Forman 
 Taylor's and crossed the river on the ice, and engaged in the 
 dance until nearly daylight. We had to do our traveling at 
 night and lay by in the daytime, for fear some scouting 
 party of the enemy would capture us. At those dances I 
 would meet girls and young ladies that I had been raised 
 with and had gone to school with, and enjoyed myself 
 hugely. 
 
 One night I was in Springfield and sat up at a wake 
 with a dead child of John Seeders, and before daylight 
 James Parsons and myself left and stopped at George John- 
 son's, a tavern stand, where we remained a short time. Just 
 as we were leaving, at daybreak, and going through a little 
 passageway between the main building and kitchen, Par- 
 sons, who was ahead, just as he got to the gate, wheeled 
 around to me and said: "Kun, for God's sake, the Yankees 
 are right here." So I wheeled and ran and went up the 
 steps and into the icehouse. By that time the Yanks were 
 in the house, but did not see me. They proved to be a squad 
 
260 EOtJR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 of infantry from Green Spring Station, and did not stay long, 
 but I thought I would freeze to death while they did stay, 
 as I had to remain in that cold icehouse. 
 
 Every time Johnson came out of the house he would 
 shake his hand at me, as he knew I was looking out of the 
 latticed window. They would not trouble Parsons, as he 
 was staying at home. Finally they left and I came down, 
 and they were not out of sight of town before I was down 
 on the square. 
 
 William French and myself went to several dances, and 
 had a fine time with the girls, and I never enjoyed myself 
 better in my life. But those happy days were soon to be 
 over, and days and months of misery to follow. 
 
 There was no chance to capture a train, and I had made 
 all my arrangements to go on to the company. I had gotten 
 my money from Mrs. Sallie Pancake, had bought a good cav- 
 alry saddle from W. J. Long, had bought a pistol (as the 
 one I was using was borrowed) and had gotten my clothes 
 from the tailor. I had to make a trip to Mrs. Scanlon's to 
 get the things she had bought for me, and had intended to 
 go out by the Grassy Lick road, but as there were several of 
 the company going in another direction, they insisted that I 
 should come back and go that way, which I did. I was in- 
 duced to do so, however, more from the fact that some 
 young ladies, the Misses Murphy and some others, wanted 
 to send some valentines by me to the boys. 
 
 The day I started out I met John Lynn, Manny Bruce, 
 M. Lovett, of Company D, and Captain Stump at Frank 
 Murphy's. Lynn and Bruce were going to McNeil's Com- 
 pany, Lovett was going to stay at Murphy's, and Captain 
 Stump would have me go home with him and stay all night, 
 as I had been so attentive td him when wounded. I spent 
 the night with Captain Stump. Lovett was to meet me at 
 Stump's at 9 o'clock the next morning. We were to go to- 
 gether, and, after we got up the road a few miles, take a 
 bridle path across the mountain. I spent a pleasant night 
 with Captain Stump at his sister's, Mrs. French, and it was 
 the last night for him on this earth. The next day he was 
 murdered in cold blood. 
 
 The next morning, after breakfast, we saddled up our 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 261 
 
 horses and waited awhile for Lovett. When the hour had 
 passed that he was to meet me, and as Captain Stump 
 wanted to go down the river, near Eomney, to his father's, 
 I concluded I would ride on slowly, and I told him to tell 
 Lovett to hurry up and overtake me, and thus we parted. 
 When I reached the place at the road where the path led 
 across the mountain I left word at a house there for them 
 to tell Lovett that I had gone on up the road, as I was not 
 acquainted with the bridle path. 
 
 After going some distance I came to where the roads 
 forked, one road leading to Moorefield, the other through the 
 Bean settlement to Lost Eiver. I took the latter road, but 
 they ran nearly parallel with each other for some distance, 
 gradually widening out. There had been a little thaw the 
 day before, but it had frozen that night, and the roads were 
 one sheet of ice, and my horse being smooth shod it was 
 difficult to get along. I had the goods that I had bought 
 under the saddle, and the boots tied behind, and was carry- 
 ing the saddle that I had borrowed from Bud Peterson at 
 Brock's Gap. 
 
 As I was riding along, thinking I was safe from the en- 
 emy, my horse pricked up his ears and threw up his head, 
 and I knew he saw something. Looking ahead I saw a man 
 riding across from the road I was in towards the other road, 
 with the cape of his overcoat thrown back, and I could see 
 the red lining. I halted for a few seconds, but thinking it 
 was some of Major Harry Gilmore's command, or Captain 
 McNeil's men, as I knew they were camped near Moorefield 
 (and our men wore such coats), I rode on, but had not gone 
 far until I saw several men riding about in the woods in a 
 suspicious manner, and concluded, whether they were Eeb- 
 els or not, that I would get out of there. So I wheeled my 
 horse around, threw down the extra saddle I was carrying, 
 and put spurs to my horse and went down the road as fast 
 as I eould go. I could see no other way of escape. But as 
 soon as I had wheeled and started they commenced firing at 
 me, and the bullets whistled by, but I kept on. I knew my 
 horse was fast, my greatest fear being that he might fall on 
 the ice ; but when I got to the forks of the road I saw ten or 
 
262 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 twelve men just ahead of me. I dashed in amongst them, 
 as I could not check my horse. 
 
 One fellow grabbed the reins of my horse, while an- 
 other had his pistol leveled at my head, when some of the 
 others pulled me off the horse and commenced taking my 
 things. I was quarreling with them all the time, thinking 
 they were Eebels, as they were dressed like Eebels and 
 talked like them. I kept asking them what they were. They 
 said they were Eebels and belonged to Gilmore's command, 
 and that I was a d — d Yankee spy. 
 
 I told them I was a Eebel and had papers in my pocket 
 to show them where I belonged. They replied that if I was all 
 right I would get all my things back again; that Harry 
 Gilmore was on behind. They wanted to know if there were 
 any more soldiers down the road. I told them there was 
 one coming behind me (meaning Lovett). They said if I 
 told them a lie they would kill me. 
 
 One took my hat and gave me an old one about three 
 sizes too large ; one took my overcoat and vizer, and gave me 
 a citizen's coat ; another took my haversack and pocketbook, 
 with $125 in it; another pulled at -my boots, but I held my 
 foot so it would not come off, when he called on a compan- 
 ion to take hold of the othen boot, which he did, throwing 
 me flat on my back and straddle of a small tree. Each man 
 continued pulling at a boot until they pulled them off. One 
 of them put on my boots and gave me, his old ones, which 
 were a size too small. I could not get my heel any further 
 into them than the top of the counters. They took my fine 
 horse and gave me a young horse they had picked up along 
 the road, and a citizen's saddle. In a few minutes all that 
 change was made, and as it was a bitter cold morning I felt 
 the change very perceptibly. They then left one man to 
 guard me, and the balance rode on. 
 
 They were the "Jessie Scouts," or Captain Blaser's 
 Scouts, and numbered about thirty men, under the command 
 of Major Young — as desperate a set of guerrillas as ever 
 graced a saddle. They dressed like Eebels, and would go in 
 advance of the command, which was some distance behind. 
 
 After they had all left I asked the one who was guard- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 2fi3 
 
 a 
 
 ! 
 
264 FOUK YEAHS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 ing me to tell me the truth, what they were, whether they 
 were Yanks or Rehs. 
 
 "Oh, we are all Rehs," he said, "and belong to Gilmore, 
 and you will get all your things back." 
 
 I then began to think they were Rebels; but in a short 
 time the main column came in sight, and as soon as I saw 
 them, all dressed in blue, my guard hunched me and asked 
 me what I thought of those fellows. I told him he need not 
 tell me any more lies, that I knew where I was now. So, 
 when they came up, about 400 of them, he turned me over 
 to the guard, and, sure enough, Major Harry Gilmore was 
 there, but he was a prisoner, and his cousin, Hoffman Gil- 
 more, also. They had thirteen prisoners, and among them 
 John Lynn and Manny Bruce. They made the prisoners 
 ride single file, with a guard on each side of each prisoner. 
 
 They had come out of Winchester by the Moorefield 
 road, piloted by a deserter from Gilmore's command, for 
 the express purpose of capturing Harry Gilmore. They cap- 
 tured him at a house where he had his headquarters. As 
 soon as that was accomplished they started back to Win- 
 chester by way of Romney, picking up all soldiers they met. 
 We had not gone far until they brought Lovett in. He 
 blamed me for his capture, because I did not take the path 
 across the mountain, and I blamed him for our capture for 
 not being on time, as he had promised. If I had been fifteen 
 minutes sooner I would have been beyond the turn of the 
 road and would have escaped; or if I had been fifteen min- 
 utes later I would have been with Lovett, and we would 
 have gone the bridle path, and both escaped capture. So my 
 fate at that time hung on fifteen minutes of time either way. 
 What a trivial circumstance often changes the tide of a 
 man's life! 
 
 . I was uneasy all the time after I was captured about 
 Captain Stump, as I knew that he had gone down the road 
 and would be deceived by them; and I had often heard him 
 say that he would rather die on the field of battle than fall 
 into their hands. But as we went on and they did not bring 
 him back I began to hope that he had given them the slip, 
 and especially after passing his father's house. But we had 
 not passed the house far when I saw him lying dead in the 
 
FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 265 
 
 road, with nothing on but his pants and. shirt, and his face 
 all black. But I knew him by his home-made pants, and re- 
 marked that there lies Captain Stump. John Lynn said it 
 was not Stump, but I was sure of it, and it proved too true. 
 
 The scouts said they had killed the chief of all the guer- 
 rillas, as he was heavily armed, having two or three six- 
 shooters, besides a carbine. 
 
 One of them told me that when they rode up to the 
 house Stump came out and attempted to get on his horse, 
 and they shot him through the leg; and after they had cap- 
 tured him he said he could whip all of them if they would 
 give him a chance, and that when they got out in the road 
 they gave him a chance, and commenced firing on him until 
 they killed him. Another one told me that after they left 
 the house and got in the road their commander said that 
 he was an old guerrilla chief, and told them to kill him, 
 which they did, and I believe that part is true. 
 
 That was the last of Captain George Stump, a good and 
 brave soldier. He always carried several pistols, and his 
 command called him "Stump's Battery." One of the scouts 
 told me that when they captured me, as I dashed up into 
 them, he had his pistol cocked and pointed right at my head, 
 with his finger on the trigger, and was in the act of firing, 
 when he saw I could not check the horse, and did not fire. I 
 was just that near death that time. 
 
266 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 It was a very cold day when we were captured — the 5th 
 of February, 1865 — and they kept on the march all day, and 
 until about 9 o'clock at night, when they halted on the road 
 leading from Romney to Winchester, to feed their horses. 
 I had suffered terribly from the cold, having been warmly 
 dressed when captured, but now nearly stripped. The change 
 was as sudden as taking a cold bath. 
 
 When they stopped to feed I was in hopes they would 
 stay all night. While our guards were building a fire I whis- 
 pered to Bruce that now was our time to escape. He said 
 "Hush." I was more anxious for Bruce to escape than my- 
 self, for they had captured him once and condemned him 
 as a "spy," but he made his escape, and afterwards went into 
 service, and I knew if they found that out it would go very 
 hard with him. When they took Bruce's coat away from him 
 they gave him a Yankee blue overcoat, and gave me a black 
 one. As some of the guards were busy making fires, others 
 kept us huddled up together, and kept counting us; but 
 Bruce and I kept stirring around to confuse them. Directly 
 afterwards I saw Bruce walk out of the ring and mix up 
 with the men that were feeding the horses. As soon as the 
 fellow commenced counting us again I began stirring 
 around to confuse him and to make two men out of myself 
 if I could, to give Bruce as much time as possible, but he 
 soon found there was one missing and gave the alarm. 
 
 Some two or three of them ran down in the woods and 
 fired several shots, but they did not get Bruce, and I have 
 never seen him since, but heard that he went a short dis- 
 tance in the woods and laid down behind a log until the com- 
 mand moved on. I would like to see my old partner once 
 more on earth and talk over our adventures, but I do not 
 expect ever to have the opportunity. 
 
 After the horses had been fed and had rested a short 
 time, we resumed the march. As we were crossing one of 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 267 
 
 the mountains we were suffering so intensely with the cold 
 that I asked the officer, in command if we could not walk 
 awhile, as our feet were nearly frozen. He said we could if 
 the guards would walk with us, which they were glad to do, 
 as they were nearly as cold as we were. So we all dismounted, 
 but I happened to be in advance and could see no chance of 
 escape. We had not been walking long, however, until 
 the rear man in the line broke ranks and jumped down the 
 side of the mountain and made his escape. The guard fired 
 several shots after him, but without effect. 
 
 They then made us mount, and were more strict than 
 ever, for they made one of the guards take the rein of each 
 prisoner's horse and lead him, and they had orders to carry 
 their pistols cocked and to fire on us if we made an attempt 
 to escape. One reason why they traveled in the night was 
 they were afraid that the different commands camped around 
 Moorefield would rally and head them off between Romney 
 and Winchester and release the prisoners. 
 
 Finally, about 3 o'clock in the morning, we arrived at 
 Capon Bridge and went into camp. They put the prisoners 
 in a house, where we had a fire and we got thawed out. I 
 stole a pair of gloves out of the pocket of one of the guards 
 who slept in the room with us that night, and wore them 
 the next day. Directly after daylight they saddled up, and 
 during that day we arrived in Winchester. We were taken to 
 General Sheridan's headquarters and brought into his august 
 presence. When we were arraigned he pronounced sen- 
 tence on us to the effect that we were "guerrillas of noto- 
 rious character, and should be kept in close confinement at 
 Fort McHenry, Baltimore, Md., during the war, and not be 
 exchanged." 
 
 He had issued orders a short time before that all Rebel 
 soldiers captured inside of his lines should be treated as 
 guerrillas. He claimed his lines extended ur> to our picket 
 posts, when sometimes the pickets of both armies would 
 he twenty miles apart. He claimed the intervening space. 
 We were then assigned to the guard-house at Winchester. 
 
 I was very uneasy for fear they would find out about 
 us capturing McFern ; but they never, as long as I was a pris- 
 oner, said a word about it. They knew such things were 
 
268 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 customary in both armies at that time. I never expected 
 anything else, if I got captured, but to be stripped and 
 robbed, and vice versa. 
 
 I was uneasy about another thing, which was that I 
 had two discharges in my pocket from the hospital. One or- 
 dered me to report to Company A, 33d Virginia Infantry, 
 and the other to Company D, 11th Virginia Cavalry. As I 
 was a cavalryman when captured, I told them I belonged 
 to the cavalry, and it went on record that way in the prison. 
 When I got my discharge I was put down as a private in 
 Company D, 11th Virginia Cavalry, and they never knew I 
 belonged to the infantry. So, when I landed in the guard- 
 house at Winchester, I had an old hat, old boots, pants, and 
 an army jacket. That was all the good I ever got out of 
 over $400 that I had captured from McFern, except two 
 canteens of apple brandy. The officers at the guard-house at 
 Winchester called us out, one at a time, made us strip, and 
 searched us all over and searched our clothing. I told them 
 they could find nothing on me after those "Jessie Scouts 
 went through me." They laughed and said "they guessed 
 not, for they were worse than a dose of salts." 
 
 The next day after landing in Winchester we were taken 
 out of the guard-house and marched through a blinding 
 snowstorm to Stephenson's depot, five miles below Winches- 
 ter, and put in a cattle car and taken to Harper's Perry. 
 There we had to stand in the snow for four hours waiting 
 for a train to take us to Baltimore. I had no blanket nor 
 overcoat, and I got so cold that I borrowed a blanket from 
 one of the guards and laid down in the snow and rolled up 
 in it. At last the train came and we were put in a good 
 warm car that had a stove in it, and some time that night 
 we arrived in Baltimore, and were taken to the slave-pen 
 prison. The next day, which was the 8th of February, we 
 were mustered in line and marched out to Fort McHenry. 
 They made us march in two ranks in the middle of the 
 street, while the guards' marched on the sidewalks. There 
 being a thaw that day, the water was running considerably, 
 but we had to wade every place where the water ran across 
 the road, and were wet above our knees. 
 
 When we arrived at Fort McHenry we were taken to 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 269 
 
 the provost marshal's office and our names, company and 
 regiment taken down, and also had to undergo another 
 strict search. There we met the crossest, most tyrannical 
 man, for a provost marshal, that we had encountered yet. 
 He cursed us black and blue, and wanted to know where we 
 got those blue clothes we had on. I told him that their 
 soldiers had taken ours from us and given us those in return. 
 He said: "That's a d — d lie; you stole them off our dead 
 soldiers on the battle-field." 
 
 We were then conducted into the prison, a large brick 
 building that had been used as a stable before the war, and 
 put in a room where there were about 250 prisoners. There 
 was one large stove in the room, and two rows of bunks on 
 each side, with a hallway through the center. The bunks 
 were not divided, but all in one, the second tier being just 
 one floor above the other, at a distance of about five feet. It 
 was about ten feet to the ceiling. We were put in there 
 about dark, cold, wet and hungry, and could draw no rations 
 until 12 o'clock the next day. 
 
 We began to look for some place to lie down, but found 
 every foot of space occupied except the hallway, and that 
 was about two inches deep in mud and slush. There was a 
 small yard to each prison, and the prisoners could go out and 
 in when they chose until 8 o'clock at night. We then tried 
 to get to the stove, but could not even get near enough 
 to see any of it except the pipe. It was terribly cold, the 
 thermometer registering below zero. There were a great 
 many crippled soldiers in there who had been captured on 
 the battle-field at Winchester, some of them one-legged and 
 one-armed, and they had the preference at the stove. 
 
 We were wondering what we would do, as we were 
 "fresh fish" and did not know the ropes yet, and were 
 thinking our only chance was to lie down in the mud, when 
 the door opened and a sergeant called for "that last batch 
 of prisoners that came in." We eagerly went forward and 
 wanted to know his wishes. He said we were too thick in 
 there, and he would take us to another room, where we 
 would be more comfortable. 
 
 We were pleased with that idea, but alas! vain hope! 
 many of us went to our doom. 
 
270 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 As each one's name was called he was ordered to step 
 outside. When my turn came, and I stepped out, I was 
 escorted between two guards through that yard into another, 
 and into a building that was full of cells, with a narrow 
 passage-way against each wall, and was handed over to a 
 sergeant who had a big bunch of keys hung to his arm. 
 He opened one of the cell doors and told me to walk in. 
 
 "What is the meaning of all this?" I inquired. 
 
 "You will find out before you get out," he replied. 
 
 I had no blanket and there was no fire in the whole 
 building, and it shocked me so to think that I would freeze 
 to death in that terrible hole that I nearly sank to the floor. 
 Presently they opened the door to put another one in with 
 me. He had a blanket, but seeing that I had none he 
 started back and asked the sergeant to put him in with a 
 man that had a blanket; but I grabbed him and pulled him 
 in my cell and said "For God's sake come in here." At the 
 same time the sergeant shut the door and locked it. 
 
 He proved to be Hoffman Gilmore, cousin to Major 
 Harry Gilmore, and was courier for his cousin. His home 
 was in Baltimore and he had not been in service long; 
 neither had he seen any hardships, so when he was placed 
 in the cell he gave up, and broke down entirely, and said 
 we might as well conclude to die that we never would get 
 out alive. 
 
 Presently there was another prisoner put in our cell by 
 the name of John Eafter. He belonged to McNeil's Com- 
 pany of rangers and had not seen much service. They were 
 both younger than I was, and as I was rather hardened to 
 privations and dangers I thought it would not do for us 
 all to give up, so I commenced trying to cheer them up, 
 and put on a lively air and told them we were worth a 
 hundred dead men yet. By that means I inspired some 
 vigor and confidence in them and myself, too. 
 
 The prisoners were all distributed in the cells in that 
 way, three in a cell. The cells were five feet wide and eight 
 feet long, made of two-inch oak plank doubled, with a hole 
 in each door ten inches square with iron bars across, and 
 ventilator holes just opposite in the brick wall. The cold 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 271 
 
 o 
 
 « 
 § 
 
 K 
 
 E 
 
272 FOUB TEABS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 wind blew right in on us, and it was the coldest spell of 
 weather during the winter of 1864 and 1865. 
 
 We finally lay down on the floor close together, and, 
 covering ourselves over head and heels, tried to sleep, but we 
 just lay there and shivered. We were afraid to go to sleep 
 for fear we would freeze to death. 
 
 I said to the boys : "This will never do," and I jumped 
 up and commenced dancing and singing and running around 
 for exercise. I made them get up, and we walked around 
 the cell for hours in single file, holding to one another's 
 coats, for it was dark as a dungeon, and we took that pre- 
 caution to keep from running against each other. Then, 
 when we got tired we would lie down awhile and rub our 
 feet and limbs, for we were very scantily clothed. We kept 
 that up until 12 o'clock the next day, when we drew some 
 rations, which consisted of a piece of bread and a piece of 
 meat; and small at that. And that was our rations while 
 we stayed there. 
 
 Every day at 12 o'clock we would get a slice of bread 
 and piece of salt pork; and every third day we would draw 
 a quart of bean soup, with about three beans to the quart; 
 but if we had no cups to put the soup in they would pass 
 on and not give us any at all. None of us had any cups 
 at first, and, as I saw I was about to lose my soup, I grabbed 
 up my old hat and, by sinking in the crown from the out- 
 side, I made a depression large enough to hold my soup, and, 
 soaking my bread in it, ate it that way. The other boys 
 said they could not do that; but I took notice they "tumbled" 
 to it the next time soup came round, and continued to do 
 so until we procured cups. 
 
 We had no money, no tobacco nor pipes and no writing 
 material. I had some acquaintances in Baltimore before the 
 war, but did not know whether they were there now or not. 
 Hoffman Gilmore had scores of wealthy relatives in Balti- 
 more, but ft> get word to them was the question. 
 
 The second day I was there I got one of the guards to 
 give me a paper and he brought me the Baltimore Gazette. 
 I scanned it over in a hurry to find by the advertisements 
 some one that I knew, and soon found the firm of H. K. 
 Hoffman & Co., wholesale grocers, No. 45 South Howard 
 
FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 273 
 
 street. It was like a beacon light to me. If some one had 
 entered the prison at that time to release me it would not 
 have filled me with more joy than to see that well-known 
 name of H. K. Hoffman. He was once a merchant in 
 Springfield, had boarded at my father's house when single; 
 had married there and had always been a fast friend of 
 our family. I did not know his politics, but that made no 
 difference; I knew he would help me in distress. I then 
 begged the guards for paper, envelope and stamp, and wrote 
 to him to please send me a little money. The next day 
 I received a letter from him with five dollars in it. It was 
 a Godsend to us; and I don't think five dollars ever did so 
 much good to any one in this world as that did to us. I 
 divided with my comrades. I did not get the money, but 
 the amount was sent into me by the provost marshal in 
 Sutler's checks, and we had to spend it with him. The 
 provost would not let us buy anything to eat, but would let 
 us buy tobacco, etc. The first thing I invested in was pipe, 
 tobacco, matches, paper, envelopes, stamps, candles and quart 
 cups. It was quite dark in our cell in the day time, and 
 the candle made it more cheerful and we even imagined 
 it made the cell warmer. 
 
 Hoffman Gilmore then wrote to his friends and soon 
 received a check for twenty dollars, and we were then well 
 fixed with respect to funds. As I had cheered him up in 
 his first distress, and relieved his wants with money, he 
 became one of the best friends I ever had and remained so 
 during our sojourn in prison. He often said that if it had 
 not been for me he believed he would have died in that cell. 
 
 Our prisons were located outside of the main fort near 
 the water. There were three large, long, brick buildings, each 
 one divided into four rooms, two below and two above. One 
 room was full of cells on the ground; the other room on the 
 ground floor of the same building was used as a guard-house 
 for their own men. One room above had Confederate offi- 
 cers confined in it, while the other was full of bounty 
 jumpers. Each room had a small yard attached to it. The 
 next building in the row, which was the one we were put 
 into, had "Eebel" prisoners in one room; the other room, 
 on the ground floor, was full of "bounty jumpers," while 
 
274 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 the one above them was full of Kebel citizen prisoners. The 
 room above the Rebel prisoners was full of negroes they 
 had picked up wherever they could find them, and they kept 
 them there until they got two or three hundred, when they 
 would ship them to the front, and fill up again. I never 
 knew what was in the other brick building. I give this 
 description in order that the reader may fully understand 
 what transpired afterwards. 
 
 Around each prison and yard there was a high plank 
 fence with a parapet on top with sentinels walking day and 
 night. At night they were placed in the yards also. A sen- 
 tinel walked in front of our cells all the time and one stood 
 in the door of the building. If a prisoner wanted to go out 
 into the yard he would inform the guaird, when he would 
 sing out, "Sergeant of the guard, cell No. 10," or whatever 
 number was called for. The sergeant would then come if 
 it suited his convenience (if not he would not come for one 
 or two hours), unlock the door and take the men out — but 
 one man at a time — then have two guards conduct him out 
 and back. 
 
 The regiment that was doing guard duty there was the 
 91st New York, and they had never been to the front and 
 did not know what war was, and, consequently, did not know 
 how to treat prisoners, although there were a few who treated 
 us kindly. There was one sentinel, who, whenever he got on 
 our post, would slip us some coffee, or do any favor he could, 
 unperceived; but he was the only one and I have forgotten 
 his name. The provost marshal's name was Captain Mc- 
 Dermot't, a perfect tyrant, even to his own men. They had 
 given him the name of "Black Jack" and he went by that 
 name among prisoners and soldiers alike. 
 
 I would sing songs, hymns, and dance; anything to 
 make it lively and pass off the time. One night I was in 
 a big way singing some religious hymns, when all at once 
 old "Black Jack" stuck his nose in the door and said: "I 
 
 don't want so much d d piety in there." The sentinel 
 
 remarked that he had told me to hush and 1 wouldn't do 
 it (which was a lie) . Black Jack then said : "If they make 
 any more noise fire in among them and that will settle them." 
 He would come sneaking around to see what he could hear 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 275 
 
 at night, and would always give us a cursing. I sent word 
 to him the second night we were there to send us some 
 blankets. He sent word back that "his government did not 
 furnish Rebel prisoners with blankets, and that we should 
 
 stay in there until we froze or rot, he didn't care a d d 
 
 which." I sent word back — for spite — that I would not die 
 there unless he took me out to that gallows and hung me. 
 There was a gallows erected out near the fort, where they 
 had hung Leopold as a spy a short time before we went 
 there, and they all called us "gorillas" and "cell-rats." Every 
 few days some of them would come in and say: "Three 
 of you 'gorillas' are to be hung tomorrow." Sometimes they 
 would say five or ten, just as it suited them. 
 
 After we had been there about one week the weather 
 moderated some, and they would let us out in the yard to 
 walk around for one, two or three hours, and we would 
 have an opportunity to talk with the other prisoners, as 
 they would put us in their yard. One day we saw them 
 fixing the trapdoor to the gallows, and at the same time 
 they told us there would be ten "gorillas" hung the next day. 
 It made us feel rather bad that night, and we began to 
 think there was some truth in it. I believe old "Black 
 Jack" would have hung us, but was afraid our government 
 would retaliate. In a few days after we were put in the 
 cells the men commenced getting sick, and there were fresh 
 prisoners put in every few days until there were seven in 
 each cell. They happened to put Ned Bonham in our cell. 
 He belonged to the 12th Virginia Cavalry, and was an ac- 
 quaintance of Gilmore's and myself, and we three messed 
 together during the remainder of our stay in prison. 
 
 When we lay seven in a cell we laid crosswise, and the 
 seven of us would fill the cell from one end to the other, 
 and we had to all lie spoon fashion at that. There were 
 two of the seven that were six feet, and as our cell was only 
 five feet we had to "spoon" considerably to get the six- 
 footers in. When one turned over we would all have to 
 turn. There was not room enough for one man to lie on his 
 back. Sometimes some of them would want to turn and 
 the others would not turn, and then we would have a row 
 and punching of ribs, until we all got in one notion. 
 
276 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 But we did not remain crowded long, for they began 
 to sicken and die, and our cell was soon reduced to four. 
 They would take the pneumonia and die in a few days. 
 One man in a cell next to me died in twenty-four hours 
 after he was taken sick. The sergeant would come along in 
 front of the cells in the mornings and want to know if there 
 were any sick. If there were any that were able to walk 
 he would take them up to the hospital to the doctor, who 
 would prescribe for them, give them some medicine and 
 send them back. If they were not able to walk they would 
 lie there until they died, or were nearly dead, and then be 
 carried to the hospital on a stretcher. By that time the 
 disease would have such a hold on them that they were 
 almost sure to die. But few got well. Out of eighty prison- 
 ers that were in the cells, forty died or were sick in the 
 hospital in thirty days. 
 
 I told the sergeant one morning that I was sick and 
 wanted to go to the doctor. There was nothing the matter 
 with me, but I wanted to go out of curiosity, and to have 
 a walk and some exercise. He took me along with a num- 
 ber of others, and we had to stand on a long porch in the 
 cold until the doctor got through with his breakfast, which, 
 I thought, was about one hour. Finally, when he came and 
 examined us, and asked me what was the matter with me 
 I told him I had the itch, as a great many had that com- 
 plaint, and it was the best excuse that I could offer. He 
 gave me some medicine for it, which I threw away on my 
 way back to my cell. That was the last time I volunteered 
 to go to the hospital. 
 
 One night, about midnight, they opened the door of 
 our cell and put a fellow in who was yelling and screaming 
 and crying like he was scared to death. He laid down on the 
 floor and kept crying and moaning at a terrible rate. We 
 began to make sport of him, and wanted to know what regi- 
 ment he belonged to. He said his name was James Glenn 
 Gatelow, and that he did not belong to the army at all, and 
 he "never done nothing," and he did not know what they 
 put him in there for. 
 
 Finally we found out all about him. He was an idiot 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 277 
 
 they had picked up near Winchester because he had some 
 soldier's clothes on. He was a more fit subject for a lunatic 
 asylum than a prison like that. But we had a great deal 
 of sport out of him while he remained in prison. 
 
278 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 One day when we were out in the yard with the other 
 prisoners we heard there were some sick and wounded who 
 were going to be exchanged, and .the other prisoners had 
 thought it terrible that we were kept in the cells. One man, 
 a Louisiana sergeant, who was going to be exchanged, took 
 down all our names, the company and regiment to which 
 we belonged, and put them in his boots. When he got to 
 Richmond he reported our treatment to President Davis and 
 Commissioner Ould and had our names published in the 
 Richmond papers. My parents happened to get one of the 
 papers, which I saw after I got home. Our authorities at 
 Eichmond sent word to the United States authorities that 
 we were no guerrillas, but regular soldiers, and if we were 
 not released from the cells, and treated as other prisoners 
 of war, they would put a like number of Fedreal prisoners 
 in close confinement during the war. 
 
 So one day, as they were returning us to our cells from 
 the yard, the sergeant told us we could get the things that 
 we had in the cells, as we were not to go back there any 
 more, but should remain in the barracks with the others and 
 be treated better. Then such a shout of joy as went up — it 
 made the very walls shake. We knew nothing then of this 
 order from Richmond, but heard about it afterwards through 
 some guards. 
 
 About this time the 91st New York was ordered to the 
 front, as it was a large regiment and had done no service 
 except guard duty. Then Captain McDermott, alias "Black 
 Jack," received a furlough to go home to New York. While 
 there, on a big spree, one night, he fell down a considerable 
 flight of steps and broke his neck, as reported to us by the 
 guards. That ended his career. 
 
 The 91st New York was replaced by the 5th Ohio, a 
 regiment that had been in service during the war and was 
 considerably reduced in numbers. It was sent to Ft. Mc- 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 279 
 
 Henry to do guard duty and recruit. Captain McEwan was 
 made provost marshal. He was a perfect gentleman and 
 treated us like human beings. He soon came into our prison 
 and said: "Well, boys, how are you getting along?" I 
 saw that he would do to talk to, so I stepped out and told 
 him that we were doing very well except that we were not 
 allowed to buy anything to eat, and that some of us had 
 money, or could get it from our friends, and as our rations 
 were short we would like to buy some. It seemed to sur- 
 prise him that such was the case, and he said we could buy 
 whatever we wanted. I then told him the sutler had no 
 bread and the baker wanted money. He said he would have 
 some bread checks issued, and when we received any money 
 we could take part in sutler checks and part in bread checks. 
 
 After that we fared and were treated as well as a pris- 
 oner of war could expect. The change was great, indeed. 
 The room was not crowded, we had a good place to sleep, a 
 stove to sit by, and could buy some extra rations, and had 
 plenty of blankets. We were in the cells thirty days, and 
 during that time saw no fire and had but one blanket, and 
 were allowed but one scanty meal every twenty-four hours. 
 They can talk about the Labby prison and Andersonville, 
 but I will guarantee that there never was greater suffering 
 or a greater death rate in any prison than in the cells of 
 Ft. McHenry during the war. I look back upon my expe- 
 rience there with horror to this day, and wonder how I 
 came out alive. 
 
 When we were in the regular prison they would take 
 forty of us out every day to work and clean up about the 
 fort, which was light work and good exercise and they could 
 always get plenty of volunteers to go out to work. I often 
 went out — would rather do so than lie around the prison. 
 Sometimes they would take ten or twelve out in the edge 
 of the city to a rolling mill to load wagons with cinders 
 and haul them back to the Fort to make roads and walks. 
 We would meet Rebel sympathizers at the mill and they 
 would give us money and the guard would go with us to the 
 grocery and we wouid buy corn meal and molasses, and such 
 things, for about one-half what the sutler would charge us. 
 
 Sometimes some of the boys would give the wagon 
 
 19 
 
280 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 drivers some money and a canteen and they would go and 
 get some whiskey, but did not let the guard see them. I got 
 some once that way and took it into the prison and gave my 
 chums a dram. One of our fellows got too bold about it 
 and brought some in prison several times that way and 
 would sell it to the bounty jumpers at a fabulous price, and 
 was making a speculation of it. In one corner of our prison 
 we had a hole cut in the partition between us and the 
 bounty jumpers, and would carry on trade with them — 
 a. chew of tobacco for a "hardtack," two chews for a quart of 
 coffee, and so on. They never had any money, and the most 
 of our prisoners had some and could buy tobacco. 
 
 Those who had no friends to send them money were 
 always making rings, breastpins, fans, watch-chains, etc., 
 out of guttapercha, and put silver and gold sets in them. 
 It was like a manufactory every day; and we could sell 
 them to the guards and they would sell them again down 
 in the city for double what they gave for them. There was 
 a continual trade going on all the time. We never drew 
 any coffee and the jumpers could get all they wanted. 
 
 One day one of our fellows traded them some whiskey 
 and two of them got a little tight and beat one of their 
 comrades, whom they had a grudge against, nearly to death. 
 About midnight the guards rushed in, but could not find 
 the men; but they got them at daylight and took them to 
 the provost marshal, and he kept them tied up by the 
 thumbs for three days to make them tell where they got their 
 whiskey. They refused to tell, but he suspicioned that it 
 came through our prison. After that when we were brought 
 in from work our canteens were searched, and that broke 
 up the liquor traffic. 
 
 I had written to several of my friends who were inside 
 the lines; but the provost marshal had to read all letters 
 that were sent, and all that were received, and if they did 
 not suit him he would destroy them. 
 
 I had an uncle, S. M. Heironimus, who was a merchant 
 in Webster, Taylor County, W. Va., and a strong Union 
 man. I wrote him for some money and clothes. I had, also, 
 another uncle there at the time, but I did not know it, H. 
 W. Heironimus, and he sent me a suit of clothes in a box, 
 
FOUfi YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BBlGADE. 281 
 
 with some apples and chestnuts, and two dollars in money. 
 I received all but the apples and chestnuts. They were con- 
 fiscated, as our f riendsi were not allowed to send us anything 
 to eat. My uncle also wrote that he would be in Baltimore 
 in a few days to do some business for H. K. Hoffman, and 
 he would attend to my wants, which he did as long as I 
 was in prison. Every week or so he would send me two 
 dollars. One time he came out to the Fort and brought me 
 a new hat, but they would not let him see me. I happened 
 to be out at work that day, and saw him going from the 
 provost marshal's office up to the General's headquarters, 
 and hallooed at him, but he did not stop and did not speak, 
 being afraid they might arrest him. 
 
 There was a commission of ladies in Baltimore that 
 furnished Rebel prisoners with clothing. They would get 
 our names from the papers as we were captured, and write 
 to us as old acquaintances. One day I received a letter tell- 
 ing me I should be supplied with clothing if I needed it. 
 It was signed Miss Dora Hoffman. She also wrote to a 
 number of others. I think she was president of the society. 
 I did not need any clothing, as my uncle had supplied me 
 with all I was allowed. When we wanted clothing we had 
 to go before the provost and be examined, and whatever he 
 gave us permission to have we could get; if anything was 
 sent not in the permission the whole was confiscated. So 
 we had an old ragged suit that we kept on purpose to put 
 on when we went out to. be examined by the provost. I 
 suppose forty different men have worn that suit out to be 
 inspected. The prisoners were well supplied by that com- 
 mission of ladies, and they received thousands of blessings 
 from the poor prisoners — thanks to their kind and generous 
 souls! 
 
 We would have laws and regulations of our own in the 
 prison. We had a court-martial to punish any one for 
 stealing, and we made each one keep as clean as possible. 
 There was a high post in the middle of the yard with a 
 cross-piece on top, and every day when it was not too cold 
 there would be some one sitting upon that post, as we could 
 have a fine view of the steam tugs plying their trade up and 
 down. On the west side of the Fort was the Patapsco river, 
 
282 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 and way down the river as far as the eye could reach was 
 Fort Carroll. 
 
 One day the "Bed Sergeant" came into the prison yard 
 and called for forty men to go to work around the Fort. 
 We called him the "Red Sergeant" because he belonged 
 to the artillery and wore red chevrons on his coat and was 
 a great, big, red-faced Irishman. He soon got nearly enough, 
 but lacked one or two men, and as they were slower than 
 usual in volunteering, he got out of patience. Looking around 
 he observed a fellow by the name of Eoyston sitting upon 
 the post. 
 
 "Here, come down from there and go to work," he 
 cried out to Royston. 
 
 "I ain't going out today," replied Royston. "I was 
 out yesterday, and I'm sick, anyhow." 
 
 The sergeant called a file of men and told them to 
 cock their guns, and then pulled out his watch. 
 
 "I'll give you just five minutes to get down. If you 
 don't do it in that time I'll have you shot," he said. 
 
 "All right, I'm not coming down," said Royston, coolly. 
 
 Everything was as still as death for about three min- 
 utes; all of us standing around and expecting them to fire 
 on Royston, who continued sitting there as calmly and un- 
 concerned as if nothing unusual was transpiring. When 
 the sergeant wheeled around and walked off, we fully ex- 
 pected to see him shot. Royston said he had made up his 
 mind to die right there, and I believe he would have done it. 
 
 There was an ant bed in the lower end of the yard, and 
 every day there would be from five to ten prisoners around 
 that bed, picking off lice and having them and the ants 
 fighting. They would have a regular pitched battle, and 
 would get up bets on them. Sometimes the aunts would drag 
 the louse off, but often times a big louse would stand them 
 off. It was great sport for the prisoners. 
 
 We had a violin in prison and a fifer with his fife, and 
 would have dances at night, and often had dress parade 
 with the fife and an old camp kettle for a drum, and read 
 out a long string of orders for the next day, and all such 
 amusements to keep up our spirits and relieve the monotony 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 283 
 
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284 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 of prison life. Eats were ready sale. The prisoners would 
 cook and eat them. 
 
 Lovett wanted to raise some money one day, and adopted 
 a novel plan to do so. He had an old watch key, and 
 walked up and down with the sentinel with the key in his 
 hand until he attracted the sentinel's attention to it, and 
 then remarked that there was a key that once belonged to 
 "Stonewall Jackson." The sentinel wanted to buy it at 
 once; but, of course, Lovett would not part with it for any 
 consideration. Finally, after a great amount of begging, 
 Lovett was induced to take five dollars for it. I suppose 
 that key is held as a trophy to this day, but Jackson never 
 saw the key. 
 
 When we were first put in the cells and heard our sen- 
 tence we made application to take the oath of allegiance, 
 but they were too sharp for us and would not let us do so. 
 They knew it was a scheme to get out; but as time rolled 
 on we all knew that the Confederacy was bound to fall 
 when the spring campaign opened; and when we heard of 
 the surrender of General Lee, the 9th of April, it did not 
 surprise us. There were lively times about the Fort, firing 
 guns, etc., but a sad look among the prisoners, for we did 
 not know out fate — whether we would be transported or 
 what would become of us. 
 
 In a few days, however, their joy was turned to sad- 
 ness by the assassination of President Lincoln, the 14th of 
 April, 1865. We were sorry, too, because we knew they 
 would think that the South had something to do with it, 
 and then we knew that it would have been better for the 
 South if he had lived. When we first heard it at night we 
 did not believe it, but next morning the flag in the Fort 
 was at half-mast and the minute guns were firing, and dur- 
 ing the day the Fort and city were draped in mourning. 
 
 About one week after that Captain McBwan came into 
 our prison and told the prisoners who had been sentenced 
 there during the war that we had served our term out, as 
 the war was over, and that he would go to work and have 
 us released, which he did on the 1st of May, 1865. 
 
 We all marched up to the General's headquarters and 
 took the oath of allegiance to the United States govern- 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 285 
 
 ment and signed our names. The next morning we were 
 marched outside the walls of our prison, in two ranks, or- 
 dered to halt, and then, "Break ranks, march!" That was 
 the last military command ever given me. Here is a copy 
 of my oath, which I still have in my possession: 
 
 "United States of America. 
 "I, John 0. Casler, Private 11th Virginia Cavalry, of 
 the County of Rockingham, State of Virginia, do solemnly 
 swear, in presence of Almighty God, that I will henceforth 
 faithfully support, protect and defend the Constitution of 
 the United States, and the Union of the States thereunder; 
 and that I will in like manner abide by and faithfully sup- 
 port all acts of Congress passed during the existing rebel- 
 lion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not re- 
 pealed, modified or held void by Congress, or by decision of 
 the Supreme Court ; and that I will in like manner abide by 
 and faithfully support all proclamations of the President 
 made during the existing rebellion, having reference to 
 slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared void 
 by decision of the Supreme Court; so help me God. 
 
 "JOHN 0. CASLER. 
 "Subscribed and sworn to before me at Ft. McHenry, 
 Md., this first day of May, A. D. 1865. 
 
 "JOHN Z. MOUNT, 
 "Major and Commissary of Prisoners. 
 "The above-named has light complexion, black hair and 
 grey eyes, and is 5 feet 6 inches high." 
 
 The following is my discharge from prison: 
 
 "Office Commissary of Prisons, 
 "Ft. McHenry, Md., May 1, 1865. 
 "In pursuance of instructions from Commissary Gen- 
 eral of Prisoners, dated Washington, D. C, April 29, 1865, 
 the Provost Marshal is hereby directed to release from con- 
 finement John 0. Casler, 11th Virginia Cavalry, he having 
 taken the oath as prescribed in the President's proclama- 
 tion of December 8, 1863. 
 
 "By command of Colonel Daniel Macauly. 
 "JOHN Z. MOUNT, 
 "Major and Commissary of Prisoners." 
 
286 POUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 LAST ORDER OF R. E. LEE. 
 
 "Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, April 10, 
 I860. — General Order No. 9. — After four years of ardu- 
 ous service, marked by unsurpassed courage and fortitude, 
 the Army of Northern Virginia has been compelled to 
 yield to overwhelming numbers and resources. I need not 
 tell the survivors of so many hard-fought battles, who have 
 remained steadfast to the last, that I have consented to this 
 result from no distrust of them. But feeling that valor and 
 devotion could accomplish nothing that could compensate 
 for the loss that would have attended the continuance of 
 the contest, I determined to avoid the sacrifice of those whose 
 past services have endeared them to their countrymen. 
 
 "By the terms of the agreement officers and men can 
 return to their homes and remain until discharged. You 
 will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds from the 
 consciousness of duty faithfully performed, and I earnestly 
 pray that a merciful God will extend you his blessing and 
 protection. With an unceasing admiration of your con- 
 stancy and devotion to your country, and a grateful remem- 
 brance of your kind and general consideration for myself, 
 I bid you an affectionate farewell. 
 
 "R. E. LEE, General." 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 287 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 During my three months of prison life but one prisonei 
 escaped, and he escaped as we were unloading the wagons 
 that hauled cinders from the rolling mill. He was in one 
 of the wagons cleaning it out. When he had finished he 
 fastened up the tail-gate from the inside and, seeing the 
 guards were not looking, he laid down in the wagon-bed, 
 which was very deep, and the wagoner drove on out the 
 gates; and that was the last we ever saw of him. But the 
 driver must have known he was in there, for if he had 
 looked back he would have seen him, or when he got out of 
 the wagon he must have seen him. But the wagoners were 
 citizens, and frequently favored the soldiers. 
 
 The young fellow had an uncle living in Baltimore, 
 where he probably went. He was not missed from our squad 
 until we went in at night, when the guards counted us. 
 Instead of forty men there were only thirty-nine. Then 
 there was a commotion raised. They hunted all through 
 the barracks, and inquired what squad he was working with, 
 and who was guarding him. They finally found out who it 
 was that had gotten away. 
 
 The provost marshal came in the prison and offered 
 any of us our liberty if we would go with them to the city 
 and help find and recognize him; but none of us would go. 
 The guards went,, however, and hunted for him all night, 
 and for several days, but never found him. 
 
 After we (f broke ranks" at the prison gates we scat- 
 tered out in squads of two and three together, and went to 
 the city. There were about one hundred and fifty released 
 that morning; and about one hundred left in prison, as 
 there were none released but the sentenced prisoners. We 
 were the first batch of prisoners that were relased from any 
 Northern prison after surrender. It was before prisoners 
 were furnished transportation. Prisoners were being released 
 
 20 
 
288 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 in small squads all summer, but some did not get home till 
 late in the fall. 
 
 I went directly to my uncle, H. W. Heironimus, who 
 was salesman for the wholesale grocery of H. K. Hoffman 
 & Company, 45 South Howard street, to thank him and 
 Hoffman for their kindness. I told them I would pay them 
 some day ; but they would not listen to it. I stayed all night 
 with my uncle, at his boarding house, and the next day he 
 bought me a ticket for Winchester, gave me a carpetsack 
 full of clothes, and some money, and I boarded the train. 
 I looked like a full-fledged Yankee carpet-bagger going South 
 for an office, instead of a released Rebel prisoner. 
 
 I met several of our prisoners on the train. Some of 
 them stayed in Baltimore several days, and some started 
 home on foot, and I have never seen but three or four of 
 them since. The citizens of Baltimore were very kind to pris- 
 oners. It made no difference whether they had acquaintances 
 and relatives there or not, they were furnished new suits of 
 clothes, money to go home on, and plenty to eat and drink. 
 
 A party of them, so I afterwards learned, who had 
 started to walk home, had not gone more than five miles 
 when they met a gentleman on horseback, who, seeing they 
 were from prison, asked them if they had any money. When 
 they told him they had none and expected to walk home, 
 he opened his purse and gave them a twenty-dollar gold piece 
 and told them to go to the nearest station and get on the 
 cars, which they did. 
 
 When I arrived in Winchester, Va., I went out to my 
 uncle's, some fifteen miles, and remained several days. I 
 had plenty of relatives in the adjoining counties of Morgan 
 and Hampshire. I paid them a visit, also, and had a fine 
 time ; but was considerably broken down in health and spirits. 
 
 While in Morgan County I met my cousin, Smith 
 Casler, who had belonged to Sturdivant's Battery of Artil- 
 lery, and was at Lee's surrender. On his way home he had 
 come by my father's, in Rockingham County, and spent some 
 time there. He told me all about the siege of Petersburg 
 and the surrender of Lee's Army. His brother, Charles 
 Casler, was a member of the 11th Virginia Cavalry, and 
 
FOTJH YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BEIGADE. 289 
 
 had died in prison at Point Lookout, Md. Therefore, there 
 was one missing, and one vacant chair in that household. 
 
 I then went to Winchester, but found no conveyance 
 up the Valley. I determined, however, not to walk, and 
 would sit by the roadside waiting for some one to come along 
 in a buggy or wagon, so I could ride with them as far as 
 they went. I kept this up, catching a ride occasionally, until 
 I arrived at Harrisonburg, Va., a distance of sixty-eight miles 
 from Winchester. I found my father and family living on 
 a farm only two miles from Harrisonburg. I arrived there 
 shortly after dark. Then there was joy in that household. 
 The prodigal son had returned and the fat hen was killed! 
 I found my father, mother and three sisters all well, but 
 having hard times, as they had lost nearly everything they 
 had by the war. 
 
 I never saw the Stonewall Brigade after I parted with 
 it in Harrisonburg in December, 1864, when on their way 
 to Petersburg, but it was in all the campaigns in and 
 around Petersburg, and surrendered with the army at Ap- 
 pomattox Court House with very few members and officers. 
 I was not quite four years in it, but it was just four years 
 from the time I left home to join the army until I arrived 
 at home from prison. 
 
 It was a very trying time to most of the Southern 
 soldiers the last two years of the war, especially those who 
 had families, for oftentimes their families were living in- 
 side the Federal lines, poorly provided for, enduring untold 
 hardships, while the soldiers had no means to supply their 
 wants, and could not even hear from them. 
 
 It took nerve and patriotism to remain in ranks under 
 those circumstances, being poorly clad and fed, the pay, 
 when it did come, being nearly useless for any purpose, and 
 with very little prospects of our cause succeeding. But they 
 still held on with indomitable courage and heroism that is 
 unparalleled in the history of any nation. 
 
 On the other hand, the army of the North were well 
 fed and clothed, paid in good money, given large bounties, 
 and had the prospect of a life pension, with their families 
 far distant from the seat of war well provided for. 
 
 The difference was immense, for the Southern soldier 
 
290 
 
 FOUK TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 291 
 
 had nothing but love of country and patriotism in view; 
 but he remained to the bitter end. 
 
 I do not consider myself a hero by any means, and do 
 not wish to be understood as one; neither do I consider 
 myself a coward, for I have been in positions that tested me 
 thoroughly, and such as a coward could not stand. But I 
 always went where duty called me and did the best I could, 
 and let fate do the rest — going no further than I was obliged 
 to go. No man dreaded going into battle more than I did, 
 or was more anxious for one to be over; but the die was 
 cast, and I was reconciled to take what came, be it good 
 or bad. A soldier in the ranks is like a piece of machinery 
 — he moves and acts as commanded. 
 
292 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 In giving a roster of Company "A," my old company, 
 hereto appended, I wish to say, in justice to its members, 
 that I have marked on the muster rolls, as leaving the army 
 or going home and remaining, as good soldiers as ever bore 
 a musket. 
 
 Many had become tired of the infantry and wanted a 
 transfer to the cavalry. They had been brought up in a 
 mountainous country and were used to horseback riding and 
 unaccustomed to walking long distances, and in other ways 
 were less fitted for the infantry than for cavalry service. 
 But as it was impossible to get a transfer, and as no furloughs 
 were granted to men whose homes were inside the Federal 
 lines, they would go home whenever the opportunity pre- 
 sented itself; but still did service in some shape, either in 
 the partisan ranger companies, or as independent scouts. 
 
 Those men lived along the northern border of Virginia, 
 adjacent to the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, and would 
 form little parties of from eight to twelve and make raids 
 on said railroad ; sometimes capture a train or tear up the 
 track or burn a bridge. The consequence was that the Fed- 
 eral Army had to keep about ten or twelve thousand troops 
 — cavalry, infantry and artillery — posted along the railroad 
 from Cumberland, Md., to Martinsburg, Va., in order to 
 protect the railroad and keep communications open. 
 
 Therefore, about fifty absentees from my company and 
 other companies from the border kept that many Union 
 soldiers employed and kept them from doing duty at the 
 front. Although it was irregidar and against the orders of 
 the Confederate Government and the commanding officer, 
 General B. E. Lee, it was done on their own hook, and, 
 being rather between the lines and in a mountainous coun- 
 try, the Federal soldiers seldom captured any of them, and 
 the Confederates could not get them to bring them back 
 to their lawful commands; therefore, they operated in a 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 293 
 
 territory of their own, and did the South considerable good, 
 though not sanctioned by the proper authorities. 
 
 The Federals had possession of Hampshire County, W. 
 Va., during the entire war, except at short intervals; but 
 there were only ten of my company captured at any time, 
 viz. : Edward Allen, Mike Bright, Sergeant James P. Daily, 
 Eobert C. Grace, Thomas McGraw, Sergeant William Mont- 
 gomery, David Pence, John Tharp, Joseph McNemar and 
 myself; the particulars of which are more fully set forth 
 in the following: 
 
 MUSTER POLL OF COMPANY A, 33D VIRGINIA IN- 
 FANTRY (STONEWALL BRIGADE). 
 
 Captain, Philip T. Grace; promoted to Major Septem- 
 ber, 1862; resigned November, 1862. 
 
 First Lieutenant, Simeon D. Long ; left the command in 
 September, 1861, and never returned. 
 
 Second Lieutenant, Jacob N. Buzzard; died of pneu- 
 monia in Winchester, Va., February, 1862. 
 
 Third Lieutenant, William Johnson; died in Charlotts- 
 ville, Va., August, 1862. 
 
 First Sergeant, James G. Parsons; promoted to Third 
 Lieutenant April, 1862; resigned September, 1862. 
 
 Second Sergeant, William Montgomery; severely 
 wounded at first battle of Bull Run, July 21, 1861 ; served in 
 the 18th Virginia Cavalry two years ; came back to Company 
 A January, 1864; captured at Spottsylvania Court House 
 May 12, 1864; remained in prison until close of the war. 
 
 Third Sergeant, James P. Daily; wounded March 23, 
 1862, at the battle of Kernstown; captured and died. 
 
 First Corporal, Monroe Blue; promoted to Second Lieu- 
 tenant in 18th Virginia Cavalry; captured in 1863; taken 
 to Johnson's Island; while being transferred to Ft. Dela- 
 ware made his escape in Pennsylvania; came on to Virginia 
 and shortly afterwards was killed in the battle of New Hope, 
 June, 186'i. 
 
 Third Corporal, James Connelly; left the company in 
 September, 1862, and went home. 
 
 Second Corporal, A. A. Young; slightly wounded July 
 
294 FOUR YEAES IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 21, 1861; left the company in September, 1862, and went 
 home. 
 
 Allen, Edward; slightly wounded July 21, 1861; capt- 
 ured March 23, 1862, at the battle of Kernstown; ex- 
 changed and went home. 
 
 Allen, Herman ; went home in September, 1862. 
 
 Adams, James; killed battle Bull Run, July 21, 1861, 
 
 Adams, Jacob ; went home September, 1862. 
 
 Arnold, George; went home November, 1863. 
 
 Baker, Andrew; killed in skirmish, August, 1863. 
 
 Baker, John B.; went home November, 1862. 
 
 Blue, William I.; killed first battle of Bull Bun, July 
 21, 1861. 
 
 Blue, Michael; hired a substitute July, 1861. 
 
 Bright, Michael; captured at battle of Kernstown 
 March 23, 1862; exchanged; wounded at Antietam. 
 
 Berry, Joseph; went home in September, 1862. 
 
 Cadwallader, Joseph; severely wounded July 21, 1861. 
 
 Casler, John 0.; transferred to 11th Virginia Cavalry, 
 January, 1865 ; captured February 5, 1865 ; was in prison 
 till close of war. 
 
 Carder, Elisha; drummer until September, 1864, then 
 took a musket; wounded at Fisher's Hill. 
 
 Carder, Joseph; sick in Lynchburg when war closed. 
 
 Dagnon, Michael: Marylander; discharged in one year. 
 
 Daily, William A-j joined partisan rangers in 1863. 
 
 Doran, Daniel; discharged in 1862. 
 
 Earsome, Joseph; transferred from 2d Virginia Regi- 
 ment; elected 2d Lieutenant July, 1862; killed at second 
 battle Bull Run, August 30, 1862. 
 
 Furlough, Thomas; killed July 21, 1861, first battle 
 Bull Run. 
 
 French, Charles M. ; joined partisan rangers in Novem- 
 ber, 1863. 
 
 Grayson, John; went home November, 1862. 
 
 Gross, Thomas; killed March 23, 1862, battle of Kerns- 
 town. 
 
 Gaither, George; died in hospital, July, 1863. 
 
 Gaither, James; killed May 12, 1864, Spottsylvania 
 Court House. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 295 
 
 Grace, Eobert; wounded March 23, 1862, battle of 
 Kernstown; captured and died. 
 
 Halderman, John; conscripted August, 1862; killed at 
 second battle "Bull Eun, August 30, 1862. 
 
 Hass, James ; died in hospital at Lynchburg, April, 1863. 
 
 Hartly, Elijah; killed March 23, 1863, battle of Kerns- 
 town. 
 
 Hartley, Andrew; went home November, 1863. 
 
 Hollenback, Amos; killed July 21, 1861, first battle 
 Bull Bun. 
 
 Harris, John; went home September, 1862. 
 
 Kelley, John; went home November, 1862. 
 
 Linthicum, James; went home December, 1861. 
 
 Long, J. W. ; went home November, 1862. 
 
 Miller, Emanuel; went home November, 1862. 
 
 Miller, Martin; wounded severely March 23, 1862, bat- 
 tle of Kernstown. 
 
 Marker, Polk; killed July 21, 1861, first battle Bull 
 Bun. 
 
 McNemar, Joseph ; captured at Farmersville, Va., 1865 ; 
 in prison when war closed. 
 
 Montgomery, Edward; joined partisan rangers 1863. 
 
 McGraw, Thomas; died in prison, Bock Island, 111. 
 
 Oates, George; killed August 30, 1862, second battle 
 Bull Bun. 
 
 Parker, Joseph; went home November, 1862. 
 
 Pence, Hugh; transferred to 18th Virginia Cavalry Sep- 
 tember, 1863. 
 
 Pence, Samuel; killed August 30, 1862, second battle 
 Bull Bun. 
 
 Pence, David; in prison when war closed and died on 
 road home. 
 
 Perrin, Charles; died in hospital at Charlottesville, Va., 
 August, 1862. 
 
 Perrin, Balph; killed August 30, 1862, at the second 
 battle of Bull Eun, aged 16 years. 
 
 Pollard, William; wounded at battle of Winchester Sep- 
 tember 19, 1864. 
 
 Powell, Thomas; went home November, 1862. 
 
 Powell, H. William; elected 1st Lieutenant April, 1862; 
 
296 FOOE YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 promoted to Captain October, 1862; severely wounded at 
 Gettysburg July 3, 1863, and never after fit for duty. 
 
 Pownell, Newton L. ; made 1st Sergeant January, 1862 ; 
 promoted to 2d Lieutenant April, 1863 ; killed May 3, 1863, 
 at Chancellorsville. 
 
 Pownell, Albert; transferred to 18th Virginia Cavalry 
 November, 1862. 
 
 Ehinehart, John; severely wounded at first battle of 
 Bull Run; when well joined cavalry. 
 
 Eizer, John; had a case of measles and was discharged. 
 
 Shelly, David; went home November, 1862. 
 
 Sivills, William; sick at close of war. 
 
 Short, George; went home September, 1862. 
 
 Simmons, David; went home January, 1863. 
 
 Stockslager, Cul; went home November, 1862. 
 
 Swisher, Frank; went home sick December, 1861. 
 
 Tharp, John; captured May 12, 1864, at Spottsylvania 
 Court House; in prison when war closed. 
 
 The foregoing embraces only 'the officers and soldiers of 
 Company "A." A further reference to the organization and 
 roster of officers of our regiment, brigade, division and 
 corps might be interesting to the students of the history of 
 the war. 
 
 The field officers of the 33d Regiment the first year 
 were: Colonel, A. C. Cummings; Lieutenant Colonel, J. R. 
 Jones; Major, Edwin G. Lee, and A. J. Neff, a cadet from 
 the Virginia Military Institute, Adjutant; Randolph Barton, 
 a Virginia Military Institute cadet, Sergeant Major. Our 
 first Lieutenant Colonel, William Lee, was killed at Bull 
 Run July 21, 1861. 
 
 At the reorganization and re-enlistment in April, 1862, 
 the company officers elected the regimental officers. Colo- 
 nel A. C. Cummings went to Southwest Virginia in some 
 other branch of service, and was elected to the Virginia Leg- 
 islature; and Adjutant A., J. Neff was elected Colonel. He 
 was killed at the second battle of Bull Run, August 27, 1862. 
 Major Edwin G. Lee was elected Lieutenant Colonel; after- 
 wards promoted to Colonel, and assigned to other duty in 
 Lexington, Va. Captain P. W. M. Holliday, of Company 
 "D," was elected Major, and lost an arm at Cedar Mountain 
 
FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 297 
 
 August 9, 1862. He was anerwards promoted to Colonel, 
 and elected to Confederate Congress; afterwards Governor 
 of Virginia. Captain David Walton, of Company "K," was 
 made Adjutant, and served as such until the surrender. 
 Captain Randolph Barton was made a staff officer. Captain 
 P. T. Grace, of my company, was promoted to Major, and 
 not long afterwards resigned on account of sickness in his 
 family, some of whom died. Captain George Houston was 
 promoted to Major, then Lieutenant Colonel, then Colonel; 
 was killed March, 1865, in front of Petersburg, Va. Captain 
 Eastman, of Company "I," was promoted to Major, and was 
 killed at Gettysburg July 2, 1863. Captain A. Spangler, of 
 Company "F," was promoted to Major, then Lieutenant 
 Colonel, then Colonel, and was in command of the regiment 
 at the surrender, and Captain Golliday, of Company "D," 
 was promoted to Major. Lieutenant Colonel J. R. Jones 
 was promoted to Brigadier General of the Second Brigade. 
 
 General T. J. Jackson (Stonewall) was the first Briga- 
 dier General of the Stonewall Brigade, then Major General 
 of a division, then Lieutenant General of the Second Corps. 
 He was wounded at Chancellorsville, Va., May 2, 1863, and 
 died the 10th of May, 1863. 
 
 General Eichard B. Garnett was the second Brigadier 
 General. He was put under arrest after the battle of Kerns- 
 town for ordering the brigade to fall back (when about to 
 be flanked, as he supposed) without orders from General 
 Jackson; but was never court-martialed. He afterwards 
 commanded a brigade in Pickett's Division, and was killed 
 in the charge at Gettysburg July 3, 1863. 
 
 General C. S. Winder was the third Brigadier, and was 
 killed at the battle of Cedar Mountain, Va., August 9, 1862. 
 
 Colonel W. S. H. Baylor, of the 5th Virginia Regiment, 
 was promoted to Brigadier General of the brigade (being the 
 fourth one), and was killed at the second battle of Bull Bun 
 August 30, 1862. 
 
 Colonel C. A. Ronald, of the 4th Virginia Regiment, 
 took command of the brigade through the Maryland cam- 
 paign, and was wounded in a skirmish on the Baltimore and 
 Ohio railroad at Kearneysville, Va., in September, 1862; 
 but was not promoted to General. 
 
298 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Colonel J. W. Grigsby, of the 27th Virginia Infantry, 
 then commanded the brigade until November, 1862, when 
 Colonel E. F. Paxton, of the 27th Virginia Infantry, was 
 promoted to Brigadier General as the fifth one. He was 
 killed at the battle of Chancellorsville May 3, 1863. 
 
 Colonel James A. Walker, of the 13th Virginia In- 
 fantry, Ewell's Division, was the sixth Brigadier General, 
 and was wounded at the battle of Spottsylvania Court House 
 the 12th of May, 1864, when Colonel William Terry,- of the 
 4th Virginia Infantry, was promoted to Brigadier General 
 for the seventh one. He was in command of the brigade at 
 the surrender, April 9, 1865, and a few years afterwards 
 was drowned in a river in Southwest Virginia. 
 
 The division was commanded by General Jackson, Gen- 
 eral Talliaferro, General Trimble, General Stark (who was 
 killed at Antietam), General E. E. Colston, General Edward 
 Johnson, "Clubby" (who was captured May 12, 1864, at 
 Spottsylvania), General John B. Gordon, who afterwards 
 commanded the corps, and General Clement A. Evans. 
 
 The 2d Corps was commanded by General Jackson, 
 General Ewell (who lost a leg at the second battle of Bull 
 Run), General Jubal A. Early, and, lastly, by General John 
 B. Gordon, who was in command at the surrender of the 
 army, and was loved and christened by the corps as "Our 
 Second Jackson." 
 
 Major Jed Hotchkiss was Topographical Engineer on 
 General Jackson's staff from the commencement of the war 
 up to Jackson's death, and was then Chief Engineer of the 
 Second Corps to the close of the war, and was considered 
 one of the best officers of the kind in the Army of Northern 
 Virginia. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 299 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 About one-third of the Sknewall Brigade was from what 
 is now West Virginia, although the South never had any 
 West Virginia Eegiments designated as such, for it was all 
 Virginia clear to the Ohio river when the war commenced 
 and for some time afterwards. 
 
 A greater part of the 2d and 27th Virginia Infantry 
 and two companies of the 33d Virginia, with scattering ones 
 in other companies and regiments, were from West Vir- 
 ginia. General Stonewall Jackson was from West Virginia. 
 
 A few politicians, the Federal Government and the Bal- 
 timore and Ohio Eailroad company seceded and divided the 
 State and the citizens of neither State had any say in it. What 
 was wrong in the Southern States for seceding from the 
 Union was right in part of Virginia seceding from the State. 
 It shows conclusively that "might makes right." Then, 
 again, the citizens of neither State had any voice in making 
 the dividing line. The Baltimore and Ohio Eailroad com- 
 pany made that line suit their own financial interest. When 
 the said railroad company procured their charter for their 
 road through Virginia the stipulations were that they were 
 to pay a yearly tax for said charter, and in dividing the 
 States they crooked the line from the mountains and run 
 across the Valley, taking in Berkeley and Jefferson Counties, 
 that rightfully belonged to the Valley district and to old 
 Virginia; but as their road crossed the Potomac river from 
 Maryland at Harper's Ferry, in Jefferson County, and ran 
 through that county and Berkeley County, they needed those 
 two counties in their business; hence the crook. Let the 
 student of history look on the map and see the line divid- 
 ing the two States and he will perceive the zig-zag course 
 it pursues and bear me out in my statement's. 
 
 The only thing right about secession is whether the 
 party who secedes are able numerically and financially to 
 carry out their designs; if they are it is all right, in the 
 
300 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 eyes of the world; if not, it is all wrong; it is all owing to 
 "whose bull is gored." 
 
 The New England States threatened to secede several 
 times from the Union, never dreaming that it was wrong, 
 but did not consider themselves quite able to succeed ; and it 
 is a great pity that the Southern States had not deliberated 
 before seceding and arrived at the same conclusion. It 
 would have saved thousands of lives and millions of prop- 
 erty and money. 
 
 But, thank God ! the secession movement and the slavery 
 agitation is settled forever, and our country is once more 
 united. If it ever has any more ruptures or disunions it 
 will not be on either of those lines; and let us hope that 
 never again while time lasts will our fair country be in- 
 volved in another, what they call a civil war. 
 
 Now, as to the cause of the war, I have nothing to say 
 but this: The war seemed to be inevitable; but as to who 
 were right and who were wrong, it is not for me to say, for 
 both sections had their grievances, and two wrongs never 
 made one right. They simply "had it in" for one another 
 and fought it out, settling the dispute forever. It might 
 have been patched up and postponed a few years, like it had 
 been before by the "Missouri Compromise," and other reme- 
 dies, but the bubble had to burst, and burst it did. 
 
 No man living knows more about the ill-feeling that 
 existed between the two sections than I do, for I was born 
 and raised on the border of Virginia, near the Potomac 
 river, and had heard this contention from my earliest recol- 
 lections; knew of and witnessed the division in the Meth- 
 odist Church; and heard every day the agitation of the 
 slavery question all through the "fifties," and was right in 
 the neighborhood when the torch was applied to the com- 
 bustibles when John Brown seized Harper's Ferry and at- 
 tempted to arm the slaves to butcher the whites indiscrimi- 
 nately. Then the South was fired by indignation and was 
 determined from that time to separate from the United 
 States Government. 
 
 I was no secessionist, and hoped the trouble would be 
 settled without recourse to arms; but when the war came 
 I shouldered my musket in behalf of my native State and 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 301 
 
 defended her to the last; and, although the Stars and Bars 
 went down and are furled forever, they never went down 
 in disgrace, but they will be remembered by a people who 
 gave their best blood and treasure to sustain them. But 
 I hope it will be a warning to future generations to guard 
 against dissensions of all kinds, and not involve our fair 
 land in another civil war. 
 
 There are no truer people to the Stars and Stripes today 
 than the people of the South; none who would sacrifice more 
 in their defense against an invading foe. 
 
 To illustrate more fully this devotion to our flag, I 
 will relate an incident that happened in London, England, 
 since the war. It has already been published, but is worthy 
 of being preserved: 
 
 "Sometime after the war Colonel P. B. Winthrop, a 
 Southern soldier from Louisiana, was traveling in Europe, and 
 while in London, England, attended the Alhambra theatre 
 with some friends to witness a ballet dance called 'All Na- 
 tions.' A corps of ballet dancers, dressed in the uniform 
 worn by the soldiers of each nation, and bearing the flag 
 of the nation whose uniform they wore, would appear and 
 dance — one corps after the other. 
 
 "As all the countries were being represented, some 
 would be applauded and some were hissed. When the United 
 States and the 'Stars and Stripes' were represented the au- 
 dience began to hiss. Colonel Winthrop, who was seated 
 in the back part of a box, looking on, in a not very interested 
 way, at the first hiss sprang to his feet and to the front of 
 the box, and, leaning far out over the rail, waving his hat 
 over his head, his face lividly white, his eyes fairly blazing de- 
 fiance at the crowd beneath and around him, he opened his 
 mouth and there rang through the theatre the most blood- 
 chilling yell, a kind of cross between the savage cry of the 
 infuriated Zulu warriors and the screech of a wounded tigress. 
 
 "For an instant the very music ceased ; every one turned 
 to gaze at the author of the unearthly sound; even the mu- 
 sicians forgot the presence of the dancers for whom they 
 were playing. Suddenly, in the lower part of the house, a 
 long, lank figure, with white hair and beard, arose, and, 
 standing in the aisle, took up and gave back an answering 
 
302 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 yell to Winthrop's cry, and in the same peculiar, half-fiend- 
 ish manner. Then all around from different quarters of the 
 theatre men arose and began to cheer in the hearty, vigor- 
 ous, English fashion. 
 
 "The house was full of Americans on their way home 
 from the Paris exposition. 
 
 "An august personage who happened to be in the back 
 part of one of the boxes, seeing that a terrible row was immi- 
 nent, with that ready tact for which he was famous, came 
 to the front of his box and began applauding; of course, in 
 a moment the storm was stilled, and the whole audience was 
 cheering the American flag. Some of them expressed aston- 
 ishment at the feeling exhibited by the American, Winthrop, 
 inasmuch as he had spoken of being in the Confederate Army 
 and fighting against the Union flag. He snapped out in 
 reply : 'That was a fight of our own family, between Ameri- 
 cans, and is settled, forgiven and forgotten, and the flag 
 that was hissed tonight is now my flag as thoroughly as it 
 is the flag of the men who fought under it in our civil war, 
 and — 
 
 " 'I would right some wrongs where they are given 
 If it were in the Courts of Heaven.' 
 
 "All were anxious to know where he acquired that 
 peculiar wild yell he gave when the audience hissed the 
 flag. He said that was the ttebel yell' with which the South- 
 erners charged in battle, and that he was sure the man who 
 had first joined in his protest was some old Southern sol- 
 dier, because of the answering of the 'E.ebel yell.' 
 
 "The other cheering at first, he told us, came from old 
 Northern veterans from America. He had heard their cheers 
 at Fredericksburg and Gettysburg, and that it meant fight; 
 that they had been witnesses to a splendid illustration of 
 the only difference in the character of the people North and 
 South in the United States; that the Southern people were 
 more impulsive and quicker to resent an insult, while the 
 Northern people were more calm, cool and slow, but would 
 none the less surely and positively fight when necessary, and 
 when once aroused, just as the Northern men in the audi- 
 
FOUB YEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BEIGADE. 303 
 
 ence, they were the most determined and courageous of men." 
 
 The soldiers in each army got such an acquaintanceship 
 with each other during the war as they never would have 
 gotten in any other way, and those who were in the army 
 and saw service at the front always respected each other. 
 Each knew he met foemen worthy of his steel, for they had 
 been tested on the field of battle. 
 
 On the other hand, the men who were never in the 
 army, and who wanted to do their fighting after the war 
 was over, are those who have kept up most of the dissensions 
 and ill feeling since. True soldiers will protect one another 
 when necessary, regardless of the army they were in, for 
 we are all Americans and are proud that we were American 
 soldiers. 
 
 To illustrate this I will relate an incident that came 
 under my personal observation: 
 
 When I reported to the provost marshal in Baltimore, 
 after being released from prison, I told him that I wished 
 to remain in the city for a few days and would like him 
 to give me protection from the 'mobs and bummers. He 
 replied that he had no authority to give anything, but to 
 go about my business quietly, seek no quarrel, and if any 
 one imposed on me to call on some of the Federal soldiers 
 scattered over the city and they would protect me. The 
 next day, when some of us were invited into a saloon to 
 drink, one of our crowd happened to have his military but- 
 tons still on his coat. One of those non-combatants stepped 
 up to him and commenced cutting them off, saying he could 
 not wear those buttons around there. There happened to 
 be two Federal soldiers present who immediately sprang to 
 their feet, and one of them knocked the fellow down, re- 
 marking that he could not insult a Rebel soldier in their 
 presence, and made him leave the house. 
 
 War, with all its terrors, is a great civilizer, if civiliza- 
 tion means respect for other people's opinions. 
 
304 FOUE TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 I cannot close these reminiscences of the war without 
 paying to the noble women of the South the highest tribute 
 that can be paid them, which is to record their sublime, self- 
 sacrificing devotion to the soldier and the cause in which he 
 was enlisted. 
 
 At an early period of the war, and in the darkest days 
 that followed—during the entire struggle, in defeat as in 
 victory — they encouraged and sustained us with cheering 
 words and noble actions. 
 
 I have often remarked that there were two classes of 
 people in the South that upheld the cause from beginning 
 to end. They were the soldiers in the field and the women 
 at home. How devotedly they would work to supply the 
 army with food and clothing. They would always send such 
 clothing to us as they knew we needed, such as underclothes, 
 knit socks, etc. They would make hats out of cloth, spin, 
 weave and make outer garments entirely of homespun; cut 
 up their fine carpets to make blankets, and make hundreds 
 of other sacrifices to render us comfortable. 
 
 How often, when in camp, would we anxiously look 
 over the hill to catch a glimpse of the wagon coming from 
 home, knowing full well there would be a box for this one 
 and that one, filled with such delicacies as they could pro- 
 cure from their scanty means; and what joy there would 
 be in camp to eat something that mothers, wives, sisters, 
 daughters or lovers had prepared; and how anxiously the 
 mails were watched to receive some sweet missive from the 
 loved ones. 
 
 They suffered equally as much as the soldiers in the 
 field, though not by wounds and death ; but the suspense and 
 grief was agony itself. My dear old mother, who is now in 
 heaven, spent many an hour on her bended knees praying 
 for her dear and only boy, and not only her boy, but others 
 as well, for she had relatives who wore the blue. She could 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 305 
 
 often hear the raging of the battles, as several were fought 
 near my home. But as dearly as she loved me she would 
 not let me stay at home long when I happened to get there, 
 but advised me to return to my command and be a faithful 
 soldier. She would rather hear of my death on the field of 
 battle, although it would nearly break her heart, than to 
 hear of my being branded as a deserter ; for all our ancestors 
 had been engaged in the wars of our country, and had acted 
 honorably — the Indian wars, the Eevolutionary war, the war 
 of 1812 and the Mexican war — and there had been no blot 
 or stain of desertion attached to any of them, and she did 
 not want to hear of it in any of her race. 
 
 After a battle it would often be days and weeks before 
 our people at home would receive any tidings of the dead 
 and wounded. Oh! the suspense! It was terrible. That 
 is why I say they suffered equally as much as we did; for 
 every old soldier knows the suspense preceding a battle is 
 worse than the battle itself. 
 
 No doubt the women of the North were just as devoted 
 to their loved ones as the Southern women ; but they had no 
 such difficulties to contend with, as their government kept 
 the army well supplied. No doubt they, too, sometimes, 
 when cut off from their base of supplies, and in the enemy's 
 country, suffered terribly; but the South was cut off from 
 all foreign supplies from the first, except what little ran 
 the blockade; besides, we had no manufactories to speak of. 
 
 General Lee's Army was mainly supplied with clothing 
 by the women of the South. The only thing we were well 
 supplied with was ammunition, and that was mainly pro- 
 cured, at one time, through the aid of the women, whom I 
 have known to dig the earth from under old houses, boil it, 
 and get the saltpetre. Sometimes details were made, from 
 those subject to conscription, to dig saltpetre, which privi- 
 lege many stay-at-homes were anxious to avail themselves 
 of to keep out of the army; but the ladies shamed them and 
 called them the "saltpetre boys," and told them to go and 
 get a musket and go into the army, that they would dig the 
 saltpetre. 
 
 No one can tell, and no pen describe, the sacrifices and 
 sufferings of those dear ones; and they never gave up as. 
 
306 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 long as there was a soldier in the field. But I am sorry to 
 say that a great many of the male citizens were whipped 
 the second year of the war, and, as our star of destiny be- 
 gan to wane, they seemed to gather in everything they could 
 before the wreck was complete. 
 
 The world knows what the women of the South have 
 done since the war in organizing memorial associations, car- 
 ing for the dead, building monuments and Confederate 
 Homes, and yearly strewing their graves with flowers. 
 
 But I must close. I could write pages about those 
 noble women and never exhaust the subject. 
 
 Had the country been as resolute as the army and the 
 women the red battle flag with the Southern cross would be 
 floating still, instead of drooping and furled with no hand 
 to give it to the winds — furled and dragged in the dust of 
 defeat, but glorious forever. 
 
 THE WOMEN" OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 BY ALBERT SIDNEY MORTON. 
 
 Nor Homer dreamt, nor Milton sung, 
 
 Through his heroic verse; 
 Nor Prentiss did with wondrous tongue 
 
 In silver tones rehearse 
 The grandest theme that ever yet 
 
 Moved brush, or tongue, or pen — 
 A theme in radiant glory set 
 
 To stir the souls of men — 
 The women of the South. 
 
 Of nascent charms that thrall the gaze 
 
 Of love's most pleasing pain, 
 Ten thousand tuneful lyric lays 
 
 Have sung and sung again; 
 But I would sing of souls, of hearts 
 
 Within those forms of clay, 
 Of lives whose lustre yet imparts 
 
 Fresh radiance to our day — 
 The women of the South. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 307 
 
 When battle's fierce and lurid glare 
 
 Lit up our shady glens; 
 When slaughter, agony, despair, 
 
 Or Northern prison pens 
 Were portion of the sturdy son 
 
 Of Southern mother true, 
 Who prayed the battle might be won 
 
 Of grey against the blue? — 
 The women of the South. 
 
 Our lads were true, our lads were brave, 
 
 Nor feared the foeman's steel, 
 And thousands in a bloody grave 
 
 Did true devotion seal; 
 But brightest star upon our shield 
 
 Undimmed, without a stain, 
 Is she who still refused to yield, 
 Kefused, alas, in vain — 
 
 The woman of the South. 
 
 We had no choice but to fight, 
 
 While she was left to grieve; 
 We battled for the truth and right 
 
 Our freedom to achieve — 
 Assured death we could embrace — 
 
 But there is not yet born 
 The Southern man who dares to face 
 
 The silent withering scorn 
 
 Of the women of the South. 
 
 Who bade us go with smiling tears! 
 
 Who scorned the renegade! 
 Who, silencing their trembling fears, 
 
 Watched, cheered, then wept and prayed! 
 Who nursed our wounds with tender care, 
 
 And then, when all was lost, 
 Who lifted us from, our despair, 
 
 And counted not the cost? 
 The women of the South, 
 
308 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Then glory to the Lord of Hosts — 
 
 Yes, glory to the Lord, 
 To Father, Son and Holy Ghost, 
 
 And glory to His Word; 
 To us is giv'n creation's prize — 
 
 The masterpiece of Him 
 Who made the earth, the stars, the skies, 
 
 The war cloud's golden rim — 
 The women of the South. 
 
 Observe how my memory leads me back to those old 
 days and makes me linger in the haunted domain of the 
 past — reviewing the gallant figures, and heroic struggles, 
 listening again to the brave voices and living once more in 
 the bright hours that are dead. 
 
 But what is left to us poor "paroled prisoners" except 
 memory? Leave us that at least, for, as I awake at morn- 
 ing or rest my weary head at night, after the lapse of more 
 than a quarter of a century, the murmur of the river breeze 
 is the low roll of drums from the forest yonder, where the 
 camp of infantry are aroused by the reveille. 
 
 In the moonlight night, when all is still, a sound comes 
 borne upon the air from some dim land. I seem to hear 
 the sound of bugles for the cavalry to mount. In the thun- 
 der of some storm I hear the roar of artillery and the burst- 
 ing of shells. 
 
 All these things are so burnt in my brain and memory, 
 and the scenes of many desperate struggles are so interwoven 
 with my past life, that if life is spared me for many long 
 years yet they never can be erased. No, never ! never ! never ! 
 
 The following appeal from the ladies of the South, 
 which was printed in Columbus, Ga., in 1862, and circulated 
 throughout the Southern Army (a copy of which I have in 
 my possession) may be read with interest at this time: 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 309 
 
 LETTER FROM THE WOMEN OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 TO THE 
 
 SOLDIEES OF THE CONFEDERATE ARMY. 
 
 "SOLDIERS : The President, Congress, the public press 
 and your Generals have told you their high estimate of your 
 noble devotion in re-enlisting for the war. We, also, as your 
 mothers, wives, daughters, sisters and friends, claim the 
 right to thank you. It is the grandest act of the revolution, 
 and secures immortality to all concerned in it. It awakens 
 anew the enthusiasm with which we began this struggle for 
 liberty, and removes all doubt of its eventual success. Such 
 men, in such a cause, cannot be overcome. In the dreariness 
 of camp life you may sometimes have imagined yourselves 
 forgotten or little cared for. Counting up your privations 
 and danger, you may have doubted their full appreciation, 
 and fancied that those who stay at home and risk nothing, 
 while you suffer and bleed, are more esteemed than yourselves. 
 We beseech you harbor no such thought. You are constantly 
 present to our minds. The women of the South bestow all 
 their respect and affection on the heroes who defend them 
 against a barbarous and cruel foe. In their resolution they 
 are as firm and determined as you in yours not to lay down 
 your arms 'till independence be won. When that sacred 
 vow shall have been accomplished your reception by us will 
 more than attest our sincerity. It shall also be shown, while 
 the contest goes on, by our efforts to increase your comforts 
 in the field and to lighten the burdens of the ones left at 
 home. For your stricken country's sake and ours, be true 
 to yourselves and our glorious cause. Never turn your backs 
 on the flag, nor desert the ranks of honor or the post of 
 danger. Men guilty of such infamy would sell your blood and 
 our honor, and give up the Confederacy to its wicked invad- 
 ers. In after years, from generation to generation, the black 
 title of tory and deserter will cling to them, disgracing their 
 children's children. But no stigma like this will stain you 
 and yours. Brave, patriotic and self-sacrificing in time of 
 
310 
 
 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 war, you will be honored in peace as the saviors of your 
 country, and the pride and glory of your country-women. 
 We beg you to keep near your hearts these memorials of 
 affection and respect, and to remember them especially in 
 battle, and we invoke for you always the protection of a 
 kind and merciful Providence. 
 
 Mrs. S. C. Law, 
 Mrs. L. E. Cairns, 
 Mrs. Julia Bricc, 
 Mrs. B. Gordon, 
 Mrs. Rosa Aubrey, 
 Mrs. M. A, Floumoy, 
 Mrs. Robert Hard- 
 
 awuy, 
 Mrs. Virginia Sneed, 
 Mrs. Patton, 
 Mrs. C. Shorter, 
 Mrs. E. R. Hodges, 
 Mrs. James Warren, 
 Mrs. Seaborn Jones, 
 Mrs. T. Threewitts, 
 Mrs. P. H. Colquitt, 
 Mrs. Jas. A. Shorter, 
 Mrs. Sbaaf, 
 Mrs. Wm. Wtoolfolk, 
 Mrs. Fergusson, 
 Mrs. Buckley, 
 Mrs. E. Shepherd, 
 Mrs. A. O. Flewellen, 
 Mrs. Rogers, 
 Mrs. A. B. Long- 
 street, 
 Mrs. H. Meigs. 
 Mrs. John Banks, 
 Mrs. D. Moffett, 
 Mrs. J. E. Hurt, 
 Mrs. Augusta Er- 
 
 skine, 
 Mrs. Goetchius, 
 
 Mrs. L Illgos, 
 Mrs. T. M. Nelson, 
 Mrs. A. Shepherd, 
 Mrs. Dexter, 
 Mrs. C. Walker, 
 Mrs. H. L. Benning, 
 Mrs. M. Chambers, 
 Mrs. S. C. Tarpley, 
 Mrs. Anne Dawson, 
 Mrs. J. Dawson, 
 Mrs. M. E. Shorter, 
 Miss L. Rutherford, 
 Miss E. Munnerlyn, 
 Miss S. Threewitts, 
 Miss Anna Bennett, 
 Miss Rogers, 
 Miss Lou Hurt, 
 Miss Tarpley, 
 Miss M. T. Shorter, 
 Miss Lila Howard, 
 Miss Torrance, 
 Miss Buckley, 
 Miss Anna Leonard, 
 Misses Ellington, 
 Misses Shepherd, 
 Misses Benning, 
 Misses Malone, 
 Misses Abercrombie, 
 Misses Hardaway, 
 Mrs. I. M. Gale," 
 Mrs. R. Patton, 
 Mrs. Geo. Woodruff, 
 Mrs. R. Ware, 
 
 Mrs. J. A. Strother, 
 Mrs. C. J. Williams, 
 Mrs. Z. H. Gordon, 
 Mrs. C. T. Abercrom- 
 bie, 
 Mrs. L. Q. C. Lamar, 
 Mrs. A. G. Redd, 
 Mrs. R. P. Malone, 
 Miss C. F. Hargraves, 
 Miss C. Ragland. 
 Miss Sue Banks. 
 Miss E. Moffett, 
 Miss Anna Forsythe, 
 Miss M. E. Dawson, 
 Mrs. John Carter, 
 Mrs. Robert Carter, 
 Mrs. D. Hudson, 
 Mrs. S. E. Wilkins, 
 Mrs. M. D. Floumoy, 
 Mrs. L. G. Bowers, 
 Mrs. J. B. Hill, 
 Mrs. H. Branham, 
 Mrs. Abercrombie, 
 Mrs. A. Lowther, 
 Mrs. Dr. Tickner, 
 Miss Mary Ruther- 
 ford, 
 Miss Mary Hodges, 
 Miss Bessie Hard- 
 wick, 
 Miss M. M. Gordon, 
 Miss Anna Tyler, 
 Miss V. Mason. 
 
 I also append a letter from Miss Nannie J. Reevs (and 
 I see no impropriety in doing so, as, on its face, it shows 
 the writer to be a true Southern lady) to Lieutenant J. W. 
 Johnston, of the 24th Tennessee Infantry. The letter is 
 still in the possession of Mr. Johnston, who has allowed me 
 the use of it for this purpose. As the young lady says: 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 311 
 
 "It is quite romantic" — this writing to soldiers. It is in- 
 teresting as showing what true soldiers the ladies can be. 
 
 The circumstances are as follows: When General 0. P. 
 Strahl's Brigade, of General Frank Cheatham's Division 
 (Lieutenant Johnston being attached to that brigade), were 
 passing on the cars, through Loachapoka, Ala., on their 
 way from Dalton, Ga., to Demopolis, Ala., the ladies collected 
 there threw boquets to the soldiers, as was their custom. 
 The one Lieutenant Johnston received contained a slip of 
 paper with this written on it : "A soldier is the lad I adore." 
 Signed, "Nannie J. Eeevs." When the brigade arrived in 
 camp Lieutenant Johnston wrote a letter and mailed it to 
 her address, although he did not know her, never had seen 
 her and never did see her. The original is written in a 
 beautiful hand, and the composition shows a true lady in 
 every respect. It was a common occurrence for soldiers to 
 correspond with ladies they never saw. Lieutenant Johnston 
 would not part with it for any consideration, but keeps it 
 as a relic of other days: 
 
 "Loachapoka, Ala., March 10, 1864. 
 "Mr. J. W. Johnston: 
 
 "I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
 very unexpected missive, which was handed me a few days 
 since. It proved very interesting to me and merits in itself 
 a reply that I am not equal to. Notwithstanding, I shall not 
 hesitate to send you one, though I feel, very sensibly, my 
 utter inability to interest you in the least. 
 
 "It is overleaping the rules of etiquette to write to a 
 total stranger, but etiquette to a great degree has been dis- 
 carded, as these are war times, and I love romance exceed- 
 ingly; therefore, I shall be pleased to receive and answer a 
 letter from you at any time, if by so doing it will serve to 
 while away many lonely hours incident to a soldier's life, 
 who is cut off from the hallowed influence of relatives and 
 friends. I do not send you this letter to make sport of, but 
 to inform you that yours was highly appreciated. 
 
 "Tes, the soldier is the lad I adore;' because he loves 
 his country and freedom and nobly battles for them. I 
 sincerely hope that each brave and gallant soldier of the 
 South may soon reap the glorious reward of his labor. 
 
 21 
 
312 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 "I have but little use for croakers and speculators, who 
 skulk at home and gain every cent of Confederate money 
 they possibly can. While substitution was the theme their 
 money was their might, but by dint of speculation they've 
 made their money back. But now Congress has served them 
 right; they have to shoulder box and gun and walk the 
 soldier's track. I see so many who say : 'We are now whip- 
 ped; just as well give up,' but I'll assure you that I have 
 never claimed that we are whipped or a ruined people, nor 
 will I own such until our patient soldiers admit that they 
 are conquered. 
 
 "I felt very confident that there would be a regular 
 engagement up at the front when you all came rolling back 
 from Demopolis, but I was agreeably disappointed. Guess 
 you were somewhat surprised when the order was counter- 
 manded and you had to return; but the soldier's life, like 
 the will-o'-th-wisp, is one continual succession of brighten- 
 ing and darkening changes; flitting like a blaze of glory to 
 one point and anon returning dark and gloomy, as his 
 country's prospects vary from one extreme to the other. Oh ! 
 how delighted I would be if the glad welkin sound of peace 
 could be heard throughout our land again — 
 
 " 'When peace shall hold easy sway, 
 And man forget his fellowman to slay.' 
 
 "But there will ever be something to mar my happiness, 
 even 'when this cruel war is over,' which is this : I have 
 lost my only brother, who was good and affectionate, indeed, 
 and no less brave and patriotic. He gallantly fought and 
 nobly braved every hardship and fiery trial that seemed pecu- 
 liar to the ill-fated defenders of the once proud and glorious 
 Vicksburg. Yes, he breathed his last on the banks of the 
 Mississippi river a few moments before he was to take pas- 
 sage on the boat for home, after he was paroled. He had 
 acute rheumatism which he had contracted in the trenches. 
 The pain struck his heart, which caused him to die imme- 
 diately, with nothing but the cold earth for his bed and the 
 canopy of heaven for his covering. His remains were in- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 313 
 
 terred at Vicksburg. He now rests with God in heaven, no 
 doubt, for he was a zealous Christian. 
 
 "Mr. Johnston, I have worried your patience, I fear, 
 with this desultory communication. If so, excuse me, if you 
 please. I shall expect to hear from you at your earliest 
 convenience. 
 
 With best wishes for your happiness and safety, I sub- 
 scribe myself, Very respectfully, 
 
 "NANNIE J. EEEVS." 
 
 Oh, South! there's no national shepherd to keep 
 Your flock from the pinchings of hunger and cold ; 
 Hark ! hear you the wail of your suffering sheep, 
 As they wander dejected away from the fold. 
 
314 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 315 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 SOUTHEBN SONGS AND POEMS. 
 
 THE CONQUEEED BANNEE. 
 
 By Father Abram J. Ryan, the Poet Priest of the South. 
 
 Furl that banner, for 'tis weary, 
 Bound its staff 'tis drooping dreary; 
 
 Furl it, fold it, it is best; 
 For there's not a man to wave it, 
 And there's not a sword to save it, 
 And there's not one left to lave it 
 In the blood which heroes gave it, 
 And its foes now scorn and brave it — 
 
 Furl it, hide it, let it rest. 
 
 Take the banner down — 'tis tattered, 
 Broken is its staff and shattered, 
 And the valiant hosts are scattered, 
 
 Over whom it floated high. 
 Oh! 'tis hard for us to fold it, 
 Hard to think there's none to hold it, 
 Hard that those who once unrolled it 
 
 Now must furl it with a sigh. 
 
 Furl that banner, furl it sadly — 
 Once ten thousand hailed it gladly, 
 
 Swore it should forever wave; 
 Swore that foeman's sword could never 
 Hearts like theirs entwined dissever 
 Till that flag would float forever 
 
 O'er their freedom or their grave. 
 
 Furl it! for the hands that grasped it, 
 
316 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 And the hearts that fondly clasped it, 
 
 Cold and dead are lying low; 
 And the banner, it is trailing, 
 While around it sounds the wailing 
 
 Of people in their woe. 
 For, though conquered, they adore it, 
 Love the cold, dead hands that bore it, 
 Weep for those who fell before it, 
 Pardon those who trailed and tore it, 
 And, oh! wildly they deplore it, 
 Now to furl and fold it so. 
 
 Furl that banner! True, 'tis gory, 
 Yet 'tis wreathed around with glory, 
 And 'twill live in song and story, 
 
 Though its folds are in the dust; 
 For its fame on brightest pages, 
 Penned by poets and by sages, 
 Shall go sounding down the ages, 
 
 Furl its folds though now we must. 
 
 Furl that banner, softly, slowly, 
 Treat it gently — it is holy — 
 
 For it droops above the dead; 
 Touch it not, unfold it never, 
 Let it droop there, furled forever, 
 
 For its people's hopes are dead. 
 
 A EEPLY TO THE CONQUEBED BANNER 
 By Sir Henry Bart, England. 
 
 Gallant nation, foiled by numbers ! 
 
 Say not that your hopes are fled; 
 Keep that glorious flag, which slumbers, 
 
 One day to avenge your dead. 
 Keep it, widowed, sonless mothers! 
 
 Keep it, sisters, mourning brothers! 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 317 
 
 Purl it with an iron will; 
 Furl it now, but keep it still — 
 Think not that its work is done. 
 
 Keep it till your children take it, 
 Once again to hail and make it 
 All their sires have bled and fought for; 
 All their noble hearts have sought for — 
 
 Bled and fought for all alone. 
 All alone! ay, shame the story! 
 Millions here deplore the stain ; 
 Shame, alas! for England's glory; 
 
 Freedom called and called in vain! 
 Furl that banner sadly, ■ slowly, 
 
 Treat it gently, for 'tis holy; 
 'Till that day — yes, furl it sadly; 
 Then once more unfurl it gladly — 
 
 Conquered banner ! keep it still ! 
 
 ROBERT E. LEE. 
 
 TRIBUTE OF A DISTINGUISHED ENGLISHMAN. 
 
 The following beautiful lines were written by Philip 
 Stanhope Wormsley, of Oxford University, England, in the 
 dedication of his translation of Homer's "Iliad" to General 
 Robert E. Lee: "The most stainless of earthly commanders, 
 and, except in fortune, the greatest." 
 
 The grand old bard that never dies, 
 Receive him in our English tongue; 
 I send thee, but with weeping eyes, 
 The story that he sung. 
 
 Thy Troy is fallen, thy dear land 
 
 Is marred beneath the spoiler's heel ; 
 
 I cannot trust my trembling hand 
 To write the things I feel. 
 
318 FOtTK YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Ah, realm of tombs! but let her bear 
 This blazon to the end of time — 
 
 No nation rose so white and fair, 
 None fell so pure of crime. 
 
 The widow's mourn, the orphan's wail, 
 
 Come round thee — but in truth be strong- 
 Eternal right, though all else fail, 
 Can never be made wrong. 
 
 An angel's heart, an angel's mouth, 
 Not Homer's, could alone for me 
 
 Hymn well the great Confederate South, 
 Virginia first and Lee ! 
 
 THE DEATH OF STONEWALL JACKSON. 
 
 We will rear for him the sacred fane, 
 
 Who had a nation's tears; 
 No greater name is enwreathed with fame 
 
 Than the one our Jackson wears. 
 
 He was the idol of our hearts, 
 The champion of our cause; 
 
 He battled nobly for our rights, 
 
 And gained the world's applause. 
 
 Our hearts were filled with gladness 
 
 At victories that he won; 
 Prom Manassas to the Wilderness 
 
 No cloud could dim his sun. 
 
 He cared for all with gentleness, 
 He shared their common fate 
 
 In cold and heat and weariness — 
 His goodness made him great. 
 
 The sun grew red with sorrow 
 
 O'er Fredericksburg that even, 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 319 
 
 For on that sad tomorrow 
 
 His last command was given. 
 
 In future years will linger 
 
 Our youth beside his tomb, 
 And tell with pleasing wonder 
 
 The fields his valor won. 
 
 At rest beyond the river, 
 
 His marchings now are o'er; 
 By the tree of life forever, 
 
 He dreams of strife no more. 
 
 ONLY A PRIVATE. 
 Captain F. W. Dawson. 
 
 Only a private! His jacket of gray 
 
 Is stained by the smoke and the dust; 
 
 As Bayard, he's brave; as Rupert, he's gay; 
 
 Reckless as Murat in heat of the fray; 
 But in God is his only trust. 
 
 Only a private! To march and fight, 
 
 To suffer and starve and be strong; 
 With knowledge enough to know that the might 
 Of justice and truth and freedom and right 
 In the end must crush out the wrong. 
 
 Only a private! No ribbon or star 
 
 Shall gild with false glory his name! 
 No honors for him in braid or in bar, 
 His Legion of Honor is only a scar, 
 
 And his wounds are his scroll of fame! 
 
 Only a private! One more hero slain 
 On the field Hes silent and chill! 
 
 22 
 
320 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 And in the far South a wife prays in vain 
 One clasp of the hand she may ne'er clasp again, 
 One kiss from the lips that are still. 
 
 Only a private! There let him sleep! 
 
 He will need no tablet nor stone; 
 For the mosses and vines o'er his grave will creep, 
 And at night the stars through the clouds will peep 
 
 And watch him who lies there alone. 
 
 Only a martyr! who fought and who fell 
 
 Unknown and unmarked in the strife! 
 But still as he lies in his lonely cell 
 Angel and Seraph the legend shall tell — 
 Such a death is eternal life! 
 
 Richmond. Va.. October 26, 1866. 
 
 THE LONE SENTRY. 
 
 James R. Randall. 
 
 Previous to the first battle of Manassas, when the troops 
 under Stonewall Jackson had made a forced march, on halt- 
 ing at night they fell on the ground exhausted and faint. 
 The hour came for setting the watch for the night. The 
 officer of the day went to the General's tent, and said : "Gen- 
 eral, the men are all wearied, and there is not one but who 
 is asleep. Shall I wake them?" "No," said Jackson, 'let 
 the men sleep, and I will guard the camp tonight." And 
 all night long he rode round that lonely camp, the one lone 
 sentinel for that brave but weary and silent body of heroes. 
 And when glorious morning broke the soldiers awoke fresh 
 and ready for action, all unconscious of the noble vigil kept 
 over their slumbers. 
 
 'Twas in the dying of the day, 
 The darkness grew so still 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 321 
 
 The drowsy pipe of evening birds 
 
 Was hushed upon the hill ; 
 Athwart the shadows of the vale 
 
 Slumbered the men of might, 
 And one lone sentry paced his rounds 
 
 To watch the camp that night. 
 
 A brave and solemn man was he, 
 
 With deep and sombre brow; 
 The dreamful eyes seem hoarding up 
 
 Some unaccomplished vow. 
 The wistful glance peered o'er the plains 
 
 Beneath the starry light, 
 And with the murmured name of God 
 
 He watched the camp that night. 
 
 The future opened unto him 
 
 Its grand and awful scroll — 
 Manassas and the Valley march 
 
 Came heaving o'er his soul; 
 Richmond and Sharpsburg thundered by, 
 
 With that tremendous fight 
 Which gave him to the angel hosts 
 
 Who watched the camp that night. 
 
 We mourn for him who died for us 
 
 With one resistless moan, 
 While up the Valley of the Lord 
 
 He marches to the throne. 
 He kept the faith of men and saints 
 
 Sublime and pure and bright; 
 He sleeps — and all is well with him 
 
 Who watched the camp that night. 
 
322 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 "ALL QUIET ALONG THE POTOMAC TONIGHT." 
 By Lamar Fontaine. 
 
 "All quiet along the Potomac," they said, 
 
 "Except here and there a' stray picket 
 Is shot as he walks on his beat to and fro 
 
 By a rifleman hid in the thicket." 
 
 'Tis nothing — a private or two, now and then, 
 Will not count in the news of the battle ; 
 
 Not an officer lost — only one of the men — 
 Moaning out, all alone, the death rattle. 
 
 "All quiet along the Potomac tonight," 
 Where the soldiers lie peacefully dreaming; 
 
 Their tents in the rays of the clear autumn moon 
 Or in the light of their camp fires gleaming. 
 
 A tremulous sigh, as a gentle wind 
 
 Through the forest leaves softly is creeping, 
 
 While the stars up above with their glittering eyes, 
 Keep guard o'er the army while sleeping. 
 
 There is only the sound of the lone sentry's tread, 
 As he tramps from the rock to the fountain, 
 
 And thinks of the two on the low trundle bed 
 Par away in the cot on the mountain. 
 
 His musket falls back — and his face, dark and grim, 
 
 Grows gentle with memories tender, 
 As he mutters a prayer for the children asleep — 
 
 For their mother — may heaven defend her ! 
 
 The moon seems to shine as brightly as then, 
 
 That night when the love yet unspoken 
 Leaped up to his lips, and when low murmured vows 
 
 Were pledged to be ever unbroken. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 323 
 
 Then drawing his sleeves roughly over his eyes 
 
 He dashes off tears that are welling, 
 
 And gathers his gun close up to its place, 
 
 As if to keep down the heart-swelling. 
 
 He passes the fountain, the blasted pine tree, 
 
 His footsteps are lagging and weary, 
 Yet onward he goes through the broad belt of light, 
 
 Toward the shades of the forest so dreary. 
 
 Hark ! was it the night wind rustled the leaves ? 
 
 Was it the moonlight so wondrously flashing? 
 It looked like a rifle — "Ha ! Mary, good-bye !" 
 
 And the life-blood is ebbing and plashing. 
 
 "All quiet along the Potomac tonight," 
 
 No sound save the rush of the river; 
 While soft falls the dew on the face of the dead — 
 
 The picket's off duty forever! 
 
 How the above came to be written. 
 
 It appears that not long after the first battle of Bull 
 Eun, in which Fontaine, as a private in Company K (the 
 Burt Rifles), 18th Mississippi Regiment, took part, he was 
 transferred to the 2d Virginia Cavalry, and at the time of 
 which this narrative treats was doing picket duty just above 
 the head of an island near the Seneca Palls, on the Potomac. 
 This was August, 1861, one month after Bull Run. So 
 many of the Confederates had gone home on furlough that 
 the picket lines were thin, being stretched over a vast extent 
 of river front, and what few men, comparatively, were at 
 the front had to do double duty. 
 
 It was here that Fontaine and another private named 
 Mooje formed a close friendship. Moore was a married man, 
 and fairly idolized his wife and their two beautiful children. 
 Moore and Fontaine were together, whether on picket or 
 guard duty. They clung to each other. They bought little 
 hand-books of poems — Byron, Burns and others — and to- 
 gether they would sit in the cool shade of the trees or hang- 
 ing rocks that lined the Potomac above the falls of Seneca 
 
324 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 and read aloud to each other passages from their favorite 
 authors. 
 
 At this section of the two army lines the pickets on 
 either side of the water, Federal and Confederate, had come 
 to an understanding and agreement that there should be 
 no firing at each other while on picket duty ; and but for the 
 treacherous violation of this contract by a dastardly soldier 
 the incident herewith related would not have occurred, and 
 "All Quiet Along the Potomac Tonight" would never have 
 been penned. I give the story in Fontaine's own graphic 
 words : 
 
 "We had to stand on post six hours at a time. That 
 night I took my stand at 6 o'clock, and Moore retired to 
 rest. The nights were chilly, and we usually kept some fire 
 burning. There was a small spring of water close by, and 
 a large fallen pine tree that I used to sit on and rest at 
 times, after walking my beat, and I have frequently stopped 
 at the spring and bathed my face when the dreary monotony 
 of the still night had a tendency to lull me to sleep. As 
 soon as I found that midnight had arrived, I stepped to the 
 fire and threw on some pine knots and roused Moore to take 
 my place. 
 
 "He rose slowly, picked up his gun, stepped to the fire, 
 and stretched himself, as a sleepy soldier will, and gaped 
 and yawned, and while his arms were extended, and his 
 hands grasping the barrel of his gun, there was a flash across 
 the river and the whiz of a bullet, and he sank to the earth, 
 with a hole just above his eye on the left side, from which 
 flowed a dark, crimson tide. Not a word, not a groan es- 
 caped him. 
 
 "I removed his remains from near the fire where he 
 had fallen. And as I did so my eyes fell on a telegraphic 
 column of a newspaper, and it was headed : 'All Quiet Along 
 the Potomac Tonight.' 
 
 "And, oh, how truthful it was! It was certainly all 
 quiet with me and with him whom I loved as a brother. 
 
 "I could not help shedding a tear, and my thoughts 
 reverted to his home, his wife, and his children, and to the 
 falsehood told by those whose guest I had been, and whose 
 treachery had caused his death, and they grew bitter, and a 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 325 
 
 demon of vengeance arose in my heart, which was not stilled 
 until the white dove of peace had spread her snowy pinions 
 over the whole face of the land and the bombshell rolled 
 across the sward like the plaything of a child. 
 
 "When morning dawned the words in that newspaper 
 were burned in my brain; they rang in my ears, and were 
 painted on every scene that met my view. I put my friend's 
 effects together — his letters, sword, hat, all — and expressed 
 them to his wife, with a true and perfect description of his 
 death. And while I stood beside his cold form and gazed 
 at his marble face and glazed eyes in the unbroken silence 
 of my lonely watch I' felt what few mortals ever feel in this 
 shadowy vale. I penned the outlines of my poem then and 
 there, but not as they now appear, for the first were 
 biting and sarcastic. I read the crude copy to Orderly Ser- 
 geant W. W. Williams (who was a fine critic) and Lieuten- 
 ants Giraham and Depritt, of my company, and Williams 
 suggested that if I would only make it more pathetic, instead 
 of sarcastic, it would take better. 
 
 "I did so, and on the 9th of August I had it complete, 
 as the poem now stands, and I read it to my messmates, and 
 received their highest commendation. I gave them copies 
 of the original, and they recopied and sent them home and 
 soon the whole regiment, brigade, division, and army were 
 in possession of it. 
 
 "My father, whom I met shortly after the completion 
 of it, suggested that instead of 'stray picket' I ought to say 
 lone picket.' But I did not alter it. The ladies of Lees- 
 burg, in Loudon County, Virginia, put the words to music, 
 and used to sing them for us long before they were printed. 
 I gave one copy to Miss Eva Lee, and another to Miss Hemp- 
 stone; also a copy to John M. Orr, who at that time was 
 mayor of the town. I gave copies to many others whose 
 names I cannot recall." 
 
326 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 MY OLD CANTEEN. 
 
 BY ALFRED R. CALHOUN. 
 
 Of the camp, the march, the battle, 
 
 Let other soldiers sing; 
 Let them show our tattered banners, 
 
 While on high their hats they fling. 
 The sabre, the old musket, 
 
 Can ev'rywhere be seen, 
 But there's nothing brings war days to mind 
 
 Like you — my old canteen. 
 
 A thousand friends who kissed you 
 
 Are gone forever more; 
 Cried "Here" to the mystic angel, 
 
 And cross'd to the other shore. 
 You are rusty, you are batter'd; 
 
 Gone is your early sheen, 
 But the tempest's blast can't thrill me 
 
 Like you — my old canteen. 
 
 We've slept and marched together; 
 
 We've been empty, we've been full; 
 We've merry made o'er stolen sweets, 
 
 With buttermilk been dull; 
 We've heard fierce oaths o'er sore defeat, 
 
 And the foe in flight we've seen, 
 Then crippled, sore, but stout of heart, 
 
 Came home — my old canteen. 
 
 When comrades take me to the grave 
 
 I'd have you brought there, too; 
 Pass from lip to lip in silence, 
 
 With my dead face in their view; 
 Then let them lay you on my heart, 
 
 And place us 'neath the green, 
 And say: "He was a soldier true; 
 
 He loved the old canteen." 
 
^^iJA^^e^_. 
 
Maynadier T. Bruce -August. 1866 
 
FOUU TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 327 
 
 They intended you for water, 
 
 When they framed your rounded side, 
 Yet you kindiy took to — coffee, 
 
 For your sympathies were wide; 
 Distilled peach and "Commissary" 
 
 You have held with sober mien, 
 And you always furnished bourbon, 
 
 On the night march — old canteen. 
 
 When comrades fell about me 
 
 You stuck closely to my side; 
 You brought comfort to the wounded, 
 
 Who without you must have died; 
 Even gen'rals have praised you — 
 
 When they tested you unseen — 
 And have wiped their beards and whisper'd: 
 
 "That's a bully old canteen!" 
 
 THE PRIVATE OF THE CONFEDERACY. 
 
 An old comrade, in writing of the Stonewall Brigade, 
 says: "The soul of their leader seems to have entered every 
 breast. To meet the enemy was to conquer him, it might 
 almost be said, so obstinately did the eagles of victory con- 
 tinue to perch upon the old battle-flag. The laws of the 
 human body seemed to have been reversed for these men. 
 They marched and fought and triumphed, like war machines 
 which felt no need of rest or food or sleep. In one day they 
 marched from Harper's Ferry to Strasburg, nearly fifty miles. 
 On the advance to Romney they walked — many without 
 shoes — over roads so slippery with ice that men were fall- 
 ing and their guns going off all along the column, and at 
 night lay down without blankets on the snow, with no camp 
 fires and no food. Any other troops but these and their 
 Southern comrades would have mutinied and demanded 
 bread. But the shadow of disaffection never flitted over a 
 forehead in that command. Whatever discontent might have 
 been felt at times at the want of attention on the part of 
 subordinate officers, the 'long roll' had only to be beaten, 
 
328 FOUB TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 they had only to see the man in the old faded uniform ap- 
 pear, and hunger, cold, fatigue, were all forgotten. I have 
 seen them go into action — after fighting four battles in five 
 days — with the regularity and well-dressed front of holiday 
 soldiers. There was no straggling, no lagging, and every 
 man advanced with steady tramp. The ranks were thin and 
 the faces travel-worn, but the old flag floated in the winds 
 of the Potomac as defiantly as on the banks of the Shen- 
 andoah." 
 
 STONEWALL JACKSON'S WAY. 
 
 (Found on the body of a Sergeant of the old Stonewall 
 Brigade, Winchester, Virginia.) 
 
 Come, stack arms, men; pile on the rails, 
 
 Stir up the camp-fire bright; 
 No matter if the canteen fails, 
 
 We'll make a roaring night. 
 Here Shenandoah brawls along, 
 There burly Blue Bidge echoes strong, 
 To swell the brigade's rousing song, 
 
 Of "Stonewall Jackson's way." 
 
 We see him now — the old slouch hat 
 
 Cocked o'er his eye askew — 
 The shrewd, dry smile — the speech so pat — 
 
 So calm, so blunt, so true. 
 The "Blue Light Elder" knows 'em well- 
 Says he, "That's Banks; he's fond of shell — 
 Lord save his soul ! we'll give him" — well 
 
 That's "Stonewall Jackson's way." 
 
 Silence! ground arms! kneel all! caps off! 
 
 Old Blue Light's going to pray; 
 Strangle the fool that dares to scoff; 
 
 Attention! it's his way. 
 
FOUE TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 329 
 
 Appealing from his native sod, 
 In forma pauperis to God — 
 "Lay bare thine arm ; stretch forth thy rod ; 
 Amen !" That's "Stonewall's way." 
 
 He's in the saddle now! Pall in! 
 
 Steady, the whole brigade! 
 Hill's at the ford, cut off! we'll win 
 
 His way out, ball and blade. 
 What matter if our shoes are worn! 
 What matter if our feet are torn! 
 "Quickstep — we're with him before dawn!" 
 
 That's "Stonewall Jackson's way." 
 
 The sun's bright lances rout the mists 
 
 Of morning, and, by George! 
 There's Longstreet struggling in the lists, 
 
 Hemmed in an ugly gorge — 
 Pope and his Yankees, whipped before — 
 "Bayonet and grape!" hear Stonewall roar. 
 Charge, Stuart! Pay off Ashby's score 
 
 In "Stonewall Jackson's way." 
 
 Ah, maiden! wait and watch and yearn 
 
 For news of Stonewall's band; 
 Ah, widow! read with eyes that burn 
 
 That ring upon thy hand; 
 Ah, wife! sew on, pray on, hope on, 
 
 Thy life shall not be all forlorn — 
 The foe had better ne'er been born, 
 
 Than get in "Stonewall's way." 
 
330 FOUR YEAB8 IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 A DARING AND FAMOUS RAID. 
 
 In February, 1905, I had some business to transact in 
 Dallas, Texas, and while strolling along Elm street I noticed 
 a sign reading "Bruce Liquor Company." The name Bruce 
 attracted my attention and reminded me that I once had a 
 friend and fellow-soldier in the army whom we called 
 "Manny" Bruce (I mention him in a preceding chapter in 
 this work as a companion in one of my adventures). I con- 
 cluded to step in and inquire if they knew anything of 
 "Manny" Bruce. 
 
 I saw an elderly gentleman and spoke to him, when the 
 following conversation ensued: 
 
 "Is your name Bruce?" 
 
 "Yes, sir." 
 
 "Are you from Cumberland, Maryland?" 
 
 "I was born and raised there, but have been in Texas 
 for twenty-five years." 
 
 "Are you the Bruce we in the army called "Manny" 
 Bruce?" 
 
 "I am, sir, but my right name is Maynadier." 
 
 "I once knew you, Mr. Bruce. I was raised in Hamp- 
 shire County, West Virginia, just across the Potomac from 
 Cumberland. I was in company with you on a little advent- 
 ure during the war in January, 1865, in Hampshire County, 
 and finally you and I were captured by General Sheridan's 
 'Jessie Scouts,' commanded by Captain Blazer." 
 
 He exclaimed at once: "Why, who are you?" 
 
 I then told him that he made his escape that same 
 night on our road to prison, but that I was taken on to 
 Fort McHenry and remained there until the war was over. 
 
 He again said: "Who are you?" 
 
 I told him that my name was Casler, that I belonged 
 to Company A, 33d Virginia Infantry, but at the time of 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 331 
 
 our acquaintance was transferred to the 11th Virginia 
 Cavalry. 
 
 He replied: "This is not my old friend, John Casler, 
 is it?" 
 
 I assured him it was the same John. 
 
 "Where have you been since the war?" 
 
 "I emigrated to Sherman, Texas, twenty-eight years 
 ago, and have been in Dallas many times, but did not know 
 you were here." 
 
 "Well, John, I would rather see you than a brother." 
 
 Without going into the particulars, there was a genu- 
 ine love-feast right there and then, the old bottle of apple- 
 jack was uncorked and we took a drink in remembrance of 
 the hills and valleys of old Hampshire County. 
 
 This was on the 5th of February, 1905, and I reminded 
 him that it was forty years to a day since we had met; that 
 it was February 5, 1865, when we were captured — a curious 
 coincidence, as the sequel will show. 
 
 I found him prospering and at the head of a flourish- 
 ing wholesale business, viz. : "The Bruce Liquor Company," 
 398 Elm street. We talked over old times, and I called on 
 him often while there and went with him to Sterling Price 
 Camp, United Confederate Veterans, when he became a 
 member of the camp. 
 
 I gave him one of my books (the first edition) to read. 
 He was much interested in it, and told me that he had taken 
 very little interest in war matters since the war; that he 
 was young at the time, only 16 years old, and that my work 
 was a revelation to him. He insisted that I should have 
 another edition published, and asked me to write up the 
 incidents of the following raid and adventure and have the 
 story in the book as an "Appendix," as I was not in this 
 raid, but Bruce was. I, therefore, give the story, gathering 
 the relation of the incidents of the raid from the most re- 
 liable authority I could get. And it was one of the most 
 daring and adventurous raids by a small body of men ever 
 accomplished during the war, and should go down in history 
 as such, and every participant in it should be immortalized 
 as a hero. 
 
 It is impossible, at this date, to get the names of all of 
 
332 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 333 
 
 the men who participated in this raid, but I give those of 
 whom I can learn. 
 
 A short time after the war commenced Captain John 
 H. McNeil organized a company of scouts to operate along 
 the Potomac river and the Baltimore and Ohio railroad, in 
 what is now Hampshire County, West Virginia. They were 
 daring young men, and accustomed to riding horses from 
 their youth up. They were principally from Hampshire, 
 Hardy and Eockingham Counties, in Virginia, and Cumber- 
 land, Maryland. But some were from other states and coun- 
 ties. One, Eichie C. Hallar, was from Missouri, a younger 
 brother of Lieutenant William Hallar, of Quantrell's com- 
 mand. They were attached to the regular Confederate Army 
 and under the supervision of the different Generals who op- 
 erated in the Shenandoah Valley, but were on detached ser- 
 vice all the time, and were called "McNeil's Partisan Eang- 
 ers." They were something like "Boosevelt's Eough Eiders," 
 except that the "Bangers" saw a great amount of hard ser- 
 vice in four years, whilst the "Eough Eiders" did very little 
 but got a great deal of glory. They would harass the enemy 
 wherever found — capture their pickets and scouting parties, 
 destroy their wagon trains, destroy the railroads and bridges, 
 capture trains, and gather information about the movements 
 of the enemy. They and a few others kept an army of Fed- 
 erals estimated at fifteen or twenty thousand employed and 
 on guard along the Baltimore and Ohio railroad from New 
 Creek Station to Martinsburg, a distance of about one hun- 
 dred miles. They made many daring raids, captured thou- 
 sands of prisoners, destroyed millions of property, etc. But 
 their most daring, adventurous and thrilling raid is the 
 one of which I am about to relate, and which I shall give 
 in the words of Sergeants John B. Fay, J. L. Vandiver, John 
 Dailey and M. T. Bruce, who were participants in it, and 
 among the principal actors. 
 
 Captain J. H. McNeil was mortally wounded while 
 guarding a bridge in the Shenandoah Valley in the fall of 
 1864 and died in Harrisonburg, Va. His son, Lieutenant 
 Jesse C. McNeil, then took command of the "Eangers," 
 which generally numbered from sixty to eighty men for duty. 
 But on this "Cumberland raid," as it is called, there were 
 
334 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 John Dailey. 
 Sergeant Co. D. 11th Virginia Cavalry. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 335 
 
 John S. Arnold. 
 Sergeant Co. F. 4th Virginia Cavalry. 
 
336 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 sixty-five picked men, who were acquainted with the country, 
 and some from other commands — Lieutenant Isaac Parsons, 
 Eobert Moorehead, Sergeant John Dailey, Edward Wash- 
 ington, Joseph Pancake, John W. Poland, John S. Arnold, 
 Sergeant Joseph Kuykendall, Eph Herriot, Joe Shearad, 
 John Cunningham and Jacob Gassman, belonging to the 
 7th and 11th Virginia Cavalry, Eosser's Brigade, all under 
 command of Lieutenant Jesse McNeil.' Here is an account 
 of the raid, written by Sergeant John B. Fay, who was 
 one of the principal movers in planning the details. This 
 band of adventurous spirits rode fifty miles into the en- 
 emy's country, over hills and mountains, forded rivers 
 and creeks, on the 21st of February, 1865, in bitter cold 
 weather and with the snow about two feet deep, captured 
 the pickets, got the countersign, then rode along the main 
 street of Cumberland, Md., a city of 8,000 inhabitants, 
 mostly Union people, where an army of 8,000 Federals were 
 quartered, to two of the principal hotels, the "Eevere House" 
 and "Barnum's Hotel," about two squares apart, on Balti- 
 more street, and captured General George Crook, in bed at 
 the Eevere House, and General B. F. Kelley, in bed at Bar- 
 num's Hotel, and took them safely out south, having ridden 
 ninety miles in twenty-four hours. They were then sent 
 to Eichmond, Va., and soon exchanged for two Confederate 
 Generals of the same rank. That was the main reason for 
 this daring raid. They also captured Colonel Thayer Melvin, 
 General Kelley's Adjutant General and Chief of Staff. They 
 did not intend to bother with him, but he got in their way 
 and they had to take him along. 
 
 Generals Kelley and Crook were Major Generals. There 
 were also quartered at those hotels Brigadier Generals B. 
 B. Hayes (afterwards President of the United States), Light- 
 burn and Duvall, and Major William McKinley (afterwards 
 President of the United States), but, as Fay says, they were 
 after "bigger fish," and did not want to be incumbered with 
 too many prisoners, as it would have been detrimental to 
 their escape. 
 
 They did not know at the time that such "big fish" as 
 two future presidents were left behind. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 337 
 
 o 
 
 o 
 
 I 
 
 » 
 
 s 
 a. 
 
338 FOUB TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Sergeant Joseph L. Vandiver, of McNeil's Bangers, 
 says: 
 
 "From where we started, near Moorefield, on our peri- 
 lous journey the snow was about two feet deep in the moun- 
 tains and gorges. At times we were compelled to dismount 
 and lead our horses, until we reached the residence of Mr. 
 E. B. Seymour, a Southern sympathizer. When I told Sey- 
 mour our plans, Seymour said, 'For your sake, for God's sake, 
 and for your mother's sake, turn back. There are over 
 8,000 troops in and around Cumberland; you have only a 
 handful; you will never return alive.' The old man, seeing 
 we were determined, turned loose upon us a whole barrel of 
 apple brandy. We filled our canteens and proceeded on our 
 journey. 
 
 "After fording the Potomac, which was running with 
 ice and slush, and wetting every man up to the knees, we 
 passed on down the main road from New Creek to Cumber- 
 land, which was traveled by scouts and others, passing our- 
 selves off as Ringgold's Cavalry from New Creek. 
 
 "Moorefield is southeast of Cumberland. We were now 
 six miles west of Cumberland, on the Maryland side. Our 
 main object now was to capture the picket post and get 
 their countersign; then we would be safe. We knew where 
 their pickets were posted and where the reserve post was. 
 When we advanced on the first post — 
 
 " 'Halt ! Who comes dere ?' rang out on the air. 
 
 " 'Forward, boys/ said I, 'it's a Dutch sentinel.' 
 
 "We soon captured the sentinel, with two others, and 
 asked for the countersign. 
 
 "'Me no geef it.' 
 
 " 'Bring me my bridle Tein,' said I. After placing the 
 bridle rein around his neck he said: 'Bool's Kaap.' 
 
 "Not understanding that they asked the other two sen- 
 tinels what the countersign was. They, being Americans, 
 replied: 'Bull's Gap.' 
 
 "Half the prize was now won. Taking one of the pickets 
 along with us, we proceeded to the reserve post, one-half 
 mile distant, with the threat that if we had been given the 
 wrong countersign death would be his portion. 
 
 "Arriving at the reserve post we were halted, when we 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 339 
 
 informed the guards that we were 'Ringgold's Cavalry, from 
 New Creek, with important dispatches for General Kelley.' 
 
 "While parleying over the countersign we surrounded 
 the picket post of ten or twelve men, and called on them 
 to surrender. They did so. We then broke up their guns, 
 threw them into the fire, paroled the pickets and told them 
 to remain there until they returned, knowing full well that 
 we would succeed in our adventure or be captured before the 
 alarm could be given. 
 
 "Our way was now clear, and, riding into Cumberland 
 at the foot of Baltimore street, we rode up the street whist- 
 ling and singing 'Yankee Doodle.' Arriving at the hotels 
 we divided, a squad of men dismounting at each hotel whilst 
 the others remained on their horses. The details entered the 
 hotels and ordered those two Generals to dress and follow 
 them. John Dailey was one of the party that entered Gen- 
 eral Crook's room, and he secured some important papers, 
 together with several stands of colors." 
 
 Maynadier T. Bruce was born and raised in Cumberland, 
 Md. When General Imboden's Cavalry passed through Cum- 
 berland on their way to the Pennsylvania and Gettysburg 
 campaign, Bruce, then a boy of 16 years, ran away from his 
 father, taking a horse, and joined Imboden's command. He 
 was orderly for General Imboden for some time, finally 
 joining McNeil's Rangers. He was in this Cumberland raid, 
 and his recollections are about the same as John B. Fay has 
 related. Bruce, with several others, stopped at Romney to 
 talk to the "girls" and get something to eat. While there 
 the Federal cavalry dashed into them, and wounded J. W. 
 Poland and captured Sergeant Joe Shearad. 
 
 This squad fell back on the rear guard. When the Fed- 
 erals came up they were repulsed and driven back, but cap- 
 tured Lieutenant Griffith, of the Ringgold Cavalry. McNeil's 
 men then paroled the Lieutenant with the understanding that 
 he was to be exchanged for Sergeant Joe Shearad. 
 
 He agreed to that arrangement and Bruce gave him a 
 horse. He went to Cumberland and stated the case of his 
 parole, but the authorities there would not agree to it, and 
 Lieutenant Griffith considered his parole sacred and remained 
 out of service during the war. 
 
340 FOUR TEAKS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 As the command passed down Baltimore street to the 
 canal they broke the glass in tome of the stores and sup- 
 plied themselves with a quantity of "store clothes." They 
 then passed the government stables where the officers' horses 
 were kept. Part of the company stopped there and, over- 
 powering the guard, took several horses from the stables. 
 The horses all had blankets on them. Bruce got two fine horses 
 and John S. Arnold got "Philippi," General Kelley's horse. In 
 the early parb of the war General Kelley was wounded in a 
 small engagement at Philippi, in West Virginia. He was the 
 first General wounded in the war, and the citizens of Philippi 
 raised some money and purchased the finest horse they could 
 find and made a present of it to General Kelley. He called 
 the horse "Philippi," and it was considered the finest horse 
 in that command. General Kelley had ridden the animal 
 from 1861 until his capture in 1865. 
 
 Some two weeks before this raid Bruce, Sprigg Lynn 
 and Hallar went into Cumberland in disguise and remained 
 there three days and nights, stopping at the home of Lynn's 
 mother. Bruce saw his father and walked around "Eose 
 Hill" and other important points. Their object was to wreck 
 a train on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad that was convey- 
 ing troops from the west to General Grant's Army in front 
 of Petersburg, Va. They failed in their undertaking and 
 returned safely to Moorefield, Va. 
 
 Charles James Dailey, one of McNeil's rangers, was the 
 son of the proprietor of the Eevere House, and his sister 
 was the fiancee of General Crook at the time of this capture. 
 General Crook, after the war, married Miss Dailey and Gen- 
 eral Kelley married Miss Clara Bruce, cousin of Mr. Manny 
 Bruce, who was in this raid. Strange things will happen 
 in this world, but we are all proud, both North and South, 
 that we are 
 
 AMERICANS. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 341 
 
 
 23 
 
342 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 CAPTUEE OF GENERALS CROOK AND KELLEY. 
 
 BY THE 
 
 McNEIL RANGERS. 
 
 BY JOHN B. FAY. 
 
 Toward the close of the late war, about an hour before 
 daybreak on the cold, frosty morning of February 21, 1865, 
 a troop of Confederate cavalry, sixty-five in number, under 
 Lieutenant Jesse C. McNeil, having forded the Potomac, 
 surprised and captured the pickets, rode into the heart of 
 the city of Cumberland, Md., captured Major Generals Crook 
 and Kelley, together with the latter's Adjutant General, Ma- 
 jor Melvin, and, without the loss of a single man, carried their 
 distinguished prisoners back into the Confederate lines. Six 
 or eight thousand troops were encamped in and around the 
 city, which had long been the headquarters of General Kelley, 
 commander of the military district of West Virginia, and in 
 consequence this exploit created a great local sensation, but 
 for obvious reasons made no marked impression upon the 
 public mind. 
 
 To enable the reader to form a correct idea of the mil- 
 itary situation at the time, a slight retrospect at the outset 
 will be necessary. The debatable ground which lay between 
 the opposing armies in Northern Virginia, both east and 
 west of the Blue Ridge, covered an extensive territory, run- 
 ning parallel to the Potomac, and embraced sometimes the 
 length of two or more counties southward. During the 
 latter part of the war this region was dominated by three 
 famous Confederate partisan leaders, Mosby, Gilmore and 
 McNeil. Their forces sometimes intermingled, but ordi- 
 narily the operations of Mosby were confined to the country 
 east of the Shenandoah river; those of Gilmore to the Valley 
 of Virginia; while McNeil's special field of action lay to 
 the westward, along the upper Potomac, and the line of the 
 great South Branch. McNeil's command was composed 
 principally of volunteers from Virginia and Maryland, though 
 nearly every Southern and not a few of the Northern States 
 had representatives in the ranks. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 343 
 
 Nearly every station, avocation and profession in life 
 furnished its quota to this famous band of partisan rangers. 
 Aristocrats of the bluest blood and their rough, unpedigreed 
 comrades; lawyers, preachers, doctors and merchants, in fact 
 and embryo; clerks and hardy mountaineers, college gradu- 
 ates, mechanics and sturdy farmer lads; the man of mature 
 age and the inexperienced youth all mingled in harmony, 
 and one would have been hard to please who could not find in 
 this organization an agreeable social circle or congenial mess. 
 Moorefield, in the rich and fertile valley of the South Branch, 
 was the principal headquarters of this command, and Har- 
 risonburg, in the Shenandoah Valley, its reserved base of 
 operations. In a daybreak attack on a company of Pennsyl- 
 vania .cavalry, who were guarding a bridge over the Shen- 
 andoah, near Mt. Jackson, in the fall of 1864, Captain Mc- 
 Neil received a mortal wound. His son, Lieutenant Jesse 
 C. McNeil, an officer of great courage and gallantry, though 
 somewhat excitable and indiscreet, was next in command, 
 but General Early hesitated to give him full control and 
 made several efforts to get some one who, in his opinion, 
 would be more competent to wear the mantle of our valiant 
 and astute old Captain. 
 
 Matters remained in this condition when, some time in 
 February, 1865, Lieutenant McNeil consulted with me about 
 the feasibility of getting into Cumberland and capturing 
 Generals Kelley and Crook. He referred to a suggestion that 
 I had made his father, in his lifetime, to capture General 
 Kelley, and informed me of his desire to secure both Gen- 
 erals, if, on examination, it was found to be practicable. 
 Cumberland was my native place. I had on several previous 
 occasions entered it with ease — once remaining a week — and 
 on my giving McNeil every assurance that his design could 
 be successfully carried out, it was determined to make thp 
 attempt. I was commissioned to proceed at once to Cum- 
 berland, or its vicinity, and prepare the way for our entry, 
 by learning the number and position of the picket posts, 
 the exact location of the sleeping apartments of the Generals 
 and any other information deemed necessary. Selecting a 
 comrade, Eitchie C. Hallar, a lad from Missouri, not yet out of 
 
344 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 his 'teens, but of well-tested courage and prudence, I started 
 forthwith, and a few nights after our departure from Moore- 
 field found us upon the north bank of the Potomac, a few 
 miles west of Cumberland. At this point the required in- 
 formation was procured, and, retracing our steps, by daylight 
 we were twenty miles away, enjoying a welcome breakfast 
 with a bachelor friend, Vanse Herriott, near Eomney. 
 
 From here Hallar was despatched to intercept Lieu- 
 tenant McNeil, who, in our absence, was to have twenty- 
 five well-mounted men prepared and move leisurely in the 
 direction of Cumberland, ready to act on my report. Cum- 
 berland, which had then a population of 8,000, is situated 
 on the north bank of the upper Potomac, at the confluence 
 of that river and Will's creek, and on the site of old "Port 
 Cumberland," the frontier post in colonial times, from which 
 General Braddock, in 1755, set out on his expedition across 
 the Alleghanies to Fort DuQuesne. It is just opposite a 
 peninsular neck of land in Virginia, the elongation of the 
 Knobly mountain range, which here presses so far north as 
 to cause an abrupt bend in the river and nearly to cut this 
 portion of Maryland in two, the distance across to the Penn- 
 sylvania line being only six miles. At the time of which 
 I write 6,000 or 8,000 troops occupied the city, and on the 
 night of our entry, in addition to the resident commander, 
 Major Generals Kelley and Crook, and Brigadier Gen- 
 erals Hayes (since President of the United States), Light- 
 burn and Duvall were temporarily in the city. A greater 
 harvest of Generals might have been reaped had we been 
 aware of this latter fact. Sheridan's Army lay at Winchester 
 and a considerable force of Federal troops were strongly en- 
 trenched at New Creek (now Keyser),-an important sta- 
 tion on the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. The first-named 
 point is southeast of Cumberland and the second southwest, 
 and both are nearer Moorefield than Cumberland or New 
 Creek by eighteen miles. These facts will show the hazard 
 of a trip from our headquarters to Cumberland, and the 
 liability of being cut off, to which any small force of Con- 
 federates discovered in the vicinity of the latter place would 
 be exposed. 
 
 When McNeil and party arrived at the rendezvous, in 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 345 
 
 addition to those of our own command, there were a number, 
 probably a dozen, belonging to Company F of the Yth and D 
 of the 11th Virginia Cavalry, of Rosser's Brigade. The men 
 and horses were fed and rested here and the shades of that 
 evening saw us upon our ride. Our route lay over Middle 
 Ridge and across the valley of Patterson's creek, through 
 the ridges beyond to the base of Knobly mountain, where, 
 taking a northeasterly course, we came to a narrow gap, lead- 
 ing up to open fields on the mountain top. Passing up this 
 gap, over an icy read, we found the fields above covered 
 with snow drifts of uncertain depths, which forced us to 
 dismount and lead our struggling horses. Having reached 
 the road, through a lower gap to the Seymour farm, we 
 quickly descended the mountain into the valley and crossed 
 the Potomac into Maryland. 
 
 At this juncture Lieutenant McNeil led the troop into 
 a neighboring field, and, calling a number of us together, 
 rode to the residence of a prominent citizen close by, where 
 he held a little council of war. In this participated Ser- 
 geants Vandiver, Dailey and Cunningham, Privates R. G. 
 Lobb, Charles Nichols, Lieutenant Isaac Parsons and J. W. 
 Kuykendall, the two latter of Rosser's Brigade, myself and 
 probably some others whom I cannot now recall. After say- 
 ing that there was not then sufficient time to enable us to 
 reach Cumberland before daylight by the route laid down 
 by me, the Lieutenant proposed that that part of the expe- 
 dition be abandoned, but, to prevent the trip from being an 
 entire failure, he suggested that we should surprise and cap- 
 ture the pickets at the railroad station near by, at Brady's 
 Mill. The prizes for which we had come so far were esti- 
 mated by quality, not quantity, and a company of infantry 
 was not esteemed a fair exchange for two Major Generals, 
 so his proposition met with emphatic and almost unanimous 
 dissent. It is proper here to say that my route contemplated 
 flanking the neighboring village of Cresaptown, moving on 
 to the well-known national road, and taking that thorough- 
 fare, which was not picketed, to enter Cumberland from the 
 northwest, by way of the "Narrows," a famous pass through 
 Will's mountain. This would have doubled the distance to 
 be traveled from the point at which we passed the river, 
 
346 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 but it was the only prudent and reasonably safe route, and 
 but for several unnecessary delays already made, for which 
 Lieutenant McNeil himself was responsible, ample time had 
 been left to pursue it. 
 
 The fact remained, however, as McNeill had declared, 
 that we could not then get to Cumberland by that route in- 
 the required time, and if we were to proceed further on our 
 expedition we must at once take the shorter route, the New 
 Creek road, and try our chances, by surprising and captur- 
 ing the picket's on that road, to get into the city without 
 raising an alarm. 
 
 The attempt to pass quietly through two lines of pickets 
 promised but doubtful results, but this being the only satis- 
 factory alternative, we determined to try it. Lieutenant 
 McNeil and Sergeant Vandiver, followed by Kuykendall and 
 myself, rode ahead as an advance guard, the rest of the troop, 
 under Lieutenant I. S. Welton, keeping close behind. A 
 layer of thin, crusty snow was on the ground, and, although 
 it was an hour and a half before dawn, we could see very well 
 for a short distance. The New Creek road skirts the base of 
 Will's mountain, running almost parallel with the railroad 
 and river, and all three come close together at the mouth of 
 a deep ravine. About two miles from Cumberland, where 
 the road deflects to the left and winds up through the ravine 
 and over the hill to the city, a cavalry picket was stationed 
 at the mouth of the ravine, and as we neared this point a 
 solitary vedette was observed standing on the roadside, who, 
 upon noticing our approach, gave the challenge, "Halt! Who 
 comes there?" 
 
 "Friends from New Creek," was the response. 
 
 He then said: "Dismount one, come forward and give 
 the countersign," when, without a word Lieutenant McNeil, 
 putting spurs to his horse, dashed towards the picket, and 
 as he passed, unable to check his speed, fired his pistol in 
 the man's face. We followed rapidly and secured the picket, 
 wliom we found terribly startled at the peculiar conduct of 
 his alleged "friends." Two comrades, acting as a reserve, 
 had been making themselves cosy before a few embers, under 
 a temporary shelter in a fence corner about a hundred yards 
 in the rear, and these, hearing the commotion in front, 
 
TODE TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 347 
 
 hastily decamped towards the river. They got no farther 
 than the railroad, however, for we were close upon them, 
 and in response to our threats of shooting they halted and 
 surrendered. They belonged to Company B, 3d Ohio, and 
 from one of them, the desired countersign for the night, 
 "Bull's Gap," was extorted under menace of instant annihi- 
 lation at the end of a halter. Mounting these men upon 
 their horses, which we found hitched near the roadside, we 
 took them into Cumberland and out again, when one was 
 turned loose by his weary guard minus horse and equip- 
 ments, but plus a very remarkable experience. 
 
 The imprudent action of Lieutenant McNeil in firing, 
 as he did, a shot which might have caused a general alarm 
 and forced us to abandon our design, created some dis- 
 pleasure among the men, and, sharing in this feeling, I in- 
 sisted that Kuykendall and myself should take the advance 
 in the approach to the next inner post. This was assented 
 to and we moved on with the determination that no more 
 unnecessary firing should be indulged in on our part. The 
 second post was fully a mile away, over the high intervening 
 hill and located at the junction of the road we were on with 
 the old Frostburg pike. This post consisted of five men be- 
 longing to the 1st West Virginia Infantry, who were com- 
 fortably ensconced in a shed-like structure, behind a blazing 
 log fire and all busily engaged at cards. As we drew near 
 the circle of light one of the number was observed to get up, 
 reach for a musket, and advance in front of the fire to halt 
 us. To his formal challenge Kuykendall answered : "Friends, 
 with the countersign." We kept moving up in the meantime 
 and when the demand was made for one of us to dismount 
 and give the countersign, noticing an impatient movement 
 among our men in the rear, to mislead the picket and enable 
 us to get as near as possible before our intended dash was 
 made, I shouted back in a loud voice: "Don't crowd up, 
 men ! Wait until we give the countersign." We did not find 
 it necessary to give it, however; there was an open space 
 around the picket post, which allowed no chance of escape, 
 and we were close upon them. The next instant a swift 
 forward dash was made, and, without a single shot, they 
 were surrounded and captured. Their guns and ammuni- 
 
348 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 tion were taken and destroyed, and they were left unguarded 
 at their post, with strict instructions to remain until our 
 return. 
 
 On its face this would appear to have been a very un- 
 wise thing, but it was the best we could do. We had no 
 intention of returning that way, but we rightly trusted that 
 before the men would realize the situation and get to where 
 an alarm could be given our work in the city would have 
 been done. We were now inside the picket lines, and before 
 us lay the slumbering city. The troop was halted here for 
 a short time while Lieutenant McNeil hastily detailed two 
 squads of six men each, who were directly charged with the 
 capture of the Generals. Sergeant Joseph W. Kuykendall, 
 of Company F, 7th Virginia Cavalry, a special scout for 
 General Early and a soldier of great courage, coolness and 
 daring, who had once been a prisoner in Kelley's hands and 
 had a personal acquaintance with him, was placed in com- 
 mand of the men detailed to secure that General. To Ser- 
 geant Joseph L. Vandiver, a man of imposing figure and 
 style, was given charge of the capture of General Crook. 
 
 An interesting fact in connction with this latter. is that 
 among the number were Jacob Gassman, a former clerk in 
 the hotel which General Crook occupied, and whose uncle 
 then owned the building ; and Sergeant Charles James Dailey, 
 whose father was landlord at the time, and whose sister, 
 Mary, is now Mrs. General Crook, and was probably then his 
 fiancee. The duty of destroying the telegraph lines was 
 imposed on me, and Hallar and others detailed as my assist- 
 ants. These preliminaries being arranged, we moved on down 
 the pike, rode into Green street and around the Court House 
 hill; then over the Chain bridge across Will's creek, and up 
 Baltimore street, the principal thoroughfare of the city. Tak- 
 ing in the situation as they rode along, the men occupied 
 themselves in whistling such Yankee tunes as they knew, 
 and bandying words with isolated patrols and guards occa- 
 sionally passed. Some of our men were disguised in Federal 
 overcoats, but in the dim light no difference could be noticed 
 in the shades of light blue and gray. Part of the men halted 
 in front of the Barnum House, now the Windsor hotel, where 
 General Kelley slept, and the others rode on to the Bevere 
 
FOTJE YEABS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 349 
 
 r 
 
 r 
 
 a 
 
 I 
 
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 24 
 
350 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 House, where General Crook reposed in fancied security. A 
 sentry paced up and down in front of the respective head- 
 quarters, but took little notice of our movements, evidently 
 taking us for a scouting party coming in to report. 
 
 Sprigg Lynn, of Kuykendall's squad, was about the first 
 to reach the pavement, where he captured and disarmed the 
 sentry, who directed the party to the sleeping apartment of 
 General Kelley. Entering the hotel, the party first invaded 
 a room on the second floor, which proved to be that of the 
 Adjutant General. Arousing him they asked where General 
 Kelley was and was told that he was in the adjoining apart- 
 ment, a communicating room, the door of which was open 
 and which they entered at once. When General Kelley was 
 awakened he was informed that he was a prisoner, and was 
 requested to make his toilet as speedily as possible. With 
 some degree of nervousness the old General complied, inquir- 
 ing as he did so to whom he was surrendering. Kuykendall 
 replied: "To Captain McNeil, by order of General Kosser." 
 He had little more to say after this, and in a very short space 
 of time both he and Melvin were taken down into the street 
 and mounted upon horses, the owners of which courteously 
 gave the prisoners the saddle, and rode behind. In this 
 manner they were taken out of Cumberland, but as soon after 
 as separate horses could be procured they were given them. 
 
 At the Kevere House an almost identical scene took place. 
 The sentry having been taken and disarmed, the capturing 
 party ascended the stone steps of the hotel and found the 
 outside door locked. The door was opened by a small col- 
 ored boy and the party entered. The boy was greatly alarmed 
 at the brusque manner of the unexpected guests, whom he 
 evidently suspected of improper intentions. When asked if 
 General Crook was in the hotel, he said : "Yes, sah, but don't 
 tell 'em I told you," and he afterward made the inquiry: 
 "What kind 'o men is you all, anyhow?" While Vandiver 
 and Dailey were getting a light in the office below, Gassman 
 went to No. 46, General Crook's apartment, and, thinking 
 the door was locked, knocked at it several times. A voice 
 within asked : "Who's there ?" Gassman replied : "A friend," 
 and was then told to "come in." Vandiver, Dailey and 
 Tucker arrived by this time and all entered the room. Ap- 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 351 
 
 proaching the bed where the General lay, Vandiver said in 
 a pompous manner: "General Crook, you are my prisoner." 
 "What authority have you for this!" inquired Crook. "The 
 authority of General Eosser, of Fitzhugh Lee's Division of 
 cavalry," said Vandiver, in response. Crook then rose up 
 ■ in bed and said : "Is General Eosser here ?" "Yes," replied 
 Vandiver, "I am General Eosser; I have twenty-five men 
 with me, and we have surprised and captured the town." 
 That settled the matter as far as the bona fide General was 
 concerned ; he was immensely surprised at the bold announce- 
 ment, but knowing nothing to the contrary, accepted Vandi- 
 ver's assertion as the truth, and submitted to his fate with 
 as much grace and cheerfulness as he could muster. 
 
 Speaking to me afterwards of his sensations at the 
 time, the General said: "Vandiver was just such a looking 
 person as I supposed General Eosser to be, and I had no rea- 
 son to doubt the truth of his statement. I was very much 
 relieved, however, when I found out the real situation, and 
 that the city and garrison had not been taken." General 
 Kelley and his Adjutant were taken some time before Crook 
 was brought out and mounted, but when this was finally 
 done and the headquarters and other flags were secured, in 
 a quiet and orderly manner, the entire party rode down 
 Baltimore, street to the Chain bridge. A large stable was 
 located here, and from this several fine horses were taken, 
 among them "Philippi,' General Kelley's charger. The tak- 
 ing of these horses caused some delay, which greatly excited 
 Lieutenant McNeil, who, calling for me, ordered that 1 
 should lead them out of the city at once. Turning the col- 
 umn to the left, I led it down Canal street and on to the 
 canal bank, where, a few hundred yards below, at the locks, 
 we came unexpectedly upon a dozen or more guards, whom 
 we surrounded and captured. We destroyed their guns and 
 ammunition, but did not encumber ourselves with more pris- 
 oners. From this point the column went at a gallop down 
 the towpath, until halted by the picket, posted at the canal 
 bridge, a mile below town, on the road to Wiley's ford. The 
 column not halting, as ordered, one of the pickets was heard 
 to say: "Sergeant, shall I fire?" when Vandiver, who was 
 in front, shouted: "If you do I'll place you under arrest. 
 
352 FOUB YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 This is General Crook's bodyguard, and we have no time to 
 waste. The Kebels are coming and we are going out to meet 
 them." This explanation seemed satisfactory. We passed 
 under the bridge, beyond the picket post — the enemy's out- 
 most guard — and across the Potomac. 
 
 We were four or five miles away before the boom of a 
 cannon was heard giving the alarm. Sixty rough and rugged 
 miles intervened between us and safety, but I doubt if there 
 was a man in the troop but now felt at his ease. Elated, 
 proud and happy, all rode back that cold winter morning over 
 the snow-clad Virginia hills. Our expedition had been a 
 grand success and our every wish was realized. A mounted 
 force from Cumberland in pursuit came in sight on Patter- 
 son's Creek, but kept at a respectful distance in the rear 
 until after we had passed Romney, when they pressed upon 
 our guard, but, on the exchange of a few shots, retired. On 
 reaching the Moorefield Valley, a battalion of the Ringgold 
 Cavalry, sent from New Creek to intercept us, came in sight. 
 We were on opposite sides of the river, in full view of each 
 other, and soon our tired horses were being urged to their 
 utmost speed; the Federals endeavoring to reach Moorefield 
 and cut off our retreat ; while our great desire was to pass 
 through the town with our prisoners and captured flags and 
 exhibit to our friends and sweethearts there the fruits of our 
 expedition and the trophies of our success. 
 
 It soon became evident, however, that the fresher horses 
 of the other side would win the race, and, convinced that the 
 town could not be reached and safely passed, McNeil sud- 
 denly led his men into the woods skirting the road, and, 
 taking a well-known trail, passed through the ridge east 
 of Moorefield to a point of security seven miles above, where 
 we encamped for the night. In the previous twenty-four 
 hours we had ridden ninety miles, over hill and mountain, 
 valley and stream, with very little rest or food for men or 
 horses, and, as may be readily imagined, heartily enjoyed 
 the nighf s repose. Our prisoners received the best possible 
 care and attention, and early next morning pursued their 
 enforced march "on to Richmond" by way of General Early's 
 headquarters at Staunton. 
 
 The following are verbatim copies of the only official 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 353 
 
 reports of the affair on record in the War Department at 
 Washington, and have probably never before been published : 
 
 "Headquarters 
 "Army Northern Virginia, 
 
 "February 24, 1865. 
 "Honorable John C. Breckinridge, Secretary of War: 
 
 "General Early reports that Lieutenant McNeil, with 
 thirty men, on the morning of the 21st, entered Cumber- 
 land, captured and brought out Generals Crook and Kelly, 
 the Adjutant General of the department, two privates and 
 the headquarters' flags, without firing a gun, though a con- 
 siderable force is stationed in vicinity. Lieutenant McNeil 
 and party deserve much credit for this bold exploit. Their 
 prisoners will reach Staunton today. 
 
 "K. E. Lee." 
 
 "Cumberland, Md., February 21, 1865. 
 "Major General Sheridan, Winchester, Va. : 
 
 "This morning about 3 o'clock a party of Rebel horse- 
 men came up on the New Creek road, about sixty in number. 
 They captured the picket and quietly rode into town, went 
 directly to the headquarters of Generals Crook and Kelly, 
 sending a couple of men to each place to overpower the head- 
 quarters' guard, when they went directly to the room of 
 General Crook and, without disturbing anybody else in the 
 house, ordered him to dress and took him downstairs and 
 placed him upon a horse ready saddled and waiting. The 
 same was done to General Kelly. Captain Melvin, Assistant 
 Adjutant General to General Kelly, was also taken. While 
 this was being done a few of them, without creating any 
 disturbance, opened one or two stores, but they left without 
 waiting to take anything. It was done so quietly that others 
 of us who were sleeping in adjoining rooms to General Crook 
 were not disturbed. The alarm was given within ten minutes 
 by a darkey watchman at the hotel, who escaped from them, 
 and within an hour we had a party of fifty cavalry after 
 them. They tore up the telegraph lines and it required al- 
 most an hour to get them in working order. As soon as 
 New Creek could be called I ordered a force to be sent to 
 
354 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 Romney, and it started without any unnecessary delay. A 
 second force has gone from New Creek to Moorefield, and a 
 regiment of infantry has gone to New Creek to supply the 
 place of the cavalry. They rode good horses and left at a 
 very rapid rate, evidently fearful of being overtaken. They 
 did not remain in Cumberland over ten minutes. From all 
 information I am inclined to believe that instead of Rosser 
 it is McNeil's Company. Most of the men of that company 
 are from this place. I will telegraph you fully any further 
 information. "Robert P. Kennedy, 
 
 "Major and A. A. C." 
 
 But little remains to be added. Lieutenant McNeil 
 secured at last his long-deferred Captain's commission, but 
 did not enjoy it, the war ending soon after — sometime in 
 May, 1865 — and, in accordance with the stipulations of Lee at 
 Appomattox, McNeil surrendered his command for parole. 
 Since the war he has married and returned to the West, and 
 for many years has been a citizen of Illinois. Many of his 
 troops have since passed from time into eternity, and the 
 survivors are scattered far and wide. 
 
 Although a Major General of volunteers and also by 
 brevet, General Crook's lineal rank in the regular army at 
 the end of the war was Captain in the 4th Infantry. Since 
 then he had risen to the grade of Major General and was 
 but three removes from full command of the Army of the 
 United States when he died at Chicago in 1890, in command 
 of the military department of Missouri. 
 
 General Kelley, after long enjoying a sinecure post in 
 the civil service and a modest pension, died on his farm 
 in the Alleghanies in 1891. 
 
 Major Melvin is a distinguished member of the bar 
 of West Virginia, who, since his creditable career in the army 
 closed, has had the honor of presiding on the bench over 
 one of the most important circuit courts in that young and 
 prosperous state. J. B. Pay." 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 355 
 
 
 I 
 
 a 
 Pi 
 
356 FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 LAST WOBDS OP STONEWALL JACKSON. 
 
 By Mrs. Mary Smith, of Mobile, Ala. 
 
 "Let us cross over the river and rest under the shade of 
 the trees." 
 
 Let us cross over the river, my comrades, 
 And rest 'neath the shade of the trees; 
 
 Oh! let me wander in silence, my comrades, 
 And drink of that heavenly breeze. 
 
 My heartchords are trembling, breaking, my comrades, 
 Yes, breaking, with longings and pain; 
 
 I sigh for that haven of rest, my comrades, 
 And long for that dulcet refrain 
 
 That cometh after "Life's Battle," my comrades, 
 And bringeth to each Christian soul 
 
 A balm that's richer and sweeter, my comrades, 
 Than nectar when quaffed from the bowl. 
 
 Let me rest underneath the trees, my comrades, 
 
 In Virginia's Valley so fair, 
 Where song-birds are ever singing, my comrades, 
 
 'Neath skies that are blue and so rare. 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 357 
 
 THE HOMESPUN DRESS. 
 By Carrie Bell Sinclair. 
 Air— "Bonnie Blue Flag." 
 
 Oh, yes, I am a Southern girl, 
 
 And glory in the name, 
 And boast it with far greater pride 
 
 Than glittering wealth or fame. 
 We envy not the Northern girl 
 
 Her robes of beauty rare; 
 Though diamonds grace her snowy neck, 
 
 And pearls bedeck her hair. 
 
 Chorus — Hurrah! Hurrah! 
 
 For the Sunny South so dear; 
 Three cheers for the homespun dress 
 The Southern ladies wear. 
 
 The homespun dress is plain, I know; 
 
 My hat's palmetto, too; 
 But then it shows what Southern girls 
 
 For Southern rights will do. 
 We send the bravest of our land 
 
 To battle with the foe, 
 And we will lend a helping hand — 
 
 We love the South, you know. 
 
 Chords. 
 
 Now Northern goods are out of date, 
 
 And since Old Abe's blockade 
 We Southern girls can be content 
 
 With goods that're Southern made. 
 We send our sweethearts to the war; 
 
 But, dear girls, never mind — 
 Your soldier-love will ne'er forget 
 
 The girl he left behind. 
 
358 four teaks in the stonewall brigade. 
 
 Chorus. 
 
 The soldier is the lad for me — 
 
 A brave heart I adore; 
 And when the Sunny South is free, 
 
 When fighting is no more, 
 I'll choose me then a lover brave 
 From all that gallant band; 
 The soldier lad I love the best 
 Shall have my heart and hand. 
 
 Chorus. 
 
 The Southern land's a glorious land, 
 
 And has a glorious cause; 
 Then cheers, three cheers, for Southern rights, 
 
 And for the Southern boys! 
 We scorn to wear a bit of silk, 
 
 Or bit of Northern lace, 
 But make our homespun dresses up 
 
 And wear them with a grace. 
 
 Chorus. 
 
 And now, young man, a word to you: 
 
 If you would win the fair 
 Go to the field where Honor calls 
 
 And win your lady there; 
 Remember that our brightest smiles 
 
 Are for the true and brave, 
 And that our tears are all for those 
 
 Who fill a soldier's grave. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 359 
 
 APPOMATTOX. 
 
 The day was brightly dawning, 
 
 And song-birds filled the air, 
 And the bright sun seemed to mock the woes 
 
 Which fate had pictured there; 
 For on that field so gory 
 
 Our flag trailed in the dust, 
 And Lee, with head bent lowly, 
 
 Surrendered up his trust. 
 
 Tears from brave men were falling, 
 
 And sad it was to see 
 The heroes weeping their farewell 
 
 O'er the fall of Lee. 
 His war-horse stood beside him 
 
 And seemed, in grief, to know, 
 And sadly, with his master, 
 
 His head he bended low. 
 
 Music sweet was sounding 
 
 To Heaven's celestial dome — 
 'Twould not dispel our sorrow 
 
 Although it breathed of home. 
 Though we'ere by numbers conquered, 
 
 And crushed we were by might, 
 There still is o'er us watching 
 
 One who'll protect the right. 
 
360 
 
 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 361 
 
 HISTOEY OP THE STONEWALL JACKSON BRI- 
 GADE MEDAL. 
 
 In the winter of 1862 and 1863 the Marquis de Lafay- 
 ette,, of Paris, France, a descendant of Lafayette of Revolu- 
 tionary fame, visited the armies of the North and South, 
 then engaged in a bloody war. After visiting the Federal 
 "Army of the Potomac" he visited the Confederate "Army 
 of Northern Virginia." He became a great admirer of Stone- 
 wall Jackson and his Corps, and especially of the "Stone- 
 wall Brigade." After returning to/ France he had 5,000 
 bronze medals made at his own expense, intending one for 
 each member of the "Stonewall Brigade." The latter part 
 of 1864 he succeeded in shipping them in a blockade-runner 
 commanded by Captain Lamar, of Savannah, Ga. He landed 
 them at Wilmington, N. C, then shipped them by rail to 
 Savannah and hid them in the basement of a warehouse that 
 stood on the wharf to keep them from falling into the hands 
 of the Federals. They remained there until the war closed. 
 Lamar died and they were forgotten. In 1893, when tearing 
 down that old warehouse, they were found covered with rub- 
 bish and very much corroded. Mrs. Lamar was still living, 
 and they were turned over to her and distributed to the sur- 
 vivors of the "Stonewall Brigade" wherever found. 
 
 AN INTERESTING INCIDENT. 
 
 In 1894 General Edward L. Thomas, a Georgian, and 
 who commanded a brigade of Georgians in General Lee's 
 Army, came to Oklahoma Territory and was appointed In- 
 dian agent for the Sac and Fox Indians, and was elected 
 Commander of Oklahoma Division, United Confederate Vet- 
 erans. General Thomas died, in 1897, at South McAlester, 
 I. T., when I was elected Commander of the United Con- 
 federate Veterans to fill his place, and while holding that 
 position I received a letter from Mrs. Louis N. Walton, of 
 Beverly, New Jersey, inquiring about General Thomas. She 
 had seen notice of his death in the papers. I answered her 
 letter, telling her who General Edward L. Thomas was, and 
 
362 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 the following letter, which is quite interesting and historical, 
 I received in answer to mine: 
 
 "Beverly, N, J., April 13, 1898. 
 "Mr. John 0. Casler, Com. Ok. Div. U. C. V., Oklahoma 
 
 City, 0. T.: 
 
 "Dear Sir — General Edward L. Thomas is not the 
 man I mean. The General Thomas that I desire informa- 
 tion of died either in the summer of 1895 or 1896. I tried 
 to find this little sketch of his war record in Philadelphia, 
 because I saw it in the 'Philadelphia Evening Telegraph.' 
 I put the paper away carefully, but it was accidentally de- 
 stroyed by one of my servants before I clipped the piece out. 
 
 "They do not remember it at the 'Telegraph' office; 
 have searched files of paper for it without success. 
 
 "They tell me that 'Henry George Thomas' was a Con- 
 federate General, and that 'George Henry Thomas' was a 
 Union General, and that the one in Oklahoma must be the 
 one. He is not, for he (the one I mean) died earlier than 
 1897. 
 
 "I met him in Philadelphia in 1863. He fainted on the 
 pavement in front of my aunt's house one summer morning; 
 her servants carried him into the house, and we used the 
 proper restoratives and sent him in a carriage to the Balti- 
 more and Ohio depot when he was able to continue his jour- 
 ney. He was in company with a younger man, whom I 
 never saw again until I saw his face in the papers as the 
 murderer of President Lincoln (John Wilkes Booth). Their 
 faces are indelibly stamped on my memory; also the con- 
 versation. Though we urged them to tell us their names they 
 refused, though they assured us they were very grateful. 
 I think they feared we would betray them because we were 
 Union women. No true woman would be guilty of such an 
 act, for suffering always appeals to her heart, sometimes 
 against her better judgment. My aunt daily left her luxu- 
 rious home to nurse the sick and wounded soldiers at the 
 Filbert Street Hospital (near Broad Street Station of Penn- 
 sylvania railroad). There were a dozen Confederates there 
 at that time, and they were just as carefully cared for as 
 
FOUR TEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 363 
 
 the Union soldiers. She lost her life from too great devo- 
 tion to the work. 
 
 "Booth told us that Tiis friend had been ill, and in his 
 anxiety to reach home had over-estimated his strength.' Tak- 
 ing my aunt's hand in his and looking her full in the face, 
 he said: 'Would you befriend us if you knew us to be 
 enemies?' Her reply was: 'If thine enemy hunger, feed 
 him; if he thirst, give him drink,' etc. 'You are a noble 
 woman, and have ministered to a man whose life can illy 
 be spared. May God bless you for your kindness,' was 
 Booth's reply. 
 
 "My aunt entered into life eternal December 31, 1864, 
 and never knew the name of either man, or of the tragic 
 death of Booth. Nor did I, until Lincoln's death, know who 
 Booth was; nor, for over thirty years, did I know the name 
 of the sick man, until I read his death notice in 1895 or 
 1896. 
 
 "I was a very young girl at the time of this meeting. 
 I am the only one living of the quartette. I shall never 
 forget those two hours, nor the shock I received at seeing 
 Booth's face as the face of an assassin. I had woven a ro- 
 mance around him, and expected to see his beautiful brow 
 crowned with laurel. Alas! for my dream. 
 
 "Both men were in citizen's dress. General Thomas 
 was a medium-sized man, dark mustache, closely cropped bair 
 swarthy complexion, and had a white silk kerchief knotted 
 around his neck. The piece I refer to spoke of his illness, 
 in 1863, in Philadelphia, from a wound on the back of his 
 neck (that accounts for the kerchief) ; that when on his way 
 to join his command he was recognized in Baltimore as an 
 escaped prisoner of war, and was taken to Fortress Monroe. 
 So he must have been captured the day after we saw him. 
 I cannot remember the initials of his name, and he must 
 have been in the thirties when I saw him, for he was much 
 older than Booth. Since reading that sketch, I remember 
 that 'Booth's' sister, 'Mrs. Clark,' lived only three squares 
 from my aunt's, and I suppose she was caririg for him in 
 his illness. 
 
 "I think that General Thomas must have belonged to 
 
364 FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 a Virginia family. Was there not more than one General 
 Thomas in the Confederate service? 
 
 "I thank you very much for your answer to my letter. 
 If I have put you to any expenes I am willing to compen- 
 sate you. I wanted to keep this little clipping, if I could 
 get it. Very truly yours, 
 
 "Mrs. Louis N". Walton. 
 
 "P. 0. Box 21, Beverly, N". J." 
 
 Note — Booth was a Southern sympathizer and would 
 assist prisoners to escape whenever he could. He had as- 
 sisted this General Thomas to escape from Fort Delaware. 
 
FOUR YEARS IN THE STONEWALL BRIGADE. 
 
 365 
 
 THEIR GAME OF POKER WAS SPOILED. 
 
 L. T. Dickinson, Commander N. B. Forrest Camp, Chattanooga, 
 Tenn: "This sketch represents a true incident. Jones' brigade of 
 cavalry was raiding in West Virginia; we were halted near Moore- 
 field while our advance was reconnoitering. There were gamblers in 
 the army who never missed a chance of plying their trade. While 
 halting as above stated, several card fiends climbed the fence of a 
 cornfield, where they could procure 'chips' in grains of corn. Spread- 
 ing an oil cloth on the ground, the game of poker proceeded, when, 
 suddenly,, there came a b-o-o-m from a neighboring hill, followed 
 with a "Where-is-ye-where-is-ye — bang!' A shell which struck the 
 ground and burst, scattering a cart load of dirt over them. Tha 
 players fell over one another in a heap, save Charlie Hutton of the 
 Maryland battalion. He held three aces and » pair of tens, 'chips' 
 enough to feed his horse, and wouldn't throw up his hand. As 
 he lay back on his elbow with one foot in the air, he yelled out in the 
 direction of the Yankees, 'Say, you fellows over there ! Don't be care- 
 less with them things ! But the only 'call' he got was from the bugler, 
 who quickly sounded 'Mount.' Gen. Jones had a little game of bluff 
 of his own, and our battalion was sent off to drag brush on a dusty 
 road to make the Yankees believe another brigade was coming up."