I' NEW YORK STATE COLLEGE OF H':)i - - ONGMIC AT CORNELL UNIVERSITY. ITHACA. - :.JL-^OP,'k P ^i- 1 i- fi- ■? Cornell University Library CT3260.T17 The American woman 3 1924 014 089 670 MARY BALL WASHINGTON— THE MOTHER OF GEORGE WASHINGTON There are doubts cast valiantly fought to give her schools, more than one woman who had sacri- ficed her personal life to help build them up and develop teachers, turned heartsick from the logic of his own handiwork. All over the country a great mass of people who had courageously supported the first step in the emancipation of woman set itself against the second step— permitting her to do, in her own way, the good work that called her, to be judge of her own duty, mistress of her own method. The third article in this series will appear in the next number of the magazine THE AMERICAN WOMAN BY IDA M. TARBELL AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF THE STANDARD OIL COMPANY," ETC. ILLUSTRATED WITH PORTRAITS COLLECTED FOR "THE AMERICAN MAGAZINE" BY CHARLES HENRY HART THE FIRST OPPOSITION CHAPTER III THE first decided jar the American woman gave her country was when she showed her determination to work in any way she chose for the correction of any evil which stirred her soul. The specific wrong on which she first fixed her attention was slavery. The method she took to fight it was speaking in public. Two deep-seated antagonisms were aroused by her course — one the generally ac- cepted idea that women should not express their views outside of the household and social circle, and the other the almost universal opin- ion that the slavery question must not be dis- cussed. Equipped with St. Paul's injunction,* generations of Puritan ministers had nailed the first idea into the mind of the country. Scared peace-lovers of all classes had taught and fought for the second and here was woman in unholy obstinacy defying both! There is no question in the writer's mind but that the popular disapproval of women as public speakers so strong in the first half of the Woman's Century was intensified by the general disapproval of the opinions held by the first woman who made here what may be called a lecture tour. This was Frances Wright, an Englishwoman who first sCppeared in New York in 1818. She was but twenty-three years old at the time, a highly educated, free-thinking, fearless young woman of wealth who had early made a compact with herself to hunt down and destroy the central vice from which she felt the woes of the world must come. She had come to the United States be- cause she had formed the notion, chiefly from Botta's history, that here had been founded a government under which the mind followed * Let your women keep silence in the churches: for it is not permitted unto them to speak; but they are com- manded to be under obedience, as also saith the law. And if they will learn anything, let them ask their husbands at home; for it is a shame for women to speak in the church. — I Corintliians XIV., 34 -35- the direct and honest course, the tongue spoke the truth, and justice and equality of oppor- tunity prevailed! Miss \^'right tried her best to see what she came for, as the little volumes of travels she wrote show; but a second visit chilled her enthusiasm. She was confounded by the general acceptance and defense of slav- ery. It was unthinkable that such an institu- tion should exist unquestioned in a Republic. With the impetuous promptness of youth — rich, free and inexperienced — she decided that slavery must go and that she would find the way. Miss Wright attacked her problem with intelligence and care, studying the history of the institution in the country and going through the South with observant eyes. Her conclu- sions were those of the philosopher, not of the abolitionist. The negro could not be emanci- pated safely. He must first be trained to be a self-reliant individual. The method she resolved on for making the negro o\-er seems to ha\e been determined by her study of two social ex- periments then attracting much attention here, the Rappites and the O wenites. She determined to found a colony in which the industrial effici- ency of the one and the liberal views of the other were combined. Here the negroes should be trained to self-reliance, morality and free think- ing. To carry out this idea she bought a large tract of land in Tennessee and settled on it some fifteen negro families who were to work out their own salvation. Nashoba, as she called her colony, was to be but an experiment-sta- tion. She expected similar colonies to multiply through the South and the redeemed negroes to settle themselves finally in Liberia, Tropical America or our own Southwest. But the prac- tical difficulties of the undertaking were too much for Miss Wright. She fell ill and was obliged to return to England. Those left in charge were unequal to the task, and Nashoba was abandoned. This experience and the reflection it aroused led Miss Wright to conclude that the American 363 364 The American Magazine Republic needed training in liberal ideas more than it did social experimental stations, and in 1828 she settled in New Harmony, where, with Robert Dale Owen, she edited a little paper called the New Harmony and Nashoba Gazette. The paper purposed to spread the Owen doc- trines and Miss Wright's own theories. Its name was changed later to the Free Enquirer arid it was moved to New York, where for a few years it had an exciting and, on the whole, useful life* The Free Enquirer, as its name indicates,' was given over to enquiring into things — muck- raking we should say to-day. Its tone seems mild to one used to the present direct and often brutal fashion of criticising men and their ways. It was frank but not violent. It gener- alized and philosophized freely and there is no questioning the sincerity of its purpose or the honesty of its methods. But the Free Enquirer was from the start regarded as a dangerous and infamous sheet. It was the ' ' views " of the edi- tors the public could not tolerate. They advo- cated the social and political equality of blacks and whites, men and women. They denied the sacredness of property. They believed mar- riage should be based on affection alone and the tie severed when affection grew cold — they believed that an illegitimate child should be given the same care and education as a legiti- mate one. They pled for the largest tolerance in religion, and they opposed sectarianism, the old-fashioned "revival" and foreign missionary work. Fanny Wright once wrote Mrs. Shelly (Mary WoUstonecraft's daughter) that what she had given her fortune and life to found was an establishment where affection should form the only marriage, kind feelings and kind ac- tions the only religion, respect for the feelings and liberties of others the only restraints and union of interest the bond of peace and secur- ity. For her generous pains she was generally called in American society a "free-loAer," an "infidel" and a "dangerous person." As a matter of fact she was a sincere, great-hearted woman, torn by the injustice and inequalities of life, eager to put an end to the sufferings of mankind and willing to devote life and fortune to that end. She was impatient of narrowness, of superstitions, of meaningless conventions, and free in expressing her impatience. She was not tolerant, or tactful, she had more enthu- siasm than judgment, but on the whole, Fanny Wright was a big woman. As soon as the Free Enquirer was estab- hshed Miss Wright decided to supplement its work by lecturing. She prepared a series of lectures, "Knowledge as a Basis of Virtue," * A complete file of the Free Enquirer is owned by the Library of the Workingmen's Institute at New Harmony. which, .she set out to deliver. The first an- nouncement that she was to appear generally caused a distui-bance. Certain persons in Boston were so excited about her coming that an attempt was made to keep her name put of the newspapers, a circular being sent to the editors practically ordering them not to notice her. Of course this foolish effort at sup- pression had a contrary effect. There was nothing else heard of for days before she began her course and' all Boston flocked to hear her. Nobody seems to have been shocked by her matter or method. Indeed the Boston Courier declared there was nothing in the lectures which every man of sense had not heard a thousand times, nothing to arouse "anathemas and hallelujahs" — as she was doing — and he went on to air his opinion of the performance. It is a vigorous masculine opinion. "For our individual self, we are opposed to this lady's beliefs — not on account of the mat- ter — that is not exceptional, but the task she has undertaken does not in our view belong to one of her sex. For the same reason we would refuse to countenance the lectures of a lady on history (we believe hers has been unavailing) or on any of the sciences or arts. They have other and more appropriate duties assigned them by the customary forms of society and to those duties let them apply themselves. For the same reason we cannot but withhold our approbation from ladies who are conducting newspapers and magazines, and assuming the prerogatives which naturally belong to their husbands. Nature points out to them a differ- ent path, and propriety and common sense are scandalized whenever they deviate from it. "We have one further objection to Miss Wright which goes to the professed object of her lectures — as we have understood that object from those who are better acquainted with her purposes than we are. It is said she wishes to raise the standard of female charac- ter, and increase the influence of her sex. Now, in our apprehension the female part of society has much more than its due share of influence in all our institutions, in all our manners, hab- its, principles and transactions." The majority of the population no doubt shared the gentleman's opinion, but a lay mi- nority did not, and the longer Miss Wright lec- tured the more listeners and converts she drew to her. In an unpubhshed letter of hers preserved in the library at New Harmonv, written in Januar\-, 1830, when she was on her way to the South to close out Nashoba and transport the negroes whom she gathered there The American Woman— By Ida M. Tarbell )65 L .., FRANCES WRIGHT D ARUSMONT From a lithograph made in Paris, probably in the forlies, by Lemercier I he copy oi the picture u^hich hangs in tlte Library of tite Workingmen s InslUute at A e-j.^ Harmony, hid., carries as part of the title Miss Wrighfs favorite thesis: Human kind is kia one family. The education of its youth should be equal and universal T A Trollope in "What I Remember," describes Miss Wright as, "very handsome in a large and almost masculine type of beauty, with a most conimandmg presencra superb figure and stature fully masculine. Her features both m form ^nd exp;ession^ were'really noble.'' Her voice was of -°f "^ "' --f^^ J^,^ clearness Antong the remarkable senes of life masks made by John H. 1. ^ro^^erc between 817 and^834 is one of Frances Wright which has never been pubhshecJ and probablv never w-iU be exhibited until some public-sp.ntec^ citizen places the 'collection where it belongs— in one of our great galleries to Haiti, she described the interest she found in her work as a "revolution." "It has taken three months to reach this place (New Orleans) from New York," she wrote, "being stopped everywhere by the popular impatient curiosity to learn what is doing elsewhere and to assist in the same work. I was stopped on stage and packet boat, met by letters and speeches, to visit towns-and \'illages on the route so that to have met fuUv the popular wishes would have taken me as many years as it did months. 1 have now work chalked out for the whole of the winter and following summer and wish, when revolving it in my mind, I could be m twenty places at the samx time." ^ , f u During the polidcal campaign m the tall of 1829, Fannv Wright, Owen and the Free Enquirer came in for much abuse from the 366 The American Magazine established press of New York State. There was great suffering and discontent in the coun- try and it had finally crystalhzed into a Work- ingman's party which horrified capital by de- claring against banks, monopolies, privileges and vested rights. The Free Enquirer sympa- thized fully with the complaints and worked for the party. The result was that those hostile to the movement fought it by trying to tag it with all the peculiar social and religious views of Fanny Wright and Robert Dale Owen. The Workingman's party was the "Infidel Party": their ticket the ' ' Infidel Ticket "—the socie- ties they formed were " Fanny Wright Societies" — their doctrines were "Fanny Wrightism." So serious did the attack become in the hands of the "solid" and "respectable "elements of society and of politics that the laboring men in many places felt obliged to de- clare that they were not "Fanny Wright's disciples," and that any at- tempt to connect her with their move- ment was a maneuver of the enemy. It is certain that the influence Miss Wright and the Free Enquirer had in the Workingmen's movement is mainly responsible for the notion that she was a dangerous person which prevailed at the period. Sus- picion of her teachings and dislike of her methods became still stronger in the late '30's, when she campaigned for Jackson and the subtreasury bill, bitterly attacking banks, corporations and monopolies.* But Fanny Wright was not the only woman lecturer who stiffened the op- position to women speaking by the freedom of her opinions. There was a brilliant Polish woman, Ernestine Rose, who, after a wide acquaintance and much activity in the radical circles of Europe came to New York in 1836 and began lecturing. Her subjects were "the e\'ils of existing societ}-, the foundations of human character, slavery, the rights of women and other reform questions." A nice list for the troubled state of mind in which the North found itself at the moment! In 1836 and '37 Mrs. Rose spoke through New * No adequate account of Miss Wright's work in this country has ever been published, particularly of her work from 1836-1840. Her life story is of the highest human interest, and her influence on liberal opinion was far greater than has been properly recognized. It is a satisfaction to know that Jane Gray Perkins of New York, author of the recently published life of the Honorable Mrs. Norton (Henry Holt, 1909), has a life of Miss Wright in preparation — a work which promises to be both sympathetic and sufficient. York and Pennsylvania, indifferent to hard- ships of travel, and at her own expense, and she always had an audience. It is easy to see what fine ammunition "Fanny Wrightism" gave to those who were trying to shut the mouths of women on the slavery question. They did not hesitate to try to blacken every woman who dared appear, by charging that she must also be an "atheist, free- AXGELINA GRIMKE WELD From the original daguerreotype iu possession of Mrs. Stuart F. Weld, oj Hyde Park, Mass., made about 1S50. Photographed especially jor this work Angelina Grimke's power over her audience was due in no small degree to her rich voice and magnetic presence. She married Theodore D. 'Weld in 1838, to the distress of her colleagues in the anti-sIaAery work. After her marriage she never left her household to speak but once, and that was after the breaking out of the Civil War. She and Mr. Weld were Grahamites of the most vigorous type. Mrs. Stanton has left a, sprightly and charming sketch of visiting them once and finding nothing but cold food and drink on the table and no ornaments of any kind in the house, but an intellectual atmosphere of such radiance tliat she soon forgot the cold and barrenness in the nobility and unselfishness of spirit which pervaded the house lover and disturber of public peace." But with remarkable courage women of most orthodox social and religious views kept daring public hostility in order to pour out their horror of the slavery system. It is not to our purpose to try to unravel the tangled thread of their activities and say that this or that woman began it even The American Woman — By Ida M. Tarbell 567 if it were a possible task; for who knows what brooding Southern woman may before the days of Wilberforce and Clarkson have said the word which, rolling and growing year after year, finally stirred the heart of humanity until no human institution could load it down. Certain it is that the first woman who publicly came to the aid of the struggling and bombarded aboli- tionists was a Southerner, Angelina Grimke. SARAH M. GRIMKE From the original daguerreotype owned by Mrs. Stuart F. Weld, Hyde Park, Mass"., taken about 1850. Photographed especially for this work Although less prominent than Angelina, Sarah Grimk^ was fully as influential. Indeed it was she who was the leader in their anti-slavery work. As early as 1828 she published an epistle to the clergy of the Southern States remonstrating against slavery. She took the lead, naturally, being the elder by thirteen years, in freeing their slaves and closing out their property in' South Carolina. Sarah Grimk^ was one of the first American women to write on the equahty of the sexes — publishing a book in 1838 the gratitude we felt for this help from such an unexpected source." With Angelina Grimke came her sister Sarah. They were well-born, as Phillips said, and, as children, they had been revolted by. slavery. Finally in 1830 they left home and came to Philadelphia where they joined the Friends, thinking in that association to find a sympathetic attitude toward the slave, but at the Meeting House they found negro women relegated to a lower place, where in spite of protest, they joined them! The first Woman's Anti- Slavery Society was formed about that time in Philadelphia and under it Angelina began to speak to women in parlors. In 1836 she published a pamphlet called an "Appeal to the Christian Women of the South." It was one of the most*e£fective of early pamphlets and one of those most resented in the slave states. Indeed it made her an exile from Charles- town, the Mayor of the town warning her mother that if she tried to visit the family, she would be arrested and returned. Miss Grimke 's powers as a speaker to women, the success of her pam- phlet, led to a demand for her in mixed anti-slavery meetings. Some of her best friends protested. It was not "proper" nor "right " for a woman to attempt to instruct men. But Ange- lina Grimkd had gone far beyond the point where "propriety" weighed, when it was a question of humanity. "Whatever is morally right for a man to do, is morally right jor a woman to do. I recognize no rights hut human rights." Moreover she added — the time had gone by when woman was to be a "second-hand agent in regenerat- ing the world!" It was in response to this decision that in February, 1837, she went to Boston to speak before a committee of the legislature. Lydia Maria Child, herself under the ban for her brave "Appeal in Be- "We were but a handful then," Wendell half of that Class of Americans called Africans '- Philhps said once, "and our words beat against —a publication which had shut most of the doors the strong public as powerless as if against the of the North to her, had cut off the sale of her north wind. At this time a young girl came books, and nearly rumed her popular Juvenile from the proudest state in the slave-holding Miscellany"-™.. T.rP.ent at the hearm? section. She came to lay on the altar of this despised cause, this seemingly hopeless cru- sade, both family and friends, the best social position, a high place in the church, genius, and many gifts. No man at this day can know was present at the hearing where Miss Grimk^ spoke and described the scene in a letter afterward: "The house was full to overflowing. For a moment her sense of the responsibility resting 368 The American Magazine MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN Enlarged from a daguerreotype taken about 1850 and belonging to her grand- niece, Mrs. H. H. Eddy, Santa Barbara, Calijornia Sarah H. Southwick, the sister of Abby Southwick, whose portrait appears on page 373, has given in her reminiscences of the early anti-slavery days as interesting a picture as exists of Mrs. Chapman. She describes her as queenly in her gait and manner, with fair hair and dark eyes. She had been a leader in society, and sacrificed everything when she went over to the anti-slavery cause. Much of the funds for the cause were raised in these early days through fairs, and of the Boston anti-slavery fairs Mrs. Chapman was always the soul. Through her wide circle of acquaintances, she was able to secure many contri- butions from Europe — wares that were to be found in no Boston shops, and sometimes odd and very beautiful articles on her seemed almost to overwhelm her. She trembled and grew pale. But this passed quickly and she went on to speak gloriously, showing, in utter forgetfulness of herself, her own earnest faith in every word she uttered, 'Whatever comes from the heart goes to the heart.' I believe she made a very powerful impression on the audience. Boston, like other cities, is very far behind the country towns on this subject; so much so that it is getting to be Boston vs. Massachusetts, as the lawyers say. The Boston mem- bers of the legisla- ture tried hard to prevent her having a hearing on the second day. Among other things they said that such a crowd was attracted by curiosity, the galleries were in danger of breaking down, though in fact they are constructed with remarkable strength; A mem- ber from Salem, per- ceiving their drift, wittily proposed ' that a committee be appointed to exam- ine the foundations of the State House of Massachusetts to see whether it will bear another lec- ture from Miss Grimke.'" From Boston the Grimkes went to other points in the State and thefurther they went the greater was the excitement — partic- ularly among the clergymen. It cul- minated inaclerical Appeal — the fam- ous Pastoral Letter of the " General Association of Mass- achusetts to the Churches under its Care" — which, after deploring the slavery agitation generally, invited attention particularly "to the dangers which at present (1837) seem to threaten the female character with wide- spread and permanent injury." It set forth woman's duties and her place in terms which must have been discouraging even to the most conventional of the educated women of the day. "If the vine w^hose strength and beauty is to lean upon the trellis-work, and half conceal its clusters, thinks to assume the independence and the o\er- shadowing nature of the elm, it will not only cease to bear fruit, but fall in shame and dis- honor to the dust. We cannot, there- fore, but regret the mistaken conduct of those who en- courage females to bear an obtrusive and ostentatious part in measures of reform and counte- nance any of that sex who so far for- get themselves as to itinerate in the character of public lecturers and teachers." The fulmination called out in reply a good-natured jingle from Maria Weston Chapman, the lead- er of the Boston anti-slavery women, which she palled "The Times that try Men's Souls," and signed "The Lords of Creation! " And from J. G. Whittier his stirring verses beginning: " So, this is all — the utmost reach Of priestly power the mind to fetter." Angelina Grimkd was deeply distress- ed by the division she saw in the church and even in the anti- slavery societies over her campaign, but she was convinced she was right and persisted. Her courage had many tests. Probably her most exciting experience was in Philadelphia in May of 1838, at the opening of the new Pennsylvania Hall — a gathering place dedi- cated to "Virtue, Liberty and Independence." The building of this place had caused bitter opposition and it was openly threatened to de- stroy it. It had been announced that at the last evening meeting of the convention with which the place was opened, William Lloyd Garrison, Maria Chapman and Angelina FRANCES AVON KEMBLE From the original portrait by Thomas .Sul/y, painted in 1833, in the possession of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, through whose courtesy it is reproduced Fanny Kemble saw much of slavery at a close range when she played in this country in the thirties, and still more afterwards as the wife of Pierce Butler. She expressed frankly and forcibly her disgust and pain over the in- stitution in her published Letters. Her influence certainly cannot be over- looked in estimating the anti-slavery work of women Grimke would speak. A mob gathered, deter- mined to put an end to the meeting. Mr. Garrison was allowed to speak in quiet, but when Miss Chapman had introduced Miss Grimke a fierce uproar broke out. And then a wonderful scene followed. The violent out- bursts of noise, the volleys of stones, the break- ing of windows, became the gentle woman's text: "Do you ask what has the North to do with slavery?" she said as a deafening roar broke out. "Hear it! Hear it!" "Those voices without tell us that the spirit of slavery is here." "What is a mob ?" she said, as the rattling of 370 The American Magazine broken windows ceased. "What would the breaking of every window be? What would the levelling of this hall be ? Any evidence that we are wrong, or that slavery is a good and wholesome institution?" "How wonderfully constituted is the human mind!" the eloquent voice rose above a fresh din that threw the audience into confusion. "How it resists as long as it can, all efforts to reclaim it from error. I feel that all this disturb- ance is but an evidence that our efforts are the best that could have been adopted or else the friends of slavery would not care for what we say and do." She spoke for nearly an hour, the convention finished its busi- ness and closed at its usual hour and the next morning Pennsyl- vania Hall was in ashes! The bitterness which Angelina Grimk^'s pubhc speaking aroused was intensified by another innova- tion — the demand of a large body of the women then working in The Female Anti- Slavery Society, branches of which had been founded at various points, to be taken into the men's organi- zation. There was a feeling that their efforts would count for more through such a connection. Lydia Maria Child expressed this feeling in a letter to Lucretia Mott in 1839, in declining to go to the Annual Convention of the Women in Philadelphia. "As I am growing very scrupulous about exact truth, I will not disguise that I do not want to go to the Convention. ... I have never entered very earnestly into the plan of female conventions and societies. They al- ways seemed to me like half a pair of scissors. . . . For the freedom of women th'ey have probably done something, but in every other point of view, I think their influence has been very slight." The question of opening the parent society to them stirred up a pretty wrangle. IMany abolitionists ^^•ere shocked and otherswere fright- ened. It looked for the moment as if the cause would be entirely forgotten in the new issue. "It requires great faith to trust truth to take care 0} herself in all encounters, '- signed JNI r s . Child. The result of the dis- sension was the admission of women and a split — those opposed to the women forming a branch called the "Xew Organization." The admission of women to the parent anti-slav- ery society came just in time to permit a repre- sentation to be sent to a Xation- al .\nti-SIavery Convention which had been called for London in the June of 1840 by the Brit- ish friends of the slave. Eight women ^^-ere ap- pointed. The best known of them and probably the most influ- ential woman after Harriet Beecher Stowe, in the anti-slavery struggle, was the Quakeress, Lucretia Mott, A woman forty-seven years old at this time, Lucretia Mott had from childhood led the eventful life which is almost sure to come from following Ijoldly that which a clear and thous^ht- LYDIA MARIA CHILD From a daguerreotype taken about 1850. From the collection oj Francis J. Garrison, of Boston Mrs. Child was the most successful wom.Tti writer and editor in the United States when in 1833 she met A\illiam Lloyd Garrison. "He got hold of the strings of my con- science," she wrote in later life, "and pulled me into reform work." Her first published work on slavery cost her her popu- larity, income and social position and turned the course of her existence. "It is no use to imagine what might have been if I had never seen him. Old dreams vanished, old associates departed, and all things became new. A new stimulus seized my whole being and carried me whitherso- ever it would. I could not do otherwise, so help me God" The American Woman — By Ida M. Tarbell 371 ful mind declares right. "To do the thing as caused, and naturally when it was decided to you see it for the God of things as they are" send women to London, she was one of the was as nearly her motto as that of any woman delegates. of her century. It had led her along some stony Both among the Quakers and in the "world" paths,— to leave the Orthodox Quakers in 1827, there was great agitation over the fact that the tojointheHicksites,andto make many sacrifices women were actually going to London and some of the masculine delegates who preceded them busied themsehes, on arriving, in stir- ring up a strong prejudice against them. When the women arrived they found a serious commo- tion over the question of their admission. Everywhere they went it was discussed, many persons having little interest in slavery interesting themselves in this new and revolutionary departure. Mrs. Mott kept a diary of her journey which gives a capti- vating picture of her humor- ous, sensible, gentle self, as well as an invaluable histor\- of the politics of the Con- vention. The tit-for-tat argument she reports in this diary shows with what spirit she met the opposition, how quick she was to take an opening. Were their efforts based on the idea of im- mediate emancipation, she asked the delegates who were opposing the women? Yes, they said. Did they not owe that idea to the women ? Which was a fact — Elizabeth Heyrick having been the first to advance this notion. Called on to speak when the subject of free products was up, she replied that they had been told as a reason for not allow- ing them in the Convention that they could get the gen- tlemen to say all they wished for them and if this was so she would request one to speak for her. The contest extended , even to family prayers, one of the delegates "praying at us rather than for us. He was replied to according to his deserts." It was a foregone conclu- sion that their admission would be refused. The reason given was that it would bring ridicule on the conven- tion and so hurt the cause. Many of their on account of her anti-sla\-ery views. When a young woman she had felt called to give up all products of slave labor. Not an easy thing— this " making things honest," as she called it. "It was like parting with the right hand or the right eye," she said. As far as possible she dealt only with "free-labor stores" which, like the experiments of the revoltes in all time were pretty bad — rather a propa- gandum than a plain effort to give good goods. It was some time after eschewing slave products that Mr. Mott became convinced that he should give up a prosperous business he had spent some years of struggle in building up, the sale of cotton mer- chandise — " the product of slave labor." It was a hard decision to come to, but Lucretia strongly encouraged him and he finally made the sacrifice, beginning over again in an industry not "stained with blood." Such conviction could not remain silent. Mrs. Mott had been accustomed to speaking on religious subjects frequently in Friends' Meet- ings at home and through the country, and though she was diligently advised to say noth- ing on the slavery question she rarely failed to " lugit in," as her advisers called it. With every year she gave more time to the slavery cause and less to preaching. She had been present at the formation of the society devoted to "immediate eman- cipation," and had spoken there. She had been promi- nent in the woman's society. She had become the chief ad- vocate of "free-labor products." She had ap- proved the opening of the parent society to women, much as she disliked the dissension it ANNA GREEN (MRS. WENDELL PHILLIPS) This profile was cut out with a penknife in London in 1839. It is the only known portrait of Mrs. Phillips, and is the property of Mr. Francis J . Garrison, of Boston, to whose courtesy we are indebted for the privilege of reproducing it. The fact that 710 other picture of Mrs. Phillips is known is due to the fact that for fifty years before her death she was a confirmed invalid, never leaving her chamber excepting when carried to the country for the sum- mer months. At the time this picture was made Mrs. Phillips was twenty-six years old. She has been said to be the first person to interest Wen- dell Phillips in the anti-slavery cause, and he always said of her afterwards that she was "his coun- sel, his guide, his inspiration," during her whole life. 372 The American Magazine American friends urged the women to accept the decision quietly. Wendell Phillips, who spoke and voted for them said to the Con- vention in the interests of peace, that they would no doubt sit with as much interest behind the bar as in the Convention. Not so Garrison, who arriving later and finding they had been excluded refused to take his own seat, remaining with them ' ' behind the bar. " The debate aroused great in- terest in London — was indeed the question of the day;andthewom- en, as Lucretia Mott's diary shows, were in- vited right and left and called upon and feted — sometimes out of curiosity, some- times out of sym- pathy. Many dis- tinguished wom- en interested themselves in them — Mrs. Jam- es on, EHzabeth Fry, Lady Byron, Mary Howitt and others-. Mrs. Mott met Carlyle and was "dis- appointed in him" — he being " anti-abolition," but he was pleased with her, "her quiet man- ners had a sooth- ing effect on him." Indeed the impression Mrs. Mott made was, asfar as the wom- an's question was concerned, the most important event of that Convention. Everywhere she amazed people — everywhere she won. A cor- respondent to the Dublin Herald, in writing of the Convention, said ABBY KELLY FOSTER Enlarged from a daguerreotype juniished by her daughter. Miss Alia W. Foster, of Roxhury, Mass. Taken about 1855 Abby Kelly began lecturing against slavery about the same time as the Grimke sisters, and suffered even more than they from the ridicule and violence of mobs. She was an excellent and convincing speaker. Lowell wrote of her: "A Judith there, turned Quakeress, Sits .\bby in her modest dress. No nobler gift of heart or brain, No life more white from spot or stain, A\as e'er on Freedom's altar laid Than hers — the simple Quaker maid." gave a long and glowing account of Mrs. Mott's character and work. He heard her speak out- side of the Convention, for she was invited to several platforms, and said caustically — "We shall not discuss the question here, as to whether it is right for women to take an active and prominent part with their brethren in promot- ing philanthropic objects, but we shall take the liberty to express our wish that half the temper, fullness of mind, warmth of heart, distinctness of utterance, facility of education and vivacity of man- ners, which dis- tinguish Lucretia Mott, had been the gift of nine- ten thsof the gentlemen who raised their voices in the Convention on behalf of the slave and for our edification." She won even her own sex. Eliz- abeth Cady Stan- ton, then a young woman, had gone to London with her husband as a delegate, and she gives a charm- ing picture of her conversion to Mrs. Alott. !Mrs. Stanton had sided "by mar- riage" with the faction of the anti-slaver\- party w h i c h opposed the admission of women to the par- ent society. She had been led to believe ^Irs. Mott a dangerous agi- in London with tator. She met her first "some embarrassment," supposing she would resent her position, but says ^Nlrs. Stanton; - --, "Mrs. Mott, in her sweet and gentle wav, "Opinions differed materially as to whether" received me with great cordiality and courtesy, Clarkson, Buxton, O'Connell, Garrison, and I was seated by her side at dinner! Thompson, Sturge or Birney, was the greatest Several Baptist ministers began to rally the man, but nobody doubted that Lucretia IVIott ladies on having set the abolitionists by the wasthpUnnPcsnf tliprnnuont;r>n " The writer ears in America and now proposing to do was the lioness of the Convention.' The American Woman — By Ida M. Tarbell 373 ABBY KIMBER From a copy of a daguerreotype in the collection of Francis J. Garri- son, Esq., of Boston ELIZABETH JOHNS NEALL {Mrs. Sidney Howard Gay) Enlarged from a daguerreotype, 2J by 2. taken in 1854, in possession of her daughter, Mrs. William G. Willcox of West New Brighton, S. I., New York , through wh ose courtesy it is reproduced EMILY WINSLOW {Mrs. Franklin Taylor) Enlarged from a daguerreotype, 2^ by ai, taken by M. A. Root, Philadelphia, about 1852, andowned by Mr. Franklin Taylor, through whose courtesy it is reproduced ABBY SOUTHWICK {Mrs. Stephenson) Enlarged from a carte de visite photograph taken Dec. 25, 1861, hy 7. W. Black, Boston; furnished by her sister. Miss Anna R. South- wick, Wellesley Hills, Mass. MARY GREW Enlarged from a carte de visite photograph taken in 1863 by Car- penter & Lord, Providence, R. 1., in the collection of Francis J. Garri- son, Esq., of Boston hill SARAH PUGH Enlarged from a daguerreotype, by 2^, owned by Mrs. William G. 'illcox of West New Brighton, S. I., New York The above group of women, all of them Quaker, sailed with Lucretia Mott for London, in May, 1840. All of them but Emily Winslow were delegates. She went on her own responsibility as a deeply interested spectator. If of less power than Lucretia, they were, like her, women of intelligence, cheerfulness, charm and courage. All of them remained to the end of their lives useful and active supporters of liberal ideas the same in England. . . Calmly and skil- the look of recognition she gave me when she fully Mrs. Mott parried all their attacks, now by saw by my remarks that I comprehended the her quiet humor turning the laugh on them, and problem of women's rights and wrongs." then by her earnestness and dignity silencing The London incident gave a fresh impetus their ridicule and sneers. I shall never forget to the discussion of the right of women to 374 speak in public and work in organizations with men, and extended its boundaries far beyond the point where the previous agitation had carried it. Sensitive as American society was at that time to "what they said in England," easily impressed as it was by famous English names, the reports of the attention the women had received and the circles in which their re- jection was discussed, set many people, who could only be touched by some exterior fact, to talking it over. Woman's right to serve in her own way became as general a dinner table topic as Woman's Suffrage is to-day in our Eastern cities. Great social leaders of the time must have had to use exceeding discretion to have kept the subject, entangled as it wa^ with the socially tabooed topic of slavery, from em- broiling their guests at times. Unquestionably at that date, its discussion as the discussion of slavery was dismissed by society, as by the ultra intellectuals as "vulgar." It was this ten- dency in American society to regard vital themes like human slavery as "low and dis- agreeable," unsuitable for conversation, that so aroused Harriet Martineau — and led her to her bitter and not entirely unjust comment on American women like Margaret Fuller and her pupils, who, as Miss Martineau said, "sat gorgeously dressed talking about Mars and Venus, Plato and Goethe, and fancying them- selves the elect of the earth in intellect and re- finement, while the liberties of the republic were running out as fast as they could go, at a breach which another set of elect persons were devoting themselves to repair!" But what is said or not said in intellectual and social circles which regard themselves as exclusive, is never of much importance. It certainly was not in the '40's. The really im- portant matter then was the effect the fresh discussion had on those who were agonizing over the question of human rights and wrongs. In these circles the London incident was of unusual significance. It set many thinking people for the first time to considering the real merits of the question, — Was there any solid reason for the exclusion of women from work- ing with men in any cause? Daniel O'Connell expressed best what took place in hundreds of minds on both sides of the water as a result of this now famous rejection. Mrs. Mott had written him for his opinion as "one of the most distinguished advocates of universal liberty." He replied quite frankly that when the subject first came up he had been strong against the admission of women, but when called upon to give his reasons he found that they were "based on no better grounds than an apprehension of the ridicule it might excite." He soon recog- The American Magazine nized, he went on, that this was an ' ' unworthy," a "cowardly notion" and overcame it. His mature conclusion convinced him it was "the right of the female delegates to take their seats." His letter, most interesting in full enumerated as reasons — that the women were members of the American society and that they had "persevered in our holy cause with the zeal of confessors and the firmness of martvrs"; that women in England already voted on all matters concerning the Bank of England,. and at the India House; that Mind has no sex and the anti-slavery agitation depended on "reason and persuasion"; that in hischurch women were devoted strictly to the same kind of work which the slavery cause called for: humanity, educa- tion, benevolence and charity — and he added: "I have a consciousness that I have not done my duty in not sooner urging those considera- tions on the Convention." There were man}' men and women in the United States who felt like O'Connell, that they had not done their duty when the question of admitting women to free service had come up in their churches or societies or social circles, and there was a perceptible widening of boun- daries among those not directly connected with the slavery movement. There was, too, a greatly increased s's-mpathy for the idea among women who were trying to do something for themselves or others in unus- ual ways and who felt the hand of convention against them; from women seeking a still higher education than the now accepted semi- naries like Holyoke and Troy gave or who wanted to study medicine or theology; from the number who had "ideas" and were seek- ing by lectures or classes to expound them to other women; from the number who openly expressed discontent ^vith the limitations of their lives and talked openly of the freer life;— all these became naturally the partisans of the "lady delegates." As for the "lady delegates" themselves, they and their sympathizers were only made more aggressive by the "episode in London. All over the country anti-slavery women were going through the experience of Lydia Maria Child: "A little while ago I rejoiced that I was growinc; more entirely and uni\ersally tolerant, now I cannot abide that proud, self-sufficient word. What right have I, or any other fallible mortal, to be tolerant?" Their speeches became more and more radical, their appearances in public more frequent, their boldness and their ingenu- ity in aiding runaway slaves and keeping open the underground railroad redoubled, {ind in their speeches appeared a new and defiant note of self-assertion. Just as Lucretia Mott The American Woman — By Ida M. Tarbell LUCRETIA MOTT From the original portrait painted by Joseph Kyle, Philadelphia, 1841, for J. Miller McKim, and owned by his granddaughter, Mrs. Charles Norton, Chicago, III. Photographed jar this work In 1852, when Kossuth visited Philadelphia, Madame Pulzsky was one of the party. She called on Mrs. Mott and afterwards wrote in her diary: "I have seldom seen a face more artistically beautiful than that of Mrs. Lucretia Mott. Her features are so markedly characteristic that if they were less noble they might be called sharp. Beholding her I felt that great ideals and noble purposes must have grown up with her mind which left a power of expression in her very movements" 376 The American Magazine had formerly interpolated an anti-slavery sen- tence into her religious talks so now she began to interpolate woman's rights into her slavery discussion. She was not alone. Scores of women in public or private insisted on doing the same; for instance, Elizabeth Cady Stan- ton, who began speaking on temperance about this time, and infused "homeopathic doses of woman's rights " into her speeches, and as she found her work for temperance opposed, her indignation grew. This new zeal told in the great centers, but perhaps still more inland. For there was scarcely a section of the country north of the Ohio which had not, by this time (the early 40 's), some radical anti-slavery center where the question of admitting women on equal terms of work had caused a split. Everywhere the Quakers and Methodists were splitting, and many individuals had dropped out or been driven out of other churches because of their liberal ideas about the right of a woman to take part in a moral reform. Usually some indi- \'idual woman was the center of the clash as Lucretia Mott, Lydia Maria Child, the Grimke sisters, were in the East. Some of these women became almost institutions in themselves. Such a woman was Laura Haviland of the Michigan Territory, a woman who independently did work for education and for the anti-slavery cause of the same quality as that of Mary Lyon and Lucretia Mott. A Quakeress, mar- ried at 17, she and her husband had settled at Raisin in the Michigan Territory in 1829. The Havilands seem to liave been sensitive to every liberal trend of their day for when Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, who had been - assisting Lundy on the Genius, came to Raisin to visit her brother they joined her there informing an anti- slavery society, and when the Orthodox Friends objected tliey promptly left the organization. Touched by the utter lack of educational opportunities for the poor children about them they opened a manual labor school on their farm early in the '30's, teaching there with their own children, boys and girls taken from the county house. This experiment grew into what was called the Raisin Institute, one of the first schools in the country to copy the " Ober- lin plan," — any one of good moral character, regardless of sex or color being admitted. For years Laura Haviland helped runaway -negroes into Canada, aided those who were able to remain unmolested in her neighbor- hood and exerted every influence to secure schools for the negro children in the State. She was vilified both North and South for her efforts and more than once narrowly- escaped violence. But a more fearless woman never lived when it was a question of humanity. That she or any woman should not be allowed to speak or work for those who needed help was to Laura Haviland one of those unthinkable things to which she gave no heed until the question was forced upon her, and she saw herself as other women did, not only called to fight what she believed a great wrong but to fight for the right of fighting the wrong. This was exactly the form the matter took — and it was not only true of women who wished to work for the overthrow of slavery, those who were working for the overthrow of intemper- ance met the same opposition. Women who had proved as gallant as those who had taken up the case against slavery, as those who were agitating against intemperance, could not be expected to endure what they felt to be bigoted and unreasoning opposition to doing what they believed to be their duty. It was to be expected that they would sooner or later be driven to fight for their right in the • matter. They were well-armed when it came to that. The theory of Woman's Rights has never been better stated than it was in 1787 and 1790 by Condorcet. The justice and the wisdom of giving woman recognition as a hu- man being of equal importance with man in the scheme of things has neAer been more elo- quently argued than by Mary WoUstonecraft in her great plea for general education. Those arguments had been reiterated up and down the country by Frances '\^"right and Robert Dale Owen and Ernestine Rose. They were accepted by hundreds of women who never would have voiced them if they had not been driven to it, but opposition was driving them to a stand and an expression. All that they needed was a leader. Walking down the Strand together after the rejection of the women delegates to the Anti- Slavery Convention in 1841, Mrs. Mott and Mrs. Stanton had said to each other that the time was coming when women who felt as they did must get together and prepare to force from the public a recognition of rights. Every month, after they returned, the increasing bit- terness of a shocked public, the increasing deter- mination of women minded like themselves, made their London plan seem more necessary. From time to time their paths crossed, and always they walked and talked of a declaration of rights. Finally, in the summer of 1S48, acci- dent threw them together at Seneca Falls, where Mrs. Stanton lived. The i\\o met at a Friend's house and naturally began their usual talk. Other women joined. Why not do it now, some one said, and the suggestion was no sooner made than followed, for, on July The American Woman — By Ida M. Tarbell 377 SMITH-HAVILAND LAURA From a photograph owned by her granddaughter,. Mrs. G. M Knight, oj Adrian, Mich., through whose courtesy it IS here reproduced Mr, Haviland or "Aunt Laura," as she was known in Michigan kept up her work for in her old home, Adrian, Mich. 14th, 1848, the following announcement ap- peared in a Seneca Falls paper: "Woman's Rights Convention— h Convention to discuss the social, civil and religious conditions and rights of woman will be held in the Wesleyan Chapel, at Seneca Falls, N. Y., on Wednesday and Friday at 10 A. M. During the first day the meeting will be exclusively for women who are earnestly invited to attend. The public generally is invited to be pres- ent on the second day, when Lucretia ■Nlott of Phila- delphia and other ladies and gentlemen will address the Convention." A modest enough paragraph surely, but its looks belie it. It was to set the country by the ears. {To be continued.) WAGNER THE GREATEST BASEBALL PLAYER IN THE WORLD BY HUGH S. FULLERTON AUTHOR OF "THE FINE POINTS OF THE GAME," "ON THE BENCH," ETC. ILLUSTRATED WITH PHOTOGRAPHS IF a man with a voice loud enough to make himself heard all over the United States should stand on the top of Pike's Peak and ask: "Who is the greatest ball player?" 27,8o6|oo9 persons would shout "Wagner." There are great baseball players, but only one Wagner, the man who in the strenuous season just ended led Pittsburg to victor)\ I saw him one Sunday early in September in Chicago. That afternoon Pittsburg and Chi- cago were to start a series that in all prob^ ability would decide whether Chicago's won- derful baseball machine built b}' Chance was to hold the championship, or surrender it to Pittsburg. Thirty thousand persons were jostling, pushing, rushing to find seats or standing room to watch the play. An ele- vated train was disgorging a mob, and, after the eager crowd had jammed and struggled at exit gates, a heavy-set, bow-legged, weather- beaten, powerful nian, dressed in rather baggy clothes, a worse-for-wear straw hat, and lib- eral square shoes emerged quietly and fol- lowed the rushing, throng down the steps. He looked like a prosperous, contented, German 378 worker. One would have thought, to watch the massive shoulders and the powerful bowed legs, that probably he had been a brewery- wagon driver or an iceman before starting his bakery, for somehow A\'agner always conveys to me the idea that he ought to have been a baker. Managers of baseball teams assert in terse bromidian that "Every player has a weak- ness." For a dozen years every player and every pitcher has searched for Wagner's weak- ness„-and found none. He has played every position in baseball, is as great in the outfield, perhaps greater, than in the infield. He is the best batter, possibly excepting Cobb, in the land, he is the greatest base runner the game has known since Lange. He. is one of the best of throwers, one of the best fielders, and he is wonderfully fast on the bases — and he can hit! He can bunt, he runs bases with judgment and covers an immense amount of territory, takes chances, and plays the inside game per- fectly. He is the nearest approach to a base- ball machine ever constructed. Besides which he plaj's to win — pla\s for -U>UaAJUUUOUUU>^ THE American Woman who started on the adventure of Democracy in 1776 was equipped with certain powerful qualities: She respected her trade, she held herself and all her kind rig- idly to its exacting duties, she had patience with its limitations — and adroitness in stretch- ing them! Grappling hard as she did with her tasks, she developed into a person whose judg- ment was sound, whose spirit was gentle and whose charm was penetrating and subtle. When the demands of the Democratic system threw upon her as her part in universal citizen- ship the puzzling task of universal education, she put herself at it with all the sincerity, the steadiness and the entire absence of self- seeking which had characterized her former career. But Democracy is a quickening process. American Women had not been working long under it before a few of them began to be alive to the fact that it was sheltering many preju- dices and one particular institution which were inconsistent with its pretensions. A few men were insisting on the immorality of the situa- tion. Women began to add their voices to the protest. Now under the old regime church and convention had decreed not only a strict divi- sion of duties between men and women, but a division of methods. Women were not pub- licly to take a part in the agitation of public questions. The great majority of American men and women were convinced that this regu- lation should hold good under the Democratic system. But a few men and women held that this was undemocratic — that if women had something to say which was meant for the pub- lic good they should have the opportunity to say it. Neither side to the controversy could change its view, and thus was precipitated, in the thirties, forties and fifties, the contest we have already briefly sketched, culminating as it did in a program of rights for women and an open declaration of war on man as the con- scious enslaver of woman. The Woman's Rights Movement, launched in 1848, grew steadily though not largely up to the breaking out of the Civil War in 1861, but it left unmoved and unconvinced the great body of American Women, who kept at their business of making homes, rearing families, supporting society and the church, and looking after the education of themselves and their children. They considered these duties as worth while for themselves, and their proper discharge as the best service they could give the state. They did not sympathize with or understand the Woman's Rights Movement. They believed its success would undermine Woman's sense of individual responsibility, injure those qualities grouped under the name of womanliness and be generally bad for mor- als and manners. This attitude of the body of women had been exasperating to those who were in the Woman's Rights Movement and they had steadily grown in aggressiveness and in bitterness. They also had steadily enlarged the dangerous practice of attaching themselves to any and all causes which recognized their claims and of refusing support to all those which did not recognize them: that is, the sanction of Woman's Rights was made the price 801 802 The American Magazine of their approval of movements of all kinds- political, social and religious. It was natural, perhaps, that the leaders of the Woman's Rights Movement should explain the unresponsiveness of the mass to their agi- tation by the claim that they were too selfish, too unintelligent or too dominated by mascu- line authority to understand the meaning of the movement. The events which followed on the heels of the fall of Sumter proved conclu- sively the un- soundness of that contention. The noise of Sumter had scarcely ceased before the American Woman thus accused had emerged from her seclusion and an- nounced that she should take a hand in the war. There had been no call to her — no sugges- tion from without. Her action was a spontaneous rec- ognition of the needs her wom- an's sense told her war would create. The soldiers were going to want scores of things the government could not supply. Ill or wounded, they were going to need nurses, wome n nurses. From all over the country came the a^tinouncement that supplies and nurses were on their way to Wash- ington. The women had gotten into action as quickly as the men, and it was the so-called "non-progressives" who had risen. Nothing had occurred since the birth of the Republic which demonstrated so well the seriousness with which women took their personal relation to the government. As was to be expected, the movement at the start was almost entirely individualistic. Sup- DR. ELIZABETH BLACKWELL From a photograph of a sketch taken in 1859 by the Countess de Chamacei by J. H. Blo7nfield, Royal Studios, Hastings Miss Blackwell had spent considerable time with Florence Nightingale in England just before the war. She was thor- oughly familiar with the ideas on sanitation and on nursing which had come out of the Crimean War and her knowledge was the basis of much of the preventive work which was in- stituted by the Sanitary Commission. Her report on the selection and the preparation of nurses for the army, adopted by the Woman's Cential Association of Relief, became a guide the country over plies and nurses offered themselves singly and according to the will of the givers. Individuals and communities shipped thousands of boxes and bundles to favored persons or companies, seeing no reason why they should not reach their destination. Scores of women, fit and unfit, ap- peared at headquarters saying, "We've come to nurse, "and seeing no reason why they should not find their own work and do it in their own way. This dangerous individualism was saved by the prompt develop- ment of leaders. Among the very first women in the country, if not the first indeed, to rec- ognize the gravity of the case and to offer her services was one of the really great women this country has produced, Doro- thea Lynde Dix. MissDix was then nearly sixty years old, and for twenty years she had been carrying on the re- markable cam- paign which ousted from this country the o 1 d barbarous meth- ods of dealing with the insane and substituted a humane and intel- ligent system. Through all this period she had never allowed any other cause to in- terfere with her special work. Keenly alive to the evils of slav- ery, she had trav- eled the South over in the interest of the insane, had put bills through several state legislatures, and always without giving offense. Her strong common sense told her that progress was not to be made in her work save by keeping severely at the thing which was her business. But she was wise and patriotic enough to see that the preservation of the Union must take precedence HARRIET BEECHER STOWE From t/ie original Jraiving by George RichmoiiJ, London, 1S53, in possession of her grandson, Dr. Freeman Allen, Boston, Mass., through whose courtesy it is reproduced. Photographed especially for this series of articles Annie Fields writes in " Autlior and Friends " : "Mrs. Stowe's personal appearance has received scant justice and no mercy at the hand of her photographer. She says herself during the triumphal visit to England after the publication of ' Uncle Tom's Cabin,' 'The general topic of ronark on meeting mc seems to be that I am not so bad looking as they were afraid I was.' " Mrs. Fields writes in connection with her accompanying Mrs. Stowe to a well-known house in Boston that the hostess came to her exclaiming: "Why did you not tell me that Mrs. Stowe was beavitiful .' " CLARA BARTON Taken dunrij^ the Cli'tl War in tin- firlJ Jrcss slic ivon\ by Claflin, of Worcester, Mass., an J fiinnshed t/iroiigli the courtesy of Miss Barton, iv/io writes: '''' I consider it tlie very best [picture of me that ivas e-ver taken and the only one n.vhich shoitld be pi-eser-jcd ^^ Ttic bureau wlucli rouiluck'tl llie search for missing- men in the Civil War was originated In- Chira Barton and carried on at lier expense until the government, impressed by its usefulness, voted her an appropriation. Miss Barton also conducted the expedition which at the close of the war identified and marked the graves of the Union soldiers who died in Andersonville pris(Ui DOROTHEA LYNDE DIX From a p/io/oi^rap/i of a daguerreotype taken in 1S5S by W. F. Shorey^ Balt'nnore^ and furnished for repro- duction by Iter executor J H. A. Lamb of Boston Interesting impressions of Miss Dix are recorded in Maria Mitchell's Journal for 1853: " Her voice was low, not particularly sweet but gentle. . . . She is rather small, dresses indifferently, has good features in general, but indifferent eyes. ... In her general interest for suffering humanity, Miss Dix seems neglectful of the individual interest. . . . There is evidently a strong will which carries all before it." 8o6 The American Magazine i)\'LT cvcr\' other cause — that if it were lost, freedom itself was threatened and all human progress inevital)ly delayed. Hence her im- mediate resolution to wrench herself from her beloved work and to ofl'er herself for hospital eracy. She had presented the facts which had come to her so circumstantially that those who had refused to heed the rumors afloat were compelled to listen. President Felton of the Philadelphia and Baltimore Railroad, to whom service. This resolution was taken as soon as Miss Dix first went, was so impressed that at she heard of the excitement in Baltimore over once he planned for smuggling the President- t h e approach o f the Massachusetts troops. Miss Di.x was in New Jersey at the time and, conscious that trouble was inevit- alile, she hastened St)Uth. 'Phree hours after the at- tack on the troops by the Baltimore mob she was on the train for Wash - ington — the last train to 1 e a \" e Baltimore. ( > n April 2otli, she wrote liack to her friends that slie had offered herself and some nurses to the Sui'geon- ( iencral fur free service. 'Phe gov- ernment was only too thankful for her coming, for no woman in the country was so well known or so honored by men of affairs. She was immediately appointed by the Secretary of War "Superintendent of Women Nurses, to select and as- ANNA ELLA CARROLL Rt'JrniL'ii Jrom an engranjing after a daguerreotype made in 1S65 by 'Brady Miss Carroll wiis a daughter of Governor Thomas Kiiis" Carroll, one time Governor of Maryland, and only remoteK , if at all, related to the Carrolls of Carrolltown. At the breaking out of the war she freed all her slaves and devoted her time to the Union cause. That Maryland did not go out of the Union was due in part to her intelligent efforts sign women nurses to general or permanent military hospitals, they nol to be employed in such hospitals without her sanction and ap- proval except in cases of urgent need." Although this was Miss Dix's first appear- ance it was not the first signal service she had rendered the Pinion cause. It was not until many years later that the fact was published that it was Dorothea P)ix who first brought to burning contempt' for selfishness, vanity and the proper authorities the facts which convinced self-seeking, was a splendid asset to the Sur- them that a concerted effort was preparing to geon-General's department. She took hold of jjrevent Mr. Lincoln's inauguration and to seize the work of organizing and directing women Washington as headquarters of the Confed- nurses with intelligence and devotion. She elect through se- cretly to the Capi- tol. Mr. Felton felt that the coun- try owed so great a debt to Miss Dix in this matter that he repeatedly urged her to allow him to publish the story, but she al- ways peremptorily refused. Through- out her life, in- deed, she set her- self firmly against the exploitation of her career. She was by taste and judgment strongly opposed to noto- riety of any kind. Ser\'ice was its own reward, she held. She proba- bly was made more emphatic on this point liy the grow- i n g tendency among women who wei'e inter- ested in the move- ment for "rights" to exploit indis- criminately any unusual activity of women. She was too intelligent and t o o experienced not to realize both the vulgarity of the prac- tice and its danger to the real development of women who found themselves in unaccus- tomed occupations. A woman of such fiber, no longer young, with twenty years' experience in conquering obstacles of the most varied and difticult kinds, a woman with a passion for etBciency and a The American Woman : Ida M. Tarbell 807 spared herself and she spared no one the wounded of both armies indiscriminately, else. From the beginning to the end of the war she was in as incessant a conflict with neglect and inefficiency as was Secretary Stanton him- self. She allowed no sentimentalism among her nurses and was called hard-hearted because of it. She fought every careless surgeon, every brutal officer she encountered. She was severe in her demands, inexora- ble in her decis- ions, and to the wounded and ill as tender as she was severe to the careless and self- seeking. Miss Dix was most un- popular, but this unpopularity was because she de- manded of all about her the same quality of unself- ishness and of efficiency that she herself gave. The heads of the gov- ernment and the army understood and appreciated what she did and Mr. Stanton at the close of the war wished to recog- nize her services by some public demonstration. It was entirely in harmony with her character that she should refuse. The one thing she asked was given her — a stand of Arms of the United States National Colors! Irregular and dangerous as the practice was, a large number of women did attach them- selves to the armies quite independent of all authority and of all organization and did valiant service. Clara Barton, for instance, got the preliminary experience which led to the foundation of the Red Cross work in this coun- try by her independent work on the battle-field through the Civil War. She was practically a free lance — going where she would, furnishing her own supplies, doing uninstructed and un- impeded what she found to do. She served JULIA WARD HOWE From a draiving by Benjamin Curtis Porter, 7naJe about 1S60, njchen Mrs, Honjje =was forty years old Mrs. Howe's signal contribution to the Civil War was her noble "Battle Hymn of the Republic," written in Wash- inoton in November, 1861. The,se lines came to her in the night and she sprang from her bed and wrote them out on the back of two sheets of Sanitary Commission stationery. The original manuscript is owned by Mrs. E. P. Whipple of Boston a practice which at first amazed and sometimes angered the Union officers from whose head- quarters she worked. But opposition never swayed her purpose and before the war was over Miss Barton's individual efforts had estab- lished the right of the wounded or suffering, irrespective of uni- forms, to all the aid which could b e commanded. This was really Miss Barton's greatest service to the country in this period, though not the onlv one. In this list of individual efforts was another class which has been made much of by those who feel that it is important to prove that a wom- an can do anything that a man can do, but which has little significance except to students of the abnormal — this is the group of women who ac- tually joined the army and fought in the ranks. Zeal- ous exploiters of feminine achieve- ment have called the numbers "hundreds." There is no doubt that this is an ex- aggeration. A d - jutant-Ceneral Ainsworth of the War Department tells the Avriter that "no official record has been found in the War Department showing specifically that any woman was ever enlisted in the mili- tary service of the United States as a member of any organization of the Regular or Volun- teer Army at any time during the period of the Civil War." Naturally the official records would not show the names of women mas- querading as men. A few cases have been established. There is the familiar case of Sarah E. E. Seelye, who, under the name of Franklin Thompson, served undetected for ANNA DICKINSON Enlarged from a mrte-de--jisite photograph by M. B. Brady, in the eollection oj Frederick H. Meser-ve, Neiu Tori- Anna Uickinsun's remarkable (J^Ift of oratory seems to have been inlieritcJ from her father — a stalwart Liberal Quaker, a friend of Whittier, Birney and GIddings, and an active factor hi the anti-slavery agita- tion of his time. Mr. Dickinson dropped dead after making an extemi-oraneous speccli at the Liberal Club 111 Philadelphia, long- remembered fm- its eloquence nearly two years. Mrs. Seelye had adopted her the wounded, and it is certain that she proved alias and masijuerade some two years before herself an efficient nurse and was frequently the war broke out, believing she could support detailed for hospital service. The hardships of herself more easily as a man than a woman, her other duties was too much for her She She claims that she entered the army purely for became convinced that she would be ill and her an opportunity to nurse the sick and care for sex discovered. Kather than face exposure she 808 The American Woman: Ida M. Tarbell 809 deserteci and resumed her proper dress. Her services for the soldiers continued, however. The familiar old book, "Nurse and Spy," was written by Mrs. Seelye in 1863 and the gener- ous profits all devoted to the care of soldiers. Her story was finally made public in 1884 by a bill being introduced to remove the charge of desertion from the record of Franklin Thomp- son. The biU passed, and Mrs. Seelye re- ceived a pension. The "Kearney Cross" was awarded in 1863 . for gallantry to at least two women, though these women do not appear in the official rec- ords under their own names. "Belle Boyd, the Spy," " Frank Miller " of Illinois.who was cap- tured by the Confederates at Chattanooga, "Major Cushman," who acted as a scout in Tennessee, and was captured, sentenced to exe- cution and only saved by a sudden turn in the fortunes of war — these are familiar names in the romance of the Civil War. There are various newspaper stories of otherwomen soldierswhich have floated about for years but which are of doubtful truth. The facts are that probably a few score of women did actually serve for short terms in the Civil War, but there has probably never been a war, ancient or modern, where a few women did not find their way into the ranks. Almost always the reason of their going has been personal. It was to be near a husband, a lover or a brother. Or it was from pure love of adventure. But the significance of these cases is not great. A woman in the nature of the case cannot make an enduring soldier, nor is she needed in the ranks. On the other hand, she is terribly needed at home and in the hospitals, for just as important service. Much more significant than the soldiering a few women did is the service which certain ones rendered the Union cause as lecturers or pam- phleteers. Take the case of Anna Dickinson. She was eighteen when the war began — a well- born Quaker girl of Philadelphia with a pathetic personal struggle on her hands. Her mother - had been left a widow with five children, and when Anna was fourteen she was so stirred by the burden that she undertook her own sup- port. She became a copyist, then a district school teacher — anything to which she could turn her hand. She was an eager, impatient girl, resentful of the inequalities she saw about her, quick to espouse the cause of the weaker, the slave, the woman and the fallen. She was indiscreet in expression, always flaming out in passionate accusation or vindication. She seems to have been a natural orator, and her first speech on Woman's Rights, when she was a girl of only sixteen, led her to being asked frequently to speak on that subject. Just be- fore the war broke out, a place had been found for her in the mint at Washington, but she was so vehement in her criticisms of McClellan that she finally was removed. Soon after this she prepared a lecture which she called "The National Crisis." It made so strong an impres- sion that she was asked to deliver it in New Hampshire in the spring of 1863, when the Re- publicans were having a hard time in the elections. She canvassed the State with won- derful success. She was then asked to go to Connecticut, where it was not thought that the party could win. It is probably not too much to say that it was Anna Dickinson's lectures which turned the tide. She was taken up after this by the Union League Clubs and sent hither and yon as the cause seemed to demand. Her usefulness to the Union cause in the war cannot be questioned. There is another side, too, that should not be lost sight of. Anna Dickinson effectually ended popular opposition in the North to women lecturers. The people began to feel that if a woman could render a patriotic service of this kind, the day had passed when there should be objection to her doing it. She may be said to have ended the struggle begun twenty years before by the Grimk^ sisters, Lucretia Mott, Lucy Stone and others for the right to the plat- form. It was the old story over again of the service convincing, as in the long run it always does, of the need winning a right when agi- tation alone would drag on forever. Mary Abigail Dodge (Gail Hamilton) was no less efiEective as a pamphleteer than Anna Dickinson as a speaker. For several years be- fore the war began Miss Dodge had been on the National Intelligencer of Washington, where her witty, satirical anti-slavery articles had attracted general attention. As the war went on she became an increasingly valuable sup- porter of the Union cause. She published in both the Independent and the Atlantic articles lashing her coimtrymen and women to new efforts and to new enthusiasm. One of the most telling exhortations of the period was an Atlantic article, "A Call to my Country- women." It came in the spring of '63, when two years of unsuccessful effort and bloodshed had plunged the whole North into gloom. Everywhere women, like men , were beginning to relax their efforts, to grumble and to whine. It was then that Gail Hamilton spoke out. Her immediate text was the flood of wailing verses by women which flowed through the newspa- pers. The gist of them was that being nothing but women all they could do was to sit at home and pray. Gail Hamilton said bluntly, that 8io The American Magazine while she valued their prayers — something more was needed. "It is not Mrs. Stone, or Mrs. Howe, or Miss Stevenson, or Miss Dix who is to save the country," she wrote, "but the thousands upon thousands who at this moment are darning stockings, tending babies, sweeping floors. . . . If you could have finished the war with your needles it would have been finished long ago — the war cannot be finished by sheets and pillow-cases. Sometimes I am tempted to believe that it cannot be finished until we have flung them all away. . . . O my country- women, I long to see you stand under the time and bear it up in your strong hearts and not need to be borne up through it. I wish you to stimulate and not crave stimulants from others — count it all joy that you are reckoned worthy to suffer in a grand and righteous cause. Give thanks because you were bom in this time and, because it is dark, be you the light of the world." This ringing appeal did no little to stir women to a sense of the apathy and discour- agement into which they were unconsciously slipping. Gail Hamilton kept up the work throughout the war. But she was not the only woman whose pen aided the government. Harriet Beecher Stowe — the "little woman who made this great war, "as Lincoln addressed her — Julia Ward Howe, and many other less dis- tinguished, but really effective writers, helped the cause. And their work, like that of Anna Dickinson, by the value of the service rendered, settled the question of the woman as a pam- phleteer. Up to that time their efforts to pub- lish their views on public contemporary matters had been sternly reproved by critics and con- demned by the mass of women as well as men. Frequently they themselves had apologized for their intrusion into the affairs of men. "For the first time I appear before the public. As a woman I shrink into timidity and distrust," wrote Anna Ella Carroll in 1856, in the preface of her vigorous book, "The Great American Battle," an argument and alarm against politi- cal Romanism. " I have no affiliation with any principles which place her (woman) in a sphere at variance with that refined delicacy to which she is assigned by Nature. I have no aspiration to extend her influence or position." But this shrinking woman, well educated in the law by her father and perfectly familiar with the his- tory and politics of her country, a Marylander and a slave-holder, continued a pamphleteer after the war broke out. Her answer to John C. Breckinridge's speech defending secession was so strong that the government circulated a large edition of it and asked her to write on other subjects, which she did. It would seem as if the recognition which was given to Miss Carroll's pamphlets by the government should have prevented the bitter charges which have for years been made by militant advocates of Woman's Rights that be- cause she was a woman she did not receive proper recognition and reward for the great service which she gave the government in mili- tary matters. It has been proved beyond a doubt that Miss Carroll planned the campaign up the Tennessee River which led to the fall of Forts Henry and Donelson, and opened the Mississippi to Vicksburg. Late in 1861 she had gone West to satisfy herself about the progress of the war. It had been proposed to send a gunboat fleet down the Mississippi. Miss Carroll became convinced that this would be a mistake and worked out a plan of campaign up the Tennessee which she submitted with maps and convincing arguments to the War Depart- ment. The feasibility and the superiority of the strategy she proposed seem to have been at once admitted. The expedition down the Missis- sippi was abandoned and Miss Carroll's plan was adopted and succeeded. Coming at the mo- ment it did, the success was of inestimable value to the Union and there was a general disposi- tion to reward the author of the campaign. The name was not made known at the time for the same reason that the names of authors of other valuable suggestions were kept secret — the jealousy of tHe military department of any interference by civilians. Anyone at all fa- miliar with the inside history of the Civil War knows the extent of this jealousy. Hon. B. F. Wade, the chairman of the Committee on the Conduct of the War, has stated the case as it was— that Mr. Lincoln believed in Miss Car- roll's plan, but the difficulty in the way was that it was "the work of a civilian" {not of a woman). He has stated the difficulty that Lin- coln, Secretary Stanton and the committee itself had in having the plan adopted — "We almost fought for it." The opposition was not due to the author being a woman — that was not known save to the men who supported the plan — it was due to jealousy of all plans com- ing from any outside source. ]Mr. Wade says that Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Stanton and himself frequently alluded to Miss Carroll's extraor- dinary sagacity and unselfish patriotism and agreed that she should be properly recognized and rewarded. He declares that Stanton on his death-bed spoke to him of Miss Carroll and said that if he lived he would see to it that she was properly rewarded. The American Woman: Ida M. Tarbell ill When we consider the frightful confusion of affairs at the close of the war, the death of Lincoln, the tens of thousands of demands on Congress, all asking and many requiring im- mediate attention — it is not strange that a per- sonal claim should have been slow in making its way. As a matter of fact, however, the claim was recognized by the military commit- tees of the 41st, 44th and 46th Congresses, and at least two bills recommending a pension as a partial recognition of her services introduced. The claim never went through for the same complicated reasons that many other just claims never go through. The recognition of her services by those high in authority was em- phatic and generous and entirely disapproves the contention that her services were not re- warded because they were rendered by a woman. But individual efforts, noble and valuable as they were, are not the distinguishing side of woman's work in the Civil War. The feature of real importance in a study of woman's changing position in the nineteenth century is the amazing promptness with which they mar- shaled themselves into a great national organ- ization for service with men. Everything was against such a movement. Tradition forbade it. The instinct of women was against it. The experiences which had followed the admission of women into the parent anti-slavery society argued against attempting it. The strict boundaries which divided almost every com- munity into small, thoroughly undemocratic groups of women, each circulating aroimd its particular religious denomination, was against it. And yet the women began at once to form themselves into a general organization regard- less of creed or social position in the same way as men did into an army. Almost instantly the groups of women accustomed to laboring for the poor of their parishes, for missionaries and teachers, had turned to picking lint and pack- ing boxes. Twelve days after the fall of Sumter nine different societies of women are reported in the New York Evening Post as at work for the soldiers. It was everjrwhere the same. Almost instantly, too, scores of women who were accustomed to nursing or who had an idea they could nurse put on their bonnets and went to the nearest camp. It was an enormous rally of unorganized force, which threatened to swamp Washington with boxes of comforts and to distract Miss Dix with pleas to be allowed to be useful. The first attempt to put order into this outpouring came in New York in what amounted to the stampeding of a meeting called for another purpose. The first infirmary for women and children equipped entirely with women in the United States, was established in 1857 in New York by Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell. Miss Blackwell was the first highly educated woman physician in the country. She had with her two women almost as efficient, her sister, Dr. Emily Black- well, and Dr. Zakrzewska. Trained nurses was one of Dr. Blackwell's dreams, and when the war came and she saw the tide of unpre- pared women marching to the army she called a meeting of the women directors of the Infirm- ary to see what they could do in sending out better equipped nurses. Accidentally the notice got into the Times. Instead of directors alone, fifty or sixty women and a few men, all "lead- ing citizens," gathered. The suggestion was made, probably by the Rev. Dr. Bellows, that what was needed was not more groups of women but a centralization of those already in action the country over. It was seized at once. A meeting was called for April 29th at Cooper Union. Ninety-one women, the best known names in the history of New York City, signed the call. Out of this packed gathering, which was swayed by the highest seriousness, as well as enthusiasm, grew an organization called the Woman's Central Association of Relief. Although a woman's society, its ofl&cers were all men, and the board of managers to which its government was entrusted was made up of twelve men and twelve women — the first of our important organizations to be so governed, as far as the writer knows. The Association at once set to work to develop and centralize the scattered efforts of the state. Luckily, one of the ladies of the executive committee bethought her of the "Mount Vernon list" — the roster of those women who had been raising money in New York state for the purchase of Mount Vernon. She suggested that they might easily be per- suaded to use their organization for the soldiers — which proved true. The Associa- tion thus started with a fairly large group of correspondents, and scores of small organiza- tions rapidly fell into line. Supplies began to flow in on the Association. But immediately the women were confronted with the diffi- culty of getting these supplies to the army. The express companies would carry them to Washington — they could not cross the lines of the arniy. The result was that thousands upon thousands of packages were piling up at the Capitol. It was evident that if they were not to work in vain there must be a direct authorized connection with the army. Dr. Bellows went to Washington to see what could be done. The result of his ob- 8l2 The American Magazine servations and conferences there was the idea of an organization of civilians which would supplement the Medical Bureau in caring for the army. The preventing of illness, the training of cooks and nurses, the gathering and transporting of those supplies which the government could not be expected to furnish but which would be necessary — such were the tasks Dr. Bellows and his friends proposed to take on themselves. The idea promptly developed into the famous Sanitary Commis- sion. There is no space here to go into the his- tory of this splendid organization — its efforts to secure government recognition, the intel- ligence with which it gradually learned what it could best do to supplement the Medical Department of the army, the tact with which it "fitted in," the astonishing skill it came to have in always being on the right spot and having the right thing. What we are concerned with here is the work of the women in the Commission, for the Central Association had the good sense to see the value of the proposed ma- chinery and had put itself promptly under the direction of the "San Com;" as it came to be familiarly called. The imme- diate problem which confronted them was that of supplies. The women had started out all over the country to "send things" to the army and they had little or no idea what the army really needed. The first idea was lint, and everybody fell to picking lint while every newspaper devoted space to directing how it should be done. Then Havelocks were sug- gested and thousands of them were manufac- tured — most of them to be scorned by the boys! Boxes were packed, including scores of useless articles, quantities of unsuitable food. Then everywhere there was the natural desire that the particular box or Havelock or jar of jelly reach a particular soldier. To find out what was necessary, to persuade the women to furnish it and nothing else, to distribute sup- plies where they were needed regardless of the company or individual they were prepared for, this required a continued patient effort on the part of the Central Relief Association, a yield- ing to authority on the part of the small groups and the individuals, which would have been out of the question had the women been less inspired by national feeling. The difficulties worked out promptly. The New York Asso- ciation established its headquarters in the first floor of Cooper Institute, and across Fourth Avenue secured depots for supplies. Here from the beginning to the end of 'the war the leading women of New York worked from morning until night directing its hundreds of branches not only in the State, but in the neigh- boring States. (1,901 societies had joined the Central Association before the end of the war.) Gradually they came to know what was needed. It was really a few articles — under- wear, sheets, bandages, cures for scurvy, certain medicines, certain delicacies for the hospitals. A vast correspondence, and much visiting by agents, were of course necessary to keep these things always on hand in sufficient quantities. Then great extra efforts were necessary for the time of approaching battles. From morning until night they unpacked, distributed and repacked supplies. From morning until night they urged their branches to new efforts. From morning until night they devised new ways of being useful, new ways of raising money. Centers hke these in New York were soon established at other points, the leading ones being in Chicago, Cincinnati and Boston, and around these hundreds of groups gathered, do- ing in the main the same work in gathering and directing supplies which was done from the New York headquarters. Of course the women felt all of the fluctua- tions of courage and of patriotism that the men did. They had to be encouraged at times to new efforts and it was through the Central Re- lief Association that this work was ^admirably done. As was to be expected, the flood of sup- plies could not go on forever without urging — as a matter of fact, by the -end of two years most of the women had given all that they could comfortably spare. From many a house- hold the best quilts had been sent, the whole supply of canned fruit, the window curtains and stores of linen, the money usually devoted to new coats and gowns. The women of small means — the farmers' wives, the villagers — gave until they suffered. And more was necessary. Then it was that the women started the chain of Sanitary Fairs which, beginning with that in Chicago in October and November of '63, swept eastward through 1864, and netted in all over $3,000,000. The great "fairs of New York and Philadelphia each netted over one million dollars. The ingenuity of the women in these under- takings was endless. Every possible device was employed to attract visitors and extract money, from putting the Emancipation Procla- mation on view to selling a kiss, as Mrs. Harrison Gray Otis did to a sailor in Bos- ton — to the horror of her set and to her own, deep satisfaction, since she got five dollars for it ! Mrs. Otis indeed was a very good example of the devotion which thousands of women of wealth and leisure gave to the Union cause throughout the war. Her work, though inde- The American Woman: Ida M. Tarbell 813 pendent of the Commission, was similar in its character. At the beginning of the war a large house was turned over to the city of Boston for the soldiers' use and Mrs. Otis was asked to take charge of it. She made it a headquar- ters for supplies to be distributed to the out- going or home-coming soldier or sailor, to those ill or wounded at the front, to those weak and crippled at home. Hundreds of thousands of dollars passed through her hands. She gave of her own fortune some $50,000, and all her time. It is said that Mrs. Otis never missed a day at her post throughout the war, never bought a new gown and usually walked to her office to save cab hire. A very interesting part of the work the organ- ized women did was at the front in connection with hospital ships, lodges, relief camps, and other institutions which were gradually devel- oped by the Commission to supplement the regular work of the Medical Corps. To all of these centers women were attached to take charge of supplies, to prepare foods and medi- cines and bandages, to nurse, to look after the convalescing, to see that the distracted women who sought husbands and sons in hospitals or on battle-fields weire properly assisted and to do hundreds of unexpected things for which there was no provision. The records of this work are among the most touching documents which have come out of the Civil War. There was no service too bloody or terrible for them. They took the wounded and dying fresh from the battle-field, even helped bring them from the field. They worked, unconscious of time and of food or rest, twenty-foiu:, forty-eight, or more hours at a time. There was nothing too menial, nothing too hard, nothing too small. It is a wonderful story of doing literally what- ever came to the hand to do, and of doing it with men in an organized body, without regard to ordinary convention or ordinary class ^ division. This organized democratic effort went on for four years. At the end of the war there were some 7,000 aid societies in the Commission, they had raised over $15,000,000 and they had trained a national body of women for prompt and efficient team work. Such a thing had never been seen before in the history of the world. It was an achievement bound to have a profound influence on the future activities and the future attitude of woman to her own work. Its effects were to be many. Indeed, the war was hardly over before it was obvious that the varying experiences it had brought to women had wrought many changes in them. Perhaps none was more fundamental than that in the attitude of women of all classes toward work. There was taken away from their home for longer or shorter periods in the war 2,200,- 000 men; 360,282 of these men had died, great nimibers had returned crippled, helpless with disease, or imfitted for bread-winning. The great majority of these men came from humble homes. Throughout the war the women connected with these men had taken their places in whole or in part in che support of the family. They had taken up all sorts of labor to which they had been before unaccus- tomed. They had gone into factories, into mer- cantile pursuits, into farming and gardening, into trading of various kinds. Many of them had succeeded. Thus at the close of the war there was a reversal of situations in thousands of homes. The men had become dependent in the service of their country, the women had become independent. In working they had acquired a taste for work and for the freedom it gave them. They v/ found themselves able to come and go, to direct, to spend as never before. There was a sense of growth and importance and liberty which they had known nothing of and they enjoyed it. It threw the restriction of domestic life into unpleasant contrast. Thus the Civil War had a great deal to do with stimulating the desire for independent work and an independent pocket-book among American women. In every community, too, the war was an amazing mixer. The strict lines drawn be- tween "sets" was finally broken. When all classes of women mingled in a common work, the ablest came naturally to the top, much as in the army. When rich as well as poor had bread-winning thrust upon them, labor took on more of its rightful dignity. The war over, society organized on more liberal and intelli- gent lines than ever before. And vastly to its own benefit. New blood, larger ideals, a sense of the common good, a realization that after all the differences between women of different sets are superficial, much less important than they seem, imited them. Moreover, the close of the war did not leave the women of the country without civic tasks. On the contrary, it had created a new set of burdens, a new group of problems — "to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan" — these tasks the women who had been working both as' individuals and in organizations saw long before the close of the war were to be their peculiar care and they had begun to make ready for them. All of the pe- culiar relief institutions which followed the war — the Freedman's Bureau (a work begun in Washington in 1863 by Josephine GrifBng of 8i4 The American Magazine Ohio), the Soldiers' Homes, the Employment Agencies, the Orphans' Asylums and Schools — were working in a small way in a dozen places, usually under the direction of women. When the war closed they had ready the beginnings of the great institutions which were to handle these mighty problems. They had no hesita- tion in falling into line with the men and doing whatever they could to help solve them. They had learned they could work with men — on the battle-field, in the hospitals, in the counting- room, anywhere they were needed — and lose nothing in self-respect or public respect. The country had learned it, too. The complete revolution in popular feeling in this matter was one of the most interesting effects of the great experience. Hundreds of women who had held strenuously to the old traditions of reserve had been doing all kinds of unheard-of tasks, uncon- sciously and naturally, simply because it was necessary they should do them, and in doing them they had established without argument their right to do them. The swagger of inde- pendence, the spirit of defiance which always tinged the demand for rights, and which un- questionably frightened away many persons who intellectually were convinced of the sound- ness of the arguments, had been entirely want- ing in the war's great movement of women of all classes into organized public work with men. They had come in as naturally as they came into church or drawing-room, and they were accepted as naturally as they were there. It was a tremendous lesson in one eternal fact which had always been too generally over- looked by the advocates of Woman's Rights, v^thatyou get newprivileges in the world because it is necessary for the good not of yotirself but of the whole that you have them; moreover, that the body of women will never demand anything because it is a right, but that when they need it to accomplish some good for which they feel themselves responsible, they will seek it — and get it. Necessity is what forces new tools into human hands — not argument and agita- tion. The Civil War taught women the neces- sity, and so the feasibility, of working in public with men as the establishment of the Republic had taught them the necessity of their general education. Indeed, as soon as the war was really over and the disorder it had caused began to clear away, it was evident that there was a new American woman in the field. How amazing had been the transformation the next few years were to reveal. In a future number Miss Tarbell will tell the story of the part the women of the South played in the war INSOUCIANCE IN STORM lARRY /KEMP Deep in the ore-boat's/hold Where great-bulked!^ boilers l0&m And yawning moutKs of fire^ Irradiate the gldom I saw half-nakatl men Made thrall/to flarn^ and steam, Whose bodies drippmg sweat, Shone witm an oily gleam. There, all the sujlen night. While waves boomed overhead And smot^ the lurching ship. The ravenous fires they fed; / They did not thuik it br/ve; They even d?i!red to joke! . . I saw them Ught theip- pipes And pufi^alm rings of smoke! saw a Aasser spi^awl Ovenrhis load^f coal — At wMch a Ficfeman laughed Uoftil it shoek his soul: All this in a 'hollow shell Whose half-submerged form On Lake Superior tossed Wfid rushing hills of storm! /<^^T?^g:y^>^>>g:;^;ft^\ ""^"^n^:^:^,-,^ I II I I I I I I I I I I II II II I I II II I I II II I I I I I I II I I II II II II I I II II I I I I II THE AMERICAN WOMAN HER FIRST DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE BY IDA M. TARBELL ILLUSTRATED WITH PORTRAITS COLLECTED FOR THE AMERICAN MAGAZINE BY CHARLES HENRY HART THE group of women who in 1848 issued the first call for a convention to consider the rights of women* did not base their action on an abstract proposition. They based it on per- sonal experience. Each of them at one or another point of her life had been blocked in some undertaking which she felt to be good not only for herself but for her world. 1 The wall which had confronted Lucretia Mott in her work for the slave was described in the last article. But this was by no means the first experience of her life which had caused her to reflect on the "unequal condi- tion of woman." When Lucretia Mott was but sixteen years old she was made a teacher in the Friend's School at Nine Partners, New York, where she had been a pupil for three years. "Learning," she says, "that the charge for the tuition of girls was the same as that for boys, and that when they became teachers women received only half as much as men for their services, the injustice of this dis- tinction was so apparent that I early resolved to claim for myself all that an impartial Creator had bestowed." Which she never ceased to do with a persistency as inflexible as it was gentle. Mrs. Stanton, who was most intimately as- sociated with Mrs. Mott in this call for the convention, and the aggressive and active * See The American Magazine for January, 1910. 468 force in organizing and carrying it through, had been brought to the point by quite a dif- ferent experience. When but a child her adventurous and dominating nature had been so irritated by the succession of "no's" she encountered that in spite of a buoyant tem- perament, robust health and a delightful home she had been in a more or less continu- ous state of revolt. When she was eleven years of age her only brother died. Her father's grief was a tragedy to her, and in her passionate desire to comfort him she promised herself to take the dead boy's place. She be- gan to study Greek and mathematics, every- thing necessary to fit herself for college. Her progress was brilliant, but when she proudly brought her results to her father, his only comment was the discouraging, "Oh, if you had only been a boy!" She haunted her father's law office, and was deeply stirred by the pitiful cases of married women who, under the laws then in force, could not control the property they had in- herited, the wages they had earned, or the children they had borne, no matter how dissi- pated, cruel or dishonest their husbands had been. In her indignation she began to cut the laws from her father's books, only desist- ing when he explained to her that their au- thority was higher up in the legislature, a^r laughingly advised her to grow up and r suade it to change the injustices. The Duchess and Salem Tarr. By Henry C. Rowland 467 was a fresh breeze from the darkemng sea and the,'' sun had sunk below the windr horizon. /-■'Do you mean," she cried, "t^at you have tracked and slain four natives ?'[ He smiled faintly, "fhat'slwhat, Chris- tina," he answered. "Seems kind o' like sllughtef, I know, but they wa'ant no help f'r if. 'Ttvas their lives or yours, and bein' canlibals fend sech, they ain't jes like humans, aiyhow.r The duchess stepped! near^ and regarded him with kindling eyes. "You are wounded,'! she sfid, softly. "Nothin' but a few Ittle cms and bruises," muttered Salem, stranaely dilturbed at some- thing which was grovling infthe face of his defense. Sailor, fisherman, low of caste . . . what did it matter? Was he not clean of heart and eiear af eye and strong and tender, loving he/ as never would another ? She raised her eyee to hii still burning in their depths with the Ire of Jtrife. Superman, he looked to her, as he stcfod before her on the beach, his hair topsing in the wind, his bronzed limbs gold and ^ffron in the waning light of the wild, tropic tunset. I She stepped Iwiftly joward him and flung out her arms. "Salem!" shjb cried.j "I love you — I love you!" He castldown companion sand. "Tell me about duchess, eagerly. Salem threw her a Iwift, c irious look "I came on 'm beichin' t leir canoe," said he, " and bein' afeaJed the} and git help I sailed! right ii rays flashing r( sy-pink igainst the matting sail, e corfibat ! " said the The ship sligh ;ly alter ;d her course and bore then and tha'ar, besi( e the bi at, but the other his eyes to the H. M. Prelected sighted the cai oe just might go back Two I killed down upon th little c stopped, rever ed, ther wallowing in ie long decks her crev looked a man and a woman, an to the end of stand, but sho! two o' them on'y two ran and I follere I 'em cl the p'int. Th'ar the ' made Christina! What c. ance h things agin a Yankf e whale aan ? My trouble was gittin' w thin rea h. Fin'lly they got desprit and coi le for nie together" — a sudden savage light s lone frorl his gray eyes — ■ "and then 't'was soc n over!"| He glanced at the woman and smil ;d, griml; The duchess was 1 loking at lim with a high flush on either cheel and herlblue eyes deep and humid as the 1 Itramarinl of the ocean outside the reef. "And you had nc compuncfton?" she de- manded. "What al out your Puritan ideas?" He looked at hn moodilA "P'raps I done wrong," he answered. \ "P'raps I ought to ha' offeree 'em peaceV If there'd on'y been me I womd never ha' struck the fust blow. But 't'was you I thought of, Christina. I wa'ant Wkin' no chances where you was consa'arned! Not much. 'N right or wrong, good or bad, I'd see every Melanesian nigger in these here islands flenched and sun- dried afore I'd risk a hair o' your head, Chris- tina!" The duchess gave him a fathomless glance, while her breath came fast. Her Finno Ugric blood, hot with the wild impulses of generations of warrior ancestors, burst into blaze as she "ontemplated the man returning to her stained 'th blood and wounds received in her ruiser " G azehound ' ' t sunset, the horizontal aft. Close aboard she stopped again and lay swell, while from the down with wonder as, eautiful as god and : as a lance, answered [lis harsh New Eng- This lady is the sole survivor from [Christina. As f'r pooner, lost with a ship Alice Stocton, goddess, camq up the gadder and over the cruiser's side. "Who," sail the mlrveling commander, "in the name c t all that'srvonderful, are you ?" Salem, stanc ing straigli the officer's qi estion, in ' land tones: "Two cast! ways, sir. I Grand Duches > Christina the wreck of the yacht,! me, I'm Salenl Tarr, hap whaleboat's criw from thi we towin' behiili a spa'arm whale." Few more wirds were needed to tell their tale. "A moJth ago," Salem concluded, "there landed" Ion the island four hostyle natives. I killed all hands — cannibal Melane- sians they was, Uir. Late this arternoon we sighted your smoke and put out in the canoe to head ye, 'n, here We be, sir." There was a n^ment of silence. Then the commander turned to the duchess. "My cabin will be at the disposal of your Royal Highness in a few minutes," said he. "Meanwhile, permit me to show you to the ward-room." He glanced at Salem. "The petty officers' mess will look after you, my man," he said, kindly. "Draw on the yeoman for what you need in the way of an outfit." And he turned again to the Grand Duchess, who was looking with brimming eyes at Salem Tarr, harpooner. The American Woman. By Ida M. Tarbell 469 She prepared herself for Union College, but admittance was of course refused her. She was obliged to go to Mrs. Willard's school for girls at Troy, where nothing was taught which she had not already mastered, except French, music and dancing! As Elizabeth Cady grew up she was thrown much with the remarkable liberal circle which for years centered about the beautiful home of Gerrit Smith at Peterboro, New York. Here she met in time practically all of the abolitionists and reformers of the day. It was here she first met Henry B. Stanton, one of the most eloquent of the abolition orators, to whom after an engagement, clouded by her own dislike of changing freedom for what she looked on as bondage; she was married in May, 1840, just in time to turn Mr. Stanton's trip to the World's Anti-Slavery Convention in London to a wedding journey. The Lon- don trip, and her meeting with Lucretia Mott there, described in the last article, had much to do with crystallizing the discursive reading and thinking Elizabeth had done into a def- inite determination to "do something" to im- prove the condition of women. After her return to America all her experiences as a housekeeper and a mother, as a diligent reader, as a keen and critical observer of the lives of the women about her, strengthened her determination. At the same time the conviction became firm in her mind that such was the strength of the opposition to anything like equal rights for men and women that 'nothing could overthrow it but the ballot. With that, and only with that, she believed woman would ever be given her proper place as a human being. A frank, brave, generous nature, ready to fight, as such natures usually are for what they want, a woman with an elo- quent tongue and a well-filled mind, she was bound to be a gallant champion for any cause she espoused. Unlikely a spot for launching a great move- ment as Seneca Falls, New York, may seem to one to-day, it was by no means that in 1848. It had Central New York to draw from, and Central New York held at that time one of the most intelligent and active sets of re- formers in the country — a "magnetic circle," Mrs. Stanton calls it in her reminiscences — and she enumerates the familiar names: "At Rochester were William Henry Channing, Frederick Douglass, the Anthonys, Posts, Hal- lowells, Stebbinses; some grand old Quaker 'families at Farraington; the Sedgwicks, Mays, Oies and Matilda Joslyn Gage at Syracuse; it Smith at Peterboro, and Beriah Green 'hitesboro." It was these people and their friends on whom Mrs. Mott and Mrs. Stanton depended for their first Woman's Rights Convention, and they were not disappointed.' Both the platform and the audience at the launching of the movement were satisfactory. The work of the Convention was twofold: Setting forth their Grievances and proposing Remedies. The first came in a remarkable Declaration of Sentiments, modeled after the Declaration of Independence — the preambles are identical save that the word woman is introduced in the document of 1848. Mrs. Mott and Mrs. Stanton and their friends had worked night and day to produce this Declaration, and it is still easily the most sweeping and ringing broadside which has been produced in the Woman's Movement. The List of Grievances presented are, con- densed, as follows: The history of mankind is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations on the part of man towards woman, having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over her. He has never permitted her to exercise her inalien- able right to the elective franchise. He has compelled her to submit to laws in the formation of which she has had no voice. He has withheld from her rights which are given to the most ignorant and degraded men. He has made her, if married, in the eye of the law civilly dead. He has taken from her all right in property, even to the wages she earns. He has so framed the laws of divorce, as to what shall be the proper causes, and in case of separation, to whom the guardianship of the children shall be given, as to be wholly regardless of the happiness of the woman. After depriving her of all rights as a married woman, if single, and the owner of property, he has taxed her to support a government which recognizes her only when her property can be made profitable to it. He has denied her tjie facilities for obtaining a thor- ough education, all colleges being closed against her. He has created a false public sentiment by giving to the world a different code of morals for men and women, by which moral delinquencies which exclude women from society are not only tolerated but deemed of little account in man. He has usurped the prerogative of Jehovah himself, claiming it as his right to assign for her a sphere of action, when that belongs to her conscience and to her God. He has endeavored, in every way that he could, to destroy her confidence in her own powers, to lessen her self-respect, and to make her willing to lead a dependent and abject life. The Declaration of Sentiments, in its zeal to emphasize woman's wrongs, ignored many facts. It forgot that universal male suflErage was still in its first stages in the world and by some of the best men of this country 470 was considered but an experiment;* that woman had already in some parts of the United States been given certain franchise privileges (in New Jersey from 1790 to 1807 she had equal suffrage rights) and she had never made anything of them; that the atro- cious civil laws which worked her so much injustice had already been attacked by men and were certainly doomed in time; that her full education in political theory particularly had been from the beginning of the republic demanded by men as necessary to the life of the Democracy and that in no other single particular since the adoption of the Constitu- tion had there been so great a radical advance in the United States as in woman's education. The really significant feature of the Declara- tion, however, is the way in which it hurls the gauntlet at man. As far as it goes there is no sign that the framers recognized that the question was in any degree a human question, no sign that they considered that the wrongs they complained of had come about in any other way than by a deliberate and conscious intent to enslave, no sign that woman herself was in any way a partner to her position. Man was a deliberate oppressor, a conscious conspirator, woman his slave, and as such she challenged him. The Declaration was really a call to war on man. The grievances were much better stated than the resolutions by which they were to be remedied. The latter were mostly gen- eral assertions and demands. There was one exception: "7^ is the duty of the women of this country to secure to themselves their sacred right to the elective franchise." It was the only resolution not accepted unanimously. When it came to the end of the session sixty-eight women and thirty-eight men signed the Declaration of Sentimepts. Such was the interest in the gathering, so much was left to talk about, that a second convention was called a little later at Rochester, New York, and here, to the distress of both Mrs. Mott and Mrs. Stanton, a woman presided. These conventions were reported widely, sometimes with severely disapproving com- ments, sometimes with hilarious ridicule, but these publications, whatever their temper, only served to set people thinking and to crystallize rapidly the existing agitation. The very vigor which was put into the effort to stop anv more "tomfoolery" of the kind — a favorite charac- The American Magazine * Only a few years before this convention was called Abraham Lincoln had given as his idea of what the suiTrage should be in the United States the following; "I go for all sharing the privileges of the government who assist in bearing its burdens. Consequently, I go for admitting all whites to the right of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms (by no means excluding females)." terization — showed how much sympathy for the ideas was abroad. From the East to the West, indeed, there was a stirring. Not far from Seneca Falls, at South Bristol, a woman who had all her life been chafing against the legal right of a husband to chastise his wife for dis- obedience at once called together like-minded women of her village and formed an Equal Suffrage Society and sent a petition to the legislature. These small separate groups multiplied. The interest grew and spread, until in 1850 the first National W'oman's Rights Convention was held in Worcester, jMassachusetts; at this there were present dele- gates from nine states. A group of remarkable women were drawn into the movement — all of them because of some peculiar thwarting personal experience which led them to understand and sympa- thize with the general spirit of the Declara- tion, though probably very few accepted or understood all of' its sentiments. • Take the case of Dr. Harriot K. Hunt. She was a Boston girl, born there in 1805, and brought up wisely and tenderly to love books and work and service. The pictures she gives of her early days in her "Glances and Glimpses" are alluring. \A'hat better possession could one leave a child than such, a memory as this: "The remembrance of sitting on my father's knee at twilight, learning the multiplication table by the bright light of a wood fire in a Franklin stove flashing softl\' on the shadows of the cheerful room, comes to me now like an interior illumination." The ill health of her only sister, and the inability of the regular physicians they con- sulted to aid her, led Harriot, in spite of the sneers of her friends, to go to Dr. and Mrs. Valentine Mott, who came to Boston in 1833 and advertised freely and loudly the wonder of their cures. Their sympathy and the re- gime they prescribed did help Sarah. The girls began a study of the Quackery, as it was called, and in spite of the protestations and disdain of their circle, finally went to live with the ^fotts and study their system. The upshot of it was that they decided to become physi- cians themselves, and in a short time had opened their house to patients. They soon had a large following. Their treatment seems to have been largely the application of sym- pathy, cheerfulness, common sense and water. Naturally they wrought man>' cures. They were general!}- very cautious about meddling with cases they did not understand, and they studied regularly and seriously, bv they found every avenue of education outs" of books and the Motts closed. Never The American Woman. By Ida M. Tarbell 47^ less, in the course of a few years Harriot Hunt came to have a remarkable place in Boston and the surrounding country. She was am- bitious to increase her knowledge, however, and applied to Harvard Medical School for permission to attend its lectures. Her ap- plication was made to Oliver Wendell Holmes, then dean of the medical faculty. Her request was denied on the ground that it was "inexpedient" for women to be ad- mitted to the lectures. If is not strange that a woman as convinced as Harriot Hunt was that she was doing use- ful work, and that with more knowledge she was capable of still greater usefulness, should have revolted against such a decision. More- over, in the intimacy of her practice she realized better every year of her life how much misery and bitterness might result from ac- cepted laws and cofiventions in regard to mar- ried women, that a woman had practically no escape from the stinginess, the brutality or the immorality of a husband, that whatever her wrongs, society and the law expected nothing from her but endurance, the more patient and silent her endurance the warmer their approval. She realized more fully the depravity of the complacent morality which winked at the practices of the well-to-do man, permitting him unchallenged to exploit women and girls in his factories and shops, unpunished, to fling aside the woman he had misled to bear alone the most dangerous and unintelligent punishment society has ever devised — com- plete ostracism. AH the daily experiences of Harriot Hunt's life, indeed, intensified her conviction that woman suffered endless things that were easily curable if common sense and common justice were applied to her case. She was in this frame of mind when in 1850 she received an invitation to attend the first National Woman's Rights Convention. Years after she described the reflections that the call aroused in her: " Was it possible that woman was aroused, that the evils which were withering her affections, blighting her intellect, crippling her physical powers, were about to claim calm and careful inquiry? Was I to have the privilege of meeting those who had thought, and reasoned, and prayed over this subject ? Imagine hunger exasperating you, thirst driving to desperation — in a moment, as by magic, food and drink appear. That call was bread and water to my soul — it electri- fied me. ... I decided to go to Worcester. Many of my friends regretted this — they urged that it would be ridiculous for me to identify myself with such a, motley crew — some scolded, some entreated, fne said I should lose caste. What was all this to I ^ who for fifteen years had been the confidant of I T.n, who had known that her diseases resulted in •■•leasure from her position, who had sympathized with the broken-hearted, prescribed for the penniless, and mingled her tears with the widow and the father- less ? Talk of politeness when humanity is perishing — of the sacred sphere of woman when thousands of my sisters are prostitutes — how many from necessity, God only knows." The largest as well as the strongest con- tingent which the new movement attracted was from the ranks of the temperance workers. The same kind of opposition to public speak- ing and to work in organizations which the women in the anti-slavery struggle had met, the women fighting intemperance were be- ginning to feel. As it happened, it was by this road that the Woman's Rights Cause re- ceived its great leader — the right hand of Mrs. Stanton — Susan B. Anthony. She was a Quaker girt, who, when but seventeen years old, had been forced into teaching, her father having lost his comfortable fortune in the panic of 1837. Susan B. Anthony was more than a teacher, however; she was a born whitecap and regulator, and before she was twenty a militant one. In eyery community where she taught she took an active interest in all the "causes." She not only sympathized with the negro, when an opportunity offered she drank tea with him, to her own "unspeak- able satisfaction." She not only disapproved of intemperance, she reproved the men of her family for drinking at all, to their surprise and amusement. She not only believed in women preacfiers, but she went to hear them, and flaunted her act in the face of a disapproving male. "What an absurd notion that women have not intellectual and moral faculties suffi- cient for anything but domestic concerns!" She was severe with extravagance and with amusements, with useless expenditures — a very Spartan of a censor. Listen to these com- ments on a reception to President Van Buren in New York City: "One day while in New York was spent in riding through the streets preceded by an extravagant num- ber of military men and musicians, who were kept in exercise on that and succeeding days of the week until all were completely exhausted. On the next day, while he and his party were revelling in their tents on luxuries and the all-debasing Wine, many poor, dear children were crying for food and for water to allay their thirst. On Friday evening he ?ittended Park Theatre and on Monday Bowery Theatre. Yes, he who is called by the majority as most capable of ruling this republic, may be seen in the Theatre encouraging one of the most heinous crimes or practices with which our country is disgraced." This severe young woman had great vir- tues, great abilities. Her devotion to her family, her tenderness and self-sacrifice were unceasing. For years she worked and saved 472 The American Magazine to help raise the mortgage on her father's property. She counseled and encouraged wherever she went, and she gave herself en- thusiastically to the temperance cause, run- ning local organizations of the Daughters of Temperance, engineering suppers and bazaars and entertainments to raise funds — writing speeches when necessary — first-class service always which won her the well-deserved com- pliment of being the "smartest woman in that town!" After some twelve years of teaching Miss Anthony went to live with her parents on a farm near Rochester, New York. Her father was a sturdy Quaker liberal, the friend of all the reformers of the day, and scarcely a Sun- day passed that a group of them did not come down to his place for dinner and discussion. Here in time Miss Anthony met the leading radicals of the day — Garrison, Pillsbury, Phillips, Channing, and, of course, all the men and women who had been interested in the Seneca Falls and Rochester con- ventions. The. effect of this association on the young woman was immediate. She resolved to abandon teaching permanently and devote herself to reform work. She ap- pears to have had little interest in Woman's Rights as a cause — i.e., it was not a cause which appealed to her heart or judgment. Her interest was in temperance work. And so she went into the temperance movement, smiling a little at the aggressiveness of her friends in the Woman's Rights Movement, interested in it, but not at all stirred by it. But Miss An- thony had no sooner attempted to extend her temperance work beyond a local organization of women than she encountered the fierce and outspoken prejudice which had broken over Angelina Grimkd, Lucretia Mott and the en- tire band of anti-slavery women. Sent as a delegate to a state meeting of the New York Sons of Temperance in 1852, she attempted to speak on a motion, and was told that she was there to "listen and learn"! A little later, trying it at another meeting of the Sons to which she had been sent as a delegate, she was howled down when she tried to speak, and the chairman decided she was out of order, a decision sustained by a majority vote. In 1853, at the meeting preliminary to the World's Temperance Convention to which "all friends of temperance" had been invited. Miss Anthony was suggested for a committee. Such a storm brpke out that the women dele- gates, after having been admitted, were turned out. A few months later when the conven- tion convened she was present at one of the most extraordinary demonstrations against a woman taking part in a public meeting on the same platform with men that was ever seen in this country. The action of the gathering pre- liminary to the World's Convention had led the women and their sympathizers, among them some important men like Horace Greeley and Wendell Phillips, to call a Whole World Temperance Convention. It met in New York the same week as the World's Conven- tion. Naturally many of the men delegates to the latter felt a little worried, and said quite freely that the women were imjust and were hurting the cause of temperance, and that they would be received if they had credentials from recognized societies. Now there was in town a young preacher, Antoinette Brown, who had such credentials. She resolved to test the sincerity of the assurances and presented her papers. They were accepted, but when she attempted to speak on a motion an uproar broke out. It was not a demonstration of the galleries — not a hoodlum outbreak. It came from the platform and the delegates, and it lasted three hours! Finally Miss Brown gave it up, and the convention muzzled her. It was but little wonder that witnessing such a scene as this, that baited and thwarted in her own work as she was. Miss Anthony came to feel that before anything else was done the question of rights must be fought out, that it was lost time to work for other causes under such restrictions as the preju- dices of the day imposed. Moreover, her ex- periences had convinced her of the rightful- ness of the Declaration of Grievances put out by her friends, and at which she had at first been inclined to smile. Women were victims of the conspirator man, and nothing but force, i.e., the ballot, would free them. She flung herself into action with full- hearted devotion and with an energy which was practically boundless, and soon after was made the general agent of the state society. The efforts of the New York organization at that date, 1854, were directed to holding meetings, circulating literature, organizing branches and circulating petitions to the legis- lature, asking that the laws governing a wom- an's property, wages and children, be revised and that her right to the suffrage be admitted. Such work requires time, hands, money, a headquarters. Yet the Woman's Rights So- ciety had none of these things. It simply had Susan B. Anthony, agent! Practically jdl the equipment she had was freedom to devote herself to the work, her father and sister, wb was teaching, promising to aid her as tV could from their slender means. The j;lizabeth cady stanton and her oldest child Iroi?! a pJiolograph taken in 1859 and loaned by her daughter, Mrs. Harriet Stanton Blatch One of the strongest popular superstitions about the org-anlzers of the Woman's Rights Movement is that they were harsh, "homely" and home-neglecting. It is built on ignorance. The above portrait of Mrs. Stanton is sufficient answer to this legend as far as she is concerned. She was quite as intelligent and active in han- dling the problems of housekeeping and of rearing children as she was in those of the legal and political position of woman. Among the most suggestive things in her admirably written reminiscences are her accounts of her efforts to sprea'ears. ) country. It was this spirit which, as early as the '20's and '30's, Isrought together audi- ences for Frances \\'right and l-j-nestine Rose, wherever they might go, and which later built up the lecture lyceums. Yo\i could always get an audience of women anywhere in the coun- try then ax now. The most distinguished form of intellectual work developed b)' a woman in the period was no doubt Margaret Fuller Ossoli's Conversations in Boston. iMargaret *See The American Magazine for December, 1909. a determination to express herself which no obstacle could long stop — and with these quali- ties a sense of duty as rigid as New England ever produced. Her father had taken her edu- cation upon himself when she was a child and had driven her too hard, as she felt later. She had mastered Latin and German. She had read enormously. She became engrossed in the transcendental philosophy of the dav and forced her way to its leaders, beating down Emerson's first dislike of her until they became The American Woman : Ida M. Tarbell 66s intimates. With Dr. Clarke and Channing and Alcott she became equally familiar. True, a class of the Boston intellectual circle never could abide her. Lowell, for example, felt very much toward Margaret Fuller as Napoleon toward Mme. de Stael, as Dr. Johnson toward Mrs. Macaulay, and he ridiculed her rather maliciously in the "Fable for Critics:" " But there comes Miranda, Zeus ! where shall I flee to ? She has such a penchant for bothering me too ! She always keeps asking if I don't observe a Particular likeness 'twixt her and Minerva. She will take an old notion, and make it her own, By saying it o'er in her sibylline tone, Or persuade you 'tis something tremendously deep. By repeating it so as to put you to sleep; And she well may' defy any mortal to see through it. When once she has mixed up her infinite me through it. But however irritating Margaret Fuller's self-assertion, eagerness, and insistence on her own discovery of world-old thoughts may sometimes have been, she was a wonderfully stimulating teacher and talker. Forced to earn her living and help her family, she began teaching. She tried writing, but it was not there her power lay, as she knew very well. It lay in conversation. She was interested in women, felt as keenly as Mary WoUstonecraft the de- fects of their education, and was philosopher enough to see that the only real solution of any social problem lies in education. It was quite natural that she evolve the scheme of talks or conversations for women. The sug- gestions were well received by such women as Elizabeth Peabody, Mrs. Emerson, Miss Green, afterward Mrs. Wendell Phillips, and Miss Maria White, afterward Mrs. Lowell, and in November, 1839, the first gathering was held in Miss Peabody's rooms. What she aimed at she stated at the outset: "Women are now taught, at school, all that men are. They run over, superficially, even more studies, without being really taught anything. But with this difference: men are called on, from a very early period, to reproduce all that they learn. Their college exercises, their political duties, their professional studies, the first actions of life in any direction, call on them to put to use what they have learned. But women learn without any attempt to reproduce. Their only reproduction is for purposes of display. It is to supply this defect that these conversations have been planned." She proposed: "To pass in review the departments of thought and knowledge and endeavor to place them in due relation to one another in our minds; to systematize thought, and give a precision and clearness in which our sex are so deficient, chiefly, I think, because they have so few inducements to test and classify what they receive." A good deal of fun was poked at Margaret Fuller's Conversations, which she continued with increasing success for five years, but they cannot be dismissed lightly. They were taken seriously by serious women and were a power- ful stimulus to a kind of intellectual activity which has been gaining impetus ever since, and which is rarely so well and authoritatively done as by Margaret. The secret of her success in these conversations lay, I think, in what Ednah Cheney characterizes as "her power of vitalizing all knowledge, by bringing it into relation v.'ith life, not in its practical but in its ideal aspects" — a power which has a mighty hold on the mind of woman. Another woman who, in Boston at this time, did an enormous amount to quicken the intel- lectual life of the town was Margaret's staunch supporter, Elizabeth Peabody — the "Grand- mother of Boston," as she came years later to be fondly called. Miss Peabody was Margaret's senior by some six years and the path she had gone was no doubt something of a guide to the younger woman. Like almost every serious- minded girl of her day, Elizabeth Peabody had heard the call to teach. In an unpublished let- ter to Sarah Josepha Hale, dated on Miss Pea- body's seventy-fourth birthday, the writer recently came across this amusing bit of reminiscence: "The education of the young American," Miss Peabody told Mrs. Hale,"from the beginning was presented to my ch ildish imag- ination by my mother when I was so young that, mistaking the word ancestors for Ann-sisters, I got an impression that I never have quite lost that women were the originators of the Amer- ican nation and responsible for its education." Of course she went early to teaching. Her most interesting experiment at the start was assisting Bronson Alcott in the Concord under- taking described in his "Records of a School." In 1836, in Salem, Miss Peabody opened classes for women in literature and histor>-, forerunners of Margaret Fuller's Conversations in Boston. A little later she made a venture which, as long as it lasted, gave to Boston a unique intellectual center, and that was estab- hshing a shop where she handled French and German books. In connection with this shop she did considerable publishing. The place became at once a center of conversational if not of commercial activity. The fine and seri- ous mind, the splendid personality of the pro- prietor drew to her room the Concord lights: Emerson, Hawthorne, Alcott and all the Brook Farm and Harvard crowd; women flocked there, particularly idolizing school girls. Miss Cheney speaks of the shop as a "kind of Tran- scendental Exchange." This, at least, is certain: 666 The American Magazine for ten years it was there one heard as good talk as could be heard in town. Unfortunately the undertaking was a failure commercially. A combination of book publishers to put her out of business is usually stated as the reason, but one can read between the lines of her story another explanation which must have had something to do with it, and that was that Miss Peabody was much more deeply interested in the ideas in her books than in their sale. It was but an episode in a career destined to bring into American educational life fresh knowledge and fresh stimulus, for it was through Elizabeth Peabody that Froebel and the kindergarten first became known in the United States — a story which belongs to a later chapter of this narrative. If it is impossible to find in any other Ameri- can town two women exactly like Margaret Fuller and Elizabeth Peabody, it is not difficult to find everywhere women of the same quality of intelligence, the same eagerness for knowl- edge and the same zeal in acquiring and spread- ing it. The quickening of the mind of their sex was what they sought. But they were neither pioneers nor exceptions, except in degree. An amazing amount of intellectual work of one kind or another, aside from the educational and reform work on which we have touched in the previous chapters, was going on. If one will run over the files of the North American Review from 1840 to i860, he will find that there is not a volume which does not give some space to the consideration of t^ooks by women. In poetry and romance they were particularly produc- tive. There are many writers seriously consid- ered that are now forgotten, but there are names which never will be forgotten and sev- eral whose works must remain among the be.st documents of the life of the times we have, as, for example, Mrs. Kirkland's sketches of Michigan Territory life, fresh, sparkling, wise and kind; Mrs. EUet's "Women of the Revo- lution," material gathered with what the Re- view calls a "patience which deserved to be called pious," and much of which would have been lost if it had not been for her zeal and per- sistence, and of course that book of all time, "Uncle Tom's Cabin." Not only were Ameri- can women doing a great deal of good writing — as much, if not more, I am inclined to think, all things considered, than they are doing now — but they were proving themselves successful editors. In Boston, Margaret Fuller's work from 1840 to 1844 on the Dial is familiar, but an even more difficult task was well performed from 1843 to 1848 by Cornelia Wells Walter, who then took entire editorial charge of the Boston Daily Evening Transcript. Many women who suc- ceeded with books were called to editorial tasks: as Greeley called Lydia Maria Child to the Tribune; as Mrs. Kirkland was called to Philadelphia in 1848 to take the editorship of Sartain's Magazine. If one seeks a fair and trustworthy expression of the interests, the ambitions and the attitude of mind of the average American woman at this time — the women of whom the above were the leaders — he cannot do better than to study one of these editors, Sarah Josepha Hale, the same Mrs. Hale whose efforts for Bunker Hill Monu- ment have already been referred to. Mrs. Hale came into her position as editor of the leading woman's journal of the day by a path she blazed for herself. She had received the fine home training which the early New England fathers and mothers gave their daugh- ters, and in 1813 had married, a man of superior intelligence. Throughout their married life the two made it a rule to carry on a systematic course of reading and study. But their life to- gether lasted only some eight years, and Mrs. Hale found herself without means and with five children to educate. Untrained as she was, she immediately determined to utilize her knowledge of books and a certain happy facility in versification. Poems which she had written in happier days she collected into a subscription edition and sent out with a pathetic little circular, stating that it was not vanity or the desire of fame which compelled her to rush into print, but only the necessity of earning money for her children. The poems were followed by her first novel, "Northwood," a story of the North and South, famous in its day. Twenty- five years after its first appearance, in 1852, Mrs. Hale got out a new edition of "North- wood," in the preface of which she said the book had been written with her babe, born after its father's death, in her arms, not for fame, but to support her children. Attracted by "North- wood," certain gentlemen of Boston asked her to undertake the editorship of a magazine which they wished to start. The Ladies' Magazine, to be devoted exclusively to the interests of women. Novel as the offer must have been to a woman in 1827, Mrs. Hale did not hesitate. The Ladies' Magazine, which the announcement declared to be devoted to "female education and the moral improvement of society," was an immediate success, but the editor-in-chief, although she seems to have written herself almost half of the contents of every number, was not satisfied with this means of expression. Volume after \'olume of "Juvenile Miscellany," of "Tokens," "Keep- sakes," "Annuals," written wholly or in part by Mrs. Hale, appeared. It was in one of these The American Woman: Ida M. Tarbell 667 volumes, dedicated "To All Good Children in the United States," and published in 1830, that the classic, "Mary Had a Little Lamb;" is to be found. The success of Mrs. Hale in The Ladies^ Magazine attracted the attention of Louis A. Godey of Philadelphia, who conceived the idea of buying out the journal, and jNIrs. Hale with it, and annexing both to the Lady's Book of his own town. In 1837 he succeeded in the under- taking and Godey's Lady's Book with Mrs. Hale as editor began its career. This famous journal, which only flickered out a few years ago, was founded on the principle that an editor should give the public he aims to reach what it believes and wants; that, above all, he should never shock it. Mr. Godey believed that no- body in the United States understood the ideals and interests of the average well-to-do Ameri- can woman as Mrs. Hale did, and he was right. In the iirst place, Mrs. Hale was a woman who found the key to life in the interpretation of the Bible which then prevailed and in this she had the American women with her. They got from the church the reason of things as they found them — the reason for their submission to mas- culine authority — the explanation of their place in society, their program of activities. From it they got, too, their vision. As a rule, they took the teachings quite literally and devoutly. They were not sticklers for creed. Men might spend their days in fighting over immersion and pre- destination, and the meaning of the six days of creation, etc., etc., but it was the practical and social activities which engrossed them : raising money for church extension, feeding the poor, getting up dpnations for the preacher, packing boxes for frontier teachers, helping support a missionary, teaching in Sunday School. These were the best ways they saw for making their own little worlds better and happier, and always and forever that is what the mass of women are trying to do. Mrs. Hale always edited and wrote in entire sympathy with this interpretation of Christian duty. Another stronghold of Mrs. Hale's was her belief in gentility. That beautiful tradition then ruled among American women. True, it went to funny, even sinful extremes. They ran from the prim notions of propriety illustrated by the tale of a famous New England spinster, Marm Betty; the tragedy of whose life was that Governor Brooks had once seen her drinking out of the spout of her tea-kettle, to the sinful modesty of a woman like Susan B. Anthony's mother who, before the advent of her children, hid herself from everybody, never mentioning the coming of the little one to even her own mother. In its reasonable interpretation gen- tility meant gentleness, self-restraint, unself- ishness, courtesy, and these were the ambitions of the American mother for her girls — the mark of the lady, the tests of birth and breed- ing and that gentility was sadly mixed with eva- sions of the facts of life was its weakness, the defect of its quality. On this foundation of religion and gentility, Mrs. Hale built Godey's. As in her first ven- ture, "female education and the moral im- provement of society" was her most cherished object — but she did not insist on these aims to the detriment of the popularity of the journal. It is interesting to examine the files of Godey's to see how constantly Mrs. Hale limbered up, trying to meet the demands of the day. It was something of a wrench for her at first to add fashions to her highly moral journal, but she applied the same seriousness and intelligence to them that she did to the rest of her depart- ments. It was Mrs. Hale who made the inter- esting attempt to Americanize French fashions. " Godey's Americanized French Fashion- plates" are one of the most successul efforts to influence the dress of women ever made in this country. Her activities outside of the regular work of the journal were endless. It is un- doubtedly to Mrs. Hale that we owe the fact that we have a national Thanksgiving Day. She first suggested this in 1846 in Godey's, and for years regularly every fall she sent out to the governors of all the States her appeal that they choose the last Thursday of November for the celebration. She persistently appealed to Congress and to various eminent men to make the day national, and finally in 1863, for the first time, Mr. Lincoln proclaimed a national Thanksgiving Day. Another campaign Mrs. Hale carried on with great persistency was substituting the word "woman" for "female." In her early days the latter word was used almost entirely, but, largely due to her persistent cor- respondence and agitation through the Lady's Book,tht use was discontinued. She was greatly interested in the medical education of women, particularly for women .who might be going out as missionaries, and in order to spread the idea she carried on an extensive correspondence with the bishops of the church. Much of her editorial correspondence in the earlier years of Godey's is stiU preserved by her granddaughter, Miss Mary Stockton Hunter of Philadelphia, who courteously has allowed the writer to examine it. It shows not only her zeal in trying to get the best work for her jour- nal, but the respect and friendliness which the best men of the time had for her. Poe was not 668 The American Magazine an unfrequent contributor to the Lady's Book and wrote her most appreciative letters. He liked her verse and was especially compli- mentary about her romance in rhyme, "Alice Ray." Oliver Wendell Holmes, who had been a fellow boarder of Mrs. Hale in the years when she was editing The Ladies' Magazine in Bos- ton, wrote her in one letter, apropos of her own work, "Your perseverance and spirit in literary labor fill me with admiration. How much you have done, and always with a high and pure aim." But though Holmes' letters are always most friendly, I find only refusals to write for the Lady's Book. In one letter dated March 4, 1847, he tells her, in excusing himself: "I do not really think it worth while to count me as one of the regular army of literateurs. I claim to be only a volunteer. I rarely write. I often refuse entirely to print what I have written, and when I do, I always have to look over my proofs twice that no nonsense but my own may get into them. In short, I am one of the class of impracticables, a worthless set who cost a great deal in postage, and, like the famous trout that Mr. Sullivan used to tell of, take more butter to cook them than they are worth." The success of Godey's Lady's Book is one of the wonder tales of American journalism. It reached the phenomenal circulation at one time before the war of 150,000 copies, and it was commonly said that no lady would think her drawing-room table furnished without it. Now, how did the Woman's Rights move- ment impress the ladies who read Godey's? After Mrs. Hale's death in 1879 a society of which she had been long a member passed this resolution: "Resolved, that we admire and would emu- late the noble industry that made her work of more than seventy-'five years a molding ele- ment in the character of the women of our country — that while guarding with jealous care women's real rights and highest culture she so mingled in her daily life and writings the spirit of progress with true conservatism that she never compromised true womanly nature." In that paragraph one has the principle stated in the fashion of the day, on which thousands of American women were acting in the '40's and the 'so's: "The spirit of prog- ress," without compromising "true womanly nature." The conviction that the Woman's Rights movement somehow, few of them could have explained how, violated this rule, that kept a great body of women out of the movement — the fear that they were going to lose something of their womanliness. Even staunch support- ers of the movement shared this fear. Mrs. Blackwell herself has told the writer with what critical eyes she watched herself and friends to see if they were deteriorating in womanly char- acter and gentleness and how she finally de- cided that if that were the price, she must pay it. A powerful influence against their acceptance of the new views was their belief in the inter- pretation long given to what the Bible has to say about women. The old literal teachings caused them all more or less struggle. Mrs. Hale felt keenly the need of squaring up those features of the movement for emancipation which she had accepted, with Biblical teachings, and worked out one of the most ingenious arguments produced for this purpose. This is found in the preface to what she always consid- ered her magnum opus — the "Woman's Rec- ord " — a work in which she undertook to show by sketches of all the women of achievements in all times, where women excelled, where they failed, and where they could best direct their efforts. Upward of eight hundred women, ancient and modern, are sketched in the work — but not merely sketched, each has to stand Mrs. Hale's measuring rod. In her preface she lays down her position as to woman's place in the world — basing it on the Scriptures. Ac- cording to her interpretation woman is the superior of man, was intended so to be by the Creator. She argues that the first chapter of Genesis shows that there was a care and prep- aration in forming woman which was not be- stowed on man. Moreover, she was "the last work of creation" — "the crown of all" — and the theory of evolution shows that the last is best! She argues that St. Paul meant to teach the superiority of women when he ordered that she remain covered and man uncqvered in the churches. "Is it not the privilege of the super- ior to remain covered in the presence of the inferior ? " she asks triumphantly. In the affair of the apple she finds that while the man fell utterly woman did not. She con- fessed and took her punishment meekly, but Adam threw the blame on her and, "like a felon he was condemned to hard labor for life on the ground cursed for his sake." Eve was to sufifer for her children and be subject fo her husband, but she was not "cast down by fall — like man." " To her was confided by the Creator's express declaration the mission of disinterested affection — her 'desire' was to be to her husband," but not for his pleasure, for his elevation. And from this argument she concludes that "Woman is God's appointed agent of morality." Anything that leads her away from this mission, that leads her to aspire to intellectual, professional or industrial equality with man is to obscure her real and higher calling — to weaken her powers and to debase rather than elevate her. The American Woman: Ida M. Tarbell 669. And there is no manner of doubt but that this argument or a variation of it worked powerfully with a vast body of women — and for that mat- ter does still. But aside from the general fear that in some way their gentility and their womanliness would be broken down by the new ideas — aside from their inability to accept any view which seemed to be in opposition to Biblical teachings, the most powerful of all things against the movement in the writer's Judgment was a fun- damental conviction of the worth-whUeness of the woman's life. To bear and to rear, to feel the dependence, of man and child — the necessity for themselves — to know that upon them depended the health, the character, the happiness, the future of cer- tain human beings — to see themselves laying and preserving the foundations of so imposing a thing as a family — to build so that this family should become a strong stone in the state — to feel themselves through this family perpetuating and perfecting church, society, republic — this was their destiny — this was worth while. They might not have been able to state it, but all their instincts and experiences convinced them of the supreme and eternal value of their place in the world. They dared not tamper with it. Their opposition, badly and even cruelly expressed, had at bottom, as an opposition always has, the principle of preservation. It was not bigotry or vanity or a petty notion of their own spheres which kept the majority of the women of the '40's from lending themselves to the Woman's Rights movement. It was a fear to destroy a greater thing which they possessed. The fear of change is not an irrational thing — the fear of change is founded on the risk of losing what you have, on the certainty of losing much temporarily at least. It sees the cost, the ugly and long period of transition. Moreover, respect for your calling brings patience with its burden and its limitations. The changes they might desire they would only work for conservatively if at all. They might deplore the laws that gave a man the power to beat his wife — but as a matter of fact few men did beat their wives and popular opinion was a powerful weapon. They might deplore the laws of property — but few of them were deeply touched by them. The husband, the child, the home, the social circle, the church, these things were infinitely more interesting and important to them than diplomas, rights to work, rights to property, rights to vote. All the sentiments in the revolting women's program seemed trivial, cold, profitless beside the realities of life as they dreamed it and struggled to realize it. It was the woman's life which barred the way most effectually to the growth of the cause of Woman's Rights. But this did not mean that these women who held back were incapable of being swept into a great national movement if some impelling need stirred their hearts — that they could not put aside home and child and husband — give themselves and all they had if the call should come. They were to be put to the test at the moment when the advocates of Women's Rights were most bitter against what they felt to be their narrowness and selfishness, and their response makes one of the noblest chapters in the history of American womanhood. SIMON THE JESTER BY WILLIAM J. LOCKE AUTHOR OF "SEPTIMUS," ETC. ILLUSTRATIONS BY JAMES MONTGOMERY KLAGG SYNOPSIS : Simon de Gex, M. P. has been advised by his physicians that he has but a few more months to live. He therefore resigns his seat in Parliament and decides to spend what time is still left to him in doing good and in helping others. His secretary, Dale Kynnersley, has become enamored with Lola Brandt, a lady well known as the owner and exhibitor of a performing horse, Sultan, who has previously been rn^fe- riously poisoned. Simon, in an effort to free his prot^g^ from the toils of his enchantress, offers Dale hfe own seat in Parliament, and persuades Lola Brandt to agree to return to her husband, Captain Vauvenardfe of theJ French Army, who has previously deserted her, provided he can be found and is willing to resume his re/ lations with his wife. Professor Anastasius Papadopoulos, a dwarf and a trainer of cats and die devota friend of Lola, volunteers to find Captain Vajlvenarde, and Simon, who has become more and more intere^d in Lola, also undertakes the quest, as hjs wiysicians have ordered him to the Mediterranean In Al^rs, Simon and Anastasius Papadopoulos mn across each other, and in the last chapter the dwarf pers/ades Simon to accompany him on A i*rsterious but "perilous adventure" and has nam^ a cafe as a nfnd^vous,. whither Simon is now bound. CHAPTER XII THE tram that parses Ahe hotel gates took me into tire town and dropped me at the Pla/e dur Gouverneijient. With its stmngef fusion of East and West, its great, /whife-domed mosque flanked by the tall minanet contrasting with its formal French Jcolonnaded fafades, its groupings of majestfc wMite-robed forms and commonplace figUMS ij? caps and hard felt hats, the mysterw of As palm trees and the crudity of its flying/electric lights, it gave an impression of/unr/ality, of a modem con- tractor's idea m Fspryland, where anything grotesque migh/ asaime an air of normality. The moon shoae fi/l in the heavens, and as I crossed the PlAce I saw the equestrian statue of the Duke of Omeans silhouetted against the mosque. Tlye pyrt, to the east, was quiet at this hour, and tip shipping lay dreamih&in the moonlight. 'Faraway one could see thW.iHi out- lines of the Kebyle Mountains and the vague melting of sea and sky into a near horizon. The undefinable smell of the East was in the air. The Cafe de Bordeaux, which forms an angle of the Place, blazed in front of me. A few hardy souls, a Zouave or two, an Arab, a bored 670 Englishman and his wif/and sonafe French in- habitants were sitting ouftside in the chilliness. I entered. The cafd wa/fiUed witn a nondescript crowd and the rattl/of domipoes rose above the hum of talk. In a corn* near the door I discovered the top /f a silk h/t projecting above a widely opened/newspaoEr grasped by two pudgy hands, anfi I recodiized the Professor. "Monsieitf,"/said he,ywhen I had taken a seat at his tabl/ "if the janknown terrors which you are going p confronft dismay you, I beg that you will not/considey yourself bound to me." "My dea/ Profesafcr," I replied, "a brave rtmn only tastes of death but once." H*was/much dfelighted at the sentiment, whiclijhe took to h|e original. "I shaA quote/t," said he, "whenever my honor oh my coj(rage is called into question. It is nol/ often that a man has the temerit\- to do so. iCan I have the honor of ofiering you a whiskey and soda?" "Have we time?" I asked. "We have time," he said, solemnly consult- ing his watch. "Things will ripen." "Then," said I, "I shall have much pleasure in drinking to their maturity." i It