-•'/v/AGKiCA^f '^ ajarnell Mmoeraita ffiibrarg Uttiata, JSem fork WORDSWORTH COLLECTION CYNTHIA MORGAN ST. JOHN ITHACA. N. Y. I Cornell University P Library The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924104091693 @^- !^-g^g^l <^3 Artists and Sculptors. '^® Turner Ingres. Reynolds. Canova. Watteau. Thorwaldser Hogarth. Millet. Bastien- Lepage. Standard Biooraphies LIGHTS OF TWO CENTURIES EDITED BY EDWARD EVERETT HALE ILLUSTRATED WITH FIFTY PORTRAITS NEW YORK • : • CINCINNATI • : • CHICAGO , A-MHRICAN BOOK COIvlPANY K(r^o^n Copyright, 1887, by A. S. BAENES & COMPANY Ipcinteb b:s . S. 36arnc3 & Company mew JBorft, 11. S. a. PREFACE rr^HE selection of the names of the master-minds of -*~ the last two centuries in the world's progress, is in itself a task of no small difficulty. Many of the noble workers whose objects have been the enlightenment and the happiness of the human race have been so bound together in their labors that they have in a measure ceased to exist as individuals. All the honors that were theirs have been merged in the common stock of praise due to their profession. Any great movement either seeks its leaders, or is itself caused by the energy and determination of one or more master spirits ; and it is to those master spirits that posterity joins in doing honor. If in these pages the reader fails to find the name of some favorite writer, composer, artist, or inventor, let him feel sure that the omission was made with reluctance on the part of the editors of this book. For example, we all know the great influence of Italy upon the musical standards of to-day ; but that influence belongs rather to a school of composers than to individuals. So that while no names have been made prominent, the excellence of Italian music and its world-wide influence have received re- peated acknowledgment. IV PEEFACE. The demand for books upon special subjects is too well known to need statement. Many times have we found ourselves hampered by want of information such as is contained in the following pages. At first, it was proposed to give a brief sketch of all the great names in literature and art ; but such a work proved impracti- cable ; and it was decided to cull out only such names as might be considered representative in their nature. The lives and works of master-minds are of an edu- cational value, and it is especially for those devoted to the great cause of education that this book has been prepared. At the same time, we trust that the general reader may find it possible to glean valuable informa- tion from its pages. TABLE OF CONTENTS, ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS, PAGE Watteau 1 Hogarth 13 Beynolds 25 Canova ..... 39 Thoewaldsen 51 TUENEE . ■ 65 Ingees 79 Baeye 93 Millet 107 Bastien-Lepage .123 PROSE WRITERS. Swift 135 Addison 149 voltaiee 161 Johnson 175 Rousseau 189 Scott 205 Caelyle ..... 217 Macaulay 231 Emeeson 245 Thackeray ...... 257 Dickens . 269 COMPOSERS. Bach 281 Handel 293 Haydn 305 VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE MOZAHT 319 Beethoven ....... 329 Schubert 343 Mendelssohn ........... 353 Chopin 365 Schumann ..... 377 Wagner 387 POETS. Pope ... 399 Q-oethe 411 Burns 421 Schiller 435 ^'Wordsworth 449 Byron 461 Hugo 473 Longfellow 485 Tennyson 495 Browning 505 I N VENTORS. Arkwright .... 515 Watt 525 The Montgolfiers 537 Fulton 549 Whitney 559 Stephenson . 569 Bessemer 577 Edison 537 Bell . 597 WATTKAU. 1684-1721. TEA^ ANTOINE WATTEAU (zhon 6ng twan' vat to') ^J was the first and greatest of the French painters of tiie eighteenth century. He originated a style of painting entirely his own. Before his day the French artists in vogue were painters of enormous and stately historical subjects, which the taste of to-day finds somewhat dreary ; or else they painted equally stately portraits of noblemen and gentlemen, splendid in curling wigs, and full of what used to be called the grand air. Watteau never seems to have occupied himself about grandeur at all ; the young people he paints, singing and dancing under the tall dark trees on bright summer afternoons, have nothing better to think about than youth and love and gayety ; they are living in a fairy-land of their own, and are too happy to be classical, like the heroes and heroines of Le Brun (leh brung) and Rigaucl (re goO. The painters Wat- teau loved to study were not the men whom Paris most admired in his time ; he liked better to shut himself up with a fine collection of the great masters than to join in the attempts of the day in a direction which must have been indifferent to him. He was much admired by his contemporaries, but with an admiration which had a trifle of contempt in it ; to-day his is the only name among the artists of the day which most of us remem- ber, and the only one which has any pretensions to a place among the great painters of the world. 2 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. He was born in 1684, in Vaienciennes (va long se en').* The town had only been French since Louis XIV., in person, had besieged it and talien it in 1677. Y\^e must therefore remember that Antoine Watteau, though born a Frenchman, was of that Flemish blood which has given the world so many great painters, and that he was much more a countryman of Van Byck (van ik'), Rubens (rc5o'- benz), and Vandyck (van dik') than of Le Brun or Le Sueur (leh su xxr'). Fine Flemish pictures were owned in Valenciennes, and much was to be seen there which must have delighted an artist ; for the Flemish towns were then constantly, as they are still, celebrating festivals of all kinds, which Rubens painted in his day, and Watteau, after a different fashion, not so very long afterward. His father was a slater and tiler ; he had considerable contracts for work, and seems to have been well off. A story is told — we hope it is true — that when Antoine was a boy of sixteen, he was never tired of watching the strolling players and mountebanks on an open space in front of his father's house ; that when they were gone, he used to draw them on the broad margins of his father's copy of the " Lives of the Saints " ; and that old Monsieur (mo seer') Watteau, struck by his fondness for this re- ligious work, thought he intended to become a monk. * No comments on tlie life of Watteau can be more interesting tlian extracts from Mr. Walter Pater's sketch, called " A Prince of Court Painters," lately pub- lished in Macmillan's Magazine, from which many of our notes on Watteau are extracted. It is supposed to be made up of extracts from the journal of a sister of that other Pater who was Watteau's pupil : "Valenciennes, September, 1701. "They have been renovating my father's large work-room. That delightful, tumble-down old place has lost its moss-grown tiles and the green weather-stains we have known all our lives on the high whitewashed wall, opposite which we sit, in the little sculptor's yard, for the coolness, in the summer-time. Among old Watteau's work-people came his son, ' the genius,' my father's godson and name- sake, a dark-haired youth, whose large, unquiet eyes seemed perpetually wander- ing to the various drawings which lie exposed here. My father will have it that lie is a genius indeed, and a painter bom." WATTEAU. 6 "When, however," says Mr. Mollett (moi'let), in his valu- able "Life of Watteau," "he discovered the illustrations that Antoine had made in his book, he took them at once to a local painter, who found in them so much merit that he immediately asked to be allowed to instruct the boy in the principles of his art." * Whether this were the case or not, it seems very prob- able that Antoine did receive some artistic education in Valenciennes. His family was intimate with that of Pater, the engraver. His cousin, Julien (zhu le ang') Wat- teau, was a historical painter. Antoine's master was a certain Gerin (zhu rang'), of considerable local reputation. On his death, Watteau, then eighteen years old, went to Paris. He appears to have gone there with a scene-painter, who was employed on the decorations of the Opera House, and to have worked under him.f The Opera was at that * We iLavehad our September fair in the G-rande Place (j}rong pltis), a wonder- ful stir of sound and color in the wide open space heneath our windows. And just where the crowd was busiest, young Antony was found, hoisted into one of those empty niches of the old Hotel de Ville {i;el), sketching the scene to the life, but with a kind of grace (a marvelous tact of omission, as my father pointed out to us, in dealing with the vulgar reality seen from one's own window) which has made trite old Harlequin, Clown, and Columbine seem like people in some fairy- land ; or like infinitely clever tragic actors, who, for the humor of the thing, have put on motley for once, and are able to throw a world of serious innuendo into their burlesque looks, with a sort of comedy which shall be but tragedy seen from the other side. He brought his sketch to our house to-day, and I was present when my father questioned him and commended his work. But the lad seemed not greatly pleased, and left untasted the glass of old Malaga (tnal' a go) which was offered to him. His father is a somewhat stern man, and will hear nothing of educating him as a painter. Yet he is not ill-to-do, and has lately built himself a new stone house, big, and gray, and cold. Their old plastered house with the black timbers, in the Rue des Cardinaus (?•« da Mr cH nr/), was prettier, dating from the time of the Spaniards, and one of the oldest in Valenciennes. t December, 1701'.— Antony Watteau left us for Paris this morning. It came upon us quite suddenly. They amuse themselves in Paris. A scene-painter we have here, well known in Flanders, has been engaged to work in one of the Parisian play-houses; and young Watteau, of whom he has some slight knowledge, has departed in his company. He doesn't know it was I who persuaded the scene- painter to take him— that he would find the lad useful. We offered him our little presents— fine thread lace of our own making for his ruffles, and the like— for one 4: ARTISTS AND SCULPTOBS. time much in fashion, and one of his biographers imagines Watteau to have led a gay life there, and to have been much petted and admired. It is certain that, not long after coming to Paris, he was so poor as to engage him- self in a picture factory on the Pont Neuf (pong maf), where small portraits and pictures of saints were turned out in great quantities. A number of painters were em- ployed there ; the work was divided up among them, and one man would paint skies, one heads, and one draperies ; the only quality required was great rapidity. "Watteau," says Mr. MoUett, " was an ' all-round ' genius at this work, and remarkably rapid." He was particularly strong upon Saint Mcholas, who was a very popular saint. " I knew my Saint Nicholas by heart," said he, "and used to do him without the copy." Whenever he had any time, he used to draw from Nature ; and some of his work fell under the eye of Gillot (zhii o'), an artist of some reputa- tion. He invited Watteau to come to live with him ; and this was the end of his life on the Pont Neuf, where he used to earn about three dollars a week. Gillot had drawn and painted bacchanalian scenes, fan- tastical pictures, and fashionable subjects, and was now con- fining himself to subjects from the Italian comedy. " This kind of composition," says M. de Caylus (deh ka lus'), " de- termined [Watteau's] taste entirely, and the pictures of his new master opened his eyes to many points of painting." must make a figure in Paris ; and he is slim and well formed. For myself, I ijre- sented him with a silken purse I had long ago embroidered for another. March, 1713. — We have all been very happy — Jean-Baptiste (ba tist'), as if in a delightful dream. Antony Watteau, being consulted with regard to the lad's training as a painter, has most generously oflfered to receive him for his own pupil. My father, for some reason unknown to me, seemed to hesitate at the first ; but Jean-Baptiste, whose enthusiasm for Antony visibly refines and beautifies his whole nature, has won the necessary permission, and this dear young brother will leave us to-morrow. * * * With how small a part of my whole life shall I he really living at Valenciennes I WATTEAU. 5 He and Grillot were at first intimate ; they are said to have resembled each other closely in character and disposi- tion, and this may have been the reason that they quar- reled and parted. Watteau never wished to be questioned about this friendship and the break which followed it ; if it be true that Grillot had become jealous of his abilities, Watteau's silence may have been caused by a delicacy in speaking of so painful an affair. However this may have been, Gillot gave up painting, in which his pupil had sur- passed him, and devoted himself to engraving and etching. Watteau made the acquaintance, at Gillot's studio, of Lancret (long kra'), who followed him when he left it, and whom he advised "to form himself on nature herself, as he had done." "Lancret was entirely formed," Goncourt (gong kc5or') says, " by the study of Watteau's manner and by his conversation ; but his work lacks the beauty and distinction of his master's." Watteau now went to live with Claude Audran (kia^A^d o drongO, the concierge (kon sarj') or guardian of the pal- ace of the Luxembourg (luks ong bc5or'). Audran was one of a large family of painters and engravers, and he occu- pied himself in painting light and graceful Arabesque (ar' a taesk) decorations, in this and several others of the palaces. Watteau worked with him, and inserted small figures in his designs ; the experience in decoration was probably valuable to him, but the real advantages he de- rived from living at the Luxembourg, were his opportuni- ties for study in the Rubens Gallery, and in the beautiful gardens of the palace. The series of pictures which Rubens painted for Marie de Medicis (ma re' deh nied'e chee), and which are now in the Louvre (ic5o'vr), had a strong influence upon the young Flemish painter ; and the Luxembourg gar- dens are still so beautiful, that we can form some idea of 6 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. what they must have been when they were " wilder than those of the other royal houses." "It is here, * * *" says Mr. Mollett, " and in the gardens of M. Crozat (kro za'), at Montmorency (mong mo rong se'), that we must look for the earliest inspiration of Watteau's idealized landscape." He became impatient, after a time, of working for some one else, and "ventured upon a genre (zhong'r) picture, which represents a departure of troops, and which he painted in his leisure moments. He showed it to the Sieur (se ur') Audran, to ask his opinion of it. The Sieur Audran, a clever man, and able to judge of a fine thing, was startled by the merit he saw in this picture," but fearing to lose Watteau, advised him not to waste his time in that way. Watteau had made up his mind to leave him ; he wanted to go to see his parents at Valenciennes ; and chance led him to sell his picture for sixty livres to a cer- tain Monsieiir Serois (ser ^va'), the father-in-law of Gervaint (zher vang'), to whom we owe a life of Watteau. The painter went off with the money, a ridiculously small sum. He was always indifferent to money, and had a very low idea of the value of his work ; he was an easy man to cheat, and many people cheated him. Thei'e is a story that he was once so delighted with a wig which a barber made for him, — it seemed to him so exactly like nature, — that he gave the man two beautiful little pictures for it, and con- templated painting him another. Everybody wore long curly wigs in those days ; this one, says Caylus, had nothing to recommend it. "I can see it now," he says, "in all its length and all its flatness." Probably this flat- ness was exactly what pleased the naturalistic painter. He did not stay long at Valenciennes. Even his going there at this time is imcertain. He probably, like all young painters who have studied at Paris, wanted to go WATTEAU. back there. He soon afterward applied for the Prix de Rome (pree deh rom), or Prize of Rome, which then and now entitles the winner to a stay of several years at Rome at the expense of the government. Like many a good painter after him, he took the second prize, and not the first ; but he did not give up the idea of going to Rome, and worked on, probably for three more years, and possi- bly partly at Valenciennes, — in Paris, — we do not know where or how, — with that end in view. At last he was ready to show his work to the Acad- emy once more. He went there, Avithout friends or backers, and put two of his pictures in a hall where the members often passed. Every one admired them ; they were so vigorous in color and so harmonious, that they were thought to be by some old master ; and De la Fosse (deh la fos'), a celebrated painter of the time, was amazed to hear that they were by a young man who was trying for the Prix de Rome. He sent for Watteau, who modestly explained his wishes. "My friend," said De la Posse, kindly, " you do not know your own talents, and you dis- trust your strength ; believe me, you know more about it all than we do. We think you may be an honor to our Academy" (as a member of it); "take the necessary steps ; we regard you as one of us." The Academy was of De la Fosse's opinion ; but Watteau did not formally enter it, apparently, till some years later, as his admission- picture was not finished till that time. Directly after his election, he seems to have entered upon a time of great success ; he had more orders than he could fill ; but the delight other people took in his charming new manner of painting gave him very little pleasure ; he was a man with an endless capacity for being bored, and he was endlessly persecuted by con- ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. noisseurs (kon nls sc5ors') and dealers. He occasionally re- venged himself by painting these people as they appeared to him, but in the long run, they wearied him so that he sometimes wanted to drop every thing. The beauty of his work was no consolation to him either, for he was never contented with it ; he was, probably, deeply dissatisfied with his artistic education, and had built upon that jour- ney to Italy, which he was never to take. What did console him, and what he enjoyed more than any thing else, was to go off, — alone or with a friend or two, — to some quiet studio, where nobody could get at him, and there to draw or paint from the life. He had a collec- tion of dresses which he made his models wear, — he never used a lay figure, — and then he would make end- less drawings, without any particular object, taking the simplest and most natural action he could get. Much as he loved to paint, drawing had an especial attraction for him ; and it is easy to believe this, when we look at his astonishing drawings in the Louvre, where charm and vivacity make up for the want of his magical color. He used to make these drawings in a book, which, we are told, he looked over for suitable figures, when he had a picture to paint. He was visually guided in the arrange- ment of his groups by his idea of the landscape back- ground.* This is one of the most remarkable statements in Watteau's biography ; for, until the present day, most * June, niU.—'H.e lias completed the ovals— the four seasons. Oh 1 the summer- like grace, the freedom and softness of the summer,— a hay-fleld such as we visited to-day, but boundless, and with touches of level Italian architecture in the hot, white, elusive distance, and wreaths of flowers, fairy hay-rakes and the like, sus- pended from tree to tree, with that wonderful lightness which is one of the charms of his work. I can understand through this, at last, what it is he enjoys, what he selects hy preference from all that various world we pass our lives in. 1 am struck by the purity of the room he has refurnished for us— a sort of rrwral purity; yet in the forms and colors of things. WATTEAU. 9 figure painters have made their landscapes entirely acces- sory to their figures, and it is only recently that impor- tant figures have been treated from a point of view of a landscapist. He was careless, we are told, about his manual prac- tice, — his biographer laments his rarely taking the trouble to clean his palette, and his allowing his oil-pot to get full of dust and dirt. It is easy to fancy that he disliked remonstrances on these subjects as much as on his busi- ness affairs, and on a certain restlessness which seldom allowed him to remain long in one place. When the . Count de Caylus was venturing to talk to him about all this, and about the duty of his assuring his position, Watteau observed, after thanking him for his kindness, " If worst comes to worst, can't I go to the hospital ? They don't refuse anybody there." He lived in various places far more agreeable, but did not stay long in any of them. He took refuge from the bores, for a time, in the beautiful house of M. Crozat, near the Rue Richelieu (ru resh le uh'). One reason for his going there was M. Crozat's beautiful collection of draw- ings, which were of great value to him ; he was particu- larly fond of the sketches of Rubens and Vandyck. He used to take great pleasure in finishing, in a few brilliant strokes, copies which his friends used to bring him from the drawings of the Flemish masters and of the Italian landscapists. These studies may have been one reason for his own fondness for drawing, and his stay at M. Crozat's is thought to have had an excellent effect upon his style. He left the beautiful house after a time, — he seems to have longed to go where nobody could find out where he was, — and afterward lived in various different places. It would be wrong, however, to think that he had no friends 10 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. for whom he cared ; he was intimate with M. de Julienne (zhu le en'), an enlightened lover of art, and spent much time, apparently, with him and his family. Glersaint and the Counc de Caylus represent themselves as having been intimate with him, but MoUett thinks that this intimacy may not have been entirely a blessing to Watteau. What strikes a reader of his life very strangely, is the thought that, after his early life, he seems to have had no per- sonal connection with any of the gay scenes he painted, and that the Painter of Fetes Galants (fat ga long'), as the Academy list calls him, was one of the shyest and most melancholy of men. He went to London, as French painters of his time often did, in 1719 ; he worked hard there, and was well paid. But the climate was bad for him ; his health seems to have always been delicate ; and he came back to France about a year after, suffering from the consumption, which was soon to cause his death. There is some probability of his having made a visit, at Va- lenciennes on his way home, and painting some portraits there. But he was not to do much more painting. A beautiful sign for his old friend Gersaint, and a por- trait of the Venetian pastellist, Rosalba (pos al'ba) Carriera (ka re a'ra), occiipied him soon after his return to Paris, but not long afterward we hear of his being sick at Nogent (no zhong'), just outside Paris. He had hoped to go back to Valenciennes, but it was too late. Much as he suffered, he worked hard painting, and teaching his pupil Pater,* whom he had dismissed some time before. ber, J724.— Through, the driving rain, a coach, rattling across the place^ stops at our door ; and, in a moment, .Tean-Baptiste is with us once again ; but with bitter tears in his eyes ; dismissed ! June, 1718 [a misdate, according to our chronology] .—And he was allowed that Mademoiselle Eosalba— c« bel esprit (si bel espr?')— who can discourse upon the arts WATTEAU. 11 As death approached, his scrupiilous conscience suggested that he had done him injustice, and perhaps even, as , Gersaint says, that he had feared him as a rival. He worked hard at this reparation, — it was only for a month, but Pater said he owed all he knew to that month. Those few weeks came to an end, and Watteau died. He was only thirty-seven years old.* like a master, to paint his portrait— has painted hers in return 1 She holds a lapful of white roses with her two hands. Rosa Alba ! himself has inscribed it ! It will be engraved, to circulate and perpetuate it the better ! July, 1732.— Our incomparable Watteau is no more I Jean Baptiste returned unexpectedly. I heard his hasty footstep on the stairs. We turned together into that room ; and he told Ms story there. Antony Watteau departed suddenly, in the arms of M. Gersaint, on one of the late hot days of July. At the last moment he had been at work upon a cruc-iflx for the good cure (ka ra') of Nogent, liking little the very rude one he possessed. He died with all the sentiments of religion. He has been a sick man all his life. He was always a seeker after something in the world, that is there in no satisfying measure, or not at all.— From Pater^s Prince of Court Painters. * Original Letters of Watteau. To Monsieur Gersaint, Ind. on the Bridge Notre Dame, from Watteau. Saturday. Peiend Geksaint,— Tes, as you wish it, I will go to dine with Antoiue de la Roque {rok) to-morrow, at your house. I mean to go to ten-o'clock Mass at St. Q-er- main de L' Auxerrois {sang zher mdng' deli lo zer rwq' ) ; and I shall certainly get to your house by noon, for I shall have only one visit to make before that, on our friend Molinet (mw le na'), who has had some little fever for the last fortnight. In the meantime, your friend, A. Watteau. To Monsieur de Julienne, from Watteau, by express. From Paris, the 3d of May. Monsieur !— I return you the large first volume of the writings of Leonardo da Vinci (Id o niir'db da rm'chee), and beg you at the same time to receive my sin- cere thanks. As to the manuscript letters of P. Rubens. I will keep them with me still longer, if that is not too disagreeable to you, for I have not yet flnislred the-^i. This pain on the left side of my head has not allowed me to sleep since Tuesday, and Marcotti (war lot' fi) wishes me to take a purge to-morrow morning; he says this very hot weather will be of the greatest assistance to it. You will please me beyond expectation, if you will come to see me before Sunday ; I will show you some trifles, like the Nogent landscapes, which you are rather fond of, because I made the sketches of them before Madame de Julienne, whose hands I kiss very respectfully. I am not doing what I like, because the pierre grise {pi dr' gres) and the pierre de sanguine (song ghen') are very hard just now. I can not get any other. A. Watteau. 12 AKTISTS AND SCULPTORS. To Mr. Monsieur de Julienne, from W. Monsieur I— By the return of Marin (md rang'), who has brought me the veni- son you were so kind as to send me this morning, I send you the Canvas on which I have painted the head of the hoar and the head of the hlack fox, and you wiU he able to send them to M. de Losmernil {Wsnier nel'), for I have done with them for the present. I can not hide it from myself but [that] this great canvas pleases me, and I am waiting for some return of satisfaction from you, and from Madame de JuUenne, who is as extremely fond of this hunting subject as I am. G-ersaint had to bring me the worthy la Serre (sdr) to enlarge the canvas on the right side, where I have put the horses under the trees, for I was embarrassed there since I arranged every thing which was decided upon. I think I shall go on with that side Monday afternoon, for in the morning I occupy myself with sketches, a la sanguine. I beg you not to forget me to Madame de Julienne, whose hands I kiss. A. Watteatj. To M. Mon Sieiir de Julienne. Monsieur !— It has pleased Mon Sieur the AbbS de Noisterre (db ha' deh nwas tar') to send me that picture by P. Rubens, in which there are two heads of angels, and below, on the cloud, that woman's figure plunged in contemplation. Nothing could have made me happier, certainly [even], if I were not persuaded that it is from the friendship he feels for you and for your nephew, that Monsieur de Noisterre deprived himself, in my favor, of such a rare painting as that. Since the moment I received it, I can not rest, and my eyes are never weary of turning toward the desk where I have placed it, as if upon a tabernacle I ! It is hard to persuade one's self that P. Kubens has ever made any thing more finished [achieved] than this picture. You will be so Idnd, Monsieur, as to send my tme thanks to Monsieur I'Abbe de Noisterre, while waiting till I can address them to him myself. I will take the time of the next Orleans {dr la onrf) post to write to him, and to send him the picture of "The Repose of the Holy Pamily," which I mean for him as a mark of gratitude. Your very attached friend and servant, Monsieur, A. "Watteau. Watteau had received httle early education, but he talked well, though httle, read a great deal, — reading, in fact, was his chief amusement, — and had a delicate appreciation of music and of intellectual things. It would not be surprising to find that his love of loneliness, and his apparently melancholy temper, were largely caused by the wish to lead an uninterrupted life of work. An artist's happiness in his work is often unintelligible to outsiders, especially if, as with "Watteau, the pain it brings him be more obvious than the pleasure. His life was singularly pure ; he was high-minded, perhaps too much so to suit his time ; "his address," says M. de Julienne, "was cold and embarrassed, and he had no other fault." His death was a religious one ; he not only tried to repair his injus- tice to Pater, but destroyed some of his work which he thought might do harm ; and this although, De Caylus says, he never painted any objectionable picture,— in which respect he was widely different from the painters who followed him. Watteau painted a few portraits, some allegorical, mythological, and religious pictures, and a few domestic scenes ; but his most characteristic works represented dancers and singers, lovers and nymphs, in silk and rainbow fabrics, under stately trees and in wide sunny landscapes. Some fine examples of his work are to be seen in the Louvre, especially in the Lacaze (la kaz') collection ; but his pictures are dispersed over the world. HOGARTH. 1697-1704. WILLIAM HOaARTH (ho'garth) was born in Lon- don, on the tenth of November, 1697. His father, a North-country school-master, came to London to better himself ; but the literary hack-work he found to do brought in but little, and his "pen," says his son, "did not enable him to do more than put me in the way of shifting for myself." The boy loved all sorts of shows, he says, — there were plenty of them to be seen in Lon- don then, — he had a turn for mimicry, and a stronger turn for drawing. At fifteen or sixteen he was, accord- ingly, apprenticed to a silver-plate engraver, Mr. Ellis Gamble. If young Hogarth had been born in the Paris of that day instead of in London, he would have found plenty of good masters in the art of copper-plate engrav- ing, in which he was to do so much later ; but in Lon- don, it is to be supposed, at least among the London towns'-folk, there were no such families of engravers as the Cochins (ko shang'), where even the wives and mothers could use the burin (bu'rin) ; still less, any great workroom like Lebas' (leh has'), where many a clever young fellow came to learn his trade. At Mr. Gramble's, the tankards and salvers failed to satisfj'' Hogarth, and " engraving on copper," he says, "was, at twenty years of age, my utmost ambition." He knew he could not draw well enough for this. Art schools were but few in London, if, in fact, any existed at the end of Hogarth's apprenticeship ; 14 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. Kneller (nel'er) had one in his own house some years be- fore, and Thornhill had another some years after. How- ever, Hogarth tells us himself that he did not take much advantage of whatever opportunities lie had in this direc- tion. He wanted, be confesses, to find some way of learn- ing which should not too much interfere with bis pleasure ; drawing from life he found too mechanical, copying use- less ; and he, therefore, devoted himself to that X->ractice of drawing from memory which so many artists have followed from Leonardo's (la o nap'doz) time to ours. In this way he Avas able to justify his amusements, which were probably of a rather rough description, by making drawings of them afterward ; and this method of study serves to explain the strange combination of spirit, fire, and effect, with childish impossibility of proportion and drawing, which often strikes us in his work. In 172 0, he seems to have set up for himself as an engraver of arms and shop-bills. This was the year in which Watteau (vat to'), sick and melancholy, left London to go home and die. Hogarth is scarcely likely to have known the great Frenchman, though he may often have seen him in Leicester (les'ter) Fields, where many of his countrymen lived, near Cranbourn alle}", where stood Ho- garth's master's shop and his own. The young designer soon began to make "plates for book-sellers," several of which were caricatures, — a very amusing one being the "Burlesque on Kent's Altar-piece at St. Clement's."* He * We quote Hogarth's engraved description of it : " This Print is exactly engraved after the celehrated Altar-piece in St. Clement's Church, which has been talsen down by order of the Lord Bishop of London, (as 'tis thought,) to prevent Disputes and Laying of wagers among the Parishioners about the Artist's meaning in it, for public Satisfaction here is a pnrticular Explanation of it humbly offered to be writ under the Original, that It may be put up a^ain, by which means the Parish's 60 pounds, which theywisely gave for it, may not be entirely lost. HOGARTH. 15 also made some illustrations to Butler's " Hudibras " (hCi'dl bras), by which, we are told, he "first became known in his profession." He did not confine himself to engrav- ing and illustrating, for, beside painting many portraits and pictures, he had a commission from an' upholsterer for a large design, on canvas, for the "Element of Earth." The patron having been told that Hogarth was "an en- graver and no painter," refused to pay, and Hogarth was obliged to sue in order to get his money, in which he was successful. One of his witnesses was Sir James Thornhill, whose school Hogarth had been attending. He was an artist of considerable reputation, much employed in cover- ing ceilings with the pompous allegories then in fashion ; Hogarth may have been employed by him as an assistant, and certainly had pleased him by various attacks he had made upon Thornhill's enemy, Kent, the unlucky painter of the altar-piece of St. Clement's. But Hogarth did not please Sir James at all by running away with his daughter Jane, a beautiful girl of twenty, whom he married a year after his lawsuit. This was the one romantic event of his life. Soon after his marriage, he began upon the kind of work for which he is most famous. He found that por- trait-painting, conscientiously pursued, was too slow and unprofitable a trade for a m_arried man. " I, therefore," he says, " turned my thoughts to a still more novel " 1st. 'Tis not the Pretender's Wife and Children, as our weak brethren imagine " 3d. Nor St. Cecilia, as the Connoisseurs think, But a Choir of Angels playing in Concert. " A, an organ. | -whether right or left is yet undiscov- " B, an Angel playing on it. | ered. " C, the shortest Joint of the | " G-, a hand Playing on a Lute. Arm. , "H, the other Leg is judiciously "D, the longest Joint. omitted to make room for the Harp. " E, an Angel tuning an Harp. j " I and K, smaller Angels, as ap- "F, the inside of his Leg, but > pears by their Wings." 16 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. mode, viz., painting and engraving modern moral sub- jects, a field not broken up in any country or any age." He, therefore, first painted, and afterward engraved, the six designs of " The Harlot's Progress," a series which, as Mr. Dobson says, " either from the austerity of the moral, or the novelty of the work, gave Hogarth at once a position as a genius." Lady Thornhill and Mrs. Hogarth, when the paintings were finished, managed to place them in Sir James' dining-room ; he eagerly asked the artist's name, and, on learning it, said: "Very well; the man who can furnish representations like these, can also maintain a wife without a portion." A speech which was the precursor of a reconciliation with the Hogarths. When the subscription-book was made out for the plates, more than twelve hundred names went down ; plays were written on the subject, and fans and cups and saucers covered with the designs. The refinement of our time is shocked by the rough openness of these six prints, as by many others of Hogarth's ; it is, in fact, a hard task to look through them ; but the coarseness is that of a man of his time, who hates the sins he draws, and who really hopes that some poor soul may be helped, by his prints, to avoid the pitfalls, of which London was full. If London is a better place now than it was then, something must be due to William Hogarth, among other good men, who loved good and hated evil. The series was pirated ; the courageous little engraver could not bear to be cheated, and managed to obtain a copyright act for the benefit of designers ; a feat of which he was justly proud. He followed up the first series by " The Rake's Progress,"* which tells the history of a spend- * Hogarth himself christened his chief character. In the first plate, " Tom Eakewell " has entered suddenly upon his inheritance ; in a jumble of leases, HOGARTH. 17 thrift dandy, from the first piate, where he enters upon his inheritance, through a decline from frantic fashion, through the worst company to the mad-house. This did not meet, we are told, with the success of the first series, but it is now much better known. bonds, and tlie miscellaneous hoards of avarice, he is being measured for his mourning. Already his attorney plunders him ; and he himself begins badly by casting off the poor girl he was engaged to at Oxford. The next plate (" The Levee ") transforms the clumsy lad to an awkward man of fashion. * * * The " dealers in dark pictures " have equipped him as a con- noisseur,— witness the "Judgment of Paris" on the wall. A much-bewigged musician is trying over " The Eape of the Sabines " at a harpsichord ; a French horn-player preludes noisily upon his instrument. He dabbles in Bridgeman'a landscape gardening ; and maintains one poet, if not two. But the majority of the visitors at his reception are professors of those sterner arts, which no gentleman (in 1735) could be without. He must have his cocks at Newmarket, and his races at Epsom, where " Silly Tom " has won a cup. * * * * He must employ the cut-throat " man-of-honor " who comes recommended by "Wm. Stab." Eoistering "bloods" who finish their revels by broiling a waiter or "pinking" a chairman, sometimes require the aid of henchmen like the Captain, when their humorous exploits fall flat on the spectators. One of these humorous exploits is depicted in Plate HI. He is there seen drunk at a tavern in Drury Lane, at three in the morning, surrounded by the trophies of a street row, largely supplemented by further devastations of the apartment itself. His companions are in scarcely better case. A harper is twanging at the door; a beggar-girl sings the "Black Joke." This is his zenith ; in the next scene, he enters upon his decline. He is ignominiously arrested for debt in St. James street, as he is going to Court in a hired chair, on Queen Caroline's birthday, also St. David's day, as is indicated by a Welshman with an enormous leek in his hat. Some temporary assistance is rendered him by the unfortunate girl of Plate I. ; but it is only temporary, for in the plate that follows, he is repairing his fortunes by an alliance in old Mary- le-bone (mar' e bun) Church, then much used for private marriages, with an elderly heiress. The bride is one-eyed, and tremuloiisly exultant ; the bridegroom non- chalant, and absorbed in the good-looking lady's-maid. The church, which has been recently repaired, is depicted, no doubt, as a fitting frame to the bride, as extremely dilapidated. The Creed has been destroyed by damp ; a crack runs through the Ninth Commandment ; and the poor-box Is covered with a cobweb. Henceforth Tom Eakewell " progresses " at a headlong rate. Plate VI. shows him in a Covent Garden gaming-house. He has lost all his recently acquired wealth ; and flings himself upon the ground in a paroxysm of fury and execra- tion. * * * The next scene is in " The Pleet " ; the last, in " Bedlam." In the one he is a poor and distracted wretch, dunned by the jailer, pestered by the pot- boy, deafened by the rancorous virago, his wife, and crushed by Mr. Manager Rich's letter : " S'. I have read y Play & find it will not doe." In the other, he is an incurable maniac, fettered and dangerous, who tears himself with tha heart-rending laugh of the inB&ne.— Hogarth, by Austin Dobscm. 18 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. Hogarth went on leading the life of a young London tradesman,* and engraving the lively and brutal scenes of his time, treating them with more of what artists call painter's than of draughtsman's qualities. The prints strike us as having much beauty and richness of light and shade, and much skill in the treatment of textures ; they are full of life and expression, and they are by no means all caricature, for there are many charming types of character to be found in them. The artist had made a style of his own, doing with hearty, though rough sincerity, what Greuze (gruz) was to attempt later in a much smoother, though less effective manner, — ex- pressing, that is, a distinct moral by pictorial means. But it would appear that he was not satisfied Avith his success in this direction, and longed to do large historical paint- ing. He, accordingly, painted the " Pool of Bethesda " (bethes'da) and the "Good Samaritan," with figures seven feet high, on the great staircase of Saint Bartholomew's hospital. Hogarth was made a governor of the hospital by way of return for this gift, but the pictures were not a success, in the opinion of his time or of our own. * The following note gives some idea of his amusements : On an evening at the close of May, 1732, it occurred to certain boon com- panions, at the Bedford Arms Tavern, in Covent Q-arden, to improvise an expedi- tion to he entered on forthwith. The travelers were Hogax'th, his brother-in-law, John Thornhill, Scott, the landscape painter, Tothall, a draper in Tavistock street, and Forrest, an attorney. They started, " each with a shirt in his pocket," down the river to Oravesend (rjravz end'). * * * * From G-ravesend they go to Rochester, from Eochester, to Chatham, TJpnor, Hov, and elsewhere ; and their doings find a " faithful chronicler " in Forrest, who sets them down gravely, " as a burlesque on historical writers recording a series of insignificant events wholly uninteresting to the reader." When, after five days' wandering, they returned, the joui-nal was promptly bound, gilt, and lettered, and read out at the Bedford Arms Club for the edification of the members then present. * * * * The drawings are by Hogarth and Scott, the maps by ThornhiU. The title-page runs thus: "An Account ] of what seem'd most Remarkable in the Five Days Perigrination | of the Five Following Persons Viz'. Messieurs | Tothall, Scott, Hogarth, Thornhill and Forrest. | Begun on Saturday May the 27th 1732 | and Finish'd | on the .31st of the Same Month."— Zfog'OirfA, by Austin Dobson. HOGARTH. 19 Hogarth went on with his engravings ; he published in 1738, the "Four Times of the Day," four street scenes of London and the suburbs ; and, at tlie same time, the excellent print of the " Strolling Actresses Dressing in a Barn," which is considered one of his best works ; and in 1740 and 1741, the two amusing plates of "The Distrest Poet " and " The Enraged Musician." * He was at this time, says one of his biographers, "forty-three years of age, married, but childless ; busy, cheerful, the foremost man among English artists, and with another kind of personal celebrity entirely and exclusively his own. He never became rich, but his gains were large ; and he prospered, as he deserved, exceedingly." He was a kind soul, and seems to have taken a real interest in the establishment of the Foundling Hospital, under the lead of that excellent Captain Thomas Coram, who made himself poor in accomplishing the work. Hogarth was a " governor and guardian " of the hospital, and helped it with his money, his time, and his art. He designed its arms, he painted a fine portrait of its found er,f and of one of its vice-presidents ; and he it was, who, by pro- posing to ornament the building with pictures, " made a visit to the Foundling the most fashionable morning * To the years 1740 and 1741 belong two delightful single plates, "The Dis- trest Poet" and "The Enraged Musician." * * * * Was G-oldsmith thinking of "The Distrest Poet" when, in August, 1758, he descrihed himself as "in a garret writing for bread, and expecting to be dunned for a milk-score " ? t Hogarth considered Captain Coram the best of his single portraits, and pos- terity has ratified his opinion. " The portrait which I painted with most pleasure," says he, " and in which I particularly wished to excel, was that of Captain Coram, for the Foundling Hospital ; and if T am so wretched an artist as my enemies assert, it is somewhat strange that this, which was one of the first I painted the size of life, should stand the test of twenty years' competition, and be generally thought the best portrait in the place, notwithstanding the first painters in the kingdom exerted all their talents to vie with it." The rivals referred to were Shackleton, Hudson, Eeynolds (then plain Mr.), Cotes, Ramsay (the poet's son), Highmore, and Wilson. 20 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. lounge of the reign of George II." Mr. Dobson thinks that to this exhibition of Enghsh works we may, prob- ably, trace the germ of the Eoyal Academy. Hogarth held at this period the first of these ingen- iously arranged picture-auctions, which count as events in his quiet hfe ; he sold in it the paintings for his two first series, the "Four Times of the Day," and the "Strolling Actresses." The prices were quite insufficient ; but " the method of sale was peculiar, and little calculated to attract or conciliate the limited public of purchasers." Hogarth, in fact, was too independent a man to be very conciliatory, even in such affairs as these. Not long after, he published his most important series, the " Marriage a-la-Mode." He employed French engrav- ers to work from his own excellent paintings, some of which may now be seen at the National Gallery. These pictures give a modern student, especially a foreigner, the best and most accessible idea of Hogarth as a painter ; and an admirable painter he was. His work is excellent in color and execution, and its durability is such that, even in the trying climate of London, it is still fresh and brilliant, while many a later artist's pictures are fast becoming ruined. The story is one of a mercenary and loveless marriage, in which husband and wife go their own ways, and both end in ruin. "This is no three- volume novel of fashionable life, written by my lord's footman, or my lady's maid," says Mr. Sala (sa'la), "but an actual, living drama, put on the stage by a man who had seen all his characters act their part in the great world." "From first to last," Mr. Dobson says, "it pro- gresses steadily to its catastrophe by a gradual march of skillfully linked and developed incidents. It is like a novel of Fielding on canvas." Fielding, in fact, was HOGARTH. 21 Hogarth's friend ; so was Garrick ; these two are those of his friendships of which we can find most certain traces. They exchanged good offices in print and on cop- per. But Hogarth does not seem to have had Reynolds' fondness for the society of men of letters, though he saw a good deal both of high and low life, as an artist must who paints every thing, from lords and ladies to street fights. He made acquaintance, in his capacity of portrait- ist, with one very remarkable lord, indeed. This was Simon, Lord Lovat (itiv'at), who had been betraying both sides to each other in that struggle between the Highland Jacobites and the government, which the Scotch call "The Forty-five." This old villa.in was on his way up to London, for trial and execution, in 174:6, when he had occasion, at St. Albans (al'banz), to call in a physician, who was one of Hogarth's intimate friends, and who sent for the painter to come down and draw Lovat's portrait. This is one of Hogarth's finest and largest etchings. It is admirably drawn, and full of life and character. Its success with the pu.blic was immense ; a book-seller offered to give its weight in gold for the copper-plate ; the rolling-press could not supply impressions fast enough, and for several weeks Hogarth received payment at the rate of twelve pounds a day for them, though they were sold at a shil- ling apiece. Three years after, he took a very unlucky journey to France, which seems to have been prolonged no farther than to Calais (ka la'), and which planted still more firmly in the British painter's breast his sense of the inferiority of every thing continental. As he was making his obser- vations of the town, he happened to make a sketch of the old English gate ; he was taken into custody, on suspicion of being a spy, and confined to his lodgings till the wind 22 AETISTS AND SCULPTOES changed for England. As soon as he was safe at home, he made a caricature of the scene of his arrest. Good Briton though he was, he had no objection, as Mr. Dobson points out, to making his own king's troops as ridiculous as he found them. The "March of the Guards towards Scotland in the year 1745," commonly called the "March to Finchley," is an extremely satirical version of the disorderly and amusing side of the depart- ure of a body of troops. Hogarth at first thought of dedicating this plate to the king, George the Second ; but the brave German sovereign loved his army so well that he was by no means pleased with this tribute to it, and Hogarth accordingly dedicated the plate to the King of Prussia as an encourager of Arts and Sciences. King George afterward forgave Hogarth so far as to appoint him sergeant-painter. He engraved many other plates during these years, the most important series being "Industry and Idleness," which, as Hogarth says, exhiljited "the conduct of two fellow 'prentices, where the one, by taking good courses, and pursuing points for which he was put apprentice, becomes a valuable man, and an ornament to his coun- try ; the other, by giving way to idleness, naturally falls into poverty, and ends fatally, as is expressed in the last print." This set met with a great popularity. He could not help going back occasionally to his historical attempts, which were never successful. He resented their want of popularity, and retained a firm confidence in his own powers. He considered himself as the champion of good art and good sense against the pitchy conventionalism of the old pictures which were brought indiscriminately into London by the dealers ; and this was probably one reason for his undertaking to HOGARTH. 23 meet the men he called "The Black Masters" on their own ground.* His last attempt of this kind was the * Here is an extract from one of Ms newspaper letters on the subject : "There is another set of gentry more noxious to the Art than these, and those are your picture- jobbers from abroad, who are always ready to raise a great cry in the prints, whenever they think their craft is in danger ; and in- deed it is their interest to depreciate every English work, as hurtful to their trade, of continually importing ship-loads of dead Christs, Holy Families, Ma- donnas, and other dismal dark subjects, neither entertaining nor ornamental ; on which they scrawl the terrible cramp names of some Italian masters, and fix on us poor Englishmen the character of universal dvpes. If a man, naturally a judge of Painting, not bigoted to those empirics, should cast his eye on one of their sham virtuoso-pieces, he would be very apt to say, ' Mr. Bubbleman, that grand Venus (as you are pleased to call it) has not beauty enough for the character of an English cook-maid.' Upon which the quack answers, with a confident air, ' O Lord, sir, I find that you are no connoisseur ; that picture, I assure you, is in Alesso Baldo^^.netto's (ales' so Ml do iien et' toz) second and best manner, boldly painted, and truly sublime ; the contour gracious ; the air of the head in the high Greek taste ; and a most divine idea it is.' Then spitting on an obscure place, and rubbing it with a dirty handkerchief, takes a skip to the other end of the room, and screams out in raptures, ' There is an amazing touch ! a man should have this picture a twelvemonth in his collection before he can discover half its beauties.' The gentleman (though naturally a judge of what is beautiful, yet ashamed to be out of the fashion in judging for himself) with this cant is struck dumb ; gives a vast sum for the picture, very modestly confesses that he is indeed quite igno- rant of Painting, and bestows a frame worth fifty pounds on a frightful thing, without the hard name on it not worth as many farthings." — HorjarlU^ by A. Dobson. Another of Hogarth's flings at the eld masters was a caricature of Rem- brandt {rem' brant) ; Hogarth was making two serious designs on the subject of "Paul Before Pelix," and he amused himself by treating it in what he calls "the ridiculous manner of Eembrandt." Intended only for a joke, it had a great sale. Another of these caricatures represented Time seated in front of a large landscape, so indistinct that we can only make out that it is a very bad one. He has a tobacco-pipe in his mouth and is smoking it right at the picture, while his scji;he cuts a hole through it as it stands by his side. He has by him an anmense jar of oil, which is well known to turn pictures brown. The passion for a look of antiquity at the cost of beauty, and for a brown appearance which has no reference to Nature, is very fairly satirized in this picture ; the carica- ture of Eembrandt is by no means so fair or so amusing. He did exactly what Hogarth did not ; he gave his characters, who are often extremely ugly and com- mon in themselves, a wonderful quality of his own, which makes his pictures neither ugly nor common. We may very truly say, in looking at his etchings, that this or that character shocks us ; but we shall be very obtuse if we are not moved by the picture of which they form a part. He, in fact, was one of the few greatest painters of the world ; Hogarth was a very good one. Rembrandt's view of character was a deep one ; Hogarth's, a clear-sighted one. Hogarth's prints have amused a great many people ; but I think no one has ever laughed at Rembrandt's, even after seeing Hogarth's caricature of him. 24 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. picture called "Sigismonda" (slg is mun'da), which brought upon him an undeserved amount of ridicule and vexation. He also tried to embody his theories in a book, called "The Analysis of Beauty." The plain-spoken artist was sin- gularly unsuccessful in saying what he meant upon the subject of his profession ; a short examination of the "Analysis" leaves the reader with the vaguest ideas of the book ; and this experiment of his was another great joy to Hogarth's enemies. He unfortunately became in- volved, two years before his death, in a quarrel with John Wilkes, then editor of the opposition North Briton, and Churchill, the poet. Their war had its rise in poli- tics, but it became violently and brutally personal on both sides. Wilkes thought at one time that he had killed Hogarth, — and it would not have been surprising if his attacks had caused the old luan's death, as he was weak and ill at the time ; but he found himself quite able to repay his enemies in his own way — by drawing their portraits. A few months before he died, he prepared a "tail- piece" for his works. His subject was "The End of All Things," and its treatment made it his last blow at those old masters whom he had been fighting for years. He died in his house in Leicester Fields. He never had any children ; but he left a good and loving wife. He Was nearly sixty-seven years old. REYNOLDS JOSHUA REYNOLDS (ren'tiiz) was born at the old O town of Plympton East, not far from Plymouth, the Devonshire town which has given its name to the Old Colony in New England. His father, the Rev. Samuel Rey- nolds, taught the grammar-school of Plympton. He, at first, intended his son to become a physician ; but, as the boy showed a decided taste for Art,* he apprenticed him, at seventeen years of age, to Thomas Hudson, the fashion- able London portrait-painter of the time. Joshua went to live with this artist, at his house in Great Queen street, and he remained with him for nearly two years.f * His imperfect attempts at delineation were encouraged by his father, who was himself fond of d ra wings, and had a small collection of anatomical and other prints. The young artist's first essays were made in copying several little things done by two of his elder sisters, who had likewise a turn for the art ; and he after- ward (as he himself informed me) eagerly copied such prints as he found in hia father's books, particularly those which were given in the translation of " Plutarch's (plU'tdrks) Lives," published by Dryden. But his principal fund of imitation was Jacob Cats' book of Emblems, which his great grandmother by the father's side, a Dutch woman, had brought with her from Holland. When he was but eight years old, he read with great avidity and pleasure, " The Jesuits' Perspective," a book which happened to lie on the window-seat in his father's parlor ; and made him- self so completely master of it, that he never afterward had occasion to study any other treatise on that subject. He then attempted to draw the school at Plympton, a building elevated on stone pillars ; and he did it so well, that his father said, "Now, this exemplifies what the author of the 'Perspective' asserts in his preface, that, by observing the rules laid down in his book, a man may do won- ders ; for this is wonderful."— JlfoZcme. Mr. Reynolds does not seem to have always regarded his son's attempts with as much approbation as this ; for, on one of his very early drawings, a per- spective view of a book-case, he wrote : "Done by Joshua out of pure idleness." It is on the back of a Latin exercise. t Soon after young Reynolds first came to London, he was sent by his master to make a purchase for him at a sale of pictures. * * * * He soon heard the 26 ARTISTS AND SCULPTOBS. At this time, William Hogarth (ho' garth) was the greatest painter in England, and he could have taught the young student a direct and especially durable manner of painting, which, unfortunately, Reynolds' fine works were often to lack ; but Hogarth's portrait-painting years were over, and it is probable that to the delicate fanc}^ of the young begin- ner, he appeared to be only a brutally realistic satirist. Such theories as Hudson advanced to his pupil were probably of the most commonplace order, with nothing of the reckless severity of Hogarth's attacks of the " Black Masters " ; and his practice was equally common- place, consisting of what Walpole (aa^oI'poI) calls "honest similitudes, with fair tied wigs, blue velvet coats, and white satin waistcoats." While Reynolds remained with him, he had little or no opportunity for what is called life study ; but we are told that Hudson caused him to make careful copies from the drawings of Gruercino (gwer che' no), which he did with such skill that they were often mistaken for originals. He also painted various portraits, sketches, and studies. His life with Hudson seems to have been happy, on the whole, but, owing to some trifling disagreement, they parted before two years were over. Reynolds then went back to Devonshire, where he established himself as a portrait-painter in the town of Devonport, then called Plymouth Dock. He was extremely successful at first, and painted all the notables of the neighborhood ; but his success was but a short one, and name of " Mr. Pope, Mr. Pope," whispered from every mouth., for it was Mr. Pope himself who then entered the room. Immediately every person drew hack to make a passage for the distinguished poet, and all those on each side held out their hands for him to touch as he passed. Eeynolds, although not in the front row, put out his hand also, under the arm of the person who stood before him, and Pope took hold of his hand, as he likewise did to all as he passed. REYNOLDS. 27 he always regarded this part of his life as so much time thrown away ; for, as he said, he then passed about three years in company from whom little improvement could be got. A part of this time he passed in London, where he lived on friendly terms with his old master, and was introduced by him to the Artists' Club he fre- quented, — an introduction which was probably a pleasure, but may not have been an advantage to him. In December, 1746, he returned home to watch by the death-bed of his father, who seems to have had the amiability and simplicity which his son's friend, Gold- smith, was to describe later in the "Vicar (vik'ar) of Wakefield." Joshua now established himself once more in Plym- outh Dock, this time with two of his sisters. Here he met a painter who had a considerable influence over him, named William Grandy. He was a man of dissipated habits, but of artistic mind ; his father had been a pupil of Vandyke (van dik'), and he himself was a much more inspiring guide than Hudson. Reynolds' painting changed for the better on his acquaintance with Gandy and his works. In 1749, Reynolds was invited by the famous Keppel (kep'el), then a commodore, and but twenty-four years of age, to go to Italy with him in his own ship, the Cen- turion. They sailed in May, but Reynolds did not arrive in Italy till December, as he made a long stay at Port Mahon (ma hon'), where he painted all the leading men on the station. He landed at Leghorn (leg horn'), and thence went to Rome. On his arrival in the Vatican (v&t'i kan), where he had expected every thing from the frescoes of Raphael (raf'ael), he met with a great disappointment. "They were," he 28 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. says himself, " executed upon principles with which I was unacquainted." It is probable, in fact, that whatever prin- ciples Reynolds had managed to get from Gandy, Hudson, and London in general, bore but little resemblance to those of Raphael ; but the young fellow immediately decided that the fault was his own, made some copies from them, and eventually became a great admirer of Raphael, whom he constantly mentions in his Discourses. He re- mained in Rome for two years,* studying pictures, making notes of his own ideas of the methods followed by the masters, and apparently doing but little original work, and few copies. It was in the Vatican that he caught the cold which resulted in his life-long deafness, which made it necessary for him to use an ear-trumpet. In April, 1752, he left Rome, and spent four months in visiting other Italian cities. As his works bear far more resemblance to those of the Venetian masters than to those of Raphael and Michael Angelo (mi'kael an'jalo), it is to be supposed that his stay in the North of Italy had quite as great an effect upon him as the time he spent in Rome, though, perhaps, a more unconscious one. He made some stay, we are told, in Paris ; he passed some months in Devonshire, with his old friends there, and in January, 1753, he once more settled in London. * John Astley, one of Reynolds' fellow-pupila under Hudson, was also study- ing at Rome; lie was at this time quite poor. "It was a usual custom," says Northcote, " with the English painters in Rome * * * * to make little eycur- sions together in the country. On one of those occasions, on a summer aftern-Oon, Then the season was particularly hot, the whole company threw off their coats, ja being an incumbrance to them, except poor Astley, who alone showed great reluctance to follow this general example ; this seemed very unaccountable to his companions, when some jokes, made on his singularity, at last obliged him to take his coat off also. The mystery was then immediately explained ; for it appeared that the hinder part of his waistcoat was made, by way of thriftiness, out of one of his own pictures, and thus displayed a tremendous water-fall on his back, to the great diversion of the spectators." REYNOLDS. 29 His success as a portrait-painter was at once assured ; his Devonshire friend, Lord Edgcumbe (Sj'kum), brought him sitters immediately, and he delighted every one by the charm and grace of his new style.* The great picture of his first year in London was the portrait of his old friend. Lord Keppel, a fine and spirited work, which brought crowds to his studio. Reynolds lived at this time in Great Newport street, with his sister Fanny, a lady of so nervous and perplexing a disposition that her companion- ship could hardly have been soothing to her brother. But he had not been in town a year before he made the acquaintance of a man whose friendship was to be more to him than, perhaps, any other relation of life, — the great Dr. Johnson, f We have no list of Reynolds' sitters for 1754. In 1755, he had one hundred and twenty. He made friends on all sides, in fashionable as well as literary society ; he was of a sociable disposition, and most charming and gentle manners ; and " such was the serenity of his tem- per, that what he did not hear, he never troubled those * Ellis, one of the few remaining pupils of Kneller (nel'Ier), called on Rey- nolds to see a picture of a Turkish hoy, which was one of his first works on his return home. "Ah, Keynolds," he exclaimed, "this will never answer; why, you don't paint in the least degree in the manner of Kneller ! " And on Reynolds defending his picture, Ellis cried out in a rage, "Shakespeare in poetry, and Kneller in painting, damme 1 " and ran out of the room. t On Reynolds' first meeting with Johnson, he attracted his interest hy an ironical observation which is often quoted and was prohahly lightly made. The Misses Cotterell (Tcof trU), mutual friends of Reynolds and Johnson, were regretting the death of a friend to whom they had great ohUgations. " You have, however," said Reynolds, " the comfort of heing relieved from the hurden of gratitude." The ladies were shocked ; hut Johnson was amused hy the directness of the remark, and went home to supper with the painter. Not long after, at the house of these ladies, the Duchess of Argyle and another great lady came in. Johnson, who was there with Reynolds, thought that their hostesses were neglecting him and his friend for their finer company ; and said, in a loud voice to Reynolds, " How much do you think you and I could get in a week, if we were to work as hard as we cotild?" So as to give the idea of their being very low people, indeed. 30 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. with whom he conversed, to repeat/' — a sacrifice which every deaf person knows to be a considerable one. We have no list of his sitters for 1756; 1757 was a very busy year with him ; in the month of March alone, he had twenty-eight sitters and one hundred and six sittings. In 1758, he painted one hundred and fifty persons, — among them the Duke of Cumberland. In 1759, he painted the Prince of Wales, soon to be George the Third ; he also painted, for the first time, his friend, David Gar- rick ; the celebrated beauty, Kitty Fisher ; and a picture of Venus, one of the few pictures not portraits of this time. In 1760, George the Third came to the throne. This year was memorable to Reynolds for humbler reasons, — he removed from Newport street to Leicester (les'ter) sqiiare, which was much more fashionable then than now ; and he also set up a carriage, of the sort then known as a "chariot." This year, he sent some of his pictures to an exhibition for the first time. The English artists had united in what was called the Society of Arts, which held its first exhibition in 1760, and continued exhibiting, annually, till the foundation of the Royal Academy. This year brought Reynolds one hundred and twenty sitters. In 1761, Reynolds exhibited an excellent portrait of Lawrence Sterne, the author of " Tristram Shandy " and the "Sentimental Journey." He also painted Admiral Rodney this year. In 1762, he painted Fox, the Princess Amelia, and Garrick between Tragedy and Comedy, as well as many other portraits. This year, he went back to Devonshire with Johnson for a six-weeks Ausit. At Plymouth, they met the man to whom, before his acquaint- ance with Johnson, Reynolds owed the most as his guide REYNOLDS. 31 in learning to use his mind, the Reverend Zachariah Mudge. Both Reynolds and Johnson had a great vener- ation for this good and wise man. In 1763, Reynolds painted, among others, that Lord Bute (b€it), whose name is well known to students of the causes of the American Revolution. In 1764, he painted the Archbishops of York and Canterbury. In this year, he and Johnson founded what was called The Club. Originally, it had but nine members ; they were Reynolds himself, Johnson, Q-oldsmith, Burke, Langton, Beauclerk (bo'klark), Nugent, Chamiers (siia me a'), and Sir John Hawkins. Garrick and other members were soon ad- mitted, and in the year of Reynolds' death, The Club had thirty-five members. In 17 64, neither Groldsmith nor Burke was famous. They both loved Reynolds, and both wrote fine descriptions of his character. Besides his literary and fashionable intimacies, Reynolds cultivated his old Devonshire friendships, and made his countrymen welcome. His table was crowded with company, and the talk was excellent, though the service may not have been elegant. In 176 6, among other sitters, Reynolds painted the portrait of Angelica Kauffmann (angel'Ika kowf man).* * Yesterday, at Mr. Coluaglie's (ko Iwd' lez), I saw a print lying on the table, the engraving of one of Sir Joshua's portraits. It was the picture of a lady, some five or six and twenty years of age. The face is peculiar, sprightly, tender, a little ohstinate. The eyes are very charming and intelligent. The features are broadly marked ; there is something at once homely and dignified in theii expression The little head is charmingly set upon its frame. A few pearls are mixed with, the heavy loops of hair ; two great curls fall upon the sloping shoulders; the slim figure is draped in light folds fastened by jeweled bands, such as those people then wore. A loose scarf is tied round the waist. Being cold, perhaps, sitting in Sir Joshua's great studio, the lady has partly wrapped herself in a great fur cloak. The whole effect is very good, nor is it an incon- venient dress to sit still and be painted in. * * * Mr. Reynolds came forward, dressed in his velvet coat and with a bag-wig; he was of middle size, and looked young for his age. He was a little 82 AETISTS AND SCULPTORS. This artist was then twenty-four years of age ; she had been educated in Italy, and had just been brought to England by her friend, Lady Wentworth. Her reputation was considerable there ; her pictures were not without charm and grace, though painted in a falsely classical taste ; her manners were fascinating, and she delighted every one she met. She has been made the heroine of a charming story, in which, as in the town talk of the time, she is supposed to have been loved, and loved in deaf ; but in those days, in private, lie needed no trumpet ; Ms clear eyes shone with placid benevolence under their falling lids. He had scarred hps, mobile and sensitive. His voice was singularly pleasant as he spoke. " I have brought you— guess who this is that I have brought you," Lady W. said, continuing to look -so charming herself, that the painter could only make another low bow, and say : " You have brought me a vision of Paradise, Madam. My poor place seems illuminated by such gracious apparitions. I am sorry," he continued, "to have been out when you arrived. I had been sent for to a friend In difficulties, who adds to mine by taking up time that might have been better spent. Was not my sister here to attend upon you?" "Miss Reynolds was not dressed," said Marchi {mar chee'), the outspoken attend- ant; "she begged me to make her excuses. She was in no fit state to appear." Mr. EeynoldB looked vexed, and immediately began to paint out the pictures. Angelica looked, listened, and thrilled with admiration and reverence. Once, turning round, the painter met the expressive flash of her eager eyes. How dif- ferent was that language from the languid, fine-lady criticism to which he was accustomed. Something told him that this was no ordinary visitor; that one instant's glance between the two, said more than half a dozen commonplaces exchanged. He stopped short as he was walking by Lady W. " Can this be indeed Miss Kauffmann?" He looked at Angelica, curiously and kindly. " Yes, this is Miss Kauffmann," said Lady W., with a laugh. " You have found her out at last! Did I say one word too much?" she asked, smiling. He did not answer directly, but went on talking to Lady A¥. for a minute, and then turned to Angelica. " Will you honor me by permitting a visit to your studio to-morrow morn- ing?" said the great painter to the quivering, smiling, charming little painter in her pretty, quaint dress The satin trimmings glistened in the sloping light of the window, the light just caught the turn of her white throat, and the shining pearls Mrs. Betty had looped in her hair. The man's kind glances seemed also to shine, Angelica thought, and she blushed up with innocent pleasure. Mr. Rey- nolds accompanied them ceremoniously to the door of the house. As they descended the pretty, old turning staircase, Angelica saw a figure wrapped in a sort of cloak appearing in a door-way ; it was that of a little, middle-aged lady, who cautiously advanced toward them; then, seeing that Mr. Eeynolds was there, vanished again with extraordinary celerity.— Mss Thackeray. REYNOLDS. 33 vain, by Sir Joshua. They certainly painted each other's portraits, and we know but little more about it. In 1768, Reynolds spent some time in Paris.* It was in this year that the Royal Academy was founded. Attempts had been made to establish an Academy as early as 1711, under Kneller ; Thornhill established one in his own house in 1734. After this, a life-school, under Mr. Moser (mo'zer), was held, which was joined, in 173 9, by Hogarth and others, and existed in 1757. The Society of Arts, which exhibited for the first time in 1760, was incorporated in 1765 as the Society of Artists. This body quarreled with its directors and best members, and these gentlemen presented a memorial to the king pray- ing for the establishment of a Royal Academy. The king was favorably disposed ; the projectors of the Acad- emy begged for Reynolds' assistance, and on his joining them, chose him their first president by acclamation. The king at once gave his consent, and the Academy was founded December 18, 1768. * Can Reynolds' journey to Paris, in 1768, have had its motive in the desire to collect information to assist in founding the Eoyal Academy ? It was probably during this visit that Boucher (bmi/clier), then First Painter to the King, and director of the Academy, in the height of his European reputation, told him he no longer found it necessary to work from a model. Reynolds thought, and very wisely, that Boucher's work would have been better if he had continued to employ one. Boucher's studio is described as being a wonderful place, fuU of every thing which could give suggestions to a colorist,— amethysts, malachites, jaspers, rock-crystals, all sorts of beautiful shells, on tables of Oriental alabaster ; Chinese porcelain, which the aesthetics of to-day would rave over ; tiny models, a little gallery, a little coach, all sorts of pastoral implements ; and in the midst of all these splendors, and of his numberless drawings, Boucher would sit by his color-box with its clever drawers, his ivory-mounted maul-stick in his hand, surrounded by Ms admiring friends \_Messrs. de GoncouH (deh gong koor')]. The great Chardin (sfiardang^, a much better painter, was at work, too, much admired, ill-paid, living quietly away from the world in the home he loved, painting sometimes still-life, sometimes quiet scenes among good towns'-people like himself. Greuze (gmz) was elected to the Academy, but had not yet finished his admission picture ; and beside these greater men, there were endless good draughtsmen and engravers at work, whose names are now hardly remembered. 34 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. The names of the first Academicians are not well known to oiir generation. Our compatriot, West, was one of them ; Wilson, the landscape-painter, was another ; Bartolozzi (bar to lot' se), another. There were two women among them ; the only two who could ever write K A. after their names — Angelica Kauffmann and Mary Moser. Neither Romney's (rom'nlz) nor G-ainsborough's (ganz'broz) name appears on the first list. Both were greater painters than any Academician except the president ; but it may be supposed that Romney was excluded on account of his youth, while Gainsborough's omission was probably acci- dental, as he exhibited as an Academician in the first exhibition. Johnson was made Professor of Ancient Literature in the Academy school, and Goldsmith, Pro- fessor of Ancient History. The president was knighted by the king early in 1769. At the opening of the Acad- emy, he delivered the first of a series of fifteen discourses to the students.* These discourses were much admired at the time, and are still of interest to artists ; they contain much sound advice, though the authorities to whom Sir Joshua refers, and many of the pictures he admires, are strange and unintelligible to us at present. The first exhibition of the Royal Academy took place this year, and Reynolds was no less conspicuous in this branch of the Academy's activity than in the other — that of educating young artists, f * Sir Joshua's manner of delivering liis discourses is said to liave "been indis- tinct and difficult to follow. The Earl of C one evening came up to him, and said, as many persons do when it is too late to be of service, " Sir Joshua, you read your discourse in so low a tone that I did not distinguish one word you said." "That was to my advantage," replied the president, with a smile. t Miss T'rances Keynolds was in Paris during the year 1769. She went to a picture-auction, where very fine pictures hy Titian (fish'dn), Vandyke, and Eem- Ibrandt (rim'hrant), were sold for almost nothing. Poor Miss Frances, who had hardly any money, looked on with inward torture, for her brother, unluckily, REYNOLDS. 35 In 1770, he visited York, and his own country. In 1771, he received as his pupil a young man named Northcote, who has left us many interesting reminis- cences of him. He was eager to encourage young artists, though, perhaps, not always a judicious adviser. In 1772, Reynolds was elected alderman of his native town, an honor which gave him great pleasure. In 1773, he was elected mayor of the town, which was even more gratifying to him.* He was this year made Doctor of Civil Law at Oxford. He exhibited at the Academy his historical picture of Ugolino (Ci go le' no), on which he had been at work for two or three years. He painted several historical pictures, and considered it a painter's noblest business to produce them ; but it is by his por- traits that he is loved and remembered far more than by these somewhat ambitious works. He had a great disappointment at about this time ; he had formed a scheme for the decoration of St. Paul's with paintings by himself and other leading artists, among them West and Angelica Kauffmann. The king, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Mayor, and the dean of the cathedral had all consented, when the Bishop of London refused, as he said, to "suffer the doors of the Metropolitan Church to be opened for the introduction of Popery." had not felt enough confidence in her judgment to give her any commissions for him ; she feared she should faint away in the auction-room, but she did manage to get a few fine ones for him, at a very small price. Many a foreigner has experienced similar tortures at the Hotel Drouot (droo o') in Paris ; but none of us have ever seen such a collection go for such prices. * Shortly before his election as Mayor of Plympton, he accidentally met the king and a part of the royal family in Richmond Gardens. The king entered into conversation with him, and told him that he had been informed of the oifice he was soon to be invested with. Reynolds thanked him, and in his reply said the honor had given him more pleasure than any other he ever received,— and then suddenly recollecting himself, he added, " except that which your Majesty was graciously pleased to bestow upon me," meaning his knighthood. 36 Artists Jlnd sculptors. In 1774, his friend Q-oldsmitli died. This was a great loss to Reynolds ; he did not touch his work the day he heard of it, a rare thing for him. Gainsborough moved to London this year, and Romney the year after ; they were both much admired and much employed as portrait- painters, but with little injury to Reynolds' popularity. In 1775, Nathaniel Hone tried to injure him by exhibit- ing a printed caricature which represented him as a plagiarist, but this design was an unsuccessful one. In 1776, Hannah More had the opportunity to see at the painter's studio that picture of the "Infant Samuel" which has been reproduced so many times. He also exhibited this year a portrait of the beautiful Duchess of Devonshire, and a fine portrait of his friend Grarrick. In 1777, he painted a large family picture of the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough and six of their children. The next year he was occupied with designs for the west window of New College Chapel at Oxford. In 1779, his old master, Hudson, died, and a much dearer friend, David Grarrick. In 1780, the new rooms of the Academy in Somerset House were opened ; they were decorated by many of the academicians, Sir Joshua among them. The exhibi- tion was a great success. In 1781, he visited the Low Countries, and has left some interesting notes on the journey. On his return, his own pictures seemed to him to want force ; and it is said that the portraits he painted after that time are even more animated and brilliant than his former works. He ran over again to Flanders two years after, to see pictures and to buy some of Rubens' (rcSo'benz) paintings which were then for sale. It was at about this time that he painted his splendid portrait of Mrs. Siddons as the " Tragic Muse." This was REYNOLDS. 37 exhibited in 1784; and in tliis year, Dr. Johnson died. His friends had lioped to restore his failing liealtli by a joiirney to Italy, which Reynolds and Boswell had arranged ; but it was too late. The Empress Catherine of Russia, who had seen a portrait by Reynolds of one of her friends, ordered a his- torical picture of him, and left him the choice of the subject. He f)ainted " The Infant Hercules Fighting with the Serpents," as an emblem of the Russian empire. He was at work upon this in 1786, and did not finish it till 1788. It was in this year that he exhibited the beautiful por- trait of Miss Penelope (pe nei'o pe) Boothby, the sweet little girl in a mob-cap and mittens, whom we all know by the reproductions, and who was one of the most lovely of the many lovely children Reynolds painted. Gainsborough died this year ; Reynolds had made advances toward becoming his friend, but the two men did not suit each other, and Gainsborough had been on bad terms with the Academy, if not with its president ; on his death-bed, however, he sent for Sir Joshua, and the president paid him a noble tribute in the discourse upon him which he delivered that year. On the 13th of July, 1789, in the note-book which contains the list of his sitters, is one of the usual entries, " 10-|- for Miss "; opposite to which is written, "Pre- vented, by my eye beginning to be obscured." Sir Joshua never painted again ; he lost the sight of one eye in ten weeks. His life after this great affliction was not as dreary as might have been expected ; he never seems to have become entirely blind : his friends loved him, and his niece. Miss Palmer, was constantly with him. In 1790, Sir Joshua had his only quarrel with the 38 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. Academy. He had been very desirous to appoint an Italian, named Boromi (boro'me), to tlie cliair of Perspec- tive ; tlie majority of the academicians preferred Fuseh (fu'zeli), by a vote which Reynolds considered an insult to himself, and he resigned his position as president. The minority protested, and, finally, the academicians made something of an apology, and requested Reynolds to with- draw his resignation. He did this, attended the Academy assiduously, and delivered his fifteenth and last discourse there in December, 1790. In October of the next year he began to feel great pain in his eyes, and wrote to resign the presidency. But the academicians insisted on retaining him. During December and January he sank gradually, and on the 2 3d of February he died. His funeral was a splendid one, and he was buried in St. Paul's. CANOVA. 1757-1833. ANTONIO CANOVA (anto'neo kano'va) was born in J~\. the village of Possagno (possan'yo), among the hills of Asolo (a so'lo), at the foot of the Venetian Alps, on the first of November, 175 7. His father and grand- father were stone-cutters, clever at their trade ; their principal business was in making church ornaments. His father, Pietro (pea'tro) Canova, ched when his son was a child ; his mother was married again, and he remained in the care of his grandfather and grandmother, Pasino (pase'no) and Caterina (ka ta re'na) Canova. Pasino taught his grandson his own trade, so that he had the advantage of a very early familiarity with the more mechanical parts of stone-cutting. The boy was so fortunate as to attract the attention of Q-iovanni Falier (zho va'ne fa'le ar), a Venetian senator, who had estates in the neighborhood. The story is, that Antonio astonished Falier by making a butter lion* for a great feast at his * Cicognara {che km yd' rS) does not mention, in his biography, the well-known story of the Butter Lion ; hut a little children's book, called Le Lion de Bewre (leh IS on' deh bur) de Canova, was printed at Tours (toor) in 1866, which gives a very pretty account of what may have happened. The Venetian senator, G-iovanni Palier, who lived near Canova's native village of Possagno, was, according to this account, about to give a great feast. The cook had forgotten to provide a proper center-piece for the table ; it was to have been the Lion of Saint Mark, whose festival was celebrated on that day. Antonio Canova, then only a boy with very little instruction, oflEered to make one, and was shut up for the purpose, with some fresh butter and a little flour. " Soon the guests of (3-iovanni Falier arrived. When he had brought them into the banqueting-hall, they all admired the fine arrangement of the repast; but what struck them especially, was a magnificent lion with wings displayed, raised on a column in the center of the table, and imitating, on a small scale, with a perfect regularity of proportions, the symboUoal lion on, the Piazza di San Marco (pSdi'sd di sun mar' ko) oi Venice." 40 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. castle. However Falier's interest was excited, it showed itself in hearty kindness ; he placed Antonio with a Venetian sculptor named Torretto (torrgt'to), and assisted him during the first part of his life in Venice, where he soon went. He did not learn a great deal from Torretto, but he did learn from a fine gallery of casts from the antique, to which he had access ; he also studied in the Venetian Academy, where, as his Italian biographer says, "the new lights which were kindling had not yet penetrated." These new lights were the beginnings of the so-called classical revival of art. Winckelmann * (^A7ink' el man) had produced, by his ardent enthusiasm for antiquity, a great change in the public taste. The modern Italian art was bad ; and though there had been plenty of artists and Palier is so delighted with the hoy's cleverness that ho immediately takes charge of his education. * Johann Joachim (yo Jian' yo'd km) Winckelmann was hoiTi in Brandenhurg {bran' den boorgh), 1717. His father was a poor tradesman; his son suffered much in his youth. He became the assistant of his old hUnd school-master, and hungrily read what few books he could get; the old man wished him to study theology, but he fell in love with the Greek classics ; the past seemed far more beautiful and real to him than the present, and he lived in Greece while he went up and down in Brandenburg. He entered the University of Halle (hal'leh) to studj theology, and instead "became the enthusiastic translator of Herodotus." His professors did not satisfy him. After a time he became a school-master, biTt he did not love the business; he took time for reading from his sleep, gave up all literature but that of the arts, and was much influenced by the writings of Vol- taire (vol ttr'). He sought and found a situation in a fine library, where he had easy access to the collection of antiques at Dresden, which influenced him far more. He met the papal nuncio, who held out hopes of a home in Rome, if he would but become a Roman Catholic. Religious dogmas, called Christian, were very little to Winckelmann ; yet it was not without a struggle that he con- sented to change Ms religion. Soon after, he went to Rome, where he made many friendships and lived happily, keeping constantly in view his " History of Ancient Art," which appeared in 1764. In 1768, he was making a visit in Ger- many, when he was seized with homesickness for Rome, and hastened back. He stopped for a few days at Trieste (OT ist'), where he was robbed and murdered by a fellow-traveler. His influence upon Goethe (gA'teh) was great, though the two never met. The reader is referred to the article on Winckelmann in Pater's " Renaissance " {riih m songs'), from which the above account is condensed. C A N O V A . 41 antiquaries who talked about the classical remains, and even had possessed deep learning about them, '' no one had," as Madame de Stael (ma dam' deh stal) says, " no one had, if I may say so, made himself a pagan for the purpose of penetrating antiquity." This Winckelmann had done, — not that he offered incense to Apollo or flowers to Venus ; but he had carried all his thoughts and feelings back to what seemed to him a clearer and purer day. He was one of the causes, — not the only cause,— of a great revolution in public taste, both literary and artistic. It had very strange results, which would prob- ably have amazed its forerunner. It worked both good and evil, as such changes always do. On the art of sculpture, its effects had, at least, the advantage of remov- ing something of the false and turgid taste of the fol- lowers of Bernini (ber ne ' ne), their swelling draperies and empty gesticulations. Men who try to copy the antique may fail in originality, but are not likely to exag- gerate or to commit shocking faults of taste. When Canova entered the Venetian Academy he was dissatisfied with the doctrines he was taught there, and left it at the end of about a year, to try to find some better way for himself, more like the way followed by the ancients. He carved several figures in marble and soft stone; an Orpheus (or' feus), a Eurydice (u rid'i se), a group of Daedalus (ded'alus) and Icarus (ik'a rus), and two statues of Esculapius (es ku la'pT us). His patron, Falier, continued to interest himself in him, and, being on intimate terms with the Venetian ambassador to the Pope, the Cavaliere Zulian (kavalea'ra dsc5ol'ean), he sent Antonio to Rome. He also obtained a small pension for him from his government. Zulian, who had received him with great friendliness 42 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. in his own house, had him make a cast of his group of " Daedalus and Icarus," and showed it to a number of his artistic friends. They were aU silent for some time, to the great embarrassment of the poor young artist ; finally, Gawain (ga'^A7ln) Hamilton, a Scotch artist and connois- seur (kon nis ser') living at Rome, addressed him with a real and affectionate interest, and begged him to unite something of the antique ideal to the fine and speaking imitation of Nature which he had made. Canova, accordingly, gave himself up to the study of the antique ; but, says his biographer, without giving up the constant study of Nature. His benefactor, Zulian, after a time, gave him a fine piece of marble, to try the result of his studies upon. He chose for his subject, "Theseus (the'seus) and the Minotaur (ixiin'o tar)." It was made in the palace of the ambassador himself. When it was finished, Zulian again assembled his artistic and learned friends, and showed them the cast of the head of the Theseus, without telling them what it was. They disagreed about its significance ; but they all agreed that it was a piece of Greek sculpture, and the more learned ones were sure they had seen it, they could not fecoUect where. Then Zulian showed them the complete group ; they were much delighted with it, and, says Cicognara, envy, as well as the Minotaur, were seen to be discomfited. The young artist was not yet twenty-five. Before he had received his pension from Venice for three years, he received an order for the tomb of Clement XIV. At the same time he modeled a statue of Psyche (si' ke) as a young girl ; he modeled bass- reliefs as a recreation from heavier Avork.* More and * These early successes appear to have brought him that patent of nobility from his old neighbors at Asolo, to which he refers in the following letter to G-iuseppe (Joo sip' pa), son of his old friend, Q-iovannl Paller : OANOVA. 43 more orders came in, — groups of Cupid and Psyche, Venus and Adonis (ado'nls), a Hebe (he' be), a Penitent Magdalene (mag da len'), monuments for distinguished men. In twenty years, says Cicognara, the sculptor had done more work than a laborious artist usually accom- plishes in a long life. This is the more remarkable, he goes on to say, because at that time the sculptor's art was a much slower one than it is at present ; the operation called pointing, which enables a mechanical copy to be made from a clay or plaster statue, was invented by Canova ; before that time, the scidptor was often obliged to do the rough work on his own statue. And while Canova was young and poor, he injured him- self very much by over-exerting himself at this heavy work ; in fact, he used the instrument called the trepan (tre pan') SO much, leaning against it as he worked, that he made a depression in his chest, which predis- posed him to the illness which was to end his life. The Senator Rezzonico (ret so ne'ko) took him away from his over-work for a journey through Q-ermany, in 1799. This was of great benefit to him, and probably made him more capable of accomplishing the labors of his later life.* " Here the Asolo people have been putting the dog-collar (the patent of nobility) Dn the ]?aliers' dog. Will he be worth any more on this account ? Why, yes ; for a dog-collar is always worth something. In the inclosed letter, which I beg your Excellency to forward, after reading, you will find another for the noble Prorve- ditori and Council of Asolo. I hope that your Excellency will be pleased with what I have said, and if you are not, you will certainly excuse me, considering how unfit for such things a man is who passes nearly all his life among statues, who never require or pay compliments. I beg you to present my humble respects and reverence to your most excellent parents and brothers, and never to forget that I am, with and without the dog-collar, with the most tender, respectful attachment, "Rome, June, 1789. ." He became, much later, Marquis of Ischia (!.«' J5 it). * Before this time, he had been asked to go to Russia, to make a statue of the Empress Catherine. He declined this invitation, and explains his reasons in a letter to G-iuseppe Ealier ; 44 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. From 1792 to 1799, Canova took pleasure in paint- ing ; he executed twenty-two pictures, we are told, great and small. One was for his own village church at Pos- sagno ; he retouched it in 1 8 2 1 , but this was the only paint- ing he did in the new century. His work seems to have been that of a colorist ; he remembered affectionately the great Venetian masters, and sometimes deceived his Roman friends by some fine and simple head which they believed to be by an old Venetian. He was a man of regular and uniform habits. He always rose early, and began the day by drawing or modeling, afterward going to work iipon the marble. His food was simple ; he was accustomed to take some little rest after eating, and his friends were especially careful, at his meals, not to introduce grave or artistic topics, so easy was it to affect his nerves. He did not go much into society, doing so only early in the evening ; he had extremely polite manners, without affectation. He did not like to receive pupils in his studio ; this seems to have been on account of his extreme delicacy of feeling, for he used to say that any thing good in their Works would very likely be attributed to him, so that the artists would not have the credit they deserved for their own work. Whenever he noticed a remarkably "You certainly must have believed that I was married, and had a family, if you thought I was mistaken in declining the invitation which was sent me to the Court of Kussia. In my opinion, my having been invited there was as much of an honor as if I had been there. I do not see how I need to better my condition, whUe I do not wish to live with more luxury than I do, or to work less, free and far from the endless intrigues which being at a Court would bring upon me. Oh Heavens ! perhaps your Excellency does not know what a Court is ? What sort of a place is it for any one who wishes to live to himself, and do what he likes, and hear the truth ? I am a poor man, but I need little, so I do not fear finding myself unprepared for whatever may happen to me. As for a wife, I hope not to marry one, or at least, if I had to do it, I would have one old enough to be able to live quietly always and attend to my art, which I love so much, and which exacts the whole of a man, without the loss of a moment." CANOVA. 45 clever young artist, or if one of the workmen he em- ployed showed unusual ability, he would advise him to take a studio of his own, and then procure him work and commissions, sometimes at his own expense. "At any moment, when he was requested, he used to put down his own work to look at the studies of whatever artist asked him for advice ; and he did it with so much discretion, that no one's pride was ever humiliated b}^ it, but, on the contrary, aiways received impulse and encouragement." He took great pains in cultivating his mind ; he read, and more frequently caused to be read to him while he worked, all the best Italian, Greek, and Latin classics, more particularly Tacitus (tas' I tus) and Polybius (po llb'- 1 us).* His style in writing was unaffected and good ; his letters gained in elegance as his taste grew more refined. His mind worked rapidly and easily in composing his works. He would first make a few lines on paper, then various little sketches in chalk or wax, till he had satis- * The following letter to the Abate Cesarotti {dbii'tu chdsarWe)^ shows liis interest in reading : "What will you say to my troubling you with this letter? But you will pardon me, I am sure, when you know that it is my heart which really forces me to do it, in spite of the repugnance I have to writing. Your Homer, and your Notes, call from me the expression of the warmest gratitude ; your poems capti- vate me with their sublimity; your Notes confirm me more and more in braving prejudices, and in only esteeming those things which really and reasonably are estimable. You will tell me that it is impossible that a man who has to work all day like a brute, should be able to read your works. It is true that I do work all day like a brute, but it is true, on the other hand, that almost all day I listen to reading, and in that way I have now heard for the third time all the eight volumes on Homer, which are to me, as it were, a Sacrament of Confirmation against prejudice. You know very well, that when great men have ideas which further those of a little man, the little man takes courage. I do not wish to waste your precious moments longer ; let it suffice me to say, that I hope you will believe that my soul can not help being near you often, or making you the subject of its discourse as often as possible. And full of real admiration and respect, I do myself the honor of calling myself [Canova.] " Rome, Feb. 8th, 1794." 46 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. fied himself with his conception, and finally a large model. He always took criticism good-naturedly ; when friends wanted him to reply to some attacks in a Q-erman pamphlet, he told them that it was, indeed, his part to reply, but only by doing better ¥rork with his sculj^tor's tools. He listened with attention to all sorts of remarks on his work, even from stupid people ; and sometimes he even retouched his statues because he had found something good in such corrections. He was often amused when his injudicious admirers found all sorts of ingenious and occult meanings in his works ; he used to smile, and say that he had never dreamed of what they had attributed to him. "The sympathies of love," says Cicognara, "were felt by him more than once, with all the intensity of which a noble soul is capable ; he himself admitted that he had felt the force of that sensation to an extraordinary extent when he was only five years old, of which he had the clearest recollection." He did think, at two different times,* of marrjdng, presumably at a more advanced age ; but he feared that it might be a drawback to his pursuit of art. He led a very pure life, and up to the end of his life he was a devoted and tender friend. Fortunately for him, the unsettled times in which he * The following extract from a letter of Canova's gives some account of the lady whom he thought of marrying on the second of these occasions. " This Spanish lady," says Cicognara, "to an infinite c^iltivation of mind united a golden character." " * * * * And I envy you the dear companionship of Alcssandri (<'i les siin' drd), of Niccolini (nik o le' ne), and especially of Minette (mdnet'ta) [the lady in question]. Oh, why did I not know it in time, for I would have hegged you to study and penetrate into the most intimate recesses of that spirit of Paradise ! Tou, who are so passionately attached to beautiful and virtuoiis creatures, would have been touched and astonished at obtaining an inner knowledge of the virtues and the adorable qualities of the heart, of that dearest friend of ours. I swear to you, that T have not found her equal * * * * there is not in the world a matron who surpasses her iu really angelic candor and goodness." CANOVA. 47 lived, instead of interrupting liis work, gave liim furtlier opportunities of distinguisliing himself. He went to Paris in 1802, where he modeled the colossal statue of N'apo- leon ; he went there again in 1810, to model a statue of Maria Louisa (ma re' a lc5oe'sa), in the character of "Concord." Beside these two journeys, he made one to Vienna, where he made a beautiful monument to the Archduchess Maria Christina (krlste'na). His work was so admired at the Austrian court that he was induced to send the Emperor his group of "Theseus and the Minotaur." During his stay at Paris, he had many con- versations with Napoleon, which have been reported, a.nd where he is supposed to have shown neither fear nor favor for the great Emperor. He had a particular affection for delicate feminine beauty, and used to be called the Sculptor of Venus and the Grraces ; but he distinguished himself also in the male figure, and the various tombs he designed, with their figures of mourners, certainly have great dignity and beauty. We may mention particularly the monument of Cardinal Stuart, the last of his unfortunate family. Canova was a skillful anatomist, but never paraded his knowledge. He is frequently accused of an affectation of softness, and to a modern observer the accusation appears to have some justice ; but we must remember that his subjects were frequently of too light and gay a class for a very solemn mode of rendering. He is also reproached for over-finish of surface, and for using mechanical means to bring this about ; he was, in fact, extremely particular about texture, but seldom used, says his biographer, any other artifice than washing his statues with acqua di rota (ak wa' de ro' ta), after polish- ing them with the utmost care. 48 AETISTS AND SCULPTORS. He was exceedingly benevolent, and gave away what he gamed, in sums regularly assigned to the foundation of the Roman Academy of Archaeology, to keeping up monthly pensions for art students, to annual prizes for the more clever among them, to the Academy of St. Luke for buying artistic books, to the Academy de' Lincei (len'sae) to assist it in its scarcity of resources, and to an annual gift to poor artists, or to their families. All these good deeds were done with the greatest modesty, but with so much good-will that it was sometimes difficult to restrain him from doing unwise things. In 1811, a very hard year for art in Rome, the Pope being away and few strangers there, there was much suffering among the artists ; Canova was of the greatest assistance to the young art-students, whose condition he considered especially pitiable ; and he had his works drawn and engraved, not for his own profit, but so as to give work to a number of artists. His last journey to Paris was a special mission from the Pope ; he was sent to ask the assembled powers to give back the works of art which Napoleon had carried off from Rome. He negotiated with great courage and success, and his return was a real triuinph.* This year, * This extract from a letter, written in Paris, gives some view of tlie diillcnl- ties of his mission : "If you could know the hundredth part of the annoyances and fatigues I have suffered these last days, since I first arrived in Paris, you would have con- sidered such a delay [in writing] excusable. I will not be long in telling you the history of my mission ; I wiU only tell you that it has been successful. And it really would have been scandalous, if all of them had got back their objects of art, and Rome alone had been excluded from such a number. So I am author- ized by the Allied Powers to take back the greater and better part of our chef Wmuvres (sha deuvr') of painting and sculpture. I say the greater and better part, because I am obliged to leave some of them here, making my own selection, however. I have the comfort of telling you, that our Venetian pictures have been got back, and are already being packed up for Italy. The famous Supper of Paolo {pa 6' 10) [Veronese] remains here. You will hear it said that H. M. the CANOVA. 49 he planned making at his own expense a colossal statue of Religion, as a memorial of the Pope's return to Rome. It was to be his gift to the Church he loved. But, unfort- unately, the design met with obstacles; no place was assigned for it ; and, after wearisome delays, it was exe- cuted for an English lord. He was anxious to spend for some religious purpose the money he had meant for this gift ; and he decided to build a great church in his native town, which was to be embellished with his works, and might enrich the inhabitants by attracting strangers there. He laid the first stone in 1819, on the 11th of July. But the build- ing cost eight times as much as his statue would have cost ; so that he found himself obliged to constantly undertake new labors in order to meet the expenses it gave him. His work is thought to have improved at this period of his life, through his seeing the Elgin marbles in the British Museum. Emperor of Austria wanted to know my opinion on this point, to conflrm the •reasons which were brought forward for its being left here, and making an exchange ; which were, in substance, that it was necessary to cut the canvas in pieces, as it could not otherwise be moved without certain ruin. I had nothing to do vrtth it, for the thing was settled before I was told about it. The four Horses [from St. Mark's] have been taken off the Arch [of Triumph], and are going back to Venice. The Emperor told me, that he wished to have them placed where I thought best ; and I replied, that they would go very well beside the entrance of the Ducal Palace, two on each side, opposite San Giorgio (sd?i jor'jo). * * * * The chef d^cmivres of sculpture are in my hands, in an Austrian barrack, and are being packed with the best pictures which I could recover belonging to Rome and to the State, without having a precise list, which was necessary, and which I am expecting from Eome every moment. If any thing is left behind or lost, the fault is not mine ; it is the fault of the person who sent me without a hope of suc- cess, and without a single note of what was to be reclaimed. However, the best part has been taken [back] ; and all by force of the Prussian, Austrian, and English bayonets ; for these three powers, particularly, are protecting us, and England pays the expenses of transporting them from Paris to Eome. A fine thing 1 " [This letter, and those which precede it, are translated from a collection of Canova's correspondence, published with his memoir, by the CavaUere Oicognara, at Venice, 1823. The authority for our biography is mainly this memoir.] 50 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. In 1821, after having inspected the progress of the Possagno churcli, and made some modifications in its design, he went back to Rome and modeled his group, called the "Pieta" (pea'ta), or "Virgin Weeping over the Dead Saviour." This was one of his finest works. He went to Naples in 1822, to see about the casting of a colossal statue, and in September he went again to Possagno. He traveled, as was his custom, too fast ; he arrived a sick man, but did not go to bed, and hoped that the climate and the Recoaro (ra ko a' ro) water would do him good ; he went on to Venice, and became ex- tremely ill. He received with great calmness the doctor's announcement that he must put his affairs in order, and spoke with the greatest sweetness to the friends who sur- rounded him. They were offering some restoratives, — " Grive me them," he said, " that so I may prolong the pleasure of staying with you." His last words, repeated many times, were "Pair and pure spirit"; after which his face, which had been ra.diant for some time, astonished his friends by its expression. He died without a struggle, at sixty-five years of age. THORWALDSBN. 1770-1844. BERTEL* THORWALDSEN (ber teJ' tor'val zen) was born in Copenhagen (ko pen ha' gen), N"ovember 19, 1770. His father, Grottskalk (gots'kaik) Thorwaldsen, was a poor wood-carver ; he made figure-lieads for merchant vessels. Bertel used to help his father at his trade,! and early showed an unusual talent for sculpture. His father sent him, at eleven years of age, to the free school of the Royal Academy of Fine Arts ; and he made so much * Bertel is said hy M. Plon {mo seet-' plong) to be the Danish form of Bartholo- mew. The Italians changed it to Alberto. Thorwaldsen was never very par- ticular about orthography, and used to sign himself so, and all Ms acquaintances in Rome knew him by this name. t See Andersen's charming account of Bertel in his story of "What the Moon Saw." The child was very pretty and attractive. "The Eling's New Market " was the favorite playing ground for the town boys. Near the eques- trian statue a sentry-box was placed, which was only occupied during the night. This proved an Immense source of attraction to the boys. The game con- sisted in one of their number getting inside, while the others spun it round as fast as possible, and though the guard were constantly on the alert, and were kept pretty well employed the most of the day in chasing the boys away,— which of course enhanced their fun in no small degree,— somehow or other they always managed to escape, shouting and howling as they ran off, and returning the moment the soldiers were out of sight to the forbidden spot. One day it hap- pened to be Bertel's turn to be swung round ; when the soldiers approached as usual, the other boys scampered off, leaving him still spinning round and unable to get out. He was pounced on by the guard and led off in triumph, a prisoner, to the guard-house. — Thide's Life of Thorwaldsen. Another time his mischievous companions, surprising him in contemplation before the statue, which represents Christian V. trampling under the feet of his horse a monster called Envy, hoisted Bertel up on the horse, partly by force and partly with the boy's consent. Off they ran and left the poor, bewildered child, who kept as still as the royal cavalier himself ; and a comical spectacle it must have been to see him, in his red cotton cap, mounted in such illustrious company. But the gens d'armes {zhon (Pdrm'), passing that way, hastened to carry their little victim off to the police station.— Pfc>/i's Life of Thorwaldsen, translated by I. M. Luyster. 52 ARTISTS AND SCULPTOES. progress in two years that he was soon able to be of great use to Q-ottskalk in his business. After six years at the Charlottenburg (shari6t'ten boorgh) school, he took his first prize — the small silver medal. Great as were his artistic abilities, he was considered as a stupid boy in other respects, and probably was so. It was only as an artist that he grew quickly. His prize made him work harder than ever. Two years later, in 1789, he gained the large silver medal, for a bass-relief called "Love in Repose." His father now concluded that his son had learned enough to devote him- self to his own profession, which was what he had always intended him to do. But the painter, Abildgaard (a' blld- gord), begged his father to let him continue his studies ; and it was finally agreed that Bertel's time should be divided into two portions — one of work with his father, the other of serious study. Bertel himself appears to have made no objections to his father's plans, but it is probable that he was much better pleased with the final arrange- ment. Several works remain which he and his father executed together at this time. He was also beginning to make sketches in relief and to carve figures in stone. He usually worked from the designs of other artists. The next school-honor for which he competed was the small gold naedal. The competition was much dreaded, and while Thorwaldsen was going through the prelimi- nary part of it, the competition for composition, he was so discouraged that he left his workroom, came down stairs, and was just about to leave the building. But he met one of his friends among the professors, who per- suaded him to go back to his work ; he made a beautiful sketch in four hours, and in the course of two months gained the medal. Two years later, he gained the great ^HORWALDSEN. 5S gold medal, which was to allow him a pension for three years abroad. He was not able to take advantage of it at once, and remained for some time in Copenhagen. The Academy gave him some assistance, and he found work to do in illustrating, teaching drawing and modeling, drawing portraits, and making bass-reliefs. At last, on the 20th of May, 1796, Thorwaldsen set sail for Naples on the Thetis. The captain, Herr Fisher, was kind to the young fellow during his long voyage, but considered him very lazy, as he cared to do nothing but sleep, eat, and play with his big dog, Hector, refusing the offers he received of being taught Italian. "But," says Captain Fisher, "everybody likes him because he is such a good fellow."* He left the frigate at Malta and went to Naples, where he fell ill. When he had some- what recovered, he went to Rome, where he arrived on the 8th of March, 179 7. In after life, he always considered this date a period of the greatest importance. He did not, however, become all at once the man he was to be. He was so much impressed by the great works he saw that he remained for some time in a sort of stupor. * From Malta he writes : " I jump on shore, the captain shows me my lodgings, which will do very well. * * * I go to bed, and at last to sleep; my host comes to wake me— me and Hector, my dog, who embraces me affectionately. I leave the house to go on board the Spemorara (sjyemdra'ru), then back to my lodgings ; on the way. Hector plays his pranks, chases the goats, which jump and caper. He trips up a little girl carrying a baby, but does no harm. Then he knocks over a little boy ; everybody laughs." The captain of the Thetis did not approve of the idleness of his young charge. He writes his wife from Malta: "Thorwaldsen is still here, but looking out at last for an opportunity to go to Rome. God knows what will become of him. He is so lazy he has no wish to write himself, and while on board he would not learn a word of Italian, though the chaplain and I both offered to teach him. He has a big dog whom he has christened Hector. He sleeps late in the morn- ing, and thinks only about his own comforts and eating. But everybody likes him because he is such a good fellow."— Pton's Life of Thorwaldsen. 54 AETISTS AND SCULPTORS. He had received letters to Zoega * (zo a' ga), a country- man of his, who was a learned archaeologist. He became a sincere friend to the young man. He was shocked by his utter ignorance of every thing beside art ; but he was not deterred from being of great use to Bertel in giving him frank criticism and judicious encouragement. At last, as Thorwaldsen said, "the snow that he had in his eyes began to melt away." He made a great num- ber of copies from the antique, and did some original work. He found difficulty in living at Rome, as his pension was a very small one. The political difficulties between France and the Pope, from 179 7 to the Concor- dat in 1801, made it difficult for him to earn any thing. Besides, he suffered frequently from malarial fever, which recurred all his life. After staying nearly three years in Rome, he began the first model for his first important statue, the " Jason " (ja'son). It did not excite much interest, and he finally destroyed the model and began again. His pension was renewed by the Academy for three more years ; a Danish lady advanced the money to cast his statue in plaster, and as soon as it was seen it made a great sensation, though the name of the artist was scarcely * Bishop Munter had furnished him with lettei's to the learned archseologist, Zoega, who soon became attached to the yonng artist, without heing hlind to what was wanting in him. He writes from G-enzano (zhon zu' nu) : "Our countryman, Thorwaldsen, has come to pass a week with us and see the curiosities of the neigh- borhood. He is an excellent artist, with a great deal of taste and sentiment, but ignorant of every thing outside of art. By the bye, the Academy shows very little judgment in sending such ignorant young fellows to Italy, where they must necessarily lose a great deal of time in acquiring that knowledge, without which they are unable to profit by their stay here, and which could have been acquired more easily and rapidly before coming. Without knowing a word of Italian or French, without the slightest acquaintance with history and mythology, how is it possible for an artist to properly pursue his studies here ? I do not require him to be learned, but he should have some faint idea of the names and meanings of the things he sees."— Ptora's Life of ThorwaliUen. THORWALDSEN. 55 known. Canova (ka no'va) said, " This work of that Danish youth is made in a new and grand style." And his critical friend, Zoega, was really pleased with it. Nobody gave Thorwaldsen any more orders for this success, however. He had no more money left, his pen- sion had come to an end, and he decided that he must leave Rome. His trunks were packed, and piled upon the carriage, when some trouble about passports obliged him to remain another day. In a few hours, the English banker, Mr. Thomas Hope, came into the studio, was struck by the "Jason," and asked how much it would cost to put it into marble. "Six hundred sequins," said the sculptor, and the bargain was agreed upon, Mr. Hope promising to increase the sum if he were satisfied with the statue. This was the beginning of constant good fortune as far as money went. He was very unfortunate at this time, however, in forming a connection which was to have a long and hurtful influence upon his life. He had met at Zoega's country-house a beautiful Italian girl, called Anna Maria (ma re' a) Magnani (man yan' e). They fell in love with each other, but she was a woman without principles or heart ; she readily deserted Thorwaldsen for a richer ad- mirer, whom she married and deserted in his turn, obliging Thorwaldsen to support her. Her jealous tem- per made his home very unhappy. The friendship of the Baron von Schubart (fon shoo'bart), the Danish ambassador, and of Wilham von Humboldt (fon hoom'taolt), introduced him to excellent society, and put him in the way of receiving many orders. He made a delightful journey to Naples and to Montenero (mong- ta na'ro) in 180-1, returning by Grenoa (jen'o a). This year he received from Florence the diploma of professor in its 56 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. Academjr. In 1805, he produced his first important bass- relief, the "Abduction of Briseis (IdpI se'is)," in which many persons tliougiit lie had surpassed Canova. He now became more and more popular, and received more and more commissions. The "Briseis" bass-relief, and the beautiful group of "Cupid and Psyche (si'ke)," are supposed to mark the full development of his talent. He received many visitors, and liked to go into society. It was at this time that he began his regular correspondence with that Prince Ludwig (icJod'vig) of Bavaria, who afterward became king, and who was such an enthusiastic patron of art. Thorwaldsen was of great use to him in his purchases of antiques for the Q-lyptothek (glTp to tak') at Munich. In 1808, he modeled his statue of "Adonis." That year he was made honorary member of the Roman Academy of Saint Luke, and his diploma bass-relief was that well-known work called "A Genio (jen'eo) Lumen," representing a woman preparing to draw, and waiting for genius to fill her lamp. His increasing fame made his countrymen very proud of him, and he received a friendly and pressing letter from the Prince of Denmark, entreat- ing him to return home. But he was detained in Rome by an important commission. The Quirinal (kwiri'nal) Palace was to be splendidly ornamented in preparation for a visit froixi Napoleon. Thorwaldsen was asked to compose a frieze for one of the halls; he chose for his subject "Alexander Entering Babylon." He executed it very rapidly ; it was finished in June, 1812, and was considered a great success. In 1813, he had another attack of fever ; he was urged by his friend, the Baron von Schubart, to go with him to the Baths of Lucca (icScsk'ka), and his stay there was of great advantage to him, It was not long after this journey THORWALDSEN. 57 that he modeled his two celebrated bass-reliefs, "Night" and "Morning." In 1816, he finished his "Venus;"* while working upon this statue, he restored the Aegina (e ji'na) ixiarbles, a work which required a thorough knowledge of Greek Art, and which was admirably executed. His bust of Lord Byron f belongs to the same period. He was so un- fortunate as to fall in love once more, or, rather, twice more, at this time ; biit neither affair ended in any thing serious as far as he was concerned. One of these attach- ments was to a well-educated Scotch woman, ;|; the other * The "Venus" has been often reproduced. The first three copies, in marble, were exposed to great risks before reaching their destination in England. The left arm of the one intended for the Duchess of Devonshire was broken when the vessel was unloading ; this break was concealed, by means of a gold bracelet. This same statue was also broken at both ankles, and to conceal the breaks anklets have been placed on them. This copy is at Chatsworth. The vessel which carried that belonging to Lord Lucan iju'kan) was wrecked upon the coast of England. But " Venus " rose again from the waters. She was uninjured. The third statue, impatiently expected by its owner, Mr. Dabouchere (lil boo sher'), safely arrived in port. The powerful crane was just lifting it from the vessel, when the rope broke, and the heavy box shd through the hatchways and fell to the bottom of the hold. The cargo, fortunately, was wheat ; the Goddess fell lightly and was preserved. Ceres (s«';S2) had saved Venus. — Plan's Life of Thorwaldsen. + "It was in Kome," says Thorwaldsen (1814), "that I made the bust of Lord Byron. When this nobleman came to sit to me in my atelier (at It o'), he took a seat opposite me, and put on directly a strange expression entirely different from his natural one. ' My Lord,' said I to him, ' please keep perfectly still ; and I beg of you do not look so disconsolate' ' It is my natural expression,' replied Byron. ' Really I ' I said, and without paying attention to this affectation, I began to work in my own way. When the bust was finished, everybody thought it a striking likeness, but my lord was dissatisfied. 'This face is not mine,' he said, ' I look far more unhappy than that,' for he was obstinately bent on looking miserable."— Ptoft's Life of Thonoahlsen. X In the spring of 1818, Thorwaldsen, in an excursion to Tivoli (U'voU) with some friends, caught a violent cold, accompanied by fever, from viewing the falls at night. He was so ill he was obliged to remain at Tivoli, and keep his bed. Growing worse, he was taken to Albano (iil bd'no), where it was expected he would quickly rally; but the artist had not patience to remain quiet, and insisted on returning to Rome in so weak a condition that he had a return of one of his old attacks of depression. Miss Mackenzie, deeply concerned at his dangerous condi- tion, offered, if he went back to Albano, to go with her aunt to Genzano, which is in the neighborhood. Thorwaldsen followed the two ladies, who visited him 68 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. to a beautiful and ardent Viennese (ve en es'). They caused considerable perplexity to Thorwaldsen, who appears to have been a man with the faults and virtues of a child ; and they hastened him in leaving Italy for a visit to Denmark. He left Rome July 14, 1819. On his way home he stopped in Lucerne (ic5b sern') to make arrangements for the monument to the m.em- ory of the Swiss Guards who died in the defense of the Tuilerias (t^A^e' iSr iz) on the 10th of August, 1792. One of the officers, who had escaped, had retired to Lucerne, and had the idea of erecting a monument in his garden to his companions in arms. There was a great subscription for the purpose throughout Switzerland, and Thorwaldsen was asked to execute the monument. The conception is one of his noblest ; nothing could be finer than the dying lion, protecting the French escutcheon till the last. One of his pupils began the work from the sketch, and Thor- waldsen finished it ; the plaster was sent to Lucerne, where it had been intended to cast it in bronze ; instead, it was decided, apparently on Thorwaldsen's advice, to cut it out of the solid rock ; and there it stands, one of the finest and most fortunately placed monuments in Europe. After traveling through many German cities, he arrived in Copenhagen and went at once to the Academy, where he was to live. The first person he saw there was the old janitor, who had been a model in Bertel's student days. He was much overcome by this meeting, and embraced the old man. He was warmly welcomed by all sorts of people ; a great banquet was given him at the Academy ; frequently, and who even came to live at Alljano to give him the care his health required. Such affectionate attention, together with the pure air, produced a happy change ; and Miss Mackenzie's joy at this result, together with his tender gratitude, and the influences of spring in beautiful Italy, created a close bond between them.— Pto«'s Life of Thorwaldsen. THORWALDSEN. 59 he was made Counselor of State, so as to be invited to dine with the King ; he received commissions from the royal family and was consulted about public artistic works. The Cathedral, or Frue Kirke (frcJo'e ker'ke) [Our Lady's Church] had just been rebuilt, and Thorwaldsen planned for it a great series of sculptural decoration which was to embrace nearly all his works on religious subjects. He exe- cuted the groups of the " Preaching of St. John " and the "Christ and the Apostles" during his stay at Copenhagen. He left it in August, 182 0. On his way back to Rome he went to Warsaw, where he had some negotia- tions pending about work ; and here he met the Emperor Alexander of Russia. The Emperor willingly consented to allow Thorwaldsen to make his bust, and finding that the artist was embarrassed by his stiff, military coat, he at once uncovered not only his throat, but his chest. Thor- waldsen was recommended by him to the Emperor Francis of Austria, whom he met at Troppau (trop'pau), where the Congress of Powers was sitting. While the sculptor was in Vienna, he heard that the floor of one of his studios In Rome had broken down ; but, fortunately, little of his work was injured. This news, however, decided him to go back to Rome at once. Not long after his return there, he became intimate with Prince Ludwig of Bava- ria, with whom he had long kept up a correspondence.* * The King of Bavaria (then Prince Louis or Ludwig), writes thus to Thor- waldsen, after a farewell banquet given in his honor hy the sculptor : '' Herr Counselor of State, — " No, not that,— Dear, good, and great Thorwaldsen !— Kings are indeed power- less to bestow what is signified by that name. Long after military glory has ceased its din, the name of the great artist still lives, pure, sublime, blessed of Heaven, and his immortal works forever engender others. My last hours in Home were made pleasant by the banquet kindly given me by my excellent Thorwald- sen. But to say good-bye was all the more painful. Adieu, till we meet again. "Louis, Pbince Eoyal, who sets great store by his Thorwaldsen." —Plonks Life of TJiorwaldsen. 60 ARTISTS AND SCULPTOES. He was an interesting man, and entirely devoted to the arts ; it is to him that Munich owes its newer galleries of painting and sculpture. Thorwaldsen gave much thought, after his return from Copenhagen, to his great plans for church decoration. He never could have carried on so much work at the same time had it not been for the pupils he employed, for he was also occupied with some of the orders he had received in Poland. In 182 2, when he was at the height of his faine, he was accidentally wounded by a pistol- ball, but the injury vi^as a very slight one. He was much pleased at receiving a commission from Cardinal Consalvi (kon sal've) for a tomb, to be erected in St. Peters, to the memory of Pius VH., for whom Consalvi had a great affection. Thorwaldsen, who was no Catholic, though not a very devout Protestant, was justly proud of being chosen for this work. Before it was finished, he was asked to design a tomb for Consalvi himself ; other interruptions occurred, caused by the difficulties in the arrangement of the composition, and by the immense amount of other work which the sculptor had on hand. Then it was discovered that a wrong estimate had been made of the length of the mausoleum ; and it was seven years after Cardinal Consalvi had given the commission that the tomb was finally erected, in 1831. Thorwaldsen was so evidently the first sculptor in Rome, that he was elected President of the Academy of St. Luke, while the monument was in progress, though here also his Protestantism counted against him.* In * The lionora'ble post of President of the Academy of St. Luke was to be filled by some sculptor. Thorwaldsen's superiority made him the proper person to take the chair, and his enemies, who had no strong candidate to oppose to him, THORWALDSEN. 61 this position he was the object of so much jealousy, that he was dehghted to lay it down at the end of his term of office. He was elected Vice-President of the Depart- ment of Sculpture ; but he never could be induced to attend any more sittings of the Academy. In 1830, he made another journey ; he went to Munich to attend to the erection of his monument to Prince Eugene Beauharnais (a zhan' bo ar na'). On his return to Rome he found considerable excitement in the city ; as soon as the French ambassador heard of the French Revo- lution, he had left the city and gone to Naples, and Horace Vernet (ver naO, the director of the French Academy, had become the only representative of France in Rome. There was a great deal of feeling against the French, and though they were more specially threatened, all strangers in Rome were uneasy, and Thorwaldsen, who was of a peaceful temper, much disliked this state of things, and thought of leaving Rome. The excitement subsided, however, and Thorwaldsen's life became rather a gay one ; he saw a great deal of the Vernets, who gave delightful parties were in a quandary. His friends declared that it would be a disgrace to the Academy to nominate any one "but him, while his opponents replied that it would he a positive scandal to invest with such functions an artist who was not a CathoUc. Thorwaldsen made merry with his friends over the embarrassment of the opposition. But there was a difflculty in the case, which even to his parti- sans looked serious. The President of the Academy, in the discharge of his duties, was, on certain solemn occasions, obliged to be present in his official character at the ceremonies of the Church, and the question now arose whether the pontifical government would be pleased that a Protestant artist should, in such cases, be called upon to represent the Academy. It was thought prudent to submit the matter to the Holy Father. "Is there any doubt that he is the greatest sculptor we have now in Rome ? " asked Leo XH. " The fact is incon- testable," was the reply. " Then there can be no hesitation, and he must be made President. Only, there are times when he will see the propriety of being indisposed." The words of the Sovereign Pontiflf removed all scruples. Decem- ber 16, 1825, Thorwaldsen was elected President of the Academy of St. Luke by a majority of votes, for the usual term of three years. The decoration pro merito belonging to this title was sent him. — Plan's Life of Thorwaldsen. 62 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. at the French Academy, not far from the sculptor's own studio. He was exceedingly fond of Vernet*, and thought more seriously of leaving Rome after his friend had left it. They made portraits of each other, and were always friends. Before Vernet departed, Thorwaldsen had finished many important works, as well as his beautiful series of the "Exploits of Love." He made the acquaintance of Sir Walter Scott in 1831 ; but, with great good-will on both sides, it could not go far, as they had no common language.! In 183 7, he left Rome ; but as the cholera was raging there, he and his companions were sent back by the inhabitants of the surrounding towns ; he did not suc- ceed in getting away till 1838, when he sailed from * The two masters, Thorwaldsen and Vernet, who met every evening in society, often visited each other, also, in their ateliers. Mendelssohn (men' del sun) saw them constantly. He thus descrihed the painter's studio : " Among alleys of evergreen, now in blossom, exhaling a delicious perfume, in the midst of the shrubbery of the Medici (med' e che) garden, is a small house, from which invariably issues some nols6 which can be heard from afar,— shouting or quarreling, or maybe an air played on the trumpet, or the barking of dogs, — that is the studio. The most admirable disorder reigns throughout. Guns, a hunting horn, a monkey, palettes, a brace of dead hares or rabbits — every-where pictures finished or half finished." Thorwaldsen lived in Rome, in the Plazzo Pomati (lylcit' zo fo ma' te), on the Pincian (phi'cM an) Hill. When you knocked at the door, the great sculi^tor opened it himself. The furniture was simple, but a multitude of fine paintings orna- mented the waWs.— Plan's Life of Thonoaldsen. t In 1831, Thorwaldsen received^a visit from Sir Walter Scott. It is reputed of this celebrated novelist, that he did not manifest much interest in works of art while in Rome ; at all events, he desired to be presented to the sculptor. Walter Scott, well versed as he was in the tongues of the North, could only speak his own ; as to Thorwaldsen, it was impossible for him to follow a conver- sation in English. These two illustrious men accosted each other with touching cordiality, but their conversation was fragmentary, consisting of interjections and monosyllables, and such words as : conoscenza — charmd — plaisir — happy — connais- sance— piaoere — delighted — heureux. Very concise language, but the two new friends were so pleased, that they seemed to understand each other wonderfully. They shook hands with the greatest friendliness, they clapped each other on the shoulder, and when they parted, followed each other with their eyes, making aU the time the most demonstrative gestures.— P/ow'*' Life of Thorwaldsen. THORW ALDSEN". 63 Leghorn in a government frigate which the King of Denmark liad put at his disposal. The welcome with which he was received at Copen- hagen was one of the most enthusiastic and hearty ever given, and one of the most elaborate. Splendid festivi- ties were held for him, and afterward he was besieged by visitors. After some time, he found that he could do no work if he remained in Copenhagen, and sought refuge in the family of Baron von Stampe (stam'pe), at their estate of ISTysoe, where a studio was now arranged for him.* After this, he divided his time between Nysoe and the city. He was much liked and admired, and retained to the last his simplicity of character. He made one more journey to Rome, where he staid about a year. On his return to Copenhagen, he was received by the city council in the museum, which was to contain his works, which he had left to the nation. He continued working to the very end of his life ; he had been occupied on a bust on the morning of the day he died. In the evening, he went to the theater, and was taken suddenly ill. He was hastily carried to his * Christian Vm. was anxious to have a statue of his ancestor, Christian IV., a prince who had distinguished himself in the Thirty Tears' War. Thorwaldsen readily consented to execute this statue, hut, according to his custom, did not hurry himself. One evening, at a hall, the king begged the Baroness von Stampe to use her influence with the artist in his hehalf. One day, when the sculptor had gone to walk, she took possession of the atelier, and hegan to model as well as she could a sketch in clay, intended to represent the monarch. Upon Thor- waldsen's return, he was astonished to And the haroness hard at work. "What are you about there?" he asked. "The statue of the king," replied the baroness. "Since I have pledged my word, and you will not do it, I must do it myself." The artist laughed heartily, and began to criticise her work. " Do it better your- self, then," said the baroness, pretending to be piqued. Thorwaldsen could not help taking the clay to correct the proportions. When he had once begun, he finished the sketch, and afterward modeled the statue. It was cast in bronze, and is now in the little garden of the Rosenberg -pal&ce.— Plonks Life of Thor- 64 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. own house, but he was aheady dead. It was such a death as he had most wished.* * One year, precisely, before Thorwaldsen's death, the poet Andersen came to relate to Mm the news of a recent tragic occurrence. Admiral Wulff (w(X)lf) was taken ill at the theater, was driven home, but upon arriving at his door, was found dead in the carriage by his driver. "Well," exclaimed the sculptor, "is not that an admirable way to die, and one to be envied?" Just a year from that time Andersen met the artist on the way to the theater. Thorwaldsen entered alone, and took his iisual seat in the parquet. A lady, coming in afterward, was obliged to pass before him. In order to make room, he rose ; and the lady, turning to thank him, saw him stooping down. "Have you lost any thing, sir?" she asked. Thorwaldsen did not reply. It was now seen that he was ill, and people ran to his assistance. He was carried in great haste to the Charlottenburg Palace, which adjoins the theater, and laid on his sofa. A physician hastened to open a vein, but no blood came. He had ceased to ]ive.— Plan's Life of Thorwaldsen. TURN KR. 1775-1851. JOSEPH MALLARD WILLIAM TURNER was born in London, on the 2 3d of April, in the year 1775. He was to become the most celebrated of English land- scapists, — a man for whose genius it is as hard to ac- count, as it is to find any direct influence of his on other painters. He was also a man of two natures, — of a high and glorious artistic personality, acutely sensitive to new forms of beauty, and at times of a low and degraded personality, not only tolerant of what is not morally beautiful, but taking pleasure in it. Strangely silent, reserved, and incapable of expressing himself in spoken or written language, he has had the advantage of a champion in the world of letters who has spoken for him with an eloquence which in our time has been one of the glories of English speech. No one who has read what Ruskin (rus'kin) has written of Turner, can ever see his pictures with an indifferent eye ; and upon many and many readers of English, Turner unseen is a more powerful influence than he could be, seen in the place where he left his work and his fame to his country. His father was a barber, a man of honesty, industry, and economy. His mother became insane toward the end of her life ; their home can not have been a happy one.* * Near the south-west corner of Covent (kov' ent) Garden, a square brick pit or well is formed hy a close-set block of houses, to the back windows of which it admits a few rays of light. Access to the bottom of it is obtained out of Maiden Lane, through a low archway and an iron gate ; and if you stand long enough 66 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. But the child was fortunate in having his talent early recognized by his father, who used to exhibit his draw- under the archway to accustom your eyes to the darkness, you may see on the left hand a narrow door, which formerly gave quiet access to a respectable bar- ber's shop, of which the front window, looking into Maiden Lane, is still extant, filled in this year (1860) with a row of bottles, connected in some defunct man- ner, with a brewer's shop. A more fashionable neighborhood, it is said, eighty years ago than now— never certainly a cheerful one— wherein a boy being born on St. Greorge's day, 1775, began soon after to take interest in the world of Covent Garden, and put to service such spectacles of life as it afforded. No knights to be seen there, nor, I imagine, many beautiful ladies ; their costume at least disadvantageous, depending much on incumbency of hat and feather, and short waists ; the majesty of men founded similarly on shoe-buckles and wigs ; impressive enough when Reynolds will do his best for it ; but not sug- gestive of much ideal dehght to a boy. " Bello ovile doi is dormii agrello " (Pair fold where I slept, a little lamb), of things beautiful, besides men and women, dusty sunbeams up or down the street on summer mornings, deep-furrowed cabbage-leaves at the green-grocer's ; mag- nificence of oranges in wheelbarrows round the corner ; and Thames' shore within three minutes' race. None of these things very glorious ; the best, however, that England, it seems, was then able to provide for a boy of gift; who, such as they are, loves them never, indeed, forgets them. The short waists modify to the last his visions of Grreek ideal. His foregrounds had always a succulent cluster or two of green- grocery at the corners. Enchanted oranges gleam in Covent Garden of the Hes- perides (hes per' i cRz) ; and great ships go to pieces in order to scatter chests of them on the waves. That mist of early sunbeams in the London dawn crosses, many and many a time, the clearness of Italian air ; and by Thames' (teinz) shore, with its stranded barges and glidings of red sail, dearer to us than Lucerne i]M sern') Lake or "Venetian (ve ne'shan) lagoon,— by Thames' shore we will die. * * * He attaches himself with the faitlifulest child-love to every thing that bears an image of the place he was born in. * * * Hence, to the very close of life. Turner could endure uglinesses which no one else of the same sensibiUty could have borne with for an instant. Dead brick walls, blank square windows, old clothes, market-womanly types of humanity — any thing fishy or muddy like Bil- lingsgate (bV Imgz gdf) or Hungerf ord market, had great attractions for him ; black barges, patched sails, and every possible condition of fog. * * * The second great result of this Covent Garden training was, understanding of and regard for the poor, whom the Venetians, we saw, despised ; whom, con- trarily. Turner loved, and more than loved— understood. He got no romantic sight of them, but an infallible one, as he prowled about the end of his lane, watching night effects in the wintry streets ; nor sight of the poor alone, but of the poor in direct relations with the rich. He knew in good and evil, what both classes thought of and how they dealt with each other. Reynolds (rln'oh) and Gainsborough, bred in country villages, learned there the country boy's reverential theory of " the Squire," and kept it. They painted the squire and the squire's lady as centers of the movements of the universe, to the end of their lives. But Turner perceived the younger squire in other aspects TURNER. 67 ings in the shop window, marked with low prices. The boy had a little schooling, which never taught him to write intelligible English, or even to spell, and he had a about his lane. * * * He also saw the working of city commerce, from endless warehouses, towering over Thames, to the back shop in the lane with its stale herrings— highly interesting these last ; one of his father's best friends, whom he often afterward visited aflfectionately at Bristol, being a Ush-monger and glue- boiler, which gives us a friendly turn of mind toward herring-fishing, whaling, Calais (Jed la') poissardes {pioa sdr'), and many other of oar choicest subjects in after life, all this being connected with that mysterious forest below London Bridge on one side,— and, on the other, with these masses of human power and national wealth which weigh upon us, at Covent Q-arden here, with strange compression, and crush us into narrow Hand Court. "That mysterious forest below London Bridge," better for the boy than wood of pine, or grove of myrtle. How he must have tormented the watermen, be- seeching them to crouch anywhere in the bows, quiet as a log, so only that he might get floated down there among the ships, and round and round the ships, and with the ships, and by the ships, and under the ships, staring and clamber- ing ;— these the only beautiful things he can see in the world, except the sky ; but there, when the sun is in their sails, filling or falling, endlessly disordered by sway of tide and stress of anchorage, beautiful unspeakably ; which ships are also inhabited by glorious creatures— red-faced sailors, with pipes, appearing over the gunwales, true knights over their castle parapets— the most angelic beings in the whole compass of London World. And Trafalgar {trdfal gar'), happening long before we can draw ships, we, nevertheless, coax all current stories out of the wounded sailors, do our best at present to show IsTelson's funeral streaming up the Thames, and vow that Trafalgar shall have its tribute of memory some day. Which, accordingly, is accomplished— once, with all our might, for its death ; twice, with all our might, for its victory; thrice in pensive farewell to the old Temeraire, and, with it, to all that order of things. * * * And at last fortune wills that the lad's true life shall begin ; and one sum- mer's evening, after various stage-coach experiences on the north road, which gave him a love of stage-coaches ever after, he finds himself sitting alone among the Yorkshire hills. jFor the first time, the silence of Nature round him, her freedom sealed to him, her glory opened to him, peace at last ; no roll of cart- wheel, nor mutter of sullen voices in the back shop ; but curlew-cry in space of heaven, and welling of bell-toned streamlet by its shadowy rock. Freedom at last. Dead wall, dark railing, fenced field, gated garden, aU passed away like the dream of a prisoner ; and behold, far as foot or eye can race or range, the moor and cloud. Loveliness at last. It is here, then, among these deserted vales. Not among men. Those pale, poverty-struck, or cruel faces ;— that multitudinous, marred humanity— are not the only things that Gi-od has made. Here is some- thing He has made which no one has marred. Pride of purple rocks, and river pools of blue, and tender wilderness of glittering trees, and misty lights of even- ing on unmeasurable hills. * * * So taught, and prepared for his life's labor, sat the boy at last alone among his fair English hills ; and began to paint, with cautious toil, the rocks, and fields, and trickling brooks, and soft, white clouds of heaven.— IfotZcra Painters. 68 ARTISTS AKD SCULPTOES. good deal of miscellaneous instruction from various draw- ing masters. He also studied for a while in the house of Sir Joshua Reynolds, and he was apprenticed to an architect, who advised his entering the Royal Acad- emy school. His entrance there was the beginning of a long and close connection with the Academy, which he loved all his life. When he first exhibited there, he was but twelve years old. While his education, such as it was, was in progress, the boy did not find it difficult to get artistic emploj^ment of more than one sort, which not only brought him in a little money, but was of some advantage to him as regarded theory and practice. He not only made drawings to sell, but colored prints for a dealer, washed in water-color backgrounds for an archi- tect's drawings, and made drawings of his own, for half a crown and a supper, for Dr. Monro (mun ro'). He had the great advantage, in the last named occupation, of the society of a congenial friend of his own age. This was Thomas Girten (gur'ten), a boy two years older than he, who seems to have possessed at least equal talent as a youth ; he was already an accomplished water-colorist, and Turner had a great admiration for him. "Had Tom Grirten lived, I should have starved," is one of his reputed sayings ; and another, of a certain golden effect of Girten's which he much admired, " I never in my whole life could make a drawing like that ; I would at any time have given one of my little fingers to make such a one." The evenings the two boys passed at Dr. Monro's were of great advantage to them ; for not only was the master of the house a lover of art, but they seem to have had the opportunity of meeting Wil- son, Gainsborough (ganz'b'ro), Paul Sandby (sand'bi). Cozens (kuz'Snz), and other landscapists there. Girten TURNER. by died at twenty-seven years old, eleven years after his friendship with Turner is supposed to have begun. He may very fairly be reckoned among Turner's masters. All these masters appear to have been encouraging to the young fellow, with the exception of his perspective teacher, who sent him back to his father as a hope- less pupil.* "But he learnt more," says Mr. Monkhouse (munk'hows), "from the dead — from Claude (kla^Ard) and Vandervelde (van' der vel deh), from Titian (tlsh' an) and Cavaletto (kav a let'to), from Cuyp (koip) and Wilson. * * * There is scarcely one of his predecessors or con- temporaries of any character in water-color painting that he did not copy, whose style and method he did not study, and in part adopt." He seems to have studied, in fact, more from art than from nature, and to have early felt that spirit of rivalry which never relinquished him, of pitting himself against all sorts of artists, living and dead. Most of this early work of his was in water-colors, the coloring sober, the technical power great. He was all his life a better and safer executant with water-colors than with oils. As he grew older, he was a good deal employed in making topographical drawings ; and, as he approached the age of twenty, he began upon that long series of sketching journeys which was to be the principal outward feature of his life. He had commissions for engravers' designs which sent him traveling over England, Wales, and the Isle of Wight (yvu). These journeys were of great advantage to him as a "good and thorough discipline in the study of nature." In the meantime he frequently exhibited in the Academy, and was early noticed as a man of promise. * Turner subsequently became Professor of Perspective in th.e Eoyal Academy, and was a painstaking "but uninteresting teacher. 70 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. So far, we have had to tell the story of a life which, though arduous, was by no means wanting in encourage- ment or opportunity. One great misfortune, however, seems to have come to Turner in these early years, — an unfortunate love affair. It is said,— though the whole affair is involved in the mystery which Turner loved, — that he engaged himself to the sister of one of his old school-fellows, — that their letters were intercepted, that after waiting two years she accepted another man, and that on her old lover's re-appearance she considered her- self too far bound in honor to the new one to break off her engagement. There are improbabilities in this story ; Turner was too sturdy a pedestrian to leave such an affair to itself for two years, wherever his occupations may have called him. "What we positively know is," says Mr. Hamerton (ham' er ton), "that Turner remained a bachelor ; " and he remained one all his life. He never seems to have had any intimate friendship with any woman whose society could have done him any good ; and to this and to his early disappointment, we may probably trace, in part, his morbidly secretive way of life and his want of confidence in the world in general. His journey to Yorkshire and farther North in 179 7, was that one of his eai'ly tours which seems to have had most effect upon him. The pictures he exhibited soon after show a great change ; Yorkshire and Cumberland had turned him, as Mr. Monkhouse says, frona a toilsome student into a triumphant master. His work began to show that power of dealing with light in which he was to excel. He now painted landscape both in water-colors and in oils ; and it was probably in part owing to the latter fact, that at twenty-four years of age, he was elected Associate of the Royal Academy. TURNER. 71 He was already superior to all living English landscap- ists, who were, in fact, an inferior set of men just then. Even his friend G-irten had no chance for Academy honors, as he exhibited no paintings in oil. "From the time that Turner became an Associate his struggles, if he can ever be said to have had any, were over. * * * He ceased almost entirely from making topographical drawings for the engravers. * * * He had, in effect, emancipated himself from 'hack-work,' * * * and he showed the improvement in his position by moving from Hand Court, Maiden Lane, to 64 Harley street."* For his advances in his profession were often marked by a change of dwelling. He now began to paint oil pictures, in more or less rivalry with other painters. He tried his hand in com- petition with Vandervelde, the Poussins (pc5o sang'), and Titian ; his most famous battle, however, was with Claude Lorraine (l6r ran'). This was carried on by the publication of the series of engravings called the Liber Studiorwn (ii'taer studio' rum). He issued it in com- petition with Claude's Liber Yeritatis (ver i ta' tis), a book of memoranda of the effects of his pictures ; but the * Two ladies, Mrs. E. and Mrs. H., once paid him a visit in Harley street, an extremely rare (if not the only) occasion of such an occurrence, for it must be known that he was not fond of parties prying, as he fancied, into the secrets of his menage (men dzh'). On sending in their names, after having ascertained that he was at home, they were politely requested to walk in, and were shown into a large sitting-room without a fire. This was In the depth of winter ; and lying ahout in various places were several cats withoiit tails. In a short time our talented friend made his appearance, and asked the ladies if they felt cold. The youngest replied in the negative ; her companion, more curious, wished she had stated otherwise, as she hoped they might have been shown into his sanctum {sdngk' turn), or studio. After a little conversation, he offered them wine and bis- cuits, which they partook of for the novelty, such an event being almost unprec- edented in his house. One of the ladies bestowing some notice upon the cats, he was induced to make remark that he had seven, and that they came from the Isle of Msai..—Monlchoiise (quoted). 72 AETISTS AND SCULPTORS. competition was an unfair one. for Turner's book is no such simple affair as Claude's. It is really a collection of black-and-white, or rather brown-and-white pictures, en- graved in a new combination of etching and mezzotint (mSd'zo tint), and giving a very fair idea of the scope of the artist's mind and the range of his power. His skill in rendering atmospherical effects, and the structure and growth of things, the results of his architectural study, and his fondness for the Bible and Ovid (ov'Id), are all to be found in the Liber Studiorum. Turner was made a Royal Academician in 1802. He made his first tour on the Continent about this time, exhibiting six foreign subjects in 1803. While carrying on his rivalry with other artists, he was constantly and severely studying Nature. His memoranda on his jour- neys were mostly made with the pencil-point, and as he worked he altered every thing he drew, so that when his pictures are compared with the places they are supposed to represent, whatever resemblance there is proves very inexact. Mr. Hamerton says that Turner's studies were of general laws and general effects, and this seems to have been the case. "When Turner became an Academician," Mr. Hamer- ton goes on, " he took his old father away from the busi- ness of barber, and gave him a home in his own house. It is said that he was kind and respectful to the old man, invariably ; " and his father was helpful to his son in whatever little ways occurred to him ; he stretched his canvases for him, and showed visitors over the pri- vate gallery of pictures which was already called the Turner Gallery in 1809. Turner went to visit some of his relatives in Devon- shire, about 1811, and he seems to have been a much TUENEE. 73 more agreeable companion than usual upon this expe- dition.* In 1812, he removed from Harley street to Queen Anne (an) street. Not long after, in 1814, he built himself a lodge at Twickenham (twik'en am), where he had some intercourse with the family of the Rev. Mr. Trimmer, the Vicar (vik'ar) of Heston, and is supposed to have wished to marry that gentleman's sister,— a wish which proved fruitless, f It was by two pictures in the Exhibition of 1815 that * He was looking at a seventy-four gun-sMp, which lay in the shadow under Saltash. (said' tosh). The ship seemed one dark mass. " I told you that would be the effect," said Turner, referring to some previous conversation. " Now, as you observe, it Is all shade." "Yes, I perceive it, and yet the ports are there." "We can only take what is visible— no matter what may be there. There are people in the ship. We do not see them through the planks.''— 3Ionkhoiise t Tuesday, August 1, 1815. Queen Anns street. Mt deae Sir :— I lament that all hope of the pleasure of seeing you, or getting to Heston, must for the present wholly vanish. My father told me on Saturday last when I was, as usual, compelled to return to town the same day, that you and Mrs. Trimmer would leave Heston for Suffolk on to-morrow, Wednesday. In the first place, I am glad to hear that her health is so far established as to be equal to the journey, and believe me that your utmost hope for her benefit- ing by the sea air being realized, will give me great pleasure to hear and the earlier the better. After next Tuesday— if you have a moment's time to spare, a line will reach me at Parnley Hall, near Otley, Yorkshire, and for some time, as Mr. Pawkes talks of keeping me in the north by a trip to the Lakes, &c., until November, therefore I suspect I am not to see Sandycomb, Sandycomb sounds just now in my ears as an act of folly, when I reflect how little I have been able to be there this year, and less chance (perhaps), for the next in looking forward to a Conti- nental excursion, as poor daddy seems as much plagued with the weeds as I am with disappolntm.ents, that if Miss would waive bashfulness, or in other words— make an offer instead of expecting one— the same might change occu- piers—but not to bore you further, allow me, with most sincere respects to Mrs. Trimmer and family, to conclude myself Your most truly (or sincerelj^) obliged .J. N. W. Turkek. But for the assurance of the present Mr. Trimmer, of Heston, that this attachment of Turner to Miss Trimmer was undoubted, and that this letter has always been considered in the family as a declaration thereof, we should have thought the offer was one for Sandycomb liOdge and not for his hand. It is, however, past doubt, that Turner was violently smitten, and, though forty years old, felt it much.— iforeiftOMc. 74 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. Turner showed, more than ever before, that he was not only a draughtsman and a skillful painter of effect, but a great and original colorist. There were " Crossing the Brook" and "Dido (di'do) Building Carthage" (kar'thaj), both of which he bequeathed to the nation, and both of which may be seen in the National Grallery. He went to Italy in 1819, and the journey seems to have confirmed him in his new style ; for after some hesitation, he painted, in 182 3, "The Bay of Baise" (bez), with "Apollo" (apol'lo) and the "Sibyl" (sib'il), which Monkhouse calls " the first of those magnificent dreams of landscape love- liness with which his name will always be specially asso- ciated." It is singular that Turner, who, during the mid- dle and later part of his life, was something of what is now called an Impressionist, — that is, a painter preferring gen- eral effects of color and light and shade, to cover even ordi- nary exactness in the form and placing of real objects, — should have been as fond as he was of choosing poetical and mythological names for his pictures, and making them the expression of ideas of his own, — sadly fatalistic ones usually, — which most of us would have great diffi- culty in making out for ourselves. He tried to obviate the difficulty by placing in the Academy Catalogue, with the names of his pictures, longer or shorter extracts from a manuscript poem by himself, called " The Fallacies of Hope." Whether the whole of this poem ever existed, or whether it merely exists in the Academy Catalogues and in scattered fragments among the artist's papers, we can not tell. Turner's strongest and finest period of painting did not begin to draw toward a close till about 1836. During this time, his truest and best life may be seen in his pictures ; the events of his outer life were very, TUENEE. 75 few. His "Coligny" (koien'ye) of 1826, his "Ulysses (uiis'sez) Deriding Polyphemus" (poi I fe' mus) of 1829, "Caligula's (kalig'ulaz) Palace and Bridge" of 1831, " Childe Harold's Pilgrimage" of 1832, his beautiful paint- ings of "Venice," the first of which he exhibited in 1883, are among the finest of his pictures. The fine series of water-color drawings, called " The Rivers of Prance," belong to the years 1834-5. They have been well en- graved. Turner had previously made a series of draw- ings, called " The Rivers of England," as well as the illus- trations to Rogers' Italy and his Poems, and many other water-colors for the engravers. He drove hard bargains with these artists, and occasionally, there is ground to fear, tried to cheat them ; but this may have been owing to a combination of his passion for saving money, with his capacity for being entirely puzzled in regard to ideas and incapable of expressing himself in intelligent language. His old father died in 1830 ; his death was a great loss to his son, and so was Sir Thomas Lawrence's. Turner made many Continental journeys between 1820 and 1836; their records are vague and few ; he did not write many letters, and those he wrote are uninteresting. The most lovable stories of this period which are told of him are those which describe his kindness, at various Academy Exhibitions, to painters who were not well hung, or whose pictures he could help to look their best, even at the sacrifice of his own. "The Fighting Temeraire " (ta ma rar'), of 183 9, is one of his most celebrated pictures ; it was his " last picture," says Mr. Monkhouse, "at which no stone was thrown." The picture represents the old Temeraire, which had led the van at Trafalgar (traf ai gar'), being towed 76 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. to her last moorings by a fiery little steam-tug, in a wild sunset light. Turner had seen the incident and made it the subject of a picture. Mr. Euskin says that the period of Turner's central power, " entirely developed and entirely unabated, begins with the Ulysses and closes with the Temeraire." "This decade," says Mr. Hamerton, "had been a time of immense industry for Turner. In that space he had made more than four hundred drawings for the engraver, had exhibited more than fifty pictures in the Royal Academy, and had executed besides some thousands of sketches, and probably many private com- missions which can not easily be ascertained." As Turner grew older, he sought for an expression of blinding sunshine with such exclusive eagerness that he neglected every thing else for it. His pictures grew more and more incomprehensible to the world in general ; and it was in answer to criticisms which now seem almost childish that Ruskin published the noble defense which was to become the book we know as " Modern Painters." Turner painted a few more pictures, which were fine and unique ; the " Snow-storm at Sea," the " Burial at Sea," the " Rain," " Steam and Speed," and the " Slaver Throwing Overboard the Dead and Dying," which has been brought to America. But the proportion of fine works grew smaller, and of unintelligible ones greater. "He appears to us, in these last days," says Mr. Monk- house, "like a great ship, rudderless, but still grand and with all sails set, at the mercy of the wind, which played with it a little while and then cast it on the rocks." His life was shipwrecked as well as his work. Many of his friends were dead ; his home could not have been a cheerful one, and he had no pursuits which interested him beside his work. Not long before his death, he dis- TURNER. 77 appeared. As Mrs. Danby, liis old housekeeper, was "brushing an old coat of Turner's, in turning out a pocket, she found and pounced on a letter directed to him, and written by a friend who lived at Chelsea (chei'se). Mrs. Danby, it appears, came to the conclusion that Tur- ner himself was probably at Chelsea." He was living there, in fact, under the name of Mr. Booth, in a small lodging near the river. He had been living there occasionally for some time. Mrs. Danby and another infirm old woman went there to look for him. " From inquii'ies in a place by the river-side, where gingerbread was sold, they came to the conclusion that Turner was living in a certain small house close by, and informed a Mr. Harper, whom she and Turner knew. He went to the place and found the painter sinking. This was on the 18th of December, 1851, and on the following day Turner died." He left a singular will, which, though it was not car- ried out, is worth mentioning. He left most of his property to found a charity for decayed artists ; he left all his pictures and drawings to the nation ; he founded a Turner medal, desired to be buried in St. Paul's, and to have a thousand pounds expended upon his monu- ment. He also left some small legacies. The will and its codicils, like most of Turner's literary productions, were so confused, that after years of litigation, his prin- cipal object, the charity for old artists, was not carried out. In his first will, he had only left two pictures to the nation, — the " Sun Rising through Mist," and the "Carthage," on condition that they should always be hung next to two pictures of Claude's, whose rival he had been so long ; and they hang as he wished in the National Grallery. 78 ARTISTS AND SCULPTOKS. Constable (kun'sta bl), a contemporary of Turner's, was an artist of much less scope ; but his direct influence on art has been, as far as we can see, greater. It is easy to see the effect which Constable and his friend Bonington (bon'ing ton) had on French art, and the share which they had in founding that "glorious school of Fontaine- bleau" (fong tang bio'), which carried landscape art so high in the middle of the century. It is too soon to see Turner's direct effect. But it is most certain that sooner or later, that effect will be discernible. INORES. 1780-1807. JEAN AUGUSTE DOMINIQUE INGRES (zhon 6 gust' do mm ek' anggr) was born on the 2 9th of August, 1780, in the Httle town of Montauban (mon to bong'), in the south of France. His father was a respectahle artist, who devoted himself both to iDainting and sculjDttire, and who had a decided musical talent.* He sent his son to study at the provincial Academy of Art at Toulouse ; the boy studied not only with the professors of the figure, but with a landscape painter of the old school, and gave a considerable part of his time to music ; for he was a good enough violinist, at thirteen years old, to play a concerto at the theater of the town. In 179 6, Ingres went to Paris, and became a pupil of David. This singular man had already exercised an immense power upon French art. He had found it given over to what he considered the childish folly of Boucher and Vanloo (vonglo'), the imitators of Watteau, * "I was brought up," says Ingres laimself, "in red ch.alk ; my father, a musician and painter, intended me for painting while teaching me music as a pastime. This excellent man, after having given me a great portfolio which con- tained three or four hundred prints after Raphael (rif a U), Titian (fish' an), Cor- reggio (kor id' jS), Eubens (rob' benz), Teniers (tin'yerz), Watteau (viit to'), and Boucher (Soo s/t«'),— there were aU sorts,— gave me for a master M. (mo seer') Eoques (rok), a pupil of Vien " (ve OAig') [Vien was David's (da vMz') master] " living at Toulouse (too looz'). * * * My progress in painting was rapid, a copy of the Virgin in the Chair, brought from Italy by my master, made the veil drop from my eyes. Raphael was revealed to me ; I burst into teavs^ Sketch of Ingres, by Silvestre (sel vestr'). Ingres' tears came easily, all his life long. Long after, when he was painting M. Bertin's (birr tdngz') portrait, he was so dissatisfied with it that he really sad- dened his model. " He used to weep," says M. Bertin, " and I passed my time in eonsoling him." 80 AETISTS AND SCULPTORS. and the remote echoes of the old French historical style, which, in its turn, was little better than an imitation of the dreary late Italian schools, the Caracci (kar rat'chee) and Gruido (g wee' do). David did not feel the charm which, at this distance, all of us can feel in much of the eighteenth century work, and its best painters, Watteau and Chardin (sharr dang'), were both dead. He was a. man of considerable ability as a draughtsman, and threw himself with enthusiasm into the study of classical art, in which a new interest had lately arisen. He acknowledged no masters nearer our time than the Ro- mans, who appear to have influenced him more than the Greeks. His republican sentiments, which he shared with half France, made him long to express the simple and noble life of the early republics in the simple and noble manner of the classical artists ; and archa3ology had not made sufficient progress to teach him that the models he admired were most of them more or less clever copies, made under the deadening influence of an often tasteless despotism. What David thought, he taught ; and as his tendency toward classicism was shared by revolutionary France, he became an excessively popular teacher. It was the proper thing, in those days, to wear antique robes, sandals, and curly crops of hair named after Brutus, to sit in chairs of antique pattern and to kindle altars to the Fatherland, or whatever other divinity seemed sufficiently classical. The women were most daring in their experiments on costume ; but the men occasionally risked a dress but little adapted to the Paris climate. When France was in such a ferment about the mere externals of antiquity, what wonder that a man like David, who had proved himself sternly in earnest as a Regicide judge, who took the Revolution INGRES. 81 with the utmost seriousness, should have attracted to himself a great following of enthusiastic young men? David's atelier (at n a'), or work-room, as the French call a studio, must have been like the great Paris class- rooms of the present day, but even noisier and far more exciting.* Into such a studio as this the young southerner came. He is not supposed to have been one of the celebrities of the class ; his manner of working is thought to have had too much exactness and unaffectedness to satisfy the Roman ideas of his master. However, he gained first the second "Prix de Eome " (pre deh rom'), and then the first, which would ordinarily have entitled him to some years' residence abroad. The government was too poor at this time to give him the necessary pension, and he remained in Paris from 1800 till 1806, living as he could, illustrating books, making drawings from the antique for a collection of prints, painting a few por- traits, and already making those beautiful pencil draw- ings for which he was to gain so much reputation, f * Eor Interesting references to David and his students, see the novel of "Noblesse Oblige" {noUSss' oUezh'), by the author of "Mademoiselle Mori" (mad- mvia zeV mo re'). Such class-rooms nowadays, the art students tell us, are full not only of hard work, but of endless jokes, good and bad, singing various in quality, but always loud, and constant discussion on all subjects, occasionally ending in an appeal to fists. These diilerent elements are now harmonized by a great deal of tobacco-smoke ; whether that existed in David's time, we are unable to say. On the appearance of the master, when he comes to criticise the class, all the noise ceases ; the liveliest and most daring theoricians become as docile as children of six, and nothing is heard but the low voice of the professor, occasionally rising to a stUl more awful harangue, and the suppressed acquiescence of the pupils. t One of these represents a bourgeois {boor zhwaw') parlor, with a father, a mother, a visitor, and a young girl, whose hand is on the keys of the harpsichord. "They had a great deal of music at that house," said Ingres; "I used to pass the evening there ; the young lady played at these home concerts ; I had an inclina- tion for her, which she shared. As I was just about to start for Italy, the parents decided that the marriage must be put off tm I came back ; but one fine evening, the evening of my farewell, the young lady contradicted my ideas on painting, and held to her own opinion. That was a warning to me ; I left her forever."- 82 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. He had two intimate friends at this time, Bartolini (barr to le' ne) and Fetis (fa tes'), the former a sculptor, the latter a musician. Ingres and Bartolini agreed in their half-unconscious resistance to the classicism of the day, and with Fetis, Ingres had the common ground of a life-long love for music. The three lived together, and Fetis conceived the idea of giving a concert for the benefit of their very uncertain finances. They made twelve dollars by it, and Fetis said, long afterward, that he had retained the most delightful recollections of the rejoicings and festivities which the three had owed to this modest sum. At last, thanks to M. Amaury-Duval (a mo re'-du val'), the head of the direction of the Fine Arts, the necessary monejr was paid to Ingres, and he started for Rome. The record of his journey, which we find in his sketches, shows that he was by no means indifferent to landscape beauty. On reaching Rome, he gave himself up to the admiration of Raphael, who was to become his favorite master. As M. Blanc (blong) observes, David had gone back to the antique without stopping at any of the mas- ters of the Renaissance (r€ih na songs') ; Raphael, whom Ingres had admired as a child, had scarcely been pointed out to him by his master ; and it is not surprising that years after, recollecting that first Roman enthusiasm for a painter whose genius really did bear some relation to his own, Ingres should have exclaimed, " Gentlemen, I had been deceived ! " His first " envoi " (an vwav^^'), or picture required by the regulations to be sent to Paris, was a copy from Raphael, " The Mercury of the Farnesina " (far ne se' na). In the second year of his stay, he painted the beautiful IKGRES. 83 portrait of Mme. Devaucay (deh vo' sa), now in the Louvre* (l<3o'vr). He was all his life a consummate portraitist, com- bining expression and character with great beauty of rendering in form. His drawing in this work, and in all his work, is his strongest point ; his sense of form is exqu.isite in its delicacy and completeness. His idea of art, in fact, was almost entirely limited to draw- ing and modeling ; he went little further, in coloring, than an unmodified representation of a general tone, and paid almost no attention to the slight grada- tions and subtle harmonies in which colorists take pleasure. His small black and white portraits, usually in lead-pencil, by which he had to live for two years during his first stay in Italy, are therefore the finest examples of his genius which we have ; f for it is impossible * Long years after Ingres painted this portrait, he received a visit from an old lady, poorly dressed. "You do not recognize me," she said to M. Ingres, whose face visibly showed embarrassment; "and yet you have painted my por- trait. But I was young then, and— they said— pretty. I am Madame Devaucjay." * * * When M. Ingres had asked her the motive of her visit, she confessed to him simply that being in want of almost every thing, she was really obliged, to her great regret, to seU the portrait which he had painted of her. Persuaded that he would be more interested than any one else in doing her this service, she had thought of going to him. * * * jjg assured her of his zeal * * * and told me that he had soon succeeded in selUng the portrait * * * for a sum which would put her at least out of reach of want. — Amaury-Duval, U atelier d^ Ingres. t He used to receive four dollars apiece for these beautiful portraits during his early life in Home. He had no idea of confining himself to such work. He once received a visit from a gentleman who, after having rung timidly, asked, "Is this where the artist who draws little portraits lives?'' Ingres was furious, and shut the door in his face. He was vexed when Gericault (zha re ko'), who came to see him in Kome in 1817, was so fascinated by his drawings that he con- tinually returned to them while praising his paintings. Long after, when Amaury-Duval begged him to hang some drawings in the exhibition of his pictures in 1855, his face grew dark. "Wo," he replied, " they would only look at those." When he was quite old, he made one of these admirable sketches, which his friends were admiring. " It's a very slight thing," said Ingres ; " I can't see to do it,— I haven't my hand any longer ; " then, suddenly drawing himself up, " Well," he said, " every thing has been taken from me, gentlemen, every thing ; " then, pointing at the drawing, " I have that still I " 84 AETiSTS AND SCULPTORS. not to feel some disappointment before a painting which gives little pleasure to our sense of color. Ingres painted, after this portrait, the picture called " Ql^dipus (ed'ipus) Answering the Riddle," which may also be seen in the Louvre.* It is considered a great advance on David's attempt at classicism ; but the biographers take pleasure in re- marking that Ingres has sought and found in this pict- ure an ideal of his own, suggested by Nature, Raphael or the Q-reeks, but exactly following none of the three. In a realistic time like ours, we are certainly not struck by the realism of the "QHdipus"; but Ingres' constant directions to his pupils not to improve upon Nature as they saw her, and his wrath when he was once supposed to have flattered a model, make us count him, on the whole, more of a realist than an idealist ; and he cer- tainly shines more as a portraitist than as a historical painter. In 1812 he made a large painting in distemper for the Quirinal (kwl ri'nal) palace, of Romulus with the Spo- lia Opima (spo'lla opi'ma). Not long after, he began a small interior of the Sistine (sis' tin) Chapel, which is * Long after, one of his fellow-students was congratulating him upon his pict- ore. It was Granger (grbiig zha'), who had been given the Prix de Rome the year Ingres had the second prize. "I recognize your model," said he. "Ah, you do? It is really he, is it not?" "Yes, but you've improved him immensely I" "What do you mean? Improved? Why, I copied him— copied him servilely." "Perhaps you did, but he wasn't as handsome as that." Nothing was more curious than to see M. Ingres, who, before his pupils, heard himself accused of not following his own doctrines. How angry he was I " Why, look here, since you remember him, it is his portrait ! " " Idealized." This was the last blow, especially as G-ranger said all this very politely, as if it were a compliment. "Well," said M. Ingres, "think what you please of it; but I suppose myself to copy my model, to be its very humble servant, and I don't idealize it." This discussion threatened to have no end ; Granger finished it by saying, "Idealized or not, it is very fine." And they went no tw:\h.'dT:.—Amaury-Du'oal. INGRES. 85 described as far more attractive in color than most of his worli. In 1814 he was married. Some of his friends had thought it well for him to have a wife, and decided upon a young lady from Champagne (shong pan'), who came out to Rome for the purpose.* Ingres saw her, liked her, and the marriage was de- cided upon. His choice, if it may be called so, was a most fortunate one. Madame Ingres, a woman of great practical ability, made her husband very comfortable at once, and through years of poverty she encouraged him in faithfulness to what he considered his highest calling, and in resignation to disappointments and priva- tions. She was very economical, and only too anxious to keep from her husband any thing which might distress him.f Ingres painted a number of small historical paintings at about this time ; these are not his finest works ; his hand does not seem to have felt at ease upon a small * Some one had been speaking of the Tomb of Nero, near Kome. " Ah ! " he said, "you speak of a place which has always left a strong and sweet recollection in my mind * * * for it was there," he added, "that I saw Madame Ingres for the first time. It's the truth, gentlemen, I didn't know her. She was sent out to me from iPrance," he said, laughing, " and she didn't know me either ; that is, I had sent her a little sketch which I had made of myself." "And you had flattered yourself nicely too," said Madame Ingres, without stopping her knitting. * * * Then he related to us in a few words the history of his marriage. He was melancholy and lonely at Kome ; he told one of his friends how out of spirits he was ; this friend happened to have in his family a young lady endowed with all the qualities which could assure his happiness ; every thing was arranged by correspondence. One day he was informed that his fiancee {/« ling sa') was to start for Home, and that he was to expect her. The date was precise. M. Ingres went to meet her at the Tomb of Nero, and there he saw getting out of a vettura {vet too' rd) the woman who was to be his wife. "And who has kept," he added, looking at her, "all her friend's promises, and moTe."—Amanry-Duval. t While he was director of the Academy at Rome, the cholera was raging in the city without his knowing any thing about it. His wife had kept it from him, and had hidden the newspapers which gave accounts of it. 86 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. canvas. In 1820 he went to live at Florence, where he was warmly welcomed by his old friend Bartolini, who was established there as a successful sculptor. Life was hard both at Florence and Rome. Ingres, as he said, painted as if he had ten thousand livres income, and elaborated his pictures with a most disinterested regard of time and money. The principal pictures which belong to this period are the "Ruggiero (poodja'ro) and An- gelica" (anjel'ika), now in the Louvre, — it met with some adverse criticism on its first exhibition ; the "Odal- isque" (odaiisk'); the "Virgil Reading the ^neid (ene'ld) to the Mother of Marcellus" (mar sel'lus) ; and the "Vow of Louis XIII." This last, representing the king devot- ing the Kingdom of France to the glorified Virgin, was to be one of his most important pictures, and he studied it with the greatest care.* Composition was never very easy to him, and he changed his arrangements again and again. The painting of it, too, was, as usual with him, a long operation. At last it was done, and this * A friend of Ms named Constantin {k6ng stUng tang'), an artist and a very handsome and weH-made man, came to see him at this time. Ingres was hard at work on his composition, and begged Constantin to pose for the Virgin. As she was to be seen from below, he went up on the ladder Ingres nsed, and sat there holding in his arms a bundle of linen. Ingres could not satisfy himself with the pose, and as he knew exactly what he wanted, he mounted the ladder in his turn, half dressed, " and posed himself for Constantin, who drew, as a Vir- gin, this Uttle thick-set man, holding with majesty his bundle of linen (Ingres, 8a Vie et ses (Etivres par Charles Blanc). He did not always have even a ladder for his work. "At the time he was painting his 'Vow of Louis XlII.,' " said Madame Ingres, "not having the money to buy or hire a ladder to work at the upper part of his picture, he had been obliged to arrange a chair on some boards himself, and it was so uncertain that when any one came to see him, I was obUged to tell him gently, for fear that too sudden a movement to receive the guest might make him fall down with all his scafEolding. Yes, my friend, that was the way [as regarded poverty] that we passed twenty years in Italy, and at the time of our greatest distress, he refused to make an engagement which would have given him a fortune on condition of going to London to draw pencil portraits; and I agreed with him; he had something else to do."— Amaury- Duval. INGRES. 87 time, instead of sending his picture to Paris, he took it tliere himself. This was in 18 24. It was immediately exhibited in the Salon (sa long'), and much admired, and the most difficult part of Ingres' life had now come to an end. He at once received a great number of orders, both public and private, and took hearty pleasure in all the marks of sympathy and admiration he received. Art in Paris was at this time no tranquil pursuit, but a battle in which there were arrayed two entirely different factions. The painters called classicists, — the old pupils of David and their fol- lowers, — had been for some time the ruling power in the exhibitions, and in the artistic section of the Institute. Their works were generally considered examples of the only proper and desirable style of art, and for many years no principles were taught which were not theirs. The pupils of a revolutionary master, they had estab- lished themselves so firmly in public positions and in private taste, that a new revolution was required to keep French Art from falling into a new set of rules and con- ventions. And the new revolution had come. A number of young artists, among whom Eugene Delacroix (u zhen' deh la krv^ra') was the leader, and of whom Q-ericault had been the forerunner, charmed by the recent literary revival of an interest in the middle ages, lovers of color and light and shade, and finding poetry and art in all sorts of things outside the antique, had applied themselves to putting their thoughts and feelings on canvas. They admired Rembrandt (rem' brant), the great colorists of Venice and Flanders, the recent excellent English landscapists, and found that none of these admirable artists drew in the manner recommended by the Institute. Some of them, therefore, committed the not unnatural mistake of paying OO ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. very little attention to drawing at all ; and others of them, with really noble motives to represent, carried them out with what their enemies considered intolerable eccen- tricities of execution. Interesting and charming as their coloring is, it often appears to a modern too overcharged and exaggerated for the subtle simplicity of Nature. But Nature is a goddess who is worshiped under many different forms, and she may be supposed to be tolerant for all her adorers ; and the Romanticists (ro man' tl sists), as the new men were called, certainly had a much wider and far more interesting view of Nature and of Art, too, than their classical opponents. It was to them, or to their principles in some form, that we owe the admira- ble painters of the middle of the century — Rousseau (roo so'), Corot (ko ro'), Dupre (dupra'), Dias (de'as), De- camps (deh kong'), and the great Millet (me ya') himself. Eugene Delacroix himself was an artist of great abilities and great nobility of sentiment ; his works are splendid in color and tremendous in movement and ferA^or, and some of them are among the brightest ornaments of the French school. He and his followers were to enlarge the horizons of art ; they accomplished not perhaps exactly what they meant to accomplish, but what has been of immense value to France and to the world. They kindled the enthusiasm of their own generation and of the next, as no classicist could ever have done. These painters welcomed Ingres and his great picture, which they could see was a new step in Art. Delacroix always spoke of him and his work with great respect.* * Before the opening of the G-reat Exhibition of 1855, Delacroix was delighted to have an opportunity of examining Ingres' Apotheosis (,ap o thW o sis) of Homer. "I never saw such execution," said he; "it is made, as the masters painted, out of nothing; and from a distance, every thing is there." " That reminds me," said Amaury-Dvival, " of the speech which was attributed INGRES. 89 Ingres returned his kind feelings by a hearty detestation which the new school, and ah its works, seldom failed to inspire in him. The classicists, too, welcomed him ; they could not fail to admire the purity of his drawing, while they distrusted his originality ; they admitted him to the Institute, where he was of great value to them for his effect upon outsiders, though in iheir interior councils Grirodet (zhe ro da') was more poweiful. Not long after his return from Rome, a very young man named Amaury-Duval, the son of his old benefactor, begged to be received as his xjupil. Ingres had not thought of teaching, but consented to take Amaury- Duval, and a class was formed, of which the most dis- tinguished members were later to be the brothers Flan- drin (fiong dran')- Ingres was an excellent and conscien- tious teacher, though a very dogmatic one. He imposed his personality upon his pupils rather too much for their welfare, and expected from them even more than the ordinary submission given by French pupils to their pro- fessor. But much of the advice he gave them is most excellent, dictated, as it was, hj a hearty respect for Nature as he saw it. Nothing infuriated him more than to see a pupil try to show cleverness by improving upon the model.* to M. Ingres, and which, must he true, for De lacroix told me, while describing this visit to the hall of Ingres, that he was surprised there by the master him- self, and that he had received rather a cool how from him. Hardly had Dela- croix gone out, when M. Ingres, calling an attendant, cried, ' Open all the win- dows; it smells of sulphur here.'" * M. Amaury-DuvaPs own account of Ingres' class is delightful, and we wish we could copy the whole of it. He was an enthusiastic pupil of the master ; " for me, and we were all, I think, alike in this," says he, " when I felt M. Ingres touch me with his coat, as he stooped down to look at my drawing, when I thought of the condescension of this man, of this great artist, occupying him- self with a bad outline, made by me on paper, I confess, even if I make my young fellow-artists laugh, I was taken with such a violent emotion that all my 90 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. He painted his great picture of "The Apotheosis of Homer," now in the Louvre, during the earlier days of his stay in Paris. Later he painted another great pict- ure, "The Martyrdom of St. Symphorian" (sim fo' ri an), for the Cathedral of Autun (o tung'). This picture he in- tended to strike a great blow against the new school. But its success was not what he had anticipated, in spite of its very noble qualities. The picture was exhibited at the Salon of 1834. Ingres was disappointed and displeased at its want of success, and was probably not soon to become the director of the French Academy at Rome. This Academy is sit- blood went to my heart, so that you could hear it heat, and it would have heen impossible for me to conceal what I felt, if this position had been prolonged." They were a remarkably well-bred set of students, and though they had plenty of Uf e and gayety, they did not play the usual studio tricks on each other. One of them once heard this scrap of conversation between two pupils of a rival studio : " Just imagine I the Ingres fellows, when they come to the class in the morning, they say ' How do you do ' to each other I " This seemed to them astonishingly funny. " One young fellow had been obliged to leave the class for some time. One day, on the Pont des Arts {pong dih zii'), he found himself face to face with M. Ingres ; he tried to avoid him, but the master went straight up to him. "Well, Lefore (llhfdr'),we don't see you any longer; have you been sick?" "No, sir," stammered Lefore, blushing. "Then why are you not at work? You are no longer very young. Tou have no time to lose." Pressed in his defense: "I con- fess. Monsieur," said Lefore, "that I am a little behindhand with the class treasurer, — I owe him two months." He had not finished, when M. Ingres started violently : " What, sir, do yoix want to insult me ? Have I given you the right to speak to me in this way? Am I a merchant ? Do I sell my advice, sir ? " (At these times M. Ingres would grow excited as he spoke, and his head, as in artistic dis- cussions, would grow admirable in expression). "You will come to the class to- morrow, or I shall consider your conduct as a personal insult— and never let this question rise between us again i " * * * Since that day, by M. Ingres' orders, Lefore was charged nothing for his class fee. Many others were not charged for it. This sort of generosity is by no means rare among the French professors. It would be easy to mention the names of well-known Prenchmen and Americans in Paris to-day, who are of the mind, in this respect at least, of M. Ingres. A long list could be made of very distinguished men who give their services, week after week, to large classes of young men and women, without receiving any compensation but the affection, respect, and gratitude of their pupils, and the slight acknowledgment which every Parisian pupil makes to his professor, by writing that professor's name after his own in the Salon catalogue. uated at the Villa Medici (med'iche), on the Pincian (pin' Che an) Hill, which was long ago bought by the French government as a dwelling for the young artists who obtained the Prix de Rome for painting, sculpture, engraving, and music. It is not really a school at all. Ingres made it more of a school than it was under his predecessor, Horace Vernet (verna'); but the young men who underwent his rather tyrannous but simple and good-hearted rule, retained very kindly recollections of their director. Ingres had not the time for many paint- ings during his stay in Rome, for he fulfilled his duties as director very conscientiously. He painted his second '•Odalisque," a subject which he treated with a singular grace and purity, and a small picture called "Stratonice" (strat o ne' cha), which is one of his finest works. He returned to France in 1841, full of a project for decofating the Chateau (sha to') of Dampierre (dam pe ^r') with mural paintings. Before going there he painted his fine portrait of "Cherubine Crowned by the Muse." He lived at Dampierre for several years ; he had apart- ments of his own in the Chateau, and began with enthusiasm on a great decoration called "The Golden Age." Neither this composition nor another which Ingres had projected, called " The Iron Age," was ever finished. Ingres, who was usually long in painting a picture, was longer than ever about these. Various circumstances annoyed him ; his good and faithful wife died, and he could not bear to live at Dampierre without her, and finally the paintings were left unfinished, and both parties agreed to breaking off the bargain in 1850. In the meantime, Ingres had finished some fine de- signs for colored windows for chapels for the Orleans (6r leh ong') family. He was especially fitted for work 92 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. of this kind. He mucli regretted the loss of his wife ; his work was not sufficient for liim, and his friends arranged a second marriage for him, which proved a very happy one, especially as the lady had musical tastes and could give him great pleasure by playing to him. In the Universal Exhibition of 1855, thirty-two of his pictures were exhibited together. He was the only artist who had this honor. The last of his fine works, and except his portraits perhaps the very finest, was "La Source " (scjors), or " The Spring," now in the Louvre. The picture was begun when Ingres was a young man. He lived some years longer, working and loving music to the last, and died January 14, 1867. 1795-1875. NO class of artists deserves more of our time, while receiving less from it, than the French sculptors of the present day. A painter of any unusual merit, even if he has to undergo hardships and struggles in early life, often acquires ease, and sometimes considerable fortune, before approaching old age. It is seldom that he does not produce a considerable number of pictures, many of which are paid for. Though he is forced to incur many and heavy expenses in producing them, far more and heavier than is generally supposed ; still, after the first struggles of life are over, a not unreasonable amount of uncongenial drudgery and a strict attention to economy, often make it possible for him to make a living which is a safe, though not a brilliant one. With the sculptors, it is a different affair. Their education, like that of the painters, is a long one ; they, like the painters, are obliged to meet the constant and wearing expense of studio and model, — for no artist can work well without these two costly necessities, — and they are obliged, as the painters are not, to work in an enormously expensive material, and unless they waste their physical strength with insane recklessness, they are obliged to use assist- ants for the mechanical part of any considerable work. To all these disadvantages, the French sculptor adds this, that the government commissions, on which he must depend in part, are very unprofitable ones. This is 94 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. true, also, in regard to pictures ; but the government is by no means the young painter's only patron for his important works. Plenty of people buy pictures ; very few buy statues. A young painter's life must necessarily be harder than is usually supposed ; a young sculptor's is a great deal worse than that. When this is the case in regard to the generality of the profession, — a profession to which France owes, some people think, even more than to her painters, — it is hard to exaggerate the difficulties which must have come in the way of a man who, to the disadvantage of being a sculptor, joined that of being a very original sculptor, not unconnected with a new and heretical artistic move- ment. Barye (ba re'), the first great sculptor of animals since the Panathenaic (pan ath e na'Ik) frieze (frez), the first modern to treat most of them as they really look with- out referring to classical models, was not likely to be treated at first with any great favor by the taste of his time, or by the Institute, which affected to lead it. He admired Gericault (zha re ko') and Delacroix (deh la kr^A^a'), the two great leaders of their opponents, called the Romanticists (ro man'ti sists) ; he was the friend of Corot (ko ro'), Dias (de az'), Rousseau (rc5o so'), and the great Millet (nie ya') ; and as Mr. Eckford (ek'mrd) has wisely pointed out, he was much influenced and impressed by that spirit of our age, in its scientific development, one of whose forms is called Darwinism* (dar' win izm). * Not that Barye was a scientific man, but that Barye sympathetically expressed in art, or forecast if you will, the idea of a gradually unrolling crea- tion in which the Maker sits sublime, with folded arms, needing to give but one first impulse to matter, and no more. It was the artistic form of Science that turned him toward the study of wild beasts ; him, the respectable, hard-working citizen of a town whose sons were renowned for their ignorance of field-sports BARYE. 95 Antoine Louis (6ng t^A^an' loo e') Barye was born at Paris in 1795. His parents were poor, his father a silver- smith ; he liad little education, and was apprenticed at thir- teen or fourteen to an engraver named Fourier (fc5o re a'), who made dies for buttons and military ornaments. But Fourier sometimes did very fine repousse (ruhpcSossa') work ; he was employed upon some of the gold snuff- boxes Napoleon used to send to other sovereigns, and Barye had seen him make five or six of them, one of which represented an interview between the emperors Napoleon and Alexander. After three years' apprenticeship, during which he learned a great deal about fine chiseling and working in gold and silver, Barye was drawn in the conscription, which at that time took effect at a cruelly early age. He was employed among the topographical engineers in making relief maps for the emperor to study and mark with points of fortification. "I worked night and day," he said, " at the reliefs of Mont Cenis (mong se ne'), Cher- bourg (sher'burg), and Coblentz " (kob'lents). At seven- teen, he was placed in the second battalion of Sapeurs du G-enie (sa pu' du zha ne') ; but he still seems to have been employed in more or less independent work. " One evening," he says, — "it was March 30th, 1814, — as I was and of foreign lands. It was Science that bade him examine animals near at hand, becoming intimate with them, instead of accepting the conventions decreed by the Art of the past. Science made him haunt the Jardin des Plantes (zhiir- ddng' da plbng') and tabulate the measures of all beasts he could lay his hands on ; Science urged him to lecture to empty benches ; Science upheld him in penury ; Science allowed him to stay content, though he was leaving to his family little more than a great name. He felt himself in the stir of new views of the world of men and beasts, in the current of a great age, and foresaw that what he had done would some day, and that not far off, be recognized at its full worth.— Antoine Louis Barye, an article by Henry Eckford in the " Century " for Fehruanj, 1886. All this unconventional intelligence made him. very xmlikely to become popu- lar immediately. 96 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. returning very tired from a long expedition for study across the fields of Montrouge (mong truzh'), the porter of the military depot cried out through the railing to me, ' The army has gone ; make haste and join it on the banks of the Loire ' (l^A'arr) ! As I had not a cent to undertake this retreat, which has since become so cele- brated, on my own account, I went back to my father's house. " * * * After the capitulation of Paris, I took up once more my profession of chiseler ; but I was much disturbed by my desire to be a sculptor. I applied myself with the greatest effort to drawing and modeling ; but as I was not a stirring fellow, I knew neither how to find a master nor how to live while I was studying." He managed, however, to enter the studio of the sculptor Bosio (bo'seo) in 1816, and the studio of the painter Q-ros (gro), the master of Delacroix and Q-ericault, a few months later.* After a year of rapid progress, he entered the compe- tition for the Prix de Rome (pre deh rom), in the sec- tion of engraving in raedals and precious stones. Here he gained either an honorable mention or a third prize ; it is difficult to decide which. The next year he tried again, in the section of sculpture, and obtained the sec- * He succeeded, at the end of 1816, In entering the studio of Bosio. But lie seems soon to have become convinced that, apart from the mere material processes of the art, this master's example could only teach him what to avoid,— namely, conventionality, pomposity, and false grandeur ; and so, in the spring of 1817, we find Barye studying painting in the studio of Gros. The painter of the "Battle of AbouMr" {iiiookir') and of the "Plague of Jaffa" {ijaf'fa) can not but have had a good Influence over Barye. There is a spirit, a sentiment of life, a dramatic accent, in Q-ros' work, combined with a knowledge of masses, of har- mony and of expression, which certainly made a profound Impression upon his pupil, and served him afterward in his sculpture even better than in his paint- ing.— ^Mtowie Louis Barye, an article, by Theodore Child in '■^Harper's Magazine'''' for Sep- tember, 1885. BAEYE. 97 ond prize, — the frequent fate of men of genius in this competition. He competed two or tliree more years in the same section, but did not even receive honorable mention ; and the last time he was not admitted after the preliminary trial. All his attempts to go to Italy proving in vain, he began once more to work at his trade as a goldsmith. He entered the establishment of a master-workman named Faucennier (fo sen ne a'), who had a great reputation and was patronized by the Court, but who was entirely ignorant of his own business, and lived on the talents of the young men he employed. He used to keep them in little dens in his house, send out their work in his name, and try to find out what their opinions were of each other. Barye would never tell him any thing. Poor Faucennier died, says Silvestre (sel vestr'), in consequence of reading Benvenuto Cellini's (ben va ncjo'to chel le'ne) "Treatise on Q-oldsmith's Work"; he was so amazed and puzzled at finding out the true scope of his profession that it was too much for his head. Barye, in the meantime, had married, and settled near Faucennier. He took as much time as possible from his day's work for drawing, sculpture, and painting.* In 182 7 he exhibited in the Salon (sa long') for the * The daily hours of leisure left by his work for the daily hread of himself and his family were zealously devoted to attending lectures at the Jardin des Plantes, to studying human and animal anatomy in the dissecting rooms, to taking measurements of lengths and proportions, and to drawing from nature and after the masters in the Louvre (161/ v)-). At the same time he carefully studied all the processes and details of casting in various metals, and thus ac- quired a mass of ohservations and documents, and a knowledge of all the branches of the sculptor's art, which enabled him finally to come forth with almost a masterpiece, and thereafter to continue his career without hesitation or uncertainty. But we must not imagine that Barye destined himself merely to the sculpture of animals, or even to sculpture alone. — Antoine Louis Barye, an article by TTieodore Child in " Barper^s Magazine " for September, 1885. 98 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. first time ; he sent some medallion portraits and busts which went unnoticed. In 182 9, according to Silvestre, "his talent revealed itself by two busts (of a young man and woman) of a fineness of modeling which is still celebrated (1855) in the memory of artists and con- noisseurs " (kon nis sup')- In 1831 he had his first great success, which fol- lowed upon the exhibition of his " Tiger Devouring a Crocodile." The public was delighted with it ; so were the critics. It was entirely new, and every one declared it "the strongest and most original work in the exhibition." Barye exhibited a "Saint Sebastian" (san sebast'yan) at the same time ; it was not so unconventional, though a fine statue. For one of these two works, — Mr. Child thinks the "St. Sebastian," — Barye received a second medal. The next year, beside water-colors and medallions, he exhibited eleven pieces of sculpture, among them the " Lion and Serpent," which now stands on the river-side terrace of the Tuileries (t^^^el're) gardens. Its purchase by the government, and the decoration of its author with the Cross of the Legion of Honor, seemed to open up for Barye the road to success and glory. He had an order for a bass-relief for the Bastile (bas tel') Column. The Duke of Orleans (or' le anz) and his brothers were interested in him, and there were plans for his decorat- ing the Pont de la Concorde (pon deh la kong' kord) with groups of animals and adorning the top of the Arch of Triumph. Thiers (te ar'), who was an admirer of his genius, had devised the last two projects. Barye was to make a colossal eagle, grasping the thunder-bolts, and hovering over the emblems of the nations which the BARYE. 99 empire had brought low. But both projects feU through. Barye received an order for a colossal lion, and nothing more, at that time, was wanted of him for the public works. In 1837, to the lasting disgrace of the Insti- tute, which at that time acted as jury for the Salon, his bronzes were refused, as not being sculpture, but goldsmith's work. For ten years, justly offended, he sent nothing to the Salon. He kept his feelings to himself, and produced a quantity of small bronzes, mostly animals, which he himself made, published, and sold at his studio. He had paid much attention to the casting of metals, and at one period had come very near going into business as a sil- versmith. He would probably have been glad to cast his own bronzes ; but he was obliged to have recourse to professional founders, who have all retained a lively re- membrance of his exacting criticism. "Whenever a bad lot of castings came in from the foundry," said one of his workmen, " it made him ill, and he would not be seen again in the shop for a week." He was anxious to get perfect castings, so as to leave as little as possible to the finishing by chisel ; so that he tried various experiments, and especially the very costly process called a cire per- due* (a ser perdu')- He sold his work at prices which seem astonishingly low to us now. In a catalogue published as late as 1855, * Casting a cire perdue is one of tlie most difflcnlt feats of the founder's art. In principle tlie operation is tlireefold : the artist first makes his model in pure wax; over this model the mold is formed of a clay composition, and the wax model is melted out by heat ; the liquid metal is then poured into the matrix thus formed, and when the whole mass is cold, the mold is "broken off, and the mold appears reproduced in bronze with the utmost fidelity, and furthermore with the additional quality of rarity; for a model reproduced a cire perdue is unique by the very fact that the model disappears in the making of the mold, and the mold disappears in the birth of the bronze. —J-j-iicfo by Theodore Child in " Harper''s." 100 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. the cheapest pieces, — rabbits and turtles, — are marked at sixty or seventy cents ; while the most expensive one, a luster with thirty lights, ornamented with ten small fig- ures, sold at two hundred and eighty dollars. He did not sell a great deal ; his processes were very expensive, the influence of the Institute seems to have kept away public orders, and he was too modest and too proud to assert himself in the least.* It is therefore not surprising that in the troubles of 1848, on being called upon to return some money he had borrowed, Barye should have been obliged to deposit * Tlie ordinary impression conveyed by Barye's "bearing and manner was that of a man cold, melancholy, and not easy to get on with. His look was hard and slightly disdainful, and his rare utterances were made in a dry and curt tone, each word issuing from his Ups with clean and trenchant enunciation. When he smiled his lips parted just sufficiently to show two canine teeth, wliich gave him literally a mordant (iiior' dant) air, and the older he grew the more mordant and caustic he became, but only in the intimate society of tried friends, for in general company he remained invariably a silent listener. But Barye was by no means a recluse. * * * jjis society was much sought after, and he was always surrounded by a select circle of friends and connoisseurs, for whom he worked, and among whom were the Duke of Orleans and his brothers and the Due de Luynes {deh loo en'). Delacroix, the great romantic painter, was one of his earliest friends, and his frequent companion in study before the cages at the wild-beast shows in the Jardin des Plantes. Corot, Diaz, and Theodore Rousseau were also very intimate with Barj'e, and also the great Millet, whose neighbor at Barbizon (bar be zbn') he afterward became. * * * Barye was fond of the theater too, and his desire to study types of humanity led him into all kinds of queer places of popular amusement. On Saturdays he used regularly to visit the horse market; on Sundays he would often go to visit animal Ufe at the dog market, and he was even a frequent spectator of the ignoble dog fights which were then to be seen in the outskirts of Paris. A rule and a sketch-book were his inseparable companions in these excursions, and he would frequently stop in the street to measure a horse or to note a movement. * * « One of the appren- tices (in Barye's studio) had reared a very fine cat to live in the workshop with the chasers {chds' ers) and mounters {mount' ers), and often of an afternoon Barye w*ould come in, sit down on a stool, and entice the cat to his knees. "Hullo I there's the boss doing his studying 1 " one of the boys would say; and there the great artist sometimes sat for an hour at a time, stroking the cat, tickling her feet, in order to make her push out her talons, pulling her legs, and feeling the play of the muscles and tendons as he induced her by caresses and playful ruses to take all kinds of positions and to execute the most diverse move- ments.— r/isot^ors Child, in '■' Harper's Magazine^ BARYE. 101 his models as a gaarantee for the debt, which he was unable to pay in full till 1857. The revolution, however, brought Barye comfort as well as annoyance. This year there was no Institute in charge of the Salon ; the artists at once elected him a member of the jury in the section of sculpture, and he was made keeper of the gallery of casts at the Louvre, and director of the plaster-casting shop there. He was an excellent officer, and "introduced many improvements in the reproduction of the antiqiie statues " in plaster. But public events prevented his stay at the Louvre from being a long one. In 1851:, he was made Professor of Drawing at the Jardin des Plantes, a position he held at the time of his death, though he appears to have had but few scholars there. It probably was of very little pecuniary profit to him, but with the honorable feeling which is almost a matter of course among French artists, he was ready to teach what he knew. Monsieur Fremiet (mo ser' fra me a') is now instructor in the drawing of animals in the Jardin des Plantes. His course, which is free both to men and women every spring, is a most valuable and interesting one ; and one of his pupils is glad of this opportunity of expressing her obligations to her professor. Women have so few opportunities for the study of scidpture in Paris that it is worth while to mention this chance of becoming the pupil of one of the best sculptors of animals of the present day. Another opportunity which might be very useful to women who wish to learn sculpture, is that recently given by certain courses in anatomy at the Ecole de ]VJ4decine (a kol' dSh mad e sen') on Sunday mornings. 102 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. These lessons are especially for the benefit of women students. In 1855, at the Universal Exposition, he received the grand medal of honor in the section of artistic bronzes, and "was promoted to the rank of officer of the Legion of Honor. At last, orders for public works began to come ; Lefuel (leh foo 6V), the architect in charge of the completion of the Palace of the Louvre, was prevailed upon by Francais (frong'sa) and Matout (ma too') to give Barye an order. They told the sculptor, but he was so little used to good fortune that he would not believe them. They told him again, but this time he grew angry. The next morning he received the official order. It was for a figure group representing War. Lefuel was so much i:)leased with the sketch, that he immediately ordered of Barye the three other groups. Peace, Order, and Strength, which now adorn the pavilions Richelieu (resh le Cih') and Denon * (deh non')- * No sooner had Lefuel seen the group than he exclaimed, enthusiastically : " I congratulate you heartily, Monsieur Barye ; the composition is admirable— admirable. But you have placed me in a very embarrassing position." " How so ? " said Barye, springing forward with an expression of mingled fear and irritation. " Mon Dieu (mtin deuh). Monsieur Barye, your group could not be finer ; it is so admirable that really I am very much embarrassed." " Monsieur, I beg you be good enough to explain yourself," said Barye, more and more impatiently, and fearing some catastrophe. "Why, I shall simply be obliged to commission you to csecute the three other groups." * * * The original models of these groups, reproduced in bronze, form part of the admirable Barye monument recently presented to the town of Baltimore by a great admirer of the sculptor's genius, Mr. W. T. Walters.— Article by Theodore Child, in " Sarper^s Magazine.^'' Mr. Walters' collection of the works of Barye is the finest which exists ; most of the examples in it are either the original models, or proofs finished by Barye himself. " The Tiger Hunt," one of the finest works in the collection, modeled for the Duke of Orleans, is unique, being an example of the process a cire perdue. There is also a fine collection of Barye's works in the Corcoran Q-allery, at Wash- ington. Both of the collections are much larger than that of the Luxembourg (looks ong boor') Museum, in Paris. BARTE. 103 Barye also designed one of the pediments of the Louvre, representing "ISTapoleon dominating History and the Arts," and " over the triple archway of the Quai (ka) du Louvre," says Mr. Child, "he designed two recumbent figures of youths, which served as supporters for the slab in which was inserted his bronze bass-relief equestrian portrait of Napoleon III. in the costume of a Roman Emperor, his brow circled with a laurel crown." After the Revolution of September 4, 18 70, this bass- relief was hidden with plaster; now, like most emblems of the Bonaparte family, it has been taken down ; but the recumbent youths remain. There is also a "Seated Lion," by Barye, at one of the doors of the palace on the Quai du Louvre. Barye also received various public orders from the provinces. The town of Ajaccio (ayat'cho), in Corsica (kor'si ka), ordered an equestrian statue of Napoleon from him ; four groups were ordered from Marseilles (mar salz'). Another equestrian statue was projected for the town of Grenoble (gren obi')- The emperor was to be represented in modern dress, and Barye not only hired a costume, at great expense, but made the greatest efforts to find a model who was of exactly Napoleon's size and shape.* * Barye was always strictly conscientious about these preliminary studies. As Silvestre says, lie admired the great sculptors who had gone before him ; but he could not follow blindly any conventional standard of measurement. * * * He was so sure of himself, that he could dictate his compositions from memory to any one ; he could lay out the lengths, thicknesses, and directions of the differ- ent parts of a drawing by arithmetical figures so that a child could have made an irreproachable drawing by following it. Sculptors usually, in starting the wire skeletons on which they model the clay, arrange them in such a manner that the action and proportion are settled once for all. Barye kept his work in such a state that it was in entire subjection to him, and this probably has something to do with the nobility of the action of his statues. "Barye," says Silvestre, "did not imitate the Greeks, but he resem- bles them naturally." 104 AETISTS AND SCULPTORS. When the clay sketch was finished, the Mayor of Grenoble came to see it. He had unfortunately seen the emperor when he was a boy, and he made a suggestion to Barye about the attitude of an arm. Barye replied with politeness, but never touched the model again. Some time after, he was told that ten thousand francs (two thousand dollars) had been waiting for him several months at the Ministry of the Interior. "Yes, I know," said Barye. "It is for the Napoleon. I shall not take it. The order is not regular." "But the fact of the order having been given to pay you the money?" "No matter," replied Barye, impatiently; "I shall not touch the money. Besides, I have had enough of making statues of Napoleon. I shall not execute the order." In 186 6, Barye was persuaded by his friends to present himself as a candidate for the Institute. He had nine votes, and vowed never to try again. In 1868, thanks to a friendly stratagem of Lefuel's, he was once more induced to make the necessary visits, and this time he was elected. Nobody is elected to any one of the five Academies which make up the Institute of France, unless he first pays a visit to each member of that Academy. Barye could not be persuaded to go through with this again. His friend had invited him to break- fast, and afterward prevailed upon him to continue their talk in his carriage. They stopped at the house of a member of the Institute, and Barye unsuspectingly went up with Lefuel to see him. As they were coming down-stairs, Lefuel said, " There ! you have made your first visit ; now go and make the others — it's no harder than that." Barye's home in the latter part of his life was on the BARYE. 105 Quai des Celestins (sa les tan'). He had lost his first wife and her children ; he married again and had another family. He had a cottage at Barbizon, the home of Millet and Rousseau, where he made landscape studies in oil and water-colors. He was a painter of considerable merit, and a strong colorist. Long before, in 1828, he had called himself a "sculptor landscapist," and he took pleasure in painting the animals he loved, among appro- priate and noble scenery. During the last few years of his life, he spent most of his time in this way. He had already begun to suffer from gout, and handled his mod- eling tools but little. At last he became seriously ill. "His wife dared not tell him," says Mr. Eckford, "that Corot was dead, and that * * * Millet * * * -^as dangerously ill." It was not long after that Barye too died, on the 25th of June, 18 75. Grreat artists and members of the Legion of Honor came to his funeral. As it passed through the quarter where he lived, workmen hastened out fi-om the fac- tories to do honor to a man who, as well as being one of the greatest sculptors in Paris, was one of the best workmen. For no man in Paris could cast bronze like Barye.* * The exhibition of Barye's work, after his deatli, comprised 350 bronzes and plaster models, 100 oil paintings, 70 water-colors, and upward of 100 drawings and sketches. These were only what he had in his studio at the time of his death. * * * Theseus {thV si us) was seen on the point of plunging his poniard into the stupid brow of the Minotaur (min' o tmor) \ in another group, Theseus, his knees firmly grasping the ilanks of the Centaur Bienor {sen' tawr In e' nor), is dealing a death-blow upon the human head of the strange antique monster ; here is the hippogriff, half bird, half horse, straining forward over the waves in mid-air, and bearing on his back the romantic hero of Ariosto's {ar I os' toz) story, who holds in his stalwart arms the graceful form of Angelica (an gW % M) ; here are equestrian statues that remind you of the precious bronzes of the Eenaissance {ruh na songs')— Qaston da Poix {gas tong' deh fwd), Charles VII., Tartar and Arab Cavaliers, and the great Csesar of our century. General Bonaparte (fio' na part) \ here are the goddesses of Olympus (5 Tim' pas), Venus (W nus), Juno {jW no), and 106 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. Minerva {mmir' m). Seated beneath a triple-faced chimera (lAmi' ra), from which spring the twelve floriated (fio' n a ted) branches of a candelabrum (kdn de Id' brum)^ around a crowning group composed of the three Graces ; here are the plaster models of the groups of "War," "Peace," "Order," and "Strength," and the "Xiion of the Bastile Column," that splendid bass-relief in which Barye has solved the great problem of reconciling the ideal with the real and achieving sublimity without abandoning truth. — ^rticfc hy Theodore Child, in '■'Harper's MILLKT. 1814-1875. JEAN FRANgOIS MILLET (zh6n frSng swa' me ya') "was born October 4, 1814, in the village of Gfruchy (grob'she), not far from Cherbourg (sher'burg), in Nor- mandy. His father was a farmer, an excellent man, of singularly refined tastes, with a great love for music and for the Nature he saw around him. His mother was an industrious and pious woman, of a family of rich farmers, which had had some pretensions to gentle blood. Fran- 9ois as a child was brought up by his grandmother, who, according to the country custom, took care of the family while the mother was busy with farm-work.* She was a remarkable woman, full of wisdom and religious fervor ; she threw her whole heart into her duties, and exerted the strongest influence over her grandson, through his whole life. Her family was an unusually clever one ; * His grandmother was his godmother. She called him Jean after his father, and Erancois after a saint whoin she loved, and whose protection she constantly invoked. St. Prancif of Assisi, the faithful observer of the things of Nature, was a happy choice of a saint for the man who, later, was to he the passionate lover of the works of God. Proud of having a boy to rear, the grandmother tended him as her own child and her heart's favorite. In the vague recollections of his babyhood. Millet could always see her busy about him, rocking him, warming him in her bosom, and singing all day long songs which delighted him. I have lived more than thirty years in Millet's intimacy, and I know that the thought of her face, as nurse and comforter, was an ever-recurring image in the heart of her grandson. While he was still a little child, she would come to his bedside in the morning, and say, gently: "Wake up, my little PranQois ; you don't know how long the birds have been singing the glory of G-od ! " Her religion, as Millet told me later, was mixed with her love of Nature. "It was a beautiful religion," he added, "for it gave her strength to love deeply and unselfishly. She was always ready to work for others, to pity and help them." 108 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. they were energetic and reading people. One of her brothers was a chemist of some note ; one, though only a miller by occupation, spent his time in reading Mon- taigne (mon tan'), Pascal (pas kal'), and the writers of Port Royal ; another was a great traveler ; another was a monk. Millet had another great-uncle who was in orders ; this was Charles Millet, his grandfather's brother. When the Revolution sent him back to his village, he refused, at the risk of his life, to take the constitutional oath then offered to priests ; he would not even give up his clerical dress, in spite of the danger, but plowed the fields in his cassock and wooden shoes. He was very fond of little Francois, and took him all about with him. After twelve years of life among such good and high- minded people as Millet's relations, it is not surprising that, when he was sent to prepare for his first com- munion, the clergyman was struck by his answers, and proposed his coming to the parsonage to learn Latin.* He was much delighted with Virgil (ver' gil), which made him think of the country he lived in. His schooling was * " This I remember hearing about my great-uncle ; he was brother of my father's father. He had been a laborer all his Ufe, and had become a priest rather late. I think he had a little church in the time of the Revolution. I know that he was persecuted, for I have heard that men came to search the house of my grandfather, to whom he had returned, and that they made theii search in the most brutal manner. He was very inventive, and had contrived a hiding-place which communicated into his bed, and into which he threw himself if any one came. One day they entered so sviddenly that the bed had not had time to cool, and although they were told he was not there, they cried : " 'Tes, yes, he is here; the bed is still warm, but he has found some way of getting off.' " He heard them. They turned the house upside down in their fury, and went away. "He said mass whenever he could in the house. After breakfast he went to work in the fields, taking off his soutane (sod tan'), and working in shirt-sleeves and breeches. He had the strength of a Hercules (Mr'TdlUz). Some great walls which he built with his own strength still exist, made of immense stones and Yery high." MILLET. 109 often interrupted by farm-work, and at last he had to leave the good priests altogether, and give himself up to his duty as eldest son. He became very expert in all sorts of work, and all his life was proud of being a strong and dexterous laborer. He read a great deal, for his father's house was by no means empty of books ; they seem to have owned the " Lives of the Saints," "Saint Augustine's (sant a^A^'gus tenz) Confessions," Saint Francis de Sales (deh sal), Saint Jerome, Bossuet (bo su a'), Fene- Ion (fa na long'), and the Port Eoyal men. Millet's relig- ion, which was sincere all his life, drew plenty of nour- ishment from these good books. He was a constant reader of the Bible, always in the Latin ; that and the Latin Virgil were his familiar friends. During the noonday rest, which every French work- man and laborer takes, the boy tried to draw the things which surrounded him. He wanted to make something- like the old prints in the Bible. One day, coming home from church, he met an old man walking as if he were tired, with his back bent. He was struck by the figure, and something in it made him understand how to ex- press the retreating and advancing of its different parts. As soon as he came home, he managed to express what he had seen with a lump of charcoal. His father was much struck by the sketch. He talked the matter over with Fran9ois, now eighteen years old, and the boy "admitted that he had some desire to be- come a painter." "My poor Fran9ois," said his father, "I see you are troubled by the idea. I should gladly have sent you to have the trade of painting taught to you, which they say is so fine, but I could not spare you ; now that your brothers are older, I do not wish to pre- vent you from learning that which you are so anxious 110 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. to know. We will soon go to Cherbourg and find out whether you have talent enough to earn your Uving by this business." They went to Cherbourg, to a painter called Mouchel (mc5oshei'), an old pupil of David (daved'), but not at all like him. He refused to believe that the boy had made the drawings they showed him, and finally said, "Well, you will go to perdition for having kept him so long, for your child has the stuff of a great painter ! " Millet stayed some time with Mouchel. He was called back to Gfruchy by the death of his good father, — tried to carry on the farm for a while, and then went back again to Cherbourg, to the studio of a painter named Langlois (long glwa'). He read a great deal at Cher- bourg. His work was admired there, and his master, who felt he could teach him nothing, petitioned the municipal council for a little pension for his education. The Council of the Department added something to it later, and the young fellow went to Paris in 183 7.* * "I never studied systematically. At school, when writing from dictation, my task was better written than the others, prohably because I read constantly, and the words and phrases were pictured rather in my eyes than in my mind, and I instinctively reproduced tliem. I never followed programmes ; I never learned a lesson by heart; all my time was spent in writing capital letters and drawing. I never could get beyond addition in mathematics, and I do not under- stand subtraction and the rules following. My reckoning is always in my head, and by ways that I could not explain. I came to Paris with all my ideas of art fixed, and I have not found it necessary to change them. I have been more or less in love with this master, or that method of art, but I have not modified any fundamental opinions. You have seen my first drawing made at home without a master, without a model, without a guide. I have never done any thing dif- ferent since. You have never seen me paint except in a low tone ; demi-tint {dSm'i- iiiit) is necessary to me in order to sharpen my eyes and clear my thoughts; it has been my best teacher. " I got to Paris one Saturday evening in January, in the snow. The light of the street lamps, almost put out by the fog, the immense quantities of horses and wagons passing and repassing, the narrow streets, the smell and the air of Paris, went to my head and my heart so that I was almost suffocated. I w&s seized with a sobbing which I could not control. I wanted to get the better of MILLET. Ill He was in no hurry, at first, to go to any of the classes of the day. He wanted to go to the Louvre (loo'vr), but was too shy to asls his way. At last he found it, and he was not disappointed. He went nowhere else for a month. Long after he used to say proudly, "I know my Louvre well," and from that one gallery he learned more than most travelers get from five or six. He loved Michael Angelo (mi'kael an'jel o) and Mantegna (man- tan' ya) and Fra Angelico (fra anjel'eko), Murillo's (mc5o re'lyoz) portraits, and some of Ribera's (reba'raz) pictures, Poussin (poo sang') and Lesueur (leh sci ur'), and especially the "Concert in the Fields" by Giorgione (jorjon'a), in front of which he once spent a whole day. He did not care much for Watteau (vat to'), still less for Boucher (boo sha'), though he was to unwillingly imitate them later ; Delacroix (deh la krwa') was the only modern painter he liked in the Luxembourg (luks 6ng- b(5or'). At last he made up his mind to leave his dear museums, and entered the studio of Paul Delaroche (pol d'la rosh'). The reception of a new student, or nouveau (nc5o vC), in a Paris studio is apt to be a rough affair. Millet, who was a strongly-built fellow, replied either by silence or by his fists to the advances of his fellow-students, and my feelings, but they overcame me with their violence. I could only stop my tears by washing my face with water which I took from a street fountain. The coolness gave me courage. A print-seller was there, — I looked at his prints and munched my last apple. The lithographs displeased me very much ; the subjects were of an unrefined character, after the style such artists as Deveria {da va,' re a) and Maurin {mo rang'), then drew; they seemed to me signs of perfumery and fashion-plates. Paris seemed to me dismal and tasteless. ]?or the first, I went to a little hotel, where I spent the night in a sort of nightmare, in which I saw my home, full of melancholy, with my mother, grandmother, and sister spinning in the evening, weeping and thinking of me. Then the evil demon drove me on before wonderful pictures, so beautiful and brilliant that they appeared to take fire and vanish in a heavenly cloud." 112 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. they decided to let him alone.* Delaroche gave him some criticism, which he found hardly satisfactory ; but he took an interest in the young painter, and when he was too poor to remain in the studio, asked him to stay on for nothing. Millet finally left the class on account of Delaroche's conduct in regard to the " Prix de Rome " (pre deh rom), for which he was competing. Delaroche told him his figure was good, but that he wanted another man to get the prize, and that next year he would use * Paul Delaroclie was the fashionable painter of the day. His atelier (at tt a') was divided into two classes,— the cast for beginners, and that of the life-models. Millet found a group of young men, not unknown later : Couture {km tur'), Hehert (aber'), Cavalier (kdvdlyd'), the sculptor, Gendron (zhmg drvng'), Edouard iPrere (a dob dr' frdr)^ Tvon (? vong'), etc., etc. In entering this new world, Millet Imposed upon himself the strictest silence and circumspection. Like a true peasant, he let others approach him and answered little. They tried to make out this puzzling countryman ; they apostro- phized, joked, and teased him, but Millet answered nothing, or, with his fists, threatened those who went too far, and as he was built like a Hercules, they let him alone, giving him the nickname of "man of the woods." His first drawing was from the Germanicus (jer man' % Icus) . On Monday, the drawing was begun ; it had to be flinished by Saturday. On Thursday, Millet had finished his figure. Delaroche came, looked at the drawing a long time, and said : " You are a new-comer ; well, you know too much, and not enough." That was all he said. Couture, who was in the life-class, came in to see the antique class, and said to him : " Hello, nouveau 1 Do you know that your drawing is good?" Some time after, he was severely criticised. The originality of his studies, in which knowledge was wanting while the spirit was every thing, surprised the studio, but did not make them understand him. All hut one or two pupils considered him as a curious being, without a future ; an obstinate fellow, who took the pose of eccentric drawing, a mutineer in the academic camp. When he passed into the life-school, he had the same trial. His first figure, nevertheless, was a success. Delaroche said: "It is easy to see that you have painted a great deal." He had, in fact, never touched a palette before. "I only tried," he said, "to express as simply as possible the attachments of the muscles without occupying myself with the color-medium, of which I was entirely ignorant." All wished to see the figure, and did not fail to find it "insolently natural." Boisseau (bwds'i'), one of the master's pets, used to say, "Eh! Are you coming here to give us some more of your fine figures? Are you going to make men and women on your own plan? You know the master does not like this Caen cookery ! " "What do I care!" answered Millet. "I do not come here to please any- body. I come here because there are antiques and models to teach me, that is all. Do I object to your flgiu'es made of butter and honey?" MILLET. 113 his influence for him. Millet was shocked at what seemed to him double-deahng, left the studio, and went on studying at Suisse 's (s^A^e'sez) life-class, where most of the great painters of his day worked at one time or another. He set up a studio of his own with a friend called MaroUe (ma rol'). Millet's pension came irregularly, and he had not enough to live on. His friend advised him to make imi- tations from Watteau and Boucher. Much against his will, he did this, and was glad when he could get twenty francs apiece for them. He still read and studied; and in 1840, he first ex- hibited in the Salon (sa long'). The admission of pictures was at that time in the hands of the Institute, and the " new lights " of the day, Delacroix, Rousseau (rc5o so'), Decamps (deh kong'), Jules Dupre (zhul du pra'), and Corot (ko ro'), had either all or a part of the pictures they sent there refused. Millet sent two portraits, one of which was admitted. Almost every year, during his early Paris life, he went back to visit his mother and grandmother. He managed to get some commissions in Cherbourg, — some of them for portraits, some less profitable ones, for signs. In 1841, he was married. His wife was a Cherbourg girl, whose portrait he had painted. Her health was very deli- cate, and she died in little more than two years. He went back to Paris in 1842. In the years which immediately followed, his work gained in charm and color. He had a great facility of execution, and lacked the strong precision which we find in his pictures later. He suffered horribly from poverty in Paris, then went back to Cherbourg, and was well received there. It was in Normandy that, some 114 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. time after his first wife's death, he married the excellent and devoted woman who was to strengthen and comfort him through his hard life. They started for Paris in 1845, stopping at Havre (a'vr), where Millet did a great deal of painting, and managed to get nine hundred francs together. On getting to Paris, they established themselves very modestly in the Rue Rochechouart (rosh shc5o ar'), among a colony of artists. Millet began to work at once. He was much admired as a painter of flesh, and painted a great number of nude subjects, full of a healthful beauty of their own. One picture of this sort is his " CEdipus " (ed'i pus), exhibited in 1847,* which was praised by Theophile Q-autier (ta o fei' go te a')- Millet was taken ill with a fever in 1848. He was very poor, but his friends managed to get enough money together to help him materially, and he recovered in time to finish two pict- ures for the Salon. The Revolution, which was then going on, had abol- ished the jury of admission, and every thing sent was hung. One of his pictures, the "Winnower," had a * It was in 1847 that I saw Mm first. I went with. Troyon (trwd yong') to his lodging in the Eue Rochechouart. He wore a strange garb, which gave his whole person an outlandish look. A hrownstone-colored overcoat, a thick beard and long hair covered with a woolen cap, like those worn by coachmen, gave his face a character which made one think of the painters of the Middle Ages. His reception was kind, but almost silent. On finding that I had been brought up in the country and liked his painting, he began to be more expansive. "Every sub- ject is good," said he, "only it must be rendered with thought and clearness. In art there must be a governing thought expressed eloquently. We must have it in ourselves and stamp it upon others, just as a model is stamped. Art is not a pleasure trip; it is a fight,— a mill that grinds. I am not a philosopher. I do not want to stop pain, or to find a formula which will make me indifferent or a stoic. Pain is, perhaps, that which makes the artist express himself most dis- tinctly." I saw Millet afterward in his home, beside his wife, who hid with dignity the poverty of the household,— he rocking the little children, then slowly returning to his work with the deliberation of one of the oxen of his own country. MILLET. 115 success. But nobody bought pictures in tliose times, and the Millets were in the greatest distress. Once more their friends helped them,* and Ledru RoUin (leh drc5o' rol lang'), the minister, was persuaded to give Millet a commission for eighteen hundred francs. He had begun a fine painting of Hagar (ha' gar) and Ishmael (ish' ma el), almost nude figures, under a burning light. But he suddenly stopped and painted on the same canvas " Haymakers Resting Beside a Haycock." This was the reason of the change : he had been looking into Deforge's (deh forzh'ez) window one night, and over- heard two young men talking about a picture of his which was exhibited there, "Women Bathing." "Do you know who painted that?" said one. "Yes," said the other, "a fellow called Millet, who only paints such subjects." Millet was much shocked at what he heard. He told his wife about it. "If you consent," said he, "I will do no more of that sort of pictures. Living will be harder than ever, and you will suffer, but I shall be free to do what I have long been thinking of." Mme. Millet an- swered, "I am ready; do as you will." What he had long been thinking of, was the repre- senting country life as he saw it and had known it ; not as an elegant pastoral, but as a stern though often * The Eevolution had stopped all picture-huying, and artists suffered the extremest famine. Millet and his wife did not complain ; they asked for nothing, but we knew their distress. One of us went to the Museum, then to the Director of the Beaux Arts (hos fir'), and got a hundred francs, which we took immediately to the painter. It was at twilight. Millet was in his studio, sitting on a hox, his hack bent like a man who is chilled. He said " Good-day," hut did not move. It was freezing cold in the miserable room. When the money was handed him, he said: "Thank you; it comes in time. We have not eaten for two days, but the important thing is that the children have not suffered. Until to-day they have had food." He called his wife, saying, "I am going to get wood; I am very cold." He did not say another word, and never spoke of it again. 116 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. glorious reality. All the rest of his life was devoted to this work ; and he wished to do no other till he had made people listen to the message he had to give. In 1849, he and Jacque (zhak) went out of town to avoid the cholera and the revolution. They took their families to Barbizon (bar be zong'), near the Forest of Fontain- bleau (fong tan bio'), and took houses there.* " We want to stay here some time," says Millet, in one of his letters. He stayed there twenty-seven years, — all his life. He was delighted with the forest and the country, — so delighted that at first he could not paint, and could do nothing but roam about. When he grew a little more accustomed to what he saw, he began to try to represent the life which surrounded him. The first serious com- position he made there was a beautiful harvest scene called "Ruth and Boaz " (bo'az), which he drew on the wall of his studio. The reapers and gleaners are real peasants, and for that reason they represent the scene as well as more archeeologically (ar ke o loj'i kai i:y) cor- rect figures, who have not the intangible air of the fields about them. It was at this time that he produced his great picture of the "Sower." It was done, says Sensier (sang ss a'), in remembrance of his old life in Normandy, when he him- * He liad taken a little peasant's lioiise with three narrow, low rooms, which served as studio, kitchen, and bedroom for his wife and his three children. Later, when the children increased to nine, the little house was lengthened by two other rooms. A studio was built at the end of the garden, and Millet added a wash-house and a chicken-yard in the middle of a garden which was leased to him. He had two occupations ; in the morning he dug or planted, sowed or reaped. After lunch, he went into the low, dark, cold room called a studio. He did not dislike this shadowy nook, for there a great deal of his works were com- posed, and all his poetic compositions, sketches, drawings. His first vision was a Bible subject, "Euth and Boaz," which he drew on the wall in crayon. They were real peasants,— a harvest scene where the master, as in the Scripture, finds a young gleaner, and leads her blushing to the feast of the country people. MILLET. 117 self used to plant the grain which was to bring those he loved their daily bread. The " Sower " was exhibited and much admired by the young school ; it was seen and admired by William Morris Hunt, then a pupil of Couture, and became the property of Mr. Quincy A. Shaw, of Boston. Mr. Hunt was fascinated by Millet's work and by the man. He bought as many of his pictures as he could, and established himself at Barbizon, so as to be near him. Millet gave the young man very little advice ; but he taught him a great deal for all that, and became one of his dearest friends and the master to whom he owed the most. On the other hand, Hunt was of the greatest use to Millet in finding purchasers for his pict- ures ; and it is largely owing to him that America possesses so much of his work. It is easier, in fact, to form an idea of Millet in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston than at the Luxembourg in Paris ; and it is prob- able that Mr. Shaw's collection of his pictures and draw- ings is the finest which exists. Mr. Hunt loved to describe to his pupils the tranquil country life of Millet, the resolute cheerfulness with which he bore his poverty and supported his large family, the simple dignity he opposed to people who tried to affront him, the songs which used to be sung at his fireside. He never concealed the tragic side of the whole, which is so painfully evident in Sensier's "Life of Mil- let " ; but the Millet he described had more of the hearty, uncomplaining reserve of an Englishman than the Millet Sensier shows us, in passages of his letters, written very frequently when the writer was in want of money. That, indeed, he almost always was. His beloved grandmother died in 1851. He was too 118 ARTISTS AND SCLTLPTOKS. poor to go and visit his mother, who waited two years more and then died, too. Her son made the sl<:etch at this time of the picture painted later, the " Old Tobias (to bi' as) and his Wife, Waiting for the Return of their Son " ; it is one of the most affecting of his works. He went back to Gruchy to assist in the division of his father's inheritance. He only asked for his great-uncle's books and the great oaken cupboard, which had been an heir-loom. Next year, having been remarkably fortunate, he took all his family to Normandy. In 1855, Millet exhibited in the Universal Exhibition his "Peasant G-rafting," which met with some success, and was bought by Rousseau, who pretended that it was a rich American who had taken the picture. Rousseau was Millet's friend, as well as his neighbor at Barbizon. Diaz (de ath') and Barye (ba re'), too, loved to visit him in these days. This j^ear brought him good fortune ; during the years which followed it he had a very hard time ; he was very poor ; he often suffered from illness, and was constantly in debt ; and yet it was at this time that he was able to paint his beautiful picture of the " Angelus " (an' zhe lus). His pictures of rural subjects were so full of the sternness which he saw in a laborer's life, that he was often supposed to be a Socialist.* This he was not, except * He often said, "My programme is work. 'Thou shalt gain, thy bread in the sweat of thy brow,' was written centuries ago. Immutable destiny, which none may change 1 What every one ought to do is to find progress in his profession ; to try ever to do better, to be strong and clever in his trade, and he greater than his neighbor in talent and conscientiousness in his work. That for me is the only path. The rest is dream or calculation. " In the ' Woman Going to Draw Water,' I tried to show that she was- not a water-carrier, or even a servant, but a woman going to draw water for the house, for her husband and children ; that she should not seem to be carrying any greater or less weight than the buckets full ; that under that sort of grimace which the weight on her shoulders causes, and the closing of the eyes at the sun- MILLET. 119 in the broadest sense ; nor did lie consider liis pictures as sad and tragic as liis critics did, wlio had uncon- sciously grown up in the belief that all subjects with peasants in them must needs be full of smiles and roses. He only put into them the seriousness which seemed to belong to life. "This is the animal," said he of one of his pictures of laborers, "who gets the bread out of the ground." In 1860, Millet signed a contract giving all the pict- ures and drawings he could make in three years to one purchaser. He was to have a thousand francs, or two hundred dollars a month. The speculation was a good one for the dealer, whoever he may have been ; it did not turn out so well for Millet, who owed his purchaser more than a thousand dollars at the end of this time. However, it must have given him a certain amount of temporary tranquillity. In 1862, among other pictures, he painted that "Man Resting on a Hoe," which was considered altogether too tragic and sinister, and horrified the critics.* liglit, one should see a kind of homely goodness. I have avoided (as I always do with horror) any thing that can verge on the sentimental. I wanted her to do her work good-naturedly and simply, without thinking any thing ahout it,— as if it were a part of her daily labor,— the habit of her life. I wanted to show the coolness of the well, and meant that its antique form should suggest that many before her had come there to draw water." * " The gossip about my ' Man with a Hoe ' seems to me all very strange, and I am obliged to you for letting me know it, as it furnishes me with another opportunity to wonder at the ideas which people attribute to us. "Is it impossible to admit that one can have some sort of an idea in seeing a man devoted to gaining his bread by the sweat of his brow 1 Some tell me that I deny the charms of the country. I find much more than charms,— I find infinite glories. I see as well as they do the little flowers of which Christ said that Solo- mon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these. I see the halos of dande- hons, and the sun also which spreads out beyond the world its glory in the clouds. But I see as well, in the plain, the steaming horses at work, and in a rocky place a man, all worn out, who tries to straighten himself a moment and breathe. The drama is surrounded by beauty. 120 ARTISTS AND SCULPTOES. He took great pleasure in planning some illustrations for Theocritus (the 6k' ri tus) ; but nobody dared to pub- lish them. A plan which went more smoothly was an order for four large subjects for the decoration of a fine dining-room. The paintings were to represent the four seasons. Millet took pains to see the decorative paint- ings at Fontainbleau by Rosso (ros so') and Primaticcio (pre ma tet' clio), whom he admired in spite of their belonging to a decadent age. " But he made little use," saj^s M. Paul Manz (mants), "of their extravagant les- sons." * * * The Spring and Summer, eight feet by four, were set into the wood-work. Autumn, into the ceiling. Winter, a little smaller than the others, was fixed in the chimney-piece. In the Salon of 1864, Millet showed a shepherdess, which was very successful, and some peasants carrying home a young calf, which provoked a great deal of ridicule. In 1866, he went to Q-reville (gravel') to take leave of a dear older sister, who was at the point of death. This year he went to Vichy (vesh'e) with his wife, and was much pleased with the country. In 1867, there was another Universal Exhibition. A number of Millet's pictures were shown, and he next year received the Cross of the Legion of Honor. At the distribution of medals, the name of Millet brought such a burst of applause that the Council and its President were somewhat confused ; at their confusion, the applause redoubled. " It is not my invention. This ' cry of the ground ' has been heard since long ago. My critics are men of taste and education, but I can not put myself in their shoes ; and as I have never seen any thing but fields ever since I was born, I try to say, as best I can, what I saw and felt when I was at work. Those who want to do better, have, I am sure, full chance." MILLET. 12] Millet's success had come ; but it came late. A fe"w other pleasant events occurred at this time. Millet made a run through Alsace (ai sas') into Switzerland, and in 1870, he was chosen as one of the jurors of the Salon, sixth on a list of eighteen. But his later life was sad- dened by the war, which banished him from Barbizon for a time, and by his failing health, which, now that orders came fast, made work difficult. Early hardships and a life devoted to sedentary work were breaking down his vigorous constitution. An order came from the Q-overnment in 1874 for the decoration of the chapel of Sainte Grenevieve (sant zhen viev'), in the Pantheon (pan the' on). He was delighted with the task, and began to make out the plan of his composition, but it was too late. That summer and autumn he grew worse.* In the first days of 1875, Millet was sleeping between two attacks of fever. He was suddenly awakened ; a * The autumn "was sad. In November, Millet was already very weak, but still he worked. He finished his " Priory," which he sent to America. He thought over his decorations for Sainte G-enevieve, and approved them. He sketched out the " Sewing Lesson," % quiet rustic scene, in which, as usual, he throws on daily labor a poetic charm, and in which an open window shows a garden full of greenery. In the month of December, the fever became more frequent, with intervals of delirium, followed by long prostration. Here and there he had days of calm, in which he was conscious of his state. He made his last requests, talked a great deal to his children, begged his family to keep together, and said, with a touch- ing melancholy, that his life was closing too soon, that he died just as he began to see clearly into nature and art. Sometimes he regained a little serenity, and believed, or pretended to believe, in a possible recovery. He asked to have " Redgauntlet," which he had once liked, re-read to him. But Millet could not again feel the pleasure that the book had inspired in his youth. At the end of December he went to bed and did not rise again. [These notes are taken from Sensier's "Life of Millet," in the excellent translation and condensation by Helena de Kay, published by James R. Osgood & Co. The passages in quotation marks are extracts from Millet's own notes or letters.] 122 ARTISTS AND SCULPTOES. stag had taken refuge in a garden close by, and the hunters and dogs were close upon it. Millet was struck by the event. "It is an omen," said he. He only lived a few days after ; he died on the 2 0th of January, 1875. 1848-1884. SOMEBODY asked, the other day, what had become of the great French painters. ' When I go to the Lux- embourg (luks ong boor') Museum,' said he, ' every thing is changed, and much for the worse. Where is the noble motive and feeling I used to admire there ten years ago ? The pictures I loved have been carried to the Louvre, and no more have come to take their places. Millet's (me yaz') work, to be sure, is there ; but Millet is dead and gone. Where is there an artist like him in France to-day ? Where are the great artists now ? ' " The painter to whom this question was addressed * * * thought * * * that his best answer was not in words, but in the exhibition of a young artist who only left us a few months ago. Bastien-Lepage's (bast yen' leh pazh'z) work is SO full, not only of the spirit of our time, but of that strange elusive fire which we call life, that it is hard to believe that he is dead. He could not believe it, they say, when death was coming ; his friends could not believe it either, though they knew he was under sen- tence, so strong were the will and vitality which had kept him alive for his thirty-six years. But all that is over now, and the man who has influenced French art as few of his contemporaries have influenced it, has left it to take care of itself. * * * -[^ -^g certain that those persons who admired him while he lived, — and they were many, — admire him far more now that they have had 124 ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS. the opportunity to see, placed together, the greater part of the work of his short and most laborious life." It was not merely the strength of his artistic per- sonality which gave the young master this power ovei his contemporaries, — it was the fact that his work and his influence expressed many of the best tendencie.s which essentially belong to our time. Of course, there are many sincere, earnest, and gifted young painters in Paris to-day whose work bears but little resemblance to Bastien-Lepage's. The necessary individuality of every original nature is strong in our time, as in every time But setting the point of transcendent genius out of the question, the main conditions of his artistic devel- opment are the main conditions of the artistic develop- ment of the typical promising French painter of the day. He is not the only one of whom it may be said that he came to Paris to learn his trade, — that he was taught, as far as direct instruction goes, by a master whose sympathies looked rather backward than forward, a so-called classicist or adherent to the old rules beloved by the Institute, a draughtsman rather than a painter, — that his inspiration came from very different sources, from Millet, Corot (ko ro'), and even the heretical Manet (ma na') among the moderns, and from very unconven- tional painters among the ancients,* and that from this * Chance brought lis across each other at the Louvre {/o5' vi), and we once more hegan to talk as we walked. The portraits by Clouet (kl '§^^<^ PROSE WRITERS. @-^ ('1^ Scott. Thaekepay. Rov Carlyle. Dickens. Jolmson, Macau lay. Enierson. Swift. Addison. SWIKT IT will be impossible for us clearly to understand the lives of Swift and Addison without a fair idea of the main lines of English History during the period of their lives. At no time that we recall were the literary men of England so involved in politics as in the reign of Anne (an). In that reign an author was almost perforce a Whig or a Tory, his fortunes rose or fell with those of his party, his successes were party successes, and party reverses were reverses to him. The lines were drawn closely. Addison, Steele, De Foe, Burnet, Garth, Tickell, and Phillips were the chief Whig writers. Swift, Prior, Q-ay, and Arbuthnot (ar' buth not) were the chief Tories. The idea of party government in England became fixed in the reign of Anne. Up to this time it had not been thought needful that a ministry should be entirely Whigs or entirely Tories. But after Anne's reign, coali- tion ministeries became rare. In 1708 was the first wholly Whig ministry, in 1710 the first that was wholly Tory.* * The Whigs and Tories of that day, although the direct ancestors of the Liberals and Conservatives in England to-day, did not stand for exactly the same principles that now divide political parties. The Whigs were the upholders of the principles of the Revolution which had turned out the Stuarts in 1688, of William in., whom they had made king, and of the wars against Louis XTV. The Tories stood for the divine and indefeasible right of kings, and were therefore, in a measure, Jacobins, desiring the return of the Stuarts. Their watchword was "Church and State." The chief Whigs at this time with whom we shall have to do were Marlborough (mmoVbruKs, Q-odolphin, Robert Walpole (ivhV pbl), Somers {«itm' mers), Sunderland, and Halifax, while their chief literary allies were Addison, 136 PROSE WRITERS. Jonathan Swift was born in Dublin, Ireland, of an old English family, November 30, 1667. His father died before his birth, and he himself was educated by the care of his uncle at the best school in Ireland, and at Trinity College, Dublin, but distinguished himself in no way. He had little idea as to what he should do ; he was unconscious of the direction in which his powers might lie. In this state he was received into the family of Sir William Temple,* a statesman in retirement, to read aloud and act as secretary, at the salary of £20, with board and lodging thrown in. He passed eleven years at Temple's residence at Moor Park. It was a strange and important period of his life. He read much, and thereby made amends for much idling done in his school and college days. He wrote also. Two of his most famous satires, "The Tale of a Tub" and "The Battle of the Books," were written here.f But he chafed terribly at Steele, and De Poe {fo'). The Tory leaders were St. John, Viscount Bollnghroke, and JHarley, Earl of Oxford, and among their literary men the greatest was Jonathan Swift. * Temple was a connection of Swift's mother. t These two famous satires are hardly read much nowadays, though they made for Swift, and deservedly, a very great reputation. "The Battle of the Books " relates to a dispute — now almost forgotten — as to the comparative merits of the ancients and moderns in literature. Sir William Temple had engaged in this controversy, and Swift appeared on the side of his patron. The authors of different ages take part in Homeric hattle ; Virgil, for instance, encounters Dry- den. The modern controversialists, too, make part of the combatants. Bentley and Wotton (who took the adverse side to Temple) are easily overcome hy Boyle, who was more fortunate in Ms aftiliations. Swift cared little for the controversy, but was pleased at an opportunity to display his very great wit and his unex- ampled powers of sarcasm. "The Tale of a Tub" (Tub, meaning a pulpit,) is in the same vein. It is a satire on religious matters, and it is said that it was owing to this book that Swift could never attain his life-long ambition — a bishopric. The book satirizes the pedantry of the three religious systems that were then prominent in England. Three brothers, Peter, Martin, and Jack, represent, respectively, the Eoman Cath- olic, the Anglican, and the Puritan persuasions. Under this form some pretty irreverent remarks appear. Take, for instance, this about Peter, who was seen to take " three old high-crowned hats and clap them all on his head three-story SWIFT. 13 7 his position. He became aware of his intellectual powers, and the idea of remaining in such a position as that in which he now appeared to men of less ability to himself was a terrible trial to him. He began at Moor Park td have the misanthropical feeling that his hand was against the world and the world's against him, which is the key to much of his later life and works. Two things of importance, however, date from Moor Park. Here he first met Hester Johnson, who, under the name of Stella, became so important a part of his life, and here first he became conscious that he was to become a man of letters, and, as it turned out, the greatest of his day. At Temple's death Swift left Moor Park, having chosen the Church as his vocation.* At the age of thirty-one, possessed of little else than a knowledge of his own powers and the affection of a most beautiful girl, and after trying in vain for greater prizes, he settled back in the living of Laracor, some little way from Dublin. And to Laracor he invited Hester Johnson, left without a home by the death of Temple, and one Mrs. Dingley, saying that they could live there more cheaply than in England, and that he should thus have the pleasure of their society. Swift's connection with Stella is one of the most curious parts of his life, and one of which the secret has never been wholly unraveled. Neither had at this time any thoughts of marriage nor of love, as high, with a huge bunch of keys at his girdle, and an angling-rod in his hand. In which guise, whoever went to take him by the hand in the way of salutation, Peter, with much grace, like a well-educated spaniel, would present them with his foot ; and if they refused his civility, then he would raise it as high as their chops and give him a damned kick on the mouth, whicL has ever since been called a salute." Fancy the man who could write such things as this being made a bishop. * He had received the degree of Master of Arts from Oxford in 1692, and had, in fact, held the living of Kllroot for a short time in 1695. 138 PROSE WRITERS. most people understood the word. They were simply very near friends. Swift never saw her save in the presence of a third person, and they always lived separately. Swift had no very onerous duties at Laracor. He was very frequently in London, where a mission on the part of the Irish Church brought him much into the way of statesmen, and his own great abilities and already pub- lished works procured him the friendship of the wits and men of letters. Bred in the household of Sir William Temple, Swift was naturally in Whig circles, and at his first appearances in London considered himself as a Whig in politics. But it was difficult for a high churchman in England to be a Whig. In Ireland the case was differ- ent. In Ireland the church relied upon the maintenance of the principles of the Revolution for their existence. But in England the high churchmen were Tories. So Swift's Whiggism was not very strong, and his change afterward to the Tory party was by no means inconsistent. At this time, however, he affiliated with the Whig writ- ers, and sought to gain his ends by means of Whig patronage. These ends were not entirely personal. Swift hoped for advancement,* but he had in hand a definite object, namely, to obtain the remission of the first-fruits and tenths which the Church of Ireland paid to the crown. This favor had been accorded England in 1704. In * Swift's great ambition in life was an Englisli bishopric. He never attained it. Who does not recollect Thackeray's vigorous picture, in which Swift is com- pared to a highwayman, who picks up one thing here and another there for one or another of his friends. But "the great prize has not come yet. The coach with the miter and crosier in it, which he Intends to have for his share, has been delaj^ed on the way from St. James' ; and he waits and waits until nightfall, when his runners come and tell him that the coach has taken a different road and escaped him. So he fires his pistols into the air with a curse and rides away into the country." SWIFT. 189 1707, Swift came to London to get the business through. He failed. The backwardness of his Whig friends dis- satisfied him, and he went back to Ireland much disgusted with that party, and with no hopes for advancement in that direction. He had, however, become well known and recognized in London as a man of great power. His two satires and one or two pamphlets had shown his very great genius, and it only needed an opportunity for him to attain a fitting and noble place in the great world of his day. The opportunity soon came. In 1710 occurred a political crisis, — of which the event served to bring Swift suddenly to the highest point in his career. For some years the administration had been Whig. Swift had not been on good terms with them, but neither had he come out in full Tory colors ; and had he done so nothing would have come of it, for the Tories had been hopelessly down for some years. But now their opportunitv had come. The Whigs, Marlborough and the ministry, were turned out ; Harley, the Tory chief, was made Chancellor of the Exchequer, and in the fall, when a new Parliament assembled, it showed a great majority on the Tory side. Swift came to town while events were still unsettled. The Whigs would have been glad to forget the past. But no such idea was likely to be in the mind of Swift. His disposition was revenge- ful, and he did not easily let slip from his mind such errors as the Whig leaders had been guilty of. Besides, the now triumphant Tories courted him in a most com- plimentary style. It was to their advantage to strengthen their position by all of the most powerful pens in England. So the great Harley was ready to become the most inti- mate friend of the fierce Irishman, who had been scorned 140 PROSE WRITERS. and neglected by the leaders of the opposition in the days of their power. Swift was courted to the top of his bent. He received no appointment, but his position was as influential a one as could be desired. He became hand-in-glove with Har- ley and St. John, the Tory chiefs. His business about the Irish first-fruits was settled in a moment. He became one of the inner circle of Tory statesmen. He dined with them on their private days. They called him by his first name. Swift became the close and intimate friend of Harley and of St. John as well, though it is undeniable that the reasons for their acquaintance were at first merely that each hoped to make something out of the other. Swift wanted advancement, the ministers wanted the support of his pen. Swift at once took hold. The Exam- iner was a series of political tracts, in which the Tory principles were put forth and defended. The Examiners, though not lasting pieces of literature, served their purpose admirably. This was all that was wanted. Swift cared nothing for producing literary masterpieces ; he wanted to carry his point. He worked public opinion around to believing that in the Tories lay their safety, that peace Avas needful, that the Whigs had betra_yed their country to serve their own selfish interests. So Swift was well in the political tide, carried on from day to day, among the first in a sort of wild, exciting life which gave him in his time the position of one of the greatest of men, though it has done little for his place with posterity. Swift enjoyed all this. He held it with a high hand. He knew the Tories needed him, could not get on with- out him, and he made use of his knowledge. Harley offered him a £50 note one day. Swift took the matter as the most shameless insult. He could not be pacified SWIFT. 141 without much urging, and after a humble apology. He carried his head high among his friends, and used his position to lash his opponents with most vigorous libels. In 1712, he published "The Conduct of the Allies,"* a political tract setting forth the Tory position. It was another triumph. The pamphlet ran through editions with lightning speed; 11,000 copies were sold in two months. This was the crowning-point of his career. His position was most remarkable. He was courted by the ministry, was possessed of immense reputation through- out the country, and was at the height of his immense literary powers. While it lasted. Swift could not but have been satisfied. But it could not last, and at the end, when the Tories were out of power, as in the nature of things they must be sooner or later. Swift would have nothing but recollections of greatness. For though he got every thing for his friends, he could get nothing that he wanted for himself. He was forced to appear con- tented with the appointment as Dean of St. Patrick's ; and in June, 1713, retired from the most brilliant scenes he ever had seen or ever would see, to be installed in Dublin. It was only a short time before it was necessary. The Tory leaders were quarreling among themselves ; Harley, now Earl of Oxford, was finally put out of the way by his rival, St. John, Lord Bolingbroke (boi'ing- brdbk), and only a day or two afterward Queen Anne died. This was the end of the Tories for the time. The Whigs came in, Greorge I. was proclaimed, and Swift, now forty-seven years of age, was left to himself in Ireland * The Allies were England, Holland, the Empire, Savoy (sdv' oi), and Portugal against Erance and Spain. The treatise was meant to show that the Whigs urged the continuance of the war for their own motives, and that the interests of England demanded peace, 142 PEOSE WRITERS. with nothing to do but to be Dean of St. Patrick's to the end of the chapter. Thougli Swift's personal prospects and his hopes for political advancement were utterly broken by the Tory downfall,* yet some of his greatest triumphs were scored in his after years. He had settled himself in his Deanery a year before the crash came, and when George II. came in, and the Whigs finally grasped the reins with a strong hand, he seems to have felt that the active part of his life was over, and all that was left him was to gather together what bits of the wreck remained, and to wait for his death with such grace as might be. He was now forty-seven, and lived thirty years more. But the exciting and brilliant period of his life was over*. " You are to understand," says he, "that I live in the corner of a vast unfurnished house ; my family consists of a steward, a groom, a helper in the stable, a footman, and an old maid, who are all at board wages, and when I do not dine abroad, or make an entertainment (which last is very rare), I eat a mutton-pie and drink half a pint of wine ; my amusements are defending my small dominions against the archbishop, and endeavoring to reduce my rebellious choir." His condition was in truth gloomy, and his own nature rendered it darker. Party warfare was practically at an end in England for a long time after the accession of George I. The lean- ings of that monarch, as far as they were any thing, were strongly Whig. And the master-hand of Sir Robert Wal- pole kept his party in power for a long time. The Tory party was utterly broken. Its leaders were in prison, or in exile, and the organization for a time absolutely shat- * For the Whigs on this occasion, under Sir Bohert Walpole, came in to stay twenty-seven years, sWiFT. 143 tered. So that pamphleteering, in which Swift had made his greatest reputation, had almost passed away. Once more, however, did Swift arise in arms, but this time more to crush the Whigs than with any hope of aid- ing the Tories. "The Drapier's (dpa'pierz) Letters," a work which, in his day, made him more famous than any other of his writings, served their purpose abso- hitely, and made Swift for a time the leader of public opinion in Ireland. The occasion was the granting of a patent for the issue of certain half-pence to one WilHam Wood. There was need of copper coinage in Ireland. The English government of that unhappy country, long accustomed to profit by her misfortunes, had given a patent for the coining of half-pennies to this Wood. There were to be made about £100,000 of half-pence, and Wood was to pay the crown £1,000 yearly for four- teen years, for the pi'ivilege of coining them. He was not unwilling to do this, because only about £60,000 worth of copper was to be used in the making, leaving £40,000 out of which to pay the expenses, which would give a fair profit. Out of this firoflt was to be paid £14,000 to the crown, and, it is said, £10,000 to the Duchess of Kendal (ken'dal), to whom the patent had been originally given as a present. Swift seized this opportunity. The Whigs were merely using Ireland as a means of dirty profit. He would stir up the Irish. Un- doubtedly he was deeply outraged at the disgraceful transaction, feeling it to be a shameless piece of tyranny. And the chance to strike a blow at his old enemies was too good to be lost. He published several " letters," sup- posed to be written by a draper, and known as " The Drapier's Letters." They had an astounding effect on the Irish. The argument was flimsy, but the grievance was 144 Prose writers. real, and the people were touched at a sore point. They became inflamed. The English tried to stop the publica- tion of the letters, to convict the printer of them, to " force the half-pence down the throats of the Irish," as Walpole is reported to have said. The outcry was so great that they were forced to give way, the patent was withdrawn, Wood was paid £24,000 to give it up, and Swift was left triumphant. He had seized a plausible opportunity to fight in a good cause. He had roused the Irish to indignation at the idea that Ireland was never thought of in England save as a place where a little money might be made, which need not be considered save from the point of view of English interests. " The Drapier's Letters " gave Swift the position of the leading man among the Irish people ; but it by no means could retrieve his position in England. To England he went several times, saw his old friends, but recognized the impossibility of doing any thing in political life again. He made one more mighty success before he relapsed into the wretched state in which his life ended. " Gulli- ver's Travels " was published two years after " The Dra- pier's Letters." It is an extraordinary work. Read with delight by children, and with wonder and admiration by those of more mature minds, it is probable that every one of our readers knows much of it. Yet, though it is so universally read, it is an unpleasing work. A satire on humanity, written by so powerful a misanthrope as Jonathan Swift, can hardly be pleasant reading for those who wish to believe that there are still some things that are good and pure and noble, even in the midst of so much wickedness as there is in this world. It is impossible now to fully understand Swift's rela- s'w'lPT. 146 tion to Stella, — Hester Johnson, as her real name was. A most intimate and sincere friendship existed between them, and they were married, some say as early as 1716,. others say later. But the marriage was nothing but a ceremony. They always lived apart, and, as has been noted, Swift never saw Stella, as he has declared, save in the presence of a third party. This third party was usually Mrs. Dingley, with whom Stella lived in Ireland, at a short distance from Swift, though never in the same house. Swift wrote to Stella constantly, — letters, verses, and so on. It is from the well-known "Journal to Stella" that we obtain our best idea of the great man's life while in London. It contains a record of what he did, day by day, whom he saw, and where he went. It is full of charming tendernesses and loving expressions, that show a strange side in the nature of this fierce satirist. It was in London that Swift made the acquaintance of the other woman whose name is associated with his, — Vanessa (vanes' sa), otherwise Esther Vanhomrigh (van'- hom ri). Swift became intimate with the family as early as 1708. He seems to have looked on Mrs. Vanhomrigh's house as a sort of home. But it was a bad day for Va- nessa when Swift came to the house. She fell in love with him, and he allowed her to do so. The story is too long for us * in all its details, but the outcome was that * We may add here the story of Vanessa, which was a bit too long for our text. The reader may find a piece of it told by the Dean himself, in verse, in "Cadenvis (ka de' nun) and Vanessa." [Cadenus is put instead of decanus [de ka' nits), the dean] . Swift, finding in Miss Vanhomrigh something more than the mere young lady of fashion, took pleasure in her company, read, talked, and studied with her. Vanessa fell in love with her master. When he was about to leave her to go back to Ireland, she told him of her affection. He offered to be her friend, and left her. The relation continued. Some time afterward Va- nessa, by force of circumstances, came to Ireland to Celbridge, a place not far from Stella's abode. The end of the story is quite dramatic. Vanessa becoming anxious, and troubled about Swift's relation to Stella, finally wrote to her rival a 146 PROSE WRITERS. Vanessa finally came to Ireland, and discovered the true nature of Stella's relation to the Dean, and there died of a broken heart. Stella herself died in 172 8, the year after that in which " Grulliver's Travels " first saw the light. There is little to detain us in the last years of Swift's. For eighteen years after " Grulliver's Travels," he lived, though for the last few years of his life his intellect was almost wholly destroyed, and he could hardly be said even to exist. He wrote somewhat, — some one or two satires which have been forgotten, and many letters to his friends in England, which may still be read with pleasure. But the life of the " Q-reat Irish Dean " had really ended with the publication of "Gulliver" in 1727, and the death of Stella the next year. He died October 19, 1745, glad of the relief from living, and was buried in St. Patrick's church-yard. He had written his own epitaph. "Here is laid the body of Jonathan Swift, Dean of this church, where cruel indignation can no longer tear his heart. Q-o, traveler, and imitate if thou canst a sturdy vindicator of the liberty of humankind."* letter, in which, as it is said, she asked if Stella were truly the wife of Swift. Stella replied that she was. Swift saw Vanessa's letter, and fell into a fury. He could not bear that any one should not be satisfied to do as he desired. He rode over to Vanessa, and entered her room in a terrible passion. Without saying a word, he tossed her letter before her and departed. Vanessa could not bear it. She died shortly afterward. Such is the story. We can not be sure of its truth. But something of the sort must have happened. Vanessa's relation with Swift was the more exciting while it lasted, and came to a more dramatic end. But we can not think it more miserable or more pathetic than was Stella's. * In personal appearance, Swift was dark and tall ; in later years, he was somewhat fat. His ej^es were blue, ar.d had a charming archness about them. His cast of countenance was naturally severe, and even when he was cracking a joke his face preserved its gloomy expression. And when the natur?! sternness was rendered more severe by rage (for he often fell into a passion), " it is scarcely possible," says a friend, " to imagine looks or features that carried in them more SWIFT. 147 The life of Swift and his character must be looked on with wonder, with awe, and at times with respect, but hardly ever with pleasure. His career was a disappoint- ment to hiixiself, and must be to those who read of it. He failed to achieve his aims, such ideals as he had were unrealized, and he sunk in gloomy chagrin to a most wretched end. The dififerent phases of his life, his stay with Temple, his parish life in Ireland, even his glittering period of triumph in London, and most espe- cially his after years in Ireland, are each and all of them little else than painful. His troubles and failures were of a most grievous kind, and even his successes were deeply colored with what must be distasteful. His rela- tions with Stella and Vanessa are far more sad to think of than pleasing. Even his works can hardly be read as he wrote them with other feelings than amazement and admiration ; there can be little pleasure in the reading, and no love for the author, for so much of horror is blended with the wit that we can not laugh without a feeling of repulsion.* "His laughter jars on our ears," says Thackeray (thak'erl), "after seven score years." True, there are some bright snatches. His " Journal to Stella " is at times the most delightful reading in the world, and we can not think of Swift's friendship with some of the greatest men of his time without feeling that there were moments when he seemed the best and most delightful of men. Certainly, there lay concealed in his nature infi- nite greatness, honesty, nobility ; yes, and tenderness and fondness as well. We are sure of it, for now and then we terror and austerity. His manners were open, abrupt, and eccentric, but when he chose he was probably a most charming companion,— witty at the expense of somebody else, frank and straightforward as far as his present companion was concerned, full of ideas, and great in conversation." * We may, perhaps, except the first two books of " Gulliver." 148 PROSE WRiTERS. see such brlUialit flajshes, — but they come so very seldom, and are usuahy overshadowed by his constant bitterness, hatred, and misanthropy. He was a very great man ; there was no littleness in his make-up. His better parts were great. But the evil in his nature showed far more plainly.* * To our mind, the most characteristic work of Swift lies in the verses on liis own death. We quote a little, to give the readers who are unfamihar with them a taste of their remarkable quality. He speaks of the effect the news of his death will have on the world in general. Then he speaks of his own most intimate personal friends. "Here shift the scene to represent How these I love my death lament. Poor Pope wiU grieve a month, and G-ay A week, and Arbuthnot a day. St. John himself will scarce forbear To bite his pen, and drop a tear. The rest will give a shrug and cry, 'Pm sorry— but we all must die.' "Suppose me dead, and then suppose A club assembled at the Rose ; Where, from discourse of this and that, I grow the subject of their chat. And while they toss my name about. With favor some, and some without, One quite indifferent in the cause, My character impartial draws : * * * ' Perhaps I may allow the Dean Had too much satire in his vein ; And seem'd determined not to starve it, Because no age could more deserve it. Yet malice never was his aim ; He lashed the vice, but spared the name ; No individual could resent. Where thousands equally were meant ; His satire points at no defect But what all mortals may correct. * * * True genuine dullness moved his pity, Unless it offered to be witty. Those who their ignorance confest. He ne'er offended with a jest ; But laughed to hear an idiot quote A verse from Horace learned by rote. * * * He gave the little wealth he had To build a house for fools and mad ; And showed by one satiric touch. No nation wanted it so much.' " ADDISON 1673-1718 FOR a long time the name of Addison (ad'i son) has been the synonym for elegant and correct prose. Addison was one of the earlier of those writers of the eighteenth century who, though they did but little for the advancement of poetry, in their more special depart- ment, formed a period which, for correctness, character, and dignity, stands as the classical period in English Prose. The names of Temple, Dryden, Swift, Addison, Steele, Fielding, Hume, Johnson, Goldsmith, Gibbon, Burke, make up a school which, for mere style, has never been surpassed. Joseph Addison was born the 1st of May, 16 72, the son of Launcelot (lan'se lot) Addison, a worthy clergyman of the English Church. We know but little of his child- hood that is characteristic. Almost the only anecdote told of his youth relates that he was the leader of a "barring out" against the school-master. But this is of little importance. If we note that he went to the Charter-house school, and there made friends with Richard Steele,* we shall remember almost all in his school life that * Sir Rich.ard Steele deserves a few words to himself, though we can hardly include him in our list of greatest names. He was the life-long friend, companion, and admirer of Addison, with whom he did many a piece of work. He was an easy and agreeable writer of a pure and good English style,— though but little of his work has permanent value. By turns a private soldier, a captain in the Fusi- leers, a pamphleteer, a member of Parliam.ent, a placeman under the Whigs, he was always honest, true, faithful to his friends, loving to his wife, and though often carried away by his impulses into doing what he afterward regretted, he must have been one of the most kindly and charming of the literary men of his 160 PROSE WRITEEg. is of importance to an understanding of his later dayg. In 1687, he entered Queen's College, Oxford, where he spent some time, but in 1689 was elected a demy * (de mi') at Magdalen (maud'lin), of which college he was sub- sequently a Fellow. At Oxford he read and wrote Latin poetry. Also some Q-reek, though not very much, 'tis thought. But ne wrote very elegant and graceful Latin verses (indeed, he owed his promotion at Magdalen to a copy which fell into the hands of the master), and he acquainted himself very thoroughly with the Latin poets. Perhaps he knew something more of the classics ; the question is open for discussion, and it does not seem of the greatest conse- quence. At any rate, on leaving Oxford, in 1699, he carried away with him to London a good store of Latin and a good reputation as a scholar and a man of letters. He thought of the Church, but was persuaded to travel abroad for a time, on a pension of £300, to fit himself for her Majesty's service. My Lord Halifax (then Charles Montague [mon'tagu]), who got him the pension, was pleased to compliment him by saying that, "however he himself might be represented as an enemy to the Church, he would never do it any other injury than keeping Mr. Addison out of it." So Addison started to make the "Grand Tour," f as it day. He is to be credited with the conception of the "Tatler," and he was Addison's right-hand man in writing the "Spectator." * A demy was a species of resident scholar, who was subsequently appointed to be a Fellow. t Travel on the Continent was, in those days, and for some time afterward, considered as the absolutely necessary finishing touch to a young man's education. "Making the Grand Tour," was the expression. Not infrequently the Continent proved merely a convenient place for the sowing of wild oats, while the intel- lectual benefits were but small. This is what Pope says on the subject. The speaker is supposed to be a tutor who has traveled with a young man over the greater part of Europe. ADDISON. 151 was called in those days. He saw Italy thoroughly, passed through G-ermany, spent a year in France to learn the language well, and, his pension failing (owing to the Whigs being out of ofl&ce), returned to England and established himself in London, where he had certain literary acquaintances and hopes. He had written some good Latin verses, a good poem, the "Letter to Lord Halifax,"* some "Remarks on Italy," and a "Dialogiie on Medals." He had little definite idea of a future. His friends, the Whigs, were out of power, and to political friends all literary men in those days looked for advance- ment. It was, in truth, no very cheerful time for him ; he seemed to be at the lowest point of his fortunes. "When I came out of Oxford into the world," says he to Esmond, in Thackeray's (thak' e rlz) most charming history, " my patrons promised me great things ; and you see where their promises have landed me, in a lodging up two pair of stairs, with a sixpenny dinner from a " Led by my hand, lie sauntered Europe round, And gathered every vice on Christian ground ; Saw every court, heard every king declare His royal sense of operas or the fair. Tried all hm-s (Pcmmes ijmr duvt), all liqueurs (le kers') defined, •Judicious drank and greatly daring dined ; Dropped the dull lumber of the Latin store. Spoiled his own language and acquired no more, All classic learning lost on classic ground. And last turned air the echo of a sound." Addison, however, gained some more substantial benefit from his foreign travel. He went with the idea of learning whatever would better fit him ft>T her Majesty's service, and did his best to improve himself. * One thing to be remembered in connection with this period is that now, as for a long time before and after, literary men were accustomed to pay thei'^ court to some prominent man as patron, to whom they wrote odes, dedicatea their works and what not, wherein their noble patron's praises were sounded. In return, these great men would reward these clients of theirs by whatever substantial services they might be able to render them. Each political party strove to strengthen itself by attracting to itself as many of the literary men as it could, for, in those days of secret debates in Parliament and no newspapers, the strictly literary men exercised a great influence over public opinion. 162 PROSE WRITERS. cook's shop.'' So they had; his friends were out of place, his pension was unpaid, and for a time the world seemed very dark. It was at just this time tliat Marlborough* (ma^A^l' brah) did a very good thing for himself and for Addison, in winning the Battle of Blenheim (blen'im). "What it was all about," as Kasper thought, is not here of so much consequence as the fact that it was a famous victory. A Whig victory, the people were roused, enthusiastic, the ministry were eager to make the most of it. The great Whig victory must be celebrated in verse. Where was the man to do it. Godolphin (go dol'fin), himself the Lord High Treasurer, inquires as to who can best cele- brate the praises of Marlborough and the great Whig party. My Lord Halifax knows the man, Init he will not let him put his hand to it unless assured that the minis- try will remember him. Every thing is promised. Gro- dolphin himself sends t(.> Mr. Addison, the friend of My Lord Halifax, with the request that he will celebrate this great victory in becoming vei^se. Such was the cause of the writing of " The Campaign," a poem lauded to the skies in its day (for political causes, in great measure), and now utterly forgotten save its name and its one famous simile. The comparison of the Duke of Marlborough overlooking the battle to such an angel as had guided the furious storm which had passed * .John Churchill, the Duke of Marlborough, was England's great general ot those days. His renown was gained in the constant warfare against Prance, which began with William III. and lasted nearly to the end of the reign of Anne (dn). England, Holland, and the Empire were allied against the growing ambition of Tjouis XrV., and Marlborough and Prince Eugene (ugln') were the principal gen- erals on the side of the Allies. Blenheim was their greatest victory, but Eamellies (r&yW e ISz), Oudenarde {oiv din dr' defi), and Malplaquet (mdl pli'i ka') made them famous in their day. At first, having no decided political leanings, Marlborough finally concluded that his own fortunes were best advanced by joining with the Whigs. He was a man of great military powers, small principles, and great manners, ADDISON. 153 over Britain a few yearw before, was tiie success of the poem.* Johnson says 'tis no simile, but an exempHfica- tion. But it is, at any rate, a fine bit of verse, and worth reading to-day. At that time it raised Addison to the rank of the greatest of English poets, and better than that, for the moment, "that good angel flew off with Mr. Addison and landed him in the place of Commis- sioner of Appeals," as a pledge of something more being done for him in the future. 'Twas the way of the world at that time. The spoils belonged to the victors, and the literary men who sung the victor's praises came in for their share. Just how the ability to write good verse was a proof that a man would make a good Commis- sioner of Appeals in the Excise is hard to see ; but the work was generally done by deputy, and the lucky owner took half the salary for doing nothing. So, from this moment, Addison's fortunes began to mend. In a year, from being Commissioner of Appeals in the Excise, he became Under Secretary of State to Sir Charles Hedges (hej'ez) — a jAace of some profit and but little labor, which he held for several years, when his * The reader may like to see this famous simile without taking the trouble to turn to Addison's collected works. The moment taken is in the midst of the Battle of Blenheim. " 'Twas then great Marlborough's mighty soul was proved, That, in the shock of charging hosts unmoved, Amidst confusion, horror, and despair Examined all the dreadful scenes of war ; In peaceful thought the field of death surveyed, To fainting squadrons sent the timely aid, Inspired repulsed battalions to engage And taught the doubtful battle where to rage. So when an angel, by divine command, With rising tempests shakes a guilty land. Such as of late o'er pale Britannia (biU (an' i a) past, Calm and serene he drives the furious blast; And pleased th' Almighty's orders to perform, Rides in the whirlwind and directs the storm." 154 PROSE WRITERS. chief, the Earl of Sunderland (who had succeeded Sir Charles), was displaced to give way to a Tory. But almost immediately another position was opened to Addison. The Earl of Wharton (hAA^or' ton), Lord Lieutenant of Ire- land, a great Whig and a member of the Kit-Cat Club,* offered to Addison a position as his secretary. And so, with his friend, Eustace (us'tas) Budgell, as private secre- tary to himself, Addison quitted England for Dublin as Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. The office was little more than nominal, and the salary was aug- mented for his accommodation. The chief thing of note during Addison's stay in Ire- land, must have been his acquaintance with Swift. These two great men were at this time good friends, for they liked and respected each other. But they were on dif- ferent sides in politics, and often fiercely opposed to each other, and, unfortunately, they could hardly get over their political opposition in their private acquaintance. So their friendship cooled. They had no quarrel, as Addison had with Pope, but they were no longer friends. "We have grown common acquaintance," writes Swift * The Kit-Cat Club was an organization started toward the beginning of the 18th century, at first with the \'iew of encouraging literature and belles- lettres (bel IW ter), but very shortly assuming a political turn, which soon became the predominating element. It became, in fact, the Whig caucus of those days, and among its members were all the most famous Whigs of the day, both political and literary. The most noted members at this time were Marlborough and Godol- phin, Walpole and Wharton. Halifax, Addison's early patron, was also a member. So, too, was Addison himself, Steele, Congreve (kSng' grev) and Garth, with Van- brugh {vdnbroo'), the architect and dramatist, and Kneller (nil' er), the painter. The presiding genius, curiously enough, was Tonson, a book-seller. The Club obtained its whimsical name from one Christopher Cat, who acted as victualer in ordinary to the members, providing them with certain mutton-pies which were highly esteemed. The portraits of the members were executed by Kneller for the dining-room wherein they met. Prom the form in which they were done, a three-quarters length, the name " kit-cat " has been applied to this species of picture. ADDISON. 156 to Stella. I fear Swift regretted the decline of their friendship more than did Addison. It was while in Ireland that Steele started the Tatler* a publication which truly marks an epoch in Addison's life. Hitherto he had been known as a scholar, a grace- ful writer of Latin verse, the author of an elegant dis- quisition on medals, of one much praised poem, "The Campaign," and various others of less repute, and indeed in other ways for which posterity cares but little. He was now to appear in the light in which all his later admirers have loved to imagine him, the true humorist, the writer of those delightful Essays in the Tatler and the Spectator, which are read to-day with almost as keen delight as they were by those for whom they were written. He was to become the gentle castigator of public folly, the encourager of public virtue, the critic who was to lead Englishmen to a true appreciation of some of the wonders of their own literature, the creator of a public * The Tatler, and the Spectator after it, were the first of a famous species of composition in great vogue in England in the 18th century. The Tatler was, we believe, the first periodical paper containing news and comment joined thereto. It lost, however, this mixed character, and shortly became a series of essays upon current happenings in politics or the home, or upon literary or frivolous topics. It was in this respect that the Spectator followed the TaMer. It is a series of essays on all topics that wovQd be likely to interest the readers of Queen Anne's day, short disquisitions on literature, satires against dress and social follies, quaint descriptions of delightful character, tales of fantastic and whimsical nature, usually with a moral,~such is the Spectator. And all written in the easiest and most agreea- ble manner imaginable. We must remember that up to this time prose had hardly been considered a medium in which to express light, graceful, and elegant ideas. But little attention was paid to style. Prose was good for history, for philosophy, for controversy, but few thought of making Prose a work of art in the same way as had been done with Poetry. This was one of the great charms of the Spectator. It treated light and agreeable themes in a pleasant, humorous, and graceful way that delighted all readers, and was, indeed, something quite new in English litera- ture. In another way, too, is the Spjectator remarkable. It showed that polite and elegant literature could be written which was not foul and indecent in word and thought, as had been almost all the light literature of the age immediately pre- ceding it. For this, if for nothing more, Addison and Steele deserve the greatest gratitude of all readers. 156 PROSE M^KITERS. opinion in favor of Truth and Right, the asserter of a position for the gentler sex far higher than had been allowed them in the century immediately preceding. These Essays of Addison's, how much they call up to mind ! The worthy trunkmaker who sat in the gallery and applauded at the play, Tom Folio and the political upholsterer, Hilpa and Shalum, the worthy inhabitants of the world before the flood, the famous Fan Drill, the worthy tailor who enacted the Lion at the opera, the gentle wearers of the Party Patches, the Clubs and Coffee- houses of the London of that day,* the Tory fox-hunter and the Tory Squires in the Freeholder, and best of all, good old Sir Roger de Coverley (kuv' er ll), the fine old * It was the heyday of coffee-houses. They held the place which the club- houses hold to-day. The men of fashion, the wits, the students, the lawyers, the stock-brokers, the highwaymen, the drunkards, all had some resort where they gathered to discuss the news of the day, and gain improvement for the mind by instructive conversation. Dryden, a sort of king among the literary men before Addison's time and Swift's, had established himself at Will's coflEee-house. Addison set up Buttons, where he and his coterie (Ico te re') were accustomed to resort. The Whigs rallied about the St. James, the Tories about the Cocoa-Tree or at Ozinda's. The Grecian was the gathering place for the learned men, Serle's for the lawyers. Mr. Bickerstaff (Ink' er stfif) often wrote from White's, and the Spectator was often at Childs', of which the clergy were the chief frequenters. The stock- jobbers were to be found at Jonathan's, in Change Alley. The time of the Spectator was also a great time for clubs. Not the stately associations in which men of the present day en.ioy the comforts of a flrst-class hotel, but informal and ephemeral associations of men with some purpose, opinion, whimsy in common, who usually met around about at one or another of the coffee-houses or ale-houses with which London at that time was furnished. There were some whose names have come down to us. Thus, there was the Kit-Cat, the great Whig club, of which we have already heard ; the October Club, in which the Tories meditated and consulted over good October beer. There was the Hell- flre Club, organized for the perpetration of midnight deeds too horrid to be thought of ; the Scriblerus (sJcn Me' rus) Club, of which Swift, Atterbury, Boling- broke, and Oxford were the lights, and the Brothers' Club, to which many Tory peers belonged, as well as Swift, Prior, Arbuthnot, and St. John (afterward Lord Bolingbroke). And besides these were a thousand and one more informal organ- izations. In fact, as the Spectator remarks, " Where a set of men find themselves agree in any particular, though never so trivial, they establish themselves into a kind of fraternity, and meet once or twice a week upon the account of such a fantastic resemblance." ADDISON. 157 English gentleman. We don't read them much nowadays, I fear, but it is to our own loss. Shortly after the end of the first series of the Spec- tator, in the year 1713, Addison brought out his trag- edy of " Cato " and made another great success of the same nature as his success with "The Campaign" — on account in great measure of the political situation. "Cato" and "The Campaign," though having many good lines, could not have immortalized Addison. Without the Spectator' he would have ranked perhaps with Phillips. Written ten years or more before, "Cato" had lain neg- lected imtil now, when the Whig leaders began to solicit Addison to complete it. The spectacle of a noble Roman dying in defense of his country against a usurper would, they thought, arouse public sympathy for an Anti-Jaco- bite party. On the other hand, the Tories proposed t(^ take to themselves what credit they could find in the piece, and as both political parties were in favor of the play, how could it be other than a success? Addison wrote a last act to it. Pope wrote a prologue, and Garth an epilogue, Steele prepared to pack the house with good Whig claquers. Of this last, as it turned out, there was small need, for the Tories too crowded into the the- ater intent to find something which should apply to their own political principles, and answered Steele's brave band of Whigs hand for hand. The piece was a great success. The house resounded with applause. But Bolingbroke (boring brdbk), the Tory leader, scored the greatest success. For when the Whigs were loudly ap- plauding "Cato," he called Booth, who acted the part, into his box and presented him with a purse of £50 for so nobly defending the cause of liberty against a per- petual dictator — a palpable hit at Marlborough, the great 158 PROSE WRITERS. Whig general. "The Whigs," says Pope, "design a pres- ent to the same ' Cato ' very speedily ; in the meantime they are getting ready as good a sentence as the former on their side." So Addison scored another great success. He then turned his hand to other things. He wrote part of the Guardian, a publication not unlike the Spectator. An eighth volume of the Spectator was published, and he had thoughts of a work " On the Evidences of Chris- tianity." But at this point politics claimed him again. Queen Anne (an) died August 1, 1714. It was a great moment. The Whigs (out of power) were ready for it. By one or two bold strokes they utterly overthrew Bol- ingbroke, who now represented the Tories (having suc- ceeded in putting down Oxford), and by the Whigs Greorge I. was proclaimed King of England. The Prot- estant succession triumphed. All hopes of any motion in favor of the Old Pretender went down with the defeat of the Scots in 1715. When the Whigs came in, Sun- derland, Addison's old chief, was appointed to the place of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Addison was again given the place of Secretary, and for a short time lived in Dublin. He had lived through the greatest triumphs of his life. The Freeholder, published in 1716, has some good papers, but was written for a special purpose, ren- dered necessary by political affairs, which it achieved, but is worth little else. A year or two later the Old Whig was published, replying to certain attacks on the Whig policy made by his old friend Steele. But his life was nearly over. In 1716 he had married Charlotte, Countess of Warwick,* and the next year was appointed one of * 'Tis said this marriage was by no means an ideal union. Pope hints at Addison's having "married discord with a noble wife." But as to this there may be doubt. He had long been in love with the countess. It is hinted that Sir Koger de Coverley's experience with the cruel widow may have had an auto- ADDISON. 159 the Secretaries of State under Sunderland. He resigned the post on account of faihng health in March, 1718, and lived only a little more than a year longer. He died June 19, 1719. Not a few writers of the greatest repute have poi"- trayed Addison's life and work with the utmost love and respect. Macaulay (ma ka^A^' ll) says, in an often-quoted passage, "To Addison himself we are bound by a senti- ment as much like affection as any sentiment can be which is inspired by one who has been sleeping a hun- dred and twenty years in Westminster Abbey. * * * After free inquiry and impartial reflection, we have long been convinced that he deserved as much love and esteem as can justly be claimed by any of our infirm and erring race." And Thackeray, "Commend me to this dear preacher without orders, this parson in the tie- wig. When this man looks from the world whose weak- nesses he describes so benevolently up to the Heaven which shines over us all, I can hardly fancy a human face lighted up with a more serene rapture, a human intellect thrilling with a purer love and adoration than Joseph Addison. * * * j think [his life] was one of the most enviable. A life prosperous and beautiful — a calm death — an immense fame and affection aftei'ward for his happy and spotless name."* He had many of the most delightful qualities in man, biographic test to it. Johnson remarks on the marriage that " the lady was per- suaded to marry him on terms much like those on which a Turkish princess is espoused, 'Daughter, I give thee this man for thy slave.'" The marriage, if uncontradicted report can be credited, made no addition to his happiness ; it neither found nor made them equal. * Most characteristic of the calm and beautiful goodness of Addison's are the lines of that most beautiful hymn of his, known to every one, beginning,— "The spacious firmament on high." 160 PROSE WRITERS. and as for his faults, if the reader will skim over Pope's verses on "Atticus," he will have the most of them. For he was by no means perfect.* He had traits which we should call small, cowardly, jealous, mean, being unfort- unately only human after all. But his virtues were many, and his powers were very great. Of all the lit- erary or public men of his time he seems to us to stand forth as the noblest, purest, and the best. The names of Swift and Pope are by no means stainless. Marlbor- ough, Bolingbroke, Walpole (wol'pol) had very glaring vices, and so with the others. But Addison we can honor and respect, with less deprecation of his errors and with more appreciation of his great qualities, than we can any one of his contemporaries. * Addison had one fault — in co)nnion, indeed, with, many of tlie gx'eatest men of his day— that he was a bit too fond of wine. It was said in the time of John- son, some quarter of a century or more after his death, that he shortened his life by drinking. But this is probably untrue. What was probably the case was that Addison's temperament was such that he needed some form of stimulant to arouse him to his greatest intellectual activity, and that he coiild stand more of such indulgence without being troubled by it than could his fellows. It was a drinking age. Men lived in a manner that would be almost impossible nowadays. And Addison's set only followed the custom of the day when they spent every day five or six hours or more over the bottle at Buttons' after dinner. VOLTAI RK, 1694-1778. FRANCOIS AROUET (frong swa' a rdb a') was born in 16 94, the second son of a notary of the same name living in Paris. When the boy was ten years old, he was sent to the college called Louis le Q-rand (lc3o e' leh gpong'), in Paris, where he was educated for the law. This was one of the chief of the Jesuit colleges, con- ducted by some of the best men of their order. Here he was well taught in the classics, for which other branches were neglected. His taste led him to make verses even at the early age of twelve. He remained at this college seven years, and left it, at the age of seven- teen, with already a high reputation, especially for his poetic gifts. He was destined by his father for the bar, and set to studying law for three years, but he detested this pur- suit and early turned aside to the study of belles-lettres (bel let'ter). His wit, animation, and charm of manner made him at once a favorite in society. At twenty-four, although thin, he was handsome, with a refined profile, animated eyes, and a good-humored smile. He wrote many verses, distinguished by peculiar grace, which are still read with pleasure. When Franpois was twenty-one, Louis XIV. died, and his nephew, the profligate Duke of Orleans, became Re- gent. Voltaire (vol ter') was accused of writing satirical attacks upon this personage, one especially, in which his Minister of Police was called " An enemy of the human 162 PROSE WRITERS. race." Although he strenuously denied all knowledge of these squibs, he was exiled from Paris, and when, with or without permission, he returned thither, he was com- mitted to the Bastile* (bas tel'). He took this misfort- une lightly, and employed himself, though denied writ- ing materials, in planning "The Henriade" (ongread'), committing to memory the lines he composed. He was liberated after an imprisonment of eleven months. His first tragedy, the drama of " Oedipus" (ed'I pus), ran for forty-five nights in succession, and brought the atten- tion of the public upon its young author. At this time, he abandoned the name of Arouet and took that of Voltaire, a change not uncommon with French authors, though why he chose that particular name is not known. One explanation is that the letters V-o-l-t-a-i-r-e make an anagram upon Arouet l.j. {Je jeune [leh zhCin']) ; but this is far-fetched and not probable. At this time Voltaire was poor, but happy. He fell in love with a young girl, Suzanne de Livry (soo zan' deh lev'r^), who consulted the author about becoming an actress. He even thought of marrying her, but she ran away with his particular friend. Voltaire was furi- ous, pursued them in vain, fell ill, and then forgave the treacherous pair, and wrote them a poetical epistle. * His own accoTint of this, in verse, describes him as taken hy tlie hand and conducted to his prison, where he is put under triple bolts. * * * " The clock strikes noon ; a tray is brought. With humble, frugal cheer 'tis fraught. Said they who bore it when my air Showed no great relish for the fare, 'Your diet is for health, not pleasure. Pray eat in peace, — youVe ample leisure.' See thus my fate distressful sealed— Behold me cooped up, embastiled. Sleep, food, and drink distasteful made, By all, even by my love, betrayed." * * * VOLTAIRE. 163 For eight years he remained in Paris, writing trage- dies which long held the stage; but witty and skillful as he was, he did not succeed in comedy. His literary rep- utation was altogether that of a poet, for although his opinions were unorthodox, seemingly skeptical, they were not yet conspicuous. In consequence of a quarrel with a certain Chevalier de Rohan (deh roong'), whom he challenged to fight, Voltaire was again committed to the Bastile, where he remained six months ; then liberated only on condition that he should quit France. He chose England for his place of exile. He landed in England in the spring of 172 6 — the last year of the reign of George I. On the voyage he was depressed and gloomy, but on landing he recovered his cheerfulness, and throwing himself in a transport of joy on the earth, he reverently saluted it. It was a lovely day, and the anniversary of the king's birthday. The Thames (temz) River and the park were in holiday guise. Every one appeared to him to be happy, and he believed himself in a paradise of beautiful women and clear skies, where no one thought of any thing but pleasure. Voltaire was probably the guest of Lord Bolingbroke (bol'ing brdbk), with whom he had already an acquaintance. Thanks to him and other influential friends, he entered at once the brilliant circle of London society. In about three months he had picked up enough English to make himself understood. He devoted himself to the systematic study of the language, and came to feel so sure of his knowledge of it, that he sometimes wrote in it.* Many * During his sojourn in England, his adroitness and fluent mastery of the language saved him from what might have been otherwise an unpleasant advent- ure. He chanced one day to be strolling along the streets, when his peculiar appearance attracted attention. A crowd collected, and some ribald fellow began 164 PEOSE WRlTERt?. of his new English acquaintances could talk with him in his own tongue ; but Pope, whom he was very anxious to meet, could hardly read French, and spoke it not at all. He arrived in England in ill-health, which was aggra- vated by ill-luck. A bill of exchange which he brought with him, of the value of 20,000 francs, was lost through the bankruptcy of a Jew, upon whom it had been drawn. When Voltaire's misfortune came to the ears of the king, he good-naturedly sent him a sum, probably a hundred guineas, which relieved him from pressing embarrassment. The news of the death of his sister threw him into an agony of grief, but his buoyant spirits soon restored him to cheerfulness, even gayety. His attenuated, eager face grew familiar in fashionable society, and he was contented with jeers and hoots to taunt him with being a Frenchman. The miscreants were already preparing to pelt him with mud, and mud would no doubt have been followed with missiles of a more formidable kind. But Voltaire was equal to the crisis. Boldly confronting his assailants, he mounted on a stone which happened to be at hand, and began an oration, of which the first sentence only has been preserved. "Brave Englishmen !" he cried, "am I not suflfliciently unhappy in not hav- ing been born among you?" His harangue was so effective that the crowd was not only appeased, but eager to carry him on their shoulders in triumph to his lodgings. This was not the only occasion on which he experienced the rudeness with which the vulgar in those days treated his countrymen. He happened to be tak- ing the air on the river, when one of the men in charge of the boat, perceiving that his passenger was a Frenchman, began to boast of the superior privileges enjoyed by English subjects, saying he belonged not to a land of slaves, but to one of freemen. Warming with his theme, the fellow concluded his offensive remarks by exclaiming, with an oath, that he would rather be a boatman on the Thames than an archbishop in France. The sequel of the story was that the man, within a few hours, was seized by the press-gang, and next day, Voltaire saw him at the window of a prison with, his legs manacled, and his hand stretched through the bars. "What think you now," said Voltaire, "of a French archbishop?" "Ah! sir!" replied the captive, "the abominable government have forced me away from my wife and children to serve in a king's ship, and have thrown me into prison and chained my feet for fear I should escape before the ship sails I " Voltaire was deeply grieved to think there was so little liberty on earth, even in England. VOLTAIRE. 165 and happy, meeting many distinguished people, and win- ning his way with them by fulsome flattery, in which he was an adept. Meanwhile, he was diligently collecting materials for his after-works.* During his stay in England, he was hard at work on the manuscript and proof of "The Henriade," which was published, by subscription, in March, 172 8. It is a great epic poem, recognized by the world of letters, when it appeared, as an extraordinary production, which placed its author among the first poets of his time. In its first form, the poem had been dedicated to Louis XV., but this was canceled, and a dedication in English was sub- stituted, to Queen Caroline. The queen rewarded him in a substantial manner, and the king honored him with his intimacy, and invited him to private supper parties. As soon as "The Henriade" was finished, Voltaire began his " History of Charles XII." He also wrote, in English prose, the first act of the tragedy of "Brutus." He read almost every thing worth reading in English poetry and prose, beginning with Shakespeare, whom he studied with close attention. He stayed in England about two years and eight months. He never forgot the kindness and hospitality he received there, and to be an Englishman, was a * In March, he was present at the funeral of Sir Isaac Newton. The specta- cle made a profound impression on him, and he ever afterward delighted to recall being in a country in which the first of&cers of state contended for the honor of bearing the pall of a man whose sole distinction had lain in intellectual eminence. He afterward made the acquaintance of the philosopher's niece. We owe to Voltaire the famous story of the fallen apple, which appears in the fifteenth of his " Letters about the English," published in 1733, or possibly earlier. It runs thus : " Being in the country near Cambridge, in 1666, one day, when Newton was walking in the garden, he saw fruit falling from a tree. This led him into deep meditation upon the subject of weight, the cause for which philosophers had long been vainly seeking. Madame Conduit (k6ndwe'), his niece, told me this." 166 PROSE WRITERS. certain passport to his consideration, to the end of his life. On his return to Paris, Voltaire lived retired, and devoted himself, with extraordinary talent, to financial speculation. His investments were so well placed, that he lived and died the richest of all eminent men of letters, and was quite independent of the profits from his writings. He was, however, always writing and pub- lishing. His play of " Zaire " (za er') had a prodigious success. This was translated into English, and long remained popular upon the English stage. Voltaire con- tinued to write tragedies all his life, producing twenty- six in all, which were all more or less eminently suc- cessful.* The boldness of his writing was always bringing him into trouble. His craving after liberty to express him- self induced him to leave Paris, in order to live in com- fort and security near the French frontier, so that he could leave the country at any moment, if threatened by government. He retired, with Madame du Chatelet (du shat a la'), to her country-house, close to Lorraine (lor ran'). She was disposed to pass several years in the country * It was about this time that Voltaire, finding his former friend, Suzanne, now Marquise de Gouvernet (mdrkez' cleh gd^verntV), was living in a fashionable quarter of Paris, wished to renew his acquaintance with her. She had intimated no such wish, but he who had made love to so many high-born ladies, thought he might, without presumption, approach this butterily marquise, with whom he had been so intimate in the chrysalis. When he had presented himself at the door, the huge Swiss Inquired his name, and on learning it, observed, in a tone by no means encouraging, that it was not on the list of visitors received. On returning home, Voltaire wrote to the marquise a poetical epistle, half gay, half serious, all graceful, in a style for which he is unrivaled. Years afterward, on his last visit to Paris, he again appeared at the doors of that hotel Suzanne was now a widow. The meeting was like that of two ghosts in another world, when the aged pair, both past eighty-four, tottered toward each other. His portrait, preserved by her for sixty years, looked down upon them with a mocking smile. VOLTAIRE. 167 to cultivate her mind far from the world. She was then about twenty-seven, twelve years younger than Voltaire, an extremely attractive woman, tall and dark, and, although undoubtedly learned, fond of pleasure. She had been married young to an uncongenial mate, who pursued his own course and left her to hers. Cirey (se ra') was the name of the chateau to which Voltaire and Madame du Chatelet retired. There, during a number of years, they received and returned the visits of the great, fashionable, and learned ; the brother and husband of the lady both occasionally visited them. Voltaire's in- come, more than £3,000 a year, furnished and embel- hshed the house and gardens. Here lived Voltaire for fifteen years, from 1734 to 1749, studying and writing, as did Madame du Chatelet also. The diversions of the place were reading aloud, private theatricals, and the magic-lantern exhibited by Voltaire. They made journeys to Paris, Brussels, and elsewhere, in a huge coach so crowded with trunks and baggage that it sometimes broke down on the road. The notable feature of the Cirey epoch was the inter- course between Voltaire and Frederick the Great. In August, 1736, Frederick, not yet king, wrote an enthu- siastic letter to the poet, and thus opened a pleasant correspondence, which lasted for years. In 1740, the newly-made king planned a visit to Voltaire, who hap- pened to be at Brussels, but afterward excusing himself on account of an attack of ague, he sent for Voltaire to come to him instead.* The two were delighted with * "I saw," says Voltaire, "in a small room, by the light of a candle, a little mattress, two feet and a half wide, on which lay a little man, wrapped up in a dressing-gown of coarse blue stuff. This was the king, perspiring and shivering under a wretched counterpane, in a violent fit of fever. Having paid my respects, I began the acquaintance by feeling his pulse, as if I had been his first physician. The fit over, he dressed, and placed himself at table, where we discussed, during 168 P R S E W R 1 T E R S . each other, and became, in fact, close friends. Mean- while, the life at Cirey went on, Voltaire writing clever things, and reading them to his guests,* making visits to Paris with Madame du Chatelet, and leading an easy life. The lady has pronounced it a paradise in her cor- respondence, and with reason. Voltaire was devoted to her. He wrote poetical epistles, alluding to her wit and beauty, and complimenting her learning. He sent, in her name, rhyming answers to her correspondents, and was full of consideration and attention. f supper, to the very bottom, the questions of the immortality of the soul, of liberty, and the Androgynes (an drag' e nlz) of Plato." * " La Pucelle " (Z« poo set' ), composed and read at this time, is full of adventure. The people who listened to these productions, assembled in a small room where they were removed from the possibility of intrusion. Madame de G-raflgny (deh griifen'ye), who was a. guest at the time, was much delighted -ftath the poem, and ventured, from time to time, to write a brief account of its progress in her letters to one M. Devaux (de vo'). Now, Madame du Chatelet always opened the postbag, and did not scruple to open such letters as she chose, whether addressed to herself or others. Sus- pecting something, she used this self -given privilege upon a letter from M. Devaux to Madame Grafigny, and read these words: "Jeanne is charming." Voltaire, being informed of this, was greatly excited. He immediately sought an inter- view mth Madarae de Q-rafigny, and in an agitated manner besought her to write at once and get back the poem. He had no intention of making public the verses he had written for the diversion of a few, and feared personal injury if it should be known what he had done. The unlucky Madame de Q-rafigny was quite overcome, especially as Madame du Chatelet entered in a fury, shaking the open letter in her hand. As soon as she could find her voice and a hearing, Madame de G-raflgny explained the matter. Prom the first moment, Voltaire believed her, and immediately begged her to pardon him. The next day, she wished to leave the place ; she was in despair, for she had no monej'. Voltaire came to her in tears, and repeatedly asked her forgiveness, and afterward did all he could to make her forget the scene. t In the year 1746, Voltaire and Madame du Chatelet made a visit to the Duke of Eichelieu (resh' (h ld!>), at Pontainbleau (fong tanUO'). They were playing cards at the queen's table, and a run of luck set in against Madame du Chatelet, who was a loser of between three and four thousand pounds. Voltaire whispered to her in English to be careful, as she was playing with sharpers. These words were overheard, and they perceived they were being repeated, so fearing the consequences, the pair slipped quietly away, and set out for Paris at once in the middle of the night. On the road, a wheel broke ; Voltaire sent to beg an asylum from his old VOLTAIRE. 169 But the time came when this all changed. The poet was flfty-flve and growing old. He was thinner than ever. He lost his teeth ; he was often an invalid, and grew tired of playing the lover. Madame du Chatelet became tired of her hitherto satisfactory friend, and transferred her attentions to Monsieur de St. Lambert (san lam ber'), wh(j had long admired her. Voltaire was at first very angry at the disruption of this long standing friendship, but soon became reconciled to the situation and made it the subject of a little comedy in verse. This was in 1748. In the following year Madame du Chatelet died. Voltaire was inconsolable for a long time ; nor indeed did any other woman ever take the place with him of this long- time friend. After this tie was dissolved, Voltaire no longer hesi- tated to accept the flattering invitations of Frederick the Great, to take up his abode at the Court of Berlin. He arrived there in July, 1750. His reception was most gracious. He was invested with his cross and key, and lived in complete intimacy with the king. Frederick, himself a writer, had several works in iiie press, which Voltaire corrected from time to time. He finished his "Age of Louis XIV." His plays were acted at court, the highest personages taking part, as well as the author. friend, the Duchesse du Maine (doo shes' dm man' ), at Sceaux (so), near by. He was welcomed at once, admitted secretly to a private set of apartments, and waited on by a faithful valet, without any of the household knowing of his presence. Often- times late at night the duchess had supper set in her private ajpartments and inviting Voltaire to join her, the two lingered long over the dainty meal, talking over old times. After supper, he sometimes read her a tale, composed during the daytime for her amusement. Meantime, Madame du Chatelet hurried about to pay her debts incurred at cards, and to soothe the insulted players, and at length she came to Sceaux and announced that all danger for Voltaire was over. The duchess kept them both to join a brilliant company assembled there, and made Voltaire read to them all the little romances he had written for her. They proved so delightful that he was urged to print them, and, acordingly, " Zadig " {tsa,' (likh) appeared soon after. 170 PROSE WRITERS. An unlucky financial enterprise, of doubtful propriety, with a Jew money-lender first disturbed the harmony of their relations. The Jew cheated the poet ; the poet nearly throttled the Jew. The king became aware of the matter, and disapproved, though the charm of the cul- prit's conversation soon restored him to favor for the time. But elements of distrust and suspicion crept in to lessen the charm of their intercourse. Frederick is well knoAvn to have been fond of saying things with the inten- tion to wound, and Voltaire was singularly sensitive.* Afterward, he used to designate the King of Prussia by the name of a pet monkey he had, called Luc, "be- cause," he said, " Frederick is like my monkey — he bites those who caress him." The friendship ended in a quarrel over a satire which Voltaire wrote against Maupertuis (mo per t^^^e'), the President of the Berlin Academy. The king was indig- nant, and ordered the satire to be burned by the hang- man. Voltaire packed up his cross and key and returned them to Frederick. The king relented, and Voltaire, after a brief period of apparent favor, left Berlin as if on a short leave of absence, taking with him his order, his key, and a volume of the king's poetry. But while he was away, he could not resist a parting shot at his enemy, * La Mettrie (Idn^ttre') reported to Mm that Frederick had said, "I still want Voltaire for another year,— we suck the orange before throwing away the skin." About this time another kind friend reported to the king that Voltaire, on receiving some memoirs for revision, said to the author who brought them, " The king sends me his dirty linen to wash, so yours must wait." Such remarks irritated both parties. Voltaire wrote to his niece, " I am always thinking of the orange-skin, though I try not to believe it." Not long after, La Mettrie, the man who had reported the speech, died sud- denly from eating too much of a certain pie, supposed to be of pheasant, which, by way of a practical joke, had been composed of eagle, hashed with pork and seasoned with ginger. Voltaire, after recording the incident, observes : " I wish I could have put to La Mettrie, in articulo mortis, the question about the orange- eMn. On the point of leaving this world, he would not have dared to lie." VOLTAIKE. 171 the President of the Academy ; so witty, tliat Maupertius became the laughing-stock of Europe. Frederick was very angry. He sent orders to Frankfort to stop Voltaire from passing into France, and make him deliver up the cross, the key, and the book of verses. Voltaire did not surrender these without much undignified squabbling. He made his final exit from Q-ermany, without them, in July, 1753. In the course of a few years an amicable correspond- ence was renewed between Voltaire and Frederick, which was maintained with courtesy until Voltaire died. Louis XV., who had coldly given permission to Vol- taire to go and live at Berlin, did not consent to his return to Paris. He bought, in 1754, a pretty country- house near Q-eneva, which he called " The Delights," from the beauty of the grounds and scenery. For more than twenty years he continued to live near the Lake of Greneva, with more real freedom, comfort, and leisure than he had ever before enjoyed. His home became a point of attraction for pilgrims, who desired to do homage to his fame. Among others came Goldsmith, who has described the charm of his conversation with enthusiasm. In the year 1755, occurred the great earthquake at Lisbon, destroying that capital and a great many of its inhabitants. Voltaire wrote a poem on "The Disaster of Lisbon," depicting his profound sense of the hapless con- dition of humanity. He had always been revolted by the form of philosophy called optimism, which assumes every thing that takes place in the universe to be inevitably right, because forming part of a divine plan. He took oc- casion in this poem, and in his novel of " Candide " (kan- ded'), to enter a protest against this doctrine, which he regarded as illogical and irreverent. Both the poem and 172 PROSE WRITERS the novel have brought upon their author the charge of irreverence, as well as his share in the French "Encyclo- pedia," at that time attracting public attention. The ob- ject of this work was to bring together full information respecting all the sciences and all the arts, as they then existed, and thus depict the progress of the human mind and of civilization. The most noted men of science and letters in France took part in the work. Many of these were free-thinkers ; and from their frank expressions of opinion, they all came to be charged with being, not only the enemies of Church and State, which they were, but of morality and order, which they were not. Voltaire has been called an atheist ; but his article, "Atheist," which he wrote at this time, sufficiently shows the title to be a wrong one. He thus sums up his con- clusions : " Atheism and fanaticism are two mouths which rend and devour society. The atheist, in his error, pre- serves sense enough to keep his claws cut, while those of the fanatic are made sharper by the madness which afflicts him." Voltaire lived at Lausanne (lo zan') in 175 7 and 1758, and then acquired the estate of Ferney (ferna'), on the western shore of the lake. There he built a theater, and rebiiilt the tumble-down church at his own cost. He built, also, a chateau at Ferney, and surrounded it with gardens in the English style. He improved the town, and encouraged skillful workmen to live there. His charities were munificent. He received into his family the grand-niece of the poet Corneille (korna'), whom he thus rescued from poverty. He constituted himself the champion of all who were oppressed, and endeavored, in a succession of cases, to obtain justice for the victims of judicial blunders, in which his sympathy with the VOLTAIRE. 173 oppressed impelled him to untiring efforts, generally suc- cessful, in their behalf. All this time the increasing weight of years by no means checked his active pen. In 175 7, the whole of his works were, for the first time, published in an author- ized and complete edition, mider his direction. He con- sidered it the mission of his life to battle against super- stition, which he called " The Infamous." In writing to d'Alembert (dfi long ber'), he says : " I want you to crush the Infamous. It must be reduced to the position it occupies in English. This is the greatest service that can be rendered to the human race. You will understand that I mean superstition only. Religion I love and respect." In his time he was regarded, how- ever, as a skeptic and a scoffer against religion. As years went on, he kept himself incessantly before the public by his writings. At the age of eighty-two, he was in the habit of driving out in a carriage, adorned with gold stars on a blue ground, with carved and gilded mountings. But his visit to Paris, at the age of eighty- two, ended his life. As soon as his arrival was known, crowds of visitors poured in upon him. It was a time of excitement and agitation. Such unusual emotion brought on a danger- ous attack of hemorrhage from the lungs. From this attack, however, he recovered, and was present at the representation of his new tragedy. The Avhole theater rose to receive him ; his bust was crowned with laurel, and he was carried to his coach on the shoulders of his admirers. He entered the house never to leave it again, and died on the 30th of May, 1778. He wrote before his death these words : " I die adoring Gfod, loving ray friends, not hating my enemies, and detesting superstition," 174 PROSE WRITERS. He was held not to have reconciled himself with the Church, however, and was denied sepulture by the clergy of Paris. His body was taken by his nephew to Cham- pagne (shong pan'), where it was interred with the rites of the Church. Thirteen years afterward the Revolutionists, claiming him as a champion of their cause, for which, however, they found no warrant in his writings, took up his body and transported it to the Pantheon (pan the' on). His life must be studied and recorded, as that of one of the men most known in his time, and largely influen- tial. In the words of Father Doucet (dc5o sa'), a Cathohc author of repute, "He was undoubtedly one of the makers of the French Revolution, that great conflict, which, as Schlegel (sla'gel) says, must be looked upon as a religious war." But the intelligence of the present time will gen- erally agree with Father Doucet, when he says, " that there is no element in Voltaire which constitutes the great man. He lacks those qualities of the heart which ennoble their possessor and surround him with a halo of serene splendor, even in the lowliest station. His private life, from beginning to end, shows the meanness of his character. He had no civic virtues. He denied his country and despised the people. As a philosopher, he has discovered no truth, elucidated none, and contributed nothing to the advancement of knowledge." JOHNSON. 1709-1784. NOT infrequently has the Republic of Letters in England seen fit to appoint over itself a Dictator armed with absolute power. Such was the position for some time held by John Dryden (dri'den), whose emi- nence in an age of Congreves (kong' grevz), and Wycherlys (witeh'er liz), and Elkanah Settles (el'ka na set'tlz), was, and is, sufficiently unquestioned. Other of these rulers were Ben Jonson and Pope. Neither Shakespeare nor Milton ever held the office. Perhaps the most famous of these literary dictators, the one whose word was most binding in his time, whose authority was the most un- questioned and acknowledged by his contemporaries, was Samuel Johnson. The claims to greatness of most literary men are to be found, as a usual thing, exhibited in their works. By these they are judged, and they are held in repute by posterity according as their works may justify. Johnson is a curious exception. His works are, on the whole, for- gotten, and unread even by cultivated people. The Ram- bler and the Idler are by no means as popular as the Spectator or the "Essays of Elia" (e'lia). The massive Dictionary which he created is put aside by Worcester (-wdbs'tep) or Webster. " Rasselas " (ras' se las) is hardly as much read as " Vathek " (vath' gk). His poems, " London," or the "Vanity of Human Wishes," are distinctly inferior to the "Deserted Yillage," or the "Traveller." Yet Johnson 176 PROSE WRITERS. is undoubtedly a greater figure in literary history than Addison, Lamb, Worcester, Webster, Beckford, or Gold- smith. The secret of this lies in the fact that it was by his personal intercourse with the men of his time that he attained his grea,test reputation, and that, fortunately for him, as for us, that personal intercourse has been preserved for us with wonderful vividness and truth in what is, probably, the best biography ever written. The life of Johnson may be divided into two periods: one, a period lasting uninterruptedly until he was forty- six years of age, of constant struggle for recognition and for daily bread, which necessitated his writing much ; and the other, a period of literary dictatorship, where his absolute pre-eminence over all other English men of let- ters of his day was unquestionably acknowledged, and during which, being secured from actual want by a royal pension, he wrote very little. It is the story of these last years, as told by Boswell (boz'wel), which has gained for Johnson more fame and position than have all the labors of the first period. He was born in 1709, the son of Michael Johnson, a book-seller of Litchfield. Like Pope, he was shut out from the constant companionship of his fellows through physical inflictions, — for he was greatly troubled, even in his youth, by a scrofulous disease, which led him into various phys- ical or mental whimsicalities, and made him merely odd, where otherwise, by means of his strong and powerful body, he would have been highly esteemed among his young fellows. But he held aloof from them (though compelling them to recognize him as ruler,* when he happened to * "From his earliest years," reinarks Boswell, "his superiority was perceived and acknowledged. He was from the beginning an cira^ di-Spiii' (d'ndx an drm\ i. or') every morning at ten o'clock, while in her own room, with the Duke sitting beside her. The novel appeared in 1760, and was a great success. It was followed by " The Contrat Social " (kong tra' so se ai'), a bold utterance upon the vices of society and government, and "Emile (a mel'), or Education." These books all created a great sensation, especially the last. That the man who had lost sight of his own children, by placing them at their birth in a Foundling Hospital, should write a book on Education struck the world with amused astonish- ment. In "Emile," Rousseau puts forth a plan for re- molding society by molding the individual. He supposes himself to be the guardian of Emile, an orphan, well- born and healthy, and sets forth his views upon the treatment of a child at every stage of its growth. Rous- seau feels that his system would accomplish the feat of making man as he is meant to be. The pupil is to be influenced, night and day, through more than twenty years. The guardian must be, therefore, infallible ; and thus it has been said, that in order to make each perfect citizen, it would be necessary to sacrifice the career of He then tried to clear himself of blame in the dispute, but was so stubborn that Diderot left him very angry, and he wrote to his friend Orimm, " This Eousseau fills me with trouble. It is as if I had a damned soul at my side. May I never see him again. He would make me believe in devils and hell." EOUSSEAU. 199 another man who must devote twenty-five years to train him. The book had a great influence in France ; it gave a tone of purity and simplicity to society, and added importance to the duties of teaching. It doubtless mod- ified systems of education in England, while in Q-ermany it was received with enthusiasm. The boldness of these writings was dangerous, at a time when the utterance of such opinions was regarded as an infringement of the rights of the State, and when the Church crushed every sign of free thought. Everybody praised "Emile" in private, but dared not applaud it in public. The book contained an Episode, especially daring, — " The Confession of the Savoyard Vicar " (sa v-wa ar' ve kar')) a manifesto, at once against the orthodox dog- mas of the Church, and against the prevailing philosoph- ical unbelief of the day, which Rousseau regarded with equal dislike. This " Confession " was the source of calamity. Parliament ordered " Emile " to be burned, and the author to be arrested. At the same time, in Geneva, both " Emile " and " The Social Contract " v/ere burned. Jean Jacques, warned in time, escaped into Switzer- land, and found shelter in Metiers (mo te ar'), ISTeucha- tel (nush a tel'), which then belonged to Prussia. The king, Frederick the Q-reat, neither liked Rousseau nor his works, but he was willing to allow him a refuge within his dominions. Jean Jacques, for three years, led an ob- scure but harmless life in this remote valley.* He em- * At Motiers, Jean Jacques learned the art of making laces, as he could not endure what he calls the inactive chattering of the parlor, with people sitting in front of one another with folded hands, and nothing in motion but the tongue. He used to carry his lace-pillow about with him, or sat at his own door working, and chatting with passers-by. He made presents of his work to young women about to marry, always on the condition that they should suckle their children when they came to have them. 200 PROSE WRITERS. ployed himself with his Dictionary of Music, and amused his leisure by playing at cup-and-ball. In Motiers, Rousseau wrote his "Letter to the Arch- bishop of Paris," a trenchant, brilliant defense of his ar- guments in the "Vicar's Confessions." In this powerful pamphlet, he speaks his last word against the Church that hated him, though many of its priests had less faith than he professed. Rumors of the warfare against him spread into the quiet valley where he was secluded. He was denounced as Antichrist ; he Avas hooted at by the people, who threw stones at him as he passed. Anonymous letters accused him of atrocious crimes. His pen was busy refuting such calumnies. In September, 1764, at midnight, a shower of stones was hurled against his house. He was advised to leave Motiers, and took refuge, always with Therese, on the little island of St. Pierre (san pear'), in Lake Bienne (be en') ; but driven hence, after two happy months, he finally withdrew, from place to place, till he found himself in England. In London, his fame was great. All society called on him ; the theaters were crowded to gaze on him.* A An Armenian tailor liad sometimes visited some friends at Montmorency; Rousseau knew him, and reflected tliat the Armenian costume, of vest, furred bonnet, caftan, and girdle, would be of singular comfort to him, on account of his bodily disorder, and he adopted it. * Garricli appointed a special occasion to play before Rousseau, and a special box was set apart for him. "AVhen the time came to go, Rousseau declared that he could not leave his dog behind him. "The lirst person," he said, "who opens the door. Sultan will run into the streets in search of me, and will be lost." His friend told him to lock Sultan up in the room, and carry away the key in his pocket. This was done, but as they proceeded down-stairs, the dog began to howl ; his master turned back, and avowed he had not resolution to leave him in that con- dition. His friend caught him in his arms, told him that Mr. Grarrick had dis- missed another company in order to make room for him, that the king and queen were expecting to see him, and that without a better reason than Sultan's impa- tience, it would be ridiculous to disappoint them. It was only by force, rather than persuasion, that the point was yielded by Rousseau. EOUSSEAU. 201 house at Wootton, in the Peak of Derby, was placed at his command by its owner, and he went there with Therese. It was situated in a solitary country, high up among dreary hills. They arrived at their new residence in March, when the snow was on the ground. Therese immediately made herself obnoxious to the old housekeeper ; and the kind neighbors who called upon them, could only look on Rousseau vacantly, as he did not know English and they could not speak any French. The villagers vaguely thought this meager little man, in a strange dress, was an exiled king. A pension of one hundred pounds was negotiated for Rousseau, who, indeed, received much kindness from his friends; but his morbid nature drew him into petty quar- rels with them, and angry letters were exchanged. He bewailed his solitude at Wootton, and fed his imagination with the idea of a dire conspiracy against him. The autumn and winter of 176 7, he spent in writ- , ing the first part of his " Confessions," from which most of his early life is known. In this book, with terrible frankness, he relates his failings, his hates, his passions, his wrongs ; his style is always admirable, and there are chapters containing scenes of exquisite beauty. Almost all his friends incur his disdain, his distrust, or his dislike ; to vindicate his own character, he cares not whom he crushes or wounds. To redeem his dark traits, is the fidelity he shows always to Therese, his ready charity to the poor, his real reverence and faith, and his stubborn independence. The " Confes- sions," however, turned from him his few remaining friends. 202 PEOSE WRITEES. The winter at Wootton was unhappy. Th6r6se worried him by her quarrels ; the weather was bad, hfe in-doors was duU. Rousseau became more morose and unsettled than ever. At last he fled, none knew whither, and reached France, where Mirabeau (me ra bo'), who ad- mired him immensely, received him with honor, and settled him at Fleury-sous-Meudon (flu' re sc5o mu dong'), under the name of M. Jacques. He remained there about a year, but his morbid suspicions returned, and he fled again with Therese, wandering from place to place in a pitiful fashion, seeking rest and finding none.* In July, 1770, he returned to Paris, gave up his Armenian dress, and copied music at ten sous a page. His delusions left him for a time, and he was content if he earned fifty sous a day. His shabby lodging was besieged by people of rank. In his little room stood his spinet, two little beds, a table, and several chairs. Therese sat near liim, a canary sang in a cage, while Rousseau, in an overcoat and white cap, copied music. He hated the streets of Paris, but loved to walk in the suburbs beneath the trees, listening to the birds. He devoted little time to literature, and in his latest years gave up copying music. He became feebler and poorer; and in May, 1777, he drew up a memorial, stating his condition, and beg- ging that he and Therese might be received into a hospital. His old delusions were yet strong, but his mind had still its peaceful hours, as was shown by the fact * One day, seated with Therese at table, ill a little inn where they were din- ing, he solemnly declared she was his wife, in the presence of two guests. This little ceremony he fancied enough to constitute a marriage. " This good and seemly engagement was contracted," he wrote, "in all the simplicity, but also in all the truth of nature, in the presence of two men of worth and honor." EOUSSEAU. 203 that what little he wrote at this time contains many delicate, beautiful passages. In 1778, M. de Q-irardin (mo ser' deh zhe rar dang') offered Rousseau a pretty rustic cottage at Ermonenville (er mon eng vel'), twenty miles from Paris. There, in its tranquil, beautiful woods and gardens, he was at last happy for a while, amusing himself with his old pursuits, and in teaching the son of his host. After a few weeks, however, his misery began again. He felt himself sur- rounded by spies and enemies. Th6rese had lost her affection for him, and this embittered the old man's last days. He died with startling suddenness on July 2, 17 78. The surgeons, who made a post-mortem examination, asserted that he died from apoplexy, while rumors told that he had committed suicide, some saying that he had poisoned himself, others that he had shot himself. Though there appears to be distinct testimony that his end was natural, on that death, mystery and doubt will always hang. Before he died, he said to his wife, "You weep then at my happiness, — eternal happiness, — which men no more can disturb ? I die in peace ; I never wished harm to any one, and I can rely on the mercy of God."* * Pierre Lanfray says :— " Was this death suicide ? It has been so established in a learned manner, but what of that 1 Is it not still better established that this powerful brain had been touched long before by the finger of madness? Rousseau died twice, and his second decease was no more pitiful or grievous than the first." The surgeons reported that the cause of his death was apoplexy ; but a sus- picion has haunted the world ever since, that he destroyed himself by a pistol shot. We can not tell. There is no inherent improbability in the fact of his having committed suicide. In the "New Heloisa," he had thrown the conditions which justified self-destruction into a distinct formula. Fifteen years before, he declared that his own case fell within the conditions which he had prescribed. 204 PROSE WKITERS. Death, by whatever means attained, was a release to him. The body of Rousseau was silently carried, one summer night in the moonlight, in a boat to the island in the Lake of Ermonenville, and buried among the pop- lar-trees. There his body lay for some years in peace. During the Revolution, however, it was borne to Paris in noisy triumph, and placed there in the Pantheon (pan the' on). and tliat he was meditating action. Only seven years before, he had implied that a man had a right to deUver himself of the burden of his own life, if its miseries were intolerable and irremediable. This, however, counts for nothing in the absence of some kind of positive evidence, and of that there is just enough to leave the matter of his end a little doubtful. Once more, we can not tell. By the serene moon-rise of a summer night, his body was put under the ground on an island, in the midst of a small lake, where poplars throw shadows over the still water, silently figuring the destiny of mortals. Here it remained for sixteen years. Then, amid the roar of cannon, the crash of trumpet and drum, and the wild acclamations of a populace gone mad in exultation, terror, fury, it was ordered that the poor dust should be transported to the national temple of great Tnen.—Morley's Sousseau. SCOTT. nm-issa. SIR WALTER SCOTT was the descendant of many Scotts, of whom his father was the first to adopt any learned profession. Walter Scott, the father of the novelist, was an Edinburgh Writer to the Signet, which is the Scotch term for Solicitor. His son Walter, born in Edinburgh (ed'in bur ruh), August 15, 1771, was destined for the same profession. In his early childhood the boy was taken with a fever, the result of which was a lameness, which lasted through his life ; in consequence of which, he was sent to pass his boyhood at his grand- father's house at Sandyknowe (sand'l no). But he re- turned to Edinburgh again ; was sent to school, " where he glanced like a meteor from one end of his class to the other," in which direction is not stated, — not improb- ably in both. Among the boys, if not among the teach- ers, he was highly esteemed and respected. He was great at declaiming ballads and telling stories, great also at street fights, in spite of his lameness, "the first to begin and the last to leave ofi"," they used to say of him. He did nothing much at school, but read much to himself at home, for he was never-ending in research when the subject interested him. He entered the College, and be- gan the study of the law, first with his father,* and later * The readers of " Eedgauntlet " may gain a fair idea of Scott's father, by recalling Mr. Saunders Fairfield of that novel, said to be a fair resemblance. "He was a man of business of the old school, moderate in his charges, econom- ical, and even niggardly in his expenditure ; strictly honest in conducting his 206 PROSE WRITEES. in the University. But he was never great as a lawyer ; he abandoned practice after a sliort time, and although he held certain legal positions through life, he was by no means in the active pursuit of the profession he had studied for. It was at this period of his life that he took many excursions over the whole country about Edin- burgh, either alone or with friends, searching out all the natural scenery worthy remark, and any thing which should have association for his historical and romantic taste. For in this direction did all his reading turn ; and whereas he had always cared little to study in such directions as were pointed out to him, he delighted to pore over the most dry and uninteresting records, so they only gave him something to add to his historical, anti- quarian, or romantic lore. These walks about the coun- try brought him close to the country-people ; among them he would hunt up old ballads and traditions ; his tastes and inclinations had plenty of food, and grew ac- own affairs and tliose of his clients ; but taught by long experience to be wary and suspicious in observing the motives of others. Punctually as the clock of St. Giles tolled nine" (the hour at which the Court of Sessions meets), " the dap- per form of the hale old gentleman was seen at the threshold of the court-hall, or, at faithest, at the head of the Back Stairs " (the most convenient access to the Parliament House from Q-eorge's Square), "trimly dressed in a complete suit of snuflf-colored brown, with stockings of silk or woolen, as suited the weather; a bob-wig and a small cocked hat ; shoes blacked, as Warren would have blacked them ; silver shoe- buckles, and a gold stock-buckle. His manners corresponded with his attire, for they were scrupulously civil and not a little formal. * * * The whole pleasure of this good old-fashioned man of method, besides that which he really felt in the discharge of liis own daily business, was the hope to see his son attain what, in his father's eyes, was the proudest of all distinctions— the rank and fame of a well-employed lawyer. Every profession has its peculiar honors, and his mind was constructed upon so limited and exclusive a plan, that he valued nothing save the objects of ambition which his own presented. He would have shuddered at his son's acquiring the renown of a hero, and laughed with scorn at the equally barren laurels of literature ; it was by the path of the law alone that he was desirous t3 see him rise to eminence ; and the probabilities of success, or disajipointment, were the tlioughts of his father by day, and his dream by night." SCOTT. 207 cordingly. All this was, on the whole, distasteful to his father, who, having no eye that could pierce the future, would have preferred that he should have acquired all the legal knowledge that he could, and become a good and learned Writer to the Signet, rather than that he should spend his time roaming over the country collecting old ballads, learning old customs and stories, meeting with all sorts of people, and, in fact, taking in much that was to give him material for much of his best work in after life. In spite of his love for romance, for history, and for literature, Scott seems at this time to have had no idea of adopting letters as a profession. He finished his legal studies, was called in June, 1792, to the bar, and prac- ticed there for fourteen years. This entrance on his pro- fession was a great pleasure to his father, who desired nothing more than to see his son succeed, and become great at his own profession. But he did not practice with very great vigor, preferring to make " raids," as he was jjleased to term them, into Liddesdale (lid'dez dal), and familiarizing himself with the whole of the Border country, — its history, and its romance. Nevertheless, he "crept into a tolerable share of business," through his connection with his father and friends. But it is probable that he became famous rather as a story-teller, and an authority on any quaint questions, to which no one else knew the answer, than on account of his skill in plead- ing, or luck in winning cases.* * Scott wa8 never fond of the law, and Ms early dabbling in literature was not in his favor among the Edinburgh solicitors. He notices the fact that a lit- erary turn was not held to be greatly to the credit of a barrister, and goes on : " My profession and I, therefore, came to a stand nearly upon the footing which honest Slender consoled himself on having established with Mistress Anne Page : ' There was no great love between us at the beginning, and it pleased Heaven to 208 Prose writers. He had an tinfortunate love affair at about this tima The facts of the case do not seem quite clear, but the amount of it was that Scott was in love with a young woman who preferred to marry a richer man. The affair lasted for a long time, — six years passed between the time when Scott first met Miss Margaret Beecher and the day she married Mr. William Forbes, the banker, in 1776. And the next year, Scott himself married Miss Carpenter (or Charpentier (shar pong tea'), for she was of French family). All the feelings that had to do with these affairs are a bit out of our present province, — we can not speculate upon them at any length, — but such are the facts. It was a year before his marriage that Scott pub- lished "Lenore" (lano'ra) and the "Wild Huntsman," translations from the German of Burger (bur'ger), in a small folio, — his first literary work. But in this he hardly struck the true key-note. In 1802, he published "The Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border," which seemed to be the most a]3propriate form in which Scott's genius could find vent. His early excur- sions, his delight in antiquities, in feudalism and romance, in old ballads, would all come into play here. The book was a collection of old ballads, annotated and illustrated by himself, to which were added new and original bal- lads, written in the spirit and in imiitation of the old.* The decrease it on further acquaintance.' I became sensible that the time was come when I must either buckle myself resolutely to the 'toil by day, the lamp by night,' renouncing all the Delilahs (del'iliiz) of my imagination, or bid adieu to the profession of the law, and hold another course. I confess my own inclination revolted from the more severe choice." * Scott was indifferent to music : he admitted that lie had a fair ear for a jig, but cared little for any thing more. Julian Young tells a characteristic anecdote of a stay at Abbotsford. Two young ladies were singing exquisitely one evening, and to the great pleasure of the whole company save Scott. Scott sat absent, ab- SCOTT. 209 book, though it was at once ecUpsed by Scott's later poetry, and again, and utterly, by his novels, gained him much immediate reputation. It showed to the world much of his very varied power, historical knowledge, endless research, humor, power to stir men's hearts, many of the very many traits that one sees in his novels. This was in 1808, and, as has been said, Scott's liter- ary reputation was in a manner created (though after- ward immeasurably raised) by these poems. Three years later was published the "Lay of the Last Minstrel," a poem which he had long had by him. The poem was begun on the occasion of his confinement after an acci- dent, and at the suggestion of Lady Dalkeith * (dal keth'), afterward the Duchess of Buccleugh (buk kiu'), the wife of the Duke whom Scott always loved to regard as stracted, with lip drawn down and cMn resting on his gold-headed crutch, his massy eyebrows contracted, and his countenance betokening a sad civility. At last Mrs. Lockhart, thinking that she had sufficiently taxed the good nature of her gifted friend, uncovered her harp and began to play the air of " Charlie is My Darling." The change which instantly passed over the spirit of the poet's dream was most striking. Pride of lineage, love of chivalry, strong leaning to the Stuart cause were all visibly fermenting in the brain of the enthusiastic bard. His light blue eyes kindled, the blood mantled in his cheek, his nos- tril quivered, his big chest heaved, until, unable longer to suppress the emotion evoked by his native melodies in favor of a ruined cause, he sprang from his chair, limped across the room, and, to the peril of those within his reach, bran- dishing his crutch as if it had been a brand of steel, shouted forth, with more of vigor than of melody, " And a' the folk cam running out to greet the Chevalier 1 Oh ! Charlie is my darling," and so through the chorus. * He has told us, in his Introduction of 1830, that the original plan was sug- gested by the Countess of Dalkeith; that on his writing a part of the beginning and reading it to his friends Erskine (ers' km) and Cranstown (Ji?-a,ns' ton), he found they cared so little for it that he put it by. Shortly afterward, when acting as Quartermaster of the Edinburgh Light-horse, he received a kick from a horse, which confined him for some days to his lodgings. He got to work upon the "Lay," and before he was able to go out had finished the first canto. The rest of the poem was written with gi-eat rapidity. He himself says that, after having got fairly into the vein, it proceeded at the rate of about a canto a week. It had originally been intended that the "Lay" should form a part of the third volume of the " Scottish Minstrelsy," but as the poem grew longer and longer this seemed impossible, and it was published by itself three years after the accident. 210 PROSEWRITERS. his feudal chief. It was at the Countess' suggestion that the "Lay" was put into the naouth of the Last Min- strel, an idea which had much to do with the success of the work, — for a very great and instant success it was. The reader of our sketch of Johnson will recall that for his two poems, "Loudon," and the "Vanity of Human Wishes," the greatest poet of his day received £25. Scott received in all for the "Lay of the Last Minstrel" £769. The age of patronage by patrons had come to an end when Johnson wrote. The age of patronage by the pub- lic was reaching its height in the time of Scott. The publishing of the "Lay of the Last Minstrel" does not seem to have entirely opened Scott's mind to a knowledge of his own powers, for it was not till 1808 that he published " Marmion" (mar' mi on), the second of his great poems. This was received with more enthusiasm, though by many it was not considered so fine as was the "Lay." In 1810, he published the "Lady of the Lake." These three are the greatest of his poems, — and when one considers how very fine they are, one wishes that the others had been as good. As a matter of fact, however, they were not. "Rokeby" (rok' be), the "Lord of the Isles," "Harold the Dauntless," the "Bridal of Triermain" (tre'er man), though the worst of them is a fine poem, are greatly inferior to those which preceded them in time. It would seem as though Scott's hand was losing its cun- ning in poetry. Very fortunately, he had by this time discovered another field for the display of his genius, wherein he was to make his greatest reputation. As a poet, his fame declined before the rising star of Byron, — but not till he had made himself a name as a novelist that need fear no competition. In speaking of Scott's poetry, we have advanced a SCOTT. 211 little ahead of time. He continued the practice of law, after a fashion, until about 1806. In 1800, a year or so after his marriage, he accepted the appointment of Sheriff of Selkirkshire ; later he discharged the duties of a Clerk of Seizure for five years, in order to obtain the place when it should become vacant, as it did in 1811, when he was himself appointed. He lived at this time partly in Edinburgh and partly in the country. From a short time after his marriage, he lived until 1804 at Lass wade, a few miles from the town, where he greatly delighted himself by all the little plans of building, and laying out and altering, that natu- rally occur to the owner of landed property. Being made Sheriff of Selkirkshire, he made his summer home at Ashestiel, a place some little distance from the county town. And when he had finally, in 1812, obtained the position of Clerk of the Seizure, he purchased his famous estate of Abbotsford, to the beautiflcation of which he later gave so much of his time and money. It was on the Tweed, only a short distance from Ashestiel. Here Scott lived the rest of his life, and here he hoped to be the founder of a new clan, the Scotts of Abbotsford. We ought to note the other literary work done by Scott at this time, which has not lasted as well as his poems. His services were in great request by the book- sellers, who had unnumbered plans, and between 1804 and 1812 Scott, besides his poems and many reviews, published a "Life and Edition of Dryden," " Somers' Tracts," "Sadler's Life, Letters, and State Papers," "Se- cret History of the Court of James I.," " Mrs. Sewall's Life and Poetical Works," and had begun the edition of "Swift," which he did not publish till later. The work was immense, but he was a most industrious man. 212 PROSE WRITERS. . One thing that should be noted here is Walter Scott's business connection with the Ballantyne Brothers. James Ballantyne was a printer with a good idea of his busi- ness. Scott urged his moving to Edinburgh, and aided him then in various ways, and in 1805, joined himself, secretly, to him in partnership. For many reasons did he wish to be connected with some good commercial house. He had ceased his practice of law, his legal po- sitions were not very profitable, and he had a certain horror of trying to exist by literature alone, — it was be- fore the marvelous financial success of the Waverley Novels. The partnership was the source of much trouble to him, — but undoubtedly of some profit. By itself, it might not have been unfortunate. But few years after Scott started the publishing firm of John Ballantyne & Co. (himself being the Co.), with the idea of creating busi- ness for the printing house of James Ballantyne & Co. But these connections were for some time kept secret. I suppose that the Waverley Novels were and are the best known books in the English language. There are a few which may give them a hard rub. "Robinson Cru- soe," for instance, is probably more widely known than any single one of the Waverleys. The " Pilgrim's Prog- ress," perhaps. Shakespeare's Plays may be more widely known about, though I judge not more widely read. And in their own day the popularity of the Waverleys was one of the most marvelous things in literature. Every- body, from the lowest to the highest, read, cried, laughed, and enjoyed. To look upon them from a shamelessly carnal point of view, they brought their author little less than a million dollars. It was, on the whole, by accident that Scott published "Waverley" the first of the series, "a small, anonymous SCOTT. 213 sort of a novel, in three volumes," says he, writing to a friend. "It was a very old attempt of mine to embody some traits of those characters and manners peculiar to Scotland, the last remnants of which vanished during my own youth, so that few or no traces now remain. I had written great part of the first volume and sketched other passages, when I mislaid the MS., and only found it by the merest accident as I was rummaging the draw- ers of an old cabinet ; and I took the fancy of publishing it, which I did so fast, that the last two volumes were written in three weeks. * * * Jt j^^s made a very strong impression here, and the good people of Edinburgh are busied in tracing the author, and in finding out orig- inals for the portraits it contains. In the first case, they will find it difficult to convict the guilty author, although he is far from escaping suspicion. Jeffrey has offered to make oath that it is mine, and another great critic has tendered his affidavit ex contrario. * * * i intend to maintain my incognito T It was in 1814, nine years after first sketching "Wa- verley," that Scott took it in hand and finished it. It was received with instant and remarkable success. Half a dozen editions were called for before a year had passed, and Constable, the publisher, might well have regretted that he did not purchase the copyright outright for £1,000, as Scott had desired. The authorship was un- avowed, but it was practically well known by all those who knew Scott well, or his style. Indeed, the object of concealment does not seem very obvious, though Scott notes two or three trifiing reasons. The story of the publication of " Waverley " is (barring the fact that it lay long unfinished) the story of the succeeding Waverley Novels. For seventeen years, begin- 214 PROSE WRITERS. ning with 1814, the Enghsh nation were to be deHghted by these incomparable stories, coming out sometimes one, sometimes two a year. They were, as a rule, worthy successors to "Waverley." It is not till we come to "Castle Dangerous," and "Count Robert of Paris," that we recognize that the master's hand has lost its power. These two were written after Scott had suffered a para- lytic stroke, only two years before his death. There can be but few of our readers who have not read most of these delightful historical novels. To those who have read them, it can be necessary only to remind them of the pleasure they experienced in their first read- ing ; while should there be any who have read none of them, we must envy them the pleasure of reading " Ivan- hoe," " Redgauntlet," "Old Mortality," or " Kenilworth," for the first time. Long before I read any book on English history, I knew all about Richard the Lion-hearted and the Crusades ; Queen Elizabeth ; about James the First ; about the great rebellion ; about the risings of '15 and '45, or at least more than I should have learned from many text-books. And as, luckily, my own preju- dices in regard to Cavalier and Roundhead, Jacobite and Hanoverian, were such as would correct the overdrawn prejudices of Scott, I gathered a not unfair view of English history through some imjjortant epochs. But, setting aside history, who ever painted the manners of a people as delightfully as Scott has painted the Scotch? I do not know but if I were asked my favorites among the Waverleys, I should choose "Gruy Mannering," "The Antiquary," "Redgauntlet," and "Rob Roy." There is something in his painting of Scotch character that one never forgets. Or, to change again, perhaps it is the knight and the lady, the squire and the outlaw, the SCOTT. 215 tales of chivalry or of the Crusades that we have en- joyed most. It is true tha,t Scott's leading characters are never very fine ; but who would not be willing to lose all the heroes and heroines in the world to have that admirable series of subordinate and humorous characters, which we find every-where far better and more important than his rather weak heroes and unreal heroines. It doesn't do to criticise the Waverleys : one strings out too much. Besides, every one knows them well, and has his own ideas. On the 17th of January, 182 6, Scott writes: "James Ballantyne this morning, good, honest fellow, with a vision as black as the crook. He hopes no salvation ; has indeed taken measures to stop. It is hard after having fought such a battle." This is Scott's mention of the announcement of the crash which finally came of his fortunes. The firm of Constable failed, and with it James Ballantyne & Co., and Scott was involved with them to an immense sum — £117,000. There were vari- ous reasons for the bad business, — neither of the Bal- lantynes was a very good business man. Scott did not sufficiently oversee his accounts with them ; it was the time of a commercial crisis, — various things conspired. Also Scott had been living beyond his income. In his fancies for Abbotsford and for acquiring land thereabouts, he had spent not only what money he had, but had got into the habit of spending money which he had not yet earned. And he had had many and great expenses beside those attending the buying and building Abbotsford. But all such considerations were at this time vain and useless. Scott was at this time fifty-five. He had done an immense amount of literary work already, enough, one would think, to have made him feel that he might 216 PROSE WRITERS. fairly rest on his labors. The amount of the liabilities of the firm with which he was connected seemed enormous. Nevertheless, he set to work at once, undertaking, with the aid of time, to pay off the whole indebtedness of the firm of which he had been a secret member. It was an immense task, and it would have been most wonderful could he have carried it through. As a matter of fact, Scott paid £63,000 by his own labor. Of the remainder, £2 2,000 was paid from his life insurance, and the rest was advanced by Cadell, his publisher, who repaid him- self from the profits arising from Scott's copyright. It was all paid, but Scott killed himself in trying to pay it. The year 1826, though Scott lived five years longer, was practically the end of his life. Before the failure, he had been alarmed at signs of breaking in his own health ; he had noticed, with grief, that his wife's health was gradually failing. She died in the spring following the bankruptcy, and Scott set to work to live long enough to pay his debts. It is a melancholy thing to tell. In two years he earned £40,000 for his creditors. If he had enjoyed health and life, he would have undoubtedly paid off all his indebtedness in ten years or less. But to resume quickly. In the year 1830, he had a stroke of paralysis. He continued to work while he was able, but he was evidently failing ; and at last, in 1831, he consented to leave Scotland for Italy, with the hope of there recovering some of his broken health. He left Scotland in the fall, passing through London, and sailed for Italy. But he could not remain there happily, and early in 1832 he turned his face homeward. He lived to reach Abbotsford again, and died on the 15th of September, 1832. CARIvYLE. 1795-1881. THOMAS CARLYLE (kar iii') was bom in the parish of Middlebie, near the hamlet of Ecclefechan (ek kl- fekh'an), in Dumfriesshire (dum frez' sher), Scotland, on the 4th of December, 1795. The reader will observe that his birthplace was not far from Burns' home, and that he was born the year before Burns died. The imagina- tive reader will remember that the poet may have stop- ped at the house where the baby was, may have taken him in his arms, and crowed over him some verse of a Scottish song. In after years, Carlyle made Burns the hero-poet of his celebrated volume of "Essays on Heroes and Hero- Worship," and passed upon him a noble eulogy, well deserved. The education of this Scotch lad, also, is a testimony to the value of the Scotch system. His father, a well-read man himself, gratified his wish for an education wider than that which home could give, and sent him first to a school at Annan, and afterward to the University at Edinburgh (ed In bur'ruh). This University has never lacked distinguished teachers, — but Carlyle would have said, what would have been said by Groethe (ga'teh), Schiller (shil'er), Tennyson, and Longfellow, — to name only the authors whose lives we are tracing, — that the Library of the University in which he studied proved his best teacher. He made himself familiar with old English literature, and with foreign languages. In the 218 PROSE WRITERS. summer, he spent his hohdays in rambhng over the hills and through the valleys of Scotland. His father's thought and his own had been that, after he left college, he would become a minister in the Scotch Kirk, — nor was there any lack of religious interest which should have hindered him. But, after spending two years as a private tutor in the family of Mr. Charles BuUer, he determined to follow the direct lead of his genius, and to rely for his livmg on such rewards, or compensation, as the life of an author might bring him. He was an accurate mathematician ; and the first published work of his is said to have been a translation of the "Elements of G-eometry," by Legendre (leh zhong dr')) to which he pre- fixed, an " Essay on Proportion." But his first original essay of importance was his " Life of Schiller," which was published in the London Magazine, in 182 3 and 1824. He chooses to speak slightly of it in a preface which he wrote in 1845 ; but, none the less, it is one of the most charming of all his books, as it has always been a favorite. We have re- ferred to it, more than once, in our own life of Schiller, and gladly recommend to young readers to study it carefully. It must be remembered that an acquaintance with the German language among well-educated persons in En- gland and America was not then the matter of course which it is now. Whoever understood the language as well as the young Carlyle did, had a mine for explora- tion, in the treasures of German literature, — the wealth of which, though suspected by his countrymen, was really quite unknown. Almost at the same time with his "Schiller," he published a translation of "Wilhelm Meis- ter," one of Goethe's masterpieces, which a thousand CARLYLE. 219 Englishmen and Americans had heard of as a master- piece, for one who was able to read it in its own language. Carlyle, from the beginning of his hfe to the end, was a master in the business of translation from one language to another. It is a business only too often left to infe- rior hands, — almost always intrusted to some workman who really knows well, only one of the two languages with which he works. But the good translator must be at ease and at home in each. Carlyle was at ease and at home in Q-erman and in English. While he was yet a young man, indeed, he spent enough time in Q-ermany to become quite familiar with the local habits, and all the conversational idioms of the country. In 182 6, he married Miss Welch, a lady herself of rare genius and adiuirable education.* Through life she was his helpmeet, indeed ; she encouraged him in his despondency, — she worked for him when he needed help, — she kept his home cheerful. To use a beautiful phrase of Mrs. Browning's, " She freshened his days." She died a few years before him, — suddenly, — to his deep regret. He, perhaps, wondered then, whether he had in her life- time done full honor to a nature so large and noble. The publication of much of his and her correspondence has led to much discussion, which is probably not yet * Miss Jewsbury presents this anecdote of her childhood : " Leaening Latin.— She was anxious to learn lessons like a boy ; and, when a very little thing, she asked her father to let her ' learn Latin like a boy.' Her mother did not wish her to learn so much ; her father always tried to push her forward ; there was a division of opinion on the subject. Jeannie went to one of the town scholars in Haddington, and made him teach her a noun of the first declension Q Penna, a pen,' I think it was). Armed with this, she watched her opportunity; instead of going to bed, she crept under the table, and was con- cealed by the cover. In a pause of conversation, a little voice was heard, ^ Penna, a pen; pmnm, of a pen,' etc., and as there was a pause of surprise, she crept out, and went up to her father, saying, ' I want to learn Latin ; please let me be a boy.' Of course she had her own way in the matter." 220 PROSE WRITERS. finished, — as to vexed questions, whether he were just to her, — and whether she were just to him. It is probably true that, on the wliole, the life of both was happy, — that each sincerely loved and honored the other, — and that the marriage was fortunate. That is, each of them lived a life far more large, and noble, and happy, than either of them could have done had they not met and married, as they did. Carlyle himself ascribed much honor, among the in- fluences which trained his early life, to Edward Irving.* It is imderstood that this distinguislied preacher was attached to Miss Welch, and would have been glad to marry her. But she certainly chose more wisely. "Had I * " I had heard much of Irving all along," he writes ; " how distinguished in studies, how splendidly successful as teacher, how two professors had sent him out to Haddington, and how his new Academy and new methods were illuminat- ing and astonishing every thing there. (Alas ! there was one little pupil he had there, with her prettiest little perma pennce from under the table, and ' Let me he a boy, too, papa I ' who was to be of endless moment, and who alone was of any moment to me in all that I) I don't remember any malicious envy whatever toward this great Irving of the distance. For his greatness in study and learning I certainly might have had a tendency, hadn't I struggled against it, and tried to make it emulation : ' Do the like, do thou the like under difficulties 1 ' As to his school-master success, I cared little about that, and easily flung that out when it came across me. But naturally all this be-trumpeting of Irving to me (in which I could sometimes trace some touch of malice to myself) had not awak- ened in me any love toward this victorious man. ' Ich gonnte ihn,'' as the Ger- mans phrase it; but, in all strictness, nothing more. "About Christmas-time (1815) I had gone with great pleasure to see Edin- burgh again, and read in Divinity Hall a Latin discourse—' exegesis,' they call it there— on the question, ' Num detur religio naturalis ? ' It was the second, and proved to be the last, of my performances on that treatise. My first, an English sermon on the words, 'Before I was afflicted I went astray, but now,' etc., etc., a very weak, flowery, and sentimental piece, had been achieved in 1814, a few months after my leaving for Annan. Piece second, too, I suppose, was weak enough, but I still remember the kind of innocent satisfaction I had in turning it into Latin in my solitude, and my slight and momentary (by no means deep or sincere) sense of pleasure in the bits of compliments and flimsy approbation from comrades and professors on both these occasions. Before Christmas-day I had got rid of my exegesis, and had still a week of holiday ahead for old acquaint- ances and Edinburgh things, which was the real charm of my official errand thither. " C A R L Y li E . 221 married him," she said, " tliere would have been no gift of tongues." In such a remark she probably shows the sort of help which she frequently gave to the husband of her choice. It is difficult to explain to most readers of to-day, the effect produced by Edward Irving on a very large circle of people in Scotland and in England, in the fifteen years which followed 1820. The great Dr. Chalmers* having met him at Edinburgh, where he was pursuing his studies, invited him to join him at Glasgow (glas'go), in the great religious and charitable work which he had in hand there. After three years there he went to Lon- don, at first as a minister of the Scotch Kirk. But hav- ing offended the government of that church, which de- posed him for heresy, he founded the " Catholic Apostolic Church," which now has congregations in all English- speaking countries. Carlyle never was a disciple of Irving in his theological revelations. But, as has been said, he always recognized his personal obligation to him. " But for him I had never known what the communion of man with man means. He was the freest, brotherliest, bravest human soul that mine ever came in contact * He was a man of muoli natural dignity, ingenvdty, honesty, and kind aflfec- tion, as well as sound intellect and imagination. A very eminent vivacity lay in him, which could rise to complete Impetuosity (growing conviction, passionate eloquence, fiery play of heart and head), all in a kind of rustic type, one might say, though wonderfully true and tender. He had a burst of genuine fun, too, I have heard, of the same honest hut most plebeian broadly natural character ; his laugh was a hearty low guffaw ; and his tones in preaching would rise to the piercingly pathetic— no preacher ever went so into one's heart. He was a man essen- tially of little culture, of narrow sphere, all his life ; such an intellect professing to he educated, and yet so ill read, so ignorant in all that lay beyond the horizon in place or in time, I have almost nowhere met with. A man capable of much soaking indolence, lazy brooding and do-nothingism, as the first stage of his life well indicated ; a man thought to be timid almost to the verge of cowardice, yet capable of impetuous activity and blazing audacity, as his latter years showed. I suppose there will never again be such a preacher in any Christian church, —CarlyWs Heminincences. 222 PROSE WRITERS. with : I call him, on the whole, the best man I have ever found in this world, or ever hope to find." Edward Irving is now scarcely remembered among those who have trained the thought or life of England in the 19 th century. It is, therefore, important to recall this testi- mony by Carlyle, as to one of the moral forces which made him what he was. In the year after his marriage, Carlyle published a collection of translations from the shorter stories of Mu- saeus (mu se'iis), Tieck (tek), Jean Paul (zhon po^A^l), and Hoffmann (hof'man), which did more to interest English and AiTierican readers in Q-erman literature, and show them that it was not at all the vague fancy which had been held up to their ridicule in the poetry of the Anti-Jacobin (an'tl-jak'o bin)* and similar writings. In such work, Carlyle had had able coadjutors and prede- cessors, both in England and in Germany. Scott and Byron both had drunk at the Q-erman wells, and owed their obligations to the German author's. Coleridge (kor- rlj), with his immense range and resource, had opened to thinking men in England and America the results of German speculation. More and more people began to know that they must gain the German treasures in one way or another. If they did not read the German lan- guage, they must use the work of those who did. Happy for them if such a man as Carlyle was willing to be their guide. After his marriage Carlyle lived a little while in Edin- * The " poetry of the Anti-Jacobin " was the work of George Canning and some of his literary friends. It contains some amusing satires on Werther (?»&'- tlr) and other German romances. Prom some of these some phrases have strayed which are almost, or quite proverbial. Such are, " Story? God bless you, I have none to tell, sir," and " Let us swear eternal friendship." The amusing song of " the TJ-niversity of Gottingen " ((/ef ting en) is one of these poems. CARLYLE. 223 burgh. He then removed with his wife to Craigenput- toch (kra gen ptit'tok), * in tlie wildest part of Dumfries- shire. In this sequestered home f Carlyle wrote his ar- ticle on Richter (rlk'ter), and the series on Q-erman au- * Craigenputtooh will remind the readers of Burns of his enthusiastic poems and songs, which have preserved, for literature, the name of Craigenburn. Car- lyle thus describes his home in a letter to Q-oethe : " Our residence is not in the town itself, but fifteen miles north-west of it, among the granite hills and black morasses, which stretch westward through G-alloway, almost to the Irish Sea. In this wilderness of health and rocks our estate stands forth a green oasis, a tract of plowed, partly inclosed and planted ground, where corn ripens and trees afford a shade, although surrounded by sea-mews and rough-wooled sheep. * * * Piled up on the little library table are a whole cart-load of French, German, American, and English periodicals, whatever they may be worth." In 1837, Carlyle prepared a list of the papers, which he published between 1824 and that time. Mr. E. W. Emerson published these in 1838, in the first collection made of Carlyle's essays. He says: "Mr. Carlyle's recent works have made him known as a "vvTiter to numbers to whom the essays in these volumes will be new. But many readers will here find pages which, in the scattered anonymous sheets of the British magazines, spoke to their youthful mind with an emphasis that hindered them from sleep." [Of these readers Mr. Emerson was himself one.] " It is a fact worth remembering in our literary history " [in America] "that his rich and cheerful genius found its earliest audience in and near New England, from young men who had complained, with the first Quaker, that in the multitude of teachers ' none spake to their condition.' Such will be glad to trace in this collection the spiritual history of the author, the course of his reading, the depth of his stnidies, and what outward materials went to the edification of the man." Mr. Emerson wrote this estimate of these papers on the 24th of June, 1838. t Readers of " Carlyle's Reminiscences " hear much of the details of this life. Here, for Instance : " We had trouble with servants, with many paltry elements and objects, and were very poor ; but I do not think our days there were sad, and certainly not hers in especial, but mine rather. We read together at night, one winter, through 'Don Quixote' in the original; Tasso in ditto had come be- fore; but that did not last very long. I was diligently writing and reading there; wrote most of the 'Miscellanies' there, for Eoreign, Edinburgh, etc.. Re- views (obliged to keep several strings to my bow), and took serious thought about every part of every one of them. After finishing an article, we used to get on horseback or mount into our soft old gig, and drive away, either to her mother's (Templand, fourteen miles off) or to my father and mother's (Scotsbrig, seven or six and thirty miles)— the pleasantest journeys I ever made, and the pleasant- est visits. Stay perhaps three days ; hardly ever more than four ; then back to work and silence. My father she particularly loved, and recognized all the grand rude worth and immense originality that lay in him. Her demeanor at Scots- brig, throughout in fact, was like herself, unsurpassable ; and took captive all those true souls, from oldest to youngest, who by habit and type might have been so utterly foreign to her." 224 PROSE WRITERS. thors which followed it in the Edinburgh Review. He wrote another series for the Edinburgh Encyclopedia, among which are its biographies of Montaigne (mon- tan'), Montesquieu (mon tes ku'), Pitt, and Nelson. The era which changed the circumstances of his life, and announced him to be the leader of men, which he has proved to be, in half a century since, was the pub- lication, in separate numbers, of "Sartor Resartus," in Eraser's Magazine* a monthly journal then not very long established in London, a wide-awake and comparatively fearless magazine, not unwilling to try new adventures. The words "Sartor Resartus" mean "The Tailor Patched," and the book, as it proved to be, professes to be an essay on the " Clothes Philosophy," as Carlyle calls it. It is quite clear that he varied from his original plan as he went on, — that he became almost indifferent to the machinery of the beginning as he elaborated the phil- osophical statements which have given to the book its value. " Sartor Resartus " is not read by the young people of the end of the nineteenth century as it was by thought- ful men and women entering on life when the first half of that century drew to a close. But this is because its lessons, then quaint and unexpected, have long since * Mr. Carlyle, in Ms "Reminiscences," gives this account of the reception of the book in England and Scotland: "Then, when poor 'Sartor' got passed through Franer, and was done up from the Fraser types as a separate thing, perhaps about fifty copies being struck ofE, I sent six copies to six Edinburgh literary friends, from not one of whom did I get the smallest whisper even of receipt— a thing disappointing more or less to human nature, and which has silently and insensibly led me never since to send any copy of a book to Edinburgh, or, indeed, to Scotland at all, except to my own kindred there, and in one or two specific unliterary cases more. The Plebs of literature might be divided in their verdicts about me, though, by count of heads, I always suspect the ' gullties ' clean had it ; but the Conscript Fathers declined to vote at all." CARLYLE. 226 taken possession of literature and science, — even of art, philosophy, and religion, in England and America, — so that the statement of them now seems commonplace. But in the days of the birth of the book, these lessons were received as a new revelation. The book teaches the worthlessness of mere dress, or outside decoration. It is a wild prophet's cry on the meanness and nothingness of " Shams." This word be- came a favorite word with Mr. Carlyle, and with his followers. The "Clothes Philosophy," so called, is the philosophy which teaches men to do the duty which comes next their hand, — even to "do the thing they are afraid to," — and to scorn the forms or fashions which are only temporary. G-eorge Fox, the Quaker, when he put off the costume of his time, and put on a stout leather suit which could not be torn, but which would shield him from the weather, was a favorite example, brought forward a hundred times, by Mr. Carlyle. So soon as " Sartor Resartus " was finished in Fraser, it was republished in a book in America, by Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson and a group around him of Carlyle's admirers. From this moment Carlyle was known and recognized as a sort of prophet to his generation, who, as Arthur Clough (kluf) said to Emerson, could at least lead them out from the flesh-pots of Egypt. About the time of its publication, Mr. Carlyle and his wife removed to London. Here they lived, in Chelsea (chel'se), in a house fronting on the Thames (temz), from that time till their death. Here he had the advantages of the use of large libraries, of easy travel to the Conti- nent, and of intimacy with many of the most accom- plished men and women of his time. In 1837, he published his "History of the French 226 PEOSE WRITERS. Revolution."* To this book his name was given, and it is said to be the first of his books which bore his name. It illustrates in a terrible example, acted out under the eyes of men, the philosophy of the Sartor Resartus. For * The English, critics doubted in their welcome of the book. Mr. Carlyle speaks of their verdict thus in his "Reminiscences": " It was after I had finished the ' lYench Revolution,' and perhaps after my Annandale journey to recover from this adventure, that I heard of. Southey's being in town again. His collective edition was complete, his poor wife was dead and at rest ; his work was done ; in fact (had he known it), all his work in the world was done ; and he had determined on a few weeks of wandering, and trying to repose and recreate himself, among old friends and scenes. I saw him twice or thrice on this occasion; it was our second and last piece of intercourse, and much the more interesting, to me at least, and for a reason that will appear. My wild excitation of nerves, after finishing that grim book on 'French Revolu- tion,' was something strange. The desperate nature of our circumstances and outlooks while writing it, the thorough possession it had taken of me, dwelling in me day and night, keeping me in constant fellowship with such a ' flamy cut- throat scene of things,' infernal and celestial both in one, with no fixed prospect but that of writing it, though I should die, had held me in a fever blaze for three years long ; and now the blaze had ceased, problem taliter Qualiter was act- ually done, and my humor and way of thought about all things was of an alto- gether ghastly, dim-smoldering, and as if preternatural sort. * * * Thacke- ray's laudation in the Times I also recollect the arrival of. But neither did Thackeray inspire me with any emotion, stUl less with any ray of exultation. 'One other poor judge voting,' I said to myself; 'but what is he, or such as he? The fate of that thing is fixed 1 I have written it ; that is all my result.' Koth- iug now strikes me as affecting in all this but her noble attempt to cheer me on my return home to her [Mrs. CarlyleJ , still sick and sad ; and how she poured out on me her melodious joy, and all her bits of confirmatory anecdotes and nar- ratives. ' Oh, it has had a great success, dear ! ' and not even she could irradiate my darkness, beautifully as she tried for a long time, as I sat at her feet again by our own parlor fire. 'Oh, you are an unbelieving nature!' said she at last, starting up, probably to give me some tea. There was, and is, in all this some- thing heavenly." He writes also: "Early in January, 1837, it must have been when book on ' French Revolution ' was finished. I wrote the last paragraph of it here (within a yard of where I now am), in her presence, one evening after dinner. Damp, tepid kind of evening, still by dayhght, read it to her or left her to read it; probably with a ' Thank &od it is done, Jeannie ! ' and then walked out up the Gloucester igUis' tSr) Road toward Kensington way; don't remember coming back, or indeed any thing quite distinct for three or four months after. My thoughts were by no means of an exultant character ; pacifically gloomy rather, something of sullenly contemptuous in them, of clear hope (except in the ' des- perate ' kind) not the smallest glimpse. I had said to her, perhaps that very day, ' I know not whether this book is worth any thing, nor what the world will do with it, or misdo, or entirely forbear to do (as is likeliest), but this I could tell CARLYLE 227 never was the VLinity of shams more terribly displayed than in the failure of the elaborate Cornet Ritual which surrounded Louis XVI. and Marie Antoniette (ma re' ong- twa net') when the so-called Government of a country was asked to govern. At the same time, the mere narrative of the book made a revolution in the habits of writing history. The historian no longer conceals himself behind the scenes, to work a few puppets with wires, at constant disadvan- tage. He associates with his readers, and makes them his confidants and friends. If he have difficulties in finding the truth, he does not pretend to be omniscient. If the fact is dead and really unimportant, he tells the reader so frankly, and does not pretend that every peb- ble he has found in his digging is a gem of the first water. Above all, he makes the history entertaining. * When such a man lives in such a city as London, some arrangement follows by which the people of his time can see him and hear him. It was thus that Mr. Carlyle delivered, before audiences of the most thought- ful men and women, his courses of lectures, some of which have been published. The titles of successive courses were, "Q-erman Literature," the "History of the world : You liave not had for a hundred years any book that came more direct and fiamlngly sincere from the heart of a living man ; do with it what you like, you 1 ' My poor little Jeannie and me, hasn't it nearly killed us both? This also I might bave said, had I liked it, for it was true. My health was much spoiled ; hers too by sympathy, by daily helping me to struggle with the intolerable load." * Young readers who do not know Carlyle's skill in this first requisite of the historian, will do well to read the history of the "Diamond Necklace," which was written for a magazine, and is published among his Miscellanies. The frauds and follies by which the purchase and sale of this jewel became a matter of State importance, and involved the character of Marie Antoinette, are a most in- teresting illustration of the rottenness of morals which led the way for the ter- rible storms of the French Kevolution. 228 PROSE WRITERS. Literature," "The Revolutions of Modern Europe," and "Heroes and Hero-Worship."* The last makes but a small book. But no one of his books better shows the * Our main revenue three or four (?) years now was lectures ; in Edward street, Portman Square, the only free room there was ; earnestly forwarded by Miss and Thomas AVilson, of Eccleston street (who still live and are good), by Miss Martineau, by Henry Taylor, Frederick Elliot, etc., etc. Brought in, on the average, perhaps £200, for a month's labor ; first of them must have been in 1838, I think; Willis' Eooms, this. "Detestable mixture of prophecy and play- actorism," as I sorrowfully defined it ; nothing could well be hatefuller to me ; but I was obliged. And she [Mrs. Carlyle], oh, she was my angel, and unwearied helper and comforter in all that.— C'arlyle's Reminiscences. Of the first lecture he writes : " Monday, May 1, 1837, in Willis' Eooms is marked as date of my first lecture. It was a sad, planless jumble, as all these six were, but full enough of new matter, and of a furious determination on the poor lecturer's part not to break down. Plenty of incondite stuff accordingly there was ; new, and in a strangely new dialect and tone ; the audience intelligent, partly fashionable, was very good to me, and seemed, in spite of the jumbled state of things, to feel it entertaining, even interesting. I pitied myself, so agitated, terrified, driven desperate and furious. But I found I had no remedy, necessity compelling; on the proceeds we were financially safe for another year, and that was my one sanction in the sad enterprise." I was myself writing " Schiller " in those months ; a task Irving had encour- aged me in and prepared the way for, in the London Magazine. Three successive parts there were, I know not how far advanced, at this period ; knew only that I was nightly working at the thing in a serious, sad, and totally solitary way. My two rooms were in the old " Mansion " of KInnaird, some three or four hundred yards from the new, and on a lower level, overshadowed with wood. Thither I always retired directly after tea, and for most part had the edifice all to myself; good candles, good wood fire, place dry enough, tolerably clean, and such silence and total absence of company, good or bad, as I never experienced before or since. I remember still the grand so^igh of those woods ; or, perhaps, in the stillest times, the distant ripple of Tay. Nothing else to converse with but this and my own thoughts, which never for a moment pretended to be joyful, and were sometimes pathetically sad. I was in the miserablest dyspeptic health, uncertain whether I ought not to quit on that account, and at times almost resolving to do it ; driven far away from all my loved ones. My poor " Schiller," nothing considerable of a work even to my own judgment, had to be steadily persisted in as the only protection and resource in this inarticulate huge " wilder- ness," actual and symbolical. My editor, I think, was complimentary ; but I knew better. The Ti^nes newspaper once brought me, without commentary at all, an " eloquent " passage reprinted (about the tragedy of noble literary life), which I remember to have read with more pleastire in this utter isolation, and as the " first " public nod of approval I had ever had, than any criticism or laudation that has ever come to me since. Eor about two hours it had lighted in the deso- lation of my inner man a strange little glow of illumination ; but here too, on CAKLYLE. 229 power of the author, and probably no one of them has had more effect on the men and women of his time. As his hfe went on, he gave more and more time to history. He edited every letter and speech of Oliver Cromwell * which could be found, and his book becomes the authentic history of the Puritan Revolution in En- gland. Afterward, he devoted years of life to the study of the life of Frederick of Prussia, called the Great, f To Carlyle he was great. For he had come to believe that leadership, however gained, was the test of greatness, and he was eager to make the world believe that Frederick reflection, I " knew better," and the winter afternoon was not over when I saw clearly how very small this conquest was, and things were in their statu qu» * " At this time," writes Carlyle (speaking of his wife), " I must have been in the thick of ' Cromwell ' ; four years of abstruse toil, obscure speculations, futile wrestling, and misery, I used to count it had cost me, before I took to editing the ' Letters and Speeches ' (' to have them out of the way '), which rapidly drained off the sour swamp water bodily, and left me, beyond all first expectation, quite free of the matter. Often I have thought how miserable my books must have been to her, and how, though they were none of her choosing, and had come upon her like ill weather or iU health, she at no instant, never once I do believe, made the least complaint of me or my behavior (often bad, or at least thoughtless and weak) under them. Always some quizzing little lesson, the purport and effect of which was to encourage me ; never once any thing worse. Oh, it was noble, and I see it so well now, when it is gone from me, and no return possible. "Cromwell was by much the worst book time, till this of ITriedrich (fred'- rih), which, indeed, was infinitely worse ; in the dregs of our strength, too ; and lasted for about thirteen years. She was generally in quite weak health too, and was often, for long weeks or months, miserably ill." t Mrs. Carlyle writes as follows about this book : " Ceaigenvilla, Edinburgh, Monday, Aug. 24, 1857. " Oh, my dear ! What a magnificent book this is going to be 1 The best of all your books. I say so, who never flatter, as you are too well aware ; and who am ' the only person I know that is always in the right I ' So far as it is here before me, I find it forcible and vivid, and sparkling as ' The French Revolution,' with the geniaUty and composure and finish of ' Cromwell '—a wonderful combi- nation of merits ! And how you have contrived to fit together all those different sorts of pictures, belonging to different sorts of times, as compactly and smoothly as a bit of the finest mosaic 1 Eeally one may say, of these two first books at least, what Helen said of the letters of her sister who died— you remember?— 'So splendidly put together one would have thought that hand couldn't have written them ! ' " 230 PROSE WRITERS. owed his success to some of the highest quahties of man- hood. The more Mr. Oarlyle expressed his interest in the practical politics of his time, the more dissatisfaction did he feel with men whom he called men of talk, or "wind- bags " ; and the more confidence did he express in force, though it were physical force, as the agent by which the affairs of men must be regulated. In his personal con- versations with the men and women of his time, while he was never gracious and serene, he was often captious, irritable, and violent. Such habits grew upon him with years, and with the homage which followed on success. ISTone the less did he make over again the habits of English literature and of English thought. Every thing, indeed, was tending this way. The poetry of Burns, the realism which may be found in Scott's poetry, the phi- losophy of Coleridge, and many tentative steps in the theology of England and America, all show men's protest against mere forms and formalities, and their determina- tion to see and say the thing which is. For such a pro- test Carlyle appeared as the leader. Men followed him gladly, though "they followed him into a desert." And the literature, the art, the science even, the philosophy and the religion of this time, are all different from those of the time to which he was born, because he lived, and wrote, and spoke as he did. His wife died in 1866. He grieved for her death with sorrow which could not find language strong enough for its expression. His own death followed on the 5th of February, 1881. M ACAULAY. 1800-1859. TO Addison himself," wrote Lord Macaulay (ma- ka^v'll), "we are bound by a sentiment, as much hke affection as any sentiment can be, which is inspired by one who has been sleeping a hundred and twenty years in Westminster Abbey. * * * After full inquiry and impartial reflection, we have long been convinced that he deserved as much love and esteem as can justly be claimed by any of our inferior and erring race." We wish we had genius to write as well as this is written, the same thing about the writer of it. Among all the authors of whom it has been our fortune to read or write, Macaulay is always the one whom we seem to love best. "Would we have liked to live with him?" asks Thackeray (thak'eri), with respect to Swift.* It seems to us that there is no one of the great masters of English literature with whom we should be more glad to have lived than with Macaulay. There may have been some with whom we might, pei'haps, prefer to pass a few hours, — to be with Byron for no long time, to talk * "Would you have liked to be a friend of the great Dean? I should have hked to have been Shakespeare's shoe-black— just to have lived in his house, just to have worshiped him— to have run on his errands, and seen that serene face. I should like, as a young man, to have lived on Pielding's staircase in the Tem- ple, and after helping him up to bed perhaps, and opening his door vrith his latch-key, to have shaken hands with him In the morning, and heard him talk and crack jokes over his breakfast and his mug of small-beer. Who would not give something to pass a night at the club vrith Johnson, and Q-oldsmith, and James Boswell, Esq., of Auchenleck 0f' flek)"). The charm of Addison '-s com- panionship and conversation has passed to us by fond tradition." 232 PROSE WRITERS. with De Quincey, to have little interviews with Henry- Fielding would be undoubtedly pleasant. It may be that we could have lived as happily with Sir Walter Scott, and perhaps, — but we fear not, — with Thackeray. But, on the whole, to have been the much younger intimate of Macaulay would have been, we think, one of the greatest x)rivileges that could be bestowed. And if there were to be but one book left in all this world, beside the Bible, we should prefer that it should be Macaulay's Essays. There is no one book known to us which, to an educated man or woman, should give so much pleasure. The Essays are not only the most enter- taining and interesting reading by themselves, but they invariably suggest so much more than any other book with which we are acquainted. There are passages (for instance, that in the essay on " Sir James Mackintosh," beginning, "The History of England is emphatically a history of progress"), which should bring to the mind of the reader enough food for thought to last him a day, or a week, or a month, according as he may happen to be ill or well up in the subject. There is hardly one of them, written on a particular period, that does not call to our mind by its allusions, more great men and great works than most well-considered histories would do in a whole volume. We had rather have his Essay on Addison than Addison's Spectator, that on the Horace Walpole's Letters than all the nine volumes of that correspondence, most certainly that on Mr. Robert Montgomery than that gentleman's poems themselves. If a man has already read much, it seems to us that Macaulay's Essays is the last book he could afford to part with. So much for individual opinion ; we are aware that to many such views must seem ridiculous and idiotic. MACAULAY. 233 Thomas Babington Macaulay was born of a family originally Scotch, November 26, 1800. His father, Zach- ary Macaulay, was, at the time of his eldest son's birth, a well-to-do London merchant, senior partner of the firm of Macaulay, Babington & Co., a man of whom much might be written. He was one of those noble m^en who gave up every thing to pursue the abolishing of slavery and the slave-trade. His son had for him the warmest love and respect, but the two could not fully sympathize in later life. The rest of the family, his mother, and his brothers and sisters, all younger than himself, he loved in the tenderest way, and it is the most pathetic thing in the life of this really great man to see how wholly his happiness lay with that family of which he was in time the only support. Macaulay through life had two very important charac- teristics, and both manifested themselves in his extreme youth,— an inordinate love of reading and an immense memory. These, with a gift of style and of oratory which developed later, are his most noticeable intellect- ual peculiarities. Even in his school-days, he would read and remember, any thing that took his fancy, to a portentous extent. He was, therefore, a great scholar in subjects in which he was interested. In other subjects he does not seem to have applied himself in the least, and never attained any eminence. From this it would seem as though his studies were for him solely means of acquiring information ; as for being mental discipline, it seems evident that he never got into the habit of school- ing his mind to do what he did not like. A fair ex- ample of this is in his mathematical studies. For a man of Macaulay's wonderful memory (if we can draw infer- ences from stories told of it), it would have been not too 234 PKOSE WRITERS. great a task to commit to memory verbally the few mathematical works he needed to pass a certain examina- tion at Cambridge, at which, owing to his constant neglect, he was conditioned, as we say, or "gulphed," as he prob- ably said himself. However, fortunately enough for him, he was able to interest himself in most of the tasks set him at home and at school, and he went up to Trinity Col- lege, Cambridge, from Mr. Preston's private school, leaving behind him the impression that he was a most remark- able boy, and that he would infallibly come to some- thing. In truth, he was a most remarkable boy, chiefly, however, for his love for reading and his memory. At home he had, beside these qualities, all those which could serve to make an older brother the object of most de- voted worship from his younger brothers and sisters, and of the fondest admiration from his father* and mother. In the fall of 1818, Macaulay went up to Trinity Col- lege, Cambridge. His career here bore much the relation to the college world that his later life did to the larger world outside. He read much, and remembered every thing. He was admired and looked up to by his com- panions for his conversation, learning, and skill in de- * Although Mr. Macaulay thought Tom read too many novels. Macaulay and his sisters were omnivorous readers of novels. Not only were they as famlhar with Richardson and Jane Austin as with the friends of every-day life, hut the lowest form of silly fiction was delightful at least to Macaulay. Mrs. Meeke and Mrs. Kitty Cuthhertson were well known to him by their works, " Santo Sebas- tiano " (sdn' tS sa bas te a' ml), " The Forest of Montalba " (mora taT ba), " The Romance of the Pyrenees," and "Adelaide, or the Gountercharm," of which we make no doubt our readers have heard. They would use the very language of Mr. and Mrs. Bennet, of Mr. Collins,- of Sir Charles Grrandison (gran' di sun), Clarissa, or Miss Howe, to express their views on every-day aifairs, and would quote these worthies as we should our neighbors. The effect of all this on Trevelyan, who married Hannah, was bewildering, for his "reading had lain anywhere rather than among the circulating libraries " ; and he used to be consumed with wonder as to who might be these strange friends of his wife and his brother-in-law, and among what sort of people could they have once lived. MACAULAY. 235 bate. He seized many prizes, and passed examinations with honor (though not all ; he would not apply himself to mathematics). He spent his long vacations there, reading from morning till night, and finally landed in a Trinity Fellowship, which he held for some years. In the meanwhile, he went to London, read law, and was called to the Bar. But it does not appear that he ever intended to make the law his serious profession. He didn't like it, and never did much in it. He did, however, join the Leeds Northern Circuit, and read law in Chambers in London. In 1830, he was offered by Lord Lansdowne (lanz' down) a seat in Parliament as Member for Calne (kan), which place that nobleman, according to the custom of the time, carried, as the phrase is, in his pocket. Macaulay, at the time this offer was made, was personally unknown to Lord Lansdowne. He had, however, made for himself a very great repu- tation, and almost entirely by writing for the Ediiiburgh Bevieiv. Shortly after leaving college, he had contributed several articles to Kniglifs Quarterly Magazine, but they do not seepa to have attracted general attention, al- though they served to displease his father. But in 182 5 he began his connection with the Edinburgh Review. That periodical enjoyed at that time such a reputation as no other magazine has enjoyed before nor since. But at this moment it needed new blood. In a happy moment Macaulay was found, and in the summer of 1825 appeared in the Review his article on "Milton." It had an instantaneous and a very great reputation. From being a comjiaratively unknown and wholly brief- less barrister, he became a literary man who could get his own price for any thing he chose to write. He 236 PROSE WRITERS. became a species of lion, well known in London. During the next five years he sent several other articles to the Review, which were so ixiuch read, admired, and disputed over that it was by no means curious that Lord Lans- downe's attention should have been called to Macaulay, for he was certainly the most prominent of the younger men in London intent on politics, and a good Whig. The first few years of Macaulay's parliamentary life must have been of the most exciting interest, the most crammed with emotion of any of his life. The year 1830 was the year of revolution in France and of revolutionary feeling thi^oughout Europe. England was not without her excitement. The years following, in which the Reform Bill was brought in, fought over, and finally passed, were probably the most exciting years politically of this century. It was at this time that Macaulay, young, powerful, enthusiastic, conscious of his power and of an already great reputation, came into the House of Com- mons, which furnished at once a field for the exercise of his greatest gifts and a means of making a large number of very honest friends and admirers. In princi- ples a Whig, and by nature a most devoted one, he could not pass without recognition from the chiefs of his party ; in fact, after his Reform speeches, he was undoubtedly their most brilliant orator. He was elected member for Oalne in the spring of 1830. Parliament shortly dis- solved on the death of George IV., and Macaulay spent the summer in Paris, which the Revolution had made par- ticularly interesting to one about to go back to the Re- form battles in England. Parliament met on the 26th of October ; the Tory G-overnment under the Duke of Wel- lington was shortly defeated, and Lord Grey came in. On the 1st of March, Lord John Russell brought in the MACAULAY. 237 Reform Bill. In the debate which followed, Macaulay made the first of his great Reform speeches, — speeches that were at the time considered the best that had been heard since Fox, Burke, or Canning, and which, read now, fall little below the acme of forensic eloquence. Macaulay was hard worked at this time. He was de- voted in his attendance at the House. He had for some time been a Commissioner of Bankruptcy, and with these two he had little time for literature. He wrote some- what for the Edinbiorgh Review, but his heart and mind were in his political work. The Reform Bill passed ; the time was approaching when the first Reformed Parlia- ment was to be chosen. Macaulay was asked by the Whigs of the newly enfranchised city of Leeds to stand for them, and by them was returned. He had for some little time now been Commissioner of the Board of Con- trol,* and was shortly made its secretary. This place in the Q-overnment placed him in a painful position on the occasion of the West India Slavery Bill. Macaulay, on account, in a measure, of his father, differed with the Government. He placed his resignation in the hands of the Prime Minister, voted against the Government, car- ried his point, and yet, being of such value, was still re- tained in his place. It would be almost impossible to give a fair picture of Macaulay's life at this time in the space at our com- mand. It was made up of hard work and great suc- cesses at the House of Commons, of hard work at the Board of Control, and great successes on the Edinburgh Review. And beside his political work, which was much of it intensely interesting and exciting, his social life was * The means by wMcli at that time England governed her East Indian posses- sions. 238 PROSE WRITERS. of the keenest. He was known in the best houses of London, was a constant diner-out, was often a guest at tlie dinners at Holland House, and not infrequently at the poet Rogers' breakfasts. He read as hard as ever, and as much. But the happiest part of his life was his intercourse with his family. Though he himself lived in chambers, and the others of his family at his father's house in G-reat Ormond street, he saw them frequently, and there were no persons in the city whom he loved better, or in whose company he was happier. The most vivid picture of his life at this time is to be found in his letters to his sisters Hannah and Margaret. They are letters which the interest of the narrative, the bright- ness and Avit of the diversion, and, above all, the infinite brotherly tenderness and love, make the most delightful reading in the world.* * There are certain poetical works of IjOrd Macaulay which are not usually inserted in his collected writings. He held a light pen as far as doggerel is concerned, and was constantly writing for his younger sisters and for his nephews and nieces effusions which he usually attributed to a certain author whom he was pleased to term "The Judicious Poet." " A Yankee," he writes, " has written to me to say that an edition of my works is about to be published in America, with my life prefixed, and that he shall be obUged to me to tell him when I was born, whom I married, and so forth. I guess I must answer him slick right away. 3?or, as the Judicious Poet observes, — " ' Though a New England man lolls back in his chair. With a pipe in his mouth and his legs in the air, Yet surely an Old England man such as I To a kinsman by blood sho^ild be civil and spry.' " How I run on in ciuotation ! But when I begin to cite the verses of our great writers I never can stop." And again : " Do you remember the beautiful Puseyite (pU' zp it) hymn on Michaelmas {mik' el mas) day ? It is a great favorite with all the Traotarians. You and Alice should learn it. It begins : " 'Though Quakers scowl, though Baptists howl, Though Plymouth brethren rage, We Churchmen gay will wallow to-day In apple-sauce, onions, and sage. MACAULAY. 239 On the 17th of August, 1833, Macaulay wrote to his favorite sister Hannah, afterward Lady Trevelyan (trev- el'yan), to say it was probable, indeed nearly certain, that the position of member of the Supreme Council of India would be offered to him. He would, if he ac- cepted, be absent from England for five or six years. The salary was so large that in that time he could save enough money to make himself independent for life, and the members of his family who were dependent on him as well. He decided to go. His sister accompanied him.* " 'Ply knife and fork, and draw the cork, And have the bottle handy, Eor each slice of the goose will introduce A thimhleful of brandy.' "Is it not good? I wonder who the author can be." A longer poem commemorates the deeds of a country squire whom he knew, who had the habit of detaining people by the button, and more especially bishops. It begins : " His Grace, Archbishop Manners Sutton, Could not keep on a single button. As for Right Reverend John of Chester, His waistcoats open at the breast are. Our friend has filled a mighty trunk With trophies torn fromi Doctor Monk, And he has really tattered foully The vestments of Archbishop Howley. No button could I late discern on The garments of Archbishop Vernon, And never had his fingers mercy Upon the garb of Bishop Percy. The buttons fly from Bishop Ryder Like corks that spring from bottled cider." These were almost invariably written for his sisters or nieces, with whom throughout his life he sustained a voluminous correspondence. He sometimes deplored the necessity of so employing valuable time, as in the following : " Be you Poxes, be you Pitts, You must write to silly chits ; Be you Tories, be you Whigs, You must write to sad young gigs." *"It is now my duty," he writes to his sister Hannah, on their departure, "to omit no opportunity of giving you wholesome advice. I am henceforward your sole guardian. I have bought Grisborne's (g\s' Mnz) ' Duties of Women,' 240 PEOSE WRITERS. We must wholly pass over his life in India. * The four years he passed there might almost be omitted from his life. An immense amount of reading in the classics, the Essay on Bacon, and one or two other pieces, the ideas which run through the Essays on Lord Clive (kliv) and Warren Hastings, are the points which are of most moment. While in India, Macaulay worked hard on more than his official duties ; indeed, it is almost in- conceivable that a man could accomplish as much as he did. The most lasting result of this work is the "Indian Penal Code," drawn up hj a commission of which he was President. He reached England again in the summer of 1838. He was now of an independent fortune, his own master in a way he had never felt before. But he was in other ways not so fortunate. His father had died while he was on the voyage home. His sister Margaret had died while he was in India ; and his sister Hannah Moore's 'Pables for the Female Sex,' Mrs. King's 'I?emale Scripture Characters,' and Pordyoe's (for Ms ez') 'Sermons.' With, the help of these hooks, I hope to keep my responsibility in order on our voyage and in India." * One anecdote of his Indian life is whimsical. At the British Residency at Mysore (ml sdr') he met an Englishman, who at once addressed him with : " Pray, Mr. Macaulay, do you not think that Bonaparte was the Beast?" "No, sir, I can not say that I do." " Sir, he was the Beast. I can prove it. I have found the number 666 in his name (see Revelations xiii. 18). Why, sir, if he was not the Beast, who was?" Macaulay at once returned: "Sir, the House of Commons is the Beast. There are 658 members of the House ; and these, with their chief officers, make 666." "Well, sir, that is strange. But I can assure you that, if you write Napoleon Bonaparte in Arabic, leaving out only two letters, it will give 666." "And, pray, sir, what right have you to leave out two letters? And as St. John was writing Greek and to the Greeks, is it not likely he would use the Greek rather than the Arabic notation ? " " But, sir, everybody knows that the Greek letters were never used to mark numbers." Macaulay answered meekly that he believed that everybody did not know that; and went on to insinuate that a very different opinion— erroneous, no doubt— was universally embraced by all the small minority who happen to know any Greek. " So ended the con- troversy," he writes. " The man looked at me as if he thought me a very wicked fellow ; and, I dare say, has by this time discovered that if you write my name in Tamul (tii' mul), leaving out the T in Thomas, B in Babing^n, and M in Macaulay, it wiU give the number of this unfortunate Beast." MACAULAY. 241 had married. * It was his desire to write a History of England during the last century or so. It was a colossal task as he planned it, but he had confidence that he should be able to finish it if he kept out of politics and out of society. This winter he went on an Italian tour, of which we may see many results in the "Lays of Ancient Rome," which he published some time after. Shortly after his return from Italy, Macaulay was elected to the House of Commons from Edinburgh, and was made Secretary of War in the Melbourne (mel'bam) Cabinet. This was all very well, but Macaulay did little good there, — the ministry fell in 1841, and Macaulay was glad to be his own man again. He published the "Lays of Ancient Rome," and went to work with his reviewing again. "Lord Clive," "Warren Hastings," and "Addison" were written at about this time. The Essay on Chatham, written in 1844, was the last thing of his that appeared in the Revieiv. He wanted his time for his history. He still sat in Parliament. In 1846, on the fall of the Peel Ministry, Macaulay was made Postmaster Greneral by Lord Melbourne; but in 1847, on the dissolution of Parlia- ment, his constituents at Edinburgh, dissatisfied with him, for many reasons too long and involved to be par- ticularized here, refused to re-elect him. After the first natural disappointment, he was by no means sorry for it. * Macaiilay, in writing t» tell his sister Margaret of Hannah's engagements, writes : " As for me, it is a tragical denouement (di tiSo' mong) of an absurd plot. I remember quoting some nursery rhymes, years ago, when you left me in London to join Nancy at Eothley Temple or Leamington {lem' ing tun), I forget which Those foohsh lines contain the history of my life : " ' There were two birds that sat on a stone : One flew away, and there was but one. The other flew away, and then there was none; And the poor stone was then all alone.' " 242 PROSE WRITERS. For some time, ever since his return from India, it had been his sincere desire to retire from political busi- ness, and indeed from every thing that would interfere with his literary work, and to give himself up entirely to writing a History of England. He felt that he was himself, on the whole, better qualified for the task than any other Englishman. His plan was one of stupendous magnitude ; yet it only began with the reign of William the Third. But the minuteness with which it was to be written would have made it far longer than any History of England from earliest times. He spent six volumes on the reign of William the Third. His history complete would have been near a hundred volumes. To this work he gave himself up entirely. He stopped writing for the Review. He was not in Parliament. His life * from this point consists of the story of the writing of this great history, the most famous history, probably, ever published in modern times. He rummaged and examined libraries, private and public ; he made journeys that he might have his scenes well in his mind ; he wrote and corrected with the very greatest care and diligence. In truth, he thought nothing of traveling a hundred miles or recast- ing a dozen pages to make one paragraph as good as it could be made. He was the great master of local color, * We must add to his work on the history another element in his life which is characteristic of the man,— his intercoui-se with his younger sisters and his young nephews and nieces. It is impossible to exaggerate the pleasure which Macaulay took in children, or the delight which he gave them. He was, beyond all comparison, the best of playfellows ; unrivaled in the invention of games, and never wearied of repeating them. He had an inexhaustible repertory of small dramas for the benefit of his nieces, in which he sustained an endless variety of parts with a skill that, at any rate, was suflB-oient for his audience. An old friend of the family writes to his niece later in life : " I well remember that there was one never-failing game of building up a den with newspapers behind the sofa, and of enacting robbers and tigers ; you shrieking with terror, but always fas- cinated, and begging him to begin again ; and there was a daily recurring obser- vation from him that, after all, children were the only true poets." MACAULAY. 243 of mise en scene, of descriptive writing, of clear narra- tion. The first two volumes came toward the end of 1849. Macaulay was curiously timid and apprehensive of failure. He need not have been. The history was received with absolutely universal acclamation. His friends joined to a man in congratulation, and the public showed their appreciation by purchasing. Immense edi- tions were (and are still) sold. All classes of society read and admired. A number of workmen near Manchester sent down a vote of thanks to Macaulay for having writ- ten a history which workingmen can understand. * The foreign publishers seized upon it, and the Americans. The sole voice raised in detraction was that of John Wilson Croker, Macaulay's old enemy in the House of Commons, who is chiefly known to those unfamiliar with modern English history from Macaulay's scarifying re- view of a book he once edited. The following volumes were received as they came out with the same enthusiasm. " I shall not be satisfied," he wrote on his beginning the work, "unless I produce something which shall for a few days supersede the last fashionable novel on the tables of the young ladies." He was not unsuccessful. Macaulay was in Parliament once more after his defeat at Edinburgh. His former constituents in that * This extract from Macaulay's journal is illustrative of his love of compre- hensibility : " Nov. SS, 181,8.— T received to-day a translation of ' Kant ' from Ellis' friend at Liverpool. I tried to read it, but found it utterly unintelligible, just as if it had been written in Sanskrit. Not one word of it gave me any thing like an idea except a Latin quotation from 'Persius.' It seems to me that it ought to be possible to explain a true theory of metaphysics in words which I can under- stand. I can understand Locke, and Berkeley (.berk' li), and Hume, and Reid, and Stewart. I can understand Cicero's ' Academics ' and most of Plato ; and it seems odd that in a book on the elements of metaphysics, by a Liverpool merchant, I should not be able to comprehend a word. I wrote my acknowledgments with a little touch of Socratic irony." 244 PROSE WRITERS. town, feeling that he had not received the treatment due him, elected him once more to Parliament, with no pledges on his part, and in fact without his offering him- self for their votes. He took part, however, but seldom in the business of the House, and resigned his seat, feeling the duties to be too much for him, engrossed as he was in his history. In August, 1857, he was created a peer, with the title Baron Macaulay of Rothesay (roth' sa).* The election was rapturously applauded by the public, and Macaulay himself was much pleased at it. Indeed, it could not but have been inexpressibly pleasant to him in his latter years to see the very great love and esteem in which he was universally held.f He died the night of December 28, 1859,t and was buried a few days later in the Poets' Corner of West- minster Abbey. There, amidst the tombs of Johnson and Glarrick and Handel and Groldsmith and Gay, stands conspicuous the statue of Addison ; and at the feet of Addison lies the stone which bears this inscription : " Thomas Babington, Lord Macaulay." * "I was bom there," he says; "I have hved much there; I am named from the family which long had the manor. My uncle was rector there. Nobody can complain of my taking a designation from a village which is nobody's prop- erty now." t Let us print here a summing up of his good and his ill, which we iind in his journal : " Oct. 25, iS49.— My birthday. Forty-nine years old. I have no cause of com- plaint. Tolerable health ; competence ; liberty ; leisure ; very dear relatives and friends ; a great, I may say a very great, literary reputation. " Oct. 25, 1S50.— My birthday. I am fifty. Well, I have had a happy life. I do not know that anybody, whom I have seen close, has had a happier. Some things I regret ; but, on the whole, who is better off ? I have not children of my own, it is true ; but I have children whom I love as if they were my own, and who, I believe, love me. I wish that the next ten years may be as happy as the last ten. But I rather wish it than hope it." X For the last years of his life he had been in ill health, suffering from an affection of the heart. K M K R S O N . 1803-1883. RALPH WALDO EMERSON was born in Boston, , Mass., May 25, 1803. He died in Concord, Mass., April 2 7, 1882. The traces of his early education may be found by a careful observer in the whole course of his life. Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes, his friend and contemporary, says in one of his amusing discussions of education, that it is always well for a man to be born of a long line of well- educated men and women, and he gives as a particular illustration, the good fortune of those who are born in New England from a family of clergymen. By this Doctor Holmes simply means to express his own grati- tude that such was his own ancestry. As it happens, the words describe as well the ancestry of his friend. The father of Ralph Waldo Emerson was Dr. William Emer- son, then the minister of the First Church of Boston. His paternal grandfather was the Rev. Mr. Emerson, minister of Concord, Mass. On the memorable 19 th of April, 1775, when the American Revolution began, he saw from the window of the old house the ad- vance of the Middlesex Minute -men upon Concord Bridge, — he saw the flash of the muskets of the English soldiers who held it, — he trembled for a moment, as his careful diary tells us, lest their fire should not be re- turned, and then heard with joy the shot which those " embattled farmers " fired, which was to be " heard round the world." 246 PROSE WRITERS. Further back in the Hneage of the Emerson family, it connects with the line of Waldo. Mr. Emerson was thus connected with the first reformers in Lyons and the valleys of the Alps, a connection which he was glad to remember and trace. He was one of a group of boys, many of whom after- ward won distinction in the history of their country, who were prepared for coUege in the accurate Latin scholarship then recently introduced in the Boston Latin School. This was an illustration of the revival then re- cent in public education in New England. The school had been taken in charge by a committee of the best citizens of the town. It was placed under the direction of Benjamin Apthorp Grould, a competent and accurate scholar, by the standard of that day. After he was well satisfied with its standard, he printed for public criti- cism, for several years, the prize performances of the pupils ; and the prizes were given with public eclat (e kla') and circumstances of dignity. Among these boys who won early honors by the pre- cision of their Q-reek and Latin, Ralph Emerson was one. His brother Charles, who followed him after a few years, was even more distinguished. He died young, but was long remembered, in circles wider than those of school companionship, as the most brilliant and promising young man who for many years passed through the Uni- versity of the American Cambridge.* * Rev. William Emerson, their father, died while these boys were yet young. They were brought up by an aunt, Mary Moody, a remarkable woman, to whom must be credited much of the Ideal education of the philosopher. There Is an anecdote which tells that the boys once stripped the larder of the house In pro- viding for a beggar,— and that, on her return, she praised them for the lavlsh- ness which had deprived the family of a meal. Mr. Emerson may well have had her in mind, when, in after life, asking a EMERSON". 247 Even in a brief sketch of Mr. Emerson's life, it is worth while to speak of this accurate school training. For in all his literary work there is a finished precision in the use of words, which belongs to the case of the well- taught linguist. And while Mr. Emerson always ridicules the perversity in which either a scholar or an unlearned person attempts to read in a foreign language that which he can better read in a translation, it is to be remem- bered that he himself read other languages than his own with ease, and that no man of his time knew better how to use words, whether for play or for their more serious purposes. In the most regular and conventional way, he was ad- mitted to Harvard College in 1817, and passed through four years of its course to receive his Bachelor's degree in 1821.* He then spent one or two years in the work of a school-master, — after which he entered on a course of theological study, under Andrew Norton and Henry Ware (Senior) at the Divinity School of Cambridge. This was a period when the more liberal churches of New England had announced themselves as distinctively " Unitarian," — as for more than a century they had been known to be "Arminian " in their theology. In the enthu- friend as to the circumstances of his home, he said, " Have you any illuminated Quaker near you?" * He wrote verses while he was in college, and was chosen by the class to deliver their poem on class-day. He did not take the highest rank in his class, hut was regarded as a person of very wide reading. In after life, he always spoke of a great library as in itself an invaluable educator. In the later years of his life, Mr. Emerson was an overseer of Harvard Col- lege. A discussion came up in the board of overseers, as to the expediency of requiring attendance at chapel from the under-graduates. In a remarkable speech that he made on the subject, Mr. Emerson said that, much as he owed to Harvard College in other regards, he felt that no part of its discipline had been as important to him as the regular attendance at chapel on week-days and on Sundays, and he hoped that the custom might not be abandoned. His Phi Beta Kappa poem does not appear among his collected poems. 248 PKOSE WRITERS. siasm of what assumed the forms of a new rehgious movement, Mr. Emerson entered the ministry. And among his earher experiences in his new calling, after he had been " licensed to preach," it is recorded that he was once and again sent as a "missionary" to some places where the gospel of the Unitarian Church was a novelty. But such experiences of the frontier did not long con- tinue. There was a charm about his presentation of di- vine truth which interested all who heard him. His deli- cate health required a residence in Southern States for the winters of 182 7 and 182 8. But in March, 182 9, he was ordained as a minister of the Second Church in Boston, — as the colleague with Rev. Henry Ware, the younger of that name. The reader will observe that Mr. Emerson's father had been the minister at the First Church. So regular and decorous were the first steps of the poet-philosopher, whose utterances were eventually thought to savor little of ecclesiastical form. Q-reatly beloved by his pai'ishioners and generally ad- mired as a preacher, and true to most of the traditions and habits of ministerial life as they had been handed down from the fathers of New England, he came to differ from them before many years had passed, — in regard to a form so central in Christian habits as the administra- tion of the Lord's Supper. Still expressing reverence and regard for the person and work of the Saviour, Mr. Emerson declared his unwillingness to use the physical symbols of bread and wine, — and knowing that his con- gregation, or the majority of them, would not sj^mpathize with him in giving up the visible sacrament, he retired, on that ground, from their service. Though he some- times preached on Sunday in after life, his regular work as a clergyman ceased at this time, in the year 1832. EMERSON. 249 But his career as a public teacher had in fact only begun. The system of education by popular lectures, — then generally called the Lyceum (Use' am) System,— had been, within a few years, widely introduced in New England. At that time, more than now, such lectures, — usually de- livered in the winter months, — were arranged by a com- mittee of public-spirited men, vitally and eagerly inter- ested in public education, who studied to supply by these lectures the deficiencies in other methods of popular edu- cation. Such men as Daniel Webster, Dr. Channing, the Everetts, and the Wares were among the "Lyceum lect- urers." A "course of lectures" generally meant that spe- cial sub-courses were included, each by a lecturer who was particularly eminent in the matter on which he spoke. Among such courses on Chemistry or Natural Philosophy, would be included courses on subjects of morals or history or biography. Mr. Emerson had already proved himself an attractive speaker at "Lyceums" be- fore his career as a minister had ended. He has one course on Biography, some or all of which lectures have since been printed in his collected works. So soon as his duties as a minister ceased, his services were demanded more and more as a lecturer before varied audiences. It was soon understood, and where the thought was not ex- pressed, the truth was felt that in these lectures of his the hearer would gain more than a knowledge of con- nected facts. While they were never of that grade of lectures which long drew in large, promiscuous audiences, they soon attracted the more thoughtful persons in every community.* It was not to boys and girls only, to young * Mr. Longfellow's notes on some of these lectures are Interesting. They are taken from his journal. 250 PROSE WRITERS. men and maidens, or to the more ignorant or those lease favored in education, that they were delivered. The most careful and thoughtful men and women found them well worth attention. If, in any quarter, suspicions were aroused as to the orthodoxy of his utterances, these very suspicions made them only more attractive in a community which took political form in asserting the right of private judgment, and in which this right had passed, long before, from being a privilege to be consid- ered a duty. Gradually the " Lyceum System " changed its form and the methods of its management. It came to be un- derstood that there were certain public teachers who preferred this way of addressing men. If they chose, they announced their own courses without the interven- tion of a committee. They prepared but few discourses, but these were on central themes. They did not know who heard them, but they coidd rely on an intelligent " Dec. 11, ISi5.— Went to hear Emerson's introductory lecture on ' Great Men.' The Odeon (o dl' un) (as the old Boston theater was then called) was full. T. [Mr. Appleton] and myself mounted to the third row. Many striMng and brill- iant passages, hut not so much of that ' Sweet Ehetoricke ' (reC 5 nk) which usually flows from his lips ; and many tilings to shock the sensitive ear and heart. "Dec. 16, lSi6.—A.8 I sat in the twilight this evening, Emerson came in. He came to take tea, having a lecture at the [Cambridge] Lyceum. After tea, walked down with him. The lecture good, but not of his richest and rarest. His subject, 'Eloquence.' By turns he was grave and jocose, and had some striking views and passages. He lets in a thousand new lights, sight lights and cross lights, into every subject." And here is Mr. Longfellow's comment on Emerson's Poems : "Keceived from Emerson a copy of his Poems. E. read it to me all the even- ing and until late into the night. It gave us all the keenest pleasure ; though many of the pieces present themselves Sphinx-like and ' struggling to get free their hinder-parts,' offer a very bold front to challenge your answer. Throughout the volume, through the golden mist and sublimation of fancy gleam bright veins of purest poetry, like rivers running through meadows. Truly a rare volume; with many exquisite poems in it, among which I should single out ' Monadnoc ' (mo nad' n&c), 'Threnody' (thren' o dz), and the 'Humble Bee,' as containing much of the quintessence of poetry." EMERSON. 251 audience. Among these teachers Mr. Emerson's name was that of one of the leaders. And as the new railroad system made it possible for the teachers in this new University to go anywhere in the nation to meet their pupils, Mr. Emerson traveled, more and more, with every winter, and became a personal force with more and more of the thoughtful and studious men and women of the land. The precise moment when the more ecclesiastical tra- ditions of his early life dropped away, may be said to have been the day when he delivered an address to the divinity students of Harvard College, in the summer of 1835. The young men were so enthusiastic in their ad- miration of his spirit and genius, that they had invited him to address them, when they left the college ; an in- vitation which was thought not to have been dictated by their teachers. If there was any thing extravagant in the address then, the extravagance was so entirely in the direction of the steady advance of the time, that after half a century it is difficult to discover it. But, at the time, it offended the older ecclesiastics, even of the Unita- rian communion ; and from that time, probably, Mr. Emer- son was seldom addressed with the title of a clergyman. The first of his essays was "Nature," in 1836. It will be found, under this name, in the later collections. In 1842, he became the editor of the Dial, which had been published then for two years, as a quarterly period- ical, which should meet the needs of the New England Transcendentalists, — men and women whose work was then looked upon coldly by editors not of their school. In 1841, he published the first series of his essays; in 1844, the second series; while in 1846, he published a volume of poems. 252 PROSE WRITERS. He had traveled in Europe in 1832, and in the next year, and had then made personal acquaintance with Carlyle (kar iii'), whose writings, before he knew his name, had "hindered his sleep." To his efforts and those of near friends, we owe the first edition of "Sartor Resartus." In 1837, he published, in four volumes, the first collec- tion of " Carlyle's Miscellanies." " Sartor Resartus " was from the very first welcomed with cordial approbation in America, which, from the very law of its being, regards old clothes with less reverence than is awarded to them in Europe. The readers of Carlyle's life will remember the interest and sympathy with which, for half a century, the two friends regarded each other. So far as mere systems of thought go, the philosophy of Emerson and that of Carlyle are by no means the same. But in a constant defiance of convention, in steady appeal to the divinity in man, and proclamation that if he chooses he can find out his duty and work out his destiny, the two are one. When, in the critical political year 1848, Mr. Emerson visited England for the second time, he met many a disappointed follower of Carlyle, who came to him for the succor which the growling philosopher could not or would not give. " Carlyle," they said, " has taken us out into the desert, and he has left us there. Where shall we go ? " On the deck of the steam-ship, which was to bring him to America, Mr. Emerson said to Arthur Clough (kluf), who was one of those disconcerted follow- ers of Carlyle, that many of them had brought to him the same complaint. He laid his hand playfully upon Clough's head, and said : " I ordain you bishop of all England ; you shall go out and find these dissatisfied stragglers, and shaU bring them into the Promised Land." EMERSON. 253 The mission was one which needed a Joshua of more nerve than Mr. Clough proved to be master of. The correspondence between Emerson and Carlyle has been published, and it should be carefully studied by any person who wishes to comprehend the most impor- tant movements of opinion and life in America and En- gland during the half-century to which it belongs. Differ- ent as they were, in habit of thought and in lines of study, they never lost their respect and regard for each other. When, in England, young men asked Mr. Emer- son to introduce them personally to Carlyle, he would say : " Why should you go ? You like him now ; you reverence him, perhaps. Why should you come away, not liking him, — shocked, perhaps, or displeased, by what he will say to you?" "Yet, mark me," he would say again, " he is good. You must not think he is not good because he says these things." There could, indeed, be no con- trast more sharp than that between the cross-grained defiance of the Scotch critic, and the loving, sympathetic cordiality with which the American poet-philosopher re- ceived the most humble even, or the most ignorant of the pilgrims, who came to pay their homage to him or to thank him. Mr. Emerson's philosophy is pure Idealism. Since Plato there has been no prophet of the Idea more un- wavering than he. The reader who follows him is made to see that one Spirit pervades all Nature, and gives to it its forms ; sways all men and orders History ; or, in any time, controls Manners, Arts, Literature, Science, and the other moods of thought. Such a philosophy is in itself Poetry. For the business of the Poet, and that which distinguishes him from other men, is to show that the passions and experiences of men have their analogies 254 PROSE WRITERS. in the life and method of what is called " Nature " ; that the world outside of man and the world within him be- long to each other and resemble each other, in lines which the poet traces for his readers. Mr. Emerson would have been recognized as a poet, therefore, by his readers, though he had never forged out a line in meter or two lines in rhyme. But, in fact, he was born with what is called a " lyric ear " ; and his training for accuracy in language helped him in precisely that epigram or conciseness, which is a great help in the language of poetry. His school-boy prizes were won for verses. When he left college, he was soon asked to deliver the Phi Beta Kappa poem; and as early as 1836, he contributed some charm- ing poems to the Western Messenger, a monthly magazine published by his friend, James Freeman Clarke. He never afterward made a toil of poetry. To use one of his most apt expressions, "he never pumped." The phrase is bor- rowed from what he had seen in the oil countries. If the sacred oil did not flow free, he never helped its cur- rent. But when the stream did flow, it flowed bright and pure. The quotations in familiar use already from his poems show how perfect was his success in saying what he had to say. " He builded better than he knew." " For what avail the plow or sail, Or land or life, if freedom fail?" "The self -same power that brought me there, brought you." "If eyes were made for seeing. Then Beauty is its own excuse for being." These are quotations from his lyrics which have become proverbs among the American people. EMERSON. 255 Mr. Emerson lived long enough to see that a com- munity which at the first regarded him as an extravagant fanatic, had grown up to be proud of him, as one of the leaders of his time.* In his sunny and cheerful old age, it was a privilege to see him. He had a word of sympathy for every aspirant. He was kind even to the most obtrusive and disagreeable worshiper, and readily met the thousand appeals which were made to him for the expression of his interest in every movement which concerned the public good.f The calmness and even precision of the language of his essays must not make any reader suppose that his manner was cold, or that he was in any sort reserved. Quiet he was, and of course serene.| But his whole life was instinct with affection, and those lines in his poems which are treasured as showing the tenderness of his * For many years it was the fashion of the more foolish writers to speak of Mr. Emerson as unpractical and vague, ''swinging in rainbows," as if he were quite unable to attend to terrestrial detail. But in truth, his life united a pure ideal philosopliy with the shrewdness and interest in affairs which is supposed to be characteristic of the New Englander, or of the Scotchman, who is the Yankee of Old England. "V^Tien the " Town and Country Club " was formed in Boston, it was soon observed that Mr. Emerson was the judicious leader of those persons who wished to find In the club a convenient center for their dally work with the best club conveniences, for meals and other comforts. He had no thought of sinking the new organization into a mere convenience of hearing and reading "papers" or talk. t He was a good citizen of Concord, believing heartily in the New England system of town government, and ready to lend his aid in any affair of public spirit. The Concord Lyceum has been maintained from the beginning on the systems of the lyceums of his youth, and until his death, he was always ready to lecture in its annual courses. When the crisis of the Civil War came, Mr. Emerson gave his personal sym- pathy and his practical help in all measures for the encouragement of recruiting, for help to the soldier, or for upholding the National government. His poem "Boston," which holds a leading place in the national poetry of America, was not published until he delivered It in Paneuil (fan' el) Hall in 1873, on the anniver- sary of the Boston Tea-party. But many of the stanzas were written in the heat of the war. t "The gentleman is qviiet, the lady is serene."— .Essay on Manners. 256 PROSEWR ITERS. feelings give the very impression of him which those who knew him cherisli habitually. He was twice married. His first wife, Ellen Tucker, a lovely young lady of Roxbury, Massachusetts, died a few months only after their marriage in February, 1831. In 1835, he married Lidian Jackson, daughter of Charles Jackson, of Plymouth. He had three children.* * If we are to select a single poem for quotation from the shorter poems, it shall be " The Khodora " (r5 do' ra), first published in the Western Messenger in 1836. THE RHODOEA: ON BEING ASKED, WHENCE IS THE FLOWER? In May, when sea-winds pierced our solitudes, I found the fresh Rhodora in the woods. Spreading its leafless blooms in a damp nook, To please the desert and the sluggish brook. The purple petals, fallen in the pool. Made the black water with their beauty gay; Here might the red-bird come his plumes to cool, And court the flower that cheapens his array. Rhodora ! if the sages ask thee why This charm is wasted on the earth and sky. Tell them, dear, that if eyes were made for seeing. Then Beauty is its own excuse for being ; Why thou wert there, O rival of the rose ! I never thought to ask, I never knew ; But in my simple ignorance, suppose The self -same Power that brought me there, brought you. TH ACKKRAY. 1811-1863. THE materials for a sketch of Thackeray's (thak'S riz) hfe are of the smallest. Before his death, he begged his daughters that no letters of his should be published, that no life of him should be written, and his wish has been respected. It is of less matter than in the case of other men ; for we are, perhaps, more interested in study- ing his mind in his works, than we should be in reading the story of all his goings and comings up and down the world. William Makepeace Thackeray was born at Calcutta in 1811, and in India he lived for some little time. His father was in the Indian civil service. But at the age of six he was brought to England. He received an education at the Charter House * and at Cambridge, * The Charter House still exists in London. And though the school has been removed from the city, away into the country, the Poor Brethren still remain. There are eighty of them, having each his own room, dining at the commons table, and going twice a day to their little chapel to thank God for His goodness. "It had been," says Thackeray, in 'Vanity Fair,' "a Cistercian (sis ter' shan) con- vent. * * * Henry the Eighth seized upon the monastery and its possessions, and * * * finally, a great merchant bouglit the house and land adjoining, in which, with the help of other wealthy endowments of land and money, he estab- Ushed a famous hospital for old men and children. An extra school grew round the old, almost monastic, foundation, which subsists still, with its middle-age costume and usages ; and all Christians pray that it may flourish." "My recollection of him," we quote from a friend's remarks, in Anthony Trollope'a Sketch, "though fresh enough, does not furnish much material for biography. He came to school young— a pretty, gentle, and rather timid boy. I think his experience there was not generally pleasant. Though' he had afterward a scholar-like knowledge of Latin, he did not attain distinction in the school ; and I should think that the character of the head-master, which was rigorous, unsympathetic, and stern, though not severe, was uncongenial to his own. With 258 PROSE WRITERS. though he took no degree at the University.* Univer- sity Ufa has made small impression on his works. We recall almost nothing except Pen's experiences at St. Boniface (bon'e fas). But of the Charter House we hear more than once. He wrote of it, at first, as the Slaughter House, but afterward, his feelings softening, it was Grey- friars, where Colonel Newcome went to school when a boy, and afterward found a refuge as an old man. Arthur Pendennis, Clive (kiiv) Newcome, George Osborne, and Philip Firmin went to school there, and Thackeray notes with pleasure that Addison and Steele were Charter House boys. On leaving Cambridge, Thackeray turned to the culti- vation of his talent for drawing ; and, being in the pos- session of a fair allowance, traveled a good deal abroad, — and then he studied drawing at Rome and at Paris, thinking he might become an artist.f There must be the boys who knew him, Thackeray was popular ; but he had no skill in games, and, I think, no taste for them. * * * He was already known by Ms faculty of making verses, chiefly parodies. * * * He took part in a scheme, which came to nothing, for a school magazine, and he wrote verses for it, of which I remem- ber only that they were good of their kind. When I knew him better in later years, I thought I could recognize the sensitive nature which he had as a hoy." * We believe he was originally intended for the bar. t " Had it not been for the direct act of my friend," said Thackeray, at a dinner, speaking of Dickens, " I should most likely have never been included in the toast which you have been pleased to drink ; and I should have tried to be, not a painter, but a designer of pictures. This was the object of my early ambi- tion; and I can remember when Mr. Dickens was a very young man, and had commenced delighting the world with some charming humorous works, of which I can not mention the name, but which were colored light green, and came out once a month (' Pickwick ') ; and I recollect that this young man wanted an artist to illustrate his writings ; and I recollect walking up to his chambers with two or three drawings in my hand, which, strange to say, he did not find suitable." And a good thing too, we think ; we had rather have Thackeray's novels than the best illustrations that could be made to Dickens. A word or two ought to be said, perhaps, about Thackeray's drawings, many of which are in existence. As for the artistic execution of his sketches, Thacke- ray was always weak, very weak. He must have spent his time in Paris, where he took lessons, in doing almost any thing beside drawing. But setting aside correctness of drawing, Thackeray's sketches are wonderfully good. Their humor, THACKERAY. 259 much that is autobiographical in Clive Newcome's early experiences, in the Studio at London, and then away with J. J., to Germany and then to Rome. But it is impossible to sift the fact from the fancy, and we must let it be. On coming back to London, Thackeray shortly in- herited his fortune, — no large sum, but one which would have supported him comfortably could he have kept it. This he did not do. He invested it in an attempt to start a newspaper,* which failed, lost it, and was forced to rely on himself. As he could not live by drawing pict- ures, he resolved to turn his other talent to account, and holding an easy pen, he began to Avrite for a living. And his first regular work was for Fraser's (fra'zerz) Magazine. Fraser's Magazine, at this time, contested with Blaclc- wood^s the honor of being the leading magazine in the country. Less heavy and formal than the Reviews, Blackwood's (and after it Fraser's), set up a peculiar tone of its own, scholarly, critical, witty, partisan, reckless. like the humor of his prose, is inimitable. How it is possible to convey more exactly the precise humorous meaning of the text than is done in his illustra- tions to "Pendennis" and "Vanity Pair," we are at a loss to understand. It seems as though other novelists must have envied Thackeray for his ability to obtain such exact delineation of his ideas. * There is an allusion to this venture in " Level the Widower." " I dare say," says Mr. Batchelor, " I gave myself airs as editor of that confounded " Museum " (the name of Thackeray's paper was The National Standard), and proposed to edu- cate the public taste, to diffuse morality and sound literature throughout the nation, and to pocket a liberal salary in return for my services. I dare say I printed my own sonnets, my own tragedy, my own verses (to a being who shall be nameless, but whose conduct has caused a faithful heart to bleed not a little'i. I dare say I wrote satirical articles, in which I piqued myself on the fineness of my wit and criticisms, got up for the nonce, out of encyclopedias and biograph- ical dictionaries ; so that I would be actually astonished at my own knowledge. I dare say I made a gaby of myself to the world ; pray, my good friend, hast thou never done likewise ? If thou hast never been a fool, be sure thou wilt never be a wise man." 260 J'KOSE WRITERS. severe, and literary. Christopher North is the type. OHver York, of Fraser's, is, we must admit, but a copy of the unrivaled Kit. And Fraser's adopted its " tone from Blackwood's. In truth, Maginn, the editor, was one of the protagonists in the earlier " Noctes Ambrosianae " (nok'tez am bro se a'ne), and was himself the carnal em- bodiment of the tone of the magazine, being at once scholarly, and so on as above. And Foxtser's had at this time an able band of contributors. Among the Fraser- ians were Lockhart (lok'art), Coleridge (kol'rlj), Southey, (sowth' i), Washington Irving, The Ettrick Shepherd, Barry Cornwall, Harrison Ainsworth, Count D'Orsay (dor sa'), Theodore Hook, and — curiously enough — Thomas Carlyle (kar 111'). Among these did Thackeray enroll himself when he determined to support himself by his pen. For Frasefs, and afterward for Punch, Thackeray wrote much. It is for them that the greater part of his shorter pieces were written, his tales, burlesques, and verses. And he wrote some things that he did not include in his pub- lished works. The most important of his contributions to Fraser's were some of his shorter stories — "Catherine Hayes," "A Shabby Genteel Story," "The Great Hoggarty Diamond," " The Memoirs of Barry Lyndon," and also " The Yellowplush Papers." And for Punch he wrote the " Snob Papers," and much else. To this part of his life belong the Paris, Irish, and Eastern Sketch-books and some of his Christmas-books. There was much good work in these earlier writings of Thackeray.* " Barry Lyndon " is as good a thing as * We should give a terribly incomplete picture of Thackeray if we made no reference to his verse. He wrote enough to make up a good-sized little volume, and a delightful volume it is. Instead of speaking aboiit it, let us quote from one of the best of them all, and also give another entire. We are sorry we can not reproduce more : THACKERAY. 261 he ever wrote. "The Yellowplush Papers" and the Bur- lesques have as true a ring of genuine humor as any "THE CANE-BOTTOMED CHAIE. " In tattered old slippers that toast at tlie bars, And a ragged old jacket perfumed with cigars, Away from the world and its, toils and its cares, I've a snug little kingdom up four pair of stairs. " To mount to this realm is a toil, to be sure. But the fire there Is bright and the air rather pure ; And the view I behold on a sunshiny day Is grand through the chimney-pots over the way. " This snug little chamber is cramm'd in all nooks "With worthless old knickknacks and silly old books. And foolish old odds and foolish old ends, Crack'd bargains from brokers, cheap keepsakes from friends. " Old armor, prints, pictures, pipes, china (all crack'd). Old rickety tables, and chairs broken-backed, A two-penny treasury, wondrous to see ; What matter? 'tis pleasant to you, friend, and me." The poem goes on with lines full as fascinating as these, but we can not put in any more. We will only add one other extract, that seems to us as fine a d'.inking lyrii as we know of,— except the song about "Martin Hannigan's Aunt," that we read of in one of Lever's novels : "LAERT O'TOOLE. " You've all heard of Larry O'Toole, Of the beautiful town of Drumgoole ; He had but one eye To ogle ye by— Oh, murtuer, but that was a jew'l, A fool He made of de girls, dis O'Toole. " 'Twas he was the boy didn't fail, That tuck down pataties and mail ; He never would shrink Erom any strong dthrink. Was it whiskey or Drogheda {drW gM da) ale ; I'm bail This Larry would swallow a pail. " Oh, many a night at the bowl, With Larry I've sot cheek by jowl ; He's gone to his rest, ^Vhere there's dthrink of the best. And so let us give his old sowl A howl, Eor 'twas he made the noggin to rowl.'' 262 PROSE WRITEES. thing else he ever did. But tliey did not make him a general reputation. Dickens was twenty-five when he sprang at once into favor with " Pickwick," " Oliver Twist," and "Nicholas Nickleby." Thackeray was thirty- five and had written for years when he made his first great success in " Vanity Fair." In 1846 appeared the first number of "Vanity Fair,'' a long novel, to be published in monthly parts. It was by this that Thackeray first made for himself a really great reputation. He was previously well known by many as a clever and brilliant writer in Fraser and in Punch. He had published various stories and books of sketches, and Christmas-books. " Vanity Fair " was his first long novel. It stands rather by itself ; it is a com- pendium of Thackeray's so-called cynicism — a primer of his philosophy. No other of his novels has so much of his philosophy, pure and simple. It is little more than a study of character, — the plot is of the slightest. The constant theme seems to be how stupid and ridiculous are the good, how clever and successful ai"e the bad, and yet how plain it must be to every one that the bad do not always prosper, and that the good probably enjoy being stupid and ridiculous, and so that every thing is well enough. Thackeray is remorseless in " Vanity Fair." There is no good trait in Becky, only cleverness and wickedness ; there is no mercy for Amelia, she must be plain and slow, though good and loving. Even the hero, who is truly good and noble, who waits and waits, pa- tiently befriending the woman he loves, till she will marry him, even he, because he is good, must be ridic- ulous, otherwise why is he called Dobbin? The general run of the world of "Vanity Fair," is bad, and those who are good hardly get their deserts. To many this is THACKERAY. 263 the best of Thackeray's books, — to us the few touches of real tenderness, make even the "Shabby Q-enteel Story" seem better. At about this time Thackeray, being at last in a good position, moved from Kensington, where he had been hving, got him a good house in Onslow Square, and set- tled himself as comfortably as might be. But his family life was not of the happiest, poor man. He had married some time before (183 7), and had three daughters, whom he dearly loved. But his married life was made wi^etched by the illness of his wife, and it was finally too apparent that she was losing her mind. And in a few years it seemed best for her to live quietly with one who under- stood her and would care for her. Thackeray had a pleasant enough position among the literary and social world of London. He was known and liked by the lit- erary men. He was a favorite at dinners. He was always full of spontaneous humor, but he was never without, as it seems, a sort of hidden melancholy.* * Thackeray was not a great conversationalist, at least not in general com- pany. Indeed, he is one of those whom we always picture to ourself as mingling in the world rather more as a spectator than actor, as listening to the conversation of others rather more than talking himself. But, as would perhaps be imagined, he was in the company of two or three friends very delightful and charming company. G-ood things were perpetually coming from his lips, and his pen was not infrequently employed in concocting doggerel rhymes upon occasion. Mr. Anthony Trollope preserves the following : "In the romantic little town of Highbury, My father kept a circulating library. He followed in his youth that man immortal, who Conquered the Prenchmen on the plains of Waterloo. Mamma was an inhabitant of Drogheda, Very good she was to darn and embroider. In the famous Island of Jamaica, !Por thirty years I've been a sugar-baker, And here I sit, the Muses' 'appy vot'ry, A oultivatin' every kind of pot'ry." ITotMng very great aU this, but amusing, and indicative of a happy turn for conversational humor. 264 PROSE WRITERS. In the course of the next three years, Thackeray wrote what are to us the most pleasing of his novels, — " Pendennis," "Esmond," and "The Newcomes." " Pen- dennis," unrivaled as the story of a young man ; " Es- mond," certainly his best in plot and in its art. though we can not take to the characters, or to the life which it portrays, as we do to the others; and "The Newcomes," the story of Ethel and of the Colonel. "Pendennis" is, it is true, a rambling sort of story ; very little plot to it. There is nothing of the direct attention paid to the de- nouement (dg nc5o'm6ng), which we see in more carefully conceived novels. But then life is not a carefully con- ceived romance, which goes on to the end of the third volume, and then takes a round turn and leaves off. The plot of " Pendennis " bears very much the relation to the conventional plot of a novel, that Pendennis himself bears to the conventional hero. But both are more triie to Nature — neither is perfect, nor is life. The story of Pendennis, and the character of the man himself, are both bits of life. And what fine characters are in the book, — the Major, Captain Costigan, The Fotheringay (foth er ing ga'), Mr. Foker, Ned Strong, Blanche Amory, Lady Clavering, Laura Pendennis, and G-eorge Warring- ton, as well as Arthur Pendennis himself. It is no galaxy of angels ; there is as much bad as good, or more, but indisputably life-like. As for "Esmond," it is a bit different. "Pendennis" and " The Newcomes " are near enough our own life for us to note the closeness of the drawing; "Esmond" is the picture of a century and a half, or more, ago. There is nothing that seems unnatural, but it is farther from us. Thackeray was well read in the literature of Queen Anne's (anz) day. He was by no naeans so much at THACKERAY. 265 home in the days of Ehzabeth and the Armada (ar ma'dai, or of Cavaher and Roundhead, as in the days of Marl- borough (mai'bpiih) and the Chevaher (shev a ler') of St. James, of Addison and Swift. Very probably the reading which he did for his course of lectures on the English Humorists, suggested the idea of writing " Esmond." But his fondness for the time began long before. " George de Barnwell" is as good a bit of burlesque as any of the others, and in " Catherine Hayes " he found a period in which he loved to work. He lingers more lovingly over the wits of Queen Anne's day in his " Humorists," and the reign of George the First is the best of his second set of Lectures. But in "Esmond" he surpasses himself; not only did he strive to give the air of the period to the work, but he aimed at the language and style of the period, and hit it well. There are, indeed, those who think the mannerism never left him. The style, then, of " Esmond " is nearly perfect. The plot is more complete and artistic than his plots usually are, and many call the book his very best. But to many it is uninteresting. To us it seems as good an historical novel as we can imagine. The characters are romantic, not life-like ; the surroundings are the same, as far as we are concerned. The impression can not be one of reality, such as produced by an every-day story like " Pendennis," or " The Newcomes." In this last, Thackeray, though beginning a new book, takes up some of his old characters, as he loves to do. "The Newcomes" is a continuation of "Pendennis," in the same way that " The Virginians " is a continuation of " Esmond." To us it has the same beauties and the same faults as its predecessor. It has no more plot, but it has as much life. But what grieves us a little in " The New- 266 PEOSEWRITERS. comes" is, that life is a little more bitter, a little darker, than in " Pendennis." In 1851, Thackeray turned his attention to a new plan, which Dickens afterward took up in a little different shape. He delivered in Willis' Rooms, in London (for- merly Almack's), a series of six lectures, called " The English Humorists." He gave them afterward in the provinces, as the expression is, and made two trips to America, where he delivered them again. He wrote no book about the country on his return. Beside his original lectures on " The English Humorists," he wrote a second set, "The Four Q-eorges," hardly so interesting as the first, we should say, or so successful. There was this difference between Thackeray's lectures and Dickens'. Dickens read selections from his own works, while Thack- eray wrote his lectures on purpose. Those who heard them, probably, enjoyed Dickens the more ; but we, who had not that pleasure, are probably more grateful that Thackeray should have lectured than that Dickens should. For these lectures are delightful reading. They are not history. They do not set down all the battles fought in the reign of Q-eorge the First, nor all the books written by Jonathan Swift the Great ; but in a charmingly sym- pathetic manner, they give us a picture of the men, or the time, which they have as subjects. There are few essays on literary or historical subjects that are more delightful reading. In 1867, Thackeray stood for the University of Ox- ford, in the Parliamentary election of that year. He was not elected, and probably it was quite as well that he was not. Disraeli (diz ra'le), Bulwer (bdt)l'^A^er), and Justin McCarthy are the Parliamentary novelists whose names we recall at this moment, and delightful as their works THACKERAY. 267 are, we are glad that " The Virginians," " The Adventures of Philip," and "The Roundabout Papers" should not have been written in time snatched from duty on com- mittees, or in the House. "The Virginians," which Thackeray published next, is a resumption of the story of " Esmond." We know how Thackeray loved to talk over the same characters in all his different novels ; you hear of Lord Steyne (Stan), not only in "Vanity Pair," but in "Pendennis." Pen himself and Warrington may be found in " The Newcomes" and in "Philip." So Thackeray pleased him- self by connecting " Esmond " with the later books. The Virginians, grandsons of Henry Esmond, are named Warrington, and who should they be brtt ancestors of the same old G-eorge Warrington, who used to sit up in Chambers with Pen, and smoke a pipe and drink porter. We fancy that his characters became so real to him that, long after the particular novel was done, he found him- self thinking of them, and wondering what they might be doing. " The Virginians "is a rambling story, — has no especial plot, — but it is as good reading as one can want. The two Virginians, Q-eorge and Harry Warrington, the brilliant life at Tunbridge and London, Theo and Hetty Lambert, Parson Sampson, the life of the prodigal at London with my Lord March, — are they not things that we could read over and over, again and again ? " The Virginians " ran for two years, and ended in 1859. In that year, began the Cornhill Magazine, a new venture, of which Thackeray was to be the editor. The magazine succeeded admirably, and we may all of us be thankful that it did so ; for in it, Thackeray published " The Roundabout Papers," on different subjects, as they came into his head. More delightful essays were, to our 268 PROSE WRITERS. thinking, never written. Even the Essays of Eha seem to us to be hardly so charming. Here, too, was pub- Hshed "Lovel the Widower." And in the CornhiU Maga- zine Thackeray published his last completed long novel, "The Adventures of Philip on his Way Through the World." Thackeray brings in some of our old friends. There is that "Shabby G-enteel Story," he wrote some time since. The Little Sister and the wild young Bran- don appear in Philip. So, also, Arthur Pendennis and Laura. "Philip" is, by no means, Thackeray's best. In ■ fact, it is his least good ; but there is so much in it that we could not bear to be without, that no one can call it his worst. In 1862, Thackeray moved into a great new house he had built for himself ; but he lived there only a little more than a year. On the morning before Christmas, his man, bringing in his morning coffee, found him lying quietly in his bed, having died before the morning. He had been unwell only for a few days, and then not seriously. The immediate cause of his death was effu- sion on the brain. He had not seemed in ill-health ; but his nearer friends had, for some time, noticed with pain that he was not in the very best of health.* * " He went out Wednesday for a little, and came home a^t ten. He went to his room, suffering much, hut declining his man's offer to sit with Mm. He hated to make others suffer. He was heard moaning, as if in pain, ahout twelve on the eve of Christmas morning. Then all was quiet, and then he must have died— in a moment. Next morning his man went in and, opening the windows, found his master dead, his arms hehind his head, as if he had tried to take one more breath. We think of him as of our Chalmers ; found dead in like manner : the same child-Uke, unspoiled, open face ; the same gentle mouth ; the same spa- ciousness and softness of nature ; the same look of power. What a thing to think of,— his lying there, alone in the dark, in the midst of his own mighty London ; his mother and his daughters asleep, and, it may be, dreaming of his goodness, Q-od help them and us all I "—John Brown, DICKKNS. 1818-18T0. IT is always said that to get a fair idea of the child- hood of Charles Dickens, the easiest way is to read "David Copperfield."* There is, in truth, much in "David Copperfleld" that is drawn from Dickens' own life. Take it word for word, and the two do not run together ; but what is important, the atmosphere of the two is just the same. Dickens lived a hard and miserable life for not a few years in his youth, a life not unlike David's, though incident rarely matches with incident in the two stories. He was born February 7, 1812, at Landport, in Port- sea, the second son of John and Elizabeth Dickens. His father, who had a place in the Government Naval Office, was in a year or so ordered to London, and then to Chatham, where Dickens passed much of his boyhood. When he was nine years old, however, his family moved back to London, and his troubles began. His father's pay was cut down, the family constantly became poorer *We may read in Foster's "Life of Charles Dickens," an autobiographic bit cominiinicated to the author by Dickens himself, which shows how closely the beginning of David Copperfield followed the experiences of his own childhood. Dickens' father, the improvident, shiftless, and cheerful prototype of Micawber, was in the Marshalsea Prison, and Dickens himself was employed in Jonathan Warren's blacking warehouse. The hard work, the small pay, and the strange companions that David had while he pasted labels over the beer bottles, were drawn from the experiences of the author himself, as he pasted labels over blacking bottles. Mrs. Micawber's boarding-place, where David lived, was drawn from Dickens' own miserable lodging. On Sundays, the poor fellow used to go and visit his father and family in the prison. Dickens never forgot this hard begin- ning of his life. It is said that he never mentioned any portion of it till he gave the piece of autobiography alluded U). to Foster, 270 PROSE WRITERS. and poorer. The employment in the bottle place (they were really blacking bottles, not beer bottles), the school life, the Doctors Commons experiences, the parliament- ary reporting for the daily papers which we remem- ber in "David Copperfield," are all bits of Dickens' own boyhood. The parliamentary reporting seems to have been the most serious of his occupations. He began in 1831, and three years later he became one of the report- ing staff of the Morning Chronicle* But before this, he made his first attempt at the great occupation of his life. The Monthly Magazine in Decem- ber, 1833, published his first story. He sent them many more in the next year or so, signed generally " Boz " (boz). The Monthly Magaziiie did not pay, but Dickens was fortunate enough to get an engagement with the Evening Chronicle to supply them with sketches, in addition to his reporting for the morning edition. He received seven guineas a week, and was well off. In the early part of 183 6, Dickens collected his "Sketches by Boz," and sold the copyright. And, a little later, in April, appeared the first number of the " Posthu- mous Papers of the Pickwick Club," edited by Boz, to be published in monthly parts. Chapman & Hall, a young firm, were the publishers, and Dickens had agreed to sup- * Readers of "David Copperfield" will remember the difficulties David had in learning short-hand, "the changes that were run on dots, which In such a position meant such a thing and in such another position something else entirely different," the mock parliament made up of Traddles, Mr. Dick, and Miss Betsy Trotwood, wherein David sought to prove himself. Later on, David progressed more favorably. "I have tamed that savage stenographic mystery," says he. "I make a re- spectable income by it. I am in high repute for my accomplishment in all pertain- ing to the art, and am joined with eleven others in reporting the debates in Parliament for a morning newspaper. * * * I have come out in another way. I have taken with fear and trembling to authorship. I wrote a little something in secret, and sent it to a magazine, and it was published in the magazine. Since then I have taken heart to write a good many trifling pieces, Now I am regularly paid for them. Altogether I am well off," BICKEKS. 271 ply a series of sketches, to hang together in a measure, on the adventures of a Nimrod Chib (as the idea was at first), the parts to have illustrations by Mr. Seymour. Mr. Seymour died by his own hand before the second number appeared, but the publication was continued. Before the first number came out, however, "Sketches by Boz," with illustrations by Cruikshank (krd&k' shank), had come out, and was well received. Shortly after the first number of "Pickwick," Dickens married Catherine Hogarth, the daughter of a comrade of his among the reporters. " Pickwick " was to run some time. Before it was finished, Dickens began to write for Bentley's Magazine his first real novel, for " Pickwick " never pretended to be a connected story. "Oliver Twist" is a wonderful piece of work for a young man of twenty- flve. So his hands were full at the beginning of 183 7. He did other literary work too, rather of a hack nature, and had no sooner finished " Pickwick " than he at once entered into an agreement with Chapman & Hall whereby he agreed to write another work of similar character and similar extent to "Pickwick," to be ready in the spring of the next year. This was "Nicholas Nickleby," which began in April, 1838, and ran in monthly numbers for about a year and a half. So these first novels of his sandwiched together. "Oliver Twist" began as "Pickwick" drew toward a close, and before "Oliver" was done he had begun on "Nicholas Nickleby." He had also agreed with Bentley, in whose magazine " Oliver Twist " was appearing, to produce a new story, "Barnaby Rudge," in the November of the year in which "Nicholas Nickleby" began. This, he felt, however, would be too much for him. He made an arrangement by which " Barnaby Rudge " should follow ^72 PROSE WRITERS. on immediately after the completion of "Oliver Twist." But even this he could not manage. Barnaby and his career pursued him in his thoughts for some time, but it was long before he could put them into definite shape. As "Nicholas Nickleby" closed, Dickens had some doubts as to whether it was for the best to begin at once on a new novel, to be published in the same way. "Pick- wick" and "Nickleby" had been published in twenty monthly numbers, and Dickens had an idea that the public might not take kindly to a third. So for his next work was planned "Master Humphrey's Clock," which was to be a sort of narration, of which "the best general idea might be given, perhaps," the agreement runs, "by reference to the Spectator, the Tatler, and Q-oldsmith's Bee. I should propose to start, as the Spectator does, with some pleasant fiction relative to the origin of the publica- tion ; to introduce a little club, or knot of characters, and to carry their personal histories and proceedings through the work ; to introduce fresh characters ; to re-introduce Mr. Pickwick and Sam Weller ; and in this framework to introduce stories, essays, and so on." But only a few numbers were written on this plan, and his work finally drifted into the novel of the " Old Curiosity Shop," which ran its course, and was succeeded at once by " Barnaby Eudge." At the end of this last, " Master Humphrey's Clock" stopped. Dickens had for some time had America in his mind. He had a great constituency there, a multitude of ad- mirers, and with a feeling which seems to have been with him through life, he longed to -see the people for whom he wrote. And for other reasons, too, he finally determined to make the trip, and also to write a book about the country when he got back, and to sell it for DICKERS. 2 7S half a guinea. He wished to take with him his wife and family ; but his children were finally left at home. He sailed for America, and, after a bad passage, arrived at Halifax on the 2 2d of January, and reached Boston on the 28 th. He was greeted with the wildest enthusiasm. We will not follow him through the country (he saw much of the great cities of the East, South, and West), but simply say that he came home in the beginning of the summer, by way of Canada. After he arrived home, he published his " American Notes," by which his various and many friends on this side the water must have felt that he returned a very pretty compliment to their warm and really hearty greet- ing to him. However, words break no bones, and no one need read the "American Notes" who doesn't want to. Fortunately, the condition of the country which he de- scribed with such plainness exists now only in rather re- mote spots ; in fact, the book is, on the whole, out of date. With "Martin Chuzzlewit," of which the first number was published about six months after his return, the case is a bit different, for it is as characteristic a novel as Dickens ever wrote, though not the best, by any means. The satire on the Americans is, however, rather too savage to suit our taste, and we fear the novel will never be appreciated in this country at its true worth.* * The question as to how far Dickens was justified in his vigorous attack on American manners and customs is hardly one which we need to handle. Un- doubtedly Dickens was warmly and enthusiastically received in this country, and was treated in as kindly and hospitable manner as his American friends knew how. In the face of this it seems a bit ungrateful to return to England and send out such showers of sarcasm as may be found in the two books written im- mediately after his tour. But America is a large country. Undoubtedly Dickens was in a great degree just in his criticism on the remote parts which he visited, and in a measure just enough in his stricture on society in general. He could not help perceiving material for humorous criticism in the people at large, and the fact that a large number of them had been particularly kind to him, 274 PROSE WRITERS. He loved to move about, did Dickens, and it is hard to keep tlie run of him in so short a sketch as this. After returning from America, he was much abroad, saw Italy, and lived in Q-enoa for some little time. But before leaving for Italy he wrote the " Christmas Carol," and published it about Christmas time in the year 1843. This, the first of those delightful Christmas stories, was a great success. Dickens seems to come nearer than any other to being the embodiment of our idea of the spirit of the real old English Christmas, wath the beef and plum-pudding and the snap-dragon. The "Carol" was followed the next two years by the " Chimes," and the "Battle of Life," and the "Cricket on the Hearth," and later by the " Haunted Man." Coming back from his house at Genoa, Dickens took hold of the Daily News, a new daily paper, of which he was to be the chief editor. But he was not cut out for a journalist — his experiences in the press were chiefly reportorial — and Dickens was connected with it for only a short time. He was glad to be free from the confining duties of the editor of a great daily, and flitting over to the Continent, he passed up the Rhine, and settled himself at Lausanne (lo zan'). There he spent the summer, went home by way of Paris, and was in London again in 1847. "Dombey and Son" was being published, the first number having come out in October, 1846. In the year 1848, while "Dombey" was still coming out, occurred perhaps the greatest of the numerous "private theatricals,"* if that be a proper name for such was in his eyes no reason why he should abstain from criticising the rest of tlie nation. * Dickens was very fond of the stage, and of the whole theatrical profession. His books are filled with kindly specimens from the many steps of the ladder. DICKEITS. 275 very public performances, which Dickens dearly loved all his life. There was in his nature a very close affinity to the dramatic at all bimes ; many of his characters are " stagey," or farcical, many of his situations are highly dramatic, and not a few of his novels have furnished the plots for good plays. So all through Dickens' life we find that one of his chief delights was to be stage manager of private theatricals. On this occasion, they were got up on a grand scale for the relief of Leigh (le) Hunt, who was then in destitute circumstances. Ben Jonson's comedy, "Every Man in his Humor," was given, with Dickens himself, Douglas Jerrold, Mark Lemon, John Leech, George Oruikshank, and others in the company. Bulwer supplied a prologue to be spoken at Liverpool, and Talfourd (ta^A^r fCird) wrote one for Man- chester. They realized a pretty sum for Hunt, and Dickens conceived the idea of writing an account of the expedition from the point of view of Mrs. Sairy Gramp, who, he was pleased to imagine, accompanied "the party unbeknown, in a second-class carriage — ' in case.' " But he never followed this up. All this time Dickens was vigorously at work at "Dombey"; and shortly after its completion, in spite of all his duties and pleasures, he found time to write another novel — a novel which he loved best of all that he ever wrote — a novel which a majority of his readers would agree on as being his best. Undoubtedly one of the reasons that he looked so fondly on " David Cop- Macready {mnh re' di) and I'echter (fish'ter) were intimate friends of his, and he must have been well known to many of less eminence. As we have said, he had a great turn for acting himself, and it is always said that he acted remarkably well. His line was especially for melodrama and farce, it seems, and the theatrical characters of his books are usually exponents of this branch of the profession. But all ranks of theatrical life were dear to him, even down to Mrs. Jarley's wax- work show. 2 76 Prose WKiTERt?. perfield," was because of the autobiographic parts, the. bits of his own life that he put into it. But beside this, there is so much in the book, it is so many-sided, so multifold, and yet withal so well and skillfully blended, that the plot can in no way be seriously ob- jected to. The story of Little Em'ly might stand alone ; there is the episode of David and his young child-wife, and yet both are so well wrought into the whole story. It is a compromise between the old narrative of inci- dent after incident, the reminiscence of Fielding and Dickens' old favorite, Smollett, between this and the more complete story which he wrote so well when he told "A Tale of Two Cities." The story interests us, as well as each separate in- cident and each separate character. Yet, what characters they are — Micawber (ml kaw'ber), Uriah Heep, Traddles, Agnes, Betsy Trotwood, Dora, Peggotty, Steerforth, Mr. Peggotty, Little Em'ly, and David himself, all so natural, real, life-like, that one almost wonders that Dickens could have constrained himself, as for once in his life, to produce nothing that was utterly and only grotesque. Following " David Copperfield " came " Bleak House," another great book, though scarcely so agreeable as its immediate predecessor. More popular than "Copperfield," however, at the time, so its author chronicles. But in " Bleak House " Dickens fell into what all his admirers must regret, as he, himself, regretted it. Lawrence Boy- thorn and Harold Skimpole were at once recognized as drawn from the life. Walter Savage Landor could hardly have been offended, for although there were absurdities in Lawrence Boythorn, they merely served to make more attractive an agreeable character. But Harold Skimpole! Hunt was deeply grieved, and with reasoa t)ICKENS. 277 And with equal reason was Dickens sincerely sorry that he should have thoughtlessly injured a man whom he had never known, save as a warm friend. Shortly after " Copperfield " was published, Dickens had reverted to his old idea for a periodical. He would have started again something after the fashion of " Master Humphrey's Clock." A weekly journal, he thought, should contain part original and part selected matter. " Now, to bind all this together, and to get a character estab- lished, as it were, which any of the writers may main- tain without difficulty, I want to suppose a certain shadow, which may go into any place, by sunlight, moonlight, starlight, firelight, candlelight, and be in all homes and all nooks and corners, and be supposed to be cognizant of every thing. It presents an odd, unsub- stantial, whimsical, new thing, a sort of previously un- thought-of power going about. I want to express in the title that it is the thing at everybody's elbow and in everybody's footsteps. At the window, by the fire, in the street, in the house, from infancy to old age, every one's inseparable companion." He could not get his idea into a concrete shape, but it remains in the name. Household Words, of the magazine of which the first number appeared March 30, 1850. About this time comes "A Child's History of England," a curious little history, very well for children whose parents desire them to imbibe the views Dickens hap- pened to possess, but hardly so for others. "Bleak House" was ended in September, 1853. The next year saw the beginning of " Hard Times," and the year 1855, of "Little Dorrit." Both books written with a purpose — the one called forth by the evils in the cotton- spinning towns near Manchester; the other, by the evils 278 PROSE WRITEES. of the Circumlocution OfSce in the Crimean War. * But neither, we thinly, was equal to his former books, where he gave himself up only to telhng his story, to being funny or pathetic, to making his characters exist before the readers. The " Tale of Two Cities " came next, a book of rather a different kind from the rest of Dickens' books. It is a capital novel — there are few of Dickens' books of which this could not be said justly — and by many held to be the best thing he ever wrote. It is more serious ; it certainly proves that Dickens could do something more than make his hearers laugh. In the course of the next year was published " Great Expectations," and shortly afterward " Our Mutual Friend." We can hardly go here in detail into even a small part of the incidents of such a life as Dickens'. We must note, however, a few of the important matters. In the year 1858, occurred several things of importance. In April of that year, Dickens gave the first series of his Public Readings from his works. This was a favorite project of his ; he had often read from his works for charities, but he had never before undertaken readings for his own profit. He by no means needed the money, but he seems to have longed for something of the sort to use up some of his inordinate energy, to get face to face with those for whom he wrote, as well perhaps as to * The evils of oflacial red tape in the English Q-overnment were brought to light in a fearful manner by the shocking and miserable failure of the commis- sary department in the Crimean War. It is hardly possible to imagine the hard- ships and miseries undergone by the wretched men of the British army encamped before Sebastopol (s? has' to put). Whether Dickens' satire of it, in " Little Dorrit," had an effect we can hardly say. But it was most certainly written with a glow of generous indignation. Dickens was somewhat taken to task for this attack, and defended himself in Household Words. There can be little doubt, however, that the satire was in the right direction, in accordance with facts, and therefore beneficial. DICKENS. 279 direct his attention from painful things in his private life. For in the same year, shortly after his first reading, Dickens separated from his wife, and henceforth they lived apart. Dickens felt the whole thing keenly ; no one was to blame, was his view, but he and his wife could not live happily, and the matrimonial experiment had turned out a miserable failure. At this time, too, he purchased his famous place at Grad's Hill, in Kent, well known to the readers of Henry IV. And the year after- ward his magazine, Hoiosehold Words, was discontinued and a new one, to be called All the Year Round, was started. There was little difference in the two, but there had arisen certain misunderstandings in the management of Household Words, and it was thought for the best to wipe off the slate and begin again. Dickens continued his readings for several years. He had four series,— one in 1858, one in 1861, one in 1866. In 1867, came his second American tour. Here were Dickens' old friends and many new ones. The "American Notes" and "Martin Chiizzlewit" were forgotten by the Americans, and Dickens himself saw the necessity of revising first impressions. He returned home in 186 8. When Dickens returned home, he was by no means the man he had been five years before. Fatigue and anxiety, excitement and hard work, had told on him, and he was worn, and by no means in strong health and good spirits. Nevertheless, he began on a new series of Readings,* introducing into them a fearful description * Even during his second American tour, Dickens felt his readings somewhat too much for him. He describes himself as being often " so dead beat," at the close of a reading, " that they lay me down on a sofa, after I have been washed and dressed, and I lie there extremely faint, for a quarter of an hour." He says, also, that he was very sleepless at night. He had some ailment in his foot, which was greatly irritated by the continual standing necessary in his lecturing. His 280 P R S E W R I T E R S . of Nancy's murder, in " Oliver Twist." It wore upon him greatly. During the last few readings, he was forced to have medical assistance. The end came at last, and he died June 9, 1870, leaving unfinished the work then on his hands, "The Mystery of Edwin Drood."* readings were not infrequently of a very exhausting character. After his read- ing of the murder of Nanoy, from "Oliver Twist," he was as tired as though he had gone through a hard day's work. In spite of all this, he kept up his read- ings (though they were by no means a pecuniary necessity) until he utterly and entirely broke down. * It would be pleasant if we could say more on the jjersonal relations of Dickens with the other great English novelist of his time, Thackeray {thdk' e n). Each was a warm and sincere admirer of the genius of the other, though they utterly differed from each other in their style and in their lines of thought. Thackeray was often warm in praise of Dickens (his tribute in " Pendennis " to Dickens' works will occur to all his readers), and at other times he referred to his supposed rival in the most becoming and appreciative manner. Dickens, though he was not frequent in his remarks on Thackeray, during the life-time of the great novelist, contributed to the ComhiU a most "kind and unstinting tribute of admiration " after his death. They were never intimate personal friends, but, we believe, there was never any disagreement between theixi, rumor to the con- trary notwithstanding. In regard to Dickens' daily habits, the following is of interest : "He was an early riser, if for no other reason, because every man in whose work imagination plays its part, must sometimes be alone ; and Dickens has told us that there was to him something incomparably solemn in the still solitude of the morning. But it was onlj' exceptionally, and when hard-pressed by the necessities of his literary labors, that he wrote before breakfast; in general, he was contented with the ordinary working hours of the morning, not often writing after luncheon, and, except in early life, never in the evening. Ordinarily, when engaged on a work of fiction, he considered three of his not very large MS. pages a good, and four an excellent, day's work ; and, while very careful in making his corrections clear and unmistakable, he never rewrote what a morning's labor had ultimately produced. On the other hand, he was frequently slow in beginning a story, being, as he himself says, affected by something like despondency at such times, or, as he elsewhere humorously puts it, ' going round and round the idea, as you see a bird in his cage go about and about his sugar before he touches it.' A temperate liver, he was, at the same time, a zealous devotee of bodily exercise. ' He was fond of riding, but walking was his particular exercise. He must have walked all over London many times, joining to the physical pleasure he always derived from the exercise, a species of mental photography of any thing quaint or curious in the scenes through which he passed.' 'But the walks he loved best were long stretches on the cliffs, or across the downs by the sea, where, following the track of his " breathes," one half expects to meet him coming along against the wind at four and a half miles an hour, the very embodiment of energy and brimful of lifC;' " COMPOSERS. Handel. Baeh. Schubert Haydn. Chopin. Mendelssohn. BAG H . Ir>85-1T50. We would better say here a few words on a subject which will present itself to us in the lives of all the great composers of the eighteenth century. That is in regard to the political system of Ger- many, as far as it affected the musical development of the country. Germany was politically very different from France, England, or Italy, and for a long time had been so. France had gradually grown into a kingdom, in which Paris and the Court were utterly overshadowing, and the power of the monarch destroyed the indi- viduality of the nobles. In England, the nobles as a body were, at this time, the chief holders of j)ower, but no one of them was indi- vidually great — they were great as an order. Italy and Germany differed from these two, and from each other. Italy was composed of small States, grown up around the large towns once republics, to which the Papal dominions and the kingdom of the two Sicilies should be added. Germany, or the Empire, was, till 1870, an aggregation of many hereditary principalities and of various free cities. Prussia and Austria were the largest and most important of its members during the eighteenth century, but their importance was by no means overshadowing, except politically. There were electorates, archbishoprics, bishoprics, grand duchies, principalities, margraviates, landgraviates, and so on, without number. And each elector, archbishop, and bishop down to the smallest landgrave, felt that he was by birth, tl ough perhaps no( in power, the equal of any other prince in Germany. Therefore, to keep up the dignity of his position, it was necessary that each princekin should have his fully appointed court, as though he were the Emperor him- self. Hence at every electoral or grand ducal court, must be a capelle (ka pel'), and a capellmeister (ka pel'mTs ter). This was naturally not so in France or England. In France, the nobles were (in the time of Louis XIV. and later) nothing more than ornaments of the great Court at Versailles (ver salz'), rather than the centers of little Courts of their own. And, in England, the effect was the same, though for different reasons. The great 282 COMPOSERS. nobles were great as a body; individually they were, by no means, such supreme lords as were their German contemporaries. Hence, there was in Germany and in Italy, during the eighteenth century, a held for musicians, which did not exist in Trance or England. Handel (han'del), in England, fought his way with his Operas and his Oratorios, through the ups and downs of popular favor and disfavor. Haydn (ha'dn), in his visits to London, relied entirely on the public patronage of his concerts. Contrast this with the lot of composers in Germany at the same time. Bach (bak), at the very beginning of his career, was received into the musical service of first one, then another of the German princes, and later was musical director of one of the great free towns, while no less than twenty of his near kindred held positions as capellmeisters, cantors (kan'torz), or town musicians all over Germany. Handel was made capellmeister to the Elector of Brunswick. Haydn to Prince Esterhazy (es' ter ha ze). Mozart's (mo zartz') father was subdirector of the chapel of the Archbishop of Salzburg (sa-wlts'- burg), and Mozart himself, had he lived longer, would have longer enjoyed his titles of Imperial Court Composer and Capellmeister of St. Stephen's. Beethoven's (ba' to venz) grandfather was capell- meister to the Archbishop of Cologne (ko Ion'), and Beethoven himself was sought by the King of Westphalia (west fa' 11 a). These are only a few examples from the multitude which exist to show how great were the opportunities in Germany, for a musician, to obtain position and the leisure necessary to a great composer. It was not till, with the nineteenth century, the public stepped into the place formerly held by the patron, that England or Trance produced any great composers. JOHANN SEBASTIAN (yO haiV sebast'yan) BACH was one of a family which ha( . followed music as a profession for many generations. Probably further back than we can trace, there were musical talent and skill in the family. Certain it is that, beginning with Hans (hanz) Bach (about 1625), the carpet-weaver, there were few in the family who had not some taste for music, and some skill in playing. His father, Veit (vit) Bach, was a baker and a miller, and played upon the cithara (sith'a ra). Hans himself was given a musical education ; and his sons, BACH. 283 his brother, and his nephews, as a rule, were musical as well. But even at this early time, the Bachs were scat- tered over Q-ermany, forming a sort of musical guild. They kept up their intercourse, intermarried, assisted each other in difficulties; the sons of one branch learnt their art of the elders of another. Every-where through the seventeenth century, there were in G-ermany capell- meisters, choir-masters, organists, cantors, court musi- cians, town musicians, or choir boys of the name of Bach. Not a few, as the custom was, composed not a little for the choirs, or orchestras, or instruments over which they presided. Johann Sebastian was born at Eisenach (i' zen ak) in 1685— on the 21st of March, Old Style. His father was Johann Ambrosiiis, who played the viol in the town band at Eisenach. His grandfather was Christoph (kres'- tof), town musician of Erfurt (er'fdbrt) and of Arnstadt (arn'stat), who was the son of the before-mentioned Hans. Others of his immediate relations had held more lofty positions in the musical world. Johann Sebastian learned of his father to play on the viol, but both of his parents died while he was yet a child, and he was taken charge of by his brother, some years older than himself, who was town organist in Ohr- druf (or'drdbf). Here he received much of his education.* * They tell a story of Bach in his youth which is very characteristic of the man's later devotion to study. His brother put before him such pieces of music as he thought fit for him, but these Bach mastered with ease, and desired more. There was in particular a certain manuscript which Johann Christoph kept care- fully shut up behind a lattice. Sebastian could see it through the wires of the book-case, but he was not allowed to take it. So he would get up on moonlight nights and pull it between the wires and read it. Mnally, he copied It all off so as to use it. It took him six months or more. The melancholy part of the story is that his brother, on finding him with his hardly-made copy, took it away from him. It is said that Bach injured his eyes by this working by moonlight, and that his blindness later in life came partially from these youthful labors. 284 COMPOSERS. He learned Latin and Q-reek at the Lyceum (it se' am), learned at home to play on the Clavichord, and at school to sing the music in the church choir. At fifteen, Bach left Ohrdruf, and traveled with a friend to Luneburg (la' neh burg), where they joined the choir of the School of St. Michael, for boys from Thuringia (thu rin'ji a) were especially sought for on account of their musical training, as well as their un- usually fine voices. Here he applied himself almost entirely to musical studies. He was not rich enough to continue his other studies beyond the routine of the school, and he gave up his time to music. He learned much of the organ and of choral singing here. But principally he worked on the organ, and became a fine performer, beside learning much about the instru- ment. He left Luneburg at eighteen years of age, and for a short time held a place in the band of Prince Johann Ernst at Weimar (vi'msr). He did not stay here long; for happening to visit the town of Arnstadt, he found one of the churches about to choose an organist, and offering himself as a candidate, his skill was considered by the burghers such as to warrant engaging him at once upon a salary which was very large for the time and place. It does not appear that his labors here were very great, or such as to gain for him a very broad reputa- tion. He did little beyond the regular work of the posi- tion, which was small, and spent the remainder of his time chiefly in studying by himself. How much he composed at this time, it is hard to say; for in after- years, he very carefully went over the work done here, and probably much more work was done than is now BACH. 285 left to us. There are several instrumental compositions which show very plainly the influence he was under of Dietrich Buxtehude (de' trlk bdbks ta iiu' de), a Danish organist settled in Lubeck (lu'bek), whom Bach visited, and from whom he learned much. This visit which he made at Lubeck* was to have been a month in length, but Bach protracted it to three. He got into difficulties, therefore, with his church people, who complained not only of this, but also of various other proceedings of his of which they could not approve. Bach was, therefore, not sorry when the place of organist in a church at Miilhausen (mui how'zen) became vacant. He offered himself as a candidate, and was chosen. He entered upon his duties in the summer of 1707. In the fall he married. His wife was apparently, according to the custom of the Bach family, one of his cousins. Maria Barbara was the daughter of Johann Michael Bach, . the organist at Q-ehren (ga' ren). She bore her husband seven children, but beyond this we know little of her. Bach remained at Miilhausen for only a year. His life there seems to have been not unpleasant. He re- ceived the same salary he had enjoyed at Arnstadt (no very large one, according to our ideas at present) and * It is perhaps a little curious that Bach, at a period when the Italian mas- ters were so highly esteemed, should have never seen Italy, more especially as that country was, in the eighteenth century, "the Eldorado (Udord'do) of the German musician," as has been well said, and also as Bach was very frequently engaged in art-journeyings through various parts of Q-ermany. Handel spent much time in Italy, where he was highly appreciated and greatly loved. Mozart also saw Italy frequently in his youth. But Italy was not at a later time so famous for its musical affairs as it was in the time of Bach. Our readers wiU note that no Italian composers figure in our list of the greatest composers, though many will think that there are, perhaps, two or three who ought to have been included. No one will deny that in the last hundred and fifty years, Italy has not been a leading country, musically. But it was not so in Bach's time. 286 COMPOSERS. certain dues of corn, wood, and fish. He entered upon his work with ardor, but unfortunately met with opposi- tion on the part of the pastor of the church. Bach could hardly venture on the production of some of his compositions, for the pastor esteemed them too worldly. About a year after accepting the position, Bach resigned it, to enter upon the duties of organist* at the Dukes' Chapel at Weimar. He had become acquainted with that city some years before, as we have seen, and was now apparently drawn thither both by the musical renown of the place as well as for the opportunities it presented for the development of his talents. He remained at Weimar nine years — from his twenty- third to his thirty-second yeai\ It was a period of great use to him, though chiefly in the way of study, which he conscientiously continued through his Avhole life. He composed works at Weimar which are fine enough, though wholly eclipsed by his later labors. The G-rand Duke of Saxe- Weimar (saks a vi'naar) was a man of cul- tivated tastes, and, though of a serious and gloomy temper, was a good patron of the arts. He took a very great pleasure in caring for the music in the ducal chapel. His nephew also, the son of the prince, in whose band Bach had formerly been enrolled, was mu- * Bach became the first organist of his time, and he was often called upon to give his opinion on organs throughout Germany. His biographer says : " He could as little prevail upon himself to praise a bad instrument as a bad organist. He was therefore very severe, but always just, in his trials of organs. As he was perfectly acquainted with the constraction of the instrument, he could not in any case be deceived. The first thing he did was to draw out all the stops and play with the full organ. He used to say in jest, that he m^ist first of all know whether the instrument had good lungs. He then proceeded to examine the single parts. His justice to the organ-builders went so far that, when he found the work really good, and the sum agreed upon too small, so that the builder would evidently have been a loser by his work, he endeavored to induce those who had it to make a suitable addition, which he, in fact, frequently obtained." BACH. 287 sical, but fonder of the lighter French and Italian music than of the more serious church music. In both of these directions Bach's genius had play. Besides being organist, he became concert-master. A part of the duties of the office lay in supplying certain pieces of church music, and in performance of this duty Bach composed a series of church cantatas. He did much in these years in the way of study and composition, and, as far as can be made out, lived happily. In 1717, how- ever, he was offered the position of capellmeister at the court of the Prince of Anhalt-Ccethen (an' halt koi'ten), and accepted the position. In this new position. Bach for some time left the organ and church music. His position at Coethen gave him no control over any of the churches, and he turned his attention chiefly to conducting and to writing for stringed instruments and for the clavichord. Prince Leopold, of Anhalt-Ccethen, was an enthusiastic musician, and becam.e much attached to his capellmeister. While he was in the employ of the prince — in fact, when he was on a journey with him — his wife died before he could return to her. This was a very great grief to him. Bach loved his family and lived much with them, though we have, unfortunately, little enough from which to form any idea of his family life. He was now left with four children — one daughter and three sons. For the eldest of these latter, Bach occupied him- self with a system of musical education, — a Clavier- Buchlein (kia ve a' buk'lin), Inventions, and the Wohltem- porirte (vol tem po rfr' te) Clavier.* A year and a half after the death of his first wife, * That is to say, an easy book for the piano, exercises, and the well-skilled piano-player. 288 COMPOSERS. Bach married a second. Anna Magdalena Wuelkin (vul'- kin) was a singer in Duke Leopold's court. Although much younger than her husband, their union seems to have been a very happy one. She was a fine singer, and Bach loved to arrange music for her, while she aided him by her copying.* Shortly after Bach's marriage. Prince Leopold married, and began to give to his wife the attention he had formerly lavished upon music. The position of capell- meister lost a great part of its attractiveness. Bach had never been able to command a large outside audience, but had been forced to depend upon the attention of the court, which, while Leopold interested himself, was keenly musical. With the defection of the prince came lack of interest by the court, and Bach was very glad to accept the position of cantor at the School of St. Thomas, at Leipsic. It was in the summer of 1723 that he left the ducal palace for Leipsic, where he spent the remainder of his life. The Tomasschule (to maz shdo'le), at Leipsic, was the lineal descendant of an old Monkish school of the Middle Ages. There the Augustine canons of the Tomaskloster had trained the choir-boys at the same time that other little boys were taught to become learned clerks or priests. The cantor, or musical instructor, was one of the superior * " They are all bom musicians," writes Bach of his family, " and I can assure you that I can already form a concert, both vocal and instrumental, of my own family, particularly as my present wife sings a very clear soprano, and my eldest daughter joins in bravely." Bach himself delighted to conduct at these concerts, in which his wife, his eldest daughter, his sons, and perhaps some of his pupils would join in and take part. He had in his house a multitude of musical instruments. They seem to have been the only luxury that he allowed himself. He had five or six claviers, counting a little spinet, also a lute, two lautenclaviers (low' ten Ud ve' a), a viol da gamba (ve oV da gam' hd), and violins, violas, and violoncellos, in such number, that he could supply enough for any of the more simple kinds of concerted music. BACH. 289 masters, and had the musical training of all the boys in the school. Beside this, however, which was compara- tively unattractive, the cantor had the oversight of the choirs of four or, indeed, five churches in the city, and all these choirs the cantor was to furnish with choir-boys from the Tomasschule, and was to compose music for them as well ; and beside this, he had the supervision of the various organists of the churches — that is, the cantor of the Tomasschule was the musical king of Leipsic, or rather, he ought to have been. And, lan- doubtedly, it was the idea of holding some such place that caused Bach to leave what was really a dignified posi- tion in his art. He thought that he needed a broader field for activity than was afforded him in the ducal palace. Unfortunately, the condition of the Tomasschule was not at this time all that could be wished, and of this Bach was probably aware. We must suppose that it was with the idea of building up what had in a measure fallen into decay, that he accepted the position of cantor on the death of Kuhnau (ku'now), the former holder. Be this as it may, the years spent by Bach at Leipsic were troubled by constant quarreling with very many persons. Bach was by nature independent and hot- tempered. He was intent on raising the Tomasschule to its former position of eminence, and on raising the position of cantor therein to its former importance. We can not well go into these disputes. He quarreled with the rector, with the town council — with whom he had certain relations — and, indeed, with many persons.* At * Bacli, like a good many artists, sometimes allowed Ms temper to get tlie better of Mm. at those wlio could not do tMngs as lie himseLf knew they ought to be done. " The organist of St. Thomas' was one day playing the organ at a re- hearsal and made some mistake. Bach snatched off his wig in a rage, flung it at the criminal, and thundered out he had better have been a cobbler." Mendels- 290 COMPOSERS. one time, he thought he must give up the task set before him, so disappointed was he. But though he wrote to a friend asking if there were not some other place to be got, he did, as a matter of fact, remain in Leipsic until his death. In his home-life, as we have noted, he was happy. His second wife was an aid to him, his children were, as he said, born musicians, so that he could arrange a con- cert with his family "vocaliter and instrumentaliter." His two elder sons played, and his eldest daughter, and there were always at his house pupils to whom he was teaching the theory and practice of music ; and where more were needed to fill out the little orchestra or to make up the desired voices, the pupils of the Tomasschule might be called on. Much of his writing was done for this chamber orchestra of his, and, without a doubt, it kept his family busy to prepare the music, for it must all be copied out by hand, as printed music was at that time an expensive luxury. For a time, while Q-esner (ges'ner) was rector at the school. Bach enjoyed imixiunity from the constant bicker- ing which had been kept up with his predecessor. Gesner appreciated Bach and gave him sympathetic aid. These years were the best years of Bach's later life. When Ernesto (er nes'te) succeeded to the rectorship, the troubles began again, and Bach's later years were years of declin- ing influence in his own town, though in the world out- side, which he sometimes saw by little journeys here and there, his disciples and admirers constantly increased.* solin {mSn'dUs son), in his teaching at the Leipsic Conservatorium, was at times so irritated at a pupil as to cry out, " So spielen die katzen " (so play the cats). And almost all musicians have at one time or another broken out against those who were not so correct as they should have been. * It was not at once that Bach was appreciated and loved even in his own BACH. 291 He had, very shortly after his establishment at Leipsic, been made capellmeister to tlie Dulie of WeissenfeLs (vi'sen felz), receiving the emoluments of the office without attending the Court, and in 173 6, he was made Royal Court Composer by the famous Augustus the Strong, of Saxony and Poland. Late in his life, he was persuaded to visit Frederick the Q-reat at Potsdam. He arrived with his son just as a 'concert was about to begin at the palace.. When Frederick was told of it, he had his flute in hand and was about to play his part in a concerto, — for he was a famous amateur. "Gentlemen," said the King, laying down the instrument, " Old Bach is come," and he insisted that Bach should appear before him at once. The King gave up his concert and begged the great musician to try his new piano-fortes, — for he had just provided himself with fifteen. The musicians went with him from room to room, and Bach was invited every-where to try and to play unpremeditated com- positions. From this visit resulted the " Musical Offering," which Bach composed on returning home on themes suggested by the King. Bach died July 28, 1760. For about a year he had been quite blind, owing to the unfortunate operations performed to benefit a disorder in his eyes. The im- mediate cause of death was a stroke of apoplexy.* Q-ermany. But later the worsMp of the great master began, Mendelssohn being in a way the high-priest. Readers of " Charles Auchester " will remember this passage : " My dear and revered Sebastian Bach — of all the Baohs alone the Bach, though indeed to any one Bach one of us present is not fit to hold a candle. Tou do not love Bach— I do. You do not reverence him— he is my religion. You do not understand him — I am very intimate with him. If you knew him, you too would worship and desire of him to know more and more." Mendelssohn, as we shall see, held for a great part of his life the chief musical position in Leipsic as Bach had done one hundred years before, and one of his most loved tasks was the diffusion of a knowledge and love of the sturdy old composer. * As to his character and appearance, we find the following : " Bach's nature 292 COMPOSERS. was, above all, grave and earnest, and with all his politeness and consideration for his fellow-men, his demeanor was dignified and commanded respect. If we may trust the portraits which remain of him, his appearance answered perfectly to this. To judge from them, he must have been of a powerful, broad, and stal- wart build, with a full but vigorous and marked face, a wide brow, strongly arched eyebrows, and a stern, or even sinister, line between them. In the nose and mouth, on the contrary, we find an expression of easy humor ; the eyes are keen and eager, but in his youth he was somewhat short-sighted." If he was great as an artist, equally great was he as a man. He was an affectionate husband, a good father, and a trusty friend. His modest and un- assuming manners, his kindly and sympathetic disposition, his open-heartedness and benevolence, made him beloved and esteemed wherever he went. Amongst his friends, he numbered kings and princes, as well as men of humble rank. He was a man that never traveled ; had he done so, he might have been richer and have made more friends than he did, or, as some one says, " he might have gained the admiration of the whole world." Bach a^nd Handel never met, though they lived at almost exactly the same time. Handel was, for the greater part of his life, in England, but there were many times when he was in Germany, even after he, as well as Bach, had made their great reputations. There was great ciiriosity and desire for a meeting of these great masters and for a trial of skill between them. Bach several times tried to arrange a meeting between them, but neither time was he successful. Otherwise we get little idea of their opinion one of another, which is unfortunate. We know of the beautiful and affectionate intimacy and respect existing between Mozart and Haydn. We know Beethoven's opinion of Haydn, and Schubert's (shoo' berts) reverence for Beethoven. It would be interesting could we learn how these early masters regarded each other. From stray bits here and there, Spitta (spef to), the biographer of Bach, conjectures that Handel knew and cared little for Bach, while Bach had much desire and curiosity to meet his great contem- porary. H A.NDKIv. 1685-1759. GEORQE FREDERICK HANDEL (han'dSi) was the son of a surgeon in the town of Halle (hal'le), a man of some position in his way, but not musically. It is worth noting that the two great composers of their time were both born in the year 1685. Bach was of a family which, for generations before him and after him, was famous for its musical disposition, while Handel, who in his day achieved a far more brilliant success than Bach, was of a family so unmusical that his earliest efforts in that direction were systematically thwarted. Bach took to music as a matter of course. Handel was intended by his father for the law, but was driven by the force of his genius to becoming a great musician. His father, as we say, opposed the musical disposition which showed itself at an early age in Greorge Frederick, and forbade him even to go to houses where music might be heard. It is said he went to no school for fear he might hear too much. But, in some way, the boy got a clavichord into his room, a dumb instrument, on which very little noise is made, and on this he taught himself to play at such times as he could escape from his father's notice. And, on one occasion, going with his father to visit a relation in the service of the Duke of Weissenfels (wis'sen fels), Handel was so fortunate as to be allowed to climb up surreptitiously on the organ stool and play away to his heart's content. The Duke, on hearing him, was struck 294 COMPOSERS. by his playing, and argued with his father to such an extent that not only were all restrictions removed, but he was even allowed to have some teaching in his favorite art. He still continued his legal education, however, and passed through the schools of the town and entered the University at Halle. His father died in 1697, but this does not seem to have altered his plans. At the same time that he entered the University, he was engaged as organ- ist of one of the churches of Halle for a year. At the end of the year, he seems to have finally decided to give up any idea of a legal career, for he left the University, and the town of Halle as well, and taking all his belongings with him, he set out to seek his fortune in Hamburg, then the musical center of Germany, the seat of Grerman opera. At Hamburg, Handel fell in with one Mattheson (math' e sun), from whom we learn the most of what we know of his life at this time. He was a young musician, only a few years older than Handel, but he was well known in the place, and he was of good service in putting Handel into the musical set in the town. At first, Handel obtained a place in the Opera orchestra. "He played ripieno (ripla'no) violin," says Mattheson, "and affected to behave as if he could not count five, being naturally inclined to dry humor. But on an occasion when there happened to be no clavierist, he was persuaded to take the place, and proved himself such a man as no one but myself had ever suspected."* * There are various anecdotes of Handel's life at Hamburg, of interest. Having slio-mi as above that he could play the harpsichord, he frequently did so at the Opera. On one occasion Handel was at the harpsichord, at the first per- formance of " Cleopatra" (Meopd'tra), an opera by Mattheson, in which the composer took the part of Antony. Antony died before the piece was through, and Mattheson, a man of immense conceit, having finished his part for the evening, came out HANDEL. 295 Besides this orchestra playing, Handel occupied himself with composing an opera, which was given in the begin- ning of 1705. And the next year another opera by him was produced, entitled "Nero." But neither has been preserved to us, and neither seems to have been very successful. Handel also gave music lessons in Hamburg, and to very good effect, we may imagine — that is to say, he must have had a considerable number of pupils, for after he had been in Hamburg for three years, he started for Italy, to further cultivate his talents and enhance his reputation. So leaving behind him an opera which was produced some time after he had gone, he departed from Hamburg toward the end of 1706, and, stopping at Halle to see his mother, found himself, in the spring of the next year, at Florence. He stayed here but a short time, and passed on to Rome. At Rome, he either composed, or didn't compose, a number of pieces which pass under his name ; and this brings us to a curious feature of Handel's organization which we may just note here in passing, so that it will be unnecessary to trouble about it again. Handel at this time, and also later, very frequently introduced into his compositions pieces composed previously by himself. One of the things which are assigned to his stay in Rome is a magnificat (mag nifi kat), which Handel subsequently worked over in several of the numbers in " Israel in Egypt." Whether it is Handel's own or not, is disputed. "Judged by the strict modern standard," remarks one of and wished Handel to give up his place to him. This Handel refused to do, and Mattheson, much irritated, gave him a vigorous hlow on the side of the head, as he was going out of the theater. A duel at once followed, in which, it is said, Handel owed his life to a broad brass button on his coat, which caught the point of Mattheson 's sword and interrupted an otherwise deadly thrust. 296 COMPOSERS. Handel's later biographers, " he certainly was a very great thief." This is no place to discuss the question, which would become too long for our limits. The fact is, all that we can note, Handel reproduced his own compositions without scruple, and it is not improbable that he worked over other persons' compositions. From Rome, Handel returned to Florence, where he produced "Rodrigo" (ro dre'go), the first Italian opera he ever wrote, and shortly afterward to Venice, where his " Agrippina " (ag ri pe'na) was given with very great applause ; then back again to Rome. In Rome, he spent some time — a year or so — where he found favor with the dilettante (dll et tan'ta) of the town, as well as with the musicians there. He composed somewhat, the " Resurrec- tion," a sort of oratorio, and the "Triumph of Time," a cantata, which he subsequently made use of for an English oratorio with the same name. He left Rome for Naples in 1708, and there he re- mained about a year, finding, as ever, many friends, and writing much music, which we do not particularize on account of the number of the compositions, as well as be- cause they are by no means well remembered. In 1709, he started to leave Italy, stopping at Rome and at Venice again, and after a visit to his mother, found himself at Hanover, whither he was tempted by two friends he had met in Italy, one of them capellmeister to George, the Elector of Brunswick, and the other. Baron Kilmansegge (kil'man seg ge), a nobleman well known to the Elector. Through these gentlemen Handel was offered the place of capellmeister to the Electoral Court, from which his friend Steffain (stef'fin) desired to retire. Handel accepted the po- sition, but desiring to visit England, was granted a leave of absence of one year, and in 1710 found himself in London. HANDEL. 297 Literature was at this time in a highly flourishing state in England. Pope, Addison, Swift, Prior, Gay, Steele, and De Foe, not to mention numbers of others, have made that age a glorious one in the history of English letters. Music, however, was by no means in so good a condition, and it is a bit curious that Handel should have been tempted from Germany and Italy, where he was flattered, courted, and appreciated to the full, to go to England, where he passed the remainder of his life in constant difiiculties. But Italian opera was becoming the vogue in London. English noblemen, returned from the Continent, had at- tracted to that metropolis musicians and singers, and it is probable that it was due to the representations of the English whom he met in the musical circles of Venice, Florence, Rome, and Naples, that Handel crossed the Channel. However this may be, Handel reached London toward the end of 1710, and in February of the next year, his "Rinaldo" (re nal' do) was given at the Haymarket. The opera was given with great spectacular magnificence and good singers, and was received with great pleasure by the audience.* Handel became at once well known. He met with many of the wits and art-lovers of the town, who valued him highly. Curiously enough, the meeting place * " Einaldo " is said by some to be the best of Handel's Italian operas. It was certainly very successful in its time. The music was delightful, the singers were excellent, the scenery was— for its day— magnificent. It was in " Einaldo " that, during an aria for the soprano, accompanied by two flutes and a flageolet, living birds were let loose in great numbers, which fluttered about on the stage, adding to the spectacular eflfect. This proceeding, Addison— who ridiculed Italian opera in every form- found to be particularly silly, and animadverted upon it in the Spectator. Tradition says that, owing to the inclemency of the season ("Einaldo" was first given in February), it was found impossible to obtain any other birds beside English sparrows. Whether hosts of sparrows would have added to the realistic efliect of a scene representing a tropical garden is, in our mind, matter for doubt. 298 COMPOSERS. of these most ciiltivated ornaments of the metropohs, seems to have been the house of one Thomas Britton, an enthusiastic lover of music, who was known by the name of the "Small-coal Man," from the fact that it was his business to carry around on his back small coal, which he peddled for a living all day. In the evening (having washed his hands), he entertained at his concerts the best known musicians of the city.* Not to delay here too long, howcA^er, Handel left Lon- don in the summer for his post at Hanover, where he stayed for about a year and a half. But he seems to have been thoroughly pleased with London, and in 1712, he returned thither (on leave of absence for a reasonable length of time), and presented his "Faithful Shepherd" some time in ISTovember of that year. It was not a great success, giving way shortly to "Theseus" (the'se us), which, though not very much better than its predecessor, was much more successful. Handel may be now considered as settled in London. He remained there, with occasional absences, until his death. He seems to have utterly forgotten his position at Hanover, until, as will appear later, it was brought to his recollection in rather a disagreeable manner. * A "word or two about this worthy may not be uninteresting. Although " poor, low-born, and entirely self-educated, this humble amateur was one of nature's truest gentlemen." All the day he spent in carrying about small coal, which he peddled from a sack which he carried over his shoulder. "When his day's work was done, he retired to his meanly furnished dwelling, removed all trace of the morning's occupation from his person, and spent the evening either in practicing on the viol da gamba, or in studying the books and MSS., of which, during his long life, he contrived to amass a very valuable collection." His house had been originally a stable ; it was divided, however, into two stories, of which the lower served as a storehouse for his coal, while the upper made " a long, narrow room, so low that a tall man could scarcely stand upright in it. In this rude concert-room he was accustomed, every Thursday evening, to entertain his friends with intellectual conversation and the best chamber music that London could produce." HANDEL. 299 It will be impossible for us to be as particular as we should desire in narrating Handel's life in the great city. For the next thirty years, his chief occupation was in the composing and directing Italian opera. In this time, he composed no less than thirty-six operas, besides writing songs and arranging others. It is manifestly impossible within our limits, as it would be uninteresting were it not so, to relate in detail the fortunes and mis- fortunes of each one of these productions. We will anticipate a bit to speak of Handel's connec- tion with Italian opera, a connection more important to a student of his life than to one of his works. At present, he composed no more of them. But, beginning with 1721, nearly every year saw a new opera composed by Handel, and frequently more than one. In that year, was started the Royal Academy of Music, an institution for the performance of Italian opera, in which Handel was in- terested. But things did not work altogether well. Some of the operas succeeded, others failed. Finally, Handel himself became manager, and in partnership with one Heidegger (hi'dek er), managed the business for some time. But they did not achieve in this way any very great success. Handel is not remembered by his Italian operas, though they occupied, perhaps, the greater part of his life in England. To go back to Handel's life where we left it. In 1713, he composed two very fine pieces,— the one for Queen Anne's (anz) birthday, the other in celebration of the Treaty of Utrecht (u'trekt). They are the beginning of his truly Enghsh works, the works to which Handel owes his very great fame. He did not, however, com- pose much at this time, being much sought after in society, and finding the intercourse with those whom he 300 COMPOSERS. met, to be, perhaps, more congenial to him than the hard work necessary to be done in writing Itahan operas and such like. He enjoyed a pension from Queen Anne, had many friends at whose houses he stayed, and led, on the whole, a butterfly existence. In 1714, Queen Anne died, and George I. was crowned King of England. This placed Handel in a painful posi- tion, for George I. was, as may be remembered, the very Elector of Hanover from whose court Handel had been excused "for a reasonable time," which time Handel had interpreted to mean nearly two years. ■ George was justly incensed at his truant capellmeister. But the genius ot Handel, aided by his friend Baron Kilmansegge,* over- came the monarch's dislike, and Handel was taken into favor and another pension was added to that granted by Queen Anne. So, when the king left England in 1716, to visit his beloved Hanover, Handel went in his suite, and spent some six months or so before returning to England. When he again came to England, an opportunity offered itself to him, which presented many attractions, and was at once accepted. The Duke of Chandos,t at his * The means hj which Handel became reconciled to his royal patron is the subject of what seems hardly more than a tradition, yet is worth telling. Han- del's old friend, Baron Kilmansegge, at whose instance Handel had first come to Hanover, and Lord Burlington, a musical nobleman, contrived a plan, and at their suggestion Handel wrote a piece of music to be played on the occasion of an excursion the king was about to make on the Thames (temz). Handel himself engaged an orchestra, and followed the royal barge so closely that all on board could hear the music, which being written especially to be heard across the water, sounded most delightfully. The king was much pleased at the performance, and asked about it. This gave Kilmansegge an opportunity to intercede for his friend, and he did so with such effect that a reconciliation soon followed. t " James Brydges, Duke of Chandos, after having served as Paymaster of the British forces, under the command of the Duke of Marlborough (tm'irl' briih), retired from active duty with an enormous fortune, which he spent with the liberality of a monarch. In 171S, he built himself a palace at Cannons, in Mid- dlesex, at an estimated cost of £230,000. In this splendid retreat, the Grand HANDEL. 301 splendid palace at Cannons, pursued many of the customs of the numerous small sovereigns scattered over Grer- many, and among his other magnificences had a private chapel, choir, and necessarily a chapel-master. This posi- tion Handel was asked to accept, and did so. He was to live at Cannons, and oversee the music in the chapel. He spent three years here, years of much pleasure, as it may be imagined, and activity, directing the chapel choir, playing the organ, and writing much music. Here were composed the "Chandos Anthems" and the "Chandos Te Deums," the oratorio of "Esther," and the cantata of "Acis (a' SIS) and Galatea" (gal ate' a). These last two are, perhaps, the most important of his compositions here. " Esther " was his first attempt at what became his greatest glory. And the operetta of "Acis and Gala- tea" (the words by Gay), is a beautiful little thing, per- haps the best piece of work Handel had yet done.* In 1721, Handel left the household of the Duke of Chandos and returned to London. The next twenty years were taken up, as we have noted, in devotion to Italian opera. For that time, the story of his life consists of a succession of operas, more or less successful, of visits to Duke, as he was popularly called, lived in little less than regal state ; protected by a guard of veterans, selected from among the pensioners at Chelsea Hospital, who attended him even to church ; and surrounded by every luxury that wealth could purchase, or boundless liberality suggest. Por the services in his private chapel, he maintained not only a numerous choir, but a band of instrumental performers, also, on a scale as grand as that of the kapelle of a German potentate." * It was at Cannons that Handel composed the well-known "Harmonious Blacksmith." It is said that while walking through Edgeware, the village near the Duke's palace, he was overtaken by a shower, and found refuge in a black- smith's shop. There he heard the blacksmith singing a tune, to which he kept time with his hammer on the anvil. On going home, Handel sat down and wrote a set of variations on the blacksmith's tune. The anvil on which the smith beat out the accompaniment has been traced through a hundred and fifty years. It passed from hand to hand, from one blacksmith to another, till it became the property of an amateur. Since that time it has passed through several hands, and is now in the possession of a well-kuowu musician of Loudon. 302 COMPOSERS. the Continent to engage singers, of quarrels and bicker- ings with the singers when they were engaged.* They were years of alternate favor and disfavor in the eyes of the general public, but toward the year 1737, Handel must have felt that he had worked that vein to the utmost. His last opera was written in 1740. On January 16, 1739, Handel produced at the Hay- market Theater the oratorio of "Saul." It had been com- posed during the previous autumn, and was of the nature of an experiment. "Esther" had been written at Can- nons, while Handel was in the household of the Duke of Chandos, and "Deborah" (deb'o ra) and "Athaliah" (atha- li'a) had been given in 1733, the one in London, the other in Ox:ford, but neither seems to have been a strik- ing success. No more was " Saul," although the " Dead March " by no means failed of having an effect. But the importance of " Saul " lies in its being practically the first of an unbroken line of oratorios, — compositions which, though at first received with small favor, were in * The most notable of these many quarrels was the rivalry between Cuzzoni (kdotso'ne) and Faustina (/as «8' m), two prime-donne {pre' ma don' no) of the first rank. This became a dispute of immense proportions, embroiling all of polite London. The means taken to get each one to do her best are somewhat entertaining. As neither would sing if she thought her rival was in any way given the precedence, it was a bit difficult to arrange so that they might both sing in the same opera. In "Alessandro " {it les san'dro), however, Handel arranged the two parts, so that neither could possibly object. They sang song for song, duet for duet, throughout the piece, and when they sang together, the parts were so artfully varied that neither could be said to sing the first or the second. Lady AValpole {wol' pol) used to have difficulties with the two, for she was in the habit of inviting them both to dinner on Sundays, and she desired to hear them sing afterward. Neither could he asked to sing first, for the other, would then have ^ leen so offended as to remain utterly dumb. Lady Walpole once found a way out. She enticed Faustina into a distant room to look at some rare china. Cuzzoni was told that her rival had gone, and forthwith consented to sing. On some other pretense she was herself removed from the music-room, and Faustina returning, favored the company herself. But beside mere rivalries, there were other and more annoying quarrels, iiitiigues, and disputes, and, on the whole, Handel's career as an impresario (imprS- sd' n D) seems to have been by no means a royal road. HANDEL. 303 the end so successful that, on the whole, they make up almost the whole reputation of Handel. " Saul " was followed by "Israel in Egypt," but this was received with even more coldness than was "Saul." It was the day of Handel's failures. His operas, which he still wrote, were unpopular, and it might perhaps have been expected that his oratorios would not have been successful. Prob- ably he was not by any means sorry to accept an invi- tation to Ireland, on the part of the Duke of Devonshire. The visit was quickly arranged. Handel agreed to com- pose an oratorio, to be performed for the benefit of the charitable societies of Dublin. This was the oratorio of the "Messiah."* With the " Messiah," which was given to the great delight of a crowded audience on the evening of April 13, 1742, Handel seems to have reached a turning point. From this moment, with times of bad luck, he was on the whole successful. To the end of his career, Handel turned his attention to English oratorios. He wrote thir- teen after the "Messiah," about one every year, sometimes two. Henceforth, his greatness was incontestable. His oratorios were produced in London to appreciative audi- ences, so that, though he was in 1746 reduced so low as to become for the second time bankrupt, he was, at the time of his death, worth a sum equal to $100,000. * The " Messiah " was first given April 12, 1742, " for the relief of the prisoners in the several gaols, and for the support of Mercers' Hospital and of the Charitable Infu'mary on the Inn's Quay." Gentlemen were requested to come without their swords and ladies without their hoops, and by these means, room was found for one hundred more than could otherwise have been accommodated. This large audience was greatly pleased with the performance. "It was allowed by the greatest judges to he the finest composition of music that was ever heard." It was afterward given in England, and it was on its first performance in that country, March 23, 1743, that the whole assembly, with the king at their head, rose to their feet at the "Hallelujah Chorus," and remained standing throughout the number— a custom in England to-day, whenever the "Messiah" is given. 304 COMPOSERS. A history of his later years would consist of little else than an account of the production of one after another of these great works.* He wrote little else. Toward the end of 1751, Handel began to lose his sight. Although every thing that could be done for him was done, the care of surgeons was unavailing, and he became totally blind. His last true oratorio, "Jephtha" (jef'tha), was produced early in 1752. One more did he write, an adaptation of his Italian work, "Triumph of Time and Truth," and this was his last work. His strength began to fail shortly after he became blind, t and finally, on Good Friday, April 13, 1759, he died. He was buried in Westminster Abbey, in the Poets' Corner. * It may not be useless to add "here a list of Handel's oratorios, with the date of their iirst production. The list is from Eockstro's admirable "Life." Twenty- two oratorios : " 1st Passion Oratorio," 1704 ; " La Resurrezione " (7\i sdOr ret se o'lia), 1708; "H Trionfo del Tempo" (el trlbn'fo del tern' po), 1708; "2d Passion Oratorio," 1717; "Esther," 1720; "Deborah," 173,3; "Athaliah," 1733; "Saul," 1739; "Israel in Egypt," 1739; " Messiah," 1742 ; " Samson," 1743 ; "Joseph," 1744; "Belshazzar," 1744; "Occasional," 1746; "Judas Maccabseus," 1747; "Alexander Balus," 1748; " Joshua," 1748 ; " Solomon," 1749 ; "Susanna," 1749; "Theodora," 1750; "Jephtha," 1752; "Triumph of Time," 1757. Handel also wrote forty-seven operas In all, but as these are by no means so well known as his oratorios, we conceive that we may be pardoned the omission of the hst of their names. t Handel, after he became almost totally blind, was greatly aided by John Christopher Smith, an old pupil, with whose aid he found himself able to oversee (if we may use the expression) the production of his works. He himself frequently played the organ at these performances, sometimes playing from memory, but more usually extemporizing. "To see him led to the organ," says Burney, " after this calamity, at upward of seventy years of age, and then con- ducted toward the audience to make his accustomed obeisance, was a sight so truly affecting and deplorable, to persons of sensibility, as greatly diminished their pleasure on hearing his performance." It is said, too, that when Smith pJayed the organ, when Handel was first blind, the passage from "Samson": " Total eclipse — no sun, no moon. All dark, amid the blaze of noon," would bring tears to the eyes of the whole audience. HAYDN FRANZ (frftnts) JOSEPH HAYDN (ha'dn), like many other famous m.usicians, was remarkable for his talents at a very early age. Musical genius, more than any other, manifests itself almost at birth. It is, as it were, an extra sense. Those who have it, have it at birth. Those who have it not at birth, seldom gain it. Bach (bak), of a musical family, was musical from his earliest years. Handel (han'del) played away on his durnb clavi- chord before he was seven years old. Mozart (mo zart') appeared at a public concert at six years of age ; Men- delssohn (men' dels son) at eight, Chopin (sho pang') at nine. Beethoven (ba'toven) took music lessons when only five. Haydn, like the others, was an infant genius. He was the son of Matthias (maththi'fis) Haydn, a wheelwright of Rohrau (ro'row). He seems to have been an honest and worthy, but by no means remarkable, peasant. He was fond of playing the harp and of sing- ing, but it does not appear that he was remarkable at either of these amusements. Indeed, he played always by ear, and knew nothing of music as a science. Franz Joseph Haydn was born on the last daj^ of March, 173 2. For about six years, he was allowed to be a child, and at the end of that time, he went out into the world to make his fortune. That is, his mother's cousin, one Frankh (frank), was chorregent (kor' re gent) at Hainburg (hin' botjrgh), but a few miles away, and to him 306 COMPOSERS. little Joseph, who had shown signs of musical promise, was sent to gain a musical education and his living. From this time till his death, fifty-nine years later, Haydn lived practically alone, with little but his music to interest him, and to be loved. Under his cousin Frankh, Joseph learned to sing cor- rectly and well, and learned also some things about music, — notably, if we may believe an anecdote of the time, to play the drum, which he did when only six years of age, at a public funeral procession.* But he had not been at Hainburg long (about two years), when his singing at- tracted the attention of the capellmeister (ka pel' mis ter) of St. Stephen's Cathedral, Vienna. The capellmeister, Reutter (roi'ter) by name, was on the lookout for voices, and saw at once that, although the boy's voice was nothing very great, his musical talent and instinct would probably do credit to any one who should befriend him. An arrangement was made. Reutter offered to make himself responsible for Joseph's musical education, and it was agreed that the boy should shortly leave for Vienna, where he should become one of the choristers at the Cathedral of St. Stephen. At the chapel of St. Stephen's, Haydn remained for ten years. What he learned of music beyond the art of * They were on one occasion about to have a procession ; in fact, several pro- cessions, for it was in Passion week. Prankh was to direct them, and. among his other difficulties, was the sudden death of his kettle-drummer. He was at a loss, till he bethought himself of his young pupil. He showed Joseph how to use the sticks, and left him to learn to drum. Joseph got hold of a basket, which had been used to hold flour, and turning it upside down on a chair, he beat away the whole morning, and learned to drum quite well, l^rankh, however, was displeased to observe that the flour, which had sifted through the basket, had utterly ruined the chair. But he was somewhat consoled to observe that Joseph had made himself a fairly skillful drummer. The little fellow marched in the procession behind a drum, which was carried for him by a hunchback, and though he drummed well, created some amusement on account of his small size. He was, in fact, only about six years old. HAYDN. 307 singing, he learned by himself. Reutter, it is said, gave him two lessons in theory of music, during the whole time. He did, however, learn to sing well, and he had some time to himself, and this he employed in efforts at conaposition, and in studying the church music, of which he heard so much, and also solo singing and instru- mental music. In fact, it was a remarkably good apxjren- ticeship, although it was necessarily supplemented by subsequent study. Even while in the chapel choii-, though he learned little from Reutter, he procured one or two theoretical works, and studied till he must have known them almost by heart. But this could not last. His brothers came to Vienna, and were given places in the choir, but Joseph, being the eldest, was the first to become superannuated. His voice broke ; the Emperor declared that he sung like a crow ; Haydn gave Reutter a chance, and was dismissed. He found himself almost alone in Vienna, without money or a home, and very little idea as to how he might get one. For eight years, he lived practically from hand to mouth, doing any thing musical to which he could turn his hand. But in these eight years he worked hard, learned much, and made himself something of a reputation. For a time after he left the cathedral, he lived in a small garret,* and supported himself by playing the violin * In these days, he was often in want of enough to eat, and frequently strolled about the country to places where he hoped he might obtain some employment. On one occasion, he found himself in a cloister in Styria (stir' i a). He asked to be employed, but was refused. So, he made the acquaintance of one of the sing- ers, and asked him to allow him just to sing once in his place. The boy refused. So, Haydn stood beside him and, as the music began, he quietly possessed him- self of the boy's music-book (and gave him a bit of money in exchange), and began to sing. He sang so well, though his voice was not of the best, that the chorus-master was delighted with him, and was sorry he had before been uncivil to him. And the priests entertained him for a week or more, during which period, as he said, he filled himself up for a long time to come. BOS COMPOSERS. at balls, or in orchestras, by arranging music, or by giv- ing lessons. He was often in actual want, and, though at the cathedral his life had been none of the easiest, it was worse with him now. But good luck fell in his way now and then.* A worthy man left him a small sum of money. He attracted the notice of the Italian Metastasio (ma tas ta' se o), who later introduced him to Porpora (por'po ra), the then famous music-teacher. He worked hard on his books of composition and theory, and prob- ably found delight in his studies, although he was often enough near starving. Little by little his compositions became known to a few. It is to this period belongs the tale of how Haydn and a friend of his found their way into a beer-cellar, where a half-drunken orchestra were rendering one of Haydn's own pieces. "Whose piece is that?" inquired he. "It is Haydn's," returned the fiddler. "And a mighty poor thing, too," answered Haydn ; whereupon the orches- * Among other things, he wrote an opera, of which they tell the following tale : It was composed when he was ahout twenty years old. Haydn and two or three of his friends were engaged in serenading the handsome daughter of Ber- nadone Kurtz (ber nd do' nd IcODrts), a famous comic actor. Kurtz, on hearing the music, was much struck by it, and came right down-stairs. "Who composed that?" he asked. "I did," said Haydn. "What; a boy of your age?" "At my age." " This is droll ; come up-stairs." Haydn came up-stairs, and then Berna- done opened to him his mind. He wished an opera to be written to a libretto he had,—" The Devil on Two Sticks," by name,— would Haydn write it ? Haydn would, and took the libretto home with him. He met with one whimsical diffi- culty. He had to compose music for a storm and, having never seen the sea at all, was somewhat at a loss. Bernadone could not help him much, although he tried to imagine what it must be, and to describe it to Haydn. "Imagine mountains rising, and valleys sinking ; a mountain becomes a valley, and a val- ley rises to a mountain ; they follow each other ; at every moment alps and abysses succeed each other. Add thunder and lightning, but be sure to represent these mountains and valleys." Haydn got no idea at all of what was wanted. He ran his hands over the key-board, but could, by no means, reach the desired end. " The devil take the tempest," he cried, slamming Ms hands on either end of the key-board. " Tou have it ; you have it 1 " cried the actor, embracing him. Haydn afterward, in coming to England, had a chance to see how near hia description came to the reality. HAYBN. 309 tra rose upon him, and would have done something serious to this Philistine had not the friend hustled Haydn unceremoniously out-of-doors. He wrote a comic opera, too, at about this time, and was paid twenty-five ducats for it, with which he seemed well enough satisfied, and, as the music has been lost, we can not say how much more or less it may have been worth. It was about this time that Haydn began to give lessons to Marianne (ma ri an'), the daughter of Nicolai Martinez (ne' ko 11 mar te' nez), who was in the train of the Papal representative at Vienna. The place was got for him by Metastasio, the Italian poet, who was then living with the Martinez family, and it had this good effect. Haydn used to go with his scholar to Porpora, her singing-master, to accompany her singing upon the clavier. Porpora was a man of great knowledge in the matter of composition, and Haydn undoubtedly gained much from thus being with him. He also accompanied various other of Porpora's scholars, and became in this way better known. He thus fell into the way of getting more pupils, and his circumstances became much brighter. He devoted his time to study as well as to teaching, and also composed somewhat, though this was by no means a prolific period with him. In 1759, Haydn was made capellmeister to Count Morzin (mort'zen), an enthusiastic amateur. His struggles for daily bread were over. He might have remained hap- pily with Count Morzin, almost forever, but that he chose to marry, and as this was contrary to his contract with Count Morzin, he left that nobleman's service. Another reason, indeed the principal one, was that Count Morzin was obliged to curtail his expenses, and did so by dis- 310 COMPOSERS. charging his musical establishment. The result of this was that Haydn, in the year 1760, found himself mar- ried, and also capellmeister to Prince Paul Anton Ester- hazy (po-wl an' ton es ter ha' ze). The first of these seems to have been an almost un- mixed evil. Why he married his wife can not be made out. She was one of his pupils, the daughter of a wig- maker, older than himself, and she seems to have been as bad a shrew as could well be imagined. She is said to have been quarrelsome, imperious, unfeeling, and malicious, a spendthrift, and a bigot. But Haydn, though he never loved her after his marriage, never allowed her to trouble him very much, and she seems to have kept as well out of his way as might be. Altogether, it was a stupid thing to have married her, and Haydn seems to have appreciated the fact later. His connection with the Esterhazys was, on the con- trary, one of the most fortunate events of his life. He remained capellmeister to three successive princes, until his death — a period of forty-nine years — with one or two absences. Haydn's position in the Esterhazy household was, more properly, that of vice-capellmeister for Werner {^AAer'ner). The former capellmeister was still to hold the title, though Haydn was to perform the duties. Prince Paul Anton died in the early part of 1762, and was succeeded by his brother Nicholas,* the one of the * Prince Esterhazy himself played the barytone, an instrument now superseded by the 'cello. The prince played only in one key. Haydn practiced for six months, day and night, upon the instrument, often disturbed by the abuse of his wife, and upon one occasion, incurred the censure of the prince, for neglecting his compositions. Thereat, impelled by a fit of vanity, he played upon the instrument at one of the evening entertainments in several keys. The prince was not at all disturbed, and only said, "Haydn, you ought to have known better." At first he was pained by the indifference of his honored master, but HAYDN. 311 family best known to the world, in all probability. For Prince Nicholas, an enthusiastic lover of music, Haydn labored until the good prince died, in the year 1790. His life was, on the whole, unvaried for all these years. The prince was a man of enormous wealth, and of enormous estates, which he dearly loved. He was far fonder of living at his palace of Eisenstadt (I'zen stat), or later, of Esterhaz, than of visiting at Vienna. And, as a natural consequence, his capellmeister remained in the country, too, for it was his duty to appear before the prince every day, to learn his pleasure in regard to the day's music. Undoubtedly Haydn found this a little painful. He would have liked to see more of Vienna. But he was wonderfully loyal to his master, and perhaps was, to a degree, comforted by the rule that musicians' families should not reside at the princes' abode, whereby he enjoyed a freedom which Vienna could not have possessed. We can not easily describe his life here in extenso within our limits — a few notes must be sufficient. Haydn's duties at Eisenstadt were, on the whole, of a somewhat stereotyped nature. He had to arrange every thing, to drill his orchesti-a and chorus, to compose music for them, to compose music for Prince Nicholas himself, who loved to play on the barytone, to arrange the mu.sic on all festal occasions, of which there were various, during the thirty years that he was in active service. Five of these years were passed at Eisenstadt, the others at Esterhaz, the newly finished palace and estate of Prince Nicholas. And shortly before the Ester- hazy establishment was removed to its new abode, at he immediately felt it was a gentle reproof, because lie had wasted so much time and neglected his proper work to become a good barytone player, and turned to his compositions again with renewed earnestness. For the barytone alone he has written upward of one hundred and seventy-five pieces 312 COMPOSEKS. the death of the old capeUmeister, whose place Haydn had filled, he was himself given the title and honor which belonged to the work which lie had all along done. We can not very well make any statement of Haydn's work during this period. He wrote much, however, symphonies, operas, cantatas, and many other pieces, both vocal and instrumental. And he began to become well known and highly valued at Vienna, although he was unfortunate enough to be seldom there. It was at Esterhaz that Haydn wrote the " Toy Symphony," having bought the toy instruments at a fair. He brought them home secretly, wrote the sym- phony, and subsequently produced them at one of the regular rehearsals. Here, too, he wrote the "Surprise Symphony," so called. The orchestra was in despair at having to remain at Esterhaz two months longer than they had expected. Haydn sympathized with them, for he, too, loved Vienna. So they conveyed a hint to their master by the following means : In the very midst of the symphony one evening, one of the players quietly arose, put out his light, and went into the anteroom; so another, and another, until, to the great astonishment of the audience, Haydn and Thomasini (to ma se'ne), Esterhazy's favorite violinist, were the only ones left. Haydn arose, put out his light, took his music, and joined the rest of the orchestra. In a minute, Thomasini also retired. "If all go, we may as well go, too," said ISTicholas. "Haydn," he went on, "the gentlemen have my consent to go to-morrow."* * Haydn used to grieve mucli at the privations lie suflfered In being kept away from his dearly-loved Vienna. "I became three pounds thinner on the way," he remarks, on one occasion, speaking of a journey to Esterhaz, " because HAYDN. 313 "We should say a word or so about the friendship which existed between Haydn and Mozart.* Both were Freemasons, and each had for tlie otlier a great and fond admiration. They probabl}^ saw eacli other but little ; for Haydn was more at Esterhaz than Vienna, throughout the time that Mozart was residing there. Mozart died while Haydn was in London, and Haydn said that his only regret in seeing Vienna again, was that he should not see also the great Mozart. This visit to London was a sudden change in Haydn's routine of life. His first visit was in 1790. He had by this time become well known in many foreign countries, by means of his compositions, and had been invited to visit many different parts of Europe. From London, he had received flattering and pressing invitations. Much as Haydn longed to see some other country than his own, and especially Italy, he felt himself bound to the Esterhazy family, and all these temptations were sternly of the loss of my good Vienna fare. * * * Here, In Esterliaz, no one asks me, ' Would you like chocolate ? ' ' Do you desire coffee with or without milk ? ' ' With what can I serve you, dear Haydn ? ' ' Will you have vanilla or pine-apple ice ? ' Would that I had only a piece of good Parmesan (piir me zdn') cheese, so that I might the more easily swallow the black dumplings 1 Pardon me for taking up your time with such piteous stuff — much allowance must be made for a man spoiled by the good things in Vienna ; but I have already commenced to accustom myself to the country by degrees, and yesterday I studied for the first time cjuite in the Haydn manner." * Haydn first met Mozart in the year 1781, when the latter had moved to Vienna permanently. Their respect and esteem were mutual, and each had a thorough admiration for the other. "Sir," said Mozart to an envious musician, " if we were melted down together, we would be far from making a Haydn." And he dedicated to Haydn a series of six quartets in the most respectful and loving terms. As for Haydn, he declared to Leopold Mozart, that he believed his son to be the greatest composer with whom he was acquainted. He also said that if Mozart had composed nothing but his quartets and his requiem, he would be immortal, and always heard Mozart's music whenever an opportunity offered. On Mozart's death, which occurred while he was in London, he was deeply moved, and afterward said, " Mozart's loss is irretrievable. I can never forget his playing in my life. It went to the heart." 314 COMPOSERS. put on one side. But, in 1790, Prince Nicholas died, and fciis successor decided not to keep up the musical es- tablishment. Thus Haydn was free to do as he chose. At this moment, Salomon (sal' o mon), a London violin- ist, made his appearance. He was one of the most success- ful impresarii (im pres sa' ri e) of London, and Haydn at once acceded to his desires. Salomon guaranteed Haydn £1,200 for one year, and Haydn promised an opera, six symphonies, various new compositions, and so forth. In December, 1790, he left Vienna, with Salomon, for London. He was received with great hospitality, and arrangements were at once set on foot for his concerts. It was some time, however, before these could be given. In fact, the first concert did not take place until March 1 5th. And, before this, a strong opposition had been created, which seriously threatened Haydn's success. The managers of the Professional Concerts, who had themselves tried to obtain Haydn, were now vigorous in depreciating him. And as their concert came off first, thanks to unfortunate delays in Salomon's arrangements, there was much danger that Haydn might not prosper. But these apprehensions were not fulfilled. The concerts were a great success. Haydn played the piano, while Salomon himself played first violin. At each performance, new compositions of Haydn's were rendered, and the whole series was a great success. And the next year, the same thing was repeated. It was for these concerts that Haydn composed his twelve grand symphonies. "You will never surpass these works," remarked Salomon. "I never mean to try," re- turned Haydn. In regard to his projected opera, Haydn was not so successful, for Q-allini (gal le'ne), for whom it was to be written, could by no means obtain a license, and his new theater was therefore unopened for opera. HAYDN. 315 Haydn received many honors in England. His ben- efit concert was filled to overfiowing. He was created Doctor of Music at Oxford. He sat near the king at the great Handel Festival, and, at London, he was feted and lionized to a great degree. He was courted by the Pro- fessionals, who would have given much could they have seduced him into breaking his engagement with Salomon. Toward the end of July, 1792, he returned to Vienna. On his way, he stopped at Bonn (bon), to meet Prince Anton Esterhazy, and here, too, he met with Beethoven, then a young man of twenty-two, who was about to be sent to Vienna by the Elector of Cologne (ko ion'), for a musical education. It is not improbable that Haydn made arrangements here to receive Beethoven as his pupil, which he did the next year. The arrangement was not very successful. Haydn did not devote himself to Beethoven as much as would have been well. Bee- thoven conceived a jealousy of the older man, and the intercourse between them was, by no means, so pleasant as had been the friendship between Haydn and Mozart. Haydn used to say that he was never popular in G-ermany, until he had been in England. However this may be, he was certainly very popular in Vienna during the year or so following his London trip. His concerts, at which he produced his London compositions, were well attended and much applauded, and he himself was courted and lionized in a manner which could not but have been very pleasing to him. At the beginning of 1794, in accordance with an agreement made with Salomon, Haydn again journeyed to London * to conduct a series of concerts. His stay here * Sir G. Smart, who was at this time a violin player with Salomon, relates a good tale of Haydn's second visit to London. At one of the rehearsals, there was 316 ' COMPOSERS. was, like his first, most successful. The Professional Concerts, which had offered rival attractions during his former tour, no longer existed, and Haydn and Salomon for two seasons delighted London with their performances. The pecuniary results of the visit were most gratifying, and Haydn returned to Vienna in the summer of 1795, with a modest competence for the rest of his life. He had received, while in London, a letter from Prince Nicholas Esterhazy, the grandson of Haydn's former patron, stating his desire to reconstruct his grandfather's musical establishment, and asking if Haydn would act as capellmeister. Haydn replied that he was now, as always, devoted to the Esterhazy family. After his return from Lond.on, Haydn lived quietly in a little house he had purchased in one of the suburbs of Vienna, composing, performing his duties as capell- meister, and otherwise enjoying the evening of life. " Grod preserve the Emperor Francis," was one of the compositions of this epoch. Two others of more fame, perhaps, ai-e his two oratorios, " The Creation " and " The Seasons." It is said that Salomon first suggested to Haydn the idea of composing an oratorio, and had shown him a poem on the subject of the Creation. This poem Haydn brought to light at the request of Van Suieten (van swe a' ten), a Viennese connoisseur, and composed need of a drummer ; for the regular performer failed to appear. Haydn asked the orchestra if any one could play the kettle-drum. "I can," said Smart. He was then eighteen years old, and though he had never before had a drumstick in his hands, thought that correct time was the only thing needed. After the first movement had been played , Haydn praised him for his execution, but added, with mild sarcasm, that in Germany they had a way of striking the drum, so as to stop the vibration after each stroke, and added that the effect was thereby heightened. With a consciousness of the skill gathex'ed from his lessons on the meal-tub, Haydn showed how the thing was done. Smart looked on comijosedly, and remarked that, if Haydn preferred that style, they could undoubtedly do so in England as weU as in Germany. HAYDN. 317 the oratorio. It was a work of eighteen months, under- taken piously and seriously, and with true religious feel- ing.* It was given (in 1800) in the Schwartzenburg (swarf zen burg) palace, and then in public in Vienna. Every-where did it achieve the greatest popularity. In London, there were at once produced two versions, and it long remained a favorite, although now, if we mistake not, it is seldom produced. It was in the later years of Haydn's life that Beethoven came to him as a pupil. Of their intercourse, we shall have more to say under our Life of Beethoven. They did not get on well together, though there was no serious quarrel, t "The Seasons" was not so successful a work. It was undertaken on the encouraging reception given to " The Creation," but Haydn by no means felt as inspired by this second subject as by his first. "In 'The Creation,' angels speak of Q-od," said he. "In 'The Seasons,' no one greater than Farmer Simon." For the next few years, Haydn lived on happily, though doing but little musical work. His strength had been seriously drawn upon by his labors in composing * One thing whicli should be noted ahout Haydn, was the very strongly- marked religious element in his life. All his scores have marked at their beginning, "In nomine Domine" ("In the name of G-od"), or "Soli Deo gloria" ("To God alone be glory"). And at the end is written, "Laus Deo" ("Praise be to God"). " The Creation " was a distinctly religious work, and was written by Haydn in a most reverent spirit, with frequent recourse to prayer. t "Although neither cordially liked the other, a tolerable appearance of friend- ship was maintained. It was, perhaps, impossible that between two such totally different natures the connection could have been otherwise. Haydn was genial and affable ; from his long contest with poverty, rather obsequious ; not apt to take offense, or to imagine slights ; ready to render unto Csesar his due ; in short, a courtier. " What greater contrast to all this can be imagined than our proud, reserved, brusque Beethoven ? He pay court to princes, or wait with ' bated breath ' upon their whims 1 He the stormy republican, who regarded all men as on the same level, and would bow to nothing less than the Divine in man." 318 COMPOSERS. the oratorios, and he became weaker and weaker. The political troubles of the time were trials to him, and he finally died on May 31, 1809, while Vienna was in the hands of the French.* * " Haydii was slender but strong, and below the medium height, with legs disproportionately short, and seeming all the shorter, owing to his old-fashioned style of dress. His features were tolerably regular, his face serious and express- ive, but, at the same time, attractive for its benignity. " Kindliness and gentle earnestness showed themselves in his person and bearing," says G-riesinger (grez'- ing er). When he was in earnest, his countenance was dignified, and in pleasant conversation he had a laughing expression, though Dies (des') [a friend], says he never heard him laugh aloud. His large aquiline nose, disfigured by a polypus, was, like the rest of his face, deeply pitted by small-pox, so that the nostrils were differently shaped. The under lip, which was strong and somewhat coarse, was very prominent. His complexion was very brown. One of his biographical sketches mentions that he was called a Moor. He considered himself ugly, and mentioned two princes who could not endure his appearance, because he seemed deformed to them. He stuck to his wig, in spite of all the changing modes through two generations, even to his death ; but it concealed, to the disadvantage of the general expression of his physiognomy, a large part of his broad and finely- developed forehead. * * * There were great joyousness and mirth in his char- acter, and in his old age he said himself, "Life is a charming affair." Joy in life was the fundamental characteristic of his existence and his compositions. * * * The unvarying simplicity of his life gave him good health." MOZART. 1756-1791. LEOPOLD MOZART (mo zart'), the son of a book- J binder of Augsburg (o^A^gz' burg), became in 1743 one of the musicians in the service of the Archbisliop of Salzburg (salts' burg). In time he was made sub-director of the archbishop's chapel. Besides his other duties, he gave lessons on the violin. He married Anna Maria Perte (n-ia re' a per' ta), a woman of much beauty. Of this marriage were born seven children, but only two survived — a daughter, Mary Anne, by name, and a son. Johann Chrysostom Wolfgang Amadeus (yo ban' kris'- 6s ttim wvdblf gang am a de' us) Mozart was the full name of the son, who was born at Salzburg, January 2 7, 1756. He was, in our estimation, the most remarkable infant prodigy that ever existed. His father took great pains with the musical education of his children. When Mary was seven, her father began to give her lessons on the harpsichord. Wolfgang, who was, at the time, but three years of age, desired to learn also. His father, how- ever, thought him rather young, and Wolfgang was re- duced to finding out for himself on the piano such chords as he was able to compass with his baby fingers. But in a year or so, his father began to teach him also, some little things, more in fun than for any other reason, and the little fellow learned the simple pieces with the utmost ease. He became so fond of his music, that it took the place of the usual amusements of childhood. 320 COMPOSERS. For a time, he was led away from it by his love for the other studies which he was pursuing, but he returned to his music with the utmost vigor. When he was about six, he composed a concerto for the harpsichord, or rather part of one, that was so difficult that no one could play it, not even himself, though it was all com- posed according to rule and with very great care. Whether Mozart, in after years, was able to conquer the difficulties of this Frankenstein (frank' en stin) of his youthful days, is nowhere recorded. Wolfgang's proceedings seemed so remarkable to his father, that it was thought a good plan to carry the children around through the various courts of Germany, to give exhibitions of their really wonderful powers. Anna Maria was at this time ten and Wolfgang six. The expedition was a most successful one. The chil- dren's playing was such that it would have been remark- able in an expert. They played before the Emperor Francis I. at Vienna. Returning to Salzburg, little Mozart took the violin. Hitherto he had only played on the harpsichord. They tell this anecdote of him at the time. A certain violin- ist of note came to request the opinion of the elder Mozart on some trios. They sat down to play them to- gether, Mozart playing the bass, while the archbishop's trumpeter was to play second violin. Wolfgang being present, requested to be allowed to play second, — he had his little violin with him, — but his father forbade him, saying that he had had no lessons. " It does not appear necessary to me," said the young man, then six years old, "to take lessons in order to learn to play the second violin." Finally, he was allowed to play second, together with Schachtner (shakt'ner) [the ti^umpeter], on condition MOZART. 321 that he should play softly. So he began, but instead of playing softly, he played in such a manner as to render Schachtner's violin utterly useless. AH six of the trios were played by him in this manner. He then thought he could play the first violin, and was allowed to try. "We could not forbear laughing," says Schachtner, "on hearing him execute this part, very imperfectly, it is true, but still so as never to be set fast." The next year, Wolfgang being seven, the family set forth upon another tour, and in this tour, Mozart may be said to have gained a Continental reputation ; for he played all over Germany, in the Low Countries, and at Paris. The next year, they went to England. Both at Versailles (ver salz') and at London did Mozart play the organ in the royal chapel. In London, his organ per- formances were thought finer than his playing on the harpsichord. He remained in England some time, where he met with Christian Bach (taak), the son of Sebastian, who was music-master to the queen. The little fellow performed the most astonishing feats in the way of play- ing, and also composed several things. From this time forward, — that is, from his eighth year, — he composed almost as much as he played. The next few years were passed in various parts of Europe, in Holland, in Paris, in Germany, in Switzerland, and in Vienna, where Mozart, then twelve, composed an opera for the Emperor Joseph II. Last of all, Mozart went into Itaty. Here he was every-where received with the utmost admiration and enthusiasm, and here, as well as every-where else, did he perform feats that would have been wonderful for trained and experienced musicians. He seems never to have made a false step. He developed fugues on sub- jects set by the amateurs ; he set down the whole of the 822 COMPOSERS. "Sistine Miserere" from memory; he composed an opera, which was performed at Milan for twenty nights run- ning. All these things he did with the same sureness and firmness. He was honored throughout Italy by orders, diplomas, titles, and such. He left the country in 1771, and returned with his father to Salzburg. For the next few years, he remained here, composing much — cantatas for various events, an opera, masses, an opera- bouffe, and so on. He then passed a year or so in Paris, and in 1779 found himself in Vienna. He was now twenty-three. He had passed through a childhood the most remarkable that child ever lived. He might consider himself at the very summit of his art. He had all Europe before him to choose where he would go to seek his fortune, for it seemed as if he must pros- per anywhere. He I'emained in Vienna. The city was delightful to him for many reasons, and he lived here for the remainder of his too short life. Here are dated most of his compositions, operas, symphonies, instru- mental pieces of all kinds. We can not name them all in their place. He was, in appearance, small and delicate. He never attained his full growth. His parents had been dis- tinguished for their great beauty, but he himself was by no means remarkable in his appearance. He was rather clumsy than otherwise with his hands, save at the piano. But he had the most extraordinary musical sensibility. Even in his childhood, a false or a rough note was pain- ful to him. The noise of a trumpet blown loudly before him would almost send him into convulsions. Being in Berlin one evening, he learned from the waiter at the inn that one of his operas was to be performed. He set out at once to hear it, and got into the pit, where he MOZART. 823 might listen without being observed. But being con- tinually agitated by the trifling mistakes made by one or another of the pieces in the orchestra, or by variations played by them, he gradually edged his way up to the orchestra rail. About the time he got there, an air was sung that had been slightly altered. Mozart, unable to restrain himself, cried out to the orchestra the manner in which it should be played. The people stared at the man who thus disturbed every one, and somebody rec- ognizing him, informed the actors, several of whom were so troubled that they would not come on the stage, whereon Mozart, learning the difficulty, went behind the scenes and succeeded in restoring their complacency by some compliments, so that the performance might be carried through. He loved best to work in the morning, rising, per- haps, at six or seven, and working for several hours. After that, he seldom desired to do any thing else. He was by nature procrastinating and indolent, unless, indeed, he was seized with some inspiration, in which case he would work away with the utmost vigor, till the fit passed away. But, as a rule, he was lazy. On one occasion, he was to write something for a court con- cert, but put it off so that he barely had time to write out the parts for the other performers, while his own remained undone. He played away, however, and the Emperor Joseph, observing that he never turned the page of his music, coming up behind him, was surprised to see him playing from empty lines. The same thing came near happening to the overture of "Don Giovanni" (jo va' ne). It was written the morning of the perform- ance, and played by the orchestra without a rehearsal. Mozart composed much and easily; He made com- 324 COMPOSERS. paratively little money by his productions, for various reasons. He would almost as readily write for nothing as for pay, and when he was paid, he usually spent the money with such looseness and lack of forethought, that it was as if it never had been. He married, in 1782,* Constanza Weber (kon stan' za web' er), but she was too like himself, as far as money matters were concerned, to regulate the household economy properly. Mozart, how- ever, lived comfortably enough, though he could by no means, at this time, reach the object of his ambition in the matter of successes, positions, and honors. At this period, there was a great and determined rivalry be- tween the two schools of niusic, Italian and German, and the war was waged at Vienna as well as elsewhere. Joseph H., although a great admirer of Mozart and his powers as a performer, was by training and taste an Italianist. Mozart contributed his share in the strife by the " Marriage of Figaro " (fe ga ro'), first performed in Vienna in 1786, and received Math triumphant accla- mation. Intrigue prevented the full measure of its suc- cess, and it was given only nine nights. In Prague f (prag), * He had for some time been much in love. His courtship was not much less troubled than the proverbial course of true love. His father greatly disapproved of the match. But his disapproval seems to have been general, his idea being that it would interfere with the future which he had marked out for his son, to have him marry at twenty-six. Then, too, the guardian of Constance was not well pleased with the idea. But the two young people were deeply attached to each other, and finally, as is usually the case (in romance, at least). Youth and Love won the day, and they were married, and lived very happily indeed. Mo- zart was utterly devoted to his wife, who knew how to appreciate not only his personal qualities, but his artistic greatness. t Mozart went to Prague at about this time as guest of a Bohemian noble- man. " I went to a ball," he writes to a friend, " where we should meet all the Prague beauties. I fancy I can see you hopping pfter the pretty creatures. I neither danced nor flirted with them, because I was too tired for the first, and my natural reserve preserved me from the latter. I watched them, however, vrith great pleasure, tripping about to the miisic of my ' Figaro ' transformed into various forms of dance music. Nothing is talked of here but 'Figaro,' MOZART. 325 however, it was taken up and given throughout the winter with enthusiasm. Mozart was delighted. He offered to compose another opera for the Prague com- pany. "Don Q-iovanni"* was the result, which was given at Prague in 1787,t and received with more applaxise than had been offered to any other of Mozart's works. About this time, the death of Q-luck (glik) left a place in the imperial household at Vienna which was offered to Mozart. The Viennese desired to hear " Don Giovanni," and it was given in the spring of the next year, but was at first coldly received. On being performed several times, however, it became a very great success. nothing whistled and hummed but ' Figaro,' and no opera so well attended as 'Figaro.' Very flattering, certainly." So much was Mozart pleased with all this, that one day, in talking with the manager of the theater, he said : " As the Bohemians understand me so well, I must compose something expressly for them." So he went hack to Vienna, thinking of " Don Q-iovanni," though he did not put pen to paper to write it, till a month before its performance. * Mozart stayed with Dussek (doos' ek), while in Prague, at the time he was writing "Don Giovanni." The house was much resorted to, and all manner of sports seem to have gone on while Mozart was at work, for it is said that he would often leave his work when his turn came at the game they might be playing, and then go back serenely to his writing as though in his own study. Another story is told in regard to Boudini (boo de' »e), who sang Zerlina (Per- ls' nil). She was unable to scream, according to Mozart's ideas, at that place where Zerlina is seized by Don Giovanni. Time after time did she fail to suit Mozart's ideas. After a while, he went up quietly on the stage, without her noticing him, and when the moment came, laid hold of her himself in so vigorous a manner that she cried out in good earnest. "That's the way," said he, con- tentedly; "you must cry out just so." t "Don Giovanni" was received witli enthusiasm. "I hope," wrote Mozart afterward, "that it may some time be heard in Vienna." So it was, some little while after. But the Viennese, who were never great at appreciating Mozart, did not at first like it particularly. "This is a heavenly work,". said the Em- peror; "it is even more beautiful than 'Mgaro,' but it is not a morsel for my Viennese." Mozart, on hearing of this, remarked, "Only give them time and they will reKsh it." He was right, for the opera increased in success with each performance. It became a great subject for discussion, for the whole style was to the Viennese a novelty. Haydn was asked his opinion by a number of friends, who were pointing out the bad points in the piece. " I can not enter Into the argument," said he, "but I do know that Mozart is the greatest composer now in the world." 826 ' COMPOSERS. Mozart was now established again in Vienna,* and lived a laborious but successful life, doing much work, making much money, and spending or lending it with reckless extravagance. He passed the summer of 1789 in a tour through Q-ermany, in which he was every- where received with great honor and appreciation. Frederick William II. of Prussia was earnest that he should become his capellmeister, at a salary three times as large as that which he received at Vienna, but Mozart was disinclined to leave the Emperor Joseph. On the death of Joseph, however, and the accession of Leopold, Mozart found himself in a worse position than before, for Joseph had desired and intended to befriend him, and Leopold had no such idea. But Mozart's own re- sources were not small. He composed about this time "The Magic Flute," f and was appointed to the reversion of the capellmeistership of St. Stephen's Church, one of the best musical positions in Vienna. He also wrote at * We OTiglit to note at least, if we can do nothing more, the productions of the year 1788, namely, his three great symphonies, those in E flat major and G- minor, and the "Jupiter Symphony" in C major. These three great pieces were composed in the astonishingly short space of a month and a half. They are held to be a sort of picture of his life : the first quiet, joyful calm, representing his youth; the second, representing his struggles and difficulties when he had his way to make in the world ; and the last, representing his triumphs and successes. In the next year, he performed one of his greatest feats, the satisfactory instru- mentation of Handel's " Messiah," for the resources of the orchestra had been largely developed since Handel's day, when sixteen performers were the number usually employed. t In regard to "The Magic Flute," a story is told not very creditable to human nature in general, but very characteristic of Mozart. Schikaneder (shik a na' der), a theatrical manager in ill success, came to see him one day and blandly asked Mozart to write him an opera. Mozart hearing of the wretched condition of his affairs, consented to do so, and that for nothing, only asking that Schikaneder should not sell it to any other theater. This was agreed to, and Mozart wrote " The Magic Piute," which did much for Mozart's reputation, and also for Schikaneder and his opera-house. What Mozart got from it we can not say. As for Schikaneder, he sold the score to as many theaters as would take it, utterly careless of his agreement with the generous composer who had saved him from misfortune. MOZART. 327 this time the opera, "The Clemency of Titus," for the coronation of Leopold as King of Bohemia. Mozart was painfully apprehensive at the thought of death, and was continually in fear that he should not live long. In the summer of 1791, a stranger called upon him, and saying that he acted for a person of con- sequence, asked if Mozart could compose a "Requiem (re'kwiem) Mass," by which the loss of a much loved friend might be annually commemorated. Mozart con- sented to compose the "Requiem." On his asking for whom he was doing this work, the stranger said that his friend desired his name to be kept secret ; but he left a hundred ducats and promised to return in a month, by which time Mozart promised to have the "Requiem" completed. He worked at it with much vigor with a strange ardor. One morning, he fainted while at work, and shortly after he said, " It is certain that I am writing this ' Requiem ' for myself ; it will do for my funeral service." And this impression remained fixed in his mind. At the end of the month, the stranger called again, but the Mass was not completed. Mozart was going to Prague to see the production of his " Clemency of Titus." He said to the stranger that he must ask further time. The stranger readily accorded a longer time, but re- marked that if the work was to take more time than was originally agreed upon, it would be worth more money, and he left fifty ducats more. But he would not leave his name, and Mozart became more and more con- vinced that his visitor was from the other world, and that the " Requiem Mass " was to be sung over his own remains. He never finished his work ; when the stranger called again, the composer had died, leaving his work 328 COMPOSERS. incomplete. Mozart had worked too hard, a combination of several ailments fastened on him, and after an illness of only two weeks, he died December 5, 1791. We add here a number of notes on Mozart's character and habits which did not appear pertinent at any special point of the narrative. He was short, but his figure well proportioned, his hands and feet small ; in his youth, he was slender, but rather more corpulent in the last years of his life. His head was rather too large for his body. His face, naturaUy pale, was not unpleasing, but betrayed no particular genius. Mozart's nose only ap- peared too large while he was thin ; his eyes were large and well shaped, but rather languid, with good eyebrows and eyelashes ; his glance was restless and wandering. He usually was up and writing by six or seven o'clock in the morning, and yet he had often come home at a very late hour from musical parties. It was his invariable custom to devote the early morning hoiirs to composition, and in later years, the only difference he made was, that, to be more comfortable, he wrote in bed. " He wrote music as others do letters," says a ladj' in the most naive and forcible manner, " and never tried over his compositions till completed ; on the other hand, in his mature years, he passed half the night at the piano, and these were the creative hours of his heavenly songs." Sebastian Bach used to make a great point of this form of composition, insisting that his pupils should compose away from the piano, and those who were acciistomed to compose at the instrument, he dubbed "piano-hussars." He was not at all business-like in liis habits, but on his marriage he set out to keep accounts. But he could not keep it up very long (after the manner of other unbusiness-like folk), and his wife tried her hand at it. Just what success she made, we can not say, but it does not seem as if she were the best and most careful housekeeper In the world. She lived with Mozart in a happy-go-lucky style, of which there are many anecdotes. The very day after they were married, a friend came to offer the customary congratulations, and, finding no one to come to the door, went through the house himself and, after a while, discovered the young couple, who had not seen fit to wake up. On being aroused by their visitor, they at once invited him to breakfast. But they could not find any servant of any kind in the house to get breakfast for them, so Constance herself set about making coffee, Avhich she did in her wedding-dress, having no other at hand. On a later occasion, the young people having allowed themselves to be- come absolutely destitute of fire-wood, and having nothing to purchase it with, were found by a visitor dancing with each other round the room, " in order to keep warm, as there was no fire." He was passionately fond of billiards. He had a table in his own house, rather an unusual IxLxury at that time, and played constantly. It seemed to divert him without taking up all his mental power. They say that it was while he was playing billiards at Prague, that he composed the second quartet in " The Magic Piute." BKKTHOVKN. THE life of Beethoven (ba'to ven) has in it naore romantic and artistic elements than that of any other composer with whom we have to do. The element of greatness is common to them all — Bach (bak), Mozart, (mozarf), Mendelssohn (men'dels son), Wagner (wag'ner), and the others, were all great; but even here Beethoven's life has more interest, for it is that of the greatest com- poser who ever lived. There is the most unspeakable melancholy in his deafness, which imxjarts a shade to the picture, a minor strain which transcends our feeling for the unappreciated genius of Schubert (shc5o' bert), or of Wagner, or even the tender melancholy of the life and death of Chopin (sho pang'). After a hard fight in miserable and uncongenial surroundings, and after at last attaining a clear view of the goal before him, this crushing blow falls on Beethoven. The greatest com- poser of all time, utterly without power to hear his own heavenly work, is more pathetic even than the blind Milton, for Milton could hear his poems read aloud. Beethoven could only read the dumb evidence of his own greatness. He was born, the son of a poor musician, in the town of Bonn (bon), December 17, 1770. Johann (yo'han) van Beethoven was a singei attached to the Electoral Court, and by no means a great one at that, while as a man he had many wretched qualities. Miserably poor, he 330 COMPOSERS. added thereto a passion for drink, which kept his whole family in circumstances of almost absolute want. Ludwig (idbt'vikh) van Beethoven was one of those musicians who have their passion and genius for music given them at their birth. Had he been born under the same lucky star as Mozart, he might not improb- ably have rivaled the youthful extravagances of that prodigy. But to Beethoven's father, the gift of his son seemed only a good occasion for growing rich. So his musical education was at once begun, and was pressed on with hard ruthlessness under such advantages as could be found in his native town. He learned much and well, but it does not appear that his father's selfish project, of living by his son's genius, ever came to any satisfactory result. As the boy grew up, the habits of his father became worse and worse. Beethoven found he could do some- thing for his family in the position of assistant organist to Max Franz (maks frants), the Elector. This was when he was fifteen years of age. He was looking forward to a journey to Vienna, then the great musical center of Q-ermany. In 178 7, he was able to fulfill this dream. He played before Mozart, and improvised in such a way as to excite the master's amazement. "Much will one day be said about him in the world," said Mozart of the young fellow. But this visit to Vienna was a short one. He hurried home on hearing of the illness of his mother. He arrived at home only in time to see her before she died. By that event, he became the head of the family, for his father was worse than no one. He set about supporting his younger brothers and sisters by teaching, and worked hard for them at what was to him the most exasperating occupation that could be devised. But, in BEETHOVEN. 331 time, he went again to Vienna. Joseph Haydn (ha'dn) passed through Bonn on his return from London in the year 1792. Beethoven presented to him one of his compositions, of which Haydn was warm in praise. Beethoven longed for good teaching, and his journey to Vienna was undertaken that he might take lessons of Haydn. The Elector supplied the funds, want of which had been the previous difficulty, and Beethoven left Bonn forever. Arrived at Vienna, he carried out his plan, and became a pupil of Haydn's. As is too often the way with geniuses, Beethoven and Haydn did not get along well together, and soon separated. We can hardly say whose was the greatest fault, probably both were to blame, though Haydn seems to have been the most in the wrong. He was careless and Beethoven hot-headed. After leaving Haydn, Beethoven took lessons of Albrechtsburger (al brekts burg'er), and afterward of Salieri (sa le a' re). With these he got on better, though both thought him self-willed and obstinate. However, his studies were to good purpose. He attracted the notice of musical patrons by his playing, and was, on the whole, started on the high-road to his later fame. His father, we may add, died in 1792, very shortly after he reached Vienna. About this time, Beethoven made the acquaintance of the Prince and Princess Lichnowski (ilk nov'skl), enthusiastic lovers of music, and, at their suggestion, he made his home with them in 1794, and for some years afterward. There was no bargain, or any thing of the sort. Beethoven was as free as though he were living by himself. But the Lich- nowskis had the pleasure of feeling that they were rloing something to help forward a young man whom 332 COMPOSERS. they already felt was one of the most remarkable musicians of his time.* Beethoven, now, at the age of twenty-four, found himself with genius, education, and leisure. He com- posed much. We can not easily particularize. "Opus 1" consists of three trios dedicated to Prince Lichnowski ; it was composed in 1791. "Opus 2" consists of three sonatas for the piano, dedicated to Joseph Haydn, and so on. Many sonatas, trios, quartets, quintets, concertos, and so forth, came from his hand at this time. He played much in private ; but this was a time when there was by no means so much playing in public as to-day. Music was cultivated by a far smaller number than now enjoy it, and reputations were made by play- ing at the private concerts of the great patrons of music. At many of these was Beethoven heard f and appreciated. He was beginning to be recognized. * A well-known musician of the time (Czernj') thus speaks of an encounter with Beethoven : " I remember Q-elinek (gd' tm ek) telling my father one day that he was invited to a party in the evening to break a lance with a new pianist. ' We will make mince-meat of him,' added Gelinek. "The nest day, my father asked how the ailair had gone off. " ' Oh,' said G-elinek, quite crest-fallen, ' I shall never forget yesterday I The devil is in the young man. I never heard such playing. He improvised on a theme I gave him in such a manner as I never even heard Mozart. Then he played some of his own compositions, which are wonderful and magnificent beyond every thing ; he brings out of the pi,ano tones and effects we have never dreamed of.' "'Aye,' said my father, in astonishment. 'What is his name?' 'He is a short, ugly, dark, cross-looking young man,' said Gelinek, ' whom Prince Lich- nowsld brought here from Germany some years ago, to learn composition from Haydn, Albrechtsburger, and Salieri ; his name is Beethoven.'" + On one occasion, a new piano-forte quartet by Porster, a well-known com- poser of the day, was in progress of rehearsal. The violinist was suddenly called out, when Beethoven, who was at the piano-forte. Instantly began to sing the missing part, in addition to going on with his own, which he read for the first time. The prince, astonished, asked him how he covild sing music with which he was not acquainted. Beethoven smiled and replied, " The bass must have been so, otherwise the author could have known nothing whatever of composition." On BEETHOVEN. 333 Up to this time, his life had been one of constant struggle through many and miserable hardships. Now, the way was appearing more and more plainly before him. It was at this time that premonitions of what was the most fearful misfortune of his life came upon him. He became conscious of approaching deafness. It was in 1798 that he had fears in regard to the matter. Three years passed, and they were realized.* Beethoven be- the prince remarking further, that Beethoven had taken the presto so quickly, that it was impossible to have seen the notes, he answered, " That is not at all necessary. A multitude of faults in the printing do not signify. If you only know the language, you don't see them or pay any heed to them." Here is another anecdote of the same kind. "He invited me to turn over for him," says a friend, "when he played his concerto ; but, good heavens 1 that was more easily said than done. I saw nothing but blank leaves, with a few utterly incomprehensible Egyptian liiero- glyphics, which served him as guides, for he played nearly the whole of the solo part from memory ; as it generally happened, he had not time to write it out in full. So he always gave me a secret sign when he was at the end of one of these unintelligible passages, and the anxiety I could scarcely conceal, lest I should fail at the important moment, afforded him huge merriment, and he shook with laughter as he recalled it at our sociable, jovial supper." * " I may say," writes Beethoven in 1805, " that I pass my life wretchedly ; for nearly two years I have avoided all society, because I can not possibly say to people, ' I am deaf ' .' If I were in any other profession, it would not so much signify ; but, for a musician, it is a really frightful condition. Besides, what would my enemies say to it— and they are not few I " To give you an idea of this extraordinary deafness, I must tell you that in the theater I am obliged to lean forward, quite close to the orchestra, in order to understand the actors. The high tones of the instruments and voices I do not hear if I am a little way off. In conversation, it is surprising that there are some people who do not observe It— they attribute it to the absent fits which I often have. Many a time, I can with difficulty distinguish the tones, but not the words, of any person who speaks in a low voice ; and yet, directly any one begins to shout, it is unendurable to me. What is to be the result, the good God alone knows. Vernig says that my condition will certainly improve, though I may not he perfectly restored. I have often already cursed my existence. Plu- tarch has led me to resignation. I am resolved, if possible, to defy my fate, although there should be moments in my life when I shall be the most unhappy of all God's creatures." We must also print Beethoven's will, so called, in which he gives a most striking picture of his miserable condition : " The Promemoria. " Ocioher 8, IHOS. "To MY BROTHERS Carl AND [.loHANw] BEETHOVEN,— O jG who cousider Or rep- 834 COMPOSERS. came finally so deaf that he could neither hear suffi- ciently to play the piano nor to conduct. It was the most fearful grief to him. "If I had not read some- resent me as unfriendly, morose, and misantliropical, how unjust are you to me ! You know not the secret cause of what appears thus to you. "My heart and mind have been from childhood given up to the tender feel- ing of benevolence, and I have ever been disposed to accomplish something great. But only consider that for six years I have been afflicted by a wretched calamity, which was aggravated by unskillful physicians — deceived from year to year by the hope of amendment — now forced, at length, to the contemplation of a linger- ing disease (the cure of which will, perhaps, last for years, if indeed it be not an impossibility). "Born with a passionate, lively temperament, keenly susceptible to the pleasures of society, I was obliged at an early age to isolate myself, and to pass my life in loneliness. " When I at times endeavored to surmount all this, oh, how rudely was I thrust back again by the experience— the doubly painful experience— of my de- fective hearing I and yet it was impossible for me to say to people, ' Speak louder, shout ; for I am deaf ' 1 Alas, how could I proclaim the weakness of a sense which ought to have been with me in a higher degree than with others— a sense which I once possessed in the greatest perfection — and to an extent which few of my profession enjoy, or ever have enjoyed I Oh, this I can not do 1 Forgive me, therefore, when you see me turn away, where I would gladly mingle with you. My misfortune is doubly painful to me, inasmuch as it causes me to he misunderstood. Por me there can be no relaxation in human society, no refined conversations, no mutual outpourings of thought. Like an exile, I must hve. Whenever I come near strangers, I am seized with a feverish anxietj' from my dread of being exposed to the risk of betraying my condition. "Thus it has been with me during these last six months which I have spent in the country. The orders of my sensible physician, to spare my hearing as much as possible, were quite in accordance with my present disposition ; although often, overcome by longing for society, I have been tempted into it. But what humiliation, when any one by my side heard from afar a flute, and I heard nothing^ or when any one heard the shepherd singing, and I again heard imthinxj! Such occurrences brought me nigh to despair ; but little was wanting, and I should myself have put an end to my existence. Art — art alone— held me back. Ah I it seemed impossible for me to quit the world before I had done all that I felt myself destined to accomplish. And so I prolonged this miserable life ; a life so truly wretched that a sudden change is sufficient to throw me from the happiest condition into the worst. "Patience! It would seem that I must now choose her for my guide I I have done so. I trust that my resolve to persevere will remain firm, until it shall please the inexorable Pates to cut the thread of life. Perhaps I may get better: perhaps not. I am prepared. Compelled to he a philosopher in my twenty-eighth year ! This is not easy— for the artist, harder than for any one else. O G-od ! Thou lookest down upon my heart. Thou seest that love to man and beneficent feelings have their abode in it, BEETHOVEN. 335 where that man must not take his own life, I should long ere this have been no more, and that through my own act." He did not commit suicide ; but his deafness had on his character a distressing effect. At all times somewhat brusque, obstinate, and gloomy, these qualities deepened through his affliction, and he became suspicious, irritable, prejudiced, and morose. One wonders that these qualities did not more affect his work. He still con- ducted at concerts ; but it is doubtful whether he was more help than hinderance to his orchestra ; for being imable to hear the effects, he would at times lose his place. His conducting had at all times been peculiar.* From this time, the greater part of Beethoven's life lies in his compositions. We should like here to break off from our narrative, and to speak at once of his great- est works, — the Nine Symphonies, — without reference to other events in his life. Then we will return to chrono- logical sequence. " Oh ye who may one day read this, reflect that ye did me injustice, and let the unhappy be consoled by finding one like himself, who, in defiance of all natural obstacles, has done all that lay in his power to be received into the ranks of worthy artists and men." * Spohr, who saw Beethoven conducting a concert at Vienna, was much sur- prised at his methods. " Although," says he, " I had heard a great deal about this, I was very much astonished with what I saw ; Beethoven had accustomed himself to indicate the marks of expression by all kinds of peculiar movements. Whenever a sforzando (sf6r dzdn' do) occurred, he would vehemently open both arms, which had before been crossed on his chest. For a piano, he would bend down, and the softer it was to be, the lower would he stoop ; for a crescendo, he would draw himself up more and more, till, at the arrival of the forte, he gave a leap into the air ; he would frequently scream out to increase the forte, without being aware of so doing." Another musician writes : " He conducted the concert at which I saw him, when the music consisted only of his own, or music which he knew by heart and could bear in his mind ; for, although his sharp eye nearly always detects the character of the perform- ance, I perceived, by a decided, though brief confusion in the time and the omission by the performers in their anxiety of a piano, that he could hear nothing, for both mistakes escaped him. He stood as if on a distant island, directing his dark, demoniacal harmonies with the strangest movements." ■5 :"^> COMPOSE R M . These symphonies were written during the last half of Beethoven's life. The First, in 1800, when he was thirty; the Ninth, in 1824, only three years before his death. Although generally produced (and presumably composed) at an interval of three or four years, there are two exceptions. The Fifth and Sixth were first per- formed on the same day, and were undoubtedly com- posed at almost the same time. The Seventh and Eighth again were presented at an interval of less than three months. And after the performance of these two, more than ten years elapsed before the last came into exist- ence. Of the " First Symphony " we can say but little in so short a sketch. It was first performed in 1800, at a con- cert given by Beethoven in Vienna when he was already a musician of high repute. But just when it was com- posed can not be well stated ; sketches of different bits may, however, be found in various note-books for some years previous. It is perhaps the least original of all Beethoven's Sonatas, though in the Minuet and Trio in the third movement, Beethoven showed that he regarded old rules as of very slight importance when they ran counter to his views. " The ' Second Symphony,' " says Sir George Grrove, "is a great advance on the First. In the first place, it is bolder and broader in style. In the next, it is longer. The Scherzo and Trio and the Coda to the Finale are very new and original." This symphony was written some time in 1802, at a time when Bee- thoven seems to have been as despondent and gloomy as he ever was in his whole life. His complete deafness was no longer doubtful, and he himself had become gloomy, morose, and morbid to a degree. It is in this year that he wrote the curious letter to his brothers— BEETHOVEN. 337 from which we have quoted — m which he speaks so touchingly of his depressed condition. But this low tone and depression do not find their way into the "Second Symphony." It is tlie only bright spot in this period of Beethoven's life. Two years afterward, was finished the "Eroica Sym- phony" (the Third). It has a curious history. Beethoven, like many others, was an enthusiastic admirer of the earlier years of Napoleon's career. To him, the young Corsican rising almost from the ranks, grasping the reins of power, and quelling and guiding the diverse and dis- cordant elements which had their birth in the French Revolution, represented the true type of Hero. And for him was written the "Third Symphony." And on its completion a copy was handed to the representative of Napoleon, to be given to his master, the First Consul. Shortly afterward. Napoleon became Emperor. "After all, he's nothing but an ordinary mortal," cried Bee- thoven, seeing his former ideal change into an embryo tyrant. So the name was changed. The Symphony became the "Eroica," and the copy given to the French ambassador was recalled, and the name of the French Emperor Avas scratched out, though traces of it may still be seen on the MS. copy. But the fact remains that it was written for Napoleon Bonaparte. The " Fourth Symphony " was written some two or three years after the "Eroica." It was first performed in March, 1807. The Third had been first given in April, 1805. The meantime had been taken up by the com- position and production of " Fidelio " (fe da' 11 6). It is lighter and more gay and cheerful than the "Eroica," but is as great a work. Both were greatly cried out upon on their first performance by some of the critics, who 838 COMPOSEES. had set up Handel, Gliick (giik), and Mozart as the only models for composition. To such there was much in these two Symphonies of Beethoven that seemed like lunacy, pure and simple. The " Fifth Symphony " and the " Sixth " have had their numbers transposed since their first performance. Both were performed December 22, 1808. But at that Concert, the "Pastoral Symphonj^" was nuiTibered five, and the present " Fifth " was numbered six. But there is reason to believe that the present " Fifth " was earlier in the composer's mind, and that parts of it were put to paper earlier than any part of the "Pastoral Symphony," and toward the end of Beethoven's life the numbering was changed to that by which we now know them. "The 'C Minor Symphony,'" says Sir George G-rove, "is often spoken of as if it were a miracle of irregularity, and almost as if, in composing it, Beethoven had aban- doned all the ordinary rules which regulate the construc- tion of a piece of music, put down whatever came upper- most in his mind, and by the innate force of genius, produced a miraculous masterpiece. Such ideas are simply contrary to the facts, and highly misleading. It may surprise the reader to hear that the ' C Minor Sym- phony' is from beginning to end as strictly in accord- ance with the rules which govern the production of ordinary musical compositions as any Symphony or So- nata of Haydn. It is no disobedience to laws that makes the ' C Minor Symphony ' so great, no irregu- larity or improvisation ; but it is the striking and original nature of the thoughts, the direct manner in which they are expressed, and the extraordinary energy in which they are enforced and re-enforced and driven into the hearer." BEETHOVEN. 339 The next Symphony, the "Pastoral," is the greatest, and ahnost the earhest piece of "programme music" that has ever been composed. Beetlioven ridiculed Haydn for his descriptive writing in the " Creation " and the " Sea- sons," and then hmiself wrote this great piece of descrip- tive nmsic. There have been many written since ; but none so fine as the " Pastoral Symphony." It is most perfectly adapted to carrying out the programme written at the beginning. To some unbelievers, it may be a ques- tion as to whether the music would suggest such pictures to the mind, had they not been first indicated in plain black and white. The "Seventh Symphony" was given some time after the Fifth and Sixth, in the year 1813, at a concert given for the benefit of the Austrian soldiers wounded at Hanau (ha' now). It was a great occasion. All the musicians in Vienna were desirous to aid. Beethoven conducted. The greatest composers and virtuosi of the day played among the strings. Hummel (hdbm'el) and Meyerbeer (mi'er bar) beat the drum. Moscheles (mosh'- eh les) had charge of the cymbals. Salieri (Beethoven's teacher and Schubert's) marked the time for the di'ums and the cannon. And only three months afterward was given the "Eighth Symphony," the "little one," as Beethoven sometimes called it (not because he loved it especially, but because it was short). The two were written in the same year. It was not until ten years had elapsed that he wrote another, the Ninth, a "Choral Symphony." This great work was written for the London Philharmonic Society, who paid £50 for it, but was first performed, we believe, in Vienna, on just what principle we can not say ; for it was in the agreement that it should belong to the Philharmonic 340 c o M p o s E li y . for eighteen months. Be this as it may, the " Choral Symphony," like the "Pastoral," was an original and extraordinary piece, and one far finer than all which have been written in imitation of it. It is, we believe, the first symphony written which has its finale ex- tended by vocal movements. Schiller's (shil'erz) " Ode to Joy" had long been a favorite with Beethoven, and its use in this symphony was, undoubtedly, the real- ization of a long-conceived idea. It was with immense difficulty that Beethoven obtained the proper connection between the instrumental and vocal. "It troixbles me at the outset," he wrote; "once get into it, and it's all right." Such were the nine great works which Beethoven created during the latter part of his life. We must also mention his opera — the only one he ever wrote — of " Fidelio." This work, originally called, we believe, "Leonora," was attended in its representation by all manner of difficulties. In the first place, Beethoven wrote four separate overtures before he could get one to suit. The first was discarded as being too light and trifling ; the second was set aside as giving too great prominence to the wind, and the third because the strings were too prominent. It was not till the fourth was produced that all were satisfied. The first per- formance was by no means a success ; for, either through the malice or the extraordinary carelessness of those concerned, it was presented only a few days after the French troops had entered Vienna. At this time, Lich- nowski and all Beethoven's friends and supporters had fled to their country-houses, and the theater was filled with French officers and soldiers, so that "Fidelio" was coldly received and soon withdrawn. Not till 1814, did it receive a favorable hearing. BEETHOVEN. 841 The latter part of his Hfe Beethoven passed quietly at Vienna, well known and highly honored,* and, though by no means wealthy, in fair circumstances. His ap- pearance was characteristic of the man. He was short, but thick-set, with hair once black but now gray, which he threw back from his forehead ; rather a red face, with small eyes, deep-set, fiery, and full of intensity." His face is said by Nohl (noi) to have borne no trace of happiness. All authorities agree that he was ugly, and his dress was not inappropriate. It was quite a contrast to the elegant attire customary in those days. He spoke with a strong provincial accent, his general bearing showed no signs of culture, and his behavior was very unmannerly. His habits, too, were peculiar, f * He did not himself, however, feel properly appreciated throughout the musical world. Talking to a friend from Leipsic (lip'sik), in 18S2, he said, "You hear nothing of mine here." "Not in the summer." "No, nor in winter either. What would yo^i hear ? ' Pidelio ? ' They can not give it, and would not care to hear it. The symphonies? They have no time for them. The concertos? Nobody plays any thing he has not himself written. The solos? They have long been out of fashion, and fashion is every thing." t In winter, as well as In summer, it was Beethoven's practice to rise at day- break, and immediately to sit down to his writing-table. There he would labor till two or three o'clock, his usual dinner-time. Meanwhile, he would go out once or twice in the open air, when he would work and walk. Then, after the lapse of half an hour or an hour, he would return home to note down the Ideas which he had collected. The habit of going abroad suddenly and as unexpectedly returning, just as the whim happened to strike him, was practiced by Beethoven alike at all seasons of the year; cold or heat, rain or sunshine, were all alike to him. In the autumn, he used to return to town as sunburnt as though he had been sharing the daily toil of the reapers and gleaners. Some of his peculiarities in the matter of eating and drinking deserve to be ranked among the curiosities of housekeeping. Por his breakfast he usually took coffee, which he frequently prepared himself; for in this beverage he had an Oriental fastidiousness of taste. He allowed sixty beans for each cup, and lest his measure should mislead him to the amount of a bean or two, he made it a rule to count over the sixty for each cup, especially when he had visitors. He performed this task with as much care as others of greater importance. At dinner, his favorite dish was macaroni with Parmesan (par me zcln') cheese. He was hkewise very fond of every kind of fish, and consequently, fast days imposed no sacrifice on him. To certain guests, he gave invitations only on Fridays ; for then his table was always adorned with a flne schill (a kind of haddock) and potatoes. Supper was not a meal which he 342 COMPOSERS. "When fairly domiciled, Beethoven's mode of life was very regular. After the day's work was over, alone, in the darkening twilight, he loved to breathe to his best, his only friend, his clavier^ the thoughts which met with no response in human sympathy. During the evening, he would smoke his pipe, and play occasionally on his viola or violin, both of which must always be placed ready for him on the piano-forte. " One proceeding Beethoven never omitted, viz. : the reading of the evening paper. In these stirring times, the newspaper was an absolute necessity, and our mu- sician would never retire to rest without previously ascer- taining the state of the political horizon. Ten o'clock rarely found him out of bed. Such was his simple, in- nocent day. It was no mere phrase, that declaration of his, 'I live only in my art.' It was, indeed, the all- connecting link between him and others." Beethoven died on March 2 7, 1827. cared much about ; a plate of soup or something left from dinner was all he partook of, and he was in bed by ten o'clock. He never -wrote in the afternoon, and but very seldom in the evening. He disliked to correct what he had written. This he always felt an irksome task. He preferred making a fresh copy of his notes. He was never seen out-of-doors without a little note-book, in which he jotted down his ideas. He observed this self-imposed rule with a firmness characteristic of great spirits ; but in other respects a truly admirable disorder prevailed in his household. Books and music would be scattered in all the corners ; in on e place the remains of a cold snack, in another a wine bottle, on the desk the hasty sketch of a new quartet, near it the fragments of the break- fast, on the piano some scrawled pages containing a glorious symphony in embryo, or a proof waiting for correction, private and business letters strewing the floor; and then, despite this confusion, our master would take every oppor- tunity of extolling with Ciceronian eloquence his accuracy and love of order, quite regardless of this practical contradiction. He only changed his tone when for hours, days, or even weeks, fruitless search was made for some object; then he would blame the innocent, murmuring in a complaining tone— "Yes, yes, it is unfortunate I Nothing will stay where I put it. All my things are mislaid. Every thing is done to vex me. O, people, people I " But the servants under- stood the good-natured growler, and let him grumble on to his heart's content; and in a few moments the annoyance was quite forgotten. TIE SCHUBERT IKE Beethoven (ba' to vSn), Mozart (mo zfipt'), and J i Haydn (ha'dn), the greater part of Schubert's (shc5o'berts) life was passed in Vienna, which, as far as famous composers go, was the leading musical capital of Europe toward the end of the eighteenth f'entury and the beginning of the nineteenth. Franz (frants) Schubert was named after his father, who Avas, at the time of the future composer's birth, a poor school-master in one of the suburbs of Vienna.* He was one of a large family ; for his father married twice and had children by each marriage, though they did not all live. We do not hear very much of Schubert's family through his life. Mention now and then of his elder brothers — Ignaz (eg mats'), Ferdinand, or Carl, or of his father, is about all we know of the family. * We have ample proof of the comparative poverty of the Schubert family at this time, by the shortness of pocket-money of which Franz complains. The following letter, addressed to his brother Ferdinand, illustrates this, and also affords a ghmpse of the young musician's character : " You know by experience that a fellow would like, at times, a roll and an apple or two, especially if, after a frugal dinner, he has to wait for a meager supper for eight hours and a half. The few groschen that I receive from my father are always gone to the devil the first day, and what am I to do after- ward? 'Those who hope will not be confounded,' says the Bible, and I firmly believe it. Suppose, for instance, you send me a couple of krentzer a month; I don't think you would notice the difference in your own purse, and I should live quite content and happy in my cloister. St. Matthew says also that ' Whosoever has two coats shall give one to the poor.' In the meantime, I trvist you will lend your ear to the voice crying to you incessantly, to remember your poor brother Franz, who loves and confides in you." 344 COMPOSERS. Franz was born January 31, 1797. He was the youngest of the boys born of his father's first marriage. He learned music while young from his father, who understood something of the art which was then very generally taught in Q-erman schools. He was somewhat precocious, as have been many other famous composers, but his feats in this line by no means rival the wonders of Mozart or Mendelssohn (men' dels son). Nevertheless, he learnt music easily, and indeed, Holzee (hoi'tsa), the parish school-master who used to give him lessons, said, on one occasion : " Whenever I wished to teach him any thing new, I found that he had already mastered it. Consequently, I can not be said to have given him any lessons at all ; I merely anuised myself and regarded him with dumb astonishment." We may take this with a grain or two of salt, but, undoubtedly, the child showed iTiusical genius at an early age. Having a good voice and this musical taste, his father obtained for him a position in the Imperial Chapel as a choir-boy. Haydn, it may be remembered, and also Bach (taak), served this apprenticeship to music, as well as Schubert. Schubert composed a little during his youthful years. Though we hear of nothing like the wonderful harpsi- chord piece of Mozart, composed at six years of age, yet, among Schubert's known works are many composed before his fifteenth year. Much of his work is still unpublished. The only one of his earlier works that has seen the light is the " Klagelied " (kia'ga let), written in his fifteenth year. But beyond this, there are in ex- istence in MS., many other things — overtures, qiiartets, trios, and so forth. His eai'liest known -piece, written when he was thirteen, bears the sufficiently romantic SCHUBERT. 345 name of " Corpse Fantasia." It is for the piano — four hands. Schubert was at this time receiving an education at the Stadtcourict (stat'kcSo rlkt),* one of tlie privileges of the Imperial choir-boys. But Ruczizka (rc5ok zez'ka), who was to teach him harmony, said, " He has learned every thing, and Grod has been his teacher." Nevertheless, Schubert received the instruction of Salieri (sa le a' re), an Italian, and doubtless got much good from it. When he was seventeen, Schubert's voice deserted him, and he left the Imperial choir. He left the Stadt- courict also, where it does not appear that he had made brilliant progress. For this, however, he did not greatly care. He had done something in music, and as this was the chief object of his life, he was probably not ill- satisfied. He had now no prospects at all. For a time, he taught school in Vienna, and it is said that he did it well. This argues no especial knowledge on his part. The alphabet and elementary arithmetic seem to have been the only things he was called on to teach. It must have been most horrid drudgery. One advantage of this occupation was that it left him time to compose, t and during the three years that he * At the time Sclrabert was at the Stadtcourict, his compositions were wont to be performed hy an amateur quartet, which consisted of Schubert himself, who played the viola, his father, who had the 'cello, and his two brothers, Ferdinand and Ignaz, first and second violins respectively. l?ranz possessed much artistic sensitiveness, and his quick ear detected the most trifling blunder. In the instance of one of his brothers, he did not scruple to rebuke either by word or look; but if his father played a wrong note, or made a false entry, he would ignore the mistake once, and if it occurred again, he would say, with hesitation, " Father, I fear there is a mistake somewhere." t Schubert was one of the most prolific composers ever known. In the whole history of music, we can find no parallel to this inexhaustible fertility, and even if the entire mass had no art value, the mere labor expended in transferring the ideas from the brain of the composer to the paper on which they were written. 346 COMPOSERS. taught school, Schubert wrote much. It will, perhaps, appear curious to those who know Schubert only by his pubhshed works, to learn that the branch of music to which he devoted himself most ardently at this time, as for some time after, was the opera. In 1814, he finished the music for "Des Teufel's Lustschloss" (toi'feis icJost'- shios), by Kotzebue (kot'seh boo). But the opera was not acted, nor has it been published. This year, also, he wrote his Mass in F, the finest of all he wrote, with the exception of his last. Various other works, several of dramatic form, two masses, two symphonies, and an im- mense number of songs, were the amazing work of the next year. But many of these have never been pub- lished ; none of them were published at the time of their writing. Indeed, Schubert was singularly unlucky in getting his productions before the public. Not even at the very end of his life would musical publishers, out- side of his own city, accept his MS. without a good deal of persuading, and it was only late in life that he could get the Viennese to publish his pieces. As for his operas, they were as likely as not never to arrive at production. The next year, 1816, the last of Schubert's school- teaching, were published his famous songs, "Der Eri- konig" (arl'kia nikh) and "Der Wanderer," with many others, most of which have been since that time pub- lished. A year after he had stopped school-teaching, Schubert would testify to his industry. It is certain that it was ahsolutely no trouble to Schubert to compose. The subject chosen, the ideas came naturally and super- abundantly without any expenditure of thought or energy. Unlike Mozart, he did not carefully perfect his works in his mind before writing them down ; unlike Beethoven, he did not note his ideas in sketch-books, and build up his music, so to speak, by a slow and careful process of selection, compression, and elaboration. Handel, Bach, and Haydn wrote with extreme rapidity, but not one of them exhibited fecundity similar to that of Schubert at the age of eighteen. SOHUBEET. 347 received an offer from Count Johann (yo'han) Esterhazy (es ter hft' ze), to become music-teacher for his family.* It was a very favorable position, and Schubert accepted it at once with great pleasure. He was then twenty-one, and it is said that he, at this time, fell in love with one of his pupils, Caroline, the daughter of the Count. But, as the young lady was at this time only eleven, it is not improbable that this mistake of Schubert's should be referred to a somewhat later period in his life and hers. The Esterhazy connection was a good one. Schubert began to become better known. He had made various friends of one sort and another, and there were many in Vienna who recognized his genius. Among these, how- ever, Schubert could number no publishers, and his works continued to lie in MS. for some time still. He was not the man to push his own fortunes. Of rather unprepos- sessing appearance, and by no means a pleasant address with those with whom he was unacquainted, he was the worst hand at business that could be imagined, and his affairs had to remain in the hands of his friends. He composed about this time two more operas, which, although performed in public, failed of any success. In truth, Schubert's genius is not essentially dramatic. The overture to one of these works, however, afterward used as the overture to " Rosamunde," is remarkably beautiful. * Schubert himself, unlike many of the most famous composers, was not a great performer on the piano-forte. Bach and Handel were wonderful performers on the organ; Mozart, Beethoven, Mendelssohn, and Chopin (^shopdng') were great on the piano-forte ; hut Schubert was never celebrated as a virtuoso. He was in the habit of accompanying his own songs, and did so with the most perfect feel- ing and expression. But some of his own pieces were too much for him. So, the great Pantasia in C, which he once attempted to play at a private party. At the finale, he found it so dif&cult that he utterly broke down, and jumped up from the piano, exclaiming, " The devil may play the stuff, if he likes." 348 COMPOSERS. Whether the rest of the opera be hke it, we can not say, for the work has never been pubhshed. In the j^ear 1821, a change for the better took place. The efforts of Schubert's friends seemed to have, in a measure, succeeded. At any rate, througli tlieir efforts, the " Erlkonig " was accepted by a Viennese publisher, and its sale was such that Schubert realized quite a sum from it. Many other of Schubert's songs found a pub- lisher this year, and many more were sung at concerts, public and private. He began to be known by the world, outside the little circle of his friends and admirers, as a writer of songs of much genius. He played frequently in private, acconipanying his own songs.* Indeed, Schu- bert, though overshadowed, as far as the weightier parts of his work were concerned, by the mighty genius of Beethoven, then the object of great adoration, soon be- came sufficiently popular through his songs, to be able to support himself by the results of his publications. He would have been able, that is to say, if he had not been of an absolutely and utterly unbusiness-like nature, so that he would sell his things, often for almost nothing at all. His friends did what they could for him ; but even they could not accomplish every thing. To go on with Schubert's work — during these years, he wrote another opera and another grand mass, and- also * When visiting at the houses of the great, Schubert was reserved and shy. No sooner had he fmished his exquisite playing of the accompaniment to his songs, than he put on a serious face, and withdrew to an adjoining room. Indif- ferent to applause, he avoided all compUments, and sought only the approbation of his intimate friends. Though he never danced, he was sometimes present at private parties given at fx'iends' houses, when he would obligingly seat himself at the piano, and for hours together, extemporize the most beautiful dance- music. When not invited out, he would spend the evening at the inn with his friends. He was fond of wine ; and at these meetings at the inn, which were often prolonged into the small hours, he frequently indulged in more than was good for him, when he became noisy and rather unpleasant society. SCHUBERT. 349 his unfinished Symphony in B minor. This seems to us the loveliest thing Schubert ever wrote. The first and second movements are complete. The first few bars of the scherzo are completely written, but there is not the slightest sign of what is to come next. The Symphony in E, also unfinished, differs from that in B in this par- ticular, for that has a part written out in such a way that it would be perfectly possible to complete it as Schubert himself intended it should stand when finished. The unfinished Symphony in B is held by some to repre- sent Schubert's own life, — unfinished, mingled melody and wildness, a curious thing in many ways. But of this theory there is little or no proof. Schubert went on with his dramatic efforts apparently utterly careless of their lack of success. In 182 3, he wrote the music to "Rosamunde" and of "Fierabas," and the next year "Der Hausliche Krieg" (hows' Iich eh krekh). Of this last the story is told that, having sent it to the managers of the Opera House, he heard nothing at all of it for a j^ear or more, when, on going to inquire for it, he received it back in precisely the state in which he had left it, with the string and wrapper untouched ; for it had never even been opened. It is no wonder that Schubert felt himself the victim of some unhappy fate, as we see he did by bits here and there in his letters. He seems for a time to have been miserably morbid and unhappy. "Every night," he wrote, "when I go to sleep, I hope never to awake, and every morning renews afresh the wounds of yesterday. * * * Picture to yourself a man whose health can never be re-established, who from sheer despair makes matters worse instead of better ; picture to yourself, I say, a man whose most brilliant hopes have come to nothing," etc. But this morbid feeling did not 350 COMPOSEKS. last. Schubert's natural disposition was far too easy-going for him to trouble himself greatly over the misfortunes even of himself. It seems to have been about this time that Schubert's love affair with Caroline Esterhazy came to an unfort- unate termination. Just when his passion for her began can not be said. At their first acquaintance, in 1818, when he was first engaged by Prince Esterhazy to give lessons to his family, Caroline was but eleven years old, while Schubert was twenty-one. In 1824, Caroline was seventeen, and Schubert was twenty-seven. She could not return his love, and the affair seems to have come to an end at this time. How much Schubert felt the unfortunate issue of this, his only love affair, we can not say. Although of a romantic disposition, he was not often in love, and usually jested in an unseemly manner at any of his friends who chanced to be, for the time being, hard hit. And it is certain enough that the year when his love affair had become a thing of the i^ast, saw a great revival in the general spirits of Schubert. He made, with a friend, an excursion into Upper Austria, which assisted his return to a more happy and genial disposition. He was keenly alive to the beauties of nature, and his letters from the Austrian Tyrol are full of the spirit of the woods and the mountains. In 1826, Schubert made two attempts to better him- self in a worldly point of view by obtaining some post that would guarantee him a fixed income for the future. He applied for the position of vice-capellmeister in the Imperial Court, and also for that of conductor of the orchestra at the Karnthnerthor (karn'thner tor) Theater, but it was Schubert's own luck to obtain neither of these SCHUBERT. 351 places. Weigl (vi'gl) was appointed vice-capellmeister, and it is said that Sclaubert lost the other place by his own obstinacy in refusing to alter a piece he had just composed, which it was manifestly impossible to render as he wrote it.* In spite of these two disappointments, however, Schubert's prospects were by no means so dis- couraging as they had been some years before. His reputation as a song-writer had spread to many cities beside Vienna, and though his more serious work was not appreciated, yet the revenue arising from the sale of his published songs was sufficient for his wants, which was more than it had ever been before. The year 1828 was the last year of Schubert's life. But in it, he accomplished some of his most wonderfu.1 * The story of Schubert's losing this place is told by Schindler {sMmV lev), but has no other authority. Ii seems characteristic enough, and we give it in a note for what it is worth. Schubert had attracted the attention of Duport {duprtr'), the manager; but the decision rested upon his success in composing some operatic scenes arranged for the occasion. This was done, and Nanette Schechner (nil net' shekh'ner) was to sing the soprano part. During the rehearsals, the lady called the attention of the composer to some insurmountable difliculties In the principal air, and requested him to make curtailments and to simplify the accompaniments, which Schubert flatly refused to do. At the first orchestral rehearsal, the artist endeavored in vain to master the air, and Schubert's friends begged him to make the required modifications, but without result. He persisted in his determination. At the last rehearsal, every thing went smoothly until the air, when it happened, as everybody anticipated. The singer struggled hard with the weighty accompani- ments, especially with the brass, but was fairly overpowered. She sat down on a chair by the proscenium quite exhausted. No one spoke, and despair was on every countenance. Meanwhile, Duport, the manager, went from group to group and whispered mysteriously. As for Schubert, he sat motionless, during this most unpleasant scene, like a statue, his eyes fixed on the score lying open in front of him. At ■ length, Duport advanced to the orchestra, and said, very politely, "Herr Schxibert, we should like to postpone the performance for a few days; and I must request that you will make the requisite alterations in the aria, so as to render it easier for lYaulein Schechner." Several members of the orchestra now entreated Schubert to yield ; but his anger was only intensified by Duport's observations and these added entrea'ies, and exclaiming, "I alter nothing," he closed the book with a bang, put it under his arm, and strode away quickly. All hope of his appointment was, of course, abandoned. 352 COMPOSERS. work. In March of that year, he completed his Sym- phony in 0, the grandest of his works of this sort. He wrote also, as always, some songs ; but especially, he did his best work in church-music, in the composition of his Mass in E flat. He passed the year in Vienna, longing much to be able to get away into the lovely country of the Austrian Tyrol, which he loved so much. But he was forced to give up this idea, solely on account of his want of money. He began to make up his mind to give a concert. But this went no further. Throughout the fall, he had felt unwell, at times being afflicted with giddiness and headache, but he had thought but little of it. Even when he became seriously unwell in the beginning of November, he seems to have been unable to thoroughly understand his weak state. But on the 16th of November, he became rapidly worse ; the doctors suspected typhus fever ; and on the 1 9th, in the afternoon, he died.* * Schubert and Beethoven lived in Vienna together for thirty years, but there is no good evidence that they ever met each other. Beethoven knew little of Schubert until shortly before his death, when he studied some of his songa with careful attention. But Schubert had for Beethoven the greatest awe and veneration. On this turns a story which is not substantiated : Schubert, it is said, wrote some variations which he desired to present to Beethoven in person. He had previously dedicated them to him. Being timid, and in this case awe- stricken at the idea of approaching the great master, he only went to Beethoven's house with much trepidation, and then with a friend whom he Implored to act as spokesman. Beethoven received them in the kindest manner, but Schubert was overcome with shyness. His condition became more miserable when Bee- thoven, on unrolling the music and reading, discovered one or two slight errors in the harmony. These he mildly poin ed out to Schubert, adding that they were of but little importance. But Schubert was utterly disconcerted. He left the house and never entered it again, nor did he ever see Beethoven again iintil he- saw him on his death-bed. During Beethoven's last illness, Schubert was frequently at the house to inquire for news ; and at the funeral, he was one of the torch-bearers. After the funeral, as is often told, he, with a couple of friends, went to a tavern, where they drank to the memory of Beethoven, according to the G-erman fashion. The second glass was to the memory of him who should first follow him to the grave. Schubert himself was the man, for he died the next year. NlKNDKlvSSOHN. 1809-1847. THAT worthy man, Abraham Mendelssohn (men' dels- son), was in the habit of remarking the fact that he only ceased being the son of his father on becoming the father of his son ; by which he expressed the idea that he no sooner emerged from the overshadowing fame of Moses Mendelssohn, than he found himself again overshadowed by the wonderfully rapid growth of the reputation of his son, Felix Mendelssohn Barthokly (bar- tol' de). The Mendelssohns were a talented Jewish family. Moses Mendelssohn, the philosopher and scholar, born 172 9, was the father of Abraham Mendelssohn (the overshadowed one), and he in turn became, on February 3, 1809, the father of Jakob Ludwig Felix (ya'kop loot'- vlkh fa'liks), one of the most popular, in England at least, of the whole list of great composers. Felix was born at Hamburg ; but the town shortly falling into the hands of the French, the Mendelssohn family moved, in 1811, to Berlin, where they settled themselves permanently. A year or two after this, Abraham and his wife left the Jewish faith for the Christian, as various others of the family had done before. So the children were bap- tized into the Lu^theran Church, and the name Bartholdy was assumed in addition to that of Mendelssohn. Very early in his life, — in fact, at three years of age, — Felix began to receive lessons on the piano from his 354 COMPOSERS. mother. As in the case of Mozart, the reason for this very early beginning lay in the fact that his sister, a little older than himself, was beginning to learn music, and it was thought as well that both should learn to- gether. Although Mendelssohn's youthful performances were by no means so wonderful as those of Mozart, they were sufficiently remarkable ; for he played in a concert at the age of nine, and also began to compose at that early age. But his father and mother carefully over- looked his education, and he received lessons from ex- cellent teachers in piano-forte playing and on the violin, in thorough-base, and in composition. In fact, it is said that the children were expected to arise at five every morning to prosecute their tasks. Such are some of the trials of genius. In the course of the next few years, Felix wrote much, played somewhat in public, and studied hard. The Mendelssohn family took a decidedly musical turn, and a miniature orchestra was frequently gathered at the house, Felix conducting (standing on a stool, for he was, at the time, short), his sister Fanny playing the piano, and his brother Paul playing the 'cello, while such amateurs as were on hand, helped to make up enough to perform the young artist's compositions. The house was known to all musicians who passed through the town: its atmosphere was truly artistic. In the spring of 1825, began the artistic journeying which forms the chief feature of Mendelssohn's youth. His father took him to Paris, and here he met with all the most famous of the musicians who made that city a musical center. On his return to Berlin, Abraham Men- delssohn took possession of the Q-artenhaus (gar' ten hows) which became the center of the family life of the Men- MENDELSSOHN. 355 delssohns. The attachment existing between all tlie members of tliis family is worthy of note.* Fatlier and mother and children were bound together in the fondest affection. In the Q-artenhaus existed the same cultivated and musical atmosphere that we have just remarked. Here Mendelssohn composed his overture to the "Mid- summer Night's Dream," for four hands on the piano, which was played by himself and Fanny. The overture was given before an audience of amateurs by an orches- tra, in the great central hall of the Q-artenhaus, toward the end of the year 182 6, and later was given in public. In this year, too, was given Mendelssohn's opera, "The Wedding of Camacho" (ka ma'sho), which had but small success. It was about this time that Mendelssohn began to devote himself to trying to give in public the works of Bach (bak)j -^vho was at that time quietly ignored, even by the music-loving part of Germany. When he reached the age of tAventy, Mendelssohn began his wander jalire (van der ya' ra)^ as the phrase is — years wherein he traveled over the grea,ter part of Europe, playing, composing, and listening, fitting him- self in every way possible, for the work of his life. He first visited England, — a country which he saw often afterward, which appreciated him to the highest extent, and in which many of his finest pieces were given for the first time. He conducted his own com- * Every one knows how happy Mendelssohn was at home. His heautiful, gentle, sensihle wife spread a charm over the whole household, and reminded one of a Eaphael (raf'uil) Madonna. Little Carl, the eldest child, amused us intensely with his first attempts at speaking. Gecile's (sc7 selz') family— charming people— were in and out all day, and the whole atmosphere was a sort of rivalry of amiability and affection,- it was a period of happiness which falls to the share of hut few mortals. We laughed much when Cecile told us how, as she came out of a concert at the Gartenhaus, she had heard two women talking about her and pitying her because "her husband was so cruel, inhuman, and barbarous to her." —Ferdinand HUler. 356 COMPOSERS. positions at several concerts, played much in private, saw much of the best people, and delighted everybody. In the summer, he went with a friend through Scotland, where he obtained the impressions which we see in the "Scottish Symphony" and in the "Hebrides Overture" [Fingal's (flng' gaiz) Cave]. Then he passed through Lon- don, where he was detained by an accident, so that he could not be present at his sister's marriage, and after passing the winter of 182 9-30 in Berlin, set forth again on his travels. Rome was his object. He passed through Weimar (vr- mar) [hence the music of the "Walpurgis (val pdbr'gls) Mght"], then Munich and Vienna, and in the fall settled in Rome. Here he set to work in earnest, studying hard and composing somewhat. At the Chevaher Bunsen's (bdbn'senz), at Horace Vernet's (vernaz'), and at many other then celebrated salons (sa long'), he met with the very agreeable and cultivated society that then existed in Rome. It was here that he met Liszt (list), and also Berlioz (ber le o'). In the spring, he made a tour of many of the Italian and German cities, and reached Paris in December.* But Paris did not please him. He met various friends— Hiller (hir er), Chopin (sho pang'), and Liszt— but, on the whole, he thought there was too much clap-trap, too much display, and too little real art. So he was glad to cross to London again, where he aroused great excite- ment among music-loving people by his organ playing. *" Toward the spring, Liszt arrived in Leipsic," writes Hiller later, "fresh from his triumphs at Vienna and Prague (prdg), and revolutionized our guiet town. It will he remembered that in Paris he had excited Mendelssohn's highest admiration. At his first concert, as he glided along the platform of the orchestra to the piano, dressed in the most elegant style, and as lithe and slender as a tiger-cat, Mendelssohn said to me : ' There's a novel apparition, the virtuoso of th"? nineteenth century.'" MENDELSSOHN". 357 Here, too, he published his first book of "Songs Without Words." Pie reaclaed Berlin, however, in the summer. The next year (1833), Mendelssohn, after conducting at the Lower Rhine Festival, given at Dusseldorf (dus'- sel dorf), was offered the position of director of the vari- ous musical societies and establishments of the town for three years, and this position he accepted, and entered upon its duties in the fall. At Dusseldorf, Mendelssohn can hardly be said to have had a satisfactory time.* For he disagreed with various people in the musical circles of the town. But he composed somewhat, beginning the oratorio of "St. Paul," and writing many songs (some with words, soine without), as well as inuch else. But before his time had elapsed, he was asked to accept the position of leader of the Q-ewandhaus (ga vand'hows) concerts at Leipsic (lip'- zikh). It was, perhaps, the chief musical position in Germany at the time. It was practically the same po- * " March lU, 1SS5. "There is simply nothing to he done here in the way of music," he writes, " and I long for a better orchestra, and shall probably accept another offer that I have had. * * * You know that from the very beginning, all I wanted here was a reaUy quiet time for writing some larger works, which will be finished by October. Besides, it is very pleasant, for the painters are capital fellows, and lead a jolly Uf e ; and there is plenty of taste and feeling for music; only the means are so limited that it is unprofitable in the long run, and all one's trouble goes for nothing. I assure you that at the beat, they all como in sep- arately, not one with any decision, and in the jnarms, the flute is always too high, and not a single Dusseldorfer can play a triplet clearly, but all play a quaver and two semiquavers instead, and every allegro leaves off twice as fast as it began, and the oboe plays E natural in minor, and they carry their fiddles under their coats when it rains, and when it is fine, they don't cover them at all — and if you once heard me conduct this overture, not even four horses could bring you there a second time. * » * There is a choral society of one hundred and twenty mem- bers, which I have to coach once a week, and they sing Handel (hm' del) very well and correctly, and in the winter, there are six subscription concerts, and in the summer, every month, a couple of masses, and all the dilettanti (