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Do not deface books by marks and writing. Cornell University Library JK2352 1880a The Republican campaian tex^^^^^^ 3 1924 030 484 921 olin Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030484921 "As the campaign proceeds, the issue Is seen to be join^,-^ot between the relative personal qualities of the candidates, but between the principles, history, and spirit of the two great partiei."—irarper; weekly, Sg>i.. lam. THE Campaibn Text Book FOIS 1880. i>i;bi.isixe;d bv the REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAI^ COmiUITTEE:, 1880. THE TWO VOICES. THE NORTH. Prom PreKideni Lincoln's Second Inaugural " With malice toward none, with chanty for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the Nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans— to do all which may achieve a just and lastmg peace among ourselves and with all nations." From a. Speech of Ge.n. Garfield. " I hope my public life has oiven proof that I do not cherish a spirit of malice or bitterness toward the South." From a Spee.rh of l-h>n. Mr, llorr. " We of the North do not seek sectional strife. ^ " ^ What you really need is to go to work. [Great laugh- ter. J You should have more schools, more enterprise and thrift, and less recklessness of life, less hatred of what you call carpetbaggers— damned Yankees ! Your busmess enterprise should be conducted more with piety and less with pistols! What Mississippi needs to-day is more corn and cotton and less cussed- ness, [laughter and applause!; more mills, more man- liness; less n^urders, less moonshiners. What would improve South Carolina is more hams and fewer Ham- burghs. She should raise more horses and hogs and less hell. [Great applause.]"— Congressional Record. THE SOUTH. Speech at Kizer Kill, Alahama, Jiilj/ 31?/. 1880. "The Confederacy still exists, my friends, and Jeff Davis, the best friend we ever had, is yet our President and devoted to our interests, and if Hancock is elected, ' * * you will be paid for all the property you have lost through Radical rule; * ' ^ a solid South will now give us entire control of the general Government, and we can redress all our wrongs." From a Speech of Hon. Mr. Blackburn, of Ki/ , 1S70. " We do not intend to stop until we have stricken the last vestige of your war measures from the statute book." Eoberl Toomhs to a Friend in Waxhington. "But what are we to do ? We cannot put in one of our own men this time, and have to take a 'Yank.' That being the case, let us take one who is less 'blue- bellied ' than the most of them. You may depend upon it, sir, that, 'Yank' or no 'Yank,' if elected, the olc boys of the South will see that ' Hancock ' does thi fair thing by them. In other words, he will run the machine to suit them, or they will run the thing them- selves. They are not going to be played with any longer. If you hear any man say that ' Hancock* can not carry all of the South, you may put him down as a d fool." THE Republican IGN TEXT BOOK FOR 4880. CONTENTS: (For Extended Table of Contents, aee Pages iii to xll.) Chap. I. The Impending Crisis, " II. Spirit of "Solid South," " III. Dem. Revolutionary Intent, " IV. Special Sessions— Vetoes, " V. Session 1 879-80— Vetoes, " VI. Oem. Election Frauds, " VII, Dem. Administrative Looting, ■ VIII. " Solid Southei;n" Claims, " IX. Southern Whiskey Revenue, " X. Hatred of Union Soldiers " XI. Bounties ^nd Pensions, " XII. Late Southern Outrages, " XIII. Peonage and Black Laws, 1 4 10 38 51 56 90 100 111 115 119 125 128 Chap. XIV. Labor Question, " XV. Homestead Question, " XVI. Tariff Question, " XVIi. Greenbacks, Resumption, &c. " XVIII. Dem. Fin'cl Administration, " XIX. Relative Weight of South, << XX. National Platforms, 1880, " XXi. Platform Analysis, '56 t/80 " XXII. Letters of Acceptance, " XXIIL Gen. W. S. Hancock, ■■ XXIV. Hon. Wm. H. English, '■ XXy. Statistical Tables, - XXVI. Addenda, 132 145 150 154 163 169 173 177 186 18'9 196 205 215 PUBLISHED BY THE KEPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE, WASHINGTON, D. C. 1880. IV CONTENTS. PAET II— Page 13— The first Potter Letter declaring the Election should be thrown into the House— That the House is the sole judge of Presidential Elections, can act alone on its own information, and is Su- preme — Tilden as Commander-in-Chief. PAET HI— Page 15— The Electoral Commis- sion Act— Votes proving it a Democratic Measure— The Electoral Count— the vote as 1 announced — Subsequent Eevolutionary pro- ceedings of the House before th' Adjourn- ment of the Forty-fourth Congress— field's Quo "Warranto bill and vote on it.' , PAET rV— Page 17— Eeport of House Com- mittee affirming the right of the House to go behind returns, and its Authority over the Count — Vote on Burchard's Amendment to it. PAET V— Page 17— Morrison's letter on Til- den's "pluck" — Tilden thought he had "packed" the Electoral Commission — Hen- dricks urges the House to declare Tilden duly elected — Votes by which the House makes that Eevolutionary Declaration — Subsequent Democratic Protests declaring Hayes "a usurper" — Tilden officially noti- fied of his Election — Did he take the Oath ? — Eevolutionary Talk — Hewitt's enforced Eesignatiou and singular Apology — Judge Black's threat. PAET Vi— Page 20— The Manhattan Club Eeoepfcion^-Orders which the Democratic House did its best to Enforce — Treasonable Utterances of Tilden, Dorsheimer, Dudley Field and others — One Thousand Distin- guished Democrats from twelve different States applaud the Treason ! PAET VII— Page 23— Maryland selected to make the First Movement in the Plot — The Montgomery Blair Quo Warranto Eesolu- tion. PAET Vni— Page 23— The Potter Iniquity founded upon the Maiyland Initiative — Eandall's r'uUng on Question of Privilege — The Eevolutionary intent admitted — The votes in full. PAET IX— Page 25— The Casey Young Eeso- lution — The Democratic Caucus Eefuse to Declare that "it is not Intended to Disturb Hayes" — Eepublican Caucus Warning the People that the Potter Movement is Eevo- lutionary — Eepublican National Congress- ional Committee's Address to the People Declaring that the Potter Plot is to Suborn Witnesses, Declare Hayes an Usurper, and put Him out. PAET X— Page 26— Alexander H. Stevens' Letter of Warning to Potter— The Tilden- Potter Ruffians Hoot him Down in the House — Interview with Stephens— " Snug, the Joiner"— "The People want Peace and Quiet." PAET XI— Page 27— Carter Harrison's " Ques- tion of Privilege"— Eesolution Extending Investigation and Declaring that the House has no Eevolutionary Purpose— Withdrawn Under Democratic Pressure after a Vote Which Showed no Quorum— Ben Wilson s Eesolution to Extend the Investigation it the Democratic Committee Believes in it— Wilson's Admission as to " Intent" of the Potter Inquiry— National Democratic Com- mittee Approves the Potter Movement and Eefuses to Disavow the Treasonable Intent —An Influential Democrat admits the In- tent if they can only Make a Case. PAET XII— Page 29— Potter's open Letter to the Eeverend "Blank" — His Fatal Admis- sions Touching the Motives at the Bottom of the Inquiry— The Eevolutionary Intent Laid Bare by his own Words — No Jesuitism can cover it. PAET Xirt— Page 31— Alex. H. Stephens' Sec- ond Letter to Potter — Successfully Defends the. Hale Amendment, and Shows up the Potter Movement in'its True Colors — "Most Unwise, Most Unfortunate, and Most Mis- chievous" — "A Contemptible Farce or a Horrible Tragedy " — Potter's Jesuitical Whis- perings as " Delusive and Guileful " as those of "The Great Arch-fiend." PAET XIV— Page 31— The Burchard Eesolu- tion — The Democrats "Forced against their WUl" to declare an Opinion on Hayes' Title — They are taken by Surprise, are Panic-Stricken and Eouted — A Graphic De- scription of the Scene — The Vote by which a Eevolutionary House, Driven by Sudden Fear, Condemns its Own Treasonable Pur- poses. PAET XV— Page 33— The next Democratic Move — Throwing Sawdust in People's Eyes — Vote on House Judiciary Committee Ee- port and Eesolution a mere piece of Clap- Trap. PAET XVI— Page 33— The work of the Potter Committee — Impeachment of Hayes and Wheeler Talked of — How it was to be Done — Hayes Out and Tilden in,, or Hayes Out and Thurman in — Democratic Authorities for it. PAET XVII— Page 34— Why Impeachment was Abandoned — Eebuke from the North — New Tactics — Forcing the Extra Session — Political Riders — The New Hevolution — "Starving Oat," instead of "Shooting Down," the Government- Extra Session — Threats of Senators Beck and Thurman and Eepresentatives Hurd, Muldrow, Singleton, Tucker, Kitchin, O'Connor, Chalmers, Mo- Mahon, Sparks, Tucker, and Blackburn— "He who Dallies is a Dastard, He who Doubts is Damned ! " PART XVIII— Page 37— Beaten at all Points, (see chapters containing Vetoes) tbe Demo- cratic Leaders fall back on the Fraud Issue — The Game " Played out" — The Bitter End to which they seek to Drive the North Rule or Euin — Supremacy of the South or Civil War— The Answer from the North. CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. Special Session of 1870— THe Vetoes and Yotes. PART I— Page 38— The President's Call for an Extra Session — Why it was Necessary to Issue it. PART n— Page 38— Veto of the Army Appro- I)riation Bill— Military Interference at Elec- tions—Supervisors and Marshals Prohibited from Preserving the Purity of OongifeSsional Elections — Votes in House and Senate on the Bill. PART III— Page, 42— Veto of the Bill to Pro- hibit Military Interference at Elections — Votes in HoUfee and Senate — Brief History of the Act which this Bill Proposed to Re- peal — It was a Democratic Measure De- signed to Support the Rebel Brigadiers in the Pield — It reacts, and hence the fight against it. PART IV— Page 45— Veto of the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Appropriation Bill — Repeal or Modification of the Law touch- ing Supervisors and Marshals at Congress- ional Elections, and Jurors in U. S. Courts — Votes in House and Senate. PART V— Page 48— Veto of the Judicial Ex- penses Appropriation Bill — U. S. Marshal and Deputies at Congressional Elections — Votes in House and Senate. PART VI— Page 49— Veto of the U. S. Mar- shals' Appropriation Bill — Votes in House and Senate. PART VII— Page 51— Message of the Presi- dent to Congress, urging the Necessity of Immediate Appropriations for U. S. Marshals and their Deputies — The Democratic Con- gress Contemptuously Declines to do it — Senator Windom's Bill Making Appropria- tions to pay Marshals and Deputies defiaritly antended, and then Postponed Indefiiiitely. CHAPTER V. Resular Session (2il) 1879-SO— U.S. IHar- siials and tlieir deputies— Vetoes and Votes. PART I— Page 51— The First Deficiency Bill — General and Special Deputy Marshals — Political riders — yeto and Votes in both Houses. PART II— Page 53— Special Bill regulating pay, etc., of Deputy Marshals— Veto and Votes. PART III— Page 55— Payment of Marshals and Deputies for 1880 — Latest action in both Houses — Propositions and votes. CHAPTER VI. A. History of Democratic Election Frauds from 1844 to 1880. PARTI— Page 5&—" Counting in " Peculiarly a Democratic Invention and Peculiarly a Democratic Practice — Counting in of Polk in 1844— Of Buchanan in 1857— The Attempt to Count Tilden in in 1876— The Earlier Frauds compared with the Later. PART II— Page 59— Popular Votes vs. Electo- , ral Votes — Popular and Electoral Votes of Harrison and Van Buren, Polk and Clay, Harrison and Cass — Tildeu's Pretended "Popular" Majority — Votes in the Free, Border and Slave States — Real Voting Strength of Gulf States shows a Republican Majority of 183,335 in 1870, and large In- crease since — South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana essentially Republican now. PART m— Page 61— The Florida Case- Bloody Violence failing, fraud and Judicial Usurpation--A brief History of certain Fraudulent Proceedings by which Tilden strove to Capture that one needed Electoral Vote — Facts, Figures and Incidents. PART IV--Page 64— The Louisiana case- Population and Votes— Ku-Klux Crimes of 1868— Tilden Rifle Clubs of 1876— The Ter- rible Outrages and Murders in the Seven- teen Parishes — Sheridan's Statement — The State Returning Board — Its duties — How and why it acted — Infamy of the Tilden Democracy. PART V— Page 67— The Hale Amendment to the one-sided Resolution — The Florida Frauds — The Oregon Corruption and Bribery — The Louisiana Bull-dozing and Frauds — The South Carolina Bribery and Corruption — The Mississippi Shot-gun Frauds, Registration and other Statistics. PART VI— Page 69— The Page Resolution condemning Tildeu's attempt to steal the Oregon vote, and denouncing the Infamy of Cronin, defeated by the Democrats — Only two decent men in all Israel. PART Vn— Page 70— The shameful story of the Cipher Dispatches and the Tilden "Bar'l" — Bribery and attempted Bribery to secure Presidential Electors in Florida, South Carolina and Oregon. PART VIH- Page 71— The Maine liaroeny— Brief History of the Garcelon Iniquity- How the attempted Outrage came to grief. PART IX— Page 73— The Wallace Investiga- tion—Infamous New York Election Frauds — John I. Davenport's startling Revelations on the Witness Stand — For twelve years Tam- many Hall has voted Thousands of Men who never lived! — Repeaters' Frauds — ^The Su- preme Court turned into a bogus Natural- ization Mill — Testimony of a Democratic Tammany Judge on cross-examination — ^A Pitiable Spectacle — Bushel baskets full of Fraudulent Naturalization Papers — The VI OOHTENTS. Wallace Committee runs away from the Testimony of such Witnesses. PAKT X— Page 83— Tissue Ballots and Ballot- box Stuffing in South Carolina- in 1878— Wholesale Expulsion of Eepublican Legisla- tors — No Polling Places in Eepublican bistriots — Polling Officers all Democrats — Tissue Ballots deposited before the voting begins — Eepublican Supervisors not allow- ed to Guard against it-Specific Evidence — Adding 25,0u0 Fraudulent Names to Poll Lists — More Tissue Ballots than Fraudulent Names ! — Doctored Poll Lists — Voting Tis- sue Ballots in Bundles !— 59 Tissue Ballots in one Ticket ! — Thousands of Eepublican Votes Destroyed — Evidence Showing the Complicity of the Democratic Leaders in the Wholesale Swindles — The Law to En- able them to do the Dirty Business. PART XI— Page 86— The Alabama Election of 1880 — How a Eepublican Majority of 20,000 becomes a Democratic Majority of nearly 1011,000— Details of the Great Elec- tion Frauds there — Authoritative Statement of all sorts of Astounding Ballot-box Eas- calities in Montgomery, Wilcox, Lowndes, and other counties — Table of Comparative Election Returns with and without U. S. Supervisors — Eepublican Majorities De- liberately Destroyed Everywhere — Startling Evidences of the Monstrous Ballot Swind- ling — Nullification of the Constitutional Amendments. CHAPTER VII. Democratic Administrative " Looting." PAET I — Page 90 — "Eetrenchment, Economy, and Eeform " of the Peoksniffian De- mocracy from 1828. PAET II — Page 90 — Inauguration of Jackson, the Founder of Modern Democracy — " To the Victors Belong the Spoils." PAET ni— Page 90— Democratic Eefprm— Its Indian and Public Land Grabs — Secretary Cass pockets $68,000 Extra Allowances- Speculations of the Highest Officials under Jackson in Public Lands — Fourth Auditor Amos Kendall's $50,000 Fee. PAET IV— Page 91— The Infamous Galphin Swindle — Secretary Forsyth conceives and Lobbies it through— A Southern Claim which robs the Nation of over $200,000. PAET V— Page 91— The General Post-Office, under Adams, self-sustaining and contri- buting $1,103,063 to the National Eevenue —Under Jackson it becomes Bankrupt amid the foulest Corruption and Fraud. PAET VI— Page 92— The old U. S. Bank- Jackson raids and destroys it— Transfers the Government Eevenues to the pet State (or Bogus) Banks— Their Explosion and loss of Millions to the Nation— Appalling Conseg.uences to Business. PAET VII— Page 93— Investigation and Ex- posure of Democratic Corruptions and Crimes — Forsyth's "Nankeen" — Amos Ken- dall's Fee— The Harlan Investigating Com- mittee. PAET Vm— Page 93— The Plundering Ad- ministration of the N. Y. Custom House utider Swartwout and Hoyt- Swartwout without a Bond to secure the Millions in bis hands— Maladministration, Corruption, and Fraud reduced to a system— Swartwout clears out with $1,225,705— Hoyt steals $500,000~Loss to the Nation of $7,651,765.53. PAET IX— Page 96— Public Land Sales of Sixty odd Eeceivers — Fifty default in an aggregate of $825,678.25— Eeoeiver's offices, Broker's Dens— Defaulters should be Ee- tained because New Appointees would be no better ! PAET X— Page 96— Long array of Defaulters in all Departments — The Indians, Special objects of Democratic Eapacity — Indian Wars in 40 years cost $500,000,000 !— Indian Claims — Vice President E. M. Johnson assesses $18,000 as Fees for Fraudulent Collections. PAET XI— Page 97 — More Maladministration and Corruption under Polk — Wholesale Robbery of Government and Indians — The Nation Despoiled of Millions. PAET XII- — Page 97 — -Feculent, Seeking Corruption — Long array of Defaulters dur- ing the Mexican War— Its Prodigious Ex- penditures and Plunder. PAET XIII— Page 98— Mammoth Frauds of Washington Eings under President Pierce — Pierce's " Outlaws of the Treasury" — Ac- tual and proposed plunder under Pierce estimated at $300,000,000 ! PAET XIV— Page 98— Fearful Corruptions under Buchanan — Plunder, Pillage, Sack! — The immense Public Printing " Loot " — All the Departments Degraded into Corrupt Party Machines — Swindling Live Oak Con- tracts—Political Assessments Three times a year ! — Mercenary Corps for Fraudulent Control of Elections— Stupendous Bobber- ies under Secretaries Floyd, Thompson, etal. PAET XV-Page 99-Immeusely increased Dem- ocratic Expenditures — Increased Taxation of the People to Support this System of Whole- sale Corruption, Plunder, and Fraud- Aggregates and Eatios of losses under Democratic, Compared with Eepublican Administrations. CHAPTER VIII. The " Solid Southern " Claims. PAET I— Page 100— $300,000,000 of Southern Public and Private Claims for Cotton, War Material,, Captured and Abandoned Property, etc. PAET II— Page 100— Eebel Cleims Demanded as a Matter of "Justice and Eight" — AH CONTENTS. Vll Property Destroyed by Both Annies Must he Paid For— Kebel Soldiers or their Heirs Must "be Paid in Bonds or Public Lands for Lost Time, Limbs and Lives." PART Ill—Page 101— A "Specimen Brick" of Southern Claims— Its Bogus Character and Wonderful Growth. PAETIV— Page 102-$400,000,000 More-Com- pensation Demanded for Emancipated Slaves. PAET V— Page 102— A Brief Beview of some of the Eebel Claims— Direct Tax— Cotton Tax— Special Belief- Destruction of Pro- perty Compensation for Slaves— Kebel Male Contractors,etc.— They Already Beach the Enormous Aggregate of Three Thousand Millions of Dollars— Where will it End ? PABT VI— Page 103— Claim of the College of " William and Mary" — One of the Entering Wedges— Claim of the Episcopal Seminary in Virginia— The Election of Garfield and a Republican House the Only Safeguard. PABT Vn— Page 104— Fraudulent Claims of Southern Mail Contractors — How the Demo- crats Strove to Steal $1,000,000— How the House Republicans Stopped the Steal— A Specimen of Southern "Morality" — The Vote that "Scotched" the Fraudulent Claims. PART Vni — Page 106— Subsequent Assault on the Senate by the Southern Mail Con- tractors — But they are Finally Discomfited — Propositions and Votes. PART IX— Page 106— Conger's Proposed Con- stitutional Amendment Prohibiting Pay- ment of Rebel Claims — Vote Thereon — The Democratic Party under Southern Domina- tion would Pay them, as the Record Shows. PART X— Page 107— Tilden's Pretended Aver- sion to Eehel Claims— His Duplicity — He would not Pay "Disloyal" Claims, but holds that "we are all Loyal Now" — Ex- Confederate Cabell's Ingenious Report Proving that Pardoned or Amnestied Rebels were "Always Loyal" — These Claims. all Ready for Action if Hancock gets in. PART XI— Page 108— Two Specimen Copies of Bills which if Enacted into Law will Cost the Government $2,410,326,000 ! CHAPTER IX. " The Solid South and Internal Revenue." PART I— Page 111—" Solid Southern " Whis- key Steal of 1880— Democratic "Reform" Legislation-^The Carlisle Bill— Withdrawal of Whiskey from Stores and Bonded Ware- houses—Tax Collectable on Quantity With- drawn!— The Government Defrauded of Millions of Dollars Annually !— How the Thing was Done— The " Stamp " Steal of $350,000 a Year— The "Back-Interest" Steal of $150,000 a Year— Garfield in Vain shows XJp its Iniquity — The "Leakage" Steal of $1,750,000 a Tear— Passed in the Face of Official Statements — The Democrats Vote Solidly for the Steal, Republicans against it — Northern Distillers Opposed it, Southern Distillers Wanted it— "Class" as Well as Sectional Legislation — Garfield Again — Un- fair Operation of the Law as Between North and South -How it Facilitates Frauds— The Law Thus Amended by a Democratic Con- gress was Passed by a Republican Congress to Stop Frauds of a Democratic Administrar- tion — With Hancock to Administer it as Amended, Fraud by Official Collusion Would Run Riot. PART II— Page 113— Moonshiners in ihe "Solid South" — Open Defiance of Federal Law — Guerilla Warfare— 3,874 Moonshine Stills Destroyed by Government Officials in the Last Four Tears — 7,078 Moonshiners Arrested— The Money Cost of Suppressing Southern Moonshining— Innumerable Out- rages — "Every Form of Outrage" Resorted to— Official List of Bloody Murders of U. S. Officers by the Outlaws — Only One Murder- ous Moonshiner has been Convicted !r- Moonshining Almost Stopped, when Han- cock's Nomination and Democratic Encour- agement Starts itagain ! — "Solid Southern" Sympathy with the Moonshiners. CHAPTER X. Democratic Hatred of Union Soldiers, PART I— Page 115— Democratic Rule of Ap- pointments to Office — "Civil Service Re-, form" in the House of Representatives — I Crippled Union Soldiers Kicked out, and Rebel Soldiers exalted— Propositions and Votes in the House on the Subject — Solid Democratic Votes against the Union Soldier. PART n— Page 116— Democratic Civil Ser- vice Reform in the Senate — An old Demo- cratic Standing Rule as to Appointments abrogated to satisfy later Democratic Greed for "Spoils" — Union Soldiers kicked out and Confederate Soldiers appointed— Prop- ositions and Votes in the Senate on the Sub- ject — The Democrats solid against the Union Soldier. PART III— Page 118— The Washington Me- tropolitan Police — Heretofore none but Union Soldiers and Sailors in it— Now it can be filled with Confederates— Solid Dem- ocratic against the Union Soldier. PART rV— Page 118— List of 76 Union Sol- diers removed from, and 88 Confederate Soldiers appointed to, positions in the Capitol of this "Union" by the canting Confederate-ridden Democrats. CHAPTER XL Bounties and Pensions. PART I— Page 119— The Bounty Question- How the Democrats Obstruct Payment — Cofiroth's Canting Resolution — Secretary Sherman's Reply — The Responsibility fas- vni OOJyTENTS. tened on the Democratic Congress — Even Adjusted Claims for which a Kepublican Administration asks Immediate Payment, Stricken out by the Confederates— An ex- Eehel Soldier Applies for Bounty ! PAET n — Page 122 — Pensions — Confederate Democratic Opposition to the Arrears of Pensions Bill— The Legacy of Confederate Hate for the Union Soldier proved up by Democratic witnesses— Representative Beltz- hoover's Letters ;■ " With the present Demo- cratic House Pension Bills do not have much Pavor "—" The Rebel General at the Head^ of the Pension Committee in the Senate is still more Averse to Allowing such Bills to Pass " — Eepresentative Byou's Let- ter ; "The present House is Adverse to Allowing Claims for Services rendered in Support of the United States During the late "War. " PART HI— Page 123— Democratic Love for the Rebel Soldier — Attempted Legislation in his behalf, so as to let him into the U. S. Army — West Point Iteason to be Rewarded by Army Reappointments — Bill to let Con- federate Soldiers get Pensions — These are some of the war measures to be "stricken from our Statute Book " — Thousands of Applications of Confederate Soldiers for Pensions as well as Bounty, made out and Awaiting Hancock's Election — Fac simile / of a specimen Application now on file in the Pension Office. CHAPTER XII. Recent Outrages In the " Solid South." PART I — Page 125 — Political Assassination in the South— Ghastly Record of 20,000 Crimes — How the South was partly solidified. PART H— Page 125— More Solidification — Assassination and Intimidation in 1878 — Recent Louisiana Bulldozing — All Leading Republicans in Pt. Coupee Parish whipped or run ofi^ — One Man taken out of bed and killed because he would not vote a Demo- cratic Ballot ? — Five Men hung to scare other negroes ' ' so that they might carry the elec- tion — Six Men hung in Concordia Parish — Wholesale Murder in Tensag Parish — 500 Ku Klux raiding — 50 to 80 Negroes killed — The Caledonia Massacre — 20 Negroes killed, none wounded — ^No Whites killed — United States' witnesses murdered — Effect on the Vote. PART ni— Page 126— This Year's ' ' Solidifying of the South" — Ou,trage8 in 1880 — Intimi- dation in Alabama — Even White Opposition to Democracy not Tolerated — Greenback Speakers Mobbed and Subjected to Vio- lence — Republican Meetings broken up — Cursing a little 7 year old Boy ! — Horrible Ku-Kluxing in Georgia — Masked Men Bar- barously whip Joe Thompson and his Family at Midnight— A Mother Bruta,Uy Murdered in Bed— Two Bafces Baptized with her Blood — Her Young Brother Slain — A Mississippi Riot, etc. CHAPTER XIII. Peonage and Black Laws. PART I— Page 128— Legislation of 1865-6 — Slavery succeeded by Peonage — Blaek" Laws — The Slave Code re-enacted — Con- gress obliged to set aside all State Laws op- pressing Freedmen — Specimen Laws. PART II— Page 129— Legislation after con- ciliation — Getting back to the Slave Code — Five years in Prison for Stealing a Sucking Pig— Two years' Hard Labor for a few Roast- ing Ears ! PART HI— Page 130— The Contract System- Criminals worked for years in legalized Slave Gangs— Colored Men the only Victims — Profits of the system — The Cost of Costs — Lawyers' Fees worked in — Three years for carrying a Pistol — Wages a quarter of a cent a day — Working under Shot-Guns — The System general in the South. PART IV— Page 131— Sweeping Landlord Lien Laws — A Colored Man's Crop cannot be sold or used without permission — The Landlord can take all — Outrageous exac- tions — The resulting Peonage worse than Slavery — The System breeds bad Men. CHAPTER XIV. The Labor Question. PART I — Page 132 — Democratic efforts to De- grade and Brutalize Labor — The Republican Party the True Labor Party. PART II— Page 133— Attitude of the South on the Labor Question — Calhoun's " Higher Law" — Pickens Declares that "The White Mechanic and Laborer must become Slaves. " PART IH- Page 133— The In-epressible con- flict between Northern "Mudsills" and Southern ' ' Aristocrats " — Democracy d e- clares War against the White Mechanic and Laborer. PART IV— Page 134— Southern Press Utter- ances — "Free Society a Failure — "Slavery essential, whether AVhite or Black" — Con- tempt of "Small farmers and greasy me- chanics." v PART V— Page 134— Democratic Denuncia- tjiou of Free White Mechanics as essentially slaves — The Negro superior to the White Mechanic ' ' morally, socially and physical- ly " — "Liberty for the few, Slavery for the PART VI— Page 135— "The cause" being " Lost,'' the South plays fox to regain powei- and carry out Slave Labor principles — ^Re- sponsibility of Northern Democratic Leaders. CONTENTS. IX PAET vn— Page 13S— Democratic Annual Bobbeiy of ProductiTe Labor— Democratic Cheese-poring — A crusade against poor male and female laborers. PAKT Vm— Page 136— Wages of the Mechan- ic and- Laborer abroad compared with onr o-wn — Valuable Tabular statements. PAUT IX— Page 137— Tabular statements of food, prices, &g., here and abroad. PABT X— Page 138— Sad condition of the European working classes — In Belgixmi, France, Germany England, Ireland, Scot- land, Wales, It^y, the Netherlands and Spain — What Free Trade has done for the Qiglish Laborer — A Sickening recital of the Sufferings of Laboring Women — White Slaves — ^What Democratic Free Trade would do for America. FART XI— Page 140— Labor and Wages in the United States during two periods — ^Tables showing the rise in Wages of American Mechanical and Farm Labor &om the end of the Democratic Bule in 1860 to 1874. PAST XII — Page 144— Democratic Eesponsi- bility for Becent Hard Times — The Demo- cratic Tariff Tinkering, Cheese-paring economy, and Opposition to Besu^pbon. PABT 'J^TTT — ^Page 144 — Comparative Prosper- ity come again — Official statement touching Increased Wages and demand for Farm Labor — Shall that improvement continue or disappear again? CHAPTER XV. The Homegtead ^nestlon. , PART I— Page 145 — ^The Great Question of the day in 1858— Republican attempt to defeat the Iiand Sharks— Defeated by the Democracy— The Grow Bill— Vote defeating 4t— The Grow Amendment to Pre-emption Bill of 1859 adopted— The Bill as Amended defeated by the Democrats — Votes— Cava- naugh's Denunciation of the Southern Dem- ocrats. PAET n— Page 146— The ' Bepublicans de- mand Free Homesteads to actual Settlers- Democratic Strategy to defeat H fails— The BUI passes the House— Wilham H. English votes against it. PAET in— Page 147— The Homestead Bill in the Senate— Parliamentary Tactics to pre- vent Action-Keaohed at Last-The Vote a Tie-Eepublicans a Unit for it-A Draao- cratio Vice-President gives the Casting Vote against it. ■PAKT IV— Page 147— Another Attempt to Tteke it up^PPeaJ of Seward and Wade- i^other Defeat of the Eepubhcan Efforts for the Landless. TiiTJT V— Paee 148— The Grow Homestead Ml again Pissed the House (1860) in Spite of Democratic Opposition— The Vote. PART VI— Page 148— The Senate Substitute for the Grow Bill— A Compromise — Bu- chanan's Veto. PART vn— Page 149— The Veto Sustained by the Democrats of the Senate. PAET VXH— Page 149— Republican Home- stead Pledge of 1860 -In 1862 the Republi- cans redeem that Pledge despite Contmued Democratic Opposition — Analysis of Votes. PAET IX— Page 149— Bill of 1866 to Extend Homestead Act to States of South— Demo- cratic adverse Vote. PAET X— Page 150— Beneficent Effects of the Republican Homestead Act shown in In- creased Population, Wealth and Power — Democratic Hostility to-day to the Principle —It is essentially Republican. CHAPTER XVI. The Tarur Qnestion. PAET I— Page 150— Protection essentially the "American System " — Washington, Franklin, Hamilton, Clay, Jackson, Madi- son, Adams, Webster, Lincoln, and Grant, all advocate it. PART n— Page 151— Brief History of Tariff Legislation from 1824 to 1860. PART m— Page 151— The Morrison Tariff Bill of 1876— Its Proposed Iniquities- Analysis of this Democratic Monstrosity. PAET IV— Page 152— The Wood Tariff Bill of 1878 — How it Injured Manufacturers, Traders, and Workiiigmen — Infamous In- tentions of the Democratic Leaders — The Democratic Vote to Consider the Bill — ^The Republicans Kill it— Mill's "Tariff for Reve- nue" Resolution- The Republicans Defeat it— The Vote. CHAPTER XVIL Greenliacks, FubUc credit, and Resump- tion. PART I — ^Page 154 — History of tie Green- back—The Republican Party its Father, Friend, and Guardian — The Legal-Tender Act of 1862 — ^Eeason for its Bei^g— Chase's Letter — ^Democratic Opposition ahd Votes. PART It— Page 155 — ^The Democrats Direct- ly Responsible for Contraction — The Act of 1866 — Analysis of the Votes — Only one De- mocrat in the two Houses Vtftes against Con- traction— The Act of February 4, 1868, Sus- pending Contraction — Only Twenty-four Democrats Vote for that. PAET m— Page 155— Public Credit "Bill" of 1869— Andy Johnson "Pockets" it — " Public Credit Act of 1869 " — Eesumption Act of 1875— Eemarkable Official Votes showing the Democrats Solidly against them all— Specific Contract Secticm — Vote on Striking out— What the Double Pledge of the Public Credit Act meant — Democratic Senator Hamilton's proposed Constitutional Amendment to Kill the Eepublican Green- back. PAE.T rV— Page 157— Continuous and Des- perate efforts of the House Democrats to hamper and preyent Eesumption — Eepub- lican Eesolution to facilitate it voted down by Democrats — Vote after Vote of the De- mocrats against Eesumption — ^The Demo- cratic House, in 1876, pass a Bill to repeal the Eesumption day clauses. PART V— Page 159— Pretended Democratic Love for the Greenback — How they Hur- rahed for it but kept it "in the Woods" — A Smart Trick Exposed — Southward's " blind " Eesolution Maling Greenbacks Receivable for Customs Duties — ^A Bill from the Ee- publican Senate to that Effect beaten by the House Democrats — Another Eepublican Proposition (HubbeU's) to Eeceive Green- backs for Customs and Exchange them for Coin, and Construing the Eesumption Act so that no Greenbacks shall be Eetired, only Ee- ceived Six Democratic Votes — Votes in De- tail— Secretary Sherman's Order — Fort's Act Prohibiting Further Eetirement, etc., of the Greenback — The Ten-Dollar Certificates of 1879— House Vote. PAET VI.— Page 161— Democratic Hatred Pur- sues the Greenback into the United States Supreme Court — Democratic Judges Declare it an Unconstitutional Bastard — Eepublican Judges Declare its ConstitutionBl Legiti- macy. PAET Vn— Page 161— Speeches of Democratic Leaders in Congress Declaring the Eepub- lican Greenback Unconstitutional — Vallan- digham — Powell — Hendriok B. Wright — Pendleton — Cowan-- Bayard— Pearoe — Sauls- bury. PAET Vin— Page 161— Treasury Statement showing, from 1860 to July 1, 1880, the amount each year of State Bank Circulation, National Bank Circulation, Demand Notes, Legal-Tender Notes, SUver Certificates, Fractional Paper, Fractional SUver, etc., in circulation, and the growth in Gold Value of the Paper Dollar. CHAPTER XYIII. iilnnders of Democratic Financial Ad- ministration. PAET I— Page 163— History of Democratic Administrative Blundering from 1836 to 1848— Panic of 1837— The Wheels of Gov- ernment almost blocked — A Deficit in the Treasury — Issue of Treasury Notes to meet it ^ " Unavailable Balances" of 1838— The Government Threatens to Stop in a Few Days if not Eelieved ! — Conflicting State- ments — Further Eelief ^ven by Issue of Treasury Notes — Again in Trouble in 1839, and another Issue ordered — More Embar- rassment in 1840^ and another Issue — Embar- rassed again in 1841 — Expenditures Exceed Eevenue over $30,000,000 .'—Again Eelieved by Another Issue — Funded Debt of 1841^ The Loan goes " a begging " — More Eelief in 1842 by Treasury Note Issues — Loan Bill of 1842 — Another re-issue of Treasury Notes in 1842— In 1843, a Growing National Debt— A New Loan and New Issue of Treasury Notes — In 1846 the Mexican war begins — Large Threatened Deficiency and more Treasury Notes issued — Fallacious Treasuiy Estimates of 1847 — ^Another Loan act — In 1848 Still another Loan. PAET n— Page 167— From 1857 to 1861— Continued Democratic Misinanagemeht — Panic of 1857 — Dissolving Treasury Bal- ances — Embarrassment after Embarrass- ment — ^Deficiency upon Deficiency — tissue after Issue of Tieasvij Notes — Loan upon Loan — Increasing Expenditures with Di- minishing Eevenue — The Public Credit of the Nation sunk to Zero ! — Increasing the Public Debt to meet Current Expenses ! CHAPTEE XIX. Relatlye TTelsbt of the " SoUd Sontta."- PAET I— Page 169— Weight of the "Solid South " — Politically — Commercially — Nim- mo's Letter — ^Pregnant Facts and Figures. PART n— Page 172— The "Solid Southern''- Census of 1880 — " SoUd Southern " Figures given — Conspiracy of the Bebel Brigadiers to increase the Power of the "Solid South " — Contemplated Subjugation of the other States of the Union. CHAPTER XX, National Political Platforms— 18SO. PAET I— Page 173— RepubUcan Platform of 1880. PAET n— Page 175— Democratic Platform of 1880. PAET m- 1880. -Page 176-Greenback Platform of CHAPTER XXT. Analysis of Platforms— 1SB6 to 1880. PAET I— Page 177— General Party Doctrines. PAE'T n— Page 177— The Eebellion. PAET ni— Page 178— Eeconstruction. PAET IV— Page 178-Home Rule. / CONTENTS. XI PABT V— P^e 179— The Veto Power. PART YI— Page 180— Internal ImproTements. PAKT YU— Page 180-Pacifio Bailroad. PART Vni— Page 181— PnbUo Lands. PAHTIX— Page 181— National Debt and Inter- est, Public Credit, Bepndiation, etc. PAETX— Page 182— Kesumption. PART XI— Page 182— Capital and Labor. PART Xn— Page 183— Tariflf. PART Xni-Page 183— Education. PART XIV— Page 184— Duty to Union Soldiers and Sailors. PART XV— Page 184^Naturali2ation and Alle- giance. PABT XVI— Page 185— Chinese. PART XVn— Page 185-CiTil Service. CHAPTER XXn. Lietters of Acceptance of Repabllean Presi- dential NonUnees. PART I— Page 186— Hon. James A. Ctarfield's Letter of Acceptance. PART n— Page 188— Hon. Chester A. Arthur's Ijetter of Acceptance. CHAPTER XXm. General W. S. Hancock. PABT I— Page 189— Brief Reyiew of Events in the Department of the Gulf prior to Han- cock's Command of it — The Reconstruction Acts — New Orleans Mechanics' Institute Massacre of July, 1866 — Its Atrocious Char- acter — Sheridan in Command — His General Orders No. 1 — Discharged Officials — Presi- dent Johnson's Sympathy with them — Sheridan's Loyal Code — Attorney-General Stanbery's Opinion Declaring Reconstruc- tion Acts Unconstitutional — Bad goes to Worse — Chaos — Sheridan Restores Law, Order and Peace. PART n— Page 191— Sheridan therefore to be Removed and Hancock to Succeed him — The Command Baited with a Presidential Promise — The Hancock-Jerry Blaok-Walker- Campbell Conspiracy against Reconstruc- tion. PAET ru— Page 192— The Immediate Effects — Chaos and Terror Return — Hancock takes Command — General Order No. 40 — He de- clares that "Peace and Quiet stiU Rei^ " — He Overrides the Civil Power of the Loyal Congress under a Flimsy Pretense of Sub- ordinating the Military to the Disloyal Civil Authorities— General Grant Obliged to In- terfere. P.^T rV— Page 193— Hancock Appoints new Registration Boards— Enforces Attorney- General Stanbery's Opinion— General Grif- fin and Governor Pease denounce State Courts and Juries for Protecting Assassins — Hancock Sustains the Courts— General Rey- nolds on General Order No. 40— Hancock Amends Griffin's Celebrated Order No. 13. PAIIT V— Page 193— The Loyal Lindseys Pe- tition Hancock for Redress— Hancock hands them over to the Ku Klux and they are Murdered— Hancock's Reply to Pease— " Peace Reigns in Warsaw "—General Grant Forced to Remove him. PART VI— Page 194— Terrible Results of Hancock's brief Maladministration— Gen- eral Reynold's Report, November, 1867— General Sheridan's Report— Report of Com- mittee on Lawlessness— Official Arraign- ment of Hancock for Innumerable Murders and other Crimes — ^Another Massacre. PART Vn— Page 195— Hancock admits he sought the Presidency in 1868— But " not for Joe ' — His Stipulated Reward Comes at Last — He gets the Democratic Nomination. CHAPTER XXrV. TTm. H. EngUsb. PART I— Page 196— The Great Kansas Strag- gle of 1854-60 for Freedom, Free Ballots and Majority Rule— Wm. H. English Op- posed to all These— He Votes for the Kansas- Nebraska Infamy — Opposes Expulsion of Brooks for his Assault on Sumner — Attacks Republicanism — Sympathizes with the Doc- trine that " Slavery is Eight and Necessary, Whether White or Black," and applauds Keitt!— The "English Compromise" Bill Exposed— Mr. English and His Political Co-Bribers Retired to Private Life. PART n— Page 198— How Mr. EngUsh Filled His "Barrel " — " The Poor Man's Friend " in Indiana — The Tale Told by Courthouse Records- StartUng List of Judgments, and Mortgage-Foreclosures — How He Se- cured Personal Judgments in Addition — "Old Scrooge "and Shylock ' ' Distanced " — " A Wolf in human Form." PART m— Page 203— A Terrible Affidavit— . The Value Placed on a Dead Child Run Over by His Street Cars — He Haggles over it— "You Set Too High a Price on Tour Damned Young One ! " — The Killing Partly Paid for iij Car Tickets—' ' Damn the Irish ! " PART IV— Page 204— The Chicago Fire— A Chicago Relief Committee calls on the ' 'Poor Man's Friend" — Out of His Millions He Gives One Dollar to Help the Sufferers — He is Induced to Make it $100 for Fear the Bank Might Suffer from Popular Indigna- tion. CHAPTEE XX7. statistical Tables, etc. No. I— Page 205— Popular Vote for President from 1864 to 1876. No. n— Page 206— Electoral Vote for President and Vice President from 1864 to 1876. No. m— Page 206— Popular Vote at State Elec- tions in 1878 and 1879. No. IV — Page 207 — Democratic Sham Economy Exposed — Three Years of Kepublican com- pared -with Three Years of Democratic Ap- propriations. No. V — ^Page 208 — (Jovemment Receipts and Expenditures from 1856 to 1880 inclusive. No. VI — Page 209 — Internal Bevenue Receipts for 1879-80. No. Vn— Page 210— Cost of the Democratic Rebellion — Official Statement of the Con- sequent Expenditure. No. VIU— Page 212— Startling Ratios of Dem- ocratic Defalcations compared with Re- publican Honesty — The Figures from Wash- ington to Hayes inclusive. No. IX — Page 212 — Treasury Statement, show- ing Changes in Principal of PubUc Debt, Annual Interest Charges, etc., from August 31, 1865, to September 1, 1880. No. X— Page 213— Public Debt Analysis, from July 1, 1856, to July 1, 1880. No. XL— Page 214^Public Debt Statement for the month of August, 1880. CHAPTEK XXVI. Addenda. PART I— Page 215— Confederate design to capture the U. S. Supreme Court — The House BUI by which it is to be done. PART U- Page 215— Senator Edmunds' Let- ter on Rebel Claims, showing that they are not Barred by the Constitution. OHAPTEE I. The Impending Crisis. PAET I. Tbe Paramount Issue of the Hour!— The Democratic Lead- ers preparing for "Violence— If Fraud fails, then Force ! Just as religiously as all Kepublicans believe that Butherford B. Hayes was legally elected President of the United S ates, do the mass of Democrats believe that Samuel J. Tilden was duly elected to the same high office. Herein lies the great danger that is in the coming Presidential election. Herein lies the necessity, at this time, of securing /the election of the Kepublican candidate by so large an ele tornl majority, that it will carry abso- lute conviction to the Democratic masses, and frighten their leaders so thoroughly, that a Democratic Congress will not dare to count him out, and the Democratic candidate will not dare to strive to overturn by force the lawfully expressed will of the people. The work of the campaign is not so mu»h to elect Garfield— for that is already assured —but to elect him by an immense electoral majority . That will insure jDeace and the preservation of the liberties of the people, and the institutions of the Republic. A close vote threatens civil war, with all its hitherto unknown horrors, ANAKCHY, and Eunj. Democratic belief that Tlldcn Is the " le- gally elected President " " President " Tiliicn cheered In Xew York in 1880 1 If it is doubted that the Democratic masses believe that Tilden was elected, and defrauded of his rights, the proceedings, July 28, 1?80, at the "New York Democratic Rally," in the Academy of Music, would set that doubt at rest. The New York Herald (independent) says : '■ The great event of the evening was the coming in of ex-Gtovemor Samuel J. Tilden. His appearance was looked forward to with the moat intense interest. Women holding children by the hand and babies in their arms hung around theentranoes with no other object than to catch a glimpse of the man of whom iliey have heard so much. The whole body of men forgot Hancock and English for the moment and centred their attention on Mr. Tilden. Never did a man meet a more thrilling reception. Every inch of room within the spacious interior of the Academy was occupied, and a lively feeling of eicpectancy filled the minds of aU' present when John McKeon entered on the left of the stage, followed by Mr. Tilden and a string of prominent Demoorata. The moment the ex-Governot emerged from the wings the cheering broke forth like a tornado, and by tue time he had reached the middle of tbe stage the great multitude was on its feet applauding by voice and hands and with hats and handkerchiefs in the most enthusiastic and extravagant manner. * * * When the wild, tumultuous outburst of cheering that greeted the old gentleman's appearance was beginning to subside, a sturdy voice- from the gallery cried, • Three cheers for President Tilden 1 ' and the cheers were given with a ring that fairly shook the building. 'Three ch-ers morel' exclaimed another voice, and the demonstration was repeated with even greater vigor than before. When John McKeon came forward and said, ' 1 nominate lor chairman tlie tegalty elected President of Ike United ataies,' the excitement reached its climax and a great shout went up. * * * Hia name, whenever men' tioned by the orators of the evening, drew a ierrijic burnt 0/ applause." The Democratic Leaders teach this belief on all occasions for their own Infernal ends— They begin to believe it them- selves !— Peace or civil war? The Democratic leaders have instilled and worked up this belief among the Democratic masses, so that their' own devilish purposes may be subserved. The 6th, 7th, 8th, and 9th resolutions of the Democratic platfoi'm of IbSO were adopted solely to intensify that feeling. Thay declare Preside.nt Hayes to be a " repre- sentative of conspiracy only ; " that he was declared President "upon a false count;" that he was a "defeated candidate," who " bribed his way to the seat of a usurper; " and that Tilden was "elected" President by 'a majority of his countrymen " — the latter clause evidently inserted with the intention of mak- ing the Democratic masses believe that instead of being elected by a majority of the electoral vote, an American President is elected by a . majority of the popular vote ! In his address to Mr. Tilden, when presenting to him a copy of the 9th resolution of the Cincinnati Con- vention, Governor Stevenson, President of that Convention, in the presence of the Dem- ocratic National and Congressional Commit- tees and other Democratic magnatts, tendered ' ■ the homage of the entire American people to him who in 1876 was by a large majority elected Presi- dent of the United States," and talked of "the base fraud committed for the first time in our past history, in refusing to permit the President legally chosen by them to exercise the duties of that exalted position." By constant repetition of an untruth, those who utter, as well as those who hear it, in course of time come to believe it is truth. It is quite likely, therefore, that not alone the Democratic masses, but the leaders also of the Democracy have come to believe that Tilden really was " legally electa ed," and was " hocus-pooufesed " out of his seat ! This belief — which all Republicans are as firmly eonvinoed is Tinfonnded — must none the less be respected to the extent of making it an element in future calculations. If with the close vote at the election of President Hayes, when the doubt in the case was re- solved in his favor under an electoral commis- sion bill devised by Democrats, and assented to by a great majority of the Democratic party in Congress, while it was opposed by a majority of the Republican party in Con- gress, the Democrats still insist that Til- den was legally elected, how will it be in the event of a close election of General Gar- field? Of course the Democratic leaders as they did before, will inflame the Democratic masses again to a belief that their candidate is elected. What will be the result ? Either an arbitration in some form or — Civil War ! The Democratic leaders burning tliclr bridges behind them l—Tio arbitrations over a close TOte 1 Revolutionary chicanery and violence. But the Democratic leaders, foreseeing these two only alternatives of a close election, ap- pear to be burning tlieir bridges behind them. They declare, in advance, that they will not submit to arbitration in such a case, and their reli- ance is first upon a Democratic House to de- clare Hancock elected, whether or not ; and second upon seizing the Presidency by vio- lence. The recent utterances of Democratic leaders exhibit this very clearly. Here are a few of them: Representative Hill's declaration that the Democrats will lnau§rurate Hancock, " Whether they elect him or not I" A serenade was given to Ohioans at Willard's hotel at Washington, D. C, February 23, 1880, at which speeches were made by Sen- ator Pendleton and other prominent Dem- ocrats. Among them was the fion. William D. Hill, M. C , of Ohio, who, in the course of his remarks, is reported by the papers of next day as declaring that ' ' ihe Democrats will in- AUOTTBATE the candidate to he Tnade at Cincinnati^ WHETHEB THEY ELECT HIM OB NOT !" This statement has not been and cannot be de- nied. Hancock to flslit his way in I— He must not resign. A recent issue of the Washington Post (Democratic organ) suggestively says : • "It will not be a wise act in General Hancock to resign his Major-Generalship in the Army." Senator Wallace shrieks, " Aggression j Aggression I Aggression I " At the Cincinnati Convention Senator Wal- lace in his address, with carefully selected words, but with that emphasis which declared the true meaning, said of Hancock : " * * * In this great city of Cincinnati the Demo- crats of the nation named their last President, and to-day they name their next. [Cheers.] >c * * //e will lead us to victory. His name is invincible. The word rings out, 'Advance the coluran, move on the enemy's -works I ' Let there be no defence, but aggression, aggres- sioUf aggressi^m, and victory is ours." [Cheers.] Speaker Randall's meaning , declaratioi as to inauguration by force.* At the same Convention, Speaker Eandall who, in the event of a close election, will pla; no insignificant part in the Democratic Kevo lutionary programme, said : " * * * i^ot only is your nomination strong, bu it is one which will bring us victory. [Applause.] * * ^ You will find me in the front rank of this conflict, secont to none. * * * There is a great mission aliead ofth Democratic party, and you have selected a standard-beark whose very nomination means that if the people ratify yom choice he will be inaugurated." [Applause.] Governor Stevenson, President of the Dem ocratlc National Convention, declare: that " Hancock 1$ elected I " The manner and language also in whiol Governor Stevenson, of Kentucky, the chair man of the Convention, its very organ anc mouthpiece for expressing the real revolu tionary sentiments of the Democratic party ii National Convention assembled, put the mo tion to nominate General Hancock, is signifi cant of the treasonable purpose to " seat ' Hancock (as Representative Hill had declared) "whether elected or not." Here is the re port of those words : Mr. Stephenson^ the Chairman, then said : " The motion has been made that Winfield Scot Hancock be declared unanimously elected the Democratii President of these United States. [Great applause.] Thos< in favor will say aye [shouts of ayes], you who opposec will say no — the motion is unanimously adopted, ami Hancock is elected;" [Applause and cheers ] John Kelly's Declaration ~ If Tamman) Thinks Hancock Elected, " There will b< no more Electoral Commissions ; he will take Iii% Seat !" Said John Kelly, at the Tammany meeting of July 1, 1880, New York city : "Never since the history of this country was begun or in the history of any other country, were such out rageous proceedings carried out as by the Republicar party in 1876. There can be no question but that th( Democratic nominee was elected by the people and bi the electoral vote. But the Eepublicans deliberatelj counted out the Democratic party and counted in thf man who is now looked upon as the President of thf United States. Now you have a candidate with whom, i; elecle I, there can be no question as to what he will do. Then will be no more Electoral Commissions, no moke 7 to £ BUSINESS." Thus John Kelly, its leader, announces th< deliberate purpose of Tammany, in case of 8 close election, to refuse all legal arbitration, and if General Hancock thinks he has been elected h will take hit; seat. Said he, continuing : " The simple question for the consideration of oui people at the coming eleclion will be: Has' Genera Hancock been fairly and honestly elected by tlie people ofthi country f Andif so, I know that the gallaM soldier, Win field Scott Hancock, will take his seat. . . ." This is a revolutioijary declaration in mori than one sense. " Elected by the people " ii the language used; not by the " electora vote, "but the ' 'popular vote, " the vote of "th people." Itarnes, of Georgia, says the South "wll get " Restoration under Hancock. George J. Bariies.of Georgia, in an addresi to the Irving Hall Democrats, New York, Jub 28, 1880, said : THE IMPENDING CEISIS. " The South yeanufar rettoration. It will get it under JlaTicock^ndSnglith." Senator Jonas of Louisiana— " The vote win be counted right this time"— "We will do the counting ourselves ! " At the same meeting U. S. Senator Jonas of Louisiana declared that the people of the South were as loyal to the Constitution as the people of any State in the Union, and denied that there is any intimidation of Kepublican voters in the South ! and added : "Louisiana lias always been a Democratic State since the war. We Toted for Seymour in 1868, and they counted our vote tor Grant ; we voted tor Greeley in 1872, and they counted our vote tor -Grant ; and in 1876 we voted tor Samuel 1. Tilden, the great statesman who has left his couch to preside at this monster meet- ing, and they stole our vote for Hayes. But this wiU be d&ne no utore. The vote will be counted right this time, for we will do the couniing ounelves. " Ceneral Preston of Ky. advises that every Hepubllcan supposed to be stealing an electoral vote be killed where he stands !— Hancock " a hungry tiger."— Violence to Inaugurate him 1 In a speech recently made at Louisville, by General Wm. Preston of Lexington, Ken- tucky, before a Democratic ratification meet- ing, he tells the fierce Kentucky Democrats that he is tired of hearing them call them- selves "Conservatives"; that when he first heard the name "unterrified Democracy" it made his blood run cold; and that they must adopt th^t name and act it out to the letter. Said he: " You must stand up and tell every Republican that if they ever attempt to steal another electoral vote from you, you will kill him where he stands. Tell them to the devil with their bonds, but that you pro- pose that another electoral vote shall never bo stolen from you, * * * Before God, I would as soon dare to take the meat ftom under the paw of a hungry tiger as to let the visiting statesmen steal Hancock's victory, ij: « # Yes, we will vote for Hancock; and yes, before God, if ho is elected, we will, man and boy, the last one of us, assist in seating him." JHontgomery Blair and the Democratic party "mean to elect" Hancock. Montgomery Blair in a! speech at Washing- ton, as reported in the Washington Post (Demo- cratic organ, ) referred to the Democratic Party as: •■ * * the party that * * elected Tilden in 1876, and now means to elect the hero who broke the back of the rebellion at Gettysburg." Col. Williams of Baltimore, Md., says the Democrats ," Intend to make" Hancock's future "great." Col. Mc Williams, of Baltimore, in a speech at Washington, Aug. 26, is represented by the "VVashington Post (Democratic) as saying : " * * What did Lincoln say of Hancock ? He said that he had a great future before Mm, and we intend io make tltat prediction true.'\ H. O. Claughtori on "the present movement." H. 0. Claughton, at the Hancock ratifica- tion meeting at Washington, Aug. 26, 1880,. as reported by the Democratic Washington Post said : _" The present movement would end ip restoring the ad- ministratum of Hie country to the hands where it was in'its earlier days. The chair once filled by Washington and Jefferson, and now occupied by Hayes, shmUd never again be obtained by fraud." Col. McDanlel quotes Dan Dotigherty : "If he is Elected he will take his seat." "That's the kind of a man Hancock Is I' In the Democratic Washington Post of Au- gust 27, 1880, in its report of the speech of Colonel John W. Daniel, of Virginia, to the ratifying Democrats, occurs the following pas- sage: .. « • t « There was another Idea which led up to Hancock. It was what Dan Dougherty, of Phila- delphia, said when he nominated him. It is in one short, sJtarp, and decisive sentence. Let me see how you like il: ' 1/ he is elected he vHll take his seat.' (Applause.] You all seem to like that pretty well. [Laughter.] That isjust the kind of a man Hancock is." * * * * What they all point at— Civil war. Can there be any doubt what all these ex- pressions mean? They can mean but one thing — that the Democratic leaders are already preparing the minds of their followers for a close election, and accustoming them to their programme of violence. If General Garfield is elected by a close vote — if fraud fails— they propose to seat Hancock by violence. Out of this evil state of things grows the necessity of a large electoral majority for the Eepublican candidate. PART II. The Pover Behind the Throne— ^Vho nominated Ilaiicock— The Solid South ! It is now well known why General Hancock was nominated by the Democratic party. It was largely because the delegates believed the story circulated there by Senator Eaton, General Wm. F. Smith and others sj'mpa- thizing with the Tammany fight igainst Til- den or any Tilden man, that General Hancock had written a letter prior to the inauguration of President Hayes, to the efi'ect that he would obey orders from Tilden and head the revo- lutionists with his command ! Believing this Democratic story to be true, and supposing that what he would thus do for another he certainly would do for himself, they nomi- nated Hancock under the supposition that he would be a fit tool for their contemplated revolutionary work. It was this that made the South a unit for him — this, and the mem- ory of past favors to the Southern White Liners and White League and Klu Klux Klan, rendered during the brief months of his De- partment Rule in Louisiana and Texas. The South demanded of the North, in the Demo- cratic National Convention, the nomination of a man like Hancock, who would be ' ' avail- able " for Southern purposes, and the Conven- bl'lKlT UJJ litJi OUJ-iiJJ DUULa, tion, yielding to Southern domination, nomi- nated Hancock. It was emphatically the work of the Confederate brigadiers. "We have both Northern and Southern testimony to this. Testimony of Senator Wallace, of Pennsyl- vania, that the Confederate Brigadiers captured the* Convention. Senator Wallace telegraphed to General Hancock from Cincinnati, after congratulat- ing him upon his nomination : "General Buell tells me that Murat Halsted says HarKock's nomination by Confederate Brigadiers sets the old Rebel yoU to the music of the Union. How is that for th'e key-note of the campaign ? It will be solenm music for the Kepublicans to lace." General Joseph E. Johnson telegrraphs the Confederate Joy. Lee's great coadjutor, General Joseph E. Johnson, telegraphed: " The nomination makes me much gladder than you." Wade Hampton tells how the Confederate Brigadiers did the husiness. Senator Wade Hampton, in his famous speech at Staunton, Virginia — which has been " proved up " (in spite of all pretended de- nials) by the highest local Democratic as well as iiepublioan witnesses.— said : " The Democratic party is the party of peace and of union, that would blot out all sectional diftereuoe loi- ever, and it has proved this in the nominatipn of General Hancock at Cincinnati, r/iere was but oflefeel- ing amrnig tHe Southern delegates. Tluil feehrig was ex- pressed, when we said to our Necijic as to places, dates, and all that would seem to give the "charac- ter of reliability." " How can dates and places be given ? There is no political excitement in the South now. Tkebs ns no oc- casion FOB BUIiDOZING. The IVegro " passing out " of Politics— He nlu^<4t side with the Democrats or " gro to the wall altogrether ! '* Says the New Orleans Picayune (DemoOTatic) : The negro ispassing out of politics. He can never figure again in that arena as a Republican, for the simple reason that the Republican party has no longer any use -or him — or rather, any opportunity to use him. The Sou£icr',i States are all hopelessly JDemocratic, and it would ho f5 waste of money sorely needed in more promising quai'- ters, to canvass this section in the interest of the Chi- cago nominees. We understand that it is not the in- tention of the Republican party managers to attempt to organize a campaign in this State, and they have equaUy good reasons to abandon the struggle in all tlie other Southern State. If the negro is wise he must begin to see that he has now as little to hope from the Republican party, as that party has to expect from him. He will see that in his own section he must side with the dominant party or, politically speaking, go to the wall altogether. A Dialogue between North and South— The South's declared purpose *'to reyive the memories of the war '' and chant the glo- rious achievements of the rehels t The New Orleans i>OTwcra^ prints this: "Southerner (to Northerner) — Why do you shake at us the bloody shirt ? Why do you aim continually to revive the hateful memories of ingiorious war? Shall byegones ne'er be byegones ?" " Northerner (to Southerner) — Why do you, by ever making your rebellious deeds the glorious apotheosis of treason, provoke us to do it ?" ' ' The New Orleans Organist — The superb heroism of such men deserve to be perpetuated in song and story, and their bright examples of patriotism and duty to be held up before our young men, to whom the memories of the war are as vague as the images of a dream. * * * It is the purpose of the Democrat to revive those memories * * * with the design of teaching the growing generation of young Louisianians what an imperishable heritage of glory they have in the achieve- ments of their fathers." White Repuhlicans to be branded as ene- mies — White Republican candidates '*shouldbe saturated with stench!''— lOOO Democratic votes equal to 5000 Republi- can votes !— " We have tlie count !" A letter signed " Southern Democrat," in the Memphis Avalanche, says : " White men wJio dare to avow Oiemsdves here as Repub- licans should be promptly branded as the bitter and Tfiidig- nant enemies of the South. The name of every Northern man who presumes in this community to aspire to office through Republican votes should be saturated with stench. As for the negroes. let them amuse themselves, if they will, by voting the Radical ticket. We have the count. We have a thousand good and true men whose brave ballots will be found equal to those of Jive thousand uile Radicals." The Democrats control South Carolina, and they intend to retain it at every hazard ! Says the Barnwell (S. 0.) People: " The Democrats have obtained control of the State of South Carolina, and they intend to retain it at every hazard, and in spite of the utmost eflforts of local enemies and their Northern allies." 10 EEVOLUTIONAEY ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DEMOOKATIO LEADEES. " Heroic deeds " of relielllous sires to be held up for tlic "emulation and admira- tion" of tlie sons. Speaking of the "dreadful strife wliioli made the South a ruin, but which has, at least, left her a kgacy of glorious memories," and of the men who have since grown to control the des- tinies of the South, the New Orleans Demo- crat says : " For our young men, therefore, citizens of Louis- iana and hi the Republic, we propose to liold up for their emulation amd admirati&n the heroic deeds of their fathers," &c. "We have no excuses to make for being a solid South." ' At a Hancock ratification meeting, July 17, •at Floyd, Ga., as quoted from New Orleans Democrat, July 24, 1880, among the extracts which that paper gives "from the fine ad- dress delivered by that elegant orator, David Todd, Esq., of Norehouse, " is this : " Mr. Todd, in speaking of a solid South, said. We have no excuse or apologies to make to bloody-shirt politicians for being a ' solid South.' '* The Central Greenback organs advice to Grcenbackers— The spirit of the South fn "Alabanta— The party of fate, maUce aad subversion — Work against It — Vote against it— Refuse its alliance I "Many accounts from Alabama come to us filled ■with evidence of the frauds practiced in the late election. The most shameless and open discrepancies exist between the ballots cast and those counted. At Huntsville an amount of sui)pression and intimidation equal to that used in the worst days .of reconstruction, was o'penly carried on. Comment upon these things, without more positive action, does little good. Taie party who condemn these outrageous abuses, be they committed by whom they may.'has a hard work be- fore it, but it must be accomplished. The execution of the law, and the laws themselves, must be such as to prevent similar action by any party. That party which parades a platform sonorously quoted by the man who voted to protect brute force in Congress, which declares for a 'free ballot,' and leads its forces to such a victory as that gained in Alabama, is a party of hate, of malice, and the protector of the worst crime known to nations, the treacherous sub- version of the people's will. Work against it ; vote against it ; refuse its alliance. Let'the honest men come out of it." ~Wash. National View (Greenback), Alig. 14, 1880. CHAPTER III. Revolutionary Acts and Purposes of the Democratic Leaders. " TJie great fraud of i97G-"n, hy which, upon a false count of the dectoralvoies of two States, theoan- didate defeated at tlie polls was deaared to be President, and, for the first time in American history, the will of the people was set aside under a threat of military violence, struck a deadly blow at our system of ' representative government; the Democratic party, to presene the country from a civU war, submitted for a time infirm and patriotic faith that the people wouldpunish this crane in 1880; this issue precedes and dwarfs every other; it imposes a more sacred duty upon the people of the Union than ever ad- dressed the conscience of a nation of free men."— Declaration of Democratic Platform, 1880. i PART I. Introduction to tlic evidences of Tilden's eontenitplated Mgti crime against the Kepublic— Brief review of tlie Revolution- ary Proceedings Tlieii' re- markable gro>vth— How a Min- ority can Overthrow a Govern- ment — Forcible illustration of the Dangers that Potter sought to Precipitate up<»n us— Plausi- ble Pretexts for Kevolutiou al- ways on hand. ■ Kevolutionists always have a plausible excuse for what they intend to do, whether the scene of operations be Prance, Mexico, or any other country, and that excuse is always to right some alleged wrong, and restore to the dear people something which it is alleged they have lost; and hence the importarux of furnishing no similar frettxt at Oiis election. Most of the modem revolutions in republics have been brought about by the ambition of partizans on pretexts of falsehood to promote the selfislmess of reckless and designing men. They have methods which bear a strong likeness to each other, and show that they all come of one family. The dear people have been robbed or cheated, and the disinterested patriot pro- poses to rally a force and set things right. Louis IVaiioleon as the " People's Cham- pion " and the " Imitator of Washing- ton." ■ It is almost impossible to detect the real reason of the revolutionist at first. Louis Napoleon achieved his designs by pretending to be the champion of the people, and as president of the Kepublic made himself their master. He announced himself an imitator of Washington; whom he imitated ^^'ith a ven- geance. EEVOLirriONAKr A0T8 AND PITKP03E9 OF THE DEMOCRATIO LEADEEfl. 11 Santa Anna's pretext In 1828 a pretended presidential election fraud. Santa Anna' took the field in the first in- stance, 1828, on the pretext that the two votes by which Pedraza was declared elected presi- dent of Mexico over Guerrero were fraudu- lently obtained, and the subsequent innum- erable revolutions, which have made a hell of that devoted country, have been the legitimate off3pring of the attempt by that scoundrel to avenge that pretended fraud. War, confusion, debt, anarchy, and despair have for fifty years been the annual product of the efforts of the Mexican-Tildeh to set things right. The Mexlcan-TUden's " stock In trade."— What all the horrors of revolutionary Hexico originally sprungr from. To annul the election of Pedraza because of a pretended fraud was the stock in trade of Santa Anna. All the horrors of Mexico have come from that, and revolution has become the chronic condition of Mexican society. The evil all grew out of a determination not to abide by a duly declared settlement of an election, by the constituted and legal authori- ties, in the mode and at the time and place fixed by the constitution and laws of the land. Similar conditions, mode of action, and re- volutionary desiens as to the American Presidency. - The designs of the conspirators against our own President can be read by the similarity of the conditions and the mode of action. Hayes had but one majority, while Pedraza had two ; but the closeness of the vote fur- nished the pretext. Hayes was not accused of tyranny or tyrannical acts ; he was not ac- cused of seeking to injure or oppress any class of people ; he was not charged with seeking to promote sectionalism, or strife, or party spirit, or discord. He was not charged with violating the laws or performing any ar- bitrary or indecent acts. The public mind had settled into the belief that he was duly declared elected, and as President he was fairly and honestly perfonnijjg his duty in a \ega,\,aD.(i constitutional way. A review of the revolutionary movements since President Hayes' accession. There being no wrongful acts of the Presi- dent, no oppression, no agitation of the pub- lic mind, and no discontent or apprehension of trouble, it would seem at first thought that there could be no chance for the success of a conspiracy. Here and there, once in a while, perhap^, a bubble might come to the surface — only to burst. Three months after the in- auguration there were mutterings and grtim- blings, and even significant threatenings.'by Tilden and Dorsheimer at the Manhattan Club reception — a sort of ground swell, as it were — but with that exception it might be said that eight mouths passed away withoat a ripple. Tildcil'g return from Europe and the study of revolutionary plans in France— Ills flrat sTun. Then Tilden returned from Europe. He went away ill — too ill to rally and conduct a revolution. But rest and a sea voyage re-stored his vigor, and time to lay plans had been so improved that he was ready for the first step in imitation of Santa Anna. A serenade was instituted, and Tilden came out with a speech ostensibly to thank his friends for coming to greet him, but in" reality to "fire the popular hearf and discharge the first gun in his cam- paign of revolution. Samuel J. Tilden swears a tremendous oath I In this speech he announced that "the people had been robbed;" that "robbery was a crime:" that it "must be avenged;" that, so help him God, " I swear in the presence of you all — and I call upon you to bear witness to the oath — to watch during the remainder of my life over the rights of the citizens of our country with jealous care;" and much of the same import, too tedious to quote. Nohody stirs at the soand-H§ammy plays " possum." The popular heart did not fire, notwith- standing this tremendous oath. There was no response, and " order reigned in Warsaw." It became necessary to try some other plan, and Tilden was forced to play " possum "and make believe dead. Tilden's grievance and the Mexican husi- ness— Maryland cats terrapin, and sees spots in the sun. The month of January came and the vari- ous Democratic legislatures met, looked at the grievance of Tilden, and wisely concluded not to go into Mexican business that year — all but the Legislature of Maryland. The Legislature of Maryland had two distinctions not enjoyed by any other. It was once bodily imprisoned for disloyalty by a National Union general — one George B. McClellan — and had for a mem- ber Montgomery Blair. Such a Legislature could invent a grievance, if one could be in- vented, and they did. Blair, by a free use of champagne and terrapin, put through a reso- lution that the State had been cheated in the electoral count — the same language that Til- den had used — and the wrong must be re- dressed. This looked harmless and almost laughable. So does a cat sometimes when mice are near. Mysterious conferences of Tlldenites at Washington and New York— Speaker Randall captured— King caucus at work. It looked as though legal proceedings were to be instituted in the courts. But wait a little. Some pork doesn't boil that way. Blair leaves Annapolis and comes to Washing- ton. There are many mysterious conferences and consultations, dodgings in and out by a brother of David Dudley Field, who is 12 REVOLUTIONARY ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERS. Tilden's engineer, and Clarkson N. Potter runs back and forth between Washington and Gramercy Park, and Speaker Randall is dragooned into promising to rule in a motion of inquiry as a question of high privilege, the caucus is invoked, and all the party machinery is brought to bear to get passed a resolution of investigation. Falseness and duplicity of the Democratic pretext for the Potter Investigation— Contradictory House action as to med- dling with Hayes' title— How frlgrht will disguise itself. All this is done on the Mexican pretext that nothing is intended but the unearthing of a fraud ; but see the falseness and duplicity. A motion is sought to be made to declare that it is not intended to question the title of Hayes, and it is squelched with yells, and the most talented, most distinguished, and one of the most venerable sages of the House is inde- cently hooted down, because the conspirators dared not trust their scheme to the test which is always applied to honest proceedings. The conspirators knew their scheme could not succeed if put to such a test, and so they choked the test and the mover by riot and Bedlamite howls. A few weeks later, however, the House got frightened into passing the reso- lution that the title of Hayes could not be meddled with, but if they were really of this opinion their howling it down at the start can- not be accounted for. Their intentions had not changed, evidently, but they found it ne- cessary to endeavor to conceal them awhile longer, and hence the resolution was allowed to pass; but neither Potter, McMahon, S. S. Cox, Knott, Blackburn, Southard, Springer, nor A. S. Hewitt voted for it. It did not commit the next House; and nothing pre- vented the next Democratic House from carry- ing out Democratic revolutionary designs, but the voice of the People, expressed in a greatly decreased Democratic majority in that Body. The Hale Amendment and Potter's Jesuit- ical offer. Mr. Hale made an offer to investigate Til- den's attempted frauds, and the conspirators pretending to desire the evidence of fraud, voted it down. Mr. Potter pretended that he was willing to do this if Mr. Hale would say he had new evidence, but he well knew Mr. Hale and the Republicans had regarded the case as finally settled and had not been look- ing for new evidence, and had no occasion to connive with liars and perjurers to get a show of new evidence on which to hang a pretext of revolution, and knew they wouldn't had there been occasion. "What of the threatened Democratic revo- lution had thus far heen developed plainly. The facts and course of proceedings so far show; 1. That Tilden instigated the proceedings and had the guiding hand on the helm. 2. That the real aims of the conspira- tors were carefully sought to be concealed. 3. That the conspirators sought by ille- gitimate and riotous means to carry their points. 4. That the usual pretexts and concomi- tants which mark the courses and methods of revolutionists were manifest in the movements of the Blair and Tilden conspirators.' Can a Democratic Minority overthrow a Government?— Revolutionary Sfomcntom —Remember, 1861. The conspirators know some things not ap- preciated by the people. The people imagine that the Government can be overthrown only by the majority, but the Democratic leaders know that a few bad, cunning, and desperate men can so wield the masses that a revolution once started takes on a momentum entirely out of proportion to numbers or the merits of the case which they present. Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina were strong Union States from conviction in 1861 ; but the storm of revolution, once started, became a whirlwind, and the beggarly and contemptible minority swept the majority out of the Union in a twinkling, and thousands upon thousands of honest Union men carried rebel mnskets through the war, or died fighting in a cause which they cordially hated and despised. Even Robert E. Lee was a Union man, but de- luded with a notion that he must follow his State. Now the delusion will be that they must foUow their party, and must have vengeance for an imaginary "fraud," and so one and another have already been whipped in, and others will continue to be till the torch of revolution is lighted, and then the Mexican methods will be fairly inaugurated, and the end no man can see. IVip It in the hud— Three Revolutionary Constituents. The only way to stop revolution is to nip it in the bud. At the commencement there • are in revolutions three parties — those who are in the movement, those who oppose it, and those who think nothing will come of it. The first are usually a small minority ; but the vicious classes in our cities, the fanetics, the soldiers of fortune, all instinctively rally to the support of any deviltry ; the timid are scared in or into neutrality, and the despera- does soon have their own way, and confusion, desolation, and destruction abound on every hand. How France was strangled in one night by one weak, shallow man !— Our great- er danger from the crafty, " still-hunt- ing" TUden— Tilden's Democratic bon- bons. Victor Hugo has prononnoed the French Revolution of Louis Napoleon "the assassi- nation of a people by one man." Yes, and that man was considered by most intelligent Frenchmen as weak, shallow, and so utterly wanting in heroic and magnetic qualities that KETOLCTIONAKY ACTS AND PUEPOSES OF THE DEMOCEATIC LEADEES. 13 they laughed At the idea of a coup d^etat down to the very night it was accomplished. Then, to their intense disgust, they iound their throats grasped by the hand of the insignifi- cant villain, and there was no help. The nation was strangled in a night, and, to the surprise of everybody, the assassin was sup- ported and sustained by men of more ability than Montgomery Blair, and more character than Sam Kandall and Clarkson Potter. Such scoundrels are always supported by better men than themselves, and Tilden had secured his coterie already. Some had been allured by promises of being.made cabinet ministers; others fooled with the notion that there was to be some fun, but not to amount to a revo- lution, while the natural cussedness of a good- ly number, which circumstances had hitnerto kept suppressed, would improve the occasion for a little antic ; and so, altogether, there were no lack of allies. The rank and file came from the million of Democratic place-hunters, who pretended to feel that the counting in of Hayes cheatea them of an office which they would get without fail if Hayes were bounced. Montgomery Blair admitted that there were nSany members wholly opposed to the revolu- tion ; but they were to be forced in by this mighty pressure of a million ravenous office- seekers, who could not wait two years for a regular election. " Revolutions never go backwai;d "—To what magnitude this had swollen In a few short month!; I Revolutions grow in these days by a natural law. and they cannot be controlled wheu under full headway, nor stopped except in their earlier stages. See how Tildjn's hail augmented. When the Manhattan Club ga- thering was held it passed away like a smoke- whifif. • When Tilden made his revolu^tionary speech in October there was no response. Il fell flat. When Blair introduced his resolu- tion in the Maryland Legislature it was almost unanimously condemned by the members ; and yet it went through. It came to Congrei-f and had but few friends ; but a few weeks ol cunning manipulation by Blair, Field, and Potter, under direction of Tilden, and a great investigation is inaugurated. Men are put on the stand to blacken the character of eminent statesmen -);hat on the stand- confess them selves liars, owning that they could be and were •bribed, and confessing that they are without moral charae ter, and the respectabil- ity of Clarkson Potter is obliged to associate with them, and he and McMahon are com- pelled to- defend as manifest a set of rascals as ever came fo the surface. And this was but the work of a few months. What as many more months would bring fortli no man could imagine. The horrors to which the pallid, i.alf- palsied old man of Gramercy Park would have doomed the American people. The conspirators meant mischief. The investigation had no significance in it if not aimed at the title of the President. Blair avowed this, and so did others. The scheme was growing, and moderate men would lose control of it. When the torch of revolution in a country like this is once lighted, heU itself follows. The stormy passions of men are unchained and rage with bloodthirsty vio- lence, and the scenes become indescribable. Victor Hugo, in trying to describe the French revolution, says: "The gloomy aimed men, massed together, felt an appalling spirit enter into them they ceased to be themselves and became demons. There was no longer a single French soldier, but a host of indefin- able phantoms, carrying out a horrible task, as though in the glimmering light of a vision. There was no longer a flag ; there was no longer law ; there was no longer humanity ; there was no longer a country ; there was no longer Fr.nce — they l*gan to assassinate." Even this language fails to depict the horror and mi«ery which a revolution brings. Al en turn into brigands and women become fiends. Homes and hearthstones are abolished. All that is held sacred is violated, and where peace and plenty and security reigned, want, famine, and terror come in and take their places. The only way to avoid all this Is to crush the Democrats right out of Congress by electing Republicans. It was to avoid this terrible condition of things that the people reduced the Democratic majority in the House. To avoid this condi- aon of things in the near future, the solid South — fhe conspirators who through Hancock vvould work revolution — must be aealt a stag- gering blow. But this can only be done by electing Garfield to the Presidency by an elec- toral vote Eo large that none will dare dispute it, and by electing a Eepublican House that will set the seal of condemnation upon the . evolutionary proceedings ol the last two Con- gresses. paut II. Tlie Potter tetter— He ^vould bave throYvii the Election into the House to make Tilclen's elianccs sure— The House the sole Judge oi' Presidential Elec- tions and can act alone on its o^vn iiilbrmation ! — It is " supreme " — Tlie Democratic House having I'oUo^ved liis advice, Tilden must have been elected if Potter is to be be- lieved— Tilden as Commander- in-Chief of the Federal Army I The fact that Clarkson N. Potter, of New York, tne next doOr neighbor, at Gramercy Park, of Samuel J. Tilden, was at the head of the House Committee striving, by a one-sided investigation of alleged electoral frauds to 14 KETOLUTIONAET ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DBMOCEATIO LEADERS. make political capital to help his party at the congressional elections and to lay a basis for the conspiracy to seize the Presidency, naturaUy drew attention to his famous letter of November 21, 1876, published in the New York Herald, of the day following. In that letter he argued for the Tilden cause with fal- lacious subtleties which, were they living, would have turned the old Greek sophists green with j ealousy and envy, and would do honor to the casuistry of the disciples of Loy- ola. Then, grown bold upon his platform of sophistries, he proposed the most violent measure of aU the wild and anarchical plans advanced by the Tildenites of that troubled period. He wanted the Democratic House to " take the bit in its , mouth, " declare that the people had failed to elect, and proceed to the election of a President. In the following pages it will be found that on March 3, 1877, t)y a strict party vote, the House did "take the bit in its mouth " so far as to declare that Tilden and Hendricks were duly elected Pres- ident and Vice-President ; and it is because of "this foolish and untrue declaration' that we now hear so much of the so-called ' 'Fraud Issue" and that Democratic demagogues allude to Mr. Tilden as "President Tilden" before Democratic audiences. This letter, written by Tilden's next-door neighbor at Gramerey Park, and ostensibly concocted at his Wall Street of&ce, was believed at the time to have been inspired by Tilden himself ; and but for the fact that a few Democrats refused to be gov- erned by the Tilden revolutionary caucuses, the treasonable programme which, under Til- den's influence. Potter had laid down, might jprobably have been carried out to the letter. The firm attitude of President Grant in de- claring that whoever, under the electoral count, was duly declared elected President, would be inaugurated, and the knowledge, as- 'certained by secret emissaries, that the army would stand firm and could not be corrupted by Tilden's ,' ' bar'ls of money, " had much to do with the destruction of the Tilden-Potter pro- gramme or pronunciamento for Mexicanizing the United States. Besides exhibiting what the revolutionists originally intended to do, the Potter letter throws some light upon proceed- ings in the Democratic House after the elec- toral count, and upon the nsw treasonable de- parture which was taken under tho personal lead of Potter himself Following is tho dos- ing portion of the Potter letter aforesaid : He Tvould have had the Election thrown Into the House, which would have Insured Tilden's Election. "If, then, the vote of Louisiana shall not bo counted, and Mr. Hayes should be ailowed Florida and South Carolina, he will have 177 votes and Mr. Tilden 184, and then either Mr. Tilden mil bo elected, or there ■win be no election of President. And it wiU then be- come the immediate duty of the House of.r.eprcsenta- tivea,.unaer the express direction of the Constitution, to proceed to choose a Pi-osident by the votos of States each State having one vote, and if Mr. Hayes should then be chosen President, he will bo chosen .ibsolutely m strictest compliance with aU the provisions and forms of law, and will be as absolutely and lawfully President as any man ever was. So, too, if tho Houen should choose Mr. Tilden." The House a higher law unto Itself— Re- sitonslMc to nothing and nohody— It can act alone! It is the "sole Judge" whether the people have elected or not, and need not wait the word of any inform- ing hody outside I The Constitution has provided for no person or body to notify the House that there has been no election for President by the electors, nor, by deciding whether to make or w-ithhold such notification, to judge of that fact, but has left the House sole judge of the hap- pening of the contingency calling for its action. As one of the counters of the electoral vote the House must necessarily know whether that vote has resulted in a choice, and, so knowing,' does not require notifi- cation of the fact. Accordingly, had the Constitution provided for a nstification to the House, it would have been to make it^ action in that respect dependent on some other judgment of the happening of that con- tingency than its own. But instead it leaves the House to act upon its own knowledge, independent of the action of any other body or person, and directs the House in that contingency, of which it necessarily has knowledge, and is itself to be the judge, to proceed ■ to choose a President. And to whom could the question, of whether the power was to be exercised, be so properly committed as to the body which is to exercise the power, to that great popular branch of the G-oyernment which speci- ally represents the people, and whose members, of all those connected with the Federal Government, are alone elected by the people. The Democratic House being "supreme," who could dispute the Presidential au- thority of Ncighhor Tilden ? Having, then, the ordinary and usual authority of every superior body, invested with the exercise of a supreme function, of determining for itself the occa- sion when it may be lawfully exercised, and having, therefore, the authority to decide for itself whether a President has been chosen by the electors or not, and, if not, to then itself choose the President, who can lawfully dispute the authority of the President whom the House of Bepresentatives may thus choose ? All who talk otherwise "talk Rebellion" against the Lord's anointed. Gentlemen who talk lightly, therefore, of hating the Vice-President of the Senate receive and count the vote of Louisiana against the cbiection ol the House, or of choosing some energetic man President of the Senate that they may ha ^e a forcible ■:;facer to lead the Republican party ifter the 4th of March, or of an interregnum in which General, Grant shall hold over, talk rebellion. The House of Bepresentatives v ..i not refuse to attend the counting of the electoral vote ; it will permit the counting of every vote which it may judge lawful to be counted. No electoral vote valid unless agreed to hy the House, and unless its "Judgment" agrees with its " concurrence" and "di- rection." And no vote can be lawfully counted withotlt its concurrence or against its judgment and direction. Resistance *o TUden Is defiance to law. Whomever, by the vote so counted, shall appear to have the majority of aU the electors appointed wiU be President, and will be accepted by the Democratic party as such ; and whomever, if no President be so chosen, the popular branch of the Government shall then, m due form, choose to be President, wiUbesoac- oepted by them ; and it will be those who may see fit to resist the Executlve,»thus lawfully elected, who will be defying the laws. EEVOLTTTIONARY AQT8 AND PUEFOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERS. 15 No slight Irregularity can impair ttic title of "me Neighbor" Tilden— If a majority of cacti one of a majority of Statei^ votes for Tlltlen la the House then he is Presi- dent. And even if there has been an omission in the Con- stitution, BO that, strictly no one may be elected according to its provisions, what could be so in accord with the spirit of our Government as to agree upon an Execu- tive, chosen by the House of Representatives, acting by States ? That is, chosen by men, elected directly by the people as the electors are, and acting by States, as the electors do/ It was to the House that the Constitution committed the election of a Presi- dent in the only contingency of a failure to choose by , electors then foreseen. Had the Convention foreseen the contingency now assumed by some it would, of course, have committed the election in such contin- gency also to the House of Bepresentatives. Why, then, not adopt this course— (The House did adopt- It) — And thus sail as near to the "spirit of the Constitution" as Indla-ruhher constructionists like Tilden and Potter choose to. "Why, then, should not this great people forbear strife, and adopt a course which, if no course be pro- vided for by the Constitution, would accord most nearly with the spirit of the Constitution ? The ■more, as fhe result thus reached would conform to the wish of the great body of the people, as just ex- pressed. And here let me add that to talk of a Senate, in which a majority of the Senators represented less than one-fourth of the people", iwhoso power to choose a President is, by the Constitution, confined, fii^t to the failure of -the electors to choose one, and next to the failure of the House of Bepresentatives to choose one by the 4th of March following — setting up as their presiding oificer a military dictator, to take possession of the Government against the President regularly chosen by the House of Representatives and backed by an enormous popular majority, seems' to me, even in view of Mr. Frank Blaiy's famous prophecy, idle. Doubtful the supremacy exercised by the Federal authority of late years, and the desire of property owners for order, even at the price of Constitutional liberty, has produced a pretty general belief that any one who can command Federal troops can do anything. Tilden's claim to be Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Army— Potter believed the people would sustain it. , But the question is not what Federal troops can do, but who it is that is entitled to be their commander and head — a wholly different question ; and, upon that question, I do not believe the people will be found 60 anSious to sustain fraud to keep the minor- ity in power, or so unwilling to maintain their consti- tutional rights as is assumed. Truly your obedient serva'nt, CLARKSON N. POTTER, November 21, 1876. No. 61 Wall street. PART III. The Electoral Commission Act- Analysis of the votes by which it passed— It >vas essentially a Democratic measnre -The votes in till! in both Houses. It will be observed by analysis of tbe votes cast in the Senate and House upon the pas- sage of thfe Electoril Commission Act— given herewith— that this act, now so much abused by the Democrats, and the findings under which they now pretend to be dissatisfied with; and which they propose by revolution- ary methods to overturn, was essentially & Democratic measure. • The Senate vote was 47 yeas and 17 nays— 10 not voting. Of the Re- publicans 20 voted yea, 17 voted nay, and 9 declined to vote. Of the Democrats 26 voted ye'a, 1 voted nay, and 1 declined to vote. The majority for it therefore comprised 26 Demo- crats and 20 Republicans. The vote against it comprised 17 Republicans and only 1 De- mocrat. The vote in the House, on passing the act, illustrates the feeUng of the two parties even more strongly. That vote was 191 yeas and 86 nays— 14 not voting. Of the Republicans only 33 voted yea, 68 voted nay — 7 not voting. Of the Democrats 158 voted yea, only 18 voted nay— 7 not voting. The majority for it, therefore, comprised 158 De- mocrats and only -33 Republicans, The vote against it comprised 68 Republicans and only 18 Democrats. Taking the aggregate vote in the two Houses, it will be found that only 53 Republicans voted for the measure and 85 Republicans voted against it; while 184 De- mocrats voted for it, and only 19 Democrats voted against it. The Republicans of both branches of Congress therefore stood opposed to the measure nearly in the proportion of 2 to 1 ; and the Democrats of both branches stood by the bill, and "put it through" nearly in the proportion of 10 to 1. If this state of. facts does not prove it a Democratic measure then aU proofs would be useless. The Senate vote in full. The vote in the Senate, January 25, 1877, on the passage of the Electoral Commission Bill was, in detail, as follows : Yeas — Messrs. Alcorn, Allison/Barnum, Bayard, Bogy, Bootli.Boutwell, Burnside, Chaffee, Christiancy, Cock- rell, CoDkling, Cooper, Cragin, Davis, of West Virginia, Dawes, Dennis, Edmunds, Frejiughuyeen, Goldthwaite, Gordon, Howe,, Johnston, Jones, of Florida, Jones, of Nevada, Kelly, Kernan, McCreery, McDonald, McMillan, Maxey, Merrimon, Morrill, Price, Randolph, Ransom, Robertson, Saulsbury, Sharon, Stevenson, Teller, Thur- man, Wallace, Whyte, 'Windom, Withers, Wright — 47. Nays — Messrs. Blaine, Bruce, Cameron, of Pennsyl- vania, Cameron, of "Wisconsin, Clayton, Conover, Dor- sey, Eaton, Hamilton, Hamlin, Ingalls, Mitchell, Mor- ton, Patterson, Sargent, Sherman, West— 17. Not Voting — Messrs. Anthony, Ferry, Harvey, Hitch- cock, Logan, Norwood, Ogleaby, Paddock, Spencer, Wadlelgh— 10. The House vote in full. 1 he vote in the House of Representatives, January 26, 1877, on the passage of the Electo- ral Commission JBill, was, in detail, as follows: Yeas — Messrs. Abbott, Adams, Ainsworth, Anderson* Aslte, AUcins, Bagby, Q. A. Barley, J. H.Bagley, Jr > Banning, Beebe, &\ N. Bell, Bland, Bliss, Blount,- Boone' Bradley, Bright, J. Y. Brown, Buclcner, S. D.' Burchard, Burleigh, Cabell, W. P Caldwell, A. Campbell, Candler, CaulJUld, Chapin, Chittenden, J. B. Clarke, J. B, Clark, Jr., Clymer, Cochrane, Cook, Cowan, Cox, Crapo, Culber- son, Cutler, DarraJl, J. J. Davis, Davy, De Bolt, Dibrell, Douglas, Durand, Eden, Ellis, Faulkner, Felton, D. D. Field, J. J. Firicy, Foster,. F^-anklin, Fuller, Gause, Gib- son, Glover, Goode, Goodin, Gunter, A. H. Hamilton,' R. Hamilton, Hancock, Hardenburgh, B W. Harris, //. R. Harris, J. T. Harris, Harrison, Hdrtridge, Hartzell, Hatcher, Hathom, Haymond, Henkle, Hereford, A. S. Hewitt, G. ' W. Hewitt, Hill, Hoar, Holman, Hooker, HopJcins, Hoskms, House, Humphreys, Hunter, Hvnton, Jenks, F. Jones, Kehr, Kelley, Lamar, F. Landers, G. M. 16 EBVOLUTIONAEY ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DEMOOEATIO LEADERS. LatiAers, Lane, Leavenworth, Le Moyne, Levy, Levds; iMttretl, Lynde, Mackey, Maish„ MacBougall, McCrary, McDill, McFarland, MeMahon, Meade, H. B. Metcalf, Miller, Money, Morgan, Morrison, Mutchler, L. T. Neat, New, Korton, O'Brien, Oliver, Payne, Phelps, J. F. Phillips, Pierce. Piper, Piatt, Potter, Powell, Rea, Reagan, J. Reiily, J, B. Reilly, JRice, Riddle, J. Robbing, W, M. Bobbins, Roberts, M. Ross, Sampson, Savage, Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, Seelye, Sheakley, Southard, Sparlcs, Springer, Stanton, Stenger, Strait, Stevenson, W. H. Stone, Swann, J. K. Tarbox, Teese, Terry, Thomas, C. P. Thompson, Throckmorton, W. Townehend, Tucker, Turner, R. B. Vance, Waddell, C. C. B. Walker, O. ft Walker, Walling, Walsh, E. Ward, Warner, Warren, Wattersan, E. Wells, G. W. Wells, Whitehouse, Whit- thorne, Wike, Willard, A. S. Williams, J. Williams, W. B. Williams, Willis, Wilshire, B. Wilson, J. Wilson, P, Wood, Yeaies, Young, and the Speaker — 191. Nays— Messrs. J. H. Baker, W. H. Baker, Ballon, Banks, Blackburn, Blair, Bradford, W. K. Brown, H.C. Burchard, Butts, J, H. Caldwell, Cannon, Carr, Caswell, Cate,Conger,Croiinse, Danford, Denison, Dobbins, Dun- nel, Durham, Eames, J. L. Evans, Flye, Forney, Fort, Freeman, Frye, Garfield, Hale, Haralson, Hendee, Hen- derson, Hoge, Hubbell, Hurd, Hurlbut, Hyman, T, L. Jones, Joyce, Kasson, Kimball, Knott, Lapham, Law- rence, Lynch, Magoon, Milliken, Mills, Monroe, Nash, O'Neill, Packer, Page, Plaisted, Poppleton, Pratt, Pur- man, Rainey, Robinson, Busk, Singleton, Sinnickson, Slemons, Smalls, A. H. Smith, W. E. Smith, Stowell, Thornburgh, M. I. Townsend, Tufta,-Van Vorhes, J. L. Vance, Wait, Waldron, A. S. Wallace, J. W. Wallace, J. D. White, Whiting, A. WiUiams, C. 6. WiUiams, J. N. Williams, A. Wood, Jr., Woodburn, Woodworth — 86, Not Voting. — Messrs. Bass, Cason, CollinSi Egbert, Hays, King, Lord, Odell, W. A. Phillips, S. Boas, ^cte- maker, Stephens, Wheeler, Wiggington — M. Tlie Electoral Count — The TOte as an- nounced—Final seiiaratlon of the Houses —Subsequent revolutionary iiroceedlng's in the Democratic House liefore adjourn- ment of the Forty-fourth Congress- Field's "r(mgfvl intrusion into the office of President or Vice President of the United States." Vote hy trhich the Quo Warranto Bill was lost. The vote on the passage of the abpve Quo Warranto bill -was 66 yeas (all of them Demo- crats) to 99 nays, which comprised 76 Repub- licans and 23 Democrats, while of those not " voting 89 Demom-ats seem to have been " watching how the cat jumped." In detail the vote was : Yeas.— Messrs. J. H. Bagley, Jr., Banning, Beebe, S.W Belt, Boone, J. Y. Brown, W. P. CaMweU, CarnMer' Cote, Caulfield, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, Jr., CoUim' S. S. Cox, J. J. Davis, De Bolt, Eden, Ellis, D. D. Field, J. J. Pinley, Franklin, Fuller, Gause, Glover, A. H. Ham- ilton, Hardenburgh, J. T. Harris, Hartzell, Hatcher, Hill, Holman, Hooker, A. Humphreys, T. L. Jones, F. Landers, Lane, Levy, Lord, Luttrell, Lynde, Meade, Morrison, L. T. Ifeale, Payne, Poppleton, A. V. Rice. J. Bobbins, M. Ross, Scales, SdiUicher, Sheakley, Slemons, Sparks, Springer, Teese, terry, Thomas, Tucker, J. L. Vance, R. B. Vance, G. C. Walker, E. Wells, Whitthome, WiggingUm, B. Wilson, Feafcs— 66. Nays— Messrs. Abbott, Adams, AimworOi, J. H. Baker, W. H. Baker, Ballou, Banks, Belford, Blair, Bradford, Bradley, W. R. Brown, Buckner, Burleigh, Buttz, J. H. Caldwell, Cannon, Caswell, Chittenden, Conger. Crapo, Crounse, Culberson. CuUer, Danford, Darrall Davy, Denniaon, Dobbins, Dunnell, Eames, Forney, Foster, Freeman, ITye, Garfield, Goodin, Haralson, B. W. Hams. Hathom, C. Hays, Hopkins, House, Hubbell, 5"°^®^! Hurlbut, Jenks, Joyce, Kasson, Kehr, Kelley., Itimball, G. M. Landers, Lapham, Lawrence, Le Moyne, "•ynch, MacDougall, McDiU, MUls, Monroe, New, Oliver, O'Neill, Packer, Page, W. A. PhiUips, Pierce, Pratt, Rainey, J. B. Reilly, Riddle, M. S. Robinson, Sampson, C. P. Thompson, Thornburgh M I Towns- end, W. Townsend, Tufts, Wait, Waldron, A. S Wal- KiiV-OLUTIONABY ACTS AifD P0EPOSE8 OF THE DEMOOKATIC LEADERS. 17 Uce, J. W. "Wallace, Warren, J. D. White, JVTiilehoiiie Willard, C. G. Williams, W. B. WiUiams, B. A. Willis J. Wilson— 99. Not Voiins— Messrs. Anderson, Ashe, Atkins, Sag- by, a. A. Bagley, Bass, Blackburn, Bland, Bliss, Blount, Bnghl, H. (j. Burchard, S. D. Burchard, Cabell, A. CampbeU, Carr, Cason, Ckapin, Clymer, Cochrane, Cook Cowan, Dibrell, Douglai, Durand, Durham, Egbert, J. L. Evans, ' Faulkner, Helton, Flye, Port, Oibion, Ooode, Ounter, Hale, R. Hamilton, Hancock, U. B. Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, Haymorul, Hendee, Henderson' Henkle, A. 8. Hewitt, G. W. Hewitt, Hoar, Hoge, Hos- klns, Huntan, Hurd, Hyman, F. Janes, King, Knott, Lamar, Lewis, Hockey, Magoon, JUaish, McCrary, McFar- land, McMahon, H. B. Metcalf, Miller, Milliken, Mmey, Morgan, Mutchler, Nash,. Norton, O'Brien, Odell, Plielps J. F. PkiUips, Piper, Haisted, Piatt, Potter, Powell, Purmau, Rea, Reagan, J. Reilly, W. M. Bobbins, Roberts, 8. Boss, Busk, Savage, Sayler, Schianaker, Singleton, W. E. Smith, Southard, Stanton, Slenger, Stephem, W. H. Stone, Swann, Throclcmorton, Turner, Van Vorhes, C. O B. Warner, Walling, Walsh, E. Ward, Warner, Walter- am, a*Vf, Wells, Wheeler, Whiting, Wike, A. Williams, A. S. Williams, J. WiUiams, J. N. Williams, Wilshire, A. Wood, Jr., F. Wood, Woodburn, Woodworth, Young —128. . " PART lY. House Committee Report affllrm- in^ the right of* the lEoii.sc to go beliiiul tlie ]<}icctoral ICeturiis, I and " the authority of the House j over the counting" tliereot— Res- olution reported to tliat effect— ' Vote on Uurcliard's Amend- ment to it. March 3, 1877, David Dudley Field, Demo- crat, from the Committee on Privileges, etc., made the following report : "The Committee on the Privileges, Powers, and Du- ties of the House of Bepresentatives, In counting the vote for President and Vice President of the United States, Iteport, in part, that sinc'e theirpartial report of certain resolutions, made to this House on the 12th day of January last, the passage of the act entitled 'An act to provide for and regulate the counting of votes for President and Vice President, and the de- cision of questions arising thereon, for the term com- mencing March 4, A. D. 1877,' and the proceedings under it, have interrupted the. discussion of the said resolutions and the action of House thereon ; but that the refusal of the Electoral Commission, constituted by the said .act to hear any evidence touching the frauds and want of jurisdiction of the canvassing and returning boards of Florida-and Louisiana, has made it BO much the more important to ai&rm the said res- olution and iha authority of this House over the counting of the electoral votes, and especially the right of Congress and of the 'House to inquire whether any votes pur- porting to come ftom a State have been cast by per- sons duly appointed by that State electors of President and Vice President in the manner directed by its Legislature, and for that purpose to receive evidence of the forgery, falsehood, or invalidity of any certifi- cate of any Governor or canvasser whomsoever. The committee therefore recommend the passage of the following additional resolution : "Resolued, That in the counting of the electoral votes of any State it is the right and duty of Congress and of this House to inquire whether any votes purporting to come from a State have been cast by persons duly appointed by that State electors of President and Vice President in the manner directed by its Legislature, and for that purpose to receive evidence of the forgery, falsehood, or invalidity of any oortifloale of any Gov- ernor or canvasser whomsoever." Mr. Burctaard'8 Amcnilment, and vote thereon. Aft^er Proctor Knott, Democrat, had offered an amendment — -which he subsequently with- drew—Mr. H. C. Burchard, Republican, from the minority of the Committee on Privileges, etc., moved to amend Mr^ Field's resolution by adding to it these words : " Affecting the genuineness of proper authentication of such certificates, but not for the purpose oif ques- tioning the number of votes by which, as shown from the certificate of duly authorized canvassing officers of the State, the electors may have beeu-appointed," The amendment was disagreed to — yeas 84 (all Republicans, save one), nays 122 (all De- mocrats), not voting, 84, as follows : Yeas— Messrs. Adams, G. A. Bagley, W. H. Baker, BaUou, Banks, S. N. Bell, Bradley, W. E . Brown, H. C. Burchard, Burleigh, Buttz, Cannon, CasweU, Chitten- den, Conger, Crapo, Crounso, Danford, Darrall, Denison, Dobbins, Eames, J. L. Evans, Flye. Foster, Freeman. Frje, Garfield, Halo, Haralson, B. W. Harris, Hathom, C. Hays, HendoB. Henderson, Hoskins, Hubbell, Hun- ter, Hurlbut, Hyman, Joyce, Kasson, Kelley, Lapham. Lawrence, Leavenworth, Magoon, MacDougall, Mc- Crary, McDill, Monroe, liash, Norton, Oliver, O'NeUl, Packer, Page, W. A. PhiUips, Plaisted, Piatt, Eainey. M. S. Kobinson, S. Boss, Sampson, Seelye, Sinnickson, Smalls, A. H. Smith, Stowell, Strait, Thombnrgh, Tults, Wait, A. 8. Wallace, J. W. Wallace, G. W. Wells, J. D. White, Whiting, A. Williams. C. G. Williams, J. Wilson, A. Wood, Jr., Woodburn, Woodworth — 84. • Nays — Messrs. Ainxworth, Ashe, Alkijis, Bagby, J. H. Bagley, Jr., Banning, Blackburn, Bland, Bliss, Blount, Boone, Bradford, Bright, J. Y. Brown, JJ H. Caldwell', W. P. Caldwell, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clark, Jr., Clymer, Cochrane, Collins, Cook, Cowan, S. S. Cox, J. J. Davis, De Bolt, Durham, Ellis, Faulkner, D. D. Field, J. J, ' Finley, Forney, Franklin, Fuller, Gause, Gibson, Glover, Goode, Gunier, A. H. Hamilton, R. Hamilton, Harden- burgh, H. R. Harris, J. T. Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, Hartzell, Hatcher, Henkle, Hooker, Hopkins, House, Hun- ton, Hurd, Jenks, T. L. Jones, Knott, F. Landers, G. M. Landers, Le Moyne, Levy, Lord, Luttrell, Lynde, Maekey, McFarland, McMahon, Meade, Mills, Money, Mutchler, L. T. Neal, New, (MeW, Payne, Phelps, J. F. Philips, Popple- ton, Rea, J. B. Reilly, J. Reilly, A. V. Rice, Riddle, J. Bobbins, W. M. Robbins, Roberts, Savage, Sayler, Scales, Sheakley, Slemans, W. E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, Springer, Stanton, Stenger, W. H. Stone, Swann, J. K. Tarbox, Teese, Terry, Thomas, C. P. Thompson, Throck- morton, Tucker, Tumey, J. L. Vance, R. B. Vanee, Wad- dell, Wailing, Wtlsh, Warner, E. Wells, Whithome, Wigginton, Wilce, J. WiUiams, J. N. Williams, B. A,, Willis, B. Wilson, Yeates— 122. Not Voting — Messrs. Abbott, Anderson, J. H. Baker, Bass, Beebe, Belford, Blair, Buckner, S. D. Burchard, CabeU, A. Campbell, Candler, Carr, Cason, Cote, Ca^ field, Ohapin, Culberson, Cutler, Davy, Dibrell, Douglas, D'unneU, Durand, Eden, Egbert, Fetton, Fort, Goodin^ Hancock, Haym.ond, A. S. Hewitt, G. W.Hewitt, Hill, Hoar, Hoge, Holman, A. Humphreys, F. Jones, Kehr, Kim.h&U, King, Lamar, Lane, Lewis, Lynch, Maish, H, B. Metcalfe, Miller, Milliken, Morgan, Morrison, O'Brien, Pierce, Piper, Potter, Powell, Pratt, Purman, Beagan, M. Boss, Busk, Schleidier, ScKumaker, SingleUm, Stephens, Stevenson, M. I. Townsend, Van Vorhes. Waldron, C. C, B. Walker, G. C. Walker, E. Ward, Warren, Watterson, Wheeler, Whitehmse, Willard, A. S. WiUiams, W. B. Williams, Wilshire, F. Wood, Toung—8i. Mr. Field's resolution was then agreed to. PART Y. iTIorrison's LiCtter on Tilden's " liacli of Plucli " — Tiiden tliougiit lie had " packed " the E^lectoral Ctomniission — Hen- 18 EBYOHrnONABT A0T3 AND PiTaP03E3 OF THE DEM0C3ATI0 LEADBBa. dricks urges the House to tle- clarc TUden and himself elect- ed—Votes by which the House makes that revolutionary de- claration — Subsequent , Demo- cratic protest declaring Hayes "a Usurper ! "—The House Dem- ocrats officially notify Tilden that he was "duly elected President"— Did Tilden take the oathJ— Revolutionary talk- Hewitt's enforced resignation and iieculiar apology— Judge Black's revolutionary threat. Letter from the Democratic leader Morri- son to the seven men among his constitu- ents who were not satlsnea and wanted a new election.. In the New York World, March 5, 1877, ap- pears a letter written by W. B. Morrison, the then. Demooratio leader of- the House and (!!hairman of Ways and Means, which con- tains two or three pregnant admissions worth noticing. It was written February 24, 1877, in answer to a dispatch of same date, received by him from Messrs. L. H. Hite and six others, of East St. Louis, 111., in which they "American institutions and constitutional liberty demand tliat the conspiracy sliall not succeed. Oui party can prevent it without resorting to revolutionary measures, for the partisan decisions of the Electoral Commission command no respect. Give us a new election." He tells the seven fovllsh Virgins they have trimmed their lamps "too late, I fear" —The Democratic leader's Idea of good faith." Morrison's reply ran thus: "Dear Sms: Tour dispatch has be^ received. I fear it is too late to accomplish what you suggest, arid what the right and .iustice of the case demand. Many of our friends, and some of the most influential think, or pre- ttend to think, that we are bound by obligations of good faith to go on, under the Electoral Commission Bill, to see Hayes fraudulently counted in. There are so maay of this way of thinking that this result seems to me to be inevitable." He lets Out the truth on Tilden— Charges him with lack of " pluck," but thinks It is to Tllden's "credit" that he agreed to the Electoral Commisslon,hecause he thought it would be "packed" in his Interest, "The truth is that our great man Tilden, able as he undoubtedly is, did not haMe the pluck to meet the re- quirements of the occasion at the right time, though I suppose It must be said to his credit ihat when this commission was gotten up it was expected that Davis would be the eighth man." The thing is lost— llorrlson never believed In Electoral Commissions. "I look upon this thing as lost, though our folks rnnld keep Hayes out if they were united, and possibly could secure a new election ;■ but Lamar, Hill, Watterson, Wood, Wells, and many others, say they intended to lot Hayes go through, and believe themselves bound to do so. I never had any liith in the electoral project, but everybody in the country seemed to favor it, and when I returned from New Orleans it was already settled upon as the way. out. BespectfuUy yours, " " W. B. MOBEISON." Hendricks openly encouraged the adoption of the House resolution declaring TUden elected President. A meeting of Democrats at Indianapolis, March 4, 1877 (according to New York World of the 5th), called to deliberate as to the atti- tude of Democracy, sent a dispatch to Sena- tor McDonald, of Indiana: "Your friend'? at home desire that you should take no part in the inauguration of Hayes." " The same telegram states that Hendricks said of the House resolution declaring THlden and Hendricks elected: " The House should pass such a resolution, though it would have no practical effect." Proctor Knott's Resolution " solemnly Declaring " that Tilden " received 196 electoral votes," and was "thereby duly elected President"— Votes in the House on Question of " Consideration." March 3, 1877, Proctor Knott, Democrat, from the Committee on Privileges of the House, etc.,' submitted to the House a Ibng preamble, ending with the foUowing resolu- tion : "S£solved by the Bouse of Representatives of Die United fflates of America, Thai it is the duty of the House to declare, that Samuel J. Tilden, of the Stale of New York, received 196 electoral votes for the oflace of Pres- ident of the United States, all of which votes were cast . and lists thereof signed, certified and transmitted to the seat of Government, directed to the President of the Senate, in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States, by electors legally elected and qualified as such electora, each of whom had been duly appointed and eligible, in the manner directed by the Legislature of the State in and for which he cast his vote as aforesaid ; and that said Samuel J. Tilden, having thus received the votes of a majority of the electora appointed as aforesaid, he was thereby duly elected President of the United States of America for the term of four years, commencing on the 4th day of March, A. D. 1877 : and this House further declare that Thomas A. Hendricks, having received the same num- ber of the electoral votes for the office of Vice Presi- dent of the United States that were cast for Samuel J. Tilden for President, as aforesaid, the said votes hav- ing beep cast for him by the same persons who voted for the said Tilden for President, as aforesaid, and at the same time and in the same manner, it is the opinion of this House that said Thomas A. Hendricks, of the State of Indiana, was duly elected Vice President of the United States for a term of four years, commencing on the tth day of March, A. D. 1S77." Straight Party Vote on Question of " Con- sideration." The question of consideration, being raised, it was decided to consider the resolution, bj 146 yeas to 82 nays, 62 not voting. Yeas — Messrs. Abbott, Aimivorth, AsJte, Ath'ns, Saghy, J. H. Bagtey, Jr., Beebe, Btackburv, Bland, Bliss, Boone, Bradford, BHght, J. Y. Brown, Bucknc, S. D.-Burchard, J. H. CaldweU, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Carr, Caulfield, J. B. Clarke, J. B. Clarke. Jr., Clymer, Cochrane, Collim, Cook, Cowan. Ctilhprmo. Cutler, J. J. Dams, DeBolt, DC' brt'll, Douglas, Durham, EUif, Faulkner. D. D. Field, J. J. Finley, Forney, Franklin. Fuller. Gause. Gibson, Gltyver, Goode, Ounter. A. H. Hamilton. R. Hamilton. Harden- bergh. H.R.Harris. J.T.Harris. Harruion, Hartridge, HarUell, Hatcher, Haymond, Henlde, A.S. Hewelt. Hooker, HEVOLUnONAEY ACTS AUD PPBPOSES OF THE DEMOCEATIC LEADERS. 19 Hopkint, House, A. HwmjOireyi, Huntan, Hard, JaOa, T. L. Jones, Knott, Lamar, F.Lamkrs, Lane, Le Mourn, Lmi Lord, LuUrell, Lynde, Mackey, McFariard. McUahm Meade, JUills, Money, MorrUian, MutclUer, L. T. Neal-Nm ■O'Brien, Odea, Payne, JPJielps, J. P. PUUipps, PamleUm I'omU, Purman, Rea, J. BeUly, J. B. Sefuy; A. IT. Rid Bidle, W. M. Robtnm, Robert), M. Rots, Samage, Sayler Scales, SclUeiclier, Slieakky, SingleUm, Sienumt, W. B ■Smitli, SouUtard, Sparks, Springer, Staillon, Slenger, Stevenson, }V. H. Stone, Swann, J.K. Tarbox, Teese, Terry, Thomas, 0. P. Thomson, Throckmorton, Tucker, Turney J. L. Vance, R. B. Vance, Waddell, C. C. B. Walker Wal- ling, Walsh, E. Ward, Warner, E. Wells, WhiUhouse, WhUthorne, Wigginton, Wike, J. Williams, J. K. Wil- liams, B. A. Willis, B. Wilson, F. Wood, Tales, Yomtg— 146. Nays— Messrs. Adams, G. A. Bagley, W. H. Baker BaUou, Banks, Blair, Bradley, W. B. Brown, H. C Burchard, Buttz, Cannon, Chittenden, Conger, Crapo Crounse, Danford, Darrall, Davy, Denlson, Dobbins. Dunnell, Eames, J. L. Evans, Mye, Fort, Frye, Oarfleld Hale, Haralson, B.W.Harris, Hathorn, 0. Hays.Hendee, Henderson, Hogo, Hosklns, HubbeU, Hunter, Hurlbut, Hyman, Joyce, Kasson, Lapham, Lawrence, Leaven- worth, Lynch, Magoon, MaoDougall, McCrary, McDill, Miller, Monroe, Nash, Norton, Oliver, Page, W. A. Phil- lips, Pierce, Plaisted, Piatt, Payne, M. 8. Ebblnson, Lusk, Sampson, Soalye, Slnniokson, Strait, Thoml)urgh, W/Townsend. Tufts, Wait, A. S. Wallace, G. W. Wells J. D. White, Whiting, Willard, A. Williams, C. G. Wil- . Uams, W. B. WilUiams, J. Wilson, Woodbum, Wood- wortl^— 82. Not Votihg— Messrs. Anderson, 3. H. Baker, Ban- ning, Bass, Belford, S. N. Bell, Blount, Burleigh, Cabell, A. Campbell, Cason, Caswell, Cale, Ohapim, S. S. Cox, Durand, Eden, Egbert, Felton, Foster, Freeman Ooodin, Hancock, G. W. Hewitt, Hill, Hoar, Holman, F. Jones, Kehr, Kelley, Kimball, King, O. M. Landers, Lewis, Maish, H. B. Metcalfe, MilHken, Morgan, O'Neill, Packer, Piper, Potter, Pratt, Reagan, J. Robbins, S. Ross, Schumaker, Smalls, A. H. Smith, Stephens, Stowell, M. L. Townsend, Van Vorhes, Waldron, G, C. Walker, J. W. Wallace, Warren, Watterson, Wheeler, A. 3. Williams, Wilshire, A. Wood — 62. The resolution, with iis preamble, was then adopted by yeas 136, nays 88— not voting 6&— an fbllows: Yeas— Messrs. AhboU, Ainsworth, Ashe, Atkins, Baghy, J. H. Bagley, jr.. Banning, Beebe, Blackburn, Bland, Bliss, Blount, Boone, Bradford, Bright, J. r. Brown, S. D. Bwrchard, Qabell, J. H. Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, Carr, Cauljield, J. B. Clarke, J.B.Clark,jr.,C,lymer, Cochrane, CoUins, Cook, Cowan Culberson, J.' J. Davis, De BoMi, Dibrell, Douglas, Durham, Ellis, Faulkner, D. D. Field, J. J. IHnUy, Forney, Franklin, Fuller, Game, ■Gibson, Glover, . Goode, A.H.Hamilton, R. Hamilton, Hardenbergh, H. R. Harris, J. T. Harris, Hartridge, HartzeU, Hatcher, Hfnkle, A. vrong, even betbre the next election." The following, condensed from the New York Tribune, June 13, 1878, so clearly betrays the treasonable purposes of the movement in- augurated by the Democratic House in the appointment of the one-sided Tilden commit- tee, which "investiga,ted " alleged frauds of Republicans in the electoral count, so as to lay a basis for future revolutionary action, that "he who runs might read " the portents : One. thousand representative Democrats assemble to endorse revolution— Twelve States represented. The reception of the Manhattan Club to ex-Governors Tilden and Hendricks, Gover- nor Eobinson, and Lieutenant-Governor Dors- heimer brought together a great number of well-known Democrats, many States being represented. * * * * Fifteen hundred invitations were issued, and between 800 and 1000 guests were present, representing the Democrats of many States of the Union. * * Prominent among whom weTe : New York^ Secretary of State John Bigelow, Attorney- General Fairchild, Mayor Smith Ely, Samuel S. Cox, Abram S. Hewitt, Colonel Pelton, ex- Mayor Wickham, John T. Agnew, A. J. Van- derpoel, ex-Governor John T. Hof&nan, Sena- tor Keman, John J. Armstrong, Lawrence Tumure, William C. Dewitt, Koyal Phelps, Hugh J. Jewett, Parke Godwin, Benjamin Wood, Chief Justice Charles P. Daly, Judge George C; Barrett, General Koger A. Pryorj Henry L. Clinton, Augustus' Schell, Peter B. Olney, James W. Covert, Judge Van Hoesen, Frederick K. Coudert, Corporation Counsel William C. Whitney, ex-Judge Henry Hilton, District Attorney Britton, Thomas _ Kinsella, W. A. Fowler, A. M. Bliss, Calvin Frost, Eras- tus Brooks, George M. Beebe, Judge West- brook, Colonel A. C. Davis," Judge Donahue, Judge Lavnrence, George Ticknor Curtis, Ben- jamin A. Willis, General Fitzjohn Porter, Judge Larremore, E. Winslow Paige, Colonel Wingate. John McKeon, Douglass Taylor, Algernon S. Sullivan, David Dudley Fields Police Commissioner Smith, Commissioner Campbell, Charles G. Cornell, Waldo Hutoh- ings. General McMahon, Smith M. Weed, Scott Lord, General Spinola, W. S. Andrews, Frank Leslie. Massachusetts. — Josiah G. Abbott, Charles P. Thompson, John K. Tarbox. Connecticut. — Senator W. H. Bamum, el- Governor Ingersoll. New Jersey. — Governor Joseph D., Bedle, Senator John R. McPherson, Speaker K. F. Babe, ex-Mayor Traphagen, judge Tesse, ex- Governor Price, ex-Governor Joel Parker, Miles Ross, Senator Theodor F. Randolph, ex- Judge Ashbel Green, A. A. Hardenburgh, Orestes Cleveland. Pennsylvania. — Hiester Clymer, Thomas G. Pearce, Samuel A. Thomp'son, Robert E. Ran- dall, General W. H. H. Davis, Dr. Lambdin, Philadelphia Tirms. Maryland. — Senator W. P. Whyte. Washington. — Richard Merrick. Virginia. — The Rev. Dr. Hoge, of Rich- mond. Ohio. — General George W. MoCook. Georgia. — General Pierce M. B. Young. ItEVOLTITIONAItY ACTS AlfD PUEPOSEB Oi; THE DEMOOEATIC LEADEE8. ^1 Indiana.! — Senator McDonald. Missouri. — Congressman Philips, Congress- man Wells. "Wisconsin. — J. K. Barrett. The RothKChllds' American rcprescntatlYC presides — Others of wealth and weight offlclatlns— The Club's "Welcome" to the "Oejnre" President and Vice Presi- dent. The reception committee wiich had chajrge of the arrangements was composed of the fol- lowing gentlemen : August Belmont, president ; Aaron J. Vanderpoel, vice-president; John T. Agnew, John McKeon, John T. Hoffman,Doug- lass Taylor, John G. Davis, J. Watts Bangs, ildward L. Gaul, Henij W. Allen, F. K. Cou- dert, Augustus Schell, Samuel S. Cox, Bichard Lathers, James 0. Spencer, Peter B. Olney, Bobert B. Boosevelt. The speakers were introduced by A. J. Vanderpoel, who said thgt it was his agreeable duty to tender, on behalf of the Manhattan Club, which represented not only the Demoo- laoy of the Empire City, but of the Empire State as well, a welcome to " those candidates who received a majority of the constitutional and electoral votes for the of&ces of President and Vice-President, and to those who are not only dejure but de facto the executive of&cers of our great State." The Pretender TUden's speech— A porten- tous transaction — " Counted out" and "counted in" — The wrong must he re- dressed and punished. • * * The occasion and the apparent general expectation seem to require that I should say a word in respect to public afEairs, And* especially that I should allude to the transaction which, in my judgment, is the most portentous event in our political history. Everybody knows that after the recent elec- tion the men who were elected by the people President and Vice-President of the United States were "counted out," and the men who were not elected were ' ' counted in " and seated. [Cries of " Hear ! Hear ! "] I disclaim any thought of the personal wrong involved in this transaction. Not one of the four and a quarter millions of American citizens who gave us their votes but what experiences a wrong as great and as deep as I; not one of that minority who did not give us their votes but what in the resulting consequences of this acj; will share equally in the mischief if it is not redressed and punished. [Great ap- plause.] He is pt-oud of the old " peaceful" changes in the governing power- He is the first In American history to " pretend " there was fraud—" If" Hayes Is " successful " In retaining the Presidency, then what ? Evils in government grow by success and by impunity. They do not restrain themselves voluntarily. They can never be limited ex- cept by external forces. It had been our pride and our congratulation that in this country we had established a system of peace- ful change in the governing power. In other countries in the Old World changes in the ad- ministration^n a succession of government — have generally been worked out by frauds or by force. We felicitate ourselves that here, through the skill and patriotism and philan- thropy of our forefathers, we had estab- lished a system of peaceful change through the agency of the ballot-box. And this is the first time in American history that the right of the people has been impeached. It is the first time in American history that anybody has pretended that the Government of this great countiy was handed over to any set of men through fraud. [Applause.] It is an event novel, portentous. The' example, if successful, will find imitators. "If" Hayes and Wheeler "can maintain possession "—The question of qnestlons— Tio politics until the people " regain their rights and rule "—Which means by put- ting Hayes out and Tilden in. The temptation is always present, and if a • tel of men, being in posstmon of the Government, can maintain that possession against the elective power of the people, and after they are condemned at the election, why should not such an event be imitated by their successors ? Devices will always be found to give the color of law, and false pretences on which to foimd a fraudulent judgment will not be wanting. The question for the American people now is whether or not the elective system of our forefathers, as it was established in this country and has been respected and venerated for seventy-five years, shall be maintained, or whether we shall adopt the bad practices of the worst governments in the worst ages. [Applause.] This is the question of questions. Until it shall be settled, no inferior administrative questions will have any significance in the poUtics of this country. There will be no politics in Chis country but the question, "Shall the people regain their rights and rule in this KepubUc ? " [Some one in the room here proposed three cheers "for the Presi- dent-elect," but as it seemed an inopportune moment no response was made.] " if" Hayes' accession to the Presidency " is once condoned," what then will happen — But it won't be— "IThe institutions of the fathers," to wit; Vil.;en and Hendricks " are not to expire in shame"— "The Sov- ereignty " meaning the Presidency " shall be rescued and re-established." ' If ant of the executive chair, wefe fraudulent and void.' "Here is the appeal of a State of this Union to the Federal legislative power for the correction of a high grievance said to have been committed in the States of Florida and Louisiana against the rights of the Statd of Maryland, in having by fraud, in said States of Horida and Louisiana, produced % different result in the election of a President and Vice President ttom. that actually decreed by the people themselves at the polls. ' * Whether these allegations can be sustained by proof, is not for the Chair to consider. It is enough for hin^ to know that they come from a power which within the limits is recognized as sovereign by the Constitution, and that the issue involved runs to the welfare of the people of all the States. Nor is it within the ra.nge of ly^opriety for him to express an opinion as to how fiir such investigation should go to reach the facts, nor what limits should he set up as to remedies to be provided against a recurrence of such like events. "A higher privilege than the one here involved and broadly and directly presented as to €he rightful oc- cupancy of the Chief Executive chair of the Cfmtemment, and the connection of high Government officials with the i^uds alleged, the Chair is unable to conceive. *' The Chair finds enumerated amongthe questions of privilege set down iu the Manual the following- ' Election of President,' " The Chair therefore rules that the preamble and re- solution embrace questions of privilege of the highest character, and recognizes the right of the gentleman from New York to offer the same." An Appeal from that decision— Stralgrht partisan yote. Mr. Conger (Republican) appealed from this decision; but a motion by Potter (Democrat) to lay tlie appeal on the table prevailed, by 128 yeas to 108 na^s; all the former Democrats. except 2 Republicans, and all the latter Kepub- lictxns, except two Democrats, as follows: Teas— Messrs. AcUin, Aiken, Atkins, Banning, Beebe If. F. Bell, Benedict, Bickwell, Blackburn, Bliss, Blouni Boone, Bouck. Bragg, Bridges, Bright, Butler, J. W Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Chalmers, A. A. Clark J. B. Clarke, Clymer, Cobb, Collins, Cook^ S. S. Cox Cravens, Crittenden, Culberson, Cutler, J. J, Dams Bean, Dibrell, Bickey, Durham, Eden, Elam, Ellis, J, H Eviiis, . Ewing, Felton, E. B.. Finley, Forney, Foi-t] Franklin, Gart?i, Gause, Gibson, Glover, &imter. Harden- bergh, H. R, Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, Hartzell Hatcher, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, A. S. Hewitt G w' EEVOLUnONABY AOTB AND PUEPOSES OF THE DEMOOKATIO LEADERS. 25 SewUl, Hooker, House, .F. Jones, J, T. Jones, Kenna, Kimmel, Knavp, lAgen, Lock-wood, IMtreU; Lynde, Jfackey, Manning, Martin, Mayham McKenzie, McMahon, Mitchell, Morgan, Morrison, Muldrow, Muller, T. M. Patterson, Phelps, C. N. Potter, Pridemore, Rea, Reagan, J. Jt, Jieilly, Riddle, W, M. Bobbins, Robertson, H. Ross. Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, Shelley, Singleton, Slemons, W. E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, Springer, Steele, Stenger, Swann, Throckmorton, R. >V. TawTiekend, Tucker, Turneji^ Tumey, R. B. Vance, Waddell, Walsh, Whitthame, Wig- ainton, A. 8. Williams, J. Williams^ J. N. WilUame, A. S. Willis, B. Wilson, F. Wood, Wright, Yeates, Yowng— 128. Nats— Messrs. Bacon, J. H. Baker, Banks, Bayne, Bla-ir, Boyd, Brentano, Brewer, Briggs, Brogden, T. M. Browne, Bwckner, Bundy, H. 0. Burcliard, Burdick, Cain, Calkine, Camp, J. M. Campbell, Cannon, Caswell, Claflin, Bi Clark, Cole, Conger, J. D. Cox, Orapo, Oum- mlngs, Danford, H. Davis, Deering, Denlson, Bunnell, Dwlght, Eamea, EUsworth, Errett, I. N. Evans, J. L. 21vans, Foster, Gardner, Garfield, Hale, Harmer, Has- lell, P. 0. Hayes, Hazelton, Hendee, Henderson, His- oock, Hubbell, H. L. Humphrey, Hungerford, Hunter, Ittner, James, J. S. Jones, Jorgehson, Joyce, Keifer, Keightley, Kelley, J. H. Ketcham, Killinger, Lapham, Lathrop, Marsh, McCook, McGowan, McKinley, L. S. Metcalfe, Mills, Monroe, H. 8. Neal, Oliver, O'Neill, Page, G. W. Patterson, Peddle, W. A. Philips, Pound, Price, Pugk, Eainey, Bandolph, Seed, W. W. Bice, Byan, Sampson, Sapp, Sexton, Shallenberger, Smalls, atewart, J. W. Stone, J. C. Stone, Strait, J. M. Thomp- «on, Thomburgh, Tipton, A. Townsend, Van Vorhes, "Walt. W. Ward, H. White, M. D. White, C. G. WiUiams, ■Wren— loa Potter gass the House of Kepresentatlves for nearly a week— Aleck Stepbens yeUeU down, etc. Mr. Hale asked Potter to yield so that he might offer a general amendment (-which will be found under the chapter on "Democratic Frauds") to enlarge the sweep of the resolu- tion, so that alleged frauds of the Democrats at the Presidential election might also be in- vestigated, but Potter declined, called the previous question, and would not even be civil until he suddenly found himself, through the action of his revolutionary party friemis, without a quorum, and was obhged to move an adjournment, which was carried. For several days Bevolutionary Potter insisted on ithe " previous question," and would not let a soul be heard on it; refusing even to hear Mills, one of his Democratic friends, and the venerable statesman, Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, whom, when he strove to gain a brief hearingi was absolutely yelled and hooted down by the Deiriocratic revolutionists; and for as many days the Bepublicans refused to vote, as they could not amend the resolution nor be heard in protest against it. But at last, on the 17th May— after five days of Dem- ocratic absenteeism— enough Democrats were secured to make a quorum, the iniquity was accomplished, and the Potter-TUden revolu- tionis,ts were successful. The resolution was adopted by H6 Democratic yeas to 2 Demo- cratic nays— all the Kepublicans and 7 Demo- crats deciining to vote— as follows: The tnlaultous Record of the Democratic party's dishonor— The vote In fuU on the Potter Investigating resolution. Teas— Messrs. Aeklen, Aiken, Atkins, Banning, Beete, M P Bell, Benedict, Bicknell, Blaekbum, Bland, Bliss, Biownt. Boone, Bouck, Bragg, Bridges, Bright, Buckner, -Cabell, J. W. CaUweU, W. P. Caldwell, Candler. Chalmers, A. A. Clark, J. B. Clark, Clymer, Cobb, Collins, Cook, S. S. Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Culberson, Cutler, Davidson, J. J. Davis, Dean, Dibrell, Dickey, Douglas, Durham, Eden, Eickhoff, Elam, Ellis, J. U. Evint, Ewing, FelUm, E. B. Pinley, Forney, -Franklin, Fuller, Garth, Ga-use, Gibson, Giddings, Glover, Goode, Gunter, A. H. Hamilion, Hardenburgh, H. R. Harris, J. T. Harris, Harrison, Hart, Hartpidge, HartzeU, Hatcher, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, A. S. Hewitt, G. W. Hewitt, Hooker, House, Himton, F. Jones, J. T. Jones, Kenna, Kimm^ll, Knapp, Ligcm, Lockwood, Luttrell, I/ynde, Mackey, Maish, Man- niTig, Martin, Mayham, McKenzie, McMahon, Money, Morgan, Morrison, Muldrow, Muller, T. M. Patterson, Phelps, C. iV. Potter, J'ridemore, Rea, Reagan, J. B. Reilki, A. V, Rice, Riddle, W. M. Rohbins, Roberts, RoJ^ertson, M. Ross, Sayler, Scales, Schleicher, Shelly, Singleton, Slemons, W. E. Smith, Southard, Sparks, Springer, Steele, Stenger, Swann, Throck-morUm, R.- W. Townshend, Tucker, Turner, Tumey, R. B. Ya/nce, Yeeder, Waddell, Walker, Walsh, Warner, Whitehome, Wigginton, A. S. Williams, J. Williams, J. N. Williams, A. S. Willis, B. A.WiUU, B. Wilson, F, Wood Wright, Yeates, Young— US. Nays — Messrs. Mills, Morse — ^2. Not Voting — ^Messrs. Aldrich, Bacon, G. A. Bagley, J. H. Baker, W. H. Baker, Ballou, Banks, Bayne, Bisbee, Blair, Boyd, Brentano, Brewer, Briggs, Brogden, T. M. Browiie, Bundy, H. C. Burchard, Burdick. Butler, Cain, Calkins, Camp, J. M. Campbell, Camion, Carlisle, Cits- wen, Chittenden, Claflin, E. Clark, J. B. Clarke, Cole, Conger, Covert, 3. D. Cox, Crapo, Curomings, Danford, H. Davis, Deering, Denison, Dunnell, Dwlght, Eames, Ellsworth, Errett, I. N. Evan, J. L. Evans. Port, Foster, Freeman, Frye, Gardner, Garfield, Hale, Hanna, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Haskell, P. C. Hayes, Hazelton, Hendee, Henderson, Hiscock, Hubbell, H. L. Hum- phrey, Huugerlord, Hunter, Ittner, James, J. S. Jones. Jorgenson, Joyce, Keifer, Keiehtly, Kelley, J. H. Ketcham, KUlenger, Knott, G. M. LamUrs, Lapham, Lathrop, Llndsey, Loring, Marsh, McCook, McGowan, McKinley, L. S. Metcalfe, Mitchell, Monroe. H. 8. Neal, NororosB, Oliver, O'Neill, Overton, Page, G. W. Patter- son, Peddie, W. A. Phillips, Pollard, Pound, Powers, Price, Pugh, Quinn, Eainey, Bandolph, Eeed, W. W. Bice, G. D. Eobineon, M. 8. Bobinson, Byan, Sampson, Sapp, Sexton, Shallenberger, Sinnickeon. Smalls, A. H. Smith, Starin, Stephens, Stewart, J. W. Stone, J. C. Stone, Strait, J. M. Thompson, Thomburgh, Tipton, A. Townsend, M. L Townsend, Van Vorhes, Wait, W. Ward, Watson, Welch, H. White, M. D. White, A. Wil- liams, 0. G. Williams, E. WiUiams, WilUts, Wren— 143. PAET IX. The Casey Young Resolution— The Democratic Caucus rtject the proposed Declaration that " it is not intended by this pro- ceeding to disturb the present Chief Magistrate"— RepubUcan Caucus declares the Potter movement "revolutionary," and decide on resistance— Republi- can address to the people— The Potter Plot to suborn witnesses, declare Hayes an usurper, and put him out oithe White House. On the night of Tuesday, May 14, 1878, a caucus of the Democrats of the House was held, whereat a resolution to add to the Potter reso- lution the following declaration was defeated : "But it is not intended by this proceeding to disturb tha vresent Chief Magistrate in the occupancy of his office, nor to impair public confidence in the poUoy he has m- augurated toward the Southern States." _ 20 REVOLTJTIONART ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERS. Which was overwhelmingly defeated, "It was said (see Washington RepubUcan, May 16) that many of those present actually believed the amend- ment was right, but were whipped into the jiarty traces by Speaker RandaJl." The Republican caucus unanimously de- nounces the Potter resolution as "revolu- tionary." and decides to ** resist," At a caucus of Republican members of the House, May 15, it was unanimously Resolved, That the resolution now pending in the House is an attempt, in a form unjustifiable alid- illegal, to reopen the question of the Presidential title, a question solemnly settled by the action of the Forty- fourth Congress, which alone had jurisdiction; and is, therefore, revolutionary- and destructive of the good order, business prosperity, and peace of the country. Resolved, That the effort of the Democratic majority to force upon the House, without opportunity for amendment or debate, a measure of such revolu- tionary character, which has not been recommended or considered by any of its committees, but fias been devised by individuals for private or party ends, shoilld be resisted by all the means which are author- ized by the rules of the House. ReiMiblican address to the voters of the United States— The Potter Plot— The inten- tion to ** suborn evidence," declare Hayes "an usurper," and drive him fronk his office. "To THE VOTEBS OF THE UNITED STATES ; The Democratic House of Representatives has this day (May 17) by a party vote, adopted a resolution which, under the pretense of an investigation, is to lay the foundation for a revolutionary expulsion of the President from his oflce. This is the culmination of a plot which has been on foot from the day that Hayes and Wheeler were constitutionally declared elected. It made its first public appearance in the resolution of the last Democratic House, adopted at the close of the session, declaring that Tilden and Hendr;icks were elected, tilden and Hendricks sub- sequently made similar public declarations them- "A few timid members have long held back,and some of them after being coerfied to the final vote, s},ill pre- tend that they will halt as soon as their partial and one-sided (investigation shall be ended. In other words, they intend after hearing suborned evidence, to bring in a verdict that Hayes is an usurper, and that he shall not remain in office 1 These men have no control in the Democratic party ; they dared not even follow Alexander H. Stephens in a revolt against caucus dictation to the extent of showing some sem- blance of fair play. They will be impotent in the future as they have been in the past. Moreover, it is difficult to believe in their sincerity, in view of the public avowal of their party that its purpose is posi- tively to displace the President. "It is a matter of history that the resolution just adopted was framed to express this object. The Speaker of the House was consulted in advance as to whether he would rule that it was a privileged ques- tion. The party managers were anxious to conceal their purpose, if possible. In this they were defeated by the Speaker, who would not rule it a question of privilege unless it clearly assailed the title of the Pre- sident. The'resolution being offered^ he read a care- fully-prepared opinion, deciding it to be a question of. highest privilege, because it involoed the question of tlie validity of Hayes' title. These are his very words : " A higher privilege than the one here involved, and broadly and directly presented as to the rightful oc- cupancy of the Chief Executive chair of the Govern- ment, and the connection of high Government of&ciala with the frauds alleged, the Chair is unable to con- ceive. The Chair finds enumerated among the qnqs- tious of privilege set down in the Manual the follow- ing : 'Election of President." The Chair therefore rules that the preamble and resolution embrace questions of privilege of t^Q liighest character, and recognizes the right of the gentleman from New York to offer the same. " Upon this the Kepublicans commenced a struggle against the revolutionary scheme, which, after four d^ys' duration, terminated in the success -of the con- spirators. » "The Republicans offered to favor the fullest in veBii- gation into all alleged frauds, by whichever party, charged to have been committed ; but the Democracy pursued its course shamelessly and relentlessly, and stifled all inquiry into attempts at bribery in Oregon, South Carolina and Louisiana, and murder and vio- lence in several of the States. Neither amendm^t nor debate was allowed. The inexorable previous question was applied and enforced. " This scheme, if pursued — and it js now fully inau- gurated—can only have the effect of further paralyzing business of all kinds, preventing the restoration of confidence which seemed promising, caBtin^ a gloom over every household, and bringing our nation into reproach before the civilized world. •' The peace of the country is the first consideration of patriots. This new effort of the Democracy to in- augurate anarchy and Mexicanize the GrQvemment by throwing doubts upon the" legitimacy of the title of the President is in keeping with the recori of that party, one wing of which rebelled against the Government, while the other'wing gave them aid-and comfort. •' Wo call, therefore, upon all who opposed the rebel- lion of 186i. wi|;hout distinction of party, to rally agaifl. to the support of law and stable government, and to overwhelm with defeat the reckless agitators who, to gain political power, would add to the present dis- tresses of the country by shaking the foundations of the Government they feiled in a four years' war to de- stroy. ; " By unanimous ordet of the committee. " EUGENE HALE, Chairman. " Geoege C. Goeham, Secretary." PAET X. Alexander M. Stephens' liCtter to Potter— His pathetic Appeal —The Tilden rnlHans hoot him down in tlie House— Intervie^v ^ith Stepliens — "Snug, the Joiner" — "The people" >vant peace and quiet." The following letter was sent to Potter from Alexander H. Stephens' sick room the day be- fore he was howled down in the House by the Democrats : Potter's course diyldes Democrats and unites Republicans. "National Hotel, 'Washington, D. C.,\ May 15, 1878. } " The Hon. Claukson N. Pottee, Hoitse of Represen-^ iatives. " My Deak Sir : I am still confined to my room in this city. I greatly regret that I cannot go and see you in person. Let me, then, say to you in this way that I think it will be a great mistake if our friends in the House shall pass your resolution under the pri^ vious question, thus cutting off Mr. Hale's or other amendments looking to enlarged investigation. ' Do not insist on the previous question, I could not vote for it if I were present, and were not paired as I am ; nor could I vote for the resolution und^r the previous question without allowing amendments. It would only divide the Democracy and unite the Republicans. My opinion is that mischief instead of good will come of the inveatigation by the passage of your resolution as it is under the previous question. Please excuse this note. I feel it my duty, feeble as I am, to send it to you. "Very respectfully and truly yours, &c., "Alex. H. Stefhkns." BEVOLUTIOKAKY ACTS AUB PUBPOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADEE8, 2T Stephens, of Georgria, asks to be heard only three minutes— Bnt they **order*' him Into his seat. May 16, Mr. St^hens, in spite of every at- tempt of BepnbUcans to insure him a respect- fol hearing, was yelled down by the Demo- crats with cries or "order," etc., although he only asked the poor privilege of three minutes. Following is how it is mQdly stated in the OongressiSncd Record: " Mr Stephens, of Georgia. I wish to say a word on this qneetfon. fCMes of ' Order I'] "Mr. Wait, will not gentlemen on the other aide liBten to the gentleman from Georgia? " Idr. Stephens, of Georgia, I aek to be heard for three mlnutee. [Cries of <^giuar Order T] " The Speaker. The gentleman from Georgia asks to X>e heard for three minutes. Is there objection ? [Cries of ' Begular Order 1'] "Mr. Humphrey. There is no objection on this side at aU. to the gentleman from Georgia being heard. " Mr. Potter. If I could yield to anybody it would afford me great pleasure to yield to the gentle- man frpm Geoi^ia. But I am not permitted to yield to anybody. I am ihstructed to stand where I am. I therefore move that the House do now adjourn." An Interview with Mr. Stephens, oiT Georgia. On the evening.of the 15th, a representative of the Washington Republican called on Mr. Stephens at the National Hotel, when the fol- lowing colloquy ensued : He believes fn Hale's or any other amend- ment enlarging the inveHtigatton. "Bepnblican. I wish, now, to aek you, Mr. Stephens, if you think there will soon be a sentiment of the dead- lock in the House ? "Mr. Stephens. Well, Jin the first place, I will vote for no investigation that is not iair and honest. I think the Republicans should have every latitude to investi- gate in the Bame committee that the Democrats do. "&, What are you in favor of ? "Mr. S. lam in favor of voting down the previous question; in favor of Mjc. Hale's amendment, and allow- ing the Bepublicans to offer anything they may see fi^ if they think there has been any &au4. "B. That is fair." IVothlng **one sided" for him— What he proposed to suggest to the House— Peace wanted— Wo more sectional strife. " Mr. S. Yes, I want no one-sided investigation; and if I can get the floor to-morrow I will move that the House take a vote upon ordering the previous question, and that the House do not order it. Then, if that is voted down, the Fotter resolution will be open to amendment. I believe there are a great many Demo- crats who will unite with the Republicans in a full in- vestigation for the purpose of defeating this one-sided business. Let both, sides be heard. Honesty in poli- tics, as well as in moral<4, is the best policy. Mr. Hayes' title to the Presidency I regard as fixed beyond all question. The people of this country want peace and quiet. They want no more sectional strife. Mr. Hayes has done more. I believe, to produce quiet in the South than Mr. Tilden could have done, and more than an^^body expected at the time of his inauguration. I think he has faithfully performed his constitutional duty. Nothing would do more to unsettle business than to attack his title.'* "Snug, the Joiner." " B. But don't you think that Mr. Fotter contem- plates attadking it ? "Mr. S. I don't know. I think Mr. Potter in this matter is something like Srntg, the joiner, in ' Mid- summer Night's Dream,' who <^othes himself in lion's skin and roars, but confidentially informs his fellow actors that he is not the lion he seems to be — simply Snug, the Joiner." " If they r^ect the Hale amendment,*' they will be deceiyed." "No, no," continued Mr. Stephens, "If they must have investigation, why let us have it ; bnt let it be free, full, and &.ir. If they carry it on in a one-sided way, they will do a? the Democracy did in 1860, when they thought they would thro\)r the contesting Presi- dential aspirants into the House, where they had a majority of the votes, and thereby elect Breckenridge. But they only looked to the one side, and they were deceived, as this Tilden-Fotter combination will be If they reject the Hale amendment." PART XI. Carter Harrison^s ^^Questiou ot Privilege"— To extend tiie In- vestigation to Oregon and South Cai*olina only— l>eelaring against the power of tliis Con- gress to Annul the Presidential Finding. May 22, 1878— Carter Harrison (Dempcrat\ who stole his seat in the House when his op- ponent, as it now appears, was entitled to it by a large majority of votes, submitted the following as a question of privilege : "Whereas, A select committee of this House has been appointed to inquire into certain frauds alleged to have been committed in Florida and Louisiana in November, 1876, in connection with returns of votes for electors for President and Vice President; and "Whereas, It is charged that ftauds of alike character were committed at the same time in the States of Oregon and South Carolina; therefore, "Be it Resolved, That said committee be, and hereby is, empowered to inquire into the same, if in its opinion testimony thereon of a substantial character shall be presented to the committee; and "lie it further resolved. That the Senate and House of Representatives of the Forty-fourth Congress having counted the electoral votes for President and Vice President, and it having been thereupon declared that Rutherford B. H^es had received the highest number of said votes for President of the United States, and William A. Wheeler had received the highest utimber of said votes for Vice President of the United States, it is not now in the power of Congress, nor is it the pur- pose of this House through said investigation to annul or to attempt to annul the action of the Forty-fourth Congress in the premises." Tbe Vote— Forty-elgrht Ileinocrats frank enough to " declare " that the power and purpose is to get Hayes out. On the question whether the House will en- tertain it as a question of privilege, the yeas were 71; nays 50 : Teas — ^Messrs. Atkins, Banning, H. P. Bell, Bland,. Bliss, Boone, Boiick, Brentano, Cabell, W. P. Caldwell^ Cannon, Chalmeri, A. A. Clark, R. aark, Cobb, 3. D. Cox, S. S. Cox, Culberson, Cutler, J. J. Davis, Durham, Eden, Elam, Felton, E. B. Pinley, Fort, Franklin, Varth, Gid- dings. Glover, Goode, Hardenburgh, J. T. Harris, Har- rison, Hartzell, Hatcher, Henkle. Henri/, Hunion, Kelley, Lynde, McMahtm, Mitchell, Morrison, G. W. Patterson, T. M. Patterson, C. N. Potter, Pound, Bea, J. B. Reilly, Riddle, W. M. Bobbins. Scales, Steele, Stenger, Swann, Throckmorton, R. W. Townshend, Tumey, R. B. Vance, Waddell, Walsh, M. D White, Wliittkome, Wigginton, A. S. Williams, B. A. Willis. B. Wilson, F. Wood, Wright, Teates—ll. Nays — Messrs. BickneU, BlcLckbum, Blount, Bragg Bridges, Bright, Buckner, J. W. Caldwell, Candler, Car- lisle, Clymer, Cook, Cravens, Crittenden, Davidson, Dib- rell, Dicket/, J, H. Evins, Forney, Fuller, Qause, Gv/nter, ^28 eeyoltJtiokaky acts and purposes of the democratic leaders. A. H. Hamilton, H". R. Harris, Hartridge, Herbert, G. W. Hewitt, J. T. Jones, Kenna, Killinger, Kndpp, Knott, Ligon, Manning, Mayha/m, McKemie, Mills, . Muldrow, Oliver, Phelps, Pridemore, Reagan, Robertson, Shelley, Singleton, W. E. Smith, Southard, Turrier, H. White, J. N. Williams— b{i. A quorum not having voted, Harrison yield- ed to the pressure of his party friends and withdrew his resolution. The Investigation extended, provided the Democratic Committee believe frauds existed elsewhere. Benjamin Wilson, Democrat, on the same day offered the following specious resolution- "Wliereas, a select Committee of thiB Hoiise, has here- tofore been appointed to investigate alleged frauds in connection with the electoral vote of the States of . Louisiana and Floridai now therefore, "Be it resolved, Thatsuch Committee be, and they are hereby, authorized to investigate ft^uda touching the election aforesaid in any other State, provided they have probable cause to believe that such frauds ex- isted." " Sunset " Cox moved to refer the resolution to the Potter investigating Committee ! And 89 Democrats voted to so reffer, while only 29 Democrats voted against such reference. Cox's -motion was defeated, however, by 89 yeas — .116 nays — as follows: Teas— Messrs. MTcms, H. P. Bell, Bicknell, Black- bum, Bliss, Blount, Boone, Bouck, Bragg, Bridges, Bright, J. W. Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, Candler, Chal- mers, Clymer, Cook, S. S. Cox, Cravens, Crittenden, Gv^erson, Davidson, J. J. Davis, Dibrell, Dickey, Dun- ham, Eden, Eickhoff, Elam, J. H. Evans, Ewing, E. B. Finley, Forney, Fuller, Garth, Gause, Gibson, Gid- ^inas, Gunter, A. H. Hamilton, Hardenbergh, H. R. Harris, Harrison, Hartridge, Hartzell, Henry, Herbert, G. W. Hewitt, F. Jones, J. T. Janes, Kenna, Kimmel, lAgon, Manning, Mayham, McKemie, Morrison, Muldrow, MuUer, T. M. Patterson, Phelps, C. N. Potter, Reagan, J. B. Reilly, Riddle, W. M. Robbins, Robertson, .Scales, Schleicher, Sheila/, Singleton, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Steele, Swann't Throckmorton, R, W. Townshend, Turner, Turney, R. B. Vance, Waddell, Warner, Whit- thorne, Wigginton, A. S. Williams, J. N. Williams, B. A. WiUis, F. Wood, Feaies— 89. Nats— Mesara. Aldrich. G. A. Bagley, J. H. Baker, -Ballou, BankB, Banning, Bland, Boyd. Brentauo, Brewer, Brigga T, M.Browne, Swc^ner.H C Burchard, Butler, Cabell, Camp, J M. Campbell, Cannon, Carlisle; ■Caswell, Claflin, J, B. Clark, Jr , E Clark, Cobb, Cole, ■Conger, J. D. Cox» CwWer, Dennibon, Bunnell, Eames, Ellsworth, ^rrett, Felton, Fort, Foster, Franklin, Freeman, Gardner, Gd^^eld, .Glover, Goode, Hale, Harmer. J. T. Harris, Haskell Hatcher, Hendee, Hend- erson, Hubbell,Hungerford. Hunter. Hunton, Ittner, James, J, S. Jones, Jorgensen, Joyce, Keller, Keightley,. Kelley, J. H. Ketcham, KiWinge^, Knapp, Lapham, Lathrop Lindaey, Lynde, Marsn, McCook, McKinley, McMahon, Mills, Mitchell, Monroe, Mo^-se, H.S. !Neil, Norcroaa, O'Neill, Page, G. W. Patterson, W. A. Phillipa, Pollard. Pond, Power?, Price, Pndemore, Kainey, Randolph; Rea, Eeid, A. V. Rice, Ryan, Sampson, tiexton, Shelienberger, Siunickson, Smalls, Southard, Springer, Stenger, Stewart, J. W. Stone, TbornbuTgh. Tipton, A Townseud, Van Vorhes, Wa)t Walsh, H. White, M D White, A. WilUams, R. Williams, S. Wilson, Wrightr-~\\%, The resolution was then adopted without a division. What the mover of that resolution declared as to the unseating of Hayes- ^^ It depends upon the nature of the developments." It is a noteworthy circumstance that (see Washin.trton PohI, Tilden organ, May 23, 1878^ on the same day on which his resolution was adopted, Representative Wilson, aforesaid, of West Virginia, in reply to the following ques- tions put to him by one of the Tilden-Posi's emissaries, made the succeeding answer, viz: *'Tilden-Po5( Emissary. 'What will be the result of the investigation ? Will it end in unseating Hayes ? ' "Benjamin Wilson. 'That depends upon the nature of the developments.' " Meetlngr of the National Democratic Com- mittee— A very full attendance— The Com- mittee approves tlie Potter Investisation, and declines to disavow a revolutionary intent. " May 22, the National Democratic Committee met at the Arlington Hotel — present. Representative romey, of Ala. ; B. M. Hughes, of Colorado ; Senator Bamum, of Conn.; George T. Barnes, of Ga. ; William C. Gondy, of m.; Austin H. Brown, of lud.; M. M. Home, of Iowa; Isaac E. Eaton, of Ean.; H, I>. McHenry, of Ky.; R. F. Jonas, of La.; Ednaund Wilson, of Me.; Outerbridge Horsey, of Md,; Frederick O. Prince, of Mass.; Edward Kanter, of Mich.; William Lochrane, of Minn.; Ethal Barksdale, of Miss.; John G. Priest, of Mo.; George L. Miller, of Neb.; Robert B. Keating, of Nev.; R. W. SuUoway, of N. H.; Representative Ross, of N. J. ; Representative Hewett, of N. Y. ; Sen- ator Ransom, of N. C. ; John G. Thompson, of Ohio ; James H. Reon, of S. C; William B. Bale, of Tenn.; B. B. SmaUey, of Vt.; Robert A. Coghill, of Va.; and Alexander Campbell, of W. V. Tbere wero only eight or nine absentees." The following is from the New York Tribune : " Washtngton, May 23. — Action has been taken by the National Democratic Committee on the subject of the Potter investigation, which is most significant. At a meeting held this evening, almost the only subject of discussion was whether the committee should declare that it is not the purpose of the Democrats to attack the title of President Hayes. The committee decline tt> declare that no attack is intended. There was no division of opinion, however, on a resolution approving . the investigation in itself, which was adopted, as follows: " Resolved, That the action of the House of Represen- tatives in appointing a committee fully empowered to investigate and report upoa the frauds alleged tq have been committed in the late Presidential election, to the end that the truth may be made known to the people, and the repetition of such frauds be prevented in the future, meets the approval of this committee." Admissions of an influential member of the IVational Democ]*atic Committee that "the Democratic party may desire to make a most efTectiye attack on the title of the President." " One of the most influential members of the D^ho- cratic National Committee remarked to-day that the committee could not afford to declare in advance of tbe-^investigatiou itself what course the party should pursue. Nobody knows what the committee may dis- cover, and it may be, this gentleman said, that the Dem- ocratic party may desire to make a most effective attack on the title of the President. He would not say that he thought this probable, but it certainly was possible. "The Democratic National Committee, therefore, like Democrats iu Congress, has been very carelul to have a door for revolutionary proceedings open in spite of all the individual members of the party may have to say. If the investigation fails, they will assert that they never intended to attack the title of President Hayes. If it should succeed in making Democratic partisans believe that there waa fraud, the question \\bother revolutionary proceedings shall be instituted or not will be seriously considered.'" REVOLUTIOKAEY ACTS AND PTTRPOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERS. 29- PART XII. Potter's Open lietter to the Rev. Blank — His fatal Admissions touching all that had been l>e- nied— The Revolutionary Intent laid bare by his own hand!— The itlotives at the Bottom ot* his In- vestigation. , The following letter was published in New York papers, May 28, 1878 : " WASHraoTON, May 27, 1878. "My Deab Sm: I have your letter of. the 25th. * * * You ask me why Mr. Stephens was ' howled ' down. The howling was by the newspapers." * * The Hale Amenilment. " Tou ask zne why we would not let the Hale amend- ment bei attached to our resolution? Because it was not germane. An inquiry into f^uds accomplished and which changed the electoral vote is proper to pre- vent their repetition, but an inquiry iilto mere at tempts at fraud which resulted in nothing is not — first, because we understood it contained recitals to which we could not assent, and which would have forced us to vote against our own resolution ; second, because we offered Mr; Hale every opportunity to havohia amendment adopted as a separate resolution, that it was not so offered shows it was really not desired ; third, because its incorporation into the resolution might have had the effect of preventing any report upon the resolution. As it is, the committee will have probably but one opportunity to report in this Con- gress, and this amendment could, if added to the reso- lution, be made to prevent the report at tliat time, and thus to deprive us of an opportunity to report at all. Just as we got ready to report we should bo liable to be stopped to take further testimony in some of the added States brought &)rward for the very purpose of preventing a report." VThat tbe TUdenites arc driYingr at — If fraud, then ale^al remedy by quo warran- to, if such remedy exists — If no le^al remedy, we can provide one — " Not the slightest chance of revolution or disturb- ance '' in such simple moves I Oh, no ! " But you suggest that to raise a question about the last Presidential election will bring vn disturbance or revolutioM. Not at all. About that * possess your- lelf in peace.' There is not the slightest chance of revolution or disturbance. Wfien the whole country was at fever heat on the eubj }ct of the election away was fouad'to establish a tribunni lo pass upon the election, and every one submitted to that determina- tion.. The President's title rests upon that. If now It should appear that there was fraud which palpably affected, the electoral vote, and which the Commission •did not notice, and if a legal remedy exists for cor- recting the error, you cannot believe thai eucti a pro- ceedin!< under the law could lead to diiturbance. If there be no such legal remedy existing, and Congress should hereafter, by the approval of the President, or bylwu-thirds of both Houses without that approval, provide one, why should the legal determination there- after had any more produce disturbance than the de- cision of the Electoral CommiBsion did ? " To be accused of " iWexicanlzing " the coun-. try grieves his pure and lofty spirit. *' It is exactly because this is not Mexico, and be- cause the people prefer determining questions by legal methods, aud, if the legal methods have not been provided, to invent legal methods of determining them, and submit to the determination tbue arrived at— that this country cannot be Mexicanized." The powers of Congress and of the House. ** About the enumeraitlont of electoral votes there- could be no question. Eight and eight coiild only be counted as sixteen. Neither could there .be question that the conceded vote of every State should bo count- ed. To refuse that would be revolutionary. But when there were two bona fide returns from a State, each- claiming to be its vote, it was a necessity to decide be- tween these returns before either return could be counted. This determination could only be made by the Vice President who opened the returns, or by tbe Congress in whose presence they were opened. 1 thought it clear fcora. the nature of our Grovemment, from the precedents, and from the opinions so many statesmen had expressed, that this grave power upon which the last election did. and upon which any elec- tion might depend, could only be vested in Congress. If this power rested in Congress alone, then the action of Congress was necessary before a choice could be made between conflicting returns, and so, whenever the two houses of Congress could not agree on their choice of a return — one house preferring one and "the other the bther^no choice could be had, and the vote- of that State would be lost, not because one House had-, any greater rights or powers than the other, not he- cause either or both Houses together, had the right to^ reject arbitrarily, or to refuse to reckon any certain, electoral vote, but only because in case of bona fide con- flicting returns from a State, each claiming to repre- sent the electoral vote, it was a necessity to choose be^ tween the returns before the vote of the State could be counted. This was the view at last established. The Electoral Commission to decide the disputed votes was created by Congress, and that was the only authority it Now. it seemed f o me in 1876 that this was so clear, and that tbe leading Kepublican Senators had bo geur' erally committed themselves to this view in previous discuesioDB, that we ought to stand uponthat ground; to declare that we would abide the laction of Congress, would accept whoever the Congress found to be elec- ted, and that if the two Houses should fail to agree as to wjiich of the returns trom any State from whi(dx there' were bona fide duplicate returns should be received, whereby the vote of the .State was lost, and no election by the' electors should thus result, we would then abide by and main^iln the choice of tbe House of BepresentativeB, the body authorized by the Constitution. to elect the President wheie there Is no election by the Electoral College.' Instead of doing this, we drifted along uutil at last the Republicans, hewing all the while to the line, had got us where we were ready to accept the Electoral Com- mission. Having accepted it, of course we were bound to accept its results, but we ought at least be allowed to tihow — if such was the fact — that the re- turns upon which the CommiSBiou passed \(ere pro- cured by fraud. " No danger of war exactly. " I admit that the Presidency is not worth a civil war. but I have not believed there was any danger of such a war. The generation who charged up the heights of Fredericksburg, and delended the works at Petersburg; will not go lightly into another civil struggle. We must get years further on before that will happen, I remember after the election remarking to General Mc- Dowell that a great mine might be exploded by a spark; to which te answered, 'Yes, if the train be inflamma- ble, but this time the powder is wet.' He was right. There never was danger of a civil war." " A gigantic game in which we held the cards " (from a stocked pack), ami the Republicans bluffed us. " The whole thing was, as I think, a.gigaiitia game, in which we held the cards and the Eepublicans bluffed us. Years hence, when it is remembered that we needed only one electoral vote, and that your side could not get on without every one of the remaining seventeen; that we had 300,000 popular majority; that our majorities were around the capital, yours in New England, the Northwest and the Pacific coast; that the moral sense of the country was that our man was elected and yours not; that you had nothing on your side but the control of an army, of which 10,000 men 30 BEVOLUTIOJ^ARY ACTS ANT> PUBPOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADEKS. could not be got together, the privates mostly in ■sympathy with us and commanded by officers educated to understand the supremacy of the civil over the mil- itary authority — officers who, excepting the leaders. Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan, could, I believe, never have been generally used to resist the declaration of the House of Representatives — (I am told this will ap- pear certainly wheneyer the secret correspondence of the War Department is revealed)— and that you were laden down with the care of the national credit, the first shock to which would have arrayed against you all the moneyed institutions in the country; that under such conditions, I say, your leaders contrived and were able to carry through the capture of all these seventeen votes, will be regarded as one of the greatest political performances of history. I admit the success, of the Republican leaders. Having laid down when the law was on our side and when we ought to have stood up, it is not for us now to stand up as long as the law remains against us." IVhat a. Democratic "Consres* may do" as the result of the Potter Investlgration ^'would he affected quietly, certainly and without violence or disturhance"— Hence We do not contemplate reyolution, etc. I " But you will ask whether, if there be no danger to public order from legal proceedings, there may not be team action by Congress. No; no more thau from the action of the co arts Congress represents the people of the country, but does^not march before them. It expresses, but c'oes not anticipate their will. Should fraud connected with thet electoral count appear so gross and palpable that you aad all honorable jnen should tmite in denouncing it, Congress might then take action. But if so, what Congress might do, beiug the result of the action of men of all parties rt the great body of the people, not of a party, would be ef- fected quietly, certainly, and without violence or dis- -turbance. In saying this I do not mean that I expect the investigation to be followed by either legal or Congressional action. "What, if anything, shoijid be done because of the inquiry, must depend upon tho results of -the Inquiry. But I do not mean that what- ever action, if any, should fo low the investigation, such action can neither disturb the order nor the pros- perity of the country.. This cry of wolf, when there is no wolf, this effort to make it appear that t lere is danger to peace or order from this investigation, is a Kepublican pretence, like the * oloody shirt ' justifi- cation of carpet-bag government; lite the' "public danger-" excuse, advanced fop the enforcement of Dui-ell's infamous order and ihe protection of the Re- turning Board by bayonets; liketne cry set up alter the election to prevent any agitation and to secure submission. We must have a very sorry sort of pop- ular Government if Congress cannot even inquire into frauds in the choice of the Executive without endanger- ing the peace and prosperity pf the country." More Jesuitical clap-trap and word- mouthing. * "What, then, you ask, is the purpose ofthe investiga- tion? I answer, to ascertain the facts, so that if ftauds be established a repetition of such frauds maybe pre- vented; and, if not, to clear up the general belief throughout the country that there were such fiauds It is true that not every allegation of wrong is to be inquired into by Congress, but when a large por- tion, if Dot a large majority, of the people believe th.it tho last Presidential election wag secured by organized fraud, surely an inquiry to ascertain the facts ought to be. had.'* He doesn't helieve the Democrats were " hluff-ed " after all— He " believes we were cheated." _ " The feeling among many Republicans affer the elec- tion was that while we had been cheated in the returns we had buli-dozed the negroes so badly that the ac- counts of wrong were about equal. This belief in tho buU-dozing ol* the negroes was based mainly upon the fact t lat in certain difetriL-ts of the South which usually gave Republican majorities there was not returned that year a single RepubUean vote Now the people of the Nortl\ have never understood that this condi- tion of things was. fraudulently prepa'-ed by the Re- publicans. They ought to understand that, and, be- yond that, they ought to understand that there never was anything so dangerous to a free government as a r< turning board. A delegation of persons vested with discretionary power to revise the vdtes cast becomes thus the body that elects. So long as they exercise their functions under the protection of the State alone, the influence and indignation of the people will pre- vent them from any flagrant and enormouB outr^e. The public pressure will necessitate some excuse for subverting the choite of the people, some limitation upon the outrages ihey do to the iJopuJar wish But separate tnem frcm the people by a cordon of Federal ti-oops, under the pretence of preserving order, sur- round them with Federal bayonets, and they cease to >>e responsible to any one but the National Administra- tion which protects them. ' There need, then, be no limit to, as-there is no longer any check upon tiieir abuses To throw out the votes of one Bide and keep inthevotesof the ether without cause, to invent pre- texts for such wrongs, to accept after continued pro- tests and manufactured objections as color JEor their action, to permit figures to be altered, returns to be forged, frauds to be perfected, and generally every means by which the will of ihe people may be ffns- trated and the popular voice stifled, then- becbme's pos- sible, and there may be thus a condition of things ab- solutely destructive of free government We believe that it was by such proceedings we were cheated out of the election." Alore repetitious gabble to "cover up his • tracks." " Unless the proceedings be exposed the outrage will be repeated. If an administration can defraud its op- ponents out of the results of an election, at which they had seventeen electoral and three hundred thousand popular majority, and no effort is made even to inquire into the wrong, there is nothing the next time to prevent the same administration cheating their opx^onents, even though the latter have forty electoral votes and a million popular majority. And this will go on time after time, until the outrage be- comes intolerable. Let us rather, aa Mr. Jefferson said, •have a jealous care of the right of election by the people, and seek a s,afe and mild- corrective for the abuses which, where no peaceable remedy is provi^d, are lopped b^^ the sword of revolution.* " The cowardice of capital from Potter's stand-point. " It has been said, that there was nothing more cow- ardly than' a million dollars, except two' millions. This is nature. But it is the mistake of- capital to magnify the dangers on the surface and overlook those that lie below. Just now your "capitalists are troubling, themselves about the Commune, and op- pose the reduction of the army, which they would have kept up as a national police. And yet, in ho great country of the world is there so little danger of Communism as in this, for nowhere is property so generally distribiited. But capitalists stood bv supinely when the army was used to protect return- ing boards in stifling the vbtes of States and ftustrat- ing the will of their people, and under tho pretence of maintaining order to subvert the very principles of free government. Believe me, in this there was real danger. Governments are based upon principle. The theory of this government is that the people of the States shall choose electors Tor themselves, and that by the aggregate voice of such electors that the National Executive shall be selected. To let the party in power Interfere by force of arms to protect" a local board in falsifying the will of the localities is to sub- . vert the theory of this Government, and lead surely to its destruction." "Whatever the result from the proposed in- vestigation," it will he done peacefully. "Whatever may result from the proposed investiga- tion, you may be sure that nothing can result that will disturb either your flocks or your balances. The trouble to capital, property and freedom will come, not, perhaps, in your time or mine, but come at last lirom BEVOLUTIONABT ACTS Aim PUEP08E8 OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADEE9. 31 refoBing to inqnire into Arands. To confront the evil, if you may not right it, is to prevent its repetition. To Bhut your eyes to it supinely is to Jeopard, and not to preserve the future peace, aafbty, and prosperity of the country. "Faithfully yours, Ci«ibk»on N. Pottbe." "TotheBev. " PART XIIL Ifir* Stephens' second I^etter to Potter— lie Believes in Investi- gation, but not ^'a one-sided '^ one— And he is Opposed to In- vestigation tliat has a Revolu- tionary Intent. , In a letter dated " National Hotel, May 28," Mr. Stephens replies in full to Mr. Potter's statement that Stephens was not working with his party. He gives his note of May 15 to Mr. Potter— mentions that he had sent similar ones to Messrs. Candler and Harris, of Georgia, and continues : „-* * * From these notes it will clearly appear with whom I first conferred and the opinion I enter- tained of the effect of proceedings then coming on in the House upon the Democratic party as well as the country. I looked upon them aa^unwise and untimely and fraught with mischief. It clearly appears from these notes that I was not in favor of a motion to de- feat the investigation of Araud of any kind, it was only against a one-sided investigation. "I was also, as I have heen since the Presidential ■contest was constitutionally decided, against Any in- vestigation with a view to impeach or assail the title of the present incumbent of the Executive chair. The Democracy of the school in which I was raised was planted upon the principles of law and order, and upon standing by them as constitutionally pro- pounded." He proves that Hale^s proposed amend- ment was grermane to the Potter resolu- tion. " Mr. Potter's reasons for refusing Mr. Hale's amend ment appear to me to be singular and most untenable' He says it was not germane. Why it we» not germane I cannot Bee. AU firauds it would seem to me are of a kindred character. They are all the same cl^s of crimes ; belong to the same family, and^diflfer'only'in character and degree. If a Jhi.ildu1ent electoral count in Florida was germane to ,a like fraudulent count in Louisiana, why was not a like fraudulent count in Ore- gon or any other Slate equally germane to the provis- ion to investigate frauds ?" He knocks another plank from under Pol>- ter'B ponderous feet. ' 'Mr. Potter justifies his course in refusing an investi- gation into the frauds .alleged in Mr. Hale's amend- ment because he said he understood it contained reci- tals to which he oould not assent, and which would have forced us to vote against our own resolution. This seems to me again to be an untenable reason. In the first place, in aUowing Mr. Hale to offer his amend- ment, whatever recitals it might have had by no means committed the House to the truth of the allega- tions. It would only have allowed him to make them good if he could." Potter's duplicity made plain. "Mr. Potter insists that the object was not and is not to attack the title of Mr. Hayes. If so, then why did he not, or the managers whose instructions he was carrying out, allow Mr. Casey Young's amendments to go in, which distinctly stated, with a purpose of in- forming the country, that the object w^ not to dis- turb the title of the present Executive which had been constitutionally settled by the last Congress." The entire proccedingr " most unwise, most unfortunate, and most mischievous '*— It will **disturi> the peace, harmony, and quiet of the country." " But I have no time to say more at present, except to add that I look upon the whole of this proceeding, concocted as it was, c(Kiducted as it has been, as moat unwise, most unfortunate, and most mischievous. Its effect will be to disturb the peace, harmony, and quiet of the country. Neither Mr, Potter, nor any- body else, can prevent it ; and I say to him, most re- spectfully, that nothing short of an immediate, general, and firm concert of action of the law and order-abiding people of all parties, Eepublieans and Democrats, throughout the Union in reprobation of this investi- gation proceeding any further with a view to disturb thQ Presidential title, such as announced by the Penn- sylvania Democracy in their convention a few days ago, can arrest the most fearful consequences. Those who have, though innocently, sowed the wind will reap the whirlwind." " A contemptible farce or a horrible trag- edy" — Potter's Jesuitical whisperings *' delusive and gruileful " as those of Satan. " My own opinion is, as I have repeatedly said> this affair will prove in the end either a contemptible ikr ce or a horrible tragedy. Whether it will lead to the Mexicanization of our Federal Republic the result must show. But I say, as I said on another recent occasion, that all soft words instilling in the mind of the people of this country the idea that Mr. Hayes can be peaceably unseated by Congress are as delubive and as guileful as the whisperings of the great arch fiend in the shape of a toad in the ear of £ve, fioiD. which sprung all our woes. " Very respectfully, •' AiiEXAKDEja H. Stephens." PAET XIV. The Burchard Resolution a Bomb Sbell— Pauic aiid Rout— Craphic Description of tlie Scene— Tlie Democrats forced to "eat crow" —Condemned out of their o^vn ITIouths. June 14, 1878, Mr. H. C. Burchard, Kepub- lican, tlii-ew a bombshell into the Tilden House, which exploded with such force as to disintegrate, for the moment, the combined forces of the enemy, bringing humiliation and disgrace for the time being on the Potter- Tilden revolutionary movement. The re- fusal of the Democrats to accept the Casey Young resolution offered in caucus, the refusal of the National Democratic Committee to make any declaration on the subject to quiet the growing apprehensions, the prophetic utterances of Alexander H. Stephens and a few other conservative Democrats, the admissions of Potter's open letter, the boastings of the Democratic press, alarmed the country to such an extent that, as the New York 7^)^16 re- marked, "the Democrats in the House of Representatives have been forced against. their will to make the declaration they did to-day " 32 KEVOLUTIONARY ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DEM0CEATK7 LEADERS. in voting for the Burchard iand the Judiciary Committee's resolutions. They had uniformly refused to put themselves on record until Burchard's resolution forced them to "toe the mark." We take from the Tribune : Ctrapbic description of Biircliarcl's mas- terly strateg^y— iSuinnier skies and ** all serene." "Washington, June 14. — It Tgas neatly done, and evidently took the majority of Republicans as much by surprise as it did the Democrats. There had been a great deal of noise and confusion, and the House had wasted a half hour in deciding upon a time for the consideration of some of the important measures which have not yet received final action. The Speaker's rul- ' inga were rapid and arbitrary, without being oflfensive or unjust, and by common consent things were taken for granted which at any earlier date would have befen met with a score of objections. The House was work- ing with one mind for a final adjournment on Monday, while each member was endeavoring to get hi^ own pet measure into a position to command a few of the fleeting moments which yet remained. " Mr. Burchard's face wore an expression as innocent as that oi "M&tj'b little lamb. He 'moved to suspend the rules and — ' " Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, also ' moved to suspend the nilea and — ' " Mr. Fernando Wood rose to a parliamentary inquiry, and took a mild exception to some of the rulings, which gave to certain measures precedence over others, which he asserted were equally important. " Mr. Burchard claimed ths floor by virtue of the posi- tion his name occupied upon the list of those who had given notice that they would move a suspension of the rules for various purposes. "The Speaker said that he wouldrecognize the gentle- man Irom Illinois as soon as he could dispose of the parliamentary inquiries. Mr. Burchard smiled. Gen- eral Garfield, who sat beside him, also smiled very con- tentedly. Five minutes later the • gentleman from Illinois ' was recognized. He ' moved to suspend the rules and pass the following resolution,' which he sent to the clerk's desk to be read:" Burchard's resolution— The thunder-clap! "Whereas, At the joint meeting of the two Houses of the XLIVth Congress, convened pursuant to law and the Constitution, for the purpose of ascertaining and counting the votes for President and Vice President for the term commencing March 4, 1877, on counting the votes Rutherford B. Hayes was declared elected President and William A. Wheeler was declared elected Vice President for such term. Therefore, "Resolved, That no subsequent Congress, and neither House, has jurisdiction to revise the action at such joint meeting, and any attempt by either House to an- nul or disregard such action or the title to oflfice aris- ing therefrom would be revolutionary and is disap- proved by this House." Profound silence— The Democrats grasping for breath. " Silence most profound fell upon the House. Most of the Democratic leaders were absent. Messrs. Atkins and Durham had just been sent off on a conference committee. Messrs. Potter, Blackburn, Springer, and the other investigators were busy in their committee room. Some Democrat recovered himself sufficiently to ask that the resolution be read again, and mean- while the absentees were sent for. Mr. Towushend, of Illinois, was the first to get entire possession of himself. He asked if it would be in order to strike . out the last section; then if the resolution could be referred to the Judiciary Committee. He was tolrfby the Speaker in reply that on a motion to suspend the rules heither proposition was in order; and some Ee- publican added: • You can vote it down,' which was a privilege which Mr. Townshend and his Democratic associates were at the moment neither prepared to re- ject nor accept." The Republican hurrah!— The yeas and nays demanded. " By the rules of the House no debate was in order' and nothing remained to be done except to put the question to the House. The hearty ' aye ' which came up when this was done was by no means confined to the Republican side, while the negative, vote was feeble, and betrayed the indecision and demoraliza- tion which had seized the Democrats. It was evident that more than two-thirds of the members present voted in favor of the resolution ; but the object of the mover being to get members on record, either for or against the projects of the revolutionistSy Mr. Bur- chard, without waiting for the decision of the Chair, called for the yeas and nays, and the Clerk begaa to call the roll." The Democratic (Speaker stops the roll-call to ^ve the Tllden revolutionists time to rally— Caucusing as to the best " Policy." " At this point Mr. Atkins arrived, somewhat out of breath, and asked that the resolution be read again. Although the roll-call was in progress, the Speaker di- rected the Clerk to read the resolution a third time, most of the Democratic absentees had by this time gathered in. An earnest and excited caucusing was going on on their side of the Hall, which continued during the reading of the resolution and the calling of the roll which followed. A half-dozen Democrats, hav- ing the courage of their 'convictions, responded to their names with a hearty ' aye,' and as many more voted 'no.' The great majority of them, however, made no response during the first call of the roll." Great excitement and noise— more time giv- en for the determination of "Policy"— The Democrats Jeered— Their panic and rout. "The scene was very excitiiig and noisy. Two or three times the call was delayed or suspended, osten- sibly on account of the disorder, but really to give the Democrats time to rally and decide what to do. Two or three motions were made in a spirit of deri- sion by Republicans, that the House take a recess to allow the Democrats time to finish the caucus. It is doubtful whether a quorum had voted during the first call, but when it was finished Bome fifteen or twenty Democrats arose, and as they were recognized, one by one recorded themselves in the afi&rmative. The movement gathered force, and before the vote was announced, nearly every member on the floor had voted. The resolution was carried by the astonifihing vote of 215 in the affirmative to 21 in the negative." Two "iSpecimen Bricks"— One representins' the "Policy, Me Boy," Tlldenites— The other out-and-out red Tilden reTOlutlon- ists. " Perhaps the most crushed individual in the hall was Mr. Finley, of Ohio, who, in connection with Mr. Springer, of Illinois, was perhaps the most active of the original revolutionists. In eommon with the mtyority of his party, he dodged on the first call of the roll. When hia party associates began to give way, and record themselves in favor of the resolu- tion, Mr. Finley walked down to the ftont, and being recognized, filed an emphatic and spiteful 'no.' Then, with a shrug of contempt, he turned his back and walked up the aisle again, the bald spot on the backof his head, about the size of a trade dollar, seem- ing to glisten with the rage that filled him. When, however, the movement became a rout, Mr. Finley again arose, and amid the cheers and jeers of the BepuD- licans, made a request to change his vote, and piping out a feeble 'aye,' he retired to probable oblivion. Mr. Springer stood his ground, and voted an em- phatic and ostentatious 'no,' almost the last one re- corded. He was heartily and nuanimously congratu- lated by Mr, Cook, of Georgia." REVOLUTIONABY ACTS AND PDRP08ES OF THE DEMOOBATIO LEADERS. 33 The TOte on the Burchard resolution hy which the revolutionary House, driven by fear, condemned its own revolutionary purposes. The vote upon tbe Burchard reBOlution was 215 yeaa, 21 nays — 65 not voting. The 21 nays were all red hot Tilden revoluiloniets, and among those not voting, whether present or not, were 40 more Tilden DemocraiB. In detail it was aa follows: *' Yeab — ^iffeaflrs. Aihen, Aldrich, Atkinx, Bacon, G. A. Bagley, J. H. Baker, W. H. Baker. Banks, Barmins, Bayne, Beebe, II. P. Bell, Bicknell, Biabee, Blair, Blount, Bouck, Boyd, Brentano, Brewer, Bridges, Briggs^ 5rip/t(, Brogden, T.M.Browne, Bnndy, H.C. Burcai- ard, Burdick, Cabell, J. W. Caldwell, W. P. Caldwell, Calkins, J. M. Campbell. Cannon, Carlisle, Caswell, Chalmers, Chittenden, Claflin, J. B. Clark, Jr., K. Clark, J. B. Clarke, Ciymer, Cobb, Cole, Conger, Covert, J. D. Coi, Crapo, Cravens, Crittenden, Cvlberson, Cum- mings. Cutler, Danford, H. Davis, J. J. Davis, Dean, Deering, Denison, Dibrell, Dickey, Dottglas, Duunell, Durham, Dwight, Kames, Eden, Ellsworth, Errett, I. N. EvauB, J. L. Evans, J. H. Evins, Ewing, Felton, E. B. Finley, F&mey, Foster, Franklin, Freeman, Gardner, G^field, >. Hewitt, Mayham, Phelps, Pride- more, Robertson, W. L. Smith, Soutfmrd, Springer, Wer- ner— 21. "Not Voting— Messrs. Acklin, Ballou, Benedict, Bland, Bvxiiener, Butler, Cain, Camp, Caridler, A. A. Clarit, Collins, Davidson, Eicfiojf, Elam, Fort, Frye, Glover, Gun- ter. Hale, J. T. Harris, Hartridge,. SsLzelton, .Ho.oker, JoycCf Kimmel, Knapp, Knott, Loring^ Luttrell, Lynde, Mawning, Martin, McMahon, Money, Mvldrow, C. N. Potief, Powers, Quinn, A. V. Rice, M. S. Robinson, M. Ross, Schleicher, Singleton, Siemens, Swann, Thomburgh, Tipton, Turner, Van Vorhes, G. C Walker, Walsh, Wig- ginton, J. Williams, J". Nk Williams, Wright— 55. PART XV. The next Democratic Move- Throwing Sawdust in the Eyes of the People. The House Democrats having been com- pletely foiled, how to place themselves in a better attitude before the people was now the question. The great mass of them would be revolutionists if they dared. Already they had discovered, by the great wave of public opinion which had recently set in upon them, that the times were not y etjipe for revolution. that all their carefully laid plans for future action, to succeed, must be covered up ; that mere silence on the subject would not longer do ; that they must make an explicit declara- tion even though with the full intention of violating hereafter any present pledge. Under the Jesuitical lead of Potter they had learned the Jesuitical rule that " tbe end justifies the means." Accordingly it had already been dclermined i'lat the Judiciary Committee should be allowed to report against the Kim- mel bill, which en the 15th ot April had been introduced and referred to it ; and in the sad straits to which they had just been brought by the Burchard resolution, it was determined by the Democratic leaders that the report must be made and acted on at once. Thus they might yet succeed in making the people believe — until after the Fall elections— that their purpose was not to turn Hayes out and put Tilden in. . The report was, therefore, at once (June 14) made by Mr. Hartridge, Demo- crat. The Vote by which this mere expression of this House's "opinion" was recorded. Upon the adoption of the resolution ac- companying the report the vote was 235 yeas to 14 "red hot" revolutionary Tilden nays— not voting 42, of whom 28 were Tilden Demo- crats. PART XVI. The TVork of tlie Potter Com- mittee—Impeachment of Hayej and Wheeler Talked of— Ho^v the thing W^as to he done- Hayes Out, Either Tilden or Thurman to go in— Democratic Authorities for it. While the great mass of the people of this country, who followed the testimony given before the Potter "Investigating Com- mittee, undoubtedly considered that it abso- lutely failed of its main purposes, and that its proceedings were almost farcical, there are unquestionably a large number of dyed- in-the-wool Democrats who to this day think otherwise, believe that they proved their case, and would still exclaim with their Democratic organ, the Washington Post of August 10, 1878, that : " The Potter committee has crystallized allegations into accepted history." The Democratic leaders all intended to be- lieve-^despite the absurdity of the pretense — that the charges were proven. So believing, or pretending to believe, thejr intended to demand action of some sort against President Hayes and Vice President Wheeler. Their programme was to impeach both ; to declare by concurrent resolution of both Democratic Houses that the mere act of presenting arti- cles of impeachment in this case, at any rate, suspends the impeached persons from oflfieial 34 REVOLUTIONARY ACl'8 AND PTJRPOSEB OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERS. duty, and makes a vacancy ; to elect Thurman President of the Senate : if Tilden took the oath at the right time— as many believe he did, and the statement to that effect has never been denied by him— to induct him into the Presidency ; and if he did not, then the " va- cancy " to be filled by Thurman. That some such movements were in contemplation is evident from what leaked out eveiy now and then from persons supposed to know the hid- den purposes of the revolutionists. Some of the active measures proposed for putting Hayes out and Tilden in— The impeachment plan. Thus we gather something of this sort from the following dispatch in the New York Tribum, June 15: "Washington, June 14^.— A fact which may throw' some light upon the real purposes actuating those who engineered the Potter resolution through the House has just come out here. It seems, according to excellent Democratic authority, that several months before tlie Potter resolution was passed, Mr. Manton Marble and General -Barlow approached leading Demo- cratic members of the House of Representatives and men prominent in the party, and urged them to begin active measures for ousting President Hayes aa soon as the Dem,ocrats should secure control of both Houses of Congress. One reason which they urged was, that it would be a good piece of party strategy, because if Governor Tilden was given two years ot the present Presidential term his ambition would be satisfied, and he could easily be put out of the way for 1880. The consultations of these gentlemen, who were known to be working in the interest of Governor Til- den, all indicate that the main purpose of the present movement, in the minds of those who were respon- sible for it, has been to remove President Hayes from the office he now holds. Now that public opinion has driven the Democrats to declare that the President's title cannot be attacked, those who formerly talked of putting him out through suits in the Supreme Court, or by joint resolution recognizing Governor Tilden, are almost all talking of impeachment instead." Another plan for putting Hayes out and Thurman in. The "Washington (JapUcU, Aug. 11, 1878, a paper supposed at that time to have special sources of information as to the designs of the Democratic revolutionary leaders, said, that "after the 4th. of March Allan G. Thur- man will be President of the Senate, and pre- 'pared,to fill one of the two vacancies," which certain persons — "Are busy demonstrating to the people to exist in the President's and Vice President's of&ces. This will not elect Mr. Tilden — he not being eligible through a strange defect in the law which makes it necessary for the President-elect to be sworn in at a certain date after being elected. This is in part the scheme for a strong Government, conceived and organized by that form of capital which net-works our land in the shape of rail- roads, and has for its managers the boldest, most un- scrupulous and eihcient knaves of aU that class of financial schemers that grow rich on other men's earn- ings. It was their intent to seat one of their number — Mr. Tilden himself—in the Presidency, but they will accept Allan G. Thurman. To them the smoke that indicates the fire upon the plains is not distant. The danger is at hand, and they seek to fight fire with fire. * * * This is neither impeachable nor revolutionary, and is far stronger and efficient than any military Wall street thieving organization, with Grant as its figure head, that will come in j.uat thirty days too late to be of use.'" Further proof of their Kevolutionary pur- poses—Springer's declarations. That the Democratic leaders were bent upon declaring the Potter investigation allegations proven; that they intended to take action; that the action which they proposed to take was in the line of impeachment; and that they intended by the mere action of a Demo- cratic majority of both Houses— shoxild they then control both Houses— to declare the oflfi- ces of both the President and Vic© President vax^ant upon the presentations of the articles of impeachment to the Senate, is rendered clear as daylight by the statement of Springer, Democratic member of the Potter committee, in an interview (July 1878) with the reporter of a Western paper, wherein he is represented as saying that enough had already been brought out by the committee to '' warrant the im- peachment of Pi;esident Hayes, and there vnll be no. trouble on that Score, as the Democrats will have a majority of the Senate after the ithof March next." And the following telegram in a New York paper of August 5, 1878, is confirpatory not only of Springer's conclusibns, but as to those of others of his Democratic friends on the Potter committee : "Washingtow, August 4. — Mr. Springer, of the Potter committee, talts very freely of 'the case,' as he caUs it, which to his mind has already been established by the Potter committee. He regards it aa one which will not only justify impeachment, but which de- mands It. He ' thinks the Wormley Hotel conference, id connection with the subsequent action of the Loni- Biana commission, quite sufficient to sustain articles of impeachment, and he fully expects the House to present them at an early day. Such talk doubtless re- flects the views of several members of the Potter com- mittee." PAllT XYII. fVliy the Impeaehinent Plan \va,n Abandoned— Rebuke from the IVorth — IVew Tactics — Forcing , tlie Extra Session — Political Riders— The IVe^v Revolution— ' Starving ' iithootim Out," Do^vn • instead . of the Govern- ment— Bxti'a Session Threats. Had the Congressional elections of 1878 re- sulted in Democratic gains instead of heavy Democratic losses, the revolutionary pro- gramme above indicated would undoubtedly have been carried out to the letter. In the South, by bulldozing and other scandalous methods, the Democratic representatiDn in the House was so largely increased that it was al- most " solidly " Democratic, but in the North Democratic representation fell oflf to Buoh an extent that despite the increase in Southern membership, there was a bare Democratic majority in the whole House! It was this stem rebuke from the North that made the revolutionists waver and finally halt in theii treasonable course. But while they dared not take the extreme course they had firs! marked out for themselves, they developed other plans and purposes hardly less culpable KEVOLUTIONAEY ACTS AiTD PUBPOSEB OF THE DEMOOEATIC LEASEBB. 35 Political rider plan Inaugurated— Forcing the Extra ^esvlon— Threats of Senators Beck and Thurman. In the closing session of 1878-9, the Demo- cratic House, looking ahead to the Presiden- tial election of 1880, and determined, if possi- ble, to afford every possible opportunity for a dishonest and fraudulent count by their friends both South and North, determined, in caucus, to put upon two of the great ap- propriation bills, certain "riders," to wit: upon the Army Appropriation Bill a rider declaring that troops shall not be used at the polls; and upon the Legislative, Executive, and Judicial Appropriation Bill, two provis- ions, one repeating the jurors test-oath; the other repeating the essential provisions of the Congressional Election Law, under which the purity of the ballot box is preserved. The Democratic House tacked these riders on, but a Bepublican Senate refused to permit them to remain on. The matter of disagree- ment went to a committee of conference, and, under the instructions of the Democratic caucus, the Democrats on that Committee re- fused to report them favorably unless the riders remained on, and the bills failing, an extra session was necessitated. Failing to coerce the Republican Senate, their next move was to coerce a Republican President, and that the whole thing was deliberately planned, is shown by the utterances, not alone of .Democratic members of the Hotise, but also by those of two distinguished Dem- ocratic Senators ; said Senator Beck: " The Deznocnitic conferees on the part of the Honse seemed determined that unlesB those rights were se- cured to the people in the bill sent to the Senate they would refuse, under their constitutional right, to make appropriations to carry on the Goverument if the dominant majority in the Senate Insisted upon, the maintenance of these laws and re/i«ed to consent to their repeal. * * * If, however, the President of the United States, In the exercise of the power Invested in him, qjiould see fit to veto the bills thus presented to him, * * * then I have no doubt those same amendments will be again made part of the appropria- tion bills, and it \?111 be for the President to determine whether he will block the wheels of Government and refuse to accept necessary appropriations rather than allow the representativfis.of the people to repeal odious laWs which they regard as subversive of their rights and privileges. * *., * Whether that course is right or wrong it will be adopted, -and I have no doubt adhered to, no matter what happens with the appro- priation bills." Said Senator Thurman : "We claim the right, * * * to say we will not grant the money of the people unless there Is a redress of grievances." The starvation plan— The veto power. The consequence of this spirit was the me- morable extra sessibn of 1879, which was consumed in vain revolutionary efforts on the part of the two Houses of Congress — the Senate having in the meantime become Democratic — to starve the Government into a surrender of the high constitutional power of the veto. In another chapter the vetoes of the extra session will be found to give the history ofxeach of the many abortive attacks thus made by the Democrats upon the power of the Executive — upon that very veto power which their own National conventions of 1856 and 1860 de- clared sacred in these words : That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the qualified veto power by which he is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities amply suflaclent to guard the public Interests, to suspend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and Honse of Eep- resentatlves until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon. General Karfleld states the whole case In a nutshell. The case was succinctly statad by General Garfield, when, in his speech of the 29th March, 1879, he said to the revolutionary Democratic House : "The last act of Democratic domination in this Ca- pitol, eighteen years ago, was striking and dramatic, perhaps heroic. Then the Democratic party said to the Bepublicans. ' If you elect the man of your choice as President of the United States we will shoot your Government to death ;' and the people of this coun- try, refusing to be coerced by threats or violence, vo- ted as they pleased, and lawfully elected Abraham Lincoln President of the United States. '■Then your leaders, though holding a majority in the other branch of Congress, were heroic enough to with- draw from their seats and fling down the gage of mortal battle. We called it rebellion ; but we recognized it as courageous and manly to avow your purpose, take all the risks, and fight it out on the open field. Notwith- standing your utmost efforts to destroy It, the Govern- ment was saved. Year by year since the war ended, those who resisted you have come to believe that you have finally renounced your purpose to destroy, and are willing to maintain the Government. In that belief you have been permitted to return to power In the two Houses. " To-day, after eighteen years of defeat, the book of your domination is again opened, and your first act awakens every unhappy memory and threatens to de- stroy the confidence which your professions of patriot- Ism Inspired. You tximed down a leaf of the history that recorded your last act of power In 1861, and you have now signalized your return to power by begin- ning a second chapter at the same page ; not this time by a heroic act that declares war on the battle-field, but you say if all the legislative powers of the Government do not consent to let you tear certain laws out of the statute-book, you will" not shoot our Government to death as you tried to do in' the first chapter; but you declare that if we do not consent against our wlU, if you cannot coerce in independent branch of this Government against Its will, to allow you tear from the statute-books some laws put there by the will of the people, you will starve the Government to death. [Great applause on the Bepublican side.] " Between death on the field and death by starvation, I do not know that the American people will see any great difference. The end, if successfully peached, woul'd be death in either case. Gentlemen, you have it in your power to kill this Government; you have it in your_power, by withholding these two bills, to smite the nerve-centres of our Constitution with the paraly- sis of death; and you have declared you purpose to do this. If you cannot break down that fundamental ele- ment of free consent which up to this hour has always ruled In the legislation of this Government." Extra session threats of 1879 by Represen- tatives Hurd, Muldrow, Singleton, Turner, Kltchln, O'Connor, Chalmers, IHcnahon, Sparks, Tucker, and Blackburn. The following extracts from speeches made during the extra session will be serviceable, as showing the bitter, uncompromising spirit of the revolutionary party — which, though 'it came to grief at the time through the firmness of President Hayes, will be found ready to 36 REVOLUTIONARY ACTS AND PURPOSES OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEADERS. spring up again at another time, and in another and even more serious shape, unless the people at this election rebuke it by an electoral majority for General Garfield that shall overwhelm them and their treasonable schemes. Representative Hurd, of Ohio, April 38, 1879, said : 1 "It is objected to tbese measures of legislation which we propose that there is a possibility by our passing these laws of restraining the veto power of the President. * * * i deny that the President of the United States has any right to participate in the legis- lation of this country." Representative Muldrow, of Mississippi, April 3, 1879, said: " If the gentleman from Ohio is correct in his as- sumption that the President will veto these repeals, then, I repe:-t, let the responsibility be upon him and the Eepublican party. If there is revolution in that, they are the revolutionists-; they are the party and he is the officer whose veto wiH thwart the will of the people as expressed by their represental ves in Con- gress, and he will, forpartizan purposes, exercise a corr- stitutional prerogative in the interest of tyranny and in violation of every principle tff liberty and free- dom." Representative Singleton, of Mississippi, April 4, 1819, said : "For myself, President or no President, veto or no veto, I am prepared to fight upon this line until the work proposed is ione, effectually done, whatever of time, labor, or expense it may involve." Representative Turner, of Kentuclty, April ., 1879, saiei ; " Well, sir, if Mr. Hayes vetoes this (Army) bill on account of the sixth section guarding thi right of suffrage, then the responsibility wiU rt=- on his shoulders, and not on ours, for staring the Army. I do not believe Mr. Hayes will veto the bill on ac- count of the sixth section. But if he does, and per- sists in that veto, and thereby starves the Army of the United States, then let the responsibility rest where it belongs, on the head of the President, for vetoing a bill, right, proper, and constitutional, passed by a majority of th,e repi'esentatives of. the people in the exercise of their constitutional rights." Representative Kltchin, of Tiorth Carolina, April 3, said : "The honorable gentleman need not remind this House of the evil results that riigh - flow from the an- ticipated act of the President; it will lieither drive nor lead from an honest and faithful iTischar^e of duty; wo will perform our duty to the counl-ry , anC let them as- sume the responsibility of defeating .1 . will of the majority and, if you please, as they eay, destroying the Government. I plant myself on this rock and eay, in the language of the valiant Fitz-James. Come one, come all; this rock shall fly From its firm base as soon as I." Representative O'Connor, of South Carol- ' ina, said: "We have been thus early convoked here by the President to furnish supplies to run the Government, ' just as we were prepared to do in the last Congress un- til impeded and ouposed by the Senate. The repre- sentatives of the people, who are the sovereigns of this country and hold the purse, do not intend to be co- erced. It is our province and our prerogative, it is our duty, to see before we give the taxes of the people that all grievances are redi'cesed." Representative Chalmers, of Mississippi, Aprll2, 1879, said: " Sir, it is said that the Army shall eat nothing be- cause the Republican party in its arrogance refuse to eat humble pie. You threaten to starve the Govern- ment to death because you have grown so great that you cannot even do what is right if it happens to be demanded by the majority of an opposite party. " Now I do not believe that the Government is goinp to die; but if it should die from the issue now pre sented, upon whose shoulders will the responsibilitj, rest ? * * * Andrew Johnson on that trying occasioii set an example to hia Bepublioan friends which they would do weU to remember now. Kather than see the wheels of this Government stopped he signed that bill; but he signed it under protest,- and thus made his appeal to the country. " It is deemed necessary to. make another appeal to the people on the question now at issue, the Republi- can President can make his choice — he can either fol- low the example of Andrew Johnson, or he can, as the gentleman from Ohio said, destroy this Government without firing a single hostile gun. It is for him, not for us, to say which course, he will choose. * * * If free Government must die, and die at the hands of such a President as this, then the Democratic party can look in the face of the expiring goddess of liberty and " ' Shake not thy gory locks at me; Thou canst not say I did it.' " Representative McMahon, of Ohio, March 29, 1879, said : 1 believe that we have made up our minds JitUy to take all the consequences before the people of an aiUier- ence to our views. If the President of the United States prefers to "starve the Grovemment" * * * with him will rest the responsibility." Representative Sparlcs, of Illinois, said: "I deny, therefore, that the President has any legis- lative power. He has the power to arrest ; only the power to arrest. Now let us take the case laefore ua. It is insisted that the President is attempted to be coerced by the proposed legislation and that this action is revolutionary. Now, sir, we pass a law. All appropriations of money from the Treasury must be made by law. We pass this law aapropriating nearly ;^27,000,000. In that law we make provision that the Army, for which the appropriation is made, shall not be used 'to keep the peace at the polls' in the vari- ous precincts and polling places throughout th^ Uni- ted States, The President chooses, if you please^ to arrest it. He says ; 'I arrest this law and return it to Congress with my objection.' What do we do? I do not know what gentlemen generally will do j but my idea in this particular case would be to say to the President, 'Very well, sir; if you do not need this law, why should we want it ? We certainly have the constitutional pow^r to let it alone; and, Mr. Presi- dent, as you have chosen to arrest it by your positive act of objection or veto, all right ; now just let the subject drop.' But then he will say, 'But, gentle- men, that wiU not do ; this law must be passed ; I must have this law.' 'Well, then,' we answer, 'why did you not take it, sir, and make it effective after we had passed it and presented it to you ?' 'Because,' he says, 'it had some provision in it that was objec- tionable to me.' 'Well, sir, what do you propose to do ?' 'Why, I propose that you shall pass a law un- objectionable to me ; in other words, you shall pass the kind of law that I want you to pass." " Representative Tuclcer, of Ta., April 3, 1879, said: "I tQll you, gentlemen of the House of Represen- tatives, the Army dies on the 30th day of June, unless we resitscitate it by legislation. And what is the question here on this bill ? WiU you resuscitate the Army after the 30th of- June, with the powQT to use it as keepers of the polls ? That is the question. It is not a question of repeal. It is a question of re-enactment, If you do not appropriate this money, there will be no Army after the ,30th of June to be used at the polls- The only way to secure an Army at the polls ia to ap- BEVOLtmoiTARY ACTS AND PUEPOSES OF THE DEMOCEATIO LEADERS. 37 proprlate the money. Will you a^ppropriaU tJie money for the Army in order that they may be used at the polls ? We say no, a thousand times no. * * * The gentle- men on the other aide say there muet be no coercion. Of whom? Of the President ? But what right has the President to coerce ua ? There may be coercion one way or the other. He demands an unconditional sup- ply. We my we will give him no mpply but upon con- ditions. * * * When, therefore, vicious laws have fastened themselves upon the statute-book which imperil the liberty of the people, this House is bound to say it will appropriate no money to give effect to such laws until and except upon condition that they are repealed. [Applause on the Democratic side.] * * We wUl give him the Army on a single condition that it shall never be used or be present at the polls when an election Is held for members of this House, or in any presidential election, or in any State or muni- cipal election. * * *• clothed thus with un- questioned power, bound by clear duty, to expunge these vicious laws from the statute-book, following a constitutional method sanctioned by venerable pre- cedents in English history, we feel that we have the undoubted right, and are beyond cavil in the right, in declaring that with our grant of supply there must be a cessation of these grievances, and we make these ap- propriations conditioned on aecuring a free baJllot and mix Juries for our citizens." Representative Blackburn, of Kentucky, April 4, 188U, said: " May I not assure that gentleman and his associates that the dominant party of this Congress, the ruling element of this body, is also equally determined that until their j net demands are satisfied, * * * this side of the Chamber, which has demonstrated its power, never means to yield or surrender v/ntil this Congress shall have died by virtue of its limitation. [Applause on the Democratic side.] We will not yield. A principle can- not be compromised. It may be surrendered ; but that can only be done by its advocates giving proof to the world that they are cravens and cowards, lacking ihe courage of their own conviction. We cannot yield, and will not surrender. * * )|c 3|e It: * * " Now, sir, the issue is laid down, the gage of battle is delivered. Lift it when you please ; we are willing to appeal to that sovereign arbiter that the gentleman ao hAndsomely lauded, the American people, to decide be- tween us. « * « 3t: * * KE " I do not mean to issue a threat. * • * But I do mean to say, that it is my deliberate conviction, that there is not to be found in this majority a single man who will ever consent to abandon one jot or tittle of the faith that is in him. He cannot surrender if he would. I beg you to believe he will not be coerced by threats nor intimidated by parade of power. He must stand upon his conviction and here we will all stand. He who dailies is a dastard, and he who doubts is damned ! £, Le Fevre, Lewis, Manning, B. F. Martin, McKenzie, McLane, Mc- Millin, Mills, Morrison, Muldrow, Myers, New, O'Brien, O'Connor, O'Reilly, Persons, Phister, Poehler, Reagan, J. S. Richardson, Richmond, E. W. Robertson, Ross, RothtoeU, Samford, Sawyer, Scales, Shelley, Simonton, J, W. Singleton, 0. R. Singleton, Slemons, H. B. Smith, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Speers, Springer, Steele, Stephens, &rsvESBON,TaZbott, Taylor, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W. Townshend, 0. Turner, T. Turner, Vance, Wad- diU, A. J. Warner, Wellborn, Whiteaker, Whitthome, T. Williams, A. S. Willis, Wise, WRickr, C. Young —121. Wats— Messrs. N. W. Aldrich, W. Aldrich, An- derson, J. H. Baker, Bayne, Belford, Bingham, Blake, Bowman, Boyd, Brewer, Briggs, Brig- bam, Browne, Burrows, Butterworth, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Chittenden, Claflin, Conger, CowgiU, Crapo, Caggett, G. K. Davie, Deering, DunneU,'£in8tein, Enrett, Farr, Ferdon, Field, Fisher, FoBB, FoneYTHE, Fort, Fiye, Garfield, Gillette, Hall, J. Hammon, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, Hazleton, Heilman, Hiscock, Horr, Houk, Hubbell, Humphrey, James, G. W. Joheb, Jorgensen, Joyce, Eeifer, Kelley, Iiindsey, Lowe, Marsh, Mason, MoOoid, McGrowan, McKinley, Miles, Mitchell, Monroe, Morton, Mukch, Newberry, Norcross, O'Neill, Overton, Pierce, Pound, Prescott, Keed, W. W. Rice, D. P. Richardson, Robeson, G. D. Robinson, "W. A. Russell, T. Ryan, Shallenberger; Sherwin, A. H. Smith, Thomas, A. Townaend, Tyler, J. T. Updegraff, T. Updegraff, Umer, Valentine, Van Aemam, Voorhie, J. Van Voor- his. Wait, Ward, Washburn, Weaveb, H, White, Wilbur, e. G. Williams, Willits, W. A. Wood, YocuM, T. L. Yomig— 110. PART III. Veto of the Bill to Prohibit HiU- tary Interference at Ejections— Votes on tlie Biil-The law sought to be repealed— A Democratic I>aiv~Its History. The following is the President's veto: " Message from the President of ike United States, assign- ing oj^ections to the approval of Vie bill of the House (H. R. 1382; entitled. ' An Act to Prohibit Military Interference at Elections.' " To THE House or Representatives : " After a careful consideration of the bill entitled *An Act to Prohibit Military Interference at Elections,' I return it to the Houbg of Repreeentativee, in which it originated, with the following objections to its ap- proval : " In the communication sent to the House of Repre- sentatives on the 29th of last month, returning to the Hou6e without my approval the bill entitled ' An Act making Appropriations for the Support of the Army for the fisc^ year ending June 30, 1880, and for other purposes,' I endeavored to show by quotations from the statutes of the United States now in' force, and by a brief statement of facts in regard to recent elections in the several States, that no additional legislation was necessary to prevent interference with the elec- tions by the military or naval forces of the United States. The fact was presented in that communica- tion that at the time of the passage of the act' of June 18, 1878, in relation to the employment of the army as a posse comitatus or otherwise, it was maintained by its friends that it would establish a vital and fundamen- tal principle, "which would secure to the people pro- tection against a standing army. The fact was also referred to that, since the passage of this act. Con- gressional, State, and municipal elections have been held throughout the Union, and that in no instance has complaint been made of the 'presence of United States soldiers at the polls. ** Holding, as I do, the opinion that any military interference whatever at the polls is contrary to the spirit of our institutions, and would tend to destroy the freedom of elections, and sincerely desiring to concur with Congress in all of its measures, it is with very great regret that I am forced to the conclusion that the bill before me is not only unnecessary to prevent such interference, but is a dangerous depart- ure from "Hong-settled ajid important Constitutional principles. " The true rule as to the employment of military force at the elections is not doubtful. No intimida- tion or coercion should be allowed to control or in- fluence citizens in the exercise of their right to vote, whether it appears in the shape of combinations of evil-disposed persons, or of armed bodies of the mHitia of a State, or of the military force of the United States. " The elections should be free -from all forcible in- terference, and, as far as practicable, frora. all appre- hensions of such interference. No soldiers, either of the Union or of the St^te militia, should be present at the polls to take the place or perform the duties of the ordinary civil police force. There has been and will be no violation of this rule under orders from me during this administration. But there should be no , denial of the right of the national Grovemment to employ its military force on any day and at any place in case such employment is necessary to enforce the Constitution and laws of the United States. " The bill before me is as follows : 'yBe it enacted, c6c,. That it shall not be lawful to being to, or employ at, any place where a general or special election is being held in a State, any part of the Army or Navy of the United States, unless such force be necessary to repel the armed enemies of th* United States, or to enforce section 4, article 4, .of the Constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, on application of the Legislature or executive of the State where such force is to be used ; and so mucjh of all laws as is inconsistent here- with is hereby repealed.' " It will be observed that the bill exempts from the general prohibition against the employment of mili- tary force at the poles two specified cases. These ex- ceptions recognize and concede the soundness of the principle that military force may properly and consti- tutionally be used^at the place of elections, when such use is necessary to enforce the Constitution and the laws. But the excepted cases leave the prohibition bo extensive and far-reaching, that its adoption will Seri- ously impair the efficiency of the executive depart- ment of the Government. " The first act expressly authorizing the use of mili- tary power to execute the laws was passed almost as early as the organization of tho Government under the Constitution and was approved by President Washinc- ton, May 2, 1792. It is as foUows : *' ' Section 2. And be UfurVter enacted, That whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed, in any State, by combi- nations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by thepowers vested in the marshals by this act, the sarne being notified to the President of the United States by an associate jus- tice or the district judge, it shall be lawful for the SPECIAL SESSION OF 1879 THE VETO MESSAGES, ETC. 43 President of ihe TTnited States to call forth the militia of Bucdi State to snppreBB such combinations, and to caose the laws to be duly etecnted. And if the militia of aState where such combination may happen shall re- fuse, or be insufficient to suppress the same, it shall be lawful for the President, if the Legislature of the Uni- ted States be not in session, to call forth and employ such numbers of the militia of any other State or States most convenient thereto as may be necessary ; and the use of militia, so to be called forth, may be continued, if necessary, nntil the expiration of thirty days after the commencement of the ensuing session.' " In 1795 this provision was substantially re-enacted in a law which repealed the act of 1792. In 1807 the following act became the law by the approval of Presi- dent Jefferson: . "-' That in all cases of insurrection or obstruction to the laws, either of the United Slates or of any individ- ual State or Territory, where it is lawfdl for the Presi- dent of the United States to call forth the militia for the purpose of suppressing such insurrection, or of causing the laws to be duly executed, it shall be lawful for him to employ, for the same purposes, such part of the land or naval force of the United States as shall be judged necessary, having first observed all the pre- requisites of.the law in that respect.' " By this act it will be seen that the scope of the law of 1796 was extended so as to authorize the National Government to use not only the militia, but the Army and Kavy of the United States ' in causing the laws to be duly executed.' " The impOTtant provisions of the acts of 1792, 1795, and 1807, modified in its terms from time to time to adapt it to the existing emergency, remained in force until by an act approved by President Lincoln, July 29, 1861. it was re-enacted substantially in the same language in which it i» now found in the Bevised Statutes, viz. : "Sbctios 6298. "Whenever by reason of unlawful ob- structions, combinations or assemblages of persons, or rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States it shall become impracticable, in the judgment of the President, to enforce by the ordinary course of judical proceedings, the laws of the United States within any State or TerHtory, it shall be lawful for the Pr^ident to call forth the militia of any or all the States, and to employ such parts of the land and naval forces of the United States, as he may deem necessary to enforce the faithful execution of the laws of the United States, or to suppress such rebellion in whatever State or Territory thereof the laws of the United States may be forcibly opposed, or the execu- tion thereof forcibly obstructed.' "This ancient and fundamental law has been In force from the foundafiion of the Government. It is now proposed to abrogate it on certain days and at certaui places. In my judgment no fact has been produced which tends to show that it ought to be re- pealed or suspended for a single hour at any place in any of the States or Territories of the Union. All the teachings of experience in the coiirse of our history are in mvor of sustaining its efficiency unimpaired. On every occasion when the supremacy of the Ck)n- stitution has been resisted, and the perpetuity of our institutions imperilled, the principle of this statute, enacted by the fathers, has enabled the Government of the Union to maintain its authority and to preserve the integrity of the nation. " At the most critical periods of our history my pre- tlecessors in the executive office have relied on this great principle. It was on this principle that Presi- dent Washington suppressed the whiskey rebellion in Pennsylvania in 1794. " m 1806, on the same printyiple, President Jeffersqn broke up the Bvirr conspiracy by Issuing ' orders for the employment of such force, either of the regulars or of the xnilitia, and by such proceedings of the civil authorities * * * as might enable them to sup- press effectually the farther progress of the enter- prise.' And it was under the same authority that PresidentJackson crushed nullification in South Car- olina, and that President Lincoln issued his call for troops to save the Union in 1861. On numerous other occasions of less significance, under probably every administration, and certainly under the present, this power has been usefully exerted to enforce the laws, without objection by any party in the country, and almost without attracting public attention. " The great elementMy Constitutional principle which was the foundation of the original statute of 1792, and which has been its essence in the various forms it has assumed since its first adoption, is that the Government of the tJnited States posseBses under the Constitution, in full measure, the power of self- protection by its own agencies, altogether independent of State authority, and, if need be, against the hostil- ity of State governments. It should remain embodied in our statutes unimpaired, as it has been from the very origin of the Government. It should he regarded as hardly less valuable or less sacred than a provision of the Constitution itself. "There are many other important statutes containing provisions that are liable to be suspended or annulled at the times ^nd places of holding elections, if the bill before me should become a law. I do rnft undertake to fur- nish a list of them. Many of them — ^perhaps the most of them — have been set forth in the debates on this measure. They relate to extradition, to crimes against the election laws, to quarantine regulations, to neu- trality, to Indian reservations, to the civil rights of citizens, and to other subjects. In regard to them all, it may be safely said that the meaning and effect of this bill is to take from the General Government an important part of its power to enforce the laws. " Another grave objection to the bill is its discrimin- ation in favor of the State and against the Kational au- thority. The presence or employment of the Army or Navy of the United States is lawful under the terms of this bill at the place where an election is being held in a State to uphold the authority of a State govern- ment then and there in need of such military inter- vention, but unlawful to uphold the authority of the Government of the United States, then and there in. need of such military intervention. Under this bill the presence or employment of the Army or Navy of the United States would be lawful, and might be ne- cessary to maintain the conduct of a State election, against the domestic violence that would overthrow it, but would be unlawful to maintain the conduct of a national election against the same local violence that would overthrow it. This discrimination has never been attempted in any previous legislation by Con- gresst and is no more compatible with sound princi- ples of the Constitution or the necessary maxims and methods of our system of government on occasions of elections than at other times. In the early legislation of 1792 and of 1796, by which the militia of the States was the only military power resorted to for the execu- tion of the Constitutional powers in support of State or national authority, both functions of the Govern- ment were put upon the same footing. By the act of 1807 the employment of the Army and Navy was au- thorized 'for the performance of both Constitutional duties in the same terms. " In. all later statutes on the same subject-matter the same measure of authority to the government has been accorded for the performance of both these duties. No precedent has been found in any previous legislation, and no sufficient reason has been given for the discrimination in favor of the State and against the national authority which this bill contains. " Under the sweeping terms of the bill the national government is effectually shut out from the exercise of the right and fi-om the discharge of the imperative duty to use its whole executive power whenever and wherever required for the enforcement of its laws at the places and times when and where Its selections are held. The employment of its organized armed forces for any such purpose would be an offense against the law unless called forby, and. therefore,' upon permis- sion of, the authorities of the State in which the oc- casion arises. What Is this but the substitution of the discretion of the State governments for the discretion of the Grovernment of the United States as to the per- formance of its own duties ? In my judgment this^ is an abandonment of its obligations by the national government; a subordination of national authority and an intrusion of State supervision over national duties which amounts, in spirit and tendency, to State supremacy. "Though I believe that the existing statutes are abundantly adequate to completely prevent military interference with the elections in the sense in which the phrase is used in the title of this bill and is employed by the people of this country, I shall find no dif&culty in concurring in any additional legisla- tion limited to that object which does not interfere with the indispensable exercise of the powers of the Government under the Constitution and laws. " KUTHEEFOED B. HaTKS." 44 SPECIAL SESSION OF 1879 THE VETO MESSAGES, ETC. First vote In the House on passing the BUI. May 6, 1879. The bill aboTe referred to, passed the House by the following vote : Yeas — Messrs. Acklm, Aiken, Armfield, Baltikoover, Bicknelt, BlacMmm, Bliss, Blouni, Bouck, Bright, Buck- ner, Cabell, J. W. Caldwell, ■ Carlisle, Chalmers, J, B. Clark, Clymer, Cobb, Coffroth, Colerick, Converse, Covert, S. S. Cox, Cravens, Culberson, Davidson, L, H. Davis, De IiA MArsB, Deuster, Dibrell, Dickey, Dunn, Elam, Ellis, J. H. Evins, Ewing, Felton, Ford, Forney, FoK- fiTTHE, Frost, Geddes, Gibson, Gillette, Goode, Gunter, jy. J. Hammond, J. T, Harris, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, Hemdtm, Hill, Hooker, Hosteller, House, Hurd, Johnston, G. W. Jones, Kimmel, King, E^itchin, Klotz, Knott, Ladd, Xe Fevre, Lewis, Lowe, Manning, B. F, Martin, E. L. Martin, J. J. Martin, McKenzie, McLane, McMillin, Mills, Morrison, Muldrow, Muech, Myers, New, O'Reilly, Persons, Phister, Poehler, Reagan, J. S, Richardson, Richmond, E. W. Robertson, Ross, Rothwell, J. W. Ryan, Samford, Sawyer, Scales, 0, R. Singleton, Siemens, H. B. Smith, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Speer. Springer, Steele, Stephens, Stevenson, Taylor, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Till- man, R. W. Townshend, 0. Turner, T. Turner, Vance, | Wnddill, A. J. Warner, "Weaver, Wellborn, Wells, Whiteaker, Whitthome, T. Williams, A. S. "Willis, Wise, F. Wood, 'Whight, Yocum — 125. Nats — Messrs. N. W. Aldrich, W. Aldrich, Anderson, Bayne, Belford, Bingham, Blake, Bowman, Boyd, Brewer, Brlggs, Brlgham, Browne, Burrows, Cannon, Carpenter,CasweU,Chlttenden,Claflin,Conger,iCowgills, Crapo, Daggett, G. R. Davis, Deerlng, Dunnell, Farr, Ferdon, Field, Flstier, Fort, Frye, Garfield, Godshalk, Harm«T, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, Hayes, Hellman, Horr, Honk, Hubbell, Humphrey, Joyce, JKeifer, Killinger, Llndsey, Marsh, Mason, McCold, Mc- Cook, McGowan, MoEinley, Mitchell, Monroe, Morton, Neal, Newbury, Norcross, O'Neill, Overton, Pierce, Pound, Prescott, Beed, W. W. Bice, D. P. Bichardson, Bobeson, W. A. EUssell, T. Eyan, Schallenberger, Sher- win, A. H. Smith, J. W. Stone, Tyler, J. T. Updegraff, T. ITpdegraif, Valentine, Van Aemam, Voorhis, J. Van Voorhis, Wail, Ward, Washburn, White, C. G. Wil- liams, W. A. Wood. T. L. Young— 90. The Senate Vote. In the Senate the bill passed by the follow- ing vote: Yeas— Messrs. Bayard, Beck, Butler, Call, Cockrell, Coke, Davis of West Virginia, Eaton, Garland, Gro&me, Hampton, Harris, Hereford, Houston, Johnston, Jonas, Jones of Florida, Kernan, La-mar, McDonald, Maxey, Morgan. Pendleton, Randolph, Ransom, Saulsbury,^kUer, Thurman, Vanxx, Vest, Voorhees, Walker, Withers~~dS. Nats — Messrs. Allison. Anthony, Booth, Bmce, Burnslde, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Cameron of Wis- -consin, Chandler, Conkllng, Edmunds, HiU of Color- ado, Hoar, Ingalls, Kellogg, Logan, McMillan, Morrill, Piatt, Pltimb, Bolllns, Saunders, Teller, Windom— 23. Vote In House on passing the bill notwith- standing the President's veto. In the House, May 13, the bill failed (two- thirds needed) to pass over the President's objections, by the following vote: Yeas— Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, Armfield, Athertan, Bachman, R. L. T. Beale, Bicknelt, Blackburn, Bliss, Bouck, Bright, Buchner, Cabell, J. W. Caldwell, Carlisle', Clardy, J. B. Clark, Clymer, Cobb, Coffroth, Converse, ■Cook, Covert, S. S. Cox, Cravens, Culberson, Davidson, J, J. Davis, L. H. Davis, De La'Mattr, Deuster, Dibrell, Dickey, Dunn, Elam, J. H. Evins, Ewing, Felton, Ford, Forney, Geddes, Gibson, Gillette, Goode, Gunter, J. T. Harris, Hatch, Henkle, Herbert, Hemdon, Hooker, Hos- teller, House, Hurd, Johnston, G. W. Jones, Kenna, Kim- mel, King, Kitchin, Klotz, Knott, Ladd, Le Fevre, Lewis, Lounsbery, Lowe, Manning, B. F. Martin, B. L. Martin, McKenzie, McLane, McMahon, McMillin, Mills, Morrison, Muldrow, Muller, Murch, Myers, New, O'Connor, Persons', Phelps, Phister, Poehler, Reagan, J. S, Richardson, Rich- mond, Robertson, Ross, Rothwell, Samford, Sawyer ^caUs, Shelley, J. W. Singleton, O. R. Singleton, Slemons' H. B. Smith, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Springer, Stephens, Stevenson, Talbott, Taylor, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W. Townshend, O. Turner, T. Turner, Vance, Waddill, A. J. Warner, Weaves, Wellhom, Wells, Whiteaker, Whitthome, T. Williams, A. S. Willis, Wilson, F. Wood, Wright, Yocum, C. Young— liS. Nats— Messrs. N. W. Aldrich, W. Aldrich, Anderson, Bailey, Barber, Bayne, Belford, Blake, Bowman, Boyd, Brewer, Brigge, Brlgham, Browne, Burrows, Camp, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Clafliu, Conger, Cowglll, Crapo, Crowley, Daggett, G. E. Davis, Deering, Bunnell; • Einstein, Errett, Farr, Ferdon, Field, Fort, Frye, Gar- field, Hall, J. Hammond, Haskell, Mawk, Haw- . ley, Hayes, Hazelton, Heilman, Henderson, Hoar, Houk, Humphrey, Joyce, Keifer, Kelley, Eetcham, Killinger, Lindsey, Marsh, Mason, McCoid, McCook, McGowan, McKinley, Miles, Monroe, Morton, Neal, Newberry, Norcross, O'Neill, Orth, Osmer, Overton, Pound, Pres- cott, Price, Beed, W. W. Eice, Eobeson, G. D. Bo))iiil- Bon, T. Byan, Sapp, SchaUenlDerger, Sherwin, A. E. Smith, Starin, J. W. Stone, Thomas, A. Townsend, Tyler, J. T. DpdegrafE, T. Updegraff, Umer, Valentine, Wait, Ward, Washburn, C. G. Williams. WlUits, T. L. Young— 97. Peace at the Polls— Democratic orl^a, authorship, and purpose of the act which the Democracy proposed to repeal. Lazarus W. Powell, in the 36th, 37th, and 38th Congresses, was a senator of the United States from Kentucky . So pronounced was his opposition in Kentucky to the National G-ovemment, and so violent and public his acts against it, that his colleague, Garrett Davis, in the 36th Congress, moved his expul- sion from the Senate as a traitor. The motion failed. But his nari^ow escape did not cause him to modify his treasonable hostility to the Government, but rather excited in him in- creased bitterness toward every measure which had for its object the restoration of the National authority in the insurrectionary States. Intended to cripple the Government during the Rebellion. Thus, June 22, 1864, at a most critical period of the war, Mr. Powell, as a means of crippling the power of the National Government and lending new power to the rebels in the Bor- der States, introduced into the Senate "a bill (S. R. 37) to prevent officers of the army and navy, and other persons engaged in the mili- tary and naval service of the United States, from interfering in elections." Its provisions are those quoted by the President, in the foregoing veto, as sections 2002 and 5528 of the Revised Statutes. It was intended as a blow at the Union men of the Border States, to enable the rebels to return to those States on election day in the absence of the troops, take possession of the polls, and vote and control the elections. What was said of it by Union Senators. In the language of Senator Howard, of Mich- igan, it was "^an act to disarm the Govern- ment and lay it prostrate at the feet of its foes "—to make "the ballot-box the sanctuary" of the rebel and traitor. No Republican sup- ported it with his voice. Many vehemently opposed its adoption. Said Senator Pomeroy, of Kansas : "When the party represented by the Senator of Kentucky had this Government in their control, in BPECTAT. 8E6SION OF 1879 THE VETO MESSAGES, ETC. 45 the territory wMch Is now my State, it was very com- mon for the military anthorities to take possession of the polls. The aherifls in the counties bad a way of gettuig 2^ posse on that day and mustering them into the service of the United States, and surrounding the polls, for the ostensible purpose of keeping the peace at the polls ; but 1 have seen the time when I could notgo within gunshot of the polls, and yon could not ^et a ballot into the box unless yon shot it m out of some revolver. I do notwant any military interference at the polls, andl never did want it. I would not have troops there tmless in some sensible way to keep the peace and to jprevent contests which might be likely to arise. 1 think the Senator should be the last man, amt his party should be the last party to inndertake, after what occurred in my State, to prevent men being at the polls to keep thepeace andprevenl coUisions." Democratic efTortg ana yotes enact it. The law, through the persistent advocacy of Mr. Powell, finally passed the Senate at the 1st session of the. 38th Congress. Everu Demo- crat present voted for the bill. Seven Kepublicans, although denying that there was any need for the passage of such a law, denying that even in the existing state of war, there had ever been any authorized military interference at elections, yet voted for it. All the votes against it vxre Republicans. The measure which subsequently passed the House also, and which the Kebel Briga- diers have since so vehemently denounced, which in their efforts to repeal occasioned the defeat of the Army Appropriation Bill, caused an extra session' and put the nation to a great expense, was a Democratic measure in its origin, authorship and purpose ; a rebel measure sup- ported and passed by Democratic votes in support of the Bebel Brigadiers in the field, for the purpose of making "the ballot-box the sanctuary " of the traitor. It reacts asalnst the authors— Hence the -Isht ai^alnst It. Upon the restoration of the ■Union, during reconstruction, and subsequently, this law re- acted against its authors, and their new de- signs, through its clause "to keep the peace at the poUs." Bifle clubs, the Ku Klux, the White League, and the host of banditti which were organized for the subjugation of the Union masses of the rebel States, found this clause a formidable obstruction to their san- guinary plots. It enabled the National Govern- ment to give some protection to the Unionists in their rights as citizens at the polls. Hence, cried they, it must be struck from the statute- book. The Ku Klux must be king. Bebel rifles clubs must reign ! The President's veto arrested their plans. PART lY. Veto of the liC^slative, Executive and Judicial Appropriation Bill —Wliicli repealed or modified the law touching Supervisors and Marshals at Congressional Elections, and touching Jurors in U. S. Courts— Votes in House and Senate on the BiU, an«l in House on passage of same over the Veto. Following is the President's veto: " Message from, the PresitUrU of the United States return- ing, wWiout his approval, the bill of the House (H. M. 2; entitled ' An act inaMng appropriations for the legisla- tive, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending Jime 30, 1880, and for other purposes.' " To THE House of Eepbebentatives : " After mature consideration of the bill, entitled 'An act making appropriations for the legislative, execu- tive, and judicial expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June thirtieth, eighteen hundred and eighty, and for other purposes," I herewith return it to the House of Representatives, in which it origi- nated, with the following objections to its approval : " The main purpose of the bill is to appropriate the money required to support, during the next fiscal year, the several civU, departments of the Govern- ment. The amount appropriated exceeds in the aggre- gate eighteen millions of dollars. " This money is needed to keep in operation the es- sential functions of aU the great departments of the Government — legislative, executive and judicial. If the bill contained no other provisions no objection to its approval would be made. It embraces, however, a ni).mber of clauses relating to subjects of great general interest, which are wholly unconnected with the ap- propriations which it provides for. The objections to the practice of tacking general legislation to appropri- ation bills, especially when the object is to deprive a co-ordinate branch of the Government of its right to the free exercise of its own discretion and judgment touching such general legislation, were set forth in the special message in relation to House bill number Que, which was returned to the House of Bepresenta- tivee on the 29th of last month. I regret that the ob- - jections which were then expressed to this method of legislation have not seemed to Congress of sufficient weight to dissuade from this renewed incorporation of general enactments in an appropriation bill, and that my constitutional duty in respect of the general legis- lation thus placed before me cannot be discharged without seeming to delay,' however briefly, the neces- sary appropriations by Congress for the support of the Government. Without repeating these objections, I respectfully refer to that message for a statement of my views on the principle maintained in debate by the advocates of this bill, viz., that ' to withhold ap- propriations is a constitutional means for the redress ' of what the majority of the House of Bepresentatives may regard as ' a grievance.' " The bill contains the following clauses, viz. : '"And provided further. That the following Bections of the Bevised Statutes of the United States, namely, sections two thousand and sixteen, two thousand and eighteen, and two thousand and twenty, and all of the succeeding sections of said statutes down to and in. eluding section two thousand and twenty-seven, and also section fifty-five hundred and twenty-two, be, and the same are hereby, repealed; * * * and that all the other sections of the Revised Statutes, and all laws and parte of laws authorizing the appointbaent of chief supervisors of elections, special deputy nar- shals of elections, or general deputy marshals having any duties to peribrm in respect to any election, and prescribing their duties and powers, and allowing them compensation, be, and the same are hereby re- pealed ' "It also contains clauses amending sectlonB 2017, 2019, 2028, and 2031 of the Bevised Statutes. "The sections of the Revised Statutes which the bill, if approved, would repeal or amend, are part of an act approved May 30, 1870, and amended February 28, 1871, entitled ' An act to enforce the rights of citizens of the United Stages to vote in the several States of this Union, and for other purposes/ All of the provisions of the above-named acts, which it is proposed in this bill to repeal or modify, relate to the congressional elec- tions. The remaining porfion of the law, which will continue in force after the enactment of this measure, is that which provides for the appointment, by a judge of the circuit court of the United States, of two super- 46 SPECIAL SESSION OF 1879 — THE VETO MESSAGES, ETC. ■visors of election in each election district, at any Cou- gressional election, on due app^jcation of citizens who desire, in the language of the law * to have such elec- tion guarded and scrutinized/ The duties of the super- visors will be to attend at the polls at all Congressional elections, and to remain after the polls are open until every vote cast has been counted, but they will 'have no authority to make arrests, or to perform other duties than to be in .the immediate presence of the of- ficers holding the election, and to witness all their pro- ceedings, including the counting of the votes, and the making of a return thereof.' The part of the election law which will be repealed by the approval of this bill includes those sections which give authority to the supervisors of election to personally scrutinize, count, and canvass each ballot, and all the sections which confer authority upon the United States mar- shals and deputy marshals, in connection with the Congressional elections. The enactment of this bill will also repeal section 5622 of the criminal statutes of the United States, which was enacted for the protection of United States oflacers engaged in the discharge of their duties at the Congressional elections. This sec- tion protects supervisors and marshals in the perform- ance of their duties, by making the obstruction or the ■ assaulting of these of&ceps, or any interference with thefia, by bribery, or solicitation, or otherwise, crimes against the United States. " The true meaning and effect of the proposed legis- lation are plain. The supervisors, with the authority to observe and witness the proceedings at the Congres- sional elections, will be left; but there will be n^ pow- er to protect them, or to prevent interference with their duties, or to punish any violation of the law from which their powers are derived. If this bill is ap- proved, only the shadow of the' authority of the United States at the national elections will remain ; the sub- stance will be gone. The supervision of the elections will be reduced to a mere inspection, without authori- ty on the part of the superviaora to do any act what- ever to make the election a fair one. All that will be left to the supervisors is the permission to have such oversight of the elections as political parties are in the ' habit of exercising without any authority of law, in order to prevent their opponents from obtaining un- iair advantages. The object of the bill is to destroy any control whatever by the United States over the Congressional elections. " The passage of this bill has been urged upon the ground that the election of members of Congress is a matter which concerns the States alone; that these elections should be controlled exclusively by the States; that there are and oan be no such elections as* national elections; and that the existing law of the United States regulating the Congresslon^ elections is without warrant in the Constitution. " It is evident, however, that the framers of the Constitution regarded the election of members of Con- gress in every State and in every district as, in a very important sense, justly a matter of political interest and concern to the whole country. The original pro- vision of the Constitution on this subject is as follows (section 1, article 1): " ' The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in ■each State by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time, by law, make o& alter such regula- tions, except as to the places of choosing Senators.' " A further provision has been since added, which is embraced in the fifteenth amendment. It is as fol- lows : " 'Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. " ' Section 2. The Congress shall have power to en- force this article by appropriate legislation/ " Under the general provision of the Constitution
e enforced by ap- propriate legislation. So f^r from public opinion in any part of the country favoring any relaxation of the authority of the Government in the protection of elections from violence and corruption, I believe it de- mands greater vigor both in the enactment and In the execution of the laws framed for that purpose. Any oppression, any partisan partiality, which experience may have shown in the working of existing laws, may weU engage the careful attention both of Congress and of the Executive, in thsir respective spheres of duty, for the correction of these mischief^. As no Congres- olonal electicna occur until after the regular session of Congress will have been held, there seems to be no public exigency that would preclude a seasonable con- sideration at that session of any administrative details that might improve the present methods designed for the protection of all citizens in the complete and equal exercise of the right and power of the suffrage at such elections. But with my views, t>oth of the Constitn- tionality and of the value of theexieting laws, I cannot approve any measure for their repeal, except in con- nection with the enactment of other legislation which may reasonably be expected to afford wiser and more efficient safeguards for free and honest Congressional elections. "EtTTHEBFOBD B HAVES. " EzEccrrvs Maksion, May 20, 1879." Ttae flrst House yote on passage of the bill. The bill above referred to passed the House, , April 26, 1879, by the following vote : Yeas — Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, ArmfieUi, Atherton, Atkins, Bachtnan, R. L. T. Stale, Beltzkoover, Bichnell, Blackbume, Btits, Bragg, Bright, BucJmer, Cabell, J, W. Caldwell, Carlisle, Wuavum, Clardy A. A. Clarke, J. B. Clark, Jr., CVgmer, Cobb, Coffroth, Colerick, Converge, Cook, Covert, Cravens, Culberson, Davidson, J. J. Davis, Zi. H. Davis, De La Matyb. Deuster, Dibrell, Dickey, Ihtnn, Blam^ Ellis, J. H. Ewins, Ewing, Felton, E. B. Finley, Forney, Frost, Geddes, Gibsvn, GzUiETXE, Goode, CfwUer, N. J. Hammond, J. T. Harris, Hatch, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, Hemdon, Hill, Hosteller, House, Hull, Hunon, Hurd, Johnstone, G. W. Jones, Kenna, Kimmel, King, Kitchin, Klolz, Knott, Le Fevre, Levis, Lounsbery, liOWE, Uanning, B. F. Mairtin, E. L. Martin, McKenzie, McLane, McMiUin, MiUs, Mtmeff, Morrison, Mvidrow, MuUer, HxmoB, Myers, New, Nicholls,0'Co7mor, O'Reilly, Persons, Phelps, Phister^Poehler, Reagan, J. S. Richard- son, Richmond, E. W. Robertson, Ross, Rothwell, J. W. Ryon, Samford, Sawyer, Scales, Shelley, Sinumton, J. W. Singleton, O. R. Singleton, Slemons, B. Smith, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Speer, Springer, Steele, Stephens, Steven- eos, Talbott, P. B. Thompson, Jr., TiUmam, R. W. Towns- hend. Tucker, O. Turner, T. Turner, Vance, Waddill, A. J. Warner, Weavee, Wellborn, Whiteaher, Whitthame, T. Williams, A. S. Willis, Wise, F. Wood, Wbight, YoonM, C. Tmmg—ia. Nats— Messrs. N. W. Aldrich, W. Aldrich, Anderson, Bailey, J. H. Baker, Barber, Bablow, Bayne, Belford, Bingham, Blake, Bowman, Boyd, Brewer, Briggs, Brigham, Browne, Burrows, Butterworth, Calkins, Camp, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Chittenden, Claflin, B. Clark, Conger, Cowgill, Crapo, Daggett, G. B. Davis, Deering, Dunnell, Dwight, Errett, Farr, Ferdon, Field, Fisher. Fobd, Fort, F^e, Garfield, Godshalk, HaU, J. Hammond, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk. Hawley, Hayes, Heilman, Henderson, Hiscock, IHub- bell, Humphrey, James, Jorgenseu, Joyce, ^ifer, Eellet, Eetcham, Eillinger, Lapham, Lindsey, Lor- ing, Marah, J. J. Martin, Mason, McCoid, McCook, McGowan, McEinley, Miles, Miller, Mitchell, Monroe, Morton, Neal, Newberry, Norcioss, O'Neill, Osmer, Overton, Pierce, Pound, Prescott, Price, Beed, W. W. Bice, D. P. Bichardson, G. D. Bobinson, W. A. Bussell, T. Byan, Sapp, Shallenberger, Sherwin, A. H. Smith, Starin, Thomas, A. Townsend, Tyler, J. T. Updegiaf^/ T. Updegiaff, Umer, Valentine, Van Aemam, J. Van Voorhls, Voorhis, Wait, Ward, Washburn, H. White, • Wilber, C. G. WilUams, Villits. W. A Wood, T. L. Young— 120. Tbe Senate Vote. May 13, the bill passed the Senate by the following vote : Yeas — ^Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, Call, CockreS, Coke, Davis, of West Virginia, Eaton, Garland, Gordon, Groame, (hover, Hampton, Harris, Hereford, Houston, Johnston, Jonas, Janes of Florida, Keman. Lamar, Mc- Donald, McPherson, Maxey, Morgan, Randolph, Ransom, Saulsbury, SUUer, Thurman, Vance, Voorhea, Walker. WaUis, WhyUi Williams, Withers— 31. NATO— Messrs. Allison, Anthony, Bell, Blaine, Booth, Bruce, Bumside, Cameron of Pennsylvania, Cameron of Wisconsin, Chandler, Conkling, Edmunds, Ferry, Hill of Colorado, Hoar, Ingalls, Kellogg, Eirkwood, Logan, McMUlan, Morrill, Paddock, Piatt, Bollins, Saunders, Teller, Wlndom— 27. Tbe House Vote to pass tbe bUl orcr ttae Veto. May 29, the bill failed, on a motion in the. House to pass it, notwithstanding the PresJ ident's objections, by the following (less than* two-thirds) vote: Yeas— Messrs. AcMen, Aiken, Atherton, Atkins, BaeKi mam, R. L. T. Beale, Beltshoover, Bicknell, BlacHburn, Bliss, Bunmt, Bright, Cabell, J. W. CaldweU, Carlisle. Chalmers, Clardy, J. B. Clark, Jr., Clymer, Cobb, Coffr roth, Colerick, Converse, Cook, Covert, S. S: Cox, Cravens, Culberson, Davidson, J. J. Davis, L. H. Davis, DtbrelL Dickey, Elam, Ellis, J. H. Evins, Ewing, Felton, E: b} Finley, Forney, Frost, Geddes, Gibson, Goode, Ownter, IT. J. Hammond, J. T. Harris, Hatch, Henkle, Henry, Herb- ert, Hemdon, House, Hunion, Johnston, Kenna, Kimmel. King, Klofz, Ladd, Le Fevre, Lewis, Mam.ning,B.F.Martin^ E. L. Martin, McKenzie, McLane, McMahim, McMUlin, Mills, Morrison,New, Nicholls, O'Connor, Persons, Phelps. Phister, Poehler, Reagan, J. S. Richardson, Richmond, E. W. Robertson, Ross, J. W. Ryon, Samford. Sawyer. Scales, Simonton,J3. R. Singleton, Slemons, W. E. Smith. Speer Springer, Steele, Stephens, Sievesbon, Talbott, Taylor, P. B Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W. Toumshend, O. Turner, T. Turner, Vance; WaddiU, WsUbom, White- alter, Whttthome, T. ^Williams, A. S. Willis, WOson. Wise, Weight, C. Yoimg—lU. Natb— Messrs. N. W. Aldrich, Anderson, J. H. Baker, Barber, Bablow, Bayne, Belford, Bingham, Blake, Bowman, Boyd, Brewer, Briggs, Brigham, Browne, Burrows, Calkins, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Conger, Crapo, Daggett, G. E. Davis, Deering, Duimell, Errett, Farr, Feidon, Fisher, Fobd, Fort, F^e, GodshaUt, Hall, J. Hammond, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, Hayes, Hazelton, Heilman, Henderson, His- cock, Horr, Houk, Hubbell, Humphrey, Joyce, Eetcham, Lindsey, Marsh, McCoid, McGowan, Miller, Mitchell, Monroe, Neal, Newberry, Norcross, O'Neill, Orth, Os- mer, Overton, Pound, Prescott, Price, W. W. Bice, D. P. Bichardson, G. D. Bobinson, W. A. Bnssell, T. Byan, Sapp, Shallenberger, Sherwin, A. H. Smith, Starin, J, W. Stone, Thomas, Tyler, T. Updegiatf, Umer, Valen- tine, Van Aemam, Voorhis, J. Van Voorhis, Wait. Wild. Wilber, C. G. Williams, WilUts-aS. 48 SPEOIAI. SESSION OF 1879 THE VETO MES8AG-ES, ETC, PART V. Teto of 'the Judicial Expenses Bill —U.S. llarslials and Deputies at elections— Votes on passage of bill in House and Senate, and in House Ito override the Presi- dent's Veto. Eollowing is tlie President's veto : " To the House of Representatives : "After a careful examination of the biU, entitled ' An act making appropriations for certain juclicial ex- penses, I return it herewith to the House of Repre- sentatives, in which it originated, with the following objections to its approval : "The general purpose of the bill is to provide for certain judicial expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, for which the sum of $2,690,000 is appropriated. These appropriations are required to keep in operation the general functions of the judicial department of the Government, and if this part of the biU stood alone there would be no ob- jection to its approval. It contains, however, other provisions, to which I desire respectfully to ask your attention . "At the present session of Congress a majority of both Houses favoring a repeal of the congressional election laws embraced in title 26 of the Bevised Statues, passed a measure for that purpose, as part of a bill, entitled " An act making appropriations for the legislative, executive, and judicial expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and for otlier purposes." Unable to concur with Congress in that measure, on the 29th of May hist, I returned the bill to the House of Representative s, in which it originated, without my approval, for that further consideration for which the Constitution pro- vides. On reconsideration the bill was approved by less than two-thirds of the House, and faUed to be- come a law. The election laws, therefore, remain valid enactments, and the supreme law of the land, binding not only upon all private citizens^ but also alike and equally binding upon all who are charged with the duties and responsibilities of the legislative, the executive, and the judicial departments of the Government. *• It is not sought by the bill before me to repeal the election laws. Its object is to defeat their enforce- ment. The last clause of the first section is aa follows: " ' And no part of the money hereby appropriated is appropiated to pay any sala^es, compensation, fees, or expenses tinder or in virtue of title 26 of the Revised Statutes, or of any provision of said title.' " Title 26 of the Revised Statutes, referred to in the foregoing clause, relates to the elective franchise, and conteins the laws now in force regulating the congres- sional elections. " The second section of the bill reaches much further. It is as foUows : " • Seo. 2. That the sums appropriated in this act for the persons and public service embraced in its pro- visions are in full for such persons and public service for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and no depart- ment or officer of the Government shall, during said fiscal year, make any contract or incur any liability for the future payment of money under any of the provisions of title 26 of the Revised Statutes of the United States authorizing the appointment or payment of general or special deputy marshals for service in connection with elections or on election day, until an appropriation sufficient to meet such contract or pay such liability shall have first been made by law. " This section of the bill is intended to make an ex- tensive and essential change in the existing laws. The following are the provisions of the statutes on the same subject which are now in force : " 'Seo. 3679. No department of the Government shall expend, in any one fiscal year, any sum In excess of appropriations made by Congress for that fiscal year, or involve the Government in, any contract for the future payment of money in eieess of such appropria- tions. *" Seo. 8732. No contract or purchase on behalf of the United States shall be made unless the same is authorized by law or is under an appropriation ade- quate to its fulfillment, except in the War and Navy departments, for clothing, subsistence, forage, fuel, quarters, or transportation, which, however, shall not exceed the necessities of the current year.' '* The object of these sections of the Revised Statutes is plain. It is, first, to prevent any money from being expended unless appropriations have been made there- for; and, second, to prevent the Government from being bound by any contract not previously authorized by law, except for certain necessary* purposes in the War and Navy departments. " Under the existing laws the failure of Congress to make the appropriations required for the execution of the provisions of the election laws wou d not prevent their enforcement. The right and duty to appoint the general and special deputy marshals which they pro- vide for would still remain, and the executive depart- ment of the Government would also be empowered to incur the requisite liability for their compensation. But the second section of this bill contains a prohibition not found in any previous legislation, its design is to render the election laws inoperative and a dead letter during the next fiscal year. It is soxight to accomplish this by omitting to appropriate money for their enforce- ment and by expressly prohibiting any department or officer of the Government from incurring any liability under any of the provisions of title 26 of the Revised Statutes authorizing the appointment or payment of general or special deputy marshals for service on election days, until an appropriation sufficient to pay such liability shall have first been made. " The President is called upon to give his affirmative approval to positive enactments which in effect de- prive him of the ordinary and necessary means of exe- cuting laws still left in the statute book, and embraced^ within his constitutional duty to see that the laws are' executed. If he approves the bill and thus gives to such positive enactments the authority of law, he par- ticipates in the curtailment of his means of seeing that the law is faithfully executed, while the obligation of the law and of his constitutional duty remains unim- paired. " The appointment of special deputy marshals is not, made by the statute a spontaneous act of authority-on the part of any executive or judicial officer of the Gov- ernment, but is accorded as a popular right of the citizens to call into operation this agency for securing the purity and ft«edom of elections in any city or town having twenty thousand inhabitants or upward. Sec- tion 2021 of the Revised Statutes puts it in the power of any two citizens of such city or town to require of the marshal of the district the appointment 'of these special deputy marshals. Thereupon the duty of the marshal becomes imperative, and its non-performanc^ would expose him to judicial mandate or punishment, or to removal from office by the President, as the cir- cumstances of his conduct might require. The biU now before me neither revokes this popular right of the citizens nor relieves the marshal of the duty im- posed by law, nor the President of his duty to see that this law is faithfully executed. " I forbear to enter again upon any general discus- sion of the wisdom and necessity of "the election laws or of the dangerous and unconstitutional principle 6i this bill, that the power vested in Congress to originate appropriations, involves the right to compel the Execu- tive to approve any legislation which Congress may s^ fit to attach to such bills, under the penalty of refuse ing the means needed to carry on essential functions of the Government. My views on these subjects have been sufficiently presented in the special messages sent by me to the House of Representatives during their present session. What was said in those messages I regard as conclusive as to my duty in respect to the bill before me. The arguments urged in those com- munications against the repeal of the election laws and against the right of Congress to deprive the Execu- tive of that which the Constitution confers and re- quires are equally cogent in opposition to this bill. This measure leaves the powers and duties of the su- pervisors of election untouched. The compensation of those officers is provided for under permanent laws, and no liability for which an appropriation is now re- quired would therefore be incurred by their appoint- ment. But the power of the National Government to protect them in the discharge of their duty at the polls would be taken away. .The States may employ both civil and military power at the elections, hut by this bill SPECIAL SESSION OF 18(0 THE VETO MESSAGES ETC. 49 even tlie civil authority to protect Ck>z^re8sioiml elec- tiouB is denied to the "United States. The object is to prevent any adequate control by the United States over the national elections, by forbidding the payment of deputy marshals, the officers who are clothed with authority to enforce the election laws. " The tact that these laws are de- med objectionable by a majority of both Houses cf congieEs is urged as a sufficient warrant for this legislatiou, " There are two lawful ways to overturn legislative enactments. One is their repeal ; the other is the de- cision of a competent tribunal afialnst their validity. The effect of this bill is to deprive the executive de- partment of the Government of the means to ej^ecute laws which are udc repealed, which have not been de- clared invalid, and which It is, therefore, the duty of the Executive and of every other department of Gov- ernment to obey and to enforce. *< I have In my former message on this subject ex- pressed a willingness to concur in suitable amend- ments for the improvement of the election laws; but I cannot consent to their absolute and entire repeal, and 1 cannot approve legislation which seeks to pre- vent their enforcement, "BUTHEBFOBD B. HaYES, ■'ElKOUTlvK Mahsioh, June 23, 1879." Vote In the House on passaere of the bill. The bill, which had originally passed the House, June 10, 1879, by a strict party vote of 102 yeas to 84 nays, was amended and passed by the Senate June 16. "The House disagreed June 18, and a committee of Conference on the disagreement between the two Houses reported, and on June 19, the report was adopted in the House by the following vote : Teas — Messrs. AcHen, Armfield, Athini, Baclcman, R. L, T. Beale, Beltzkoover, Biclcnell, Biackbum, Blount, Bauck, BriglU, J. W. Caldiuell, Clardy, J. B. Clark, Cty- vier, Cobb, Cojfroth. CoUrick, Cook, Cravens, CtUberson, Davidson, J. J. Davw, L. H, Davis, Deuster, Dibrell, Elam, Ellis, J. H. Evins, Felton, E. B. Finley, Forney, Geddes, Goode, Gunter, Hatch, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, Herndon, Hill, Hooker, Hosteller, House, Hull, Hunton, Hurd, Johnston, Kimmel, King, Klotz, Lminsbery, Man- ning, B. F. Martin, E. L. Martin, McKenzie, McLojne, McMalton, McMillin, Mills, Morrison, Myers, New, O'Con- nor, Persons, Plielps, Phister, Reagan, J, S. Richardson, E. W. Robertson, Rothwell, J. W. Ryan, Samford, Saw- yer, Scales, Shelley, Simonton, O. R. Singleton, Slemwns, Sparks, Springer, Stuele, Stephens, Stevenson, Taylor, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W. Townshend, O. Turner, Upson, Vance, Waddill, A. J. Warner, Weilbom, White- aker, WIdtthome, T. Williams, A. S. Willis, Wilson, Wise, WmoHT, C. Toung— 102. Nats — Messrs. N. W. Aldrich, W. Aldrich, Anderson, J. H. Baker, Barber, Bayne. Bingham, Blake, Bowman, Brewer, Briggs, Browne, Burrows, Butterworth, Cal- kins, Carpenter, Caswell, Clafliu, Conger, Cowgill, Crapo, Daggett, G. B. Davis, Deeriug, Dunnell, Errett, Farr, Field, Fisher. Fort, Garfield, Uarmer, B. W. Har- ris, Haskell, Hawk, Hayes, Hazelton, Henderson, Horr, Houk, Hubbell, Humphrey, Jorgenaen, Joyce, Keifer, EUlinger, Marsh, J. J. Martin, Mason, McCoid, McCook, McGowan, McKinley, Miller, Mitchell, Monroe, Mor- ton, Neal, NorcrOBS, O'Neill, Orfch, Osmer, Overton, Price, D. P. Richardson, G. D. Robinson, W. A. Hussell, T. Ryan, Sapp, Shallenberger, Sherwin, A. H. Smith, Thomas, Tyler, J. T. Updegraff, T. Updegraff, Van Aemam, Vodrhis, Wait, C. G. Williams, WilUts— 81. Vote in the Senate. The Senate amended and passed the Bill, June 16, by 27 yeas to 15 nays — a strict party vote — and on June 21 adopted the report of the Committee on Conference by the follow- ing vote : Ykas — Messrs. Bayard, Beck, CaU, CockreU, Coke, Davis of Illinois, Davis of West Virginia, Eaton, Gar- land, Oroome, Hampton, Harris, Hill of Georgia, Hous- ton, Jonas, Jones of Florida, Kernan, McDonald, McPher- son, Maxey, Morgan, Pendleton, Randolph, SavXsbnry, Slater, Vance, Vest, Walker, Wallace, Withers— 3S. Nais — Messrs. Allison, Blair, Booth, Bumside, Cameron ol', Pennsylvania, Cameron of Wisconsin, Chandler, Dawes, Ferry, Hill of Colorado, Krrkwood, Logan, McMillan, Piatt, Eollins, Saunders, Wisdom — ^17. Vote In Houi^e to pass the toUl over the veto. June 23rd, a motion to pass the biU not- withstanding the President's objections, lacked the requisite two-thirds, and the bill failed, by the following vote : Yeas.— Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, ArmfielO, Atkins, Bach- man, R. L. T. Beats, BickneU, Blackburn, Bliss, Bauck, Bright, J. W. CaUweU, Clardy. J. B. Clark, Clymer, Cobb, Coffroth, CoUrick, Converse, Cook, Covert, Cravens Culbersm, Davidson, J. J. Davis, L. H. Davis, Deuster Dibrell, Dickey, Elam, J. H. Evins, Ewing, Felton E B Finley, Forney, Gibson, Goode, Gmiier, N. J. Hammond Hatch, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, Herndon, Hill, Hooker Hosteller House, Hull, purUon, Johnston, Kimmel, Kino Klotx, Manning, B. F. MaHin, E. L. Martin. McKenzK McMahon, McMillin, Mills, Morrison, Myers, New O'Connor, Persons, Phslps, Phister, Beagan, J. S. Rich- ardson, E. W. Robertson. Ross, RoOiwell, E. W. Ryon Samford, Sawyer, Scales, Shelley, Simonton, O. R. Single. ton, Slemons, Sparks, Springer, Steel, Stephens, Steven- son, Talbott, Taylor, P. B. Thompson, Jr., TiOmam, R W. Townsend, O. Turner, Upson, Vance, Waddill, Well- born, Whiteaker, Whitthome, T. Williams, A. S. Willis Wilson, Wise—va. Navs — Messrs. W. Aldrich, Anderson, J. H. Baker Barber, Bayne. Blake, Bowman, Brewer, Briggs! Browne, Burrows, Butterworth, Calkins, Cannon, Car- penter, Caswell, Conger, Cowgill, Crapo, Daggett, G. E. Davis, Deering, Dunnell, Errett, Farr, Perdon Field, Fisher, Fort, Garfield, J. Hammond, B. "W. Har- ris, Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, Henderson, Hiscock, Hoar, Hoiik, Hubbell, Humphrey, Jorgensen, Joyce, Keifer', Killlnger, Marsh, J. J. Martin, Mason, McCoid, MoCook, McGowan, McKinley, Mitchell, Monroe, Neal. Nor- cross, O'Neill, Orth, Osmer. Overton, D..P. Richardson, G. D. Robinson, W. A. Russell, X. Ryan, Sapp, Shallen- berger, Sherwin, A. H. Smith, Thomas, A. Townsend Tyler, J. T. Updegraff, T. Updegraff. Van Aemam, Wait, Ward, C. G. Williams, WiUits— 78. PART VI. Veto of United States Iflarshals' Appropriation BiU — Totes in House and ISenate on Passage of* Bill, and in the House to Pass it despite the Objections of the President. Following is the President's veto : " Tpthe House of Representatives : " I return to the House of Representatives, in which it originated, the bill entitled * An act making appro- priations to pay fees of United States marshals and their general deputies,' with the following objections to its becoming a law : " The bill appropriates the sum of $600,000 for the payment, during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, of United Scatesjnarshala and their general deputies. The ofllces thus provided for are essential to the faith- ful execution of the laws. They were created and their powers and duties defined by Congress at its first session after the adoption of the Constitution in the judiciary act, wl^ich was approved September 24=, 1789. Their general duties, as defined in the act which originally established them, were substantially the same as those prescribed in the statutes now in force. " The principal provision'on the subject in the Re- vised Statutes is as follows : " ' Section 787. It shall.be the duty of the marshal of each district to attend the district and circuit courts 50 SPEOIAIi SESSION OF 1879 THE VETO MESSAGES, ETC. when sitting therein, and to execnte, throughout the district, all lawful precepts directed to him, and issued under the authority of the United States ; aad he shall have power to command all necessary assistance in the execution of his duty.' "* The original act was amended February 28, 1795, and the amendment is now found in the Kevised Sta- tutes in the following form : «* * Section 788. The marshals and their deputies shall have, in each State, the same powers, in executing the laws of the United States, as the sheriff and their deputies in such State may have, by law, in executing the laws thereof. * "By subsequent statutes additional duties have been from time to time imposed upon the marshals and their deputies, the due and regular performance of which are required for the efficiency of almost every branch of the public service. Without these officers there would be no means of executing the warrants, decrees, or other process of the courts, and the judicial system of the country would be fatally defective. The criminal jurisdiction of the courts of the United States is very extensive. The crimes com- mitted within the maritime jurisdiction of the United States are all cognizable only in the courts of the United States. Crimea against public justice; crimes against the operations of the Government, such as forging or counterfeiting the money or securities of the United States; crimes against the postal laws; offenses against the elective franchise, against the civil rights of citizens, against the existence of the Government; crimes against the internal revenue laws, the customs laws, the neutrality laws; crimes against laws for the protection of Indians, and of the public lands — all of these crimes and many others can be punished only under United States laws — laws which, taken together, constitute a body of jurisprudence which is vital to the welfare of the whole country, and which can be enforced only by means of the marshals and deputy marshals of the United States. In the District of Columbia aU of the process of the courts is executed by the officers in question. In short, the execution of the criminal laws of the United States, the service of all civil process in cases in which the United States ia a party, and the execution of the revenue laws, the -neutrality laws, and many other laws of large import- ance, depend on the maintenance of the marshals and their deputies. They are in effect the only police of the United States Government. Officers with corre- sponding powers and duties are found in every State of the Union and in every country which has a jurispru- >d.euce which is worthy of the name. To deprive the National Government of these officers would be as dis- astrous to society as to abolish the sheriffs, constables, and police officers in the several States. It would be a denial to the United States of the right to execute its laws — a denial of all authority which requires the use of civil force. The law entitles these officers to be paid. The funds needed for the purpose have been collected from the people, and are now in the Treas- ury. No objection is therefore made to that part of the bill before me which appropriates money for the support of the marshals and deputy marshals of the United States. " The bill contains, however, other provisions which are identical in tenor and effect with the ^econd sec- tion of the bill entitled, ' An act making appropria- tions for certain judicial expenses.' which, on the 23d of the present month, was returned to the House of Representatives with my objections to its approval. The provisions referred to are as follows : *' ' Section 2. That the sums appropriated in this act for the persons and public service embraced in its pro- visions are in full for such persons and public service for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880 ; and no depart- ment or officer of the Government shall, during said fiscal year, make any contract or incur any liability for the future payment of money, under any of the provisions of title 26 mentioned in section 1 of this act, until an appropriation sufficient to meet such con- tract or pay such liability shall have first been made by law.' " Upon a reconsideration In the House of Represent- atives of the bill which contained these provisions, it lacked a constitutional majority, and therefore failed to become a law. In order to secure its enactment, the same measure is again presented for my approval, coupled in the bill before me with appropriations for the support of marshals and their deputies during the next fiscal year. The object manifestly is to place before the Executive this alternative : either to allow necessary functions of the public service to be crip- pled or suspended for want of the appropriations re- quired to keep them in operation or to approve legis- lation which in official communications to Congress he has declared would be a violation of his constitu- tional duty. Thus in this bill the principle is clearly embodied that, by virtue of the provision of the Con- stitution which requires that ' all bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representa- tives,' a bare majority of the Hot^e of Representatives has the right to withhold appropriations for the sup- port of the Government unless the Executive consents to approve any legislation which may be attached to appropriation bills, I respectfully refer to the com- munications on this subject which I have sent to Con- gress during its present session for a statement of the grounds of my conclusions, and desire here merely to repeat that, in my judgment, to establish the principle of this bill is to make a radical, dangerous and uncon- stitutional change in the character of our institutions, "RUTHEHFOBD B. HaYES. " ExEcutrvE Mansion, Jitne 30, 1879." Vote In House on passagre of the bill. June 26, 1879.— After debate of one hour, the bill passed by the follomng vote : Teas — Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, Armjield, Atkins, R. L- T. BecUe, BickneO; Blackburn, Bouck, Bright, J. W. Cald- well, Clardy, J. B. Clark, Ctymer, Cobb, Coffroth, Converse, Cook, Covert, Cravens, Culberson, Davidson, J. J. Davis, £. H. Davis, Deuster, DibreU, Dickey, Elam, EUis, J, H- Evins, Felton, E. B. Finley, Forney, Gibson, Gillette, Goode, Gunter, N. J. Hammojid, Hatch, Henkle, Herbert, Herndon, Hill, Hooker, House, Hull, Hunton, Johnston, Kimmel, Kirig, Le Fevre, Lounsbery, Manning, B. F. Mar- tin, McKenzie, McMahon, McMillin, Mills, Morrison, My- ers, New, Persons, Phelps, Pkister, Reagan, J. S. Richard- son, Rothwell, J. W. Ryon, Samford, Sawyer, Scales, Shelley, Slemons, H. B. Smith, Springer, Stephens, Stev- enson, Taibott, Taylor, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W. Townshend, O. Turner, Vpson, WaddiU, W^'Ubom, Whiteaker, T. Williams, A, S. Willis, WiUon, TTtse— 90. NATs^JVIessrs. W. Aldrich, Anderson, J. H. B^er, Barber, Bayne, Blake, Bowman, Brewer, Briggs, Browne, Burrows. Butterworth, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Conger, .Cowgill, Crowley, Daggett, G. R. Davis, Deering, Dunnell, Errett, Farr, Field, Fisher, FoBD, Fort, Garfield, Grodshalk, J. Hammond, Harmer, Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, Henderson, Hiscock, Horr, Hubbell, Jorgensen, Joyce, Keifer, Lapham, Marsh, Mason, McCoid, McGowan, Mitchell, Monroe, Neal, O'Neill, Orth, Osmer, Pound, W. A. Russell, T. Ryan, Sapp, Shallenberger, Sherwin, Thomas, Tyler, J. T. Updegraff, Valentine. Van Aemam, Voorhis, Wait. Ward, H. White, WiUits— €9. Vote in the iSenate on passage of the hill. June 28, the bill passed the Senate by the following vote: Teas— Messrs. Beck, Call, Cockrell, Coke, Eaton, Gar- land, Groome, Hampton, Harris, Hereford, Houston, Jonas, Jones of Florida, Keman, McPherson, Money, Morgan, Pendleton, Ransom, Saulsbury, Slaier, Vance, Vest, Voorhees, Walker, Williams — 26. Nays — Messrs. Blair, Burnside, Cameron of Wiecon- em, ConkUng. Ferry, HiU of Colorado, Kellogg, Kirk- wood, Logan, McMillin, MorriU, Piatt, Rollins. Saun- ders, Windom — 15. Vote in the House on passing the hill over the veto, June 30, the bill, lacking a two third's vote, failed of passage over the veto by the follow- ing vote : Teas— Messrs. Acklen. Aiken, Armjield, Atherton, Atkins, Bicknell, Blackburn, Bouck, Bright J W Caldwell, Chalmers, Clardy, J, B. Clark, Glymer, Cobb, Coffroth, Converse, Cook, Covert. Cravens, Cul.bei'son, Davidson, J, J. Davis, L. H. Davis, DibreU, Dickey, Elam, J H. Emns, Felton, E. B. Finley, Forney, Frost. Gibson, Gunter. N. F, Hammond, Hatch. Henkle Herbert, U. 8. UARSHALS AND THEIB DEPCTTIES VETOES AND VOTES. 51 Hemdan, Hill, Hooker, House, HuU, Hunton, Johnsttm, Kenna, King, Le Fevre, Manning, B, F. Martin, E. L. Martin, McMiUin, Mills, Morrison, Myers, New, Persons, Phelps, Puister, Reagan, J. &'. Richardson, RotkweU, J. W. Ryon, San^ford, Sawyer, Scales, Shelley, Simonton, Slemons, //. B, Smith, Springer, Stephens, Stevenson, Talbott, Tay- lor, P. B, Tliompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W, Townsend,0. Turner, Upson, A. J. Warner, Wellborn, Whiteaker, T. Williams, Wise— 85. Nats— McsBFB. W. Aldrich. Anderaoa, Barber, Bayne, Blake, Bowman, Brewer, "BtigQs, Biowae, BurrowB, Batterworth, Cannon, Carpenter. GaBWell, Conger, subsequently conc^rred in the amendment. The bill went to the President April 29, and was vetoed, as before stated. V. S, MARSHALS AND THEIE DEPUTIES VETOES AND VOTES. 53 PAETIL Special Bill Rej^uiating Pay, etc., of Deputy ITIarslials— Teto and Vote. Following is the President's veto : "To the StTwie: "Alter mature consideration of the "bill entitled 'An act regulating the pay and appointment of deputy marshals,' I am constrained to -withhold from it my approval and to return it to the Senate, in which it originated, with my objections to its passage. " The laws now In force on 'the subject of the bill before me are contained in the following sections of the Revised Statutes: " * Sec. 2021. Whenever an election at which Repre- sentatives or Delegates in Congress are to be chosen ia held in any city or town of 20,000 inhabitants or up- ward, the marshal for the district in which the city or town is situated shall, on the application in writing of at least two citizens residing in such city or town, appoint special deputy marshals, whose duty it shall be when required thereto to aid and assist the super- visors of election in the veriflcs-tion of any list of per- sons who may have registered or voted; to attend in each election district or voting precinct at the times and places when and where the registration may by law be scrutinized and the names of registered voters be marked, for challenge; and also attend at all times for holding elections the polls in such district or precinct. " ' Sec. 2022. The marshal, and his general deputies shall keep the peace and support and protect the aupervisora of elections in the discharge of their duties, preserve , ordtjr at such places of registration uud at such polls, prevent fraudulent registration and fraudulent voting tiiereat, or fiuudulent conduct on the part of any officer of election, and immediately, blither at the place of registration or polling place or ■elsewhere, and either before or after registering or vot- ing, arrest and take into custody, with or without process, any iJcrson who commits or attempts or offers to commit any of the acts or offensi'S prohibited here- in, or who commits any offeoso against the laws of the United States; but no person shall be arrested without process for any offense liot committed in the presence of the marshal or his general or special deputies, or oitherof them;, or of the supervisors of elections, or either of them; and for the purposes of arrest or the preservation of tho peace tlie supervisors of elections shall, in atsenco of the marshal's deputies, or if re- quired to assist such deputies, have the same duties and pbwei's as, deputy marshals; nor shall any person on the day of such election be arrested without process for any offense committed on the day of registration. " ' Sec. 2023. Wheneyer, any arrest is made under any provision of this title t];ie person so arrested shall forthwith be ^brought before a commissipner, judge, or court of the JJnited. States for examination of the of- fenses allege'd against hiin, and such commissioner, judge, ox court, shall proceed in respect thereto, as authorized by law in case of crimes against the United States. " • Sec. 2024. The marshal or his general deputies, or such special deputies as are thereto specially em- powered by him in writing, and under his hand and seal, wliepever he or either or any of them is forcibly resisted in executing their duties under this title, or shall, by violence* threats, or menaces, be prevented from executing such duties or from arresting any pej-- fion who has committed any offense for which the marshal or his general or special depulies are author- ized to make such arrest, are, and each of them is, era- powered to summon and. call to his aid the bystanders ox posse comitatuA pi hie, district. " 'Sec. 2028. No person shall be appointed a super- visor of election or a deputy marshal under the preced- ing provisions who is not at the time of his appoint- ment a qualified voter of the city, town, coxmty, parish, election district, or voting precinct in which his duties are to be performed. " ' Sec. 6521. If any person be appointed a s-yiper- visor of election or a special deputy marshal under the Xirovisions of title, "the elective franchise," aod has taken the oath of of&ce as such supervisor of election or such special deputy marshal, and thereafter neglects or refuses, without good and lawful excuse, to perform and discharge fully the duties, obligations, and require- ments of such office until the ■ expiration of the term for which he was appointed, he shall not only be sub ■ ject to removal from office with loss of all pay or emol- uments, but Hhall be punished by imprisonment for not less than six months nor more than one year, or by a fine of not less than $200 and not more than $600, or by both fine and imprisonment, and shall pay the cost of prosecution. " • Sec. 5522. Every person, whether with or without any authority, power or process or pretended authority, power or process of any State, €'erritory, or municipal- ity, who obstructs, hinders, assaults, or by bribes, so- licitation, or otherwise, interferes with or prevents the supervisor of elections, or either of them, or the mar- shal or his general or special deputies, or either oflhem, in the performance of any duty required of them, or which he, or they, or cither of them, maybe authorized to perform by any law of the United States in the exe- cution of process or otherwise, or who, by any of the means before mentioned, hinders or prevents the free attendance or presence at such places of registration or at such polls of election, or full and free access and egress to and from any such plaCe of registration or poll of election, or in going to and ft>om any such place of registration or poU of election, or in any going to such place of registration or poll of election, or to and from any room where any such registration or election or canvass of votes or of making any returns or certifi- cates thereof, may be had, or who molests, interferes with, removes or ejects item any such place of regis- tration or poll of election or of canvassing votes cast thereat, or of making returns or certificates thereof, any supervisor of election, the marshal or his general or special deputies, oreither of them, or who threatens or attempts or offers so to do, or refuses or neglects to aid and assist any supervisor of election, or the marshal or his general or special deputies, or either of them, in the performance of his or their duties when required by him or them, or either of them, to give such aid and assistance, shall be liable to instant arrest without pro- cess, and shall be punished by imprisonment not more than two years, or by a fine of not more than $3,000, or by both such fine and imprisonment, and shall pay the cost of prosecution.' " The Supreme Court of the United States, in the re- cent case ofea; parte Siebolt and others, decided at the Octoberterm, 1879, on the question raised in the case as to the constitutionality of the sections of the Revised Statutes above quoted, uses the following language: " ' These portions of the Revised Statutes are taken ft-om the act commonly known as the enforcement act, approved May 31, 1870, and entitled 'An act to enforce the right of citizens of the United States to vote in the several States of this Union, and for otter purposes,' and from the supplement to that act, approved Febru- ary 28, 1871. They relate to elections of mem- bers of the House of Representatives, and were an assertion on the part of Congressof apower to pass laws for regulating and superintending said elections, and for securing the purity thereof and the rights of citizens to vote thereat peaceably and without molesta- tion. It must be conceded to be a most important power, and of a fundamental character. In the light of recent history and of the ' violence, fraud, corrup- tion, and iiTegularity which have frequently prevailed at such elections, it may easily be conceived that the exertion of the power of it may be necessary to the stability of our form of government.' * * * *,* ** 3|: " The greatest difficulty in coming to ajust conclusion arises from the mistaken notions with regard to the relations which exist between the State and National Governments. It seems to be often overlooked that a National Constitution has been adopted in this country, establishing a real government therein, and which, moreover, is or should be as dear to every American citizen as his S^te Governmeut is. Whenever the true conception of the nature of this Government is onceconceded.no real difficulty will arise in the just interpretation ofitspowers. But if we allow ourselves to regard it as a hostile organization opposed to the proper sovereignty and dignity of the State Govern- ments, we shall continue to be vexed with difficulties as to its own jurisdiction and autbority. Wo greater jealousy is required to be exercised toward this Gov- ernment in reference to the preservation of our liberties than is proper to be exercised toward the State Governments. 54 IT, S. MARSHALS AND THEIR DEPUTIES VKTOES AND VOTES. Its powers are limited and clearly defined, and its action within the scope of these powers is restrained by a sulficiently rigid bill of rights for the protection of its citizens from oppression. The true interests of the people of this country require that both the na- tional and State government shall be allowed, with- out jealous interference on either side, to exercise all the powers which respectively belong to them accord- ing to a fair and practical construction of the Consti- tution. State rights and the rights of the United States should be equally respected ; bnth are essential to the preservation of our liberties and the perpetuity of our institutions. But in endeavoring to vindicate the one we should not allow our zeal to nullify or im- pair the other. The true doctrine, as we conceive, is this : That while the States are really sovereign as to ill matters which have not been granted to the juris- aiction and control of the United States, the Consti- tution and Constitutional laws of the latter are, as we Lave already said, the supreme law of the land ; and when they conflict with the laws of the States they ■LTB of paramount authority and obligations. This is the fundamenal principle on which the authority of the Constitution is based, and unless it be conceded in practice as well as theory, the fabric of our insti- tutions, as it was contemplated by its founders, can- not stand. The questions involved have respect not more to, the autonomy and existence of the States, than to the continued existence of the United States as a government to which every American citi- zen may look for security and protection in every part of the land. Why do we have marshals at all, if they cannot physically lay hands on persons and things, in the performance of their proper duties ? What functions can they perform if they cannot use force ? In executing the process of the courts must they call on the nearest constable for protection ? Must they rely on him to use the requisite compulsion and to keep the peace while they are soliciting and en- treating the parties and bystanders to allow the law to take its course? This is the necessary consequence of the position assumed. Ifweindulgein such impracticable views as these and keep on refining and re-refiuiug, we shall drive the National' Government out of the United States, and relegate it to the District of Colum- bia or perhaps to some foreign soil. We shall bring it back to a condition of greater helplessness than that of the old Coniederation. The argument is based on a strained and impracticable view of the nature and powers of the National Government. It must execute its powers or it is no government. It must execute them on the land as well as on the sea, on things as well as persons, and to do this it must necessarily have power to command obedience, preserve order, and keep peace, and no person or power in this land has the right to resist or question its authority so long as it keeps within the bounds of its jurisdiction.* " I have deemed it fitting and proper to quote thu^ largely from an important and elaborate opinion o^ the Supreme Court, because the law before me pro- ceeds upon a construction of the Constitution -as to the powers of the national Government, which is in dtBe«ct conflict with the judgment of the highest judi- cial tribunal of our country. Under the sections of the present law, above qiioted, ofl&cers of the United States are authorized, and it is their duty in the case of Congressional elections, to keep the peace at the poUa, and at the place of registration to arrest imme- diately any person who is guilty of crimes against the Uu.ted States election laws; to protect all officers of election in the performance of their duties, and when- ever an arrest is made to bring the person so arrested before a commission, judge or court of the United States, for examination of offenses alleged against him. Such special deputy marshals as are specially empowered thereto by the marshal in writing, if forcibly resisted, may call to their aid the bystanders iisa.possecomitatm. It is made a crime punishable with fine or imprisonment to hindenr assault, or other- wise interfere with a marshal or his special deputies, or to threaten, or to attempt to do so. If any person appointed such special deputy marshal has taken the oath of office, and thereafter neglects or refuses to ^^}y discharge the duties of such office, it is punish- able not only by removal from offlce, but by fines and imprisonment. The fimctions of the special deputy marshals now provided for by law being executive, they are placed under the authority of the well-known chief executive ofiicer of the courts of the United States. They are in ftict, and not merely in name, the deputies of the marshal, and he and his bondsmen axe responsible for them. A civil force for the executkux of the laws is thus instructed in accordance with lecBgf- establlahed and familiar usage, which is simple, effect- ive, and under a responsible head. The necesaity for the possession of these powers, by appropriate officers, will not be called in question by intelligent citizens who apprecia.te the importance of peaceable, orderly and lawful elections. Similar powers are conferred and exercised under State laws with respect to State elections. The executive officers of the United States, under the existing laws, have no other or greater power to supervise and control the conduct of the Congressional elections than the State executive offi- cers exercise in regard to State elections. The bill be- fore me changes completely the present law, by sub- stituting for the special deputy marshals of the existing statutes, new officers hitherto unknown to the law, and who lack the power, responsibility and protection which are essential to enable them to act efficienly as executive officers. " The bill under consideration is as follows : " 'Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Refpresenia- tives of the United States ofAmeHca, in Congress Assembied^ that from and after the passing of this act the jray of all deputy marshals for services in reference to any election shall be $5 for each day of actual service, and no more. "'Sect. 2. That all deputy marshals to serve in reference to any elections shall be appointed by the circuit court of the United States for the district in which such marshals are to perform their duties in each year, and the judges of the several circuit courts of the United States are hereby authorized to open their re- spective courts at any time for that purpose, and in case the circait courts shall not be open for that pur- pose at least ten daysprior to a registration, if there be one, or if n registration be required, then at least ten days before the election the judg^ of the district courts of the United States are hereby respectively authorized to cause their courts to be opened for the purpose of appointing such deputy marshals, who shall be ap- pointed by the said district courts, and the officers so appointed shall be in equal numbers from the different political parties, and shall be well-known citizens of good moral character and actual residents of the voting precincts in which their duties are to be per- formed, and shall not be candidates for any office at such election, and aU laws and parts of laws incon- sistent with this act are hereby repealed ; provided that the marshals of the United States for whom deputies shall be appointed by the courts under this act, shall not be liable for any of the acts of such deputies.' "It will be observed that the deputy marshals pro- posed by the bill before me are distinctly different officers from the special deputies of the marshal, as such officers are now provided for in the statutes. This bill does not connect the new officers with the existing laws relating to special deputy marshals, bo as to invest the proposed deputy marshals with the same powers, to impose upon them the same duties, and to give them the same protection by the means of the criminal laws. When new officers are created, dis- tinct in character and appointed by different author- ity, although similar in name to officers already pro- vided for, such new officers are not held by similar responsibilities to the criminal law ; do not possess the same powers, and are not similarly protected, un- less it is expressly so provided by legislation. "The so-called deputy marshals provided for in this biU will have no executive head. The marshal can neither appoint nor remove them. He cannot control them, and he is not responsible for them. They will have no authority to call to their aid, if resisted, the posse comitatus. They are protected by no criminal statutes in the performance of their duties. An assault upon one of these deputies, with an intent to prevent a lawful election, will be no more than an ordinary assault upon any other citizen. They cannot keep the peace. They cannot make arrests when crimes are committed in their presence What powers they have are confined to the precincts in which they reside. Outside of the precincts for which they are appointed, the deputy marshals of th.is bill cannot keep the peace, inak£ arrests, hold prisoners, take the prisoner before a proper tribunal for hearing, nor perform any other duty. No oaths of office are required of them, and they. give no bond. They have no supervisor who is U. 8. MABSHA.LS AND THEIB DEPUTIES VETOES AND VOTES. 55 reeponstble for them, and they are not punishable for ne^ect of duty or misconduct in office. In all these respects this bill makes a radical change between the powers of the United States officers at National elec- tions and the powers uniformly possessed and exer- cised by State officers at State elections. This dis- crimination against the authority of the United States is a departure from the usage of the Gtovemment, established by precedents beginning with the earliest statutes on the subject, and violates the true princi- ples of the Constitution. The Supreme Court, in the decision already referred to, says : ' It is argued that the preservation of peace and good order in society is not within tlie powers confided in the GfOvernment of the United States, but belongs exclusively to the States.' "Here again we are met with the theory that the Grov- emment of the United States does not rest upon the soil and territory of the country. We think that this theory is founded upon an entire misconception of the powers of that government. We hold it to be an incon- trovertible principle that the government of the United States may, by means of physical force, exercised through its official agents, execute in every foot of American soil the powers and functions that belong to it. This necessarily involves the power to command obedience to its laws, and hence the power to keep the peace to that extent. This power to enforce its laws and execute its functions in all places does derogate from the power of the State to execute its laws at the same time and in the same place. The one does not exclude the other, except when both cannot be executed at the same time. In that case the words of the constitution itself show which is to yield : ' This constitution, and all laws which shall be made in pur- suance thereof * * * shall be the supreme laws of the land.' In conclusion, it is proper to say that no objection would be made to the appointment of officers to act with reference to the elections by the courts of the United States, and that I am in favor of appointing officers to supervise and protect the elections without regard to party. But the bill before me, while it recog- nizes the power and duty of the United States to pro- vide officers to guard and scrutinize the congressional elections, falls to adapt its provisions to the existing laws so as to secure efficient supervision and protec- tion. " It is, therefore, returned to the Senate, in which it originated, for that 'further consideration which is contemplated by the constitution. " Rttthebfokd B. Hates. "ExEOTJTTVB Mansion, Washington, June 18, 1880." Previous action In Senate. May 19, 1880. — ^After numerous vain attempts by the Republican side to amend it, a special bill conceming deputy marshals which had been reported by the Judiciary Committee passed in the following shape: " Be it enacied, etc.. That from and after the passage of this act the pay of all deputy marshals for services in reference to any election shall be $5 for each day of actual service, and no more. " Section 2. That all deputy marshals to serve in reference to any election shall be appointed by the circuit court of the United States for the district in which such marshals are to perform their duties, in each year, at the term of court next preceding any election of Representatives or delegates in Congress; but if from any cause there should be no session of the circuit courts in the State or districts where such marshals are to be appointed, then, and in that case, the judges of the district courts of the United States are hereby respectively authorized to cause their courts to be opened for the purpose of appointing such deputy marshals, who shall be appointed by the said district courts; and the officers so appointed shall be in equal numbers from the different political par- ties, and shall be well-known citizens of good moral character, and actual residents of the voting precincts in which their duties are to be performed, and shall not be candidates for any office at such election; and all laws and parts of laws inconsistent with thip act are hereby irepealed. Provided, That the marshals of the United States for whom deputies shall be ap- pointed by the court under this act, shall not be liable for any of the acts of such deputies." The vote on its passage was as follows: Yeas — Messrs. BaiUy, Bayard, Beck, Call, Cockrell, Coke, Davis, of Illinois, Eaton, Farley, Gfarlan, Gordon, Hampton, Harris, Johnston, Jonas, Keman, McDonald, Morgan, Pendleton, Pryor, Ransom, Saulsbury, Slater, Thurman. Vance, Walker, Wallace, WiUiarris — 28. Nats — Messrs. Allison, Anthony, Blair, Booth, Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Cameron, of Wisconsin, Dawes, Edmunds, Hoar, Kellogg, £.irkwood, McMillan, Morrill, Bollins, Saunders, Teller, Windom— 17. Action In the House. In the House, June 11, similar amendments to those which had been offered and defeated in the Senate by a party vote, were offered and defeated in the House. The bill was amended so as to read as quoted in the veto message, without a division, and passed by the following vote : Yeas — Messrs. Aclclen, Aiken, Atkins, Bachman, B. L. T. Beale, Belford, Beltzhoover, Bicknell, Blackburn, Bla/nd, Bliss, Bright, Buckaer, Cabell, J. W. Caldwell, Carlisle, CliaXmers, J. B. Clarke, Jr., Clymer, Cobb, Coffrouth, Cole- rick, Cook, Covert, S. S. Cox, Cravens, Culberson, J. J. Davis, L. H. Davis, Deuster, Dibrell, Dicky, Elam, J. H. Evins, FoBD, Forney, Geddes, Goods, N. J. Hammond, F. T. Harris, Hatch, Hendle, Henry, Herbert, Hooker, Hosteller, House, Hunton,Hutchins,Johnston, G. W. Jones, Kenner, Kimmet, Klotz, Knott, Ladd, Lewis, Lounsbery, IjOwe, Manning, B. F. Martin, McLane, McMahon, McMillin, Mills, Morrison,Morse,New, Nicholls, O'Connor, O'Reilly, Persons, Phelps, J. F. Philips, Poehler, Reagan, J. S. Richardson, E. W. Robertson, Ross, J. W. Ryon, Samford, Sawyer, Scales, Sfielly, Simonton, O. R. Single- ton, Slemons. Sparks, Speer, Springer, Steele, Stephens, Taylor, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W. Townshend, Tucker, O. Turner, Upson. Vance, Waddill, Wellborn, Wells, Wkiteaker. Wkitthome, T. Williams, A. S. Willis, Wilson, Wise, Wbight— 110. Nats — Messrs. N. W. Aldrich, W. Aldrich, Anderson, J. H. Baker, Ballou, Bayne, Bingham, Blake, Bowman. Boyd, Brewer, Briggs, Browne, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Chittenden, Conger, Crapo, Daggett, G. B. Davis, H. Davis, Deering, Dunnell, Errett, Ferdon, Field, Fisher, Fort. Frye, Godshalk, HaU, J. Ham- mond, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, Hayes, Henderson, Hiscock, Horr, Houk, Humphrey, Hurd, Joyce, Keifer, Kellet, Ketcham, Lapham, Lind- sey. Mason. McCoid, McCook, Mitchell, Neal, Norcross O'Neill, Osmer, Overton, Pound, D. P. Bichardson, Kobeson, G. D. Robinson, W. A. Russell, T. jByan, Shallenberger, Sherwin. W. E. Smith, J. W. Stone, Thomas, W. 6. Thompson, A. Townsend, 'Tyler. T. Updegraflf, Valentine, Van Aemam, Van Voorhis, Voor- his. Ward, Washburn, H. White, C. G. Williams, Wil- lits, T. Ii. Young— 85. Subsequent action. The Senate, June 14, agreed to the House amendment, the bill went to the President, and was vetoed as heretofore stated. PAET III. liatest action in both Houses- Payment of* j?Iarsltals and Dep- uties for 1880— Votes in botli Houses on various proposi- tions. An attempt in the Senate, May 26, 1880, to amend the Deficiency Bill (H. E. 6238), by adding a clause: " For the payment and ex- penses of United States Marshals and their deputies, earned during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, $600,000."— was defeated by the following vote: 56 A HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTION FRAUDS. Yeas— Messrs. Allison, Anthony, Baldwin, Blair, Booth, Bruce, Cameron, of Wisconsin, Conkling, Ed- munds, Ferry, Hill, of Colorado, Hoar, Ingalls, Kel- logg, Elirkwood, McMillan, Morrill, Paddock, Plumb, Rollins, TeUer, Wlndom— 22. Nays — Messrs. Bailey, Bayard, Beck, Brown, Call, Cockrell, Davis, of Illinois, Davis, of West Virginia, Eaton, Farley, Garland, Groome, Hampton, Harris, Here- ford, Hill, of Georgia, Johnston, Jonas, Jones, of Florida, Kernan, McDonald, Maxey, Morgan, Pendleton, Pryor, Ransom, Saulsbury, Slater, Thurm^n, Voorhees, Walker, Wallace, Withers—ZZ. In the House, May 31, the Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill was amended by adding to it the following clause: " For payment of marshals and their general depu- ties, except for services of the latter rendered at elec- tions, $650,000." Which subsequently passed the Senate without a dissenting vote. In the House, June 3, a motion to amend The General Deficiency Bill (H. B. 6325) so as ; '* To pay deputy marshals for services in the State of California at the election of Sep- tember last, $7,000, or so much of said sum as play be necessary," was defeated by the following vote : Yeas — Messrs. W. Aldrich, Anderson, Bailey, J. H* Baker, Ballou, Barber, Bayne Blake, Boyd, Brewer- Briggs, Brigham, Browne, Cannon, Carpenter, Cas- well, Claflin, Cowgill, Crapo, H. Davis, Deering, Dan^ nf^ll, Dwight, Errett, Ferdon, Field, Fisher, Gillette' Hall, J. Hammond, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Hawk, Haw ley, Hayes, Hazleton, Hiscock, HubbeU, Humphrey' Or. W. Jones, .Toyce, Kellet, Ketcham, Lapham, Lor- ing, Lowe, Marsh, Mason, McCQok, Miles, Miller, Mitchell, Monroe, Neal, Norcross, O'NeiU, Overton, Pacheco, Page, Prescott, Robeson, G. D. Robinson, T. Ryan, Sherwin, A. H. Smith, Thomas, W. G. Thomp- son, T. Updegraff, Urner. Valentine, Van Aernam, Voorhis, Ward, Weaver. H. White, C. G. Williams, Willis, YocuM— 78. Nats — Messrs. Acklen, Aiken, Atkerton, Atkins, Beltz- hoover. Berry, Bicknell, Blackburn, Bliss, Blount, Boitck, Bragg, Bright, Buckner, Cabell, J. W. Caldwell, Carlisle, Clardy, J, B. Clarke, Jr., Clymer, Cobb, Coffroth, Cole- rick, Converse, Cook, Cravens, Culberson, J. J. Davis. Dibrell, Dickey, Dunn, El/im, J. H. Evins, Ewiiig, E. B. Finley, Goode, N. J. Hammond, J. T. Harris, Hatch. Henry, Herbert, Hooker, House, Hunton, Hutching John, ston, Kenna, Kloiz, Le Fevre, E. L. Martin, McKemie, McLane, McMillin, Money, Morrison, Muldrow, New. Nicholls, 0' Connor, O'Reilly, Phelps Poehler, Reagan, E. W. Robertson, Ross, J. W. Ryon, Samford, Sawyer, Scales, O. R. Singleton, W. E. Smith, Sparks, Springer, Steele, Stephens, Stevenson, Talhott, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Till- man, R. W. Tovmshend. O. Turner, Vance, WaddUl, A. J. Warner, Wellborn, Wells, Whiteaker, Whitthomc, WH son, F. Wood, Weight — 91. And an amendment providing" "That no part of this appropriation shall be used for the payment of general or special deputy marshals for services rendered at any election," was agreed to by the following vote: Teas — Messrs. Aiken, Atkerton, Atkins, Beltzhoover, Berry, Bicknell, Blackburn, Bliss, Bouck, Bragg, Bright, Buckner, Cabell, J. W. Caldwell, Carlisle, Clardy, Clymsr, Cobb, Coffroth, Golerick, Converse, Cook, Cravens, Culberson, J. J. Davis, Devster, Dibrell, Dunn, Elam, J. H. Evins, Eviing, E. B. Finley, Gibson-, Goode, N. J, Hammond, J. T. Harris, Hatch, Henkle, Henry, Herbert, Hooker, House, Hunton, Hutchins, Johnston, Kenna, Kimmel, Klotz, Le Fevre, E. L Martin, McKenzie, Mc- Lane, McMillin, Money, Morrison, Morse, Muldrow, New, Nicholls, O'Connor, O'Reilly, Persons, Phelps, Poehler, Reagan, E. W. Robertson, Ross, J. W. Ryon, Samford, Sawyer, Scales, O. R. Singleton, W. E. Smith, Sparkt, Speer, Springer, Steele, Stephens, Stevenson, Talbott, P. B. Thompson, Jr., Tillman, R. W. Toiimsherui, 0. Turner, Vance, Waddill, A. J. Warner, Wellbom. Wells, Whitea- ker, Whitthorne, Wilson, F. "Wood, Wbight — 95. Nats — Messrs. W. Aldrich, Anderson, Bailey, J. H. Baker, Ballou, Barber, Bayne, Blake, Boyd, Brewer, Briggs, Browne, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Chitten- den, Claffin, Cowgill, Crapo, Daggett, H. Davis, Deer- ing, Dwight, Errett, Ferdon, Field, Fisher, Gillette, Hall, J. Hammond, Harmer, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk, Hawley, Hayes, Hazelton, Horr, Hubbell, Ham- phrey, G. W. Jones, Joyce, Kellet, Ketcham, Lapham, Loring, Lowe, Marsh, Mason, McCook, Miles, Miller, Mitchell, Monroe, Neal, Norcross, O'NeiU, Osmer, Over- ton. Pacheco, Page, Prescott, Bobeson, G. D. Bobinson, T. Ryan, Sherwin, A. H. Smith, Thomas, W. G. Thomp- son, T. tJpdegraff, Urner, Valentine, Van Aernam, Voorhi8, Ward, H. White, C, G. Williams, WiUits, YocUM — 79, OHAPTEE YI. A History of Democratic Election Frauds. The right to a free ballot is the right preservative of all rights, and must and shall be maintained in every part of the United States. — Declaration 5, National Democratic Platform, 1880. PART I. " Coiinti!):; ill "—A Demooratic Iii- vciitioii, and peculiai-l.y a l>eiiio- oratic Practico— " CoiiiitiiiiK in" of .James SC PoUi as President ill 1844 ol' Jiiineis Biielisiiiaii in IM.'JT— The I>iiasti'oii.s Coiise- qnenees to tlic Kation— Tlie attempted "counting in*' ot ISamiiel J. Tilden in 18tC— A Brief Revie^v of tlie iinmeiise Ueinoeratic Frauds in tlie Caiii- paigns of 1844-"5r compared witii those of 18TG, In 18-i-t, in the Presidential campaign of that year, James K. Polk, of Tennessee, was noto- riously "counted into" the Presidency over Henry Clay, of Kentucky, who had been elec- A HISTOEY OP DEMOCKATIO ELECTION FEA0DS. ted President fkirly by the voice of the Ameri- can people. Who was Henry Clay ? Who James K. Polk ? WTio the arch conspirators by whom Clay was robbed of the Presidency — by whom the Ameri- can people were cheated of their choice as Chief Mapstrate; and what the agencies or means by which a result so disastrous to the nation was accomplished ? What the motives or ends which influenced the agencies for a result so lamentable ? Just now, in presence of the Democratic de- sign to seize the presidency by Mexicanizing the Erepublie— by subverting the Constitution and the laws, by bulldozing, by baUot-box stuff- ing, and by aU other possible nefarious means — these inquiries are pertinent and pregnant ones. We will answer them as briefly as pos- sible. The " great commoner," Henry Clay, who would "rather be right than be Presi- dent I " — His unknown Democrat oppo- nent, James K. Polk. For nearly a half century, in 1844, from 1797, when Kentucky was framing a new State con- stitution, Henry Clay had been active in the service of his country. A Senator of the United States in 1806, when only twenty-nine years old, and distinguished, even at that early age, for eminent ability and eloquence; unrivaled subsequently as the Speaker and leader of the House; equally brilliant in the Senate and Cabinet, in war as in peace, as a statesman, orator and diplomat; pre-eminent for his chiv- alrous courage and lofty patriotism, and prob- ably the only man of his time who could, without personal ridicule, have uttered his celebrated apothegm, "J would rather be right than President/" Such was Henry Clay, "the great com- moner, "the Whig candidate for President in 1844; while his opponent,. Polk, was so little knownj his services to the nation of so little consequence, that upon his nomination by the Democracy ' the cry went throughout the Be- public, ' ' Who is James K. Polk ? " The vote by which Clay was rightfuUy elected and entitled to the Presidency— The villainous Democratic frauds by which he was " counted out." Henry Clay was the choice of the American people for President, and a decided majority of the votes actually cast was thrown for him. He was chosen President by the voice of his countrymen, and under the Constitution and laws — by aU the rules of right — was entitled to the presidency. None now doubt .that. As a matter of history it is notorious. Never- theless, in the House, in 1845, the electoral vote counted was : For Polk, 170 ; for Clay, 105 ; while Polk's minority on the popular vote was24,119. The electoral colleges counted for Polk included that of New York (36), Penn- sylvania (26), Georgia (10), Louisiana (6) — in ail 78 votes — to all of which Clay was entitled by decided popular majorities in aU those States. Hence, add those 78 votes to Cluy's 105, and deduct them from Polk's 170, vnll give Clay 183 votes and reduce Polk's to 92, making Clay's majority in the electoral col- leges 91, the real result of the canvass, but which was defeated by the deliberately- planned frauds of the Democracy. Even strike from Polk's 170 New York's 36 votes, which State Clay confessedly carried by from 5,000 to 10,000 majority, v?ill leave Polk but 134: electoral votes and give Clay 141, a major- ity of 7 in the colleges. Samuel J. Tllden's guilty complicity In the Democratic villainy ! In aU these villainous frauds, Samuel J. Tilden, in New York, aided by the notorious Isaiah Rynders and his cohort of unprincipled Ta&^na, and in Louisiana by the equally no- torious John SlideU, a New Yorker by birth, was, as a leading Democrat of the Empire State, the headquarters of the conspiracy for the defeat of Clay, an active and efficient co- worker. It is not strange, therefore, that TU- den, who in the campaign of 1876, simply at- tempted, in behalf of himself, to repeat the frauds of 1844 against Clay, should be cha- grined at his failure, and that he and his partisans should so fiercely denounce fraud against the Bepublicans as they did in 1844 denounce Clay and the Whigs. Gamblers' conspiracy at the bottom of these grrave Democratic crimes— And Tll- den's guilty participation in them. That Henry Clay was entitled, and confess- edly entitled, to the electoral votes of the States of New York, Pennsylvania, Georgia, and Louisiana — seventy-eight in all — which, by fraud, by the "counting in" process which the Democracy now charge against the Republicans, were counted for Polk, we have before us the proofs in a number of shapes. They cannot be questioned. In 1844 a com- bination of gamblers, through a system of bet- ting all over the country in favor of Polk, as in the canvass of 1876 in favor of Tilden, se- Bured by their winnings the means of defray- ing the expenses of the frauds. That was no- toriously so in New York, Pennsylvania, and Louisiana. — Horace Greeley, in 1848, in one of his "Open Letters to a Politician " — to Samuel J. Tilden — reminds Tilden of these grave crimes, and of his participation in them. All may see the details at length in Greeley's Life of Henry Clay, in Calvin Colton's, in "The Whig Review," and kindred works, of the wholesale and systematic villainy, the great crime, by which the illustrious Clay was de- frajided of New Y^ork and the other States — by agencies similar to those which, in 1868, in New York, Tilden " counted in " Seymour and Hoffman when Grant and Griswold had carried the State. "Counting in" peculiarly a Democratic process— The bogus Democratic vote of IVcw York in 1844 — The Pennsylvania Democratic frauds of that year. This "counting in" is peculiarly a Demo- cratic process — an invention to which the 58 A H/8T0EY OF DEMOCKATIO ELECTION FRAUDS. Democracy, and only the Democracy, have a sole and undisputed right. In New York, in 1844, of the popular vote Polk was in a minority of 10,706 votes. His plurality over Clay was only 5,106. That he obtained in the city and its surroundings by fraudulent naturalization, by repeating and ballot-box stuffing ; by the manufacture and count, through such infamous agencies, of from 10,000 to 15,000 bogus votes. Some place the number as high as 20,000. In Pennsylvania the frauds were equally flagrant. At the October election it was ad- mitted by the best posted of the Democracy that Clay in the State was at least 10,000 votes stronger than General Markle, the Whig candidate for Governor. Hence, in order to beat Clay in November, Shunk's majority must reach 10,000. It \\as only 4,282, fully 6,000 less than the Democratic estimate as absolutely necessary to beat Clay. Neverthe- less, Clay was beaten. His vote, as the Democracy had calculated, was 5,2 ;0 greater than Markle's, and was drawn principally from Shunk's ; yet Polk's majority in the State was 6,332. The Democratic "model" which Inspired Tilden's Infamous Democratic secret circular of 1868. It was in this canvass in Pennsylvania that the model of Tilden's infamous confidential circular of 1868, by which he arranged the machinery for the fraudulent count of New York for Seymour and Hoffman, appeared as a secret circular, dated ' ' Harrisburg, January, 1844," and signed by Edward A. Penniman and seventeen Democratic members of the Pennsylvania Legislature as an executive committee. It was distributed only among the faithful, with the injunction that its ' ' contents should be made known only to such of our (Democratic) friends as will keep their own council and assist in organizing the party ;" and urged that "it is very de- sirable that it should not appear in any news- paper or be communicated to our political opponents." It particularly enjoined the faithful "to secure a large turn out at the election of judges and inspectors (of the polls). This done, we shall have the vantage ■ ground, and an easy victory will be ours." So it proved. By securing the judges and inspectors of the polls, the count of any number by the Democracy was a very easy matter. The Democratic frauds that in 1844 grave Georgrla to Polk. In Georgia, in 1844, and it may be so now, by the tax-list, the exact number of legal voters in the State could be readily ascer- tained. By that list there were in the State 78,011 votes. At the Presidential election 86,277 votes were cast. Even supposing, therefore, that every legal voter in the State attended at the polls— the decrepid, aged, sick, and dying — there was still a fraud of 7,666 votes. By whom were these polled? In the Whig counties less than the legal vote- as shown by the tax-list was polled ; but in the Democratic counties of Forsyth Lump- kin, Habersham and Franklin the lawful vote was 3,202. They returned a vote of 4,014 for Polk and 1,825 for Clay— in all 5,835— a fraud in these four counties alone of 2, 633 ; and so on throughout all the Dem- ocratic counties of Georgia. Nevertheless, Polk's majority in the State was only 2,077. The infamous Democratic frauds In liOnis- lana — Open, notorious, shameful. In Louisiana the frauds were truly vil- lainous. No attempt was ever made to dis- guise or cover them. They were open, notorious, and shameful. John SUdell was their infamous engineer, and under his manip- ulation thousands of fraudulent votes were counted for Polk in New Orleans and all along the Mississippi river. A single instance will illustrate all. Up to the day of the rebellion — up to 1861 — the largest aggregate vote polled in Plaquemine parish was 550 ; in 1844 it gave Polk 1,007 majority, while his majority in the State was only 699. Thus Tllden and the Democracy of 1844 " counted" Folic " in." Thus in 1844, throughout the country, fraud by 1"ilden and the Democracy was reduced to a system. Through its results James K. Polk, the weak but ambitious tool of the pro-slavery oligarchy, was " counted in," and the gallant and patriotic Clay, the illustrious "great commoner," whose services to the nation in war and peace constitute the brightest pages in its civil history, was robbed of the Presi- dency — was robbed by Tildeu and the Demo- cracy. The Pennsylvania Democratic frauds by which, in ISSI, intrepid Fremont was robbed of his rights and weal< Buch- anan " counted in." Later in 1857, by similar frauds in Penn- sylvania, by the same parties, accomplished through like agencies, John C. Fremont was cheated of the same high office, and James Buchanan, another weak and equally pliant tool of the oligarchal conspirators of 1844, was fraudulently placed in the chair of Washington, manifestly under pledges to complete the traitorous work for the destruc- tion of the Republic begun by Polk. Tilden's wholesale frauds in 1876 at the North— His IKississippl shot-gun poUcy at the South. The campaign of 1876 modeled upon that of 1844. By similar agencies or arts, by whole- sale and systematic frauds in the North, he succeeded in carrying New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Indiana ; and in the South, by the murderous Mississippi shot-gun policy,' effected the manufacture of the fictitious figures which constitute his pretended popular ma- jority.. A HI8T0BY OF DBMOOKATIO EUECTION FRAUDS. 59 What miseries the success of the Demo- cratic frauds of 1844 and 18S1 entailed upon the Nation. In 1844 and 1857 the oligarchal conspirators succeeded in disfranchising the nation. In 1876 they failed only by a count of one. In 1844 their fraudulent success entailed upon the nation the crimes of Folk's disastrous reign— the " unholy " Mexican war for the aggrandizement of slavery, exacting of the nation a sacrifice of thousands of lives and hundreds of millions of treasure ; his ini- quitous free-trade tariff ; his hostility to in- ternal improvements, and kindred measures, all in the interest of the pro-slavery oUgarch ; the fatal reopening of the slavery question, precipitated by the struggle of the sections for the posse'ssion of the territory seized from Mexico, and which, in 1861, under the manip- ulation of Buchanan and the Democracy, culminated in the appalling primes of the rebeillion. The sucsess of the Democratic frauds of 187G would have brought upon the Re- public humiliation and ruin. In 1876 their success was intended to be as disastrous as those of 1844 and 1857. The Confederacy had failed in its attempt to de- stroy the Kepublic. Its prestige and pride were humbled, and in the murderous struggle provoked by its crimes its losses had been im- mense. Tilden's success was intended to re- dress all that. A restoration of the Confederate to power and place in the Government was to be followed by the humiliation of loyalty — the abasement of the nation at the feet of the rebel ; and the ruin of the Bepublic was to be effected by the confiscation of its property and means in the payment of thousands of millions of fraudulent claims as indemnity to the Con- federate for losses in the rebellion. Hancock's success now would be equally disastrous. PART II. Popular and XJlectoral Votes of Harrison and Van Buren, Polk and Clay, Harrison and Cass— Tilden's pretended " Immense" Popular Msyority— Some Voting Statistics Touching tbeOulfand other States— Alabama, Flori- da, Georgia, liouisiana, 9Iissis- sippi, and South Carolina all fkirly Republican States— Hovr Southern States ^vere "counted in " for Tilden. A persistent effort has been made by Mr. Tilden and his friends, ever since his defeat, to impress the country with the idea that he had received an immense majority of the pop- ular vote for President. The facts warrant no such conclusion. Nor does it follow that such a majority would necessarily secure his elec- tion, whether it was small or lai-ge. "Popular votes" not necessary to the election of a President— It Is the electo- ral vote that tells — Some Presidential examples. tinder our electoral system the popular ma- jority is a secondary consideration. Thus Delaware and Nevada, which together oast only 43,824 votes, all told, for President in 1876, had six electoral votes, as many as California, which cast 154,459 votes. In 1840, in a total vote of 2,410,782, Har- rison had a popular majority of only 139,250, but carried 234 electoral votes to Van Buren's 60. In 1844, Polk had 24,119 popular majority against him, yet he counted 170 electoral votes to Clay's 105. In 1848, General Harrison had 151,808 pop- ular majority against him, but received 163 electoral votes to 127 for Mr. Cass. These examples might be multiplied, and serve to show' that a popular majority is not necessary to the election of a President. The facts in the Presidential election of 1816— What vote on the surface. But while this is true, the facts in the elec- tion of 1876 show that the case of Mr. Hayes was not exceptional, like the examples cited ; that he was, in fact, the first choice of a ma- jority of the voters of the country. The aggregate vote for President was 8,399,- 297, divided as follows: Hayes, 4,033,295; Tilden, 4,284,265, and Cooper, 81,737. Til- den's majority on these figures, 157,394. Ordinarily this result would be regarded as conclusive', and would show the relative strength of the candidates before the people ; but the election of 1876 warrants no such con- clusion. On the other hand, the facts conclu- sively prove that these figures, like Mr. Til- den's boasted election and majority, are utter- ly fictitious and false — that they do not repre- sent the popular will at that time. This will appear by a further analysis of the vote of 1876. The popular vote in the free States, bor- der States, and slave States, grouped and compared with census of voting popula- tion. In the former (or present) free States there was cast a total of 5,622,210 votes, of which Hayes received 2,939,729 and Tilden 2,682,481; majority for Hayes, 257,248. hi the States of Delaware, Maryland, Vir- ginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, 'Tennessee, North Carolina, Missouri, Arkansas and Texas the total vote was 1,830,219. For Hayes, 744,- 747; for Tilden, 1,085,472; Tilden's majority, 340,825, In South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Ala- bama, Mississippi and Louisiana the vote was 890,811, of which Hayes received 362,231 and Tilden 528,590; Tilden's majority, 166,359. According to the census of 1870, the latest enumeration available, there were in the Northern States at that time 4,850,151 male citizens over twenty-one years of age. The €0 A HISTORY OF DEMOCEATIO ELECTION. FRAUDS. -vote for President in those States, as has al- ready-been s.hown, was.5,622,210.' Increase over the enumeration, 772;059. In the second group of States the eniimera- tion was 1,800,639; total vote for President, 1,815,009. Increase over the enumeration, only 14,370. In the last group, or Gulf States, the enumeration was 973,714; total vote for Hayes and Tilden, 890,811. Loss on the enumera- tion, 82,903. Kecapitulation : In the free States, where the election was free, fair, and full, there was a gain of 772,059 voters. In the border slave States, where Eepublicans are kept in hope- less minorities, and did not cast their full vote, the increase was only 14,370. In the Southern Republican States, where Republi- can majorities were subverted by armed vio- lence, the loss was 82,903. Assuming that the increase of voters in these States was of equal ratio to the free States, the increase over the enumeration would have been 114,714. Adding the loss of 82,903 to this amount, and we have 197,617 votes, or about one in six, not cast in the six States last named. The real votlns strensth of the Gulf States —Showing, InlSIO, ajtotal colored major- ity of ST,335. But there is another and still more reliable method of ascertaining the real voting strength and popular will of those States. In 1870 the voters were divided as follows : White. Color'd. Alabama 104,276 105,612 Horida 19,211 20,170 Georgia 127,786 119,920 louisiana 72,413 80,126 Mississippi 76,577 97,724 South Carolina 67,933 91,978 Total 468,195 616,630 Colored majority 57,335 And exliibltlng a total Republican ma- jority of 183,335 In 1810. In ascertaining the Republican strength Soiith, two estimates may be made that aire perfectly reliable. First, that the colored vote is solidly Republican; secondly, that a small per cent, of the white vote is Republican; much depending on the locality and the free- dom of election. The division of voters on this basis is shovsm in the following table : Republican. Demo- cratic. Colored. White. White- Alabama 105,612 16,000 89,276 Florida 20,170 3,000 16.211 Georgia 119,920 20.000 107.785 Louisiana 80,126 10,000 62,413 Mississippi 97,724 10,000 66,677 South Carolina 91,978 6,000 62,933 615,530 03,000 395,196 Total Republican vote 578,630 Total Democratic vote 395,195 Republican majority 183,335 These figures are based on the population and enumer.ation of 1870. Subsequent changes of population favored the KepubUcaiisv especially In South Car- olina, Mississippi, and Doulsiana. Whatever changes had taken place since that time, and they were considerable, were favorable to' the Republicans. This was nota- bly true of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana. These three States continued under Republican control long after the States adjoining had fallen under Democratic do- minion. Deniocratic rule was accompaiied by the abolishment of colored schools and harsh and proscriptive administration. There- upon there was an exodus of negroes from those States to the others, where the rights and interests of their race were respected, their children educated, and the ruling powers were friendly. The States of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas con- tributed many thousands of their colored voters on this account to South Carolina, Mis- sissippi, and Louisiana. The last Presiden- tial election affords abundant proof of this statement. Take South Carolina for example. The vote in this State for the years named was as follows : 1868— Republican , 62,301 Democratic 45,207 Republican majority 17,094 1870— Republican 85,071 Democratic 51,537 Republican majority 33,534 1872— Republican 72,290 Democratic 22,703 Republican majority 49,587 It has already been shown that the' total white vote in 1876 was 57, 933, and the colored vote 91,978, the total being 149,911, and the colored majority 34,545. 1875— Republican vote 91,870 Democratic vote , 91,076 Total 182,946 Votepf 1870, ■ , ,. ,.149.911 Increase '. ' ,,, 33,035 A passing reference to the paSl white popu- lation of South Carolina leaves no doubt that this increase was almost wholly colored. The United States census furnishes the following figures : 1S30 : 2^7,163 1840 .,..,..;.. 259,084 1850 274.603 1860 29i;300 1870 - 289,^67 Thus it will be' seen that the white popula- tion of the State has been almost stationary for the past half century. It will not be argued by the Opposition that it has received marvelous increase under the very odious (!) Republican Administration since reconstruc- tion. 'Whence, then, the 33,035 votes added to the poll-books? If they are not white they must be colored, and this is the fact. Then we have the actual vote of South Carolina, confirmed by this test, as follows : A HISTORY OF DEMOCEATIC ELECTION FRAUDS. 61 Colored , 124,033 Wtlte 67,933 Colored majority. ...» 66,100 Mississippi KepuMican by 40,000 major- ity, yet "countea in" by "Sl,500 majori- ty" for Tiiden. Next take Mississippi. The colored majo- rity in 1870 was 21, 157. Alcorn was elected Kepublican Governor in 1869 'by a majority of 38,089. Grant's majority in 1872 was 35,119. It is, admitted by all oonversaut with the poli- tical affairs of the State that thei present colored majority is fully 40,000. Yet Mr. Tiiden carried the State, much as a storming party carries intrenchments, by a majority of 51,468. How was this done? Take the five following counties to illustrate : 1869. 1872. 1876. Bep. Bern. Bep. Dem, Bep. Bern. Hinds.... 3,819 1,116 1.015 1,639 1,171 1,603 Lowndee,. 4,082 811 S,2l7 698 2 , 2,073 Madison.. 2,608 629 2,512 765 13 1,173 Warren... 1,611 1,006 1,709 1,281 623 2,036 Yazoo.... 2,612 816 2,133 922 2 3,672 17,692 1,708 16,886 6,208 2,111 13,757 Here was an actuaj lossof 15,578 Eepubli- can votes in four counties, aiid of 6,223 on the aggregate vote of 1872, in counties where the colored vote has been increased by immigra- tion fully 2,500 since that year. The returns from other parts of the State are in keeping with these. It is needless to recount the means that operated to effect this change. SufSce to say that a Government which allows its citizens to be outraged in this manner and suffers itself directly from, the outrage does not appear to be worth preserving. ' The State of Mississippi as rightfully belonged to Hayes and the Eepublicaii cause as Massa- chusetts or Vermont. Yet it was counted for Mr. Tiiden by 51,500 majority, without even allowing the Republicans of the State the poor privilege of protesting against the fraud. Mr. Potter might boast of 300,000, and Mr. Tiiden exult over 157;:394, majority on the face of the returns; but the facts, as herein shown, establish the utter falsity of the claim. ' PART III. Florida— Bloody Violence failliijs:. Fraud and Judicial Usurpation resorted to— A Brief History of the entire series ot Fraudulent Proceedings l»y ^rliicli Tiiden strove to Capture tliat OB«e needed Eicctoral Vote— Facts, Figures, and Incidents. Following is a summary of the entire "Florida case " in brief : Bloody violence and ballot-box debauchery. At the election in Florida of Presidential electors, November 1„ 1876, every expedient, whether fraudulent or violent, was employed by the Tildenites to secure a majority at the polls — at least to secure a majority on the face of the returns. In (the Democratic counties - all the election machinery was in the hands of the Tildenites . The ' ' Mississippi shot-gun policy " was their favorite ; but when that failed, the resort was to debauch the ballot- boxes or manipulatu the returns. A denial of bloody violence during the canvass is not seriously .pretended ; it cannot be successfully maintained. Tlic State at llrst conceded to Hayes- One vote needed for Tiiden— The whole situation thereupon changes— The Attor- ney Cieneral denies his master, the peo- ple— " And immediately the Cocke crew." Early after the day of voting the returns from the Republican counties were received at Tallahassee — Escambia, Gadsden, Leon, Jeffer- son, Madison, Alachua, Duval, Nassau, and Marion ; and their aggregate majority (7,418 for Hayes) was pubUcly known. The returns from Baker and Dade subsequently increased that to 7,463. The State by the Democracy was conceded to Hayes by a nandsome major- ity. It was not considered probable that the Republican majority would or could be over- come in the Democratic counties ; nor was it pretended as possible until the vote of the State became necessary to Tilden's election. Instantly, then, the whole situation was changed. The State was claimed by the De- mocracy. , A clamor of fraud was raised by them as a blind to the villainy by which the Tildenites, in ttie Democratic counties, remote from the capital and difficult of access, pro- posed to destroy Hayes' majority; and, as a part of the conspiracy to that end, the Demo- cratic Attorney General of the State tele- graphed North : " Tallahassee, Fla., November 11, 1^76. "The returns from the county managers not yet in. The Board of State Canvassers, of which I, as Attorney General, am one, does not meet for thirty-five daya after the election, but you may rest assured that Til- den has carried the State and Drew is elected. I do not think the Kadicals can cheat the Democrats out of the State. William Akcher Cocke." Now, if the returns were not yet in at the date of this dispatch, where did Cocke get his information? How did he know that the State had voted for Tiiden? The Republi- cans, from the returns actually in, from their aggregate majority as compared with the re- sults of previous elections, knew that the State had voted for Hayes by a decisive ma- jority. But how and where did Cocke obtain his information? What special means had he of communicating with the I)emocratic counties, so remote from Tallahassee and so difficult of access ? Is not the answer plain ? First warnin^r to the ICepublicans— The Tii- den Democrats cut the wires, wreck trains and bulldoze the Governor's couriers. This dispatch of the Democratic Attorney General of the State was a warning to the Re- publicans of the fraudulent plots at work. It 62 A HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTION FRAUDS. aroused them to action. But all the efforts of Governor Steams to secure the actual results of the election— to protect the ballot-boxes and returns from mutilation and fraud — were resisted by the most violent agencies. The telegraph -wires were cut, a train, in which were some of the Governor's messen- gers to the western counties, was ku-kluxed and wrecked, and his couriers were inter- cepted and turned back with the warning threat that if they dared to proceed without a pass from Mr. Pasco, the chairman of the Democratic committee at Tallahassee, they would be assassinated. But In spite of aU this, anrt much more, Hayes has a majority on the face of the returns of 43. Even under such oiroumstanoes, with vio- lence and fraud rampant throughout the Democratic sections of the State, the returns of all the counties, excepting those of Dade, -when opened on the 28th of November, •showed on their face a majority of 43 for the Hayes electors, to-wit : Hayes Electors. Tilden EUxtors. Humphreys 24,328 Tonge M,284 Pearce..... 24,324 CaU 24,286 Long 24,323 Hilton 24,283 Holden 24,328 BuUock 24,282 The returns from Dade, which were re- ceived on Monday, December 4, were : For Hayes, 9 ; for TUden, i. Clamor of "fraud" asalnst the Republl- cans— Bribery rampant— Tilden's " harrel of sold " at work. This result, although a serious disappoint- ment to the Democracy, yet incited and nerved the Tildenites to renewed clamors of fraud against the Eepublicans, and they now settled down in dead earnest to the desperate work of wresting the State from its Republi- can majority. Falsehoods and false charges of fraud against the Republicans were sys- tematically telegraphed over the country as a means of prejudging the canvass of votes, per- jurers were recruited with bribes to sustain these charges, and unscrupulous partisan counsel, feed from the notorious "barrel of gold, " were imported from the North to super- intend and manage the efforts to capture the State for Tilden. The Board of State Canvassers— The law grovernlng their action. Under the fourth section of the law of Flor- ida, approved February 27, 1872, the Board of State Convassers consisted of the Secretary of State, Samuel B. McLin, who was elected its president ; Comptroller of Accounts, Clay- ton A. Cowgill, and Attorney General, William Archer Cocke. The two former were classed as Republicans ; the latter is a Democrat, and all three are native sons of the South. Under the same section the canvassing board is re- quired to meet in the ofl&ce of the Secretary of State within thirty-five days after any general or special election, and proceed to canvass the returns and determine and declare who shall have been elected, as shown by such returns. It commands : "If any such returns shall be shown, or shall appear to be so, irregu^ lai; false or fraudulent, that the board shall be unable to determine the true vote for any such officer or member, they shall so certify, and shall noi include such return in their Mermimtim and dedarcdion." Attorney General Cocke objected to as a member of the Board because of pre- Judgrment— He poes on his knees and is forgiven. Hence the canvassing board began its ses- sions on the 27th of November. Attorney General Cooke's unfitness to serve with the board was urged, on the ground that he had prejudged the ease, even before the receipt of the returns, and that consequently he could not render an impartial judgment ; but that gentleman, having earnestly pledged himself that he would be governed in his action by his oath and the facts, the objection to his acting was withdrawn. The Board, under Democratic counsel, rule, and precedent, proceed to business and find a majority for Hayes. Under the written opinion of this gentle- man, the Democratic Attorney-General of the State, and the legal adviser of the Board, given in 1874, with the applause of the Demo- cracy, and in accordance with the practice adopted under that opinion in the canvass of that year, by which the Democracy so greatly profited, a contest of the county returns, or of the vote of any county or of any precinct of a county, was allowed. The Democratic At- torney General in substance declared : " It is the duty of the Board to seek the true re- turns." Accordingly the Canvassing Board proceeded to find the true vote of the State. The returns of the counties were opened, and upon their face, as stated above, showed a majority of 43 for Hayes. The subsequent return from Dade increased that majority to 48. The Democracy at once cry "fraud"— The Republicans tax Democratic counties with " shenanigan." The Democracy immediately assailed the returns from Baker and other counties, and the Republicans filed objections to the returns from a number of Democratic counties and precincts. All these, under the express com- mands of the laws of the State, the written advice of the Democratic Attorney General, and the previous practice of the Board under both, the Board determined to inquire into. But the twenty-four uncontested counties— to wit, Brevard, Bradford, (Jalhoun, Dade, EscamlDia, Franklin, Gadsden, Hillsborough, Holmes, Lafayette, Liberty, Madison, Marion, Putnam, Polk, Santa Rosa, Sumter, St. John's, Suwanee, Taylor, Volusia, Wakulla, Walton, and Washington — were first taken up and canvassed according to the face of the returns. A HI8TOBY OF DEMOCBATIC ELECTION FRAUDS. 63 The Board InvcMtlsatcs for the "true" return!*— 3Iucli unanimity In Its findings The counties of Baker, Clay, Hernando, Nassau, Lievy, Orange, Leon, Hamilton, Munroc, Jefferson, and Slanatee. The Board then entered into an investiga- tion for the true returns in the contested