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 THE JAMES VERNER SCAIFE 
 
 COLLECTION 
 
 CIVIL WAR LITERATURE 
 
 THE GIFT OF 
 
 JAMES VERNER SCAIFE 
 
 CLASS OF 1689 
 
 1919 
 
Cornell University Library 
 E559.5 61st .N61 
 
 A soldier's story of his regiment (61st 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 030 922 383 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1898, 
 
 By G. W. NICHOI^S, 
 
 In the Office of the I^ibrarian of Congress at Washington, D. C. 
 
A SOLDIER'S STORY OF 
 HIS REGIMENT 
 
 (6Ist GEORGIA) 
 
 AND INCIDENTALLY 
 
 OB THB 
 
 Lawton- Gordon -Evans Brigade 
 
 ARMY NORTHERN VIRGINIA 
 
 BY 
 
 PRIVATE G. W.JSriCHOLS, 
 
 jaSUP, GB^EGIA. 
 
 
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Introductory Preface* 
 
 At the request "of many of my old friends and com- 
 rades, and the youths of the country, I have written the 
 pages of this history. 
 
 I wrote' a part of it in 1887 and had it published in the 
 Pioneer and Eagle, a newspaper, then published in Bul- 
 loch county, Ga. After its publication I was compli- 
 mented highly by all of my old company, and at the 
 request of my own children I have rewritten and en- 
 larged it, and decided to publish it. 
 
 At the beginning of this introductory I will state thai 
 the history is incomplete. 
 
 I could not tell all the heroic deeds, even of what I 
 saw, for it would fill a large volume. I have never seen 
 a history like this one. All that I ever read tells what 
 officers did. This gives its readers a faint idea of what 
 officers and private soldiers did . 
 
 I have referred to my own company more than the 
 other companies because I supposed it a fair average of 
 what most all the companies in the brigade and the bal- 
 ance of Gen. I^ee's army did and suffered in battles and 
 marches, etc. 
 
 I have no recollection of seeing more than two brigades 
 reduced more than ours was. That was Gen. Hays' and 
 Gen. Taylor's Louisiana brigades. 
 
 I have read a great many histories of the war, but 
 have never read one that was correct. I was an eye-wit- 
 ness to most of what I have written, especially the cam- 
 paigns of 1863 and 1864. I know it is truth, and the 
 survivors of the old brigade know it is truth. 
 I have tried hard to write it impartially, for I desire 
 
IV 
 
 that the present and the g-enerations to follow us, may 
 know the truth and what a strug-g-le the Confederate sol- 
 diers had in fighting- American soldiers, when they out- 
 numbered us more than two to one. 
 
 It was a lamentable war, and one in which more than 
 one million American soldiers received wounds or per- 
 ished in battle or otherwise. 
 
 I am proud, in my old days, to see the nation as well 
 •anited as it is, and I want to live to see every possible 
 stain and ill-feeling removed, and I would love to see all 
 old soldiers. Union and Confederate, labor to this end. 
 
 I do not think the world ever furnished better or 
 braver soldiers than the Confederate States furnished, 
 or better leaders to lead them. And again, I do not be- 
 lieve the world ever furnished or ever will furnish better 
 or braver soldiers than we had to fight. I have often 
 wondered how we held out as long as we did. 
 
 I have had occasion to refer to myself a great many 
 times, not that I was braver or did more than other Con- 
 federate soldiers, and I do not want the readers of this 
 history to think so, for such is not the case. I was not 
 as brave as some were, and I did not do near as much as 
 some did, for I was a sickly, weakly boy, and seldom 
 ever voluntarily put myself in bad danger like a great 
 many others. 
 
 If I was asked which of the regiments in the brigade 
 was the bravest, I would answer: "We did not have a 
 'bravest.'" Again, if I were asked which was the 
 poorest, I would answer: "We did not have a 'poor- 
 est.' " I don't think a better brigade could be furnished 
 from any source, or better commanders than we had 
 who were Gens, A. R. I^awton, John B. Gordon and 
 Clement A. Evans, and Cols. Marcellus Douglas, E. N, 
 Atkinson and J. H. Baker, or a brigade that ever did 
 
more hard service thau it while in the Virginias, Penn- 
 sylvania and Maryland. 
 
 I have one ch apter a bout my hospital life and what I saw 
 and suffered there. I did this that the present and com- 
 ing generations may have some idea of what private 
 soldiers had to suffer. I have also given the readers one 
 chapter of W. H. Bland's prison life. He was one of 
 our company and I can safely say that it is true. 
 
 I have also fixed up the muster rolls and casualties of 
 the most of the companies of the Sixty-first Georgia 
 Regiment, and would have fixed them all up, but the sur- 
 vivors of one of the companies failed to fix the muster 
 roll and casualties for me. I am sure that all of the 
 members of the different companies are not reported, for 
 it has been to do from the memory of the survivors, 
 thirty-three years after the struggle ended. And if 
 there are any left out we hope you will excuse us and 
 the members who fixed up the rolls and casualties for us, 
 for none have been left out on purpose. I would also like 
 to add in some future edition all the different companies 
 and regiments of the brigade, and will do so if some of 
 the surviving members of the companies and regiments 
 will aid me. A.uthos. 
 
What Others Say of the Book. 
 
 Notice what some of the brigade commanders and 
 others saj about the history. 
 
 "The book of which Mr. G. W. Nichols, of Georgia, is 
 tne author, is a simple recital of facts connected with 
 our great civil war as those facts came under his own 
 observation while serving as a private soldier in the 
 armies of the Southern Confederacy. The author, who 
 was an excellent soldier in war and has been an exemp- 
 lary citizen since its close, has made no effort at mere 
 verbal display, nor does he base his claim to public rec- 
 ognition upon any peculiaraties of style, nor upon any 
 pretense to literary merit in composition. He does claim, 
 however, for his book the merit of truth; of absolute fidel- 
 ity in the record it makes of his personal experiences 
 and of those of his comrades in the battles, on the 
 marches and in the camps, as well as of their countless 
 privations and sufferings. Such a book must prove of 
 interest to many readers. 
 
 "J. B. Gordon." 
 
 "This work by a brother soldier, who tells the story of 
 chivalry and suffering which his comrades endured, will 
 meet with a welcome. 
 
 "It will recall many memories which are dear to a sol- 
 dier's heart, and it will furnish to his children a picture oi 
 the scenes through which the Confederate soldiers proved 
 in their valorous, though vain effort, to sustain their 
 cause by arms. 
 
 "The book is a story of one most gallant regiment and 
 incidentially, of the Lawton-Gordon-Evans brigade, 
 (Army of Northern Va.) but it fairly represents the 
 
Vll 
 
 actions of all gallant regiments in every other brigade. 
 The book is well worth the reading by all soldiers and 
 their sons and daughters. 
 
 "Clembnt A. Evans." 
 [General Clement A. Evans commanded the brigade in 
 many battles and was promoted to division commander. 
 He was an excellent Christian gentleman and an excellent 
 general and commander. — Author.] 
 
 "This history, written by a brother soldier of a most 
 gallant regiment (Sixty-first Georgia)of the Lawton- 
 Gordon-Evans Brigade, is well gotten up, and is a true 
 history of the brigade, and is written different to any 
 history I have ever seen written about the late war from 
 1861 to 1865. It is written in a fair and impartial way 
 to the Union as well as to the Confederate soldier, and 
 should be read by every old soldier, their sons and daugh- 
 ters, and all others that desire to know the truth about 
 what the brigade saw, did, and suffered, which, I 
 suppose, is a fair average of what other Confederate sol- 
 diers did and suffered in the Army of Northern Virginia. 
 
 "This history is mainly a history of the Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiment and incidentally of the brigade. 
 
 "John H. Bakbr." 
 
 Colonel Thirteenth Georgia Regiment, Army of North- 
 ern Virginia, from 1861 to 1865. 
 
 Wayceoss, Ga., Sept. 14th, 1898. 
 ''Mr. G. W. Nichols, Jesup, Ga.: 
 
 "My Dear Sir: — I have carefully read from your man- 
 uscript, the history of the Sixty-first Georgia Regiment, 
 and of the Lawton-Gordon-Evans brigade, and I take 
 great pleasure in saying that I find it very interesting and 
 instructive, and especially so was your accounts of the 
 battles of the Wilderness and Spottsylvania. 
 
 "It is written a little different to any history I have 
 
Vlll 
 
 ever read about the war, in that it goes into more minor 
 details of the subject matter and the results. 
 
 "I hope you will be successful in g-etting: your man- 
 uscript put in book-form and put them on the market, 
 as I think that every Confederate veteran and every 
 Confederate veteran's son and daughter ought to read it. 
 I was especially struck with the absolute fairness in 
 which you wrote of the Union army as well as the Con- 
 federate army. 
 "Wishing you much success in your undertaking, I am 
 "Yours very truly, 
 
 "John W. Bbnnbitt," 
 "Attorney-at-Law and Solicitor-General Brunswick 
 Circuit." 
 
 "Every school-boy and girl should read this history, for 
 I find it instructive and will give a better insight into a 
 soldier's life and a clearer idea of the struggles of the 
 Confederate soldiers than any history I have ever exam- 
 ined. J. R. Bennbtt, 
 "Coun^ School Commissioner Wayne county, Ga." 
 
GBN, A, R. IvAWTON. 
 
General A. R. Lawton was a South Carolinian by 
 birth, a graduate of West Point and served in the First 
 Regiment of United States Artillery for eighteen 
 months on the frontier of the British Provinces. Re- 
 signing, he-became a lawyer, graduated at Harvard Law 
 School, and settled in Savannah, Georgia. 
 
 He was colonel of the only volunteer regiment in Geor 
 gia when the war begun, and seized Fort Pulaski under 
 Governor Brown's orders in 1861. He retained command 
 in Savannah under State commission until in April, 1861. 
 He was commissioned brigadier general in the Confeder- 
 ate Army and assigned to the command of the Georgia 
 coast until the latter part of May, 1862, when, at his 
 own request, he went to Virginia with six of his best 
 drilled Georgia Regiments, then stationed near Savan- 
 nah. So with the Thirteenth, Twenty-sixth, Thirty-first, 
 Thirty-eighth, Sixtieth and Sixty-first, which contained 
 about 7,000 well drilled ofiicers and men, he arrived in 
 Richmond the first week in June, 1862, with the largest 
 brigade in General Lee's army, and was assigned to Gen- 
 eral Stonewall Jackson's command, then operating in the 
 great Shennandoah valley. He joined Jackson's com- 
 mand June 10th, 1862. In Virginia his service was bril- 
 liant and honorable. 
 
 He returned with General Jackson to make the flank 
 movement against McClellan,and took in the Seven Days' 
 battle around Richmond, and bore a conspicious part, 
 losing heavily in the battles of Gaines' Mill, Cold Har- 
 bor and Malvern Hill. When General Ewell was 
 wounded at the second battle of Manassas he took com- 
 mand of that officer's division, which he commanded at 
 Chantilly, Harper's Ferry and Sharpsburg. 
 
 At Sharpsburg his horse was killed and General Law- 
 ton severely wounded. He was disabled until May, 
 
1863, -when, though still lame, he reported in person for 
 duty to the adjutant general in Richmond. 
 
 Under General Lawton's command the Uwell division, 
 as usual, made a glorious record. 
 
 The Richmond press declared it had covered itself 
 with glory. 
 
 When General Lawton reported for duty in May, 1863, 
 the president and secretary of war decided to a,ssign 
 him to the responsible position of quartermaster general 
 of the Confederate States. He objected strenuously to 
 the assignment, declaring that he had entered the ser- 
 vice for duty in the field, that he had no experience 
 whatever in bureau service. His objections were snch 
 as to cause a delay of two months in ordering him to 
 that duty. When it was pressed upon him the second 
 time, President Davis said that he considered the posi- 
 tion one of such importance to our success that there 
 was no man, of any rank whatever in the Confederate 
 army, save only the commanders of the two great armies, 
 whom he would not withdraw from the field and assign 
 to that duty, if he could find the person best fitted, to be 
 assigned to that duty. 
 
 Under these circumstances General Lawton accepted 
 and was ordered to the head of that bureau, and took 
 charge of it in August 1863, and continued to perform its 
 great and invaluable duties until the close of the war, 
 to the satisfaction of the president. 
 
 Since the war he was one of the acknowledged leaders 
 of the Georgia bar, conducting many of the most impor- 
 tant cases in the supreme court of Georgia and the su- 
 preme court of the United States. 
 
 General Alexander Robert Lawton was born in Law- 
 tonville, S. C, in 1818, and died July 2nd, 1896. 
 
 At the time of his death the leading newspapers of 
 the State spoke of him "as the great warrior statesman, 
 lawyer and orator." He was minister to Austria under 
 Cleyeland's first administration. He was at one time 
 presidettt of the American Bar Association. 
 
jGHN H. bakb;r, col. 13th ga. rsgt. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 Formation o^ the; Rkgimbnts of Gbneeal A. R. 
 
 IvAwton's Bk,igad:S. — Thb ThirtjjenTh 
 
 georgia regiment. 
 
 The Thirteenth Georgia Reg-itnent was formed and 
 mustered into the Confederate service about the 8th of 
 July, 1861, at Griffin, Ga., with Walter Ector elected 
 colonel ; Marcellus Doug-las, lieutenant-colonel, and 
 J. M. Smith, major. 
 
 Col. Ector died in the winter of 1861. Lieut. -Col. 
 Douglas was then promoted to the rank of colonel. 
 Major Smith to lieutenant-colonel, and Capt. J. H. Baker, 
 of Company A, to major. 
 
 Col. Douglas was killed at Sharpsburg, Md., Septem- 
 ber l7th, 1863, while in command of Eawton's brigade. 
 L/ieut.-Col. Smith was then promoted to colonel, but was 
 soon afterwards elected to the Confederate Congress. 
 Lieut. -Col. J. H. Baker was then promoted to the office 
 of colonel. He received eight wounds during the war, 
 four of which were severe. He served through the war 
 with credit to himself and his country. He commanded 
 the brigade several months until near the time of the 
 surrender, and would have been promoted to brigadier- 
 general if the war had continued. 
 
 After the formation of the regiment at Griffin, it was 
 ordered in a few days to Richmond, and from there 
 it was ordered to join Gen. John B. Floyd's brigade in 
 West Virginia. It remained there till the latter part of 
 December, 1861. 
 
14 
 
 During its stay in the mountains of West Virginia, 
 the brigade suffered severely from hard marches aiid the 
 rigor of that climate, it being continually on the march. 
 
 It had two engagements with the enemy, and lost a 
 few men in each engagement. One was at Sewell Moun- 
 tain, the other was at Laurel Hill, or, by some, called 
 (Dolton Hill. The casualties of the regiment from the 
 cold climate and exposure on the marches were very 
 heavy. From Laurel Hill it fell back to Newburg, West 
 Virginia, and was ordered from that point to Charleston, 
 S. C, and from there to Savannah, Ga. 
 
 It arrived at Savannah the 1st day of January, 1862, 
 and remained there till the latter part of May. During 
 its stay in Georgia it had several skirmishes with the 
 enemy, and captured a boat load of marines with several 
 officers. It had an engagement with the enemy on 
 Whitmarsh Island, where it had several men killed and 
 wounded. It fought the Eighth Michigan Regiment, 
 and in their own report, they had forty men killed and 
 wounded. 
 
 The boat in which the marines were captured was 
 used the rest of the war as a picket boat and was called 
 "The Thirteenth Georgia." The regiment was ordered 
 from Savannah the latter part of. May, 1862, with Gen. 
 A. R. Lawton's brigade to Virginia, and was in every 
 battle in which the brigade was engaged during the 
 war. There were no better regiments in the Confederate 
 service than the Thirteenth Georgia Regiment. 
 
 It went to Virginia in June, 1862, about eleven hun- 
 dred strong, and after serving two years and ten months 
 with the brigade, it surrendered at Appomattox C. 
 H., April 9th, 1865, one hundred and sixty-one, rank 
 and file, as shown by the war records at Washington, 
 D. C. 
 
 I especially ask all the survivin^r officers and men in 
 
IS 
 
 all the different companies of tlie Thirteenth Georgia 
 Regiment to fix me up a complete muster-roll and casu- 
 alties of their companies, like the most of the companies 
 of the Sixty-first Georgia Regiment are fixed up in the 
 back part of this history, and I will publish it in the sec- 
 ond edition of this history. 
 
 The Twenty-Sixth Georgia Regiment. 
 
 The Twenty-Sixth Georgia Regiment was organized 
 in Brunswick, Ga., October, 1861, for twelve months, with 
 
 Carey W. Stiles elected colonel; Lane, elected 
 
 lieutenant-colonel, and Gardner, major. E. N. 
 
 Atkinson was appointed adjutant and W. B. Folks, M. 
 D., regimental surgeon. The following counties fur- 
 nished companies for the regiment: Charlton, Brooks, 
 Berrien, Glynn, Mcintosh, Twiggs, Clinch, Ware, Cof- 
 fee and Wayne. It was armed with Enfield rifles and 
 was soon ordered to St. Simon's Island, seven miles east 
 of Brunswick. Here it had to work very hard, building 
 a fort and other batteries, and fighting sand flies and 
 uiosquitos and drilling with its heavy siege-guns, and 
 company and battalion drills with the small arms. 
 
 They had to do a lot of picketing. 
 
 After they finished the fort and other batteries, they 
 were ordered to move all of their heavy guns back to 
 BruHswick and the regiment was ordered to Savannah, 
 Ga. From here it was ordered to Camp Beulah, twelve 
 miles from Savannah, near Green Island Sound, and 
 back to the shell road, where the regiment reorganized 
 and re-enlisted for three years, or during the war. 
 
 It then elected Adjutant E. N. Atkinson, colonel; Wil- 
 liam A, McDonald, lieutenant-colonel E. Shorter 
 Griffin, major; E. A. Jelks, M. D., regimental surgeon; 
 A. J. Lials, adjutant. 
 
 About the 20th of May, 1862, the regfiment was or- 
 
16 
 
 dered to Charleston, S. C., and it stayed in Charleston 
 about one week when it was ordered to Virginia with 
 Lawton's brigade, and served in Stonewall Jackson's 
 command till he was killed, after that, under Generals 
 Ewell, Early, Gordon and Evans. 
 
 The Twenty-sixth Georgia Regiment was made up en- 
 tirely with South Georgians, who were brought up in a 
 thinly settled country where there were but few schools. 
 The most of them were taught early how to handle and 
 use a gun, and could kill the fleet-footed deer, panther, 
 wolf, bear, wild-cat and fox running at break-neck speed 
 or could take off a squirrel's head with the old plantation 
 rifle. 
 
 When the Twenty-sixth had to fight the enemy, it al 
 ways punished them severelj^ It always had tne ground 
 well strewn with dead and wounded. 
 
 It went to Virginia more than eleven hundred strong 
 and lost in killed, wounded, captured and died in hos- 
 pitals and prisons till it only had seventy-eight at the 
 surrender at Appomattox C. H. 
 
 Colonel E. N. Atkinson received his military education 
 at the military academy near Marietta, Ga. He was 
 wounded in the battle of Fredericksburg December 13th, 
 1862, and captured, but was exchanged within a short 
 time and returned to his command when sufiSciently re- 
 covered from his wounds. 
 
 He was captured in the valley in 1864 — probably at 
 Strasburg, and kept in prison at Fort Delaware until the 
 war ended. 
 
 During the war he contracted sciatic rheumatism from 
 which he never fully recovered. He died in Waycross, 
 Ga., a few years ago. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel McDonald did not remain in the 
 war a great while. He was elected to the Georgia Leg- 
 islature from Ware county, and returned home to fill that 
 office. 
 
17 
 
 He lived to a ripe old ag-e and died as he had lived, a 
 splendid citizen and a Christian g-entleman. 
 
 MajorEli Shorter Grif&n was severely wounded at th. 
 second battle of Manassas and returned home and w;.s 
 elected to the legislature from Twig-g-s county, Ga. IJe 
 died a few years ago. The places of these two g-entle- 
 men and officers were filled by Captain J. S. Blaine, o: 
 Brunswick, and Captain B. F. Grace, of Darien. L,ieu" 
 tenant Colonel Blaine was an excellent officer and was 
 wounded in the shoulder in a skirmish battle near Shep 
 herdstown, W. Va.. 1864. From the effects of this wound 
 he was Rendered totally unfit for military duty and retired. 
 Major Grace was an excellent officer and yielded up his 
 life at or near the enemy's breast-works at Hatchers' Run 
 on the 5th of February, 1865, and left the regiment to 
 mourn the loss of this gfood man and officer. Captain 
 James Knox commanded the regiment until the bloody 
 struggle ended. 
 
 Captain Knox is yet living in Waycross, Ga., but is 
 getting old and feeble. 
 
 The noble surgeon, E. A. Jelks, was with the regi 
 ment through all the bloody struggles in the Virginias 
 Maryland and Pennsylvania. He was seldom ever awaj' 
 from his post of duty and was an excellent physician and 
 surgeon, and the Twenty-sixth Georgia Regiment and 
 the brigade all loved him for his kindness to them and 
 his efficiency in treating the sick and wounded. He is 
 living in Quitman, Ga., and has the love and respect of 
 the city and community in which he lives. 
 
 The history of the regiment from the first of June 
 1862, till the close of the war is consolidated with the 
 history of the brigade. I especially ask all the surviv- 
 ing officers and men of every one of the different com- 
 panies of the Twenty-sixth Georgia regiment to fix me 
 Up a complete muster roll and casualities of all the dif- 
 
18 
 
 ferent companies of the reg-iment, and I will publisli them 
 in the next edition of this history. Fix it up like the 
 different companies of the Sixty-first Georg-ia Reg-iment 
 is in the back of this history and send them to me at 
 Jesup, Ga. 
 
 The Thirty-first Georgia Regiment. 
 
 This noble reg-iment was organized in October, 1861^ 
 and enlisted tor twelve months, as very nearly all the 
 others did at that time. P. J. Philips was elected colo- 
 nel. Pike Hill lieutenant-colonel and C. A. Evans, major. 
 
 At the re-enlistment and re-organization of the reg-i 
 ment for three years, or during the war, in the spring- 
 of 1862, Major C. A. Evans was elected colonel, John T. 
 Crowder, lieutenant-colonel, and Captain J. H. Lowe was 
 elected major. At the battle of Sharpsburg- Colonel 
 Crowder was wounded and totally disabled, and he had 
 o resig-n. Major Lowe was then promoted to lieut- 
 colonel, and Captain Pride, of Company B, was promoted 
 to major. 
 
 At the battle of the Wilderness, May 5th, 1864, Colo- 
 nel C. A. Evans was promoted to brigadier-g-eneral, 
 Lieut-Colonel Lowe was promoted to colonel, and Major 
 Pride was promoted to lieutenant-colonel. Colonel Pride 
 was wounded in the latter part of the war and did not 
 return ; he being disabled for military service. 
 
 The regiment was thoroughly drilled and was as- 
 signed to Lawton's Brig-ade, and ordered with the bri- 
 gade, in the latter part of May, 1862, to Virg-inia, and 
 was assigned, with the brig-ade, to Stonewall Jackson's 
 command, which was then in the Valley of Virginia. 
 
 The Thirty-first Georgia Regiment shared, in all the 
 battles, skirmishes and marches that the brigade was in 
 ts full share of the hardships and privations. 
 
 At its orgfaai^atioa tae:e -^vsre more thau 1,200 men 
 
19 
 
 The regiment surrendered 112 men at Appomattox, 
 
 The regiment was second to none in the armies of the 
 Confederate States. Its history from June 1st, 1862, till 
 the close of the war, is consolidated with the brigade. 
 
 I most especially ask the surviving officers and men of 
 all the different companies to furnish me with a complete 
 muster roll and casualties, like the different companies 
 of the Sixty-first Georgia Regiment, in the back of this 
 history, and I will publish them in the second edition of 
 this book. 
 
 General Clement A. E^vans is a native Georgian. He 
 began business life as a lawyer in his native county 
 (Stewart) after gaaduation from the law school of W. T. 
 Gould . After a short while he was invited to a partner- 
 ship with his. first law preceptor. Col. B. S. Worrell, 
 which he accepted. 
 
 His election when only twenty-one to the judgeship of < 
 his county and hi^ subsequent election as state senator 
 when only twenty-five, shows the esteem in which he was 
 held by his people. 
 
 His military bent appeared in boyhood when he organi- 
 zed a boy military company and later on by his member- 
 ship in the volunteer company of his town. Through 
 these connections he gained considerable military train- 
 ing. 
 
 On the certainty that war was at hand, he joined with 
 other yofl&g men in December, 1860, while he was 
 State senator. In organizing the Stewart Grey's officers 
 he was elected first lieutenant, and subsequently resigned 
 this position. He enlisted with the Bartow Guards and 
 was chosen major of the Thirty-first Georgia Regiment. 
 Afterwards, as appears in this work, he was promoted to 
 colonel, brigadier-general and commander of a di*^ision« 
 
 General Evans was continually with the brigade from 
 \ts organisation until the war ended, sharing all its bat- 
 
30 
 
 ties except when absent on account of wounds received. 
 His career since the war is well known in Georgia and 
 it need not be here repeated. 
 
 Wright's Lbgion, Afterwards Known as ths Thirty- 
 eighth Georgia Regiment. 
 
 This regiment was formed in the summer of 1861. It 
 consisted of thirteen full companies, and was stationed 
 at Camp Kirkpatrick, two miles west of Decatur, Ga., 
 and four miles east of Atlanta, on the Georgia railroad. 
 
 The Hon. Augustus R. Wright, of Rome, Ga., was 
 elected colonel, G. W. Lee, of Atlanta, was elected lieut- 
 colonel, L. J. Barr, of Atlanta, was elected major, John 
 H. Sherrod, of Swainesboro, Ga., was adjutant, B. D. 
 Lee, of Atlanta, was sergeant-major, W. J. Arrington, 
 M. D., of Louisville, Ga., was regimental surgeon, John 
 M. Quinn, of Rome, Ga., was commissary, W. J. Jerai- 
 gan, Lexington, Ga., was quartermaster, and G. W. 
 Mashburn was regimental chaplain. 
 
 The following companies composed the "Legion," as 
 it was then called : 
 
 1. Company A, known as Murphey Guards, of DeKalb 
 county. Captain, John T. Flowers; lieutenants Pool, 
 Marabel and Miller. 
 
 2. Company B, "Milton Guards," Milton county. Cap- 
 tain, George McClasky; lieutenants, McMakin, Philips 
 and Maddox. 
 
 3. Company C, "Ben Hill Guards,'' Emanuel count3^ 
 Captain, W. L. McCloud; lieutenants, Wright, William- 
 son and Oughsley. 
 
 4. Company D, "McCullough Rifles," DeKalb county. 
 Captain, John G. Rankin (Old Reliable) ; lieutenants 
 McCurdy, Wells and Baxter. 
 
 5. Company E, "Tom Cobb Infantry," Oglethorpe 
 
21 
 
 county. Captain, J. D. Matthews; lieutenants, Lester, 
 Daniels and Hawkins. 
 
 6. Company F, " Thornton Volunteers, " Hart county. 
 Captain, J. D. Thornton; lieutenants, Teaseley, Brown 
 and Maxwell. 
 
 7. Company G, " Batley Guards," of Jefferson count3^ 
 Captain, W. H. Batley; lieutenants, Brinson, Vaughn 
 and Farmer. 
 
 8. Company H, "Goshen Blues," Elbert county. Cap- 
 tain, R. O. Fberhart; lieutenants, Hall, Oglesby and 
 Andrews. 
 
 9. Company I, "Irwin Invincibles," Henry county, 
 Ala. Captain, J. E. Jones; lieutenants, Irwin, Jones 
 and Campbell. 
 
 10. Company K, "Bartow Avengers," DeKalb county. 
 Captain, William Wright; Lieutenants, Gober, Goodwin 
 and Stubbs. 
 
 11. Company L,, "Joe Thompson Artillery," Fulton 
 county. Captain, C. L. Hanleiter; lieutenants, Shaw, 
 Craven and McDaniel. 
 
 12. Company M, "Chastatee Artillery," Forsyth 
 county. Captain, Thomas H. Bower; lieutenants, Hen- 
 drix, McDaniel aijd Hendrix, 
 
 13. Company N, "Dawson Farmers," Dawson county, 
 captain, W. M. Blackburn;, lieutenants, Hill, Marshburn 
 and Goswick. 
 
 The legion was armed with Enfield rifles. It was 
 ordered from Camp Kirkpatrick to Savannah, Ga., and 
 was stationed first on the shell road, and was ordered 
 from there to the Skidaway Island ; from there to the 
 Isle of Hope, and from there back to Savannah, where it 
 camped in Forsyth Park. > 
 
 Here it learned to drill almost to perfection, for this 
 was all it had to do except camp guard duty until the 
 latter part of May, 1862, when it was ordered to Rich-- 
 
22 
 
 mond, Va., with Gen. A. R. Lawton's brig-ade, which 
 was formed out of six of the best drilled reg-iments on 
 the Georgia coast. 
 
 When we were ordered to Virginia, the artillery com- 
 panies L and M were detached and left at Savannah, and 
 Company I, the Alabama company, was transferred from 
 the Thirty-eighth to the Sixtieth Georgia Regiment, 
 much against its will and the will of the whole regi- 
 ment, for they had all grown attached to each other. 
 
 From this time till the close of the war the history of 
 the regiment is consolidated with that of the brigade. 
 It was about 1,200 strong when it was organized; 105 
 surrendered at Appomattox. It was indeed a noble 
 regiment. 
 
 I desire the surviving officers and men to fix up a com- 
 plete muster roll and casualties of all the different com- 
 panies of this noble regiment, and I will publish it in 
 the next edition of this history. 
 
 Thk Fourth Gboegia Battai,ion. 
 
 The Fourth Georgia Battalion was organized in the 
 summer of 1861 at Dalton, Ga., with the following- field 
 officers : 
 
 William H. Stiles, lieutenant-colonel ; Thomas J. 
 Berry, major ; Samuel H. Smith, chaplain. 
 
 The battalion was ordered to Savannah, Ga., and 
 formed into the Sixtieth Georgia Regiment in the spring 
 of 1862. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Wm. H. Stiles was promoted to colo- 
 nel, and served the regiment until 1864, when his health 
 entirely broke down. Col. Stiles resigned and returned 
 home, and died during or soon after the war. Major 
 Berry was promoted to lieutenant-colonel and promoted 
 to brigadier general of cavalry in 1864. 
 
 Qapt. W. B. Jones was promoted to major August 17th 
 
33 
 
 1863, and to the full rank of colonel on the 18th day of 
 January, 1865, and commanded the Sixtieth and Sixty- 
 firat Georgia Regiments until the surrender. Capt. 
 Stephen H. Kenedy, of the Sixty-first Georgia Regiment, 
 was promoted to lieutenant-colonel of the Sixtieth and 
 Sixty-first Georgia Regiments on the 18th of January 
 1865, and received a severe wound at Deep Run on the 
 6th of February, 1865, and was sent to the hospital at 
 Richmond and received furlough on the 2d of April, the 
 day Gen. Grant broke Gen. Lee's lines at Petersburg. 
 
 Captain John Y. Beddingfield, of the Sixtieth, was 
 promoted to major January 18th, 1865, at the consolida- 
 tion of the Sixtieth and Sixty-first Georgia Regiments, 
 and this noble man and officer was killed on the 25th of 
 March in the charge on Fort Steadman. 
 
 Samuel H. Smith, the Sixtieth Georgia Regiment's 
 good chaplain, was one of the most devoted Christian 
 chaplains of the army, and loved the Sixtieth Georgia 
 Regiment dearly, and was dearly beloved by the regi- 
 ment and brigade. Often when we were going into 
 battle the men and officers would run to him and give 
 them their pocket-books to keep for them. He was so 
 kind to the wounded and dying until no one could help 
 loving this devoted Christian man. 
 
 R. S. McFarlin was promoted to adjutant June 20th, 
 1863. This good officer was wounded at Kernstown 1864, 
 and was again wounded twice at the battle of Winches- 
 ter the 19th of September, again at Hatcher's Run, and 
 was again severely wounded at Fort Steadman on the 
 35th of March, 1865. He is living in Atlanta, Ga. 
 
 Daniel N. Speer was appointed quarter master July 
 I5th, 1862, and was soon promoted to brigade quartermas- 
 ter. In 1863 he was promoted to the office of inspector 
 |f<$neral and transferred to the Army of the West, and was 
 
24 
 
 twice elected State Treasurer, and filled this high office 
 with credit to himself and State. 
 
 Lieutenant Benjamin J. Keller was promoted to adju- 
 tant at the org-anization of the reg-iment, but declined to 
 accept the of&ce. In the spring of 1864 he was promoted 
 to the command of the brig-ade's battalion of Sharp- 
 shooters, made up of choice select men for bravery. He 
 was captured at the battle of Winchester on the 19th of 
 September, 1864. 
 
 He died in Savannah, Ga., since the war. 
 
 This noble regiment went to Virg-inia in June, 1862, 
 with Lawton's Brigade, and served with the brigade in 
 all its hardships in battle, marches, etc. 
 
 It went to Virginia more than 1,000 strong, and after 
 serving two years and ten months in the Army of North- 
 ern Virginia it only had eighty-five men and officers. 
 When General Lee evacuated the ditches at Petersburg 
 about fifty of this number were in line and armed at the 
 surrender at Appotomax. 
 
 If the surviving officers and men will get up a complete 
 muster roll, and casualties of all the different companies 
 I will publish it in the next edition of this history. 
 Brother comrades, please do this for references for the 
 dead heroes' posterity. 
 
 Thb Seventh Georgia Battai,ion, Afterwards the 
 Sixty-first Georgia Regiment. 
 
 The Seventh Georgia Battalion was formed about the 
 10th of September, 1861, at Eden, Ga., No. 2 C, R. R., 
 with seven companies. 
 
 C. A. L- Lamar was elected lieutenant colonel and J. 
 H. Lamar was elected major. C. C. Schley, M. D. was 
 batallion surgeon, Dr. Lamar, assistant surgeon. 
 Captain J. H. Oattis, of Company F, Quitman county 
 Ga., was appointed commissary, Captain George Hagan 
 
25 
 
 was appointed quartermaster, Serg-eant P. N. Graves 
 commissary sergeant, and Granville C. Conner adjutant. 
 The following- companies were from the following^ 
 counties : 
 
 1. Company A. — "Irwin Cowboys," from Irwin 
 county, Georgia. Captain, J. Y. McDuffie; first lieuten- 
 ant, J. J. Henderson; second lieutenant, J. D. Wilcox; 
 third lieutenant . 
 
 2. Company B, " Tattnall Rangers," Tattnall county, 
 Ga. Captain, A. P. McRae ; first lieutenant, D. R. A. 
 Johnson; second lieutenant, J. M. Dus ; third lieutenant, 
 William Partin. 
 
 3. Company C, "Brooks Rifles," Brooks county, Ga. 
 Captain, James McDonald ; first lieutenant. J. A. Ed- 
 mondson ; second lieutenant, Daniel McDonald, and 
 third lieutenant, J. M. Harris. 
 
 4. Company D, "DeKalb Guards," Bulloch county, 
 Ga. Captain, Henry Tillman ; first lieutenant, Stephen 
 
 'H. Kennedy ; second lieutenant, James H. Wilkinson, 
 and third lieutenant, J. HoytDeLoach. 
 
 5. Company U, " Montgomery Sharpshooters," Mont- 
 gomery county, Ga. Captain, C. W. McArthur ; first 
 lieutenant, J. W. Vaughan ; second lieutenant, John 
 J. McArthur ; third lieutenant, Thomas M. McRae. 
 
 6. Company F, "Wiregrass Rifles," Quitman county, 
 Ga. Captain, Peter Brannen ; first lieutenant, R. T. 
 Cochran ; second lieutenant, R. A. Fountain, and third 
 lieutenant, Joel Crawford. 
 
 7. Company G, "Wilkes Guards," Wilkes county, Ga. 
 Captain, Henry F. CoUey ; second lieutenant, Zack 
 Kendrick ; second lieutenant, Webster Fanning, and 
 third lieutenant, T. 1,. Moss. 
 
CAPT. J. T. BRWIN, CO. G, 61sT GA. R^G'T. 
 
27 
 
 With those seven companies the Seventh Georgia Bat- 
 talion was armed with the best Enfield rifles, and was 
 ordered to Jekyl's Island, about one mile south of St. 
 Simon's Island, about seven miles east of Brunswick, 
 where it had to work very hard building- a fort, and 
 fighting sand flies and mosquitoes and drilling on our 
 siege artillery, and company and battalion drill with 
 small arms. 
 
 After completing the fort we were ordered to transfer 
 our heavy guns to Brunswick and the battalion was or- 
 dered to Savannah, Ga., and camped ten miles below 
 Savannah, at Camp Bethesda. Here the battalion was 
 well drilled and had two companies added to the bat- 
 talion: 
 
 8, Company H, "Tattnall Volunteers." Tattnall 
 county. Captain, James B. Smith; first lieutenant, J. M. 
 Dasher; second lieutenant, M. B. Brewton; and third 
 lieutenant, W. F. M. Edwards. 
 
 9. Company I,. "Thompson Gurirds," from the city of 
 Macon, Bibb county. Captain, James D. Van Valkii:- 
 burg; first lieutenant, C. S. Virgin; second lieutenant. 
 E. ?• Lewis; and third lieutenant, Eugene Jeffers. 
 
 The battalion of nine companies was ordered to 
 Charleston, S. C, about the 20th of May, 1862, and 
 camped in the city one week. Here Company K. was 
 formed by volunteers from the different companies of the 
 battalion. Sergeant E. F. Sharpe, of Company B., was 
 elected its captain; Sergeant J. J. Mobley, of Company 
 E., was its first lieutenant; D. L. Gray, second lieuten- 
 ant; and Sergeant J. E. C. Tillman, of Company D., was 
 elected third lieutenant. 
 
 The company being formed and added to the Seventh 
 Georgia battalion, it then had ten companies and was 
 called the Sixty-first Georgia regiment. 
 
 I«ieutenant-Ck>louel Lamar had resigned and Major J. 
 
28 
 
 H. Lamar was promoted to tlie office of colonel. Cap- 
 tain J. Y. McDuffie, of Company A. , was promoted to 
 lieutenant-colonel and Captain A. P. McRae, of company 
 B., was promoted to major. 
 
 The reg-iment was ordered, witli tHe rest of Lawton's 
 briffade, to Virginia. It arrived at Petersburg-, Va., 
 Juae 2nd, 1862. Its history from this time is consolida- 
 ted with the brig-ade. The regiment went to Virginia 
 more than 1,000 strong. Eighty-one left the ditches near 
 Petersburg and had forty-nine armed and in line at the 
 surrender at Appomatox. The names of all of the Sixty- 
 first Georgia Regiment that left the ditches at Peters- 
 burg, April 2nd, 1865, are as follows: 
 
 Captain — T. M. McRae, Company E. Captain Mc- 
 Rae killed before the surrender. 
 
 Ordnance Sergeant — H. R. Mims. 
 
 Hospital Stewart — Benjamin Goodger. 
 
 company a. compamy c. 
 
 Sergeants: Sergeant: 
 
 J. McDuffie, N. M. Reddick. 
 
 R. H. Henderson. 
 
 Privates : 
 
 Privates: 
 
 C. K. Brownino-, 
 
 Wm. Branch, E. W. Burton,"' 
 
 J. Branch, -^ j . 
 
 H. E.Paulk, f V a7 ' 
 
 TTT TT- 1 ■>■ Li. Mooue, 
 
 Wm. Vickers, is7,-it o j.-, 
 
 COMPANY B. 
 
 COMPANY D. 
 Musician: 
 
 S. W. W. Higgins. Corporai.: 
 
 Privates: ^"^- HoUoway. 
 
 Wm Higgs, Privates: 
 
 J. H. Odum. Thomas Boyet, 
 
 John Powell, ' Lemuel Davis,' 
 
 J, T. Skaf p, Jackson Collin's, 
 
29 
 
 Remer Franklin, 
 Ivy Sumerlin, 
 Madison Warren, 
 Thomas Waters. 
 
 company e. 
 
 Serge;ant: 
 
 D. N. McRae. 
 Privates: 
 
 J. Browning, 
 G. M. Burkhalter, 
 P. H. Clark, 
 J. L. Clark, 
 J. McSwain, 
 H. McSwain, 
 L. C. Marsh, 
 R. T. Vaughn, 
 J. Watson, 
 
 F. G. Williiams. 
 
 COMPANY F, 
 
 Sergeants: 
 
 John E. Wade, 
 John M. Wade. 
 
 Corporal: 
 
 George F. Rice. 
 Privates: 
 
 S. Barton, 
 
 G. W. Brown, 
 Levi Bridges, 
 H. L. Causey, 
 B. W. Forrest, 
 
 E. D. Harrell, 
 G. W. Harrell, 
 John A. Jordan, 
 Thomas Lindsey, 
 Irwin Nesbet, 
 Samuel Nesbet, 
 J. Mercer. 
 
 COMPANY G. 
 
 Corporals: 
 
 G. Colley. 
 
 E. A. Booker. 
 Privates: 
 
 J. C. Agee, 
 
 W. B. Armmer, 
 
 D. B. Conner, 
 J. Hanson, 
 
 G. W. Hopkins, 
 J. E. Lunceford, 
 J. Spout, 
 G. B. Smith, 
 A. Wolf, 
 
 COMPANY H. 
 
 Privates: 
 
 E. L. Bacon, 
 R. H. Lynn. 
 
 First seargent, Alfrec? 
 Kenedy was captured at 
 breast works. 
 
 COMPANY i. 
 
 Privates: 
 
 W. B, Arnold, 
 Robert Burket, 
 William Booth, 
 McKmsie Blair, 
 J. A. Defoor, 
 J. B. Boy ton, 
 C. Rainey, 
 W. Williams. 
 
 COMPANY K. 
 
 IvST. Sergeant: 
 
 H. R. Sharp. 
 2nd Sergeant: 
 
 J. M. Waters. 
 Privates: 
 
 H. H. Blalock, 
 
 H. Sikes, 
 
 H. H. Sharp. 
 
30 
 
 This was taken from the records of General Lee's sur- 
 render from the archives of the war department, Wash- 
 ington, D. C. Forty-nine of this number was in line and 
 armed at the surrender. 
 
 TwEivPTH Georgia Battalion of Artillery. 
 
 This splendid command was composed of the flowers 
 of Georg-ia's young- manhood. It was recruited from the 
 First Georgia Regiment after their term of enlistment 
 for twelve months had expired. From its ranks the 
 Twelfth Georgia Battalion of Artillery was formed by 
 Major Henry D. Capers under special orders from the 
 war department. 
 
 After a short furlough from their arduous service in 
 the Cheat mountains of West Virginia in 1851, the fol- 
 lowing companies reported to Major Capers, at Atigusta, 
 Ga. on the 10th day of April, 1862 : 
 
 1. Company A, "Newnan Guards." Captain George 
 M. Hanvey, commanding ; first lieutenant, William 
 Beadlass ; second lieutenant. Drew Brown ; orderly ser- 
 geant, Freeman. 
 
 2. Company B, "Oglethorpe Infantry," Augusta, Ga. 
 Captain George Allen, commanding ; first lieutenant, 
 Wilberforce Daniel; second lieutenant, I. I. Doughtry; 
 orderly sergernt, L/Ouis Piquet. 
 
 3. Company C, "Clarke Light Infantry," of Augusta, 
 Ga. Captain Samuel Crump, commanding; first lieu- 
 tenant, Joseph Taliaferro; second lieutenant, George 
 M. Hood. 
 
 4. Company D, "Washington Rifles," of Sandersville, 
 Washington county, Ga. Captain John Rudisill com- 
 manding ; first lieutenant, George W. Peacock ; second 
 lieutenant, Hanse Robson. 
 
 6. Company E, "DeKalb Riflemen," of Stone Moun- 
 tain, DeKalb county, Ga. Captain George W. Johnson 
 
31 
 
 commanding- ; first lieutenant, Thomas Willing-ham ; 
 second lieutenant, Head ; orderly sergeant, 
 
 Under special orders from the adjutant general's of&ce 
 at Richmond, Va., these five companies were organized 
 into a battalion of light artillery, and went into a camp 
 of instruction in the vicinity of Augusta, Ga. 
 
 Major Capers received his appointment as major of 
 artillery, in the provisional army. of the Confederate 
 States directly from the Secretary of War, so he was 
 not elected. On his recommendation the following 
 staff of&cers were appointed by the War Department and 
 assigned to duty with him: First Lieutenant of Artillery 
 Frank W. Baker, of Tallahassee, Pla., appointed adju- 
 tant ; sergeant major, Ed. M. Clayton, of Augusta, Ga. ; 
 ordnance officer, Joseph M. Derry, Augusta, Ga. ; assist- 
 ant quartermaster, Capt. Kerr Boyce ; quartermaster ser- 
 geant, Josiah Sibley; assistant commissary. Captain Geo. 
 Crane, of Augusta, Ga. ; commissary sergeant, Thomas 
 Alexander, of Newnan, Ga. ; assistant surgeon, Ben. 
 
 Frank Rudisille, M. D. ; hospital steward, Cum- 
 
 mings. 
 
 The battalion remained in camp under strict discipline 
 and regular drill till the 4th of July, 1862, when the 
 rapid advance of the Federal General Buell on Chatta- 
 nooga, Tenn., caused the Secretary of War to order 
 Major Capers to report with his command to Gen. E- 
 Kirby Smith, who was in command around Chattanooga. 
 
 The urgency of the occasion caused General Smith to 
 use the command of Major Capers as infantry. He was 
 ordered to report for duty to Major General Harry 
 Heath, then with a small force confronting the advance of 
 General Buell at and near Bridgeport, on the Tennessee 
 river. 
 
 On the retreat of Buell General Smith advanced his 
 
32 
 
 corps through Big- Creek Gap, his rear guard being 
 Heath's division. 
 
 On the march the Twelfth Georgia Battalion and 
 Thirty-first Alabama regiment were detached and sent 
 on a forced march at night to surprise a garrison of Fed- 
 erals who were strongly fortified at Huntsville, on the 
 Kentucky line. The march was long and a toilsome 
 climb and decent of the Cumberland mountains in the 
 enemy's country, and with only two days' cooked rations 
 in their havre-sacks. 
 
 The expedition was a complete success. 
 
 With the utmost gallantry the Twelfth Georgia Bat- 
 talion assaulted the strongly built stockade on the crest 
 of a high hill, carried the fort by storm, and in a very 
 short time were masters of an immense depot of army 
 supplies. 
 
 The colors of the fort were cut down by Captain Tallia- 
 ferro, of Company C, who. under the general regulations 
 if the service, was sent to deliver them to the adjutant 
 general at Richmond, Va. 
 
 For this handsome and brilliant achievement the 
 Twelfth Georgia Battalion was complimented in general 
 orders by Gen. E. Kirby Smith. Two companies of the 
 Twelfth Georgia Battalion (A and F) were detached and 
 left with Heath's Division and served through the cam- 
 paign in Kentucky as artillery with honor to themselves 
 and country. 
 
 The remainder of the command with Major Capers 
 were ordered to garrison Big Creek Gap and complete 
 the ii^estment of the Federal force at Cumberland Gap. 
 
 At the close of this campaign and on the recommend- 
 ations of Gen. E. Kirby Smith, Major Capers was pro- 
 moted in general orders from the war department to 
 lieulenant-colonel of artillery, and his command was 
 
33 
 
 ordered to report to General Beauregard at Charleston, 
 S. C. 
 
 In this department the Twelfth Georg-ia Battalion 
 retfdered efficient and gallant service at Port Wagner, 
 on Morris Island, and at Fort Sumter. At Fort Sumter, 
 Lieut. Drew Brown, of Company A, was killed. 
 
 The soldiers' cemetery at Magnolia, near Charleston, 
 preserves the names and is the burial place of a score 
 or more of these gallant Georgians. 
 
 During the service at Charleston, Colonel Capers was 
 ordered on special engineering service at Savannah, Ga., 
 and transferred the command of his splendid battalion 
 to Major Hanvey, a most excellent officer. 
 
 During the campaign of 1864, the Twelfth Georgia 
 Battalion, on the voluntary motion of the men, joined 
 the army of Northern Virginia and was assigned to the 
 brigade, then commanded by Brig. -Gen. Clement A. 
 Evans. 
 
 The rich standard of this command was placed in the 
 line of General Gordon's division on the 20th of May, 1864, 
 just after General Lee crossed the South Anna river and in 
 time to share with the heroes of Lee's army in the sec- 
 ond battle of Cold Harbor. 
 
 No Georgia command, or any command from any other 
 state, so soon won the respect of the old veterans of the 
 army of Northern Virginia, especially Uvans' brigade 
 and Gordon's division. 
 
 On the 2nd day of June they showed us for the first 
 time their intrepid bravery. This was in an assault 
 made by Gordon's division on Warren's corps, near Be- 
 thesda church. 
 
 Alasl that so many noble sons of our great mother 
 State should have fallen in this battle. Among the 
 kill«d was Adju^^ant Baker, and among the severely 
 
34 
 
 wounded was Colonel Capers, who fell near the enemy s 
 line while leading the advance of his brave '=°"^'^^ ^^^ , 
 
 This noble battalion again fought at Monocacy, Md., 
 at Shenandoah River, Winchester, New Tow, Cedar 
 Creek, Fisher's Hill, and a great many other places. 
 
 Whether on the march, at the bivouac or in battle, the 
 Twelfth Georgia Battalion preserved, unsullied, the 
 glory and honor of a Confederate soldier. 
 
 At Cedar Creek, when the gallant General Gordon was 
 doing all that mortal bravery and cool generalship could 
 do to retrieve disaster, he exclaimed: "Give me ten 
 thousand such men and I will defy the legions of Sheri- 
 dan." 
 
 After his wound at Cold Harbor, Colonel Capers was 
 so disabled that he did not rejoin his command. 
 
 Major Hanvey remained in command till the bitter 
 ending of Appomattox. 
 
 Before closing this sketch of one of the best and most 
 representative commands, it will be proper for me to 
 state that so popular were the officers of this battalion 
 among the young men at home, and there were so many 
 recruits coming to it, that Colonel Capers found it neces- 
 sary to divide two or three of his companies. The 
 "Washington Rifles" were made into two companies, 
 and commanded by Captain John RudisiJl, the other 
 commanded by Captain Geo. Peacock. The ■' Clarke 
 Rifles" were also divided into two companies; one com- 
 manded by Captain Samuel Crump, the other by Captain 
 Geo. Hood, of Augusta, Ga. 
 
 During the siege at Petersburg, the Twelfth Georgia 
 Battalion with Evans' Brigade was distinguished for the 
 cool bravery and gallantry that they displayed. Espec- 
 ially was this evidenced at the assault on Fort Stead- 
 man and in the battle of Hatcher's Run. 
 
35 
 
 Captain George Johnson, of Company E, was killed in 
 the battle at Fort Steadman. 
 
 The colors of the brittalion was a splendid combina 
 tion of the confederate battle flag It was presented to 
 the battalion by Miss Pinkney Evans, of Aug-usta, Ga., 
 and was made of the rich silk of her mother's wedding- 
 dress and trimmed with ribbons from the fair ladies of 
 Augusta, Ga. 
 
 At the close of the war the "standard," covered with 
 honorable inscriptions, and beneath which seven color 
 bearers had been shot down, was not surrendered at Ap- 
 pomattox with the army ot Lee. It was safely conveyed 
 to Augusta and returned to the fair donor, who, we are 
 informed, has it now as an heir-loom. 
 
 The author regrets that he cannot obtain a full and 
 complete list of the killed and wounded of this noble 
 battalion and the rest of the brigade. The list would be 
 a long one, as the cemeteries of the country from Flor- 
 ida to the Ohio river and from the Chesapeake Bay to 
 the Chattahoochee river plainly show. 
 
 If from memory our surviving comrades will aid us, we 
 hope in another edition to make this record complete, 
 like some of the companies of the Sixty-first Georgia 
 Regiment are in this edition. 
 
 Of the field and staff officers the following list of cas- 
 ualities has been furnished to us of a few from some 
 of the companies: 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Henry D. Capers, severely wound- 
 ed at Cold Harbor, Va., 2nd of June 1864- ; permanently 
 disabled. 
 
 Adjutant Frank W. Baker, killed at Cold Harbor, 
 2nd of June, 1864. 
 
 Sergeant Major Ed. M. Clayton, promoted to adju- 
 tant, killed at Hatcher's Run, near Petersburg, Feb.6 th, 
 1865. 
 
36 
 
 Major G. M. Hanvey, wounded slightly one time and 
 severely wounded one time. 
 
 Lieutenant J. J. Dough try, severely wounded at Mo- 
 nocacy, Md., July 9th, 1864. 
 
 Lieutenant Charles Doughtry, severely wounded at 
 Cold Harbor, June 2nd, 1864. 
 
 Lieutenant Thomas Sessions, of "Washington Rifles," 
 of Company A, killed at Monocacy, Md. , 1864. 
 
 Lieutenant Thos. Tutt, killed at Cedar Creek, Oct. 
 19th, 1864. 
 
 Lieutenant William Beadlass, of company A, severely 
 wounded at Hatcher's Run, (lost his leg), Feb. 6th, 
 1865. 
 
 Sergeant Hopps, color bearer, killed. 
 
 Sergeant Snead, color guard, wounded. 
 
 Sergeant Jesse Robson, color guard, severely wound- 
 ed (lost his leg). 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 LawTon's Brigadb's Trip to Virginia — Joins Stone- 
 
 -WAix, Jackson's Command — Seven Days' 
 
 Battle Before Richmond. 
 
 The brigade being formed, we were ordered to Rich- 
 mond, Virginia. The brigade was composed principally 
 of young men and was nearly 7,000 strong, and was the 
 flower of Georgia, and, I suppose, did as much hard and 
 effectual service as was done in the war, and, I suppose, 
 had as fine commanders. 
 
 Qur first commander was General A. R. Lawton, who 
 was assigned to the command of a division after the 
 second battle of Manassas. Colonel Marcellus Douglas, 
 of the Thirteenth Georgia Regiment, commanded the 
 
37 
 
 brig-ade. Colonel Douglas was killed at the battle of 
 Sharpsburg-, Md., and was succeeded by Colonel E. N- 
 Atkinson of the Twenty-sixth Georg-ia Regiment, and 
 remained in command until the battle of Fredericksburg-, 
 December 13th, 1862, where he was severely wounded, 
 and Colonel C. A. Evans succeeded him in command and 
 commanded until April, 1863. The famous General 
 John B. Gordon was then assigned to the command of 
 the brigade. He commanded until May, 1864, when he 
 was promoted to the rank of major-general. Colonel 
 C. A. Evans of the Thirty-first Georgia Regiment, was 
 promoted to the rank of brigadier general and was as- 
 signed the command of Gordon's Brigade. He com- 
 manded the brigade until the fall of 1864, and was then 
 assigned to the command of a division. And the noble 
 Colonel John H. Baker, of the Thirteenth Georgia Regi- 
 ment, was assigned the co-nmand of Evans' Brigade, and 
 commanded it till near the close of the war. Colonel 
 Jno. T. Lowe was the last commander, and surrendered 
 the brigade at Appomatox. 
 
 We all loved, respected and obeyed these dear com- 
 manders. We private soldiers were never ordered to 
 go where our commanders would not go. They often 
 went where they would not order us. They always led 
 in battle, and made the old brigade famous, and was sec- 
 ond to none in the armies of the Confederacy. 
 
 We received orders in Charleston, S. C, about 9 o'clock 
 one beautiful Sunday morning, while the church bells 
 were ringing all over the city for divine services, to cook 
 and prepare four days rations, and to strike (take down) 
 our tents, pack our baggage, and be ready to leave 
 Charleston at sundown. We hurried up all day and had 
 everything ready and on the train, on the Northeastern 
 Railroad, on open dirt cars, and started when the sun 
 
38 
 
 was about a half hour hig-h. We traveled day and nighi 
 and a g'reat deal of the way in a very cold rain. 
 
 At Goldsboro, N. C, we met a great many Yankee 
 prisoners, who were captured at the battle of Fair Oaks 
 or Seven Pines, which was fought on the last day of 
 May, 1863. 
 
 On the way to Richmond on those open cars and ih the 
 cold rain a great many of the boys got sick. Some died 
 from the exposure. 
 
 When we got to Petersburg, Va., we were formed in 
 line and our officers came around with whisky and gave 
 us alia " treat." 
 
 The writer was used to but very little of strong drink 
 and drank but very little. I decided I wanted a good 
 drink for my benefit. So I backed out of my place in 
 the line and went further down the line, and when Capt. 
 Tillman got there I drank ag-ain. It took the "shakes " 
 out of me and warmed me up, and I felt much better. 
 Then we drew about two pounds of boiled bacon and 
 about a dozen hard tacks apiece, went into a large house 
 out of the rain and stayed all night, and left next morn- 
 ing for Richmond. We stayed in Richmond about two 
 days until the brigade arrived. We were then ordered to 
 the great Shenandoah valley to join the famous " Stone- 
 wall " Jackson, and was assigned to Jackson's old divis- 
 ion. We got on the Southside Railroad and went by 
 way of Lynchburg, then to Charlottsville, where we could 
 see the Blue Ridge mountains. We then got on the 
 Virginia Central Railroad and soon crossed the Blue 
 Ridge mountains, through a great tunnel, which was a 
 mile and a quarter long, into the valley, and went on to 
 Staunton. We remained here but a short while, and 
 marched toward Port Republic. We arrived at this place 
 on the 10th of June, 1862. The battle of Port Republic 
 was fought on the 9th of June, where the famous Stone- 
 
39 
 
 wall Jackson routed the Union army commanded by Grcn- 
 eral Shields. Here we saw a great many dead Union sol- 
 diers before they were buried. 
 
 We stayed here about two days, crossed the mountain 
 and started on a long- force march. We did not know 
 where we were going. We soon found that our faces 
 were turned towards Richmond. We had to march very 
 hard, sometimes almost night and day, across mountains, 
 creeks and rivers. We had to march from Port Republic 
 to Richmond, except that we went by rail about fifty 
 miles. 
 
 On this march we rested one Sunday and had religious 
 service near our camp, where the famous General Stone- 
 wall Jackson met to worship God. It was the first time 
 some of us had ever seen him. We started very early 
 next morning and marched very hard till late in the 
 afternoon. We stopped to camp and cook rations. Our 
 tents were all left behind. The clouds began to collect 
 and thunder very heavily, and the rain began to pour 
 down in torrents, with a heavy gale of wind. It rained 
 for very nearly two hours, and we all got as wet as we 
 could be. Our fires were about all out. IveSummerlin, 
 of Company D, wrapped in his blankets, was lying down 
 with the water ponded around him. He raised up a lit- 
 tle and said, "Boys, it rains very well to-night." It 
 created a big laugh. When it quit raining we renewed 
 our fires, dried off the best we could, and finished our 
 cooking. 
 
 We started about day next morning on a forced march, 
 with full creeks and branches to cross. The roads were 
 so cut up with the wagons and artillery until we could 
 hardly get along. Some of the boys would bog so deep 
 into the mud till when they got out their shoes would 
 remain often ten and twelve inches below the surface. 
 Every man had to carry his own haversack, knapsack, 
 
40 
 
 g-un and cartridge-box. Some of the boys had white- 
 sheets, and I believe a few had feather pillows. Jack- 
 son's old soldiers, who had been following- Jackson in 
 his campaigns, made sport of us. 
 
 They would ask us what command we were wag-oning 
 for, and what train that was. Some of "our boys" 
 cursed out the war, others shed tears (for there were a 
 lot of young- boys in the brig-ade), and said but little, 
 while others, I suppose, prayed. We were being- initiated 
 and taking the lirst degree in war. We had been mus- 
 tered into the Confederate service eight months, and had 
 learned but little about the the rough life of a soldier. 
 
 One evening on this march we stopped to camp for the 
 night. We had kindled our fires, and had begun to 
 cook, when we witnessed a very sad sight. It happened 
 in one of the companies of another regiment in the 
 brigade. Two fine-looking young men had a dispute 
 about their cooking. One of them had a large butcher- 
 knife that he was cutting meat with. He stabbed it in 
 the other's breast to the handle, and left it sticking 
 there. The young man in death's agony said, ' ' You 
 have killed me." He then took hold of the handle and, 
 after several efforts, succeeded in getting it out, and 
 threw it at the other and stuck it to the handle near his 
 collarbone. He then replied, "Yes, and you have killed 
 me." They both looked faintly at each other for a mo- 
 ment, seemingly with deep regret, reeled and fell help- 
 less to the ground. The doctors ran to them, but could 
 do nothing for them. Both were dead in a few minutes. 
 We were told that they were first cousins, reared near 
 each other ; had been great chums ; had attended the 
 same school, and that it was the first difficulty they had 
 ever had. Such horrible news to go to their parents ! 
 
 We had to leave our baggage near Hanover Junction. 
 
41 
 
 We piled it up and left a guard over it. We have never 
 seen it since. 
 
 Stonewall Jackson put his old soldiers that were used 
 to marching and fighting in the front, for they could get 
 along better than we could. 
 
 He secretly moved around to the right flank of 
 McClellan's army near Mechanicsville. On the 26th of 
 June General Lee crossed a portion of his army over the 
 Chickahominy river and fought the terrible battle of 
 Gaines' Mill on June 2"th. We were in the rear of 
 Jackson's column, and marched at quick step for about 
 four hours. We could hear the cannons booming very 
 fast. We finally got near enough to hear the small 
 arms, and could hear the rebel yell, and meet the 
 wounded who were coming out of battle. We were 
 ordered to double quick (run) for about three miles, with 
 a few shells being thrown at us. We were all doing our 
 best. The writer had a high fever. As we passed an 
 old gentleman's house, one of our company said : "Old 
 man, how far is it to hell." The old man looked like .i 
 preacher, and he replied, "My dear sir, I am afraid you 
 will find out pretty soon." The young man was shot 
 dead in about thirty minutes. We got up and were hur- 
 riedly formed in line and ordered to advance in a storm 
 of grape-shot and shells. 
 
 One grap-eshot broke Joe Nevill's gun and came very 
 near breaking his neck. One shell exploded so close to 
 Jack Collins until it addled him and partly paralyzed 
 him for several days. We went on in line through a 
 very thick, boggy branch where. we found a great many 
 dead and wounded yankees. Some of them were lying 
 in the water. I was so thirsty from fever and a long 
 march and run to the battle till my tongue was swollen. 
 I stopped, dipped up and drank water which I knew had 
 jankee blood in it. I am sure it was the best water to 
 
43 
 
 me that I ever drank. I have often thought it saved my 
 life. We forwarded across the branch and up a little 
 hill, stopped a minute and reformed our line. There 
 was a terrible battle raging about three hundred yards 
 in our front. Our line advanced in an open field, which 
 was very smoky. We could sec both the Confederate and 
 Yankee lines. We were about two hundred yards from 
 the Confederate line and they mistook us for Yankees 
 coming up in the rear and fired a volley at us, and I sup- 
 pose the yankees shot at us too, for we were about three 
 hundred yards from their line. 
 
 We forwarded one hundred yards in a storm of minnie 
 balls. We were ordered to fall back over the hill. We 
 did so, and lay down. We only fired one volley. In the 
 little advance of one hundred yards and back we lost 
 about one hundred men killed and wounded in the Sixty- 
 first Georgia Regiment. The brigade suffered severely. 
 Our company lost three men killed and eight wounded. 
 The killed in Company D were A. J. Nichols, Joshua 
 Kirkland and Wesley Hodges. A. J. Nichols was a 
 dear brother of the writer. Nichols and Hodges were 
 both brave and noble young men. The company mourned 
 their loss. The wounded were : Lieutenant John Bran- 
 nen, R. J. Williams (now Rev. R. J. Williams), Daniel 
 Parrish, John R. Beasley, F. M. Warren and A. M. 
 Rimes. All of these were seriously wounded. T. B. 
 Jones had one toe shot off. Joe Nevill and Jack Collins 
 were slightly wounded. 
 
 The noble captain, Henry F. Colley, of Company G, 
 was mortally wounded, and died a few days afterwards 
 in Richmond, Va. 
 
 We heard a terrible rebel yell, and heard firing 
 at some distance to our left for a few minutes, and then 
 it all ceased. It was other troops at our left charging 
 and routing the Yankees on their part of the line. 
 
43 
 
 We were ordered to the right. I made several efforts 
 to get up, but could not, for I was exhausted. I had 
 marched all day with a hig-h fever, and at double quick 
 for three miles. Jim Hendrix, of our company, was 
 nearly as bad off as I was. We were obliged to lie there 
 all night. Just before dark Jim Hendrix gathered up a 
 few "Yankee" blankets, made a bed out of them and go^ 
 me on it. He then lay down with me. We slept some. 
 The next morning we got up and made some coffee, 
 which we drank, and ate a little of our cold rations. 
 Our breakfast somewhat revived us. We then went 
 to look on the battlefield. Three of the dead wore our 
 company's uniform, and we went to see who they were. 
 The first one was my brother. I had been too sick the 
 evening before to pay any attention, and did not know 
 who was hurt. My finding my brother, with a minnie- 
 ball shot through his heart, and he cold in death, was a 
 terrible shock to me ; but such is war. 
 
 The litter corps had taken care of all the wounded the 
 night before, friend and foe alike. They came around 
 gathering up the sick and carrying them to the doctors, 
 and caring for them the best they could under the cir- 
 cumstances. There were so many wounded to haul and 
 look after until we were looked after but little. I, 
 with two or three more of our company, and a great 
 many of the sick of our regiment and brigade, was sent 
 to Richmond to the hospital. The distance was nine 
 miles, and it took us two days to walk it. 
 
 (I will give the readers a chapter of hospital life and 
 the surgeons' table after the close of the campaign of 
 1862.) 
 
 I must continue about the battle. It has since been 
 told me by members of Company D and others, which I 
 know is true. When we were ordered to the right and 
 Hendrix and I left, as just stated, the brigade went 
 
44 
 
 a short distance and advanced, over the dead and 
 wounded friends and foes, and charg-ed the enemy, and 
 took their battery and captured their guns and some 
 prisoners and horses before the "Yankees" could kill the 
 horses. The battery we captured was the Hoboken 
 Battery, and the troops we charged was Porter's Divis- 
 ion United States regulars, (then the flowers of the 
 United States army), whom we routed and drove from 
 the field. We had cause to be proud, for we were com- 
 plimented by the famous "Stonewall" Jackson for the 
 splendid charge we had made. Our regiment was on 
 the right of the brigade, and was engaged but little in 
 the action. Thus ended the battle of Gaines' Mill. 
 Though we lost many brave, noble lives, it was a Confed- 
 erate victory. We were well initiated and had taken 
 the first degree in war. 
 
 Some of the wounded were Lieutenant Colonel L. J'. 
 Barr, Major J. D. Matthews, of the Thirty-eighth Geor- 
 gia Regiment, the gallant Colonel Celement A. Evans, 
 Thirty-first Georgia Regiment; Captain McKlasky, of 
 company B, and Captain Jones, of company I, were both 
 killed. Lieutenants Marable, Phillips, Stubbs, Oglesby 
 and Andrews were all severely wounded. The Thirty- 
 eighth Georgia Regiment carried 700 men into action 
 and had fifty-four killed and 118 wounded on the field. 
 Company K carried fifty seven men into this action, had 
 ten killed and twenty-three wounded. Company G car- 
 ried ninety-eight men into action, lost ten killed and 
 thirty wounded. All the other companies suffered se- 
 verely. The Thirty-eighth Georgia Regiment was the 
 most exposed to the fire of the Hoboken battery, that they 
 afterwards captured, of any of the brigade. 
 
 The enemy left our front as soon as we routed them. 
 We remained in line all night, and what little sleep we 
 got we slept with gun in hand, with a heavy skirmish 
 
45 
 
 line in front. Next morning- everything- was quiet for a 
 ■while. We drew plenty of provisions but did not have a 
 single thing- to cook in. 
 
 Our noble Lieutenant S. H. Kennedy said, "Boys, I 
 have read about how General Washington's men baked 
 bread on their ram-rods," so we got some poplar bark 
 and used it for "kneading pans" and prepared our flour 
 for baking. We rolled it out in little long rolls, wrap- 
 ped it around our ramrods, and held it close to the fire 
 and baked real nice bread. We broiled our meat on 
 forked sticks and soon had plenty of breakfast cooked. 
 
 We pursued and soon found the enemy, and they were 
 very well fortified at and near Savage station. After 
 some very heavy skirmishing and cannonading, the Con- 
 federates charged their works, with a yell, and carried 
 them, and captured some prisoners and artillery. Our 
 brigade was not specially engaged in this, but were 
 exposed to heavy shelling-. 
 
 On the night of the 28th of June we again had to lie 
 with gun in hand, and had very strict orders to obey. 
 The Yankees were certainly doing all in their power to 
 make good, and cover tbeir retreat, and get under shelter 
 of their gun-boats on the James river. 
 
 On the 29th we pressed them hard and overtook them 
 at Frazier's Farm and Whiteoak Swamp, and routed 
 them badly. 
 
 On the 30th the Yankees made a successful stand at 
 Malvern Hill, near the James river, where their gun- 
 boats were, and they were well fortified. 
 
 We had desperate fighting, which lasted until late in 
 the night. The Yankees got the best of us here. We 
 were exposed to the most teriffic shelling and dislodged, 
 after nightfall, the right wing of McClelland's army. 
 I Our loss -was small. 
 I Tlw aezt moroing^ the Yankees had left all our fmot, 
 
46 
 
 and had g-otten under shelter of their pfun-boats, with 
 their wagon train backed up in the Horseshoe Bend of 
 James river, on Hackle's farm. This ended the "seven 
 days' battle before Richmond." 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 From the Seven Days' Battle to the Battlb of 
 Sharpsbueg or Antietam, Including the Bat- 
 tles OF Cedar Mountain, Second Battle 
 OF Manassas, Capture of Harper's 
 Ferry and the Battle op 
 Sharpsburg. 
 
 After the Seven Days' Battle we rested a few days, 
 then Jackson's corps was ordered to Gordonsville, Va., 
 and camped around Gordonsville, Orange C. H. and 
 Liberty Mills to watch a new army, made up and styled 
 "The Army of Virginia," which was composed of four 
 Union forces, which had been commanded by Generals 
 Fremont, Banks, Shields and McDowell, and put in 
 command of Major-General John Pope. Our brigade 
 camped four miles above Gordonsville till the first week 
 in August. 
 
 Our (Lawton's) brigade was transferred from Jackson's 
 old division to Ewel's division. On the 7th of August 
 we were ordered to cook two days' rations. On the 
 8th we marched in the direction of Culpepper C. H. 
 Pope's army was guarding the line of the Rapidan 
 river. Pope's plan was to attack Richmond on a differ- 
 ent line and different plans from those which McClellan 
 had used. 'Twas said that his headquarters was in the 
 saddle, and his policy to guard and press the front and 
 
47 
 
 let the rear take care of itself. I suppose he would have 
 gotten to Richmond in a few days if he had not met the 
 Confederates. Jackson's corps met him at Cedar Moun- 
 tain, August 9th, and gave him a terrible defeat. Gen- 
 erals Jackson and Stuart taught Pope a grand lesson, 
 which was: " Guard the rear as well as the front." 
 
 General Stuart went around and captured a lot of his 
 wagons and reserve artillery in the rear of his army, 
 and went to General Pope's headquarter's at night. Just 
 as he had undressed to retire. General Stuart walked 
 into his tent. Pope blew out the candle, pulled up one 
 of the tent pins and crawled out into the dark in a 
 drenching rain and made good his escape. General 
 Stuart captured his horse, headquarter wagon, tent, 
 order book, uniform, and in fact all but his dear self in 
 his night attire. 
 
 After this defeat his front was changed to the rear. 
 He found it was to his interest to guard front, rear and 
 flanks. General McClellan, the "over courteous" gener- 
 al, as he was called by the Union authorities, was or- 
 dered to hastily transfer his army from the Peninsular 
 and the James river to Acquia Creek and Washington, 
 and send it to Pope. Our loss in this engagement was 
 very light. 
 
 We drove Pope across the Rappahannock. He was 
 then receiving reinforcements from McClellan's army 
 almost every day. He had about fifty thousand men be- 
 fore he received these reinforcements. Jackson had less 
 than twenty-five thousand. Lee, learning the state of 
 affairs, hurried up, with his veteran army to assist Jack- 
 son. Lee's and Jackson's armies being consolidated; 
 Lee sent Jackson on a long circuit flank movement up 
 the Rappahannock river. He crossed the Rappahannock 
 at a rocky ford near Henson's mill; then commenced a 
 series of night marches, for which aid "gtoa«wall" wa« 
 
^ 48 
 
 so famous, across fields and woods almost discarding^ 
 roads. He made these nig-ht marches in order to avoid 
 being seen by Pope's balloon spies. He moved around 
 by Warrenton, Salem and through Thoroughfare Gap. 
 This march of Jackson's was terrible; it was very dry, 
 the roads were very dusty and the weather was desper- 
 ately hot. We had a great many sun-strokes, and men 
 so exhausted until a great many died by the roadside. 
 On this march General Jackson caught a spy and treated 
 him to six feet of rope and left him dangling from the 
 limb of a tree not many paces from the road. We were 
 often very short of provisions, because the supply trains 
 could not catch up, and our "pot wagons" were often be- 
 hind, so we had to use our bark trays and ramrods for 
 cooking our bread and forked sticks for frying our meat. 
 We cooked and ate after the ancient style. 
 
 We finally got through Thoroughfare Gap and swooped 
 down on Pope's supplies and captured them at Bristow 
 Station, and at Manassas. On Lawton's Brigade's part 
 of the line there came two heavy supply trains loaded 
 with bacon, hard-tacks and almost everything that we 
 needed to eat. Our artillery had not caught up and we 
 had not had time to tear up any railroad track, so the 
 engfineer pulled his throttle wide open and let his engine 
 fly by while he and the fireman lay down in the tender. 
 Many shots were fired but to no effect. Doubtless they 
 would have gone on to Pope's army, for we were then 
 away in the rear, but Lieutenant John Brannen, of our 
 company, threw a heavy oak cross tie across the track in a 
 curve and ditched the front engine. The other engine 
 crushed into the rear of the first train and made a terri- 
 ble wreck of both trains with some of the cars complete- 
 ly smashed to pieces. 
 
 We were not scarce of supplies then, for every one 
 
took all he wanted. Some of the men carried off a whole 
 side of bacon. 
 
 We fell back near the old battle field of Boll Run, 
 where Pope had an immense amount of supplies. Gen- 
 ral Pope was completely flanked, his supplies captured 
 tid his communication with Washing-ton was completely 
 it off. He was doing all he could to head Jackson off, 
 ad I suppose he was mad, or at least fretted with Jack- 
 son for such treatment. 
 
 Grcneral Lee was following Pope, and was two days 
 behind him. Pope got up, formed his lines, and it seemed 
 to us, threw his whole force on Jackson's corps, which 
 was reduced by long hard marches to about twenty 
 thousand men. It appeared once or twice that we would 
 be crushed, and all be killed or wounded. At one time 
 our brigade was almost surrounded by Yankees, and we 
 had a dreadful struggle in cutting our way out. Our 
 losses were very heavy. On one occasion two brigades 
 (Thomas* of Georgia and Taylor's of Louisiana), of 
 Hill's division, held their lines solidly for a long while 
 after they had used up their ammunition. They were in 
 a railroad cut and were protected. The railroad bed 
 was covered with broken rocks which weighed from one 
 to four pounds. The boys said they would pile up rocks 
 and have them handy, so that when the Yankees got 
 close enough they would hurl the rocks over the banks 
 with such force that the enemy could not come up close 
 enough to shoot them. 
 
 There were some Yankees killed and many knocked 
 down and severely wounded. Our boys finally received 
 more ammunition and held their part of the line like 
 true heroes. They promised Jackson they would hold 
 the line at all hazards and they did it admirably well. 
 
 Jackson was so pressed for men till he had all the able- 
 bodied teamsters armed and sent into battle. Jackson 
 
50 
 
 held the field all day the 29tli. Lee arrived that night 
 and thej pressed Pope so heavily the next day on the 
 front and rear until he was completely routed and de- 
 moralized and retreated towards Washington in great 
 confusion. The enemy's lines seemed to be in the shape 
 of the letter "V." Our artillery was arranged at the 
 point and shelled down their lines. Some Yankee pris- 
 oners told us that they lost nine major generals. The 
 Union Army fought bravely and nobly. 
 
 The loss was very great on both sides. This was 
 called the Second Battle of Manassas. 
 
 Some of the killed in the Sixty-first Georgia Regiment 
 were as follows: 
 
 The noble lieutenant, John Brannen, of Company D, 
 who was a perfect idol in our company and regiment. 
 His hat-band was shot through in front and back, the 
 baJl passing through his brains. 
 
 The reader will recollect that he was the man who 
 threw the cross-tie across the railroad that ditched the 
 front engine and wrecked both trains, where we got so 
 much provisions. 
 
 The privates killed were as follows: S. H. Kennedy, 
 Jr., Frank Butts, Jackson Turner, G. A. Collins, Berrien 
 Collins and James Williams. 
 
 The wounded officers were as follows: Captain S. H. 
 Kennedy, Lieutenant James Mincy, Sergeant Joshua 
 Ellis. Privates: Thos. Waters, Joshua Hollo way, G. 
 P. Hendrix, John L. Jerrill, and, perhaps, others. Sev- 
 eral others were missing and we do not know what be- 
 came of them. We would be proud to know just what 
 became of all the dear boys, but we will never know. 
 
 The wounded were carried to Middleburg, twelve miles 
 from Manassas. 
 
 For further casualties of the Sixty-first Georgia Regi- 
 
51 
 
 ment, I refer you to the different companies muster rolls, 
 and their casualties, in the back part of this book. 
 
 Something- over half of the men of the Sixty-first Geor- 
 gia Regiment that were carried into the battle were 
 either killed, wounded or missing. The Thirty-eighth 
 Georgia Regiment carried about two hundred and sixty 
 men in the battle, and they lost forty-eight killed, and 
 one hundred and twelve wounded. Some of the killed 
 were as follows: Captain Geo. Goodwin, Lieutenant 
 Morris, both of Company K ; Lieutenant G. R. Wells, 
 of Company D, was severely wounded. 
 
 I suppose all the different regiments of the brigade 
 suffered about like the Thirty-eighth and Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiments. After this battle General Lawton 
 was promoted to the rank of major-general. The gal- 
 lant Colonel Marcellus Douglas, of the Thirteenth Geor- 
 gia Regiment, was assigned the command of the brigade. 
 
 After the second battle of Manassas the march was 
 again taken up toward Washington City. At Chantilly 
 we overtook Pope and had a small engagement on Sep- 
 tember 1st. Our loss was slight. After resting two days we 
 marched toward the Potomac river by way of Leesburg, 
 crossing at Edwards' Ferry. We entered Maryland and 
 marched to Monocacy Junction, on the Baltimore and 
 Ohio Railroad, forty miles west of Baltimore. We rested 
 a short while here, and then marched on toward Fred- 
 erick City, where we had a small engagement, the Yan- 
 kees retreating at once. Corporal W. A. Woods, of our 
 company, was wounded and left at Frederick City. We 
 were again put on a forced march by way of Middle- 
 town, Boonesboro and Sharpsburg. We recrossed the 
 Potomac at Williamsport and marched to Martinsburg, 
 W. Va., on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. We were 
 then put on a forced march to Harper's Ferry. Jackson 
 bad made this long circuit, flank movement around Har- 
 
52 
 
 per's Ferry and had it surrounded while General Hill 
 held the passes in South Mountain and kept McClellan 
 cut off. 
 
 Jackson planted his batteries and shelled the garrison 
 around Harper's Perry and put his storming' columns in 
 motion. The g-arrison hauled down their United States 
 flag and raised a white flag- and surrendered the fort 
 with thirty-four sieg-e guns and other light batteries, 
 with a lot of commissary and ordnance stores and about 
 twelve thousand prisoners of war, with about fifteen 
 thousand stands of small arms and many stands of colors. 
 We hardly had time to rejoice over our splendid achieve- 
 ments before we were again on a forced march. We left 
 Harper's Ferry on the evening of the 16th of September. 
 We had to march all night, crossed the Potomac at 
 Shepherdstown at midnight, and rejoined Lee and were 
 in line of battle at daylight at Sharpsburg or Antietam 
 Creek. 
 
 McClellan attacked Lee with his massed forces. He 
 had Pope's and his owa armies combined, which made 
 over 120,000 men. Pope had been relieved of the com- 
 mand and the cautious little "Mc." put in command of 
 both armies. 
 
 The battle raged all day with fearful loss of iife on 
 both sides. At one time the Union army broke Lee's 
 lines, but it was soon retaken and established, and was 
 held the remainder of the day. It was all General Lee 
 could do to hold the lines with Jackson's corps added to 
 his own forces. 
 
 If Jackson had not come, with lightning--like speed, 
 from Harper's Ferry and joined Lee, it looked like Lee 
 would have been crushed by General McClellan's power- 
 ful army, y/hich was as large as two of Lee's and Jack- 
 son's combined. Here our brigade lost its commander 
 the brave Colonel Marcellus Douglas, of the Thirteentli 
 
53 
 
 Georgia Regiment, was killed, and our good Major A. P. 
 McRae. Lieutenant Colonel Cro-wder, of the Thirty-first 
 Georgia Regiment, was severely wounded. Major W. H. 
 Battej, of the Thirty-eighth Georgia Regiment, and 
 probably other field officers were killed. Lieutenant T. 
 L. Moss, of company G, Sixty-first Georgia Regiment, 
 was also killed. Captain Daniel McDonald was severely 
 wounded. 
 
 The Thirty-eighth Georgia Regiment carried only 123 
 men into the battle. After fighting hard all day their 
 losses were forty killed and fifty-five wounded. At night 
 they had only twenty-eight men and three officers left. 
 Lieutenants Wells, Baxter and Matthews were the offi- 
 cers left. Company K carried eleven men into the bat- 
 tle, commanded by Corporal James E- Chandler. He 
 and four of the men were killed. In this battle company 
 D, of the Sixty-first Georgia Regiment, was in a very 
 good position, among some large rochs. Our casualties 
 were not as great as some other companies. 
 
 Sergeant James C. Hodges was mortally wounded, his 
 brains being shot out. He lived eleven days before death 
 came to his relief. He was one of the best boys I ever 
 saw, and an excellent school teacher. (He was my old 
 professor.) He was almost an idol in his company and 
 regiment, and the community in which he lived before 
 the war, and with his pupils in school. Our officers left 
 his uncle, William Alderman, to take care of him and 
 the other wounded of our regiment. Alderman composed 
 some verses on "Jimmie," which you will find at the 
 close of this chapter. 
 
 The battle ceased before dark, with both armies hold- 
 ing about the same position that they held before the 
 battle began. Next day both armies buried their dead. 
 Greneral Lee leisurely crossed the Potomac river at Shep- 
 ktfdttown ford, (with Jackson bringing up the rear), 
 
$4 
 
 back into the Shenandoali valley. A part of McCifel- 
 lan's forces followed the retreating Confederates. Jack- 
 son backed oflf a mile or two and formed some of his 
 men in line (Hill's Division), and permitted a few thou- 
 sand Yankees to cross the river. He then made a dash 
 on them and drove them panic-stricken back. Some of 
 the Union army fell off the bluff, fifty or sixty feet, into 
 the river and were killed. When the Union army was 
 passing through the old Sharpsburg battlefield one 
 little Dutchman went by the hospital tents, where our 
 hospital nurse (Alderman) was cooking for the sick and 
 wounded. He asked Alderman for some of his bread. 
 Alderman gave him some bread, and asked him where 
 he was going. The Dutchman replied, "We dosh be 
 going to hunt Shockson." Alderman said the little 
 Dutchman was gone about three hours and returned, 
 wet all over and his hat and gun gone. He had been 
 churning the Potomac river trying to get back. He 
 called on Alderman again on his return, who asked him 
 if he found Jackson. The Dutchman replied, "Vel, 
 yas, and he dosh give us /lell dish day," 
 
 Thb Finding of a Woundbd and Dying Soldikr Boy. 
 
 Oh 1 in this land so far from home. 
 My mother's son was bound to roam 
 In search of one whom I did love. 
 Who in this bloody war has served. 
 
 But oh ! Alas I my friend I found, 
 All in blood upon the ground. 
 No cheering triend to raise his head, 
 Or comfort with a tender word. 
 
55 
 
 Now to my knees I did fall and aay s 
 "Dear Jimmie, how are you to-day." 
 His mind was so deranged witli pain, 
 He could not say, thougli I asked again. 
 
 I washed and dressed his broken head, 
 Which was too badly to have said. 
 His broken head and skull and brain 
 Was all exposed to sun and rain. 
 
 I closely watched him night and day — 
 Obeyed his calls in every way — 
 With hope that he'd get well again, 
 Although his wound was in the brain. 
 
 But, oh 1 Alas 1 he had to die, 
 And leave me here to mourn and cry. 
 My heart did tremble, ache and smart, 
 To see my friend from me depart. 
 
 Dear James is gone and here I stay, 
 In trouble and toil from day to day. 
 His soul to the world of bliss is gone. 
 His mother and brother there to join. 
 
 But if like James, my life I yield, 
 While here on this bloody battle-field, 
 I hope to meet him 'round the throne 
 Where wars and sorrows are unknown. 
 
 Now, in Maryland, I am 
 
 And as a prisoner I am bound. 
 
 No cheering friend nor kindred nigh 
 
 Which brings on me the deepest sigh. 
 
 Now, to his father, who loved him dear, 
 And watched his steps with tender care, 
 While raising him to be a man. 
 Not knowing he'd die in a foreign land, 
 
56 
 
 Now, to his brothers, I will say, 
 Whatever you intend, you may. 
 Perhaps, like James, may soon die, 
 Then all your works you must lay by. 
 
 And to the sisters of this youth 
 Pray seek and love the holy truth. 
 And pray to meet your brother where 
 There are no wars to interfere. 
 
 Now, to the circle of his friends 
 
 That monster, death, that God will send. 
 
 For he will lay your bodies cold 
 
 And to himself will take your soul. 
 
 To hear the cannons loudly roar 
 And men all standing in a row. 
 To facie the balls and g-rapeshot too — 
 Some must be killed— no telling who. 
 
 To see young men torn up with bombs, 
 And knowing they are some mother's sons. 
 How would it make a mother feel 
 To see her son dead on the field? 
 
 In battles fought, and wars of old. 
 As I have read, and oft been told. 
 But never viewed such awful scenes, 
 Until this awful war has been. 
 
 Now, to his pupils, young and fair. 
 Your kind teacher is done with care. 
 While you are left to weep and cry. 
 Your teacher dwells above the sky. 
 
57 
 
 J. W. Ai,derman's Farewell to His Mother. 
 
 O, mother! mother! fare you well, 
 
 If I no more with you can dwell. 
 
 I hope we'll meet in heaven above, 
 
 And there be crowned with grace and love. 
 
 For years I've lived at home with you 
 With sister dear and brother, too. 
 Your tender love did melt my heart 
 When you and I did have to part. 
 
 So happy were my youthful days. 
 There with my brother's tender ways. 
 , My mind on Christ did ' . seem to run, 
 Although my age was very young. 
 
 My sister, dear, seems near to me, 
 Though many miles apart we be. 
 But let us strive all sin to shun, 
 And to improve what God has done. 
 
 And when I left my home, you see. 
 And those dear friends that left with me 
 Are dead, and gone to worlds vinknown. 
 And I'm like one that's left alone. 
 
 But when I'm done with troubles here, 
 About your son shed not a tear. 
 When I am in the cold, cold grave 
 I hope the Lord my soul will save. 
 
 And that this war will then be o'er. 
 And I shall hear the drums no more; 
 But with the God of love to dwell. 
 O, mother, hear my last farewell. 
 
58 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 From the Battle of Shakpsbtjeg to the Close of thi 
 Year 1862, Including the First Fredericks- 
 burg Battle. 
 
 After the Sharpsburg- battle, General L,ee retreatc(. 
 about twenty-five miles up the Shenandoah valley. 
 
 Jackson's corps was stationed near Whitepost, Berrj- 
 ville and Front Royal. We rested here, reorg-anized and 
 recruited up the best we could. There had been a g-real 
 many officers killed, wounded and resig-ned. L/ieutenani 
 S. H. Kennedy was promoted to captain soon after thi- 
 Seven-day's battle before Richmond. Captain Tillman 
 having- resigned, Lieutenant S. L. Williams had been 
 promoted from third to first lieutenant. Sergfeant James 
 Mincy was elected to second lieutenant and Hiram 
 Franklin was elected to third lieutenant. 
 
 A g-reat many of the other companies elected new offi- 
 cers in the different regiments of the brigade. It was 
 an easy matter to get men to take the place of the offi- 
 cers, killed and resigned; but the places of the dear boys 
 with guns could not be filled. We had none to take 
 their places. 
 
 It w^ now about the first of November. A great 
 many oi the sick and wounded had returned to the army 
 and we were much stronger than we were after the bat- 
 tle of Sharpsburg. The spirit of the army was excel- 
 lent, for success had crowned our arms on every battle- 
 field, except Sharpsburg, and while we did not gain any- 
 thing there, we were not*beaten. 
 
 Ewell's division was sent away up the valley to near 
 New Market. It was then late in November. We were 
 
ordered to move, hurriedly, across the mountains on 
 down to Fredericksburg. 
 
 In November McClellan crossed the Potomac and 
 marched down on the east side of the Blue Ridge moun- 
 tains to Warrenton. He was relieved of the command 
 at Warrenton and General Burnside took his place as 
 commander of the army of the Potomac. We were all 
 glad of the exchange in the commanders of the Union 
 Army, for whenever we struck "Little Mc," we always 
 got hurt. We could never take him by surprise. 
 
 Burnside immediately began active operations. His 
 plan was to attack Richmond by way of Fredericksburg. 
 The weather had grown very cold and instead of sun- 
 strokes, we had to march on frozen ground, over ice and 
 snow, wade rivers and creeks and some of the boys were 
 without shoes. M. J. Green was shoeless and could have 
 been tracked in the snow by the blood from his feet, with 
 many others in the same condition. He hardly mur- 
 mured at his misfortune and did not waver. He was 
 always at his post of duty. There were no better men in 
 Lee's army. He was then a beardless boy, but as good 
 a soldier as was ever marshaled into a battlefield, and 
 was one of the vanguards in the first Fredericksburg 
 battle. 
 
 Bumside's army marched to the Stafford Heights, on 
 the north side of the Rappahannock river, opposite 
 Fredericksburg. 
 
 General Lee threw his army in the front of Burnside's 
 army and occupied Fredericksburg. He made Marye's 
 Heights and Lee's hills on the south side of the 
 the Rappahannock, strong with earthworks and batteries 
 of artillery. It looked to us private soldiers like it would 
 be very rash for any general to try to whip such an army 
 and such generals as Lee and Jackson were with such a 
 ttrong' position. 
 
; - 60 
 
 When EJwell's division arrived we were ordered down 
 the river, about fifteen miles below Fredericksburg, to 
 near the old historic town of Port Royal. We camped, 
 here a short while to watch the enemy from this direc- 
 tion. Burnside had his cannons planted on Stafford 
 Heights in order to guard the river. 
 
 He put his pontoon bridges across the river and 
 crossed on the 11th and 12th of December and arranged 
 his lines ready for action. 
 
 Colonel Atkinson, of the Twenty-sixth Georgia Regi- 
 ment, was then commanding Lawton's brigade. Ewell's 
 division was ordered back from Port Royal to Hamilton's 
 Crossing. Lawton's brigade, commanded by Colonel 
 Atkinson, took a position as reserves near the eastern 
 end of the range of hills. Here the heights reach out 
 about one mile from the Rappahannock river and is al- 
 most a level plain from the foot of the heights to within 
 about two hundred yards of the river. The Richmond, 
 Fredericksburg & Alexandria railroad is situated at the 
 foot of the heights. 
 
 On the 13th of December General Burnsides advanced 
 and the battle began near Fredericksburg. I do not 
 know what troops were in our front, but when the 
 Yankees advanced on them they gave way. 
 
 The Yankees were near our brigade before we knew it. 
 We raised a yell and gave them a well directed volley, 
 which they returned with a storm of "huzzas." Our 
 brigade had never been driven from any position, and 
 the Yankees stood firm. After exchanging one or two 
 volleys we charged them with a terrible yell and drove 
 them back towards the river without much trouble. 
 
 We were on the extreme right of all the fighting that 
 was going on between the two armies. 
 
 We drove the ones that were in our front back to the 
 old turnpike road. 
 
The Yankees had a heavy battery at our right which 
 played havoc with some of our lines while they were 
 forming. A little, light cavalry battery, of four guns, 
 ran out from our rear into an open place, on a low eleva- 
 tion, under a perfect storm of shells and opened fire on 
 the Union battery. 
 
 The first shot struck one of the enemy's caisson boxes 
 of cap shells and exploded it, killing, wounding and de- 
 moralizing the ofi&cers and men of the Union battery so 
 badly until they did not fire another gun. So the Union 
 battery did us no more damage. Our part of the line 
 had done its duty well and heroically. We had the 
 ground strewn with dead and wounded Yankees. Here 
 we also lost some brave, noble boys. The Union line 
 was much longer than ours, so the enemy at our right 
 begun to swing aronnd us and advance, which caused 
 considerable confusion in our ranks. They were so close 
 to us that they began to order Us to halt and throw 
 down our guns and surrender. We were ordered to retreat 
 which we had to do in a galling fire. Our losses were 
 much greater on the retreat from the fire of the flanking 
 column than the ones we had been driving. In this re- 
 treat one of our company got severely wounded (Madi- 
 son Warren). He was totally disabled in one of his legs, 
 and almost any one else would have surrendered. He 
 picked up another gun and used it and his own for 
 crutches, aud ran out and got away. The balance of the 
 brigade did not suffer like our regiment did, we being 
 on the extreme right. If the Confederate line of battle 
 on the right had moved up and carried the rest of the 
 enemy's line like we did ours,- we would have run them 
 into the river, or would have captured all the Union army 
 on our part of the line, for we had driven them to within 
 four hundred yards of the river, and had them com- 
 pletely routed. The casualties of Company D were as fol- 
 
„ 62 
 
 lows: Killed, Isaac Barrow and "Wyley Lewis; mortally 
 wounded, Sergeant Silas E. Jones ; wounded, Lieutenant 
 Hiram Franklin and Private Madison Warren. Lieuten.. 
 ant Franklin was wounded in the leg and lias never bei n 
 able to walk with ease since. 
 
 Some of the other companies in the Sixty-first Georgia 
 Reg-iment suffered much worse than we did. For their 
 casualties I refer you to their muster rolls and casualtie ■ 
 in the back part of this book. 
 
 Some of the good officers of the Thirty-eighth Georgia 
 Regiment have been kind enough to furnish me witli the 
 casualties of that noble regiment. I would gladly fur- 
 nish the readers of this history with all the casualties 
 of the different regiments, but I have failed to g"et them. 
 I suppose the Thirty-eighth is a fair average of the dif 
 Cerent regiments of the brigade. 
 
 The Thirty-eighth carried about four hundred and 
 fifty men into action. Thirty-seven men were killed 
 and ninety-two wounded. Among- the number were 
 Lieutenants Farmer and Thornton, Oglesby, Wiggins, 
 Henry, Goswick, Pughle}^ and Eberhart. Capt. J. N. 
 Jones, of Company I, was killed. In the battle of Fred- 
 ericksburg the adjuntant-general. Captain Lawton, was 
 mortally wounded. The Union army lost eleven thou- 
 sand men. The Confederates lost about four thousand. 
 It was a decided Confederate victory. 
 
 On the night of the 13th of December Burnside 
 recrossed the Rappahannock, leaving his dead and 
 wounded on the field. We took care of his wounded the 
 best we could, for it was a very cold night, and buried 
 the dead Union soldiers. I am sure some of his 
 wounded froze to death, and probably some of our own. 
 
 General Lee's army remained in and around Fred- 
 ericksburg during the rest of the winter, and Burnside 
 
63 
 
 took up a position on the north side of the Rappahan- 
 nock. Both armies went into winter quarters. 
 
 Ewell's Division returned to nearPort Royal and went 
 into winter quarters and rested quietly all the rest 
 of the winter, doing picket duty on the Rappahannock 
 river. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 I "Wn,!, Devotb This Chapter to the Hospitals, 
 
 Among the Sick and Wounded, of 1862. 
 
 On the morning' of the 28th of June, I and a great 
 many others of my company, regiment and brigade, left 
 the army at Gaines' Mill, very sick, and were sent to 
 Richmond to the hospitals for treatment. It was only 
 nine miles, but it took a great many of us two days to 
 get there. We were so sick. We had to walk awhile 
 and rest awhile on the road. Some of the poor boys 
 died before they got to Richmond. When we arrived we 
 were sent to Camp Winder hospital. 
 
 There were about two hundred rough houses built of 
 sawed boards about thirty feet wide and fifty feet long, 
 well covered and nicely arranged in rows. There were 
 good "bunks" with straw beds. Here the sick and 
 wounded were taken care of very well, everything con- 
 sidered. The wounded enemy were about as well cared 
 for as we were. We had left all our clothing, except 
 what we had on, near Hanover Junction while on the 
 march. Our clothing was very dirty, and we had been 
 in old camps until they had become filled with body lice, 
 which tormented us nearly to death. 
 
 Nearly all the sick had fever and chronic diarr^''^-> 
 
64 
 
 Six of our company died, to wit : Irwin Warren, Reuben 
 Carter, Mallichi Carter, Hezekiel Parrish, Henry Jones 
 and Benjamin F. Bowen. Several others came very near 
 dying-. A great many of our regiment and brigade also 
 died. 
 
 I will tell the readers what I witnessed in the death of 
 a little North Carolinian. He was just a mere boy and 
 his name was Frick. He was very sick — had a high 
 fever. His nurse seemed to be a very wicked man. Frick 
 waa very religious He raised up on his bed one day and 
 got off on the floor on his feet; his nurse ran to him and 
 I have never heard such talk, such admonition as he gave 
 the nurse. He asked him to do better and to quit curs- 
 ing and repent of his sins and to try to prepare to meet 
 him in the glory world. 
 
 The nurse melted into a flood of tears. Frick began 
 to shout and praise God, and wrung his hands. He died 
 on his feet with his arms around the nurse's neck, the 
 nurse holding him in his arms. Frick died shouting and 
 praising God in the strongest triumphs of a living laith 
 I have ever seen, and with a pleasant smile on his face. 
 The nurse tenderly laid him down on the bed, with a 
 deep feeling of emotion, in a flood of tears, and said to 
 the crowd — for all in the house that were able had gath- 
 ered around them: "Boys, Frick is dead, and if he's not 
 g-one to the glory world, none of us will ever get there." 
 I never heard that nurse use another profane word. 
 
 Here I witnessed another very sad event. I saw a lit- 
 tle beardless youth from Georgia, who had had a long 
 spell of typhoid fever, but was then convalescent. He 
 was able to sit up and walk some and the doctor had 
 promised him a sixty-days furlough to go home, wtiich he 
 seemed to be very proud of. 
 
 One day his nose began to bleed very freely and the 
 nurse ran and brought in the doctor, but he failed to stop 
 
65 
 
 the blood, BO he called in two or three of the finest sur- 
 geons that he could get, but none of them could stop the 
 blood. He bled to death in less than twenty-four hours. 
 
 Here hundreds of the good women of Richmond and 
 the country around, would come in every day about 9 
 o'clock A. M., and about 4 P. M., with the finest kind of 
 nourishments and sweet milk for the poor sick and 
 wounded soldiers, and with such motherly treatment and 
 such good admonition to the poor fellows until it would 
 revive them. They would bring in nice clean under- 
 clothing, and would have the nurses bring them basins 
 of warm water and would wash and dress some of the 
 wounds and would wash the faces, hands and necks of 
 some of the worst cases, and have the nurses put the 
 clean cloths on the poor dirty fellows. It looked like 
 these women, with their good, motherly treatment, 
 would revive them so much till they could not die. 
 They would get well, when I am sure if it had not been 
 for such nursing many would have died. 
 
 They would often give the soldiers little pocket testa- 
 ments and tell them to read them, for they told about 
 Jesus being the Saviour of sinners. 
 
 Our regular hospital nurses were soldiers detailed for 
 that purpose, and only a few knew anything about it — 
 some did not care to know anything about it. These 
 good women taught them how to nurse. 
 
 I can say this for the good women of Virginia : There 
 are no better women on this globe. They seemed like 
 angels of mercy, and I am sure all they like of being 
 white winged angels is death, and I feel sure that death 
 will have no sting, and that the grave, with them, will 
 have no victory; for Christ will come after them and call 
 them up higher and seat them near to Him in the para- 
 dise of the great God of Heaven. It fills my heart full 
 of praise to God for raising up such good women. I fully 
 
66 
 
 believe that such women are the salt of the earth and the 
 light of the world. But these good women are not all 
 in Richmond and the vicinity; but are scattered all over 
 the State, and indeed, all over these, our still United 
 States. 
 
 In the hospitals the fare was very common except that 
 which those good women furnished. We generally got 
 boiled beef, baker's bread and beef soup, and it did not 
 suit our complaints, (chronic diarrhoea and high fevers). 
 But I suppose it was the best that could be done under 
 the circumstances. The most of us were without mon- 
 ey; for we had disposed of all that we had when we left 
 Georgia, and we had not received any pay from the 
 government. 
 
 We should have had sweet milk, but we had failed to 
 get any. Some of us boys thought of a plan to get 
 some: There were a great many fine dairy cows that 
 came to the hospital kitchen to drink the dishwater and 
 eat waste bread that was put out in larg^e tubs. I wd.3 
 an excellent hand at milking, so the other boys would 
 get around the cows while they were eating the bread 
 and drinking the dish water to keep them from walking 
 off, and I would milk all of our canteens full every 
 day, and we were all much better in one week's time. 
 We decided to return to the army, for we heard that it 
 was resting quietly in camps near Gordonsvilie; so we 
 reported to the doctor and he let us off. 
 
 We went, expecting to get our clothes that we had left 
 six weeks before at Hanover Junction. We left Rich- 
 mond on August 6, by way of the Virginia Central 
 Railroad. We arrived in Gordonsvilie about 11 o'clock 
 A. M. and marched out to the camps, which were four 
 miles from Gordonsvilie, to where our brigade was sta- 
 tioned. We soon made inquiries about our clothes but 
 
67 
 
 the boy3 told U8 they had neither seen nor heard from 
 them. 
 
 We had not changed our clothes in six weeks, and we 
 had none to put on until we could wash those that we had 
 on, so ve g'ot a camp kettle ;iud some . soap and went 
 about four hundred yards to a little creek, pulled off our 
 clothes and gave them a good washing, and boiled them 
 to kill the body lice, and hung lliem out to dry. We lay 
 around in the shade till they dried off some. When we 
 put them on and returned to camp we found we had or- 
 ders to cook two days rations and be ready to leave at 
 daylight the next morning. 
 
 The next morning very early the drum beat the sick 
 call. Captain Kennedy came to me and told me to go to 
 the doctor, for he knew that I was not able to march, so 
 I went with the orderly sergeant to Doctor Schley's quar- 
 ters. When my name was called the doctor said: 
 "Nichols, what are you here for?" I told him that I 
 fared so badly at the hospital, and that I came expecting 
 to get my clothes. He used some very rough language 
 and told me to go back to the hospital and stay there till 
 I got well, or I would die like a great many others had 
 done trying to follow the army when they were not able- 
 He told me not to expect hotel fare or mother's care, and 
 for me not to let him see me again till I was well. I 
 knew he was giving me good advice and that I would 
 take it. 
 
 We were sent back to Gordonsville where we found 
 very nearly one thousand sick who were sent there from 
 Jackson's corps. It was two days before I could leave 
 for Lynchburg, Va., which is up near the mountains 
 and a very healthy place. I had relapsed and was as 
 sick or worse than I had been. 
 
 The doctors in Lynchburg were very good and gave 
 me some relief, but it was not permanent. Our fare 
 
here -was about the same that it had been in Richmonc 
 and I was reduced from 120 to about eighty pounds. 
 
 One morning I walked down to the business part c 
 the city and sat down in a store-house to rest, for I wa 
 very feeble. Soon a fine looking old gentleman of aboi 
 seventy years of age came to me and asked what was th 
 matter with me. I told him that I had chronic diarrhoe; 
 He called a fine looking old lady of about his age, an 
 they commenced to ask me questions. "Where was m 
 home?" and " how was I faring in the hospital?" I tol 
 them. The good lady said that it was not suitable dif 
 for me with my complaint. The old man said, "No, h 
 should have sweet milk." The old lady said, "Yei 
 that is what he should have, and it boiled." I told thei 
 that I did not get any at the hospital, and that I did nc 
 have any money with which to buy any, that I had nc 
 heard from my parents since the 1st of May, and that 
 could get the money from home if my parents knew th; 
 I was needing it and knew where to send it. 
 
 The old gentleman gave me one dollar and the goc 
 lady gave me fifty cents, and they told me to buy pleni 
 of sweet milk, and when that money was gone to con 
 back and they would help me again. 
 
 I took it and thanked them from the bottom of m 
 heart. I was so rejoiced till I could not refrain fro: 
 tears to find such God-sent friends in such a time ( 
 need. I looked at them with tearful eyes, and both ( 
 them had to wipe big tears from their own eyes, seein 
 me so overcome with joy and gratitude. 
 
 When I left the store and started back to the hospit; 
 I met an old man with some extra fine peaches. I bougl 
 about half a bushel for one dollar, and took them to tl 
 hospital and sold them, making about one dollar clea 
 
69 
 
 I felt delighted with two dollars and fifty cents in my 
 pocket. 
 
 I went to a lady who lived near the hospital and who 
 owned a fine cow, and contracted with her for a quart of 
 sweet milk every day, g;etting- a pint morning- and even- 
 ing. I received it regularly and soon began to mend. 
 I speculated with my money until I had something over 
 four dollars. 
 
 Here the good women treated the extremely sick sol- 
 diers like they did in Richmond. I did not receive any 
 of their charities, for I was never so sick till I could not 
 walk about and take exercise. 
 
 The Georgia Relief Association, headed by Governor 
 Joseph E- Brown, had sent some of its noble women to 
 the hospitals with clothing for destitute Georgia soldiers 
 marked ' 'Georgia Relief Association. " One of the ladies 
 gave me a new pair of drawers and a shirt. The hospit- 
 al authorities had washing done every week, so the sick 
 fared well on this line. 
 
 The Georgia Relief Association did not confine its 
 charities especially to the Georgia soldiers, for the lady 
 in charge would give any destitute Confederate soldier a 
 shirt and a pair of drawers. I stayed in Lynchburg un- 
 til after the second battle of Manassas, and was mending 
 finely, but I was then transferred to Danville, Va., with 
 all other convalescent soldiers of the Lynchburg hospit- 
 als. I hated to h ave to go, for I was expecting to be able to 
 return to the army in another month. 
 
 "When I arrived at Danville I found it quite different 
 to what Richmond and Lynchburg were. It had about 
 1,003 inhabitants, the hospitals were new, and had 
 one of the poorest doctors I ever saw. It seemed like 
 every dose of medicine that he gave me would do me 
 more harm than good. I could not get any milk, and 
 the hospital diet was very poor. Beef, boiled about hall 
 
70 
 
 done, baker's bread and beef soup, made with flour, and 
 often -witli flies in it, for they had negro cooks, and the 
 white man in charge did not care. It was to eat that or 
 nothing, and I generally took nothing rather than that 
 soup. I would take the bread and beef and re-cook the 
 beef by broiling it, which made it so it could be eaten. 
 The doctor was a young man and had the worst kind of 
 a case of "big-head." He could curse like a demon, and 
 I soon saw that I could not stay there and live. About 
 this time the small-pox broke out there, and every case 
 would be sent to the small-pox hospital, which was some 
 distance from the town. 
 
 Major Payne, who had lost one leg in battle, was placed 
 in command of the town. He had a guard of about one 
 hundred men, detailed to do guard duty around the town, 
 on account of the smallpox, and to keep down some reg- 
 ular hard cases, which were, I am sorry to say, men who 
 had slight wounds and would not let them get well. 
 They would put something on them to keep them from 
 healing. They were perfect "hospital rats" — regular 
 toughs. Some were so mean they prevented the good 
 women from coming there. 
 
 I went to Sergeant Roberson, the commander of the 
 guard, and gave him my name, for I wished to be one of 
 the guards. He told me to go to the hospital, get my 
 clothes and report at the tents, which were about half a 
 mile from the hospital, in a beautiful grove with a nice 
 spring of water. 
 
 When I went to get them the doctor said that I could 
 not go, for he knew that I was not able. I told him that 
 I would mend faster than I could there, for I could do 
 my own cooking and would fare a great deal better; but 
 he swore that I should not go. Both of us got very mad. 
 The nurse seemed to get mad too, and helped the doctor 
 to heap curses on me. 
 
71 
 
 They said that if I went, they would report me to my 
 officers as a deserter. I knew that would not do, so I 
 sat down and studied what to do. I soon decided to go 
 to Major Payne and tell him that I wanted to be one of 
 the guards. Major Payne looked at me for a minute, 
 when I went to him, and said: "My dear air, you are not 
 able to do guard duty." It made me feel bad. I then 
 put in to plead my own case. I told him that I had had 
 chronic diarrhoea ever since I had .been in Virginia and 
 with the fare that I was getting I would never get well, 
 and that if he would let me go on the guard, where I 
 could do my own cooking, fry my beef and get some 
 corn bread to eat, that I would get better; for all the 
 medicine that I had taken did me no good. 
 
 He said, "Well, my dear sir, you can go and try it." 
 
 About that time Sergeant Roberson came in and the 
 noble hearted major told him not to have me stand guard 
 more than two hours each day and not to put me on duty 
 at night. I then felt rejoiced and thanked the good 
 major. 
 
 I told him what the little pop-skulled doctor and nurse 
 said about reporting me to my officers as a deserter. He 
 turned to his desk and gave me a written detail as one 
 of the guards. I took it and went after my clothes. I 
 got them and told the doctor and nurse that I was going 
 on the guard. They both cursed me again. I felt grat- 
 ified to have the pleasure of telling them what I thought 
 of them. 
 
 I told them that neither of them were fit for buzzard's 
 bait and that if the Confederate States were as destitute 
 of gentlemen doctors and hospital nurses as that hospital 
 was of a doctor and hospital nurse, it would be in a ter- 
 rible condition. 
 
 I did not curse them like they did me ; but I abused 
 them for about five minutes, as badly as I knew how, to 
 
r n 
 
 not curse. I then showed them my authority to go. 
 They turned off apparently defeated, and remarked : 
 "You must be pretty d — d sharp." 
 
 I stayed on the guard two 'months and mended 
 some without taking- any medicine. I am now right 
 sure that hundreds of good soldiers died in the Danville 
 hospitals for want of proper diet ; for very nearly all 
 the guards got well when probably many of them would 
 have relapsed and died in the hospitals. 
 
 About the first of November we received orders to go 
 to the army : I knew that I was not able to go, and Ser- 
 geant Roberson told me so ; but I was certainly going 
 to leave Danville, so I started to the army. On the way 
 to Richmond two of our regiment who had been on 
 guard with me, (William Booth and William Jackson) 
 told me that I was not able to go to the army and for me 
 to stop in Richmond and go to the Third Georgia Hos- 
 pital and let Dr. Green, of Milledgeville, Georgia, treat 
 me, and I would get well. They said that I would get 
 diet to suit my disease, and that Dr. Green would give 
 me medicine that would cure me ; for they said that Dr. 
 Green had cured them of the same disease. They said 
 that it would not do for me so try to go to the army. 
 
 These were noble boys and had treated me like a 
 brother. I wished to go on with them ; but I had prom- 
 ised Dr. Schley, our regimental surgeon, and myself, 
 that I would not return to the army until I got well ; so 
 I reported sick — at the Wayside Home in Richmond, as 
 Booth and Jackson had advised me. 
 
 The doctor in charge examined me and pronounced 
 me "not able for service." I told him that I wanted to 
 go to the Third Georgia Hospital ; for I wanted Dr. 
 Green to treat me, for I thought that he could cure me. 
 The doctor gave me an order to go to that hospital, with 
 two others of my reg-iment— Curry and Carpenter. The 
 
73 - 
 
 doctor asked us if we had drawn any money in two 
 months ; we told him we had not. He said "well, you 
 can draw, for the army has been paid off." He took us 
 to the door and showed us where to %o to draw our 
 money, and how to go to the Third Georg'ia Hospital. 
 
 We all went and soon received' our money. I drew 
 one hundred and sixty-five dollars, and went on to the 
 hospital. We were assigned to our "bunks" just 
 before dinner. 
 
 The dinner was just simply fine ; everything- in good 
 condition, plenty to eat, it cooked nice and of the right 
 kind for our diseases. Charles Goodwin, from Augusta, 
 Ga., was the ward master, and a good one he was. He 
 had the cooking done right and everything kept clean 
 and nice in the hospital. 
 
 I am sure that no mother could take better care of their 
 sick or wounded boy than they received in this hospital. 
 All in it were Georgians. When Dr. Green came around 
 he examined me and asked me how long I had been in 
 Virginia, I told him ever since the 1st of June, and that 
 I had been sick most of the time. He said I should have 
 had a discharge from the army, and should have been 
 sent home, and that he would give me one, but he had 
 received orders to not give any then. He said that if he 
 could not cure me and there was any chance he would 
 give me a discharge. 
 
 He treated me as kindly as my own parents could, and 
 prescribed what I should eat and gave me good medical 
 treatment. 
 
 I have never seen any one mend like I did. In one 
 month I really felt well. He put me to nursing in the 
 place of one of his nurses that he .discharged for getting 
 drunk. He said he wanted me to get well before I re- 
 turned to the army. 
 
 After the Fredericksburg battle, fought December 
 
74 
 
 13th, 1862, many wounded soldiers came to the hospital. 
 
 I wish to tell the readers about two wounded soldiers 
 that came to the hospital. One was a lad from Georgia 
 whose name was Stanford. He had his foot cut off by a 
 grape-shot, and the doctors had amputated his foot near 
 the ankle. Our doctors had to amputate it again, higher 
 up. He had a serious struggle between life and death 
 for several days with cold and fever. 
 
 The nurses all petted him, and he soon got well 
 enough to start home. 
 
 The other one came in nearly dead. He was an Ala- 
 bamian, and his name was David A. Tibbs. His thigh 
 was amputated near his body, and he took a severe case 
 of pneumonia, for which we blistered him severely all 
 over his breast. He subsisted several days on milk- 
 punch and egg-nog, made of the best brandy. He was 
 delirious most of the time during several days and we 
 all thought he would die. 
 
 I became interested in him and the rest of the nurses 
 saw it and would not do much for him, which made me 
 more attentive to him. 
 
 I had to dress his wound every day, which smelt very 
 offensive. After a hard struggle with him by the doctors 
 and his nurse (myself), he began to rally, came to his 
 senses and got so he could eat a little. 
 
 The doctors had us to feed'him on very light diet, and 
 he soon began to rally and got so he could eat more, and 
 mended very fast. 
 
 After a few days he got to having a ravenous appetite. 
 He would lie there and beg and cry for more to eat, but 
 the doctors charged us to not give it to him. I would 
 give him more than the doctors said. 
 
 Tibbs got very saucy and told me that if I did not give 
 him more to eat he would tell the doctor that I was per- 
 ishing him to dgath. I told him that if he did I would 
 
75 
 
 only give him just what the doctor said give him. 
 
 When the doctor came in ag-ain Tibbs told Kim that I 
 was perishing- him. The doctor seemed very sympa- 
 thetic and asked Tibbs what I gave him, and how much. 
 Tibbs told him the truth about it, and the doctor said: 
 "My dear sir, that is twice as much as I told him to give 
 you, and it is a wonder that he has not killed you.'' 
 Tibbs went to crying. The doctor came to me and said; 
 "Have you been giving him as much as he says?" I told 
 the doctor that what I gave him was very light and I 
 only gave him but a little at a time, and it all seemed to 
 do him good, and I could not stand to hear him beg so 
 pleadingly and cry so pitiful and not give him some. 
 The doctor said: "Well you must not give him any more 
 than you have given him, and if you find that he is the 
 least sick with fever or colic, you come after me at once." 
 
 Soon after the doctor left Tibbs motioned for me to 
 go to him. I pretended to be angry with him, but I 
 was very sorry for him. He kept on calling for me till 
 I went to him. He then began to beg me not to be angry 
 with him. I told him that I would forgive him. He 
 then asked me if I was going to do like the doctor said — 
 to give him only half of what I had been giving him. I 
 told him, "Yes, that is what the doctor said." He cried 
 and begged me, for God's sake, to give him as much as I 
 had been giving him. I did so. 
 
 In about three or four weeks the doctors gave him a 
 tiinety-days furlough. 
 
 Tibbs gave me the furlough and told me to go and 
 draw all the money the government was due him and get 
 his transportation to his home in Alabama. I did so, 
 and brought it all to him. We got a good litter, spread 
 blankets on it and made him a comfortable bed, took 
 more blankets and covered him up. We then put him in 
 au ambulance and I got in with him and went to the 
 
76 
 
 cars and g'ot him on and told him good bye. He cried 
 and held on to my hand and said: "You have been as 
 good to me as my own dear mother could have been, and 
 I hope God will bless you to get through the war and to 
 get home safe." 
 
 I have never seen or heard from David A. Tibbs since. 
 
 If this history should ever fall into the hands of any- 
 one who knows anything of him or what become of him, 
 they will confer a great favor on me by writing to me at 
 Jesup, Ga. I hope he is yet living and doing well, and 
 that I may some day have the pleasure of meeting him. 
 
 By the last of February, 1863, I had gotten well, 
 weighed ten pounds more than I had ever weighed, and 
 was able to return to the army. I went to them at Port 
 Royal, fifteen miles below Fredericksburg. I found the 
 few of the boys who were left in good winter quarters. 
 They had drawn blankets, shoes and plenty of clothing, 
 and were getting plenty to eat and were full of life. 
 
 The snow was about two or three feet deep all over 
 the ground. They soon initiated me with snow-balls 
 and wallowed me in the snow. 
 
 About half the company had been killed, wounded or 
 had died in hospitals the year before. Some had just 
 returned from northern prisons. Henry Oliff was the 
 only man who had the same gun that he first drew in 
 Brunswick before we went to Jekyl Island, where we 
 were firsi ordered. He had not been sick, had not strag- 
 gled, was up every night on all the marches, was in 
 every battle and skirmish and had not been hurt. There 
 were no braver man than Henry Oliff. 
 
77 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Early's Division — Camp I^ife — Snow Batti.es — Gen- 
 ERAi, John B. Gordon Assigned to the Com- 
 mand OF Lawton's Brigade — Battle 
 of Mary's Heights and the Sad 
 News of Stonewall Jack- 
 son's Being Mor- 
 tally Wounded. 
 
 In the winter of 1862 and 1863 our brigade was trans- 
 ferred from General Swell's division to General Jubal A. 
 Early's division and was composed of Lawton's Georg-ia 
 brigade, Hays' Louisiana brigade, Pegram's Virginia 
 brigade and Hoke's North Carolina brigade. We were 
 in winter quarters near Port Royal, Va., fifteen miles 
 below Fredericksburg, on the Rappahannock river. 
 
 We fared well, had a great deal of sport in having 
 company, regimental and brigade snow battles. One 
 day the officers of Hoke's brigade formed a line of battle 
 and charged our brigade before we kn,ew it. We turned 
 out and fought them. It was very amysing, for we got 
 into a hand to hand battle, and a great many of our 
 boys and the North Carolinians had friendly tussles. 
 We wallowed each other in the snow and filled each 
 other's bosoms full, and rubbed it in each others faces. 
 A few days after this snow battle we charged the North 
 Carolinians and drove them through and out of their 
 camps. 
 
 In the camps we.covf]^4: see Hooker's balloon spies go up. 
 They would stay up for hours, looking over our camps. 
 
 About the first of March we moved up near Hamilton's 
 Orewin ^. built more winter quarters and did picket duty 
 
78 
 
 at what we called "the old brick house," on the Rappa- 
 hannock river. This picket post was near where Burn- 
 sides had one of his pontoon bridg-es during the Freder- 
 icksburg- battle. 
 
 In April the balloons went up every day and we could 
 hear the Yankees drilling and having sham battles. 
 They were teaching their fresh troops how to fight Con- 
 federate soldiers. We could hear them charge, one line 
 would try to yell like the Confederate soldiers and the 
 other would "huzzal huzza! huzza!" like the Union army. 
 
 One day our regiment was on . picket and none of 
 our ofiElcers or the Yankee officers were near the picket 
 post, so we swapped newspapers, knives and traded to- 
 bacco for coffee, etc. We did this little traffic with a 
 little sail boat, which I suppose would have carried 
 about four pounds. 
 
 We were on one side of the river and the Yankees 
 were on the other, and we were all friendly. At another 
 time while we were on picket, M. J. Green and I were at 
 the same post. We had very strict orders to not say a 
 word to the Yankees, and they said they had the same 
 orders. One Yankee said: "Hello, Johnnie, we will 
 come over to see you before long." Green said, — "Yes, 
 and you'll get a h — ^I of a whipping when you come." 
 (This was before Green joined the church). 
 
 Here while we were in this camp the famous, ener- 
 getic, gallant General Jdhn B. Gordon was assigned to 
 the command of Lawton's old brigade. (Captains W, T. 
 Mitchell and J. M. Pace were his staff officers, Beasley 
 and Kidd couriers). We wei"e soon all acquainted with 
 him. He put the company and regimental commanders 
 to drilling the boys. We often had three drills daily ; 
 first, company drill; then, battalion drill; and in the 
 afternoon brigade drill. Gordon would ride alouj^ the 
 
, GEN. J. B, GORDON. 
 
line, talk very kiii^ yet very positive, and the officers 
 and men were soon liking him very much. 
 
 One day Company D. was well amused. We had a 
 hard fight in the company. John Smith borrowed Har- 
 rison Rushing's pot to boil some peas. About the time 
 Smith got his peas to cooking, Rushing wanted his pot, 
 but Smith told him to wait till he got his peas cooked. 
 Rushing said, — "No, I must have it now." Smith told 
 him that he should not have it until he got his peas 
 cooked. Rushing started to the fire where the pot was 
 boiling. Smith got between Rushing and the pot. 
 They then went together and to fighting. They fought 
 about five minutes and Captain Kennedy had them 
 parted. They were both very tired. Smith ran to the 
 pot and took it in his arms, — his thick clothes preventing 
 it from burning him — and swore that he meant to have 
 it till he got his peas cooked. Rushing must have be- 
 lieved him, for he let him alone. 
 
 On the morning of April 29th I was on camp-guard, 
 while the Thirteenth Georgia regiment was on picket 
 and was guarding the river crossing. We heard a few 
 gfuns fire at the picket post, and soon a heavy volley. 
 This was just at day break. It was the Thirteenth 
 Georgia regiment firing at the enemy across the river, 
 who were trying to drive them away from the crossing. 
 
 This shooting immediately put the whole command in 
 a stir. The drum was beating the long roll and the offi- 
 cers were shouting "fall in line." I and the rest of the 
 guards around the line received orders to go to our tents, 
 pack up and follow the brigade. We caught up with 
 them while they were forming in line at the foot of 
 Mary's heights, on the R. & F. R. R. 
 
 The Thirteenth Georgia Regiment had continued to 
 fire at the enemy across the river till our line was formed, 
 I they received orders to fall back to the line of bat- 
 
81 
 
 tie. This gave the enemy the opportunity ot puttingf 
 down their pontoon bridg'e. Prisoners afterwards told 
 us that there were twenty-nine of Company K killed in 
 one of the Michigan regiments in this skirmish battle 
 across the river. 
 
 Almost as soon as our brigade had formed in line, as 
 stated above, we heard cheering of regiments on our 
 left. It was rumored that they were cheering Stone- 
 wall Jackson. He was soon passing Gordon's brigade, 
 and I am, oh, so sorry to tell you, we never ch'eered him 
 again. 
 
 A heavy skirmish line was now thrown in front of the 
 old Turnpike road leading from Fredericksburg to Port 
 Royal. 
 
 We built breastworks nearly all day. Late in the 
 afternoon we saw General Early ride up to our battery 
 on the heights, which was about one hundred yards to 
 our right and rear. Early rode off a short distance to 
 the left of the battery, and with his field-glass looked 
 towards the enemy's batteries. 
 
 We saw our cannoneers busily loading their guns, and 
 they were soon firing at a rapid rate. The enemy made 
 a spirited reply. 'Twas a regular battery duel for about 
 thirty minutes, but there was more noise than blood, 1 
 do not think we got a man hurt. One of the enemies 
 solid shot struck right in the muzzle of one of guns. It 
 split our gun about six inches, the ball being some larger 
 than the gun. It stuck fast and dismounted the gun, 
 which, I think, was all the damage we received. There 
 was some skirmishing in our front during the day. 
 
 We lay quiet next day with but little skirmishing in 
 our front. Late in the afternoon we found out, from the 
 skirmish line, that the enemy in our front was leaving. 
 
 We could hear heavy firing in the direction of Chan- 
 ceUorsville. Before dark the Yankees in our front iv«i^ 
 
:\^'^i 
 
 GBN/teTONEWALL JACKSON. 
 
t2^ 
 
 all back across the river. At dark we all moved out of 
 our works and took tlie road leading- to Chancellorsville. 
 I suppose we had gone three or four miles when we heard 
 an order come up the line, "Halt! Halt! about face! 
 forward march!" and away we went back in a hurry. 
 
 We were afraid that the enemy had gotten our works 
 and the heights by strategy, so we marched back as fast 
 as we could. We had not gone far when we heard an 
 excited commotion come up the line. Every man dodged 
 to one side or the other of the road. ' We stopped about 
 half a minute and all moved on quietly. We marched 
 about half a mile and found an old crippled horse by the 
 side of the road on a steep hillside. We could see him, 
 for the moon was rising. The old horse was what caused 
 the commotion. He was falling down the hill and the 
 boys thought it was a cavalry charge. The commotion 
 went through the brigade and probably through the 
 division. 
 
 We were hurried back to our old line with orders for 
 every regiment to take its old place in the line, and for 
 every company to detail three men and send them to the 
 skirmish line. They advanced to our old skirmish line. 
 (The writer was one who went). 
 
 We advanced, expecting, when we g-ot to the road, the 
 Yankees to rise up and shoot at us at short rang-e. 
 
 The moon had risen and was shining- very clearly. 
 When we got to the road we did not find a Yankee. 
 
 When the commanding- officer came along- the line to 
 see if every thing was all right and the line well formed, 
 he sent me and others out on vidette, about two hundred 
 yards in front, to listen and find out what the Yankees 
 were doing. I crawled to near their works and found 
 them trying- to get in their old places in the line as we 
 had. 
 
 The next day all was quiet except some connonading- 
 
83 
 
 and ddrmisbingf and some firing: ^^ our left about Fred- 
 ericksburg. 
 
 We could also hear heavy cannonading- up about Chan- 
 cellorsville. We could hear the small arms and some 
 times hear the Rebel yell when the wind was blowing- 
 from that direction. It was said that we were ten miles 
 from Chancellorsville. 
 
 Hooker had left three of his army corps in command 
 of General Sedgwick at Hamilton's Crossing- and Fred- 
 ricksburg-, while he had g-one up the river about twenty 
 miles and had driven our cavalry pickets from the ford, 
 crossed his army over, hurried it across the Rapidan 
 and on to Chancellorsville. 
 
 Generals Lee and Jackson met him with the most of 
 their army, leaving Ejarly's division and Barksdale's 
 brigade of McLaw's division. 
 
 Barksdale was charged with the protection of the 
 heights in the rear of Fredericksburg, including Marye's 
 hill, and the stone wall made famous by the Burnside 
 campaign. His brigade consisted of about 1,400 men. 
 It was disposed as follows (so history informs us): Seven 
 companies of the Twenty-first Mississippi were posted 
 between the Marye house and the plank road; the three 
 remaining companies were posted on the telegraph road 
 at the foot of the Marye hill; his other two regi- 
 ments were on the hills farther to the right. Batteries 
 were set up at Lee's hill and the Harrison house, while 
 our pieces of artillery were stationed at the Marye 
 house. 
 
 As soon as Early was made aware of Sedgwick's move- 
 ment he sent Hays' brigade to reinforce Barksdale. 
 
 On Sunday, May 3rd, Sedgwick, in a dense fog, ad- 
 vanced on Barksdale's little brigade and a terrible battle 
 opened for the amount of troops engaged; Hay's Louis- 
 iana brigade -^as soon on hand and both fought brarelj, 
 
but Sedgpwick succeeded in capturing Marye's heights 
 with his much superior force, because he could flank the 
 Confederates out of their positions. 
 
 Sedg-wick captured the heights about noon. Gordon's 
 brigade had not left its position in the front of the 
 heights at the crossing, and when Sedgwick captured 
 the heights we heard three huzzas from the Federals, 
 although we were three miles away. Later in the day 
 the enemy left our front and marched up the river to 
 Fredericksburg. Early followed and formed his lines. 
 
 We remained in line all night, and just at day-break 
 we advanced, Gordon's brigade being on Early's right 
 and nearest the river. We advanced in excellent line 
 through woods, brush, over hills and valleys, with the 
 Thirty-first Georgia regiment, commanded by Colonel 
 Evans, on skirmish. We had advanced about two miles 
 when the skirmish line struck the Yankee skirmish line, 
 and drove it in at once, and pushed on to the heights. 
 Our line of battle forwarded and re- took the heights with 
 but very little loss to us. In this little battle of only a 
 few minutes, there were eight holes shot through my 
 blanket; my shoe-sole was shot intwain and my foot 
 stunned. 
 
 Captain Kennedy had his sword strap shot in twain and 
 Corporal William Holloway had his canteen bursted open 
 with a ball. There were not over fifteen or twenty of 
 the Sixty-first Georgia killed and wounded. This hap- 
 pened early on the morning of May 4th. 
 
 We lay around all day till about night. General Lee 
 had sent Generals McLaws, Mahone and Wilcox with 
 their commands to Early's assistance. They were on one 
 side of the enemy and Early on the other. Late in the 
 afternoon we were ordered to see that our guns were all 
 right and to take a full supply of ammunition. We 
 <;ould 8«ethe fi^enerals moving' around, apparently deeply 
 
8S 
 
 interested, and the couriers riding at a rapid rate, car- 
 rying' orders to reg-imental commanders. 
 
 It was near 6 o'clock in the afternoon and we knew 
 that something was going to happen. We heard a big 
 signal gun and our regimental commanders commanded 
 attention. "We were all on our feet at once and ordered 
 to move forward. 
 
 The enemy opened on us generally with their artil- 
 lery ; we advanced in excellent order and went some 
 distance before we struck the enemy. There was heavy 
 firing and a severe battle just to our left ; so we hurried 
 up. When we struck the enemy they had their bat- 
 teries massed right in front of the Sixty-first Georgia. 
 Regiment. 
 
 They seemed to open fire at our regiment with every 
 gun (about twenty), almost at the same time, loaded 
 with grape and cannister shot. They were about two 
 hundred yards from us. When we saw the smoke puff 
 from the mouths of their cannons it looked like every 
 man fell at once. It seemed that the air was full of 
 grape and canister shot. I think they must have had 
 double charges. Luckily for us we had not gotten to 
 the top of the hill ; and when we fell , which was almost 
 automatically, the ground was about twelve or fifteen 
 inches higher in our front than it was where we were, 
 and the deadly missies passed harmlessly over us. 
 
 The rest of the brigade that was not exposed to this 
 battery moved around on our lett and put the enemy to 
 flight. We did not get a man hurt in Company D, and 
 I don't think we lost more than twenty, killed and 
 wounded, in the regiment, and I don't think there were 
 over one hundred killed and wounded in the brigade. 
 
 While we were doing this Generals Mcl/aws, Mahone, 
 Wilcox and others pressed the enemy on the other side 
 
80 
 
 and caused a perfect route and stampede in Sedgwick's 
 command. 
 
 It was now after sundown, very near dark, and we 
 could not follow up our success. We lay quiet on the 
 field of battle all night. Next morning- the Yankees 
 were all back across the river and the battle of Chancel- 
 lorsville and Marye's heights was over. 
 
 We had reasons to thank God, for we had not r^fotten 
 a man seriously hurt in company D. We stayed ou the 
 field until about 9 o'clock, when we were ordered back to 
 our old camps. We went with very sad hearts, for we 
 had heard what a sad calamity had befallen our beloved 
 Stonewall Jackson — one of the greatest military men 
 that had ever lived. His death was a terrible blow to 
 the Confederate cause. It was almost equal to a Union 
 victory. His name will go down in history as the hero 
 of Chancellorsville. 
 
 General "Stonewall" Jackson was the most dashing 
 and daring general in Lee's army, and his place could 
 never be filled. 
 
 After this battle the Thirty-eighth Georgia Regiment 
 was detailed to carry 1,700 prisoners that we had captured 
 to Richmond. They were gone several days. 
 
87 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 
 
 Union Account of thu Batti,b of Chanceli,orsyii.i.e, 
 
 BY Coi,ONEi, Thbodorb a. Dodge, of the 
 
 United States Army. 
 
 In the "Lowell Institute" course of lectures in Boston 
 last winter (this lecture was delivered in 1885 — Author.) 
 the following lecture was delivered by Colonel Theodore 
 A. Dodge, author of the admirable book on Chancellors- 
 ville, which we had occasion to notice so favorably. 
 
 In order that our readers may see clearly who it is that 
 gives this able, clear and very fair account of this great 
 battle, we insert the following brief sketch of Colonel 
 Dodge, given by the Boston Herald: 
 
 "Colonel Theodore A. Dodge is one of the best known 
 men in Boston military circles. He is now in his fifty- 
 seventh year (1898), having been born in Pittsfield, 
 Mass., in 1842. When quite young he went to Berlin, 
 Prussia, where he received his military education under 
 General Van Froneich, of the Prussian army. 
 
 "When the civil war cloud burst in the United States, 
 he promptly returned home, enlisted and went to the 
 front. 
 
 ' 'He served constantly in the army of the Potomac (in 
 every volunteer regimental rank up to that of colonel) 
 from the Peninsular, where he was with Kearney through 
 Pope's and Burnside's campaigns, and at Chancellors- 
 ville and Gettysburg, in which latter engagement he 
 was with Howard. He was thrice brevetted for gallantry. 
 After Gettysburg, where he lost a leg, he was ordered 
 to duty in the war department. While there Secretary 
 Stanton offered him a regular commission, which he ac- 
 ceoted. 
 
* 88 
 
 "Colonel Dodg-e remained in the war department until 
 1875, when he was, by reason of wounds, received in line 
 of duty and placed on the retired list of the army, where 
 he now is." 
 
 We insert with great pleasure the lecture, without 
 note or comment of our own, except to say that while 
 possibly we might find some statements in it with which 
 we might not fully concur, yet we hail it as a happy 
 omen when a gallant soldier who wore the blue can give 
 to a Boston audience so candid and truthful an account 
 of a great battle in which the Federal army suffered so 
 severe a disaster, 
 
 cotONBi, dodge's lecturb. 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: You have listened to an elo- 
 quent and able presentation of the main issues and events 
 of our civil war by one of our most distinguished fellow- 
 citizens, a man upright in peace and zealous in war. 
 
 You have heard a graphic narrative of a great South- 
 ern victory from one of our late antagonists, whose 
 record, as one of Stonewall Jackson's staff officers, stamps 
 him honest and brave, as his presence and bearing among 
 us have stamped him thoroughly reconstructed. You 
 have had spread before you an elaborate and brilliant 
 view of our glorious victories by a gallant sole ier of two 
 wars, who has beaten into a plough-shear the sword he 
 wielded to such good purpose in Mexico and Virginia. 
 
 It has fallen my lot to tell you about one of our most 
 lamentable defeats. To tell the truth about Chancellors- 
 ville is an invidious task. Less than the truth no one 
 to-day would like to hear. 
 
 Under Burnsides the army of the Potomac suffered an 
 equal disaster. But Burnsides blamed himself alone. 
 No word but praise for his lieutenants passed his lips. 
 
 After Chancellorsville, o n the contr ary. Hooker sought 
 
89 
 
 to shift all the blame upon his subordinates, even to the 
 extent of intimating that they were braggarts, who 
 would not fight. Particularly Howard and Sedgwicl. 
 were his scapegoats, and for some years Hooker's view."- 
 gained credence. 
 
 His course renders necessary a critical examination of 
 the campaign. But be it remembered that every word of 
 censure is uttered with the consciousness that Hooker's 
 memory lies embalmed in our mausoleums of dead heroes, 
 and that in lesser commands his career was patriotic and 
 useful. The disaster at Fredericksburg in December, 
 1862, had left its mark upon the ever faithful Army 
 of the Potomac. 
 
 It had lost its confidence in its chief, but not in itself. 
 Burnsides retired in January, to the satisfaction of all, 
 but carrying away their affectionate regard. 
 
 Hooker succeeded to the command. His soubriquet ot 
 "Fighting Joe" aptly but superficially characterizes 
 him. Few men could handle a division — perhaps a 
 corps — to better advantage under definite orders. None 
 gloried in the act of war more than he. Lacking not 
 conduct, yet the dramatic side of the art, military was 
 dearest to him, and his ubiquity and handsome bearing 
 made him better known to the army at large than man3- 
 of his more ef&cient brothers in arms. 
 
 The troops accepted Hooker with the utmost hearti- 
 ness. He had been identified with their history. He was 
 bone of their bone. He seemed the very type and har- 
 binger of success. Men and officers alike joined in the 
 work of rehabilitation. Under well digested orders — 
 for Hooker was a good organizer — the lamentable laxitj 
 of discipline soon disappeared ; eagerness succeeded 
 apathy, and the Army of the Potomac once again held 
 higfh its head. 
 On Apr W 30th. 1863. the unirni ug report shewed " for 
 
, 90 
 
 duty equipped 131,491 officers and men, t»*?tf nearly 400 
 guns (cannon) in the camp near Falmouth. Confronting- 
 this overwhelming- body of men lay the weather-beaten 
 army of Northern Virginia, numbering some 60,000 men 
 and 170 guns" (cannon.) This force was posted from 
 Banks' ford above to Skenker's neck below Fredericks- 
 burg, a distance of some fifteen miles. 
 
 Every inch of this line was strongly and intelligently 
 fortified. The morale of the Confederate army could not 
 have been finer. To numbers it oppjsed superior posi- 
 tion and defenses, and its wonderful success had bred 
 that contempt of danger and that hardihood which are 
 the very essence of discipline. 
 
 Perhaps no infantry was ever in its own peculiar way 
 more permeated with the instinct of pure fighting — ever 
 felt th.e. gaudium certaminis — than the Army of Northern 
 Virginia at this time. 
 
 The Army of the Potomac could not well risk another 
 front attack on Marye's Heights. 
 
 To turn Lee's right flank necessitated operations quite 
 in evidence, and the crossing of a river 1,000 feet wide 
 in the very teeth of the enemy. 
 
 Hooker matured his plans for a movement about Lee's 
 left. 
 
 On April 12th the cavalry corps was ordered out upon 
 a raid via Culpepper and Gordonsville, to the rear of 
 Lee's army, in order to cut his communications and to 
 demoralize his troops at the moment when the main 
 attack should fall upon him. 
 
 "Let your watchword be fight I and let all your orders 
 be fightll fightl! fightll!" was Hooker's aggressive 
 order to Stoneman. The performance of the latter, 
 however, was in inverse ratio to the promise of these in- 
 structions. The start was delayed two weeks by a rise in 
 ^Im riTwr, and the ■• ' '*'• ^-^r.^ ;*~ •'•nmn 
 
91 
 
 tion that the cavalry r^d degenerated into an utter fail- 
 ure, and the first step in the campaign thus miscarried. 
 The operations of the calvary corps scarcely belong to 
 the history of Chancellorsville. They in nowise affected 
 the conduct or out-come of the campaign. 
 
 In order to conceal his real move by the right, Hooker 
 made show of moving down the river, and a strong dem- 
 onstration with the First, Third and Sixth corps on the 
 left under command of Sedgwick, covered by Hunt's 
 guns, on April 29th and 30th. Pontoons were thrown 
 at Franklin's Crossing and Pollock's Mills; Troops were 
 put over and bridgeheads were constructed and held by 
 Brooks' and Wadsworth's divisions. I^ee made no seri- 
 ous attempt to dispute this movement, but watched the 
 disposition, uncertain how to gauge their value. 
 
 Meanwhile the Eleventh and Seventh corps, followed 
 by the Fifth, with eight days' rations, marched up to 
 Kelley's ford. Here all three corps crossed the Rappa- 
 hannock on the night of Wednesday, the 29th, and on 
 Thursday the two former crossed the Rapidan at Ger- 
 mania ford, and the latter at Ely's, and all three reached 
 Chancellorsville Thursday afternoon. Here Slocum as- 
 sumed command. Gibson's division of the Second corps 
 had been left to guard the Falmouth camps and do pro-i 
 vost duty, while French and Hancock, after United 
 States ford had been unmasked, crossed at: this point 
 and joined the forces at Chancellorsville. The Third 
 corps was likewise ordered from the left," by the same 
 route, to the same point. Thus far, everything had 
 been admirably conceived and executed. Small criti- 
 cisms can be passed upon Hooker's logistics. They 
 were uniformly good. Two of our corps had centered, 
 the enemy's attention upon his right flank, below Fred. 
 ericksburg, while we had massed four corps upon his left 
 flank, with a fifth close, by, and had scarcely lost a man; 
 
92 
 
 Hooker's vaunting- order of this day is all but justified 
 by tbe situation. 
 
 But one more immediate and vigorous push and the 
 army of Northern Virginia would have been desperately 
 compromised, practically defeated. 
 
 lyee had not been unaware of what the Federals had 
 been doing, but had been largely misled by the feint be- 
 low the town and had so little anticipated Hooker's 
 movement by the right, that less than 3,000 of his cav- 
 alry were on hand to observe the crossing of the Rappa- 
 hannock and Rapidan. 
 
 Stuart had not, until Thursday, fully gauged the im- 
 portance of this movement and only on Thursday night 
 had Lee ascertained the facts and been' able to mature 
 his plans for parrying Hooker's thrust. Anderson had 
 received on Wednesday orders to check at Chancellors- 
 ville, as long as possible, our advance, supposed to be 
 partial only, and then to slowly retire to the Mine Run 
 road. 
 
 This he had done, and here Lee's engineers were speed- 
 ily engaged in drawing up a line of entrenchments. 
 Early was left at Hamilton's crossing. Barksdale re- 
 mained in the town and Lee, with the bulk of his forces, 
 hurried out to meet the Army of the Potomac. At an 
 early hour on Friday morning Jackson arrived at the 
 Mine Run line and took command. 
 
 Hooker's tardiness in advancing had already allowed 
 the erection of a difficult barrier. The headquarters of 
 the Army of the Potomac had remained at Falmouth till 
 Hooker personally reached Chancellorsville. After the 
 transfer hither, the chief of staff, for ease of communi- 
 cation between the wings, was kept at the old camp at 
 Falmouth. 
 
 Hooker now announced his plan to advance Friday in 
 force and uncover Banks' ford so as to be within quicker 
 
93 
 
 reach of Sedg-wick. It had been a grave error not to 
 make this advance on Thursday afternoon. On Fridav 
 morning-, after reconnoitering the ground, he accord- 
 ingly ordered an advance toward the open country toth' 
 east, while Sedgwick should threaten an attack in the 
 neighborhood of Hamilton's crossing to draw Lee's at- 
 tention. 
 
 In pursuance of these orders, Meade advanced to within 
 grasp of Banks' ford quite unopposed. Sykes and Han- 
 cock on the turnpike, on leaving the forest, ran upon 
 the entrenched divisions of Anderson and McL,av.'F, 
 whom they engaged. Slocum, with the Eleventh and 
 Twelfth corps on the plank road, was arrested by the 
 left of this same line. The opposition was nowhere 
 serious. The troops were there to fight. Hooker shouUI 
 have carried out his programme in full by ordering up 
 fresh troops and by driving back the largely over- 
 matched forces of the enemy. Every reason demanded 
 this. The Army of the Potomac had just emerged from 
 the wilderness, in whose confines no superiority of force 
 could be made available, as it could be on open ground 
 toward Fredericksburg. It was essential that the two 
 wings should be got within easier communication. The 
 enemy had been surprised and should be followed up. 
 The plan had succeeded well so far; to abandon it would 
 create a loss of morale among the troops. Suddenly 
 every one concerned was surprised by an order from 
 Hooker to withdraw again into the wilderness. 
 
 Here may be said to have begun the certain loss of the 
 campaign. The proceeding was absurd. Hooker had 
 reached Chanceliorsville Thursday noon with 40,000 
 men, fresh and abundantly able to advance toward and 
 seize Banks' ford, his first objective point. To delay here 
 until Friday noon was a grave mistake. Still had the 
 advance on Friday been pushed home by a concerted 
 
94 
 
 movement by tlie left so as to seize Banks' and cover 
 United States ford, it was by no means too late to gather 
 the fruits of the vigor and secrecy exhibited thus far in 
 this flank march. But the advance on Friday was 
 checked by Hooker without personal examination of the 
 situation, to the surprise of every one, and against the 
 protest of many of his subordinates. 
 
 A more fatal error cannot be conceived. Here first 
 appeared Hooker's lack of balance. 
 
 The troops retired and Jackson at once took advantage 
 of the situation by advancing his left to Welford's. 
 
 The Army of the Potomac on Friday night lay huddled 
 in the chapparal around Chancellorsville instead of occu- 
 pying, as they might, a well defined position on the open 
 ground in front of Banks' ford. Gradually during the 
 night the several corps drifted weary and disheartened 
 at this unexplained check in the midst of success 
 without any idea of fighting there. 
 
 The line was thus a haphazzard one, on the worst con- 
 ceivable ground, where cavalry was useless, artillery con- 
 fined to the roads or to a few open spaces, and infantry 
 hidden or paralyzed. 
 
 Reynolds was now ordered from the left wing to Chan- 
 cellorsville. The line lay from left to right — Meade, 
 Couch,' Slocum, Sickles and Howard. Hooker deter, 
 mined to receive instead of delivering an attack. He 
 knew how vastly he outnumbered Lee ; he could gauge 
 the advantage he had gained from his initiative ; he 
 could not be blind to the wretched terrain around Chan- 
 cellorsville, and yet he sat down as if already worsted. 
 Nothing but a sudden loss of moral force can explain 
 such enigmatic conduct. Hooker had come to the end of 
 his mental tether. The march had taxed his powers to 
 their limit. He had no more stomach for the fight. 
 
 During this night, while the Army of Northern Vir- 
 
95 
 
 ginia was moving' into position in front of its g-ig-antic, 
 but apparently unnerved enemy, Lee aind Jackson devel- 
 oped a plan for an attack upon our right,, which/ though 
 posted on high ground, was really in the air. Lee kiay 
 have originated the plan, but it bears a distinctly Jack- 
 sonian flavor ; and surely without such a lieutenant to 
 execute it, Lee would never have dreamed of such a 
 risky move. 
 
 The plan gave Jackson about 24,000 men with which 
 to undertake a march around our right flank to a position 
 where he might cut us off from United States ford. 
 
 It was ultra-hazardous, for it separated a small army 
 In the presence of a large one. 
 
 It was justifiable on the ground that Hooker evidently 
 meant to retain the defensive ; that the movement would 
 be screened from his eye by the woods ; that there 
 seemed no more available plan ; that^ some immediate j 
 iction was demanded. ]a 
 
 Had it failed it would have met the censure of every J 
 oldier. No maxim of tactics applies to it so well as 
 he proverb, "Nothing venture, nothing have." 
 
 Although Jackson's corps had been on foot and par- 
 ially engaged for some thirty hours, the men set out on 
 liis new march with cheerful alacrity. They could al- 
 \ays follow "Old Jack" with their eyes shut. Stuart's 
 avalry masked the advance. 
 
 Jackson did not know that his column" would have to 
 ■ .iss some open ground in full view of our line at Dow- 
 . [all's until too late to have it follow a better concealed 
 route. 
 
 Early Saturday morning the movement was discovered 
 by the Third corps and a reconnoisance was pushed out 
 to embarrass its advance. 
 After some trouble and, a slight and successful attack, 
 
96 
 
 Birney ascertained and reported that Jackson was mc 
 ing- over to our rig-tit. 
 
 The conclusion which Hooker drew from this fa 
 was, apparently, that Lee was retreating. 
 
 Jackson, meanwhile keeping Sickles busy with 
 small rear-guard, advanced along the Brock road un 
 toward afternoon he was abreast and in the rear of o 
 right flank. While he was thus massing his men 
 attack the army of the Potomac in reverse, Hooker co 
 tinued to authorize Sickles to deplete the threaten 
 wing by sending a large part of its available strengt 
 (Barlow, Birney, Whipple and Geary in part — sor 
 15,000 men), out into the woods in hopes of capturii 
 the force which had long ago eluded his grasp and w 
 ready to fall upon our rear. 
 
 Hooker's right flank of barely 10,000 men was coi 
 pletely issolated. 
 
 And yet though scouts, pickets, and an actual attack 
 3:30 p. M. proved beyond a perad venture Jackson's pre 
 ence at this point. Hooker allowed this flank to be he 
 by an untried corps, composed of the most heterog 
 nous and untrustworthy elements in the army of t 
 Potomac. This march of Jackson's might at first blu 
 have been construed by Hooker to be either a retreat 
 a strategic march by Lee to new grounds, or to be 
 threatened flank attack. Either would have been j 
 companied by the same tactical symptoms which m 
 appeared. 
 
 If the former, Hooker had his option to attack at 
 early or late period, more or less vigorously, as mig 
 appear best to him. Hooker afterwards claimed that 
 believed in the flank attack. But the testimony of 1 
 dispatches at the time finds him riding both horses, a: 
 he acted on the retreat theory. At 9:30 a. m., he h 
 notified Slocum and Howard to look out and prepare i 
 
^ 97 
 
 a flank attack, and to post heavy reserves to meet one. 
 He telegraphed Sedgwick at 4:10 p. m.: "We know that 
 the enemy is flying; trying to save his trains." 
 
 In the meantime he had removed the heavy reserves in 
 question and sent them out on Sickles' wild goose chase 
 to the front. He made no inspections of the right ex- 
 cept one early in the morning. 
 
 Howard, commanding on the right, misled by Hooker's 
 orders and apathy, held to the retreat theory. He had, 
 on the receipt of the 9:30 order, disposed Barlow's brig- 
 ade and his reserve artillery so as to resist an attack 
 along the pike road, but Barlow had been ordered by 
 Hooker to join Sickles. 
 
 General Devens made several distinct attempts to im- 
 press on Howard the danger of an attack, but the latter 
 took his color, as well as his orders, from the com- 
 mander of the army. General Carl Schurz, under whom 
 I served that day, also held strongly to the flank attack 
 theory, and scores of men in the Eleventh corps, after 
 the picket fight of 3:30, fully believed that another attack 
 would be made in the same place. Common generosity 
 to the memory of Hooker, who was a gallant and success- 
 ful corps commander, leads us to think that at the time 
 he believed that the enemy was retreating. His neglect 
 of the right was otherwise criminal. 
 
 In him alone centered all the information of constantly 
 occurring changes. 
 
 To him alone was reported each new circumstance. 
 His subordinates knew but the partial truth. They re- 
 lied on him for the initiative. 
 
 At 6 p. M., then, the situation was this: The left and 
 center lay as before. Howard held the right — the "key 
 of the position." 10,000 men, a half brigade of Devens' 
 only astride the pike, the rest of Devens' and Schurz's 
 facing' south, and Steinwehr massed at Dowdall's. How- 
 
96 
 
 ard's best brigades were gone, and there was not a man 
 to support him between Dowdall's and Chancellorsville, 
 for this portion of the line, under Sickles, had been ad- 
 vanced into the woods nearly two miles. On the right 
 flank of this little force lay Jackson's corps of over 20,- 
 000 men, whose wide wings, like the arms of a gigantic 
 cuttle-fish, were ready to clutch it in their fatal embrace. 
 
 To cover Jackson's march Lee, at intervals during the 
 day, tapped at the lines in his front, principally where 
 Hancock lay. 
 
 During all this afternoon, Hooker had a chance to 
 handsomely redeem his Friday's error in retiring into the 
 wilderness. Whatever the reason, the fact that he had 
 divided his army remained clear. 
 
 Lee, with the right wing, had but 18,000 men. 
 Hooker knew that he conld not have more than 25,000. 
 He himself had 70,000 splendid troops. 
 
 He could have crushed Lee like an egg shell and then 
 have turned on Jackson. 
 
 But, with a knowledge of Jackson's habit of mystery, 
 of his wonderful speed and fighting capacity, and of his 
 presence on our right, with all means of knowing that 
 this same right flank was isolated by two miles of im- 
 pregnable woods from any supporting force, he sat still, 
 folded his hands, as it were, for sleep, and waited 
 events. 
 
 The Eleventh corps was cooking or eating supper. 
 Arms were stacked. Breastworks looking south were 
 but fairly substantial. Facing east were none. Some 
 carelessness was apparent, in that ambulances, ammuni- 
 tion wagons, pack mules and even a drove of beeves were 
 close behind the line. Everyone was at ease, though a 
 few were not wanting in anxiety. 
 
 Little Wilderness church, near by, endeavored to 
 stamp a peaceful air upon the warlike scene. The gen- 
 
99 
 
 eral feeling- seemed to be that it was too late tb get fip 
 much of a fig-ht today.. Jackson, in three li1iie§, rides in 
 advance, Colston next and A. P. Hill still coming up, lay 
 close by. He had caught Hooker's right flagrante^ de- 
 licta. '' 
 
 At 6 p. M. the order was given and twenty-two thous- 
 and of the best infantry in existence closed rapidly down 
 on the flank of ten thousand-of the.lgasthaidemed of the 
 troops of the Army of the Potomac.' N<3?4ivision in' the 
 Army of the Potomac, not the old guards, not Frederick's 
 automate, could have changed |i^63||ii,under ^"he stagger- 
 ing blow. The fight was gScfli^'.^harp, deadly, but 
 partial only. '* ^. ' r 
 
 But the force on the right .^as swept away like cob- 
 webs by Jackson's mightjf besom. Some of Schurz's 
 regiment made a gallant show of resistance under the 
 terrible ordeal of friends and foes breaking through their 
 hastily formed lines; some melted away without burning 
 a cartridge. Bushbeck's brigade threw itself into some 
 breastworks, constructed across the road at Dowdall's, 
 and made a desperate resistance. : 
 
 It was here thatHoward had asked leave to place his 
 line, but had been refused. A ridge made the line well 
 available for defense. The wholgs'.fituation was confu- 
 sion worse confounded. Thfe- atta«?f;]tta:ubeen so sudden 
 that the stampede of the regiments pla the extreme right 
 swept away many of those which were endeavoring:.- to 
 form near the fork of the roads. The droves of beeves 
 the frightened teamsters and ambulatfce drivers, officers, 
 servants and hundreds of camp .followers, were rushing' 
 blindly to and fro seeking an escape from the murder- 
 ous hail of lead. 
 
 rThe enemy fame on \?ith remorseless, steadf&stiiess. 
 Never was an, army more completely surprised, more 
 absolutely overwheliaed. 
 
100 
 
 Few, even among' the old soldiers, preserved their 
 calmness, but many did their duty. 
 
 The higfher officers were in the thickest of the fray. 
 An occasional stand would be made, only to be again 
 broken. Everywhere appeared the evidence of unpre- 
 paredness. It is a small wonder that the corps made no 
 resistance worthy the name. 
 
 Rather wonder that, under the circumstances I have 
 detailed, the onset of Jackson was actually checked by 
 this surprised and overmatched, this telescoped force^ 
 considerably more than an hour, at a loss of one-third 
 its effective strength. Could more have been expected? 
 
 The worthlessness of Hooker's dispositions now be- 
 came apparent. 
 
 Jackson's small rear guard had been playing with 
 Sickles, while his main body had extinguished Howard. 
 Nothing now lay between Jackson and the headquarters 
 of the army except a difficult forest through which a mass 
 of panic-stricken fugitives were rushing in dire confu- 
 sion, out of range. 
 
 Happily, night was approaching, and Jackson's troops 
 had to be halted and re-formed, his three lines having 
 become inextricably mixed. 
 
 Anderson had made a serious attack on our center as 
 soon as the guns of Jackson's corps were heard, so that 
 Hooker had nothing at hand to throw into the gap but 
 Berry's division of the old Third corps. Other troops 
 were too far away. This division was now hurried into 
 position across the pike. The artillery of the Third 
 corps and many guns of the Eleventh corps were assem- 
 bled on the Fairview crest. Sickles faced about the 15,- 
 000 men he had led into the woods, and disposed himself 
 to attack Jackson in a more practical fashion. Between 
 good use of several batteries and a gallant charge by a 
 handful of cavalry, a division upon his flank was created, 
 
101 
 
 ■whicli, coupled with Berry's desperate resistance and the 
 heavy artillery fire from Fairview, arrested Jackson's 
 onset. 
 
 It was after this check, while reconnoitering in front 
 of his troops, that this noted soldier received from his 
 own lines the volley which inflicted on him a mortal 
 wound. 
 
 A midnight attack was made by Sickles upon Jackson. 
 Sickles' claims that he drove the enemy back to Dowdall's 
 is scarcely substantiated. 
 
 The attack had no particular results. Sickles regain- 
 ed once more his old position at Haze Grove which he 
 held until daylight Sunday morning, when he was 
 ordered back to Chancellorsville by Hooker. 
 
 The latter seemed unaware how important this height 
 might prove in his own — how dangerous in L/ee's hands. 
 For, as his lines here made a salient, it behooved him to 
 strengthen it by just such a height or else to abandon 
 this line of defence. 
 
 On Sunday morning at daylight, Stuart, who suc- 
 ceeded Jackson, ranged his twenty thousand men oppo- 
 site the Fairview crest and supported them by batteries 
 on this same Hazel Grove. Fairview was crowned by 
 our artillery and defended by about an equal infantry 
 force on the next ridge below, consisting of the entire 
 Third corps and Williams of the Twelvth corps. Ander- 
 son and McLaws, with seventeen thousand men, still 
 confronted Geary and Hancock with twelve thousand 
 men. Reynolds had arrived during the night but was 
 posted on the extreme right away from the scene of ac- 
 tual hostilities. No other troops were brought into ac- 
 tion. 
 
 Thus the superior tactics of the enemy enabled him to 
 outnumber us at every point of attack, while an equal 
 number of available Union troops lay upon their a&S^\ 
 
102 
 
 close by, witnessing the unneeded slaughter of their 
 comrades. 
 
 The attack of the Confederates began shortly after 
 daylight with "Jackson" for a watchword, and was 
 gallant in the extreme. 
 
 Anderson pushed in on otir left center as Stuart did 
 on the right center, both contending for the Chancellor 
 House, which barred their possession of the turnpike. 
 No praise is too high for the staunchness of the attack 
 or the stubbornness of the defense ; but after heavy 
 fighting during the entire forenoon, the Army of the 
 Potomac yielded to the Confederate pressure and retired 
 to a new line already prepared by its engineers and 
 which had its apex at the White House. Time does not 
 allow the barest details of this struggle to be entered 
 upon. Suffice it to say that the loss of the Third, 
 Twelfth and Second corps of 4,000, 3,000 and 2,000 re- 
 spectively, effectually gauges the bitterness of the con- 
 test. 
 
 The Confederate loss was, if anything, higher than 
 ours during Sunday morning. 
 
 Lee was reforming for an assault upon our line when 
 rumors from Fredericksburg diverted his attention. 
 During this fight of Sunday morning, the general plan 
 of the Confederates was to obtain possession of the di- 
 rect road by which they could keep to themselves the 
 communications with Fredericksburg. Hooker's plan, 
 after failing to attack one or the other of Lee's divided 
 wings, should have been to retain this road, the key to 
 which was the Chancellorsville crest and plateau. 
 
 But he seemed to have no conception of using the 
 forces at hand. The First, Fifth and Seventh corps 
 ■were not in action at all, though of their 47,000 men 
 30,000 could easily have been spared from the positions 
 th^held. 
 
103 
 
 Reynolds could have projected a strong- column upon 
 Stuart's left flank, and was eager to render this simple 
 service. ' From our left several divisions could have 
 madea diversion against McLaws' right. Our forces at 
 Fairview could have been doubled at any time. "But all 
 Hooker seemed able to do was to call upon Sedgwick, a 
 dozen miles away, to perform an impossible task in suc- 
 cor, of his own overwhelming force. 
 
 To be sure, Pooker was disabled for some hours by the 
 falling against him, about 10 a. m., of a column of the 
 Chancellor house, which was dislodged by a shell. 
 
 During this period Couch acted as his mouthpiece. 
 But this disablement cannot excuse the error which pre- 
 ceded it, and Hooker was beaten, morally and tactically, 
 before this accident; for he had predetermined retreat 
 by the erectioiEi of the new lines, and had taken none of 
 the measures which ordinary military nous demanded 
 while he was ablie-bodied. There is- no palliation to be 
 found in this accident. There is nothing- approaching 
 tactical combination to be seen on our side in this 
 campaign after Friday's withdrawal in the wilderness- 
 It has been surmised that Hooker, during this campaign, 
 was incapacitated by a habit of which, at times, he had 
 been the victim. There is rather, evidence that he was 
 prostrated by too muchfeabstemiousness when a reason'k- 
 ble use of stimulants might have kejjt his nervous sys- 
 tem at its normal tension. It was certainly not the- use 
 of alcohol during this time which lay at the foot of '-his 
 indecision. . V 
 
 Ivet us now. turn to Sedg'sPys, who properly formed 
 the left wing of the Army of 1^ Potomac, though, as 
 the _ operations eventuated, his corps was rather a de- 
 tached command. 
 
 ■ Sedgwick had. lain on the Falmouth side with one 
 (division acjrogg the j-iver guarding the bridge-heads. 
 
104 
 
 During- tlie afternoon of Saturday Hooker ordered him 
 to cross and pursue what lie called the "flying- enemy' 
 by the Bowling- Green road. Sedgwick did cross and 
 began skirmishing with Early to force the latter from 
 the road -back into the woods. After the Eleventh corps 
 had been crushed, the same evening Hooker ordered 
 Sedgwick, at 9 p. m., to march to Chancellorsville "de- 
 stroying any force he might fall in with on the road." 
 This order was received by Sedgwick at 11 p. m., when 
 he was intent on pursuit in the opposite direction. Sedg- 
 wick sent out his orders to change dispatch, but it was 
 after midnight before he could get his command faced 
 about and fairly headed in the new direction. 
 
 The Fredericksburg Heights were held by Generals 
 Early and Barksdale with 8,500 men and plenty of artil- 
 lery. In December a few brigades had here defeated the 
 entire Army of the Potomac. 
 
 Hooker himself, with his battle-worn veterans, had 
 then pronounced the task impossible. 
 
 It was after midnight, Sedgwick had fifteen miles to 
 march after capturing this almost impregnable position, 
 and all this to be done before daylight — that is, within 
 three hours, if he was to carry out his orders. 
 
 So soon as his head of column reached the town, four 
 regiments were sent against the rifle pits but were speed- 
 ily repulsed, with considerable loss. Before Sedgwick 
 had sufficiently altered the disposition of his troops to 
 warrant an assault, day broke. 
 
 Brooks still held the left of the line, Howe the centre 
 and Newton the right. Gibbon, who had been left in 
 Falmouth, threw a bridge above Fredericksburg, crossed 
 and filed in on Sedgwick's right. 
 
 Both Gibbon and Howe made demonstrations against 
 the enemy's flanks but the nature of the ground preclu- • 
 ded their success. 
 
105 
 
 Two storming columns were formed, one from Howe's 
 front and one from Newton's. 
 
 These dispositions were not completed until 11 A. m., 
 after a delay perhaps not justifiable, in view of the strin- 
 gency of the orders. 
 
 But their work was well done. Without firing- a shot, 
 these columns advanced, rushed upon and over the in- 
 trenchments and carried them at the point of the bayo- 
 net, with a loss of over one thousand men. This cut the 
 Confederate force on the right in two and gave Sedg- 
 wick possession of the plank road, the direct way to 
 Chancellorsville. 
 
 If Sedgwick had captured the heights before day -light, 
 and, leaving a strong rear-guard to occupy Early's at- 
 tention, had advanced straight toward Chancellorsville, 
 he might have reached Hooker by 9 or 10 a. m., the hour 
 when his chief was worst pressed. And some of Sedg- 
 wick's subordinates think this could readily have been 
 done. But, while it is hard to-day to insist that this 
 much might not have been accomplished, the probabili- 
 ties certainly are that a night attack in force would have 
 resulted either in defeat or in giving Early, who was en- 
 tirely familiar with the ground, a chance to deal some 
 fatal blows at Sedgwick's moving column, which would 
 be more or less disorganizing by the night assault and 
 march. Be this as it may, Sedgwick's movements were 
 certainly more speedy than those of Sickles', and his 
 work stands out handsomely when contrasted with any 
 done on our side in this campaign. Another delay now 
 occurred in giving Brooks the head of the column in ad- 
 vance toward Chancellorsville. 
 
 Though technically proper. Brooks not having been 
 engaged, the nature of Sedgwick's orders certainly did 
 not warrant this delay. Newton followed Brooks; Howe 
 brought up the rear. By noon word reached Lee that 
 
106 
 
 Sedgwick had captured the Fredericksburg heights. 
 Wilcox, cut ofE from Karly, alone separated Sedgwick 
 from Lee's rear. 
 
 McLaw's and a part of Anderson's men were at once 
 dispatched to sustain Wilcox. 
 
 These troopes arrived at Salem church by 3 p. m; 
 Brooks and Newton shortly came upon the field and en- 
 deavored to capture the position they had taken, but, 
 though 1,500 men were lost in the attempt, our troops 
 finally recoiled. A, pontoon bridge was now thrown 
 across at Banks' ford, and nearer communications were 
 opened with headquarters. Up to this time, be it noted, 
 Hooker in no wise reflected on Sedgwick's tardiness, 
 though aware, through Warren, who had been his rep- 
 resentative with Sedgwick, of all the Sixth corps had 
 done or failed to do. His dispatches to Sedgwick are 
 plainly couched in terms of approval. 
 
 During Sunday night Lee concluded that he must per- 
 manently dispose of Sedgwick before he could again 
 assault Hooker's lines. Early had recaptured the 
 Fredricksburg heights and Gibbon had recrossed the 
 river. 
 
 The balance of Anderson's force now joined McLaw's. 
 
 With Anderson, McLaws and Early, some 25,000 men, 
 Lee thought he could fairly expect to dispose of the 
 Sixth corps, which was now reduced to 5,000 less and 
 felt it lack of success. After this he could turn again 
 upon Hooker. Jackson's corps alone was left to watch 
 Hooker. Here, then, we have the spectacle, happily rare 
 in war, of a slender foixe of 20,000 men who had been 
 continuously marching and fighting for four days, per- 
 suing in their defences an army of over sixty thousand 
 (60,000) men, while its commander cries for aid to a 
 lieutenant who is miles away and beset by a larger force 
 than he himself co mman ds. And this slack-sinewed 
 
107 
 
 commander is the very same who intimated the campaign 
 with the watchword: "Fight! Fight!! Fight!!!" and 
 with the motto: "Celerity, audacity and resolution are 
 everything in war." Despite which lamentable fact, 
 this same commander's after-wit sought to lay half the 
 blame of his defeat upon this lieutenant's failure to come 
 to his assistance. The other half fell upon Howard oii 
 equally invalid grounds. So soon as Sedgtvick became 
 aware of the presence of the bulk of Lee's forces in his 
 front, he disposed his three divisions so as best to cover 
 Bariks' ford, both from south, east and west, and to hold 
 a footing on the plank road substantially. Newton 
 faced west, Banks south and Howe east. Lee, after 
 some hour's preparation, made ready to press in Sedg- 
 wick's centre. 
 
 It is worth while, perhaps, to note the fact that Lee's 
 delay in attacking Sedgwick was fully as great as Sedg- 
 wick's in forcing Mary's Heights. And yet his haste 
 was quite as pressing, for at at any moment Hooker 
 might decide to move toward his lieutenant. 
 
 Many dispatches passed between Hooker and Sedgwick 
 at this time. Sedgwick must, of course, be judged by 
 the time of their receipts. At 4 p. m. of this day, 
 Monday, he received word to "look well to the safety of 
 his corps," and to cross at Banks' ford to the north side 
 if desirable. 
 
 These dispatches he answered, but he could not be 
 sure that the answers reached Hooker. Later Hooker 
 ordered him to hold on to Banks' ford if possible. Then 
 .again, on receiving Sedgwick's report of insecurity of 
 his position. Hooker ordered him to withdraw, and still 
 later again to hold on. This last dispatch, however, was 
 reseived by Sedgwick too late. For under the former 
 authority to the same effect, he had determined to retire 
 across the river as soon as night should fall. At 6 p. m. 
 
108 
 
 Lee attacked. McLaws fell upon tlie corner held by 
 Brooks ; Early assaulted Howe. The latter's onset was 
 very hardy. Our loss was over two thousand men, but 
 no serious impression was made. 
 
 During- the night Sedgwick wi+hdrew and took up his 
 pontoon bridge. The corps had lost over 5,000 men. 
 Lee, having accomplished his task, sent Early back to 
 Fredericksburg and himself returned to Hooker's front. 
 While Lee was considering how he might best attack the 
 Army of the Potomac, Hooker called his corps command- 
 ers together to ascertain their feelings relative to advance 
 or retreat. 
 
 All except Sickles were in favor of a vigorous advance. 
 Sickles thought that political reasons favored retreat, 
 less the Army of the Potomac should suffer an over- 
 whelming defeat, which, at this time, might discourage 
 the war party of the north. Moreover the rations 
 brought by the troops had been exhausted and the river 
 was now rising and threatening- the bridges. 
 
 Here, again, it may be noted, that unless retreat had 
 been actually predetermined, the past three days should 
 have been used to revictual the army for a possible ad- 
 vance. For Hooker was, as a rule, careful in these mat- 
 ters. Undsr all these circumstances, and after hearing 
 all opinions. Hooker decided to retire. 
 
 A new line was accordingly made to protect United 
 States ford, and during the night of May 5th the army 
 recrossed the last troops about 8 a. m., of May 6th. Lee 
 did not interfere with this movement. 
 
 He was glad to see an end put to his dangerous situa- 
 tion, for his army was absolutely exhausted. But had 
 he known the precarious situation of our troops, huddled 
 that night in the cue-de-sac at the bridge-heads, he 
 might have inflicted terrible damage upon us. The total 
 
109 
 
 loss of the Army of the Potomac was 17,000; of the 
 Army of Northern Virginia, 12,300. 
 
 On arriving' at its old camps, the Union army received 
 an order tendering it the congratulations of its chief on 
 the achievements of the last seven days. Lee recom. 
 mended the Southern troops to unite in ascribing' to the 
 Lord of Hosts the glory due his name. 
 
 Two years later Hooker, in his testimony before the 
 committee on the conduct of the war, stated that in his 
 opinion, there was nothing to regret in regard to the 
 Chancellorsville campaign except that he did not accom- 
 plish all that he moved to do, and that he did not con- 
 sider the campaign a defeat. 
 
 Up to thursday noon Hooker's manoeuvre was a pro- 
 nounced success. His subsequent defeat may be ascribed 
 to the following tactical and logistic errors : 
 
 First — Failure to move his cavalry effectively. This 
 is probably more Stoneman's fault than Hooker's. 
 
 Second — Failure to move the entire army out into the 
 open country and to seize Bank's ford on Thursday after- 
 noon. 
 
 Third— This having- been neglected, failure to make 
 a vigorous rush toward the same objective point on Fri- 
 day morning. 
 
 Fourth— Weakness to fight a defensive battle after a 
 successful offensive flank movement. 
 
 Fifth— Failure to order (after 9:30 A. m.) on Saturday, 
 and personally to see, that suitable dispositions were 
 made on the right flank to resist a threatened or possible 
 attack at that point. 
 
 Sixth— Weakness in allowing a partial, slow and in- 
 affective movement against such a wily tactician as 
 Jackson to produce a gap in his line, which robbed his 
 right flank of all support. 
 
 O i1^ T«_ !1 J r It * 
 
110 
 
 of Lee's separate wing-s Saturday afternoon or early 
 Sunday morning'. 
 
 Eiglitli — Not having done so, failure to hold Hazel 
 Grove as head of salient on Sunday morning. 
 
 Ninth — Failure to sustain the gallant struggle at 
 Fairview with some of his unused divisions, which 
 themselves outnumbered the enemy, or to attack the 
 enemy's flank in its support. 
 
 Tenth — Failure to attack whatever was in his front 
 in support of Sedgwick's advance and fight at Salem 
 church during Monday. 
 
 Eleventh — Failure to ration his army while his com- 
 munications were open, so that he might again advance 
 on Tuesday. 
 
 Twelfth — Failure to keep Sedgwick on the south side 
 of the river so as to aid in a new joint advance. 
 
 The direct result of Chancellorsville was a second in- 
 vasion of the Northern States by Lee, which culminated 
 in a defeat of the Army of Northern Virginia two 
 months later on the hills of Gettysburg. 
 
 Tried by the rule of brilliant success against vast 
 odds, Lee's work in this campaign is scareely open to 
 criticism. 
 
 The hero of the Chancellorsville campaign is Thomas 
 J. Jackson, the most able lieutenant of our civil war, 
 while historical accuracy obliges us to place the onus 
 of this lost campaign upon Hooker, and, while his own 
 bitter perverseness toward his lieutenants may lead, 
 some asperity to our criticism, it will not do to forget 
 Hooker's excellent services to the country. 
 
 As a brigade, division and corps commander, previous 
 to Chancellorsville, he had earned an enviable record in 
 the Army of the Potomac. 
 
 Subsequently, in lieu of retiring in dudgeon, he went 
 to Chattanooga with the Eleventh and Twelfth corps, 
 
Ill 
 
 and there did wortliy service. Hooker's efficiency was 
 always weakened by his peculiar desire to work for the 
 public eye and by his characteristic shortcoming's. But 
 Hooker was a brave soldier, a true patriot, and, within 
 his limitations, a reliable general officer. He did not, 
 however, possess that rare ccjinbination of self-reliance, 
 intellectual vig-or and military common sense which en- 
 ables a man to bear the strain laid upon him by the com- 
 mand of an army opposed to such a captain as General 
 Robert E. Lee. 
 
 Here, for the hundredth time, American manhood en- 
 graved with steel its name upon the brazen shield of 
 fame. The Army of Northern Virginia, led as its valor 
 deserved to be led, showed that resohition which can ac- 
 complish the all but impossible. 
 
 The Army of the Potomac, held in the leash by blun- 
 ders which bowed its head in shame, but which it could 
 not repair, illustrated that fidelity which always shone 
 forth from disaster with a refulgence which even a vic- 
 tory scarce could lend it. Every virtue which crowns 
 the brow of the soldier was typified in the ranks of either 
 army. The ability of the conqueror to-day elicits our 
 admiration; the errors of the conquered leader have long 
 since been forgiven. 
 
 We hold the laurel wreath above the heads of those 
 who fought here and still live; we lay it tenderly upon 
 the graves of those from whose devotion to either cause 
 has sprung that brotherly respect and love which best 
 insures the perpetuity of the union. 
 
 Rest to their ashes! Peace to that nobler part which 
 dieth not. 
 
112 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Ths Gettysbdkg Campaign. 
 
 We remained in our old camps a few days and moved 
 out about half a mile to a new camp in a pleasant oak 
 grove, where we had nothing- to do but drill and a little 
 picket and guard duty, until about the first of June. 
 
 Here in this camp our regimental chaplains held 
 divine service day and night. Our beloved General 
 Gordon was often among the worshipers. He had be- 
 come almost an idol in the brigade with officers and 
 men, often leading in the prayer and exhortation ser- 
 vice. A great many professed religion, joined the 
 church and were baptized. 
 
 The last of May we drew plenty of clothing and shoes. 
 Every gun was examined and if they were not all right 
 we had to get one that was. Our cartridge boxes were 
 filled, and we knew something -was uj>. 
 
 General Lee had been reinforced until his army was 
 eig-hty thousand strong-. 
 
 On the first day of June we were brdered to cook two 
 days rations, which we did. We left our camp about 
 dark for the Gettysburg campaign. The first little 
 branch that we came to every man was trying to walk 
 the foot-logs, when General Gordon jumped off his 
 horse and waded the branch back and forth, to show 
 the boys how to wade. 
 
 We marched all night and camped just before day in 
 very thick woods. We were not permitted to have any 
 fire. 
 
 Ewell did this to keep Hooker's balloon spies from 
 aceingus moving. Generals Ewell and Hill were both, 
 
113 
 
 promoted to corps commanders, and Jackson's old corps 
 was divided between them. Early's division was as- 
 signed to Ewell's corps. 
 
 We remained in camps all day quietly, and started 
 again just at dark: we marched all night again and got 
 out of sight of the balloon spies. At Culpepper Court 
 House we rested two or three hours. There was a brisk 
 cavalry battle going on near Brandy Station, a few 
 miles from Culpepper. The Union cavalry fell back 
 across the Rappahannock. After this we marched only 
 in day time and got along finely. 
 
 General Ewell had us to march two miles and then 
 rest ten minutes. By doing this we could march all 
 day, and all the boys who were well could keep up. 
 
 We had but few straglers. The wagon trains kept 
 up and we drew rations regularly. We made excellent 
 time. We crossed the Blue Ridge mountains through 
 the gap into the great Shenandoah valley at Front Royal, 
 situated right at the foot of the mountains on the Shen- 
 andoah river. 
 
 We arrived at Front Royal about five o'clock p. m. 
 and camped for the night. 
 
 The next morning Farly's division took one road and 
 Rhode's and Johnson's divisions took another. They all 
 left about two hours before day. The Sixty-first Geor- 
 gia Regiment was ■ left to guard Early's wagon train on 
 the march. It was said that there was a regiment of 
 Union cavalry somewhere in the valley, so we had to 
 protect our division wagon train. 
 
 Colonel liamar was commanding our regiment. He 
 deployed us along side of the wagon train, with orders 
 to all rally in case of an attack, or to partially rally ac- 
 cording to the number of the enemy, but we saw no 
 enemy. 
 
 We marched alongside of the wagon train all day and 
 
114 
 
 arrived at Kernstown about 5 o'clock. Ewell was at 
 Wincliester trying- to capture Milroy, who had about five 
 thousand soldiers stationed there. 
 
 We heard heavy cannonading and then the small arms. 
 Finally we heard the rebel yell. It was Gordon's bri- 
 gade and other troops charging the fort and Milroy's 
 works. 
 
 Generals Rhodes and Johnson had Milroy cut off 
 from the Martinsburg road and the fords on the Potomac 
 river at Williamsport and Shepherdstown. The firing 
 and yelling soon ceased, and Milroy's little army was 
 nearly all captured and made prisoners of war. We 
 captured about five thousand men, thirty-four cannons 
 and some arm)' stores. General Milroy and a few of his 
 cavalry escaped. This was on June 13. Gordon's bri- 
 gade lost about one hundred and fifty men,fkilled and 
 wounded. Among the killed was the brave and daring 
 Captain Hawkins, who fell at the head of his company. 
 General Gordon also capturedMilroy's fine horse, which 
 he rode during the Gettysburg campaign. 
 
 Ewell left next morning very early with his corps and 
 made all possible haste "to Martinsburg, W. Va., which 
 is thirty-four miles from Winchester, on the Baltimore 
 and Ohio railroad. He captured it before night, with 
 all the commissary stores. We again guarded the 
 wagon train. 
 
 In Martinsburg we had to load the wagons with fresh 
 supplies and guard them to the Potomac river. We 
 then rejoined the brigade. 
 
 Ewell pushed his corps to the Potomac, at Shepherds- 
 town and Williamsport, held the fords and waited till 
 the wagon train could arrive. 
 
 Early's division crossed the river at Shepherdstown 
 while Rhodes' and Johnson's divisions crossed at Wil- 
 liamsport. I do not think a man wanted to put his foot 
 
115 
 
 in the river, because they had gotten tired of Marylanc' 
 the year before, and we expected to have trouble in the 
 enemy's country. 
 
 We soon got over into Maryland, near the old Sharps- 
 burg battlefield of the year before. We marched through 
 Sharpsburg and crossed Antietam creek, on through 
 Hagarstown into Pennsylvania. We seemed to have no 
 opposition, for we had never had more quiet marching. 
 
 Our regiment was the first infantry to march into the 
 town of Chambersburg, Pa. I saw a little girl, proba- 
 bly about eight years of age, standing on the stoop in 
 front of her house, and heard her say, ' 'Mamma, are 
 those men rebels?" "Yes, my daughter." "Why, 
 mamma, they haven't got horns ; they are just like our 
 people." 
 
 We marched on without opposition. Our quartermas- 
 ter and commissary departments took every cow, sheep, 
 horse, mule and wagon that they could lay their hands 
 on, besides bacon and flour. Foraging was strictly pro- 
 hibited among the men in line. 
 
 The cavalry and commissary department did this work. 
 We boys, with guns, had more strict orders here than we 
 ever had in our own country; we just had to stay in line, 
 and sometimes we almost suffered for water. 
 
 Early's division, consisting of Gordon's Georgia Bri- 
 gade, Hays' Louisiana Brigade, Pegram's Virginia Bri- 
 gade, hurriedly marched in the direction of Harrisburg, 
 the capital of Pennsylvania, by the way of Shippensburg 
 to Carlisle and on to near Mechanicsburg, and would 
 have taken Harrisburg if it had not been on the north 
 side of the Susquehanna river. 
 
 We then turned down the river to York, Penn. Here 
 we had a little combat with the Pennsylvania militia; 
 captured and paroled about 5,000 of them, and ran the 
 rest through Waynesboro and across the S«s<iuehanna 
 
116 
 
 '-vex at Columbia. They burned the bridge behind 
 hem. 
 
 Gordon's brig-ade carried the Confederate flag further 
 lorth than any other troops. 
 
 We returned to York, where we were ordered to pre- 
 pare two days rations. We did so and hurried off on the 
 STork and Gettysburg road. It seemed that Ewell, Lee, 
 Eill and Longstreet, as well as all the Yankee army were 
 nulling for Gettysburg on different roads. 
 
 The head column of Meade's army, commanded by 
 iS-eneral Reynolds, seemed to get there first, and Heath's 
 iivision of Hill's corps, of General Lee's command, came 
 i-p. He and General Reynolds opened the terrible battle 
 )f Gettysburg. This was July 1st. 
 
 Judging from the firing the conflict between Reynolds' 
 md Hill's men was very severe at times. Our brigade 
 ;; Gordon's) and the rest of .Early's division formed inline 
 Df battle and advanced. We met the enemy at Rock 
 ;reek. We attacked them immediately, but we had a 
 aard time in moving them. We advanced with our ac- 
 :ustomed yell, but they stood firm until we got near 
 them. They then beg'an to retreat in fine order, shoot- 
 ing at us as they retreated. They were harder to drive 
 than we had ever known them before. Men were being 
 mown down in great numbers on both sides. 
 
 We drove them across a fence, where they stopped and 
 fought us for awhile. We advanced aiid drove 
 them into and out of a deep road cut and on to the alms- 
 biouse, where the Yankees stopped and made a desperate 
 stand. Their officers were cheering their men and be- 
 tiaving like heroes and commanders of the "first water." 
 
 Here the gallant General Barlow, the enemy's com- 
 mander, fell into our hands, severely wounded. He was 
 treated kindly. We drove them on through Gettysburg 
 BLUd had them greatly confused. General Rhodes, of 
 
117 
 
 Swell's corps, seemed to drive in the enemy about the 
 same time, badly torn up, ■ We pursued and when the 
 enemy got into Gettysburg- they became one confused 
 mass. 
 
 Their officers seemed to lose control of them and we 
 captured some five thousand prisoners and drove the 
 enemy through and out of the town, and we occupied the 
 town. 
 
 Early's division seemed to be partly in the town and 
 on the left. Johnson's division was on our left and ex- 
 tended to Rock Creek. Rhode's division of Ewell's corps 
 was on our right and extended to Hill's corps. 
 
 Thus ended the first day's fighting on our part of the 
 line. 
 
 Some of Hill's corps had a desperate fight on our right 
 and drove the Yankees to Cemetery Ridge. 
 
 The second day everything seemed comparatively quiet, 
 with some skirmishing and cannonading, until about 
 three or four o'clock in the afternoon. Longstreet and 
 some of Hill's corps had some severe fighting on our 
 right. About six o'clock Hays' Louisiana brigade and 
 Hooks' North Carolina brigade of our division, (Early's) 
 charged and took some of the enemy's works but could 
 not hold them. Late in the evening Johnson's division 
 of Ewells's corps took some of the enemys's works on the 
 left, but could not hold them. We (Gordon's brigade) 
 were not generally engaged that day except heavy skir- 
 mishing and terrible shelling. 
 
 The principal part of the fighting by our lines on the 
 third and last day, was done by Hill's and Longstreet's 
 corps. One of the most desperate and fruitless charges 
 of the whole war was made on the evening of the third 
 day by General Pickett and his division of Virginians 
 and Thomas', Wrights' and Wilcox's brigades of Geor- 
 gians. 
 
118 
 
 They broke the Union line under General Webb and 
 captured their breastwork but could not hold it. There 
 were about five hundred pieces of artillery playing at 
 one time by the two armies and that many shells explod- 
 ing. We could seldom distinguish one gun from an- 
 other and the ground trembled under our feet. 
 
 No one that fought in this terrible battle or heard the 
 thunder of the artillery and the explosion of the shells 
 can ever forget it. 
 
 I heard a responsible man of Thomas' Georgia brig- 
 ade, who was wounded and captured in this battle, and 
 is now an eminent minister of the gospel, say that the 
 ground around the enemy's battery was nearly covered 
 in fragments of shells, and that it was the worst sight 
 he had ever seen. 
 
 Men and horses were lying dead in piles. A wounded 
 Confederate said to one of the officers, "It looks like you 
 have a lot of men killed here." The officer replied, 
 "H — 11, yes; how could we help it, when the ground is 
 covered three inches in shells?" He further said, "You 
 have given us h — 11 and we have given you h — 11, too." 
 An Irish prisoner then replied, "An' shure it's h — 11 ail 
 around." 
 
 Our brigade's losses in the battle was very severe, 
 though not so bad as it had been in the Second Battle of 
 Manassas or Sharpsburg. Here Major Peter Brannon, 
 of the Sixty-first Georgia, was killed. Company D, of 
 the Sixty-first Georgia Regiment, had three men killed 
 which were as follows : Sergeant John Everett, Privates 
 John Anderson and Harrison Rushing. L,ieut. James 
 Mincy was severely wounded. For the rest of the killed 
 and wounded of the Sixty-first Georgia I refer the 
 reader to the muster roll and casualties in the back of 
 this book. Lieutenant- Colonel McLoud, of the Thirty- 
 eig^hth Georgia Regiment, was killed while gallantly 
 
119 
 
 leading- his reg-iment. The Thirty-eighth Georg-ia Reg-- 
 iment carried about four hundred men into the battle, 
 and reports say they had twenty-eight killed and seven- 
 ty-six wounded. Among the killed were Lieutenants 
 Goodwin and Oglesby. Major Matthews was severely 
 wounded. Col. C. A. Evans, of the Thirty-first, was 
 severely wounded in side and hip. Serg-eant-Major 
 Philip Alexander, Thirty-eighth Georgia, was also 
 severely wounded. He got so close to a Union ofiicer 
 until he killed him with his sword. He in turn was 
 shot through the hips by a Union soldier. 
 
 I would gladly report more about the casualties of the 
 different regiments of the brigade if I had their reports 
 like I have the Thirty-eighth Georgia, but I have not 
 been able to obtain them. 
 
 On the 4th of July both armies lay quiet. It seemed 
 like both of them were exhausted, and neither cared to 
 make any advances. General Lee made preparations to 
 retreat. Details were sent from each company to cook 
 three days' rations. 
 
 Lee's wagon trains, which consisted of more than one 
 thousand wagons, started to move back to the Potomac, 
 and were under good way before night. It traveled all 
 night. About day a squad of cavalry cut down about 
 one hundred on the road among the mountains. They 
 were run off by some of our soldiers who were guarding 
 the wagon trains. 
 
 When the trains arrived at the Potomac, it was so 
 swollen on account of the recent heavy rains that they 
 could not cross it. They had to wait till pontoon bridges 
 could be put down. 
 
 The sick and wounded crossed over in a large ferry- 
 boat that could carry about one hundred men at a time. 
 
 Lee's army started to fall back on thenight of the 4th 
 of July. It fell back about twelve miles that night. 
 
120 
 
 We leisurely marched out of Gettysburg- and hardly left 
 a wag-on, ambulance or a piece of artillery. 
 
 We fell back to near the river and formed a line of 
 battle near Williamsport, Md., until the wagon trains 
 could cross, and General Lee could get all his "booty" 
 over that he had taken in Pennsylvania and Maryland, 
 which was immense. 
 
 The enemy came up and threw a few shells at us, but 
 we stayed there three or four days — till all was over the 
 river and the pontoon bridge taken up. The river had 
 fallen till the army could ford it. 
 
 Company D thought Lieutenant James Mincy was left 
 with some of the rest of our wounded at Gettysburg, but 
 he was rescued by Rube, his faithful negro servant. 
 
 When Rube found that his master was going to be left, 
 he stole a horse and wagon and g-ot his master in the 
 wagon and followed in the rear of our wagon train. We 
 were proud to see Lieutenant Mincy back and we were 
 proud of Rube, who could have remained in Pennsylva- 
 nia and have been free, but I believe that he hated the 
 Yankees worse than we did. 
 
 After the battle of Gettysburg I was sick and came 
 out on our medical wagon to the Potomac and was sent 
 on up the valley to Jordan Springs, of pure sulphur 
 water, where there were a great many of our sick and 
 wounded. There were so many wounded and so few 
 doctors and experienced nurses and so little accommoda- 
 tion, that I offered my services as nurse, as I had served 
 as nurse in Richmond during the winter of 1862. 
 
 The doctors all seemed worn out — some were very 
 nearly sick. I told them that I would help them if they 
 wished me to do so, as I had helped to perform several 
 amputations and had considerable experience. One of 
 the surgeons requested me to help him. He asked me 
 what I could do. I told him that I could do anything he 
 
131 
 
 wished me to do. He was almost sick himself then. 
 
 Our first job was on a North Carolina lieutenant who 
 had a ball shot through his foot and ankle. We put 
 him on the surgeon's table and the doctor examined his 
 foot, and told the lieutenant that he would have to take 
 it off. The surgeon put him under the influence of chlo- 
 roform and corded his leg so that it could not bleed. He 
 then showed me where he wanted it taken off and put 
 me to work while he held the chloroform. 
 
 I did the whole job except sawing the bone, and the 
 surgeon pronounced it a "first-class job." I assisted 
 them till they got through with the amputations and 
 helped them to render the poor wounded fellows all the 
 assistance in my power. 
 
 The doctors sent the wounded that were able to be 
 moved on towards Stauton, Va, After remaining here 
 about a week, resting and drinking the pure sulphur 
 water, the most of the sick were about able for duty 
 again. 
 
 We heard that Early's division was on the march and 
 that they would soon pass near where we were, so I and 
 about one hundred of our regiment and brigade went 
 out to the road where they would pass. After waiting 
 awhile Gordon's brigade came along and I soon recog- 
 nized the Sixty-first Georgia Regiment, and you may be 
 sure that I was glad to see them again on our own soil; 
 and they all appeared to be proud to know that I had 
 gotten out safe. 
 
 We marched leisurely along and had plenty to eat. 
 We went on up the valley by Winchester, Newtown, 
 Strasburg, Woodstock, Mt. Jackson to Newmarket. 
 
 On this march between Strasburg and Mt. Jaekson 
 the brigade was marching along about eleven o'clock, it 
 beinff very warm and dusty and a great many wanting 
 
122 
 
 water. Everyone was tugg-ing along in the hot sun 
 with seldom ever a word being spoken. 
 
 A real fine looking man rode up along side of the 
 Sixty-first Georgia Regiment. He had on a fine looking 
 high crowned, broad brimmed, gray hat, the brim turned 
 up on one side and a large silver looking star on it. He 
 had on heavy calvary boots with a large pair of brass 
 spurs, and a large white linen duster that reached very 
 nearly to his feet, and was riding one of the poorest 
 horses, almost, I ever saw any one riding. The poor 
 old horse was so weak that his back was badly swayed. I 
 suppose he had ridden side of our regiment for more than 
 a half mile. I saw several of the boys eying him and 
 was expecting some of them to poke some fun at him. 
 Finally one of them hollowed out: "Come down out of 
 that gown mister; I know you are there for I can see 
 your legs hanging out." The poor fellow took excep- 
 tions at it and apparently got very mad and used lan- 
 guage that is not in the Bible. He turned and rode up 
 near us and wanted to know who in the h — 1 it was that 
 insulted him and used some bad language. We all 
 marched along, no one apparently paying the least at- 
 tention to him. He finally turned to ride ofE and one of 
 the boys said, "Y-a-e-a-h!" It was a signal, for I sup- 
 pose more than fifty of the regiment began "y-a-e-a-h!" 
 "y-a-e-a-hl" and raised a big yell at him. We every- 
 one had to laugh at him. I have never seen a poor fel- 
 low sold worse than he was. The boys asked him 
 whose coat he had stolen, and what would that poor 
 preacher do who he had stolen it from, and where he 
 had gotten it, in Pennsylvania, Maryland or Virginia. 
 Sgme one asked him if he was a feeling man and a friend 
 to the poor. Others would advise him to get down and 
 tote the poor old horse. They carried him so high until 
 lie would not say a word. 
 
123 
 
 About that time tlie bug-le was blown for a stop to 
 rest ten minutes. He then rode up to Colonel Lamar and 
 wanted him to punish the reg-iment for their insults. 
 The colonel told him to g-o on and not notice the boys, 
 for they were always going at every fool they met, and 
 for him to pay no attention to them. He left very mad 
 but some wiser than he was, for he had found out what 
 the boys thought of him. 
 
 Near Mt. Jackson in the big- "Horseshoe-bend," of 
 about two or three thousand acres of land, in the Shen- 
 andoah river bottom, we saw some of the cattle and 
 sheep that we had taken in Pennsylvania and Maryland. 
 The bend was about full. They were on both sides of 
 the road for about two miles, and all were feeding about 
 at will on the clover. 
 
 When we got through the herd I asked one of the men 
 who was guarding them how many there were, he re- 
 plied, " About twenty-six thousand head of cattle and 
 twenty-two thousand head of sheep." I think we could 
 see that many cattle, but I do not think we could see half 
 that many sheep. Most of them were brought from the 
 great Cumberland Valley of Pennsylvania. 
 
 We rested one day at the foot of the mountain and 
 started across the Blue Ridge early in the morning, at 
 what I think they called Swift Run Gap or Brown's Gap. 
 It was really no gap, for it was right over a high moun- 
 tain. The road was a winding- road with a heavy up- 
 grade. We found many of the coolest, purest and best 
 springs of water I ever saw. While we were going up 
 the mountain we could look down and see seven different 
 roads and wagon trains and soldiers, apparently march- 
 ing in different directions, while all were going across 
 the mountain on the same road. 
 
 We got to the top about noon. It was about fifteen 
 miles up a heavy grade. We rested awhile, and I sup- 
 
124 
 
 pose every one felt well paid for his march, for it was a 
 very hig-h mountain, from the top of which we could 
 view some of the grandest scenery I ever saw. We 
 could stand in one place and see eleven beautiful little 
 Virginia towns with the natural eye, some on one side 
 of the mountain and some on the other. 
 
 We ate dinner and started down the mountain. We 
 were rejoicing, for we thought we would have easy 
 marching in the afternoon, because it was down grade. 
 We marched for two or three miles very well. Our 
 knees began to get weak, and our toe-nails felt like they 
 were slipping off our toes. Before we reached the foot 
 we could hardly keep our feet under us. We reached 
 the foot just before dark, and it looked like everybody 
 was mad. 
 
 We were marched out into a large clover field, halted 
 and ordered to stack arms and camp for the night. We 
 sat down, pulled off our shoes and tried to rest. Our 
 feet were blistered and our toe-nails were bloodshot. 
 Seme were so mad till they gave vent to their feelings by 
 cursing. Oh ! such horrible oaths ! It looked like 
 some could curse "by note." They cursed out the 
 Union, the Yankees, "Abe" Lincoln, Jeff Davis, the 
 Confederacy, and the whole negro race. 
 
 It seemed like chickens began to squall, owls to hoot- 
 ing, hogs to squealing, cows to lowing, sheep to bleat- 
 ing, horses to neighing, mules to braying, dogs to bark- 
 ing and cats to fighting. I had never heard just such a 
 noise or things better mimicked. It finally wound up with 
 a rebel yell, and the bands began to play. We soon lay 
 down and went quietly to sleep. A great many did not 
 have anything to cover with. Next morning we marched 
 about three miles and found a nice grove. Our officers 
 marched us out and camped for the rest of the day. 
 They finished getting the wagons and artillery across 
 
125 
 
 the mountain and let the teams rest as well as the men. 
 The next day we resumed our march. We went on 
 down to the south side of the Rapidan river, about four 
 miles from Clark's mountain, and camped for about two 
 months in a pleasant oak grove. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 The Batti,bs op Beistow Station and Minb Run 
 
 While we were in camp we drew more clothing and 
 shoes. We also drew plenty of our PennsylAania beef ; 
 rested several days without anything to do. 
 
 We privates could not hear anything about the Yan- 
 kees. It seemed for a long time like we had either 
 killed them all or had left them on the north side of the 
 Potomac. We afterwards found out that this was not 
 the case. 
 
 Our regimental chaplains began to preach day and 
 night, assisted by Jackson Wright, a private soldier of 
 Company E. He had been on the entire Gettysburg 
 campaign, and was one of the most devoted Christians 
 and preachers we had. He has long ago crossed over 
 the river to the great beyond and received his reward. 
 He would often march hard all day and hold public 
 prayer meeting before he would retire. 
 
 In this camp a great many of the boys professed con- 
 version, joined the church and were baptized. Brother 
 Wright often baptized from ten to fifteen in a day for 
 two or three weeks. 
 
 A great many of the sick and wounded that had been 
 left before we started to Gettysburg, returned to the 
 army. We recruited up till it seemed that we were 
 
126 
 
 about as strong- as we were before we started to Gettys- 
 burg. 
 
 While we were in camp my dear mother went to see 
 me and stayed about ten days. When she left it was 
 indeed a sad parting to us; but I felt like the the great 
 God promised me, after I bade her good-by, and before 
 she was out of sight, that I should live to see her again. 
 She died in 1869. 
 
 About the 10th of September, 1863, we heard cannon- 
 ading in the direction of Culpepper C. H. We then 
 packed up and went down to the Rapidan river and camped 
 at the foot of Clark's Mountain. The Union cavalry 
 came in sight, threw a few shells at us and drew off. 
 
 We stayed here about three weeks and while we were 
 here we had Dr. A. Broadhurst, of Kentucky, and an- 
 other minister by the name of T. H. Prichard, from 
 Maryland, with us. 
 
 They had been put into our lines by the Union authori- 
 ties because they were true Southerners and advocated 
 Southern rights. They went to General Lee and he 
 appointed them army evangelists. 
 
 They preached for our brigade about a week, and I 
 don't think I ever heard better preaching. A great 
 many more joined the church; among them was W. H. 
 Bland, of Company D. 
 
 Dear reader, with your permission, I will relate a lit- 
 tle of Dr. A. Broadhurst's experience as he related it to 
 us in one of his sermons. It was so striking and showed 
 the power of the great God of heaven so plainly until I 
 am sure I can never forget it. 
 
 I do not think it will hurt any one to read it, besides 
 it corresponds with my own experience in the month of 
 May before, or at least his troubles and mine were so 
 near alike. Not that I was raised by a rich widowed 
 mother as he was, or that I had ever cursed, gambled 
 
127 
 
 drank whisky or horse-raced like he said he had done, 
 yet I think my heart-troubles had been like his. 
 
 He said he was raised by a Christian, widowed mother, 
 that he had always been petted and spoiled until he was 
 about eighteen years of age. He said that he was very 
 wicked and profane, would g-et drunk, gamble and horse- 
 race, and was very wild, and, in fact, was as bad a boy 
 as could be found. He said it was nearly killing his 
 dear old mother and sister and his crippled aunt, and 
 that they had begged him to quit it and reform, and how 
 little he cared for what they said to him. He said one 
 day a fearful dread of death and judgment, and the hor- 
 rors of the infernal regions came over him, and that he 
 tried to pray, but gotno relief, and that he became one of 
 the most miserable beings on earth, and felt to be the 
 worst sinner on the earth, and felt that God could not 
 be just and save such a wretched sinner. 
 
 He said that he went to his mother, sister and aunt 
 and asked them to pray for him. He said that he could 
 see no way of escape for days and weeks; he was afraid 
 to go to sleep for fear of awaking in torment. One 
 evening just as the sun was going down he said he felt 
 worse than ever and felt as thoughhe would not live 
 to see it rise again, and he told his mother and sister 
 that he could not live, and that eternal destruction was 
 his just doom. 
 
 He said he went to his room and, I think, said he had 
 retired and had given up all hope, when all at once his 
 room seemed lit up, he raised up on his feet and his bur- 
 den of sin left him. He slapped his hands and said: 
 ' 'God has pardoned my sins. " He said that he could 
 then see that Jesus was his Saviour, and that God could 
 be just and save sinners through the meritorious sacrifice 
 Jesus had made for sinners. 
 
 He said he went to sleep and slept well, and when he 
 
128 
 
 got up next morniag- lie was in a glow of rejoicing', and 
 told his mother and sister that God had pardoned his 
 sins. He said he looked down the lane and saw his good 
 old crippled aunt coming in the rain, hobbling along 
 with her stick. He told his mother and sister to not tell 
 aunt about it, and he said he "had no thought of telling 
 her himself," but when she came in and looked at him 
 he felt so happy till he got up and met her and said: 
 ' 'Aunt, God has pardoned my sins. " She almost shouted, 
 and they all shed tears, thanked God and rejoiced with 
 joy unspeakable. Please excuse me for digressing and 
 I will return to the history. 
 
 One day we saw there was something up from the stir 
 among the couriers, who were carrying orders. 
 
 In the afternoon Captain Kennedy and I went up to 
 the top of the little mountain, which was about 500 feet 
 high, where General Gordon was with his field-glasses. 
 Here he could have an excellent view of the enemy's 
 maneuvers. Captain Kennedy saluted him and asked him 
 the news. He said: ' 'The enemy is moving to the right, " 
 but we could not see them. Captain Kennedy asked the 
 general for his glasses. He took them, looked and said: 
 "Yes, they are going down the river." He looked at 
 them for several minutes, then I asked Captain Kennedy 
 to let me see. He handed the glasses to me. I looked 
 and could see the men marching, could see their guns 
 and could see the brass buckles on their cartridge boxes 
 and bayonet 
 
 General Gordon told us that it was fifteen miles to the 
 road they were marching on. The Yankees went into 
 camps and seemed very quiet. We remained here a few 
 days longer and Ewell's corps was ordered on a long 
 circuit, flank movement to near Madison C. H. and 
 Warrenton. 
 
 We struck the rear oi the retreating Yankees at Bris- 
 
129 
 
 tow Station, nine miles from the old Manassas battle 
 field. Company D was on skirmish. We advanced, 
 struck the enemy's skirmish line and moved it without 
 any trouble. We saw that they had big', heavy knap- 
 sacks and we wanted them, so we took after them in a 
 run and got so near them till we ordered them to sur- 
 render. A great many did surrender and the rest threw 
 their knap sacks, haver-sacks and guns down and ran for 
 dear life. The writer and Anderson Woods got some 
 distance ahead and got two or three knap-sacks and 
 haver-sacks apiece and several prisoners. 
 
 We plundered their knap-sacks till the rest of the 
 company came up. I got two tent flies, two fine flannel 
 over-shirts, a good oilcloth, some stationery and one of 
 the best blankets I ever saw. As it was getting late in 
 the fall (Oct. I7th, 1863), we greatly needed them. 
 
 We pursued them till we were halted. The men whom 
 we had been running were some raw troops that Presi- 
 dent Lincoln had recently called out and had not been 
 accustomed to service, or we would not have had such an 
 easy time with them. Some of them refused to throw 
 down their guns after they surrendered, for fear they 
 would have to pay for them, but we made them give 
 them up. 
 
 We camped for the night, and next morning everything 
 was quiet. We were furnished with tools and went to 
 tearing up the railroad that the Yankees had been get- 
 ting their supplies over. The way General Lee had it 
 done was to draw the spikes, pile up the ties and fire 
 them, then lay the railroad irons on till they got hot 
 enough for the ends to touch the ground; we would then 
 take the ends, go to a tree and twist it around and leave 
 it. We tore it up in this way back to the Rappahannock 
 river, which I suppose was about fifty miles. 
 We crossed over the river about three or four miles 
 
130 
 
 camped and beg-an to build winter quarters. We bad to 
 do picket duty across the river, a brigade at a time from 
 Early's division. 
 
 One evening- while Hay's Louisiana Brigade was on 
 picket, tke Yankees surprised them and captured about 
 half of them. The balance swam the river and made 
 good their escape. We ran to assist them but were not 
 in time. Everything now in camp was in a stir for a 
 few days. We could hear the whistles blow on the rail 
 road that we had torn up, for the Yankees were building 
 it back again. 
 
 General lyee fell back to the south side of the Rapidan 
 river, where we fixed up some temporary winter quarters 
 and rested quietly for some time. Late in the fall our 
 Pennsylvania cattle were too poor to be eaten, and the 
 ofB.cers and men refused to take it for rations. After 
 this we drew nice bacon. 
 
 General Meade made a flank move on Lee. He crossed 
 the Rapidan river below us and we met him at Mine 
 Run. We built good breast works and desired for him 
 to advance on us, but he did not come as we expected. 
 One morning the enemy ran into our skirmish line. It 
 fell back to the line of battle and we waited awhile for 
 the enemy to advance but they did not. 
 
 Our of&cers sent out a new skirmish line, with in- 
 structions to drive in their skirmishes. Company D vol. 
 unteered to go ; so we advanced to the old picket line 
 without seeing a Yankee. They were back in their old 
 skirmish line, about 250 yards from ours. We would 
 shoot every one we saw. 
 
 Late in the afternoon they started to advance on us, 
 and we had a real hard skirmish battle. There were 
 nearly enough trees where we were for every man to get 
 behind One. Madison Warren and I had to stand behind 
 
131 
 
 one tree, which was about ten inches in diameter, or one 
 of us be exposed. 
 
 The battle continued till nearly dark, during" which 
 time the tree was struck by eight balls, from knee high 
 up to as high as our heads. We had about exhausted 
 all of our ammunition. The Yankees recrossed the 
 Rapidan that nig-ht. None of our company were hurt. 
 This ended the 'skirmish fighting at Mine Run. 
 
 We now returned to our camps and after remaining a 
 few days we moved into the wilderness and fixed up per- 
 manent winter quarters. We fared very well all winter. 
 General Lee gave one man from each company a twenty- 
 four days furlough to go home. W. H. Bland, William 
 HoUoway, William Alderman and Dock Waters all 
 received furloughs and returned. 
 
 As I have finished the campaign of 1863, I will con- 
 tinue this chapter with a joke that some of the boys got 
 on a lieutenant in one of the Georgia brigades, as it was 
 told to me by a responsible man of Hill's corps. He 
 said that it was certainly truth, or- 1 would not tell it. 
 
 He said they had a regular rear guard commanded by 
 a bigoted lieutenant (we will call him D — ). He would 
 take everything he could from the boys who had been 
 out foraging. He kept this up for some time till all of 
 the boys got to hating him. So three of the boys that 
 were acquainted with him before the war determined to 
 get ahead of him. They went out, caught and killed a 
 real fat dog, dressed him nicely, cut off one of his hind 
 quarters, cut off the foot, wrapped it up and came up in 
 the rear of the guard in a real suspicious way, appa- 
 rently trying to conceal it. 
 
 The ever vigilant lieutenant saw that they had some- 
 thing and asked them what it was. The fellow stepped 
 back a few steps and the lieutenant cursed him and 
 went to see. The man apparently gaye it to him 
 
132 
 
 very reluctantly, and said it was a piece of lamb. 
 The lieutenant took it and gave it to his negro cook 
 and told him to cook it for his supper. The boys went 
 on to their camps well pleased. 
 
 The negro cooked some and the lieutenant sat down 
 to eat it. He cursed the negro and told him that he had 
 poisoned it, for he had never eated as strong mutton as 
 that was. The lieutenant then cooked -some himself, 
 but it was no better. The next day he asked the man 
 whom he had taken it from what it was. He said in a 
 low, drawling way, "Why, Lieutenant, it was a piece 
 of a dogy Such a laugh as that raised I 
 
 It was such a good joke it was all over the camps in a 
 few hours. Men would hollow out, " Who eat the 
 dog ? " and you would hear answered from all over the 
 camps, "Lieutenant D." My friend told me they run 
 that so far till "D." ran away and quit the army. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 From January 1st, 1864 to May 1st, 1864. — Skirmish 
 Batti,b at Morton's Ford. 
 
 January, 1864, came in fair and warm for Virginia. 
 On the morning of January 4th we heard firing at the 
 picket post at Morton' Ford about five miles from our 
 camps. We hurriedly fell in line and double-quicked 
 (ran) most of the way. Gordon's Brigade was the first 
 troops to get there, but Gordon himself was not present. 
 He was said to have been at Orange C. H., and General 
 Lee was in Richmond. 
 
 Colonel Evans, of the Thirty-first Georgia Regiment, 
 was in command of Gordon's brigade and formed the 
 
133 
 
 line of battle. We found that the Yankees had crossed 
 the river in some force and had driven off our pickets. 
 The Yankees fired at us as we came up, at long range 
 (about 600 yards). There were some works about half a 
 mile from the ford and we were ordered into them. 
 
 Colonel Evans ordered out a heavy skirmish line and 
 companies D and F, of our regiment, were put on skir- 
 mish, with about the same number of men from each 
 regiment of the brigade. Captain Kennedy was in com- 
 mand of the skirmish line from the Sixty-first Georgia. 
 We were ordered to advance, which we did, with the 
 Yankee sharp-shooters shooting at us all the while. 
 
 There was a deep ravine about 100 yards from the 
 Yankee skirmish line, and we went into it and remained 
 nearly all day. The Yankees were well posted in and 
 around Dr. Morton's house and negro houses. There 
 were about six of the negro houses and they were built 
 of brick, and were about twelve feet wide and twenty 
 feet long, with spaces of about four feet between each 
 house. 
 
 When the sun was about half an hour high, our bat- 
 teries threw about a dozen well-directed shells at the 
 Yankee line, and we were ordered to charge them away 
 from the houses, which was directly in companies D and 
 P's front. We advanced with a yell, and they fired one 
 volley at us but did not hurt any one; they then left the 
 houses in a run. 
 
 Dr. Morton's house was on a high elevation from 
 which we could see all over the enemy's lines and ours. 
 
 We had our "sights" up, so we went right on past the/ 
 
 houses. An order came down the line to halt and occupy 
 
 the houses, but Captain Kennedy wanted to go right on. 
 
 He said; "We could run the whole d — d fixings into the 
 
 , river." (This was the only profane word I ever heard 
 
134 
 
 him speak in the whole war). We reluctantly returned 
 to the houses and the fun began. 
 
 The Yankees wanted this position back, for it over- 
 ,!ooked their line and ours and was not over 250 yards 
 Irom the river. We went to shooting at them with a 
 idm. Everybody seemed cool, yet determined to do 
 them all the harm they could. They tried to charg-e us 
 twice with their skirmish line and did get near us, but 
 their officers could not g-et them any nearer than about 
 fifteen or twenty yards, for they could not stand the 
 firing and would fall back, leaving the g-round strewn 
 with their killed and wounded, while some would come 
 on and surrender. 
 
 They then tried a solid line of battle which advanced 
 to within about one hundred yards of us when the men 
 refused to advance any nearer. It appeared that some 
 of their officers did everything in their power to advance 
 their men but they would not advance. We loaded and 
 shot them just as fast as we could. They retreated, ral- 
 lied and tried it again. Three Yankees came to me and 
 surrendered and gave me their guns. I sent them to the 
 rear. A great many of the boys captured as many or 
 more than I did. All of them were sent to the rear. 
 
 One large Yankee who seemed well in whisky, walked 
 up to Sergeant William Alderman with his gun loaded, 
 cocked and capped, with his bayonet on and ordered him 
 to surrender. Alderman also had his gun loaded and 
 ordered the Yankee to surrender or he would shoot him. 
 They faced each other for about a minute, each telling 
 the other to surrender or he would shoot. They were 
 about six feet apart and the Yankee advanced to put his 
 bayonet into Alderman. Alderman leveled his gun and 
 fired and it seemed to me that the fire went through the 
 Yankee for I saw it pass him. He fell dead and did not 
 even groan. I think Alderman centered his heart. 
 
135 
 
 I shot thirty-four rounds in this little fray. I had an 
 excellent rifle, one that shot very close, and I never took 
 better aim at a bird or squirrel in my life than I took at 
 those Yankee soldiers. And I never enjoyed a party in 
 my young- days any better. 
 
 The Yankees did not charg-e any more on our part of 
 the line. In this battle the Yankees were never farther 
 away than 250 yards, and were sometimes as near as 
 fifteen or twenty yards. Just as it was getting dark, a 
 Yankee officer, or at least his uniform indicated that he 
 was one, rode along our picket line about half a mile. 
 When asked who was there he would say, "General 
 Hayes." There was a Confederate General Hays in our 
 division, and all who saw him thought it was our Hays. 
 This was all that saved his life. 
 
 By some means our skirmish line gave way on our 
 right, although there was no hard fighting on any part 
 of the line except that part occupied by Companies D 
 and F. It seemed that the Yankees slipped around us on 
 our right, where our line had given way, or had not ad- 
 vanced when we did ; for about dark I heard them talk- 
 ing behind us, and could see their caps. 
 
 I could tell by their caps and their Dutch brogue that 
 they were not Southerners. I could see our men slip- 
 ping out on our left. The Yankees were stirring about 
 slowly, and seemed confused. About this time a gun 
 fired, and the Yankees began to cry, "Washington ! 
 Washington ! " which, I suppose, was their counter- 
 sign. 
 
 I gathered up my own gun and the three Yankee guns 
 and slipped towards our left. I went about thirty yards 
 and stumbled and fell headlong. Dr. Morton's garden 
 palings had been torn down by the Yankees, and I had 
 run against the bottom lath to which the slats had been 
 jiailed. When I fell with my turn of guns it made a 
 
136 
 
 fearful noise, and I expected the Yankees to shoot at me, 
 but they did not. I got up with a first-class pair of 
 bruised and skinned shins I gathered up all of my 
 guns and went on around them, near enough that I 
 could hear them talk and call for certain ones among 
 them as "Shim, Shon and Sho." I found some of our 
 boys near a house, about eighty yards in the rear of. 
 where we had been fighting, and they were partially 
 formed in line. I met Captain Kennedy. By this time 
 it was very nearly dark, and he said: "Is that you, 
 George?" I said, "Yes." He said : "Stand right here 
 and watch till I see whether the line is formed or not." 
 He walked on and left me standing by the house just re- 
 ferred to. I heard some one move in the house, and 
 when he came back I told him about it. About this 
 time Sergeant Hogan, of Company F, came along the 
 line from the other direction. He, too, was examining 
 the line to see if it was all right. Captain Kennedy in- 
 formed him that it \,as, and asked him if he would 
 go with me into the house to see if it was a Yankee. 
 He replied, "Shure, and I will." (He was an Irishman.) 
 Captain Kennedy called out, "Who is in this house?" 
 No reply. "If you don't speak I'll fire the house." We 
 all heard some one move and speak out : "It is nobody, 
 boss, but poor old Luce." He said, "Strike a light, for 
 we must see." She lit a candle, and Sergeant Hogan 
 and I went in, but we found no one but an old colored 
 woman with her head nearly as white as snow, scared 
 nearly to death. We told her not to be scared, for we 
 would not hurt her. We took the candle and went up 
 stairs, but we found no Yankee. 
 
 When we came out of the house we found that Colonel 
 Evans had sent in other troops and we were relieved. 
 We returned to the line and were complimented by all 
 the boys in the brigade. We found we had sent ISO 
 
137 
 
 prisoners to the rear, and there were 117 dead on the 
 field. The Yankee general told "W. H. Bland (our pris- 
 oner) that he lost 500 killed, wounded and captured. 
 We only lost four, all told. We only had two small com- 
 panies, (D and F, of Sixty-first Georgia,) not exceeding 
 twenty-five men each, engaged in this skirmish battle. 
 Our casualties were as follows: One of company F 
 killed (Patrick Ryan). One of company D wounded (A. 
 M. Kimes), and one captured, (W. H. Bland). One was 
 killed about 600 yards in the rear by a stray ball. The 
 enemy carried off their wounded and were all across the 
 river before morning. 
 
 In this little skirmish battle the brave Captain Robt. 
 T. Cochran, of company F, Sixty-first Georgia Regiment, 
 captured a Union officer and eight men. He took the of- 
 ficer's sword, which was a very fine one and was as bright 
 as silver. Captain Cochran has it yet and praises it very 
 highly, and keeps it bright. Captain Cochran was one 
 of the bravest men in the Confederate services. He is 
 now living in Rockmart, Ga, 
 
 Our Yankee prisoners were guarded at our line. Next 
 morning General Lee came riding along the line with 
 General Gordon. We cheered them. The Yankee pris- 
 oners all seemed anxious to see General Lee, and they 
 seemed to admire him greatly. Some of them said: 
 "Look! he is the most graceful rider I have ever seen." 
 Others would say: "What a soldier he must be," and 
 still others: "He is t\i& grandest GcQtv&xal that ever lived," 
 and I heard one say: "I wish that we had such a com- 
 mander." 
 
 We returned to camp and rested quietly during the 
 remainder of the winter; had a tolerable plenty to eat, 
 with nothing to do but guard and picket duty. Our 
 picket post was at the fords on the Rapidan river near 
 Clark's Mountain, six or eight miles above our camp. A 
 
9 
 
 138 
 
 reg-iment would have to g^o at a time and stay two days. 
 
 One time when our regiment had to go the weather 
 was very cold; the river was frozen over at least eight 
 inches thick. We heard a terrible racket up the river 
 and could not understand what it could be. The noise 
 approached us rapidly and we soon saw the cause; it 
 was the river rising and breaking the ice. The rising 
 water would break the ice and keep it piled up ahead on 
 the solid ice three or four feet high. Large pieces 
 which would have weighed one hundred or more pounds 
 would be sliding along ahead of the breaking ice. 
 Broken ice floated along all that day. 
 
 That night I had to stand picket guard one hour. I 
 came near freezing to death. When relief came I was 
 so cold till I could hardly get back to the fire. 
 
 Elder A. B. Woodfin came to us and was appointed 
 Chaplain of the Sixty-first Georgia Regiment. He was 
 one of those noble Virginians and one of as good chap- 
 lains as there was in the brigade, and seemed to take as 
 much interest in the meetings of the brigade as any of 
 the chaplains from our own state. He was as pleasant 
 a man as I ever met. He was a young man and an ex- 
 cellent preacher, and always seemed to get enthused 
 when he was telling us about the blood of the Blessed 
 Jesus so freely spilt for sinners on the cro.^ and its being 
 the only way from this sinful world to the Glorious Par- 
 idise above. (He is now living in Hampton, Va.) 
 
 In these winter quarters we built a brigade chapel, 
 daubed the cracks with clay and made a large fire-place 
 in it and had preaching almost every day and night, 
 with but few in attendance at first. One night one of 
 the regimental chaplains said he wanted every Chris- 
 tian in the house to make the worst man in his company 
 a special object of prayer for two weeks. He said he 
 felt that -we would have a revival and would have the 
 
139 
 
 house filled wlien we had divine worship. (This was 
 probably our Chaplain A. B. Woodfin.) It struck me 
 with great force, and I studied who is the worst man in 
 Company D? I could not decide. There were two who 
 could hardly speak without a horrible oath, and it did 
 not seem that they cared for themselves or anyone else, 
 yet they were excellent soldiers. I could not decide 
 which was the more wicked of the two. Something 
 presented or suggested that I take them both; so I went 
 off to a secret place in the snow and prayed for them, 
 and it seemed that I became burdened for them. Next 
 day I went to their tent and to my surprise and joy they 
 were not playing cards no using profanity. The next 
 night both entered the chapel and took the seat nearest 
 the door. The stayed till preaching was over, and I 
 think it was ihejirst time I had ever seen either of them 
 at preaching. 
 
 I went to their tent the next day and to my joy, both 
 were reading the blessed word of God. They took a seat 
 the next time near the center of the chapel and seemed 
 greatly affected as they listened to the preaching. They 
 asked the preachers to pray for them. Their condition 
 filled me with rejoicing and prayer for the dear boys. 
 In about four weeks both of them joined the church, told 
 bright experiences and dated their convictions to the 
 very night I offered the first special prayer for them. 
 They were received and baptized. 
 
 In one week after that good servant of God made the 
 request that the Christians pray for the worst men in 
 their companies, our chapel was fiill unless the weather 
 was too very cold. We had a great revival and could 
 seldom hear a profane word spoken. 
 
 "We had plenty of fun and exercise in camps— snow- 
 balling each other and having snow battles. 
 
 In the latter part of April every gun, gun-lock and 
 
140 
 
 tube was examined and all that were not all rig-lit were 
 
 sent off and good ones put in their places. We also drew 
 clothing and shoes. 
 
 History tells us that the Union general, E. M. Law, 
 said of the Confederate Army: "A new pair of shoes or 
 an overcoat was a luxury and full rations would have 
 astonished the stomachs of Lee's ragged Confederates. 
 I have often heard expressions of surprise that these rag- 
 ged, barefooted, half starved men would fight at all; but 
 the very fact that they remained with their colors 
 through such privations and hardships was sufficient to 
 prove that they would be dangerous foes to encounter 
 upon the line of battle." This he found to be true before 
 the campaign ended. 
 
 Everything was put in readiness and every man sent 
 to us that could be. Our wagon and artillery teams 
 were made good by exchanging those that were broken 
 down for good ones. We felt sure that the campaign 
 would soon open. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 BA'rXLE OF THB WlIvDEjENBSS. 
 
 On May 3rd we noticed that couriers were riding 
 around, sometimes in quite a hurry. We felt sure that 
 something was on the verge of happening. On the 4th 
 we had to prepare tWo day's rations, and could hear 
 cannonading down the river about Germania ford. 
 
 We broke camp an d marched down to Locust Grove. 
 The courier and staff officers were in a stir; we knew 
 something was up and we dreaded it, for we heard that 
 General Grant was in command of the Army of the Po- 
 
141 
 
 tomac, and that he was a terrible "bull-dog'," and that 
 he never turned loose. We heard that he had massed 
 200,000 men in our front, and we knew that General 
 I/ee did not have over 60,000 to meet him with, and we 
 knew we were going to have a terrible strug-gle. 
 
 Next morning. May Sth, we were ordered up eatlj and 
 put on the march at quick step. We soon heard heavy 
 musketry and some cannonading-. We met troops (Doles' 
 Brigade) coming out badly confused, with General Lee 
 in the rear right by himself. He seemed burdened. I 
 think his mind was taxed to its utmost capacity. 
 
 Our company (D) was at the head of our regiment; our 
 regiment at the head of Gordon's brigade and Gordon's 
 brigade at the head of Early's division. 
 
 The first words General Lee said was: "General Gor- 
 don, there are Yankees in front and lots of them, and 
 they must be moved or the day is lost. They have our 
 position and if they are not moved we will be forced to 
 retreat, and we are not prepared for it. Can you move 
 them?" The gallant Gordon replied: "We will try, 
 general." General Gordon turned to us witn a deep de- 
 termined look — to move them or die. The regimental 
 officers and men looked the same way. 
 
 General Gordon addressed us in about these words: 
 "Boys, there are Yankees in front and lots of them, and 
 they must be moved or the days is lost, and rve must 
 move them. Now all who are faint hearted, fall out, 
 you shall not be hurt for it; for we do not want any to 
 go but keroes—^ve ivaut brave Georgians.'''' We cheered 
 him and General Lee. General Lee said: "General 
 right and left your men into line and forward at once:'' 
 
 We filed to the right, and loaded our guns as we 
 marched along. We were informed that General Gor- 
 don addressed all the regiments with about the same 
 words that he addressed ours with. The next regiment 
 
142 
 
 to ours filed left. All the reg'iments filed right and left 
 till the brigade was formed across the road. If I mis- 
 take not, the Thirty-eighth Georgia was the last one to 
 form. 
 
 The brigade forwarded in thick woods in the wilder- 
 ness. Every man seemed anxious to go ahead, and 
 it seemed that every one had an iron will — determined to 
 move those Yankees from General Lee's chosen position 
 or die in the attempt. 
 
 It has been thirty-four years since this memorable 
 campaign opened, on this awful Sth day of May, 1864, 
 but it seems almost a3 fresh in my mind now as it did 
 then. 
 
 Just as we were ordered forward, Irvin Spivy, of the 
 Twenty-sixth Georgia Regiment, hallooed. He could 
 halloo the queerest that I ever heard any one. It was a 
 kind of a scream or low, like a terrible bull, with a kind 
 of a neigh mixed along with it, and it was nearly as 
 loud as a steam whistle. We called him "The Twenty- 
 sixth Georgia's Bull," and the Yankees called him 
 "Gordon's Bull." He would always halloo this way 
 when we charged the enemy, and we were informed thai 
 the Yankees understood it as a signal for them to move 
 back. We have heard that Spivy is yet living in Coffee 
 county, Georgia. 
 
 We forwarded and soon struck the Yankees. They 
 began to fire at us and we at them. I never heard such 
 a yell as we raised. We could scarcely hear a gun fire, 
 and could hardly tell when our own guns fired, only 
 by the jar it gave us. 
 
 We soon routed the first Yankee line. We all pushed 
 right on and on with the yell, until we had driven the 
 first line into the reserve line. The two lines did not 
 stand but one or two volleys before both began to waver 
 aud retreat in confusion. We soon had them into the 
 
143 
 
 third line, and on into the fourth, and on until wc 
 seemed to have five or six lines in one confused mass, 
 with many of them lying- down and surrendering-, or 
 coming back with their hands up to show that they were 
 surrendered. We would send them to the rear. Our 
 officers could hardly get a man to go to the rear with 
 them. 
 
 We killed a great many of them, and drove them off 
 of Lee's position and on for nearly two miles. 
 
 Our regiment's position was on the extreme right, and 
 we kept getting further to the right until Company D 
 was not more than a skirmish line. We found that the 
 enemy had retreated so far from our front till they were 
 all out of our sight. We came to an open field, or open 
 place in the woods, and found that they had. divided 
 and some had retreated to the right and some to the left 
 of this open field. So Major J. D. VanValkenburg, of 
 our regiment, was left with our company and a part of 
 his old company (Company I, if I am not mistaken in 
 the company) to watch that side and prevent a flank 
 move by the enemy. 
 
 General Gordon had driven the enemy from Lee's po- 
 sition and General Lee sent Gordon orders to fall back. 
 Colonel Lamar sent Lieutenant Eugene Jeffers with 
 orders to Major Van to fall back to the line. "We had 
 just gotten started when we saw a regiment of Yankees 
 between us and our line. I felt bad, for we did not have 
 over forty men and there were about five hundred 
 Yankees. 
 
 They appeared badly confused to see Confederate 
 soldiers coming up in their rear, when they were not 
 expecting an3^ We stopped and Major Van advanced, 
 for his quick military eye took in the position that we 
 were placed in. He walked up with a quick step and 
 with drawn sword and ordered their commander to sur- 
 
144 
 
 render. He refused and ordered Major Van to surrender. 
 He refused and hallowed back to tell General Gordon to 
 send up a brigade, for we had an obstinate regiment cut 
 off and they refused to surrender. Captain Kennedy and 
 the rest of us, in alow voice, began to command forward. 
 Major LeGrand B. Speece, the commander of the Yan- 
 kee regiment, ordered his regiment to stack or ground 
 arms. He expected a volley from a brigade. We hur- 
 ried up and Major Van commanded: "Officers to the 
 front." All the officers came to the head of the regi- 
 ment and Major Van led off and ordered the enemy to 
 follow him. 
 
 Captain Kennedy took their flag and carried it outi 
 and we, forty men, formed a thin guard around them and 
 marched them out. I tell this truthfully, for I was an 
 eye-witness. 
 
 The enemy told us after we got past our lines that 
 they had been sent in to re-inforce their line and that 
 they came up through that open field referred to above, 
 and that they never saw any of their retreating men and 
 that when they saw us and Major Van's actions, they 
 thought that Gordon's Brigade had them cut off. They 
 said we had captured every man in the regiment but 
 one, who was sent back to inform their commander that 
 they could not find any men only their dead on the bat- 
 tlefield. 
 
 When we got them out and they found that they had 
 been captured by Major Van's strategem they were the 
 worst set of mortified ofSicers and men I have ever seen. 
 Major Van turned them over to the provost guard and 
 took a receipt for about forty regimental and company 
 officers and four hundred and seventy-four non-commis- 
 sioned officers and privates. If I am not mistaken it 
 was the Seventh Pennsylvania Regiment of reserves 
 that we captured. 
 
GBN. CI,SMBN¥ a. EVANS. 
 
On General Gordon's return (so we were informed) 
 Gen. I/ee met him with a big- smile, jerked off his glove 
 and gave him a hearty hand shake, calling him Major 
 General Gordon. 
 
 So you see General Gordon was promoted from bri- 
 gade to major general on his return from one of the 
 most successful charges of the war, where Gordon's 
 Brigade of six Georgia regiments of not much, if any, 
 over two thousand men, had captured about twenty-five 
 hundred prisoners, had killed and wounded about as many 
 more and had routed five or six times our own number. 
 
 That noble Christian, Colonel Clement A. Evans, of 
 fhe Thirty-first Georgia Regiment, who was almost an 
 idol in the brigade, was promo^ed to the rank of Briga- 
 dier General and assigned to the command of Gordon's 
 old brigade. Lieutenant Colonel J. H. Lowe was pro- 
 moted to the full rank of Colonel over the Thirty-first 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 
 I believe from General Lee's actions that he wanted 
 to promote the whole brigade; for he told Gordon to 
 take his men to the rear and rest them, for they had 
 done enough for one day. Our mouths were all black 
 with powder and our faces were nearly black with 
 smoke. We were all hoarse from halloaing the Rebel 
 yell so long, and we were willing to go to the rear. We 
 had been put on the march about 4 o'clock A. m. had 
 ^marched about eight miles and had done some excellent 
 work. It was then about 8 or 9 o'clock and we 
 had had no breakfast. Nearly every man had picked 
 up one or two well-filled haver-sacks with coffee, sugar, 
 condensed cream, bacon, hardtacks, etc. We began to 
 make and drink our coffee; were all full of life, for we 
 had not lost a man out of Company D. though several 
 were killed and wounded in the regiment and brigade. 
 
 The noble captain, John T. Erwin. of Company G, was 
 
147 
 
 severely ■wounded and carried off the field by that no- 
 ble member of the litter corps, George Hopkins. He 
 never recovered sufficiently to return to the company. 
 
 While we were eating- breakfast one of the regiments 
 was called for and put in line by the famous Louisiana 
 Brig-ade, to fill up a g-ap in the line, of the balance of 
 Early's division that had been formed and fortified in 
 General Lee's well chosen position that we had driven 
 tlie Yankees from. The Thirty-first Georg-ia was the 
 ■ me that answered the call. 
 
 We soon heard our sharp-shooters or skirmish line be- 
 s^in to shoot. They were soon driven in by the enemy. 
 \\''e heard three tremendous huzzars! and the Yankees 
 i.atne up in a most excellent line to meet a terrible 
 i.Luig-hter anddefeat. They charg^ed and recharg-edour 
 ;ii;e several times before noon in our front, but did not 
 break any part of it. Our brave Virg-iuians, North 
 Oiirolinians and Louisianians wer^ there to stay. When 
 the enemy would "huzza," they would raise the "Rebel 
 yell." 
 
 Our brigade did not have the pleasure of being- in this 
 part of the battle, but I am sure that four-fifths of the 
 brigade would have volunteered to go to the line and 
 Tight the Yankees. Some of our regiment asked per- 
 mission of the officers to go. 
 
 Hill's corps was on the right of Ewell's corps and did 
 most of the fighting in the afternoon. The battle raged 
 there for hours, and judging by the amount of cannon- 
 ading, musketry, huzzaing and yelling it must have 
 been fearful. 
 
 Some of Longstreet's corps came from Gordonsville 
 and took position on Hill's right and were engaged in 
 battle before it ceased. Hill was pressed severely. 
 
 It ceased late in the afternoon and everything was 
 QOtnparatively quiet along the vrhole liae. Our boya 
 
148 
 
 passed word down the line asking Longstreet's and Hill's 
 men how they got along with the "Yankees." In a few 
 minutes we received the answer: "We have whipped 
 everything in our front." We talked back and forth for 
 some time and it was better than a telephone line, for 
 the whole army could hear and it seemed to buoy up the 
 whole line, for the whole line raised the Rebel yell. It 
 was surprising how quickly a dispatch could go several 
 miles and return. 
 
 We had a good night's rest and next morning we got 
 up, cooked and eat a hearty breakfast of our Yankee ba- 
 con, crackers and coffee. There was no fighting on our 
 part of the line till late in the afternoon. Our brigade 
 was marched around on a circuit-flank movement on the 
 extreme right of the Yankees. 
 
 We found them massed five or six lines deep, all rest- 
 ing, cooking and eating; with their guns stacked, their 
 blankets spread down and some of their little tents 
 stretched. 
 
 We came up in thick woods in the wilderness and were 
 in about 100 yards of them before their guards saw us. 
 A few of them fired at us and killed Giles Chapman, of 
 Company I, in our regiment. We fired one volley at 
 them, raised a yell and charged them. They fled at 
 once, leaving their guns, blankets, knapsacks, haver- 
 sacks, tents, canteens, some hats and, in fact, everything 
 they had. 
 
 We could not give them but two volleys. It seemed 
 like scaring up a bunch of partridges or crows, for the 
 Yankees left us almost as quickly as partridges could. 
 It was like shooting birds '"on the wing." They left 
 stampeded and panic stricken. I am sure there were 
 enough guns to have armed our brigade three or four 
 times, and several car-loads of blankets, tents, clothing, 
 etc. The Yankees never tried to retake this position 
 
149 
 
 and I never heard of but one man g-ettingf hurt in the 
 brigade. That was the one above referred to. 
 
 We took some prisoners, and among- them there were 
 two generals. One of them, General Seymour, was a 
 very tall man. I suppose he was six and one-half feet 
 high and would have weighed ISO pounds. The other. 
 General Shaler, was a regular cut-short Dutchman about 
 five feet high, and would have weighed about 250 pounds. 
 There was quite a contrast in them as they were marched 
 out. 
 
 Next day the enemy had left our front and I feel sure 
 thot General Grant decided that he had struck a "snag," 
 and that if he ever got to Richmond he would have to 
 try a different road. 
 
 We tramped over the field of battle, where we fought 
 the first day. It was thick woods in front of our line with 
 much small growth. We could not find a bush without 
 the sign of a ball on it. The bushes were literrlly shot 
 to pieces. It looked surprising that any one could live 
 in the midst of such carnage. The enemy's losses were 
 severe, while ours was very light. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Batti,b of Spotsyi,vania Court Hottss. 
 
 On the 8th of May Ewell's corps was ordered from 
 the extreme left to the extreme right of Lee's army, and 
 on down to near Spotsylvania C. H. A part arrived on 
 the evening of May 9th. General Grant was trying to 
 swing his immense army around Lee's right flank. We 
 ran a few cavalry back and reconnoitered. We saw the 
 enemy coming; in full force, and we had a little battle on 
 
ISO 
 
 the evening- of the 9th, and stopped the enemy. We 
 captured a Union staff officer, and if I am not mistaken, 
 he said that he belong-ed to General Hancock's staff. 
 He was a fine looking- man and was very intelligent. 
 He rode a very fine black horse. 
 
 The next day the rest of Swell's corps came up and 
 we began to fortify. Hill's corps, which was commanded 
 by General Early on account of Hill's sickness, also 
 arrived on the 10th and took position. Long-street's 
 corps arrived later in the day, and General Lee formed 
 his line of battle in the shape of a horse-shoe, with the 
 wing-s extending from the heel in right and left angles. 
 Ewell's corps occupied the shoe. Gordon's division 
 (Early's old division) was in a well fortified line about 
 two hundred yards from the toe of the shoe and ex- 
 tended from one side to the other. General Evans' bri- 
 gade was on the reserve line near the left side of the shoe. 
 
 We spent the 11th in fortifying. General Grant 
 moved up his army and reconnoitered and found how 
 Lee's lines weref ormed. On the night of the 11th every 
 one knew Grant would make a desperate effort to break 
 Lee's lines. We could hear them arranging their artil- 
 lery and getting it in position. We could hear them 
 moving all night. 
 
 About 3 o'clock on the morning of the 12th we could 
 hear them getting up as close to Johnson's line in the 
 toe as they could. Gordon and Evans had their lines up 
 and in perfect readiness. One of the heaviest fogs I 
 ever saw had risen. It was so dense we could not see a 
 man thirty feet from us, even after the sun had risen. 
 
 About 4 o'clock we heard Hancock's men start to ad- 
 vance, and we expected to hear the battle open and did 
 hear some of Johnson's pickets fire ; but I suppose they 
 fell back to their line of battle, and found very nearly 
 all of the men asleep, for Hancock's men ran vip and 
 
151 
 
 found them in that condition. A few guns were fired. 
 We heard the Union men cheer with their huzzas, and 
 we knew Johnson's men were prisoners. Hancock cap- 
 tured General Johnson and two thousand and eight hun- 
 dred of his men. 
 
 Hancock captured Johnson's men from a little to the 
 left of the toe of the shoe, and down to the right of our 
 line to some distance past where we were connected 
 with the shoe line, which was the front line. This gave 
 some of Johnson's and Gordon's men a stampede. This 
 placed Evans' brigade and the rest of Gordon's division 
 in a bad condition. We were ordered out of our works, 
 and Lee's line, on our left, moved from left to right and 
 filled our places. We cut off the victorious Yankees and 
 formed our line. 
 
 Here General Lee came to us and took position in front 
 of the Thirteenth Georgia Regiment to lead us. Gen- 
 eral Gordon told General Lee that his men had never 
 failed to do their duty, and they would not fail now, and 
 entreated General Lee to go to the rear — to his place, for 
 lie was worth 10,000 of us. He said: '"Here are my brave 
 Georgians, and there are my brave Virginians, (poiuting 
 to General Pegram's Virginia brigade) who have never 
 failed and they will not fail now." The men in the line 
 began to cry "General Lee to the rearl" "General Lee to 
 the rear!" Others would say: "General Lee, if you will 
 go to the rear, we will move the enemy out of our cap- 
 tured line." Here some of the men in that noble Thir- 
 teenth Georgia Regiment rushed to General Lee, seized 
 his horse by the bridle, and "led him back through our 
 line. General Lee turned up our line towards our left, 
 and Evans' and Pegram's brigades raised a yell and made 
 a most gallant charge in a dense fog. While our dear 
 boys were being mown down at every step, and after a 
 desperate struggle, we succeeded in recapturing our line 
 
152 ■ 
 
 on the right of where the reserve line connected with 
 the captured line, and had everything safe so far as a 
 solid line was concerned. 
 
 Our regiment (Sixty-first Georgia) was on the extreme 
 left of Evans' brigade. We charged the enemy where 
 we did not have any support on our left, and our color 
 bearer, Francis Marion McDow, planted our battle-flag 
 on the works and we had a hand to hand battle with 
 club-guns. Our line being very thin and the enemy's 
 fully three times as strong as ours, we were overpowered 
 and a great many of our regiment had to surrender. 
 Here the enemy captured sixty-five of our regiment, 
 McDow and our old tattered and torn battle-fiag. 
 
 I must stop and say a few words about Sergeant Fran- 
 cis Marion McDow. He was an Alabamian by birth and 
 as brave as the great hero General Francis Marion, after 
 whom he was named. He was like the brave Sergeant 
 Jasper, unlettered. He was about 23 years of age and 
 had received a severe wound at Sharpsburg, Md., while 
 carrying the flag so bravely. He was complimented by 
 the noble and brave Colonel Douglas just before Colonel 
 D. was killed. The flag was nearly shot to pieces by 
 shot and shell. It was nothing but a tattered and torn 
 rag, for it had been in every battle the regiment had 
 ever been engaged in, and the regiment loved it and its 
 noble bearer. We mourned the loss of McDow and the 
 dear old flag. Sergeant McDow died in the Fort Dela- 
 ware prison. He was a good member of the church. 
 
 Evans' brigade was cut to pieces, for we had lost 
 severely. When I saw sUch of&cers as Captains J. J. 
 Henderson of Company A, Daniel McDonald of Company 
 C, Adjutant J. J. Mobley, Lieutenant J. D. DeLoach, 
 Lieutenant F. N. Graves, Sergeant Hilary Wright, and 
 our good preacher, Jackson J. Wright, Private M. J. 
 Green, and many others, whose names I do not recollect, 
 
153 
 
 begin to surrender, I turned and ran back for dear life. 
 I just abhorred the idea of being a prisoner. It seemed 
 that T almost preferred death, and would take my chances 
 in getting away, with several others. There were not 
 many shots fired at us, for the fog was so dense that the 
 Yankees could not see us more than 30 feet away. We 
 ran back to the reserve line, which was about 75 yards 
 in the rear, and found it full of our men, who were in 
 readiness. This helped my feelings, for I was afraid 
 that the Yankees would get the best of us. (This charge 
 was made just at daylight in a dense fog.) 
 
 The reason why our regiment lost so many prisoners 
 was because we ought to have stopped and occupied the 
 reserve line when we drove the Yankees past it. Our 
 orders were to do that, but we did not understand them. 
 Generals Gordon, Evans and Pegram succeeded in estab- 
 lishing Ewell's line on the reserve line and on down the 
 line to the right angle, while General Hancock held the 
 most of the toe of the shoe the rest of the day. 
 
 When we got to the reserve line and knew that our 
 regiment was so badly hurt in killed, wounded and cap- 
 tured, we asked the men where the rest of Evan's bri- 
 gade was, for the fog was so dense we could not see. 
 They said they did not know. We could not see where 
 to go for the fog. About one hundred of our regiment 
 and brigade turned up on the line towards the left angle. 
 We were badly confused and mortified. About ISO 
 yards from the angle we again found General Lee sit- 
 ting on his horse trying to look and listen to find out 
 what the enemy was doing. 
 
 I went to him and asked him where we could find 
 Bran's brigade. He said it was on the right. He 
 asked us, (for there were about one hundred of us with 
 two officers) if we belonged to that brigade; we told 
 ,1Uin that we did. He then told us to fall in line and oc- 
 
154 
 
 cupy a piece of the line near him that was not occupied. 
 We fell in and just filled up the gap and made the line 
 solid. General Lee told us to hold it at all hazards, and 
 we promised him to do our best, and we did hold it, 
 thougfh we had a hard struggle. After driving the 
 Yankees back our brigade occupied the line that they 
 had recaptured the rest of the day. 
 
 I will leave the brigade and tell what our squad of 
 one hundred saw and did the remainder of the day. 
 
 General Lee's line from the left, on the angle, was 
 like a worm fence, and in every jam a piece of artillery 
 was planted, about twenty-five feet apart, behind very 
 strong earthworks. As well as I recollect he had about 
 twenty pieces there and all the space between filled 
 with men with small arms, and boxes of ammunition set 
 all along the line, so the supply would not run short. 
 
 On the part of the line where our squad was stationed 
 a four-gun battery was planted behind very strong 
 earthworks in the line of the shoe. General Grant 
 soon began to throw shot and shells at the batteries 
 from a great many of his cannons, (probably one hun- 
 dred). 
 
 It seemed to rain shot and shells for nearly an hour. 
 Our batteries replied for a few minutes and nearly ceased 
 firing. I could understand the reason why they ceased. 
 It was because the enemy did not have their range and 
 they threw very nearly all their solid shot too high and 
 cut their shell fuse too long. There was a thick pine 
 grove in our rear and they cut down about five or six 
 acres of it, seldom ever hurting a man or injuring one of 
 our cannons. 
 
 By this time the fog had risen and we could see a line 
 of battle coming over the top of the hill about SOO yards 
 from us. It advanced in excellent order and our batte- 
 ries opened on them with shell. The lines kept rising^ 
 
ISS 
 
 and coming over the hill till we could see five lines 
 coming in excellent order. They cheered with their "huz- 
 zas" and our line answered them with the Rebel yell. 
 
 The enemy advanced in a run towards our line and 
 every piece of our artillery and small arms opened on 
 them in earnest. When our massed batteries would 
 pour in their double charges of grape and canister shot, 
 it would mow them down like grass before the scythe. 
 They advanced to within about 125 yards of us and 
 stopped. Some of their officers acted extremely brave, 
 for they would put spurs to their horses and rush to their 
 battle-flag, take it and raise it aloof on their horses, 
 cheering and leading their men on, when probably the 
 next volley horse, man and flag would all go down. 
 
 I never saw officers act more bravely or with more 
 courage than some of those Union officers acted. While 
 I was their enemy and was doing everything in my 
 power to kill them, I could admire them for their bravery 
 and true courage. They finally advanced to within 
 about sixty yards of us and then began to reel and waver 
 and retreat in confusion, when, if possible, our can- 
 noneers and infantry loaded and shot faster and with 
 more accuracy than ever. Our line raised a yell in earn- 
 est and would have scaled their own works and pursued 
 them if our officers would have permitted us to do so. 
 
 When their line began to retreat, some of them threw 
 down their guns and threw up their hands and came in 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 Here I must tell the readers of this little history the 
 heroic deed of one of General Lee's spies as it was told 
 to me by a friend of mine whose veracity cannot be 
 doubted. He told me that he saw the spy when he came 
 in. General Lee wanted to know where Grant's extreme 
 right rested, which was of great importance to General 
 
156 
 
 Lee, so he could know how to meet an attack from that 
 quarter. 
 
 The spy put on full Yankee uniform and went around 
 on Grant's line and found out precisely. 
 
 He had no way of getting back in time only to come 
 with the enemy on this charge, and, when they retreated, 
 to come on to our line. When the Federal soldiers began 
 to retreat, he rushed ahead, pulled out a white handker- 
 chief, held it before him, and when he arrived at our 
 works, unhurt, he jumped over them, elated, and said, 
 "Where is your colonel?" "On the right," was the 
 reply. He said, "Well, I must see him." He went to 
 the colonel and in two minutes he was on a good horse, 
 going, at very nearly full speed, to General Lee. 
 
 Here they charged and recharged in the same place 
 eight or ten times during the day, but they never had 
 any better success or succeeded in getting any nearer 
 than they did on the first charge. 
 
 After one of their charges and retreats, and the 
 enemy had gone out of our sight, one of their men, who 
 was lying near us, and who seemed to be a mere boy, 
 got up, and from his actions he was severely wounded. 
 He had a stick or officer's sword, and went back walking 
 very slowly, using it for a walking cane. He was limp- 
 ing badly and was bareheaded. Our men did not molest 
 him. I am sure there was no one in our line who wanted 
 to harm him. 
 
 This battle was the worst slaughter I ever saw. It 
 seems that I can yet see and hear it as I write (May 10th, 
 1898). Such groans I such cries I and such pitiful calls 
 for water and other assistance ; but none could go to 
 them, for the enemy would not let us go and we would 
 not let them go. I am sure hundreds died because they 
 lacked attention. They bled to death and perished near 
 •where there were so many Southerners who would have 
 
157 
 
 willingly gone to their assistance, and would hare taken 
 care of them. But the Yankees would have shot us if 
 we had given their own wounded, bleeding and dying 
 any assistance. But such is war. 
 
 We had a complete cross-fire on the Union soldiers, 
 and if Grant could have broken Lee's lines here where 
 he tried so hard and sacrificed thousands of lives, he 
 could have ruined Lee's army, for Swell's corps would 
 have been surrounded and the rest of the army cut in 
 twain. It was nearly an all-day's fight. Grant shelled 
 us all day. 
 
 Our part of the line fired about one hundred and sixty 
 rounds, and was exposed to Grant's shells all day, but 
 only two of our squad were hurt. Grant drew off from 
 our part of the line in the evening and made a desperate 
 charge on the right angle, but with no better success 
 than he had on the left. 
 
 In this battle at Spotsylvania, Evans' brigade had one 
 of the hardest struggles it ever had, and was placed at 
 a sad disadvantage, for it had to fight the enemy after 
 they had been flushed with victory. We had to drive 
 them out of our own fortifications that they had previ- 
 ously captured from General Johnson. 
 
 They killed and wounded a great many of the brigade, 
 though our losses in killed and wounded were not as 
 great as it was at Manassas, Sharpsburg, Fredericks- 
 burg or even Gettysburg ; but more were captured in 
 this battle than in all of the other battles. 
 
 Among the killed was the brave and noble Lieutenant- 
 Colonel C. W. McArthur, of the Sixty-first Georgia Regi- 
 ment, and Lieutenant D. L. Gray, of Company K, in the 
 same regiment. Lieutenant Frazier, of Company G, 
 was severely wounded and captured. He died in the 
 northern prison. Lieutenant F. N. Graves, of Company 
 F, was also captured. Sixty-five valuable officers and 
 
158 
 
 men were captured in the regiment. Company D lost 
 two killed, who were, Corporal William Lee, a fine youngf 
 man and one who was ever willing to do his duty, and 
 Private Henry Oliff, one of as brave and fearless young 
 men as I ever saw. He had been on every march, had 
 been in every battle and skirmish the brigade had ever 
 been engaged in. He had worn out one gun and I never 
 saw him the least excited or nervous in the worst battles. 
 Colonel Devant, of the Thirty-eighth Georgia Regiment, 
 was captured; also Lieutenants Maddox, Vaughn and 
 Law were captured. The gallant captain, L. W. Farmer, 
 and Lieutenant Sid Farmer, of Company G, were killed, 
 also Lieutenant-Colonel Jones, of the Thirteenth Georgia 
 Regiment. I suppose Evan's brigade suffered worse in 
 this battle than any part of Ewell's corps, except the 
 brigades of Johnson's division that were captured. This 
 was caused by the brigade making the first charge at 
 day break to arrest the Federals who had broken John- 
 son's line. 
 
 About three or four days after the battle the Yankees 
 all seemed to have left our front. Our brigade went to 
 reconnoiter. We marched over the ground on which 
 they had charged and re-charged our batteries so many 
 times on the 12th. In places, the dead Union soldiers 
 were lying almost in piles. They were as thick as corn 
 hills. I saw an of&cer's horse lying on five men and two 
 or three men were lying against the horse. 
 
 Here in this death angle there were several acres of 
 ground the worst strewn with dead men I saw during 
 the war. I saw an oak tree, probably eighteen or twenty 
 inches in diameter, that was very nearly cut down with 
 canister shot and minnie balls, and the ground around it 
 was covered with dead men, it being on the lowest ground 
 the enemy had to advance over and where our batteries 
 and small arms had a full sweep on them. Those who 
 
159 
 
 were not very badly mutilated were swollen as long- as 
 they could swell. Their faces were nearly black and 
 their mouths, nose, eyes, hair and the mutilated parts 
 were full of mag-gfotsl 
 
 This is a horrible picture, but I know it is not over- 
 drawn. What an awful scent I It just makes me feel 
 bad to-day as I write about it. I know that hundreds, 
 and probably thousands, died for the want of attention. 
 There were many mothers deprived of kind, loving- hus- 
 bands ; their children were made fatherless ; their dar- 
 ling sons, whom they had nursed and dandled on their 
 knees while babes, and watched carefully over them 
 while children, and gave them good advice, praying to 
 the great God to spare them to return to them in peace, 
 lying on the cold ground in this horrible condition. 
 
 Oh I how I long to see the time come when the proph- 
 ecy in Isaiah will come to pass, second chapter and fourth 
 verse: "And He shall judge among the nations, and 
 shall rebuke many people: and they shall beat their 
 swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning 
 hooks. Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, 
 neither shall they learn war any more." 
 
 After the battle was over and the wounded very well 
 cared for and night had closed around us, one of our 
 bands began to play "The Dead March " just in the rear 
 of the "death angle." You could hardly ever hear a 
 man speak, and it seemed that we all wanted to shed 
 tears of real sorrow ; some that had lost relatives or dear 
 friends did have to wipe their eyes. When our band 
 ceased playing, one of the Union bands played "Nearer, 
 My God, to Thee ;" then our band began to play " The 
 Bonny Blue Flag," after which the Union band played 
 "The Star Spangled Banner;" then our band played 
 "Dixie Land," and the Union band finally struck up 
 "Home, Sweet Home;" this probably brought tears roll- 
 
160 
 
 ing' down many powder-blackened cheeks in botli armies. 
 
 When the Union band played " Star Spangled Banner" 
 we could hear their soldiers huzza, and when our band 
 struck up "Dixie" it looked like it cheered every man, 
 and we raised a yell ; but oh I how different when "Home, 
 Sweet Home," was played. It brought to our mind two 
 of the sweetest, dearest words in the English language 
 — Home and Mother. 
 
 Can any one, either Union or Confederate, ever forget 
 these historic times ? 
 
 We found the rear of theYankee column about four miles 
 from the field of battle, and they were moving towards 
 Lee's right. It was nearly dark. A heavy column of 
 them turned and came meeting us. We moved out about 
 100 yards from the road and lay down in ambush. We 
 kept very quiet and it was too dark for them to see us, 
 but they halted when they got to the part of the road 
 nearest where we were lying. Many of them were curs- 
 ing, and some shot towards us. We, privates, expected 
 to have to fire a volley into them and charge them, but 
 we did not. They soon all went back and we returned 
 to our command. 
 
 We rested two or three days and both armies seemed 
 quiet. Yankee prisoners afterwards told us that Grant 
 was waiting reinforcements and received forty-seven 
 thousand men. I suppose, he had lost that many in the 
 battles of the Wilderness ind Spotsylvania. 
 
i6i 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Th« Ba'CTi.eis OF North Anna and Cold Harbor. — 
 
 Skirmish Battle at Lynchburg. — A Visit 
 
 TO THE Natural Bridge and 
 
 Stonewall Jackson's 
 
 Graye. 
 
 After resting a few days General Grant started on a 
 flank movement, but we cut him off at North Anna 
 river and Hanover Junction and fortified. Grant did 
 not try to move us, but he tested the strength of some 
 parts of Lee's lines. A heavy skirmish battle was in 
 our front. Grant moved on to our right not far from 
 South Anna river and we had to cut him off again at a 
 place called "Turkey Ridge," near South Anna river. 
 Here while we were coming up and forming in line the 
 Yankee sharpshooters killed Sergeant J. A. J. Cruce, a 
 splendid man and excellent soldier. He had joined the 
 church just before the campaign opened. William 
 Kicklighter was also killed on the sharpshooter's line 
 of our brigade. "Billy" was an excellent soldier; also 
 John Self, of Company C, was killed. 
 
 The Thirty-eighth was sent out to run off the enemy's 
 sharpshooters and skirmish line. They did so and held 
 their position. 
 
 Grant made another flank movement and we had to 
 move a few miles further. We cut him off at Cold Har- 
 bor. Here our brigade was reinforced by the Twelfth 
 Georgia Battalion of seven companies. It was some- 
 thing over one thousand strong. They were excellent 
 soldiers and commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Henry 
 D. Capers. 
 
163 
 
 We built excellent earth-works and formed our lines. 
 About the last of May or the first of June Companies D 
 and H were put on skirmish with the Twelfth Georgia 
 Battalion and ordered to advance. We had a very heavy 
 skirmish line, for we were placed about two and one-half 
 spaces apart. We were afraid that the battalion would 
 not do its duty, for we saw that some of the companies 
 were about 160 strong, with a great many boys in them, 
 and they had a fine silk flag with the words "Fort Sump- 
 ter" on one side and "Battery Wagner" on the other. 
 They were also fixed up in better garb than wc were, and 
 some of our boys said that some of their of&cers looked 
 too proud and dudeish for soldiers, and they were afraid 
 they would give way and the enemy would flank us. 
 
 The skirmish line was commanded by their colonel, 
 Henry D. Capers, He was ordered to drive in the Yan- 
 kee skirmish line and find out the strength of their bat- 
 tle line. We advanced and soon saw that the battalion 
 boys kept in excellent line, and I have never seen better 
 behavior in ofi&cers or men. We soon found that they 
 "had no flies on them," and we had to do our best to do 
 as well as they did. 
 
 We advanced and soon found a very heavy skirmish 
 line, composed entirely of New York zouaves, who wore 
 red shirts, pants and caps, and blue coats trimmed in 
 red. They all seemed to be very large men and were 
 very hard to drive at first; but we kept advancing on 
 them till we got within about thirty yards of them. 
 They turned and fought us all the way back to their line 
 of battle; but they were poor marksmen, for they seldom 
 ever hurt one of our boys. We killed a good many of 
 them. We drove them through and out of a piece of 
 woods, through an open field, across a creek or branch 
 and up a hill. 
 
 I was a little in advance of the line, and went a little 
 
163 
 
 way up the hill. I saw a very strong- line of works and a 
 battery of several pieces of artillery. The skirmish line 
 was g-etting: over their works. While one was standing- 
 on their works in a daring- way, I fired at him, but I do 
 not know that I hurt him; but I do know that he fell 
 from the works. 
 
 I could see thousands of heads and guns and the can- 
 noneers in readiness, though no one shot at me. They 
 were probably holding the fire till more could come in 
 view. I was about one hundred and fifty yards from 
 their works. I went back down the hill and told Cap- 
 tain Kennedy what I saw, and begged him not to go 
 further up the hill, but he would go in spite of my 
 entreaties. 
 
 They saw him, and I am sure more than one thousand 
 guns fired at him. A peachtree that he was standing 
 under was shot to pieces and Captain Kennedy covered 
 up in the limbs. He came back looking very pale. I 
 went and asked him if he was hurt. He said, "No." 
 
 The Twelfth Georgia Battalion was on our left, and 
 did not have as good a hill for protection from the 
 enemy's works as we had, and they advanced to a more 
 exposed place, though not as near the enemy's line as 
 we were. Colonel Capers was in advance and leading 
 his men like a noble hero and commander. He was 
 severely wounded and carried off the field. This 
 seemed to us to be a calamity to the battalion and to the 
 army to lose such a commander. He was never able for 
 service again, and is now living at West Union, S. C, 
 and is one of the leading lawyers of the State. We 
 never had any doubts about the fighting qualities of the 
 ofB.cers and men of the Twelfth Georgia Battalion again. 
 They won the respect of the brigade at once. We had 
 accomplished what we were ordered to do — to find out if 
 the enemy had left our front — so we fell back some di»- 
 
164 
 
 tance. We had nearly exhausted our ammunition. We 
 were soon relieved and returned to the line. 
 
 In about two or three days our reg'iment was again 
 put on skirmish duty. The night was very dark, and I 
 was put on vidette duty. I had to advance about two 
 hundred yards in front of our skirmish line to find out 
 whether the enemy was moving or not.. I heard a Yan- 
 kee crawling in the leaves. I was by a large oak tree, 
 and remained very quiet. He came in a few feet of me, 
 but I could not see him and did not shoot at him. He 
 turned and crawled back. 
 
 The next day the skirmish line was in the thick woods 
 and not more than one hundred yards in advance of our 
 line of battle. We had good rifle pits about twenty-five 
 yards apart, with about five men placed in every pit. 
 We had a good line of works and plenty of artillery, 
 though our troops were so scarce till General Gordon's 
 division only had a half line in the works. The boys in 
 the pits had to keep firing to keep -the enemy from ad- 
 vancing near us. The pit that I and four others 
 were placed in was in an old road, which was an avenue 
 to the battery which we had driven the Zouaves in a few 
 days before. 
 
 We thought it was about one thousand yards to it, and 
 the avenue was about twenty feet wide, and there was 
 one limb projecting out a little further in the road than 
 the rest. We decided that if we would shoot about as 
 high as that limb we could pitch our balls just about to 
 the enemy's battery. Our orders were for every man to 
 shoot once in every five minutes, so, instead of shooting- 
 in the woods as we were ordered, we pitched our balls at 
 the battery. The enemy pretty soon opened fire on us 
 with their artillery and we got a terrible shelling. Our 
 batteries, right in our rear, replied, and we had to lie 
 very low. They cut a limb from a tree and it fell on 
 
165 
 
 Ziba Collins, of Company K, and hurt him, so lie had to 
 go to the rear. 
 
 We pitched our balls at them several times during- the 
 day and they would shell us every time. Our officers 
 found out what we were doing- and stopped us. On June 
 2nd there was heavy skirmishing on our right. The 
 next morning just at day Grant threw his force on I,ee's 
 Army at Cold Harbor where Lee and McClellan had 
 fought two years before. The battle raged severely for 
 about thirty minutes, then all ceased except picket 
 fighting. This was all on our right and mostly in Gen- 
 eral A. P. Hill's corps, though some of our division were 
 engaged. Our brigade expected it, for the enemy drove 
 in our skirmish line. Histories tell us that Grant lost 
 14,000 men in about thirty minutes. The Federal Gen- 
 eral, McMahone, says General Grant lost 10,000 men in 
 eight minutes in this charge on the morning of June 
 3rd, 1864, at Cold Harbor, while Lee's losses were but 
 little, if any, over one thousand. 
 
 On the 3rd there was heavy skirmishing in our front. 
 The 4th, 5th and 6th of June all was quiet. 
 
 Grant had lost about sixty-five thousand men in this 
 overland campaign or battle march of one month's time, 
 which was as many as Lee started with at the battle 
 of the Wilderness. 
 
 On the 10th of June a part of Ewell's corps (Gordon's 
 and Rhodes' divisions) was ordered to the rear of Lee's 
 army, where they went into quiet camps. The next day 
 we rested and washed our clothing. On the 12th we 
 cooked three day's rations and about 2 or 3 o'clock on 
 the morning of the 13th we started on the march with 
 General Early in command. 
 
 We marched hard all day, but we privates did not 
 know where we were going. We marched through the 
 battlefield where the Confederate and Union cavalry 
 
166 
 
 had fought at Travillion Station, about the 10th or 11th. 
 It looked to have been the hardest contested cavalry 
 battle I ever saw, from the amount of dead horses. We 
 had to march terribly hard for three days and arrived at 
 Charlottesville, Virginia, on the 16th. Gordon's divi- 
 sion was in the front; there were six trains of cars that 
 came for us. We boarded them and started for Lynch- 
 burg as fast as steam could carry us, leaving everything 
 but our guns and cartridge boxes, which were well filled- 
 and our other equipments. 
 
 We arrived at Lynchburg about sundown and marched 
 out at once. Many citizens met and told us that we 
 were just in time. Our of&cers hurriedly marched us 
 through and out of the town, about one-half mile, and 
 formed us in line of battle, and we fortified it. We 
 stopped the Union general. Hunter, from coming into 
 Lynchburg. We could see his camp fires. The cars 
 left as soon as we got off and went after Rhodes' divi- 
 sion and had them there the next morning by 8 o'clock. 
 
 We had brisk skirmishing during the day. On the 
 night of the I7th General Hunter began to retreat. The 
 next morning we took after him with a vim, though we 
 were not prepared to give him a good race, for our forage 
 and commissary trains, pot wagons, ambulances and the 
 of&cers' horses were all left behind, except the general's 
 staff ofScers' and couriers'. The colonels, majors and 
 doctors were all tramping like we privates, and they 
 soon had sore and skinned feet — ^yes, some of them strag" 
 gled. We privates were glad to see some of them in 
 that condition, especially those that had been tainted 
 with the "big head," and could .curse out some poori 
 sick, bare-footed, broken-down private if he could not 
 keep in his place on the line of march. 
 
 We ran Hunter to the North or Alleghany mountains. 
 Our cavalry captured some of his wagons and artillery 
 
167 
 
 and cut down a great many. Hunter spiked the rest of 
 his cannons and left them, and made good his escape to- 
 wards Charlestown, "W. Va. 
 
 On the march after Hunter we found a Union soldier 
 who had been mixed up with a bee hive, and it appeared 
 that the bees had gotten the better of him. His face 
 was swollen till his eyes were completely closed and the 
 poor fellow appeared to be very sick. Some of our boys 
 cursed him for a thief, for they thought he had stolen 
 the hive; but no one hurt him. 
 
 After getting Hunter across the mountains of West 
 Virginia, and his cannons captured or spiked, we re- 
 turned to the valley turnpike road and rested for a few 
 hours, till our wagon trains could arrive. We drew and 
 cooked rations and took the valley turnpike for Staunton, 
 Va. It was very warm weather, but we got along finely. 
 We would march two miles and rest ten minutes. We 
 would always start very early in the morning and rest 
 a long while at noon. We all felt better than we dii 
 when we had to face Grant's army almost every day, and 
 sleep at night with gun in hand. 
 
 One day we found General Gordon stopped at a fork in 
 the road. He told us that the right hand road crossed 
 over the great natural bridge, one of the wonders of the 
 world, and all that wished to see the bridge could go 
 that way, that it was but three miles out of the way and 
 that we would not have to march very far that day, and 
 we would have time to go by and rest one hour at the 
 bridge. He said that he was going by it. Nearly all of 
 our regiment went to see the bridge. 
 
 The bridge is where a prong of the James river runs 
 iiirough a high hill, and the road is situated on the top 
 of the hill, with a good slope each way. You could 
 cross pver the bridge and not know that the waters of a 
 bold little river was dashing over the rocks 200 feet below. 
 
168 ' 
 
 I went to the edge and looked down, but I drew back 
 quickly. It made me right nervous. We went around 
 and down to the water and under the bridge, and took a 
 good view of it. The walls are about seventy-five feet 
 apart and are smooth lime rock with no veins in them. 
 The walls and arch overhead all seem to be one piece of 
 solid rock. The arch is about 100 feet wide and about 
 forty or fifty feet thick, and is covered with soil on which 
 grows grass, trees and bushes. 
 
 I had read about how George Washington and other 
 great men had climbed these walls and cut their names 
 in the Tock ; but I think it must be fiction, for I could 
 not find them. No brick or stone mason could build 
 such a bridge as this. We all felt well paid for our trip. 
 
 On the march we had to pass Lexington, Va. Here 
 the Virginia Military Institute had been located, and it 
 looked like it had been a very fine place ; but Hunter 
 had burned it out. I have never seen a finer parade and 
 drill ground. 
 
 Lexington had been the home of Stonewall Jackson, 
 and in the Lexing-ton cemetery was where he was buried. 
 We marched by our much- beloved old commander's grave, 
 which was covered with beautiful flowers that had been 
 put there by the fair ladies of Lexington. I saw strong 
 men and officers, who did not flinch in the fiercest bat- 
 tles, shedding tears. We marched by the grave with 
 heads uncovered at reverse, trail arms, every one making 
 a bow at the grave. 
 
 Lexington is one of the prettiest towns in Virginia, 
 and is a place noted for good women and pretty girls. I 
 never saw more kindness shown poor, dirty, footsore 
 soldiers. They had large tubs of buttermilk, bread, 
 pies, cakes, and all kinds of baked meats, tjiere in abun- 
 dance, perfectly free for the soldiers, on tables in .the 
 street by the sidewalks. It seemed that they wished to 
 
show their appreciation of their friend and fellow-citi- 
 zen's (Stonewall Jackson's) old command. I never saw 
 prettier girls. How I did want a nice suit of clean 
 clothes and permission to stop with them a week or two. 
 Well, to tell the truth, I love them yet. They could 
 hand us so many nice things to eat as we marched along! 
 I hope God has blessed them. They were dressed like 
 queens and they treated us like kings and princes. They 
 did not want any more Yankees in their town, especially 
 those that loved the torch, like General Hunter. Their 
 tender hearts were full of old Virginia patriotism. 
 
 We went on to Staunton and rested a part of one day, 
 drew clothing and shoes, and everything was put in 
 readiness. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Bamlbs op Maryi,and H:eiGHTS, MoNOCACY, March 
 •to Washington and Skirmish Batti^bs — 'Rh- 
 
 TURN TO THB ValI^EY OF VIRGINIA. 
 
 On the morning of the 28th of June, 1864, we started 
 down the valley by the way of Harrisburg, Va., New 
 Market, Mount Jackson, Woodstock, Fisher's Hill, Stras- 
 burg, Middletown and arrived at Winchester on the 2nd 
 of July. At Middletown the Yankees had burned a 
 great many houses that were owned by the best South- 
 erners, among them the city ministers. At Winchester 
 the great Shenandoah valley widens out, and General 
 Early divided his corps and marched on different roads. 
 Early went to Harper's Ferry with part of his men, and 
 captured it, with a great deal of army stores. The 
 gallant General Gordon was in command of the rest of 
 the corps, and went directly to Martinsburg, W. Va. 
 
170 
 
 Martinsburg' is a beautiful town situated on the Balti- 
 more and Ohio railroad, and was one of the strong'est 
 Union towns I ever saw, while Winchester was one of 
 the strongest Confederate towns in the South, and the 
 two towns are only twenty-two miles apart. We arrived 
 at Martinsburg before night, and ran General Sigel off 
 and captured the town, with a considerable quantity of 
 army stores. Sigel retreated across the Potomac at 
 Shepherdstown to his strongholds on the Maryland 
 Heights. 
 
 We burned the railroad bridge across the Opequon 
 river and destroyed some of the Baltimore and Ohio 
 railroad. We then went to Duffie's Depot, where we 
 rested a few hours. Five companies of the Thirty- 
 eighth Georgia Regiment were left at Martinsburg to 
 guard the army stores we had captured. 
 
 On July 5th we crossed the Potomac at Shepherds- 
 town into Maryland. We crossed Antietam creek, and 
 on the 6th Gordon's division drove the enemy into their 
 works on the Maryland Heights. Here we drew plenty 
 of good shoes, of which we were in great need. 
 
 The Yankees shelled us severely from the Heights, 
 killing and wounding some in the brigade. None of 
 Company D got seriously hurt. I got my leg considera- 
 bly bruised with a piece of shell, which partially crippled 
 me. But I kept my place on the march. 
 
 On the morning of the 8th we marched through South 
 Mountain, at Fox Gap, to Frederick City, Md. Here we 
 found a large force of Yankees commanded by General 
 Lew Wallace, who retreated across Monocacy river and 
 took a position in a road leading towards Washington. 
 McCausland's brigade of cavalry crossed the river in 
 pursuit and raised a row with them. 
 
 Evans' brigade crossed the river, formed in line and 
 advanced on their position about three-quarters of a mile 
 
171 
 
 througli an open field. Wallace's men were well posted 
 in a road that was washed out and graded till it was as 
 fine breast works as I ever saw. Here our brigade suf- 
 fered as bad as it ever did in battle for the amount of men 
 and the length of time engaged, especially the Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiment and the Twelfth Georgia Battalion. 
 General Evans was shot off his horse in the charge, the 
 ball passing through his body. 
 
 We advanced to within thirty yards of the line of Yan- 
 kees, but we would have had to fall back, for our men 
 were killed and wounded until we did not have but a 
 mere skirmish line. If it had not been that Hay's Lou- 
 isiana Brigade crossed over the river and formed a line- 
 on our left and flanked the Yankees out of their position, 
 we would have suffered worse than we did. It made our 
 hearts ache to look over the battle-field and see so many 
 of our dear friends, comrades and beloved officers, killed 
 and wounded. Our loss was terrible, while the Yankees 
 lost but few. I only saw three dead Union soldiers and 
 I did not see one that was wounded, though I did not go 
 over the field. We could not see a Yankee on our part 
 of the line during the whole advance. All that we could 
 shoot at was the smoke of their guns, they were so well 
 posted. It was called our victory, but it was a costly 
 one, for it cost Evans' Brigade over five-hundred men, in 
 wounded and killed. It was said that it was raw troops 
 that we were fighting, but I never saw old soldiers shoot 
 better. The Sixty-first Georgia Regiment went into the 
 battle with nearly one hundred and fifty men, and after 
 the battle was over we could not stack but fifty-two 
 guns by actual count. 
 
 Our beloved Colonel J. H. Lamar and Lieutenant Col- 
 onel J. D. Van Valkinburg (the hero of the wilderness) 
 were both killed on the field. We truly mourned the 
 loss of these good men and noble Christian commanderg. 
 
172 
 
 Colonel Lamar was quite a young man and a military 
 graduate, and was very profane when tlie war begun, 
 but thank Godl I hope and believe that he died a Chris- 
 tian. He had joined the church .and often led in the 
 prayer service at divine worship. His life seemed to be 
 the life of the humble followers of Christ. 
 
 It looked like half of the Twelfth Georgia Battalion 
 were killed or wounded. Company D had the sad mis- 
 fortune of getting I/ieutenant James Mincy severely 
 wounded. He was carrying our battle flag. He had 
 picked it up after the fifth man had been shot down 
 while carrying it in this battle and he was likewise 
 shot down at once. He had already been wounded at 
 Manassas and severely wounded at Gettysburg. Here 
 he was shot through the left lung, the ball just missing 
 his back bone. Bloody froth from his lungs would come 
 out of his mouth and nose, and in the front and back 
 where the ball passed through. He has since told me 
 that the Yankee doctors drew a silk handkerchief 
 through him and treated him very kindly. 
 
 He had a strong constitution as well as an iron will. 
 He was a very fine man and was as brave as could be 
 and we all loved him and mourned his loss. We had 
 but little hope of ever seeing him again. He was an 
 orphan boy. 
 
 James J. Hendrix, of Company D, was also severely 
 wounded, and many others of the regiment, that you 
 can find in our causalities in the back of this book. 
 
 Here I saw one of Company A of our regiment, 
 Thomas Nichols, (though no relative of mine) with 
 his brains shot out. When I saw him he was sitting up 
 and wiping his brains from his temple with his hand. 
 I went to try to render him some assistance and did so 
 by giving him some water. He seemed to have some 
 mind, for ha said he wanted to go back to Virginia and 
 
173 
 
 g-et a horse and try to g-et home and never to cross the 
 Potomac again. He lived twelve hours before death 
 came to his relief. 
 
 In this battle the noble Colonel J. H. Baker, of the 
 Thirteenth Georgia Reg'iment, was also wounded. 
 
 Captain W. H. Harrison, Company E, Thirty-first 
 Georgia Reg'iment, was severely wounded while leading' 
 his company so bravely. He was left at Frederick City 
 a prisoner. 
 
 The Thirty-eighth Georg-ia Regiment only had five 
 companies, the rest being left at Mar'uinsburg, W. Va. 
 It lost five killed and thirty wounded. I suppose it, our 
 regiment and the Twelfth Georgia Battalion was a fair 
 averagfe of the casualties of the brigade. I heard a 
 member of the Twenty-sixth Georgia Regiment say that 
 a Yankee shot at them from behind a shock of wheat, 
 and that several of his regiment shot at the shock of 
 wheat and they hit the Yankee with eig'hteen balls. 
 
 We camped on the battle-field, drew and cooked 
 rations and left early the next morning (July 10th). 
 We took the road leading directly to Washington City, 
 with McCausland's cavalry in front. It was extremely 
 hot, dry, dusty weather. We camped near Rockville, 
 and were started by daylig'ht next morning'. It was one 
 of the hottest days I ever felt. It had not rained for 
 several weeks and we could not get but little water on 
 the road. We were enveloped in clouds of dust and a 
 great many of our dear boys fell by the roadside from 
 exhaustion and we had several sun-strokes, but we pulled 
 on the best we could. 
 
 When we got in sight of Washington City they began 
 to shell us from Fort Stephens and other forts. We 
 formed in line, deployed skirmishers and advanced till 
 we got near the fortifications. Some of our skirmish 
 line had a fight with the enemy in Montgomery Blair's 
 
yard. We privates wanted to charge and take the city, 
 and we wanted to capture "Uncle Abe." I suppose it ia 
 a good thing that we did not capture the city, for I feel 
 sure that we would have burnt it, for we had marched, 
 fought and seen so much hardship at the enemy's hands, 
 and so much depredation — in burning houses, barns, etc., 
 in our own country, till I fear we would have burnt it in 
 retaliation. We could see church steeples and the dome 
 of the capitol building, and could hear the city clocks 
 strike. 
 
 We could see clouds of dust rising and it was said to 
 be troops coming up from Grant's army to reinforce the 
 troops at Washington. We lay around all day (the 12th) 
 and skirmished, and pretended like we would charge the 
 enemy's works till night, when we left, unmolested, on 
 our way back to Virginia. We returned by the way of 
 Rockville. Here two of our boys were out trying to get 
 some water — it was William Alderman and Sam Turner. 
 The Union cavalry rode up in a run and captured Tur- 
 ner. I must say a few words about him. I was never 
 acquainted with what you could call a better man. He 
 was our company's commissary up to this time. He was 
 brave, honest and truthful, and almost as kind and ten- 
 der hearted as a lady, and an excellent cook. 
 
 I never heard him speak a profane or vulgar word. 
 War is the place to try men's souls, principles and hon- 
 esty. But Sam had all of these essential qualifications, 
 and was a perfect gentleman. Alderman ran out with 
 the Yankees halting and shooting at him. 
 
 From Rockville we went by Poolsville and crossed the 
 Potomac river at White's ford, on the east side of the 
 Blue Ridge mountains, into Virginia, on the morning of 
 the 14th, bringing all the prisoners we had captured, 
 and everything else in perfect safety. Our cavalry had 
 captured a great many cattle and horses. The Union 
 
175 
 
 cavalry followed in close pursuit, and the Confederate 
 and Union cavalries had a brisk battle before we crossed 
 the river. In the evening- our batteries and the Yankee 
 batteries had a battery duel across the Potomac river. 
 
 We were all glad to get back to Dixie land, for we 
 never loved to cross the Potomac, going- north. 
 
 We rested all day, in good shades, on the I5th, and it 
 was the second day we had rested all day since we had 
 left winter quarters, on the 4th of May. Our ofi&cers 
 aid we had averaged marching twenty-seven miles per 
 day since we left General Lee and started on the valley 
 campaign. We would often have nothing to eat but 
 green corn roasted in the ashes. We left General I,ee 
 near Richmond on June 13th. On the march we had 
 gone by the way of Charlottsville, Lynchburg, Salem, 
 Natural Bridge, Lexington, Staunton, Harrisburg, New- 
 market, Mt. Jackson, Woodstock, Fisher's Hill, Stras- 
 burg, Middletown, Kernstown, Winchester, Bunker Hill 
 Springs, Dartsville, Martinsburg, Duffle's Depot and 
 Shepherdstown, in Virginia, and Sharpsburg, Frederick 
 City and Rockville to Washington City, and back by 
 Rockville and Poolsville, in Maryland. We had marched 
 all of this route in one month and one day's time. We 
 had fought four battles and marched 850 miles. 
 
 On the morning of the 16th we retreated back into 
 the valley through Snicker's Gap, in the Blue Ridge 
 Mountains. The Yankees were in pursuit and captured 
 some of our wagons, but were driven off by another 
 division of our troops. 
 
 We crossed the Shenandoah river July the 18th. The 
 Yankees had crossed the Blue Ridge at Snicker's Gap 
 behind us, and crossed the Shenandoah river below us. 
 They advanced up the river on us with a heavy force. 
 Gordon's division fronted them and held them in check, 
 ■while Rhode's division flanked them. We advanced oti 
 
176 
 
 them and drove them back in great confusion, killing 
 and wounding' many of them and capturing- a great 
 many prisoners. Our loss was slight. 
 
 On the l^th we skirmished with them all day across 
 the river with but little loss to us. On the night of the 
 19th we started to fall back. It was reported that there 
 was a flanking party of Yankees sent out from Martins- 
 burg, which was true. We fell back to New Town. 
 Ramsuer's division had a hard fight with the enemy at 
 Stephenson's Depot. 
 
 Our sick and wounded were sent to Strasburg. 
 
 Early's entire command reached Strasburg on the 
 22nd. We rested the next day and washed our clothes 
 the best we could in Cedar Creek, and had to put them 
 on wet, for we had no more. 
 
 On the 34th we started back to Winchester and found 
 the enemy posted for us in full force at Kernstown. 
 Here General Breckinridge flanked the enemy on our 
 right and stampeded their left wing. We advanced and 
 the rout became general. We pursued them through 
 Winchester to Stephenson's Depot and camped after 
 dark. 
 
 On the morning of the 2Sth we moved out early to 
 Bunker Hill Springs, twelve miles from Winchester, and 
 rested the remainder of the day. The enemy retreated 
 in great confusion with our cavalry after them. They 
 never stopped till they reached Maryland Heights. The 
 road was strewn with caisson boxes, wagons, ambu- 
 lances and old broken-down horses that were killed and 
 left in the road. The wagons were cut down and some 
 of them were burnt. 
 
 We went to Martinsburg on the 26th and tore up the 
 railroad the remainder of that day and the next, and 
 burnt the new bridge across the Opequon river. Gen- 
 eral EJarly went with the rest of his corps to Williama- 
 
177 
 
 port on the Potomac. He sent Rliode's division across 
 tlie Potomac rirer with General McCausland's brig-ade 
 of calvary and sent the cavalry to burn Chambersburg, 
 Penn., which he did in retaliation of Hunter's and 
 Crook's depredations in the valley of Virg-inia, in burn- 
 ing houses, barns and parts of towns. It seemed to me 
 that this should have been beneath the dignity of either 
 side. It did not seem right for a great Christian, civil- 
 ized nation to stoop so low down in heathenism as to 
 burn non-combatant's houses and their contents and turn 
 innocent women and children out with nothing to eat, 
 no bed but the cold ground and no shelter but the skies 
 of heaven. I can't think that a great big Christian 
 heart, full of the love of God, would do or command such 
 a thing, yet this was Hunter's and Crook's tactics and 
 Early's retaliation. 
 
 On the 31st we marched back to Bunker Hill Springs, 
 where we rested the 1st, 2nd and 3rd of August, with a 
 large detail out threshing wheat and having it ground. 
 
 This is such a beautiful spring, and it made such a 
 lasting impression on my mind, I wish to describe its 
 beauty to the readers of this little history. They boil 
 up from four to six inches high in a little sink or pond 
 which covers about two acres of ground. The bottom of 
 the sink is covered with lime rocks and the water boils 
 up through holes in the rocks from two to six inches in 
 diameter. There seems to be several hundred places 
 through which the water boils. 
 
 The spring is surrounded by a few little hills, and the 
 water was so cold till it made our teeth ache to drink it. 
 The spring is the head of a bold little stream, on v/hich 
 there was a fine mill about five hundred yards below the 
 spring. The building was made of stone, and was 
 about one hundred feet square, three stories high and 
 iiad fourteen sets of runners on the first floor. 
 
178 
 
 General Uarly kept these mills busy grinding the 
 wheat he had threshed, and I think the flour was the 
 best I have ever seen. The mill was situated in the 
 lower valley of Virginia, and was in the finest wheat 
 country I ever saw. 
 
 On the 4th we marched back to the Potomac and 
 crossed the river at Shepherdstown on the 5th and took 
 position at Sharpsburg, near the Maryland Heights. 
 We recrossed the Potomac August 6th and marched back 
 to Bunker Hill Springs on the 7th, and rested on the 8th 
 and 9th. 
 
 On the 10th we moved to the southeast of Winchester 
 to guard the Berryville road. The Union cavalry ad- 
 vanced on us at New Town on the 11th, and we had a 
 very heavy skirmish battle. We fell back to Hupp's 
 Hill, between Strasburg and Cedar Creek, on the 12th 
 a.nd beg-an to fortify. In the afternoon we fell back to 
 Fisher's Hill and again began to fortify. 
 
 Grant had given General Sheridan the command of 
 the Union army in the valley, and he reconnoitered our 
 position for several days, during which time we had 
 three or four heavy skirmish battles without much loss 
 to either side. In one of these battles Dr. Price, assist- 
 ant surgeon of the Thirty-eighth Georgia Regiment, 
 was killed while riding up and down our skirmish line. 
 He had no business there and was doing us no good, and 
 he made an excellent target for the enemy to shoot at. 
 I heard brave officers and men say that he acted more 
 like a fool than a brave man. 
 
 Near Fisher's Hill are two mountains — the Three 
 Tops mountain and Little North mountain — and a bold 
 creek runs from the foot of Little North mountain across 
 the valley and malces its way into the Shenandoah river 
 at the foot of Three Tops mountain. 
 
 Fisher's Hill is situated on the south side of a creek, 
 
179 
 
 and is a very strong- natural position, and we had it well 
 fortified. The Three Tops mountain rises almost ab- 
 ruptly from the Shenandoah river and forms a high peak 
 which overlooked the Shenandoah valley, Luray valley 
 and Sheridan's and Early's positions. Early had a signal 
 station on this peak, and Sheridan sent a force of men 
 up there who drove our signal corps off. Then General 
 Gordon sent Captain Keller's company of sharp-shooters 
 up there and recaptured it. This company was a picked 
 volunteer company, and was composed of some of the 
 best *' stufE " in our brigade. 
 
 Corporal Eli Martin and Private Alfred Kicklighter, 
 two extra fine soldiers of Company D, had joined it, and 
 in the fight above mentioned Martin was severely, woun- 
 ded in the leg, and had to rstire from service. Our com- 
 pany often volunteered to go with that company on a 
 skirmish fight. 
 
 The Yankees fell back on the night of the 16th, and 
 we followed them on the l7th, and had a fight with their 
 cavalry near Winchester. We drove them back across 
 the Opequon river. 
 
 On the 19th, we again moved to Bunker Hill Springs. 
 
 On the 20th, we had a general move. Gordon's divi- 
 sion went on a flank move and struck the Yankees in 
 heavy force near Charlestown, W. Va. We had very 
 heavy skirmishing, which continued till night. The 
 next morning the enemy had all left our front. We fol- 
 lowed them the next day and drove their cavalry through 
 Charlestown to a very strong position near Maryland 
 Heights and Harper's Perry, where they were under 
 protection of their heavy guns. 
 
 On the morning of the 25th of August, General Early 
 left some of hia troops fronting Sheridan, and moved 
 with the rest of his command to near Shepherdstown, 
 oatba Potomac, passing through the villages of L(e«- 
 
town and Kearneysville. We met a large force of Sheri- 
 dan's cavalry and a supply train of several days' rations. 
 They had started on an expedition in our rear. We had 
 a sharp engfagement with heavy losses to the enemy 
 while our losses were not so heavy. 
 
 Our beloved General Gordon was wounded in the fore- 
 head, over his right eye, by a piece of shell or ball 
 from a loaded shell. He was in front of our skirmish 
 line when he received the wound. The general turned 
 his horse and rode back slowly, and his wound seemed to 
 be bleeding very freely. 
 
 I ran to him and asked him if he was badly hurt and 
 if he needed any assistance. He said that he did not 
 think he was hurt very much and that he could get 
 along very well. He went to the rear, had it dressed, 
 and was back in about thirty minutes. 
 
 We succeeded in cutting off their retreat at Shep- 
 herdstown. They went below and crossed the Potomac 
 into Maryland. 
 
 On the 26th we moved back to Leetown, and to 
 Bunker Hill Springs the next day, leaving our cav- 
 alry at Shepherdstown and Leetown. On the 29th 
 the enemy's cavalry crossed the Opequon river and 
 drove in our cavalry. We advanced and drove them 
 bac/e across the river. We had a sharp artillery duel 
 across the river. Everything was quiet on the 30th 
 and 31st. 
 
 On the 2nd of September we moved back across the 
 Opequon river and again had to fight the cavalry. 
 Rhodes' division had a battle between Martinsburg and 
 Bunker Hill Springs. The next day Early went with 
 the most of his corps to Whitepost and Berryville. He 
 had a severe battle down there, but our division was not 
 engaged, for we had been left at Stephenson's Depot to 
 cover the roads to Winchester and BerryvjLlle, 
 
181 
 
 On tke 6tli ttie enemy's cavalry made heavy deiiiou- 
 strations at us on the Martinsburg road and Opequon 
 river. We whipped them out and ran them off. 
 
 On the 10th of September we again had to fight the 
 Union cavalry at Bunker Hill Springs and Darksville. 
 We succeeded in driving them back. 
 
 On the 11th we returned ,to Stephenson's Depot and 
 rested the next day. 
 
 On the 13th a large force of cavalry, supported by 
 artillery and infantry, advanced on us from Summit 
 Point. We met them at Smithville, and after having a 
 severe little battle, drove them off again. Here William 
 Jackson of Company I was killed. 
 
 The 14th, ISth and 16th all were quiet. Gordon's 
 division went to Martinsburg and ran off some cavalry 
 and again burned the railroad bridge across the Opequon 
 river. While in Martinsburg we heard from citizens 
 and newspapers that Grant had sent up large reinforce- 
 ments from Richmond and Petersburg to Sheridan. It 
 was also reported that Grant himself had come up and 
 was with Sheridan at Charlestown. This made us, pri- 
 vate soldiers, feel very bad, for we knew if it were true, 
 we would soon have trouble. 
 
 On the 18th we fell back a few miles and camped in a 
 nice piece of woods. We had a heavy rain in the after- 
 noon. We had to get water out of an old staunch Union 
 citizen's well, and he was very much opposed to our get- 
 ting the water. General Evans rode up and asked the 
 old man if he could have his headquarters at his house. 
 General Evans had just returned from the hospital, 
 where his severe wound had been treated, and was not 
 yet recovered, and the ground was wet. 
 
 The old gentleman replied: "I have no shelter for no 
 d-d Rebel." 
 
182 
 
 The noble general replied: "All right, I suppose I 
 can make out." 
 
 Yet he wanted to protect the old man, and he said : 
 "Old man, you had better let me station a guard at your 
 house to protect you and your property. " 
 
 "I can protect my own property," said the old citizen. 
 
 "Yes, but my men might kill your sheep." (The old 
 gentleman had a fine bunch in his pasture, near the 
 house.) 
 
 "The d — d Rebels are welcome to all the sheep they 
 can catch. I will guard my own place." 
 
 General Evans said: "Well, if my men kill all of your 
 sheep, I will not punish them for it." 
 
 (Some of Company D heard this conversation.) There 
 were only three sheep left in his pasture the next morn- 
 ing. I admire brave men, but I never could admire this 
 old man's judgment. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 BA'I^TI,BS OF WmCHSSTER AND Fisher's Hili,. Sheri- 
 dan's ' 'Burn Out" in The Vai,i,ey. 
 
 On the morning of the 19th of Septtember, 1864, we 
 started very early to fall back to Stephenson's Depot, where 
 the rest of General Early's command was. We marched 
 several miles with quick-step and began to see that 
 something was wrong, for we would march a short piece 
 and stop. The couriers and staff officers were in a stir, 
 riding at rapid gaits carrying orders. Our wagons and 
 artillery were being moved as fast and cautiously as pos- 
 sible. We would march a short piece and have to wait 
 for the wagons to move on. 
 
183 
 
 Evans' brig-ade was marched out about a quarter of a 
 mile on the left of the road and we privates knew that 
 trouble was up. We had to march through open fields, 
 woods, etc., along- with the wag-on trains, which had to 
 keep the road. We marched here in order to protect 
 them. Four other men and I were sent about one hun- 
 dred yards to the left of Evans' lines and had to march 
 along for sometime to look for the Yankees. 
 
 We could hear heavy cannonading on our left front. 
 We five walked up on a line of Yankees lying down in 
 thick high clover. We were in ten paces of them before 
 we saw them. They raised up and captured us and 
 made a dash on our brigade. They fired a volley into 
 and charged it, and threw our men into considerable con- 
 fusion. It was the first time that our brigade had ever 
 retreated without orders. 
 ' The front Yankee line followed Evans' retreating men. 
 
 The Yankees paid but little attention to us— only told 
 us to go to the rear and we would be taken care of. 
 
 Along came the second or reserve line and we had not 
 thrown down our guns, so a little Dutch officer of one of 
 the Maine regiments ran up to me and said: "You dosh 
 throw town your cun." He jerked it away from me. It 
 was a very -fine one and I had had it nearly two years, 
 and had shot about eight hundred rounds at the Yankees 
 with it.. The officer saw that it was a fine gun and said: 
 "Here, Yokup — here dosh be one d — d fine cun, an you 
 dosh trow town your old von, and take the good von." 
 He then told us to go to the rear, but sent no guards with 
 us. He asked us what brigade we belonged to. I told 
 him Gordon's old brigade. He halloed out to his men : 
 "Gordon's brigade is retreating; let us press it." They 
 all went ahead and left us prisoners standing there. 
 
 The other men went on to the rear and I stood looking 
 at our retreating men, with the Yankees following^ them 
 
'•- 184 
 
 ■with two lines of battle. I felt like I had about as soon 
 die as to go to prison. I was in a terrible strait, for I 
 knew it was only Evans' brigade retreating. I was sat- 
 isfied that our boys would rally when they got in proper 
 shape to do so. I knew that the rest of our division was 
 not more than 500 yards away, marching by the side of 
 our wagon trains. So I decided to risk consequences and 
 take chances, and follow on behind the reserve line of 
 Yankees. I was satisfied that our men would send the 
 Yankees back faster than they were advancing, yet they 
 all seemed very resolute and determined to go ahead. 
 I have never seen prettier lines than they had or advanc- 
 ing in better order. 
 
 I followed about fifty yards in their rear. There were 
 a few of our men killed and wounded all along. There 
 was a good sized hill between the Yankees and the road 
 where our men were traveling. By this time our men 
 had all gone over the hill and the Yankees were follow- 
 ing, rising and going over the hill, and the battle soon 
 opened in earnest. General Battle's Alabama Brigade 
 and the first line of Yankees seemed to make it very in- 
 teresting, having a terrible battle. 
 
 Some of our artillery had gotten into position and were 
 throwing grape and canister shot into the Yankee line 
 at a rapid rate. By this time the reserve line of the 
 enemy had gotten to near the top of the hill. Their of- 
 ficers commanded them to lie down, which they did, and 
 it paid them to do so, for our grape and canister shot 
 were flying like hail just over their heads. 
 
 I saw that none of them were paying any attention to 
 me, so I walked up and lay down, about twenty yards in 
 their rear, like I was dead. 
 
 By this time the front line of Yankees had a decent 
 whipping put on them and they were retreating in a 
 run, badly confused, and the fighting- seemed to cease. 
 
185 
 
 I heard one of the Yankee officers say, "the Rebs are 
 flanking- us on the left." I turned my head and looked 
 up the valley about 600 yards away and could see our 
 men swinging- around them in excellent order at right 
 shoulder, shift arms; their guns shining in the morn- 
 ing sun like silTer. 
 
 I felt then that if I could act dead I would soon be 
 back with the Confederates, and I suppose I did it very 
 well. 
 
 I could hear our men coming over ths hill, the officers 
 commanding — forward — forward — forward. And along 
 came the front line of Yankees into the reserve line. 
 The Union officer in command of the reserve line com- 
 manded them to fall back. 
 
 They jumped up and ran right over me. I had my 
 legs, hands, head and arms all arranged to make them 
 believe that I was dead, and they all had enough re- 
 spect to not trample on the dead, as they supposed, 
 
 I could hear our men just over the little sharp hill, 
 coming. When I knew that all of the Yankees had 
 passed over me I was so elated till I raised up and 
 thanked God for my success. The two lines of Yankees 
 were all mixed up and running for dear life. Just then 
 there was no shooting on this part of the line, but I 
 knew there would be soon, so I laid down again. 
 
 The Yankees jumped over a ditch of pure spring 
 water and were rising the next hill, 
 
 I heard our men very close by, and heard a few guns 
 fire. All at once our men got to the top of the hill and 
 in full view of the retreating Yankees. And I have 
 never seen such a deadly volley fired as those noble Ala- 
 bamians fired at the retreating enemy. It was so terri- 
 ble that it really looked sickening. It seemed that the 
 first volley cut down half of their line. Our men went 
 on with a yell, and some of the Yankees acted bravely, 
 
for they stopped and shot back at the Confederates. 
 Among the bravest was their color-bearer. He stopped, 
 drew his pistol and emptied it at the advancing- Confed- 
 erates, and he did this walking backwards. 
 
 This was a very hilly place, and I was between two 
 fires, the balls passing me from each way, but none 
 touched me. Our men went on after the retreating Yan- 
 kees and I went to the line of dead and wounded Yan- 
 kees. Ohl such lamentations and cries for water. Many 
 of them were in a few feet of nice spring- water, but 
 were not able to get it. They called me and said, 
 "Johnny Reb, for God's sake give me some water," or, 
 "Do, Johnny, give me some water." I had the pleasure 
 of devoting about thirty minutes to giving those 
 wounded Yankees water. I would fill their canteens 
 with water and give it to them. Several died while I 
 was there. Our litter corps came to their assistance. 
 
 I got one of their guns and found a silver fork in a 
 haver-sack that had been thrown down, with the name 
 Herbert engraved in the handle. 
 
 I went to hunt the brigade, and found it and Company 
 D in about fifteen minutes, all resting quietly in line of 
 battle ready for another fray. When I walked up the 
 boys gathered around me and seemed so proud that I 
 had gotten away. I told them the story of my escape, 
 and I well remember a remark that Sergeant Lum Bass, 
 of Company A of our regiment, made. He said : "Boys^ 
 I'll be d — d if Nichols is not the smartest general on the 
 field, for he has out-generaled the Yankees, and I'll be 
 d — d if General Early has done it." 
 
 Some of our regiment were killed and wounded. Our 
 color-bearer was shot down, and that noble Christian, 
 Sergeant Henry Hatcher, of Company F, from Quitman 
 county, Georgia, picked up our flag and carried it only 
 a few steps when he was likewise shot dead. We all ■ 
 
' 187 
 
 loved Sergeant Hatcher, for he was such a noble Christ- 
 ian man, and could pray so fervently. He crossed over 
 the river into the g'reat beyond, and I feel sure that he 
 met a happy reception and received a crown of life 
 where there are no more wars. 
 
 Our noble lieutenant, S. L. Williams, picked up the 
 flag and carried it through. Lieutenant Simon never 
 backed down from duty. 
 
 I hate to have to write any more about the balance of 
 this day's work, but I must do it, and will tell the truth 
 as I saw it. 
 
 Our wagons and artillery got back to a safe position. 
 We soon fell back to a new line nearer Winchester and 
 made connections with the balance of Early's command. 
 Here the fighting began on our right, south of Win- 
 chester. It was a desperate battle and soon became 
 general all along the line. Late in the evening we found 
 that the Yankees were driving Rhodes' division, which 
 was on our right, and the cavalry made a heavy charge 
 on one of our brigades on the Martinsburg road on our 
 left, and surrounded it about three to one. It formed a 
 hollow-square and fought its way out with some loss. 
 
 Evans' brigade and the balance of Gordon's division 
 held their ground all right, though we were soon ordered 
 to fall back, which we did in perfect order. Generals 
 Gordon and Evans riding along the line, keeping every- 
 thing in perfect order. We fought as we fell back about 
 one or two miles, till we got in sight of Winchester. 
 We were rising a hill with the Yankees advancing onus 
 about 150 yards in the rear. 
 
 A ball struck me on the back of the thigh, which 
 made me fall to my knees, but I got up again. Captain 
 Kennedy ran to me and asked if I was hurt. I told him 
 that I was. He looked and said that the ball had not 
 gone in. I suppose it had struck the ground, bounced 
 
188 
 
 and had struck me sideways. I could not bear any 
 weight on my foot, so Captain Kennedy helped me along 
 for some distance. He helped me to the line and told me 
 to get out if I could. I used my gun for a crutch and 
 got along somehow on my gun-crutch and one foot in 
 a storm of balls. 
 
 Jack Collins, of Company K, received a severe wound 
 in his foot and he too, was using his gun for a crutch. 
 
 While we were rising the hill a ball cut a strip out of 
 my hat, which was on my head. It cut my hair and 
 addled me so much I fell to my knees again, but soon 
 got up, with the balls flying thick and fast around me. 
 I was in a confused, addled condition, and went on. By 
 this time our line was near me and took position in some 
 old breastworks on top of the hill, near Winchester, and 
 remained there. It was then after sundown, and Col- 
 lins and I went on to Winchester. 
 
 Our wagons and artillery were tangled up in the re- 
 treat at Winchester, but soon began to move out in a 
 run. 
 
 Just before dark an ambulance came in, in a hurry. 
 It stopped and. the driver told the captain of the rear 
 guard that General Rhodes was killed, and that he was 
 in that ambulance. I have since found out that the cap- 
 tain of the rear guard was my friend. Captain John h. 
 Johnson, one of the firm of John Flannery & Co., of 
 Savannah, Ga. He was doing all he could to get the 
 wounded on, telling us to go right on towards Strasburg. 
 
 I went on, passed the town about one mile, and sat 
 down. All the fighting had ceased on the lines. The 
 Yankees began to camp and make fires. I sat down and 
 rubbed my thigh, which had partly come to its feeling, 
 and I could walk on it some. 
 
 We had lost some of our best officers, and a great 
 many of our good men were killed, wounded or captured. 
 
189 
 
 We had also lost some of our wagons and a lot of artil- 
 lery. It was said that Sheridan had 35,000 infantry and 
 10,000 cavalry. Early did not have over 8,000 or 10,000 
 infantry and 2,000 cavalry. 
 
 The death of General Rhodes was a terrible blow, for he 
 was like Gordon and Evans^a most excellent general and 
 commander — and was greatly beloved by the entire army. 
 
 About an hour after dark our shattered and confused 
 army began to come marching leisurely along. When 
 Evans' brigade came along I fell in line. We marched 
 to New Town, about ten miles away, that night and 
 struck camps after midnight. 
 
 On the morning of the 20th we fell back across Cedar 
 creek, and began to fortify on Hupps' Hill, between 
 Cedar creek and Strasburg; but in the afternoon we fell 
 back to Fisher's Hill — a very strong and well fortified 
 position. Sheridan advanced to Hupps' Hill and forti- 
 fied it and made heavy demonstrations in our front. We 
 had a severe skirmish battle, getting some men killed 
 and wounded. 
 
 On the evening of the 22nd Sheridan sent out a flank- 
 ing column around Eitlle North mountain, and broke our 
 line where we had a few dismounted cavalry, and made 
 a dash on our rear. We did not know what it meant at 
 first, for we saw our men leaving our works on our left 
 and begin to fall back in a run. We were ordered to 
 leave our works and fall back. 
 
 Sheridan advanced his whole line and the rout became 
 general. All of our men left the works badly confused, 
 though all of them got their guns and other equipments. 
 To make it worse, the Yankees gave three huzzas and 
 began to shoot at us with a vim. The shooting did but 
 little harm, only to add to the confusion. I was never 
 fleet footed and could hardly keep up. Some tired down 
 and stopped and surrendered. 
 
190 
 
 We ran about two miles, and got out past the flank- 
 ing party. We readily stopped and formed in line; but 
 it looked like we were ruined. Our artillery was nearly 
 all captured and a great many of our wagons, and many 
 prisoners had been taken. Captain DeLoach, of Com- 
 pany H, was captured. He had been severely wounded 
 in the knee at Gettysburg and it had never gotten well 
 enough for him to run fast, and he had to surrender. 
 He remained in prison till June, 1865. He is now living 
 at Beard's Creek, I^iberty county, Ga. 
 
 As soon as it began to grow dark the enemy quit 
 pressing us and camped. If night had not put an end 
 to the contest I suppose we would have been ruined 
 worse than we were. We fell back twelve miles that 
 night and camped near Woodstock. All of the army 
 was nearly exhausted. I was so fatigued till I spit 
 blood. The wound that I received at Winchester on 
 the 19th was paining me and was swollen badly, but I 
 did all I could to keep out of prison. 
 
 The next morning we fell back to Mt. Jackson, where 
 we formed a line of battle and remained till our sick 
 and wounded could be moved back towards Staunton. 
 In the afternoon we had to fight the enemy's cavalry, 
 which we drove back. We then fell back to Rudes Hill, 
 between New Market and Mt. Jackson, and camped. 
 
 On the 24th of September we had to fall back again 
 with Sheridan's whole force pursuing us. The valley 
 here is almost entirely open and cleared up. There are 
 some high hills. We could see thousands of Yankee in- 
 fantry in our rear and cavalry on our flanks, but we re- 
 treated in good order. 
 
 General Early formed his whole command in line of 
 battle across the valley turnpike road and fell back in 
 line of battle. We often had to fight as we marched 
 along. We would sometimes come in sight of our wagon 
 
191 
 
 trains, which could not move fast on account of our hav- 
 ing poor, broken-down teams and heavy loads. Our 
 army was very small. I heard a Yankee prisoner say 
 afterwards that they thoug-ht it was only our rear guard, 
 
 They would run cavalry batteries up on top of the 
 hills and shell us severely. We kept in excellent line, 
 but we nearly perished for water. We were all nearly 
 exhausted and I tried to get some of the boys that were 
 better off than I was to take some canteens and go and 
 try to get some water, but they would not, so I told 
 them if they would carry my gun along that I would go. 
 John Yeomans took my gun and I took nearly every can- 
 teen in the company, which was only seven or eight, and 
 hurried on ahead about 400 yards and found a well and 
 filled the canteens in a few minutes. While I was get- 
 ting water I heard the Yankee batteries open fire and 
 could see the dust rising where the shot and shells 
 struck, right where I left the boys about fifteen minutes 
 before. 
 
 About the time I had filled my canteens I saw them 
 begin to get up and fall back. When I got near them 
 with the water, I saw that all of them looked very sol- 
 emn. They said: "George, John Yeomans is killed. He 
 was shot nearly in two, and your gun and his are both 
 broken." I gave the boys their canteens of water and 
 Captain Kennedy told me to go ahead, overtake our ord- 
 nance wagon and get a gun from Sergeant Mimms. 
 I did so. We all loved John Yeomans, for he had been 
 our company's commissary ever since Sam Turner had 
 been captured at Rockville, Maryland. He was a brave, 
 honest, Christian gentleman. He left a good wife and 
 several children at home in Emanuel County, Georgia, 
 to mourn the loss of a kind, loving husband and father. 
 
 I got another gun and sat down and rested nearly an 
 hour, waiting for the company to come up. Just as the 
 
192 
 
 command g"ot near me tliey made a stand and fired a few 
 volleys at the enemy. All the firing- ceased and the 
 Yankees camped and began to build fires. We fell back 
 a few miles and camped for the night. 
 
 Next morning we started early, marched a few 
 miles and left the valley turnpike road then, went to Port 
 Republic and took a very strong position in the Blue 
 Ridge Mountains. This is where our brigade first joined 
 the famous "Stonewall" Jackson, in June, 1862. Our 
 army was now reduced to only five or six thousand men 
 and seemed badly discouraged and looked like they 
 thought it was useless to fight any longer. We had an 
 elevated position and could see Yankees out in the valley 
 driving off all the horses, cattle, sheep and killing the 
 hogs and burning all the barns and shocks of corn and 
 wheat in the fields, and destroying everything that could 
 feed or shelter man or beast. 
 
 They burnt nearly all the dwelling houses in the val. 
 ley. The valley was soon filled with smoke. We re- 
 mained at Port Republic two days, and very cautiously 
 moved along some mountain roads to Waynesboro, near the 
 great tunnel through the mountain, and through which 
 the Richmond and Staunton railroad passes. We ran 
 a few Yankee cavalry from Waynesboro and occupied it. 
 
 After Sheridan had burnt out the upper valley, he fell 
 back to Strasburg and we followed him to Woodstock 
 and then returned to New Market. We found that he 
 had burnt every barn and nearly every dwelling house 
 from Staunton to Strasburg. Most of the dwelling 
 houses in the towns were spared. 
 
 The distance, I believe, from Staunton to Strasburg is 
 seventy miles, and we heard that Sheridan reported to 
 Lincoln and Grant that "a crow would perish in the 
 valley." And it was one of the finest and richest places 
 I ever saw before this merciless "burn out." 
 
193 
 
 The commanders, -who were the real perpetrators of 
 such horrible deeds as this, are all dead, and I have been 
 made to wonder if they met the g-reat Judge up yonder 
 in peace. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 BA'TTI.E of CiBDAR CeBEK and TH^ CLOSING OF THE 
 
 Vauey Campaign. 
 
 About the Sth of October Early was reinforced by 
 General Kershaw's division, from Richmond, consisting 
 of about 3,000 infantry and a brigade of cavalry. This 
 made our command about as strong as it was before the 
 disasters at Winchester and Fisher's Hill. 
 
 On the 12th of October we advanced to Fisher's Hill, 
 and on the 13th we moved out in line to Hupps' Hill, 
 and had a small engagement with some of the Yankees' 
 cavalry and drove them across Cedar creek, and found 
 that their infantry was well posted in a good fortified 
 position, and we returned to Fisher's Hill and went into 
 camps near our works. We stayed here and rested until 
 the evening of the 18th. About 3 or 4 o'clock all of our 
 regimental and company of&cers were called for. They 
 assembled at Generals Gordon's and Evans' headquarters. 
 Here the plans of a great battle were made known to 
 them and they made it known to us. 
 
 We were commanded to cook two days' rations and be 
 ready to leave at dark, which we did. We were not 
 allowed to carry anything that would make a noise, so 
 we had to leave our canteens and the of&cers had to leave 
 their swords. We marched and crossed the Shenandoah 
 river and went around the Yankees through a trail in 
 the Three Tops mountains. We got within 300 yards 
 
194 
 
 of their pickets, and gfot around to another ford in the 
 Shenandoah river, which was almost in the rear of the 
 enemy. 
 
 Our division (Gordon's) had g^otten there and was 
 massed by 3 o'clock in the morning- and all ready to cross 
 the river at the proper time. We had not made enough 
 noise to cause the enemy's pickets to notice us, and it 
 was reported to us private soldiers that General Gordon 
 managed to capture one of the Yankee pickets, and that 
 he g-ave General Gordon the countersign correctly, and 
 that Gordon had all of their pickets relieved near the 
 ford and had Confederates put in their places, and had 
 all of the Yankee pickets captured. I do not yet know 
 whether this report was true or not. 
 
 [Since writing the above I have learned, through Ma- 
 jor J. L. Crider, who was raised and lived six miles from 
 Winchester, and who was one of Stonewall Jackson's 
 scouts, that a private soldier by the name of Billings, of 
 the Twelfth Virginia Regiment of cavalry, cap- 
 tured the Yankee picket that gave General Gordon the 
 countersign.] 
 
 Just at the break of day we marched across the river 
 in four lines. Evans' brigade started up the road at 
 double quick step ahead of all the rest, but the rest were 
 following immediately in the rear. There was a big 
 frost on the ground, and as we had to wade the river 
 and were wet up to our waists, the run up the hill did us 
 good, for it warmed us up. 
 
 We advanced up the road at double quick to a certain 
 place and stopped. We faced the Yankees' camp and 
 advanced through the woods in fine order. The enemy 
 was not aware of our being anywhere near them till a 
 few of their camp guards began to shoot at us. It was 
 then light enough for us to see their camps. 
 
 We advanced in a run and raised the Rebel yell. At 
 
195 
 
 this signal Kershaw advanced from a different place and 
 raised a terrible yell. The Yankees fired a few cannon 
 shot at Kershaw's men and then fled. We were soon in 
 their camp. The most of them were still in bed when 
 we raised the yell and began firing- at them. They 
 jumped up running, and did not take time to put on 
 their clothing, but fled in their night clothes, without 
 their guns, hats or shoes. 
 
 We were shooting them as fast as we could, a nd yell- 
 ing as loud as we could to see them run. It was the 
 worst stampede I ever saw. We captured about twenty 
 stands of colors (battle flags) ; and some of Sheridan's 
 men told me, in Savannah, Ga., the next June, that 
 some of the Yankees ran to Winchester, which is fifteen 
 miles away, in their night clothes, without shoes or 
 hats. We took many prisoners and captured nearly all 
 of their wagons, artillery, ambulances, horses, mules 
 and a great deal of clothing, shoes, blankets, tents, etc. 
 I saw one Union soldier who had been killed with only 
 one shoe on. We ran in pursuit of them till we had 
 gotten about two miles from their camp, and then every- 
 thing was halted. A great many of us went back to 
 their camp after blankets, shoes, clothing, etc., and to 
 my surprise, General Early had his own wagons and 
 artillery brought over Cedar creek. 
 
 It seemed that there were no Yankees in our front. 
 Everything was as quiet as death. Some oi our boys 
 went to sleep while the others were plundering the 
 camps. I got two nice new tent flies, two fine blankets, 
 a fine rubber cloth, -two new over shirts and two pair of 
 new shoes. In fact, we could get anything we wanted 
 except Yankee money. 
 
 It was reported to us privates that General Gordon 
 planned and executed thia move on the Yankees. If 
 Early had moved all we had captured back to Fisher's 
 
196 
 
 Hill it would have been one of the grandest successes of 
 the war ; but he did not, and it proved to be one of the 
 greatest disasters. 
 
 Again, dear reader, I hate to have to write any more 
 about this memorable 19th of October, 1864, but, as 
 painful as it is, I must write it as I saw and heard it. 
 
 About noon Gordon had all his division to get to their 
 places in the line. Late in the afternoon we heard the 
 pickets or cavalry begin to fight on our right. Evans 
 had his brigade well in hand and all well composed. 
 The firing was about 800 yards from us, and it soon got 
 faster and nearer and we saw the Yankees advancing. 
 
 General Sheridan was not present when the battle and 
 stampede opened in the morning, but was at Winchester, 
 and General Wright was in command of the Union forces 
 in the valley. History tells us that when Sheridan heard 
 the cannonading he put spurs to his fine black horse and 
 met his flying men between New Town and Winchester 
 and told them ' 'We are going back, and all good men 
 must rally and go back with me." All of them cheered 
 him and rallied. He also had one of his corps camped 
 at Winchester, and he had it hurried up and formed in 
 line, and had full and ample preparations made to ad- 
 vance late in the afternoon. We private soldiers 
 thought that General Phil Sheridan was one of the best 
 commanders, or really the best commander we had ever 
 had to fight, and never really found but one fault of him, 
 and that was his merciless burn-out in the valley — the 
 "Eden of America." 
 
 As just stated, we could see the Yankees advancing 
 and our men falling back on our right. At first it was 
 in order, though it seemed to b^ a poor, thin line. They 
 began to retreat faster and finally beg-an to run. Gen- 
 eral Evans then ordered us to fall back, which we did in 
 perfect order for nearly a mile, but were finally ordered 
 
197 
 
 to double quick, as the other men were so far ahead of 
 us and their officers had lost all control of them. Sheri- 
 dan's cavalry was making- a bold charge on them, shoot- 
 ing with their repeating rifles and making a lot of them 
 prisoners. 
 
 We finally got into a perfect run, with the cavalry get- 
 ting nearer all the time, and some of our men surrender- 
 ing. To tell the truth, it all turned into a panic. The 
 gallant generals, Gordon and Evans, were showing all 
 personal bravery mortal men could do. Nearly every man 
 would stop, face the enemy and shoot at them, while the 
 rest of the line was running as fast as a herd of wild, 
 stampeded cattle. "We just had to get out or be cap- 
 tured, and we saw it, our officers losing all control over 
 us. 
 
 Generals Gordon nor Evans nor any of the brigade 
 were responsible for this panic. 
 
 "We arrived at Cedar creek just before dark and I was 
 completely exhausted. I was so worried till I could 
 hardly keep my feet under me, but I was no worse off 
 than a great many others were, and not as bad as some, 
 for they tired down and gave up and were taken priso- 
 ners. "When I arrived at the creek I left the command 
 — or the command left me, rather, and I turned down 
 the creek towards the Three Tops Mountains. I had to 
 do this or be captured. I went down the creek about 
 two hundred yards, stopped, got some water and sat 
 down and rested. "When the brigade got up the hill, the 
 generals rallied the brigade and stopped the Yankees, 
 covered the retreat and saved the army from complete 
 destruction. 
 
 After resting a few minutes I started down the creek, 
 which is very crooked. By this time it was very dark, 
 and I knew that if I could go along down the creek I 
 would be tolerably safe, so I went, I thought, three or 
 
198 
 
 four miles, and crossed a big- turnpike road, and went 
 up the hill about 100 yards from the road in a thick 
 place of bushes. I spread down my blankets and lay 
 down. In a few minutes eig-ht other men and one lieu- 
 tenant came near me and made a little fire out of some 
 leaves. I saw it was Confederate soldiers, so I contented 
 myself on my success in getting- out safe. 
 
 Men and horses began to cross the creek at the road 
 and go up the hill, and went into camps. I could hear 
 the men talk, hear their horses neigh and eating corn. 
 I felt sure that it was our men, but I was badly mistaken, 
 for it was Yankees. I was about thirty feet from the 
 men who had come up there near me, but I never made 
 my presence known. All of us soon went to sleep, for 
 we were very badly worried, as none of us slept any the 
 night before. 
 
 I awoke about 2 o'clock the next morning; the other 
 men were up and had made a little fire out of some 
 leaves and sticks. I looked around, for the moon was 
 shining very brightly, and was about four hours high. 
 I expected we were about the foot of Three Tops moun- 
 tain, and I was looking for the high peak of the moun- 
 tain, which I knew was due east from our old position at 
 Fisher's Hill. I could see it at a distance of about six 
 miles south of where we were. 
 
 I went to the men near me and went to outing their 
 fire, for let me tell you, I was scared. I knew we were 
 in the rear of Sheridan's army. I told the lieutenant 
 that we were all prisoners, or would be if we stayed 
 there till daylight. He said: "Oh, no, we are not." I 
 told him I knew we were! I then asked him to what 
 regiment, brigade and division he belonged. He told 
 me that they all belonged to a Mississippi regiment ot 
 Kershaw's division and that they had just come up from 
 (Richmond a few days before to reinforce Early. 
 
199 
 
 I told him I was well acquainted in the valley and 
 knew that if we did not g-et out of there we would be 
 prisoners at daylight. I then explained about the hig-h 
 peak of the Three Tops Mountain and its being- due east 
 from our old position at Fisher's Hill. He recollected 
 this very well. I then showed him the peak of the 
 mountain at a distance. He then saw the perilous po- 
 sition we were all in, and all of them were as scared as 
 I was. He asked me what we should do. I told him 
 that we must get out of there before day. I told him 
 that all of us had become turned round the night before 
 and had gone in the wrong direction. 
 
 We decided to go to Cedar creek and go down the run 
 of the creek to the Shenandoah river; cross the river and 
 go up on the east side of the river by the foot of Three 
 Tops mountain and re-cross the river where we crossed 
 the night before. We packed and started at once. 
 
 When we got to the road at the ford of the creek, lead- 
 ing from Strasburg to Winchester, we found that it was 
 the ford where we had left the army the night before. 
 Lieutenant Baskett (for that was his name) asked me to 
 lead the way, as I was well acquainted with the country. 
 We5went down the creek right by the run, often wading 
 it, for it was very shallow and had a rock bottom and 
 had no low bushes in it. We could often get along 
 much faster wading than any other way. 
 
 When daylight came we were near the Shenandoah 
 river, and I wanted to know if there were any Confeder- 
 ates or Yankees about, so I left the lieutenant and his 
 men and went up the hill among the bushes a few steps 
 and looked out in an open field (I being concealed) and 
 saw a skirmish line of Yankee cavalry sitting on their 
 horses, about one hundred yards in my front, with their 
 backs turned to me and facing Fisher's Hill. 
 
 I could see the end of the skirmish line not over two 
 
200 
 
 hundred yards to our left. I went back and got I/ieu- 
 tenant Baskett to look at them. He did so and we were 
 sure we could get out for we could see how to get along. 
 We hurried on down the creek about one hundred yards 
 aud left the creek to our right, went through some thick 
 woods which entirely concealed us from the enemy. We 
 soon got to the river and crossed over where we could 
 again see the line of Yankees. All of them were quiet. 
 We were about three-fourths of a mile from them. 
 
 We hurried up the river and recrossed it again about 
 a mile and a half from where we were and hurried on to 
 Fisher's Hill, where we expected to find Early's com- 
 mand. When we got to the main valley turnpike road 
 at Fisher's Hill, three of our cavalry were there sitting 
 on their horses and the Yankee cavalry were advancing. 
 Our cavalry told us that General Early left Fisher's 
 Hill at 3 o'clock and was to be at Woodstock at day- 
 light. 
 
 We started up the valley towards Woodstock as fast 
 as we could, but had not gone over one mile when we 
 heard our cavalry shoot and they went by us at almost 
 full speed. They told us to get off that road and to 
 the Three Tops Mountain or we would be captured. We 
 left the road on a run and soon crossed the Shenandoah 
 river. Here we saw an old citizen who showed us a 
 trail that would take us across Three Tops Mountain 
 into Fort Valley and to a road up Passing creek, be- 
 tween Massanutten and Three Tops Mountain, and he 
 told us that when we got out we could get directions. 
 
 In Fort Valley we found very clever people and abottt 
 1,000 of Early's command. Old citizens told us that a 
 Yankee had never been in that valley. It looked like 
 there was a high mountain all around us. 
 
 When we got to the head of Passing creek we were out 
 of the mountains. Here we fquud one of General Gor-> 
 
201 
 
 don's couriers who told us how to go and where General 
 Gordon was stationed. We found our command at 
 New Market four days after the battle and stampede at 
 Cedar creek, all resting quietly in camps. 
 
 In the battle of Cedar creek our losses in killed and 
 wounded were small. Our greatest loss was in prisoners. 
 Jake Small wood, of Company I, was killed and the noble 
 Sergeant J. C. Jolly, of Company F, was severely woun- 
 ded, (shot through the breast) and our beloved orderly' 
 Sergeant William Alderman, was missing. We did not 
 know what had become of him. He did not come home 
 till the fall of 1865. He got cut off and went across 
 North mountain to the south prong of the Potomac and 
 worked with a citizen in West Virginia till the war was 
 over, and till he came home. A braver and better sol- 
 dier never shouldered the musket than Alderman was. 
 
 Greneral Early lost nearly all of his artillery and his 
 wagons and ambulances, and a great many of his officers 
 and men were captured. 
 
 We could not help but blame General Early for all the 
 disasters at Cedar creek. But I must say that General 
 Early had always been an excellent officer and comman- 
 der up to this time, but he never had the confidence of 
 his men after the disasters at Cedar creek. 
 
 We private soldiers thought that he should have 
 moved everything that we had captured in the morning 
 back to the rear of Fisher's Hill, and he should have fal- 
 len back there when everything was quiet. 
 
 We rested quietly in the camps at New Market for 
 some time, and had but very little to do. 
 
 On the 26th of October, the enemy's cavalry advanced 
 to Mount Jackson, and we had to go out and meet them, 
 but we had no engagement. They retired, and we 
 returned to camps and rested till the 10th of November. 
 
 One day while in this camp, four other men and I were ' 
 
203 
 
 sent out on provost guard duty with a lieutenant in com- 
 mand. We were looking- around over the country taking 
 up all the men we could find who were out of camps with- 
 out passes. We took sacks along, and an old gentleman 
 gave us as many apples as we could carry. I sold my 
 turn for sixty dollars in Confederate money. 
 
 On the 14th of November we advanced to Cedar Creek 
 and felt for the Yankees. We found them in a good 
 fortified position at Newtown. We returned to New 
 Market without any engagement except some light 
 skirmishing. We remained in the valley with but little 
 to do till we received orders to pack up and march out of 
 camps on December 11th, 1864. This closed the ever 
 memorable Valley campaign of 1864. 
 
 As I have some ofiicial reports before me from Generals 
 Early, Sheridan, Hunter and Crooke, I will give them to 
 the readers of this history. 
 
 Our little command of never over twelve thousand 
 men had marched about two thousand and five hundred 
 miles ; had killed, wounded and captured about twenty- 
 two thousand Union soldiers in the valley campaign, be- 
 sides what we had killed, wounded and captured at the 
 Wilderness, Spotsylvania C. H., North Anna, Turkey 
 Ridge and Cold Harbor before we were sent to the valley. 
 We had invaded Pennsylvania and Maryland ; had been 
 to the very walls of Washington ; had been in thirty- 
 five hard battles and skirmishes, and had lost about five 
 thousand men, killed, wounded and captured. 
 
 I do not think there was ever a little army which had 
 done more real hard service, or could have gone through 
 with more hardships, privations, and sometimes almost 
 starvation, than we had ; nor do I believe that we could 
 have done much more than we had done. We were the 
 worst set of broken down men I ever saw. I have never 
 gf otteu over it. I was a mere boy, and was broken down 
 
203 
 
 before I matured into manhood, and I was too old to 
 grow out of it. 
 
 We left our camps hurriedly about 11 o'clock on the 
 morning- of December 11th, and marched about twenty- 
 six miles without resting, and stopped to camp just at 
 dark. 
 
 We had held on to the blankets, clothing-, shoes, oil- 
 cloths, tent flies, etc., which we captured from the Yan- 
 kees at Cedar creek. They were very useful, for it was 
 now cold weather ; but they made a very heavy turn to 
 carry. When we camped we were all badly worried. 
 Our feet were blistered nearly all over. When I pulled 
 off my shoes my feet were in a jerk like fresh-skinned 
 beef. Ive Summerlin shook clotted blood out of his 
 socks and wrung blood out of them. 
 
 We had to cook two days' rations. I was to get the 
 wood, Ive Summerlin was to get the water and Madison 
 Warren was to do the cooking for us three. I told them 
 I did not feel like getting the wood, and Summerlin 
 says: "George, if I were as well ofE as you are, I would 
 be a mile from here, piling wood." The boys all laughed 
 at Ive's foolish expression. 
 
 I managed to get the wood, Ive the water, and Madi- 
 son did the cooking. 
 
 We left very early the next morning and soon got to 
 Waynesboro, where we took the cars for Richmond. We 
 went by way of Charlottsville and Lynchburg to Rich- 
 mond, and arrived at Petersburg on December 14th. We 
 were sent twelve miles south of Petersburg, where we 
 began to build winter quarters. 
 
LIBUT. COI.. STEPHEN "MlWKtMttS 'S 
 
205 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Battles op Hatche;r's Run and Deep Run and Cap- 
 TtTRB OF FoET Stephens — Closing Events 
 OE THE War, 
 
 General Gordon was now promoted to the command of 
 a corps, and General Evans to the command of Gen- 
 eral Gordon's division. 
 
 We camped twelve miles south of Petersburg-. We 
 had" to build better winter quarters than we had ever 
 built. We were building chimneys on Christmas day. 
 We had about completed our winter quarters and fin- 
 ished cleaning- up our camps by New Year's day, 1865. 
 
 About the 5th of January, 1865, some of our regiment 
 were sent on picket on Deep Run creek, several miles 
 from camps. In the afternoon a thunder cloud came up 
 from the southwest, and we had a very heavy rain. 
 After the rain ceased, a gale of wind began to blow 
 from the northwest; every flaw seemed to get colder, 
 and the ground was freezing before dark. 
 
 I had to go on vidette about 10 o'clock that night and 
 stay one hour on top of a high hill. I was well wrapped 
 in two good blankets, but there was not a tree or bush 
 to protect me from this cOld wind. I had orders to stand 
 and watch, and that if I should see the enemy advanc- 
 ing, to shoot a signal gun and run back to the line of 
 pickets. I did not stand, for if I had I am sure I would 
 have been frozen in less than thirty minutes. I ran on 
 the frozen ground until I was nearly tired down, and 
 was very nearly frozen when relief came. It was about 
 all I could do to get back across Deep Run and get to a 
 
206 
 
 stand to stay in that wind one hour. He saw how nearly 
 frozen I was and changed the orders and had the videttes 
 relieved every half hour. 
 
 This wound up picket and vidette duty with me, for 
 General I^ee sent out orders to g-ive one man from every 
 company a furlough for twenty-four days, provided 
 there was a man in every company who had never been 
 home since he enlisted, and had always been a faithful 
 and obedient soldier and his home was not inside the 
 enemy's line. I was the only one in Company D, so our 
 good officers fixed up one for me and sent it off for ap- 
 proval. 
 
 I packed up and had everything in readiness. On the 
 night of the 14th of January it came back approved. I 
 was one proud boy, and was so glad I had not received 
 one the winter before. Neal Browning, of Company C, 
 Tom Bridges, of Company E, and Berry Birch, of Com- 
 pany K, all received furloughs at the same time. 
 
 Captain E. F. Sharp, of Company K, who had com- 
 manded the regiment since Colonels Lamar and Van 
 Valkinburg were killed at Monocacy, Maryland, July 
 9th, 1864, received our furloughs. He sent for us to go 
 up to his quarters where he told us to be ready at day- 
 light next morning. 
 
 We were ready by time the next morning and received 
 our furloughs. We had to go to Petersburg to get our 
 transportations and four days' rations. There had been 
 a terrible freshet which had washed up the railroads in 
 several places between Petersburg, Virginia, and Bell- 
 field, North Carolina, so we had to walk that distance, 
 which was seventy-two miles. We started on a plain, 
 public road and made twelve miles of the distance on the 
 15th of January . We camped in a real good, comfortable 
 unoccupied house that night. 
 
 We got up a plenty of wood, made a good fire, ate our 
 
2or 
 
 supper and soon went to sleep. Browning" had married 
 near Charlottsville, Va., the winter before. He left us 
 at Petersburg- and went to see his young- wife instead of 
 coming- to Georg-ia. 
 
 We three were all happy, for we expected to soon see 
 our loved ones at home. We got up early next morning- 
 and started for Bellfield, N. C. which was sixty miles away. 
 The g-round was frozen as hard as a brick and the ice on 
 the streams was thick enough for us to cross on it. We 
 met a great many wagons and cavalry who told us that 
 trains going south left every morning at 8 o'clock. 
 
 We put in to be there at 8 o'clock the next morning, 
 and marched iifty-two miles that day before dark and 
 found a nice camp in thick woods where some one had 
 camped the night before. 
 
 The fire had not gone out and there was plenty of 
 wood already there and leaves on which we could sleep. 
 
 We ate supper and were soon asleep, for we were very 
 tired. We were up and started early the next morning. 
 The road was plain and the moon was shining bright. 
 We crossed the Roanoke river where the railroad had 
 been washed up, and arrived at Bellfield just as the sun 
 was rising. We went to the station and asked what 
 time the train left going to Raleigh, N. C. The agent 
 told us it was due there at 1 and to leave at 2 o'clock. 
 
 We went to the waiting room, broiled some of our ba- 
 con and ate breakfast. The seven hours, during which 
 we had to wait for the train, seemed to be very long ones. 
 
 We lay around and slept some, and just at one 
 o'clock the train caine puffing in, and so did Captain E. 
 F. Sharpe, our regimental commander. He had sent off 
 a furlough and it came back approved. He told us he 
 got it and started the day before just at 1 o'clock, and 
 had walked every step of the way from camps to Bell- 
 fied in one day, which was sixty-three miles, 
 
208 
 
 We were all proud to see him, for lie was a kind 
 commander, always at his post and would not punish 
 any one if he could help it. 
 
 The train started just at 2 o'clock with a great many 
 furloughed soldiers on it. It had not g-one its leng-th 
 before the front wheels ran off the track. We all 
 jumped off and went and volunteered our services to help 
 g-et it back on the track. The eng-ineer looked at it and 
 had us all move away, and he backed the train and, 
 luckily, rolled it back on the track. He had the defect- 
 ive switch repaired and next time passed it all right. 
 "We got along finely, except a few misconnections. 
 
 When we arrived at Waynesboro, Burke county, Ga., 
 we struck Sherman's track, where he had marched 
 through Georgia, and we saw that there were other 
 Federal commanders who were like Hunter, Crooke and 
 Sheridan^ — loved the "torch," for only standing chim- 
 neys, coals and heaps of ashes were left to mark the 
 places where happy homes once were. 
 
 I arrived at home, in Bulloch county, Ga., January 
 24th, 1865. When I met my dear mother she and I could 
 thank God for preserving my life through so many hard 
 contested battles and such bloody carnage. As I have 
 said in a previous chapter, when she left me near 
 Clarke's mountain, in Virginia, in August, 1863, on her 
 way to Orange Court-house to board the cars to come 
 home, I felt that the God of all Grace gave me the blessed 
 assurance that I should live to see her again in peace. 
 She told me that she received the same blessed assurance 
 when she was not more than half a mile from me and 
 saw me last wiping the tears from my eyes. She' said 
 she could see me through her tears and felt that God re- 
 vived her with that blessed assurance, and she felt that 
 He was my protector and would spare me to return to her 
 a^ain in peace. Dear reader, it is good to feel that we 
 

 g:bnbrai, R0BJ5RT I). i,:55_ 
 
216 
 
 are just as safe in God's hands in one place as another. 
 
 I found all well and that the loved ones at home had 
 a house to live in. My father had never owned a slave 
 and his house was spared, but Sherman took every horse 
 he had and a great many other things. This closed the 
 war with me, for Sherman had me cut off from my com- 
 mand before my furlough expired, or I would have 
 promptly returned to the army. But it did not take a 
 prophet to tell me what the end would soon be. 
 
 As I was not with the army after the 14tli of January, 
 1865, I will have to write the remainder of this little 
 history from reports, given me by Lieutenant Colonel 
 Kennedy, privates Remer, Franklin and Madison War- 
 ren, of Company D, and Captain F. L. Hudgins of Com- 
 pany K, Thirty-eighth Georgia Regiment, and knowing 
 chese men as I do I can assure the reader that it is the 
 truth. I have written the campaigns of I863 and 1864 
 as an eye-witness, except the march to York and Sus- 
 quehanna river in Pennsylvania and the battle of Get- 
 tj'sburg, I being sick there and in our medical wagon. 
 
 I took down notes almost every day in all the cam- 
 paigns of 1864, and also had other notes, or I could never 
 have told how we raced with Sheridan's cavalry, or 
 rather mounted infantry, for one of his men told me that 
 the most of his cavalry were men taken from the infan- 
 try and mounted for gallantry. We had rather have 
 fought his infantry at any time than his cavalry. 
 
 On the 18th of January, 1865, the Sixtieth and Sixty- 
 first Georgia Regiments were consolidated into one regi- 
 ment with only one stand of colors. Major W. B. Jones 
 (Old Red) of the Sixtieth Georgia, was promoted to the 
 rank of colonel. Captain S. H. Kennedy, of Company 
 D, Sixty-first Georgia, was promoted to the rank of 
 lieutenant colonel, and Captain Bedenfield, of the Six- 
 
Hi 
 
 tieth Georg-ia Regiment, was promoted to the rank of 
 major of this consolidated regiment. 
 
 Companies B, C, D and H, of the Sixty-first Georgia, 
 were all consolidated into one company commended by 
 Lieutenant S. 1,. Williams, of Company D. The other six 
 companies were consolidated into two companies, one of 
 which was commanded by Lieutenant J. Rufus James, 
 of Company I. The other company's officer is not 
 known. About the 1st of February, Lieutenant S. L. 
 Williams received a furlough and came home and was 
 like I was, cut off from the army, and was never with 
 the company again. 
 
 Everything went on quietly till the Sth of February, 
 1865. Evans' brigade of Gordon's division was com- 
 manded by Colonel J. H. Baker, of the Thirteenth Geor- 
 gia Regiment ; Evans was in command of Gordon's 
 division, and Gordon in command of a corps. They en- 
 gaged the Yankees near Burges' mill, on Hatcher's Run, 
 and drove them back to their works after a very stub- 
 born battle- of one hour and a half. In the battle Major 
 B. F. Grace, of the Twenty-sixth Georgia Regiment, 
 was killed. Sergeant W. H. Williams, of Company D, 
 was severely wounded. On the 6th the Yankees flanked 
 around on the extreme right, and was met by Ewell's 
 corps. 
 
 Our brigade was, as usual, first to get into the battle. 
 It charged their works, but failed to rout them on the 
 first assault. It had to fall back across a little boggy 
 branch about 100 yards in the rear. Colonel Baker was 
 wounded. Here General Gordon met and rallied it and 
 made the second charge, and routed the Yankees badly 
 in its front. This was a very stubborn battle, and the 
 consolidated regiment had the sad misfortune of getting 
 its gallant Lieutenant-Colonel S. H. Kennedy severely 
 
212 
 
 wounded while leading the reg-iment. He had to be 
 carried from the field. This was on Deep Run. 
 
 A great many of the brigade were killed and wounded 
 in this battle. The Sixty-first Georgia Kegiment lost 
 every one of its commissioned officers, either killed or 
 wounded, and from this time till near the close it was 
 commanded by sergeants. 
 
 The Sixtieth Georgia Regiment went into this battle 
 with thirteen commissioned officers and had eleven of 
 them killed or wounded. Colonel W. B. Jones and Lieu- 
 tenant Rice being the only ones escaping unhurt. 
 
 Captain T. M. McRae, of Company E, came to the 
 Sixty-first Georgia Regiment a few days before the 
 evacuation of Petersburg, and was killed in one of the 
 battles on the retreat, which left the regiment without 
 a commissioned officer at the surrender. 
 
 In this battle Remer Franklin, of Company D, got 
 eight holes shot through his clothing. 
 
 The Thirty-eighth Georgia Regiment lost fourteen 
 killed, thirty-two wounded. The noble captain, R. H. 
 Fletcher, of Company K, was killed, he being its tenth 
 commander that had been shot dead. 
 
 After the battle the brigade and division relieved 
 other troops in the ditches in front of Petersburg. Hei'e 
 it was almost a regular fight till the evacuation of 
 Petersburg. 
 
 On the 25th of March the brig-ade was engaged in the 
 battle of Fort Steadman on Hares' Hill, in front of 
 Petersburg, and had a desperate battle and captured 
 Fort Steadman. 
 
 Here Major John Y. Beddingfield was killed and Ad- 
 jutant R. S. McFarlin was severely wounded, both of 
 the Sixtieth Georgia Regiment. We had the sad 
 misfortune to get our beloved brigade commander. Col. 
 John H. Baker, of the Thirteenth Georgia Regiment 
 
213 
 
 severely wounded. The brigade lost many valuable 
 officers and men in this battle. Here while we were in 
 the ditches in front of Petersburg-, the Sixtieth and 
 Sixty-first Georgia Regiments captured one of Grant's 
 forts by surprise without losing a man, but lost some 
 when they had to give it up. Here Remer Franklin was 
 wounded by a piece of shell, but reported for duty in 
 three days' time. In the battle of Hare's Hill and Fort 
 Steadman Privates Moxley, of Company C, Smith, Com- 
 pany G, and Wiggins, of Company K, of the Thirty- 
 eighth Georgia Regiment, carried out one of Grant's 
 Morton guns. 
 
 M. O. -Wiggins threw a Morton shell with a burning 
 fuse out of our line and over our works before it ex- 
 ploded, and probably saved the lives of more than a 
 dozen men. 
 
 By the 1st of April the severe wound that Colonel 
 Kennedy received on the 6th of February had healed 
 sufficiently, and he received a furlough and started 
 home. He traveled by railroad by the way of Danville, 
 Va., Greensboro and Charlotte, N. C. When the train 
 got to where Sherman tore up the railroad, between 
 Charlotte and Columbia, S. C, he had to walk through 
 the country forty-one miles on his crutches, and he 
 made the trip in a little over one day, to Abbeville, S. C. 
 Adjt. J. J. Mobley, of the Sixty-first Georgia, and Cap- 
 tain McDonald, of Florida, were paroled from northern 
 prisons, and were with him. They hired two old broken 
 down horses and a wagon from an old citizen, with a 
 negro driver, to carry them to Washington, Wilkes 
 county, Georgia, a distance of forty-five miles, for 
 which they paid him $700 in Confederate money. They 
 had not gone more than two miles before the horses 
 stumbled and fell, and when they were -trying to get up 
 they tumbled into a ditch. After a great deal of hard 
 
214 
 
 work tliey helped the old horses out with whole bones 
 and made the trip after a long time without another 
 fall. He then went on the train to Waynesboro and got 
 private conveyance through the country to his home in 
 Bulloch county. 
 
 On the 26th of March Lee's right wing was broken at 
 the battle of Five Porks, and a great many of Ewell's 
 corps were killed and wounded and 1,700 were taken 
 prisoners. 
 
 On the 2nd day of April Grant massed his forces and 
 made a heavy charge on our line of works, which was 
 about thirty-five miles long, and Lee did not have but 
 about 30,000 men with which to hold this long line. 
 Grant broke it near Petersburg. General Lee was too 
 weak to establish it, and had to evacuate Richmond and 
 Petersburg. Then the final struggle began. General 
 Lee had to march, stop and fight day and night, losing 
 a great many of his men every day till April the 9th, 
 General Grant succeeded in planting a solid line in Lee's 
 front, rear and flanks and he had to surrender. General 
 Lee and General Grant made honorable terms of capitu- 
 lation. In these terms of capitulation General Grant 
 showed himself to be a great and wise commander. And 
 now the once great and powerful Confederate Army of 
 Virginia were prisoners of war, and were honorably pa- 
 roled. 
 
 General Grant refused to take Lee's sword, but allowed 
 Lee to keep it, and the of&cers and men were allowed to 
 keep their own private property — horses and side arms. 
 
 The Confederate and Union soldiers met and talked 
 very friendly — once foes, but now friends. And the war 
 of Secession was virtually ended. 
 
 The surrender was very humiliating to our of&cers and 
 men. Most all -of them shed tears freely. It was indeedi 
 a very sad parting with General Lee and his faithful 
 
21S 
 
 and tried officers and men. Tears of true sorrow rolled 
 down many a sunburnt cheek when tears were seen roll- 
 ing- down the cheeks of those beloved generals — Lee, 
 Gordon, Evans and Colonel J. T. Lowe, our brigade 
 commander. 
 
 General Grant allowed them to keep some wagons and 
 teams for the men to haul rations for use on the marches 
 home. 
 
 Our brigade went to Virginia in June, 1862, about 
 seven thousand strong, and seven hundred and forty- 
 seven surrendered at Appomattox C. H., commanded by 
 Colonel J. H. Lowe, of the Thirty-first Georgia Regi- 
 ment. 
 
 The war of Secession was four years of terrible war, 
 and I know that if the Northern and Southern people 
 could have known what the consequences would be, 
 there would have been no war. Neither side could have 
 been induced to have entered into such a struggle — such 
 a sacrifice of human life and such a cost of treasures. 
 
 Slavery had once been in the North as well as in the 
 South. The North 'lad sold its slaves to the South and 
 had received pay f^.. them. The South bought them in 
 good faith. 
 
 The negroes are all free and the whole nation is sat- 
 isfied that such is the case. 1, nor my parents never 
 owned a slave and have never mistreated one. 
 
 They are now free, yet a great many are not faring 
 as well as they did while in bondage. Yet they are bet- 
 ter satisfied. 
 
 It is about like an old time darkey said to me a few 
 years ago: "I do not fare near as well for something to 
 eat as I did with old boss, but freedom is good fo^ a dog; 
 bind one down and he will holler." We know this is 
 true and we old soldiers know that we had rather have 
 our freedom and live on half rations, like we often had 
 
216 
 
 to do during- the war, than to be in prison and have the 
 best that the world could afford, (not that our prisoners 
 fared well) and our sympathies are always great for peo- 
 ple in bondage. 
 
 My dear surviving- comrades, I love every one of you. 
 Ahl yes, it's not half told, for I love the dust of all the 
 dear ones who fell in the battle or otherwise. You are 
 dear to my heart, and I would love to meet you all in a 
 happy re-union, and I pray God, if in accordance with 
 His will that we may all meet with Him in peace on the 
 shores of sweet deliverance, where Jesus will be the cap- 
 tain of our salvation. 
 
 GENERALS LEE AND GORDON'S FAREWELL 
 ADDRESS IN FULL. 
 
 Gbnbkal Leb's Last Order to the Army ok North- 
 ern Virginia. 
 
 Headquarters, Army Northern Vinginia, 
 
 Appomattox C. H., April 10th, 1865. 
 
 General Order No. p. 
 
 After four years of arduous service, marked by unsur- 
 passed courage and fortitude, the Army of Northern Vir- 
 ginia has been compelled to surrender by overwhelming 
 numbers and resources. I need not tell the survivors of so 
 many hard fought battles, who have remained steadfast 
 to the last, that I have consented to this result from no 
 distrust of them, but feeling that valor and devotion could 
 accomplish nothing that would compensate for the loss 
 that must have attended a continuance of the contest, I 
 have determined to avoid the useless sacrifice of those 
 whose past service have endeared them to their coantry- 
 
217 
 
 By the terms of agreement, of&cers and men can re- 
 turn to their homes and remain there until exchanged. 
 
 You will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds 
 from the consciousness of duty faithfully performed, and 
 I earnestly pray that a merciful God will extend to you 
 his blessings and protection. 
 
 With an unceasing admission of your constancy and 
 devotion to your country and a grateful remembrance 
 of your kind and generous consideration for myself, I 
 bid you an affectionate farewell. R. E. LSB. 
 
 The soldiers were profoundly moved at the reading of 
 this noble farewell address, and crowded around the be- 
 loved chieftain to shake his hand. 
 
 Responsive to their emotion he touchingly said: 
 "Men, we have fought through the war together, I have 
 done my best for you; my heart is too full to say more." 
 And grandly indeed, had the simple utterances been at- 
 tested. 
 
 It was a magnificent pageant from the Chichahominy 
 to the final act at Appomattox Court House; sublime in 
 its realization of valor, endurance and patriotism. 
 
 Freedom records no sacrifice surpassing it in magni- 
 tude. 
 
 And the grand hero, Lee, reilluminating the lustrous 
 diadem of his mother, Virginia, is jointly enshrined in 
 the reverential hearts of her sons with her Washington. 
 
 Crushingly overwhelmed, the starving Army of North- 
 ern Virginia laid down its arms, but its pitiful fate 
 invested with mournful incense only its heroism and 
 sacrifices. 
 
 Its achievements will increasingly command the ad- 
 saration of the world during all time. 
 
218 
 
 LTOUTENANT-GENERAI, JOHN B. GORDON'S FARBWEI<I, AD- 
 DRESS fO THE SECOND ARMY CORPS. 
 
 My Countrymen and Fellow- Soldiers : 
 
 Already has our g-reat commander, General Robert E. 
 Lee, spoken an affectionate farewell to the Army of 
 Northern Virg-inia, No pen or words can add to his 
 touching' and patriotic address. I beg", however, as your 
 late corps commander, the privileg^e of a few words in 
 this sad hour of parting. Let me assure you that my 
 heart goes out to each and every one of this g'allant 
 corps in this dark hour of disaster. 
 
 Do not doubt, my fellow-soldiers, that the future his- 
 torians will give to you the full measure of your martial 
 glory. Your battle-flags, now furled, tell of your heroic 
 achievements. Thousands of your comrades, on almost 
 every plain in old Virginia, sleep the sleep of death, yet 
 the sleep of glory. But few survive the fierce conflict 
 of civil war, and only a remnant is before me to-day to 
 tell the story of the battles and privations of the Second 
 army corps — the old corps of Stonewall Jackson. This 
 corps and this Army of Northern Virginia will be re- 
 membered as long as the names of Stonewall Jackson 
 and Robert D. Lee will be treasured by a grateful people. 
 Overwhelmed by superior numbers and almost inex- 
 haustible resources, together with the untiring- energy 
 and dauntless courage which has ever marked the mili- 
 tary movements of the great leader of the Federal army, 
 General Ulysses S. Grant, the Army of Northern Vir- 
 ginia — an army of heroes decemated by battle, disease 
 and privation, throug-h four years of almost continuous 
 •warfare — will now disband, never perhaps to meet ag-ain. 
 With our last parting-, let me impress upon you one or 
 two thoughts which, I trust, will go with you to your 
 homes and firesides. 
 
219 
 
 Remember that in God's providence we have surren- 
 dered, not to a foreign foe, but to our own countrymen. 
 
 In the exhibition of your fortitude in the face of dis- 
 aster, ever be as great and as good citizens as you have 
 boen great and heroic soldiers. 
 
 Ever be the model citizens as you have been model sol- 
 diers. Obey the civil law, no matter how odious it 
 may be temporarily. Discharge every duty as a citizen 
 to your respective States and to the general government. 
 Sustain the poor, help the feeble and succor the unfortu- 
 nate in your midst, and by so doing you Vv^ill command, 
 not only the admiration and respect of the world, but 
 win friendship and confidence of those who are now 
 your political enemies. 
 
 Fellow soldiers, with my love and my benediction 
 resting upon each and every one within the sound of my 
 voice, I now bid you farewell. 
 
 May God, in his infinite mercy and kindness, protect 
 and bless you and yours, now and forever. 
 
 No words can truly express the touching eloquence 
 and tender pathos of the speaker or paint the scenes of 
 that sad parting. It was a last good-bye from brother 
 to brother. 
 
 With streaming eyes the veterans grasped the hand 
 of their gallant leader. They retire, form in groups 
 and speak in subdued tones. Comrade and comrade 
 shake hands and part. Slowly they return to their biv- 
 ouacs in the open field where stand the stacked arms in 
 mute eloquence, the bayonets clasping each other as if 
 in the last embrace of death. The battle-flags, rent 
 with shot and shell, are now furled forever. 
 
 The Second army corps, of the Army of Northern Vir- 
 ginia, is no more, except as it shall ever live in history 
 and in story, in poetry and in song. 
 
220 
 
 I deem the following- letter from General Lee to 
 President Davis as a material addition to this narrative : 
 
 Near Appomattox Courthouse, April 12, 1865. 
 His Excellency, Jefferson Davis : 
 
 Me. President — It is with pain that I announce to 
 your excellency the surrender of the Army of Northern 
 Virginia. The operations which preceded this result 
 will be repoirted in- full. I will, therefore, now only 
 state that upon arriving- at Amelia C. H. on the morning 
 of the 4th with the advance of the army on the retreat 
 from the lines in front of Richmond and Petersburg, and 
 not finding the supplies ordered to be placed there, 
 nearly twenty-four hours were lost in endeavoring to 
 collect in the country subsistence for men and horses. 
 This delay was fatal and could not be retrieved. The 
 troops, worried by constant fighting and marching for 
 several days and nights, obtained neither rest nor re- 
 freshments, and on moving on the Sth on the Richmond 
 and Danville railroad, I found at Jetersville the enemy's 
 cavalry and learned of the approach of his infantry and 
 the general advance of his army towards Burksville. 
 
 This deprived us of the use of the railroad and rendered 
 it impracticable to procure from Danville the supplies 
 ordered to meet us at points of our march. 
 
 Nothing could be obtained from the adjacent country. 
 Our route to the Roanoke was therefore changed and 
 the march directed Upon Farmville, where supplies were 
 ordered from Lynchburg. The change of route threw 
 the troops over the roads pursued by artillery and wagon 
 trains west of the railroad, which impeded our advance 
 and embarrassed our movements. 
 
 On the morning of the 6th General Longstreet's corps 
 reached Rice's Station, o^sjjfesjygjjg^ijjjjl^ailroad. It 
 was followed by the cj^jamands of Generalal^^bk. An- 
 
221 
 
 derson, Ewell and Gordon, with orders to close up on it 
 as fast as the progress of the trains would permit, or as 
 they could be directed on roads further west. 
 
 General Anderson, commanding-, Picket's and B. R. 
 Johnson's divisions become disconnected, with Mahone's 
 division forming- the rear of L,ongstreet. The enemy's 
 cavalry penetrated the line of march through the inter- 
 vals thus left, and attacked the wagon train moving to- 
 ward Farmville. This caused serious delay in the 
 march of the center and rear of the column, and enabled 
 the enemy to mass upon their flank. 
 
 After successive attacks Generals Anderson's and 
 Ewell's corps were captured or driven from their posi- 
 tions. The latter general with both of his division 
 commanders, Kershaw and Custis lyee, and his brigades 
 were taken prisoners. Gordon, who all the morning, 
 aided by General W. H. F. Lee's cavalry, had checked 
 the advance of the enemy on the road from Amelia 
 Springs and protected the trains, became exposed to his 
 combined assaults, which he bravely- resisted and twice 
 repulsed, but the cavalry, having been withdrawn to 
 another part of the line of march and the enemy, mass- 
 ing heavily on his front and both flanks, renewed the 
 attack about 6 p. m. and drove him from the field in 
 much confusion. The army continued its march during 
 the night and every effort was made to re-organize the di- 
 visions, which had been shattered by the day's opera- 
 tions, but the men, being depressed by fatigue and hun- 
 ger, many threw away their arms while others followed 
 the wagon trains and embarrassed their progress. 
 
 On the morning of the 7th, rations were issued to the 
 troops as they passed Farmville, but the safety of the 
 trains requiring their removal upon the approach of the 
 enemy, all could not be supplied. 
 
 The army; reduced to two corps under Longs treet and 
 
In ' '"■ ^ — 
 
 Gordon, moved steadily on the road to Appomattox, 
 Court House, thence its march was ordered by Campbell ! 
 Court House throug'h Pittsylvania toward Danville. The 
 roads were wretched and the progress slow. By great 
 efforts the head of the column reached Appomattox 
 Court House on the evening of the 8th, and the troops 
 were halted for rest. 
 
 The march was ordered to be resumed at one A. sr. on 
 the 9th. Fitzhugh Lee with the cavalry, supported by 
 Gordon, was ordered to drive the enemy from his front, 
 wheel to the left and cover the passage of the trains, 
 while Longstreet, who from Rice's station had formed 
 the rear guard, should close up and hold the position. 
 
 Two battalions of artillery and the ammunition wag- 
 ons were directed to accompany the army; the rest of the 
 artillery and wagons to move towards Lynchburg. In 
 the early part of the night the enemy attacked Walker's 
 artillery train near Appomattox station on the Lynch- 
 burg railroad and were repelled. Shortly afterwards 
 their cavalry dashed towards the courthouse till halted 
 by our line. 
 
 During the night there were indications of large forces 
 massing on our left and front. Fitzhugh Lee was direc- 
 ted to ascertain his strength and to suspend his advance 
 till daylight, if necessary. About five a. m. on the 9th, 
 with Gordon on his left, he moved forward and opened 
 the way. 
 
 A heavy force of the enemy was discovered opposite 
 Gordon's right, which, moving in the direction of Appo-' 
 mattox C. H., drove back to the left of the cavalry and 
 threatened to cut off Gordon from Longstreet, his cav- 
 alry at the same time threatening to envelop his left 
 flank. Gordon withdrew across the Appomattox river 
 and the cavalry advanced on the Lynchburg road, and 
 became separated from the army. Learning the coudi- 
 
2^3 
 
 tion of affairs on the lines, where I had gone under the 
 expectation of meeting General Grant to learn definitely 
 the terms he proposed in a communication received from 
 him on the 8th, in the event of the surrender of the 
 army, I requested a suspension of hostilities until the 
 terms could be arranged. In the interview which oc- 
 curred with General Grant in compliance with my 
 request, terms having- been agreed upon, I surrended 
 that portion of the Army of Northern Virginia which 
 was on the field with its arms, artillery and wagon 
 trains, the of&cers and men to be paroled, retaining their 
 side arms and private effects. I deemed this course the 
 best, under all the circumstances by which we were sur- 
 rounded. On the morning of the 9th, according to the 
 reports of the ordnance officers, there were seven thou- 
 sand eight hundred and ninety-two (7,892) organized in- 
 fantry with arms, with an average. of seventy-five (75) 
 rounds of ammunition per man. 
 
 The artillery, though reduced to sixty-three pieces 
 with ninety-three rounds of ammunition, was sufficient. 
 
 These comprise all the supplies for ordnance that could 
 be relied on in the state of Virginia. 
 
 I have no accurate report of the cavalry, but believe 
 it did not exceed 21,00 effective men. The enemy was 
 more than five times our numbers. If we could have 
 forced our way one day longer, it would have been at a 
 great sacrifice of life, and at its end I did not see how a 
 surrender could have been avoided. 
 
 We had no subsistence for man or horse, and it could 
 not be gathered in the country. 
 
 The supplies ordered to Pamplin's station from Lynch- 
 burg could not ireach us, and the men, deprived of food 
 and sleep for many days, were worn out and exhausted. 
 
 With great respect, I am your obedient servant. 
 
 (Signed) R- E. Lbe, General, 
 
THE SWORDS OF GRANT AND LEE. 
 
 FAM:e CROWNS BOTH WITH LAUEBLS. 
 
 Methinks tonig-ht I catch a gleam of steel among- the 
 
 pines, 
 And yonder by the lilied streams repose the foeman's 
 
 lines; 
 The ghostly guards who pace the ground a moment stop 
 
 to see 
 If all is safe and still around the tents of Grant and Lee. 
 
 'Tis but a dream, no armies camp where once their bay- 
 onets shone, 
 
 And Hesper's calm and lovely lamp shines on the dead 
 alone, 
 
 A cricket chirps on yonder rise beneath a cedar tree, 
 
 Where glinted 'neath the summer skies, the swords of 
 Grant and Lee. 
 
 Forever sheathed those famous blades that led the eager 
 
 van, 
 They shine no more among the glades that fringe the 
 
 Rapidan; 
 Today their battle-work is done, go draw them forth and 
 
 see 
 That not a stain appears upon the swords of Grant and 
 
 Lee. 
 
 The gallant men who saw them flash in comradeship to- 
 day, 
 
 Recall the wild, impetuous dash of valorous blue and 
 grey, 
 
 And 'neath the flag that proudly waves above a nation 
 free, 
 
 They aft recall the missing- braves who fought with 
 Grant and Lee. 
 
■jrney sieep among the tender gra s — they slumber 
 
 'neath the pines, 
 They're camping- in the mountain-pass where crouched 
 
 the serried lines; 
 They rest where loud tempests blow destruction in their 
 
 glee— 
 The men who followed long ago the swords of Grant and 
 
 Lee. 
 
 Their graves are lying side by side, where once they met 
 
 as foes, 
 And where they in the wildwood died, springs up a 
 
 blood-red rose; 
 O'er them the bee on golden wing doth flit, and in yon 
 
 tree 
 A gentle robin seems to sing to them of Grant and Lee. 
 
 Today no strifes of sections rise, today no shadows 
 
 fall 
 Upon our land and 'neath the skies one flag waves over 
 
 all; 
 
 The Blue and Gray as comrades stand, as comrades 
 
 bend the knee. 
 And ask God's blessings on the land that gave us Grant 
 
 and Lee. 
 
 So long as southward, wide and clear, Potomac's river 
 
 runs, 
 Their deeds will live because they were Columbia's hero 
 
 sons ; 
 So long as bend the northern pines and blooms the 
 
 orange tree. 
 The swords will shine that led the lines of valiant 
 
 Grant and Lee. 
 
22& 
 
 Metliliiks I hear a bugle blow ; methinks I hear a 
 
 drum, 
 And tbere, with martial step and slow, two gfhostly 
 
 armies come ; 
 They are the men who met as foes, for 'tis the dead 
 
 I see, 
 And side by side in peace repose the swords of Grant 
 
 and L/ce. 
 
 Above them let Old Glory wave and let each deathless 
 
 star 
 Forever shine upon the brave who led the ranks of 
 
 war. 
 Their fame resounds from coast to coast, from mountain 
 
 tops to sea ; 
 No other land than ours can boast the swords of Grant 
 
 and I/ee. 
 
 [Author unknown. — Author.] 
 
 TWO BROTHERS. 
 
 Onb in Bi,ue, One in Gray. 
 
 I've wandered o'er Antietam, John, 
 
 And stood where foe met foe 
 Upon the field of Maryland 
 
 So many years ago. 
 The circling- hills rise just the same 
 
 As they did on that day 
 When you were fighting blue, old boy, 
 
 And I was fighting gray. 
 
 The winding stream runs 'neath the bridge, 
 Where Burnsides won his fame ; 
 
 The locust trees upon the ridge 
 Beyond are there the same ; 
 
227 
 
 The birds were singing 'mid the trees^ 
 
 'Twas bullets on that day, 
 When you were fighting blue, old boy, 
 
 And I was fighting gray. 
 
 I saw again the Dunken church 
 
 That stood beside the wood, 
 Where Hooker made the famous charge 
 
 That Hill so well withstood. 
 'Tis scarred and marred by war and time 
 
 As we are, John, to-day, 
 For you were fighting blue, old boy, 
 
 And I was fighting gray. 
 
 I stood beneath the signal tree 
 
 Where I that day was laid, 
 And 'twas your arms, old boy, that brought 
 
 Me to this friendly shade. 
 Tho' leaves are gone and limbs are bare, 
 
 Its heart is true to-day 
 As yours was then, tho' fighting blue, 
 
 To me tho' fighting gray. 
 
 I marked the spot where Mansfield fell, 
 
 Where Richardson was slain. 
 With Stark and Douglas, 'mid the corn, 
 
 And Brant among the grain. 
 The names are sacred to us, John, 
 
 They led us in the fray, 
 When you were fighting Northern blue 
 
 And I the Southern gray. 
 
 I thought of Burnsides, Hooker, Meade, 
 
 Of Sedgwick, old and grave — 
 Of Stonewall Jackson, tried and true, 
 
 That strove the day to save, 
 
228 
 
 I bared my head — they rest in peace — 
 
 Each one has passed away; 
 Death musters those who wave the blue 
 
 With those who wore the gray. 
 
 The old Pry mansion rears its walls 
 
 Beside Antietam's stream, 
 And far away along the south 
 
 I saw the tombstones gleam. 
 They mark each place where "Little Mac" 
 
 And Robert Lee that day 
 Made proud the North, tho' wearing blue, 
 
 The South tho' wearing grey. 
 
 Yes, John, it gave me joy to stand 
 
 Where we once fiercely fought. 
 The nation now is one again. 
 
 The lesson has been taught. 
 Sweet peace does fair Antietam crown, 
 
 And we can say today: 
 "We're friends," tho' one was fighting blue 
 
 And one was fighting grey. 
 
 [The author of the above is unknown, or we would 
 take pleasure in giving it. — Author."] 
 
^•^Wi 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 W. H. Bland's Prison Lifs. 
 
 Baxi<by, Ga., December 20tli, 1897. 
 Mr. G. W. Nichols, Jesuj), Ga.: 
 
 My Dear Sir and Old Comrade— Yours to hand, ask- 
 ing- me for my prison life, which I will try to give you. 
 I know I cannot recollect everything- that happened in 
 the prison that might interest you or the readers of your 
 history; but I will do the best I can, and will tell the 
 truth. As you know, I am a poor scholar, and will have 
 to give it to you in my own language. 
 
 I was captured at Dr. Morton's house, near Morton's 
 ford, on the Rapidan river, on the night of the 4th of 
 January, 1864, after we had shot away nearly all of our 
 ammunition. 
 
 My capture happened in this way: I was at Dr. Mor- 
 ton's dwelling house, while you and others of our com- 
 pany were fighting from behind other houses- 
 
 As you well know, our skirmish line had given the 
 Yankees a whipping, killing, wounding and capturing 
 400 or 500, and there were not over forty of us fighting 
 them, and after our ammunition had exhausted, 
 the Yankees surrounded Dr. Morton's housejustatdark. 
 
 I had gone in the house and did not know that any 
 part of our line had given way until Dr. Morton's house 
 was entirely surrounded by the enemy. I did not see 
 any of our boys leaving, so I was alone, and was sur- 
 rounded by about fifty Union soldiers, and I just had to 
 surrender. They took me to the rear in a hurry, for 
 they were scared and in bad confusion. 
 
 "When I and my guard got to the river I found that it 
 
230 
 
 was bridged with round poles, and lacked a few feet of 
 beinff finished on the south side of the river, and we 
 had to make a pretty g-ood jump to get on the bridge. 
 I made it very well, as I was an expert jumper, so did 
 my g-uard, he being sober ; but some of those little cut- 
 short Dutchmen could not make it very well, with the 
 amount of whisky they had taken on. They could not 
 reach the bridge, but did reach the water under the 
 bridge, and some were too drunk to swim and some 
 could not swim, and they drowned, for it was very dark 
 and rainy, and their friends could not render them any 
 assistance. 
 
 After we had crossed the river and had gone about 
 three hundred yards from the river, we found some 
 camp-fires. I was taken to them and kept there till the 
 Yankees got across. After all were over, they formed 
 in line and marched off. We went about four miles and 
 camped. 
 
 They had a hard time in getting fire started with oak 
 brush and chips in the rain. My guard and I sat down 
 by an oak stump on our knap-sacks He spread his oil- 
 cloth over us to keep off the falling rain. He was soon 
 nodding and I thought he was asleep. I lifted the cloth 
 off of me and raised up to run; but he woke up; so I 
 turned over my knap-sack and sat down again quickly, 
 to keep him from suspecting my anticipated escape. He 
 spread the cloth over me again and I remained very 
 quiet. He was soon nodding again and I made a second 
 attempt, but he woke again. 
 
 By this time they had fires started and he said: "Well, 
 Johnny, we will go to the light," and I saw no chance 
 of making my escape. 
 
 Next day we marched about nine miles and reached 
 their old camp. I was put in a guard house with about 
 f, 4o««a of their own prisoners. I being the only "John- 
 
231 
 
 ny Rebel" (as they called me) there, I was treated 
 kindly. Next morning- 1 was sent for to g-o to General 
 Hayes' headquarters. While g^oing throug-h the camps 
 the Yankees would say, "Hello, Johnny, when did you 
 come over?" I would reply, "I was captured and brought 
 over," for I did not want them to think that I was a de- 
 serter. 
 
 The general's headquarters were some four or five 
 hundred yards away. When I got there the guard said: 
 "General, here is our Johnny Reb." The general 
 wheeled around and said: "Hello, Johnny, how do you 
 feel today?" I replied, "I feel very well, general, 
 how do you feel?" He said, "I am well." "Well, John- 
 ny, do you wish to go back across the river?" I told 
 him that I did. He says, "Oh, no, Johnny, you don't 
 wish to go back!" "Well," says I, " all you have to do 
 is to give me a showing to that effect, and you will see 
 that I go back." "Well, Johnny, how are you faring 
 on your side of the river?" I told him "I was faring 
 very well." "Well, Johnny, what do you get to eat on 
 your side of the river?" I replied, "bacon, flour, rice, 
 sugar, coffee, etc." "Why, Johnny, do you draw all of 
 that?" "Yes, sir." (Which we did, but it was scanty, 
 especially the coffee and sugar.) 
 
 By this time he was looking in my haversack. I hap- 
 pened to have two day's rations for four men, and he 
 said: "Did you draw all of this meat, Johnny?" I said 
 "Yes, sir." "How many days is this rations for, John- 
 ny?" I said, "two days." He turned to another general 
 and said: "Look at the meat, general?" He replied, 
 "Yes, I see." 
 
 He then said: "How is it, Johnny, that some of your 
 men come over here and say that you are all on starva. 
 tion?" I said, "Well, any man who will desert his 
 country, will tell you a lie." And I further said, "As 
 
232 ^ 
 
 to my reg-iment and brig-ade, ive fare very well; but as 
 to the rest of our army, /can't account for." 
 
 He then said, "How is Lee's army situated?" I said, 
 "I guess you know more about that than I do." "How 
 much force has he got?" I says, "You know more 
 about that than I can tell you." He turned to another 
 general and said: "This is a fine man, general, if he is 
 a Rebel." He said, "What was your loss Johnny?" I 
 told him that I did not know. "Did you see many dead 
 men?" I told him that I did not see any. I then asked 
 him his losses, and he said that they lost between four 
 and five hundred. I said, "Well, we did very well 
 then." (I have since learned that we had two killed, 
 one wounded and I was captured, which made a total of 
 four.) 
 
 He told me that they all got on a drunken spree and 
 he rushed his men over the river without orders, and 
 that he was under arrest that day. 
 
 He told me that he rode on our skirmish line for some 
 distance in the dark and was halted several times, but 
 he said he told them that it was General Hayes and 
 was allowed to go on. He said, "You have a General 
 Hayes, which was all that saved my life." 
 
 The general then said, "Johnny, don't you want a 
 drink of good brandy this morning?" I told him I could 
 not refuse as I had taken a cold. He poured out a fine 
 drink and gave it to me, and I drank it. He said, 
 "Well, Johnny, we will have to send you to prison." 
 
 I was taken to a place that they called their "Bull 
 Pen," about thirty miles away. Here I found six or 
 eight more Confederate prisoners. This was on the rail- 
 road running from Fredericksburg to Alexandria and 
 Washington. We had plenty to eat, but we came near 
 freezing. We stayed here two days and nights and were 
 carried to the City of Washington and put in prison in 
 
233 
 
 the old capitol building-, which they were using for a 
 wayside prison. 
 
 Our fare was very good for prisoners, though we were 
 closely confined. We were in a room about eighteen feet 
 square, which had a good fire-place, and plenty of coal 
 and blankets. Here a Confederate prisoner from Florida 
 killed a Confederate prisoner from Virginia while in a 
 mad fit; but he was afterwards very sorry of -the deed. 
 
 One day Mosb'y's cavalry made a raid on the railroad 
 near Alexandria, Va., and caused some confusion in the 
 Cityof Washington. We stayed here about four months 
 with excellent fare ; we had plenty to eat and good coffee 
 to drink, and I weighed more than I ever did before or 
 since. We were transferred from there to Fort Delaware. 
 Here some Confederates made a lot of money shut up in 
 a prison with no other tools but saws made out of case- 
 knives, pocket-knifes, needle drills and hand-saw files, 
 and some other small files; making bone and gutta- 
 percha rings and putting gold and silver sets in them ; 
 and a great many other little things were made and sold 
 by the Confederate prisoners. They traded with citi- 
 zens, Yankee of&cers and private Yankee soldiers. 
 
 Here we fared extremely bad — in fact, we were per- 
 ished very nearly to death. I would often dream of 
 being at home at my mother's table, with a plenty of 
 good things on it, and in my dreams I would eat and eat, 
 but it seemed that I could never get enough. I would 
 awaken nearly perished to death. Our rations consisted 
 of one-fourth of a one-half pound loaf of bakers' bread. 
 We got this twice a day. Our meat consisted of a verj- 
 small, thin slice of salt pork or fresh beef, which made 
 about one good mouthful, with one Irish potato occa- 
 sionally thrown in extra. 
 
 I often gave up to perish to death. I was so nearly- 
 starved till I was reduced from 140 to 80 pounds. This 
 
234 
 
 caused bone-scurvy among-st a great many of the Con- 
 federate soldiers, and a great many died. 
 
 One man bet his blanket that he could eat every bit of 
 his bread at one mouthful. He did this and won the 
 blanket. The prisoners ate every rat they could cntch. 
 They were fine and highly relished by the prisoners, and 
 if we could have caught a plenty of rats, we would have 
 gotten along" a great deal better than we did. 
 
 In extremely cold weather all the' water we had to 
 drink was real brackish tide water. It would not quench 
 thirst but made us want water much worse. But we 
 sometimes had river water brought to us in boats from 
 up the river. We only received this brackish water 
 when it was so cold they could not bring the other. We 
 privates were in one department and the officers were 
 in another. We could have no communication with 
 them only when we could write a few lines on paper, tie 
 it to a stone and throw it over the wall to them, when 
 the guards were not watching us. They would often 
 answer in the same way. 
 
 About 6,000 prisoners were there. Our guards were 
 all old soldiers who had been used to hard service, and 
 were mostly square gentlemen. They were kind to us 
 and would often divide their tobacco with us and show 
 us other acts of kindness. 
 
 I do not think we received all the government sent 
 there for us, or intended for us to have, but I believe it 
 was abominable rascality and speculation of some of the 
 head managers of the prison; I am sure that, from what 
 we heard, the officers' fare was, if possible, worse than 
 ours. 
 
 I stayed in this prison about ten months and had the 
 small-pox in that time. There was a department in the 
 prison for each Southern state, and 1,000 privates were 
 in the Georgia department. 
 
235 
 
 They paroled us all, with ten Georgia officers, and 
 marched us to the boat and put us on it. 
 
 We started about 11 o'clock A. m., on the 7th of March, 
 1865, to City Point, below Richmond, Va. 
 
 Six prisoners died on the boat and were buried on the 
 banks of the James river, near City Point. 
 
 When we put our feet on Dixie's soil, how our hearts 
 leaped with joy and our eyes filled with tears. 
 
 We were marched along- through the Yankee army, 
 which was between City Point and our army at Drewry's 
 Bluff. 
 
 We were put on a boat and taken up the river to a 
 landing near Richmond, Va., and marched to Camp Lee, 
 two miles from Richmond. At Camp I^ee, we drew 
 money and clothing and stayed there four days and then 
 received a sixty days furlough. I then started home to 
 see my mother. I had a rough time getting home, for_ 
 Sherman had torn up a great many of our railroads. 
 
 I was very poor and weak, and could walk but a short 
 distance at a time. I arrived at home on the 27th of 
 March, 1865. I took those at home on surprise, for they 
 all thought that I was dead, for they had not received 
 one bit of hearing from me in about fifteen months. 
 
 Hoping this will give you and the readers of your his- 
 tory of our company, regiment and brigade satisfaction, 
 I will close. It is all true and I could tell a great deal 
 more about my prison life, which would be true; but 
 deeming this sufficient, I am yours very truly, 
 
 W. H. Bl,AND. 
 
ROSTER OF COMPANIES 
 
 OF 
 
 THE SIXTY-FIRST GEORGIA REGIMENT. 
 
 COMPANY B. 
 
 Prom Tattnai,!, County, Georgia, from August, 1861, 
 TO April, 1865. 
 
 Captain A. P. McRae ; promoted to major ; killed at 
 Sharpsburg, Md., September 17, 1862. 
 
 First lyieutenant D. R. A. Johnson ; promoted to cap- 
 tain; wounded at Spotsylvania, Va., May 12, 1864 ; 
 died at home. 
 
 Second Lieutenant J. M. Dus ; resig-ned 1862. 
 
 Third Lieutenant William Partau ; died in the hos- 
 pital at Guinna Station, 1863. 
 
 Anderson, B. ; mortally wounded at Fredericksburg- De- 
 cember 13, 1862 ; died in hospital from wounds. 
 
 Brewton, B. B. ; wounded at Gettysburg, Pa., July 1, 
 1863 ; yet living. 
 
 Burlong, J. T. ; yet living-. 
 
 Blocker, J. A. ; wounded at Mary's Heights, May, 1863. 
 yet living. 
 
 Blocker, John ; wounded at Fredericksburg December 13, 
 1862 ; died from wounds. 
 
 Blocker, Cornelius ; wounded at Gettysburg, Pa. ; died 
 from wounds. 
 
 Blocker, W. H.; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 
237 
 
 Burkhalter, John ; killed at Gettysburg- July 1, 1863. 
 
 Butts, Frank ; killed at Gettysburg- July 1, 1863. 
 
 Bazell, W. H.; killed at Winchester, Va., September 
 19, 1864. 
 
 Bell, J. W. ; killed at Wilderness May 5, 1864. 
 
 Bell, J. C. ; died in hospital ; time and place unknown. 
 
 Burk, Edward ; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 Georgia Reg-iment ; captured at Mine Run, 1863. 
 
 Curry, D. L,., corporal; captured at Spotsylvania May 12, 
 1864. 
 
 Colson, D. C. ; died at home since the war. 
 
 Cook, M. J.; died in hospital in 1862 ; time and place 
 unknown. 
 
 Dinkins, Joseph ; put in substitute 1862. 
 
 Dinkins, William ; went in as" substitute for Joseph 
 Dinkins ; killed at Fredericksburg- December 13, 
 1862. 
 
 Dinkins, E. W. ; deserted at Fredericksburg-, 1862. 
 
 DeLoach, Wiley O. ; wounded in Seven Days' battle, 
 July, 1862 ; disabled and discharged. 
 
 Driggers, J. T; transferred to Company K, 1862. 
 
 Driggers, Zachariah; transferred to Company K, 1862. 
 
 Dubberly, W. W; killed at Fredericksburg, December 
 13th, 1862. 
 
 Floyd, William; killed at Gettysburg-, July 1st, 1863. 
 
 Findley, Jordan; transferred to Company K, Sixty- 
 first Georgia Reg-iment, 1862. 
 
 Findley, Lemuel; transferred to Company K, Sixty- 
 first Georgia Reg-iment, 1862. 
 
 Gray, William F. ; wounded at Warrenton, Va., 1862; 
 captured at Spotsylvania, May 12th, I864; yet liv- 
 ing. 
 
 Grooms, Joseph J. ; wounded at Manocacy, Md. , July 9th, 
 1864, and captured. 
 
 Grooms, Jackson; died at Farmville Hospital, 1862. 
 
238 
 
 Grooms, J. W.; died in hospital November, 1863; place 
 unknown. 
 
 Grant, William; died with fever, 1861. 
 
 Green, David; wounded in battle Wilderness, May S, 
 1864; died at home since the war. 
 
 Grace, Thomas, corporal; killed in battle, Fredericks- 
 burg-, December 13th, 1862. 
 
 Henderson, Hughey; discharged, inability. 
 
 Hammock, J. M. ; killed in second battle Manassas, 
 August 29th, 1862. 
 
 Harrington, Dennis, color bearer; killed at Petersburg, 
 186S. 
 
 Hagan,W. I.; detailed hospital nurse; died since the war. 
 
 Hagan, S. W. W., drummer; detailed drummer, surren- 
 dered at Appomatox, April 9th, 1865; yet living. 
 
 Hagan, Joseph; died in hospital, 1863. 
 
 Hutchinson, Isaac; died in hospital, 1862. 
 
 Higgs, William; wounded in Sharpsburg, September 
 17th, 1862. 
 
 Jernegan, Jesse; still living. 
 
 Jarrell, John, (Snug); captured at Winchester, Septem- 
 ber 19th, 1864. 
 
 McBride, John; died in hospital in Virginia; place un- 
 known. 
 
 McBride, A. G.; killed at Fredericksburg, December 
 13th, 1862. 
 
 Manning, J. T.; died at home since the war. 
 
 Martin, J. C. ; captured at Mine Run, 1863. 
 
 Morris, W. P. ; yet living. 
 
 Moore, C. H., sergeant; wounded in Seven-days battle 
 before Richmond, beginning June 27, 1862; died 
 from wounds. 
 
 Moore, W. F.; transfered to Company K, Sixty-iirst 
 Georgia Regiment; wounded at Mary's Heights, May 
 2, 1863. 
 
,^39 
 
 Moore, A. P., lieutenant; elected lieutenant in Company 
 H, Sixty-first Georg-ia Regiment, and transferred. 
 
 Mattox, W. E.; wounded at Gaines' Mill June 27, 1862; 
 ag-ain at Chantilly September 1, 1862; yet living-. 
 
 Mattox, J. T.; wounded at Gettysburg, Pa:, July 1, 1863; 
 yet living. 
 
 Mabry, S. ; died in hospital 1862. 
 
 Odum, D. H.; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiment, May, 1862. 
 
 Odum, A. G. ; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 
 Odum, J. H. ; wounded at Gettysburg July 1, 1863. 
 
 Partin, Joseph; died in hospital; time and place un- 
 known. 
 
 Partin, John, jr.; missing; unknown what became of 
 him. 
 
 Partin, John, sr. ; discharged — over age. 
 
 Partin, Hugh; died in hospital; time and pi ace unknown. 
 
 Powell, Abraham; wounded at Sharpsburg, Md., Sep- 
 tember 17, 1862; again at Spotsylvania C. H., May 
 12, 1864; killed at home since the war. 
 
 Powell, Jackson; yet living. 
 
 Pearson, Charlie, sergeant; captured at Spotsylvania C. 
 H., May 17, I864. 
 
 Pittman, Julius; wounded at Sharpsburg, Md., Septem- 
 ber 17, 1862; died from wounds. 
 
 Rewis, G. E. ; unknown. 
 
 Rewis, R. R. ; wounded at Fredricksburg December 13, 
 1862; missing. 
 
 Rewis, J. J. ; served through the war. 
 
 Rewis, James; faithful soldier; served through the war. 
 
 Rewis, Madison; unknown. 
 
 Reddish, P. J.; discharged — over age. 
 
 Riggs, A. B.; wounded at Gaines' Mill June 27, 1862; 
 died at home, 1898. 
 
240 
 
 Rig-gs, W. S.; wounded at Gettysburg, Pa., July 1, 1863; 
 yet living'. 
 
 Rodg-ers, P. W. ; sergeant; wounded at Sharpsburg, Md., 
 September l7tli, 1863; killed at Fredericksburg De- 
 cember 12th, 1863. 
 
 Rodgers, W. W. ; discharged — disability. 
 
 Strickland, H. S. ; discharged — disability. 
 
 Smith, Simon; died 1863, in hospital, time and place un- 
 known. 
 
 Shuman, Elias; died in hospital, Louisa Court House, 
 1862. 
 
 Sharp, H. R. ; second sergeant; transferred to Company K, 
 Sixty-first Georgia Regiment and elected first ser- 
 geant; faithful soldier; in very near all the battles; 
 never received wound; surrendered at Appomattox; 
 yet living. 
 
 Smith, C. W. ; severely wounded at Fredericksburg De- 
 cember 13, 1862; lost leg; is yet living and is ordinary 
 Tattnall county, Ga. 
 
 Smith, D. H.; discharged; mail contractor 1863; died at 
 home. 
 
 Smith, A. A.; killed at Gettysburg July 1, 1863. 
 
 Sharp, F. F. ; first sergeant; transferred to Company K, 
 Sixty-first Georgia Regiment; elected captain; served 
 through the war; was never seriously wounded; in 
 nearly every battle the regiment was engaged in; 
 commanded regiment from July 9, 1864, until Jan- 
 uary 16, 1865; received furlough home; cut off by 
 Sherman; is yet living at St. Cloud, Florida; faith- 
 ful soldier and good commander. 
 
 Sharp, J. T.; sergeant; transferred to Company K, Six- 
 ty-first Georgia Regiment. 
 
 Sharp, G. W.; missing; unknown. 
 
 Sharp, Jesse; yet living. 
 
 Currency, W. M.: died in hospital June, 1862. 
 
241 
 
 Surrency, Samuel; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiment; faithful soldier. 
 
 Surrency, H. W. ; captured at Winchester September 19, 
 1864; yet living. 
 
 Surrency, A. H.; transferred to Company K, Sixtj-first 
 Georgia Regiment; wounded at Spotsylvania C. H., 
 May 12, 1864. 
 
 Surrency, Allen A. ; transferred to Company K, Sixty- 
 first Georgia Regiment. 
 Galley 68 
 
 Stafford, Joshua; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 
 Stafford, Eli; wounded at Spotsylvania C. H. May 12, 
 1864; yet living. 
 
 Strickland, E. D., sergeant; wounded at Fredericksburg 
 December 13th, 1862; died at home. 
 
 Sheffield, John; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 
 Salter, William; transferred to Fiftieth Georgia Regi- 
 ment. 
 
 Saturday, G. W.; captured at Spotsylvania May 12, 1864. 
 
 Stripling, A. A.; wounded at Sharpsburg, Md., Septem- 
 ber 17, 1862; died at home. 
 
 Stripling, R. W., lieutenant; captured at Spotsylvania 
 C. H. May 12, 1864; died at home. 
 
 Stripling, Lauda, lieutenant; transferred to Company 
 K, Sixty-first Georgia Regiment; elected lieutenant 
 latter part of war. 
 
 Sikes, Hampton; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 Georgia Regiment ; detailed in litter corps ; good 
 one; died since war. 
 
 Sapp, Jackson; missing; unknown. 
 
 Thrift, John; wounded in battle Wilderness May 5, 1864; 
 died at home. 
 
 Thompson, R. W.; died at home. 
 
243 
 
 Todd, W. W.; wounded at Sharpsburg, Md., September 
 
 17, 1862; died in hospital, Richmond, 1862. 
 Todd, C. D.; wounded at Fredericksburg- December 13, 
 
 1862; yet living-. 
 Tootle, James; wounded at Gettysburg July 1, 1863, and 
 
 captured at Monocacy July 9, 1864. 
 Vincient, S. D.; wounded at Mine Run November, 1863, 
 
 and captured at Spotsylvania C. H. May 12, 1864. 
 Varnadore, A. J.; captured at Spotsylvania C. H. May 
 
 12, 1864; died, time and place unknown, supposed 
 
 in prison. 
 Williams, C; died on Jekyl Island, February, 1862. 
 Williams, R.; died in Richmond hospital, 1862. 
 Waters, Amos; missing; died, time and place unknown. 
 Waters, J. M.; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 Wolf, Lewis; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 Webb, Jackson; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 Yeomans, J. S. ; yet living-. 
 
 COMPANY C. 
 
 From Brooks County, from Sbptbmbisr 7th, 1861, to 
 April 9th, 1865. 
 
 Captain James McDonald; elected lieutenant-colonel at 
 organization of regiment; resigned on account of 
 age and infirmity; died since the war. 
 
 First Lieutenant J. A. Edmonson; promoted to cap- 
 tain; resigned on account of infirmity; died since 
 the war. 
 
243 
 
 Second Lieutenant Daniel Mc Donald; promoted to cap- 
 tain; wounded at Sbarpsburg, September I7tli, 1862; 
 Fredericksburg^, December ISth, 1862; captured at 
 Spotsylvania C. H., May 12th, 1864; yet living. 
 
 Third Lieutenant J. M. Harris; resigned on account of 
 imfirmity; yet living. 
 
 First Sergeant N. M. Reddick; wounded at Fredericks- 
 burg; served through the war a faithful soldier; 
 surrendered at Appomattox; died since the war. 
 
 Second Sergeant Remer Dukes; killed in the Valley of 
 Virginia, 1864. 
 
 Third Sergeant John Percell; yet living in Quitman, 
 Georgia; was detailed in charge of an engineering 
 corps. 
 
 Fourth Sergeant E. W. Wincey; killed at South Anna, 
 Va., in May, 1864. 
 
 Fifth Sergeant S. D. Strickland; died in hospital at 
 Staunton, Va., 1862. 
 
 First Sergeant J. W. Dukes; yet living in Quitman 
 county, Ga. ; faithful soldier. 
 
 First Corporal G. M. Taylor; killed at Sharpsburg, on 
 September l7th, 1862. 
 
 Second Corporal J. R. Ricks; captured at Gettysburg; 
 yet living. 
 
 Third Corporal E. Gray; died in hospital, place un- 
 known. 
 
 Fourth Corporal Alfred Strickland; died in hospital; 
 faith'ful soldier. 
 
 Allen, Dempsy; died with smallpox. 
 
 Alderman, Henry; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 
 Alderman, Isaac; faithful soldier; died in hospital. 
 
 Alderman, William; killed at Rappahannock by a shell 
 Atigust, 1862. 
 
 Alderman, Thomas; killed in difficulty since the war. 
 
244 
 
 Alderman, D; died at Guinea Station in 1862 in small- 
 pox hospital. 
 Beaty, James 1/.] elected second lieutenant; good officer 
 
 and soldier; living- in Texas. 
 Beaty, Berrien; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 Burney, James; killed at Sharpsburg. 
 Burney, E.; transferred to navy in 1864; yet living. 
 Butler, E. ; in Colquitt county, Ga. ; yet living. 
 Browning, Neal; living in Virginia; married there 
 
 during the war; yet living. 
 Browning, J.; died in hospital at Charleston, S. C, in 
 
 1862. 
 Baker, I.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 Burgess, J.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 Carlton, T.; faithful soldier; died in hospital 
 Carlton, A.; faithful soldier; died in hospital. 
 Carlton, Aaron; faithful soldier; died in hospital. 
 Colter, J.; wounded at Gettysburg; died since the war. 
 Colter, William; wounded at Sharspburg; killed at Tal- 
 
 lokas, Ga., 1876. 
 Croft, William; wounded at Gettysburg; arm shot off; 
 
 yet living. 
 Croft, G. ; killed at Fredricksburg. 
 Dixon, R. ; killed at Sharpsburg. 
 Dukes, E.; preaching in Florida; faithful soldier; yet 
 
 living. 
 Duggan, A.; died in hospital. 
 Duggan, B. ; yet living. 
 Dugger, J,; died in hospital. 
 Durst, J. M. ; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 Dampier, M.; transferred; died at home. 
 Edwards, A.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 Edmonson, S. D. ; wounded at Sharpsburg; furnished 
 
 substitute; yet li^dng. 
 Ployd, L. ; killed at Gettysburg. 
 
245 
 
 Flowers, W.; discliarg-ed on account of infirmity; died 
 since war. 
 
 Gunn, William; yet living-. 
 
 Gunn, J. ; deserted or killed on our return from Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
 Gray, T. ; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 Gray, Josh; faithful soldier; yet living-. 
 
 Golman, J.; faithful soldier; yet living-. 
 
 Goodwin, E.; killed at Gettysburg- in 1863. 
 
 Hires, D. ; killed at Sharpsburg in 1862. 
 
 Hammock, J. ; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 HoUoway, W. ; killed at Wilderness in 1864. 
 
 Hurnden, J.; wounded at Mine Run in 1863; yet living-. 
 
 Hancock, A.; wounded at Fredericksburg- in 1862; yet 
 living-. 
 
 Hancock, J. ; wounded at Sharpsburg-; yet living-. 
 
 Harris, B. ; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 Harris, J. ; died in hospital in 1862- 
 
 Harris, R. ; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 Hood, Calvin; captured in 1864; was never heard from 
 since; extra fine soldier. 
 
 Ireland, T. J. ; wounded at Fredericksburg-; yet living-. 
 
 Ireland, William; killed at Sharpsburg. 
 
 Ingram, Sam; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 Johnson, J. J.; furnished substitute; died since war. 
 
 Johnson, J. W., M. D,; wounded and captured at Gettys- 
 burg; yet living. 
 
 Keene, R. ; faithful soldier; died since war. 
 
 Kent, G.; wounded at Gettysburg; died since war. 
 
 LfOvett, J.; died in hospital in Richmond, Va., July, 
 1862. 
 
 I/Ovett, William ; died in hospital in Strasburg, Va., 
 1862, with pneumonia. 
 
 Lovett, Aaron ; faithful soldier ; yet living. 
 
 Lewis, M. ; faithful soldier ; yet living. 
 
246 
 
 Lewis, A. ; wounded in battle ; died in hospital ; place 
 not remembered. 
 
 Lewis, J. ; wounded at Gettysburg^ and Wilderness ; died 
 in hospital. 
 
 Lewis, H. ; died at home after being- discharged for dis- 
 abilities. 
 
 Little, T. E. ; died at Bethesda, spine being- injured by 
 diving to the bottom of a stream ; died in hospital. 
 
 McDow, F. M. ; wounded at Sharpsburg- with flag in 
 hand ; captured at Spotsylvania C. H. May 12, 
 1864, with flag ; died in prison. 
 
 McMullen, H. O. ; wounded in battle in 1864 ; lost a leg ; 
 yet living. 
 
 McMullen, W. ; died in hospital after Manassas battle. 
 
 McGrow, R. A. ; discharged for disabilities ; yet living. 
 
 McGrow, H. ; died in hospital, time and place not known. 
 
 Moore, J. T. ; faithful soldier ; yet living. 
 
 Miller, J. ; killed at Fredericksburg December, 1862. 
 
 Mobley, William ; discharged ; yet living. 
 
 Newton, William ; faithful soldier ; died in hospital. 
 
 Newton, G. W. ; faithful soldier ; yet living. 
 
 Nesmith, T. R, ; faithful soldier ; died since war. 
 
 Nesmith, Henry ; faithful soldier ; died in hospital. 
 
 Rainey,B.; wounded at Gaines' Mill, 1862; disabled and 
 discharged ; yet living. 
 
 Rainey, J.; wounded at Sharpsburg, Va.; died in hos- 
 pital at Strasburg, Va., 1862. 
 
 Ricks, George ; faithful soldier ; yet living. 
 
 Royal, I. A.; killed at Wilderness. 
 
 Royal, D. A. ; elected second lieutenant ; promoted to 
 first lieutenant ; wounded at Wilderness, 1864 ; yet 
 living. 
 
 Reddick, Peter ; died in hospital at Jekyl Island with 
 measles in 1861. 
 
 Roberts, H.; faithful soldier; yet living-. 
 
247 
 
 Reatford, R. T. R.; faithful soldier; died in hospital. 
 
 Selph, G. W.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 
 Selph, J. W. ; killed at Cold Harbor. 
 
 Selph, J.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 
 Selph, Tom; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 
 Sloan, J. ; wounded at Gettysburg; elected sheriff of Col- 
 quitt county during war and resigned his oflSce of 
 lieutenant. 
 
 Sloan, N.; wounded and captured at Gettysburg; died in 
 prison. 
 
 Salter, William; transferred; yet living. 
 
 Sherrod, James; wounded at Sharpsburg; yet living. 
 
 Sherrod, John; died in hospital after the battle of the 
 Wilderness. 
 
 Strickland, S. A.; died in hospital at Whitehall, Va., 
 1862. 
 
 Strickland, Shade; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 Strickland, S. S.; wounded at Sharpsburg; died since 
 war. 
 
 Strickland, J.; faithful soldier; died since war. 
 
 Smith, Joe; killed at Fredericksburg, December, 1862. 
 
 Smith, Hill; wounded at Gettysburg and discharged; 
 yet living. 
 
 Smith, James; leg cut off by a train at Richmond, Va. , 
 when he had started home on a furlough; died since 
 war. 
 
 Smith, W. H. C"; wounded at Fisher's Hill in 1864; yet 
 living. 
 
 Smith, G. W.; died in hospital, place not remembered. 
 
 Tyson, John; died in hospital, place not remembered. 
 
 Wincey, Freeman; died in hospital at Camp Bethesda, 
 Ga., in 1862. 
 
 Wingate, L.; died iji hospital, time and place not remem- 
 bered. 
 
248 ' 
 
 Watkins, A. W.; wounded at Mine Run in 1863; yet liv- 
 ing-. 
 
 Weldon, Jolin; killed at Sharpsburg-, Md. 
 
 Weldon, Isaac; surrendered at Appomattox; yet living-. 
 
 Yates, Wyley; captured and died in prison in 1864. 
 
 Yates, James; wounded at Malvern Hill in 1862; yet liv- 
 ing. 
 
 Yates, Stephen; faithful soldier; died in hospital. 
 
 COMPANY D. 
 
 DbKai^b Guards, prom Bulloch County, prom Sep- 
 tember 9th, 1861, TO April 9th, 1865. 
 
 Captain Henry Tillman; resigned after the seven days' 
 , battle before Richmond; died since war. 
 
 First Lieutenant S. H. Kennedy; promoted to captain 
 after seven days' battle; wounded at Manassas; pro- 
 moted to lieutenant-colonel in January, 1865; severely 
 wounded at Deep Run on February 6, 1865; an ex- 
 cellent officer and brave soldier; yet living. 
 
 Second Ivieutenant J. H. Wilkinson; resigned in 1862; 
 yet living. 
 
 Third Lieutenant J. Hoyt DeLoach; discharged in 1863; 
 yet living. 
 
 First Sergeant J. E. C. Tillman; transferred to Company 
 K; elected third lieutenant; yet living. 
 
 Second Sergeant W. H. Williams; promoted to adjutant; 
 wounded at Deep Run February 6, 1865; unknown. 
 
 Third Sergeant James Mincy; elected to lieutenancy; 
 wounded at Manassas, Gettysburg and Monocacy; 
 yet living. 
 
 Fourth Sergeant J, L. B. Nevils; killed at Manassas, 
 
249 
 
 First Corporal E. J. Martin; wounded on Three Tops 
 
 mountain; a most excellent soldier; assassinated 
 
 since the war. 
 Second Corporal "William Lee; killed at Spotsylvania, 
 
 C. H. 
 Third Corporal W. A. Woods; wounded at Fredrick 
 
 City, Md. ; yet living. 
 Fourth Corporal William HoUoway; faithful soldier; 
 
 captured on the last retreat before the surrender; yet 
 
 living. 
 
 Alderman, J. W.; promoted to sergeant; missing at the 
 battle of Cedar Creek, in 1864; died since the war. 
 
 Anderson, John; killed at Gettysburg. 
 
 Beasley, J. R.; wounded at Gaines' mill; came home on 
 a furlough and never returned; yet living. 
 
 Boyet, Thomas; was in nearly all the battles and never 
 wounded; surrendered at Appomattox; faithful sol- 
 dier; yet living. 
 
 Branuen, John; promoted to lieutenant; killed at Manas- 
 sas. 
 
 Bland, W. H.; captured at hospital in Frederick City, 
 Md., in 1862, but was exchanged; was captured again 
 at Morton's Ford in 1864; paroled March 7th, 1865; 
 yet living. 
 
 Barrow, Isaac; killed at Fredricksburg in 1862. 
 
 Bowen, B. F.; died in hospital at Staunton, Va., in 1862. 
 
 Bird, Adam; detailed to a government bakery; yet living. 
 
 Butts, Frank; killed at Manassas in 1862. 
 
 Banks, ; died at Brunswick or Bethesda in 1862. 
 
 Cruce, J. A. J.; killed at North Anna; promoted to ser- 
 geant in 1861. 
 
 Connell, Timothy; missing in 1863; unknown; 
 
 Collins, W. H.; faithful soldier; died since war. 
 
250 
 
 Collins, Ziba J.; transferred to Company K; killed at 
 
 Monocacy, Md., July 9, 1864. 
 Collins, G. A. ; supposed to be killed at the battle of 
 
 Manassas; missing-. 
 Collins, M. v.; enlisted at the ag-eof sixteen (company's 
 
 pet); was in most of the battles; was sick and got a 
 
 furlough just before the war closed; yet living. 
 Chenutt, Drew; detailed for a drummer and was trans- 
 ferred; unknown. 
 Collins, J. J.; wounded at Gaines' mill; died since the 
 
 war. 
 Collins, A. J. ; transferred to Company K; wounded at 
 
 Gaines' Mill and Winchester; yet living. 
 Collins, Berrien; killed at second battle of Manassas. 
 Collins, R. J.; captured on the retreat from Petersburg; 
 
 yet living. 
 Collins, Neal; died in hospital at Jekyl Island or Beth- 
 
 esda. 
 Car tee, William; discharged from hospital and returned 
 
 home; died since the war. 
 Cartee, Ruben; died in hospital in Richmond in July, 
 
 1862. 
 Cartee, John; died in hospital in Richmond in July, 1862. 
 Cartee, Malichi; died in hospital in Richmond in July, 
 
 1862. 
 Davis, Henry; put in substitute and retired; died since 
 
 the war. 
 Pavis, Ivemuel; yet living. 
 Dixon, Jasper; killed in government machine shop in 
 
 1861. 
 Driggers, Henry; killed in Brunswick by an assassin 
 
 named Peterson in 1861. 
 Ellis, Joshua; wounded at Manassas; promoted to ser- 
 geant; secured a furlough and was at home at the 
 
 elose; still living'. 
 
251 
 
 Franklin, Mitcliel; died in hospital at Charlottsville, 
 
 Va., June, 1862. 
 Franklin, Hiram; promoted to lieutenant; wounded at 
 
 Fredericksburg", 1862; totally disabled for service 
 
 and retired; yet living-. 
 Franklin, Remer; detailed for ambulance driver; v/ound- 
 
 ed at Fort Stephens near Petersburg; surrendered 
 
 at Appomatox; yet living-. 
 Franklin, Hardy; died in Valley of Virginia, 1862. 
 Frawley, Daniel; missing; unknown. 
 Fitzsimmons, P.; missing; unknown. 
 Green, Charlton; detailed in government bakery; yet 
 
 living. 
 Green, M. J.; captured at Spotsylvania, 1864; remained 
 
 in prison the rest of the war; yet living. 
 Green, Sol.; discharged in 1861; died since the war. 
 Hendrix, M. B. ; crippled and disabled at Bruntwick, 
 
 Ga. ; yet living. 
 Hendrix, J. J.; detailed to litter corps; severely wounded 
 
 in the leg at Monocacy, Md. ; captured and remained 
 
 in prison till the close of the war;' yet living. 
 Hendrix, G. F. ; wounded and totally disabled for ser- 
 vice at Manassas; yet living. 
 Hodges, A. W. ; discharged from company ; after getting 
 
 well joined First Georgia Regiment and was killed 
 
 at Peachtree creek, near Atlanta, Ga., July 22, 
 
 1864. 
 Hodges, Wesley ; killed at Gaines' mill, 1862. 
 Hodges, S. W. ; discharged in 1861 ; yet living. 
 Hodges, J. C. ; promoted to sergeant; mortally wounded 
 
 at Sharpsburg ; brains shot out, and died eleven 
 
 days afterward. 
 Hodges, G. W. ; faithful soldier ; yet living. 
 HoUoway, Joshua ; severely wounded at Sharpsburg-, 
 
 Md.{ j9tlirmg. 
 
252 
 
 Jones, Silas E. ; mortally wounded at Fredericksburg- and 
 died in Richmond a few days afterwards. 
 
 Jones, T. B. ; wounded in toe at Gaines' mill in 1862. 
 
 Jones, Henry; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 Jerrell, John L. ; wounded at Manassas; lost rig-ht arm; 
 yet livingf. 
 
 Kicklighter, Alfred; wounded in the valley near New- 
 town, Virginia, in 1864; yet living. 
 
 Kicklig-hter, William; killed at North Anna in 1864. 
 
 Kennedy, William; died in hospital at Bethesda in 1862. 
 
 Kenneday, S. H., Jr.; killed at Manassas. 
 
 Kirkland, Joshua; killed at Gaines' mill in 18'52. 
 
 Lewis, Wyley; killed at Manassas August 29, 1862. 
 
 Nichols, A. J. ; killed at Gaines' mill June 27, 1862. 
 
 Nichols, G. W. ; slightly wounded at Maryland Heights 
 and Winchester; yet living. 
 
 OUiff, Henry; killed at Spotsylvania May 12, 1864. 
 
 Parrish, Daniel; wounded at Gaines' mill; totally disa- 
 bled and had to retire; yet living. 
 
 Parrish, Isaiah; died at Waynesville, Ga., in 1862. 
 
 Parrish, H.; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 Rimes, A. M. ; wounded at Gaines' mill in 1862 and Mor- 
 ton's Ford Jan. 4, 1864. 
 
 Rushing, Harrison; killed at Gettysburg. 
 
 Scarboro, Newton; transferred to Company K and killed 
 at Gettysburg. 
 
 Scarboro, G. W. ; transferred to Company K; yet living. 
 
 Smith, John; captured (place unknown); yet living. 
 
 Smith, M. v.; wounded (place unknown) and retired; 
 died since war. 
 
 Summerlin, Ive; in most of battles; was never hurt; sur- 
 rendered at Appomattox; yet living. 
 
 Summerlin, D. ; left, sick, by the roadside; never heard 
 from again. 
 
 Turner, Jackson; 
 
253 
 
 rurner, Sam; detailed to litter corps; captured at Rock- 
 
 ville, Md., in 1864; died since war. 
 [Jnderwood, Wyley; killed at Fredericksburg- December 
 
 13, 1862. 
 Warren, Sim; g-ot sick and retired; yet living-. 
 Warren, Irvin; died in Richmond hospital in 1862. 
 Warren, Madison; severely -wounded at Fredericksburg; 
 
 -went through the rest of the war; surrendered at 
 
 Appomattox; yet living-. 
 Warren, F. M. ; wounded and totally disabled at Gaines' 
 
 Mill; yet living. 
 Williams, R. J.; wounded at Gaines' Mill; went home 
 
 on a furlough; elected captain in Forty-seventh 
 
 Georgia Regiment and transferred; yet living. 
 "Williams, S. L.; elected third lietitenant and promoted 
 
 to first lieutenant; was at home on a furlough at the 
 
 close of the war; died since war. 
 Williams, James; killed at Manassas August 29, 1862. 
 Waters, Wash; got sick and retired on furlough in 1864; 
 
 died since war. 
 Waters, T. A.; wounded at Manassas; disabled and dis- 
 charged; died since war. 
 Wilkinson, William; transferred to Company K; severely 
 
 wounded (place not remembered) ; yet living. 
 Wilkson, B. W. ; died since war. 
 Yeomans, John; killed near New Market September 24, 
 
 1864, while on retreat; shot through by a cannon ball. 
 Surrendered at Appomattox April 9th, 1865, armed 
 and in line : 
 
 Remer Franklin. 
 Thomas Boyet. 
 Ive Summerlin. 
 Madison Warren. 
 Corporal William HoUaway was captured two days 
 b«lore the surrender. 
 
254 
 COMPANY E. 
 
 MONTGOMBKY ShAPSHOOTBKS, FROM MONTGOMBRT 
 
 County, from August, 1861, to Aprii,, 1861. 
 
 iaptain 0. W. McArthur; promoted to lieutenant-colo- 
 nel and killed at Spotsylvania C. H., May 12, 1864. 
 
 'irst Lieutenant J. W. Vaughn; resigned in spring of 
 1862. 
 
 lecond Lieutenant John J. McArthur; resigned in winter 
 of 1861. 
 
 Third Lieutenant Thos. M. McRae; promoted to captain; 
 killed April, 1865, on retreat from Petersburg to 
 Appomattox C. H. 
 
 First Sergeant John L. Matthews; promoted to second 
 lieutenant March, 1862; wounded at Sharpesburg 
 and again at Wilderness May 5, 1864, and retired. 
 
 Second Sergeant Thos. Benton Conner; died inCharlotts- 
 ville July, 1862. 
 
 Third Sergeant J. W. McRae; promoted second lieuten- 
 ant 1862; died in prison, after being wounded at 
 Gettysburg, on Johnson's Island, Lake Erie. 
 
 Fourth Sergeant H. T. Wright; wounded at Spotsylva- 
 nia May 12, 1864. 
 
 Fifth Sergeant W. S. Clark; died of typhoid fever 
 in spring of 1862 at Bethesda. 
 
 First Corporal Stephen Nash; died of typhoid fever at 
 Bethesda, 1862. 
 
 Second Corporal W. R. Vaughn ; wounded at Monocacy 
 July 9, 1864, and taken prisoner. 
 
 Third Corporal A. R. Browning; died of typhoid fever 
 at Bethesda in spring of 1862. 
 
 Fourth Corporal J. Joyce; died in hospital. 
 
 Adams, A. J. ; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
Adams, M. J. ; wounded at Fredericksburg December 13, 
 
 1862. 
 Adams, R. R; ; wounded at Newtown, 1864. 
 Burch, B. ; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first Geor- 
 gia Regiment. 
 Beagles, J. J.; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 Browning, G. W. ; wounded at Sbarpsburg. 
 Browning, J, A. 
 
 Browning, J. D. ; died at home since the war. 
 Bryan, R. A. ; discharged for disability. 
 Burkhalter, J. M. ; wounded at Gettysburg and died from 
 
 effect of wound. 
 Burkhalter, J. C. ; killed at Gettysburg. 
 Bone, T. K. ; wounded at Monocacy, July 9, 1864, and 
 
 murdered since the war. 
 Buchannan, L. ; died in hospital in 1863. 
 Bridges, G. ; died of miningetis near Hamilton's crossing 
 
 in Spring of 1863. 
 Bridges, C. 
 
 Clements, A. M. ; died in hospital at Denville, 
 Clements, J. B. ; wounded at Sharpsburg. 
 Clements, D. G. ; wounded at Sharpsburg. 
 Clark, P. H. ; wounded at Sharpsburg. 
 Clark, W. A. died of typhoid fever at Bethesda 
 Conner, W. W. ; killed at Fredericksburg December 13, 
 
 1862. 
 Clark, J. F, ; survives. 
 Chaney, William; killed at Fredericksburg December 13, 
 
 1862. 
 Conner, J. A. ; woundeded at Fredericksburg and died iq 
 
 hospital from wound. 
 Conner, J. F. ; died in hospital in 1863. 
 Calhoun, H. A. ; transferred to Company K; survives. 
 Clark, W. F. ; survives. 
 
uss 
 
 t^atbiitli, H. A. ; killed at Monocacj. 
 
 Banes, B. F., survives, 
 
 Bay, J. ; transferred to Company K; survives. 
 
 Billis, J. ; died in hospital. 
 
 Hughes, M. D.; wounded at wilderness May Sth, 1864 
 and retired. 
 
 Hughes. J. P.! died at Bethesda. 
 
 Hampton, It. H. ; discharged for disability. 
 
 Higgs, D. ; discharged for disability. 
 
 Johnson, R.; died in hospital, 1863. 
 
 Johnson, P. ; wounded at Sharpsburg and survives. 
 
 Lovctt, H.. died in hospital, 1863. 
 
 t,atimer, O. O.; transferred to Company G, and dis- 
 charged for disability. 
 
 McArthur, M, D.; promoted March Sth to third lieu- 
 tenant; promoted December 27th to second lieu- 
 tenant. 
 
 McSwain, J.; survives. 
 
 McQuaigg, J.; killed at Fredericksburg December 13th, 
 1862. 
 
 McKay, W. R.; killed at Fredericksburg, December 
 13th, 1862. 
 
 May, J.; killed at Monocacy July 9th, 1864. 
 
 Morrison, R. ; killed at Cedar Run. 
 
 MuUer, S. : died of typhoid fever at Sulphur Springs, 
 Va., September 1862. 
 
 McLeod, W. H. ; died in hospital 1863. 
 
 McRae, D. N.; wounded at Sharpsburg. 
 
 Mozo, H. C; transferred to Company K, May 1862; 
 killed at Sharpsburg, Md. 
 
 McCrimmon, A. H.; survives. 
 
 McAllister, J. W.; wounded at Sharpsburg; again at 
 Wilderness May Sth, 1864. 
 
 McDaniel, M.; killed accidentally while on duty Maj 
 12th. 1:862. 
 
357 
 
 tlcRa*, T. W.; died at Charlottsville 1862. 
 
 VEcBride, W. F. ; discharg-ed for disability. 
 
 VIobley, J. J. ; transferred to Company K in May 1862, 
 and promoted to first lieutenant; wounded at Get- 
 tysburg- and captured. 
 
 Nash, L. C. ; survives. 
 
 Nash, J. S. ; survived the war, and murdered since. 
 
 Nail, Jim; killed at Hamilton's Crossing December 13, 
 1862. 
 
 Nail, B.; survives. 
 
 O'Conner, J. ; wounded at Second Manassas. 
 
 Peterson, M. D. ; survives. 
 
 Purvis, C. C. ; wounded and lost an arm at Second Ma- 
 nassas. 
 
 Purvis, J.; survives. 
 
 Vaughan, J.; survives. 
 
 Vaug-han, R. T. ; survives. 
 
 Watson, J.; survives. 
 
 Wright, J. J.; wounded at Cold Harbor; captured at 
 Spotsylvania C. H. May 12, 1864; died since war. 
 
 Williams, F. G.; faithful color-bearer; wounded several 
 times; survives. 
 
 RECRUITS THAT WERE ADDED TO THE ORIGINAL COMPANY, 
 
 Adams, J. W. ; wounded at Fredericksburg Decembei 
 , 13, 1862. 
 Adams, W. T. F.; wounded at Fredericksburg Decem 
 
 ber 12, 1852. 
 Browning, W. A.; killed at Monocacy July 9, 1864. 
 Browning, W. W. ; died in hospital in 1864. 
 Burkhalter, G. M. C; survives. 
 Bridges, Thomas; survives, home on furlough at sui 
 
 render. 
 Carmichael, Duncan; survives. 
 Carmichael, B. J. ; wounded at Gettysburg. 
 
Currie, Thomas; killed at Gettysburg-. 
 Currie, Dan; unknown. 
 
 Galbraith, Henry; discharg-ed for disability. 
 Galbraith, Angus; survives. 
 Joyce, Thomas; died in hospital in 1864. 
 McSwain, Hector; survives. 
 Morrison, M. ; killed at Cold Harbor in 1864. 
 McArthur, A. D. ; died in August, 1865. 
 McBryde, R. B.; survives. 
 Purvis, Dan; unknown. 
 Vaughan, J. J,; unknown. 
 Vaughn, Bill; wounded near Petersburg. 
 Watson, Alex; survives. 
 Wall, Archie; died in hospital in 1864. 
 Wright, J. B.; unknown. 
 Wright, A. T. ; wounded at Fredericksburg. 
 Wooten, R. D. ; missing in battle at Fredericksburg, De- 
 cember 13, 1862. 
 Wooten, Hughes; killed. 
 Gillis, Hugh; survives. 
 
 Me. Nichols — At your request, I have done the best 
 that I could on the muster roll of Company E. 
 
 Our county authorities haven't yet made out a muster 
 roll of all the old soldiers from this county. 
 
 With my many best wishes for your undertaking, I 
 am, very respectfully, your friend and comrade, 
 
 James J. Mobi,ey. 
 
 Lumber City, Ga., Oct. yth, i8g8. 
 
259 
 
 COMPANY F. 
 
 Guards Stahk«, from Quitman County, from 1861 
 TO 1865. 
 
 Captain Peter Brannon; promoted to major ia the spring 
 of 1863; brave man; efficient officer; killed at Get- 
 tysburg-, Pa., July 1st, 1863. 
 
 First Lieutenant R. T. Cochrane; promoted to captain, 
 1863; most excellent officer; wounded at Spotsyl- 
 vania C H, May 12th, 1863; yet living-, 1898. 
 
 Second Lieutenant R. A. Fountain; resigned in 1862. 
 
 Third Lieutenant Joel Crofford; promoted to first lieu- 
 tenant 1863; -wounded in the foot in seven days bat- 
 tle before Richmond, 1862; again at Mine Run, No- 
 vember, 1863; is yet living-, but blind, at George- 
 to-wn, Ga. 
 
 Albritton, Joshua; died in hospital, 1862. 
 
 Armstrong, John; yet living. 
 
 Atwell, R. T.; captured at Gettysburg, Pa.; yet living. 
 
 Bryant, Samuel; died in hospital, 1862. 
 
 Bowers, James; severely wounded in the hip at Sharps- 
 burg, Septepiber I7th, 1862; yet living. 
 
 Brewer, Mathew; yet living, in Coffee County, Ala. 
 
 Bowen, Georg-e W. ; yet living. 
 
 Barton, Septamus; yet living. 
 
 Bell, Drew; killed in battle of Monocacy, Md., July 9th, 
 1864. 
 
 Bridger, Leroy; died since the war. 
 
 Bolton, Henry; wounded in the shoulder, 1862, place 
 unknown. 
 
 Bolton, John, wounded in the arm at Fredricksburg, 
 December 13th, 1862, 
 
Clancey, J. W.; died in hospital, time and place un- 
 known. 
 
 Combs, Henry T. ; killed at Cold Harbor, June, 1862. 
 
 Curlee, James; wounded in the knee at Sharpsburg- on 
 September I7th, 1862; yet living-. 
 
 Cooper, Oliver; wounded at Cold Harbor; died in hospi- 
 tal 1863. 
 
 Causey, Harrison J. ; yet living-. 
 
 Culpepper, John; wounded at Cold Harbor, 1864; died 
 in hospital. 
 
 Catchins, Leonidus; killed at Sharpsburg, Md., Septem- 
 ber 17th, 1862. 
 
 Cook, G. W. ; died since the war. 
 
 Croft, Spencer; went in as substitute for W. E. .Gay in 
 1862. 
 
 Duggan, William; yet living. 
 
 Ellis, Thomas; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 Poster, Thomas; yet living, 
 
 Foster, George; yet living. 
 
 Forrest, Briggs; died since the war. 
 
 Forest, John; yet living. 
 
 Forest, James. 
 
 Fields, H. ; died since the war. 
 
 Guilford, Henry; discharged; died since the war. 
 
 Gaffney, Thomas; detailed on pioneer corps. 
 
 Goode, James T.; appointed quarter master-sergeant; 
 died since the war. 
 
 Graves, Frank N. ; transferred from Thirty-first Georgia 
 Regiment; appointed commissary sergeant and 
 elected lieutenant in 1864; captured at Spotsylvania 
 C H, May 12, 1864; yet living. 
 
 Guynn, William; killed by Delk in Pike county Georgia, 
 while in discharge of his duty as high sheriff Delk 
 was duly executed for his crime. 
 
 Gay, Moses; killed at Mine Run in 1863, 
 
9«1 
 
 Gray, William E. ; discliarg-ed by substitute in April 1863; 
 
 yet living-. 
 Gay William; killed at Fredericksburg' December 13, 
 
 1862. 
 Griffin, S. F. ; died since the war. 
 
 Harrison, James, second lieutenant; promoted to ord- 
 nance sergeant December, 1861, and elected second 
 
 lieutenant in May, 1864, at Spotsylvania C H. 
 Hardee, Fldridge; killed at Sharpsburg- September 17, 
 
 1862. 
 Hardee, Charles; died since the war. 
 Hogan, Thomas, sergeant; extra fine soldier; died since 
 
 the war. 
 Hillman, Robert; sergeant,died in Richmond hospital 
 Hale, Owen; extra fine soldier; wounded July 9, at 
 
 Monocacy, Md.; died from wounds. 
 Hatcher, Henry; corporal; promoted to sergeant; killed 
 
 on the 19th of September, 1864, bravely carrying the 
 
 flag after the color bearer had been shot down. 
 Harrell, P. W. ; killed at Sharpesburg, Md., September 
 
 17, 1862. 
 Harrell, William; killed in March 1865, near Petersburg, 
 
 Va. 
 Harrell, G. W. ; yet living. 
 Harrell, Flisha; yet living. 
 Hill, H. A. ; missing at Gettysburg battle; supposed to 
 
 be killed. 
 Holloman, J. M. ; died in hospital in January, 1863, near 
 
 Hamilton's Crossing, Va. 
 Hillman, Joshua; died in hospital at Richmond, Va., 1863. 
 Jones, James; died in hospital; time and place unknown. 
 Jones, William; died since war in Arkansas. 
 Jones, Seaborn; discharged, 1862. 
 Jolly, John C. ; promoted to first sergeant; wounded at 
 
 Gettysburg, Pa., July, 1863, and captured; exchanged 
 
262 
 
 in June, 1864; wounded October 19, 1864, at Cedar 
 
 Creek, shot through breast; is yet living and suffer- 
 ing' from wound. 
 Sordon, William J.; corporal; wounded July 9, 1864, at 
 
 Monocacy, Md., and captured; paroled October IS, 
 
 1864. 
 Sordon, John E. ; yet living. 
 Kelly, Elijah; yet living. 
 King, Bryant; wounded at Monocacy, Md., July 9, 1864; 
 
 died since war with cancer. 
 Ifindsey, Thomas; wounded in right hand; died since the 
 
 war. 
 Lindsey, Moses; died on march in Virginia. 
 Lowe, Curtis A. ; killed as color bearer at Fredericksburg 
 
 December 13, 1862. 
 Lewis, Henry G. ; discharged; died since the war. 
 i Lewis, James L- ; killed at Wilderness May 5, 1864. 
 Lewis, Charles W. ; captured at Spotsylvania C. H. May 
 
 12, 1864; died in Northen prison. 
 Methvin, Daniel B.; captured at Spotsylvania C. H. 
 
 May 12, 1864; died in Federal prison. 
 Methvin, Wm. T. ; discharged by substitute. 
 Mooney, James; missing in 1862; unknown. 
 Morris, Richard; wounded in foot at Gettysburg July I, 
 
 1863; died since war. 
 Mercer, Jessie W. ; wounded in shoulder and thigh 
 
 (place unknown), and received other wounds. 
 McKinney, Henry; wounded at Sharpsburg, Md., Sep- 
 tember 17, 1862; died from wounds at Martinsburg, 
 
 W. Va. 
 McKinney, C. C; killed at Sharpsburg, Md., September 
 
 17, 1862. 
 McEachen, James W.; wounded at Gettysburg, Pa., 
 
 July 1, 1863; yet living. 
 
263 
 
 Meadows, Warren; wounded in face at Gettysburg-, Pa., 
 July 1, 1863; yet living-. 
 
 Moore, William P., corporal; promoted to sergeant; 
 wounded in hip; yet living. 
 
 Moore, James M. ; died in hospital in 1862. 
 
 Moore, Thomas; died in hospital at Port Republic in 
 1862. 
 
 Moore, John C. ; killed in battle at Fredericksburg- De- 
 cember 13, 1862. 
 
 Nesbett, Mathew; wounded in head at Predericksburg- 
 December 13, 1862, again in battle Wilderness May 
 5, 1864, in side; yet living. 
 
 Nesbett, Samuel; wounded in skirmish battle in 1863; 
 yet living. 
 
 Dgletree, Seaborn; transferred to Company G, Pifty-first 
 Georgia Regiment, for Bennett Powers; died since 
 war. 
 
 3tis, Henry J., first serg-eant; promoted to captain-quar- 
 termaster December, 1861; died since war. 
 
 Powers, David; wounded at Mary's Heights May 4, 1863; 
 yet living. 
 
 Powers, Bennett; exchanged with Seaborn Ogletree 
 from Pifty-first Georg-ia; killed at Monocacy, Md., 
 in 1864, 
 
 Perkins, Jeff; transferred to Third Georgfia Cavalry in 
 1863. 
 
 Parkham, Wm. B. ; missing- on march to Pennsylvania, 
 1863. 
 
 'ye, Preeman; died in hospstal in Virginia, 1862. 
 
 Roberts, John; wounded; lost left leg in battle of Wil- 
 derness May 6, 1864; yet living. 
 
 Roberts, Absolom; killed in skirmish battle May 17, 1864. 
 
 Reynolds, Jas. H. ; killed in Sharpsburg battle Septem- 
 ber 17, 1862. 
 
264 ' 
 
 Sice, Stephen H. : elected corporal, then serg-eant; elec- 
 ted lieutenant; killed at Gettysburg July 2, 1863. 
 Rice, William; wounded in thig'h; died since the war. 
 Rice, George; wounded in side; died since the war. 
 
 Ryan, Peter; wounded; lost leg; died at home. 
 
 Ryan, Patrick; enlisted for G. W. Cook in 1863; killed at 
 Morton's ford January 4, 1864, in skirmish battle. 
 
 Ryan, Michael; wounded in side at Monocacy, Md., July 
 9, 1864; died at home since war. 
 
 Raines, Mascon; discharged in 1861. 
 
 Rainey, Silas; killed at Gettysburg in July, 1863. 
 
 Shields, Albert A. ; killed in skirmish battle July 17, 1864. 
 
 Smith, Thomas J.; died at home in 1861. 
 
 Smith, R. R.; died in hospital at Richmond, Va., 1862. 
 
 Slaton, George; wounded at Cedar Creek October 19, 
 1864; yet living. 
 
 Sharp, Jarod; yet living. 
 
 SuUey, Ben; discharged in 1863. 
 
 Sharp, Shared; discharged in 1862. 
 
 Sutley, Allen; died at Hamilton's Crossing in 1862. 
 
 Suggs, George; died since war. 
 
 Tilley, Lewis B. L. ; yet living. 
 
 Tye, John; corporal; killed in skirmish battle at Smith- 
 field, Va., September, 1864 
 
 Thomas, Hardee; captured at Spotsylvania C. H., May 
 12, 1964 
 
 Welch, Robert T. ; yet living. 
 
 Welch, Cap; captured at Spotsylvania C H, Va., May 
 12th, 1864; died in Federal prison. 
 
 Willett, Polk: yet living. 
 
 Wade, John E, ; died since the war. 
 
 Wade, John M. ; yet living. 
 
 Watley, Green B. ; died in hospital with pneumonia iii 
 Virginia, time and place unknown. 
 
265 
 
 Wiggins, Henry; killed at Fredericksburg, Va., Decem- 
 
 13tli, 1862. 
 Welch, Hezakiah; substituted W. G. Methvin; died in 
 
 Virginia liospital. 
 
 Webb, ; discharged at Fredericksburg, 1863. 
 
 Wynn, . 
 
 Whaley, James; yet living. 
 
 COMPANY G. 
 
 Wii,KES Guards, prom Wii,kks County, from 1861 to 
 
 1865. 
 
 Captain Henry F. Colley; mortally wounded at Gaines' 
 Mill and died in Richmond a few days afterwards. 
 
 First IvieutenantZackKendrick, resigned it 1863. 
 
 Second Lieutenant Webster Fanning; sresigned in 1862. 
 
 Third Lieutenant C. L. Moss; mortally wounded at 
 Sharpsburg; died in Frederick City, Md. 
 
 First Sergeant John T. Erwin; elected captain after the 
 Seven Day's Battle around Richmond; wounded at 
 Gettysburg and Wilderness — totally disabled. 
 
 Second Sergeant Jeff T. Walton; killed at Richmond, 
 Va., in 1862. 
 
 Third Sergeant Samuel Thornton; died at home. 
 
 Fourth Sergeant George W. Burdett; wounded at Fred- 
 ericksburg; was disabled and retired. 
 
 First Corporal T. O. Smith; died in Virginia hospital in 
 1862. 
 
 Second Corporal John L. Girard; wounded at Gettys- 
 burg in 1863. 
 
 Third Corporal J. F. Smith; wounded at Sharpsburg in 
 1862; also at Gettysburg in 1863. 
 
 Fourth Corporal G. B. Cosby; killed at Sharpsburg, Md., 
 illl£62. 
 
266 
 
 Agfee, J. C. ; yet living-. 
 
 Amison, Willis, died since the war. 
 
 Amison, W. B. ; killed at Fredericksburg- in 1863. 
 
 AUgood, Peter; discharged in 1862; died sinch the war. 
 
 Burdette, V. E., died at home in 1862. 
 
 Bailey, George S. ; killed at Sharpsburg in 1862. 
 
 Bailey, Josiah; discharged in 1862; died since the war, 
 
 Bailey, James B. ; died (time and place unknown). 
 
 Bryant, W. W.; unknown. 
 
 Bryant, J. C. ; wounded at Sharpsburg and captured in 
 hospital ; died with small- pox. 
 
 Bryant, W. A. ; unknown. 
 
 Bell, T. W.; wounded (battle not remembered). 
 
 Booker, E. A.; enlisted at the age of 15; was in all the 
 battles and marches ; died since war. 
 
 Barrett, M. R. ; yet living, in Texas. 
 
 Burkhalter, W. A. ; unknown. 
 
 Colley, D. C; promoted to first lieutenant after the bat- 
 tle of Sharpsburg; killed at the battle of Freder- 
 icksburg. 
 
 Colley, G.; promoted to corporal; wounded at Freder- 
 icksburg ; surrendered at Appomattox; yet living. 
 
 Colley, F. G.; unknown. 
 
 Colley, Henry C. ; wounded at Fredericksburg. 
 
 Cooper, J. M.; discharged while at Jekyl Island; died 
 since war. 
 
 Cade, W. B.; died at home while on a furlough. 
 
 Banner, F. W. ; promoted to sergeant ; wounded at Fred- 
 ericksburg; died at home while on a furlough. 
 
 Banner, J.; died in hospital (time and place unknown). 
 
 Dunaway, J. M.; unknown. 
 
 Dunaway, T. H. ; unknown. 
 
 Downer, George; wounded at Fredericksburg- and the 
 Wilderness. 
 
 Do-wner, David ; killed at Gettysburg July 1, 186S. 
 
267 
 
 Dinkens, J. A.; killed at Fredericksburg, 1862. 
 
 DuPriest, Wm.; unknown. 
 
 Evans, J. W, ; severely wounded at Fredericksburg- ; dis- 
 abled and retired. 
 
 Elliott, W. N.; killed at Gettysburg- July 1, 1863. 
 
 Eads, R. H. ; unknown. 
 
 Edmonds, Dick; captured in Pennsylvania while out 
 foraging. 
 
 EchoUs, ; unknown. 
 
 Farmer, Josiah; killed at Fisher's Hill in 1864. 
 
 Florence, Gibson; killed at Gettysburg. 
 
 Gibson, J. H. ; wounded at Fredericksburg; retired from 
 service. 
 
 Garrard, Wm.; unknown. 
 
 Gullatt, Geo. ; killed at Kernestown, near Winchester in 
 1864. 
 
 Gresham, Geo. ; died in hospital at Winchester in 1862. 
 
 Hopkins, G. W. ; detailed in litter corps; a good one too; 
 died since war. 
 
 Hopkins, Geo. I. ; died since war. 
 
 Higgins, Geo. ; promoted captain of commissary depart- 
 ment; resigned in 1863 and joined Morgan's cavalry. 
 
 Holtzclaw, Daniel; unknown. 
 
 Holtzclaw, Henry; wounded at Mine Run in 1863. 
 
 Hallowes, J. N. ; promoted to sergeant-major; killed at 
 Sharpsburg. 
 
 Hammond, Wm. ; unknown. 
 
 Hester, John T. ; promoted to first lieutenant after the 
 Fredericksburg battle; extra fine of&cer; severely 
 wounded at Spotsylvania; yet living. 
 
 Jackson, Wm. R. ; promoted to corporal; unknown. 
 
 Ivindsey, John T. ; mortally wounded at Fredericksburg; 
 died in hospital. 
 
 Eatimer, O. O. ; discharged in 1862 on surgeon's certifi- 
 cate; unknown. 
 
268 
 
 Lansford, Jas. E. ; died since war. 
 
 McKenny, A. !<.; died in Savannah, Ga., hospital. 
 
 Mar low, Hug-h; transferred to Company K. 
 
 Maxwell, Geo. M. ; died since war. 
 
 Mansfield, T. ; died in hospital in Georgia in 1862. 
 
 Meadows, J. W.; killed at Gettysburg- July 1st, 1863. 
 
 MuUikin, Thomas J. ; faithful soldier; died since war. 
 
 MuUikin, W. C; yet living- in Augusta, Ga. 
 
 McAvoy, William; promoted to first serg-eant 1862; a 
 brave, cool soldier in battle; died since the war. 
 
 Nash, Daniel; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 
 Oglesby, Ray; killed at Sharpsburg 1862. 
 
 Poss, W. R.; killed at Gaines' Mill 1862. 
 
 Poss, John A.; yet living. 
 
 Poss, W. C. ; died since the war. 
 
 Power, John C. ; died in hospital in Virginia. 
 
 Powers, William; unknown; wounded at Fredericks- 
 burg 1862; also at Wilderness 1864. 
 
 Roberts, John; died in hospital in Savannah, Ga. (?) 
 
 Revere, George; severely wounded at Gettysburg; re- 
 tired from service. 
 
 Smallwood, Henry ; detailed to drive ambulance ; a good 
 one too; yet living. 
 
 Smith, G. Burdette; promoted to second lieutenant after 
 the battle of Fredericksburg; captured at Mine Run ; 
 remained in prison till the war closed; unknown. 
 
 Smith, George Blakely; yet living; surrendered at Ap- 
 pomattox. 
 
 Smith, James R. ; Living in California when last heard 
 from. 
 
 Smith, Frank; unknown. 
 
 Smith, Hawkins; discharged in 1862; died at home. 
 
 Short, John N. ; wounded at second battle of Manassas; 
 surrendered at Appomattox; unknown. 
 
 Short, Dan M. ; faithful soldier; promoted to corporal. 
 
369 
 
 Strozier, Gid N,; wounded at Mine Run 1863; again at 
 
 Cold Harbor 1864; 
 Sherrer, A. Frank; died In hospital in Virginia, 1862. 
 Silvie, I. M.; slightly wounded at Gaines' Mill June 
 
 27th, 1862. 
 Sisson, J. Calt; detailed to litter corps; a good one too; 
 
 unknown, 
 Thurmond, William; unknown. 
 Turner, Judson; transferred to Company K, Sixty-first 
 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 Turner, Luke; unknown. 
 Wolfe, Alex; wounded at Maries' Heights inl863; again 
 
 at Fisher's Hill in 1864. 
 Wolfe, H. J.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 Wolfe, J. N. ; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 Woolfe, George A. ; discharged and died at home. 
 Wellmaker, A. F., killed at Wilderness, May 5, 1864. 
 Wellmaker, W. L,.; died in Virginia hospital in 1862. 
 Wellmaker, J. H. ; died in Virginia hospital in 1862. 
 Wellmaker, F. C; moved to Texas; unknown. 
 Boatwright, — ■ — ; killed at Monocacy, Md. 
 Frazier, J. L., promoted to third lieutenant after the 
 
 battle of Fredericksburg; wounded May 12, 1864. 
 
 SURRENDBEBD AT ApPOMATTOX. 
 
 Anderson, Thad; unknown. 
 
 Anderson, Z. W. ; yet living in Wilkes county, Georgia. 
 
 Bradford, W. P. ; died since the war. 
 
 Bunch, S. J. ; yet living in Wilkes County, Georgia. 
 
 Heard, S. D.; was transferred to cavalry; died since the 
 
 war. 
 Keough, John; died since the war. 
 Sanders, George W. ; moved to Mississippi; unknown. 
 Safford, R. B. ; moved to California; unknown. 
 Thurmond, J.; yet living in Wilkes County, Georgia. 
 
270 
 
 COMPANY H. 
 
 Tattnai^l County Voi<unteees, from Tattnai,!, 
 
 County, from May 9th, 1862, to Apeii, 
 
 9th, 1865. 
 
 Captain J. B. Smith; resigned at Richmond, Va., in 
 June, 1862; died since the war. 
 
 First lyieutenant J. M. Dasher; promoted to captain in 
 June, 1862; returned home on account of bad health; 
 died at home, September, 1862. 
 
 Second Lientenant M. B. Brewton; killed at second 
 battle of Mani2ssas. 
 
 Third lyieutenant W. J. M. Edwards; resig-ned in June, 
 1862, and returned home; still living-. 
 
 First Serg-eant M. M. Sikes; died in hospital in Virginia 
 1862. 
 
 Second Sergeant Alfred Strickland; died in hospital at 
 Charlottsville, Va., 1862. 
 
 Third Sergeant James E. DeLoach; elected second lieu- 
 tenant in August, 1862; promoted to first lieutenant 
 August, 1862; promoted to captain the fall of 1862; 
 severely wounded at Gettysburg; taken prisoner at 
 Fisher's Hill, 1864; remained in prison till the close; 
 still living. 
 
 First Corporal D. D. Sikes; died in hospital in Virginia, 
 1862. 
 
 Second Corporal Peter Burkhalter; killed at second bat- 
 tle of Manassas in August, 1862. 
 
 Third Corporal Alfred Kennedy; promoted lo second 
 sergeant in the fall of 1862; brave as alien; was as- 
 sassinated since the war by H. Futch. 
 
 Bazil, J. W.; went through war; faithful soldier; still 
 living. 
 
271 
 
 Burkhalter, Bryant; captured and died in a Northern 
 prison. 
 
 Bacon, A, E. ; died since war. 
 
 Bacon, E. I/.; surrendered at Appomattox; returned 
 home; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 
 Bacon, John ; died in hospital in 1862 or '63. 
 
 Bacon, Benj.; died in hospital in 1862 or '63. 
 
 Barnard, J. J.; died in hospital at Charlottsville, Va,, 
 1862, 
 
 Bargarron, B. E.,' one thumb shot off at Wilderness; 
 yet living. 
 
 Causey, T. J. ; faithful soldier ; yet living. 
 
 Causey, Wm.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 
 Collins, Horatio; wounded in hand; yet living. 
 
 Carpenter, C. H.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 
 Conley, W. C. ; promoted to corporal in 1862 ; is now a 
 Methodist preacher. 
 
 Clifton, Wm.; promoted to second corporal; killed at 
 second battle of Manassas, 1862. 
 
 DeLoach, J. D.; elected third lieutenant in August, 1862 ; 
 promoted to second lieutenant August 29, i862 ; pro- 
 moted to first lieutenant September, 1862 ; taken 
 prisoner in 1864 at Spotsylvania ; held in retaliation 
 forty days ; yet living. 
 
 DeLoach, J. A.; died in hospital at Charlottsville, 1862. 
 
 Dowdy, A. M.; killed at Gettysburg July 1, 1863. 
 
 Fiveash, Peter; died in hospital (time and place un- 
 known). 
 
 Frix, Nimrod ; missing at Wilderness in 1864. 
 
 Godbee, W. W.; appointed first sergeant in September, 
 1862. 
 
 Groomes, W. W.; missing in battle in 1863; unknown. 
 
 Gayney, Wm.; killed at second battle of Manassas. 
 
 Gray, Daniel ; killed at Spotsylvania C. H., 1864. 
 
273 
 
 Hardeeman, P, H.; transferred to navy in 1862; yet 
 
 living-. 
 James, Josiah ; died since war. 
 
 James, M. M. ; transferred to navjy in 1863 ; never re- 
 turned; unknown. 
 Johnson, G. J. ; yet living. 
 Kennedy, Henry; died in hospital in 1862. 
 Kennedy, O. W. ; discharged for disability in 1862; still 
 
 living. 
 Kennedy, Hampton; died in hospital in 1862 or 1863. 
 Kennedy, Rayford; discharged for disability in 1863; 
 
 died since the war. 
 Lynn, Asberry; extra fine soldier; still living. 
 Lynn, J. B. ; died since the war. 
 Lynn, R. H.; surrendered at Appomattax; died since the 
 
 war. 
 Lynn, C. W. ; extra fine soldier; still living. 
 Lang, Joshua; extra good soldier ; still living. 
 Lang, William; died from wound in 1863. 
 Lang, Henry; died from wound in 1862. 
 Lang, George; died in hospital in 1862. 
 McKay, T. A.; fine soldier- still living. 
 McKay, James; killed at second battle of Massassas. 
 Moore, Nathaniel; killed at Sharpsburg, September, 
 
 1862. 
 Mikell, Edward ; died in hospital in 1862. 
 McDildee, George; died in hospital in 1863. 
 McDildee, A.; faithful soldier; still living. 
 Oneal, E; killed at second battle of Manassas in August, 
 
 1862. 
 Richardson, S. ; still lives. 
 Rogers, S. B.; fine soldier; died since the war. 
 Rogers, M. J.; fine soldier; still living. 
 Sharpe, W. W. ; fine soldier; still living. 
 
273 
 
 Sikes, A. J.; captured in Pennsylvania or Maryland in 
 
 1863; still living-, 
 Strickland, Albert; died in hospial in Charlottsville, 
 
 Va., 1862. 
 Strickland, J. M.; died in hospital in Charlottsville, 
 
 Va., 1862. 
 Strickland, W.; discharged for disability; unknovs^n. 
 Tootle, M. J.; promoted to third sergeant; lost an arm 
 
 at Gettysburg; still lives. 
 Thomas, Stephen; still lives. 
 Wilkes, J. O. ; fine foldier; yet living. 
 Williams, P. A.; fine soldier; yet living. 
 
 . COMPANY I. 
 
 Thomson Guards, from Bibb County, prom 1861 to 
 
 1865. 
 
 Captain James D. Vanvalkinsburg; promoted to major in 
 1863, and to lieutenant-colonel in 1864; killed at 
 Monocacy, Md. , July 9, 1864. 
 
 First Lieutenant C. S. Virgin; v^ounded at Gaines' Mill; 
 promoted to the office of captain in July, 1863. 
 
 Second Lieutenant E. P. Lewis; killed at second battte 
 of Manassas. 
 
 Third Lieutenant Eugene Jeffers; promoted to first lieu- 
 tenant; captured at Spotsylvania C. H. ; died since 
 war. 
 
 First Sergeant S. W. Berry; missing at Gaines' Mill; sup. 
 posed to have been killed. 
 
 Second Sergeant Geo. W. Sims; severely wounded in foo^ 
 and leg August 30, 1862. yet living. 
 
 Third Sergeant W. R. Avant; taken prisoner at Getty s 
 burs:; died since war. 
 
274 
 
 Fourth Sergeaut Geo. W. Norris; lost left arm at Gettys- 
 burg-. 
 
 Fifth. Sergeant Jas. A. Simpson; wounded at Gaine's 
 Mill; taken prisoner at Gettysburg. 
 
 First Corporal F. M. C. Rape; killed at Sharpsburg Sep- 
 tember -17, 1862. 
 
 Second Corporal W. P. Shaw; wounded in the hand at 
 Cedar Mountain. 
 
 Third Corporal James R. James; wounded at Sharpsburg, 
 Md.; elected second lieutenant; wounded at Gettys- 
 burg and Petersburg; yet living. 
 
 Fourth Corporal Joshua G. Clarke; killed at Winchester 
 September 19, 1864. 
 
 Arnold, J. W.; taken prisoner at Spottsylvania. 
 Anderson, J. P.; died in prison at Elmira, N. Y., 1864. 
 Amerson, Charles; faithful soldier; unknown, 
 Arnold, S. D.; faithful soldier; unknown. 
 Arnold, W. B. ; fine soldier; surrendered at Appomattox; 
 
 unknown. 
 Barnett, James; lost left arm at Gettysburg; unknown. 
 Bone, C. N.; killed at Sharpsburg. 
 Berry, W. H. ; detailed as teamster; died since the war. 
 Burkett, Robert; fine soldier; unknown. 
 Boothe, William; surrendered at Appomattox; died since 
 
 the war. 
 Brannen, J. H. ; died in Lynchburg hospital in 1863. 
 Brice, W. H. ; fine soldier; unknown. 
 Bridger, W. R.; wounded at Sharpsburg-; unknown. 
 Bivens, G. T. ; died in Richmond hospital in 1862. 
 Blair, Joseph; killed at South Mountain, August 9, 1862. 
 Blair, B. T. ; good soldier; unknown. 
 Blair, McKenzie; surrendered at Appomattox; unknown. 
 Braddock, W, A.; surrendered at Appomattox; unknown. 
 Brown, W. T. ; surrendered at Appomattox; unknown. 
 
275 
 
 Cobb, Joel; wounded at Gettysburg-; died since the war. 
 
 Chapman, James P.; lost leg- at Monocacy, Md., 1864; un- 
 known. 
 
 Chapman, Giles; killed at Wilderness in 1864. 
 
 Dail, James D. ; died in Staunton, Va., hospital in 1862. 
 
 Davis, J. C. ; died in Winchester hospital in 1862. 
 
 Davis, W. J.; taken prisoner at Spotsylvania; unknown. 
 
 Davidson, I.; good soldier; died since the war. 
 
 Davidson, John; gfood soldier; unknown. 
 
 Doyle, John; discharged at Charleston, S. C, in 1862; 
 died since the war. 
 
 Defoor, Joseph A.; faithful soldier and company's com- 
 missary; unknown. 
 
 Ford, William; killed at Gettysburg, wounded at second 
 battle of Manassas. 
 
 Ford, Josiah; faithful soldier; unknown. 
 
 Gresham, W. J. ; faithful soldier. 
 
 Gresham, W. H.; faithful soldier; unknown. 
 
 Groomes, S.; discharged in April, 1864; unknown. 
 
 Grist, Ranson ; discharged ; died since war. 
 
 Grist, G. N. ; discharged; died since war. 
 
 Goodyear, Ben; detailed for drug clerk; surrendered at 
 Appomattox ; unknown. 
 
 Hambrick, J.; unknown. 
 
 Harrell, W. H.; discharged in 1862; unknown. 
 
 Heatli, W. M. ; wounded in hand (battle unknown) ; un- 
 known. 
 
 Herndon, M. P. ; wounded in second battle of Manassas 
 and Wilderness ; died in hospital. 
 
 Jones, H. R.; transferred to Company K; unknown. 
 
 Jones', C. G.; wounded at second battle of Manassas and 
 Gettysburg; unknown. 
 
 Jessup, W. F.; wounded at Mine Run, 1863; unknown. 
 
 Jackson, Wm.; killed at Smithville, Va., 1864. 
 
 King, W. S., Jr.; unknown. 
 
376 
 
 Xing', John V.; unknown. 
 
 King, J. A.; unknown. 
 
 King, A. M.; wounded in hand at Manassas; unknown. 
 
 King, W. S., Sr. ; unknown. 
 
 Kelly, W. P. ; taken prisoner at Spotsylvania ; unknown. 
 
 Knight, J. T.; killed at Fisher's Hill in 1864. 
 
 Kilpatrick, J. I.; killed in battle (unknown). 
 
 Lancaster, L. C; discharged at Orange C. H., 1864; un- 
 known. 
 
 JL<ovett, J.; unknown. 
 
 Miller, M. V.; died in valley, 1864. 
 
 Miller, G. W.; lost a leg at Gettysburg; unknown. 
 
 Miller, A.; died id prison at Fort Delaware, 1864. 
 
 Miller, N. H.; killed at second battle of Manassas. 
 
 Miller, W. G. T.; killed in valley in 1864. 
 
 Miller, James; killed at Fredericksburg in 1862. 
 
 Mims, H. M.; detailed as ordnance sergeant; surrendered 
 at Appomattox; unknown. 
 
 Moore, Thomas W.; discharged in 1863; unknown. 
 
 Moncrief, J. J.; detailed in litter corps and company 
 commissary. 
 
 Morris, D. A. ; fine soldier ; unknown. 
 
 Owens, J. P.; fine soldier; unknown. 
 
 Peavy, J. G. ; fine soldier; unknown. 
 
 Pitts, A. F.; died in hospital at Charloitsville, 1862. 
 
 Peyton, Thomas C; died in hospital at Charlottsville, 
 1862. 
 
 Peyton, John B.; detailed in ordnance department; un- 
 known. 
 
 Poole, W. W. W.; extra fine soldier; unknown. 
 
 Ruffe, John; wounded at Fredericksburg. 
 
 Reese, Joseph; fine soldier; unknown. 
 
 Raines, Burton; killed at Gettysburg, 1863. 
 
 Raines, CuUen; killed at Gettysburg-, 1863. 
 
 Roberts, Zack; died in hospital in Lynchburg, 1863. 
 
211 
 
 Roberts, William; killed at Fredericksburg-, 1862. 
 
 Renfroe, S.; killed in Fredericksburg-, 1862. 
 
 Rape, M. C; missing-. 
 
 Reynolds, E. F.; discharged in 1862. 
 
 Scott, H. R.; unknown. 
 
 Spicer, W. H.; killed at Winchester, 1864. 
 
 Spicer, Todd; taken prisoner at Winchester; died since 
 the war. 
 
 Smallwood, J.; killed at Cedar Creek, 1864. 
 
 Skipper, J. W.; unknown. 
 
 Seaborn, David; killed in 1863; (battle unknown). 
 
 Stafford, J. W.; fine soldier; unknown. 
 
 Shaw, J. R.; started as a musician; unknown. 
 
 Sizemore, George; wounded at Gettysburg; unkdown. 
 
 Sheton, w. L. transferred to Twentieth Georgia Regi- 
 ment. 
 
 Thompson, James; transferred to cavalry; died in hos- 
 pital. 
 
 Taylor, W. T., killed at Bristoe Station in 1863. 
 
 Venable, J. E. ; detailed to Macon arsenal in 1862; un- 
 known. 
 
 Wolfe, H. E.; faithful soldier; unknown. 
 
 Wilson, John; faithful soldier; unknown. 
 
 Williams, M. ; surrendered at Appomattox; faithful sol- 
 dier. 
 
 Name;s of Thosk Who Surrendered at Appomattox, 
 
 Arnold, M. B.; Boothe, William; Burkett, Robert; 
 
 Defoor, J. A.; Peyton, J. B.; McKinsy, Blair; 
 
 CuUin, Raines; Mimms, H. M.; Goodyear, Ben; 
 Williams, M. 
 
278 
 
 COMPANY K. 
 
 Muster Roli, and Casualties oe Company K, of the 
 Sixty-First Georgia Regiment. 
 
 Captain E. F. Sharpe; went through the war without a 
 wound; commanded the regiment six months; yet 
 living. 
 
 First Lieutenant J. J. Mobley; promoted to adjutant; 
 captured at Spotsylvania C. H. ; yet living. 
 
 Second Lieutenant D. L. Gray; killed at Spotsylvania 
 C. H. 
 
 Third Lieutenant J. E. C Tillman; captured at Spotsyl- 
 vania C. H.; yet living. 
 
 First Sergeant Henry R. Sharpe; served through the 
 war without a wound; surrendered at Appomattox; 
 yet living. 
 
 Second Sergeant H. A. Calhoun; captured at Spotsyl- 
 vania; was kept in prison eight months; yet living. 
 
 Third Sergeant %. J. Collins; killed at Monocacy July 
 9th, 1864. 
 
 First Corporal J. Stafford; fine soldier; died since the 
 war. 
 
 Second Corporal B. H. Ryals ; still living. 
 
 Third Corporal J. J. Finley; wounded, place unknown; 
 died since the war. 
 
 Brown, H. N. ; killed at Gettysburg. 
 
 Blocker, J. A. ; fine soldier; yet living; unknown. 
 
 Blocker. John; killed at Sharpsburg, Md. 
 
 Burke, Edward; killed at Wilderness May Sth, 1864. 
 
 Bigles, J. J. 
 
 Butts, Frank; killed at Gettysburg. 
 
 Burch, Berry; fine soldier; still living. 
 
 Blalock, H. H.; fine soldier; yet living. 
 
219 
 
 Collins, A. J.; wounded at Manassas and Winchester; 
 
 yet living. 
 Conner, C; killed at Wilderness May Sth, 1864. 
 Conner, Benjamin; died in hospital; fine soldier. 
 Conner, Frank; died in hospital; fine soldier. 
 Driggers, Z. ; killed at Gettysburg. 
 Floyd, W. W. 
 Pinley, S. L.; wounded at Fredericksburg December 5th; 
 
 fine soldier; yet living. 
 Gray, G. T. ; died in hospital ; fine soldier. 
 Gay, Jacob; unknown. 
 Harden, O. J.; killed at Gettysburg. 
 Hodges, W. G.; fine soldier; yet living. 
 Jerrell, John; fine soldier; yet living. 
 Moore, W. F.; fine soldier; yet living. 
 Mozo, H. ; killed at Sharpsburg. 
 Mobley, William; died in hospital at Gordonsville. 
 Morris, C. ; unknown. 
 Moses, M. T.; wounded at Fredericksburg, Va., Dec. 13; 
 
 yet living. 
 Nails, James; killed at Wilderness. 
 Odum, L. B.; killed on retreat in the valley. 
 Odum, Dan; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 Odum, John; killed in the valley in 1864. 
 Riggs, Shep; yet living. 
 
 Riggs, A. B. ; wounded 27th of June, 1862; yet living. 
 Ryals, J. J. ; died in hospital. 
 Sikes, H.; excellent soldier; yet living. 
 Smith. M. v.; killed; place unknown. 
 Scarboro, J, N.; killed at Gettysburg, July 1, 1863. 
 Scarboro, W. D.; fine soldier; got sick and retired; y« 
 
 living. 
 Surrency, S. S.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 Surrency, J. M.; faithful soldier; unknown. 
 Surrency, H. H.; faithful soldier; yet living. 
 
280 
 
 Surrency, Allen; unknown. 
 Turner, Judson; killed near Petersburg in 1865. 
 Underwood, W. Iv. ; unknown. 
 
 Wilkinson, W. R. ; severely wounded twice (places un- 
 known) ; yet living. 
 Waters, W. H. ; unknown. 
 Watson, Alex; faithful soldier; yet living, 
 Wolfe, Lewis; killed at Spotsylvania May 12, 1864. 
 Waters, J. M.; surrendered at Appomattox. 
 
 fii:ld officers. 
 
 Captain Thomas M. McRae, killed on retreat from Pe- 
 tersburg. 
 Ordnance sergeant, H. R. Mims. 
 Hospital steward, Benjamin Gocdger. 
 
 QOMPANY A. 
 
 Sergeant, J. McDuffie, Sergeant, R. H. Henderson. 
 
 William Branch, J. Branch, 
 
 H. L.Paulk, M. Hansel, 
 
 William Vickers — -7. 
 
 Company B. 
 
 Musician, S. W. W. Hagin, William Higgs, 
 J. H. Odum, John Powell, 
 
 J. T. Sharp— 5. 
 
 Company C. 
 
 1st Sergeant N. M. Reddick C. R. Browning, 
 
 E). W. Burton, W. lyewis, 
 
 J. T. Moore, William Smith, 
 
 G, Isaac Weldon — 7, 
 
281 
 
 Company D. 
 
 Corporal Wm. HoUoway, 
 Lemuel Davis, 
 Eemer Franklin, 
 Madison Warren, 
 
 Thoirms Boyet, 
 Jackson Collins, 
 Ivy Snmmerlin, 
 Thomas Waters — 8 
 
 Captain Tlios, 
 
 Petersburg. 
 Sergeant D. N. McRae, 
 G. M. Burkhalter, 
 J. L. Clark, 
 H. McSwain, 
 R. T. Vaughan, 
 
 Company E. 
 M. McRae, killed on the retreat from 
 
 J. Browning, 
 P. H. Clark, 
 J. McSwain, 
 L. C. Marsh, 
 J. Watson, 
 F. G. WiUiams- 
 
 -11. 
 
 Company F. 
 Serg't John E. Wade, Serg't John M. Wade, 
 
 Corporal George F. Rice, 
 G. W, Bowen, 
 H. h- Causey, 
 E. E. Harrell, 
 John A. Jorden, 
 Irwin Nesbett, 
 
 S. Barton, 
 Levi Bridges, 
 B. W. Forrest, 
 G. W. Harrell, 
 Thomas Lindsey, 
 Samuel Nesbett, 
 J. Mercer — IS. 
 
 Company G. 
 
 Corporal G. CoUey, 
 A. B. Ammerson, 
 J. Hanson 
 James E. Lansford, 
 George Blakely Smith, 
 
 Corporal E. A. Booker, 
 D. B. Connor, 
 G. W. Hopkins, 
 John N. Short, 
 Alexander Wolf— 10. 
 
 E. L- Bacon, 
 
 Company H. 
 
 R. H. Lynn — Z, 
 
Company I. 
 
 W. B. Arnold, Robert Burket, 
 
 William Bootli, McKinsie Blair, 
 
 J. A. DeFoor, Jolin B. Peyton, 
 
 Cullen Raines, W. Williams, 
 
 Sergeant H. R. Mims, Hosp'l Stwd. B. Goodger— 10. 
 
 Company K. 
 
 First Sergeant H. R. Sharp, Sergeant J. M. Waters. 
 H. H. Blalock, Hampton Sikes, 
 
 H. H. Sliarpe— 5. 
 Total— 80. 
 
 I certify that only forty-nine of this number were 
 armed and in line on the morning of April 9th, 1865, 
 the day General Lee surrendered at Appomattox. 
 
 W. B. JoNBS, Colonel, 
 Commanding Sixtieth and Sixty-first Georgia Regiments. 
 
 To show the readers of this history how some of the 
 brigades were reduced in the Army of Northern Vir- 
 ginia, I will give them the numbers in the ten Louisiana 
 regiments that once formed Generals Hayes and Taylor's 
 Louisiana brigades, which went to Virginia in 1861 
 about 12,000 strong. 
 
 The two brigades were consolidated before the war 
 closed and was commanded by Colonel E. Waggaman, 
 of the Tenth Louisiana Regiment. I feel safe in saying 
 the world has never produced better soldiers than these 
 noble heroes. 
 
 There were three hundred and sixty-eight rank and 
 file surrendered in the different regiments, as follows : 
 
 The First Louisiana Regiment surrendered 18 non- 
 commissioned of&cers and men. 
 
283 
 
 The Second Ivouisiana Reg-iment surrendered 41 non- 
 commissioned officers and men. 
 
 The Fifth Louisiana Regiment surrendered 18 non- 
 commissioned officers and men. 
 
 The Sixth Louisiana Regiment surrendered 48 non- 
 commissioned officers and men. 
 
 The Seventh Louisiana Regiment surrendered 43 nott- 
 commissioned officers and men. 
 
 The Eighth Louisiana Regiment surrendered 54 non- 
 commissioned officers and men. 
 ^The Ninth Louisiana Regiment surrendered 64 non- 
 commissioned officers and men. 
 
 The Tenth Louisiana Regiment surrendered 13 non- 
 commissioned officers. and men. 
 
 The Fourteenth Louisiana Regiment surrendered 35 
 non-commissioned officers and men. 
 
 The Fifteenth Louisiana Regiment surrendered 17 
 non-commissioned officers and men. 
 
 The ten different Louisiana regiments surrendered 38 
 commissioned officers, making a total of 368 in all. 
 
 My dear comrades, widows and children of the fallen 
 heroes, I now feel that mj work is done, and respect- 
 fully ask you all to look over the imperfections in this 
 book. I have done the best I could to give my readers 
 a thoroughly reliable history. 
 
 THB SND. 
 
A GALAXY OF SOUTHERN HEROES. 
 
 BY O. T. DOZIBR, M. D., BIRMINGHAM, ALA. 
 
 Once more the genial Southern sun 
 
 Has called the roses into bloom. 
 Once more the golden jeseamine 
 
 Lades all the air with sweet perfume; 
 Once more the little mating birds 
 
 In every tree and bush are sean, 
 Once more the earth her carpet spreads 
 
 Of softest velvet — grassy green. 
 
 Once more the dove of peace is heard 
 
 In every valley, glen and cove ; 
 Once more I come with rapturous heart 
 
 To greet the comrades that I love ; 
 And freed from hate aad prejudice, 
 
 All bitter memories laid'aiide, 
 My muse but wakes to sing the praise 
 
 Of those who for my country died. 
 
 And anon, here and there to lay 
 
 A chaplet on some worthy brow 
 Of glorious hero — yet alive — 
 
 And, as I place it, humbly bow, 
 As well I should, with reverence due ; 
 
 For language is too weak to prove 
 How deep, how strong the wond'rous depths 
 
 Of my unfathomed founts of love. 
 
 But would to God my struggling muse 
 
 Could break the bonds that bind my soul. 
 And let my wild, impassioned thoughts, 
 
 Like ocean's stormy billows roll, 
 While I so vainly now attempt 
 
 To sing in lofty peans grand 
 That meed of praise to patriots due — 
 
 The Heroes of my native land. 
 
285 
 
 With heaven's face for music scroll 
 
 And realms of space for octave bars, 
 My clefs should be the sun and moon, 
 
 My music notes the blazing stars. 
 And oh! I'd sing with lofty strain 
 
 And sweep the gamut of the skies. 
 Till every sleeping patriot's soul 
 
 Should wake and from his grave arise. 
 
 -Put oh I how feeble, weak am I, 
 
 Poor, humble creature of the sod, 
 Who deigns to touch a theme too grand 
 
 For any being, but, that God, 
 Who rules the earth and realms above. 
 
 Who speaks, and Suns and worlds obey. 
 He, only He, the living God 
 
 Their meed of praise can ever pay. 
 
 What tho' I had the cyclone's force, 
 
 The flaming lightning for my tongue, 
 A brain as broad as universe. 
 
 My voice to tones of thunder strung. 
 I still must fall unmpasured short 
 
 In praise of those I fain would name. 
 For God but made such God-like men 
 
 To point the source from whence they came. 
 
 How many names— bright, glorious gems — 
 
 la Southern galaxy are set, 
 To blaze like suns forever bright 
 
 In fame's eternal coronet. 
 Behold you, first, our Washington, 
 
 Whose hands the stars and stripes unfurled, 
 A Christian soldier, patriot true, 
 
 The foremost rebel of the world. 
 
 Then see yon brilliant, flery star, 
 Proud Robert Toombs— maj(>stic man. 
 
 Whose wild, tempestuous, flaming soul, 
 Too great for human words to span, 
 
286 
 
 From ut whose rugged, heaving breast, 
 In raging, seething tempests, rolled 
 
 Consuming flames of eloquence — 
 Mount jEtna, he of human mould. 
 
 And could I paint with master hand 
 
 The great Orion of the sky. 
 With starry belt and lifted club. 
 
 With daring mien to do or die. 
 What would I but hold up to view 
 
 The chief of that heroic clan 
 Who San Jacinto's battle won. 
 
 And name Sam Houston as the man. 
 
 But countless as the countless stars 
 
 That in the dome of heaven shine, 
 Each name as bright as face of Mars, 
 
 Made glorious by their deeds sublime. 
 And bright'ning with the passing years, 
 
 Is that great constellation grand 
 Who followed where our Davis led — 
 
 The heroes of our Southern land. 
 
 No lowering cloud of dark defeat 
 
 Can dim or shut their light from view, 
 But high above the horizon, 
 
 Where God to justice gives its due. 
 They shine within a firmament 
 
 As fixed as that of heaven's own 
 And shed a glory on the world. 
 
 The brightest earth has ever known. 
 
 Go stand upon the Cumberland, 
 
 Go view the heights of Tennessee, 
 Go climb to Lookout's lofty point 
 
 And gaze as far as eye can see; 
 On every crag and every plain. 
 
 Marked by the storm of battle blast, 
 Joe Johnston's name is over all, 
 
 To linger there while time shall last. 
 
287 
 
 And lo! above each mountain pass, 
 
 Bach hill and vale, each cove and glen, 
 A glorious halo lingers yet. 
 
 Where, meteor-like, that prince of men. 
 In brilliant speed and splendor swept 
 
 Athwart the tlames on battle crest, 
 Pat Cleburne with his flishing blade. 
 
 The blazing comet of the west. 
 
 Now look on yon great ocean wide. 
 
 Extending far as billows sweep, 
 Gat by the "Alabama's" keel, 
 
 See there a name engraven deep — 
 Eternal and as lasting there 
 
 As Neptune's star in yonder sky — 
 Brave Admiral Semmes, a hero grand. 
 
 Whose name and fame can never die, 
 
 Afid when storm rocked Atlanta shook 
 
 And writhed beneath the shrieking shell. 
 While tempests wild around her raged 
 
 And leaden hail in fury fell. 
 When light'ning's flashed and thunders rolled 
 
 And flowed her streets with crimson flood. 
 Who then stood there — bright star of hope — 
 
 But brave, defiant Ajax -Hood ? 
 
 And o'er yon Old Dominion Stale, 
 Star gemmed, her crown with glory shines, 
 
 With Southern pride I here avow- 
 That .nowhere on this earth's confines 
 
 Can there be found another land 
 Which can so many heroes claim. 
 
 And bright amid her brightest stars 
 Shines glorious Stonewall Jackson's name. 
 
 And glittering like a diadem 
 Above my own fair Georgia high 
 
 I see another briliant star. 
 
 As bright as ever decked the sky. 
 
288 
 
 Intrepid, brilliant Gordon, brave, 
 
 The patriot, statesman, warrior grand. 
 
 Of Southern manhood, brightest type. 
 An honor to his native land. 
 
 Nor less resplendent is the light 
 
 Of him, old Soulh Carolina's star. 
 Whose fiery soul was made by God 
 
 To blaze amid the storms of war ; 
 And high on fame's eternal height. 
 
 With ail the glorious and sublime, 
 Wade Hampton's name, in glory set. 
 
 Will shine while rolls the wheels of time. 
 
 And yet, oh yet with rapturous eyes 
 
 To Alabama turn your gaze. 
 See o'er her proudest mountain heights 
 
 A rising light, destined to blaze 
 Eternal, on Old Glory's field. 
 
 Joe Wheeler, spared by hand of God, 
 Hath plucked from out our Southern seas 
 
 Another star to glitter there — 
 
 'Tis Cuba, Queen of Antilles. 
 
 Now see yon grand, majestic stream. 
 
 The great mid-conlinental sea, 
 Whose course no human force can check, 
 
 Whose current deep but flowing free, 
 Unswerving in its onward sweep, 
 
 Proud Mississippi, king of streams; 
 See, and behold while gazing there 
 
 A fitting type to me it seems 
 
 Of him whose grand and kingly soul — 
 
 Too strong for tyrant bonds to quell, 
 Too deep for prejudice to mar. 
 
 Too broad to curb by prison cell — 
 Proud, God-like man, I breathe his name 
 
 With reverence and with deathless love — 
 Jeff Davis, brightest star of fame. 
 
 May heavea rest his soul above. 
 
289 
 
 But where I oh where, my wavering muse, 
 
 Where wilt thou lead me in thy flight 
 To find a type or simile 
 
 Of him the grandest, noblest knight 
 That ever sword from scabbard drew ? 
 
 Not in the land Columbus gave 
 Canst thou a likeness for him find. 
 
 But far beyond old ocean's wave, 
 
 Where God His grandest works designed;. 
 
 Go view the Alps and Pyrenees, 
 Then onward to the Himalaya, 
 
 Where great Mount Everest, rising, sees 
 All other mountains far below. 
 
 His own grand form enrobed with cloud, 
 His royal head God crowned with snow — 
 
 Yes, go and view this mountain proud ; 
 
 This great, majestic, towering king. 
 
 The grandest, highest of the world — 
 God's monument of strength and power. 
 
 Defying every storm that's hurled. 
 All lightning blows from rival foes ; 
 
 Yes, go, and you this mountain see. 
 Then tell me if thou yet hast found 
 
 A prototype of Robert Lee? 
 
 Ah, no ! ah, no ! "my faithful muse. 
 
 Thou further yet must wing thy flight. 
 Go, mount yon heaven's vaulted dome, 
 
 Explore the azure seas of night, 
 Go poise amid the glittering throng 
 
 Of starry pageants in the sky. 
 And measure thou great Alcyone, 
 
 The central sun of worlds on high. 
 
 'Round whom all suns and worlds revolve- 
 The first, the greatest and the best 
 
 Of all the shining heavenly spheres— 
 And, poising there, thy wings may rest; 
 
290 
 
 For in that far celestial zone, 
 There 'mid the circling pleiades see 
 
 That king of worlds, imperial orb, 
 God's prototype of Robert Lee. 
 
 And now, oh now, my halting muse, 
 
 While poising 'mid celestial heights 
 Of blazing suns and mighty worlds, 
 
 Of shining moons and satelites, 
 I bid thee, if thou canst, to pluck 
 
 From orbs on high celestial fire 
 And fling it now into my soul. 
 
 That it may warm me and inspire 
 
 My song to higher, loftier strain 
 
 That ever bard hath dared to sing. 
 For meed of praise to privates due 
 
 Should make the very welkin ring 
 And call angelic convoys down 
 
 From heaven's bright, supernal sphere. 
 To catch the strain and tune their harps 
 
 To notes that they would gladly hear. 
 
 What tho' CO circumstance or pomp 
 
 Hatii written down each separate name — 
 What tho' no granite column tells 
 
 The individual's private fame— 
 What tho' on earth there's no reward 
 
 For all their suffering, toil and strife— 
 Their names, thank God, in realms on high 
 
 Are written in the "Book of Life." 
 
 Yes, tho' unmarked and hardly known. 
 
 Almost obscured and hid from view, 
 Their's is a glory, none the less. 
 
 As bright as ever heaven knew. 
 Yea, like the rolling, shining orbs 
 
 That glow in yonder "milky way," 
 Tho' only faint and dimly seen 
 
 They blaze as does yon god of day. 
 
291 
 
 For never since the morning stars 
 
 Together sang with joyful song 
 O'er new born earth, by God-head sent 
 
 To join the grand, triumphal throng 
 Of suns and worlds that onward sweep 
 
 Around His great, majestic throne. 
 Was ever truer, nobler men 
 
 Than Southern private soldiers known. 
 
 Not even that celestial host 
 
 Who drove, with wrathful thunders dire. 
 The traitor, Satan, and his horde 
 
 From heaven's courts to pits of fire, 
 Was more unselfish, brave and true 
 
 Thau was that grand, heroic band 
 Who fought beneath the stars and bars 
 
 For God, for home and native land. 
 
 And when old earth's last round is run. 
 
 And God commands her march to halt. 
 When Gabriel, adjutant on high, 
 
 The roll shall read from yonder vault. 
 Where suns and worlds in ranks aligned, 
 
 Shall stand to hear God's orders read. 
 May crowns the brightest God can give 
 
 Be there for every private's head. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 PA6S 
 
 Inteoductobt Pbefacb g 
 
 CHAPTER 1. Formation of Gen. A. R. Lawton's Brigade. .... 13 
 
 The Thirteenth Georgia Regiment 13 
 
 The Twenty-Sixth Georgia Regiment 15 
 
 The Thirty-First Georgia Regiment 18 
 
 The Thirty-Eighth Georgia Regiment 30 
 
 The Sixtieth Georgia Regiment 23 
 
 The Sixty-First Georgia Regiment 84 
 
 The Twelfth Georgia Battalion 30 
 
 CHAPTER 2. Lawton's Brigade's trip to Virginia joins Gen. T. 
 
 J. Jackson's Command 38 
 
 Seven Days' Battle before Richmond 41 
 
 CHAPTER 3. From the seven days' battle to the closing of the 
 
 battle of Sharpsburg 48 
 
 Battle Cedar Mountain 45 
 
 Second Battle Manassas 48 
 
 Capture of Harper's Ferry 51 
 
 Battle of Sharpsburg, on Antietam Creek 53 
 
 CHAPTER 4. First Battle of Fredericksburg 60 
 
 CHAPTER 5. Author sick in the hospitals 63 
 
 CHAPTER 6. Early's Division's Camp life, Snow battles. Bat- 
 tle of Chancellorsvile and Mayre's Heights 77 
 
 CHAPTER 7, The Union account of the Battle of Chancellors- 
 
 ville, by Col. Theodore A. Dodge, V. S. Army 87 
 
 CHAPTER 8. The Gettysburg Campaign 112 
 
 Battle of Winchester 114 
 
 Battle of Tork, Pa 115 
 
 Battle of Gettysburg 116 
 
 CHAPTER 9. Battle Bristow Station 129 
 
 Battle Mine Run 130 
 
 CHAPTER 10. From 1st January, 1864, to May 1st, 1864. Skir- 
 mish Battle at Morton's Ford, January 4, 1864 138 
 
 CHAPTER 11. Battle of the Wilderness 140 
 
 CHAPTER 13. Battle of Spottsylvania Court House 149 
 
 CHAPTER 13. Battle of North Anna River 161 
 
 Battle of Turkey Ridge 161 
 
 Second Battle of Cold Harbor 163 
 
 Skirmish Battle of i,ynchburg 166 
 
 View of the Natural Bridge 167 
 
Stonewall's Jackson's Grave 168 
 
 CHAPTER 14. Battle of Maryland Heights 169 170 
 
 Battle of Monocacy, Md 170 
 
 Skirmish Battle around Washington, D. C 173 
 
 Return to Virginia 174 
 
 Battery Duel across the Potomac River 175 
 
 Battle of Shenandoah River 175 
 
 Battle of Kernstuwn 176 
 
 Burning of Chambersburg, Pa 177 
 
 Battle near Shepherdstown 180 
 
 CHAPTER 15. Battle of Winchester 183 
 
 General Rhodes Killed 188 
 
 Gen. Early's Retreat from Fisher's Hill 189 
 
 Sheridan's Merciless Burn-out in the Valley 192 
 
 CHAPTER 16. Battle of Cedar Creek 193 
 
 Close of the Valley Campaign 203 
 
 CHAPTER 17 205 
 
 Battle of Hatcher's Run and Deep Run 211 
 
 Capture of Fort Steadman on Hare's Hill 212 
 
 Battle of Five Forks, evacuating Richmond and Petersburg and 
 
 Surrender 214 
 
 General Lee's Last Order 216 
 
 General Gordon's Farewell Address to the Second Army Corps. . . 318 
 
 General Lee's Letter to President Davis 230 
 
 The Swords of Grant and Lee 224 
 
 Two Brothers - One in Blue, one in Gray 226 
 
 CHAPTER 18, W, H. Bland's Prison Life 229 
 
 CHAPTER 19. Roster of the Companies of the Sixty-First 
 Georgia Regiment. 
 
 Company B 336 
 
 Company C 342 
 
 Company D 348 
 
 Company E 354 
 
 Company F 359 
 
 Company G 365 
 
 Company H 370 
 
 Company 1 373 
 
 Company K 378 
 
 Names of every member of the Sixty-First Georgia Regiment who 
 
 surrendered at Appomatox April 9, 1865 280 
 
 The numbers that surrendered in 10 Louisiana Regiments 282 
 
 Galaxy of Southern Heroes 384 
 
7 
 
 /" 
 
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