CORNELL 
 
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ell University Library 
 DH102 .moo 
 
 Conversion of the Roman empire Boyle le 
 
 olin 
 
 3 1924 029 227 679 
 
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THE CONVERSION 
 
 THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 
 
LONDON 
 PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND 00. 
 
 NEIV-STREET SQUARE 
 
THE CONVERSION OF THE EOMAN EMPIRE. 
 
 THE 
 
 BOYLE LECTURES 
 
 FOE THE YEAR 1864 
 
 DELIVERED AT THE CHAPEL ROYAL, WHITEHALL. 
 
 CHAELES MEEIVALE, B.D. 
 
 RECTOR OF LAWFOHD: 
 CHAPLAIN TO THE SPEAKER OP THE HOUSE OP COMMOKS 
 
 LONDON: 
 LONGMAN, GREEN, LONGMAN, ROBERTS, & GREEN. 
 
 1864. 
 
./" 
 
 
 X 
 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 o>«o 
 
 LECTUEE I. (Page 1.) 
 christian belief conteasted with heathen unbelief. 
 
 Acts xvii. 32. 
 
 And when they heard of the resurrection of the dead, some mocked . 
 
 a7id others said, We will hear thee again of this matter. 
 
 LECTUEE II. (Page 21.) 
 heathen belief directed towards a temporal providence. 
 
 Acts xvii. 22. 
 
 Then Paul stood in the m/idst of Mars' hill, and said. Ye men of 
 Athens, I perceive that in all things ye are too superstitious. 
 
 LECTUEE m. (Page 40.) 
 
 expansion of heathen belief by the teaching of the 
 philosophers.. 
 
 Acts xvii. 26. 
 
 God hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all 
 the face of the earth. 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 LECTURE IV. (Page 64.) 
 
 EXPANSION OF HEATHEN BELIEF BT THE IDEAS OF KOMAN 
 JUEISPEUDENCE. 
 
 Galatians III. 24. 
 The law was our schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ. 
 
 LECTURE V. (Page 85.) 
 the heathen awakened to a sense of his spieitual dangee. 
 
 1 John iv. 21. 
 
 And this commandment have we from Him, That he who loveth God 
 
 love his brother also. 
 
 LECTURE VI. (Page 106.) 
 
 effoets of the heathen to ateet spieittjal euin. 
 
 St. Mark ix. 24. 
 
 And straightway the father of the child cried out, and said with 
 
 tears. Lord, I believe ; help Thou mine unbelief. 
 
 LECTURE VII. (Page 129.) 
 
 THE DOCTEINES OF CHEISTIANITT EESPOND TO THE QUESTIONS 
 OF THE HEATHENS. 
 
 St. Matthew XXVIII. 19. 
 The name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. 
 
 LECTURE Vin. (Page 150.) 
 
 THE GODLY EXAMPLE OF THE CHEISTIANS COMPLETES THE 
 
 conveesion of the empiee. 
 Acts xvii. 6. 
 Tliese that have turned the ivorld upside down are come hit! ■ 7 
 
PKEFACE. 
 
 oJ<iKo 
 
 The conveesion of the Eoman Empire to Christianity 
 is a very comprehensive subject of inquiry. It is a 
 subject not for a dissertation but for a history, for it 
 involves a progressive change extending over three or 
 more centuries, and is marked by a series not only of 
 moral and intellectual, but of political revolutions. It 
 embraces a multitude of events, and presents to us a 
 long gallery of individual characters. It points back- 
 ward to the origin and progress of thought and 
 feeling on rehgious questions ; and forward almost to 
 the farthest' expansion that they have hitherto attained. 
 It is in itself the history of rehgion brought into one 
 focus, for there is httle probably in the later course of 
 human speculation on the most interesting of aU 
 questions, of which the germ and often the fuU de- 
 velopment may not be traced in the controversies of 
 primitive Christianity with Paganism. In undertaking 
 to give a sketch of this subject within the hmits of 
 eight lectures delivered from a pulpit to a mixed and 
 
VIU PREFACE. 
 
 fluctuating congregation, I have not supposed that I 
 could do more than indicate a few of its most sahent 
 points, and suggest topics of reflection and possibly of 
 inquiry that might lead some of my hearers or readers 
 to a further and more fruitful consideration of it. 
 With this view, in printing these Lectures according 
 to the terms of the foundation on which they were 
 delivered, I have appended to them some explanatory 
 and illustrative notes which seemed to be required for 
 the better understanding of my remarks ; but still the 
 volume which I lay before the reader does not pretend 
 to be a formal disquisition on the subject — still less, I 
 need hardly say, to be a history of the great trans- 
 formation of opinion of which it treats. 
 
 It may be well to observe, however, that the con- 
 version of the Empire seems, under God's providence, 
 to have been afiected principally in four ways ; — 
 
 1. By the force of the external evidence to the 
 truth of Christianity, that is, by the apparent fulfilment 
 of recorded prophecy, and by the historical testimony 
 to the miracles by which it claims on its first pro- 
 mulgation to have been accompanied. 
 
 The age indeed was uncritical, and Httle competent 
 to weigh such external testimony with the accuracy 
 
PEEFACE. IX 
 
 which is now demanded. There was great proneness 
 to accept the claim of miracles ; but at the same time, 
 and in consequence of this very proneness, very httle 
 weight was attached to it as an argument of Divine 
 power. Greater stress was laid on the fulfilment of 
 prophecy, but ia this respect also the age was liable to 
 be grossly imposed upon ; and it must be allowed that 
 the preaching of Christianity owes some portion, how- 
 ever trifling, of its success to the false pretensions of 
 the so-called Sibylhne Oracles, which form no part of 
 its genuine credentials. 
 
 On these accounts, and because a discussion on this 
 branch of the subject would have been ill suited to 
 discourses from the pulpit, I have refraiued from 
 dweUing upon the effect of the external evidence of 
 Christianity in the conversion of the Empire. 
 
 2. By internal evidence, from the sense of spiritual 
 destitution, the consciousness of siu, the acknowledged 
 need of a Sanctifier and a Eedeemer. 
 
 This in the primitive, as in later ages, was undoubtedly 
 the most efiectual testimony to the Truth in Christ Jesus. 
 It appeals to all men without distinction of class and 
 nation. But it addresses itself more especially to men 
 of intelhgence and moral sensibility. It is the highest 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 and the worthiest testimony, the most distinctive of the 
 true religion, the most foreign to the character of the 
 false rehgions of the heathen, yet bearing a mysterious 
 affinity to some of the highest and worthiest aspirations 
 of the heathen philosophy. It addresses itself with 
 equal jaower to mankind in all ages, and establishes 
 most vividly, by its apphcability to ourselves, the moral 
 connection which subsists between the men of the first 
 century and the men of the nineteenth. 
 
 This is the branch of Christian evidences on which I 
 have most emphatically insisted ; for by this, I beheve, 
 the most refined and intelhgent of the heathen were 
 actually converted, and there is none to the action of 
 which we can point so reasonably and justly as this. 
 
 And with this may be combined the results which 
 flowed from the recognised want of a system of positive 
 behef. The Greeks and Eomans had generally dis- 
 carded the dogmas of their old mythology. They had 
 rejected tradition, and pretended to shake off authority 
 in matters of faith. Swayed for a time each by his 
 own conscience or sensibiHty only, they had yielded 
 eventually, more or less implicitly, to the guidance of 
 the Sophists, the perplexed and dubious inheritors of 
 the science of the great masters of antiquity ; and by a 
 slow- Ijut inevitable decline, they had fallen once more 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 under the dominion of newer and stranger formulas. 
 The traditions of the East, of Syria, Persia, and Egypt, 
 the worship of Belus and Mithras, of Isis and Serapis, 
 had popularly replaced the traditions and the worship of 
 Jupiter and Juno, of Hercules and Quirinus. Christianity, 
 it should be clearly imderstood, did not succeed at once 
 to the vacant inheritance of Olympus. Another re- 
 ligion had interposed : an exotic family of superstitions 
 had demanded and received, for at least two centuries, 
 the devotion of the pious, and been in its turn rejected 
 as a mockery and a delusion, Christianity, in fact, 
 was not simply the resource of a dissatisfied philosophy; 
 it was not accepted aa the only refuge from the blank 
 negation of a creed. It was the tried and approved of 
 several claimants to the sovereignty of the religious 
 instinct among men — tried by reason and argument, 
 and approved from its own manifest adaptation to hu- 
 man requirements. The world, I conceive, had long 
 resolved, in spite of the philosophers, that a positive 
 creed was necessary to its moral being ; it had endea- 
 voured in vain to satisfy itself with systems of its own 
 invention ; it yielded at last, under a divine impulse, to 
 that which God Himself had revealed and recom- 
 mended to it. 
 
 3. There is, however, a third kind of testimony, the 
 character of which I would not be supposed to dis- 
 
XU PBEFACE. 
 
 parage ; a testimony which worked powerfully upon 
 large numbers among the heathen, among persons per- 
 haps of less critical acumen, but eminently susceptible 
 of impressions from the contemplation of goodness and 
 holiness— the testimony to the truth of Christia^iity 
 from the lives and deaths of the primitive behevers, 
 from the practical effect of Christian teaching upon 
 those who embraced it in faith. The godly examples 
 of the Christians throughout the trials of life, and 
 especially in the crowning trial of martyrdom, were, as 
 we may be assured from history, productive of thou- 
 sands, nay of millions, of conversions. On this subject 
 I have been naturally led to touch, and would willingly 
 have expatiated, but my limits and the scope of my 
 Lectures did not allow of my dwelling upon it. 
 
 4. But further, among the multitude there was pro- 
 bably, after all, no argument so effectual, no testimony 
 to the divine authority of the Gospel so convincing, as 
 that from the temporal success with which Christianity 
 was eventually crowned. The decline of the Empire, 
 the discredit and overthrow of Paganism, the faU of 
 Kome itself, did actually turn the mass of mankind, as 
 with a sweeping revolution, to the rising sun of revealed 
 Truth in Christ Jesus. Men of earnest thought and 
 men of ardent feeling had already been converted by 
 the evidence before adduced ; but the great inert mass 
 
PKEFACE. xiii 
 
 of the thoughtless, the gross-minded, and the carnal, 
 upon whom no legitimate arguments could make any 
 impression, were startled, arrested, and convinced by 
 the last overruling argument of success. 
 
 This success, however, was not assured till the time 
 of Constantiae, and up to the fourth century, at least, 
 the multitude stiU continued to cling to the false gods 
 whose overthrow was not yet manifestly apparent. 
 The conversion of the more inteUigent among the 
 heathen, which encouraged the coup d'etat of the first 
 Christian Emperor, had been, I conceive, actually 
 effected before the proved inefficacy of the heathen re- 
 Hgions had caused them to be abandoned by the herd 
 of timeservers. The Empire, as a political machine, 
 was now transferred to the rule of Christ : its laws and 
 institutions were placed upon a Christian foundation : 
 the conversion of the Empire was substantially com- 
 pleted, whatever doubt or repugnance might long linger 
 among some classes of its subjects. Accordingly, while 
 I have pointed out the effect of the growing distrust 
 of their own systems among the heathens, I have not 
 thought it necessary to dwell upon a cause of con- 
 version which, however ultimately effectual, had not 
 yet begun to operate very powerfully within the hmits 
 of time to which these sketches are confined. Had my 
 • treatment of my thesis extended far into the fourth 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 century, it would have been important to estimate tlie 
 effect of the Imperial example, which, in the Eoman 
 Empire, no doubt, as elsewhere, must have determined 
 in innumerable instances the conversion or conformity 
 of the people. To the Eomans, as long as they 
 retained a spark of ancient sentiment, the Emperor, in 
 his capacity of Chief Pontiff— a title with which Con- 
 stantine and Valentinian dared not dispense — seemed 
 stiU the appointed minister of the national religion, 
 stni the intercessor for divine favour, the channel of 
 covenanted mercies to the State, whatever form of 
 ministration he might employ, to whatever Name he 
 might address himself in behalf of the Empire. He 
 was still on a large scale, and in the public behoof, 
 what the Eomans had been wont to consider the head 
 of each private family to be in his domestic sphere. 
 Cato the Censor directed the paterfamilias to offer 
 prayers and sacrifices to Jupiter, Mars, and Janus, 
 that they might be propitious to ' himself, to his 
 house, to his whole famUy ; ' and throughout the bounds 
 of the Soman's farm, there was no baihff, hind, or 
 bondman who would have ventured probably to offer 
 a prayer or a sacrifice on his own account, still less to 
 question the authority of his master to offer for himself 
 and for them all whatever prayers, and whatever 
 sacrifices, and address himself to whatever deity he 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 might choose.^ Nevertheless, the struggle of the Pa- 
 gan conscience against the authority of the Emperor 
 in rehgious matters is a marked feature in the his- 
 tory of the fourth century ; and the effect of the Im- 
 perial example in the final conversion of the Em- 
 pire was subject undoubtedly to important modifica- 
 tions. M. Beugnot's ' History of the Destruction of 
 Paganism in the West,' published about thirty years 
 ago, is stiU, I believe, the best and completest work 
 we possess upon the later phases of the great trans- 
 formation of religion ; but the subject admits of pro- 
 founder examination and a more extended survey. 
 
 1 Cato's injunction to the Villicus, De Ee rust. c. 143, may be 
 taken as an epitome of the ecclesiastical theory of the Komans: 
 Scito dominiim pro tota familia rem divinam facere. 
 
LECTURE I. 
 
 o^Oic 
 
 CHRISTIAN BELIEF CONTRASTED WITH 'HEATHEN UNBELIEF. 
 
 Acts xtii. 32. 
 
 And when they heard of the resurrection of the dead, some 
 mocked : and others said. We will hear thee again of this 
 matter. 
 
 To men of education, to men of academic training 
 and accomplishments, to all who pretend to ground 
 their religious faith on reasoning and argument, no 
 study can be more interesting than that of the process 
 by which Christianity has actually won its way in 
 the minds of the intelligent and accomphshed, the 
 reasoners and philosophers, of ancient and modern 
 times. The records of Scripture disclose to us a 
 glimpse, and no more than a glimpse, of the form 
 which the discussion assumed between the preachers 
 of the gospel and the possessors of human wisdom, 
 in the centre and reputed stronghold of ancient 
 science. The account of St. Paul's address to the phi- 
 losophers of Athens, which occupies but a portion 
 
 B 
 
LECTUEE I. 
 
 of a single chapter of the sacred history, suggests, 
 as it seems to me, more directly the fundamental 
 question between God's revelation and human specula- 
 tion than any of the ample apologies, or explanatory 
 defences of Christianity, set forth by the fathers of our 
 faith in the centuries next ensuing. The apologists, no 
 doubt, knew what they were aiming at ; they had their 
 own special object, which they placed clearly before 
 them ; they met the objections or refuted the fallacies 
 which they knew by their own experience to be the 
 most critical and the most harassing of their own times. 
 But neither their arguments in defence of Christ's reve- 
 lation, nor their arguments against the pretensions of 
 heathen superstition, are generally such as to engage 
 the interest of our day ; their value is historical rather 
 than critical ; we neither go to them to confirm our 
 own faith, nor of course do we require their help to 
 jierceive what is false, absurd, impossible in the creeds 
 of heathen antiquity. Tertullian and Justin, who hved 
 in the ages of persecution, dwell with most force and 
 fervour on the sanctity of the Christians' lives in attesta- 
 tion of the truth of the gospel message. Augustine 
 and Lactantius, witnesses of the triumph of the new 
 religion, expose to scorn the vain pretences of the 
 priests of Jupiter and Apollo : but the preaching of 
 St. Paul, in the short fragment before us, goes in one 
 word to the root of the matter, and sets before us the 
 question of questions, which all generations must ask 
 and do ask of themselves — in private, in their own 
 
 hearts, if not in pubHc debate and controversy namely, 
 
 Avhether God has given us the assurance of His Beino- 
 
THE PHILOSOPHERS AT ATHENS. 3 
 
 of His Providence, and of His Eighteousness, by the sure 
 and certain promise of a Future Existence ? For such 
 is the way in which the apostle states the question of 
 the resurrection. 
 
 ' Forasmuch then as we are the offspring of God, we 
 ought not to think that the Godhead is hke unto gold, 
 or silver, or stone, graven by art and man's device. 
 
 ' And the times of this ignorance God winked at ; 
 but now commandeth all men every where to repent : 
 
 ' Because He hath appointed a day, in the which He 
 Avill judge the world in righteousness by that man 
 whom He hath ordained; whereof He hath given as- 
 surance tmto all men, in that He hath raised Him from 
 the dead.' ^ 
 
 The moral government of God, the judgment of 
 God, and the need of repentance to meet that judg- 
 ment, are all assured to us by the fact of Christ's Ee- 
 surrection, which is the type and pledge of our resur- 
 rection also. 
 
 How, then, did the philosophers of Athens meet the 
 arguments of St. Paul, of which no doubt a mere 
 outline has been preserved to us, but which were 
 evidently based upon the fact, affirmed and demon- 
 strated, of our Lord's own resurrection ? ' When 
 they heard of the resurrection of the dead,' says 
 the same brief record, ' some mocked, and others said, 
 We will hear thee again of this matter.' 
 
 I need not say how truly this concise statement 
 represents the way in which the truths of rehgion are 
 
 1 Acts xvii. 29-31. 
 
 B 2 
 
4 LECTUKE I. 
 
 very commonly received by the adepts in human 
 wisdom in all ages: some who are possessed by a 
 prejudice, whose minds are made up, who have been 
 long persuaded that there is no new truth to be 
 discovered, make a mock, courteously perhaps and 
 blandly, of the doctrine propounded to them ; others, 
 touched at heart, distrusting themselves, perplexed and 
 dubious, put off the day of conviction, and silence their 
 uneasy doubts by promising to enquire further at some 
 future time. But the words of the narrative are more 
 remarkable, as foreshadowing the way in which the 
 revelation of Cliristianity, the keystone of which is the 
 doctrine of a future state, would be received generally 
 in the heathen world, and more particularly by the 
 philosophers and thinkers among the heathen ; how 
 many, to the last, would make a mock of it ; how, in 
 the midst of their own spiritual struggles and distresses, 
 in all the agony of their search for spiritual consolation, 
 they would still make pretence of derision or defiance 
 at the preaching of the Christian Eesurrection. Never- 
 theless others there were, many there were, at last a 
 majority there was, who would hear again of the 
 matter. The preachers of the gospel and of immor- 
 tality, of God's justice and the final retribution, would 
 never fail of listeners till the day should come when 
 this great doctrine should attain its triumph, when 
 upon this stone, upon the confession of this fundamental 
 truth, the Church of Christ would be estabhshed in 
 the Eoman Empire, and the Truth as it is in Christ 
 Jesus become the moral law of civilized men throuo-h- 
 out the ' inhabited world ' of the Greek or Eoman. 
 
OBJECT AND METHOD OF THE LECTURES. 5 
 
 We may take the statement of the text, then, as a 
 type of the struggle between Paganism and Cliris- 
 tianity, and of that transformation of rehgious opinion, 
 by which the hopes and fears and spiritual aspira- 
 tions of the Eoman world, at the time of our Lord's 
 appearance in the flesh, became absorbed in the faitli 
 of Christ — modified, purified, exalted, expanded. In 
 the Lectures which are to follow I propose to sketch, 
 as far as opportunity allows, the progress of this 
 transformation, the most signal of all religious revo- 
 lutions. The object of the foundation of the Boyle 
 Lecture is to assert the truth of Christianity against 
 unbelievers, and it may have been usual to give 
 these discourses a controversial turn, to answer special 
 objections against the facts of our rehgion, or urge 
 direct arguments in its defence. If I take a some- 
 what different course in setting forth a historical 
 survey of the change of religious opinion among tlie 
 ancients, I believe I shall act not less in the spirit 
 of my instructions. At the present day, at least, if I 
 judge rightly the temper of my contemporaries, I am 
 more Ukely to recommend the truth of Christianity 
 by tracing the progress of conviction in the minds 
 of men, than by combating again the old objections, 
 or seeldng weapons with which to encounter the most 
 recent, the offspring generally of the old, and bearing 
 a strong resemblance to their parents. 
 
 Many, I think, are agreed that, after all, the most 
 striking evidence for the Divine oiigin of our faith 
 lies in the patent fact of its existence, of its growth 
 and diffusion, its proved superiority to all other forms 
 
6 LECTURE I. 
 
 of spiritual thought, its proved adaptation to all the 
 spiritual wants of man. Nothing can be more in- 
 teresting, nothing can more conduce to a just notion of 
 its claims on our belief, than a critical examination of 
 the state of thought and opinion with which it had to 
 deal at the outset, and the nature of the intellectual 
 struggle which it carried on. It is with this con- 
 viction that I propose to devote these Lectures to the 
 consideration of that spiritual resurrection, that resur- 
 rection of faith and genuine piety, which marks the 
 intellectual history of the early centuries of our era ; 
 to dash at least a few rapid sketches of the most 
 sahent features of the controversy between the wis- 
 dom of this world and the Truth as it is in Christ 
 Jesus. 
 
 One indulgence your lecturer must crave. The Kne 
 of enquiry thus marked out cannot be profitably fol- 
 lowed in these discourses without the free use of the 
 materials of secular history, without repeated reference 
 to the names of men and of places of antiquity, without 
 occasional allusions to worldly customs and modes of 
 thought, without citation sometimes of secular books — 
 in short, not except under the usual conditions of a 
 critical investigation. I must be allowed to make these 
 addresses, what they are in fact properly termed, 
 Lectures, rather than Sermons. I must be pardoned if 
 the exposition of the sacred text, or the topics of 
 religious exhortation or instruction which form the 
 usual staple of our discourses from the pulpit, give place 
 for the most part, in my hands, to an examination of 
 
MEETING OB' THE KOMAN SENATE, B.C. 63. 7 
 
 human opinions on matters of religious interest. For 
 these subjects, too, I beheve, ' are good and profitable 
 unto men.' ^ 
 
 The transition from ancient to modern ideas of 
 religion to which I call your attention extends over a 
 period of three or four centuries : a long period, no 
 doubt, in the history of civilized man ; a long period, 
 marked with many changes of progress or decline in 
 arts and inventions, in intellectual interests, in literature 
 and science. In many respects the fourth century of 
 Christianity was a different world from the first century 
 before it, though the long interval, the wide chasm, 
 was spanned by the vast structure of the Eoman Em- 
 pire, the bridge of ages, one pier of which rested on the 
 consulship of CjBsar, the other on the despotism of 
 Constantine. But how wide was the moral space 
 which divided the worshippers of Jupiter on the Capi- 
 tol from the worshippers of Jesus Christ at the new 
 Rome on the Bosphorus may be appreciated from the 
 contrast of two historical scenes which I will now 
 place before you. 
 
 The Eoman senators were assembled on the fifth of 
 December, in the year 63 before Christ, in the Temple of 
 Concord, the pavement of which, at the foot of the Capi- 
 toline hill, uncovered in modern times, serves us even 
 now to realize vividly the scene and the circumstances 
 presented. The divinity to whom the temple was dedi- 
 cated marked in itself a pecuhar phase of the course 
 
 1 Titus iii. 8. 
 
8 LECTURE I. 
 
 of religious feeling among the Eomans ; for Concord 
 —a mere moral abstraction, a mere symbol of a com- 
 pact effected at an earlier period between the pohtical 
 orders of the State— was not an old popular creation of 
 Itahan sentiment, but eminently the invention of the 
 magistrate, introduced by law into the national ritual. 
 The Senate was itself the minister of the civil govern- 
 ment, and on this occasion it met on the spot which thus 
 eminently symbolized the civil religion of the Eoman 
 State. Nor less was the Senate the minister of the State- 
 rehgion. It comprehended in its ranks the pontiffs, the 
 augurs, and most of the great ecclesiastical officers of 
 Eome. The place in which it held its meetings — wher- 
 ever the consul might appoint, whether a temple or a 
 hall for civil affairs — must be consecrated by the obser- 
 vation of the auspices. Never, then, were the civil and 
 the religious character of the Senate more conspicuously 
 represented than when it met in the Temple of Con- 
 cord to deliberate on the punishment due to the greatest 
 of crimes political and religious, the sacrilegious treason 
 of Catiline and his followers. 
 
 Among the senators convened on that memorable 
 day were men of the highest political renown, — men who 
 had maintained or men who had daringly assailed the 
 traditions of government on which the fortunes and the 
 fame of the commonwealth had for centuries rested ; 
 — warriors and legislators, patriots and demagogues, 
 leaders and partisans, orators and mere dumb but faith- 
 ful voters ; all -influenced by the strongest pohtical feel- 
 ings, most of them absorbed in the great struggles of 
 
CiESAR'S DENIAL OF IMMORTALITY. 9 
 
 the day, — enthusiasts, fanatics, — ready to stake their 
 fortunes and their lives in assertion of their respective 
 watchwords ; — all full of reminiscences of the great 
 men and the great deeds of old ; — not a few among 
 them emulous of ancient fame, many setting glory and 
 honour and duty high above every sordid or selfish 
 consideration. Moreover, there were few or none of 
 them who had not been trained in the philosophies of 
 the day, and accustomed to look with intelligent interest 
 upon the problems of human nature, and consider the 
 claims of the higher spiritual life, and recognise the 
 workings of man's soul within him. 
 
 It was on such an occasion, then, on such a spot, in 
 such an assembly, that Ctesar pronounced the words 
 which have been doubtless faithfully reported to us 
 by no mean contemporary authority — the words which 
 have ever since been marked and held in remembrance 
 as the manifesto of Eoman unbelief on the subject of 
 future existence. 
 
 ' In pain and misery,' he said, ' death is the release 
 from all suffering, not suffering itself ; death dissolves 
 all the iUs of mortality ; beyond it is no place either for 
 pain or pleasure. Wherefore,' such was his argument, 
 ' keep these criminals alive, to suffer a fitting penalty ; 
 after death there is no more punishment for sin, neither 
 is there any reward for virtue.' Caesar himself, the chief 
 pontiff, the highest functionary of the State-religion, the 
 chosen interpreter of Divine things to the national con- 
 science, declared peremptorily that there is no such 
 thing as retribution beyond the grave, no future state 
 
10 LECTURE I. 
 
 of consciousness, no immortality of the soul. To him 
 replied the grave and virtuous Cato, the devoted ser- 
 vant of his country, her laws and institutions ; the most 
 regular observer of the traditions of his class and order ; 
 the most religious man, I may say, at Kome, inasmuch 
 as, of all the Eomans of his day, there was none who 
 set before himself so high a rule of life or so strictly 
 kept it ; a man whose aim it was to ' fulfil all righteous- 
 ness ' in the sense in which righteousness would present 
 itself to him — a man, I will add, with a nearer sense 
 of a personal inspiration, of the indwelhng of a divine 
 spirit, than any heathen, except perhaps one or two 
 only, with whom we are acquainted : — ^to him Cato 
 replied, following and refuting, closely and gravely, 
 all his political arguments, but passing by this re- 
 markable expression with just one sentence of what 
 looks like polished banter, just enough to indicate 
 a humourist's sense (for Cato too was a humourist) 
 of the curious incongruity of such a sentiment in 
 such a mouth ; — but so lightly, so perfunctorily, as 
 plainly to show how little there was in it to alarm 
 the religious feeling of the audience, or to disgust 
 the religious convictions of the speaker himself. 
 But another great man took part also in the debate ; 
 another orator remarked on the daring assertion of 
 Cassar — daring, as with our habits of thought we can 
 hardly refrain from calling it, though in the minds of 
 the Eoman senators there was clearly no daring in it 
 at all. Cicero, the most consummate adept in the doc- 
 trines of the philosophical schools, the man who of all 
 
DENIAL THEN GENERAL AMONG THE HEATHENS. 11 
 
 his oixler could most exactly weigh the amount of 
 approbation which the denial of immortality would 
 then and there carry with it — ^Cicero also, I say, refers 
 to Caisar's assertion, not as caring to give his own 
 assent or dissent upon the question, but leaving it per- 
 fectly open to the learned or the pious, to the statesman 
 and legislator, the pontiff and augur, to embrace or 
 repudiate it as he pleases. We read of no further dis- 
 cussion upon the point, upon this blank negation of all 
 spiritual faith and hope ; the historian takes no personal 
 notice of it ; no writer of antiquity alludes again to it ; 
 it passes as a matter of general indifference. Such, in 
 short, is the tone of sentiment among the highest intel- 
 ligences of the day at Eome, in the century next before 
 the coming of Christ, that the beUef in a future state of 
 retribution — the very foundation, as we regard it, of all 
 true and rational religion — is allowed to be made an 
 open question, to be treated as hardly worth question 
 at all, in the gravest of assemblies, on the gravest of all 
 public occasions.-^ Such was their proud devotion to 
 the false show of this world, to the glories of a world- 
 wide dominion, the enjoyments of a voluptuous luxury, 
 the flatteries of a complacent literature ; such their 
 judicial bhndness to the future, with all its aspirations 
 and its terrors, its rewards and its punishments. 
 
 But ' blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, which according to His abundant mercy hath 
 begotten us again unto a lively hope by the resurrec- 
 tion of Jesus Christ from the dead.'^ 
 
 1 See Note A. ^ 1 Peter i. 3. 
 
1-2 LECTURE I. 
 
 For let the clouds of time settle upon the scene 
 before us, and when the mist clears up let us find 
 ourselves transported in imagination four centuries 
 onwards, from Italy to Asia Minor, from Eome to the 
 provincial city of Nicaja, from the Temple of Concord 
 beneath the Capitol to a public hall of state over 
 against the destined site of a second Eome on the 
 Bosphorus. How changed is the scene which now 
 meets our eyes ; how changed — yet in some marked 
 circumstances how like to the old scene renewed? 
 The place of meeting is no longer a temple, but a town- 
 hall or a palace ; the government there enthroned is 
 no longer a commonwealth, but an imperial autocracy; 
 the men assembled before us in their robes of dignity 
 and their ensigns of office, — the palhum for the toga, 
 the crooked staff for the ivory sceptre, — are no longer 
 senators but bishops ; not fathers of patrician house- 
 holds, and rulers of provinces and legions, but fathers 
 of the Church, elders of a spiritual congregation, 
 abounding in exhortation and teaching, interpreting a 
 rule of faith and practice, holding fast an already 
 ancient ecclesiastical tradition. The ideas of the 
 time, indeed, are changed : the faith and usages of the 
 people have undergone a marvellous transformation. 
 The matter in debate in the assembly to which the 
 gravest affair of state is now committed is not a 
 question of political emergency, of foreign levy or 
 domestic treason, but of the deepest spiritual signifi- 
 cance ; the Council of Nice is met together to fix the 
 creed of Christendom on a point of rehgious doo-ma, to 
 
THE COUNCIL OF NIC^A, A.D. 325. 13 
 
 close up an intellectual schism, and settle the faith of 
 men on an everlasting foundation. 
 
 The chief who summons this council of Christian 
 bishops is still the highest guardian of the national 
 ritual, the head of the Church upon earth, but he 
 comes not to prescribe his own views on points of 
 religious faith, but to collect the suffrages of its recog- 
 nised expounders, the depositaries of three centuries 
 of interpretation and tradition, the chief pastors of the 
 Christian congregations scattered over the face of the 
 empire and even beyond it. 
 
 For there too were assembled, not the denizens of 
 one imperial city, descending from their mansions on 
 the seven hills into the Eoman forum, but, in the words 
 of the great historian of the crisis, ' the most eminent 
 among God's ministers of all those Churches which filled 
 all Europe, Libya, and Asia. And one sacred oratory,' 
 he continues, 'enlarged as it were by God Himself, 
 enclosed within its walls both Syrians and Cilicians, 
 Phoenicians and Arabians, Palestinians and Egyptians 
 also, Thebeeans and Libyans, and those that come forth 
 of Mesopotamia. There was present also at this synod 
 a Persian bishop, neither was the Scythian absent from 
 the quire. Moreover, there appeared here Thracians 
 and Macedonians, Achaians and Epirotes, and such as 
 dwelt far beyond these met nevertheless together.' ' 
 
 And he goes on, as you might anticipate, to com- 
 pare this varied assemblage to the multitude of many 
 
 ' Eiisebius Pamphilus, Life of Constantine, iii. 7. 
 
14 LECTURE I. 
 
 nations that were gathered together on the day of 
 Pentecost ; a meeting inferior indeed, as he hints, to 
 this in interest, for that was composed for the most part 
 of laymen and neophytes, but this of ministers and 
 teachers only. 
 
 The interest and importance, indeed, of this famous 
 synod, it requires no theologian's rhetoric to magnify. 
 Viewed as an event of human history only, dull indeed 
 must be the imagination which does not see in the 
 Council of Nicisa an incident of the deepest signifi- 
 cance, the first launching of a vast spiritual engine on its 
 career of conquest and dominion. However variously 
 we may estimate the morals and intellect of the age, 
 we cannot doubt that it was represented at this council 
 by its best, its ablest, and its most intelhgent. Wl:at- 
 ever judgment polemics may hold of the soundness of 
 the ecclesiastical traditions then current, there can be 
 no question but that at that council they were faith- 
 fully expounded and fully developed. Whatever value 
 some modern thinkers may set upon the abtruse dog- 
 mas which came under discussion in it, it is allowed 
 that in these dogmas lay the breath of all spiritual life 
 at the period ; and especially the question of the Divine 
 Son's relation to the Father, then elaborately defined, 
 was a question of life and death for the scheme of 
 theology then established, and ever since maintained 
 in preeminence in the Church of Christ. Nor can 
 we dispute that, if such transcendent mysteries can 
 ever be profitably subjected to the test of critical dis- 
 cussion, there were men there met together of every 
 
CI-IAEACTEll OF THE BISHOPS ASSEMBLED. U 
 
 temper, of manifold habits of thought, of various men- 
 tal associations, of various intellectual powers; some 
 trustworthy as witnesses to traditional usage, some 
 respectable for their personal experiences, some to be 
 admired for their keenness and subtilty, some to be 
 revered for their illustrious piety ; and that in such 
 hands the subject in debate received as full and as 
 worthy treatment as it has ever been capable of among 
 men.' 
 
 The bishops, 318 in number, who met on this solemn 
 occasion had all been swept over by the last storm of 
 imperial persecution, the agitation of which had hardly 
 yet subsided. Known to each other hitherto by the 
 record of their trials and endurance only, they now 
 met for a moment upon earth, trusting to be united 
 finally in heaven — the witnesses to the faith in Eome and 
 Antioch, at Treves and at Carthage ; witnesses to the 
 same faith, the same law, the same sacraments, the same 
 Lord and Master of them all. The most illustrious 
 were soon distinguished : some were betokened by their 
 strange dress and habits, some by their well-known 
 reputation for zeal or for learning, some by the wounds 
 and scars of their noble confession. Paphnutius, a con- 
 fessor from the Thebaid, who asserted the right of the 
 clergy to the society of their wives, had been blinded 
 and maimed in the leg ; Paul of JSTeocassarea was 
 crippled by torture in the hand. Ascetics from the 
 Upper Egypt were clothed in the wild raiment of the 
 Baptist ; they had wandered forth in sheepskins and 
 
 ' Socrates, History of the Chvrch, i. 6. 
 
18 LECTURE I. 
 
 goatskins, they had dwelt in deserts and on mountains, 
 in dens and caves of the earth. The childlike simplicity 
 of the primitive ages was instanced in Spiridion, the 
 village bishop of Cyprus — the prototype, it would seem, 
 of the model prelate of a recent fiction,— who, when bri- 
 gands robbed him of his sheep, rebuked them meekly 
 for not having rather asked him for them. The learning 
 of the clerical order, which could compare with that of 
 the Pagan orators and sophists, was represented among 
 others by Eustathius and the two Eusebiuses ; while 
 for age and venerable bearing none were more remark- 
 able than the Spanish prelate Hosius, and Alexander 
 the patriarch of Alexandria. While again the neology 
 of the period, and the leanings of secular learning 
 towards notions which sprang from the lurking hea- 
 thenism of the heart, found their artful expounder in 
 the arch-heretic Arius, the real doctrine of the Church, 
 such as it claimed to have been from the begin- 
 ning, and such as it has been maintained for fifteen 
 centuries onwards, was defended, above all others, with 
 the keenest logic, with the most ardent rhetoric, and 
 with indomitable energy, by the mighty Athanasius, 
 — he who not long after stood alone, as it was said, 
 against the Avorld, and triumphed. The intellectual 
 excitement of the day was not unfelt even by the 
 heathens themselves ; and many distinguished adlie- 
 rents of the old rehgion came, — some scoffing, some 
 trembling, all wondering, — to hear how the Church 
 of Christ, that strange confederation which had van- 
 quished them at last after three centuries of conflict 
 
CONSTANTINE'S POSITION IN THE COUNCIL. 17 
 
 would solve the most awful questions, which the 
 human mind can encounter. These strangers to the 
 faith were not indeed admitted to the scene of the 
 sacred conference, but they hovered anxiously around 
 it, and conversed from time to time with the members 
 as they, passed in or out, and were admonished some- 
 times with compassion, sometimes with yearning love, 
 sometimes with grave and authoritative rebuke ; and if 
 some stiU mocked, and some hesitated and said, ' We 
 will hear thee again on this matter,' others there were 
 who were conscience-stricken and converted on the 
 spot, and the Holy Spirit added unto the Church daily 
 such as should be saved. 
 
 The Synod was assembled, every man in his place, 
 when the Emperor Constantine entered, arrayed in 
 gold and purple, and strode with his guards around 
 him to the top of the Hall, where, standing for a 
 moment before a golden throne, he looked hesitatingly 
 around, as if to ask permission to be seated. When he 
 took his seat all the ecclesiastics sat down Hkewise, 
 according to the tradition of the Eoman Senate, all the 
 members of which were virtually equal. Then the 
 Emperor rose and addressed the assembly in a set 
 harangue, explaining the main object of their summons, 
 using ' for the majesty of the empire,' as his prede- 
 cessors would have phrased it, the sonorous tongue of 
 Latium. ' When by the assent,' he said, ' and the aid 
 of the Almighty, I had triumphed over my enemies, I 
 hoped that I had nothing more to do than to give 
 thanks to God, and to rejoice with those whom He had 
 
18 LECTUEE I. 
 
 delivered by my hand. But as soon as I heard of the 
 division existing among you, I judged it to be a press- 
 ing matter, which I must not neglect ; and desiring also 
 to apply some remedy to this new evil, I have called 
 you together without delay, and great is my satisfac- 
 tion in being present at your meeting.' With these, 
 and such words as these, full of goodwill to the Church, 
 its chiefs, and its concerns, but without venturing even 
 to propound the subjects to which he invited discussion, 
 did Constantine open that memorable council ; giving 
 the sanction of the highest civil authority to debates 
 which ranged over topics of the deepest spiritual signifi- 
 cance ; setting the first precedent in recorded history, 
 however moderate and reserved, of the action of a 
 regal supremacy in matters ecclesiastical ; giving the 
 first fulfilment to the prophecy, that kings should be 
 the fathers of the Church, and queens her nursing 
 mothers. Deep indeed must have been the interest 
 of the civilized world. Christian and Pagan, lay and 
 clerical, learned and unlearned, noble and plebeian, in 
 the questions which then agitated the Christian Church, 
 when the deliberations of this new senate, of this novel 
 confederation of the civil and ecclesiastical powers, of 
 the emperor and the bishops, of the State and the 
 Church, issued in the promulgation of a solemn rule of 
 faith, of that form of sound words which has been 
 recited daily in the Church for fifteen centuries, and 
 
 still is recited with awe and veneration among us the 
 
 illustrious creed of Nictea. A few years, as we have seen, 
 before the incarnation of Jesus Christ, the Eo]nan sena- 
 
PBOMULGATION OF THE NICBNE CREED. 19 
 
 tors listened without shame or shuddering to the utter 
 denial of man's spiritual being from the mouth of their 
 sovereign Pontiff. Three hundred years after His re- 
 surrection, an assembly of priests, the august successor 
 of that incredulous Synod, dehberately affirmed the 
 most mysterious dogmas of revealed rehgion. 'We 
 believe,' it said, ' in one God, the Father Almighty, 
 Maker of all things visible and invisible ; And in one 
 Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, of the same sub- 
 stance with the Father, by whom all things were made : 
 Who for us men, and for our salvation came down 
 from Heaven, and was incarnate and was made man, 
 suffered and rose again the third day, He ascended inte 
 Heaven, He shall come again to judge both the quick 
 and the dead:'— And further, 'We beheve in the Holy 
 Ghost, the Lord and Giver of Life : and in the Eemis- 
 sion of Sins, the Eesurrection of the Body, and the Life 
 everlasting.'^ 
 
 Here there are two great facts set before you : an 
 immense revolution in human thought has been effected, 
 a vast transformation of human feehng. Such change 
 was not wrought upon the spot, not by a single 
 miraculous stroke of Providence, not by a momentary 
 decree of the Almighty, as when He said to chaos, 
 ' Let there be hght, and there was light ;' as when He 
 said to Saul of Tarsus, ' I am Jesus whom thou per- 
 secutest.' If the conversion of the individual soul is 
 rarely sudden and immediate, still more rare — stiU less, 
 
 1 See Note B. 
 c 2 
 
20 LECTURE I. 
 
 I may say, possible — is the immediate conversion of a 
 people. No ; there was an interval of four centuries, 
 crowded with movements of changes outward and in- 
 ward ; all slow and gradual, and following justly one 
 from another : — the falling away of many prejudices ; 
 the scaling off of many folds of inveterate error ; the 
 raising up of many footholds of truth and faith. There 
 was life in death, energy in decay, rejuvenescence in 
 decrepitude. The human mind continued to work by 
 its old accustomed methods, but those methods of 
 thought were themselves of God's original appointment ; 
 the Holy Spirit had brooded over their creation, and 
 guided them gently to the end which to Him was 
 present from the beginning. Let us seek, with His 
 blessed aid and enlightenment, to trace in these Lectures 
 the mode of this spiritual revolution, this conversion of 
 the Eoman Empire, of the civilized world of antiquity, 
 of the natural human intellect in the pride of its 
 highest acquirements, from a denial of the first principle 
 of positive belief to the assertion of an entire system of 
 revealed religion. 
 
LECTURE 11. 
 
 oXKo» 
 
 IIKATHEN BELIEF DIEECTED TOWARDS A TEMPORAL 
 PROVIDEiS'^CE. 
 
 Acts xvii. 22. 
 
 Then Paul stood in the midst of Mars' hill, and said, Ye 
 men of Athens, I "perceive that in all things ye are too 
 superstitious. 
 
 There is no need on the present occasion to discuss 
 critically the meaning of the word here rendered 
 ' superstitious,' nor of the fact from which the apostle 
 particularly infers it of the Athenians, when he adds, 
 'For as I passed by, and beheld your devotions, I 
 found an altar with this inscription, To the unknown 
 God.' We will take the phrase ' too superstitious,' or 
 literally 'god or spirit fearing,' to mean, excessively 
 addicted to the worship of supernatural powers, over- 
 prone to believe in and tremble before the influence 
 of invisible existences, capricious or perverse in the 
 apprehension of God's nature, and of the nature of 
 His divine rule and providence. Superstition, as here 
 spoken of, seems to be an excess or extravagant concep- 
 tion of religion : it is the fanatic issue of human thoughts 
 
22 LECTURE II. 
 
 on subjects too pure, too sublime, and too holy for 
 human nature, unenlightened from above, to thmk of 
 duly or worthily. Nevertheless, even such superstition 
 does bear in a certain measure the character of 
 rehgious behef; it is grounded upon the same fun- 
 damental principle — the apprehension of a spiritual 
 world. 
 
 Now I would have you observe the juxtaposition of 
 the religious feeling here ascribed to the Athenians 
 with the mocking denial, or at best, the timid and 
 doubtful anticipation of a future state which is imputed 
 to them in what presently follows : ' And when they 
 heard of the resurrection of the dead, some mocked : 
 and others said, "We will hear thee again of this matter' 
 — a text on which I enlarged in my last Lecture, to 
 show the imperfect apprehension or popular denial of 
 a future retribution in the heathen world. Compare 
 these two passages, and it will plainly appear, that in 
 St. Paul's view the same people might have, and indeed 
 actually had, a keen and conscious apprehension of a 
 Divine government, together with a direct renunciation 
 of the doctrine of a future retribution. I need not 
 say how utterly this is inconsistent with the idea we 
 as Christians entertain of rehgion. "We Christians, 
 trained from father to son in the teaching of Scrip- 
 ture, cannot, I imagine, divorce the two ideas. We 
 cannot contemplate for ourselves, hardly can we con- 
 ceive in others, the idea of rehgious belief, of behef 
 
 in God as a moral ruler, and in His providential 
 government of the world, — apart from the conviction of 
 
MODIFICATION OF HEATHEN BELIEF. 23 
 
 judgment hereafter. The famous paradox of Warburton 
 is founded upon this conviction, upon this instinctive 
 assurance, as he maintained it to be, that belief in 
 Providence cannot ordinarily subsist, that it cannot 
 certainly be maintained among men in society, without 
 a belief in a future state of rewards and punishments. 
 The omission of this cardinal doctrine, as he argued, 
 in the Mosaic economy, formed a conclusive demonstra- 
 tion that the law of Moses was no invention of the 
 mere human mind ; so manifestly, in his view, does 
 such omission contravene the first principles of human 
 reasoning on the subject of religion. 
 
 I perceive well enough the apparent presumption in 
 favour of such a theory. I felt myself authorized to 
 declare in my last Lecture that the open denial of 
 immortahty in the Eoman Senate implied a general 
 repudiation of a fundamental principle of religion. 
 I contrasted this repudiation with the assertion of 
 Christian dogma at the first of the great Christian 
 councils, to mark, at one glance, the entire space of the 
 chasm which separated the one age from the other, the 
 heathen from the Christian, the Eoman Empire from 
 the City of God. Here we see, indeed, two great forces 
 arrayed against each other — Behef and Unbelief. 
 
 Such, at least, is the broad and general view of the 
 case presented to us. But let us look a little closer, 
 and see whether the condition of the heathen mind 
 was altogether negative in religious matters. Did the 
 heathen deny all obhgations, all objects of rehgious 
 faith, in repudiating the cardinal principle of a future 
 
24 LECTURE II. 
 
 retribution? Can a man have no apprehension of a 
 God because he has no apprehension of immortahty ? 
 Our text points to a different conclusion. The 
 Athenians, httle as they certainly regarded a future 
 life, were even too superstitious ; full of a strong appre- 
 hension of unknown superior powers, they were bhnd 
 and mean and gross in their conception of them. And 
 the same might be shown equally of the Eomans. 
 
 The heathen, as St. Paul says, were to be left 
 without excuse, and therefore the eternal power and 
 Godhead, at least, of the Deity were made manifest to 
 their hearts by the inner witness of the conscience. 
 Though they glorified not God in their acts, nor even 
 in the justness and purity of their notions, yet they 
 knew God so far as to apprehend the fact of His 
 Being, His Power, and His Providence. 
 
 I repeat that, speaking broadly, the heathen of 
 Greece and Eome, at least the intelligent classes 
 among them — all above the common herd, the women 
 and children — had no real belief in a future state. I 
 speak not of the teaching or the private aspirations of 
 a few philosophers, of which more may be said here- 
 after. Nor need I spend words in showing that the 
 vulgar mythology, with its Hades and Olympus, its 
 Tartarean blackness and Elysian sunshine, was an 
 exploded and despised tradition. "Whatever hankering 
 after a positive belief on matters of such awful interest 
 might linger in men's hopes and fears, and find utter- 
 ance here and there in their popular literature there 
 was no real and hving faith in such things ; no 
 
BELIEF IN BEING AND PEOVIDENCE OP GOD. 23 
 
 intelligent man would have publicly acknowledged any 
 such anticipations, no priest or preacher was appointed 
 to teach them dogmatically ; the rewards and punish- 
 ments of a future state, as far as such a state pre- 
 tended to be revealed, had become no more than mere 
 poetic machinery.^ 
 
 The heathens, then, had no popular behef in a 
 future retribution. Nevertheless, they had their 
 temples, and their altars ; their gods were represented 
 by images, and service was done to them by priests 
 and ministers. A comprehensive and intricate ritual 
 prescribed the names and characters of hundreds 
 of divinities, specified their various attributes and 
 fnnctions, interpreted their will, interceded for their 
 favour. ' He that cometh to God,' says the Christian 
 Scripture, speaking of mankind generally, ' must 
 beheve that He is, and that He is a rewarder of them 
 that diligently seek Him.''-* This is the universal and 
 fundamental condition of religious belief. If the 
 heathens of Eome did thus come to God, even to a 
 God of their own imaginations, with religious service, 
 however blind and carnal, they did then assuredly 
 believe in the Being of God, a God of power and in- 
 telhgence ; and did apprehend in some way, however 
 faintly and imperfectly, the fact of His providential 
 oversight of man. And accordingly the Gospel had to 
 combat not a mere blank negation of all belief, but a 
 living and substantive principle of religion. 
 
 1 See Note C. ' Heb. xi. 6. 
 
26 LECTURE 11. 
 
 Let me then first place clearly before you the fact 
 that this rehgious service was really made a matter 
 of conscience, enjoined and enforced by ecclesiastical 
 authorities, accepted and acknowledged by the heart 
 and understanding of the worshippers. 
 
 We read how, not many years after the above- 
 mentioned debate in the Eoman Senate, the factions of 
 the Eepublic culminated in a great political apostasy. 
 An impious son raised his hand against his parent's 
 bosom. The crossing of the Eubicon, the march of 
 Ca3sar upon Eome, was denounced as an act, not of 
 rebelhon only, but of impiety and schism. It must be 
 met with human arms indeed, but before human arms 
 were tried, or while human arms were being tried, it 
 might be met also with a solemn religious ceremony — 
 by an act of lustration, of expiation, of national humi- 
 liation before the insulted powers of the other world. 
 Policy and religion joined hand in hand. The Consul 
 takes counsel with the Pontiff; the Plailosopher enquires 
 of the A-Ugur ; they revolve the ancient books, and 
 resort to the prescribed usages, and marshal with one 
 accord a long procession of priests and statesmen, 
 of magistrates and citizens, of Vestals, Salians, and 
 Flamens, to stalk around the sacred inclosure of the 
 city, and purge its dwelhngs with a holy lustration. 
 The whole population, in an access of superstitious 
 fervour, is moved to appease the national divinities by 
 an act of national devotion. Men and women, young 
 and old, the learned and the vulgar, unite in this 
 solemn function with a common will and conscience. 
 
REVIVAL OF RELIGIOUS USAGE. 27 
 
 How far they believed in the idols to which they bowed 
 themselves ; how far they duped one another ; how far 
 they were duped themselves, who shall say? The scene 
 itself stands before us, a great and impressive fact, 
 a fact surely not without a meaning. The mighty 
 multitude of the greatest of cities, in an age when 
 none believed in a resurrection, none regarded a future 
 retribution, was moved by a common impulse to make 
 this striking demonstration of its religious instincts and 
 spiritual convictions. We cannot shut our eyes to the 
 fact. Whatever abatement we may make from the 
 entire genuineness of the sentiment by which this 
 multitude was animated, we must allow that there did 
 exist, even at this time, among the heathen at Rome 
 a principle of rehgious behef Christianity, I say, had 
 a real living enemy to encounter.^ 
 
 But this, it may be urged, was a sudden outburst 
 of feeling, a paroxysm of alarm, a transient panic of 
 unreflecting superstition. Not so : we may judge of 
 its depth and reality from the marked revival of reli- 
 gious usage, and apparently of actual persuasion, which 
 ensued in the next generation. The conviction of the 
 existence of Powers unseen, on whose due propitiation 
 the safety of the State (in which was enwrapped the 
 safety of every citizen) depended, was stUl deeply 
 rooted in the heart of the Roman even of this latter 
 age. Choked it might be, and stifled amid the cares 
 of government ; forgotten it might be in the turmoil 
 of war ; it might be thrust contemptuously aside in the 
 
 1 See Note D. 
 
28 LECTURE II. 
 
 flush of victory and triumph, in the selfish enjoyment 
 of success, amid the orgies of sensual luxury ; never- 
 theless, the stress of circumstances might at any time 
 revive it, the call of an astute or ardent ruler might 
 evoke it. When the rehgious principle among the 
 Jews of the olden time had been perverted by evil 
 influences, they had fallen away to the snares most 
 tempting to their pecuhar weakness, to the idolatries 
 and harlotries of Edom and of Moab. The Eomans, 
 when the same principle was corrupted among them, 
 surrendered themselves to the charm of their most 
 seductive neighbours, the Greeks, and the love of the 
 gods of the Capitol waxed cold under the spell of 
 sceptics, rationahsts, and philosophers. But among 
 both Jews and Eomans the rehgious sentiment was 
 again and again revived. The process was alike in both 
 cases ; the history seems to repeat itself. The example 
 or command of pious kings effected more than once 
 a religious revival in Israel and Judah. Asa and 
 Hezekiah removed the high places and brake down 
 the images, and restored the worship of the God of 
 their fathers. The people followed in their steps and 
 turned again to the service of Jehovah. ' And Josiah,' 
 we read, ' stood by a piUar, and made a covenant 
 before the Lord, to walk after the Lord, and to keep 
 
 His commandments And all the people stood to 
 
 the covenant.'! Such were the acts of the good kings, 
 influenced by pure religious feehng, prompting them 
 
 ' 2 Kings xxiii. 3. 
 
REVIVAL OF RELIGION UNDER AUGUSTUS. '29 
 
 to please God by their own conversion, urging them to 
 lead their people to propitiate Him by a wiUing service. 
 But Jehu, again, is an instance of a wicked king, a 
 pohtic and selfish man, impelled by mixed and impure 
 motives of gain, or fear, or statecraft, to put on a show 
 of godliness, to effect an imperfect and one-sided re- 
 formation. ' Thus Jehu destroyed Baal out of Israel, 
 while at the same time he did not himself depart from 
 the sin of Jeroboam, who made Israel to sin.'^ 
 
 Now the obligation and responsibihty thus felt by 
 the chiefs of Israel and Judah, was confessed not 
 less openly by some of the Eoman Emperors. "When 
 Home became a monarchy, the spiritual headship of 
 the people was assumed by the Cassar as definitely as if 
 he were the anointed of Jehovah. It might be mere 
 craft and pohcy that induced Augustus to call for a 
 restoration of national rehgion ; he knew well that reh- 
 gion is the safeguard of thrones, and sought doubt- 
 less to clench thereby the obedience of his subjects. 
 It might be superstition, for Augustus was the victim 
 of many an abject superstition. Great conquerors, the 
 reaUzers of great projects — great favourites, as we call 
 them, of fortune, and we. almost sanction the sentiment 
 ourselves in caUing them so— generally are superstitious. 
 And again, there might be some real behef, some 
 genuine rehgion in it ; for Augustus was too great a 
 man not to be strongly and devoutly impressed with 
 the depth and breadth and height of the mission to 
 
 ^ 2 Kings X. 28, 29. 
 
30 LECTUEB II. 
 
 which he was appointed. At the same time, from the 
 innovating spirit of the theorists and philosophers 
 Augustus was singularly free, if not absolutely hostile 
 to it. While the educated men of Eome were banded, 
 as it were, in the contending camps of the Stoics and 
 Epicureans and Platonists ; while almost every eminent 
 statesman among them announced himself the disciple 
 of some dogmatic teacher, as publicly as he declared 
 himself the follower of a party-leader, it was remarked 
 that this man, the most eminent of all, stood scornfully 
 aloof from all the schools of thought and moral doc- 
 trine. The rehgion of the genuine Eoman had no sym- 
 pathy with them; the personal aspirations they might 
 engender, the yearning after the invisible, the ardent 
 gaze upon an ideal of virtue and holiness ; these senti- 
 ments in which, imperfect and partial as in the mere 
 natural heart they must be, we as Christians still place 
 the first seeds and germs of religious principle, had no 
 connection with the train of thought and basis of feel- 
 ing on which the system of the Priests and Pontiffs, 
 the Augurs and the Flamens, was estabhshed. Such 
 were not the pillars on which the conqueror could 
 build his Empire. He must revert to the old founda- 
 tions : he must stand upon the ancient ways. 
 
 Hence, then, his propping of the falling temples, 
 his repair of decayed and smoke-soiled images ; hence 
 his erection of thrice a hundred shrines in the city, his 
 revival of old reUgious usages, his enforcement of the 
 sanctions of property and marriage, his correction of 
 social irregularities, his Pantheon, his Secular Games 
 
GENUINE CHAEACTER OF THIS REVIVAL. 31 
 
 his incessant sacrifices and lustrations. Sucli were the 
 elements of a rehgious revival, which Augustus deemed 
 requisite for the gaining of Divine favour, for the safety 
 of the State, for the perpetuation, it may be, of his own 
 government and power. The man who in his youth, 
 when himself an aspirant and an adventurer, had 
 mocked the gods of his country with indecent ribaldry 
 — a Jehu in ambition, in bloodshed, in every personal 
 impurity — in mature age, when accepted, as it seemed, 
 for the favourite of heaven, the first child of Olympus, 
 acknowledged that his own rule, Uke the sovereignty 
 of Eome herself, depended on the Powers above, 
 and was founded on the confession of their mighty 
 name. Nor was this a mere personal feeling. The 
 general consent of the writers of the time, admitting 
 this principle of a providential government, accords 
 fully with it, and reflects the temper of the age as 
 faithfully as of the sovereign. 
 
 There was then a deep religious feeling among the 
 Eomans, however blind and narrow we must esteem it, 
 in which their chief himself partook, even while he 
 profited by it. This feeling is attested, among many 
 other tokens, by the outburst at the time of pretended 
 prophecy, by the general augury of a spiritual mani- 
 festation ; showing that it was no mere outward pre- 
 tence, no mere ceremonial reformation, not a revival 
 only of masonry and upholstery. Paganism had 
 indeed no tap-root of moral renovation. A religious 
 revival in the age of Augustus may have been but 
 the maudlin remorse which follows on a surfeit 
 
32 LECTURE II,. 
 
 of sin and selfish indulgence. Yet for a moment 
 at least the nation's heart was stricken, its conscience 
 agitated ; and the chief who rejected the exotic 
 doctrines of the ideologists ; who restored the cult of 
 the national divinities ; who sate once a year at the gate 
 of his palace, and propitiated Nemesis h)y the begging 
 of alms ; who appealed to the bystanders at his death- 
 bed with a smile, ' Have I played well my part in the 
 show and drama of life ? ' was, I conceive, a signal 
 example of the native power of the religious sentiment 
 of the Eoman people. 
 
 It was necessary to examine this example closely if 
 we would estimate the work which it was appointed 
 for the Gospel to effect on the heart of the heathen. I 
 will not detain you with a survey of a similar revival, 
 impelled a hundred years later by another C^sar, 
 another profligate, another tyrant, yet another anxious 
 votary of the gods of Eome. It was the boast of 
 Domitian that in his youth he had waged the wars of 
 Jove, in defence of the Capitol ; that in a later age he 
 had scaled the heavens for himself and his family, by 
 piously restoring it. He too enforced the religious code 
 of antiquity with the ruthless barbarity of a Jehu ; he 
 too rejected every spiritual innovation, persecuted the 
 Christians and expelled the philosophers. The heart 
 and conscience of his countrymen, alarmed by many 
 signs and sufferings, responded to the impulse he gave 
 it ; and the student of history cannot fail to appreciate 
 the sense of reUgious responsibility evinced by the 
 Eoman people under the rule of the Flavian dynasty. 
 
HEATHEN IDEA OP RELIGION. 33 
 
 What then, we may ask, was this rehgious idea which 
 was before Christianity ; which was so widely spread, 
 so deeply rooted, so keenly felt, so importunate in its 
 assaults on the conscience even of worldlings and 
 sensualists ; which all the vice, and sin, and carnal 
 abominations of the natural heart could not extinguish 
 or allay ; which Christianity was sent into the world to 
 combat, to try as with fire, to purge its dross and draw 
 forth its residue of gold ; which was so hostile in its 
 outward form to Christianity that the two could not 
 endure together, but its rites must be abolished, its 
 mysteries suppressed, its vanity demonstrated ; while it 
 still held fast the true foundation of the fear of God, 
 and confession of His providence ? 
 
 Look back for a moment at the early world, in the 
 aspect of nature and the works of man ; at the woods 
 in which men planted their first stockades, the rocks 
 on which they founded their primeval fortifications, 
 the lakes in which they raised their first amphibious 
 dwelhng-places. Look at the masses of Cyclopean 
 masonry, piled upon rugged chffs ; the soHd bulk of 
 earthworks, stretching from hill to hill, and from sea 
 to sea. Do not these ghmpses of society in infancy 
 point, and nowhere more plainly than in Italy itself, 
 to a state of existence in which men hved together in 
 constant apprehension of other men, in which combi- 
 nation for mutual protection was the first and para- 
 mount object of all; in which mutual fear was the 
 common bond of union, and every nation, tribe, and 
 clan was banded together against all its neighbours ? 
 
 D 
 
y4 LECTURE II. 
 
 This is not a description, perhaps, of the patriarchal 
 and pastoral communities of the plain of Shinar and 
 the banks of the Euphrates ; but looking westward to 
 Greece and Italy, we observe how the necessary con- 
 ditions of civil society issued in the most jealous of all 
 national institutions, the most exclusive of all national 
 beliefs. The idea of Greek and Eoman religion was to 
 secure by a national worship the enjoyment of national 
 advantages, protection, favour and reward, escape from 
 national disasters and national punishments. This was 
 the pohtical religion of states and peoples. Their 
 priests were the mediators between God and the 
 Nation, between Heaven and the City. The Citizen 
 was merged in the State ; for the State he was born, 
 he hved, he married, he tilled his land, he bequeathed 
 his goods, he perpetuated his family. The Eoman 
 worshipped for his country rather than for himseE 
 To the gods of the enemy he opposed the gods of 
 Eome ; and if he conquered the enemy he was anxious 
 to propitiate his gods though baffled, and draw them 
 by craft, by flattery, even by force, to his own side. 
 His idea of religion was of a national, not a personal 
 covenant with God. His rule of right was framed on 
 views of pubhc expediency. If his principles were 
 narrow or corrupt, his strictness in maintaining them 
 was often worthy of a better code and a higher sanction. 
 But whatever his idea of duty, whatever his law, he 
 recognised no future retribution for his deeds. Like the 
 Athenian, he was even too superstitious in his appre- 
 hension of a Divine Power ; believing in God, he believed 
 
THE POPULAR BELIEF AT ROME. 35 
 
 ia Him as a Eewarder indeed of them that dihgently 
 seek Him ; but the care of the gods, he imagined, was 
 for the nation ratlier than the individual worshipper, 
 their favour temporal, their rewards and punishments 
 of the earth earthy. Starting, I say, from the notion of 
 the gods as national patrons, he could scarce conceive 
 in his mind — surely he could not logically conceive of 
 them — as ushering the man, the citizen, into a 
 personal immortality. 
 
 The tendency of such a fixed idea of religion was to 
 resolve the essence of piety into the fulfilment of 
 ceremonial observances. Its main object was to 
 preserve the traditions of immemorial antiquity, to 
 hand down intact from generation to generation the 
 forms and usages of the past. The popular belief of 
 Eome pointed to a period long since past, when the 
 people was exemplarily religious, when the Divine 
 services were punctually performed, when the gods 
 were always propitious, when the State was always 
 prosperous, when her men were brave, her women 
 chaste, her legions triumphant. In every crisis of ter- 
 ror or disaster the heart of the multitude turned with 
 unutterable yearnings to the tradition of that happy 
 ao-e ; and sought to recover, were it but possible, by 
 fond recurrence to the ancient practice, the favoiu: and 
 happiness they seemed to have foregone. The piety of 
 the Eomans looked ever backward : its ideal lay behind 
 it, not before it. It aspired to present safety or en- 
 joyment by a faithful imitation of an imaginary Past ; 
 but it had no standard of future excellence or future 
 
 D 2 
 
36 LECTURE II. 
 
 blessedness to attain unto, no rising star to follow, no 
 expansion, no development to anticipate. With no 
 yearnings for consummation and perfection hereafter, it 
 took no heed of advance or improvement here. Of 
 whatever greatness or goodness man was by nature 
 capable, he was supposed to have already attained to 
 it ; enough, and more than enough, if he had not fallen 
 from the height of his early attainments, and forfeited 
 his privileges for ever. How obscure the Past! how 
 comfortless the Present ! how blank the Future ! A 
 Divine power with no adequate subject for its exer- 
 cise ! A Divine Providence with no consistent scheme 
 of creation and government ! And yet, so strong, so 
 lively was tliis corrupt conception, this narrow view 
 of God and Providence, this nervous apprehension 
 of temporal rewards and punishments, fostered by 
 long ages of pohtical success — that not only was it 
 made the subject of a national revival under an 
 Augustus and a Domitian, but it continued to struggle 
 on under many a mortal discouragement — retaining its 
 hold of the throbbing heart — animating the body of 
 expiring Paganism, for many a century after them. 
 The last phase of the worship of Olympus was the 
 personification of Eome herself as the patron deity of 
 the Eomans, and of Victory the embodied symbol of 
 then- national power and success. To the last moment 
 the simple theory of the Gospel — which the Apostle 
 required a vision to conceive and realize — that God is 
 no respecter of persons, but that in every nation he 
 that feareth Him and worketh righteousness is accepted 
 
BELIEF IN A NATIONAL PEOVIDENCE. 37 
 
 of Him, was strange and abhorrent from the prejudices 
 of the heathen. The City of God, in the Christian 
 dispensation, is neither Eome nor Athens, nor even 
 Jerusalem, but the society of behevers on earth in 
 spiritual communion with the saints in heaven. It has 
 no promise of temporal favour, no assurance of defence 
 against the world or the flesh ; its promises point to a 
 future reward, its terrors respect an impending re- 
 tribution. It was to this behef, simple to us, but 
 strange to him, that the heathen was to be brought — 
 slowly, painfully, under stress of manifold influences, 
 which I hope on future occasions to unfold. But he 
 had still, at the time of our Lord's coming, a sub- 
 stantive belief of his own ; a behef most ahen from the 
 Gospel, most visionary to the enlightened reason ; a 
 rehgion of temporal views and sanctions, a rehgion of 
 national not individual import. To this he had been 
 led by the first necessities of his social condition ; in 
 this he had been confirmed by the success which had 
 long seemed to attend upon it ; to this, if ever forgetful 
 of it in his prosperity, if ever disgusted with it in his 
 adversity, still from time to time he passionately 
 recurred, full of horror at his own backshding, full of 
 hope for his tardy resipiscence. Three hundred years 
 after the first preaching of the Gospel the chastened 
 eloquence of the Christian Lactantius was still employed 
 in exposing this spiritual perversion, this sacrifice of 
 the soul to the lust of the eye, and the pride of life. 
 
 ' And now,' he says, ' to sum up the Christian theory 
 briefly. The world was made that man might be born 
 
38 LECTURE II. 
 
 into it. Man was made that he might recognise God 
 the Maker of the world, and of himself We recognise 
 Him that we may worship Him ; we worship Him that 
 we may earn immortahty through the works which 
 are His peculiar service ; we receive the reward of 
 immortahty that, being made like unto the angels, we 
 may serve our Lord and Father for ever, and be His 
 everlasting kingdom. This is the sum of all things ; 
 this the secret of God, the mystery of creation, to 
 which they are strangers who, following present lusts, 
 have abandoned themselves to things fraU and earthly, 
 and have plunged in deadly pleasures, as in the mire, 
 souls born for heavenly occupation. 
 
 ' But what sense can there be in the worship of the 
 gods of the heathen ? If they are many in number, if 
 they are worshipped by men for the sake of wealth, 
 honour, victory, which profit for this life only ; if we 
 are created for no purpose ; if we are born by chance 
 for our own selves and for pleasure only ; if after death 
 we are nothing, what so vain, so foolish, so frivolous as 
 man's life and being, and the whole world itself, which, 
 infinite as it is in magnitude, and wonderful in structure, 
 is thus abandoned to vanity ? For why do the winds 
 blow and collect the clouds ? why gleam the lightnings ? 
 why roar the thunders, and descend the rains for the 
 increase of earth's manifold oflTspring ? why, in short, 
 doth all nature labour, that nothing may be wanting of 
 the things by which man's being is sustained, if life be 
 empty, if we wither to nothing, if nought be in us of 
 greater interest to God ? But if it be sin to say, nor 
 
COMBATED BY LACTANTIUS. 89 
 
 possible to believe, that that which we see to consist 
 with the highest plan and purpose, was not itself for 
 some great purpose constituted, what sense can there 
 be in these errors of the false religions, and in this 
 persuasion of the philosophers that the souls of men 
 do perish ? Surely none whatever.' ^ 
 
 ' See Note E. 
 
40 
 
 LECTURE III/ 
 
 <'>*ia 
 
 EXPANSION OF HEATHEN BELIEF BY THE TEACHING OF 
 THE PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 Acts xtii. 26. 
 
 God hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to 
 dwell on all the face of the earth. 
 
 Few declarations of Holy Writ have sunk more deeply 
 into the heart and conscience of Christendom than this, 
 by which we confess the unity of the human race in its 
 claims on man and God, on the sympathy of our fellow- 
 beings, and on the justice and mercy of our Creator. 
 This is the point to which all Scripture seems to lead 
 up. The doctrine which is plainly set forth in the first 
 chapter of Genesis, which is affirmed repeatedly in the 
 record of God's dealmgs with the Jewish people, when 
 He chose them out from among other and mightier 
 nations, for no merit or superior character of their own, 
 but for the special purposes of His providence, to be 
 merged again once more in the general mass of mankind, 
 Jew and Gentile, among whom the Church and spiritual 
 people of Christ should be estabhshed — this doctrine, I 
 say, of the essential unity of our race is again dogma- 
 
THE rKINCIPLE OF CHRISTIAN BELIEF. 41 
 
 tically asserted in the text of St. Paul, and asserted 
 or implied elsewhere throughout the volume of the 
 New Testament — made in fact the very foundation 
 of the promised preaching of salvation to the Gentiles. 
 Such is the thorough consistency of the Word of God 
 from one end to the other ; such the Divine inspira- 
 tion of truth breathed into it from the beginnino;, and 
 continued to it even unto the end. And this doctrine, 
 I repeat, is one which all Christendom has uniformly 
 accepted as certain and divine. There has been, I 
 suppose, no doubt of it at any time in the Church ; so 
 entirely does it seem to harmonize with our own moral 
 convictions, as well as with the express declaration of 
 Scripture. Nevertheless, this doctrine is far from being 
 one of which men can be said to have a natural and 
 instinctive apprehension. It is a truth engrafted upon 
 the human stock. Let us see how the matter stood at 
 the time when the apostle thus definitely announced it. 
 I explained in my last lecture the principle on which 
 the religion of Eome was founded, and on which it still 
 continued to rest, fixed by its weight, if not grappled 
 by the roots, at the period of our Lord's actual 
 teaching. This principle was the behef in national 
 divinities, the patrons of the State, in the protection 
 of one favoured race against all others, the maintenance 
 of a federal compact between Heaven and the City, in 
 which the individual worshipper had but a relative and 
 proportionate interest. This was the hostile principle 
 with which the Gospel was to make no terms, to hold 
 no peace; to combat it, first where it lingered in 
 the bosom of the descendant of Abraham, but more 
 
42 LECTURE III. 
 
 especially, more perinanently, to combat it where it 
 was enthroned in the prejudices, enwoven in the selfish- 
 ness of the Eoman and the Greek. Till this principle 
 was overthrown, Christianity could not triumph ; as 
 long as it held sway over the human heart to which it 
 was naturally congenial, Christianity could make no 
 sound or palpable progress in the world. At this 
 moment it was a formidable foe to the Gospel. It not 
 only dwelt in the hearts and persuasions of the people, 
 but was supported by all the powers of political interest ; 
 it glowed with the pomp of ceremonial observances ; it 
 was hallowed by the charm of long possession, by its 
 pretended appeal to actual experience, and the demon- 
 stration it affected to derive from the worldly success of 
 the Eoman Empire. It was still a living and active 
 principle, for it was capable of a marked revival, a new 
 growth and development, as proved more than once in 
 the course of the Eoman history. But God's word had 
 gone forth that His Church was founded upon a rock, 
 and the gates of hell should not prevail against it. He 
 had launched His Gospel into the world ; the apostles 
 were bearing the good tidings from land to land, and 
 the motto they inscribed on their bamaer when they 
 offered to do battle with aU the powers of the false 
 religions was such words as those of the text, ' God 
 hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell 
 on all the face of the earth ; ' ^ ' By one Spirit are we all 
 baptized into one body, whether we be Jews or Gentiles, 
 whether we be bond or free ;'' and, ' God is no respecter 
 ' Acts xvii. 26. 2 1 q^j. ^ii. 13. 
 
SPIRITUAL DOCTRINE OF PLATO. 43 
 
 of persons ; but in every nation he that feareth Him, 
 and worketh righteousness, is accepted with Him ;'^ 
 and again, ' There is neitlier Greel?; nor Jew, circumci- 
 sion nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor 
 free : but Christ is all, and in all.' ^ 
 
 In fact, however formidable was the front which the 
 power of the false religions advanced against the first 
 preaching of the Truth, the principle on which it stood 
 was already sapped from within by the circumstances 
 of society around it, and the slow and gradual influence 
 of social opinion. Four centuries before Christ a doc- 
 trine had been promulgated in which the Fathers of the 
 Christian Church recognised a faint adumbration of 
 some hneaments of Christian Truth, in which the 
 spiritual character of God as the common source of 
 all human spirituality, the reality and nearness of His 
 providential government, the possibility at least of a 
 future state of retribution, and the duties of repentance 
 and devotion towards God, of love and general charity 
 towards men, had been set forth in pleasing though 
 uncertain colours.^ Lofty indeed, and spiritual as the 
 teaching of Plato was, it was baffled in its operation, 
 and degraded by the inveterate prejudice of the Grecian 
 and the Pagan — their prejudice against the natural 
 equality and unity of man, his equal claim on God, his 
 common right to social and political freedom, his right 
 to live in personal relation to his Maker through his 
 own conscience, and not merely in a political relation 
 to him through the state of which he was socially a 
 
 1 Acts X. 34, 35. 2 Col. iii. 11. 'See Note F. 
 
44 LECTURE III. 
 
 citizen. The actual division, it would seem, of Greece 
 into rival communities operated so forcibly on Plato's 
 imagination, that he could not conceive of mankind as 
 living in a single or a widely diffused community ; and 
 his ideal of a political Utopia was not a broad cosmo- 
 polite association of men of various races, creeds, and 
 colours, and ch mates, but the narrowest and closest 
 combination of a few select thousands — even the 
 number he expressly limited — to keep themselves apart 
 in all their public relations from all the rest of mankind. 
 So only could he imagine that the practical end of true 
 philosophy and religion could be attained. So only could 
 mankind, in his partial view, acquire or retain a just 
 conception of their relation to the Divine, and fulfil the 
 spiritual object of their being. His theory fell short 
 of his principles, and whatever in his rehgious creed 
 was truly expansive and liberal, stood in glaring con- 
 tradiction to his pohtical doctrines. The combination 
 of the two in one system could result only in a strange 
 and disappointing inconsistency.^ 
 
 It would seem that this inconsistency did not escape 
 the penetrating vision of the next great master of 
 heathen philosophy, Aristotle. Warned by it, this 
 teacher took a step backward. Instead of cariying on. 
 the great spudtual theory of Plato, and making it 
 logical by widening the basis of humanity on which it 
 rested, he yielded still more to the prejudices of his 
 countrymen, and was content to regard man and his 
 spiritual claims still more exclusively from the narrow 
 
 • See Note G. 
 
ARISTOTLE S STEP BACKWARDS. 43 
 
 Grecian stand-point. He avowed without remorse the 
 preeminence of one race over every other ; he declared 
 the distinction to be natural and necessary between man 
 and man, Greek and barbarian ; as far as in him lay he 
 would have fixed once and for ever the limits beyond 
 which truth and knowledge, political rights, spiritual 
 privileges, should not pass. He would have confined the 
 work of God in the soul of man to one petty proxdnce, 
 and thereby have practically abolished the work of 
 God in the soul of man altogether. This single step 
 backwards, so rashly, so inopportunely taken, would 
 have destroyed the first germ of true rehgion in the 
 world of Pagan antiquity.^ 
 
 Eashly indeed, and inopportunely ; for while the 
 philosopher was bafiling himself by the acuteness of his 
 own logic, God was doing a work in the world which 
 from the mere force of circumstances would utterly 
 refute and discredit it. While the philosopher in his 
 closet was mapping out the nations of the earth, by 
 their political divisions, and civil constitutions, the 
 conqueror in the field was bringing them, far and near, 
 under one sceptre, one law, and one name. Aristotle 
 was dividing and discriminating the hundred and fifty 
 pohties of the civihzed world ; Alexander was laying 
 broad and deep the foundations of the Macedonian 
 Empire. It was the work of God : not merely in the 
 ordinary sense in which we reverently and justly ascribe 
 to Providence every movement among men on the face 
 of His earth, and the more confidently so, the wider 
 
 1 See Note H. 
 
46 LECTUKE III. 
 
 and more permanent it is ; but God Himself has claimed 
 tliis work as His own by the indication He gave of 
 it in the records of His Word, by the mouth of His 
 prophet Daniel. 
 
 God, who hath made of one blood all nations of men 
 for to dwell on the face of the earth, and hath deter- 
 mined the time before appomted, and the bounds of 
 theix habitation ; God, who by a vision revealed to His 
 Apostle Peter that He is no respecter of persons, was 
 pleased by a dream, and the interpretation of a dream, 
 to foreshadow the establishment of the third great 
 Empire, which, after the Assyrian and the Persian, 
 ruling much more widely, founded far more deeply, 
 operating more gravely and permanently than they, 
 should combine the nations of the world together, and 
 force upon the understanding and conscience of men 
 the truth of this great spiritual doctrine, the essential 
 unity of the human race ; the doctrine which, true 
 long before Christianity, has been accepted, diffused, 
 and perpetuated by Christianity itself. 
 
 It was vain to teach this doctrine by the Hps of a 
 heathen master, however wise and gifted. The pure 
 and spiritual Plato had tried and failed. Aristotle had 
 shrunk from the attempt. But what Plato could not 
 do, and his successor abandoned as an illusion, was 
 effected by a pohtical revolution, long prepared but 
 suddenly executed, by the establisJiment of the world- 
 wide empire of Alexander, foretold by God's prophet, 
 and recognised on its occurrence as the work of His 
 far-designing Providence. 
 
THE MACEDONIAN EMPIRE. 47 
 
 I The prophecy of Daniel, accepted by the Jews as the 
 inspired word of God, points clearly to this event as a 
 great epoch in the history of God's spiritual deahngs 
 with mankind. Its full import and significance appear 
 when we regard it in its direct consequences, not as the 
 triumph of one set of heathens over another, not as the 
 exultation of the West over the East, of Europe over 
 Asia, of one type of civihzation over another, of one 
 form of political society over another, of one family of 
 languages over another, great as the effect of each and 
 all of these revolutions has been on the progress of 
 human thou.ght — but as the authoritative promulgation 
 of the doctrine of the natural equahty of men before 
 God, and the fusion of many peoples, many laws, many 
 ideas in one universal mould. 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar dreamed, as we read in Daniel, of a 
 third kingdom of brass, which should rule over all the 
 earth ; ^ and this was interpreted in the time of Jose- 
 phus, and by the Jews themselves, of a people coming 
 from the West, clad in brazen armour — not in the 
 gilded silk or cotton vestments of the East — which 
 should destroy the empire of the Medes and Persians. 
 The conqueror claimed for himself the title of king of 
 all the world, and appeared in his own conceit, and to 
 the imagination of the millions around him, as he stood 
 on the confines of the habitable globe or plunged his 
 courser's hoofs in the waves of the Indian Ocean, the 
 master of all the land and sea. 
 
 Of the action of this conquest no description is given 
 
 1 Daniel ii. 39. 
 
48 LECTURE III. 
 
 in the bare outline of the Scripture record ; but we 
 may add that the influence of Grecian conquest was 
 eminently soothing and civiUzing ; it diffused ideas of 
 humanity and moral culture, while the conquerors 
 themselves imbibed, on their side, the highest of moral 
 lessons, lessons of Uberality, of toleration, of sympathy 
 with all God's human creation. 'Alexander,' says 
 Plutarch, ' did not hearken to his preceptor Aristotle, 
 who advised him to bear himself as a prince among the 
 Greeks, his own people, but as a master among the 
 barbarians ; to treat the one as friends and kinsmen, the 
 others as animals or chattels. . . . But, conceiving that 
 he was sent by God to be an umpire between all, and 
 to unite all together, he reduced by arms those whom 
 he could not conquer by persuasion, and formed of a 
 hundred diverse nations one single universal body, 
 mingling as it were in one cup of friendship the customs, 
 the marriages, and the laws of all. He desired that all 
 should regard the whole world as their common country, 
 the good as fellow-citizens and brethren, the bad as 
 ahens and enemies ; that the Greek should no longer 
 be distinguished from the foreigner by arms or costume, 
 but that every good man should be esteemed an 
 Hellene, every evU man a barbarian.' ^ 
 
 Here, in a few rapid touches, enforced by a vivid 
 illustration which we may pass over, is the picture of 
 the new humane polity, the new idea of human society 
 flashed upon tlie imagination of mankind by the 
 estabhshment of the Macedonian Empire. Such at 
 
 ' Plut. de fort. Alex. See Note I. 
 
DOCTRINE OF THE UNITY OP MANKIND. 49 
 
 least it appeared to the mind of a writer five centuries 
 later; but there are traces preserved, even in the 
 wrecks of ancient civilization, of the moral effect which 
 it actually produced on the feelings of society much 
 more nearly contemporaneous. The conqueror indeed 
 perished early, but not prematurely. He had done his 
 work as the instrument of Providence ; and Providence 
 broke at once and threw away the instrument which, 
 selfish in its aims and arbitrary in its actions, had 
 perhaps, humanly speaking, no claim on its forbear- 
 ance. But the providential work survived. The great 
 empire was spht into many fragments, but each long 
 preserved a sense of the unity from which it was 
 broken off. All were leavened more or less with a 
 common idea of civilization, and recognised man as one 
 being in various stages of development, to be trained 
 under one guidance and elevated to one spiritual 
 level. In the two great kingdoms of Egypt and Syria, 
 which sprang out of the Macedonian — ^in the two great 
 cities of Alexandria and Antioch, to which the true 
 religion owes so deep a debt — the unity of the human 
 race was practically asserted and maintained. Alex- 
 andria invited all nations to meet together and ex- 
 change in her common mart the products of every 
 land, and enjoy the material fruits of God's creation. 
 Antioch was for ages the chosen home of science and 
 philosophy, and fused the religious ideas of many 
 peoples, which she discriminated and harmonized with 
 a zest peculiar to herself. In Alexandria the Jews 
 were welcomed and domiciled, and encouraged to 
 
 E 
 
50 LECTURE III. 
 
 diffuse the knowledge of the law of Israel by the trans- 
 lation of the older Scriptures : in Antioch the fact was 
 first recognised that a new rehgion had appeared in 
 the world, that a new revelation had been made to 
 men ; the difference between the Jews and the followers 
 of Jesus, Jews themselves by birth and by religion, was 
 perceived and appreciated : at Antioch the behevers in 
 our holy faith were first called by the name of Christians. 
 But intellectual ideas which were received and 
 cultivated at Antioch and Alexandria could not fail to 
 receive admittance at the home of all intellect, Athens. 
 The doctrine of human unity became a cherished 
 doctrine in the schools which had resounded not long 
 before with the utterance of the exclusive and selfish 
 Hellenic sentiment, that the Greek is not as the bar- 
 barian, the bondmen not as the free. Three centuries 
 of preparation passed away, and St. Paul, the first 
 preacher of the gospel to the Greeks, could declare 
 without a murmur of disapprobation, without a whisper 
 of disgust, the fundamental doctrine of the true and 
 universal faith, that ' God hath made of one blood aU 
 nations of men for to dwell on the face of the earth.' 
 But was this the Athens of Solon and Pericles, and 
 Plato and Aristotle ? By no means : such a declaration 
 could have had no place in an address to the Athenians 
 of those earher ages. To them it would have sounded 
 strange and barbarous ; it would have been received 
 with mockery or clamour ; it would have been re- 
 pudiated with amazement and indignation ; it would 
 have made no spiritual impression at all. Such an idea 
 
PEEPAEATION FOR ST. PAUL'S PREACHING. 51 
 
 was then unknown and unimagined. Conceptions of 
 religion were then strictly local and national ; concep- 
 tions of philosophy, though they might ostensibly reject 
 the restrictions of positive faith, were not the less con- 
 fined, by early mental training and still imperious pre- 
 judices, to a circle in this respect little, if at all, wider. 
 The bond of positive belief was indeed broken ; but the 
 philosopher dragged after him, at each remove, no 
 hght portion of his chain. But, after three centuries 
 of national amalgamation, the result of a wide-spread 
 pohtical revolution, after the diffusion of Grecian ideas 
 among every people from the Ionian to the Caspian or 
 the Eed Sea, and the reception in return of manifold 
 ideas, and in rehgious matters of much higher ideas, 
 from the Persian, the Indian, the Egyptian, and the 
 Jew, the people even of Athens, the very centre and 
 eye of Greece, were prepared to admit the cardinal 
 doctrine of Paul's preaching — to take at least some 
 common ground with him on the very foundation of 
 true religion — to look, perhaps, with the more favour 
 upon him, that he, a Jew, one of a tribe notorious 
 for their exclusiveness and national prejudices, came 
 before them bowing, as they might suppose, to the 
 majesty of their own Cathohc creed, with what was 
 now in its turn exalted into a philosophical doctrine — 
 with what was serenely contemplated as a great and 
 fruitful truth, revealed to the wise and prudent, if even 
 yet regarded askance by the vulgar and ilhberal among 
 men.' 
 
 ' See Note J. 
 E 2 
 
52 LECTURE III. 
 
 A great and a fruitful truth ! fruitful in spiritual 
 conceptions of the Godhead, fruitful in lofty views of 
 human duty and obligation, in glorious aspirations 
 regarding the nature and destiny of man — a great and 
 fruitful truth, the sole hope and stay of man in 
 the contest of the heart and conscience against the 
 narrow and debasing influence of superstitious dogmas, 
 until the coming of Christ and the preaching of the 
 gospel, and the shining of the day-spring from on high 
 upon the soul ! 
 
 I can give but a few words to a sketch of the prin- 
 ciples derived from Plato, and developed by the later 
 philosophy of the Stoics, which placed the higher 
 minds among the heathen in antagonism with the 
 popular and pohtical religion, and might bring them, 
 both at Athens and at Eome, into sympathetic relation 
 with the preaching of the Apostle. 
 
 The ethical speculations of Plato and his followers 
 led them to conceptions, hitherto unimagined, of man's 
 position here below, of duty and responsibility, of sin 
 and virtue, of penitence and assurance, before God, of 
 the obligation to suffer — nay, even to seek and court 
 the chastisement of sins for the sake of a spiritual bless- 
 ing. The Christian mystic is not more entranced in the 
 contemplation of the Supreme Hohness — the Christian 
 ascetic does not more fervently denounce the sinfulness 
 of the flesh, and the need of subjecting the body to 
 the spirit — than Plato and the Stoics who derived from 
 him. Sins and Virtues, in the view of the higher Greek 
 philosophy, are to be measured by thek agreement or 
 
CATHOLIC SPIRIT OF STOIC PHILOSOPHY. 53 
 
 contrast with an ideal of Justice, Wisdom, Temperance, 
 or Fortitude — an ideal placed as high as mere human 
 reason could exalt it. From these lofty abstractions 
 they seemed to realize a Supreme Existence, one ana 
 universal, eternal and immutable — the image of every 
 virtue, the source of aU good, the sole unerring judge 
 of every approximation of human actions to the normal 
 standard of goodness and hohness. Sin they punished 
 by the stings of conscience, and thus gave a spiritual 
 colour to the gross traditions of the vulgar ; v^rhile the 
 expiations, the fasts, the lustrations of ritual rehgion 
 expressed to their minds the necessity of reparation for 
 crime, and the terrors vfhich naturally haunt the souls 
 of the guilty. It is the oifence, and not the punish- 
 ment, they said, that men ought to dread ; the corrup- 
 tion of the moral sense by sin, not the loss of favours 
 and blessings, that men ought to abhor and flee from. 
 Like John the Apostle, they vfould have men do well 
 for love, for love of goodness and justice, not from fear. 
 And virtue, in their view, has its reward in a good con- 
 science, which sufiices in every extremity ; virtue is 
 the fulfilment of a rule, the realization of a harmony, 
 the accomphshment of a divine purpose. Virtue is 
 divine, and witnesses to the divine natm'e within us. 
 
 Now, such ideas as these, refined and exalted as they 
 were under the system of the Stoics, may transport us 
 beyond the sphere of Greece and pure Grecian specu- 
 lation. They breathe the spirit of Ebionites in the 
 wilderness, of Persian Magi in the plains of Media, of 
 Brahmins by the banks of the Indus and the Ganges ; 
 
54 LECTUEK III. 
 
 and it was, no doubt, by all these and kindred dements 
 that they were modified or coloured. The fusion of 
 nations under one pohtical yoke tended, I say, to the 
 fusion of ideas, and resulted in a marked elevation 
 of heathen sentiment. Compare for a moment this 
 teaching with that of a Socrates and a Xenophon, the 
 most direct representatives of pure Grecian thought. 
 How profound the difference ! That which makes the 
 value of temperance, for instance, in the eyes of these 
 earher masters, is that it assists men to act with 
 manliness and energy; while to the Stoics its merit 
 consists in its detaching us from the flesh, the body, 
 and the earth. Courage again, in the one view, has 
 for its end the attainment of empire or of hberty ; in 
 the other, it is the complement of temperance, and 
 fortifies us in the struggle against the world and the 
 senses. Love, in the one doctrine, is the expansion 
 and purification of mere human sensibihty ; in the 
 other, it raises man to aspire after the superhuman, to 
 yearn for communion with an ideal, to seek absorption 
 in God. It is the passion for the Eternal and the 
 Infinite ; it is the presentiment of Lnmortality.^ 
 
 This presentiment, this aspiration, this hope, and 
 almost faith in immortahty, is the point at which the 
 highest Grecian philosophy culminates. Behef in a 
 future state is the touchstone of all spiritual conceptions 
 of human nature. Towards this they cUmb step by 
 step, even if they cannot fully attain to it, or keep it 
 when attained for a moment; from this, as they fall 
 
 • See Note K. 
 
PEESONAL RELATION TO GOD. 55 
 
 away, they faint and fade into the earthly and the 
 sensual. This is the great point of distinction between 
 moral and ceremonial rehgions, between a rule of 
 action and a cult, between personal and pohtical con- 
 ceptions of our relation to God and to Providence. 
 
 This aspiration, this belief, reveals to us our personal 
 relation to a Bjgher Being. It equahzes men in their 
 nature and condition ; it discovers to them an essential 
 unity m the whole race of mankind. It impugns and 
 overthrows the natural and vulgar demand for an ex- 
 clusive patron Deity, and a national compact with 
 him. In the more spiritual doctrine of Plato and the 
 Platonizers lay undoubtedly the germ of that trans- 
 formation of heathen opinion which resulted, under the 
 teaching of St. Paul and the Christian Church, with 
 the effectual working of the Holy Spirit, in the con- 
 version of the Eoman Empire.^ 
 
 Yet how faint, how feeble, how imperfect was this 
 doctrine! how surrounded by prejudices, how en- 
 feebled and confined by the counteracting influence of 
 opposing ideas ! Let us examine a httle more closely 
 the idea of immortality as taught by Plato, and ac- 
 cepted rather than firmly held by the more spiritual of 
 the Stoics. 
 
 First, the soul, they said, was immortal, because it 
 is one and simple, without parts or material elements, 
 and therefore indivisible and indissoluble. It is not a 
 mere harmony, resulting from the contexture of the 
 body, with which it is here found in connection ; for it 
 
 1 See Note L. 
 
56 LECTURE III. 
 
 commands and dominates over the body as an inde- 
 pendent substance. It has nothing to fear, then, from 
 the dissolution of the body, which is not itself essential 
 to its existence. Nor has it any principle of decay or 
 corruption of its own; for sin is its only infirmity, 
 and sin, as an abstract principle, has no tendency to 
 destroy it. 
 
 Again, the eternal truths or the ideas which are 
 simple, immutable and divine, are the natural objects 
 of the soul of man. The soul is therefore analogous 
 and conformable to things that do not change, and 
 accordingly has itself, lilie them, a principle of im- 
 mortality. 
 
 Such are, the one the physical, the other what I may 
 call perhaps the sentimental argument, on which Plato 
 strongly insists, and to which we may continue to 
 attach such weight as is really due to them, without 
 depending wholly or even principally upon them. For 
 there is a third demonstration from the moral nature 
 of man, and this the strongest of all unrevealed ar- 
 guments for the permanent existence of the soul, 
 which rests on the need of a future state of retribution 
 to equalize human conditions, to recompense virtue 
 and punish sin, to relieve man from the intolerable 
 anguish of beholding the sufferings of the good, and 
 the prosperity here on earth of the wicked. This is 
 the common argument of Christianity, which declares 
 the vindication ofGod's justice and moral government 
 as a main object of revelation. But turn to Plato and 
 the Stoics, and but httle reference will yovi find to any 
 
STOIC THEORY OF RETRIBUTION. 57 
 
 argument of this kind. They may, indeed, set forth 
 the fact of a future retribution as the explanation of 
 certain ancient traditions; they employ the machinery 
 of the old mythology in this particular, however little 
 regard they pay to it in others, to recommend what 
 they beheve to be a real moral truth, under the veil of 
 a poetical Ulustration. But this is merely playing with 
 the subject. It is dallying with the truth, not embracing 
 and earnestly maintaining it. And whence does it 
 appear that the philosophers had no earnest faith in a 
 futm^e retribution ? From the pertinacity with which 
 they stUl chng, even Plato and the most spiritual among 
 them, to the low and popular notion that virtue must 
 certainly be adequately rewarded, vice adequately 
 punished, under God's providence, even in this life. 
 They insist on the paradox, common, I say, to the sages 
 and to the vulgar of old, to the paradox necessary 
 to all moral systems wHch deny a future retribution, 
 but required least of all by that of a Plato, which in 
 terms at least admits it, that the virtuous man is neces- 
 sarily happy, and the vicious necessarily wretched ; 
 that virtue is its own reward, and sin its own punish- 
 ment ; that the tyrant on the throne is always, by 
 the law and nature of things, miserable — miserable, 
 at least, in comparison A\dth the triumphant happiness 
 of the good man, even in the dungeon and on the 
 scaffold. So far were the heathen teachers of im- 
 mortaUty from the feeling of St. Paul, that the Chris- 
 tian saint, the man who has attained the highest pitch 
 of grace and godliness, would be, in times at least of 
 
58 LECTUEE III. 
 
 worldly trial and persecution, were his hope bounded 
 by this life and its recompenses, of aU men most 
 miserable. 
 
 But the fact is, that it is with faint surmises and 
 stammering lips only that even Plato and the most 
 spiritual of his followers could enunciate the dogma of 
 Immortahty. Even under the humanizing sway of 
 the Third Empire, amid the development of cosmopo- 
 litan sentiments which that sway, as we have seen, 
 engendered, the philosophers could with difficulty keep 
 hold of the sense of Human Equahty — of the common 
 claims of aU men on a common God and Father of aU — 
 which is essential to a stedfast and consistent view of 
 so spiritual a behef. It is upon the doctrine of human 
 equahty in the forum of conscience, in the view of a 
 retributive justice, that the conception of a real immor- 
 tahty must actually rest. The philosophers, aristocrats 
 as they generally were (from Plato dovsnwaxds), could 
 not shake off the notion of an aristocracy among souls. 
 They might see, indeed, in the noblest specimens of 
 humanity, some beings, outwardly not unhke to the rest 
 of their kind, yet inwardly, as they imagined, different 
 and superior, bearing a nearer kinship to Divinity itself, 
 of whom they could imagine that after death they might 
 be received into the bhss of the Divine Being, absorbed 
 in His nature; of whom they could not, perhaps, 
 conceive it possible that, so noble, so generous, so god- 
 like, they should utterly perish along with the baser 
 clay around them. But such instances, in their view, 
 were rare ; the mass of men could not hope to attain 
 
STOIC CONCEPTION OF A FUTURE STATE. 59 
 
 to such distinction : the difference between man and 
 man seemed to them coeval with their birth, or anterior 
 to it, to lie in the very essence of their natures, as much 
 as if they descended originally from various stocks. 
 And when they looked around them, and observed the 
 social institution of slavery always like a ghost or 
 shadow at their side, — the skeleton in their house, the 
 death's head on their table, — ever crying out for an 
 explanation and a justification, and of which no ex- 
 planation, no justification could be given, but the 
 presumed superiority of race to race, a higher calling 
 and an ampler destiny ; — when they saw this fact, and 
 were driven to this apology for its existence, no wonder 
 if their ideas of immortality were vague, imperfect, and 
 precarious.' 
 
 At the best, then, the Stoic conception of a future 
 state was of reward and glory due to so7ne men — to a 
 select class of men — to a few men perhaps in each gene- 
 ration, leaders in thought or action, heroes, demigods ; 
 but it left the case of the multitude wholly out of 
 consideration. It maimed the whole doctrine of future 
 compensation. It threw the philosopher back, against 
 his will — against the tenor of his general reasoning — 
 in spite of the plain inconsistency in which it involved 
 him, upon the rash and crude paradox of a recompense 
 here below — upon the fallacious assertion that the good 
 man is necessarily happy in this hfe, the bad man 
 necessarily miserable. It drove him to forced and 
 extravagant definitions of the highest good, and the 
 
 ' See Note M. 
 
60 LECTUEB III. 
 
 genuine character of virtue, and set his hand at last 
 against every sensible man, and every sensible man's 
 hand against him. 
 
 To resume, then : the philosophy of the Stoics, the 
 highest and holiest moral theory at the time of our 
 Lord's coming — the theory which most worthily con- 
 tended against the merely pohtical rehgion of the day, 
 the theory which opposed the purest ideas and the 
 loftiest aims to the grovelling principles of a narrow 
 and selfish expediency on which the frame of the 
 heathen ritual rested — was the direct creation of the 
 sense of unity and equality disseminated among the 
 choicer spirits of heathen society by the results of the 
 Macedonian conquest. But for that conquest it could 
 hardly have existed at all. It was the philosophy of 
 Plato, sublimed and harmonized by the political circum- 
 stances of the times. It was what Plato would have 
 imagined, had he been a subject of Alexander. 
 
 It taught nominally, at least, the equahty of all God's 
 children — of Greek and barbarian, of bond and free. 
 It renounced the exclusive ideas of the commonwealth 
 on which Plato had made shipwreck of his consistency. 
 It declared that to the wise man aU the world is his 
 country. It was thoroughly comprehensive and cos- 
 mopohtan. Instead of a political union, it preached the 
 moral union of all good men — a city of true philosophers, 
 a community of religious sentiment, a communion of 
 saints, to be developed partly here below, but more con- 
 summately in the future state of a glorified hereafter.'^ 
 It aspired, at least, to the doctrine of an immortal city 
 ' See Note N. 
 
LIMITATION' OF THIS THEOEY. 61 
 
 of die soul, a providence under which that immortahty 
 was to be gained, a reward for the good — possibly, 
 but even more dubiously, a punishment for the wicked. 
 So, in theory at least, it seemed to rise to the ideas of 
 Christianity ; it might seem a precursor of the Gospel, 
 it might be hailed as an ally in the wars of the Holy 
 Spirit; But the weakness of its support, the barrenness 
 of its alliance, became manifest on a nearer inspection. 
 For the immortality it augured was hmited in time to 
 a certain cosmical revolution, which should close in a 
 general conflagration, in which gods and men, bodies 
 and souls, earth and heaven, should perish. It was 
 hmited in subject ; for it was after all limited, according 
 to the concurrent voice of all Grecian theory, to a 
 select class — an aristocracy, as I have called it, of souls : 
 those who could scale the heights of excellence here 
 might alone expect a higher exaltation hereafter ; those 
 who stumbled and fell at their base, would lie there 
 forgotten or perish altogether. It was hmited, further, 
 in the nature of its promised retribution ; for generally, 
 though with much fluctuation and variety of opinion, 
 it was held that the only punishment of the wicked was 
 the common fate of the less worthy — annihilation. Once 
 more it was hmited in its conception of God ; for its 
 aspirations after Providence alternated with an appre- 
 hension of Fate, which it sometimes confounded with 
 the Deity, sometimes set over Him and against Him. 
 
 Nevertheless, when St. Paul, standing on Mars's HUl 
 at Athens, proclaimed that ' God hath made of one blood 
 all nations of men,' — when, addressing the Eomans, 
 
62 LECTURE III. 
 
 he declared that ' we, being many, are one body in 
 Christ, and every one members one of another,' ' — he 
 knew that in the loftiest school of Gentile philosophy 
 he should strike a chord of sympathy. He recognised 
 the Spirit of God brooding over the face of heathenism, 
 and fructifying the spiritual element in the heart even 
 of the natural man. He felt that in these human 
 principles there was some faint adumbration of the 
 divine, and he looked for their firmer dehneation to 
 the figure of that gracious Master, higher and hoher 
 than man, whom he contemplated in his own imagina- 
 tion, and whom he was about to present to them. 
 And such is the vision, such the augury, to which the 
 great Augustine appeals, when in words of rude im- 
 passioned energy, with which, as a vessel ploughs the 
 deep with unequal plunges, he seems to fall or rise, to 
 shoot forward or stagger in his career, he exclaims : ^ 
 ' Now, had one of his disciples asked of Plato, when he 
 was teaching that Truth cannot be witnessed by the 
 bodily eyes, but by the pure intellect only — that every 
 soul which thereto attaches itself becomes happy and 
 perfect — that there is no hindrance so great to behold- 
 ing Truth as a Ufe abandoned to sensual passions — that 
 therefore we should heal and purge the soul, to con- 
 template the immutable forms of things, and this beauty 
 ever the same, without bounds in space, without change 
 in time, in the existence of which men beheve not, 
 though alone it exists and reigns ; — that all things are 
 born and perish, flow away and are lost, whUe as far 
 
 > Eomans xii. 6. 2 See Note O. 
 
NEED OF A DIVINE TEACHER OF IMMORTALITY. 63 
 
 as tliey do possess reality, and thereby only, they 
 belong to God eternal, who creates and sustains them ; 
 that, among these, it is given to the soul and pure 
 intelligence only to enjoy and apprehend the contem- 
 plation of eternity, and hereby to merit eternal hfe ; — 
 but that when the soul is corrupted by the love for 
 things created and perishable, it fades away in its vain 
 imaginations, mocking forsooth at those who speak of 
 a Being who is not beheld by the eye or conceived 
 under sensible images, but is seen by the mind only: — 
 had, I say, at the moment when Plato was preach- 
 ing ideas so lofty, one of his disciples asked of him, 
 saying, Master, if one so great and godlike should ever 
 appear, who should persuade men to believe in these 
 things at least, even though they could not understand 
 them, would you deem him worthy of divine honours? — 
 Plato, I beheve, would have repHed, that such things 
 could not be effected by man, unless the very Virtue 
 and Wisdom of God should withdraw him from the 
 conamon nature of things, and, not by human teaching, 
 but by its own divine illumiiiation, so adorn him with 
 grace, so estabhsh him in power, so exalt him in 
 majesty, as that, despising all that men desire, enduring 
 all they shrink from, effecting all they admire, he 
 should convert mankind to this most wholesome faith, 
 by the highest love and authority.' 
 
 And there, Ecce homo I — Behold the man! — Jesus 
 Christ, the Son of God, conceived by the Holy Ghost ; 
 to whom, three Persons and one God, be ascribed, &c. 
 
64 
 
 LECTURE IV. 
 
 o;«<o 
 
 EXPANSION OF HEATHElSr BELIEF BY THE IDEAS OP ROMAN 
 JUKISPRUDENCB. 
 
 GrALATIANS III. 24. 
 
 The law ivas our schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ. 
 
 OuE version of this text may suggest to the Enghsh 
 reader a notion not quite consistent with the sense 
 which the Apostle's language seems really meant to 
 convey. The law is here represented, not as the 
 master, the teacher, the men in office and authority, 
 the "^ihaa-xoCKog of the school, but as the ■jrai'^aywyls, 
 the faithful attendant, who brought the scholar to the 
 master, guiding and urging his steps, bearing his 
 satchel for him, by the direction of the parent whose 
 servant he was. St. Paul, spealdng here directly and 
 primarily to the Jewish residents in Galatia, compares 
 the province of the Jewish law, the law of Moses, in 
 relation to Christ, to that of the pedagogue. For its 
 proper office was thus to direct and control, under a 
 special appointment, the wandering steps of God's 
 own children, and see that they came without fail to 
 
ST. PAULS VIEW OF 'THE LAW.' 65 
 
 the presence of the master, who was to take the place 
 of their heavenly Father as the teacher and educator of 
 their souls. St. Paul does not pretend that the old 
 law taught the children of Israel any , spiritual lessons 
 itself, but merely that it brought them to the point 
 at which their spiritual teaching was to begin. And 
 that teaching was the discipUne of Christ's holy faith. 
 
 Such, it seems, in the Apostle's view, was the ministry 
 of the law of Moses. But does he here or elsewhere 
 confine his view of the law, of which he speaks so 
 much in relation to its contrast or subserviency to the 
 gospel, to the law of Moses ? When he speaks of the 
 law, there is generally an ulterior object in view, just 
 as, when he addresses himself directly to the Jews, he 
 has generally other classes of hearers in his mind also. 
 
 Let us regard, then, more particularly the composition 
 of the congregations to which he was wont to address 
 himself. We must bear in mind how closely the Jews 
 of the dispersion, the men of Hebrew birth and lineage 
 who were settled in every land and city throughout the 
 East, and far into the West also, were connected with 
 native proselytes — men of Greek, or Syrian, or Itahan, 
 or other parentage, who had been received as converts 
 into the Jewish synagogues — made in many cases Jews 
 themselves by baptism, by circumcision, by abstinence, 
 by fulfilHng all the requirements of the law — admitted 
 not less seldom, perhaps more commonly, to a status of 
 partial communion with it, without being subjected to 
 its most onerous obhgations. Even among the ' Gala- 
 tians ' to whom the Apostle writes — though these are 
 
66 LECTUKE IV. 
 
 evidently for the most part genuine children of Israel, 
 we cannot completely separate the Jews by birth and 
 breeding from the proselytes of the gate or the proselytes 
 of righteousness. The Apostle is anxious to impress 
 upon them that the Jew and the Gentile among them 
 are both one in his sight — that the rite of circumcision 
 is not required to effect complete equality in their 
 spiritual privileges in Christ — that there is henceforth 
 no distinction between Jew and Greek, but all who are 
 baptized into Christ have put on Christ. ' And if,' he 
 says, ' ye be the seed of Christ, then are ye Abraham's 
 seed,' whatever your actual parentage has been, ' and 
 heirs according to the promise,' — that is, to the promise 
 made to Abraham that in his seed all the famihes of 
 the earth should be blessed. Even the ' Galatians,' 
 then, were a mixed congregation of Jewish and Gentile 
 believers. 
 
 The Epistles of St. Paul are all, I think, directed 
 more or less to such mixed congregations (the pastoral 
 Epistles, of course, excepted), and all, as coming from 
 him who declared himself to be especially the Apostle 
 to the Gentiles, breathe more or less the same Catholic 
 spirit. But the character of this preacliing most clearly 
 appears from a reference to the Epistle to the Eomans. 
 We may picture to ourselves the Jewish synagogue at 
 Eome as crowded with devotees of Jewish, of Greek, 
 and of Eoman extraction ; of Jews who had migrated 
 from the land of their origin, perhaps of their birth, to 
 carry on their business of various kinds in the capital of 
 the empire ; of Greeks, who, like them, flocked in vast 
 
SYMPATPIY OF HEATHENS WITH JEWS. 67 
 
 numbers to the same great centre of all employments, 
 of all opinions and teaching, to hear and speak of every 
 new thing ; of Eomans, who, after conquering and 
 making tributary both Jews and Greeks, began to 
 open their eyes to the wondrous gifts, intellectual and 
 spiritual, of their Hebrew and Hellenic subjects, — 
 to acknowledge that, with all their own power and 
 greatness, they had much — yea, everything to learn, 
 and that it was from Greece and from Palestine that 
 their destined teachers had come. 
 
 Of the sympathy, indeed, of both the Greeks and 
 Eomans with the Jews at this period, history affords 
 abundant evidence. The influence exercised by the 
 children of Israel, in the court and in the market-place, 
 over the minds and the manners of the Gentiles around 
 them, was singularly strong at this period — a period of 
 great intellectual and spiritual excitement ; but, strongly 
 as these Jewish habits of thought now affected the 
 seekers after spiritual and moral truth among the 
 Gentiles, stronger still was the impulse they received 
 from the first breathing of the accents of a new revela- 
 tion in Christ — a revelation within a revelation, a 
 spiritual empire within a spiritual emphe. The prose- 
 lytes of the Jewish law, Greek and Eoman, scarcely 
 yet recovered from the excitement, the intoxication, of 
 finding themselves admitted to communion with a 
 rehgion of real signs and wonders, of genuine inspii^a- 
 tion and enlightenment from above, were suddenly 
 invited to take a step further, to penetrate beyond the 
 veU, to receive a higher initiation, to share in a holier 
 
 r 2 
 
68 LECTURE IV. 
 
 covenant, and enjoy a nearer and an ampler manifesta- 
 tion of God. Tlaey were called to Christ, and tliey 
 came to Christ. The synagogues of the Law, so lately 
 thronged with admiring converts from Greece and 
 Eome, were again abandoned for the more private and 
 retired churches, the little spiritual reunions, of the 
 converts to the Gospel. The Synagogue itself was 
 carried over to the Church. Even from the names of 
 these earliest disciples whom the Apostle specially 
 greeted, we may fairly infer, though the argument, I 
 am aware, is not conclusive, that the Church of Eome, 
 the Church of St. Paul's Epistle, the Church of the first 
 imperial persecution, embraced communicants from 
 each of the three rival nationalities. 
 
 In all ages of the separation the Jews have kept up 
 close arid active correspondence with their brethren, 
 and the settler or exile on the Tiber or the Euphrates 
 was made familiar with every movement, political or 
 spiritual, in the city of David. And hence we may 
 divine, though we cannot trace, how these people 
 derived their knowledge of the ferment of religious 
 convictions which was now taking place in Palestine. 
 It was communicated, no doubt, through various chan- 
 nels, coloured by the prejudices of various narrators, 
 received in various tempers. The truth was at first 
 but imperfectly understood, but partially accepted. 
 The Apostle addresses converts and believers in the 
 revelation of Christ, — but as men infirm in their faith, 
 imperfect in their lesson, ignorant of much saving 
 knowledge, as yet hardly prepared to embrace without 
 
WHAT ST. PAUL PREACHED TO THE ROMANS. 69 
 
 reserve the tidings wliicli tliey deemed too surely to 
 announce the overthrow of an ancient and august 
 religion. What a further pang would they feel in the 
 abruptness of the announcement! Jews who had so 
 lately received into their fold not a few of the choicest 
 spirits among the Greeks and Eomans around them — 
 men, I doubt not, of learning, women of fervour and 
 godly zeal ; Jews who, expatriated from their own 
 conquered country, could retaliate upon their conquer- 
 ors with the keen gratification of a spiritual triumph ; 
 Greeks and Eomans, who had swallowed the bitter pill 
 of a rehgious abjuration — who had nerved themselves to 
 renounce their national faith, national usages, national 
 ideas, by which the spiritual pride of both Greek and 
 Eoman was equally fostered : Jews, I say, Greeks and 
 Eomans, in this hour of high-wrought feeling, were 
 required suddenly to abandon together the very creed 
 which the one had imposed, the others had accepted, 
 to bow their knees to the crucified Lord set up for their 
 future Master, and acknowledge that all that appears to 
 be wisdom and honour and majesty and power in the 
 sight of Jew or Gentile is but foolishness with God ! 
 Such were the people — and such the feeHngs which 
 animated them — to whom St. Paul addresses the 
 Epistle to the Eomans. 
 
 What, then, was it that he had to say unto them ? 
 What was the central idea, by explairdng and enforcing 
 which he might hope to reconcile them to the faith he 
 preached ? ' The law,' he says, ' of the spirit of life in 
 Christ Jesus hath made me free from the law of sin and 
 
70 LECTUEB IV. 
 
 death.' . . . ' What the law could not do, in that it was 
 weak through the flesh, God sending His own Son in 
 the likeness of sinful flesh, . . . condemned sin in the 
 flesh.' ' I dehght in the law of God after the inward 
 man.' ^ In these and other passages that might be 
 cited, you find the same idea as that of our text, from 
 Galatians — that the law is our pedagogue, leading us 
 unto Christ the Master. ' The law ' is the teaching of 
 the human conscience, generally — ^whether enlightened 
 by a revelation given unto men through Moses and the 
 prophets, or by any other less special illumination from 
 above — by the habits and ideas of human society in aU 
 its various phases : it is every moral principle of action 
 whereby we feel ourselves allowed, forbidden, or 
 excused, in our deahngs with men and our behaviour 
 towards God. If St. Paul in the Epistle to the Eomans, 
 and throughout his Epistles, points primarily to the 
 contrast between the law of Moses and the law of 
 Christ — maldng the one the preparation or pedagogue 
 for the other — not less may we trace in them the 
 bolder and broader idea of a distinction between the 
 law of man in general and the law of God, and the way 
 in which the first leads up to and introduces the second. 
 He reveals the appointment of a new law to supplant 
 and supersede the older — or, more properly, to ex- 
 plain, expand, and imbue it with a new spirit ; to 
 vivify the letter ; to be a liberal gloss upon a rigid 
 text, adapted at first under God's appointment to 
 special ends and confined within narrow limits. Such 
 ' Eomans viii. 2, 3 ; vii. 22. 
 
THE FOURTH KINGDOM. 71 
 
 was the form under "wHcli the Holy Spirit directed the 
 saving truths of the gospel to be promulgated, in the 
 first instance, at Eome, to a mixed congregation of 
 Greek and Eoman proselytes, asking dubiously for the 
 new light which had arisen in the eastern horizon, the 
 dawn of which had as yet hardly streaked the clouds 
 beyond the Ionian and the Egean. 
 
 Let us regard the text, then, in this wider sense ; that 
 the law of the Eoman world, the law which ruled the 
 hearts and hands of the subjects of Caesar's empke, 
 Greek and Eoman, "was in itself a schoolmaster, or rather 
 a pedagogue, leadhig men to Christ, to the knowledge 
 and acceptance of the gospel. I wish to show how the 
 progress and development of the Eoman civil law 
 assisted in the transformation of rehgious ideas among 
 the heathen, and in that conversion of the Eoman 
 empire which is the subject before us. 
 
 In my last address, I referred to Daniel's prophetic 
 interpretation of the vision of the third or Macedonian 
 empire. I showed the important part that empire 
 had played in preparing mankind for the reception 
 of the great gospel truth of the unity of man, and the 
 equality of all classes and races in the sight of God 
 their Creator ; I remarked how worthy such a pohty 
 must appear to become the subject of an inspired 
 communication from the Author of Divine Eevelation. 
 
 Of the announcement, similarly conveyed, in the 
 same place in Scripture, of the fourth kingdom, the 
 Eoman empire, a similar view may be taken — of the 
 beast, dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly, 
 
72 LECTURE IV. 
 
 with great iron teeth, which devoured and brake in 
 pieces, and stamped the residue with the feet of it ; 
 which, according to the interpretation of the prophet, 
 should be a fourth kingdom upon the earth, diverse 
 from all kingdoms, and should devour the whole earth, 
 and tread it down and break it in pieces.^ 
 
 The part performed by the Eoman empire in the 
 course of rehgious history is great, and may be traced 
 in many directions. I speak now of the preparation it 
 made for the reception of Christian ideas in one par- 
 ticular only. The Macedonian empire tended to create, 
 to foster, and fix in men's minds the conviction of 
 spiritual unity, by the mild influence of the Grecian 
 civilization, by softening and humanizing men's manners 
 after a single type ; by bidding them look to a common 
 standard of art and science, of moral and social culture ; 
 by diffusing a social harmony throughout the various 
 races of mankind, now first brought under a common 
 political organization. The character of the Eoman 
 conquest was ' diverse ' from this. It is well described 
 in the sacred record as devouring, breaking in pieces, 
 and treading under foot. The tribes of serfs and 
 barbarians might hail the Greek as a deliverer and a 
 civilizer ; the same nations cowered before the Eoman 
 as a tyrant and a destroyer. The union with which 
 the Eoman legions threatened them was not the union 
 of social quahty and mutual improvement, but the 
 bond of a slave to his master, of a captive to his 
 enthraller. The world seemed for a moment to suc- 
 
 1 Daniel vii. 7, 23. 
 
THE CIVIL LAW OF THE ROMANS. 73 
 
 cumb without hope for the future under the yoke of 
 brute force and violence, tearing and destroying rather 
 than consolidating. Nevertheless, Providence had its 
 blessed work of union to carry to its accomplishment, 
 and it could use even this cruel and destroying king- 
 dom for that beneficent purpose, even against its own 
 apparent nature. The conquering Eoman long carried 
 with him his pecuUar law and usage, and imposed 
 them upon the subject peoples ; but his conquests 
 rapidly outran his power to fuse and consolidate ; 
 and at last against his will, in contradiction to his 
 political principles, in despite of his rehgious convic- 
 tions, against every appearance and natural expectation 
 both of the conqueror and the conquered, he found 
 his own law and usage turned against himself, and 
 that which was the narrowest and most selfish and 
 most exclusive of all human codes of jurisprudence 
 expanded by an unseen power and an irresistible 
 tendency, till it became the most potent of all human 
 instruments in estabhshing the conviction of unity and 
 equahty among men. 
 
 We have seen how strongly national and exclusive 
 in its sanctions, its warnings, and its promises, was the 
 character of the Eoman rehgion ; how the religious 
 convictions of the great conquering race were founded 
 upon the assurance of the special favour of their 
 national divinities, confirmed to them by a long suc- 
 cession of national triumphs. We have seen how 
 deeply this sentiment was seated, and how quickly it 
 responded to the appeal of an astute or fanatical ruler. 
 
74 LECTUBE IV. 
 
 Nowhere did this narrow creed and selfish sentiment 
 find a plainer and more powerful expression than in 
 the original constitution of the civil law. The civil 
 law of the Eomans, hke the canon law of Christian 
 communities, was the creation of the priesthood, and 
 bore a deep impression of its sacerdotal origin. It was 
 founded on a religious tradition. It treated all the 
 great siibjects of jurisprudence — the relations of family, 
 property, marriage, testaments, and contracts — as 
 matters of religious import. It placed men under the 
 guardianship of the national divinities ; it regarded them 
 aU as means to one chief, all-engrossing end — the con- 
 servation of the State, the advancement of the presumed 
 designs of the special Providence which kept eternal 
 watch and ward over Eome and the Eoman people. 
 
 I cannot enter now into details, but you may remark 
 how from this crude original germ, from this un- 
 promising stock, this wUdest of wild olive trees, the 
 primitive law of the Koman commonwealth, of which 
 even the Twelve Tables were a liberal expansion, has 
 sprung by successive grafts, by additions and modi- 
 fications, and glosses and commentaries — by the cast- 
 ing off of the old slough or rind in one place, by the 
 assimilation of new ideas in another, by growth and 
 obsolescence, by corruption and renovation — sometimes, 
 possibly, through caprice — more commonly, more re- 
 gularly, more systematically, from shrewd observation 
 and philosophical reflection, — has sprung, I say, the 
 world-wide elastic system of jurisprudence by which 
 the great Eoman empire, with all its boundless variety 
 
MODIFICATION OF THE CIVIL LAW. 73 
 
 of races, creeds, and manners, was for ages harmo- 
 niously and equitably governed ; which was accepted 
 and ratified as an eternal possession by the same empire 
 when it found itself Christian, and has been proved to 
 satisfy the principles of law and justice announced by 
 a rehgion which alone proclaimed and maintains as its 
 foundation the unity and equality of men ; the impartial 
 providence of the Deity ; the abolition of all national 
 distinctions in the Divine economy ; a city of God and 
 a kingdom of heaven ; finally, a jurisprudence which 
 has been incorporated into the particular legal systems 
 of, I suppose, every modern nation of Christendom. 
 
 How marvellous a development is here ! We cannot 
 now inquire into details ; but it will be well, for the full 
 understanding of our argument, to point out summarily 
 one or two particulars in the general process. You 
 must mark, then, in pubhc law, the extension, step 
 by step, through many a social disturbance, many a 
 civil commotion, of the full rights of citizenship from 
 the narrow circle of a few score of favoured families to 
 the entire sphere of the free subjects of the empire — a 
 secular revolution of eight hundred years ; — in private 
 law, the equal communication among various classes 
 of the rights of property and dominion over the 
 national soil ; the abohtion of territorial privileges ; the 
 readjustment, by gradual and peaceful manipulation, of 
 the cadastral map of the empire ; the relaxation, by 
 slow and experimental process, of the patriarchal au- 
 thority of the head of the family ; of the father over 
 the son, whom at first he might punish, sell, or slay ; 
 
76 LECTCKE IV. 
 
 of the husband over the wife, whom at first he re- 
 ceived from her parents as the spoil of his own spear, 
 and ruled as the chattel he had plundered; of the 
 master over the slave, absolute at first, final and irre- 
 sponsible to law, custom, or conscience ; the gradual 
 replacement of the strictly national or tribal ideas on 
 these and kindred subjects by views of right, jus- 
 tice, and virtue, common to mankind in general ; the 
 slow but constant growth of principles of natural and 
 universal law, and their apphcation, searchingly and 
 thoroughly, to every subject of jurisprudence, and to 
 all the deahngs of man with man. 
 
 Now for this gradual revolution and transformation 
 of views and principles, and social institutions, various 
 causes have been assigned. 
 
 First — an opinion has found favour in many quarters, 
 and has been put forward with some notes of triumph 
 by our Christian apologists, that the rude selfishness of 
 the Eoman law was humanized by the influence of 
 Christianity only, at first unconsciously, when Christian 
 sentiments were silently making an impression upon a 
 world which refused to recognise them — afterwards 
 openly and notoriously, when Christianity became 
 enthroned on the seat of Csesar in the person of Con- 
 stantino, Theodosius, and Justinian. But while we 
 allow its due effect both to the avowed and the tacit 
 influence of the Gospel in this matter, while we trace 
 with interest and dehght the softening and refinino' 
 pressure of God's law upon human and even heathen 
 society, we must acknowledge that the first impression 
 
THE LAW OP NATIONS. 77 
 
 of His providential hand was given at a much eariier 
 period ; that tlie laAv of Eome was already a pedagogue, 
 leading the nations unto Christ even before Christ 
 Himself had appeared in the world, and held up to its 
 admiration the principles of His cathohc jurisprudence. 
 
 Some, again, ascribe this revolution to the influence 
 of philosophy, to the teaching of the Platonists and 
 Stoics, to the ideas of humanity and sympathy dissemi- 
 nated by the mild persuasion of the schools, when the 
 rude Eoman warrior sate meekly at the feet of the 
 Grecian sages. We acknowledge the fact, and we 
 admit its influence in its season : but the relaxation we 
 speak of was anterior to this. 
 
 Once more, it has been attributed to the natural 
 enlightenment of the conscience among the Eomans 
 themselves, to increased cultivation and the growth 
 of moral sentiments, to the example of the wisest and 
 most liberal-minded of their own chiefs, to the sense of 
 security giving more room to the play of generous and 
 humane feelmgs. But neither here do I find a full and 
 satisfactory explanation of the phenomenon before us. 
 
 The account I would give of the matter connects it 
 even more directly with what we may ventiu-e to 
 regard as God's providential guidance of human aflairs. 
 It was the immediate and inevitable effect of the esta- 
 blishment of that kingdom of iron, of which God in His 
 prophetic Scriptures spoke. It was the very condition 
 of victory and conquest, which bore vnthin themselves 
 the germ of this moral transformation. The little 
 fortress in the hills, in an obscure corner of Europe, was 
 
78 LECTURE IV. 
 
 predestined to grow into the widest and mightiest of 
 empires, and level by its force and pressure a clear 
 and ample space for the edifice of the Christian Church. 
 The Providence which directed the assimilation and 
 fusion of conquered clans and tribes and nations suc- 
 cessively with their conquerors, decreed the inevit- 
 able result — the combination and fusion in one general 
 code of their several ideas of law and polity. Even 
 from the first, as far as we can trace it, there existed 
 this irrepressible conflict between the formal principles 
 of municipal and national law — the civil law of the Eo- 
 mans, — and the principles of law, manifold and diverse, 
 in force among their subjects and their cHents. It was 
 the same conflict which we have witnessed and mode- 
 rated ourselves in the government of our own empire in 
 India. Eoman law was adapted only for the regulation 
 of Eomans dealing with Eomans. It was often impos- 
 sible to apply it to the dealings of the Eoman with the 
 stranger ; it was never practicable to impose it as a rule 
 for strangers dealing with strangers. Hence practically 
 three laws in force at the same time on the same spot, 
 — the pure Eoman, the mixed, and the foreign : hence 
 confusion, hence delay and misunderstanding : hence, in 
 due course, the vague and desultory attempts of the 
 strong man and the prudent man to select, to combine, 
 to create a law common to all : hence the introduction 
 of examples and precedents, the groping darkly for 
 wide and general views ; at last, the arrival of the 
 reformer and codifier, the prastor, the proconsul, or the 
 emperor. Hence, in short, the gradual conception of 
 
LAW A PEDAGOGUE BKINGING UNTO CHRIST. 79 
 
 the idea of normal equity, of a natural and universal 
 law, of a law of nations contrasted with a national law. 
 Italian and Grecian, Jew and Syrian, Heathen and 
 Christian, philosopher and preacher, all contribute to 
 this ultimate conclusion, and help forward the establish- 
 ment of the great religious principle of the moral 
 equality of all men in the sight of a common God and 
 Father, a common Euler and Judge of all.^ 
 
 You may imagine how fiercely the pride of the 
 Eoman would struggle against this conviction ; how it 
 would jar against his personal sense of preeminence, 
 and the sohtary grandeur in which he towered above 
 his fellows, — against his rehgious sense of a Divine 
 mission, which still abided in him, and constituted his 
 last moral principle. For he, too, beheved that his 
 laws and usages were given him from above, that the 
 favour of the heavenly powers was secured to him by 
 their perpetual observance ; and every blow directed 
 against them, every slur cast upon them, startled and 
 distressed him as an act of sacrilege. But practical 
 necessity not to be put by, first reconciled him to 
 the transformation of his law. Use and habit satisfied 
 and convinced him. The daily progress of the new 
 ideas, the gradual famHiarization with new principles 
 of thought and conduct, with other views of life, of 
 duty, of the ends and objects of civU society, worked 
 upon his awakened conscience with the charm of a 
 new inspiration. They revealed to him the idea of 
 new gods, or of a new dispensation from the gods ; 
 
 1 See Note P. 
 
80 LECTUEE IV. 
 
 of a greater rule and order of affairs. They fore- 
 shadowed the announcement of a new and universal 
 creed. At the time of St. Paul's arrival, men of earnest 
 thought and wide reflection at Eome were already 
 half prepared to accept the preaching of a new revela- 
 tion, and lo ! a new revelation was flashed upon them. 
 Law had been as a pedagogue, bringing them to the 
 Master, Christ. Philosophy had been such a pedagogue 
 also. Standing sullenly on the old ways, they had felt 
 the ground tremble under them — they saw the world 
 drifting away from them. In spite of occasional 
 reactions, of violent and forced revivals, of grim fana- 
 tic ecstasies, of many a grasping and clutching at the 
 shadows of a waning theology, at the altars and the 
 temples, the vows and the sacrifices of antiquity, they 
 were getting day by day more mured to the convic- 
 tion that old things were indeed passing away ; behold ! 
 all things were becoming new. 
 
 That St. Paul was indeed well aware of this state of 
 feehng at Eome, may easily be supposed. Although 
 the words of the text were addressed to the Galatians, 
 the thought which underlies them would naturally 
 present itself to his mind when writing to the Eomans. 
 If at Ephesus or Ancyra, the Jew, the Greek, and the 
 Eoman dwelt and worshipped side by side, and appre- 
 hended in common the impending abrogation of the 
 older law by the authority of the Gospel, still more 
 did the Church at Eome collect men of all these nations 
 together, and acknowledge, under the Apostle's teach- 
 ing, that ' the law of the spirit of hfe in Christ Jesus 
 
ST. PAUL VERSED IN ROMAN LAW. 81 
 
 had made them free from the law of sin and death'.' 
 But it would seem that the Apostle of the Gentiles, the 
 Eoman citizen, the man of heathen as well as of Jewish 
 learning, had a special aptitude for thus shaping the 
 argument of his Epistle to the Eomans. He was, I am 
 persuaded, personally well versed in the principles of 
 the Eoman law itself. In the first place, it was natural 
 that he, a citizen of Eoxae, though of provincial extrac- 
 tion, by the admission of his forefathers to the franchise, 
 should take care to inform himself of the laws which 
 constituted the charter of the class he belonged to. 
 Eoman citizenship was a birthright of which he was 
 proud, as he seems himself to acknowledge, and which 
 he cherished as the safeguard of his person and his 
 property. It gave him certain privileges ; it assured 
 him of protection and of freedom. He teUs us as much 
 himself. He appeals more than once to his rights as a 
 citizen, and shows that he is well aware of the advan- 
 tages they confer upon him. But more than this, 
 there is in some parts of his teaching a direct applica- 
 tion of Eoman legal principles in illustration of his 
 doctrine, which none but a Eoman could be expected 
 so to apply, none unless versed in Eoman law would 
 be able to employ. 
 
 Thus St. Paul dweUs with emphasis on the position 
 of the divine Son towards the Father, in terms which 
 savour of a fuU appreciation of the power given to the 
 parent over the child by the civil laws of Eome. His 
 view of the subjection of the vsdfe to the husband as 
 her ' head,' which he uses as an apt illustration of the 
 
 G 
 
82 LECTURE IV. 
 
 position of the Church to Christ her Lord, is conceived 
 in the spirit of a Eoman rather than of a Hebrew. 
 Even in his account of the mutual duties of the married 
 pair, compared with that furnished us by St. Peter, we 
 may trace, I tliink, a shade of difference : the one 
 breathes the austere reserve of a Scipio or a Cato ; the 
 other the tenderer gravity of Abraham, of David, or of 
 Boaz. The illustration, again, of a marked doctrine 
 of our rehgion by the forms of Testation, is such as 
 might actually suggest itself to a Eoman jurist, but 
 woxild not so readily occur to a mere Syrian or Jew ; 
 for the notion of Testation, the technical and formal 
 making of a will, with the covenant therein imphed with 
 the nation, and with all the rights and powers thereto 
 annexed, was, in fact, almost a creation of Eoman juris- 
 prudence. And once more I would remark the inter- 
 esting analogy St. Paul suggests in describing our rela- 
 tion as behevers to our heavenly Father, as that of sons 
 by adoption. The process of legal adoption, by which the 
 chosen heir became entitled, through the performance 
 of certain stated ceremonies, the execution of certain 
 formahties, not only to the reversion of the property, 
 but to the civil status, to the burdens as well as the 
 rights of the adopter, — became, as it were, his other self, 
 one with him, identified with him ; — this, too, is a Eoman 
 principle, pecuhar at this time to the Eomans, unknown, 
 I beheve, to the Greeks, unknown to all appearance to 
 the Jews, as it certainly is not found in the legislation 
 of Moses, nor mentioned anywhere as a usage among 
 the children of the elder covenant. We have ourselves 
 
CHAKACTER OF CHEISTIAN SOCIETY AT ROME. 83 
 
 but a faint conception of the force with which such an 
 illustration would speak to one familiar with the 
 E Oman practice ; how it woud serve to impress upon 
 him the assurance that the adopted son of God becomes 
 in a peculiar and intimate sense one with the heavenly 
 Father, one in essence and in spirit, though not in flesh 
 and blood. ^ 
 
 This subject would bear some further ampUfication ; 
 but our hmits to-day will not allow me to dwell longer 
 upon it, and the next lecture must be devoted to 
 another branch of the general argument. I will only 
 ask you now to remark, in conclusion, how instruction 
 conveyed thus in language suited to the comprehension 
 of Eoman citizens, of a class, at least, famihar with the 
 privileges of citizenship, — whether Jews, Greeks, or 
 Eomans, — whether at Eome or in the provinces, — was 
 plainly addressed to the cultivated and intelligent among 
 men. St. Paul, a man himself of no mean social rank, 
 and of high intellectual culture, spoke, I cannot doubt, 
 directly to the intellect as well as to the heart of men 
 of refinement hke his own. His converts were among 
 the wise and prudent, as well as among the impul- 
 sive and devout. I reject then the notion, too hastily 
 assumed, too readily accepted, from a mistaken appre- 
 hension of the real dignity of the Gospel, that the 
 first preaching of the faith was addressed to the lowest 
 and meanest and least intelligent, the outcasts and 
 proletaries of society. Many reasons, I am convinced, 
 
 > See Note Q. 
 G 2 
 
84 LBCTUKB IV. 
 
 might be alleged for concluding that it was much the 
 reverse. As regards the Christian Church at Eome, 
 at least — the direct statements of the Apostle himself — 
 the evidence of existing monuments of antiquity — • 
 inferences of no httle strength from the records of 
 secular history — and inferences not lightly to be 
 rejected from the language and sentiments of contem- 
 porary heathens — all tend to assure us that it embraced 
 some devoted members, and attracted many anxious 
 inquirers amidst the palaces of the nobles, and even in 
 Ca3sar's household. If such be the case — if high-born 
 men and women — if well-trained reasoners and thinkers 
 — if patricians, and patrons, and counsellors-in-law, 
 with their freedmen, their pupils, and their clients, did 
 read and appreciate the Apostle's letters — did visit him 
 in his bonds, and Hsten to his teachings — did accept 
 Gospel-truth from his hps, and ask for baptism at his 
 hands ; we may fairly assume, I say among other 
 motive influences, that the law, the civU law of Eome, 
 protesting as it did against the narrow jurisprudence 
 of primitive antiquity, and the pohtical rehgion on 
 which that jurisprudence was founded — the civil law, 
 refined and modified as it was into the expression of 
 universal reason on the great principles of equity and 
 legal use — the civil law, in short, the image in the 
 Eoman's view of the mind of God Himself — had been 
 truly a pedagogue bringing men by gentle force and 
 pressure to Christ the Master of Truth, and the Judge of 
 Eighteousness.^ 
 
 ' See Note R. 
 
85 
 
 LECTURE V. 
 
 oJ®<o 
 
 THE HEATHEN AWAKENED TO A SENSE OF HIS SPIRITUAL 
 DANGER. 
 
 1 John it. 21. 
 
 And this commandm.ent have tve from, Him, That he who 
 loveth God love his brother also. 
 
 We are examinirig the process whereby the selfish 
 national prejudices on which the heathen rehgions 
 were founded, were gradually sapped, and the soil 
 prepared for the seed of Christianity — the process 
 whereby the engrossing idea of the city upon earth 
 was exchanged for the anticipation of a city of God in 
 heaven. We have observed how the progress of 
 philosophy, of inquiry, that is, into the moral condition 
 of man, led the Greeks and Eomans, in the ripeness of 
 their national life, to broader views of the unity of 
 man, the natural equahty of races, the common bonds 
 of sympathy by which they are mutually connected. 
 We have further traced the process by which, under 
 the pressure of pohtical necessities, the Eomans were 
 compelled to relax the exclusive spirit of their juris- 
 
86 LECTURE V. 
 
 prudence, and practically to make their city — ^what 
 they learned at last with pride to denominate it — 
 the common city and mother of nations. 
 
 Two great steps, then, have been taken towards the 
 recognition of Christian principle : the one is the 
 theoretical acknowledgment of human equality in the 
 sight of God — the other is the practical admission of 
 men to equal rights and common franchises in relation 
 one to another. 
 
 So far have men been brought on their appointed 
 march towards the stand-point of Christian revela- 
 tion, which requires as the first condition of its ac- 
 ceptance — as the condition of all spiritual intuition, 
 and of the knowledge and love of God — the fullest 
 sympathy between man and man, perfect harmony and 
 concord, or, in the language of the Apostle, ' Love.' 
 ' Love thy neighbour as thyself,' was the golden precept 
 of Jesus Christ. ' Bear ye one another's burdens, and 
 so fulfil the law of Christ,'^ was the commentary of St. 
 Paul, of the practical teacher who contemplated rehgion 
 in its actual exercise, and the works by which faith is 
 known among men. ' Above all things have fervent 
 charity among yourselves, for charity ' — that is, love — 
 ' shall cover the multitude of sins,'^ was the commentary 
 of St. Peter, the brave and impetuous soldier of the 
 Lord. ' Li this the children of God are manifest, 
 and the children of the devil: whosoever doeth not 
 righteousness is not of God, neither he that loveth not 
 his brother,'^ — is the commentary of St. John, the self- 
 
 ' Gal. vi. 2. 2 1 Peter iv. 8. 3 i JqI^ jij, iq. 
 
LOVE ARISING FEOM THE CONSCIOUSNESS OF SIN. 87 
 
 inquiring, self-devoting friend of Jesus, looking beyond 
 the outward token of works to the inward feehng of 
 the heart. And again and again, with redoubled 
 fervour : ' Beloved, let us love one another : for love is 
 of God ; and every one that loveth is born of God, and 
 knoweth God.' ' God is love ; and he that dwelleth in 
 love dweUeth in God, and God in him.'^ 
 
 Now, bearing in mind these texts, and considering 
 the principle of self-control and self-denial for God and 
 conscience' sake which they involve — the principle of 
 human sympathy springing from the love of the 
 heavenly and divine, — we may see at once how far as 
 yet the heathens were from the position of Christ's true 
 disciples. Certain common rights of man as man have 
 been hitherto acknowledged theoretically by the philo- 
 sophers, and admitted as matter of political expediency 
 by legislators and statesmen. Another and more im- 
 portant step remains to be taken. The heart must be 
 awakened, the conscience roused to a sense of duty, 
 and the feehngs to a sense of thankfulness for mercies 
 received. Love must be given for love, sympathy to 
 man in return for the sympathy of God. Man must 
 come to feel that he lives under a law of charity, under 
 a commandment from above written on the fleshly 
 tables of his heart — that he who loveth God must love 
 his brother also. 
 
 But we can hardly feel the obligation to bear one 
 another's burdens, which is the law of love, until we 
 have acquired the sense of a personal burden of our 
 
 > 1 John iv. 7, 16. 
 
88 LECTURE V. 
 
 own, of a personal debt and duty to One who alone is 
 able to bear our burdens and share our infirmities. 
 We cannot exercise fervent, hearty, and zealous charity 
 towards others, till we have felt the reahty of sin, 
 and the need of Divine charity to excuse and to cover 
 it in ourselves. Therefore it is that the sense of duty 
 to God comes first, and brings after it a sense of 
 duty to our neighbour. And such again is the 
 declaration made to us throughout the epistle of 
 St. John, who begins with the recognition of God the 
 Father and the divine Son Jesus Christ the righteous, 
 and the sense of sin, and of duty towards Him ; and 
 thence leads us on to recognise the duty of brotherly 
 love : ' He. that saith he is in the light, and hateth his 
 brother, is in darkness even untU now.' ' This com- 
 mandment have we from Him, That he who loveth God 
 love his brother also.' 
 
 The consciousness, then, of our own sin is the first 
 step to the fulfilment of the law of love. This is the 
 Christian's view. Let us now examine what progress 
 the heathen had made in this direction, and how far it 
 had led him to the fulfilment of this commandment. 
 
 The general impression we receive from the records 
 of the New Testament is assuredly that they were 
 written under a prevaihng sense of human misery. 
 The world seems to assume to the writers the aspect of 
 a wreck and a baffled purpose. Deep shades flit over 
 the face of human society, from the uneasy possessor of 
 wealth and power to the humblest occupant of the 
 cottage. Sickness and infirmity of every kind are 
 
THE CHKISTIAN VIEW OF THE WORLD GLOOMY. 89 
 
 brought painfully prominent ; the brighter scenes of 
 life — with one or two notable exceptions — are kept 
 studiously in the background. Over bodily pain and 
 mental suffering of aU kinds broods a vague and terrible 
 apprehension of the wrath of God, and the inheritance 
 of an indefinable curse. The general impression, I 
 say, of life there depicted is one of pain, sorrow, disap- 
 pointment, defeat — of the vanity of human cares, the 
 nothingness of human objects, the awfulness of the 
 inexpHcable Present, the fearfulness of the unimaginable 
 Future. We are ever reminded of the yearnings of the 
 Psalmist, and are compelled to feel with him that it 
 were better, far better — even for the best and happiest 
 among us — to flee away and be at rest. Smitten with 
 the gloom of these mournful records of our existence, 
 we throw ourselves fervently into the feeling which 
 dictated the solemn language of our Burial Service, 
 when we heartily thank our heavenly Pather that He 
 has dehvered our departed brother from the miseries 
 of this sinful world. Of this pain and sorrow the faith- 
 ful disciples are represented as themselves experiencing 
 the greatest share ; as far as this world is concerned 
 they are declared to be of aU men the most miserable. 
 There are, indeed, outward circumstances of alarm or 
 privation, of mocking and persecution even unto death, 
 which may seem at first sufficient to account for this ; 
 but this is not all ; this is not the real foundation of 
 the gloomy prospect of the world as depicted ia the 
 Gospel, but sin, and the knowledge and consciousness 
 of sin. If sin has brought death into the world, and 
 
90 LECTUEB V. 
 
 the curse of sin has made the world miserable, it is the 
 consciousness of this sin that has made men sensible of 
 their misery, and most anxious for the means of escape 
 from it, and from its curse. No man is so sensible of 
 this as the Christian ; no man feels so much the 
 horror and the misery ; but to him this knowledge 
 brings with it the hope and anticipation of escape. 
 The pain more keenly felt by him — the pain which 
 colours and darkens every page of his sacred records — 
 which issues in sad cries of agony from his inspired 
 preachers at every crisis of their sorrowing pilgrimage 
 — that pain is first sanctified, then softened, at last 
 transformed into joy and peace in beheving, by the 
 assurance of a Eedeemer who has overcome sin and 
 death, and taken away the punishment and the curse. 
 For such a transformation, for such a recompense of 
 suffering the heathen could not look. There was no- 
 thing in the face of things around him to indicate it ; 
 there was nothing in the records or legends of the past, 
 nothing in the hopes and pretended prophecies of the 
 future to lead him to such an aspiration. The fixed 
 persuasion of the heathen was that the world was bad 
 — that it had once been better, but could only become 
 worse. Hints might be obscurely given, or fondly 
 imagined, of a coming Euler, a divine Conqueror, a 
 mysterious Eevealer of God's wiU and nature ; but of a 
 Sanctifier and Eedeemer, of a Conqueror of sin, an 
 Assuager of pain, of an Averter of the evil which is born 
 within us or gathers round us, and clings to us always 
 from the cradle to the grave, and poisons life, and 
 
THE HEATHEN VIEW STILL MORE GLOOMY. 91 
 
 blasts pleasure, and mortifies pride, and corrupts love, 
 and makes everything desired and hoped for turn out 
 other than what we had desired and hoped — of an 
 Averter of this eternal immedicable evil the heathen 
 had no conception, no anticipation at all.-"^ 
 
 I have spoken of the sadness which pervades the 
 atmosphere, so to say, of the New Testament ; deeper 
 sadness, deeper because unreheved by the revelation of 
 a greater gladness, pervades not less completely the 
 atmosphere of secular history under the sway of 
 dechning heathenism ; deeper because of the contrast 
 of the inner spirit of heathen society, and the gaudy 
 colours in which society invested itself, with the 
 blaring noise of the trumpets and the cymbals with 
 which it sought to drown its accusing conscience. St. 
 Paul is sad ; St. John is pensive ; — but the Christian St. 
 Paul is not so sad as the philosopher Seneca; the 
 Christian St. John is not so pensive as the philosopher 
 Aurelius. Por this sadness there was no rehef in the 
 creed of the old mythology, there was no rehef in the 
 creed of the pohtical rehgion. Nor was there any 
 rehef in the aspect of the times, notwithstanding the 
 show of splendour which adorned it, and the grandeur 
 of the position to which mankind might seem to have 
 attained. 
 
 The popular voice, indeed, the voice of poets and 
 orators and declaimers, the voice even of philosophers 
 themselves, is one long and varied chant of triumph — 
 of triumph over man's submission to a great conquermg 
 
 1 See Note S. 
 
92 LECTUEE V. 
 
 empire, of triumph over nature's subjection to a great 
 civilizing society, of triumph over barbarism, over the 
 elements, over roind, and over matter. C^sar and 
 Jove hold coequal and divided sovereignty. The 
 world has become the Eoman Empire, and the Eoman 
 Empire has become a palace of Art, a palace reared 
 and decorated for the habitation of the human soul. 
 Few and slender indeed were the conquests of the 
 Eoman over material things, compared with the 
 conquests on which our later age now plumes itself, 
 which swell it with pride, excessive perhaps and vain- 
 glorious. But his triumphs in the realm of Art may 
 fairly be set against our victories in Science ; he had 
 quite as much reason to boast of his intellectual 
 achievements as we of ours ; and great indeed was the 
 satisfaction with which he looked around on the 
 creations of his power, his skill, and his imagination, 
 and pronounced them very good. But in the midst of 
 aU this outward glory he was stricken at heart ; 
 alarmed and terrified at he knew not what ; distressed 
 and disconsolate, he knew not why ; ' noises as of waters 
 falling down sounded about him,' — ' sad visions appeared 
 unto him of heavy countenances.' ^ ' They that pro- 
 mised to drive away terrors and troubles from a sick 
 soul, were sick themselves of fear, worthy to be 
 laughed at.' ' Eor wickedness, condemned of her own 
 witness, is very timorous, and being pressed with con- 
 science always forecasteth grievous things.' 'And 
 whosoever there fell down was straitly kept, shut up 
 
 ' Wisdom xvii. 
 
CHANGE IN THE EXPRESSION OF HEATHEN PHILOSOPHY. 93 
 
 in a prison without iron bars.' And this because, 
 according to the stern reproof of the Apostle, ' when 
 they knew God, they glorified Him not as God, neither 
 were thankful ; but became vain in their imaginations, 
 and their foohsh heart was darkened. Professing 
 themselves wise, they became fools . . . changing the 
 truth of God into a he, and worshipping the creature 
 more than the Creator.' ^ For such is the reward and 
 the end of Pantheism, whether in the first century or 
 in the nineteenth. 
 
 In some of the most thoughtful spirits of those days, 
 this gloomy sense of dissatisfaction vented itself in 
 murmurs and rebeUions against the pubHc conduct of 
 affairs, against the Government, against the Csesars. 
 The contrast, half stifled, half avowed, between the 
 philosophers and the empire, is a marked feature in 
 the history of the times. But this was but a symptom 
 of the malady, not the malady itself. The malady lay 
 deep in the spiritual nature of man, deep in the foun- 
 dations of sentiment and conscience, in feehngs which 
 are opened and explained to us by rehgion, which are 
 tended, comforted, and transmuted by faith in a re- 
 vealed Saviour only. 
 
 It was from this sense, however, of depression and 
 discontent with the frame of the outward world, that 
 arose the remarkable change which now appears in the 
 expression of heathen philosophy, that is, of aU that could 
 now be called in any spiritual sense, heathen rehgion. 
 
 ' Ebto. i. 21, 22. 
 
94 LECTUKE V. 
 
 We open now on an era of preaching instead of dis- 
 cussion, of moral discourses, of spiritual improvement 
 drawn from events and circumstances, of the analysis 
 of virtues and vices, of exhortations to the one, warn- 
 ings against the other. The philosopher is no longer a 
 logician with an essay, nor a sophist with a declama- 
 tion ; he is a master, a preacher, a confessor or direc- 
 tor of souls : he is not a speculator, inquiring after 
 truth, but a priest, a minister, a hierophant of the 
 divine Source of truth, guiding and controlhng, as with 
 authority, the conscience of his disciples. He is a 
 witness of God, bearing testimony to a divine law, and 
 charged as it were with the cure of souls intrusted to 
 his teaching. We meet no more among the masters of 
 human wisdom with subtle enquiries into the opera- 
 tions of the intellect ; but addresses straight to the 
 heart and spirit ; advice tender or severe, remonstrances 
 indignant or aiFectionate ; exhortations to fervent prayer 
 and self-enquiry ; enticements to love and charity ; 
 earnest declarations, as from a higher source of know- 
 ledge, of the unity of man with man, and the common 
 ties of sympathy which bind all the families of the 
 earth together. Such are the topics handled in the 
 pulpits of Seneca and Epictetus, of Dion and Juvenal, 
 of Plutarch and Aurelius.^ 
 
 ' My friend,' says Epictetus, ' you would become a 
 philosopher : then train yourself first at home and in 
 silence ; examine long your temper and weigh your 
 
 ' See Note T. 
 
EPICTETUS AND SENECA. 95 
 
 powers. Study long for yourself before you preach to 
 others. Plants ripen only by degrees, and you too are 
 a divine plant. If you blossom before the time, the 
 winter will nip you ; you will fancy yourself some 
 fine one, but you are dead aheady, dead even to the 
 
 roots Suffer yourself to ripen slowly, 
 
 as nature prompts. Give the root time to take the 
 soil, and the buds time to blossom; then nature herself 
 will bear her own fruits.' 
 
 And again: — 'Strive to" heal yourself, to change 
 your nature ; put not off the work till to-morrow. If 
 you say. To-morrow I vsdll take heed to myself, it is just 
 as though you said. To-day I will be mean, shameless, 
 cowardly, passionate, mahcious. See what evil you 
 allow yourself by this fatal indulgence. But if it be 
 good for you to be converted, and to watch with heart 
 and soul over every action and desire, how much 
 more is it good to do so this very moment! If it is 
 expedient to-morrow, how much rather is it to-day ! 
 For beginning to-day you will have more strength for 
 it to-morrow, and you will not be tempted to leave the 
 work to the day after.' 
 
 Or hearken to Seneca : — ' To acquire wisdom do we 
 not plainly want an advocate and adviser, who shall 
 enjoin us contrary to the behests of common opinion ? 
 No voice reaches our ears without some evil efiect. . 
 . . . The good wishes of our friends, the curses of 
 our enemies are equally harmful to us. . . We can- 
 not go straight forward ; our parents draw us aside ; 
 our servants draw us aside ; no man errs to his own 
 
96 LECTUEE V. 
 
 hurt only, but scatters his own folly round him, and 
 imbibes of the folly of others. Making others worse, 
 he becomes worse himself. He has learned worse 
 things, and straightway he teaches worse things ; and 
 thus is created the vast mass of our wickedness, by 
 the accumulation of all the little wickednesses of us all. 
 Oh ! may there be some guardian ever about us, to 
 dispel false conceits, and recall our attention from popu- 
 lar delusions! For thou errest — thou errest,' — here 
 mark the false wisdom of the heathen, — 'thou that 
 thinkest that our vices are born in us ; no, they have 
 come upon us, they have been thrust into us. We 
 were born sound from sin, free to righteousness. Then 
 let us restrain, by constant exhortations, the vain 
 imaginations which ever surge around us.' 
 
 Or to the mild Aurelius, severe to himself as no 
 other heathen, indulgent as no other heathen to others : 
 ' Beware, my soul, of imperial habits, nor contract 
 the stain of the purple. Keep yourself simple, good, 
 sincere, grave, a lover of justice, a worshipper of God, 
 kind but resolute in all your duties. Strive always to 
 maintain the temper which pliilosophy seeks to engender. 
 Pear God — protect men : life is short, and of this mortal 
 life the only fruit is sanctity of temper, sympathy in 
 deed. Approve yourself in all things a disciple ' — of 
 whom ? not, alas ! of Christ, — not of a perfect and 
 divine exemplar, but — ' of the best of men you have 
 known, of Antonine the Pious.' 
 
 Such is the general tone of moral teaching under the 
 Empire, varying with each individual teacher. With 
 
EXI-IOBTATION AND REMONSTKANCE. 97 
 
 Epictetus it is familiar and subtle ; more pompous, 
 more vague, with Dion Chrysostom ; more vehement 
 and penetrating, more various in application, with 
 Seneca ; more elevated again, and more tender, with 
 Aurelius. But in all there is the same general tone of 
 pressing exhortation, or of lively remonstrance ; very 
 different assuredly from that of the old Grecian sages, 
 of Plato and Aristotle ; more practical, more moral, 
 more spiritual : addressed to the heart rather than to 
 the head — to the conscience, not to the intellect of 
 the disciple. But of exhortation to virtue there was 
 less, inasmuch as a true exemplar of virtue was 
 wanting : there was more of remonstrance against vice, 
 for of instances of vice there was no lack on any side. 
 This was the great defect of the heathen teaching, a 
 defect for which there was no remedy among them. 
 They felt themselves how fruitless it was to set before 
 their pupils a mere theory or abstraction of goodness, 
 where there was no effectual standard of goodness to be 
 shown. And so a man of great note in his day among 
 them implicitly confessed, when he charged his dis- 
 ciples to treat themselves as confirmed invalids in 
 godliness, nor so much as seek to attain the normal 
 state of spiritual health and soundness.^ 
 
 But what is it that has thus taught men to take this 
 practical view of the scope and functions of philosophy? 
 It is their growing sense of the miseries of the world ; 
 of the trials and perturbations to which men are 
 
 ' See Note U. 
 H 
 
98 LECTURE V. 
 
 subjected by the insufficiency of human aims, the 
 weakness of human resolves ; by the opposition of 
 human nature to the eternal rules of right ; by a sense, 
 however faint and dubious, of sin inherent in our 
 mortal being, a sense of sin and no augury of redemp- 
 tion. ' Great is the conflict,' cries Seneca, ' between the 
 Flesh and the Spirit.' ' this accursed Flesh ! ' is the 
 exclamation of Persius. 
 
 Accordingly Seneca rejects with vivacity the dialectic 
 subtleties of the schools. Life, he feels, is too grave a 
 thing to be so trifled with. ' Would you know,' he 
 says, ' what it is that philosophy promises ? I answer, 
 practical advice. One man is at the pomt of death, 
 another is pinched with want ; one cannot bear his 
 adverse fortune, another is wearied of prosperity ; one is 
 afflicted by men, another by the gods. Why do you thus 
 trifle with them ? This is no time for jesting, no place for 
 grimaces. You are adjured by the miserable ! You pro- 
 mised that you would bring succour to the shipwrecked, 
 to the captives, to the sick, to the starving, to the con- 
 demned and perishing ! Whither away then ? What are 
 you doing ? The man you thus sport with is in agony. 
 Help him ! The lost, the dying, stretch their hands to- 
 wards you ; they implore you, they cast upon you all their 
 hopes and aspirations. They entreat you to draw them 
 forth from such abject misery ; to show them their errors, 
 and enlighten their perplexities, by the bright effulgence 
 of the Truth. Tell them then what nature declares to be 
 necessary and what superfluous; how easy her laws; 
 how pleasant hfe, and how free to those who accept 
 
SPIEITUAL AGONY AMONG TIIK ROMANS. 9i) 
 
 them ; how bitter and perplexed to those who follow 
 their own fancies rather.' ' 
 
 ' wretched man that I am, who shall dehver me 
 from the body of this death ?'^ Such is the cry at this 
 same moment of the Apostle, in his address to the 
 Eomans, to the behevers or inquirers collected from 
 among the devoutest spirits of Eome, GentUe no less 
 than Jew ; and doubtless he well knew what response 
 this cry would awaken in their hearts. For to many a 
 lord of a patrician palace this cry of agony would 
 sound as the echo from his own walls, the echo to the 
 sighs and adjurations he had himself uttered in soli- 
 tude, or confided to the ears of his own private adviser, 
 his domestic philosopher. For it was from no vain 
 pride that the Eoman magnate furnished himself with 
 a friend and director at his table, or by his couch, 
 with whom to converse in the intervals of business on 
 the concerns of his soul, and from whose tuition to 
 imbibe his soundest lessons on the conduct of life and 
 preparation for death. The highway of history is 
 thronged with a gorgeous procession of figures, 
 military or royal, marching on with the solemn tread 
 of destiny to the accomphshment of great secular 
 revolutions ; but her byways afibrd us many a ghmpse of 
 private fife and personal character and domestic usage, 
 and show us men hke ourselves at every shifting of the 
 scene, under various institutions, moving about on 
 their affairs just as we do ourselves. And so, in the 
 
 ' See Note V. ^ Eomans vii. 24. 
 
 H 2 
 
100 LECTURE V. 
 
 byways of Eoman history at this period, we see how 
 the men who had rejected as baseless and tmsanctioned 
 the law of Pagan morahty, became a law to themselves 
 in this crisis of spiritual need, and sought to work out 
 that law, not without fear and trembling. We see the 
 statesman who has been doomed to execution, and 
 required to submit his neck to the swordsman, or 
 plunge the poniard in his own bosom, summon his 
 friends, arrange the benches, invoke the aid of his 
 spiritual adviser, and invite the party to a final dis- 
 cussion on the aim and purpose of human life, the real 
 nature of dissolution. We see him rise from the 
 debate with an afiecting farewell, as one who is about 
 to find in person a reply to the unsolved riddle of 
 existence. Or, again, we see the sick and weary 
 veteran, who has been long the victim of bodily in- 
 firmity, and suffered many things of divers physicians, 
 consult the director of his conscience ; shaU he end at 
 once all his pains by the momentary pang of a volun- 
 tary death ? — his friends interceding with the sage for 
 a decision which shall deter the patient from the 
 irrevocable stroke, and persuade him still to bear 
 the ills he has rather than fly to others that he knows 
 not of. 
 
 Such was the honour paid, such the authority as- 
 cribed to these physicians of souls ; to the philosophers, 
 who feehng keenly in themselves, and observing aU 
 around them the miseries of this showy but empty 
 pageant, searching subtly into the cause from whence 
 they sprang — apprehending, however faintly and 
 
NEW MISSION OF THE PHILOSOPHERS. 101 
 
 vaguely, tlie nature and effects of sin — spent their lives 
 in teaching men to sympathize with their fellows, as all 
 lying under the same inscrutable defect and baffling of 
 existence. The whole world they felt to be akin to 
 them, and to the world they went forth, as upon a 
 holy mission, to teach and preach a message self- 
 imposed, a message of love and pity, of rebuke to the 
 proud, of comfort to the suffering. In earlier times 
 the sages of ancient Greece — a Pythagoras, a Plato — 
 made the pilgrimage of science to Ionia, to Italy, to 
 Egypt, to learn from the lips of priests and eremites 
 the truth embalmed in a precious tradition, or ascer- 
 tained by old experience. There was no such fresh- 
 ness of faith now, no such hope of moral discovery, no 
 such confidence in the existence of positive truth at 
 ah. But the heart and conscience were awakened, and 
 with narrower ends and fainter aspirations the disciple 
 of the schools now glided forth, not as a searcher for 
 transcendental verities, but as the preacher of practical 
 philanthropy, to make men better and happier, not to 
 make himself wiser. While the Apostles of the Saviour 
 and the elders of the Church whom they had ordained 
 to the same holy mission — they who could embrace 
 Paul's holy aspiration, 'I thank God through Jesus 
 Christ our Lord' — preached from land to land the 
 commandment of the blessed Jesus that he who loveth 
 God love his brother also— the same principle, the 
 same instinct of love, the same sympathy in a common 
 danger, sprang spontaneously, and vsdthout a sanction 
 but that of nature, in the bosom of many a soul- 
 
102 LECTUKE V. 
 
 Stricken watcher of the wants and miseries of men. 
 Christian preaching found its shadow in heathen 
 preaching ; the sermons of bishops and confessors had 
 their faint accompaniment in the discourses of philo- 
 sophers ; an Apollonius and a Dion, and many others, 
 expeUed from city to city, exposed to persecution, 
 threatened with death for their doctrine's sake, might 
 exclaim with the Apostle, that they too had been in 
 journeyings often, 'in perils of waters, in perUs of 
 robbers, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness 
 ... in weariness and painfulness ... in cold and 
 nakedness.' One of them could beard the tyrant on 
 his throne, in bold reproof of cruelty and oppression ; 
 another could assuage the terrors of a sedition, and 
 the fury of the legions, and plead the cause of the 
 debased and trampled slave, and rebuke the vanity of 
 the mob of Alexandria ; a third would shame the 
 Athenians, when they proposed to desecrate their city 
 with a show of gladiators, exclaiming, ' You must first 
 overthrow your venerated statue of Mercy.' ^ 
 
 How far was this preaching of love spontaneous ? 
 — how far was it caught from the tone of Christian 
 preaching, which I cannot doubt was beginning in the 
 second centiury to make impression upon the heart of 
 stone of the heathen ? Who shall say ? Thus much at 
 least we may accept as unquestionable, that wherever 
 Christian preaching really penetrated, the greater 
 ardour with which it was dehvered, the stronger assur- 
 
 ' See Note W. 
 
ADVANCE IN HUMANITY. J 03 
 
 ance by which it was accompanied— above all, the higher 
 sanction to which it appealed — gave it a force, a life, 
 a power far beyond anything that could fall from 
 mere heathen Hps. But this, I think, we must admit 
 — and this in carrying on the argument of these 
 lectures it is important to urge — that independent 
 of Christian preaching and Christian revelation, and 
 of all special working of God's Holy Spirit on men's 
 minds, the heathen world was at this time gravitating, 
 through natural causes such as we have already traced, 
 towards the acknowledgment of the cardinal doctrines 
 of humanity which the Son of God dwelt among us in 
 the flesh to illustrate, to expand, and to ratify. For it is 
 not among the philosophers only, among men bound by 
 their profession, as truth-seekers, to know something of 
 the teaching of the Christians, that this movement of 
 philanthropy is found. The alleviation of slavery by 
 law and custom ; the recognition of the common rights 
 of man by man ; the softening of the brutal usages of 
 the amphitheatre ; the elevation of the social rank of 
 women ; the increase, not perhaps of restraints upon 
 vice, but of horror open and avowed at its practice 
 and permission ; a greater show at least of respect for 
 morahty and virtue ; a growing preparation for accept- 
 ing the purer law and higher standard of God's holy 
 ordinances ; a preparation, in short, for receiving at the 
 hands of God's ministers, not a system of theological 
 doctrine — of that I am not now speaking, I shall have 
 to speak of that in its place hereafter — but a republi- 
 cation of the law of nature, the law of love and mutual 
 
104 LECTURE V. 
 
 consolation ; this movement, I say, in all its various 
 phases, may be traced, not to the special intuition of 
 the wise and prudent only, but to the sense and instiact 
 of the multitude, gradually constrained, under God's 
 providence, by disgust, by fear, by spiritual apprehen- 
 sion, by scorn for the world, by consciousness of sin, by 
 the augury of a greater curse impending.-^ 
 
 The empire of the heathen, the empire over mind 
 and matter, the highest culture of the natural man, 
 had gone forth into God's world as a brave vessel upon 
 the ocean, painted and bedecked and spangled at the 
 prow and at the helm, and had accomphshed half its 
 voyage in pride and security. But the winds were 
 now arising, the heavens were lowering ; the muttering 
 of thunders was heard above the hissing and seething 
 of the waters ; her masts were groaning, her planks 
 were starting. Among the crew was fear and sorrow, 
 and confusion of faces ; they felt their common danger, 
 and each gave a hand to the common work ; each 
 cheered his fellow with whisperings of comfort which 
 he but faintly felt himself The terror of the moment 
 bound the crew, and the master, and the passengers all 
 more closely together. There is still hope, brave crew, 
 there is still comfort ! In mutual help and sympathy 
 your hope of safety lies. Then courage all ! — to the 
 oars, to the wheel, to the pumps ! The vessel yet rides 
 the storm ; all may yet be well ! Then love, and aid, 
 and encourage one another. 
 
 > See Note X. 
 
DESTRUCTIVE SHIPWRECK IMPENDIlSrG. 10.5 
 
 And here we must leave them for the present. 
 Another and a wilder scene wiU shortly be presented to 
 us — a scene of desolation and dismay and frenzy ; of 
 prayer hoarsening into imprecation ; of the cutting 
 away the boats, of breaking in twain the oars, of rushing 
 madly to the spirit-room. They will lash themselves 
 into fury ; they will quarrel, fight, and threaten to slay ; 
 they will prepare to go together to the bottom, with 
 fire in their brain and defiance on their lips. But 
 when the Apostle was tost on the waves of Adria, and 
 ' neither sun nor stars had for many days appeared, and 
 no small tempest lay on them, and all hope that they 
 should be saved was then taken from them,' the 
 Angel of God stood by him in the night, saying, ' God 
 hath given thee all them that sail with thee.' ^ And so, 
 even now in that tormented bark of heathenism, the 
 Spirit of the Almighty wiU be present. Lo ! the crew 
 is in His holy keeping ! let them but turn to Him, and 
 be converted, and abide in His faith ; there shall be no 
 loss of any man's fife among them, ' but only of the 
 ship.' 
 
 1 Acts xxvii. 24. 
 
106 
 
 LECTURE VI. 
 
 oj*;o 
 
 EFFORTS OF THE HEATHEN TO AVERT SPIRITUAL RUIN. 
 
 St. Mark ix. 24. 
 
 And straightway the father of the child cried out, and said 
 with tears, Lord, I believe ; help Thou mine unbelief. 
 
 Christianity appeals to the heart as well as to the 
 head, to the feelings no less than to the judgment. It 
 teaches us that faith depends upon the will as much as 
 upon the understanding, and therefore that it is to be 
 attained by the exercise of the affections, by love and 
 prayer, as well as by the exertion of thought and 
 mind. This Christian paradox is illustrated by the 
 famihar text above cited, ' Lord, I believe ; help Thou 
 mine unbelief ; ' a text famihar to ah. Christians at 
 every step in their religious experience ; for the feeling 
 which it indicates of the insufficiency of the intellect 
 to comprehend the mysteries of God, or to retain at all 
 times and under all trials its hold of a constant and 
 fervent faith in the Invisible, belongs not to the mere 
 novice only, not to the recent convert, not to the first 
 hearer of the Truth. It belongs to all who are really 
 
STRUGGLE TO ATTAIN BELIEF. 107 
 
 earnest in examining their own hearts, and jealous of a 
 lapse, however transient, from the fulness of spiritual 
 assurance. The text relates the occurrence of a par- 
 ticular incident, but is registered for all time ; and the 
 thoughts it suggests may be useful for all time, and for 
 manifold situations. 
 
 The father of the afflicted child yearns for the pro- 
 mised rehef. The condition is Belief. He will believe. 
 He makes an effort of the will. His imagination, on 
 the wings of love and prayer, transcends the limits of 
 the visible and the possible. He flings himself into 
 another world of higher existences, and powers, and 
 possibilities. He sees the man Jesus before him 
 dilated to Divine proportions, and shutting out from 
 his field of view the gross reahties of the world, with 
 its material laws and its narrow Hmits. The spirit is 
 wiUing, but the flesh is weak ; the vision, the dream 
 of faith, vibrates before his eyes ; the reahties of the 
 world return again and again, they thrust themselves 
 importunately upon him, and threaten to recover all 
 their former vividness. He feels his faith yielding, his 
 spirit fainting, his nerves relaxing ; and he cries out for 
 help, for strength to hold on yet a httle longer, for 
 light to see yet a httle longer ; he cries out with trem- 
 bhngs that shake his strength, with tears that bhnd his 
 sight, ' Lord, I beheve ; help Thou mine unbelief.' 
 
 Such were the struggles of the human conscience 
 when Jesus Christ appeared in the world, and held 
 forth the hopes of His heahng power to the afflicted 
 and miserable both in soul and body. Such are the 
 
108 LECTURE VI. 
 
 Struggles, constantly repeated through all ages, when 
 the knowledge of Him, and of His revelation of mercy, 
 is set forth to the sinners and the spiritually-stricken 
 among men ; the same struggle of the will and the 
 understanding, of faith and fear, is ever going on 
 among us, and is the condition of our advance in 
 spiritual hght and experience. 
 
 But there was a time when the mercy of Jesus 
 Christ was not yet made manifest to man ; a time 
 when, though he had actually come in the flesh and 
 dwelt among men, the world was not yet prepared to 
 acknowledge it ; when his appearance had not yet been 
 preached to all nations, and the offer of salvation 
 through Him not yet generally published. Neverthe- 
 less, in the first ages of Christianity, in the dechne of 
 heathenism, there was among those who knew not 
 Christ, nor perhaps had yet heard of him, the same 
 struggle going on, the same opposition between the will 
 and the power to believe. There was even then, at 
 least among some meek and tender spirits, a wiU to 
 believe in something, they knew not what ; a cry for 
 relief from some quarter, they knew not whence ; a 
 suspicion — a hope — an assurance that there was a reve- 
 lation somehow to be made, a revelation of grace and 
 mercy to the spiritually afllicted, and at the same 
 time an earnest wish to be helped against their own 
 unbehef ; an effort, with groans and tears, against the 
 deep despondency in which the absence of any visible 
 object of faith had plunged them. 
 
 The father in the narrative deeply loved his son, but 
 
ECLIPSE OF FAITH AMONG THE HEATHENS. 109 
 
 his son was afHicted -with a devil. The generation of 
 declining heathenism deeply loved the world around 
 them — the brilliant cities, the joyous country, the 
 temples and the forum, the baths and the festivals, 
 the objects of art and luxury with which their homes 
 were stored to overflowing, the tranquU ease, the 
 leisure for study or meditation, the security of their 
 long-established civihzation, the treasured results of 
 philosophy and science ; but the world they so loved 
 was afflicted with a devil. All its pleasures appeared 
 hollow and unsound ; sweet to the taste, they left a 
 sting of bitterness ; its vices were flagrant, and seemed 
 to call aloud for chastisement ; pain and fear had taken 
 possession of it. There was something radically amiss 
 with it, some defect in its constitution, which plainly 
 threatened it with dissolution. The physicians had 
 been consulted, but without avail. The devil had torn 
 them, and driven them away. The patient had himself 
 struggled feverishly against it, but it had ofttimes cast 
 him into the fire, and into the waters, to destroy him ; 
 he had fallen upon the ground, and wallowed foaming. 
 Such is a picture of the misery of the heathen world 
 at the moment of its highest outward culture ; at the 
 moment when it had lost its faith in the heathen 
 religions, and not yet acquired faith in Christ ; at the 
 moment when its eyes were opened to its spiritual 
 destitution, and the chastened feehngs of humanity led 
 it to recognise the corruption of the flesh, and the 
 desperate condition of the soul that lives without God 
 in the world. Anxious to find some one who could 
 
110 LECTURE VI. 
 
 do anything to relieve this sickness of the world around 
 them, the heathen knew not yet on whom they might 
 call, and who would have compassion on them ; who 
 there was who could address them with those blessed 
 words, ' If thou canst beHeve, all things are possible to 
 him that beheveth.'^ 
 
 Yet, in this anxiety and despair, the heathen sought 
 out a healer for themselves. The sentiment of mercy 
 and pity, of mutual sympathy, of an ever-widening 
 humanity, which, as we have before seen, was gradually 
 prevaiHng among them, the sentiment of the equahty 
 of men in God's sight and of the equal claims of men 
 on one another accordingly — this sentiment seemed to 
 give them the first ghmpse of an idea of divine grace 
 and mercy, of a law of love, of some spiritual existence 
 fulfilhng that idea, and itself appointing that law and 
 declaring it. They felt about, as men still dazzled or 
 purbhnd, for the Being invisible and inaccessible to 
 whom they might appeal, to whom they might exclaim — 
 in their conscious weakness and uncertainty, and amidst 
 the struggles which they felt within them of the flesh 
 against the spirit, of the understanding against the 
 reason, of the head against the heart, and through the 
 tears which bUnded them for the failures and vanities 
 of the world, and its pomps around them — ' Lord, I 
 beheve ; help Thou mine unbelief.' 
 
 To whom should they apply? How should they 
 image to themselves the Being whom they longed for, 
 the realization of their spiritual consciousness ? The 
 
 ' St. Mark ix. 23. 
 
EISE OF PEESONAL KEMGION. Ill 
 
 Gods of the heathen had lost all significance, even with 
 their accustomed votaries. Mars, and Quirinus, and 
 last Eome, and Victory last of all — the many names of 
 one idea, the idea of a local and temporal Providence — 
 had all faded from the imagination, and remained only 
 palpable to the senses in their images of wood and 
 stone. There was no more use for them but to hurl 
 them bodily from the waJls of the city upon the heads 
 of the assailing barbarians. The old mythology had 
 long fallen to the ground, and the temporal rehgion, the 
 fiction of the magistrate, which had more recently 
 replaced it, while it stiU stood erect in apparent strength 
 and majesty, had been tried by the earnest and spiritual- 
 minded, and had been found wholly wanting; dis- 
 credited by its results, disproved by the event, by its 
 manifest defect of spiritual energy to chasten and 
 control, by the apprehension of its temporal weakness 
 to shield from disaster and discomfiture. 
 
 The civil rehgion of the Eomans, then, has virtually 
 come to nought, or survives only in vague unreal 
 generahties, ia poetry or ia rhetoric. The personifi- 
 cation of the genius of the empire, the deification of the 
 emperor himself, is a mere make-beheve of rehgion, a 
 mere artifice or shift to save the appearance of a 
 pohtical continuity. 
 
 The place of this pohtical rehgion has been occupied 
 by the personal hopes and fears of the individual 
 worshippers. Mankind — the spiritual portion of them — 
 are too really anxious, for their own conscience' sake, 
 to be swayed by such phantoms of expediency. There 
 
112 LECTURE VI. 
 
 is spiritual peril around them. They feel that they 
 have souls to be saved. The deepening earnestness, 
 the anxious spiritual excitement of the heathen world, 
 as it nears the period of its absorption in Christianity, 
 is a fact of solemn import. It may teach us to appre- 
 hend how great was the impending revolution, how 
 wide, how deep, the -spiritual movement which trans- 
 ferred the faith of. mankind from the old to the new 
 foundations. But why aU this earnestness ? — why these 
 spiritual apprehensions ? — whence this ever deepening 
 solemnity of feehng ? The world ghding gently down 
 the current of circumstance — ripphng, running, rushing 
 onward — yet knew not of the Niagara plunge it was 
 about so suddenly to take. No ! but the teaching of 
 the philosophers had gradually permeated society, and 
 sunk into the minds of thoughtful and earnest men ; 
 the events and facts of life around them had forced on 
 them a nobler view of human nature, a sense of nearer 
 connection with the divine, of the independence and 
 immateriality of the soul, subject to higher laws, derived 
 from deeper sources, directed to grander and more endur- 
 ing purposes. The baffling of worldly pride, the dashing 
 of worldly hopes, the gradual closing in of the pohtical 
 curtain, commotions within and the barbarians without, 
 the ghastly blankness of the aspect of the future, all deter 
 men from too much brooding on the world before them, 
 and direct them with feverish haste to more spiritual 
 aspirations. Amid the impending vyreck of civU society 
 creeps in a distrust of man and man's assistance ; an 
 instinctive cry of Save Thyself,' heard in the recesses of 
 
THE HEATHEN SEEKS GOD IN PEAYEE. 113 
 
 the conscience, drives men to look to their personal 
 interests in regard to spiritual things. There springs 
 up among them a feeling of mutual repulsion, in place 
 of that mutual attraction which in ages of hope and 
 faith brings them from all quarters together, builds their 
 cities, founds their commonwealths, and estabhshes their 
 national rehgions. Common creeds are disintegrated 
 and split into a thousand fragments. And ever and 
 anon, in every lull of the all-absorbing tempest, pene- 
 trates at hand or at a distance, the whisper of the 
 Christian preaching — a stiU small voice, heard by 
 many a heart-stricken heathen, above the song of the 
 festival, and the blare of trumpets, exerting even 
 over the worldly and the godless a silent, unacknow- 
 ledged, disowned influence, and leading all men, more 
 or less, some faster, some slower, some consciously, 
 others against their will or without their knowledge, 
 to a vague impression of a spiritual existence, inviting 
 their faith and commanding their obedience. Viewed 
 on every side there is no period of history, as it seems 
 to me, when men were more in earnest about spiritual 
 hopes and fears than in the third century of our era. 
 
 Baulked of his carnal hopes, distrustful of all human 
 aid, the natural man now sought vehemently for a 
 personal connection with God. Eenouncing the idea 
 of national communion with the Invisible, of personal 
 protection or salvation, through the federal compact 
 with his countrymen, he strove to unite his own soul to 
 the spirit of the universe. He threw himself on the 
 Infinite and Invisible in prayer. He cast from him the 
 
 I 
 
114 LECTURE VI. 
 
 trammels of pride and prejudice, which in more cheer- 
 ful and frivolous days had withheld his fathers from 
 the self-humihation of the prayer of faith and devotion. 
 He tore asunder the cobwebs woven by the human 
 understanding, which had been wont to intrude im- 
 portunately between him and the mystery of Infinite 
 Power, Mercy and Grace ; and whisper that Infinite 
 Power cannot undo what it once has done, Infinite 
 Mercy may not save what has been once condemned. 
 Infinite Grace will not condescend to the afiections of 
 poor human infirmity. True that Socrates and Plato 
 had not refused to bend the knee and move the lips in 
 prayer ; that devout and spiritual men of old time had 
 acknowledged a truth in reason beyond the conclusion 
 of the purely logical understanding ; but such masters 
 as these had seemed to stand apart from the common 
 nature' of men ; their speculations were deemed to 
 transcend the practical wants of the human soul ; 
 their doctrines had been admired, and passed from 
 mouth to mouth as men admire an ideal work of art, 
 but were never taken to the bosom, and made the 
 household possession of the multitude. Prayer had 
 never been accepted as a great spiritual engine by the 
 Western mind. This new and worthy conception of 
 prayer, its nature, power and privileges, was Oriental, 
 Syrian, and Jewish. It was through the synagogue, I 
 doubt not, that this idea of prayer, of the prayer of the 
 righteous man avaihng much, was propagated in the 
 Eoman world. The synagogue of the dispersion was 
 the substitute for the Temple at Jerusalem ; and the 
 
INFLUENCE OF THE JEWISH USE OF PRAYEE. 115 
 
 incense of prayer, the sacrifice of the hps, replaced 
 among the Jewish worshippers abroad the incense of 
 myrrh and spices, and the blood of bulls and rams, 
 which could be offered only in the holy place at home. 
 The influence of this Jewish practice, thus stimulated, 
 upon the heathen mind, can hardly perhaps be overrated. 
 The Jews penetrated every rank of Eoman society. 
 Their manners, their rites, their rehgious records and 
 rehgious experiences, their moral and spiritual ideas ; 
 worked their way into the high places as well as the 
 low places of Eome, and prepared a high road for 
 Christianity by refining and spirituahzing the religious 
 mstincts of the heathen. We may not be able to trace 
 a direct effect of Christian teaching upon the mind of a 
 Seneca ; but with the Jews and their religious notions 
 there can be no doubt that he was well acquainted ; 
 and when he remarks with admiration, not unmingled 
 with awe, that the Jews, subdued by the Eomans, had 
 in turn given laws to the conquerors, what laws could 
 he mean, but the law of mind and conscience, the law 
 of philosophy and rehgion, the law of worship and the 
 law of prayer? And thus the teaching of this sage, 
 and of the schools that symbolized with him, owed 
 doubtless no small portion of their spiritual character 
 to God's Eevelation of His attributes to the Jews.' 
 
 In the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, in the slave 
 Epictetus, placed at the opposite extremes of social 
 rank, we observe almost at the same moment the 
 
 ' See Note Y. 
 I 2 
 
116 LECTURE VI. 
 
 same devout attitude of tliouglit. Both equally regard 
 the received mythology as absurd and baseless, though 
 they feel bound to abstain from direct attacks upon it ; 
 it suffices at least to represent to them as in a parable, 
 the idea of a Divine superintendence — a moral Pro- 
 vidence, to which their rehgious emotions may be 
 safely directed. To this Being, this Essence, they 
 address themselves, a being more obscure, more mys- 
 terious than the Invisible Jehovah of the Jevrs, but 
 accessible enough to the conscience — palpable, as it 
 ■were, to the touch of faith — when they throw them- 
 selves before Him in spirit, and seem to embrace His 
 knees in the attitude of prayer. Their prayers are 
 not the crude and fantastic effusions of the worshippers 
 of a deity in the form and likeness of man, who regard 
 their God as endued with parts and passions such as 
 their own — the mere reflex of their own grovelhng 
 nature, and composed of selfish appetites and unholy 
 imaginations, whose aid and favour they invoke in 
 every enterprise of lust or malice. They do not ex- 
 claim, ' God, avenge me of my enemy ! ' They do 
 not whisper, ' God, indulge my cupidity ! ' they do 
 not say, ' Grant me health, wealth, or prosperity, or 
 power ; ' but rather, ' Keep me from all evil desires, 
 even towards those who have done me evil ; guard me 
 from too fond a wish for the benefits of fortune ; 
 make me resigned under calumny, content in poverty, 
 cheerful in sickness.' They are weU aware of all the 
 subtleties by which doubt and perplexity are cast on 
 our natural yearnings for prayer ; but they rest secure 
 
THE SPIRIT OF PRAYER HAS GONE ABROAD. 117 
 
 in the conviction that there is One who hears the 
 prayer of faith — who approves it — who takes it up into 
 Himself, and through some inscrutable agency does 
 truly reply to it. They are not cowed, like the hyper- 
 critical logician, by the great paradox of faith ; but 
 are ready to exclaim, with the simple eagerness of the 
 Christian proselyte, ' Lord, 1 believe ; help Thou mine 
 unbelief.' ^ 
 
 I have cited the emperor and the slave as the two 
 most conspicuous instances at this period of the inci- 
 pient faith which seeks to exhale itself in prayer to a 
 God unknown to it ; the most conspicuous in our eyes, 
 from their respective positions ; the most conspicuous 
 also from the frequency, the fervour, the force and 
 freedom of their heavenward aspirations ; the nearest in 
 their day to Christianity among the heathen. But the 
 heathen world, even in its scanty remains bequeathed 
 to us, abounds at this time with indications of the 
 same pious yearning. The spirit of prayer has gone 
 abroad, and leavens the mass of the thoughtful and 
 devout among the heathen. The effusions of the philo- 
 sophers answer in this respect to the preaching of the 
 Christian fathers ; answer so far, that we see they belong 
 to the same age : that the one in some degree reacts upon 
 and tempers the other, and each is reflected by the other. 
 The face is not the same, not one ; but hke, as that of 
 brethren should be ; as of brethren of one family, the 
 family of God. The Father recognises His children on 
 
 ' See Note Z. 
 
118 LECTURE VI. 
 
 the right hand and on the left ; the child of the bond- 
 woman and the child of the free woman : the minds of 
 men, however separated by accidents and convention- 
 ahties, are evidently working under a common in- 
 fluence unto a common end. The goal, to the ken of 
 angels, is already almost in sight, though men will 
 stiU obstinately shut their eyes to it, and in then: 
 passion struggle to efface the lines of convergence 
 and analogy, to deny the identity of origin and pur- 
 pose, to foster repulsion and discord in the elements 
 which should combine for the production of unity 
 and love. 
 
 Much yet remains to be done and suffered before 
 this unity can be effected, before the absorption of 
 heathen devotion in the higher and hoher devotion of 
 the Christian. There are stih more turns in the way, 
 more fallings into error, more aversion from the hght 
 of God and prostration before phantoms of the human 
 imagination. There is stiU a dark hour, the darkest of 
 the night of heathenism, to be passed, before the dawn 
 of the sun of the Gospel, and the rise of true religion 
 in the soul. The spirit of prayer, the yearning for 
 communion with God, have been awakened ; but this 
 spirit, this yearning, wiU surely generate error in the 
 heart of the natural man, unenhghtened, unconverted, 
 unsanctified by the Holy Spirit, who is God Himself. 
 A new sense of religious need has been awakened, and 
 straightway it creates a new superstition, a develop- 
 ment of the religious sense the more curious and 
 instructive as it runs parallel with the historical career 
 
THE NEW PLATONISM. 119 
 
 of Christianity, and seems to be consciously and even 
 studiously opposed to it. 
 
 Of this new religion, the religion of the purest and 
 most spiritual-minded of the later heathens, of this 
 combination of a creed and a philosophy which is 
 known by the name of the New Platonism, I have little 
 room here to speak. I would only remark upon it as a 
 special, and in the "West an unique example of a dogmatic 
 faith evolved from the pure reason. A rehgion pro- 
 fessedly based on the historical records of a revelation 
 we can fully understand ; a rehgion resting upon mere 
 unhistorical tradition is too common to excite our 
 surprise ; again, a philosophy which seeks for spiritual 
 truths in the hght of the natural reason may be a legi- 
 timate effort of the human mind ; but such a philosophy 
 makes no pretensions to be a rehgion. But the New Pla- 
 tonism was different from all these, for it combined with 
 such a philosophy the gratuitous assertion of a dogmatic 
 creed, the issue of mere caprice or guess-work. It was 
 in fact the engrafting of the Oriental Mithraism upon 
 the moral philosophy of the Platonists and Stoics. It 
 asserted the existence of a divine hierarchy, culminat- 
 ing in a supreme essence, a triple godhead involving 
 Unity, Soul and Intelligence, but descending again from 
 development to development, from emanation to emana- 
 tion, through a long series of divinities, of genii, good 
 or evil, opposed or in alliance — still descending till they 
 touched upon the confines of humanity, and reached 
 even to man upon earth ; thus not raising man to God, 
 but bringing God down to man. 
 
120 LECTUKK VI. 
 
 But with this Oriental divination of a personal god- 
 head were combined the spiritual aspirations of the 
 Grecian philosophy. The school of Alexandria accepted 
 and sublimed the loftiest dogmas of the Stoics ; they 
 held that man might also be raised upwards to God, 
 even to the eminence of the absolute Being, by study 
 and virtue : what reason could not acquire in know- 
 ledge and spiritual power, might be revealed by 
 enthusiasm or ecstasy: the individual man might lose 
 himself in the contemplation of the iafinite God, from 
 whom he originally came, and to whom he might thus 
 ultimately restore himself 
 
 It is not the soul, they said, that comes to know God: 
 God descends into the soul ; a touch, a sympathy, a 
 union ; man for a moment becomes God. Thus ecstasy 
 is the ultimate term of all knowledge, the crowning of 
 perfect virtue. It is to be attained by patience in well- 
 doing ; by mortification of the senses ; by extinction of 
 the passions ; by repudiating the flesh and the earth. 
 Thus the sage or saint comes to be independent of the 
 common laws of matter — he gets a foretaste of disem- 
 bodied spirit — he can rise above the earth into mid-air 
 — he can work miracles — he becomes a magician.^ 
 
 This wild scheme of human religion, this last utterance 
 of expiring heathenism points, it seems to me, to two 
 things. First, it points to the need men evidently began 
 now to feel of a personal relation to God. It was the 
 completion, as far as human reason could go, of the 
 efforts of the conscience to ally and unite itself with 
 1 See Note A A. 
 
PLAGIARISM UPOJS" GOSPEL TRUTH. 121 
 
 God, upon whom it had thrown itself in all the energy 
 of prayer. It had implored of God to reveal Himself 
 to His believers. ' Lord,' it had said, 'we believe in 
 Thee, but yet we do not know Thee : help Thou our 
 unbehef : reveal Thyself — make Thyself known to us — 
 let us not burst in ignorance.' And then it had gone 
 on to imagine and invent a God for itself. It had 
 guessed a God after its own conceit. It had framed a 
 rehgion out of the depths of its own awakened 
 conscience ; a rehgion, not licentious, I admit, but 
 rather painful and mortifying to the flesh at least, 
 however it might pamper the pride of the heart ; a 
 rehgion requiring a long and searching initiation, 
 demanding trials of fortitude and patience, giving 
 glimpses of moral regeneration, promise of a remission 
 of sins, hopes of a future life. 
 
 And this leads us to the second point we have to 
 notice, the evident imitation of Christianity, the con- 
 scious plagiarism upon gospel truth, which marks the 
 last development of rehgion among the heathen. It is 
 sufficiently plain that the teaching of the Christians has 
 been making way in the world. Even in the increasing 
 sympathy of man with man, and in the development of 
 the spirit of prayer, and in the demand for communion 
 with God, we might fairly infer that such an influence 
 had been operating obliquely ; in the diffusion of the 
 Mithraic and Gnostic superstitions, with the germs or 
 shadows of Christian truth which they unquestionably 
 embrace, we may recognise without hesitation its more 
 direct and more powerful effect. 
 
122 LECTUKB VI. 
 
 But if even the most spiritual among the heathen, 
 permitted thus to enjoy a breath, however faint, from 
 the sources of truth and knowledge, were given over 
 to beheve a he, to grope in a world of darkness, to 
 groan under the yoke of their own wild exaggerations, 
 far grosser was the He, far blacker the darkness, far 
 wilder the extravagance under which the more vulgar 
 and carnal of them laboured in their efforts to hold 
 communion with God. The exercise of prayer has led 
 men to a nearer conception of the Deity, to a closer 
 sense of the reahty of His being, His presence, His 
 providence. It impels them to yearn for Him, to 
 draw and drag Him down, as it were, to themselves. 
 What then does the heathen do ? He cannot wait for 
 Him or feel for Him at a distance, he cannot address 
 Him afar off, he wiU not brook delay or impediment, 
 he must find a royal road to approach Him, he will 
 make Him his own at once, and possess Him. He 
 invents, or rather he revives, he multiphes, he exagge- 
 rates long familiar methods of divination and augury. 
 He dreams dreams, he observes omens, he imagines 
 sights and sounds of fateful import, he fancies that he 
 works wonders, and requires wonders to be worked 
 for him, he surrounds himself with all the artifices and 
 instruments of magic, and exults or trembles — exults 
 while he trembles, and trembles even while he exults — 
 in the assurance that his faith has made all things 
 possible, and brought God down to him, or raised him 
 perchance up to God. The age of heathen prayer and 
 devotion was the antecedent to the age of Thaumaturgy 
 
REVIVAL OF DIVINATION AND ORACLES. 123 
 
 and Theurgy. The one followed, it would seem, as the 
 immediate corollary from the other. The natural man 
 had discovered the necessity of a god, of a providence, 
 of a moral authority and sanction, of judgment and 
 retribution ; and he rushed precipitately forward to 
 seize upon God, to bind ffim, as it were, and secure 
 the means of access to Him, and of compelling Him to 
 appear at the summons of his votaries. As a ruder 
 age had bound its idols to the city walls with chains of 
 iron to prevent their deserting it, so the later heathens, 
 more refined in their conceptions, but not more truly 
 enlightened, sought to clasp the invisible and im- 
 palpable to their souls by the craft of magical incan- 
 tation. The germ of a spiritual conception of God 
 had been cast into the heathen world by the hands of 
 Jews and Christians, but such was the strange and 
 prodigious harvest it produced, when left to grow un- 
 tended by the skill of the Divine husbandman. 
 
 The impulse thus given to the practice of divination 
 was accompanied by a revival of the use of oracles. 
 The impostures which had died to the roots under 
 the neglect of genuine unbelief, sprang up again, re- 
 newed in life and vigour, amidst the cravings of super- 
 stition. The misery of the present time, the prospect 
 stiU more gloomy beyond it, seemed to impel aU men 
 of devout sentiment to anxious enquiries into the 
 future. To the happy and contented God is love ; to 
 the alarmed and miserable God is fear. To decrepit 
 heathenism God was fear, dismay, and confusion of 
 faces. The priests themselves, stricken with the uni- 
 
124 LECTURE VI. 
 
 versal panic, swept along in the common vortex of 
 despair, amidst the fall of institutions and dissolution 
 of ideas, vs^ere the first victims of their own artifices. 
 They demanded to quahfy themselves for their mystic 
 service by fasts and exercises, by strict seclusions, by a 
 studied excitement of the nervous system to a pitch of 
 frenzy beyond their own control. In this ecstatic state 
 the prophet, self-deceived, saw incommunicable visions, 
 and imagined Divine inspirations. 
 
 We need not doubt that much of this delusion was 
 perfectly genuine. They were given over to believe 
 their own lies. Worn out with fastings they saw 
 visions, drugged with poisons they dreamed dreams, 
 vmnerved by frenzy they imagined apparitions, fluttered 
 by the pulses of spiritual pride they beheved that they 
 were workers of miracles and prophets of the future. 
 But more conscious imposture was sure to follow : for 
 imposture follows fanaticism as its shadow, and avenges 
 with a righteous judgment every moral extravagance. 
 The impostors themselves found their Nemesis in the 
 aroused curiosity of the sceptics, and the final detection 
 of their organized deceit. What yet remained of reason 
 in the heathen world, first staggered, then irritated, at 
 last aroused to strict inquiry by the audacious attempt to 
 master it, tore the veil asunder, and exposed the empty 
 pretension. The records yet remain ; and alas ! that in 
 these days there should again arise special reason for 
 remembering and referring to them, — records, I say, 
 stm remain of the various forms of deception then 
 currently practised, and of the exact way in which 
 
ANCIENT AND MODERN SPIRITUALISM. 125 
 
 they were effected. We are acquainted with some, at 
 least, of the expedients employed to represent the 
 apparition of gods and demons and the spirits of the 
 departed to the eye of the half-delirious votary. He 
 was bid to look into a basin filled with water, the 
 bottom of which had been covertly replaced with glass, 
 with an opening in the floor beneath. The form for 
 which he enquired was revealed to him from below ; 
 or the figure was traced invisibly on the wall, and 
 hghtly touched with a combustible composition ; a 
 torch was applied, and the god or demon or spirit was 
 suddenly displayed in fire. The ancients, it seems, 
 could employ many of our secret agents of deceit ; 
 sympathetic ink was not unknown to their adepts and 
 impostors. Their conjurors and jugglers were to the 
 full as skilful as ours ; and their arts were turned to 
 account for objects far more serious than the mere 
 buffoonery of the streets. It is well, even for our use 
 and instruction, that those tricks were exposed at the 
 time, and the record of them perpetuated. The phe- 
 nomena of modern spiritualism, whatever their actual 
 origin, are, I believe, an exact reproduction of the pre- 
 sumed wonders of the third century ; of an age not un- 
 like our own in creduUty, and in increduhty, in nervous 
 irritability, in impatience of the grave teachings of ex- 
 perience. For our age, as well as for his own, even 
 the scoffer Lucian has not lived in vain. We cannot 
 even yet afford to consign his banter to obhvion.-^ 
 
 1 See Note B B. 
 
126 LECTURE VI. 
 
 I have noticed how in these performances delusion 
 and deceit were actually intermingled. Must we make 
 allowance for the weakness of poor human nature ? 
 Must we grant indulgence to its fond efforts to create a 
 soul under the ribs of the spiritual death which it was 
 daily dying ? Such allowance, such indulgence, I for 
 one dare not claim for it. I beheve that the attempt 
 was conceived in sin, as it issued in sin. God saw that 
 it was sin ; sin in its perversion of the moral law ; sin 
 in its veihng of the natural light of truth ; in its con- 
 ceit of human power and independence. The sin was 
 revealed in its results. For conjuring and necromancy 
 led promptly to a cruel fanaticism ; they excited a 
 fearful apprehension of the spmtual world, of the 
 hideousness of the angry demons of darkness ; and to 
 the most terrible expedients for bafihng or appeasing 
 them. An atonement of blood was demanded for a 
 reconciliation with hell. Hence the revival of human 
 sacrifices with which many an altar was stained ; stiU 
 more the conviction, deliberately, entertained that it was 
 only by the offering of man's best and dearest that the 
 inscrutable covild be discovered, and the implacable 
 appeased. Belief in God, beUef in a personal con- 
 nection with God, in the possibihty of personal com- 
 munion with God, led the natural man directly to the 
 fearful sense of his distance from Him, of estrange- 
 ment from Him, of dread of His wrath, of despair of 
 His mercy. The persecution of the Christians, the 
 martyrdoms of the stake and the amphitheatre, the cry 
 of ' the Christians to the lions,' was one vast scheme 
 
SUPERIORITY OF THE CHRISTIANS. 127 
 
 of human sacrifice for the propitiation of this averted 
 Deity. The persecution by ISTero was an atonement for 
 the burning of the city ; the persecution by Domitian 
 for the destruction of the capitol ; the persecution by 
 Trajan for the overthrow of Antioch by an earthquake ; 
 the persecution of AureHus for the world-wide pes- 
 tilence which swept the empire with an universal 
 disaster. Not yet satisfied, not yet reKeved — nay, as 
 dangers and distresses thicken around him, more 
 agitated, more alarmed, more furious than ever — the 
 heathen defies the Christian to mortal combat in the 
 latter persecutions of Decius and Diocletian ; he will 
 sweep away the enemies of his gods m one hurricane 
 of slaughter, or perish together with them in the im- 
 pending ruin of his pohty and culture.' 
 
 This last revelation of cruelty and fanaticism was not 
 needed to convince us of the moral superiority of the 
 regenerated behever over the heathen seeker after 
 truth. Whatever be the weaknesses betrayed by the 
 early Christians themselves, whatever ignorance or 
 creduhty, whatever superstitious fancies, whatever ex- 
 travagance in act or creed, whatever disparagement 
 has been cast on Christian faith and truth by the errors 
 of its early disciples, on whom the shadows of an age 
 of darkness still partially lingered ; this I am bold to 
 affirm, that morally and intellectually, in heart and 
 understanding, the Christians of the empire are to 
 the heathens of the empire as men of a purer blood 
 
 ' See Note C C. 
 
128 LECTURE VI. 
 
 and a nobler spiritual lineage. In their writings, 
 whatever errors we may note in them, we breathe a 
 purer atmosphere ; in their actions, whatever infirmities 
 we may trace in them, we discover a higher rule. 
 Their society is pervaded by a new and freer spirit. 
 A new principle is developed in it. Their love indeed is 
 but the love of the most refined of the heathens ten. times 
 refined ; his sympathy infinitely expanded : but their 
 faith, their belief in the being and providence of God 
 — ^in the love and goodness of God — in the reality of 
 sin and human corruption, mingled with the assurance 
 of God's reconciliation to sinners — in the one sufficient 
 atonement by the blood of a divine victim — is a new 
 principle, a new germ of rehgious life, the token of a 
 genuine revelation. The fashion of the ancient world 
 is perishing ; and the modern world, with a philosophy 
 and morahty, a faith and practice of its own, is shaping 
 itself out of chaos. Again the Spirit of God is moving 
 upon the face of the waters : again the voice of the 
 watchman on the hUls is heard replying to the chal- 
 lenge, ' What of the night ? ' the genesis of a new 
 heaven and a new earth is commencing, with the new 
 Adam for then- Lord, with the Gospel for the bow of 
 His covenant, with the new Jerusalem for their metro- 
 polis, and the kingdom of God for their final inheritance. 
 Even from the bosom of an effete and dying society a 
 new life is springing, in which the signs of health and 
 vigour, of truth and soundness, are the more plainly 
 revealed from the very abomination of corruption 
 which is manifested around it. 
 
129 
 
 LECTURE VII. 
 
 o^Co 
 
 THE DOCTRINES OF CHRISTIANITY EESPOND TO THE 
 QUESTIONS OF THE HEATHENS. 
 
 St. Matthew xxtiii. 19. 
 
 The name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the 
 Holy Ghost. 
 
 We have marked the breaking down of the ancient 
 mythology of the Pagans, and again of the political 
 rehgion which replaced it ; the diffusion among them 
 of larger and more hberal conceptions of the nature 
 of man, and of his relation to God ; the awakening of 
 their conscience to a sense of sin, and the consequent 
 straitening of the bands of human sympathy among 
 them ;• their yearning for access to God and commu- 
 nion with him in prayer, their fuller acknowledgment 
 of His Being and Providence, however disfigured it 
 became by the extravagance of mystical devotion in 
 the more refined, of gross superstition in the vulgar ; 
 with a resort to magical arts, with self-abandonment to 
 the grossest spiritual terrors, culminating in panic, 
 
 K 
 
130 LECTURE VII. 
 
 despair, and bloodshed. Many a mind was now ripe for 
 conversion to the true God, to the rehgion which 
 teaches the equahty of men in His sight, which pro- 
 claims the abohtion of exclusive spiritual privileges, and 
 merges the city upon earth in the city of God in 
 heaven ; which finally leads the sinner to the one Being 
 who can forgive sin, bids him seek God in the prayer 
 of an enlightened faith, entreat for reconcihation with 
 BQim, and accept the doctrine of the divine Atonement, 
 Mediation, and Eedemption. 
 
 While thousands day by day were going through 
 this spiritual process and attaining to this blessed 
 conversion, it is remarkable how meagre are the 
 records of their experience which have been transmitted 
 to us. We would give much for a genuine and full 
 account of the heathen pilgrim's progress ' from this 
 world to that which is to come.' One partial glimpse 
 at such progress, and I beheve one only, is afforded us 
 in a work called ' The Clementines,' which pretends to 
 narrate the conversion of a certain Eoman named 
 Clemens ; and which, though itself a fiction, is clearly a 
 fiction drawn from real life in the age before us. It 
 represents the mental condition of a youth, devout 
 and pious by nature, harassed by intellectual doubts, 
 unsettled by the strife of conflicting opinions, longing 
 for the truth, and painfully seeking it, till led at length, 
 after many a pang of disappointment, to the only sure 
 refuge and haven of the soul. 
 
 " From my youth,' says Clemens, ' I was exercised 
 with doubts, which had found an entrance, I know not 
 
THE COIfVEESIOlSr OF CLEMENS. 131 
 
 how, into my soul — " Will my being end with death ? 
 and wiU. none hereafter remember me, when infinite 
 time shall whelm aU things in oblivion ? . . . . When 
 was the world created, and what was there before the 
 world? If it has existed always, will it continue to 
 exist for ever ? If it had a beginning, wiU it likewise 
 have an end ? And after the end of the world, what 
 then ? The silence of the grave ? or something else, 
 some other thing of which we can form no notion ?" 
 Haimted by such thoughts as these, which came I know 
 not whence, I was sorely troubled in spirit. I grew 
 pale, and wasted away : when I strove to drive them 
 from me, they returned again and again with renewed 
 and increased violence, so that I suffered greatly. I 
 knew not that in these very thoughts I enjoyed a 
 friendly companion, guiding me to eternal life, nor 
 allowing me to rest tiU I found it. Then, indeed, I 
 learned to pity the wretched men whom, in my ig- 
 norance, I had deemed the happiest But, while 
 
 thus perplexed and worried, I ran to the schools of the 
 philosophers, hoping to find a foundation on which I 
 could rest in safety: But nought could I see but the 
 buUding up and tearing down of theories ; nought but 
 endless dispute and contradiction : sometimes, for ex- 
 ample, the demonstration triumphed of the soul's im- 
 mortality, and then again of its mortality. When the 
 one prevailed I was happy; when the other I was 
 dispirited. Thus was I tossed to and fro by contending 
 arguments, and forced to the conclusion that things 
 appear not as they really are, but only as they are 
 
 K 2 
 
132 LECTUEE VII. 
 
 represented. I grew dizzier than ever, and sighed from 
 my heart for dehverance.' 
 
 Thus distressed, the devotee of Truth would seek 
 rehef and conviction elsewhere. He would visit Egypt, 
 the land of mysteries and portents, and extort from a 
 necromancer the apparition of a departed spirit. Could 
 such a being be presented to him, he would know for 
 certain the existence of a spiritual world, the immor- 
 tality of souls. No reasoning, no logical demonstration 
 would thenceforth shake his abiding conviction. But 
 a wiser man dissuaded him from this vain endeavour, 
 and from seeking God's truth by arts which God has 
 forbidden ; from sacrificing peace of conscience for 
 peace of the understanding. The Providence of God 
 led liim at this crisis to the preaching of the Christians, 
 and among them he found in a legitimate way the 
 assurance of peace which he had fruitlessly sought 
 amid the wanton fancies of the heathen.^ 
 
 That assurance and peace were founded on the 
 belief in certain positive dogmas, which themselves 
 exactly fulfilled the conditions of faith which the 
 heathen had longed for. The creed of the Church — 
 the creed transmitted from the first preaching of the 
 Apostles — implied in the sacred records of the Scripture 
 canon — stamped with the seal of Divine inspiration ; the 
 creed maintained by bishops, confessors, and martyrs, 
 through three centuries of trial, and held by a firm 
 concurrent tradition in the east and the west, the 
 
 ' See Note D D. 
 
THE CHRISTIAN BELIEF IN GOD. 133 
 
 north and the south ; the creed, finally, drawn out in 
 the confession of the Nicene fathers, and ratified by 
 the Spirit of God, presiding at a general council of the 
 Church ; — ^this creed, in its three great divisions, the 
 name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, 
 rephed to the questions of the heathen, solved his 
 doubts, showed to him the nature of God, of sin, of 
 redemption, and the fact of a future judgment and 
 final retribution. It laid before him the scheme of 
 Divine providence, for the salvation of a lost world. 
 It vindicated God's ways to man. Not answering 
 every importunate question of human curiosity, it 
 might satisfy at least every legitimate interest. It 
 might fill him with faith in the Author of his being, 
 and persuade him that with Him all things are possible, 
 that to His all-knowledge and aU-wisdom may be 
 safely left every question yet unanswered. 
 
 I. The creed opens with the assertion of the being 
 of God, of one Supreme and only God, supreme over 
 all powers and dominions, either in heaven or earth, 
 supreme over the abstract conception of a law of fate, 
 or necessity. He is the Father or Author of all being ; 
 He is the Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things 
 that they contain, visible or invisible. He is not, as 
 the heathen had imagined, merely the disposer and 
 arranger, but the Maker and Creator, 'Look upon 
 the heaven and the earth, and all that is therein, and 
 consider that God made them of things that were not.'^ 
 
 ' 2 Mace. vii. 28. 
 
134 LECTUKE VII. 
 
 Such was the gloss of the later Jewish Church upon 
 the less exphcit statement of the book of Genesis ; and 
 such was the conviction of the Christian Church, de- 
 duced from the undoubting ascription of omnipotence 
 to God in the apostohc preaching, from the immea- 
 surable eminence in which He is placed in the minds of 
 Christ's disciples above all being and matter, existing 
 before it, and outside of it, and independent of it ; — as 
 when it is said of Him in Eevelations : ' Thou hast 
 created all things, and for Thy pleasure they are and 
 were created.' ' 
 
 Again, there is no conflict between Him and mind ; 
 no rival will, no concurrent principle of action. The 
 evil m the world and the power of evil, however real 
 and personal, is only a perversion, a corruption of 
 the good which He originally created. It exists only by 
 His sufferance, and for His designs, under such limits 
 as He has put upon it. The dualism, or double 
 principle of the philosophers, a reality to them, is a 
 mere expression, an accommodation to human thought, 
 among Christians. It is enough for the believer to 
 know that his life below is a state of trial, and that 
 evil is permitted for the perfecting of glory. 
 
 Further, God is Providence, and supports and sustains 
 all things by the hand of His power. He orders their 
 coming in and their going out : He keeps them in their 
 appointed channel ; He leads every thought and action 
 of man to the end designated in His eternal mind : He 
 
 1 Eev. iv. 11. 
 
THE PERSONALITY OF GOD. 135 
 
 is a personal, living, and ruling Providence. He num- 
 bers every hair of our heads ; to Him are known the 
 motions of the stars and the measure of the sea-sands : 
 not a soul is born or dies without His counting it ; not 
 a sparrow falls to the ground without His noticing it. 
 Words fail us, imagination itself faints in the attempt 
 to realize the infinite foresight and oversight of Pro- 
 vidence, as intellectually accepted by the Christian 
 behever. The heathen disputant Celsus might pretend 
 that to suppose there was one and the same God of 
 the diverse nations of Europe, Asia, and Libya was 
 incredible and absurd ; but to the Christian, to Hmit 
 this infinite sohcitude of the Almighty to the concerns 
 of a single tribe or nation, to confine infinite Providence 
 to the fortunes of Greece or Eome, to draw a fence of 
 human interests and prejudices round His ever out- 
 flowing acts of consideration and mercy, and make 
 God the God of one people — a mere provincial idol — 
 would be the height of folly or of blasphemy. The 
 Creed of Nicsea threw boldly into the world this 
 first fundamental conception of a true divinity ; and 
 deep was the satisfaction with which it was received 
 by the vexed, the wavering, the terrified schools of 
 disenchanted heathenism. 
 
 n. But again, the God of the Christian is distinct 
 from any abstract law and principle of nature. Our 
 Theism must not be confounded with the Pantheism of 
 the Platonists and Stoics. 'Jupiter,' said the Stoics, 
 ' is whatever we see, by whatsoever we are moved or 
 influenced.' ' God is the world, and the world is God.' 
 
13G LECTURE VII. 
 
 ' God is all matter, and aU mind.' The last utterance 
 of heathen science was the declaration of the naturahst 
 Phny, after casting his eye over creation, and scanning, 
 with all the lights of accumulated experience, the 
 height and depth and breadth of the universe; that 
 ' the world— this heaven, as we also call it — which 
 embraces all things in its vast circumference, may be 
 truly regarded as itself a Deity, immense, eternal, 
 never made, and never to perish.'^ Hence followed 
 the inevitable deduction, missed only by those whose 
 common sense was too strong for their logic, that all 
 weakness and infirmity, — man himself with all his sin 
 and corruption, — all nature brute and inanimate, the 
 slave of man, and of creatures inferior to man, — all, all 
 is God. Evil is God ; Sin is God. This is Pantheism, 
 tAvin-brother of Atheism. This is the end to which 
 the Theism of the heathen inevitably tends : to which 
 the Theism of the Christian would tend, and too 
 often is found to tend, unless counteracted by the con- 
 viction, real and vital, of God's personality as revealed 
 in Scripture. But for this revelation of God's personality, 
 announced distinctly and characteristically in the incar- 
 nation of Jesus Christ, the religion of the Christian 
 would have run just the same vicious course as all 
 human creeds and philosophies before it ; no purity of 
 morals, no hohness of ideas, no conviction of miraculous 
 gifts, no assurance of an indwelhng Spirit would have 
 saved it ; for all these elements may be found in more 
 or less force among the heathen systems ; the salt of 
 
 ' See Note E E. 
 
THE INCARNATION OF THE SON OF GOD. 137 
 
 Christianity has been the dogmatic belief in the incar- 
 nation of the Divine ; in the personal manifestation of 
 God ; in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, Himself God 
 issuing from God, and returning to Him. 
 
 ' I beheve,' says the Creed, ' in Jesus Christ the Son 
 of God.' The fatherhood of God extends over all 
 mankind, claiming them all as His children, as all equal 
 in His sight, all heirs of His promise, all partakers of 
 His blessing. But this sonship is illustrated by the 
 peculiar relation in which the divine Son is said to 
 stand to the divine Father. ' When the fulness of 
 time was come, God sent forth His Son . . . that we 
 might receive the adoption of sons. And because ye are 
 sons, God sent forth the Spirit of His Son into your 
 hearts, crying, Abba, Father. Wherefore thou art no 
 more a servant, but a son ; and if a son, then an heir 
 of God through Christ.'^ This revelation of the sonship 
 of Christ seals to us the great and fruitful truth of our 
 common descent from God, and of the place we hold 
 in the divine economy. ' Come out from among them, 
 and be ye separate, saith the Lord . . . and I will be a 
 Father unto you, and ye shall be my sons and daughters, 
 saith the Lord Almighty.'^ The fond notions of the 
 heathens, and of the Jews also, of a federal compact 
 between God and a peculiar people, are for ever 
 extinguished. The principle which separates Chris- 
 tianity from all previous forms of religion, the prin- 
 ciple of its universality, is finally estabhshed. There 
 can henceforth be no return to Heathenism or Judaism. 
 
 1 Gal. iv. 4-6. "^ 2 Cor. vi. 17, 18. 
 
13B LECTURE VII. 
 
 Any system which is evolved out of Christianity, or 
 raised upon it, such as the Mahommedan, must accept 
 this principle as its own foundation. The enthusiast of 
 Mecca was compelled to claim for his own inventions 
 the same foundation as that which Jesus Christ had 
 first assumed for God's own truth. The lurking 
 heathenism in the corrupt heart even of baptized 
 Christians, struggles here and there against it, and 
 seeks to set up a local divinity in the persons of tutelary 
 saints ; but the heart of Christianity ever protests 
 against this corruption ; and the votary of the intrusive 
 shrine in the corners of the temple is stiU fain to colour 
 his pagan superstition with fallacious glosses ; he ac- 
 knowledges even by his evasions that God is one, the 
 Father of all, that all men are equally His sons, and 
 equally under His sole undisputed guardianship. 
 
 Further, it was ' for us men, and for our salvation,' 
 that God ' came down from heaven ; ' came down into 
 the world, in the person of the incarnate Son. God 
 saw that sin was in the world. He knew, long before 
 man had made the discovery, the sin which, as we 
 liave seen, became revealed in the fulness of time to 
 the conscience of the heathen world. He had prepared 
 even from the beginning the means of a reconciliation 
 with Him whose eyes are too pure to behold iniquity. 
 Man was imeasy, terrified, stricken with despair, and 
 with good reason ; his sin was greater than in the 
 depth of his own self-accusation he had imagined ; the 
 power of sin and the devil, the author of sin, was more 
 engrossing, more constraining ; the destined retribution 
 
SALVATION THROUGH CHRIST'S LIFE AND SUFFERINGS. 139 
 
 for sin was heavier than any human terrors had con- 
 ceived of it. The consciousness of sin was the k;rid re- 
 flection upon the heart of the perils and sufferings of the 
 world about it ; but man in his most dread alarm had not 
 apprehended the horrors of the future suiferings, the 
 sufferings of another world, which, when once revealed 
 by God's certain word, would strike despair into the soul 
 of the sinner. Man demanded sacrifices, the blood of 
 animals, of men, of the true believers, to avert a 
 temporal retribution for the sins of which he accused 
 himself; — what would he have demanded — what 
 hecatomb of victims would have seemed to him suffi- 
 cient to avert the spiritual punishment, the death of 
 the soul, the abandonment to hell, to the blackness of 
 darkness for ever — had he been fully aware of the 
 estrangement in which he lay from God, of the blank 
 hopelessness of his condition, as an outcast from the 
 divine presence ! But Christ Jesus came down from 
 heaven, dwelt upon earth, died upon the cross, was 
 buried and rose, and again ascended for the salvation 
 of man ; the all-sufficient sacrifice was accomphshed ; 
 man was redeemed from the power of the evil one ; his 
 soul was restored in the divine image ; he was assured 
 of acceptance with God, and eternal happiness in the 
 bosom of his Father. Such had been the terror of 
 the heathen conscience, and lo ! such again was the 
 teaching of the Christian Creed. ^ Such was the 
 teaching of the divine records. For it was not a mere 
 
 ' See Note F E. 
 
140 LECTUKE VII. 
 
 conjecture of devotees and philosophers. It was not 
 the invention of sage and godly speculation. It v^ras 
 not the augury of a Plato, the yearning of an Aurelius ; 
 it was not the cheerful hope of a Plutarch, or the 
 pious fiction of the schools of Alexandria. Such 
 hopes, such fictions we have noted and lamented in 
 the restless perturbations of the heathen mind ; but we 
 have seen that they led — that they could lead — to 
 nothing but fond and ghastly extravagances. And 
 why ? Because they had no basis of fact to rest upon ; 
 no touchstone of experience to be tried by ; no record 
 of history to be traced to. Christianity is history. It 
 is a religion which teaches by examples ; a revelation 
 stamped with the seal of accredited fact. This it is, 
 or it is nothing. But this, I say, it is. And so the 
 creed emphatically proclaims of it. When we recite 
 the solemn words — Christ ' for us men and for our 
 salvation came down from heaven . . . Avas made 
 man . . . was crucified under Pontius Pilate, suffered 
 and was buried, and the third day rose again . . . and 
 ascended into heaven,' — we appeal to recorded facts, 
 witnessed by men upon earth, and attested as things 
 most surely known and beheved among them. We 
 appeal, now as ever, to a Book, to a standing and 
 abiding testimony, open to all readers, addressed to all 
 hearers, upon wliich sixty generations of men have 
 successively passed their judgments. We appeal to 
 the long experience of mankind, who have weighed 
 and pondered the records of this Book of books, each 
 
THE GOSPEL AN HISTORICAL KECORD. 141 
 
 according to his own light and intellectual leanings : 
 who have pressed it to their hearts in faith, or criticized 
 it with all the powers of the understanding ; have 
 sometimes worshipped it as an idol ; sometimes in- 
 quired of it as an oracle ; have again sifted it as the 
 pleader sifts the testimony at the bar, and cross-ex- 
 amined it with heat and acrimony, as seeking to catch 
 it tripping, and extort from it evidence against itself. 
 And this is the result : the testimony to the truth of 
 our record is admitted to be more complete, more 
 varied, more consistent than to any series of events 
 announced in the secular history of antiquity. No 
 mere man, king or statesman or warrior of old, is so 
 fully pourtrayed to us in the incidents of his career, as 
 Jesus Christ in the narrative of the Gospels. ISTo 
 writings on a common subject leave so little room for 
 questioning their general agreement on all points of 
 interest as the Gospels and Epistles ; the fidehty of 
 none is more strikingly attested by fresh discoveries 
 even from day to day of their minute accuracy in 
 detail. They claim and they sustain the test of 
 genuine history. No other account of their origin, 
 however often put forward, has ever long maintained 
 itself against them ; but one theory overthrows another, 
 each generation launches its own extravagance, and 
 each gives way to a successor. The infidel makes no 
 real progress, but returns from age to age upon his 
 own footsteps. Voltaire's theory of imposture is sup- 
 planted by Strauss's theory of the myth ; and lo ! in 
 
U2 LECTURE VII. 
 
 thirty years Strauss's theory of the myth is replaced by 
 Eenan's theory of imposture. 
 
 This Jesus Christ, thus declared, and thus proved to 
 the conviction of the heathen, has ascended into Heaven. 
 He has gone back to the Father, has quitted the world 
 which He visited once for all. No ; not once for all 
 only : He wiU come again once more ; a second advent 
 remains for us. He will come — not as a Teacher or a 
 Saviour, but as a Judge ; for to Him the Father hath 
 committed the judgment of the world, and in the 
 fulness of time He will determine the future state and 
 destiny of His creatures. He will come to make a 
 final separation between the good and the evil, the 
 penitent and impenitent, the Church and the World. 
 There wiU be no respect of persons then ; the heathen 
 notions of merit and works will be utterly disregarded ; 
 the philosophic dream of an aristocracy of souls, a 
 spiritual claim to immortality confined to a few 
 favourites of God, to those who can claim affinity to 
 the Divine, to those who are themselves God-hke, wiU 
 be finally dissolved. Jesus Christ will know His own 
 by another test — by the test of faith, fruitful in holy 
 practice. The systems of the ancients wiU sink into the 
 obscurity they justly merit ; man will breathe again, 
 relieved from the incubus of terror they had cast upon 
 him ; he will breathe freely in the joyful anticipation 
 of a righteous judgment, according to the blessed 
 revelation of the Holy One and the Just. 
 
 ni. But when shall aU this be ? There was a time, 
 in the first flush of Christian faith, when the Second 
 
THE MISSION OF THE HOLY SPIRIT. 143 
 
 Coming was daily, nay hourly, expected ; when the 
 ])ehevers looked httle to the future, which seemed to 
 be about so suddenly to close upon them, and fancied 
 that the ministry of Jesus Christ had been but the 
 beginning of the end. But time went on ; there was 
 no sign of His appearing. Jerusalem was overthrown. 
 In one sense He then appeared ; His judgment was 
 made manifest upon Israel ; His Gospel was established 
 on the abohtion of the law ; Christianity was shifted 
 from its Jewish foundations, and the Gentiles were 
 admitted to the promises of God. Still the end was 
 not yet. ' I am with you,' He had said on His de- 
 partiure, ' even unto the end of the world.' From day 
 to day this saying assumed a deeper significance. ' I 
 will not leave you comfortless ; I will send you the 
 Holy Ghost to comfort you.' From age to age this 
 promise demanded its confirmation. And so, in the 
 fulness of time, the Church of Christ came forward 
 with the third great article of its creed : ' I believe in 
 the Holy Ghost, the Lord and Giver of hfe ; who pro- 
 ceedeth from the Father and the Son ; who with the 
 Father and the Son is worshipped and glorified ; who 
 spake by the prophets.' And thence it went on to pro- 
 claim the existence of the Church as of Divine appoint- 
 ment, — with all the graces and privileges which are 
 divmely vouchsafed to it, — as the pillar and ground of 
 truth, as the eternal witness to the faith, as having the 
 spirit of knowledge, and the promise that Jesus Christ 
 will be for ever with it. 
 
 Here, then, was a substitute for the visible presence 
 
144 LECTURE VII. 
 
 of Christ upon earth. Here was an answer to the 
 question, When will He appear? and how shall His 
 Church continue without Him ? His visible presence 
 is not required. His appearance may be indefinitely de- 
 layed. His faithful disciples shall ever have the witness 
 of His presence in their hearts by the indwelling of the 
 Holy Spirit. The world shall ever have the witness of 
 His existence in Heaven in the visible Church which 
 He has founded and protects and keeps for His own for 
 ever. The saints of God shall ever have the assurance 
 of His power throughout the history of religion, in 
 the record of the Divine operations contained in the 
 Holy Scripture : for He ' spake by the prophets.' 
 The Bible assures us that the Holy Spirit of God has 
 from the first inspired and fashioned this record of His 
 revelation of Himself; the manner, the extent of this 
 inspiration is a mystery to which the human mind has 
 no key ; the operations of the Holy Spirit are manifold 
 and diverse ; they act more or less upon all men ; they 
 tend to a Divine conclusion in all their manifestations ; 
 but we know not the how or the when, the whence or 
 the whither. They are compared to the wind, in- 
 visible and unsearchable, which bloweth where it 
 listeth. 
 
 But so it was, that when the heathen who had 
 sought in vain for a basis for his faith in the traditions 
 and speculations of old, turned to the Church of Christ, 
 and asked for the proofs and sanctions of its teachmgs, 
 he was directed to a Holy Book, a book of vast anti- 
 quity, of high pretensions to authority— a book which 
 
THE CITY OF GOD OX EARTH. 145 
 
 gave a plain and intelligible account of God's dealings 
 with the world — which pointed to the tokens of His 
 providence running through it — which evinced design 
 from one end to the other — which bespoke a unity of 
 purpose, and in the highest sense a unity of authorship 
 — which revealed a purer conception of God than any 
 known before, a higher law, a hoher idea of rehgion — 
 which sometimes in history, sometimes in prophecy, 
 sometimes in the character of individual men, again in 
 the waxing and waning fortunes of a people, betrayed 
 a thread of continuity, a sequence, an appointment, 
 such as men had yearned for and vainly imagined in 
 human affairs, but had never been able fully to realize. 
 The City of God took the place of the city of man, 
 and overlapped it on every side ; more ancient, more 
 extensive, and more enduring. The last and fondest, as 
 we have seen, of the heathen rehgions, had been the 
 behef in the divinity of Eome, of the Eoman Empire, 
 of the Eoman fortunes. Through many an age of 
 victory and triumph this faith had grown and flourished, 
 while stiU implicit and unavowed. It was in the 
 decline of the Pagan city that men seemed most fully 
 to realize its divinity, and cling to it most passionately. 
 Long did they struggle against defeats and disgraces, 
 against misgiving and despair. The faith of Christ was 
 already enthroned in the East ; half the empire had 
 been torn away from the city of the heathen. Still the 
 trembling votary fastened upon what remained — still 
 refused to hsten to the creed of Nicasa, proclaiming the 
 Church of the Holy Spirit as the true city of the 
 
 L 
 
146 LECTUEE VII. 
 
 Christians. Then at last in the fulness of time came 
 the assault of Alaric and the Goths ; the crumbhng of 
 the walls, the conflagration in the streets ; the abomi- 
 nation of desolation stood in the holy place of 
 heathendom ; the temples feU, the idols were broken, 
 the spell of ages was dissolved ; the Eomans ceased to 
 be a nation, and Eome the national deity had no more 
 worshippers for ever. 
 
 That was the moment to make a blessed impression 
 upon the mind of the heathen. Conversion was at 
 hand. The hour had come, and the man was not 
 wanting ; the man who should interpret and apply, 
 under God's providence, the teachings of the Holy 
 Spirit in Scripture. The manifestation of the City of 
 God by Augustine, the explanation of God's divine 
 appointments from the creation to the redemption of 
 man, was a fuU and final appeal to the conscience of the 
 inquiring heathens, the stricken and despairing votaries 
 of the discredited city of the Eomans. The manifes- 
 tation of the Holy Spirit of God working through all 
 time, by revelations to the patriarchs, kings, and 
 prophets of old, to the disciples of Jesus Christ in the 
 latter days ; — the manifestation of a church or spiritual 
 society, revealed to Abraham at Haran, latent in 
 Egypt, wandering in the desert, militant in Canaan, 
 triumphant in Jerusalem, captive in Babylon, oppressed 
 under the Syrians and the Eomans ; sustained by 
 heavenly food, by visions and inspirations, by miracles 
 and portents, by God's effective stay on the right 
 hand and on the left ; — of a church revived and sancti- 
 
THE CITY OP GOD IN HEAVEN. 147 
 
 lied by the special revelation and ministry of Jesus, 
 refined and purified, and brought ever nearer — aye, 
 into actual union with God ; expanded (once more) by 
 communication to the Gentiles, preached to all the 
 world, established in the high places and the low 
 places of the earth, tried by malice and envy, purged 
 by sufi^ering, confirmed and rooted by the storms of 
 persecution, protected through every trial, and against 
 all the powers of earth and hell, by a heavenly arm 
 which no believer could fail to recognise ; — this mani- 
 festation, I say, crowned as it was by a visible 
 completion under the first of the Christian emperors, 
 Avhen the Sancta Sophia, the Holy Wisdom of God, was 
 enshrined in the metropoKtan temple of the empire — 
 this manifestation established to the full behef and 
 satisfaction of men the existence of a city of God upon 
 earth. 
 
 And finally, he was encouraged to beheve that this 
 church or city upon earth was but the type and shadow 
 of the universal city of God in heaven, to which it led, 
 and in which it became absorbed and mingled. The 
 things that are seen became to his imagination shapes 
 and patterns of the hoher things that shall hereafter 
 be revealed. Such from the first was the mind of 
 Scripture, the sense of the divine revelation. When 
 the Psalmist proclaimed triumphantly of the city of the 
 children of Israel, ' Glorious things are spoken of thee, 
 city of God,' the Christian believes that he had a 
 further spiritual meaning, and that the holy city on the 
 hill of Zion was a type of the Church of the faithful of 
 
 t 2 
 
148 LECTURE VII. 
 
 all ages, transfigured into an abode ' incorruptible and 
 undefiled, reserved in heaven ' for them. And yet the 
 two cities are so closely joined together that he could 
 hardly separate one from the other in idea or in 
 language. ' We are come,' he would say in impetuous 
 anticipation, ' we are come unto Mount Zion, and unto 
 the city of the hving God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and 
 to an innumerable company of angels, to the general 
 assembly and church of the firstborn which are in 
 heaven, and to God the Judge of all, and to the spirits 
 of just men made perfect, and to Jesus the mediator 
 of the new covenant, and to the blood of sprinkling, 
 that speaketh better things than that of Abel.'^ 
 
 And there, according to the preaching of his great 
 teacher Augustine, — in that abode of beatified spirits, 
 the spirits of the just made perfect in life everlasting, — 
 ' there will true honour be denied to none deserving 
 it, accorded to none undeserving. There will be true 
 peace, where none will suffer harm either from himself 
 or from others. The reward of righteousness will be 
 He who Himself imparted righteousness, an'd who pro- 
 mised Himself, than whom there can be no gift better 
 or greater.' 
 
 For what else has He said by His prophet : ' I will 
 be to them a God, and they shall be to me a people : ' 
 what else but this : ' I will be that whereby they shall 
 be satisfied ; I will be all things that men righteously 
 desire ; life and health, and food and abundance, glory 
 
 1 Heb. xii. 22-24. 
 
GOD THE END OF ALL OUK DESIEES. 149 
 
 and honour, and peace and all things ? ' For so is that 
 rightly understood of the apostle ; ' that God may be 
 all in all.' He will be the end of aU our desires, who 
 win be seen Himself without end, will be loved without 
 satiety, wiU be praised without weariness. This affec- 
 tion, this business, this function of our being will be 
 common to vis all, hke hfe itself everlasting.' ' 
 
 > See Note G G. 
 
150 
 
 LECTURE VIII. 
 
 o>S<o 
 
 THE GODLY EXAMPLE OP THE CHRISTIANS COMPLETES 
 THE CONVERSION OF THE EMPIRE. 
 
 Acts xvii. 6. 
 
 These that have turned the world upside down are come 
 hither also, 
 
 I SHOWED in the last Lecture how the dogmas of the 
 Christian Church, set forth by the council of Nicsea, 
 rephed to the most urgent questions of the heathen on 
 spiritual matters, and offered to them assurance and 
 repose from intellectual perplexity. 
 
 What then remained that they should not be con- 
 verted and baptized mto the faith of Christ ? Their old 
 gods had failed them, and lo ! a new divinity was pre- 
 sented and recommended to them. There remained 
 that which must always remain at the bottom of all 
 religious questions, that condition of full belief and 
 acceptance which no reasonableness of doctrine, no 
 harmony of system, no hohness of moral precept can 
 alone fulfil ; — the tender and yearning soul of the 
 
THE ASPECT OF CHEISTIAN SOCIETY. 151 
 
 devout inquirer still requires the satisfaction of his 
 heart and conscience ; he demands to follow the doc- 
 trines in their results, to scan the precepts in their 
 effects, to observe the religion in action ; to know how 
 the professed revelation of God's will works practically 
 in the world. He wants to trace the operation of 
 inspired truth upon the heart and soul of the beHever, 
 and above all upon Has own soul by personal expe- 
 rience. He must know and feel the beauty of true 
 holiness, and learn where to find it, and how to attach 
 it to himself as an eternal possession. He must com- 
 prehend the spirit of that saying of the Apostle : ' Who- 
 soever shall confess that Jesus Christ is the Son of God, 
 God dwelleth in him, and he in God.' ^ 
 
 On bringing to a close the partial survey we have 
 taken of the conversion of the Empire to Christ, we 
 must now glance at the aspect of Christian society, as 
 it presented itself to the view of the still dubious and 
 hesitating heathen. The men who had turned the 
 world upside down had come to him, had found him 
 out, wherever he was, in the stronghold of his rehgion, 
 of his philosophy, of his pride, of his indifference. 
 They had come to him, and their importunity allowed 
 him no rest. Who and what manner of men were 
 they? 
 
 Now, we read in the 17th chapter of the Acts of the 
 Apostles, that when Paul and Silas crossed over from 
 Asia into Europe, and preached the Gospel in Thes- 
 
 ' 1 John iv. 15. 
 
152 LECTUKE VIII. 
 
 salonica, the first great city on this side of the Helles- 
 pont — and when some of those which consorted with 
 them believed — the Jews there residing, moved with 
 envy, gathered a company, made a tumult, drew some 
 of the brethren before the heathen rulers, crying, 
 ' These that have turned the world upside down are 
 come hither also. And these,' they contmued, ' all do 
 contrary to the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is 
 another king, one Jesus.' 
 
 To those who look back upon the history of Chris- 
 tianity, what irony appears in this passage ! How 
 peevish an exaggeration seems this cry in the mouth of 
 those who uttered it ! How little had the preachers 
 of the Gospel yet done ! How far were they from 
 turning the world upside down — from overthrowing 
 the beliefs of the time, from upsetting the deep-rooted 
 system of rehgious domination ; from unhinging the 
 conscience of the heathen world, even of that Eastern 
 world, the world of ancient creeds and philosophies, 
 from whence they had come ' hither,' to the West, to 
 make their first assault on the stedfast pohties of 
 Europe. What had they accomphshed hitherto ? In 
 a few cities of Asia they had impugned the national 
 behef of a handful of Jewish residents. In Jerusalem, 
 the home of the Jewish people and the Jewish creed, 
 their Founder had suiFered death for His temerity, their 
 preaching had been forbidden, they had been im- 
 prisoned, scourged, threatened with death, one or more 
 of their number had been stoned or beheaded ; their 
 doctrines were scorned, their manners and practices 
 
TIIE GOSPEL REJECTED AND MALIGNED. 153 
 
 maligned. Such success as they obtained was hmited 
 to alarming the consciences of a few only, and those 
 mostly of the lower sort, among the Jews, and casting 
 into the minds of speculative thinkers some germ of 
 doubt and suspicion of the will of Jehovah to save 
 Israel from her sins, and restore her political indepen- 
 dence. They had scattered here and there the seeds 
 of a spiritual interpretation of prophecy, and had led 
 one man or another to look for a spiritual realization 
 of their long-treasured promises of a new heaven and 
 a new earth, and a king from the loins of David, 
 namely one Jesus, a Saviour and Eedeemer of souls. 
 
 This was all they had yet effected, as far as human 
 vision could penetrate ! And how had they been re- 
 quited ? Wherever they had presented themselves with 
 the words of love and wisdom, they had been met with 
 insult and violence by the Jewish residents in heathen 
 cities ; the feehngs of the natives had been prejudiced 
 against them, they had been overborne with clamour, 
 the arm of the magistrate had been invoked to punish 
 them for the tumults insolently raised by their oppo- 
 nents. They had been driven from one city to flee to 
 the next. Never, surely, was there a charge more 
 grossly behed by the fact than this, at this time made 
 against them, that they had turned the world upside 
 down. They had only cast off its dust from their feet. 
 Nor more true was the further charge, more insidious, 
 more invidious, appended to it, that they ' did contrary 
 to the decrees of Csesar, saying that there was another 
 king, one Jesus.' 
 
154 LECTURE VIII. 
 
 Yet there was something strangely prophetic in these 
 charges. Far as they were from the truth at the time, 
 an era was coming when they might truly be alleged. 
 At the era of the council of Nicfea it was indeed true 
 that the Christians had, to use a figure well understood, 
 ' turned the world upside down ; ' that they had pro- 
 claimed another king, another polity, a temporal rule 
 under a new sanction ; that the whole framework of 
 the heathen state was overthrown through their 
 preaching, and a new city estabhshed, the law of which 
 was God's law, the faith of which was God's truth, the 
 chief of which received his unction from the Holy One, 
 and bowed his knee to Jesus, as King of kuigs and Lord 
 of lords. 
 
 What manner of men, then, it might fairly now be 
 asked, were these who had thus turned the world upside 
 down ? What was the law and rule of life through 
 which they had done such great things ? 
 
 It was none other but this, as declared of old by the 
 Apostle : 
 
 ' This I say therefore, and testify in the Lord, that 
 ye henceforth walk not as other Gentiles walk, in the 
 vanity of their mind, having the understanding darkened, 
 being ahenated from the life of God through the 
 ignorance that is in them, because of the bhndness of 
 their heart : who being past feehng have given them- 
 selves over unto lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness 
 with greediness. But ye have not so learned Christ ; 
 if so be that ye have been taught by Him, as the 
 truth is in Jesus : that ye put off concerning the former 
 
THE MORAL EXAMPLE OF THE CHRISTIANS. 155 
 
 conversation the old man, which is corrupt according 
 to the deceitful lusts ; and be renewed in the spirit of 
 your mind ; and that ye put on the new man, which 
 after God is created in righteousness and true hohness.' 
 . . . . And so after practical exhortations to divers 
 acts of holy living — ' Be ye kind one to another, 
 forgiving one another, even as God for Christ's sake 
 hath forgiven you.' ^ 
 
 And how were the Christians seen to carry out this 
 divine morality ? The Apologists may answer ; Justin 
 and Tertullian and the rest ; who writing on the spur 
 of actual exigency, replied to the current calumnies of 
 the day, and retorted upon the slanderers of the Chris- 
 tian Church with truths manifest to all, and which 
 could not be gainsaid. The hves of the behevers were 
 for the most part exemplary amidst the seething cor- 
 ruption of the times. The heathens, whose conscience, 
 as we have seen, was roused to feel the enormity of 
 their own conduct, and of the famihar vices which had 
 become ingrained in them, but who had not courage 
 or constancy to reform themselves, to expel the devil 
 who had taken possession of their own hearts, might 
 behold in the Christians the example and pattern which 
 they sighed for. They remarked among them sobriety 
 in the midst of moral and sensual intoxication ; chastity 
 in the midst of flagrant and allowed licentiousness ; 
 good faith, where to betray a trust and deny a deposit 
 was the rule and habit of society ; forbearance, where 
 
 ' Ephes. iv. 17-24, 32. 
 
156 LECTUEE VIII. 
 
 hate and vengeance were commonly approved and 
 sanctioned ; kindness and charity one towards another ; 
 almsgiving and collecting for the necessities of the 
 saints ; tending in sickness, even to the foundation of 
 charitable hospitals, an institution unknown to the 
 selfishness of the heathens ; redeeming of captives ; 
 burying of the dead ; courage in the midst of pestilence 
 and contagion ; the fostering care of the community 
 extended to the infants and the aged ; regard for the 
 sanctity of human hfe, as the image of the source and 
 parent of all life ; love to man as the child of God the 
 Father. And more particularly they might remark that 
 parental affection, too often violated in those selfish 
 days, which shrank with horror from the custom of 
 exposing children, and devoted itself with resolution 
 and industry to the task of providing for the pledge of 
 God's love in marriage, instead of fleeing basely from 
 the burden imposed by it. And further, the heathen 
 might remark with admiration the firmness of the 
 brethren in rehnquishing many modes of profitable 
 employment which were deemed incompatible with the 
 Christian profession ; their boldness in the confession 
 of their faith in the face of the persecutors ; in refusing 
 compliance with the forms and usages of the heathen 
 rehgion, with the demand to sacrifice to idols, to swear 
 by the name of the Emperor, to wear the chaplet of 
 the triumphant soldier, to bear the banner of the 
 Pagan army. And finally, they might regard with awe 
 the patience of the Christian martyrs ; their constancy 
 under torments, their self-devotion unto death, their 
 imphcit reliance on the spiritual promises of their 
 
THE CARE OF CIIRISTIAISr MORALITY. 157 
 
 Master, who seemed even in death and torments to kn- 
 part to them a portion of His own divine endurance.^ 
 
 Such was the outward bearing of the individual 
 Christian, such the character of his society, patent to 
 the observation of the incredulous world around it. 
 
 And such the heathen, proud and incredulous as he 
 was, himself acknowledged it, in the well-known letter 
 of Pliny, — the first Christian apology, as it has been 
 called ; when with every wish to find reasonable ground 
 for the complaints advanced against the Christians, he 
 could on the strictest inquiry discover none ; when the 
 slanders of the wicked resolved themselves on examina- 
 tion into a confession of their innocence, and the curse 
 was changed into a blessing. They used, it was found, 
 to meet together on certain days ; theyjoined in a hymn 
 of praise to Christ their God ; they bound one another, 
 not to the commission of any crime, but to refrain 
 from theft, from adultery, to keep their promises and 
 hold their pledges sacred ; they partook of a simple 
 meal in common, a meal of charity and sobriety. And 
 hence the crowning eulogium which another heathen 
 was constrained to pass upon them : ' See how these 
 Christians love one another.' 
 
 JSTor were these outward tokens of purity and 
 hohness merely casual and variable. The heathen 
 indeed might judge them by the signs which were 
 apparent only, by outward phenomena ; but the 
 Christian knew the law by which these phenomena 
 were regulated. The Christian could appeal to rules 
 
 1 See Note 1 1. 
 
153 LECTURE VIII. 
 
 and public institutions, wHcli became a standing 
 guarantee of the fixedness of these practical graces. 
 The institution of baptism was a pledge, given in the 
 face of the Church, given before jealous witnesses, that 
 the behever once initiated, once received, should keep 
 to the uttermost every promise then made by him. 
 Baptism was a sacrament, a vow pledged to the 
 highest authority, to God Himself through His ap- 
 pointed ministers ; a vow such as the Eoman felt the 
 full force of, which brought to his imagination the 
 holiest sanctions of his own rehgious ritual. Giving 
 his hand to the bishop or minister, the candidate for 
 admission to the Christian covenant declared aloud his 
 renunciation of the devil, the world, and the flesh ; his 
 abjuration of all heathen ceremonies, of the idols and 
 demons of the heathen hierarchy. He separated 
 himself from the kingdom of the Evil One, and came 
 over to the dominion of Christ ; he swore to be His 
 soldier and servant, as the Eoman legionary swore 
 obedience to his military chief. He swore to abandon, 
 vdth God's grace, the lust^s of the rebelhous flesh, to 
 lead a holy and a Christian hfe, after the rule of the 
 Church and the Gospels, after the teaching of the 
 Apostles, after the pattern of Christ Himself He 
 presented his forehead to the laver of regeneration ; he 
 bowed under the sign of the cross ; he rose again in 
 newness of hfe, in the assurance of a special grace 
 imparted by the Holy Spirit of God, by which every 
 moral stain was purged away, and remission of his 
 sins had been granted to him. All this he said, he 
 
THE SACRAMENTS OF THE CHURCH. 159 
 
 promised, he imagined, he felt, in the face of the 
 assembled behevers, with the full assurance of excom- 
 munication here, if he should fail to keep his vow, and 
 of final perdition hereafter. 
 
 And further, he acknowledged that to will and to 
 do all these things required not only grace and strength 
 imparted at the moment, but constant refreshment and 
 renewal from a divine source of strength and vigour. 
 The law and system of his Church iaformed him where 
 to look for this support, and how to secure it. The 
 "Word of God was given him to study, access to God 
 was given him in prayer, he might open his heart to 
 his Maker and receive Him therein as to a private 
 shrine and a special sanctuary. But no private com- 
 munion with the Invisible, no mystical union with 
 Him, no ascetic devotion, no seclusion from the world 
 could release him from the duty of using and applying 
 to his own particular case the public and general 
 means of grace by seeking Christ in His own temple, 
 at His own, altar, in the elements of an eucharistic 
 meal at which His presence was specially vouchsafed, 
 in the midst of the congregation of believers like him- 
 self. The Christian then beheved — and we believe it 
 now — that at such eucharistic communions a special 
 virtue and grace were imparted to the faithful com- 
 municant. He beheved in the presence of Jesus 
 Christ in His temple, upon His altar, in the elements of 
 bread and wine. And even the heathen, who cared 
 not perhaps to inquire into the idea of the Christian 
 mysteries, — who would hesitate no doubt to accept 
 
160 LECTUEB VIII. 
 
 the Christian rule and theory — could not fail to see 
 in this behef thus publicly avowed — in the vows 
 of hohness by which it was accompanied thus publicly 
 ratified — ^in this sacramental act of faith and obedience, 
 so congenial to its own spiritual aspirations, thus from 
 age to age continued and repeated — an assurance that 
 the obligations thereby imposed were not lightly under- 
 taken, and would by none be Hghtly disregarded. 
 
 The sacraments, then, of the Christian Church were 
 a pledge to the heathen of the sincerity and trust- 
 worthiness of the Christian votaries. When the 
 heathen beheld or heard speak of them he began to 
 know something of the men who had turned the 
 world upside down, who had put faith in the place 
 of materialism, hope in the place of desperation, love 
 in the place of selfish and sensual corruption — and 
 how they had done so, and why they had done so. 
 He felt, moreover, the assurance that they would 
 persevere, and continue to do so more and more unto 
 the end. 
 
 The core of their whole system was plainly the 
 behef in Christ's personality. This it was that gave 
 strength, cohesion, and permanence to the whole fabric 
 of Christian faith and practice. In Holy Scripture the 
 believer read of the Lord Jesus as the author and 
 finisher of his faith ; in every office of the Church he 
 recognised Him as the great object of his worship ; 
 every sermon spoke of Him, every hymn was addressed 
 to Him, every prayer was made through Him. He 
 was the Way, and the Truth, and the Life. He was a 
 
COMMUNION WITH GOD. 161 
 
 perfect model of holy living ; a perfect example of all 
 goodness. The Christian could turn from the abstract 
 conception of virtue recommended by the cold rhetoric 
 of the philosophers, to the incarnation of all virtue in 
 the hfe and practice of the blessed Jesus. And when 
 he was dazzled by such brilliancy, when he fainted in 
 spirit at the contemplation of so inimitable a pattern, 
 when his head swam with sickness at the thought of 
 his own weakness and insufficiency, he was invited to 
 come week by week, day by day, to the commemora- 
 tion of the one sufficient sacrifice, to the holy com- 
 munion of the faithful with one another, and with Him 
 of whom they all spiritually partook and were strength- 
 ened. In their hearts this Jesus the Eedeemer, with 
 His Spirit the Sanctifier, was gloriously enthroned. 
 They acknowledged by this act of obedience the king- 
 ship and rule which He exercised over them. They 
 beheved that He had ah authority over men's souls 
 given to Him of the Father. They called Him their 
 king, and themselves His people. Of His kingdom 
 there should be no end : of the glory which they 
 should inherit in communion with Him in heaven, 
 far above all the powers and principahties of the 
 Gentile world, there should be no limit in time or 
 eternity, — no defect in its circle, no shadow on its 
 brightness. 
 
 They knew, and therefore they believed. They did not 
 need the upsetting of the domination of the world to 
 convince them of their future rule and glory with Him. 
 To the last moment, — to the day of the battle of the 
 
 M 
 
1C2 LECTUKE VIII. 
 
 Milvian bridge and the whelming of their last per- 
 secutor in the waters, — to the eve of the Decree of 
 of Milan, and the estabUshment of their Church in 
 security and honour, — they dreamt not of the fall of the 
 heathen empire upon earth ; and when it came, their 
 first thought was that the frame of human society was 
 loosened, and about to faU utterly in pieces. To the 
 last they expected no conversion of Cassar unto Christ ; 
 no setting up of a Christian emperor over the nations of 
 the world. ' God,' said Tertulhan, ' would long smce 
 have converted Cassar to His faith, if the world could 
 have existed without the Cassar, or Christians could 
 have been Cgesars themselves.' ^ The heathens them- 
 selves were not more perplexed by the conversion of 
 Constantine than the Christians. The Church was 
 taken by surprise, — it was put out in its calculations, — 
 confined in its prospects, — baffled, I beheve, in some 
 of its dearest and most spiritual anticipations. This 
 event threw back the near-expected millennium into the 
 ilhmitable future. The pohtical estabhshment of the 
 Church of Christ proved no unmixed good to the faith 
 of Christ ; and doubtless there were many good 
 Christians who regarded it with pious apprehension. 
 So far were the behevers from wilfully setting up 
 another Ceesar in Jesus. 
 
 Nevertheless the time had come for the public con- 
 fession in the world of the Lord Jesus Christ whom 
 Pilate had crucified. God's designs were to be 
 
 ' Tertullian, Apol. c. 21. 
 
I^INAL INVITATION TO THE HEATHENS. 163 
 
 accomplished, and His ways are not as our ways, nor 
 can His ends be measured by our notions of expediency 
 or fitness. The confession of Christ's spiritual kingship 
 was to be extended to the aclinowledgment of His pre- 
 eminence over the kings and rulers of this world also. 
 The believers had passed fi-om city to city, preach- 
 ing the eternal kingdom of the anointed Son of God. 
 They had been misunderstood, slandered, persecuted ; 
 they had been accused of turning the world upside 
 down, with all its pohtical combinations ; of rejecting 
 the laws of the empire, and setting up another ruler in 
 the place of Cassar ; while in fact the vital principle of 
 their faith had resided in the stedfastness with which 
 they clung to a purely spiritual idea, and shrank from 
 minghng it vsdth any temporal alloy. This self-denial, 
 this shnphcity of purpose had now reaped its reward. 
 The graces of the Christian had shone brighter from 
 the effort. The slanders of the heathen had been 
 converted into actual truth. At the meeting of the 
 fathers of the church at Nicsea the heathen were for the 
 first time solemnly invited to see the men who had 
 thus turned the world upside down, and had set up by 
 the hands of their champion Constantine another law, 
 another rule, a new order of political hfe. We have 
 traced through various channels the preparation for the 
 Gospel which had been long in progress in the minds 
 of the heathen : the disruption of their old creeds 
 and intellectual bonds — the extinction of their famihar 
 prejudices — the awakening of many new moral senses, 
 the sense of spiritual equality, the sense of sin, of a 
 
 M 2 
 
164 LECTURE VIII. 
 
 need for a Eedeemer, of a fearful and desperate ap- 
 prehension of their lost and hapless condition. Again 
 we have seen how the dogmas of the Christian creed, 
 now at last discovered to them, might precisely meet 
 the demands of the latest heathen speculation ; and 
 to-day we have observed, still further, how the 
 character of the Christian hfe and conduct might 
 reassure them in their last moments of hesitation, and 
 complete the golden proof of the descent of Christianity 
 from God. Thus they were prepared on all sides. 
 Gently the Holy Spirit had trained and manipulated 
 them, and they stood like spirits imprisoned waiting for 
 the word of God to set them free. A word, a touch, 
 an invisible impulse, a breath of sympathy from the 
 source of life everlasting, might kindle their imagina- 
 tions as with fire, and set their hearts aglow with holy 
 flame. And the awful suspense of that central moment, 
 the solemn issues pending, the suddenness with which 
 the blessed movement should be at last communicated, 
 and the confession of Christ imperiously extorted — the 
 final triumph of faith over the sluggish scruples of the 
 understanding — all this is indicated to my mind by a 
 striking incident recorded at the time, by a story of 
 individual conversion which betokens, as it were, in a 
 single typical instance, the operation of the Holy Spirit 
 diffused at one moment in the hearts of millions. 
 
 ' Hearken to me, philosopher,' said a Christian 
 divine to one who hovered, wondering and perplexed, 
 about the footsteps of the fathers as they marched 
 tiiumphantly to the council ; ' hearken in the name of 
 
CONVEESION OF THE EMPIKB. 165 
 
 Jesus Christ. There is one only God, Creator of the 
 heavens and the earth, and of all things visible and 
 invisible. He has made everything by the power of 
 His Word, and estabhshed all by the sanctity of His 
 Spirit. This Word is He vsrhom we call the Son of 
 God ; who taking pity on the errors of men, and their 
 way of life, like that of the beasts which perish, has 
 deigned to be born of a woman, to dwell among us, 
 and to die for us. He will come again as a Judge of 
 all their deeds upon earth, as a Puiiisher and a Ee- 
 warder. Behold simply the sum of oiu- behef Seek 
 not with pain and anxiety for the proof of things 
 which faith only can reahze, nor for the reason of their 
 existence. Say only, Wilt thou believe ? The philo- 
 sopher trembled and stammered, ''I believe.'" ^ 
 
 And so it was with the heathens generally. The case 
 of this individual inquirer is a type of the heathen 
 society, gasping for spiritual Hfe. In this story we 
 read, as in a myth, the conversion of the Eoman 
 Empire. Argument and conjecture, testimony and 
 proof, had been accumulated from generation to genera- 
 tion ; the decision of mankind was trembling in the 
 balance. Then came the last touching appeal to the 
 court of final resort, to the heart, to the source of all 
 spiritual faith. God was in it ; the world beheved ; 
 the Eoman Empire was converted. 
 
 Nor is the history of this splendid conversion with- 
 out its application to ourselves. It is, as I have shown, 
 
 • See Note K K. 
 
lee LECTURE VIII. 
 
 on a grand and general scale, the history of many an 
 individual conversion. It shows how God even now 
 works on the heart of the natural man ; for every man 
 is by nature a heathen. Every man has his innate 
 pride, his fancied claims upon God, his complacent 
 self-reUance in spiritual things ; every man fashions a 
 God or Idol of his own, after his own heart,. and 
 adapted to his own conceit. Every man has an 
 inveterate hankering after material things, and rises 
 with pain and weariness to the conception of the 
 spiritual ; can hardly retain his hold of it, if he has in 
 any vdse attained to it. But let fear or sorrow awaken 
 the sense of sin in him, a sense by God's mercy not 
 difficult to awaken in most men, and the whole man is 
 changed. Alarm and agony take possession of him, he 
 will do anything, he imagines anything, that may seem 
 to offer a prospect of salvation. He rushes to the 
 extreme of superstition and fanaticism, to vsdld and 
 gloomy practices, to magical arts, to purifications by 
 blood, to self-torture and immolation. To restore the 
 balance of his mind he requires the stay of pure and 
 simple doctrine ; — a knowledge of God and of the true 
 means of grace in Him, founded upon a historical 
 basis ; something firm to grasp, stable to rest upon ; 
 something to fill the heart, to feed the imagination, to 
 satisfy the understanding. He wants something that he 
 can feel, and at the same time something that he can 
 reason about. Christianity offers him an exercise for 
 the moral, the intellectual, and the spiritual faculty. 
 It is abundant in consolation, fruitful in argument, 
 
CONVERSION OF THE INDIVIDUAL SINNEE. 167 
 
 overflowing in its apprehension of the divine. It is 
 what every tender and pious soul would wish to make 
 its own by believing. Then let him finally trace it in 
 its results. Let him examine what it has effected on 
 the souls of men, as far as his vision can penetrate, and 
 this is but skin deep ; what it is now doing ; what it 
 promises to do in him and in all men ; what love, 
 what holiness, what resignation, what hope it produces ! 
 The Hves of Christians have been ever the last and 
 surest argument for Christianity. This completed he 
 conversion of the Empire : this completes day by day 
 the conversion of the worldling and the sinner. It de- 
 fies criticism ; it transcends philosophy. It leads direct 
 to the throne of God, to the source of all moral good- 
 ness and holiness, and reveals the object of our faith, 
 the Author of every good and perfect gift, in whose 
 image we are made, in whose righteousness we trust 
 hereafter to be clothed. Faith in Him, thus revealed to 
 the imagination, will calm the last fluttering tumult of 
 the soul, and rock us asleep in the bosom of our 
 Eedeemer. And such is the blessed end to which the 
 sacred record leads us, in words which breathe a strain 
 of heavenly music, wafted onward from age to age, from 
 generation to generation : ' But ye, beloved, buildmg 
 up yourselves on your most holy faith, praying to the 
 Holy Ghost, keep yourselves in the love of God, 
 looking for the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ unto 
 eternal hfe.'^ 
 
 ' Jude 20, 21. 
 
NOTES. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 Note A, page 11. 
 
 The language used by Caesar, Cato, and Cicero, in the debate 
 on the punishment of the Catilinarian conspirators, has drawn 
 the marked attention of inquirers into the religious opinions 
 of the ancients. Among others, Warburton made great use 
 of it to enforce his opinion that the students of heathen phi- 
 losophy were universally disbelievers in a future state of 
 retribution, although from prudential motives, legislators and 
 statesmen generally combined to uphold one. More recently. 
 Lord Brougham, in his ' Discourse on Natural Theology,' re- 
 ferred to it in discussing Warburton's views on the general 
 question, and elicited a shrewd and accurate review of the 
 debate before us from Dr. Turton. ' I will state,' says the 
 last-named writer, ' as briefly as possible, the circumstances 
 of the case. The question proposed to the senate was, " What 
 should be done, with regard to those of the agents in Cajii- 
 line's conspiracy, who were in custody ? " Julius Silanus, as 
 consul elect, spoke first, and was of opinion that they should 
 be put to death. Csesar, who, it will be recollected, was an 
 Epicurean, dwelt upon their deeds as crimes to which no suf- 
 ferings that could be devised would be adequate ; represented 
 death as, in cases of grief and wretchedness, the termination 
 of sorrows, not the exacerbation — all the ills of life being 
 dissipated by that event, beyond which there was neither trou- 
 ble nor joy ; and recommended the severest punishment that 
 was consistent with the continuance of life. 
 
172 NOTES. 
 
 ["Equidem sic existumo, Patres conscripti, omnes cmciatus 
 minores quam facinora illorum esse : . . . De poena possumus 
 equidem dicere id quod res habet : in luctu atque miseriis mortem 
 cerumnarum requiem non cruciatum esse : eam cimcta mortalium 
 mala dissolvere : ultra neque curse neque gaudii locum esse." — 
 Sallust, Bell. Catil. c. 51. 
 
 ' Cato, a Stoic — in a speech also given by Sallust — men- 
 tioned, -with commendation of the manner and no dislike of 
 the matter, Csesar's dissertation on life and death; slightly 
 observing that he supposed Caesar to consider as false the 
 things that were reported of the infernal regions ; namely, the 
 separation of the good from the bad, who were consigned to 
 places abounding in everything disagreeable and horrible. 
 
 [" Bene et composite C. Caesar paulo ante in hoc ordine de vita et 
 morte disseruit ; falsa, credo, existumans, quae de inferis memorantur ; 
 diverso itinera malos a bonis loca tetra, inculta, foeda atque formi- 
 dolosa habere " {Sallust, c. 52). I trace the irony of the speaker in 
 the words, " bene et composite," still more in the parenthetic 
 " credo." Plutarch supplies other instances of what I have called 
 Cato's humour. See in the Life chapters 12, 21, 24, and 46.] 
 
 ' So far we have depended upon the authority of Sallust, and 
 notwithstanding the " Sallustian style " [BroughaTn's Dis- 
 course, p. 286] in which he has reported the speeches of Caesar 
 and of Cato, there is ample reason to believe that he has accu- 
 rately given the substance of what was spoken. Let us now 
 turn to the orations of Cicero, and see what information can 
 be gathered from that great master of the academic school, in 
 his own style. In the course of his address he mentions the 
 two opinions which had been delivered: the one enforcing 
 death, the other the severest punishment in this life : the 
 former, as demanded by the danger to which the Roman 
 people had been exposed ; the latter, as being more efficacious 
 than death, which was not ordained for punishment at all. 
 He goes on to describe Ceesar's plan, as subjecting those mis- 
 creants to chains and imprisonment and poverty and despair, 
 as leaving them nothing but life — which being taken away, 
 
NOTES. 173 
 
 they would be freed from the punishment of their wickedness. 
 So that, by way of terror to the evil, the ancients were of 
 opinion that some punishments should be assigned to the 
 impious in the infernal regions, conceiving that, without such 
 punishments, death would not be an object of dread. 
 
 [" Video dnas adliuc esse sententias : unam D. Silani, qui censet, 
 eos, qui heec delere conati sunt, morte esse multandos : alteram C. 
 Csesaris, qui mortis poenam removet, cspterorum suppliciorum omnes 
 acerbitates amplectitur. . . Alter eos, qui nos omnes, qui po- 
 pulum Eomanum vita privare conati sunt, qui delere imperium, 
 qui populi Eomani nomen exstinguere, punctum temporis frui vita 
 ethoccommunispiritu non putat oportere. . . . Alter intelligit 
 mortem a Dis immortalibus non esse supplicii causa constitutam ; 
 sed aut necessitatem naturse, aut laborum ac miseriarum quietem 
 esse. . . Itaque ut aliqua in vita formido improbis esset posita, 
 apud inferos ejusmodi qusedam illi antiqui supplicia impiis consti- 
 tuta esse voluerunt, quod, videlicet intelligebant, bis remotis, non 
 esse mortem ipsam pertimescendam. " — Cicero in Catil. iv. 4. 5.j 
 
 ' We see, then, how completely Sallust's account of the 
 debate is confirmed by Cicero's oration, as preserved in his 
 own works. . . . We see, also, with what indifference the 
 avowal of Caesar's Epicurean disbelief of a future retribution 
 was treated in the Roman Senate. Considered simply as a 
 matter of religion, it seems not to have been deemed worthy 
 of a remark,' &c. &c. — Turton, Natural Theology considered, 
 &c., 1836, p. 320, fol. 
 
 Plutarch, I may add, in stating the conflicting opinion of 
 Csesar and Cato, and mentioning the curious fact that Cicero 
 had provided means of having Cato's speech taken down by 
 reporters for dispersion among the citizens, makes no reference 
 to the religious bearing of their arguments. This may tend 
 to show the indifference of the audience to the expression of 
 sceptical views on such subjects, but it can by no means 
 invalidate the substantial correctness of Sallust's report, con- 
 firmed as it is by the comment of Cicero himself. Sallust 
 was about twenty-three at this period, and had not yet ap- 
 parently entered upon his public career or attained a seat iu 
 
174 NOTES. 
 
 the Senate ; but he was a party man, intimate with the public 
 characters of the day, and an adherent of CiBsar's. Csesar 
 and Sallust, it may be said, were of the party of progress, 
 and it was their policy, as well as their temper, to unsettle 
 the foundations of national prejudice and usage : but at the 
 same time, it will be remembered, Lucretius, the friend of 
 Memmius, the client and poet of the nobility, flung into the 
 world his daring manifesto of unbelief, a work which marks 
 in itself an era in the progress of free thought and expression 
 among the Romans. The entire denial of a Deity, a Provi- 
 dence, a spiritual nature in man, or a moral purpose in crea- 
 tion, in the rhapsody ' De Eerum Natura,' is exactly analogous 
 to Caesar's declaration against a future retribution ; while the 
 strange inconsistency of the poet's address to Venus, the 
 Mother of the Romans, the Delight of gods and men, the 
 favourite of Mars, the divine source of life, is not less analo- 
 gous to the inconsistent position assumed by Csesar as a 
 materialist in philosophy and a minister of religion. I shall 
 have occasion to say more, in subsequent lectures, of the 
 opinions of the heathen at Rome on the subject of Divine 
 retribution. Here I wish chiefly to point out the licence of 
 speech and thought regarding it, and the indifference with 
 which sceptical views on the subject of a future life would 
 be regarded at least by the iipper classes of the Empire. 
 
 Note B, page 19. 
 
 The principal texts referred to occur in the Life of Con- 
 stantino by Eusebius Pamphilus (iii. 7), and the ecclesiastical 
 histories of the same Eusebius, of Socrates (i. 11), of Sozo- 
 men (i. 18), of Rufinus, and Theodoret. I have borrowed 
 from De Broglie's vivid grouping of the council in his L'Eglise 
 et VEmfire Roviain (ch. iv.). 
 
 It should be remarked that the object of the Council of 
 Nicsea, in regard to the settling of dogma, was not to establish, 
 as is sometimes loosely said, the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, 
 
NOTES. 175 
 
 but to determine the position of the Divine Son in the scheme 
 of revelation. The actual symbol subscribed at Nicasa, after 
 asserting the various articles of our 'Nicene Creed,' as far as 
 relates to the Father and the Son, terminates with a single 
 additional article: 'I believe in the Holy Ghost.' The 
 articles which define the character and functions of the third 
 person in the Trinity, and those which follow to the end of 
 our received formula, were added towards the end of the 
 century at the Council of Constantinople, A.d. 381 ; but, as 
 forming the accredited complement of the Creed of Nicasa, 
 and popularly considered as included in it, I have not hesi- 
 tated to cite them also as a substantive portion of the symbol 
 in question. They serve to complete and bring out in strong 
 relief the contrast to which I point between the scepticism of 
 the Pagan and the dogmatism of the Christian assembly. 
 
 The text of the creed, as authorized at Nicsea, is given by 
 Socrates, Hist. Eccl. i. 8 : — 
 
 ' Ilia-Tsvo/j,sv els eva 6sov, Traripa -rravroKpaTopa, Trdvrcov 
 oparSiV T£ KoX dopdraiv iroit^rrjv. 
 
 ' Kat sis sva K.vpiov 'li](70vv ^picnov, tov iiiov rov 6sov • 
 ysvvriOsvTa sk tov iraTpbs fiovoyevfj • tout' 'iarw, ek ttjs ovaias 
 TOV irarpos, 6sov sk 6sov koL (p&s sk (fxoTos, 0s6v dXrjBivov sk 
 6sov dK7)6iVOv' lyswTjOsvTa ov irovrjOsvTa, ofioovaiov too Trarpi' 
 Bi ov TO, TTavra sjsvsto, rd rs sv toj ovpavm koI ra sv ry yfj. At' 
 rj/j.ds Toiis dvOpwTTOvs km Bid rrjv '^fiSTspav a^auijpiav KarsX- 
 BovTU, KoX aapKoodevTa, kol svavdpwirrja'avTa' tradovTa, koL 
 dvaardvra ry TpiTrj yfiepa, dvsXOovra sis roiis ovpavoiis, spx°~ 
 fisvov KpLvai ^(ovras koX vsupovs. 
 
 ' Kal sis TO dyiov TrveO/ia.' 
 
 To which was appended an explanatory statement, con- 
 cluding with an anathema : — 
 
 ' Toils Ss XsyovTas, on tjv ttots ots ovk yjv ' koX irplv ysvvrjOrjvai 
 ovK yv • KOI oTi s^ OVK ovTccv syivsTO ' ^ s^ kripas vTToaTdasMs rj 
 ovaias (j>d(TKOVTas slvav fj ktkttov, fj Tpsirrov, rj dXKoicoTov tov 
 viov TOV 0SOV' dvaOsiMXTll^si fj ay la KaOoXiKr] Kal d-TTOCTToXiKr] 
 SKKXrjaia.' 
 
no NOTES. 
 
 Note C, page 25. 
 
 I distinguish here between the conception of a Future State, 
 as pretended to be revealed in the ancient mythology, and 
 such as the philosophers might represent to themselves from 
 the light of reason or imagination. Undoubtedly the com- 
 mon sentiment of mankind demands a belief in a future 
 Eetribution, and such we find to have been the teaching of 
 the earliest mythological systems of Paganism. Such a belief 
 is implied repeatedly in casual expressions of Homer, and is 
 more positively declared in his description of Elysium and 
 Tartarus. Nevertheless, when he sets himself deliberately to 
 give an account of the infernal regions, his views become at 
 once confused, and his picture of the state of the blessed is 
 little less gloomy than that of the punishment of the wicked. 
 This gloom is evidently a reflection of his own perplexity, 
 and the painful feelings it naturally produced. As long as 
 the Pagans could refrain from thinking on this subject, they 
 might acquiesce implicitly in the mythological teaching ; but 
 this otiose assent vanished immediately when they began to 
 reflect, and to draw logical inferences from the bare outlines of 
 their traditional creed. The poets, to whom the fantastic 
 stories of the popular religion furnished inexhaustible attrac- 
 tions, continued long to foster this unreflecting belief or 
 acquiescence, and the common language of the people would 
 still longer retain the tone of ages of a more real faith ; but 
 the philosophers meanwhile discarded without reserve the 
 fables of the ancient mythology, and generally lost their grasp 
 altogether of the idea which lay at the bottom of them. The 
 positive side of their tenets on the subject of a future life will 
 be referred to in another place. I believe there will be no 
 question as to the truth of the statement in the text of the 
 general unbelief of the educated people in Greece and Eome. 
 The well-known passage in which Juvenal is often supposed 
 to rebuke the discredit into which the mythological creed had 
 fallen, seems to me, on the contrary, to show that in his view 
 and that of the classes he addressed, not only the ancient 
 
NOTES 177 
 
 Hades was a fable, but the ground-idea of a future retribution 
 was equally baseless. See Sat. ii. 149 : 
 
 ' Esse aliquid manes, et subterranea regna, 
 Et contum et Stygio ranas sub gurgite nigras, 
 Atque una transire vadum tot millia cymba, 
 Nee pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum asre lavantur : 
 Sed tu vera puta : Curius quid sentit et ambo 
 Soipiadse,' &c. 
 
 'Puta,' I conceiye, both from the common use of the ex- 
 pression, and from the analogy of the writer's teaching else- 
 where, can only mean, 'But suppose them true!' Juvenal 
 not only rejects the superstition of the vulgar, but is at a loss 
 to refer to any more hopeful ground from reason or revelation 
 for inculcating a religious belief in a future retribution at all. 
 Throughout his moral teaching he is consistent in confining 
 his views to temporal rewards and punishments only. 
 
 'Dans les classes cultivees les mythes du Tartare et de 
 I'Elysee etaient traites de fables absurdes ; un materialisme 
 grossier ne de I'Epicurisme, ou bien une resignation orgueil- 
 leuse k I'aneantissement produite par le Pantheisme stoicien, 
 parfois un reve platonicien ou plutot oriental de metempsy- 
 cose, telles etaient les croyances predominantes parmis les 
 paiens eclaires.' — Pressense, Hist, des Trois Premiers Siedes 
 de VEglise Chretienne, 2e serie, i. 111. 
 
 Note D, Page 27. 
 
 The ceremony of lustrating the city by a procession of the 
 priests of the four great colleges (quatuor summa vel amplis- 
 sima collegia), namely, the Pontifices, Augures, Quindecimviri, 
 and Septemviri or Epulones, to whom, in the Imperial times, 
 were added the Augustales, occurs frequently in the early 
 history of Rome, on the occasion of disasters to be expiated 
 or averted. The Supplication was a solemnity of similar 
 import, and of still more frequent occurrence : in the one the 
 procession made a circuit of the space to which the lustration 
 or expiation was to be applied ; in the other the images of 
 
 N 
 
178 XOTES. 
 
 certain deities were carried from shrine to slirine, with hymns, 
 sacrifices, and other formalities. Both these ceremonies were 
 resorted to under the empire, as we read in Tacitus, Annal. 
 iii. 64 ; xiii. 24 ; Hist. i. 87 ; iv. 53. 
 
 I refer in the text to a lustration of the city which seems 
 to have taken place in the culminating period of Eoman 
 irreligion, on the alarm at Csesar's crossing the Eubicon. The 
 historian, Appian {Bell. Civ. ii. 36), says simply: svxal Ss, 
 (OS sirl (po^epoif, -TrpovypdcpovTo. I see no reason to doubt 
 that Lucan follows a genuine tradition when he paraphrases 
 this statement with a rhetorical description of a lustration of 
 the city, such as he may himself have witnessed about an 
 hundred years later, a.d. 56, in the reign of Nero. (Tac. Ann. 
 xiii. 24). ' Urbem Princeps lustravit ex response haruspicum, 
 quod Jovis ac Minerva sedes' (the Capitol) ' de ccelo tactae.' 
 Lucan's representation of the ceremony which took place on 
 such solemn occasions is ample and vivid, Pharsalia, i. 
 592, foil. 
 
 ' Mox jiibet et totam pavidis a civibus Urbem 
 Ambiri, et festo purgantes mcenia lustre 
 Longa per extremes pomoeria cingere fines 
 Pontifioes, sacri quibus est permissa potestas. 
 Turba minor ritu seqtdtur succincta Gabino, 
 Vestalemque chornm ducit vittata sacerdos, 
 Trojanam soli ctii fas vidisse Minervam. 
 Turn qui fata defim secretaque carmina servant, 
 Et lotam parvo revocant Almone Cybeben ; 
 Et doctus volucres Augur servare smistras ; 
 Septemviitjue epulis festis, Titiique sodales ; 
 Et Salius lEeto portans ancilia cello ; 
 Et toUens apicem generoso vertice Flamen.' 
 
 It may be interesting to compare this poetic description 
 with the prose narration of what was doubtless a very similar 
 solemnity by Tacitus, Hist. iv. 53 (a.d. 70). 
 
 ' Curam restituendi Capitolii in L. Vestinum confert. . . . 
 Undecimo calendas Junias, serena luce, spatium omne, quod 
 templo dicabatur, evinctum vittis coronisque. Ingressi mili- 
 
KOTES. 179 
 
 tes, quis fausta nomina, felicibus ramis : dein virgiaes Vestales, 
 cum pueris puellisque patrimis matrimisque, aqua vivis e 
 fontibus amnibusque hausta perluere. Turn Helvidius Pris- 
 cus praetor, prseeunte Plautio ^liano pontifice, lustrata suove- 
 taurilibus area et super csespitem redditis extis, Jovem, 
 Junonem, Minervam prsesidesque imperii deos precatus, uti 
 ccBpta prosperarentj sedesque suas pietate hominum inchoatas 
 divina ope attoUerent, vittas quis b'gatus lapis innexique funes 
 erant contigit. Simul ceteri magistratus et sacerdotes et 
 senatus et eques et magna pars populi, studio Isetitiaque con- 
 nixi, saxum ingens traxere ; passimque injectae fundamentis 
 argenti aurique stipes, et metallorum primitise nuUis forna- 
 cibus victffi, sed ut gignuntur.' 
 
 Note E, Page 39. 
 
 Lactantius, InstitutionuTn divin., vii. 6 : — 
 'Nunc totam rationem brevi circumscriptione signemns. 
 Idcirco mundus factus est, ut nascamur : ideo nascimur, ut 
 agnoscamus factorem mundi ac nostri Deum : ideo agnosci- 
 mus, ut colamus ; ideo colimus, ut immortalitatem pro labo- 
 rum mercede capiamus, quoniam maximis laboribus cultus 
 Dei constat : ideo prsemio immortalitatis adficimur, ut similes 
 angelis effecti, suramo patri ac domino in perpetuum servia- 
 mus, et simus agternum Deo regnum. Hsec summa rerum 
 est, hoc arcanum Dei, hoc mysterium mundi, a quo sunt 
 alieni, qui, sequentes praesentem voluptatem, terrestribus et 
 fragilibus se bonis addixerunt, et animas ad coelestia genitas 
 suavitatibus mortiferis, tanquam luto ccenove demerserunt. 
 Quaeramus nunc vicissim, an in cultu Deorum ratio uUa 
 subsistat: qui si multi sunt, si ideo tantum ab hominibus 
 coluntur, ut prsestent illis opes, victorias, honores, quseque alia 
 non nisi ad praesens valent ; si sine causa gignimur ; si in 
 hominibus procreandis providentia nulla versatur; si casu 
 nobismetipsis ac voluptatis nostrae gratia nascimur ; si nihil 
 post mortem sumus : quid potest esse tam supervacuum, tarn 
 inane, tam vanum, quam humana res, et quam mundus ipse ; 
 
 H 2 
 
ISO NOTES. 
 
 — qui, quum sit mcredibili magnitudine, tam mirabili ratione 
 constructus, tamen rebus ineptis vacet ? Cur enim -ventorum 
 spiritus citent nubes, cur emicent fulgura, tonitrua mugiant, 
 irabres cadant, ut fruges terra prodiicat, ut varies foetus 
 alat ; cur denique omnis natura rerum laboret, ne quid desit 
 earum rerum, quibus vita hominis sustinetur, si est inanis, si 
 ad nihilum interimus, si nihil est in nobis majoris emolu- 
 menti Deo ? Quod si est dictu nefas, nee putandum est fieri 
 posse, ut non ob aliquam maximam rationem fuerit consti- 
 tutum quod videas maxima ratione constare ; quae potest esse 
 ratio in his erroribus pravarum religionum, et in hac persua- 
 sione philosophorum, qua putant animas interire ? Profecto 
 nulla.' 
 
 Note F, Page 43. 
 
 M. Denis, in his Histoire des Theories et Idees Morales 
 dans VAntiquiU (i. p. 149), thus describes the spiritual 
 deity conceived by Plato : — ■ 
 
 (1.) ' Au-dessus du monde sensible, I'esprit conpoit neces- 
 sairement un autre raonde, celui des intelligibles ou des Idees, 
 et au sommet du monde des Idees brille d'une eternelle splen- 
 dure ridee du bien, d'oii toutes les autres emanent. Le 
 bien, dit Platon, est fort au-dessus de I'essence en perfection 
 et en dignite ; le bien n'est point la verite ni I'intelligence : il 
 en est le pere. De meme que le soleil, qui est I'image visible 
 du bien, regne sur ce monde qu'il eclaire et qu'il vivifie : de 
 meme le bien, dont le soleil n'est que I'ouvrage, r^gne sur le 
 monde intelligible, qu'il enfante en vertu de son inepuisable 
 fecondite. Le bien, c'est Dieu meme dans ce qu'il a de plus 
 essentiel. C'est vers cette perfection souveraine que la raison 
 s'elance; c'est a cette beaute infinie que I'amour aspire. 
 "Beaute merveilleuse," s'ecrie Platon, "beaute eternelle, 
 increee, imperissable, exempte d'accroissement et de diminu- 
 tion ; . . . beaute qui n'a rien de sensible, ni de corporel, comme 
 des mains ou un visage ; qui ne reside pas dans un etre diffe- 
 rent d'elle-meme, dans la terre, dans le ciel, ou dans toute 
 autre chose, mais qui existe eternellement et absolument en 
 
NOTES. 181 
 
 elle-meme et par elle-meme ; beaute de laquelle toutes les 
 autres beautes participent, sans que leur naissance ou levir 
 destruction lui apporte la moindre diminution ou le moindre 
 accroissement, et la modifie en quoi que ce soit," ' &c. Com- 
 pare among many other passages Convivium, p. 211 ; Ti- 
 mceus, 28, 29, 30, 37. 
 
 (2.) Of God's Providence. Denis, p. 150 :— ' Si telle est la 
 nature de Dieu, on peut juger de son action sur I'univers. 
 C'est lui qui a fait ce bel ordre visible que nous appelons le 
 monde. ... II I'a done fait selon son intelligence et selon 
 sa bonte ; I'oeil toujours fixe sur les idees ou sur le modele 
 eternel et immuable, il a partout introduit I'ordre, la mesure, 
 le nombre et I'harmonie. ... Si Dieu conserve, soutient et 
 gouverne ce monde, peut-on croire qu'il ne s'inquiete pas de 
 la partie la plus divine de son ouvrage, de celle qui certaine- 
 ment vient de lui quant a sa substance, lors meme que tout 
 le reste ne viendrait pas ? Non. . . . Sage simplement par 
 rapport aux objets sensibles, Dieu est juste par rapport aux 
 esprits. Nous avons deja vu comment il est le principe de la 
 justice est de la loi. Mais se pourrait-il qu'il negligeat ceux 
 qui se conferment a ses decrets eternels, et qui, en obeissant a 
 la justice, s'efforcent de lui ressembler ? Quiconque est juste 
 doit Stre heureux, . . . mais en voyant des hommes violents 
 et impies s'elever de la plus basse condition jusqu'aux plus 
 hautes dignites et meme jusqu'a la tyrannic, ne voulant pas 
 accuser Dieu de ces desordres, nous en venons a penser qu'a 
 M verite Dieu existe, mais qu'il dedaigne de s'occuper des 
 affaires humaines. Les apparences nous dejoivent, et nous 
 ne voyons pas quel terrible tribut ces hommes heureux doivent 
 un jour payer a I'ordre general.' — Plato, Leges, p. 716 ; comp. 
 pp. 889, 906 ; Meno, pp. 99, 100. 
 
 (3.) Plato seems to have augured the possibility of a future 
 state of retribution, rather than to have insisted on it as a 
 certain or probable fact. When he says^ as in the ' Laws,' 
 p. 716, that divine justice always follows those who fall short 
 of the divine law, he may regard punishments in this life 
 rather than in another. The use he makes of the mytho- 
 
182 NOTES. 
 
 logical fables of Elysium and Tartarus seems to imply a con- 
 sciousness that he could not appeal to the reason of mankind 
 on the subject, and must content himself with working on 
 their feelings. 
 
 'Quoi qu'il en soit/ says M. Denis, p. 160, 'il est evident 
 que I'immortalite de I'ame est necessaire a sa morale. Aussi 
 ses dialogues sont-ils pleins d'allusions aux biens et aux maux 
 que la justice de Dieu reserve a nos vertus ou a nos vices. 
 "Lorsque I'ame," dit-il dans les 'Lois,' "a fait des progres mar- 
 ques, soit dans le bien, soit dans le mal, par une volonte ferme 
 et soutenue ; si c'est dans le bien et qu'elle se soit attachee a la 
 divine vertu jusqu'a en devenir divine comme elle, alors 
 elle repoit de grandes distinctions, et du lieu qu'elle occupe, 
 elle passe dans une autre demeure toute sainte et bienheu- 
 reuse ; si elle a vecu dans le vice, elle va habiter une demeure 
 conforme a son etat. Ni toi, ni qui que ce soit, ne pourra 
 jamais se vanter de s'etre soustrait a cet ordre fait pour etre 
 observe plus inviolablement qu'aucun autre, et qu'il faut 
 infiniment respecter. Tu ne lui echapperas jamais, quand tu 
 serais assez petit pour penetrer jusqu'aux abimes de la terre, 
 ni quand tu serais assez grand pour t'elever jusqu'au ciel." 
 II est impossible d'affirmer plus fortement cette verite ; mais 
 Platon ne la traite guere, en general, que comme une ample 
 matiere a de beaux mythes poetiques.' 
 
 (3.) On the duty of Eepentance. Denis, p. 104: — 'Ne 
 considerez, toutefois, que le fond des idees, et vous verrez 
 que Platon a le premier etabli la necessite morale de la peni- 
 tence, dont le christianisme a fait depuis un de ses dogmes. 
 II faut que nous soyons punis de nos fautes ; et ce n'est pas 
 moins notre interSt que notre devoir de courir au devant de 
 la justice irrit^e, de nous exposer a ses reproches et a ses 
 chatiments, de retablir par la penitence la sante de I'ame 
 corrompue par le peche : voila ce que preche le christianisme ; 
 voila ce que Platon enseignait quatre siecles avant Christ. 
 Mais la verite, telle que le philosophe la presente, ne salt 
 point se preter a notre faiblesse et compatir a notre neant. 
 Le dirai-je ? Emanation du plus pur spiritualisme, cette verite 
 
NOTES. 183 
 
 conserve encore, au moins dans I'expression de Platon, quelque 
 chose du materialisme des anciens ages. Le philosophe semble 
 plus regarder aux peines physiques qu'a la contrition du coeur, 
 qui seule constitue la vraie penitence. On dirait qu'il crai- 
 gnait de n'etre point compris des esprits materiels de son temps. 
 Mais, sous quelque forme qu'elle se presente, la verite est la 
 verite, et Ton ne saurait trop admirer de rencontrer au sortir 
 de la Sophistique, et dans la corruption des Grecs, une morale 
 si hardie, si profonde, et si austere.' 
 
 In the Gorgias (p. 480) Plato enjoins the criminal to accuse 
 himself to the judge : — 
 
 ' 'Eav 8s ys aSiKTjar] rj avTos »; aXXos 7is (hv av KT^Brjrai, aiirov 
 SKOvra livai eksicts, ottov as Ta^tara hdnasi Blkyjv, irapa rov 
 St/cao'Trjv, SxTTTSp TTapa tov larpov, airsvhovra ottoos (jlt) iy^po- 
 viaOsv TO vourjjxa TTJi dSiKias vttovXov Trjv yjrvxrjv iroirjcrst, Kal 
 avLarov.' 
 
 (4.) Under the name of Justice, Plato enjoins the practice 
 of love and charity towards our neighbours in terms which 
 deserve to be placed alongside of our Christian teaching. 
 Denis, p. 99 : — ' Platon rejette toutes les definitions de la 
 justice, qui avaient cours dans la philosophie grecque ; non 
 seulement celle des Sophistes qui mettaient la justice dans le 
 droit du plus fort, mais encore cette definition en apparence 
 si raisonnable, qu'il faut rendre a chacun ce qui lui est dii. 
 Elle lui parait digne non d'un sage, mais d'un Periandre, 
 d'un Xerxes, ou de tout autre tyran. Avec quelle force il 
 montre qu'elle revient a dire qu'il faut faire du bien a ses 
 amis, du mal a ses ennemis ! Veut-on dire simplement qu'il 
 faut faire du bien aux bons et du mal aux mechants ? Et 
 quoi ! est-il d'un juste de faire du mal a un homme quel qu'il 
 soit ? N'est-ce done pas une necessite que ceux a qui I'on fait 
 du mal. deviennent pires par cela meme ? L'homme juste ne 
 doit-il pas, au contraire, servir jusqu'a ses ennemis, et ra- 
 mener les mechants au bien par sa vertu ? ' Comp. Republ., 
 i. pp. 331-336, and other places. 
 
184 NOTES. 
 
 Note G-, Page 44. 
 
 M. Denis, i. 144: — ' On aimerait quePlaton fut alle plus loin, 
 et qu'aii lieu de s'arreter a la Grrece, sa pensee se fut etendue 
 a I'humanite. Mais s'il declare que les Grrecs sont naturelle- 
 ment amis, et qu'ils sont unis par la fraternite du sang, il 
 declare aussi qu'ils sont naturellement etrangers et ennemis 
 a regard des barbares. Sans partager absolument les pre- 
 juges de ses compatriotes a I'egard des etrangers, tout en soute- 
 nant que le roi de Perse est au moins aussi noble que le pins 
 noble des Grecs, que les Egyptiens sont les plus sages des 
 mortels, et qu'on trouve aussi des hommes vraiment divins 
 chez les barbares, il accepte pourtant la division grecque de 
 notre espece en deux parties naturellement hostiles ; et si Ton 
 rencontre chez lui I'amour non de telle ou telle cite, mais de 
 Ja patrie, il est impossible d'y trouver I'amour de I'humanite.' 
 Compare the Republic, v. p. 470 : — 
 
 ' ^Tjfu <yap TO fisv 'EXX.r}viKov ysvos avro avrw oIkslov eivai 
 Koi ^vyysvas, tw Ss ^ap/3apiKa) oOvsiov t£ koL dWorpiov. . . . 
 "^Wrjvas f^EV apa jBap^dpois, koX ^ap^dpovs"EXXT]ai iroKefieiv 
 fia-XpfiSvovs T£ <f>^ao/x£v, koi woXsfiiovs (jivasi sivai. . . "EWt;- 
 vas Bi ' EWj^crty brav Ti toiovto Bpcoin, (pvcrsL fisv (piXovs slvai, 
 voasiv hs sv tw tolovtw ttjv 'EWdBa Kal aTCKTid^siv.' 
 
 And further, i. 373 :— 
 
 'Platon, non plus qu'Aristote, ne conpoit de republique 
 que s'il I'enferme dans una certaine enceinte ; il lui faut pour 
 cela un lieu convenable et de son choix ; il veut qu'il n'y ait 
 dans son Etat imaginaire que dix mille citoyens comme a 
 Sparte.' 
 
 Note H, Page 45. 
 
 The views of Aristotle with regard to slavery are thus 
 summed up by Wallon, Hist, de VEsdavage dans VAnti- 
 quite, i. 372 foil. :— 
 
 ' L'Etat, selon la definition d'Aristote, est une societe com- 
 posee de telle sorte qu'elle trouve en elle de quoi sufEre a 
 
NOTES. 185 
 
 toutes les necessites de la vie . . . Ainsi va se marquer, dans 
 la masse des hommes qui le composent necessairement, ime 
 ligne de partage nettement tracee. D'un cote, le citoyen 
 accomplissant a lui seul la destination de la cite, tendant au 
 bonheur par la vertu au sein du loisir; et de I'autre, des 
 hommes dont le seul but parait etre de rendre aux citoyens 
 ces loisirs possibles : pour I'agriculture et I'industrie, des 
 laboureurs et des artisans, pour le service prive des esclaves. 
 
 ' Cette organisation necessaire a I'Etat ainsi conpue, Aristote 
 la retrouve jusque dans la famille, jusque dans la nature 
 meme de I'homme. Car I'homme est ne sociable, II n'est 
 done complet que dans I'association domestique; et cette 
 association comprend trois etres : I'homme qui commande la 
 famille, la femme qui la perpetue, et I'esclave qui la sert. 
 Supprimez une de ces trois lignes d'un triangle, et le triangle 
 n'est plus ; de meme I'esclave est en quelque sorte un troisieme 
 cote de I'homme ; supprimez-le, et vous n'avez plus I'homme ; 
 I'homme en societe, c'est a dire, I'homme vrai. Mais la 
 relation d'esclave a maitre ne se trouve pas seulement dans 
 la constitution de I'homme sociable, dans la famille, Aristote 
 la decouvre jusque dans le fond meme de I'homme individu : 
 c'est le rapport du corps a I'ame. L'esclave est un corps, et 
 I'idee finit par en passer dans le langage : on I'appela pure- 
 ment et simplement corps, aatfj.a.'' 
 
 For the essential difference between the master and the 
 slave, as Aristotle conceived it, see the whole of the second 
 chapter of the first book of the Politica. Compare, for 
 instance: — 
 
 ' ^vasi fisv ovv Siatpiarai ro S7]Xv koI to SovXov . , , 
 ovTco <yap av a-TroTskolro KoXXiaTa TOiv opydvwv SKaarov, fit) 
 iroWois spyois aXX' ivl SovXsvov. 'Ev 8s rois ^ap^dpois to 
 6i)\v Kal SovXov TTjV avTrjV £;^et Ta^iV a'iriov Ss, on to (pvcrsi 
 dpj(pv oiiK 'ixpvcriv, aXXa yiyvsTai f) K0iva>via avTcbv SovXtjs Kal 
 SovXov. Aio (paffiv 01 TTOirjTai' Jiap^dpwv 8" EiXXrjvas dp'^SLV 
 sIkos • as TavTo (f)vasi ^dp^apov Kal SovXov ov. 
 
 ' 'Avdy/cr] yap elval Tivas (pdvai Toiis fisv TravTa-xov SovXovs, 
 Tovs S' ovSa/xov . . . d^iovcri yap, wairep if dvOpcowou 
 
186 NOTES. 
 
 avOpmiTov Kol sk 9^pia>v ysveaOai S^ijptov, ovrai KoX i^ ayaOwv 
 dyadov. , . . "Ort fisv ovv s^si Ttz/a Xoyov rj d/J.(j}tcr^r]TT]a-i,s, 
 Kai slaiv ol fisv (pvaat SovXoi, ol S sKsvOspoi, SrjXov.' 
 
 The inextricable difficulties in which this theory involved 
 him must appear at first sight, and are well stated by Wallon : 
 — ' Mais, en admettant qu'il y ait un esclavage naturel, de 
 quel appui serait-il a I'esclavage comme il est constitue dans 
 la societe ? ' &c. 
 
 M. Troplong {De I'lnfiuence du Christianisme sur le 
 Droit Romain, i. ch. iv. — a book of which I shall have to 
 speak again) thus compares the views of Plato and Aristotle 
 on the subject of slavery : — ' Platon disait : " Si un citoyen tue 
 son esclave, la loi declare le meurtrier exempt de peine, 
 pourvu qu'il se purifie par des expiations ; mais si un esclave 
 tue son maitre, on lui fait subir tous les traitements qu'on 
 juge a propos, pourvu qu'on ne lui laisse pas la vie." Aristote 
 allait plus loin, s'il est possible, dans sa theorie de I'esclavage. 
 " II y a peu de difference dans les services que I'homme tire 
 de I'esclave et de I'animal. La nature meme le veut, 
 puisqu'elle fait les corps des hommes libres differents de 
 ceux des esclaves ; donnant aux uns la force qui convient a 
 leur destination, et aux autres une stature droite et elevee." 
 Puis I'illustre philosophe conclut ainsi : — " II est done evident 
 que les uns sont naturellement libres, et les autres naturelle- 
 ment esclaves, et que, pour ces derniers, I'esclavage est aussi 
 utile qu'il est juste." {Politic, i. 2.) Ainsi I'esclavage est de 
 droit naturel; il trouve sa legitimite dans la justice et la na- 
 ture : telle est la doctrine qu' Aristote expose sans objection.' 
 
 Note I, Page 48. 
 
 Plutarch (or Pseudo-Plutarch), De Alexandri M. Virtute 
 aut Fortuna, i. 6 : — ■ 
 
 ' Oil yhp, as 'Api<TTOTs\r]s avvs^ovksvsv avTw, roh /jlsv "EX- 
 Xrjcnv riyBfioviKMS, Tols Ss jSap^dpois Bso-ttotikws xP^H-^vos' 
 Kol T&v fisv d)s (jiiXcov Koi oIkbIcdv eTTifjusXav/xevos, tow Se ms 
 ^mois fj (pvTols, Trpoa-^spofievos, 'TroKsfj.oiroi&v <f>vyS)v evsirXriaB 
 
NOTKS. 187 
 
 Kai aracrscov vtrovKwv ttjv rjys/j,oviav, dWa Koivbs tjksiv BsoOsu 
 apfjLOtTTrjS Koi SiaWaKTrjs tmv oXwv vofil^cov, ovs Ta> Xoyw firj 
 auvfiys, Tols birXois ^la^ofisvos, sis to ainb avvsvs'yKcbv rh, irav- 
 Ta'xpdsv, Mcnrsp sv Kparrjpi (j)i\,OT'r]aia), fii^as Toiis ^covs Koi 
 ja f)d7], Kai Toiis ydfiovs Kal Siairas, "TrarpiSa fj,iv ttjv olKovfisvrjv 
 nrpoaira^av ■^ysiadai, iravras, uKpoivoXiv he Kal ^povpav to 
 arpaTOTTsSov, avyysvsis 8s Toiif dya$ovs, dWocpvXovs Bs rovf 
 iTOvripovs' TO 6e '^XKtivikov km, ^ap^apiKov fir} ')(\afivhi,, firjhs 
 ttsXtti, firjBs aKLvdicrj, (mtjBs KavBvl Siopi^stv, dWa to fisv 'EXXr}- 
 viKov dpsTT}, TO Sg ^ap^apiKov KaKoa rsKfialpsadai " KOivds hs rds 
 iaOrJTas Tjyslcrdai koi rpairs^as, Kal ydjiovs Kal Biacras, Bi 
 aifjiaTOS Kai tskviov dvaKSpavvvfisvovs.^ 
 
 If this treatise is not by Plutarch himself, it breathes the 
 spirit of his age and of his views of history. It regards the 
 character of Alexander's conquest from the point of a much 
 later generation, and of a liberal and humane" philosophy. 
 It judges of Alexander's policy from a comprehensive view 
 of the effects it produced, and ascribes, fondly perhaps, to the 
 man, a deliberate intention of which he may have had no 
 conception. The earlier historians of Alexander, and Livy, 
 who acutely criticizes his military character, indulged ap- 
 parently in no such imaginations regarding him. Whether 
 they were right or wrong in describing him as a mere 
 conqueror need not be considered here. In any case the 
 effect of his conquest was the same, and we may acknowledge 
 our obligation to the author of the treatise before us, for 
 calling attention to it in his own fashion. 
 
 Note J, Page 51. 
 
 I transcribe a passage from Denis (Idees Morales, &c., i. 
 369), in which he signalizes the effect of the Macedonian 
 conquest on the speculations of Greek philosophy, and 
 especially of the Stoic : — 
 
 ' Alexandre avait essaye de faire un seul peuple des Grrecs 
 et des barbares, et de les unir dans une vaste communaute de 
 
1S8 NOTES. 
 
 droits, d'interets, de langage, et de civilisation. Le Stoicism e 
 semble avoir herite de I'esprit universel qui animait le heros 
 dans sa conquete. Je le sais, I'idee seule de I'honnete pouvait 
 conduire un esprit juste et rigoureux a concevoir I'unite du 
 genre humain, et tous les devoirs ou les droits qui en derivent. 
 Car lorsqu'on n'apprecie les hommes que par leur capacite 
 naturelle pour la vertu, toutes les distinctions et toutes les 
 inegalites disparaissent : il n'y a plus de Grrecs ni de barbares, 
 de maitres ni d'esclaves ; il n'y a que des etres raisonnables 
 qui, possedant tous la liberte a un egal degre, sont tous 
 soumis a la meme loi universelle. Mais pourquoi Zenon, 
 qui n'etait peut-etre qu'un esprit mediocre, a-t-il eu des vues 
 plus larges et plus humaines que les grands esprits qui 
 I'avaient precede ? C'est que, pour tirer les consequences 
 du principe moral, il n'avait pas besoin de faire violence a 
 ses prejuges, ni de s'elever beaucoup au-dessus de la realite : 
 il lui sufSsait, au contraire, d'ouvrir les yeux et de regarder 
 les faits. 
 
 ' A cette epoque, un G-rec retrouvait partout la Grece, sur 
 les cotes de I'ltalie meridionale, en Sicile, a Pergame, a 
 Alexandrie, a Seleucie, a Babylone, dans une partie de 
 I'Europe, et presque dans toute I'Asie jusqu'aux bords du 
 Gange et de I'lndus. II pouvait done se croire a juste titre 
 non plus citoyen de Sparte ou d'Athenes, mais citoyen de 
 I'univers. La vanite pouvait encore le separer du barbare ; 
 mais les haines et les animosites, qui entretenaient aupara- 
 vant les prejuges nationaux, s'eteignaient de plus en plus 
 dans un commerce et des relations de tous les jours. On vit 
 bientot, jusque dans les ecoles des philosophes, une image de 
 cette societe melee qui venait de toutes les contrees de la terre. 
 Comme toutes les conditions se rencontraient dans le Portique 
 et que, selon le mot de Timon, " une nuee de Penestes ou de 
 serfs et de gueux," tels que le manoeuvre Cleanthe et I'es- 
 clave Persee, s'y pressaient a cote des citoyens les plus riches 
 et les mieux nes : de meme on voyait a cote des vrais Grecs 
 une foule d'bommes de toute nation, partis de Tyr, de 
 Carthage, d'Alexandrie, ou d'Antioche pour se former dans 
 
NOTES. 189 
 
 Ath^nes a la sagesse hellenique. Le fondateur du Stoicisme 
 n'etait lui-meme qu'un etranger, et ses ennemis lui repro- 
 chaient sottement son origine phenicienne. Les hommes, 
 jusqu'alors separes les uns des autres par la distance ou par 
 la haine, se rencontraient enfin pacifiquement et apprenaient 
 a se connaitre. La verite et la vertu ne paraissaient plus en- 
 fermees dans les homes d'une cite ou d'une nation; Ton 
 racontait mille merveilles sur les moeurs, sur les lois, sur la 
 religion et sur la philosopLie des peuples lointains, qu'avait 
 a peine entrevues les compagnons d' Alexandre; on allait 
 meme jusqu'a rabaisser la science des Grrecs devant la 
 sagesse de ces Indiens, dent les austerites remplissaient 
 Zenon d' admiration, et dont le mepris pour la vie lui faisait 
 dire qu'un Brachmane, mourant tranquillement sur le bucher, 
 lui en apprenait plus sur. la patience et sur le courage que 
 toutes les argumentations des philosopbes. La fusion entre 
 les idees commenpait avec la fusion entre les peuples : les 
 Grrecs retrouvaient, ou croyaient retrouver, partout le berceau 
 de leurs dieux et de leurs croyances ; et deja lejuif Aristobule, 
 dont I'exemple devait etre suivi par tant d'Orientaux, alterait 
 et la Bible et les dogmes de la philosophic grecque, pour 
 demontrer qu'Aristote, Platon et Pythagore n'avaient fait 
 que piller Moise et les prophfetes. Le cosmopolitisme etait 
 partout, mais obscur et indecis encore comme les vagues 
 pressentiments de I'instinct. II devint une theorie aussi 
 claire que fortement arretee sous les mains de Zenon et de 
 ses disciples. Mais ce n'etait, je le repute, qu'une con- 
 sequence naturelle des grands evenements qui venaient de 
 changer la face du monde. Alexandre avait voulu, dans sa 
 gigantesque entreprise, faire du monde entier un seul empire, 
 et malgre la mort qui vint si vite interrompre ses desseins, 
 malgre le demembrement de sa conquete, il avait jusqu'a un 
 certain point reussi : il avait laisse la Gr^ce dans I'Asie, le 
 mouvement dans I'immobilite, la vie dans la mort, la 
 civilisation dans la barbarie. L'audace du conquerant a 
 passe dans les speculations des philosopbes : Zenon, lui aussi, 
 medite une republique universelle, la grande republique des 
 
mo NOTES. 
 
 intelligences, avec Dieu pour maitre, et sa pensee eternelle 
 pour conduite et pour loi. 
 
 ' Que la republique de Platen, ce reve si vante, est loin de 
 la grandeur d'une telle conception ! ' As far, one might 
 say, as in its historic development, the national Church of 
 Judaism from the Catholic Church of Christendom. 
 
 M. Denis, after the manner of the French school of 
 history, assumes without question Alexander's personal aims 
 and aspirations. On this difficult subject a soberer criticism 
 will perhaps suspend its judgment. The effect of his 
 conquests is undeniable, whatever views or no views we may 
 attribute to the conqueror himself. Droysen, after writing 
 the political history of the successors of Alexander, has 
 entered on the great subject to which it naturally leads, and 
 in his Geschichte des Hellenismus promises to unfold in all 
 their magnificence the features of the momentous social 
 revolution which followed upon Alexander's conquests, and 
 formed the most general preparation for the reception of 
 Christianity. 
 
 Note K, Page 54. 
 
 I quote again from M. Denis, from whom I have borrowed 
 this contrast between Plato (with whom I class the Stoics and 
 others who derived from him) and the earlier philosophers 
 {Idees Morales, i. p. 126) : — 
 
 'Qu'on remue tant qu'on voudra les institutions et les 
 mcEurs de la Grece, on n'y trouvera jamais la trace des 
 speculations presque mystiques de Platon. Meme si on le 
 compare a Xenophon et a Socrate, non plus aux idees popu- 
 laires, mais aux doctrines philosophiques, quelle profonde 
 difference ! Ce qui fait le prix de la temperance aux yeux 
 de Socrate et de Xenophon, c'est qu'elle nous met a meme 
 d'agir virilement ; ce qui en fait le prix pour Platon, c'est 
 qu'elle nous detache du corps et de la terre. Le couracre tel 
 que le conpoit Socrate, a pour but de nous procurer I'empire, 
 ou tout au moins la liberte. II n'est pour Platon que le 
 
NOTES. 191 
 
 complement de la temperance, qui nous apprend a mourir an 
 corps, au monde et a nous-memes. Je sais que Socrate, en 
 tant que ptilosophe, estimait surtout dans la temperance et 
 le courage la liberte interieure qu'ils nous assurent. Mais 
 aurait-il compris, et son bon sens aurait-il approuve ce que 
 Platon appall e si energiquement la meditation de la mort? 
 Ce qu'il J avait dans Socrate de plus original apr^s son carac- 
 tere, c'etaient ses idees sur la sagease et sur I'amour ; mais 
 qu'elles paraissent timides et terre a terre a cote de celles de 
 son el^ve ! II ne suffit pas a Platon de comprendre ce qu'il 
 y a de rationnel dans la nature de I'homme et dans celle 
 de I'univers ; il aspire a la vision face a face du divin. 
 L'amour n'est plus pour lui cette amitie qui doit unir les 
 hommes par les liens de la vertu et des bienfaits ; c'est la 
 passion de I'Eternel, regret d'un monde meilleur, et pressenti- 
 ment de notre future immortalite. Ces idees et ces aspira- 
 tions paraissent si etranges dans un Grrec, qu'on croit partout 
 y reconnaitre inspiration de I'Orient.' 
 
 The relations of Plato with Zoroaster and the Brahmins 
 are matters of conjecture only ; but of the influence of these 
 and other teachers upon the later Grreek philosophy of Zeno 
 and his successors there can be no question. 
 
 Note L, Page 55. 
 
 I would not be supposed to merge Judaism in the mass of 
 national religions to which this language may be justly 
 applied. The circumstances which render the Eevelation to 
 the Jews essentially a religion by itself, however similar in 
 some outward features to the common type of the Heathen 
 cults, require, and have often received, special and separate 
 treatment. One great and vital distinction between them is 
 that Judaism, alone as far as we learn, presents the character 
 of an exclusive national religion, combined with the worship 
 of one Grod. All Heathen nations believed in their own god 
 or gods as peculiar to themselves, and opposed to other gods 
 of their enemies. There are numerous traces, indeed, of a 
 
192 NOTES. 
 
 tendency among the Jews to this false but attractive concep- 
 tion ; but it is distinctly repudiated by the real genius of the 
 Mosaic Eevelation. I find this remark in Colani's Jesus- 
 Christ et Us Croyances Messianiques, p. 3 : — 
 
 ' La grande originalite des Israelites consiste precisement 
 en ceci, qu'ils ont cru avec une egale energie a I'unite de 
 I'Etre divin et a sa predilection pour leur race : il n'y a 
 d'autre Dieu que Jehova, et Jehova a fait une alliance eternelle 
 avec Jacob. La conviction etonnante qu'ont eue certains 
 hommes d etre si bien elus du Tr^s-Haut qu'Il n'aurait pu se 
 passer d'eux, le peuple juif I'a eue, en tant que peuple.' • 
 
 Note M, Page 59. 
 
 On the opinions of the Stoics regarding the Future Life, I 
 refer again to Denis {Idees Morales, i. 359): — 
 
 ' Doit-on ajouter a cette morale religieuse le dogme de 
 I'immortalite de I'ame. Si je ne me trompe, les Stoiciens, 
 tant ceux de la seconde dpoque que ceux de la premiere, 
 n'ont jamais insiste fortement sur cette idee consolante. 
 Caton se tue en lisant le Phedon de Platon, et non pas un 
 livre de quelqu'un de ses bons amis les Stoiciens. Epictete, 
 Marc-Aurele et Seneque ne parle qu'incidemment, et non 
 pas meme sans reserve, de I'immortalite. Jamais lis n'en font 
 le but et 1' encouragement de la vertu. On ne pent cependant 
 douter qu'ils ne I'aient admise, je ne dis pas comme une 
 opinion etablie et fermement arretee, mais au moins comme 
 une grande et belle esperance. Parmi les principaux repre- 
 sentants du Portique, Panetius est le seul qui nous soit 
 signale comme niant toute espece de vie future, malgre sa 
 predilection pour Platon. . . . Quant aux autres Stoi- 
 ciens, leurs opinions peuvent sembler etranges, mais elles 
 indiquent evidemment la permanence possible de I'ame. " lis 
 avanpait," nous dit Ciceron, " que les ames continuent a exister 
 apr^s qu'elles sont sorties du corps, mais qu'elles ne doivent 
 point toujours durer, nous gratifiant ainsi non de I'immor- 
 talite, mais d'une longue vie, a peu pres comme des corneilles." 
 
NOTES.. 193 
 
 Diog^ne notis explique ces mots de Ciceron. Selon lui, 
 Cleantlie pensait que les ames se conservent jusqu'a la 
 conflagration du monde, c'est-a-dire, jusqu'au moment ou 
 I'univers rentre dans le sein de Jupiter d'oti il est sorti, de 
 sorte que toutes les ames, celles des hommes et celles des 
 dieux, doivent un jour se perdre et s'aneantir dans la sub- 
 stance de I'Etre premier. Mais Chrysippe n'accordait cette 
 permanence et cette duree qu'aux ames des gens de bien et 
 des sages.* II parait done penser avec Platon, que I'ame 
 n'emporte avec elle dans I'autre vie que ses actes intellectuels 
 et moraux. L'ame survit done au corps, du moins lorsqu'elle 
 a ete vertueuse ; et selon Chrysippe, elle conserve les vertus et 
 les verites dont elle s'est ornee. Mais sur quelles preuves les 
 Stoiciens afErmaient-ils cette espece d'immortalite ? Je n'en 
 trouve qu'une seule ; s'il faut en croire Sen^que, nous devons 
 regarder comme tout stoicien I'argument du consentement 
 unanime des peuples. ... Si les Stoiciens se bornaient 
 reellement a cette raison, j'en conclurais qu'ils ne voulaient 
 pas abandonner I'immortalite de l'ame, parce qu'elle est une 
 opinion salutaire, mais aussi qu'elle ne faisait point partie de 
 leurs dogmes arretes et philosophiques. lis ne la rattachaient 
 pas d'ailleurs au principe moral. Car c'est pour eux une 
 idee invariable que la vertu se suffit a elle-meme, et qu'elle 
 trouve en soi sa recompense, comme le vice renferme en 
 soi sa propre punition. Or, si les bons avaient du rece- 
 voir dans une autre vie le prix de leurs vertus, pourquoi 
 
 * [Comp. Plutarch, Be Placit. Philos. iv. 7. ' Oi St-miko), i^iOv<Tav tSiv isafx.i.Tav 
 vwo<j)4piff6aL T^v ijLiif arrSeyeffTepav afia rots trvyKpifxatrt yev^irBat, TavTTjv S' eJvat 
 Tuv aTToiSeuTwi' • T^v 5* iffxvporefiav, ola iur] irepl toOs aocpods, KoL fJ-G^p^ rjjs 4kitv- 
 piiiTias.' Seneca, Consol. ad Marc. 26. 'Et quum tempus advenerit, quo se 
 mundus renovatums exstinguat : Tiribus ista sese suis csedent, et sidera sideri- 
 bus incurrent, et omni flagrante materia, uno igne, quioquid nunc ex disposito 
 lucet, ardebit. Nos qnoque, felices animse, et aeterna sortitse, quum Deo visum 
 erit iterum ista moliri, labentibus cunetis, et ipsae parva ruinse ingentis aecessio, 
 in antiqua elementa yertemur.' Comp. also Epict. Ihss. iii. 13. 1. Eusebii 
 Frapar. Evangel, xv. 20. ' Tfi 5c Siafi4veiv ras tfiuxos oSra Xiyovirw, 8ti SmfJ-ei/ofifP 
 rifi^ls li/uxai yev6flevot, rod ir^fixtros ;^(wp((T0€j'TOs Kai ety iKdrrca fiira^a\6vTos ovaiav 
 ri]v 7TJs ^uxvs. Tas 5e Tav cuppivav Ka\ ah6'ywv ^littav ^v^hs avjfair6X\va6ai toTs 
 
 
 
194 NOTES. 
 
 les m^cliants n'atiraient-ils aussi reju le prix de lenrs 
 actions mauvaises? Mais ni Cleanthe, ni Chrysippe, ni 
 leurs disciples grecs ou romains de I'epoque imperiale 
 ne paraissent avoir admis cette necessite soit de la recom- 
 pense, soit de I'expiation; . . . pour eux toute mau- 
 vaise action porte en elle-meme son chatiment, et le vice 
 ne parait heureux qu'aux insenses. lis ne voulaient pas 
 d'ailleurs qu'on dirigeat les hommes par la crainte des 
 dieux et de leurs vengeances. " Non," disait Chrysippe, " ce 
 n'est pas un bon moyen de detourner les hommes de I'injus- 
 tice que la crainte des dieux." II ne faut done pas traiter 
 les hommes comme des enfants a qui Ton fait peur, et 11 n'y 
 a de veritable moralite que lorsqu'on aime et qu'on embrasse 
 la vertu pour elle-meme et par raison. Voila le motif, je 
 n'en doute pas, pour lequel les Stoiciens parlaient si peu de 
 I'immortalite de Fame, et ne se riaient pas moins que les Epi- 
 curiens de tout ce qu'on debite sur les enfers. Platon aime 
 a insister sur les croyances populaires ; il est politique autant 
 que moraliste. Les Stoiciens ne sont plus que moralistes; ils 
 blament Platon d'avoir eu recours a des fables et presqu'a 
 une fraude, parce que le philosophe ne doit pas remplacer 
 la verite et la raison par I'imagination, ni la moralite par 
 Tegoisme et la peur.' 
 
 Note N, Page 60. 
 
 M. Denis, Id&es Morales, i. 344 :— ' Si la loi n'est que la 
 droite raison, elle n'existe que pour les etres raisonnables. 
 Wovl il suit qu'il n'y a aucun droit naturel entre les hommes et 
 les betes. Mais il en existe un entre les hommes, et nul ne 
 pent le violer sans crime et sans abjurer la nature, puisque 
 tons participent a la raison. Or, c'est cette participation, cette ■ 
 sorte de parente rationnelle, qui est le fondement de la justice 
 et de la communaut^ sociale. II y a plus : le meme droit 
 unit les hommes et les dieux, puisqu'ils ont une origine et 
 une nature communes. II les rattache les uns et les autres 
 au principe de la nature et de la verite, a Jupiter, d'oii emanent 
 
NOTES. 195 
 
 toute justice et toute raison. Que si c'est la communaute de 
 droit qui constitue I'Etat, il n'y a done qu'un seul Etat, comme 
 il n'y a qu'une loi universelle : c'est le monde, republique des 
 hommes et des dieux. " II n'y a pas plus d'Etats distingues 
 par nature," disait Aristote, " qu'il n'y a naturellement de mai- 
 sons, d'heritages ou de boutiques de serruriers et de chirur- 
 giens." Done tous les Etats de la terre ne le sont que de nom ; 
 le monde seul I'est de fait et de droit. Aussi les Stoiciens ne 
 regardaient-ils pas comme des magistrats ceux qui ne doivent 
 leurs titres et leur autorite qu'aux suffrages du sort ou de la 
 foule. Le seul legislateur, le seul magistrat, le seul juge, le 
 seul souverain legitime est le sage. De la ce paradoxe que 
 le sage seul est libre et citoyen, tandis que les insenses ne 
 sont que des exiles, des etrangers et des esclaves. II y a un 
 grand sens sous ces etranges paroles. . . . Nous trouvons 
 dans cette iiction une haute pensee philosophique, I'idee de la 
 societe des esprits, dont Dieu est le p^re et le souverain. Et 
 quand nous voyons que le Stoicisme admettait dans cette cite 
 inferieure les esclaves si meprises des aneiens, nous oublions 
 volontiers ses imaginations antiphysiques, pour saluer la pre- 
 miere apparition du droit et de I'humanite. . . .' M. Denis 
 adds in a note, a little farther on : — ' La theorie de la loi et 
 de la cite universelles a ete donnee par quelques modernes 
 comme appartenant surtout a Ciceron et aux Stoiciens poste- 
 rieurs. C'est une des plus graves erreurs historiques. Quand 
 je n'aurais pas les temoignages de Plutarque, de Clement 
 d'Alexandrie, de Philon et de bien d'autres qui attribuent 
 cette theorie au Stoicisme en general, je saurais par Ciceron 
 meme que c'est la une theorie toute stoicienne. Dans les 
 Lois il avoue qu'il expose les idees du Portique. Dans les 
 traites des Fins, des Devoirs, de la Nature des Dieux, et dans 
 les Academiques, il donne cette theorie non pour sienne, mais 
 comme appartenant k Zenon et Chrysippe. J'en dis autant 
 de Sen^que, et d'Epictete, qui en parlent toujours comme 
 d'une chose reconnue. Et n'est-il pas question de la loi unique 
 et universelle dans I'hymne meme de Cleanthe ? ' 
 
 The beatification, so to say, of the true philosophers 
 o 2 
 
196 NOTES. 
 
 hereafter, and the spiritual communion of the saints of Stoicism 
 in heaven, is a well-known dogma of the school, though not 
 altogether peculiar to it ; for which it is sufficient to cite the 
 verses of Lucan, Pharsal. viii. init. : — 
 
 ' Quodque patet terras inter lunseque meatus 
 Semidei Manes habitant, quos ignea virtus, 
 Innocuos vitse, patientes setheris imi 
 Fecit, et seternos animam oollegit in orbes. 
 Non illic auro positi, non thure sepulti 
 Perveniunt. Illic postquam se lumine vero 
 Implevit, stellasque vagas miratus et astra 
 Fixa polis, vidit quanta sub nocte jaceret 
 Nostra dies. . . .' 
 
 Note 0, Page 62. 
 
 St. Augustin, De vera Religione, i. 3 : — 
 
 ' Si enim Plato ipse viveret, et me interrogantem non 
 aspernaretur ; vel potius, si quis ejus discipulus, eo ipso tem- 
 pore quo vivebat, eum interrogaret, cum sibi ab illo persua- 
 deretur, non corporeis oculis, sed pura mente veritatem videri : 
 cui qvisecumque anima inhsesisset, earn beatam fieri atqtie 
 perfectam : ad quam percipiendam mihil magis impedire quam 
 vitam libidinibus deditam et falsas imagines rerum sensibi- 
 lium, quae nobis ab hoc sensibili mundo per corpus impressse, 
 varias opiniones erroresque generarent: quamobrem sanan- 
 dum esse animum ad intuendam incommutabilem rerum for- 
 mam, et eodem modo semper se habentem atque undique sui 
 similem pulcritudinem, nee distentam locis, nee tempore 
 variatam, sed unum atque idem oraru ex parte servantem, 
 quam non crederent esse homines, cum ipsa vere summeque 
 sit : csetera nasci, occidere, fluere, labi, et tamen in quantum 
 sunt, ab illo ffiterno Deo per ejus veritatem fabricata constare : 
 in quibus animse tantum rationali et Intel lectuali datum est, 
 ut ejus seternitatis contemplatione perfruatur, atque afficiatur 
 orneturque ex ea, seternamque vitam possit mereri : sed dum 
 nascentium atque transeuntiiim rerum amore ac dolore sau- 
 
NOTES; 197 
 
 ciatur, et dedita consuetudiai hujus vitee atque sensibus 
 corporis, inanibus evanescit imaginibus, irridet eos qui dicunt 
 esse aliquid quod nee istis videatur oculis, nee ullo phantas- 
 mate cogitetur, sed mente sola et intelligentia eerni queat : — 
 cum haec ergo a magistro sibi persuaderentur, si ex eo 
 qusereret ille discipulus, utrum si quisquam existeret vir 
 magnus atque divinus, qui talia populis persuaderet eredenda 
 saltern, si percipere non valerent, aut si qui possent pereipere, 
 non pravis opinionibus multitudinis implicati, vulgaribus 
 obruerentur erroribus, eum divinis honoribus dignum judi- 
 caret : — responderet, credo, ille, non posse hoc ab bomine fieri, 
 nisi quem forte ipsa Dei Virtus atque Sapientia ab ipsa rerum 
 natura exeeptum, nee hominum magisterio, sed intima illu- 
 minatione ab ineunabulis illustratum, tanta honestaret gratia, 
 tanta firmitate roboraret, tanta denique maj estate subveheret, 
 lit omnia contemnendo quffi pravi homines cupiunt, et omnia 
 perpetiendo quae horrescunt, et omnia faciendo quae mirantur, 
 genus humanum ad tam salubrem fidem summo amore atque 
 auctoritate eonverteret.' 
 
 Note P, Page 79. 
 
 I cannot better illustrate this subject than by extracts from 
 Amedee Thierry's ' Tableau de I'Empire Romain,' one chapter 
 of which (p. 273, foil.) is entitled ' Marche vers I'Unite par le 
 Droit ' :— 
 
 ' Oil se decMe avec un surcroit d'evidence eette revolution 
 [marche vers I'unite] dont nous retrouvons partout les ves- 
 tiges, e'est dans I'histoire du droit romain. . . . On ]'y suit 
 pas si pas, depuis la grossidre organisation des sujets de 
 Eomulus, jusqu'au jour oil, de transformations en transfor- 
 mations, ce droit local, devenu une formule applicable a 
 toutes les soeietes, et, comme on I'a dit, la raison ecrite, nous 
 annonee a son tour, par la voix de la science juridique, que la 
 petite association des bords du Tibre est devenue aussi I'asso- 
 ciation universelle. 
 
 ' Le droit primitif de Rome se montre a nous en effet avec 
 
198 NOTES. 
 
 iin caract^re de rudesse tout a fait original. La famille y est 
 constituee s'ur des bases sans analogic ailleurs, les juriscon- 
 sultes romains eux-memes nous I'affirment : ces bases sont 
 la puissance paternelle et la puissance mariiale, qui se 
 rattache etroitement h la premiere. 
 
 « Dans cette organisation I'esprit aristocratique domine, la 
 famille a sa r^gle particuliere, son autorite absolue. . . Le 
 droit de propriete, de domaine, est un droit exclusif romain, 
 au moins quant aux immeubles ; I'etranger n'y participe qu'en 
 vertu d'un privilege special, comme le Latin et I'ltalien. . . 
 • Ce droit si fortement marque au cachet du patriciat, le 
 patriciat s'etait reserve le privilege de I'interpreter. II avait 
 seul le clef de cette procedure k moitie religieuse, de ces jours 
 fastes et nefastes, de ces gestes symboliques, de ces paroles 
 fatales, qui dominaient la loi. Mais les myst^res du sacerdoce 
 juridique furent enfin devoiles. . . . Le droit passe d^s-lors 
 de I'etat de tradition et de doctrine occulte a I'etat de science. 
 'Mais tandis que, dans sa sphere propre et dans son 
 developpement normal, la jurisprudence civile eprouvait ces 
 grands changements, il s'etait ouvert en dehors d'elle une 
 carri^re de discussion bien autrement libre, un champ de 
 progres bien autrement vaste, par la creation de la pre- 
 
 ture 
 
 ' La preture eut pour objet I'administration de la justice. 
 Papinien en definit les attributions principales par les trois 
 mots, aider, suppUer, corriger le droit civil : aider la loi en 
 I'interpr^tant quand elle etait obscure ; la suppleer quand 
 elle etait muette ; la corriger quand elle choquait dans 
 I'application le sentiment naturel d'equit^, ou quand elle ne 
 concordait plus avec les besoins contemporains et le change- 
 
 ment des moeurs 
 
 •La juridiction pretorienne avait eu, d^s le principe, un 
 grand probl^me a resoudre, celui-ci : quel droit etait applicable 
 aux etrangers ? .... Or la loi romaine etait, dans toute son 
 etendue, le patrimoine du Eomain ; dans certaines propor- 
 tions determinees, le privilege du I^atin ou de I'ltalien; mais 
 le provincial, mais le sujefc d'un gouvernement vassal, quand 
 
NOTEg. 199 
 
 ils se trouvaient a Rome, ne pouvaient invoquer aucune loi 
 ecrite. Q.uelle legislation auraient-ils r^clamee comme leur 
 bien? .... 
 
 ' La difficulte fut tranch^e comme elle devait I'etre : le 
 preteur, dans la necessite de rendre justice sans loi preeta- 
 blie, fit la loi lui-meme ; son edit, interpretatif du droit civil 
 quant au Romain, fut, quant a I'etranger, un acte legislatif 
 pur. Et lorsque le preteur des etrangers vit se presser autour 
 de son tribunal des representants du monde entier, Europeens, 
 Africains, Asiatiques, hommes civilises, bommes barbares, 
 quand U rendit des sentences qui retentissaient bientot d'ltalie 
 en Gr^ce, et de Grr^ce en Asie, le droit pretorien prit une 
 importance, la dignity pr^torienne un eclat. . . . 
 
 ' Cette obligation de tout construire imposait I'obligation de 
 chercher et de connaitre beaucoup. On se livre avec empresse- 
 ment a I'etude des legislations qui regissaient les plus con- 
 siderables, et les plus eclairees des nations conquises, . . . 
 
 ' Ce ne fut meme la qu'un premier degre dans le travail 
 de la generalisation. Des donn^es de I'experience, I'esprit 
 s'elanpa vers les speculations abstraites. II voulut remonter 
 aux notions eternelles du juste et de I'injuste pour en redes- 
 cendre, avec des preceptes et des regies de philosophie morale 
 superieures a tons les faits juridiques, au droit des gens comme 
 au droit civil; et le droit natural se forma a I'aide de la 
 philosophie grecque, a I'aide surtout du Stoicism e, dont la 
 doctrine ferme et elevee convenait bien a la gravite des 
 lois 
 
 ' Grrace a cette science nouvelle, I'etranger eut sa loi qu'il 
 put invoquer, et qui prit de jour en jour plus de stabilite 
 
 dans I'edit du preteur C'est ainsi qu'il se crea un 
 
 domaine du droit des gens, qui vint se placer a cote du 
 
 domaine quiritaire; une propriete pretorienne, etc 
 
 On aperpoit d'un coup d'oeil quelle alteration ce melange dut 
 apporter dans le droit national. Le droit pretorien, devenu 
 synonyme d'equite, representa le bon sens humain et la 
 science philosopbique, en opposition a I'interpretation et a la 
 routine du droit civil 
 
200 JS'OTES. 
 
 ' C'est a partir de cette epoque ' [of the edictum perpetuum 
 of Hadrian and the edictum provinoiale of M. Aurelius] ' que 
 le droit romain, fonde sur ses deux bases, egalement solides 
 desormais, la loi des Douze Tables et I'edit perpetuel, se 
 developpe avec le plus de regularite. La lutte feconde des 
 ecoles avait produit ses fruits ; les idees s'etaient fixees ; la 
 conciliation du monde romain, qui marchait alors a si grands 
 pas, accelerait la conciliation du droit civil et du droit des 
 gens, dans les theories de la science 
 
 ' Les travaux des jurisconsultes contemporains de Septime et 
 d'Alexandre Severe nous montrent I'alliance du droit quiri- 
 taire et du droit universel dans son plus beau developpement. 
 A mesure qu'on s'eloigne de ce si^cle, I'element national 
 decroit, son sens antique devient de moins en moins compris, 
 son cachet s'efface; et dans la legislation de Justinien, 
 d'elagage en elagage, le droit romain se reduit a pen pr6s au 
 droit des gens 
 
 ' Au frontispice de ce grand edifice on lit des lignes telles 
 que celles-ci : — 
 
 '"1. Justitia est constans et perpetua voluntas jus suum 
 cuique tribuendo. Ulpian. 1. x. Dig. de Just, et Jur. 
 
 ' " 2. Jurisprudentia est divinarum atque humanarum 
 rerum notitia ; justi atque injusti scientia. Ulpian. 1. x. Dig. 
 eod. tit. 
 
 ' " 3. Veluti erga deum religio ; ut parentibus et patriae 
 pareamus. Pompon. 1. ii. Dig. de Just, et Jur. 
 
 ' " 4. Utpote cum jure naturali omnes liberi nascerentur . . . 
 sed postea quam jure gentium servitus invasit. Ulpian. 1. iv. 
 Dig. de Just, et Jut. 
 
 ' " Servitus est constitutio juris gentium qua quis dominio 
 alienp contra naturam subjicitur. J^lorent. 1. ix. Dig. de 
 ■Stat. horn. 
 
 ' " 5. Juris prsecepta sunt heec : Honest^ vivere, alterum non 
 Igedere, suum cuique tribuere. Ulpian. 1. x. Dig. de Just, 
 et Jur " 
 
 ' C'est dans ce dernier ^tat que le droit romain nous est 
 arrive, et qu'il a fonde les moeurs des nations modernes 
 
NOTES. 201 
 
 sorties de la societe romaine. II y tient uae place immense ; 
 et cette place s'agrandira encore a mesure que les restes de la 
 barbarie feodale disparaitront en Europe, et que la civilisation 
 s'etendra. " Si les lois romaines," dit Bossuet, " ont paru si 
 saintes que leur majeste subsiste encore, malgre la ruine de 
 I'Empire, c'est que le bon sens, qui est le maitre de la vie 
 humaine, y r^gne partout, et qu'on ne voit nulle part une 
 plus belle application des principes de I'equite naturelle." ' 
 
 These extracts may suffice to indicate the nature of 
 M. Thierry's argument, which well deserves a more complete 
 study. It must lead to the conclusion that the expansion of 
 Eoman law was caused not by the influence of individual 
 statesmen and legislators, in advance of their age, nor by the 
 more general diffusion of philosophical views, nor, again, by 
 the humanizing tendency of Christian sentiments. It was 
 mainly at least the work of natural circumstances ; it flowed 
 from the necessity of the position of a conquering people in 
 the centre of a great aggregation of subject communities. 
 The attempt to trace every liberal advance in Eoman ideas 
 of law to Christian influence must be regarded as un- 
 successful. The rhetoric of a writer like Chateaubriand on 
 such a subject may be dismissed as frivolous. Hugo, in his 
 ' History of Eoman Law,' refers to a work of Ehoer directed 
 especially to this point, which does not appear to have 
 deserved much attention. Hugo himself considers the in- 
 fluence of Christianity in this matter to have been, ' on the 
 whole less than might have been expected ' (§ 382), a phrase 
 wanting in clearness and precision. More recently, M. Trop- 
 long has written his work ' De I'lnfluence du Christianisme sur 
 le Droit Civil des Eomains,' in which the subject is treated 
 with ample learning, and with all the neatness and logical 
 acumen of a great French scholar, except for the original 
 confusion, as it seems to me, between cause and effect. In 
 the main, I should contend that the expansion of Eoman law 
 led to a just appreciation of Christianity, rather than the 
 converse. 
 
202 NOTES. 
 
 Note Q, Page 83, 
 
 I have pointed out some particulars in which the teaching 
 of St. Paul seems to be imbued with the ideas of Eoman 
 jurisprudence. Seeking to place before his readers the true 
 relation in which the believer stands to Grod, he adopts 
 significant illustrations from a subject familiar to himself, 
 and familiar perhaps at the same time to those whom he im- 
 mediately addresses. 
 
 1. The mission of our Lord Jesus Christ for the salvation 
 of man is described in Scripture in two ways ; sometimes as 
 being done of His own will, sometimes as the accomplishment 
 of a task imposed on Him by the Father, It will be found 
 that while St. John and St. Peter represent it in the former 
 light, St, Paul introduces the notion of the Father's will 
 controlling Him, and insists strongly upon it. Thus we have 
 in St. John's Gospel, xviii. 37 : 'To this end was I born, 
 and for this cause came I into the world ; that I should bear 
 witness of the truth.' 1 Epist. iii. 16 : ' Because He laid down 
 his life for us.' St. Peter, 1, iii. 18 : 'Christ also hath once 
 suffered for sins, the just for the unjust.' Comp. iv. 1. In 
 one place St. John passes on towards the other view, where 
 he says (1. iv. 9) : 'In this was manifested the love of God 
 towards us, because that God sent His only begotten Son into 
 the world that we might live through Him.' But in St. Paul, 
 the view of Christ's work being one of obedience to the 
 Father becomes more prominent. Eomans iii. 25 : ' Whom 
 God hath set forth to be a propitiation.' V. 19: ' As by 
 one man's disobedience many were made sinners, so by the 
 obedience of one shall many be made righteous.' Gal. i. 4 : 
 'Who gave Himself for our sins, . , . according to the 
 will of God the Father.' Phil. ii. 8 : 'Who . . . humbled 
 Himself and became obedient unto death.' Col. i. 19: 'It 
 pleased the Father that in Him should all fulness dwell; and 
 having made peace through the blood of His cross, by Him 
 to reconcile all things unto Himself.' Heb. v. 8 : ' Though 
 
NOTES. 203 
 
 He were a son, yet learned He obedience by the things which 
 He suffered.' Comp. x. 7. It is not meant that there is any 
 real discrepancy in the two views here indicated, but that the 
 one apostle dwells more upon the obedience of Christ, the 
 others on the spontaneousness of His sacrifice. 
 
 But this notion of the absolute subjection of the Son to 
 the Father agrees exactly with the well-known principle of 
 Roman law involved in the patria potestas, or authority of 
 the father. Down to a late period of the Empire, the law 
 of the Twelve Tables, which gave the father power over the 
 person and property of his son, even after he had come of 
 age, continued, at least in theory, unabated. Graius, under 
 the Antonines, still speaks of it as peculiar to Eoman law 
 {Institut. i. 55) : — ' Item in potestate nostra sunt liberi nostri 
 quos justis nuptiis procreavimus, quod jus proprium civium 
 Eomanorum est ; fere enim nulli alii sunt homines, qui 
 talem in filios suos habent potestatem, qualem nos habemus.' 
 He adds : ' nee me prseterit Gralatarum gentem credere in 
 potestate parentum liberos esse.'. 
 
 It is curious at least that these Galatians should be the 
 persons whom St. Paul addressed in the following language 
 (Gral. iv. 1) : ' Now I say that the heir, as long as he is a child, 
 differeth nothing from a servant, though he be lord of all ; 
 but is under tutors and governors until the time appointed 
 of the father. Even so we, when we were children, were in 
 bondage under the elements of the world. But when the 
 fulness of time was come, Grod sent forth His Son,' &c. So 
 in Eomans viii. 21, the ' bondage of corruption ' seems to 
 allude to the subjection of the Eoman son to his earthly 
 father. 
 
 2. In the Epistle to the Gralatians, iii. 15, we read : dSsKdiol, 
 Kara avdpoDTTov Xsyco, ofiws avOpwirov KSKVpcofisvrjv SiadijKTjv 
 ovSsls aOsTsl rj smStaTtia-asTai; where the apostle declares 
 that he is making use of an illustration from secular customs, 
 and seems to refer to the Eoman law of wills, according to 
 which the testator, after certain formalities fulfilled, could 
 neither revoke nor alter his disposition of his property. Thus 
 
204 NOTES. 
 
 when we are told by Suetonius that Caesar, and subsequently 
 Augustus, placed their testaments in the hands of the Vestal 
 Virgins {Jul. 83, Oct. 101), we are to understand that they 
 thereby renounced the power of cancelling or adding a codicil 
 to them. Comp. Schleusner in voce Siadij/ci]. See also the 
 above-cited passage from the same epistle, iv. 1. 
 
 Again, in the Epistle to the Hebrews, there seems to be 
 such a reference to the Eoman law of testation, where, 
 however, the writer apparently mixes up the ideas of a cove- 
 nant and of a will. Hebr. ix. 15-17 : Koi Sia tovto SiadiJKr]? 
 KaivTJs fisaiTrjs sarCv, k. t. X. He had been describing Jesus 
 Christ as the mediator or intermediate instrument of a new 
 covenant, hiadrjKt], as opposed to the old covenant made by 
 God with Moses ; but he goes on to introduce the idea of a 
 will, suggested apparently by the death of Christ, the word 
 SiaOiJKTj having the double signification: oirov yap SiadijKrj, 
 ddvarov avajKr] ^spsadai tov SiaOefisvov. Sia6i]Kr] yap 
 sttI VEKpois ^s^aia, ettsI ^irj ttots la'^ysi ore ^y 6 Si,a6s/MSvos ; 
 which Schleusner explains: 'ut testamentum ratum fiat 
 necesse est ut mors testatoris probetur judicialiter. . . Sic 
 proferre, ut sit probare coram judice, legitur apud Cic. pro 
 Rose. Amer. c. 24.' This forensic use here of the word (j)sps- 
 adai is remarked by Hammond, and is generally admitted. 
 
 This coincidence in the use of forensic language in an 
 acknowledged epistle of St. Paul's, and another which must 
 at least be regarded as Pauline, is worth remarking, particu- 
 larly when we consider how peculiar the forms of testa- 
 mentary law were to the Romans. ' To the Romans,' says 
 Mr. Maine, 'belongs preeminently the credit of inventing 
 the will. ... It is doubtful whether a true power of testa- 
 tion was known to any original society .except the Romans. 
 Rudimentary forms of it occur here and there, but most of 
 them are not exempt from the suspicion of a Roman origin. 
 The Athenian will was, no doubt, indigenous, but then, as 
 will appear presently, it was only an inchoate testament . . . 
 Similarly the rudimentary testament which (as I am in- 
 formed) the Rabbinical Jewish law provides for, has been 
 
IfOTES. 205 
 
 attributed to contact with the Eomans. . . . The ori- 
 ginal institutions of Jews have provided nowhere for the 
 privileges of testatorship.' — Ancient Laiu, p. 194, foil. 
 
 3. Upon these apparent illustrations from the Roman law 
 I should, however, lay little stress, were they not confirmed by 
 an unquestionable reference in the use St. Paul makes of the 
 idea of adoption. The spiritual connection of the true dis- 
 ciple with God is repeatedly represented to us under the 
 figure of sonship. This idea is brought prominently forward 
 by St. John ; as in 1 iii. 1 : ha tekvu 6sov K\r)9a)fji,sv, ' that we 
 should be called,' i.e., ' should be, sons of Grod.' t. 9 : d ysysn- 
 vqjjLsvos sK Tov dsov. T. 10: TO. rsKva rov deov. IV. 6: Tras o 
 ayawuiv sic Osov yeysvrjTai ; and elsewhere. But whereas St. 
 John always represents this idea in its simple form, St. Paul, 
 and St. Paul only, describes this sonship more artificially as 
 adoptive. This view is set forth in a marked manner in the 
 Epistle to the Romans, viii. 14, foil. : ' As many as are led 
 by the Spirit of God, they are the sons of God. For ye have 
 not received the spirit of bondage again to fear ; but ye have 
 received the Spirit of adoption whereby we cry Abba, F'ather. 
 . . .; 21: Because the creature itself also shall be delivered 
 from the bondage of corruption into the glorious liberty of 
 the children of God. For we know that the whole creation 
 groaneth and travaileth in pain together until now. And 
 not only they, but ourselves also, which have the first fruits 
 of the Spirit, even we ourselves groan within ourselves, 
 waiting for the adoption, to wit, the redemption of our body." 
 Now this illustration is not taken from any Jewish custom ; 
 the law of Moses contains no provision for such a practice, 
 nor is there any indication of its having obtained among the 
 Jewish people. Adoption was an essentially Roman usage, 
 and was intimately connected with the Roman ideas of family. 
 The maintenance of the sacra privata, the domestic rites of 
 the family, was regarded by the Romans as a matter of deep 
 political importance, and their law accordingly described mi- 
 nutely the forms under which, in default of natural heirs, 
 the paterfamilias might thus prospectively secure it. The son 
 
206 ^^OTES. 
 
 was considered as the absolute property of his father from 
 his birth to his father's decease. In order to his being 
 adopted out of his own family into that of another man, it 
 was necessary that he should undergo a fictitious sale. But 
 if a son was sold by his father and recovered his liberty, he 
 fell again under the paternal dominion, and it was not until 
 he had thus been sold, emancipatus, three times, that he was 
 finally free from this paramount authority. Accordingly the 
 adopter required that the fiction of sale should be repeated 
 three times before he could be received into his new family 
 and fall under the dominion of his new father. When, how- 
 ever, these formalities had been complied with, the adopted 
 son became incorporated in the family of his adopter, iden- 
 tified as it were with his person, made one with him ; 
 so that on the decease of the adopter he became not so 
 much his representative as the perpetuator of his legal 
 existence. He assumed also, on adoption, the burdens or 
 privileges incident to the performance of the rites of his new 
 family. He relinquished his former sacra, and attached him- 
 self to those of his new parent. 
 
 All this appears to have been in the apostle's mind when 
 he addressed the Roman disciples in the passage before us. 
 The Spirit of Grod, he says, bears witness with our spirit, 
 confers upon us an inward persuasion, that we are now, by 
 adoption, the children of Grod, whereas we were before the 
 children of some other father, the world, or the Evil One. 
 But we are delivered from the bondage of corruption, from 
 the state of filial subjection to this evil parent, and admitted 
 to the glorious liberty of the happy children of a good and 
 gracious father, even Grod. He goes on to insist on the hard- 
 ness of the bondage of the son of a bad father (such as the 
 world), his sighing and groaning for the blessed change which 
 should henceforth ensue to him ; such an expectation or hope 
 of escape as may often have been felt by the victims of the 
 cruel law of Eome, and which is here likened to the hopes 
 mankind might be supposed to feel of an escape at last from 
 their bondage to the world, the flesh, and the devil. And how 
 
NOTES. 207 
 
 was this escape to be effected ? Grod paid a price for it. As 
 the Roman adopter paid, or made as if he pa;d down copper 
 weighed in the scale, so Grod gave His Son as a precious sacri- 
 fice, as a ransom to the world or the Evil One, from whom He 
 redeemed His adopted children. ' He spared not His own Son, 
 but delivered Him up for us all.' Henceforth we become the 
 elect, the chosen of Grod. 
 
 The same illustration is indicated in a passage in Gralatians, 
 iv. 3 : * When we were children we were in bondage under 
 the elements of the world,' addicted to the sacra of our ori- 
 ginal family; 'but when the fulness of the time was come, God 
 sent forth His Son ... to redeem them that were under the 
 law, that we might receive the adoption of sons. . . . How- 
 beit,' it continues, 'when ye knew not Grod,' and were not 
 enrolled in this family, 'ye did service unto them which by 
 nature are no gods. But now, after ye have known Grod . . . 
 how turn ye again to the weak and beggarly elements,' such 
 as the sacra of your former family, ' whereunto ye desire to 
 be again in bondage ? ' 
 
 The ' adoption of children ' is mentioned again in Ephesians 
 i. 5, where it seems to point to a recognised custom. Ephe- 
 sus, it may be remarked, as the capital of the province and . 
 the residence of a proconsul's court, mtist have been familiar 
 with the ordinary processes of the Eoman civil law. 
 
 On the word ' Adoption,' the writer of the article in Smith's 
 ' Dictionary ^of the Bible' says : ' St. Paul probably alludes to 
 the Eoman custom of adoption, &c. . . The Jews themselves 
 were unacquainted with the process of adoption ; indeed, it 
 would have been inconsistent with the regulations of the 
 Mosaic law affecting the inheritance of property. The in- 
 stances occasionally adduced as referring to the customs 
 (Gen. XV. 8, xvi. 2, xxx. 5-9) are evidently not cases of adop- 
 tion proper.' 
 
208 NOTES. 
 
 Note E, Page 84. 
 
 There seem to be some indications in the Scripture records 
 that St. Paul was considered, both at Rome and among the 
 Romans and the governing class in the provinces, as a 
 person of some social rank and distinction. The respect with 
 which he is treated by Festus and Felix, Agrippa and Grallio, 
 implies that the rulers in the provinces regarded him as 
 of a somewhat different stamp from the Jews, the mere sub- 
 ject-provincials, with whom he had connected himself. The 
 courteous treatment he received on his voyage to Italy, and 
 by the chief men of the island of Melita, accords with this 
 view of his position. The consideration extended to him, 
 apparently beyond his expectation, at Rome ; his being allowed 
 to dwell, while awaiting the judgment which he had claimed 
 of the emperor himself, in a private residence under the sur- 
 veillance of the police, attests the same consideration. To 
 this may be added the fact, which it seems reasonable 
 to admit, that the place assigned him for his sojourn was 
 within the precincts of the Imperial quarters, as they may be 
 called, on the Palatine ; and that his preaching was attended 
 by the Greek and Jewish freedmen attached to the Imperial 
 household. Even before his arrival at Rome the Church of 
 Christ in the city comprised members of the upper class of 
 freedmen, that is, the clients and dependents, often prospe- 
 rous, wealthy, and accomplished, of noble Roman houses. 
 They ' of the household of Narcissus ' may have been such de- 
 pendents of the celebrated favourite of Claudius, lately dead, 
 a freedman himself, but equal in wealth and position to most of 
 the old patrician heads of families. Names identical with 
 those of several persons included in St. Paul's salutations to 
 disciples at Rome, such as Tryphsena, Philologus, Amplias, 
 Hermas, have been found among the sepulchral inscriptions 
 in the columbaria of the Claudian Caesars ; and it is difficult 
 to resist the conjecture that many of those whom the apostle 
 addressed as recognised members of a circle of devout in- 
 
NOTES. 209 
 
 quirers, and at last converts to the Gospel at Eome, were 
 domestics of tEe Imperial palace. So a little later he himself 
 sends from Eome the greetings of ' many of Csesar's house- 
 hold.' The curiosity at Eome about Jewish opinions and 
 customs, and the progress they had made there among the 
 Eomans themselves, as well as among resident foreigners, is 
 strikingly witnessed in the literature of the Augustan age. 
 The reaction against them after the great revolt in Pales- 
 tine, is strongly marked in the change of tone observable in 
 Tacitus, Juvenal, and Martial, as compared with that of Ovid 
 and TibuUus. 
 
 Notwithstanding the persecutions under Nero and Domitian 
 the Gospel continued, I believe, to attract notice in high 
 quarters at Eome ; and the staid, reserved, and almost tame 
 character of Eoman Christianity, compared with its more 
 salient and vigorous features in Greece, in Africa, and in 
 Egypt, in the first ages, may perhaps be ascribed to an early 
 and continued connection with the court and courtly society. 
 The curious history of Callistus, in the reign of Commodus, 
 as detailed in the work of Hippolytus, seems to indicate a 
 fatal degeneracy among the Eoman Christians, resulting from 
 this very connection. 
 
 Note S, Page 91. 
 
 It is common among the freethinkers of modern times 
 to augur the constant moral advance of society, in con- 
 formity with its advance in material knowledge. Impatient 
 at the slow progress they observe in this moral move- 
 ment, they are tempted to impute it to the discourage- 
 ment which the Christian teaching throws, as they say, 
 upon it. They accuse Eevelation of turning men's thoughts 
 backward to a pretended Paradise, a past state of original 
 bliss which can never be regained in this life. Such, they 
 declare, is the teaching of all mythologies ; the fancy of a 
 golden age deteriorating to a silver, a brazen, and an iron 
 age. On the other hand, Philosophy, they allege, has gene- 
 
 P 
 
210 NOTES. 
 
 rally taken the opposite view, and, tracing mankind back 
 to its cradle in the primeval Past, has represented it as 
 developing, advancing, improving, from then till now, and 
 capable of indefinite improvement in the illimitable future. 
 Lucretius, no doubt, in a well-known passage (v. 923 sqq.), 
 in accordance with the Epicurean denial of a Providence, 
 does so trace the history of man to his first crude, bar- 
 barous origin, and marks the various stages of his material 
 and moral progress. Nor is it the philosopher only who 
 resorts to this solution. Many of the mythological legends 
 of classical antiquity point to a belief in such a progres- 
 sive development, and going much farther back than Lu- 
 cretius, derive man from the first elements of nature, 
 from animals, from birds, from trees, and from stones. I do 
 not find, however, in Lucretius, any expectation of a conti- 
 nuous progress hereafter. With him morals, no doubt, as well 
 as arts, ' ad summum venere cacumen.' The ancient philoso- 
 phers held that the species had fully attained the limits of its 
 progress. They admitted the existence of a principle of evil 
 in the world, which leavened, and must continue to leaven, 
 the mass to all time, and keep the moral world at least at a 
 standstill, if it did not, according to the common persuasion of 
 mankind, gradually corrupt and undermine it altogether. 
 The common opinion, derived neither from philosophers nor 
 from mythologies, but from men's personal experience, and 
 their disappointment at the constant frustration and bafHing of 
 their own hopes and efforts, represented man as ever declining 
 from the height to which he had by some happy providence 
 attained, and gliding down a fatal incline to an ever worsening 
 Future. The sentiments of Virgil and Horace, ' omnia fatis 
 in pejus mere ; ' ' setas parentum pejor avis,' &c., seem to me 
 fully borne out by the general feeling of antiquity at the 
 period of its highest moral and material attainments. If, 
 indeed, we have more sanguine aspirations in our modern 
 schools of thought, it is to the teaching of Christianity itself 
 that we mainly owe them. For Christianity first led men to 
 look stedfastly to the future, and to hope for the attainment 
 
NOTES. 21 1 
 
 of consummate perfection hereafter through gradual, and 
 feeble, and imperfect attempts at improvement here. The 
 theory of Christianity is the most temperate, the most modest, 
 and, as far as appearances have hitherto gone, the truest 
 theory of moral development. 
 
 The later Greek philosophy is distinguished by its ever- 
 deepening sense of the universality, and the real evil of sin. 
 ' We have already seen,' says Dollinger {Gentile and Jew, ii. 
 153, Engl, trans.), ' what a close connection there was be- 
 tween the defective knowledge which the old philosophy had 
 of human freedom and of the nature of evil, with the rela- 
 tion in which the Deity stood to both. These thinkers were 
 wanting in an insight into the nature and conditions of the 
 personality of God as well as of men ; and therefore looked 
 upon evil as partly resulting from mere defectiveness or in- 
 firmity of means of knowledge ; they set it down to ignorance, 
 and thought, accordingly, there was no other or higher remedy 
 than philosophy. And partly from not distinguishing between 
 the physical evil and the moral bad, they charged matter 
 and its natural repugnance to the intellectual with being the 
 source of the bad. Hence, the idea of sin was in fact strange 
 to them ; they had no perception how a free act of evil done 
 by the creature bore upon divine holiness and justice. In 
 fine, the Stoics had further obscured this important question 
 by their theory that evil was as absolutely necessary in the 
 order of the world as the shadow is to the light, and that all 
 evil was equal. They raised man above all responsibility 
 and account, and represented him as without freedom, the 
 irresistibly determined tool of destiny. Even the Emperor 
 Marcus Aurelius, with his mild temperament, found a com- 
 plete justification herein for the greatest criminal. A man of 
 a certain nature can do nothing else but act viciously. To 
 make him responsible for his actions would be on a par with 
 punishing another for having bad breath, or bidding a fig-tree 
 bear anything besides figs. It was utterly impossible for 
 vicious men to act otherwise than we see them act, and to 
 demand impossibilities is folly. 
 
 p 2 
 
212 JfOTES. 
 
 ' This view of evil was expressly combated by Platonists 
 like Plutarch. Evil had not come into the world like an 
 episode, pleasant and acceptable to the Deity ; it filled every 
 human thing. The whole of life, equally stained from its 
 opening to its concluding scene, was a mass of errors and 
 misfortune, and in no part pure and blameless. " No one,'' he 
 said, " is sober enough for virtue ; but we all of us are un- 
 seemly and in unblest confusion." This severe notion of evil, 
 its universality in the life of man, and the deep roots it had 
 struck in his nature, is a characteristic of thinkers of this 
 period. We meet with similar expressions in Seneca, to the 
 effect that not a man will be found who does not sia, has not 
 sinned, and will not continue sinning to his dying hour. 
 Gralen, a physician, and at the same time one of the acutest 
 of the philosophers of this latter time, went farther still. 
 He declared the dispositions of children to evil to be in 
 excess, and thought that only by little and little the disposi- 
 tion to good got the upper hand, the more the intelligent 
 soul got the mastery over the two others, for he adopted with 
 Plato a " threefold division of the soul." 
 
 ' The solution of the problem of the origin of evil appeared 
 all the more difficult now. All did not accept the comfortable 
 expedient of Platonists like Celsus, of its having sprung 
 from matter in existence from eternity ; or, like Plutarch, who 
 accepted an evil and eternal world-soul, and an unintelligent 
 element of essential evil in the soul of man. Maximus of 
 Tyre, therefore, thought that Alexander, instead of consult- 
 ing the oracle of Ammon about the sources of the Nile, 
 should rather have put a question of importance to humanity 
 generally, namely, that of the origin of evil. He then made 
 an attempt of his own at a solution, which only ended again 
 in placing the seat and fount of all evil in matter. (M. 
 Anton., Medit. ix. 1; x. 30; viii. 14; v. 28. Plutarch, 
 Adv. Stoic. 14. Senec. de Clement, i. 6. Maximus Tyr. 
 Diss. xU. p. 487 seq.)' 
 
NOTES. 213 
 
 Note T, Page 94. 
 
 After describing the rebellious attitude of the Stoic philo- 
 sophy towards the Caesars, and the measures of the govern- 
 ment to control it, M. Denis says {Idees Morales, vol. ii. 
 p. 62 foil. : — ' Le Stoicisme grandit dans cette lutte de 
 I'esprit contre la force brutale. 11 devint une foi ardente 
 et vigoureuse, une sorte de religion des grandes ames, qui 
 
 eut ses devots et ses martyrs De la les caract^res 
 
 nouveaux du Stoicisme ; le ton de la predication remplapant 
 la discussion philosophique, une science jusqu'alors inconnue 
 de la vie, et un art singulier de demeler les plus obscurs 
 sophismes du vice et de la faiblesse, mais par-dessus une 
 austere tendresse pour I'humanite. Le philosophe n'est plus 
 un logicien qui dispute, ni un beau parleur, qui cherche les 
 applaudissements. C'est un maitre qui enseigne ; c'est un 
 censeur public, charge du soin des consciences ; c'est un te- 
 moin de Dieu, qui ne doit aux hommes que la verite. , . . 
 II ne faut pas chercher dans ces philosophes de profonds 
 et subtils raisonnements, mais des conseils affectueux ou 
 severes, des remontrances, des exhortations, et d'instantes 
 prieres de se convertir a la vertu et a la loi de Dieu. . .' 
 
 Note U, Page 97. 
 
 Epictet. Dissertat. iv. c. 8 : "AvOpattrs, ■x^si/jLaa-Krjcrov irponov • 
 ISov (70V rrjv opfjur/v . . . ayvoslaOai fisXsTrjaop irpSirov rus si ' 
 cravTM (f)i,\ocr6(f>T}(TOV o\tyov ')(p6vov. Ovtco Kapivos r^ivirai • 
 KaTopvyfjvai, Ssi siri Tova ^(^povov to airspfia, Kpv<^6r)vai, Kara 
 fj^iKpov av^rjdrjvai, hia TsXscrcpop'rjd'rj . . . toiovtov si Koi 
 ail (pvTapiov. @aTT0V tov Bsovtos 'SjvdrjKas, airoKavcrsL (ts o 
 Xeil^a>v. K. T. X. . . . c. 10. ^A'yaQos S)V avoOavfj, r^svvalav 
 irpa^iv sTTLTsX&v sirsl yhp Bsl iravTCos a/irodavslv, dva/yKrj 
 tI ttots TTowvvTa svpsdrjvai . . , tI ovv 6sKsii ttouwv svps- 
 Qr^vai vTTo TOV davaTov ; '^yod fisv, to ifwv fispos, spyov Tt ttot 
 dvOpeoTTiKov, svspysTiKov, KoivacpsXss, ysvvaiov. ... c. 12. 
 
214 NOTES. 
 
 Tt ovv ; ^vvarov dvafidpTtjTov fi^r) shai ; 'A/t»7%ai'oi' • aW 
 EKslvo BvvaTOV, irpos to firj d/Liapravstv TSTaudai ot,r)VBK(os. 
 . . . Nw S' orav sItttjs, 'Att' avptov irpoas^o) • i<t6i, oti 
 TovTO Xsysif, "^ijfispov sa-o/iai, dvai(T')(vvTos, aaaipos, Tairuvos. 
 . . . BXeVe, ocra KaKo, crsavTw sTrirpsTrsos. k. t. X. 
 
 Seneca, E-pist. xciv. 52 : Nonne apparet nobis opus esse 
 aliquo advocato, qui contra populi prsecepta praecipiat? 
 Nulla ad nostras aures vox impune perfertur : nocent qui 
 optant, nocent qui exsecrantur. Nam et horum imprecatio 
 falsos nobis metus inserit, et illorum amor male docet bene 
 optando . . . Non licet, inquam, ire recta via : trahunt in 
 pravum parentes, trahvmt servi : nemo errat uni sibi, sed de- 
 mentiam spargit in proximos, accipitque invicem. Et ideo 
 in singulis vitia populorum sunt, quia ilia populus dedit. 
 Dum facit quisque pejorem, factus est. Didicit deteriora, 
 deinde docuit ; effectaque est ingens ilia nequitia, congesto in 
 unum, quod cuique pessimum scitur. Sit ergo aliquis custos, 
 et aurem subinde pervellat, abigatque rumores, et reclamet 
 populis laudantibus. Erras enim si existimas nobiscum 
 vitia nasci ; supervenerunt, ingesta sunt. Itaque monitio- 
 nibus crebris opiniones quae nos circumsonant compescamus. 
 Nulli nos vitio natura conciliat ; nos ilia integros ac liberos 
 
 genuit Itaque si in medio urbium fremitu collocati 
 
 sumus, stet ad latus monitor, et contra laudatores iagentium 
 patrimoniorum laudet parvo divitem, et usu opes metientem, 
 &c. 
 
 M. Antoninus, Meditat. vi. 30 : "Opa fif] d-TTOKaiaapoodfis, 
 fir) ^a(f>fjs • yivsTai <yap • Tijprja-ov ovv crsavTov dirXovv, 
 dyaObv, aKspaiov, GSfxvov, aKOfiyJrov, tov SiKalov (piXov, Osocrs^r}, 
 EvfiEvrj, (piXoa-TOpyov, ippoo/iivov Trpoi rd irpsvovra spya . 
 dyMVicrai, iva roiovTos crvfJiiMsl.vrjs, olov as rjdsXTjcrs 7roir)crai 
 ^iXocroipM . alSov Osovs, am^s dvdpioirovs . ^payps 6 ^ios . 
 sh Kapiros rijs ETriyslov ^wrjs, ScdOsiris oaia, kuI irpd^sis 
 KOLvmviKaL 7rdvTa,a>s 'AvTwpLVov fia6r}T7js k. t. X. 
 
 Plutarch, De cohibenda ira, 2, reports the saying of 
 Musonius Eufus : Kal firjv wv <ys fisfj,v^p,s6a Movaaviov KaXwv 
 sv s(TTW ... TO hslv del ^spa'Ksvofi.svovs /Stow tovs a-w^eaOai 
 
NOTES. 215 
 
 /leWovTas, Ov y^p cos eW^j3opov, oi/iai, Set GepairsvaavTa 
 avvsK(j)spsiv TO} vocrrjfjLaTi rbv Xoyov, dW' s/ifisvovTa tfi ■^''VXV; 
 crvvs)(Siv Tas Kplasis koI <f>v\dcrasiv. k. t. X. 
 
 The gravity of this sage's teaching is further indicated 
 by Aulus Grellius, Noct. Att. v. 1 : Musonium philoso- 
 phum solitum dicere accepimus : Quum philosophus, in- 
 quit, hortatur, monet, suadet, objurgat, aliudve quid dis- 
 ciplinarum disserit; turn, qui audiunt, si summo et soluto 
 pectore obvias vulgatasque laudes effutiunt, si clamitant 
 etiam, si vocum ejus festivitatibus, si modulis verborum, 
 si quibusdam quasi frequentamentis orationis moventur, 
 exagitantur et gestiunt; turn scias et qui dicit et qui 
 audit frustra esse : neque illic philosophum loqui, sed tibi- 
 cinem canere. Animus is, inquit, audientis philosophum, 
 si, qusB dicuntur, utilia ac salubria sunt, et errorum atque 
 vitiorum medicinas ferunt, laxamentum atque otium prolixe 
 profuseque laudandi non habet : quisquis ille est qui audit, 
 nisi ille est plane deperditus, inter ipsam philosophi oratio- 
 nem et perhorrescat necesse est, et pudeat tacitus, et pceniteat 
 et gaudeat et admiretur : (seqq.) 
 
 Note V, Page 99. 
 
 Seneca, Epist. xlviii. 6, 7, 8 : Vis scire quid philosophia 
 promittat generi humano ? Consilium. Alium mors vocat, 
 alium paupertas urit, alium divitise vel aliense torquent, 
 vel suae : ille malam fortunam horret, hie se felicitati suas 
 subducere cupit : hunc homines male habent, ilium Dii. 
 Quid mihi lusoria ista proponis ? Non est jocandi locus ; ad 
 miseros advocatus es. Opem te laturum naufragis, captis, 
 SBgris, egentibus, intents seeuri subjectum prsestantibus 
 caput pollicitus es : quo diverteris ? quid agis ? hie cum quo 
 ludis, timet. Succurre : quid quod laqueati despondent : in 
 poenis omnes undique ad te manus tendunt, perditas vitse, 
 periturseque auxilium aliquod implorant, in te spes opesque 
 sunt. Eogant ut ex tanta illos volutatione extrahas, ut 
 disjectis et errantibus clarum veritatis lumen ostendas. Die, 
 
216 NOTES. 
 
 quid. Natura necessarium fecerit, quid supervacuum, quam 
 faciles leges posuerit ; quam jucunda sit vita, quam expedita, 
 illas sequentibus; quam acerba et implicita eorum, qui 
 opinioni plus quam naturse crediderunt. 
 
 Note W, Page 102. 
 
 Dollinger, Gentile ayid Jew, ii. 148 (Engl, transl.) : — 
 ' Since the middle of the first century after Christ, a growing 
 prominence was observable in the return to a more believing 
 disposition. One feels that a great change has taken place 
 in the intellectual atmosphere when one compares Polybius, 
 Strabo, Diodorus, and Dionysius with Plutarch, Aristides, 
 Maximus of Tyre, and Dion Chrysostom.' 
 
 M. Martha has given a sketch of the Sophists of the 
 second century, and of the character and teaching of Dion 
 Chrysostom as their representative, from which I quote a 
 paragraph in illustration of the views advanced in the text 
 (Revue ConteTnporaine, tome xxxi. p. 246. 1857) : — 
 
 ' Parmi ces orateurs qui remplissaient le monde de leur 
 parole et de leur gloire, il en est un petit nombre qui ont fait 
 de I'eloquence un noble usage en repandant partout les 
 preceptes de la morale. II faut remarquer ici qu'aux plus 
 tristes epoques de I'histoire ancienne, c'est la philosophie 
 seule qui soutient encore les esprits, les ames, et resiste a cette 
 lente degradation morale qui menace de tout envahir. 
 Pendant que la politique est impuissante, que les princes ne 
 peuvent rien ou ne tentent rien pour relever les moeurs, 
 pendant que le monde se plonge de plus en plus dans la 
 corruption ou s'amuse a des futilites sophistiques, quelques 
 philosophes, a la favour de ces usages' qui permettaient an 
 premier venu de prendre la parole dans les assemblees, se 
 glissent au milieu de la foule tumultueuse et font entendre, 
 non sans peril parfois, quelques lepons de sagesse. C'est la 
 philosophie qui est la derniere gardienne de la raison et de la 
 dignite dans les societes antiques. Elle survit aux lois, 
 aux institutions, aux mceurs; elle echappe meme a la ty- 
 
NOTES. 217 
 
 rannie, parce qu'elle peut se refugier dans I'invisible sanc- 
 tuaire d'un coeur honnete. La matidre ne lui manque ja- 
 mais, puisque, I'ame humaine etant le sujet de ses etudes, 
 elle porte avec soi I'objet de ses meditations. Bien plus, le 
 malheur du temps ne fait souvent que raviver sa force, la 
 corruption des moeurs I'irrite, la degradation des caracteres 
 Tanime d'une ardeur plus genereuse, et la vue de la servilite 
 lui fait sentir tout le prix de la liberte interieure. Aussi ne 
 faut-il s'etonner si les dernidres paroles sensees, raisonnables, 
 eloquentes, sortent de la bouche des philosophes. 
 
 ' Cependant il faut reconnaitre que I'enseignement philoso 
 phique etait bien dechu. II s'est fait simple et modeste, et, 
 renonfant aux grandes idees et aux probl^mes savants qu'il 
 agitait autrefois, il ne donne plus que des preceptes de con- 
 duite. Ce n'est plus le temps ovi de puissantes ecoles 
 etablissaient, chacune a sa maniere, les regies de la morale, 
 et fondaient de vastes systemes dont les principes et les con- 
 sequences etaient defendus avec une sorte de foi jaloiise. 
 Les hautes etudes de la philosophie se sont affaiblies ; on 
 n'aime plus les rechercbes abstraites ni les deductions rigou- 
 reuses, et meme on peut dire que les disciples ne comprennent 
 plus la parole du maitre. Les doctrines rivales de Platon, 
 d'Aristote, de Zenon, d'Epicure, qui alors se partagent les 
 esprits, se sont fait tant d'emprunts et de concessions reci- 
 proques qu'on a de la peine a distinguer, dans les ouvrages 
 du temps, ce qui appartient aux unes et aux autres. Les 
 philosophes se disent encore de telle ou telle ecole, ils en 
 portent le nom et souvent le costume, mais ils ne s'apercoivent 
 pas qu'ils sont infid^les a la doctrine qu'ils enseignent. 
 Celui-ci se croit Stoicien et adopte les idees de Platon sur 
 I'ame et I'immortalite ; celui-la, voulant s'eloigner un peu 
 des severites du Portique, glisse a son insu dans les molles 
 delices d'Epicure. Tons ces compromis et ces transactions 
 entre les diverges ecoles am^nent le discredit de la philo- 
 sophie dogmatique. Quand les doctrines ne s'afQrment pas 
 fortement elles-memes, quand elles ne sont pas exclusives, 
 quand elles pactisent avec I'ennemi, elles ne peuvent plus 
 
218 , NOTES. 
 
 compter sur des adeptes devoues. Aussi, soit affaiblissement 
 general des etudes, soit indifference, soit tolerance excessive, 
 presque tous les bons esprits de ce si^cle s'abstiennent de 
 traiter les hautes questions de la metaphysique et de la 
 morale, ou s'ils les tentent quelquefois, ils confondent tous 
 les systemes, et ne laissent voir trop souvent que leur le- 
 gerete et leur ignorance. La philosophie aspire a devenir 
 populaire, elle s'abaisse, elle se fait toute a tous, et pour etre 
 comprise et acceptee, elle puise ses idees non plus a la source 
 elevee du dogme, mais dans le reservoir commun qu'on ap- 
 pelle le bon sens public ; elle se rapproche de plus en plus 
 de la pratique, et se contente de donner des prescriptions 
 salutaires et incontestables, qu'elle redige en maximes et 
 qu'elle decore d'ornements litteraires. De la une nouvelle 
 espSce d'eloquence qui n'est pas sans portee ni sans me- 
 rite, celle de ces orateurs pbilosophes qu'on appelle aussi 
 des sophistes, et qui seraient dignes d'un nom plus hono- 
 rable.' 
 
 Of these preaching philosophers, the most eminent are 
 ApoUonius of Tyana, and Dion Chrysostom. The career 
 of the latter, as an itinerant preacher of moral truths, 
 may be traced in his own genuine writings. We may 
 infer nearly the same of ApoUonius from various sources, 
 but his reputed biography by Philostratus is a work of more 
 than a century later, and is evidently fabricated for a pole- 
 mical purpose. It represents its hero as a heathen counter- 
 part to Christ, and is valuable to us, as showing the impression 
 made upon the heathen mind by the portraiture of our Lord, 
 and after Him of His Apostles, as ' going about doing good.' 
 The points of evident imitation of the Gospel history in the 
 ' Life of ApoUonius ' are given in full detail by M. Pressense, 
 Rist. des Trois Premiers Siecles, 2e partie, tome ii. p. 145 
 foil. The Lives of the Sophists by Philostratus and Eunapius 
 discover to us a whole class of such itinerant preachers 
 among the heathen philosophers of the second century. 
 Others of a similar school of moral teaching fixed themselves 
 in the great universities of the empire, or passed their lives 
 
NOTES. 219 
 
 in private retirement. The expression quoted in the text 
 was that of Demonax, commemorated by Lucian : — '' KQr]vala>v 
 fig a-KSTTTOfJisvayv Kwra ^rjkov top irpos K.opiv0Lovs KaraaTrjo-a- 
 aQai Qsav ixovoyiAywv, TvpocrsKdwv sis avToiis, fir) Trp6TSpov,s(j)r], 
 Tama, aAOrjvaioi yjrrjcjiia-scrds, av fir] tov iXsov top ^eofjLov ku- 
 6^Xr]TS. A similar sarcasm is attributed also to ApoUonius. 
 The sentiment was perhaps common to many. Demonax is 
 said also to have quelled a tumult in Athens by the authority 
 of his presence. Sracrews Bs ttots 'AOrjvrjao ryevofigvrjs elcrrjk- 
 6sv sis TTjv s/cKKrjcriav, Ka\ <pavsls fiovov cntoTrdv sTroirjasv 
 avTovs • 6 8s, lSa>v ijSrj fisTsyvQiKoras, ovBsv shrcbv kuI uvtIs 
 diTTiWayr]. — Lucian, Demonax, 57, 64. 
 
 Note X, Page 104. 
 
 Denis, Idies Morales, ii. p. 154: — ' Le Stoicisme ne s'arre- 
 tait point la: a la theorie de la justice universelle, ou de 
 I'egaHte des hommes et de I'unite de notre esp^ce, il ajoutait 
 celle de I'universelle charite.' The writer proceeds to give a 
 full exposition of this thesis, pp. 154-190. The doctrines 
 and practice of Pagan philanthropy, at their best and highest, 
 fall far below the standard of the teaching and the practice 
 of Christian communities. Nevertheless, they deserve to be 
 noted in token of the purifying effect of that consciousness 
 of moral infirmity which entered, as I believe, so deeply into 
 the minds of the heathen, in the second and third centuries. 
 Cicero's slight mention of his father's death in a letter to 
 Atticus — 'Pater nobis decessit a.d. viii. Kal. Dec' (Ad. Att. i. 
 g ) — is often quoted as an instance of the hardness of feeling 
 engendered by habit and system among the Pagans in the 
 palmiest days of their philosophy. Considering how scanty 
 are the traces of more humane sentiment in respect of 
 natural ties among the Eomans of that age, we may be justi- 
 fied in so quoting it. But it is interesting to contrast with it 
 the tribute of refined and cultivated affection which Statins, 
 a hundred and fifty years later, pays to his deceased parent : — 
 
220 NOTES. 
 
 Quid referam expositos servato pondere mores ; 
 Quae pietas, quam vile lucrum ; quae cm-a pudoris, 
 Quantus amor recti ; rursusque, ubi dulce remitti, 
 Gratia quse vultus, animo quam nulla senectus ? 
 
 The poet continues, indeed, to expatiate on the theme with 
 a too elaborate rhetoric, which has cast suspicion on the 
 genuineness of his feelings. But, however this may be, it 
 is not to the feelings of Statins himself, but to the feelings 
 of the age, which demanded or encouraged such a manifesta- 
 tion, that I principally look. Comp. Statins, 8ylv. iii. 3, 12, 
 and foil. 
 
 There is another passage in Cicero's letters, often cited, in 
 which he checks himself for the sorrow he cannot help ex- 
 periencing on the death of a confidential and favourite slave, 
 the companion of his studies, and partaker in his philoso- 
 phical speculations ; and this is contrasted with the more 
 natural and liberal flow of sentiment in which the younger 
 Pliny allows himself to indulge on a somewhat similar loss. 
 But Statius, again, with deeper and kindlier feeling, allows 
 to the favourite slave of his friend a place in Elysium, and 
 is not ashamed to suggest that he may there watch over the 
 interests of his master surviving him on earth. How great 
 a step in humanity has been made from the cold exclusive- 
 ness of the Platonists and the Stoics, even in the most genial 
 of their respective representatives, a Virgil and a Lucan ! 
 
 Statius, Sylv. ii. 6 : — 
 
 Ssepe ille volentem 
 Castigabat herum, studioque altisque juvabat 
 
 Consiliis Subit ille pios, carpitque quietem 
 
 Elysiam 
 
 Pone, precor, questus ; alium tibi fata Philetum, 
 Forsan et ipse dabit ; moresque habitusque decoros 
 Monstrabit gaudens, simUemque docebit amorem. 
 
NOTES. 221 
 
 Note Y, Page 115. 
 
 Seneca, as quoted by St. Augustine, De Civ. Dei., vi. 11, had 
 said of the Jews : Cum interim usque eo sceleratissimas gentis 
 consuetudo convaluit, ut per omnes jam terras recepta sit, 
 victi victoribus leges dederunt. He was speaking, it seems, 
 of the sacramenta, or mysterious rites and customs of this 
 people ; and from the context it appears plainly that he had 
 more particularly in view the Jewish observation of the 
 Sabbath. We learn from Ovid and TibuUus how much remark 
 this usage had excited among the Eomans, and with what 
 favour it was regarded by them. The socialist Proudhon 
 has written a book to recommend it on purely economical 
 grounds, and I can easily imagine a practical people, like the 
 Eomans, being struck with the good policy of such an in- 
 stitution. At a later period, when the Jews had fallen out of 
 favour at Eome, their Sabbaths are made the subject of scorn 
 and ridicule. 
 
 Note Z, Page 117. 
 
 Denis, Idees Morales, ii. 234 foil. : — ' Mais ce qui nous 
 semble nouveau, ce qu'on ne retrouverait pas au meme de- 
 gre dans Chrysippe, dans Cleanthe, ni dans Platon, c'est la 
 pensee toujours presente de la Providence, et de la bonte 
 divine, c'est le sentiment de ferveur et de foi, qui anime des 
 ames fortes et tendres, telles qu'Epictete et Marc-Aurele. 
 Dieu n'est pas seulement pour les sages de I'empire I'auteur 
 et le maitre de I'univers, la loi qui conduit toutes choses 
 au bien, la sagesse qui a tout fait avec nombre, poids et 
 mesure : c'est avant tout un pere bienveillant, un ami tou- 
 jours sur et fidMe, le refuge et la consolation qui ne manquent 
 jamais a I'honnete homme. " Qu'aurais-je a faire," dit 
 Marc-Aurele, " d'un monde sans providence et sans dieux ? " 
 Dieu est bon ; il a done ordonne toutes choses selon sa bonte, 
 et par consequent dans I'interet dernier de la vertu. . . . 
 
222 NOTES. 
 
 " Traitez-moi, Seigneur, a votre volonte, s'ecrie Epict^te, 
 conduisez-moi ou il vous plaira, couvrez-moi de I'habit que 
 vous voudrez, je suis resigne a vos lois, et votre volonte est la 
 mienne. En toutes choses je celebrerai vos oeuvres et vos 
 bienfaits, et je serai votre temoin aupr^s des mortels, en leur 
 montrant ce que c'est qu'un homme veritable." . . Cette 
 humilite de Marc-Aurele et d'Epict^te est toute morale. 
 Elle n'a rien de ce sentiment servile et superstitieux, qui 
 nous fait voir dans un accident un coup de la Providence, et 
 qui prete a Dieu je ne sais quelle jalousie par laquelle il se 
 plait a renverser ce qSii s'eleve, a exalter ce qui s'abaisse. . . . 
 Si nous sommes si faibles, il semble naturel que nous priions 
 Dieu, soit pour le remercier du bien que nous pouvons avoir 
 fait, soit pour le demander un surcroit de force et de courage. 
 " Ou les dieux ne peuvent rien," dit Marc-Aur61e, " ou ils 
 peuvent quel que chose. S'ils ne peuvent rien, pourquoi les 
 prier? Et s'ils ont quelque pouvoir, pourquoi, au lieu de 
 leur demander de te donner quelque chose ou de mettre fin a 
 telle autre, ne les pries-tu pas de te delivrer de tes craintes, 
 de tes desirs et de tes troubles d'esprit ? " On a raison de 
 dire que Dieu entend et exauce les prieres de I'ame raison- 
 nable, mem e quand elles demeurent sans voix. . . "Mais 
 qui I'a dit que les dieux ne viennent pas a notre secours 
 meme dans les choses qui dependent de nous? Commence 
 seulement a leur demander ces sortes de secours, et tu verras. 
 Celui-ci prie pour obtenir les faveurs de sa maitresse, et toi, 
 prie pour n'avoir jamais de tels desirs. Celui-ci prie pour 
 etre delivre de tel fardeau ; et toi, prie d'etre assez fort pour 
 n'avoir pas besoin de cette delivrance." Une telle priere ne 
 ressemble pas a celles de la foule, qui parait marchander avec 
 Dieu, et lui reprocher d'etre un mauvais debiteur, en disant : 
 Si jamais j'ai fait fumer I'encens dans tes temples, donne-moi 
 telle ou telle chose en revanche. Maxime de Tyr la definit 
 tres-bien : c'est une conversation fortifiante avec Dieu ; c'est 
 un temoignage que I'ame se rend de sa vertu en remerciant 
 celui qui nous I'a inspiree ; c'est un e ncouragement que se 
 donne la vertu, en demandant a Dieu des biens que, par sa 
 
NOTES. 223 
 
 faveur, elle trouve et puise en elle-mSme. Les entretiens 
 d'Epict^te sont pleins de pri^res de cette sorte, communica- 
 tions intimes et familieres avec Dieu, effusions d'une ame 
 pieuse devant son maitre et son p6re, actes de foi et de re- 
 connaissance en vers la supreme boute. . . . Au lieu de 
 s'ecliapper en frivoles sarcasmes, comme Lucien, en invectives 
 incensees, comme Lucain, ou bien en paroles amdres, comme 
 Tacite, qui ne reconnait guere la providence de Dieu qu'a 
 ses coups et a ses vengeances, le pauvre EpictMe, I'ancien 
 esclave d'Epaphrodite, ne sait que benir celui qui I'a si rude- 
 ment eprouve; et je ne connais rien qui peigne mieux I'etat 
 de son ame, et les besoins religieux des esprits d'elite au 
 commencement de notre 6re, que ce penchant a la pri^re et a 
 I'adoration.' 
 
 M. Denis refers to a variety of passages in Epictetus, M. 
 Aurelius, and others. He omits one example of the prayers 
 of the heathen, perhaps because it belongs properly to a 
 later period, though evidently formed on their model. The 
 commentary of Simplieius on the ' Conversations of Epic- 
 tetus ' thus concludes : — 
 
 'Ikstsvq} as, Ssairora, 6 Trarrjp koI '^ysfiwv tov iv rjfuv \oyov, 
 vTTOfivqadrjvai, ftisv rjfms Trjs savT&v svjsvsias, rjs rj^uoOrj/isv 
 irapa aov ' ffv/ji'irpd^ai Ss cos avTOKivtJTOis ^fuv, irpos t£ KaOap- 
 aiv Tr)V a-Ko tov (Tco/j,aTOS koL twv aXoytov iraOoov, Kol irpos to 
 VTTSpsxsiv Kol apxHV ain&v, koX ais opydvois KS^p^crdai Kara 
 TOV TrpoffrjKOVTa Tpoirov . crv/iTrpaTTSiv ts kuI Trpoff Siopceoaiv 
 aKpi^TJ tov kv rjjjitv \6yov, Kol gvccerbv avTov Trpos ra ovtcos 
 ovTa, SiA TOV Trji aXi^deias <^u>t6s. koX to Tpirov Koi acoTijpiov 
 tKsrsvw, a<j)e\stv tsXScos ttjv a%Xw twv tjrvxticav fjfjLwv o/M/MaTtov, 
 "0(}>p^ sv ryivmaKeo/jiev {kuto. Tov"0/Mr]pov) rj pihv Bsov ^Sfi Kal 
 avipa. 
 
 Note A A, Page 120. 
 
 De Broglie, L'Eglise et V Empire Romain, iii. 165: — 
 ' L'ecole d'Alexandrie ne faisait pas seulement descendre 
 I'ame humaine, par une suite de chutes necessaires, des. 
 
224 NOTES 
 
 hauteurs de I'Etre absolu : elle lui enseiguait aussi y remonter 
 par I'etude et par la vertu. . . . Aussi n'est-ce par 
 aucune faculte humaine que rhomme, dans le systems neo- 
 platonicieii, se met en communication avec cette supreme 
 forme de I'Etre divin : c'est au contraire par une faculte 
 superieure a lui, qui I'enl^ve a son essence, le transfigure et 
 I'absorbe. Ce que la raison ne peut lui faire connaitre, I'extase 
 le lui revele. Sous le nom d'extase, I'ecole neoplatonicienne 
 entend non une faculte, mais un etat de I'ame. C'est I'etre 
 individuel qui disparait et se perd dans la contemplation de 
 I'Etre infini dont il est sorti autrefois, auquel il doit retourner 
 un joiir. Un vif amour de la verite, une soif de la posseder, 
 suppriment pour un moment, des ici-bas, les limites de la 
 nature finie, et lui permettent de s'abreuver et de se fondre 
 dans la source meme de son etre. Ce n'est point alors I'ame 
 qui connait Dieu, c'est Dieu qui descend en elle : il n'y a 
 pas deux etres, I'un connaissant, I'autre connu ; il n'y a plas, 
 pour parler le langage technique, un sujet et un objet de la 
 connaissance ; I'homme ne connait pas Dieu, il est fait Dieu 
 pour un instant : I'eclair de I'extase, en le touchant. Fa 
 deifie. . . Cette theorie de I'extase est le sommet de touts 
 la doctrine neoplatonicienne. L'extase est le terms dsrnier 
 de toute connaissance, et le couronnement de la vertu par- 
 faite. C'est par un patient amour du vrai, par une constante 
 pratique du bien ; c'est par la mortification des ssns, le de- 
 tachement des passions, c'est par le mspris du corps et de la 
 terre, que le sage Plotin doit meriter cette anticipation de 
 I'immortalite divine. C'est en csssant d'etre homme qu'il 
 peut se rendrs digne de devenir Dieu. Des pratiques austeres 
 renouvelees de Pythagore, excitees peut-etre encore par 
 I'emulation des exemples chretiens, avaient seules revele a 
 Plotin I'existence de cet etat surnaturel. Porphyre en tra- 
 faitle tableau dans sontraite De V Abstinence, et empruntant 
 presque les paroles de I'Esprit- Saint, il engageait les hommes 
 a purifier leur corps, comme le temple oil doit descendre la 
 gloire de Dieu. Sa lettrs a sa fsmme Marcelle respire le 
 meme enthousiasme d'austerite. Son degout des choses de la 
 
NOTES. 225 
 
 iterre etait meme pousse si loin, qu'il fallait I'intervention de 
 Plotin pour le detourner du suicide. Etlui-meme cependant, 
 malgre taut d'efforts, n'avait goute que rarement les douceurs 
 de I'extase. " Pour moi," dit-il, en racontant les merveilles 
 de la vie de son maitre, "je n'ai ete uni qu'une seule fois 
 a Dieu, a I'age de quarante-huit ans." ' 
 
 M. Pressense, in his History of the First Three Centuries 
 (partie ii. torn. 2, p. 62), after a lucid exposition of the doc- 
 trine of the New Platonists, thus sums up his comparison 
 between it and the Christian : — 
 
 'Le Christianisme, par I'humilite et la mortification, con- 
 duit a la plenitude de la vie, et sa morale se resume dans 
 cette parole du Christ : ^' Si quelqu^un perd sa vie, il la re- 
 trouvera." Le neoplatonisme, par I'ascetisme et I'extase, 
 veut amener I'homme a I'aneantissement, car le dernier 
 terme du progres, selon lui, o'est de perdre toute conscience 
 de soi, c'est d'etre semblable a celui qui n'est pas, c'est done 
 de ne pas etre. Lui aussi dit a I'homme : " Ecoute-moi et 
 tu seras comme un dieu;" mais ce dieu auquel il faut 
 ressembler, c'est I'abstraction pure, c'est le non-etre, c'est 
 le neant imparfaitement dissimule par un langage brillant, 
 poetique. . . . Ainsi finit la noble philosophie grecque ; 
 elle va se perdre dans la Nirvana du boudhisme ; elle pousse 
 I'idee orientale jusqu'aux derni^res consequences, jusqu'au 
 suicide moral que les sombres forets de I'lnde semblaient 
 devoir seules abriter. 
 
 ' La philosophie de la nature a parcouru le meme cycle que 
 la religion de la nature ; elles arrivent I'une et I'autre au 
 meme terme, c'est a dire, a I'aneantissement, tant il est vrai 
 qu'en s'enfermant dans le monde inferieur, en cherchant la 
 vie dans la nature, on s'eloigne de la source veritable de 
 I'etre. Le principe de la nature est au-dessus d'elle et en 
 dehors d'elle ; elle ne se suffit pas a elle-meme, et quiconque 
 ne s'eleve pas a la region plus haute oil reside le principe de 
 toute vie, ne rencontre en bas que la mort, et ne s'arrete sur 
 cette pente que quand il est arrive au neant. Le naturalism e 
 s'ensevelit necessairement, comme religion et comme philo- 
 
 Q 
 
226 NOTES. 
 
 Sophie, dans le monde inferieur, ou il croyait trouver une vie 
 
 suffisante.' 
 
 Note B B, Page 125. 
 
 The pretensions of the sorcerers are exposed in detail by 
 Lucian in his account of Alexander of Abonoteichus, the 
 Pseudomantis, as he calls him. After referring to this cele- 
 brated exposure, Dollinger {Gentile and Jew, ii. 199) con- 
 tinues : — 
 
 ' The apparition of Hecate was equally efi&cacious. Be- 
 lievers were told to throw themselves prostrate on the 
 ground at the iirst sight of fire. The goddess of the high- 
 ways and roads, the Grorgo or Mormo wandering among the 
 graves at night, was then invoked in verse, after which a 
 heron or vulture was let loose, with lighted tow attached 
 to her feet, the flame of which frightening the bird, it flew 
 wildly about the room, and as the fire flashed here and 
 there, the prostrate suppliants were convinced that they 
 were eye-witnesses of a great prodigy. Similar artifices 
 were employed to make the moon and stars appear on the 
 ceiling of a room, and to produce the effects of an earth- 
 quake. To make an inscription show itself on the liver of 
 a victim, the hai-uspex wrote the words previously with 
 sympathetic ink on the palm of his hand, which he pressed 
 on the liver l6ng enough to leave the impression behind. 
 And so the Neo-Platonists contrived to cheat the Emperor 
 Julian when Maximus conducted him into the subterranean 
 vaults of a temple of Hecate, and caused him to see an ap- 
 parition of fire.' 
 
 The subject of the prevalence of imposture and credulity 
 at this time in the Eoman world is well reviewed by Denis, 
 Idees Morales, &c. ii. 277 sqq. : — 
 
 ' Non-seulement ils sentaient le besoin d'une r^gle et 
 d'une discipline, mais ils etaient comme enveloppes d'un 
 atmosphere de credulite et de superstitions. C'est le temps, 
 en effet, de I'astrologie, de la magie, et de mille croyances 
 
NOTES. 227 
 
 etranges sur Dieu, sur les demons, sur I'ame et sur I'autre 
 iBODde, qui de toutes parts debordaient de rOrient sur 
 rOccident. Les enfants perdus du Portique et de I'Aca- 
 demie et leurs adeptes de hax\t rang voulaient a toute force 
 penetrer I'avenir, soit en lisant dans les astres, soit en 
 mettant en communication ayec les esprits, tandia que le 
 petit peuple courait aux cultes etrangers. En vain les 
 Cesars, a qui les sciences occultes inspiraient une feroce 
 terreur, et qui, selon le mot de Lucain, "defendaient aux 
 dieux de parler," sevissaient contre les impoateurs et leurs 
 dupes, et faisaient detruire publiquement par le feu les livres 
 de magie, deporter ceux qui en possedaient, bruler vifs les 
 charlatans de la Perse et de la Chaldee, exposer aux betes 
 ou mettre en croix les malheureux qui avaient la sottise 
 de les consulter. En vain les hommes de sens soutenaient 
 que tout I'art des devias n'est qu'une imposture pour soutirer 
 de I'argent aux imbecilles ; qu'il n'y a point de relation entre 
 une constellation et le sort si divers de tant d'hommes nes 
 dans le meme instant ; que les dieux ne peuvent etre soumis 
 a la puissance et a la volonte des mortels ; qu'il faudrait etre 
 d'une nature surhumaine et porter en soi quelque image de 
 la divinite pour avoir le droit de proclamer les volontes et 
 les ordres de Dieu. II se trouvait toujours des hommes, ou 
 avides, ou impatients de la destinee, qui avaient besoin 
 d'etre trompes, et Tacite pouvait dire de I'astrologie qu'elle 
 serait toujours chassee de Eome et qu'elle j regnerait toujours. 
 Les Grecs etaient encore plus entetes de la magie, qui leur 
 etait venue de I'Asie et de I'Egypte. Tout leur paraissait 
 rempli de demons bons ou mauvais, et comme les dieux 
 etaient plus nombreux que les hommes dans certains cantons 
 de I'Achaie, les miracles y etaient aussi moins rares que les 
 faits naturels. II faut voir dans Lucien jusqu'ou etait 
 poussee la credulite. La c'est un magicien qui vole dans 
 Fair, qui passe au travers du feu, qui attire ou qui chasse les 
 demons, qui guerit les malades ou qm ressuscite les morts. 
 Ailleurs c'est un Babylonien qui rassemble, a I'aide de 
 quelques mots sacres, tons les serpents d'un pays, et qui les 
 
 q2 
 
328 NOTES. 
 
 extermine de son souffle. Des malheureux sont fustiges 
 toutes les nuits par de mauvais genies. Des statues marchent, 
 parlent et mangent. On ne prononce qu'aveo un respect 
 plein de terreur les noms des morts, en ajoutant quelque 
 formule qui put leur plaire, comme le Bienheureux ou le 
 Saint. Malheur a vous, si vous paraissiez incredule a tant 
 de contes ou de sottes superstitions ! Vous etiez un impie, 
 et il n'eut pas tenu aux imposteurs ou a ceux qu'ils trom- 
 paient, que vous ne fussiez lapide. A force de ne rien 
 croire, on en etait venu a ne plus croire que I'impossible et 
 I'absurde. Je ne connaitrais rien de plus triste que ce 
 retour des peuples a I'enfance par la decrepitude de la 
 pensee, si je lie faisais reflexion que la vie germe toujours 
 a cote de la mort, et que ces deplorables extravaganes, 
 etaient le symptome d'un besoin profond et irresistible. 
 Epicure et les sceptiques avaient fait tous leurs efforts pour 
 chasser le divin des esprits ; et ils ne paraissaient avoir que 
 trop reussi. Mais le divin y rentrait avec violence et par 
 toutes les voies, au risque d'y porter le trouble et la de- 
 mence.' 
 
 Note CC, Page 127. 
 
 The burning of Eome under Nero was imputed, as we 
 know, by popular hatred, to the Christians, and the first per- 
 secution followed in consequence. No such connection was 
 imagined between the burning of the Capitol in the civil wars 
 and the hated sectaries, nor can we trace the partial persecu- 
 tion of the Christians by Domitian to any popular apprehen- 
 sion of the anger of the gods. Nevertheless the character of 
 this emperor and his superstitious belief in his own divine 
 appointment as the guardian and restorer of the national 
 religion, makes it probable that he was not uninfluenced by 
 such a consideration. The trial of Ignatius under Trajan 
 at Antioch, and the Christian martyrdoms that followed, 
 agree with the date of the great earthquake by which the 
 Syrian capital was partially overthrown, and it is impossible 
 
]S"OTES. 229 
 
 to overlook the apparent connection between this event and 
 the persecution which immediately ensued. The same may 
 be said of the great calamities of the empire and the persecu- 
 tions under M. Aurelius. These calamities were redoubled 
 under Decius and Gallus, and the fury of persecution simul- 
 taneously increased. Diocletian for a long time resisted 
 the importunities of his colleague Gralerius to renew the same 
 policy with greater energy than ever; and was at last deter- 
 mined to it by the event, probably accidental, though im- 
 puted to Galerius himself by Lactantius, of a conflagration 
 in his own palace. Lactant., De Mm-t. Persecut. c. 15. That 
 the persecutions were repeatedly excited by the superstitious 
 terrors of the populace is the constant assertion of the 
 Christian writers. 
 
 See the classical passage in Tertull. Apoll. c. 40 : — 
 
 Existimant omnis publicse clad is, omnis popularis incom- 
 modi Christianos esse causam. Si Tiberis ascendit in moenia, 
 si Nilus non ascendit in arva, si coelum stetit, si terra movit, 
 si fames, si lues, statim — Christianos ad leonem ! 
 
 Comp. Cyprian, Epist. Ixxv., where he attributes an out- 
 burst of persecution in some parts of Asia Minor to the 
 occurrence of destructive earthquakes : ut per Cappadociam 
 et per Pontum qusedam etiam civitates in profundum receptse 
 dirupti soli hiatu devorarentur, ut ex hoc persecutio quoque 
 gravis adversus nos Christiani nominis fieret. See also Ori- 
 gen, Comm. in Matthaum, iii. p. 859, ed. Delarue. 
 
 Cyprian, Ad Demetr. c. 3. Dixisti per nos fieri, et quod 
 nobis debeant imputari omnia ista quibus nunc mundus 
 quatitur et urgetur, quod dii vestri a nobis non colantur. The 
 motive and principle of these wild and sanguinary impulses 
 lie deep in human nature, and deserve attentive consideration. 
 
 The sense of a personal relation to the Deity is assuredly 
 an earlier development of the religious instinct than that of 
 a public and national relation to Him. The instinct which 
 prompts man to offer sacrifice to Grod was first directed to 
 the attainment of favour for himself, or pardon and pro- 
 tection; and at a later period extended to the attempt to 
 
230 NOTES. 
 
 conciliate Grod to his couatry, and to its public interests. 
 Human sacrifices may be traced back to the earlier period ; 
 in the earliest accounts We have of them, they seem, 
 to have been offerings of individual worshippers, as when 
 the parent offers his child, the master his slave, and 
 the choicest victims are immolated at the tomb of the 
 departed chieftain. They mark in such cases the extreme 
 point to which the hopes, the terrors, or the remorse of 
 the individual might impel him. We may conjecture that 
 these terrible offerings were first introduced into both Greek 
 and Eoman usage with such a view to private and personal 
 interests. But both in Grreece and Eome the political in- 
 stinct became early predominant, and gradually overrode all 
 merely personal views of religion. Human sacrifices were 
 consecrated in both the great nations of classical antiquity 
 to the special object of procuring divine protection for the 
 State. With this object they were publicly sanctioned and 
 regularly practised in early times both in Grreece and Eome. 
 But the national instinct of religion, and national devo- 
 tion to religious usage, were never so strong as the personal. 
 Men could not feel the same intense, absorbing interest in 
 the safety of the State, as in their own personal safety. 
 They could not continue so ruthlessly to trample upon the 
 natural feelings of humanity for the one object, as they might 
 have done for the other. Hence it would appear that, when 
 the idea of the need of human sacrifices was thus far dis- 
 sociated from the personal interests of the offerer, the 
 advance of civilization and cultivated feelings led the 
 Greeks, and especially the lonians and Athenians, the most 
 cultivated among them, to discountenance, to modify, and 
 finally to reject them generally as an instrument of public 
 utility. The influence of Grecian habits and teaching ope- 
 rated strongly upon the Eomans, and gradually tempered 
 the gloomier instincts of that people also. Possibly the na- 
 tional successes and the established security of the State 
 against the most urgent calamities of war and conquest, 
 aided powerfully in producing this change of sentiment. 
 
NOTES. 231 
 
 From the year B.C. 95, the era of her most triumphant pros- 
 perity, the laws of Eome expressly forbade human sacrifice. 
 Her writers generally speak of it with horror. They felt no 
 need of it, and they were free to regard it with the detes- 
 tation which human nature properly entertains for it. They 
 declare that no such usage exists at Eome ; that it is ab- 
 horrent from Eoman manners and morality ; the chiefs of 
 the Empire take measures to check it in their remoter and 
 less civilized provinces. So strong is the protest of Eoman 
 civiUzation against it, that, on a superficial view of the facts, 
 it has been often asserted that human sacrifice was actually 
 abolished for centiuries under the sway of the Eoman Emperors. 
 
 Such, however, was far from the case. Even in the State- 
 ritual of Eome some traces of the practice still continued to 
 linger. Even on public occasions, and for national objects, 
 human sacrifices were from time to time offered. In cases 
 of political urgency, the ' Graul and the Greek ' were still 
 buried solemnly in the forum. 
 
 Still worse, the practice creeps back again for private and 
 personal objects, and is associated with magical ceremonies. 
 When the State is merged in the ruler, it is difficult to 
 distinguish the personal from the public interest ; but it was 
 probably more for their own sakes than for the sake of the 
 commonwealth, that irregular sacrifices of this kind were 
 perpetrated by Julius Caesar, by Augustus, by Tiberius, 
 and Nero, and after them still more frequently and without 
 disguise by most of the succeeding emperors. Trajan him- 
 self sacrificed a beautiful woman after the earthquake at 
 Antioch, as a pi-opitiation, we may suppose, for the safety of 
 that city. The self-devotion of Antinous for Hadrian is an 
 instance of quasi-sacrifice. The significance of the rite, as 
 the voluntary offering of the best and dearest, seems to 
 come back upon the conscience of mankind as a revived re- 
 velation of man's relation to God. The rhetorician Aristides 
 believes himself to be saved from imminent peril of death by 
 the self-immolation of his brother Hermias, and in a fresh 
 access of his disease persuades his sister Philumene to devote 
 
232 NOTES. 
 
 herself for him also. The influence of the earlier and 
 healthier teaching of the Greek philosophers and philan- 
 thropists had now become weaker ; at the same time the 
 barbarous ideas of Asia and Africa were making themselves 
 more powerfully felt. The calamities of the State seemed 
 to demand greater and more striking efforts to appease the 
 manifest wrath of Heaven. Along with the increase of 
 other wild and gloomy superstitions, human sacrifices be- 
 came more and more common, and ceased to be regarded 
 with the horror they naturally inspire. 
 
 Undoubtedly various feelings entered into the demand for 
 the persecution of the Christians. The magistrate regarded 
 them as transgressors of a principle in public law, as evil- 
 doers, as fosterers of treason and sedition ; and was disposed 
 to punish them accordingly. But the people generally, and 
 sometimes the rulers themselves, yielded to a superstitious 
 impulse in ascribing to their rejection of sacrifice and of 
 idol-worship every public calamity, which testified, as they 
 supposed, to the wrath of the offended deities. The exe- 
 cution of the Christians was thus popularly regarded as a 
 means of propitiation. This idea was sanctioned and fostered 
 apparently by the most usual manner of these executions ; 
 for the shows of the amphitheatre had sprung out of the 
 primitive custom of sacrificing human victims at the altar 
 of a god or the tomb of a deceased hero. Even to the time 
 of Constantine, it is said, a vestige of this idea was preserved 
 in the annual immolation of a gladiator on the Alban mount 
 to Jupiter Latiaris. 
 
 For a succinct but full discussion of the subject of human 
 sacrifice, with a copious citation of authorities, I would wil- 
 lingly refer the reader to a tract lately printed, but not yet 
 published, by Sir John Acton. The writer extends his his- 
 torical review to modern times, and connects with it the 
 notorious persecution of reputed witchcraft* The other equal 
 and parallel disgrace of Christianity, the Eomish Inquisition, 
 he regards too leniently as a merely political tribunal. I 
 believe that in both cases the popular feeling which supported 
 
NOTES 233 
 
 and impelled the action of the magistrate was the same : but 
 this too was a mixed feeling. First, as in the case of the 
 Imperial persecutions, there was the superstitious anxiety 
 to propitiate the wrath of an offended deity, the same 
 anxiety that has lain at the bottom of human sacrifice at 
 all times ; but, secondly, there was the notion, peculiar, so 
 far as appears, to Christianity, and which may serve in 
 a very slight degree to relieve the horror of these Chris- 
 tian persecutions, that the sacrifice is required for the 
 sufferer's own sake, or if too late to save his own soul, 
 may at least secure the survivors from the contagion of 
 his fatal impiety. 
 
 Note D D, Page 132. 
 
 Neander, Church History, i. p. 43 (Engl, transl.) : — 
 ' On every side was evinced the need of a revelation from 
 heaven, such as would give inquiring minds that assurance of 
 peace which they were unable to find in the jarring systems 
 of the old philosophy, and in the artificial life of the re- 
 awakened old religion. That zealous champion of the latter. 
 Porphyry, alludes himself to the deep-felt necessity ; which he 
 proposed to supply, leaning on the authority of divine re- 
 sponses, by his " Collection of Ancient Oracles." On this point 
 he says : " The utility of such a collection will best be under- 
 stood by those who have felt the painful craving after truth, 
 and have sometimes wished it might be their lot to witness 
 some appearance of the gods, so as to be relieved from their 
 doubts by information not to be disputed." ' (See Euseb., 
 Prcep. Evang, iv. 7.) 
 
 The life of such a person, from his youth up harassed 
 with doubts, unsettled by the strife of opposite opinions, 
 ardently longing after the truth, and conducted at length, 
 through this protracted period of dissatisfied craving, to 
 Christianity, is delineated by the author of a sort of romance 
 (partly philosophical and in part religious), who belonged to 
 the second or the third century. This work is called The 
 
234 NOTES. 
 
 Clementines, and, though fiction, is clearly a fiction drawn 
 from real life ; and we may safely avail ourselves of it, as 
 presenting a true and characteristic sketch, which might 
 doubtless apply to many an inquiring spirit belonging to 
 those times. It commences thus : — 
 
 Ego, Clemens, in urbe Eoma natus, ex prima setate pudi- 
 citiae studium gessi ; dum me animi intentio velut vinculis 
 quibusdam solicitudinis et moeroris innexum teneret. Inerat 
 mihi cogitatio incertum sane unde initium sumpserit, crebro 
 enim ad memoriam meam conditionem mortalitatis adducens, 
 simulque discutiens : utrumne sit mihi aliqua vita post 
 mortem, an nihil omnino sim futurus ; si non fuerim ante- 
 quam nascerer ; vel si nulla prorsus vitse hujus erit post 
 obitum recordatio ; et ita immensitas temporis euncta 
 oblivioni et silentio dabit, &c. 
 
 The work, which runs to as many as ten books, and 
 expatiates in a number of worthless stories about St. Peter 
 at Eome, and Simon Magus, and others, is printed in 
 Coteler's Patres Apostolici, i. 493, under the title of ' Ee- 
 cognitionum S. Clementis libri x.' It was attributed in 
 early times to St. Clement, the disciple of Paul and author 
 of the Epistles to the Corinthians. The work is fully 
 analysed by Neander in the second volume of his His- 
 tory, p. 25 foil. Similarly, in the conversation between 
 Justin Martyr and his unknown interlocutor, the heathen 
 philosopher is forced to admit the vanity of his masters' 
 reasonings on the nature of Grod and the soul, and to seek 
 speculative truth in the revelations made through the 
 Hebrew prophets : sy^vovro twss irpo -rroWov ')(p6vov iravrmv 
 TOVTwv Twv vofju^o/xsvcov (f>c\.oa6(J3a>v TraXaioTspoi, /xaKcipioi koI 
 SiKawt, KoX 6so(f}iXsis, Oslo) irvsiifiari XaX'^cravTSs koX to. fjLsK- 
 \ovTa 6e<nri<7avTEs, a Srj vvv r^LvsTav 'npo(^rfras h\ avroiis 
 KoXovcriv. OvToi fiovoi TO aXTjOss koI slBov koX s^ehrov 
 avOpoiTTOis, /U,?;t' svXa^rjOEVTSS, /ir/rs BvacoirrjdsvTSS Tivd, fjirj 
 rjTTTjfisvoi Bo^Tjs, hWa fxova ravra eIttovtss a fiKovaav koL a 
 slhov aylm TrXypwdevTss Trvev/jLari. — Justin M., Dial, cam 
 Tryph. c 7. 
 
NOTES. 235 
 
 The ' Confessions ' of St. Augustine, in which he gives a full 
 account of the intellectual and moral perplexities which led 
 him to renounce irreligion and heresy, and embrace a saving 
 faith, is of a later date, and belongs properly to the post- 
 Nicene period. See the seventh book particularly. 
 
 His first and greatest difficulty was the Origin of Evil 
 (Confess, vii. 3): — Sed rrrsus dicebam, Quis fecit me? 
 nonne Deus mens, non tantum bonus, sed ipsum bonum ? 
 Unde igitur mihi male velle et bene nolle, ut esset cur juste 
 poenas luerem ? Quis in me hoc posuit, et insevit mihi plan- 
 tarium amaritudinis, cum totus fierem a dulcissimo Deo meo ? 
 Si Diabolus auctor, unde ipse Diabolus? . . . (c. 5.) Et 
 quaerebam, unde malum : et male quasrebam : et in ipsa in- 
 quisitione mea non videbam malum. . . . (c. 6.) Jam etiam 
 mathematicorum fallaces divinationes et impia deliramenta 
 rejeceram. . . (c. 7.) Jam itaque me, adjutor meus, illis vinculis 
 solveras, et qussrebam unde malum, et non erat exitus. . . . 
 (c. 13.) Et prime volens ostendere mihi, quam resistas 
 superbis, humilibus autem des gratiam, et quanta misericordia 
 tua demonstrata sit hominibus via humilitatis, quod Verbum 
 tuum caro factum est, et habitavit inter homines, pro- 
 curasti mihi per quendam hominem immanissimo typho 
 turgidum, quosdam Platonicorum libros . . . et ibi legi, non 
 quidem his verbis, sed hoc idem omnino multis et multiplici- 
 bus suaderi rationibus ; quod in principio erat Verbum, et 
 Verbum erat apud Deum, et Deus erat Verbum : hoc erat 
 in principio apud Deum ; omnia per eum facta sunt. . . . 
 (c. 14.) Item ibi legi quia Deus Verbum, non ex came, non ex 
 sanguine, non ex voluntate viri, neque ex voluntate carnis, 
 sed ex Deo natus est. Sed quia Verbum caro factum est, et 
 habitavit in nobis, non ibi legi. . . . Quod exin ante omnia 
 tempera, et supra omnia tempora incommutabiliter manet 
 unigenitus Filius tuus coseternus tibi, et quia de plenitudine 
 ejus accipiunt animaj ut beatse sunt, et quia participatione 
 manentis in se sapientise renovantur ut sapientes sint : est ibi. 
 Quod autem secundum tempus pro impiis mortuus est ; et 
 Filio unico tuo non pepercisti, sed pro nobis omnibus tradi- 
 
236 NOTES. 
 
 disti eum: non est ibi. Abscondisfci enim hsec a sapientibus, 
 et revelasti ea parvulis. . . . (c. 10.) Etinde admonitus redire 
 ad memetipsum, intra vi in intima mea duce te; et potui 
 quoniam factus es adjutor mens : seqq. 
 
 Of the process of thought by which such inquirers were 
 led to Christianity, Neander says {Hist, of the Church, iii. 
 135) : — ' Many educated Pagans were conducted to the Faith, 
 not at once, by means of some sudden excitement, but after 
 they had been led by particular providences, by the great 
 multitude of Christians around them, to entertain doubts of 
 the Pagan religion they had received from their ancestors, 
 and to enter upon a serious examination of the several 
 systems of religion within their reach. They read the Holy 
 Scriptures and the writings of the Christian Fathers ; they 
 proposed their doubts and their difficulties to Christian friends, 
 and finally made up their minds to go to the bishop. Many 
 came, by slow degrees, through many intervening steps, to 
 Christianity ; and the Neo-Platonic religious idealism formed 
 one stage in particular by which they were brought nearer to 
 Christian ideas, as is seen in the examples of a Synesius and 
 an Augustine. This system made them familiar with the 
 doctrine of a Triad. Although this doctrine, in its specula- 
 tive tendency, was altogether different from the Christian 
 doctrine, which is in its essence practical throughout; yet 
 they were thereby made attentive to Christian ideas. They 
 were conducted still nearer to practical Christianity by the 
 doctrine that man needed to be redeemed and purified from 
 the might of the v\t}, which not only fettered and clogged, 
 but corrupted that element of his soul which stands related 
 to God. It is true, they believed only in a general redeem- 
 ing power of God, which was imparted to individuals in pro- 
 portion to their worth ; or the communication of which was 
 connected with various religious institutions under different 
 forms. . . . Yet when those to whom Christianity appeared 
 at first as one particular revelation of the divine, coordi- 
 nate to other forms of manifestation, and not as the abso- 
 lute rehgion of humanity, were induced to read the Holy 
 
ISTOTES. 237 
 
 Scriptures, and so attend divine worship in Christian 
 churches. . . . they might by their own study of the 
 Scriptures, and through numberless impressions derived 
 from the Church life, be let more deeply into the Christian 
 truth, until at last they found the redeeming God only in 
 Christ. . . . Thus Synesius, for example . . . thus it hap- 
 pened to Augustine. . . .' 
 
 Note E E, Page 136. 
 
 Plin., Hist. Nat., ii. I : — Mundum et hoc quod nomine 
 alio ccBlum appellare libuit, cujus circumflexu teguntur omnia, 
 numen credi par est, seternum, immensum, neque genitum 
 neque interiturum unquam. The philosopher seems to 
 identify the universe of things with the heavens, or vault of 
 Eether, embracing all things, by which the globe is sur- 
 rounded. Cicero recites well-known passages to the same 
 effect from Ennius and Euripides : Aspice hoc sublime 
 candens quem invocant omnes Jovem. . . . Vides sublime 
 fusum immoderatum sethera, qui terram tenero circumjectu 
 amplectitur. Hunc summam habeto Divum, hunc perhibeto 
 Jovem. The Stoic Chrysippus had advanced the same ex- 
 position of the Grodhead : Chrysippus disputavit asthera esse 
 eum quem homines appellant Jovem. Cicero, De Nat. Deor., 
 ii. 2, 25. Lucan, following an ampler explanation of the 
 same school, affirmed Jupiter to be not only: quodcunque 
 vides, the whole material universe, but : quocunque moveris, 
 the whole of our moral nature. But such authorities as these 
 had condescended to use at least the popular name of the 
 Supreme Deity, and to speak of Him as a personal existence. 
 Pliny disdains this economy. After discussing various theo- 
 logical views, he concludes himself: Deus est mortali juvare 
 mortalem, et hsec ad setemam gloriam via, i. e. God is the 
 mere abstract principle of virttie ; and this leads him round 
 to the starting-point of the Pagan mythologies, the pretended 
 deification of the wise and good among mortals : Hac proceres 
 
238 IfOTES. 
 
 iere Romani; Lac nunc ccelesti passu cum liberis suis vadit 
 maximus omnis sevi rector Vespasianus Augustus fessis rebus 
 subveniens. Hie est vetustissimus referendi gratiam bene me- 
 rentibus mos, ut tales numinibus ascribant. Quippe et om- 
 nium aliorum nomina Deorum ... ex hominum nata sunt 
 meritis. And hence by an easy lapse to the denial of a Pro- 
 vidence : Irridendum vero agere curam rerum humanarum 
 illud quicquid est summum. Such is the vicious circle 
 described by Pantheism and Atheism. 
 
 Note F F, Page 139. 
 
 With regard to the means of obtaining peace and favour 
 with God, the main object of our religious affections, the 
 notion of the ancients fluctuated, much like our own, be- 
 tween the principles of Sanctification and Justification, of 
 gaining the reward by personal acts or merits, or by free 
 acceptan e in consequence of some act or merit of another. 
 Under the first head are comprised ceremonial purifications, 
 as well as works of justice or charity ; all godly living as well 
 as righteous observance; acts of personal discipline and self- 
 denial ; means of removing inward' or outward hindrances to 
 acceptance with the Deity. Thus man is supposed to work 
 out his own salvation, whatever aid may be given him from 
 above, whether by the opus operatum of ritual lustra- 
 tions, or by the infusion of divine grace to prevent and 
 follow him in all his thoughts and actions. Under the 
 second principle is comprised the notion of satisfaction to 
 God, of reconciliation with Him, of atonement effected by a 
 prescribed religious service, such as sacrifice ; whether the 
 offering by the worshipper of an object precious to himself, or 
 the self-devotion of an object precious to God, for the love it 
 bears to the worshipper. 
 
 In the early ages of Christianity we find both these ideas 
 of religion, both the-e ruling principles of divine worship, 
 recognised equally among the heathens. Lustration and 
 Expiation, Purification and Propitiation, the Mysteries and 
 
NOTES. 239 
 
 the Sacrifices, were in perhaps equal vogue and estimation 
 among them. By the one they hoped to wash away the 
 stains of guilt, to elevate the moral character, to cast off the 
 slough of human corruption, to purge the mental vision and 
 obtain a higher and truer conception of the Divine, or 
 nearer communion with it ; to abjure our frail humanity and 
 assume a portion at least of divine illumination, purity, 
 and sanctity; to raise man to Grod. Such was the object 
 of the Mysteries, or Initiation into the secrets of moral 
 nature ; such the promises held forth by the Hierophants 
 of various religious systems, especially of those derived from 
 or connected with the East, and assured through the in- 
 strumentality of occult ceremonial observances, and most 
 potently by the use of magical arts and appliances. 
 
 But such were the aspirations, and such the resources 
 generally of the more refined and intelligent worshippers ; 
 this notion of lustration as the one thing needful was, in a 
 great measure, a reaction from the grosser superstitions of 
 the vulgar ; from the popular conception that Grod's favour 
 was to be attained directly, and without any personal effort, 
 by the means of offerings and sacrifice. To pour forth before 
 the throne of grace gifts — precious gifts, gifts ever ascending 
 in value, gifts of life, of the life of animals, and lastly of 
 man himself, of our friends, of our offspring, of ourselves — 
 such was the most popular, the most ancient, the most wide- 
 spread notion of religious service. The idea seems to have 
 commonly prevailed, that such sacrifice was accepted instead 
 of the suffering due from the worshipper himself for his sins, 
 or the disfavour, however caused, in which he imagined him- 
 self to stand with God. Hence, the more precious the victim 
 to Him, the more hope that the vicarious substitute would be 
 accepted. Of the extent to which human sacrifices were 
 offered in the heathen world I have spoken in a previous 
 note, and of the ineradicable feeling which prompted them, 
 and which reappeared again and again under the pressure of 
 terror and disaster. But even in the heathen mind this idea 
 of the value of sacrifice assumed here and there another and 
 
240 NOTES 
 
 a higher form. Indications are not wanting in the Pagan 
 mythology of the conception of a spontaneous offering made 
 to God for man by a being himself partaking of the divine 
 nature, and having, from such participation, a certain claim 
 upon the favour and consideration of the Deity. The highest 
 and holiest idea of sacrifice, as the offering by Grod Himself 
 of something precious to Himself for the sake of man, and 
 in order to reconcile man to Himself, is not wholly alien even 
 from the mind of the heathens. 
 
 The Grreeks and Eomans might learn, on inquiry, that 
 Christianity offered a view of religion founded, like their own, 
 on the ideas both of purification and of propitiation. They 
 might learn that Baptism was regarded by the Church as an 
 initiatory rite, leading to a new life of purity and godliness, 
 the great hindrances to which, in natural and acquired cor- 
 ruption, might be removed by the grace of the Holy Spirit 
 infused into the hearts of the believers, and manifesting 
 itself in their conversion to God, and their amendment of 
 life and conversation. 
 
 Again, they might learn that the death of Christ upon the 
 cross was declared to be a sacrifice, consummated once for all, 
 the crowning sacrifice of which all earlier offerings were but 
 types, the offering, not of man's dearest as a ransom for him- 
 self from punishment due to his own sins, but the offering of 
 God's dearest for the sake of man, as the means discovered 
 by the Most High to satisfy His justice, and at the same time 
 to illustrate His love. 
 
 They might learn, further, that the Christian mind still 
 fluctuated, like their own, between these two conceptions ; that 
 sometimes, and in some minds, the one, in some the other, 
 gained the predominance; that, as in after times, so even 
 then, there were some teachers who put forward the one 
 view as the main essence of religion, some the other ; that in 
 some schools it is the life of Christ, with the lessons and 
 example of godly practice which it has taught us ; in others, 
 the death of Christ, the cross of Christ, the atonement of 
 Christ, that is the one great revelation of the Gospel. There 
 
NOTES 241 
 
 is still, as there everhas been iu Christianity, as there ever 
 has been in Heathenism, Purification on one side and Propi- 
 tiation on the other ; Sanctification in one scale and Justifica- 
 tion in the other. 
 
 Thus they might read in Justin Martyr that the work of 
 Christ is victory over the power of evil spirits prevailing in 
 us : aTTO yap tcov Bai^fioviav, a scttiv oiKKoTpia rrjs svcrs^sias 
 Tov 6sov, ols TToXai Trpoo'SKVvovfisv, TOP 6sbv asl Sia 'Ijjctou 
 XpiaTOv avvTtjprjOrjvab TrapaKoKov/j^sv, iva fisra to sTnaTps^jrai. 
 •jrpos daov ajMOfjLOt Mfisv ^orjObv yap iicelvov Kal XvTpmrrjv 
 KoKovfjLsv. By Justin, Irenseus, Tertullian, Clement, Origen, 
 and others, it is very commonly referred to the change He 
 effects in men's lives on earth, and the sanctifying influence 
 of His teaching and example. Thus Irenseus, Adv. Hcer. 
 iii. 18 : Filius hominis factus est, ut assuesceret hominem 
 percipere Deum, et assuesceret Deum habitare in homine. 
 In ii. 22 : Omnes venit salvare .... infantes et parvulos 
 et pueros et juvenes et seniores : ideo per omnem venit 
 setatem, et infantibus infans factus, sanctificans infantes, &c. 
 Clemens Alex., Cohort, ad Gent., p. 6 : Tavry toi ■^/u.sls ol 
 rrjs avofiias viol ttots, Sia Tr]v <f>L\av0pa>7rlav rov 'Koyov vvv 
 vloi ysyovajMsv tov 6sov. Pcedag. i. 2, p. 100: scttiv oiiv 6 
 iraiSayajybs rjixav \6yos Bi^ wapaw'sasccv dspairsuriicos rmv 
 irapa (pvatv Trjs ■\frv)(rjs iradcov . . . \6yos Ss o TrarpiKos 
 jxovos so-tIv avdpwTTLVWV larpos apptoa-rrjjMdrwv Traiwvios xal 
 sTTwSos ayios vocrovarjs yfrvxTj^. Origen sees in the union 
 of the divine and human in Christ's nature the commence- 
 ment of a connection between man and Grod {Gont. Gels. 
 iii. 28) : 6t(, air sksLvov rjp^aTO 6ela Kal dvdpaTrivr] ci-vvv<pai- 
 vecrdai cpvais' Iv r) dvOpwirivr] rfj Trpbs rb Oelorspov Koivavia 
 ysvqrai 6sia ovic sv fiovoj tS Itjo'ov, dWa Kai irdai, rols fisTo. 
 rov Tna-Tsvsiv dvaXajM^dvovcTi ^lov, ov b ^Irjcrovs sSiSa^sv. The 
 same writer compares the death of Christ with that of 
 Socrates, as a means of confirming the courage of his dis- 
 ciples. See Gontr. Gels. ii. 14, 40. 
 
 Again, Lactantius refers the work of Christ expressly to 
 the effect of His baptism (JDlvvn. Instit. iv. 15) : Tinctus est 
 
 R 
 
242 NOTES. 
 
 a Johanne in Jordano fluvio, ut lavacro spiritali peccata non 
 sua, qu£e utique non habebat, sed carnis quam gerebat, 
 aboleret. 
 
 These views, however, did not necessarily exclude the 
 other notion of the efficacy of Christ's death for man's 
 justification. The heathens might trace in patristic teaching 
 many distinct assertions of the remission of sins through the 
 merit of our Lord's sacrifice. Comp. Barnabas, c. 5 : Propter 
 hoc Dominus sustinuit tradere corpus suum in exterminium, 
 ut remissione peccatorum sanctificemur, quod est, sparsione 
 sanguinis illius. Clemens Eom. ad Corinth, i. c. 7 : aTsvt- 
 acDfisv sis TO alfj,a tou Xp((7ToO Kol iSco/j,sv (09 Ti/jiiov Tft) 6sm 
 {aifia) avTov, on km. Si.a ttjv -^fiSTspav acoTTjpiav SKj^vdsv 
 iravTi tS> Koa-fim fisTavoias %aptz' inrrjvsyKSV. Tertullian, Adv. 
 Judceos, c. 13 : Christum oportebat pro omnibus gentibus 
 fieri sacrificium, qui tanquam ovis ad victimam ductus est. 
 Origen, In Levit. Horn. 3 : Ipse etiam qui in similitudinem 
 hominum factus est, et habitu repertus ut homo, sine dubio pro 
 peccato quod ex nobis susceperat, quia peccata nostra portavit, 
 vitulum immaculatum, hoc est, carnem incontaminatam, ob- 
 tulit hostiam Deo. Again, In Numer. Horn. 4 : Si non fuisset 
 peccatum, non necesse fuerat filium Dei agnum fieri, nee opus 
 fuerat eum in carne positum jugulari . . . peccati autem 
 necessitas propitiationem requirit, et propitiatio non fit nisi 
 per hostiam. In Matth. c. 16, tract. 11 : Homo quidem non 
 potest dare aliquam commutationem pro anima sua, Deus 
 autem pro animabus omnium dedit commutationem pretiosum 
 sanguinem filii sui. Cyprian, Ad Demetr. c. 22 : Hanc gra- 
 tiam Deus impertit .... redimendo credentem pretio 
 sanguinis sui, reconciliando hominem Deo patri. Lactantius 
 in the verses ascribed to him, De Benejiciis Christi : — 
 
 Quisquis ades, mediique subis in limina templi, 
 Siste parum, insontemque tuo pro crimine passum 
 Eespice me. 
 
 These are a few only of the passages of the Fathers on this 
 subject, collected by G-rotius, De Satisfactione Christi, and 
 
NOTES. 243 
 
 later writers. An ample catena, embracing almost every 
 known name among the Christian writers of the first three 
 centuries, is given by Professor Blunt, Lectures on the Use of 
 the Early Fathers, p. 518 foil. I do not, however, discover in 
 them any expressions opposed to the distinction thus stated 
 by Hagenbach {History of Doctrines, i. p. 172, Engl, trans.) 
 in discussing the opinions of the primitive Church : — ' The 
 tendency of Christ's appearance on earth, as such, was to 
 redeem men from sin, and to reconcile them to God, inasmuch 
 as it destroyed the power of the devil, and restored the 
 harmony of human nature. But, in accordance with the 
 doctrines preached by the apostles, the sufferings and death 
 of Christ were from the commencement thought to be of 
 principal importance in the work of Eedemption. The 
 Fathers of the primitive Church regarded His death as a 
 sacrifice and a ransom, and therefore ascribed to His blood 
 the power of cleansing from sin and guilt, and attached a 
 high importance, sometimes even a supernatural efficacy, to 
 the sign of the Cross. . . . Yet that theory of satisfac- 
 tion had not yet been formed which represents Christ as 
 satisfying the justice of Grod by suffering in the room of 
 the sinner the punishment due to him.' Nevertheless the 
 writer admits, what appears plainly enough, that ' the 
 desiffn of the death of Christ was to reconcile man to Grod 
 was an opinion held by more than one of the Fathers.' 
 
 On the whole, we must allow that among the Christians, as 
 among the Heathens of the primitive age, there was much 
 fluctuation of opinion respecting the foundation of religious 
 feeling ; that some were inclined, sometimes at least, to lean 
 more to the purifying and elevating effect of Christ's mission, 
 some to the propitiatory character of His sufferings. Some 
 looked chiefly to His life, others to His death ; some to what 
 He did for men, others to what He suffered for men ; some to 
 His sanctifying influence, others to His justifying merits. 
 
 It may be conceded, perhaps, that the former, in accord- 
 ance with the prevalent religious sentiment of the time, 
 and in the absence of any ruled decision of the Church on the 
 
 R 2 
 
244 NOTES. 
 
 subject, was the more common inclination of the two. The 
 notion of purification and exaltation of the human soul by 
 virtue required or imparted, by the overthrow or extinction 
 of evil powers and dispositions, was fondly entertained by 
 the purest of the heathen philosophical systems ; such was 
 the aim of the most popular superstitious observances of the 
 time. It is possible that the Christians themselves may 
 have been so far affected by the habits of thought around 
 them, as to look more to this side of Christian doctrine than 
 to the other. Of the Nicene creed, we may observe that 
 while proclaiming the saving efficacy of our Lord's whole 
 career, ' Who for us men and for our salvation came down 
 from heaven, . . was incarnate, . . and was made man, and 
 was crucified also for us. . . He suffered and was buried, 
 . . and rose again,' it places the death of Christ on the same 
 line with every other leading incident in it, and does not 
 exalt it, as later systems of theology would generally do, to 
 the grand and cardinal place above them all. If it speaks 
 of the sufferings of Christ, it says nothing of His Satisfaction 
 or Atonement ; the Eemission of Sins it ascribes rather to 
 His Baptism than to His Crucifixion. 
 
 Note G G-, Page 149. 
 
 S. Augustin, De Civ. Dei, xxii. 30 : "Vera ibi gloria erit, 
 ubi laudantis nee errore quisquam, nee adulatione laudabitur : 
 verus honor qui nulli negabitur digno, nulli deferetur indigno: 
 sed nee ad eum ambiet ullus indignus, ubi nullus permittetur 
 esse nisi dignus. Vera pax ibi est, ubi nihil adversi, nee a 
 se ipso, nee ab alio quisquam patietur. Prasmium virtutis 
 erit ipse qui virtutem dedit; eique se ipsum, quo melius et 
 majus nihil possit esse, promisit. Quid est enim aliud quod 
 per Prophetam dixit, Ero illoruin Deus, et ipsi erunt inihi 
 plebs ; nisi. Ego ero unde satientur, Ego ero qusecunque ab 
 hominibus honest^ desiderantur, et vita, et salus, et victus, 
 et copia, et gloria, et honor, et pax, et omnia bona ? Sic 
 enim et illud recte intelligitur, quod ait Apostolus, Ut sit 
 
NOTES 245 
 
 Deus omnia in omnibus. Ipse iinis erit desideriorum nos- 
 trorum, qui sine fine videbitur, sine fastidio amabitur, sine 
 fatigatione laudabitur. Hoc munus, hie affectus, hie actus 
 profecto erit omnibus, sicut ipsa vita seterna, communis. 
 
 Note 1 1, Page 157. 
 
 We may assume tbat the Christian apologists took care to 
 present to their heathen readers the arguments which they 
 knew would have the greatest force with them. That, from 
 the superior morality of the disciples, is eloquently set forth 
 by Justin Martyr, Apol. i. c. 14: . . . op Tpo-rrov ical rjfisls 
 fisra TO TtZ X67&) irsiadrivai, eksivwv jjisv aTTsarijfisv, 6em Ss 
 fj,6va> Tft) aysvvrjTm 8ta tov viov sTr6fj,e6a • ol "irdXac fisv Tropvsiais 
 ')(aipovT£S, vvv 8s (Tco(ppoavvriv fiovrjv acnratpfisvoi • ol Se koI 
 fiayiKals TS')(vais '^a)/j,svoi, dya6a> koI dysvvi]T(p 0£m kavToiis 
 dvaTsdsiKSras' ^(priixdTWV hs km. KTrj/uidTcov ol iropovs TravTOi 
 fiSXKov (TTspyovTSS, vvv Kal a s^ofisv sis koivov <f>spovTSs Kal 
 irdvTi Ssofisvw KOivccvovvTSS • 01 /j,iadWr]\oi 8s Kal dWrjXoipovoi 
 Kal Trpos Toiis ov^ ofio^vkovs 8ia ra s6r] Kal scnias Kotvds jj,rj 
 iTOiovfisvoi, vvv pLsrh Tr)v sTTLcpavsiav tov Xpiarov 6fj,o8Lai,roL 
 yivofisvot, Kal virsp ruv s)(6pa)V sv)(p/j,£voi, Kal tovs d8iKas 
 fiicrovvTas irsLOsiv Trsipdofisvoi, oirtos ol Kard ids rov Xpiarov 
 KaXds VTrodrj/iocrvvas ^laxravTSs svsXttiSss Sxti avv rjfuv twv 
 avT&v Trapd rov irdvTWV 8s(7Tr6^ovros Bsov TVp^stj/. Compare 
 Origen, Contr. Celsum, i. 67: sfnroigL 8s davfiaaiavKpaorrjTa 
 Koi KaracrToXrjv tov tjOovs, Kal (piXavOpanriav Kal '^prjaTOTrjra 
 Kal ■^fispoTrjTa sv tols firj 8id Ta ^icoTOKa rj Tivas y^psias dvOpw- 
 iTiKas vTroKpivafiivois, dXXa TrapaBs^afisvois yvrjuicos tov irspl 
 6sov Kal Xpjo-ToO Kal Trjs saofisvrjs Kplasws Xoyov. 
 
 At a later period, and under less favourable circumstances, 
 Lactantius could advance similar pretensions, though his 
 rhetorical style commands less of our confidence {Instit. Div. 
 iii. 26) : Dei autem praecepta, quia et simplicia et vera sunt, 
 quantum valeant in animis hominum quotidiana exempla 
 demonstrant. Da mihi virum qui sit iracundus, maledicus, 
 
246 NOTES. 
 
 effrffinatus ; paucissimis Dei verbis tarn placidum quam ovem 
 reddam. Da cupidum, avarum, tenacem: jam tibi eum 
 liberalem dabo, et pecuniam suam plenis manibus largi- 
 entem. Da timidum doloris ac mortis : jam cruces, et ignes, 
 et Phalaridis taurum contemnet. Da libidinosum, adulterum, 
 ganeonem : jam sobrium, castum, continentem videbis. Da 
 crudelem et saDguinis appetentem : jam in veram clementiam 
 furor ille mutabitur . . . gratis ista fiunt, facile, cito ; modo 
 pateant aures, et pectus sapientiam sitiat . . . Pauca vero 
 Dei prsecepta sic totum hominem immutant, et exposito 
 vetere, novum reddunt, ut non cognoscas eundem esse. 
 
 On the conversion of Pagans at the sight of the Christian 
 martyrdoms, see particularly Justin Martyr, Apol. ii. c. 12 : 
 Kot yap avTos iyo>, rois Tl\dT<ovos j^alpmv hL^dyfiaai, Bia^aX- 
 Xo/jisvovs aKovcov l^piaTiavovs, 6pS)V Ss d(j)6j3ovs Trpos Odvarov 
 KaL Trdvra rd dWa vofhitpfisva <po/3spd, svsvcovv dSvvarov Blvai 
 sv KaKia Kal (jjiXrjSovia vTrdp^siv ainovs. k. t. X. 
 
 This passage is cited by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. iv. 8. Comp. 
 Justin M., Apol. i. c. 25. Dial. c. Tryph. c. 110, 119, 131. 
 To the evidence thus afforded, the Pagans could only reply by 
 imputing the patience of the Christians to obstinacy or mad- 
 ness. TextoW.., Apol. c. 27: Quidam dementiam existimant, 
 quod cum possimus et sacrificare in prsesenti, et illsesi abire 
 manente apud animum proposito, obstinationem saluti prsefe- 
 ramus. c. 50 : propterea desperati et perditi existimamur. In 
 the same place: Nec-quicquam tamen proficit exquisitior 
 quseque crudelitas vestra ; illecebra est magis vitse : plures 
 efBcimur, quoties metimur a vobis : semen est sanguis Chris- 
 tianorum. . . Ilia ipsa obstinatio, quam exprobratis, magistra 
 est. Quis enim non contemplatione ejus concutitur adrequi- 
 rendum, quid intus in re sit ? Quis non, ubi requisivit, 
 accedit ? ubi accessit, pati exhortat? 
 
 Compare Epict., Dissert, iv. 7 : slra vtto /navias fisv Svvarai 
 tIs ovrco SiaTeOrjvai, Trpos Tavra, koI inro sdovs cos ol TdkiXaiot, 
 iiTTo Xoyov Bs Kal dTToSsi'^soos ovBsls hvvarai. M. Aure]., Meclit. 
 xi. 3 : ^jLtj Kord yfnXTjv irapdra^LV, ds ol XpiaTiavoi. 
 
 In the Epistle to Diognetus, one of the pieces attributed 
 
NOTES. 247 
 
 to Justin Martyr, the heathen is invited to remark, among 
 other tokens of their moral superiority, that the Christians 
 do not expose their infants : ryafj,ov(Tiv. . . Tsicvoyovova-tv, aW 
 ou poTTTovai T^ ysvvMfisva. Among the heathen, this abomi- 
 nable practice, which grew probably more and more rife with 
 the decline of society, was the restilt often of misery, but more 
 commonly of indolence and selfishness. When we remember 
 that the Christians, who denied themselves this miserable 
 resource, were excluded by their principles from mauy of the 
 employments and avocations of their fellow- citizens, we can 
 easily imagine how superior they must have been to the mass 
 of those around them in self-denial, self-confidence, and 
 energy ; in all the Adrtues, in short, which in the long run 
 secure success in life. I imagine that no cause contributed 
 more to the triumph of Christianity than the moral discipline 
 to which its disciples were necessarily subjected. 
 
 Note K K, Page 165. 
 
 The story is told by Sozomen, Hist. Eccles. i. 18, and is 
 repeated by most writers on Church history as a vivid 
 illustration of the temper of the times. Some may pay it 
 the tribute of a passing smile, others make an open jest of it. 
 To me it seems to have a deep and grave significance. I be- 
 lieve that among the most thoughtful and logical of reasoners 
 the final movement towards conversion has often been one of 
 sudden inexplicable impulse, and I trace in this individual 
 instance, whether actual or mythical, a striking emblem of 
 the way in which the last links which bound the Eoman Em- 
 pire to Paganism were mysteriously, providentially, perhaps 
 I may say miraculously, snapped asunder. 
 
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 Abridged ditto 5 
 
 Yo V N g's Nautical Dictionary 19 
 
 Youatt on the Dog 18 
 
 . on the Horse ' 18 
 
 SI-vf-eriaWOODE and CO., P^INTEE'^, n'k-vt-sxrekt squabe, LOifDOn"