F THE GIFT OF A-^ssq3^ )i>|vir|i4- 97»4 Cornell University Library F 23 B96 Beginnings of coloniai iVIaine, 1602-1658 olin 3 1924 028 809 022 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028809022 Sir John and L,ady Popham Monument, Parish Church, Wellington. T H K Beginnings of Colonial Maine 1602=1658 BY HENRY S. BURRA.QE, D. D. State Historian To re-create any period of the past for our own minds, to understand it as it was, unlike what went before it, unlike what came after it — this is the chief aim of history; and for this purpose one must study not only the masses of men, but also individual men, their ideas and beliefs, their enjoy- ments and aspirations. James Bryce, University and Historical Addresses, page 362. Printed for the State 1914 A.'aS^OB^ copyrightbd 1914 By Henry S. Burrage, D. D. Marks Printing House PORTI,AND, Me. To THE. Memory of William Gammbll, lih- D. Professor of History and Political Economy In Brown University 1850-1864 This Volume Is Gratefully Dedicated By One of His Students CONTBNTS. CH4PTKB. I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. Early English VoyagBs to thb American Coast GOSNOIvD AND PRING The De Monts Colony Waymouth's Voyage of 1605 Hanham and Pring The Popham Colony . The French Colony at Mount Desert Voyages by Captain John Smith and Others The Fight for Free Fishing Various Schemes and I^evett's Explora TIONS .... Beginnings Here and Reawakenings in England .... Numerous Grants for Settlements Some Settlement Clashings . Added Settlements and General Condi TIONS .... The French at Castine Gorges Receives a Royal Charter Some Unrelated Matters Agamenticus Becomes Gorgeana Cleeve Secures an Ally in Colonel Rigby Robert Jordan as Winter's Successor Massachusetts Claims Maine Territory The Jurisdiction of Massachusetts Ac- cepted .... Review of the Period . P&GB. 1 17 29 37 52 63 100 118 144 160 176 197 221 241 264 281 300 313 325 342 356 370 383 ILLUSTRATIONS. Popham Memorial, Parish Church, Wellington Frontispiece facing page Part of the New England Coast lyine on the Simancas Map of 1610 ...... 1 The Cabot Tower, Bristol, England ... 6 Parish Church, Cockington .... 18 Champlain's Map of St. Croix Island ... 30 Champlain's Sketch of St. Croix island and buildings . 32 St. Croix Island from the Maine Border ... 34 The De Monts Colony Memorial on St. Croix Island 36 Title Page of Hosier's Relation .... 42 Memorial of Waymouth's Voyage, 1605 ... 48 Pring Memorial, St. Stephen's Church, Bristol . 62 Plan of Fort St. George, 1607 .... 76 President George Popham to James I Dec. 13, 1607 92 Site of Fort St. George (indicated by arrow) . . 99 Memorial of Popham Colony (Fort St. George) . . 98 St. Sepulchre Church, lyondon, in which Captain John Smith Was Buried ..... 122 Sutton's Pool and Old Part of Plymouth. In the Fore- ground the Pier from Which the Mayflower Sailed . 148 Plymouth, England, and Its Defences in 1646 . . 166 Aid worth and Elbridge Monument in St. Peter's Church, Bristol ...... 180 The Pilgrim Grant on the Kennebec . . 186 Affidavit of Richard Vines and Henry Josselyn . 220 Viri ILLUSTRATIONS. Sir Ferdinando Gorges to Governor William Gorges . 262 Complaint of George Cleeve, June 24, 1640. Witnessed by Deputy Governor Thomas Gorges and Edward Godfrey ...... 292 John Winter to Robert Trelawny .... 304 Church at I^ong Ashton in Which Sir Ferdinando Gorges Was Buried ...... 324 Ashton Court Near Bristol .... 340 St. Budeaux Church Near Plymouth in Which Is the Sir Ferdinando Gorges Memorial . . . 356 PREFACE. In the following pages an attempt is made to record the promi- nent facts with reference to the beginnings of colonial Maine. To the earlier part of these beginnings, neither Sullivan in his History of the District of Maine (1795), nor Williamson in his History of the State of Maine (1832), devoted much space. When they wrote, the known and accessible sources of information concern- ing those earlier undertakings were exceedingly scanty. Careful research, however, especially in the last half century, has brought to light valuable original materials for the history of that earlier period, and the discovery of these materials has greatly enlarged our knowledge with reference both to facts and persons. Among these new sources of information is a manuscript which was discovered in 1876 in the library of I/ambeth Palace, I/Ondon, by the late Rev. Dr. B. F. De Costa of New York.^ Its great value arises from the fact that it is the original record both of the voy- age of the Popham colonists in making their way to our coast, and of the earlier undertakings connected with the planting of the colony at the mouth of the Kennebec. The manuscript is entitled. The Relation of a Voyage unto New England, Began from the Lizard, the first of June 1607 , By Captain Popham in the ship the Gift^ and Captain Gilbert in the Mary and John: Written by and found amongst the papers of the truly worshipful Sr. Ferdinando Gorges, Knt, by rne William Griffith. But especially important, in this addition to the sources, was the discovery of the manuscript material now known as the Tre- 0) For a more extended account see page 66. (') In his Historic of Travaile into Virginia William Strachey gives the full name of the vessel, the Gift of God. X PREFACE. lawny Papers. These constitute a treasure-house of information with reference to business interests and other matters at Rich- mond's island and vicinity for quite a number of years beginnings with 1631. In the grant of land on Cape Elizabeth obtained in that year by Robert Trelawny and Moses Goodyear, merchants of Plymouth, England, Richmond's island was included ; and on it, not long after the grant was made, John Winter, as the agent of Trelawny and Goodyear, established a large fishing and trading station. Goodyear died March 26, 1637, and Robert Trelawny became the sole proprietor of the patent ^ Fortunately the corre- spondence between Winter and Trelawny was continued about ten years, and their letters, with other valuable papers, accounts, etc., connected with Robert Trelawny's business affairs on this side of the sea were, until about the year 1872, carefully preserved at Ham, Robert Trelawny's residence in the vicinity of Plymouth. The discovery^ of this manuscript material by the late John Win- gate Thornton, Esq., of Boston, Mass., its presentation to the Maine Historical Society and its arrangement and publication by the Hon. James P. Baxter, of Portland, in a volume of more than five hundred pages with many valuable notes, supply us with much information not only concerning life and transactions at Richmond's island in that early period of our colonial history, but also with reference to other places and events upon the coast of Maine. Mr. Baxter's own painstaking researches in England with ref- erence to this same period, begun about the same time, were also richly rewarded. The results we have in three works of very great interest and value. The first of these is his George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 1630-1667 ., with Collateral Documents, a volume that gives us an admirable portraiture of the founder of Portland, based upon such manuscript materials and early records as Mr. Baxter was able to obtain at home and abroad. The volume was pub- Q) An account of the discovery of these papers by Mr. Thornton, and of their subsequent history, will be found in a note on pages 211 and 212 of this- volume. PREFACE. XI lished in 1885 by the Gorges Society, Portland, a first sheaf of Mr. Baxter's historical gleanings in widely scattered fields. It was followed by his Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine in three volumes, published in 1890 by the Prince Society, Boston . The first volume contains a valuable biography of Gorges , and is in fact the only extended biography of Sir Ferdinando that has as yet appeared, either in this country or in England. The second and third volumes contain Gorges' Brief Narration, his Brief Answer to Certain False, Slanderous and Idle Objections made against Sr. Ferd. Gorges, Knight, the charter of Gorges' Province of Maine, his letters, his will, also genealogical notes on the Gorges family, etc., the two volumes comprising many hitherto unpublished materials found in the Public Records Office, I^ondon, the library of the British Museum, various other public collections like the Bodleian lyibrary, Oxford, also great private collections including that of Sir Robert Cecil, the chief secretary of Queen Elizabeth and James I. Still anpther work by Mr. Baxter relat- ing to colonial beginnings in Maine, and one likewise prepared from original sources, is his Christopher Levett of York, the Pio- neer of Casco Bay. In addition to the interesting biography of lycvett, the volume contains I,evett's own narrative of A Voyage into New England begun in 1623 and ended in 1624. This work was published by the Gorges Society, Portland, in 1893. In his research work in England, Mr. Baxter discovered a manuscript volume of three hundred and twenty pages entitled The Jewell of Artes . It is in the King's I^ibrary in lyondon, and on examination was found to be the work of Captain George Waymouth, who commanded the Archangel in her now well- known voyage to the coast of Maine in 1605. Before Mr. Baxter's discovery of this manuscript, it was supposed that Captain Way- mouth was a competent English shipmaster only. But ihs. Jewell of Artes disclosed the fact that he was also an accomplished engi- neer and draughtsman, and proficient in the art of ship and forti- fication building. Very generously Mr. Baxter placed this man- uscript in my hands for use in my preparation of Rosier's Relation XII PREFACE. of Waymouth's Voyage to the Coast of Maine in 1605, published by the Gorges Society, Portland, in 1887. My estimate of Way- mouth was enlarged by this manuscript at that time, and its influence I have felt in my references to him in the present volume. In matters pertaining to the Popham colony, I have derived much assistance from the Rev. Henry O. Thayer's excellent work entitled The Sagadahoc Colony , Comprising the Relation of a Voyage into New England (^Lambeth Manuscript^) , and published by the Gorges Society, Portland, 1892. Mr. Thayer's introduction and notes leave nothing to be desired, while in the appendix, covering one hundred pages, there is a full and satisfactory discussion of many points of interest with reference to the colony. Mr. Thayer ' s valuable contributions to the Collections of the Maine Historical Society with reference to the same period have also been found very helpful. Dr. Charles E. Banks, who has made a special study of Edward Godfrey's life and services in connection with the development of colonization efforts, first at Piscataqua and afterward at Agamen- ticus (later Gorgeana and York), has a biographical sketch of Edward Godfrey in the Collections of the Maine Historical Society (First Series, IX, 297-384), to which is added an appendix con- taining letters and various papers by Godfrey, from which I have derived valuable aid ; also from his extended papers on Colonel Alexander Rigby in the second volume of the Maine Historical and Genealogical Recorder. Much assistance also I have received from the Famham Papers, a collection of documents pertaining to Maine history, compiled in two volumes by Miss Mary Frances Farnham, and published by the Maine Historical Society. To bring these many documents together in this way, making them easily accessible, was an achievement worthy of wide recognition and generous appreciation. In connection with the preparation of Rosier's Relation of Way- mouth's Voyage my interest in the beginnings of colonial Maine was greatly quickened. Study of the original sources of informa- PRBFACE. XIII tion concerning these beginnings not only revealed but empha- sized the importance of a restatement of our earlier history in a connected narrative, based upon authoritative records and docu- ments of various kinds critically used. In subsequent years, as opportunities for added research work opened from time to time, my interest was deepened, and especially in 1912, when I had the pleasure of visiting Bristol and Plymouth, England, places in which Gorges and Aldworth and Elbridge and Jennings and Tre- lawny were such prominent figures, and from which, because of these men, proceeded influences so closely connected with the beginnings of our colonial history. In modern forms, throughout these pages, I have made much use of the words of the original writings on which the narrative is so largely made to rest. During the first half of the seven- teenth century not only the great masters of the English language were at their best, but the people of the middle classes, including tradesmen and ofiicials in the humbler places, exhibited a direct- ness and vigor of expression of which we do well not to lose sight. Also in my work I have endeavored to keep in mind contempora- neous events in England during the period under review. Indeed, events then in progress on this side of the sea cannot be rightly understood unless one gives attention to movements in England at the same time, which had as their aim better social and political conditions than had obtained hitherto in the mother country. In my visit to Bristol, England, the librarian of the Central Municipal I,ibrary opened to me freely the large and very valuable collection of books relating to the history and antiquities of the city. This collection, brought together in a most attractive room in Bristol's beautiful library building, is under the charge of Miss Ethel E. Sims, who not only gave to me intelligent assistance while I was in Bristol, but also after my departure continued her efforts in my behalf with such painstaking interest that at length she was able to furnish me with the proof that the Thomas Hanham who accompanied Pring to the coast of Maine in 1606 was not the Thomas Hanham who married Penelope, daughter of XrV PREFACE. Sir John Popham, as some have supposed, but his son Thomas Hanham, and therefore a grandson of Sir John.' Mr. John Tremayne I^ane, treasurer of Bristol, placed in my hands the priceless early records of the city ; and I was greatly assisted in my examination of them by Dr. Edward G. Cuthbert Atchley. At Ashton Court, by the courtesy of Lady Smyth, Mr. Lewis Upton Way showed to me the Gorges papers still in the possession of the Smyth family, to which Sir Ferdinando was related by mar- riage. At Plymouth the public library is one of great excellence, and I found it helpful. The town clerk extended to me generous courtesies, and Mr. A. C. Simmonds, assistant conveyancing clerk in the town clerk's office, was of great help to me in my examina- tion of the town records, especially with reference to Abraham Jennings, the first owner of Monhegan. In this connection, also, I desire to make mention of my indebtedness to the great library of the British Museum and to the collections of the Public Records Office, London, where my researches were continued and ended. The writing of these pages was commenced at Cambridge, Massachusetts, in November, 1912. Until June, 1913, I was gen- erously supplied with books by the Maine State Library at Augusta, and the library of the Maine Historical Society in Port- land. At the same time, the libraries in Cambridge — that of Harvard University and the Cambridge Public Library — opened wide their doors to me, as also did the great libraries in Boston, namely, that of the Massachusetts Historical Society and the Bos- ton Athenaeum, the State Library, the library of the City of Boston and the library of the New England Historical and Gen- ealogical Society. Valuable assistance also was received from the John Hay Library and the John Carter Brown Library of Brown University, Providence, R. I. In the summer of 1913, in Cam- den, Maine, where the work of writing was continued, and in the fall and winter of that year in Portland, Maine, where it was com- pleted and the book printed, the Maine libraries already men- * See note on pages 58 and 59. PRBPACE. XV tioned still rendered valuable assistance, as also did the Portland Public Library. For that part of the Simancas map of 1610 which includes the coast line of what is now the State of Maine, I am indebted to the Houghton, Mifflin Co., Boston, publishers of Alexander Brown's Genesis of the United States, in which the whole map is found. The John Carter Brown Library, Brown University, courteously responded to my request for a fac simile of the title-page of its valuable copy of Rosier's True Relation of Waymouth's voyage to the coast of Maine in 1605. For the photograph of the Popham monument in the parish church, Wellington, Somerset, I am indebted to the Rev. W. W. Pulman, vicar of the parish. For illustrations connected with recent tercentenary celebrations, that in 1904 of the de Monts colony at St. Croix island, that in 1905 of Wasrmouth's discoveries on the Maine coast and that in 1907 of the landing of the Popham colonists at the mouth of the Kennebec, I am indebted to the Maine Historical Society ; also for the use of its copy of Johnston's map of the Pilgrim grant on the Kenne- bec in securing a photographic copy of the same ; and also for a like use of original letters and other writings from the Society's invaluable collection known as the Trelawny Papers. The other illustrations are from originals in the author's possession. A Part of thb New En6i,and ( See J LlNB ON THE SiMANCAS MAP OF 1610. 25 and 47. CHAPTER I. Early English Voyages to thb American Coast. BETWEEN the close of the fifteenth century and the first part of the seventeenth, events are recorded that were more or less clearly connected with the beginnings of colonial Maine. The influences that were operative in these beginnings were largely of English origin. Primarily, the basis of England's claim to territory on the American coast is to be found in John Cabot's discovery of the North American continent in 1497. But other navigators and explorers, sailing from English ports, fol- lowed Cabot in the sixteenth century, and all are worthy of mention as aiding in opening the way to English colonization on the Atlantic coast of that continent. The sources of information concerning Cabot's voyage are scanty. From these we learn that Cabot, a native of Genoa ^ but for some time a resident in Venice, made his home in Bristol, England, about the year 1490. Then, as now, Bristol was an important English seaport, and among its merchants and fisher- men Cabot found eager listeners to his urgent pleas for English participation in further discoveries upon the American coast ; and because of these pleas, and those of other interested parties, Henry VII, March 5, 1496, granted letters patent to his "well-beloved John Cabot, citizen of Venice, and to lycwis, Sebastian and Sanctus, sons of the said John upon their own proper costs and charges, to seek out, discover and find whatsoever islands, countries, regions or provinces of the heathens or infidels, in whatever part of the world they be, which before this time have been unknown to all Christians".'' ^ The date of Cabot's birth cannot be placed later than 1451. * Although the sons of John Cabot are here mentioned, there is no evi- 2 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. Busy preparations for the expedition followed, and in May, 1497, probably early in the month, in a small vessel' with eight- een seamen,'' Cabot sailed from Bristol animated with high hopes and undaunted courage. Skirting the southern coast of Ireland, he turned the prow of his little bark first northward, then west- ward ; and after sailing seven hundred leagues he reached the American coast. No words have come down to us, either from Cabot or any of the eighteen seamen, narrating the circumstances under which the voyagers approached the land. We have no mention of any thrilling spectacle as they landed and planted the royal standard on the North American continent in token of Eng- lish possession. It is not likely that there was much delay upon the coast following the discovery. The purpose of the expedition had been accomplished, and Cabot naturally would desire to make the story of his achievement known in England at as early a date as was possible. The first report we have with reference to Cabot's return is found in a letter from I^orenzo Pasqualigo to his brothers, Alvise dence of any value that even one of them accompanied the first expedition. The career of Sebastian Cabot belongs to a later period. Harrisse says : "Cabot had a son named Sebastian, born in Venice, who lived in England not less than sixteen years, and then removed to Spain, where in 1518 Charles V appointed him Pilot-Major. This office he held for thirty years. In 1526, Sebastian was anthorized to take command of a Spanish expedition intended for 'Tharsis and Ophir', but which instead went to lio. Plata and proved disastrous. After his return to Seville he was invited in 1547 by the counsellors of Edward VI to England, and again settled in that country. Seven years afterward he prepared the expedition of Willoughby and Chan- celor and of Stephen Burroughs in search of a northeast passage to Cathay. He finally died in London (after 1557) at a very advanced age, in complete obscurity. ' ' /oAn Cabot the Discoverer of North America and Sebastian his Son. A chapter of the Maritime History of England under the Tudors, 1496-1557. By Henry Harrisse, 1896. * By writers not contemporaneous, the vessel is mentioned as the "Mat- thew". ' "Nearly all Englishmen and belonging to Bristo." Despatch of Rai- mondo di Soncino, Dec. 18, 1497, to the Duke of Milan. EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES. 3 and Francesco, dated I Drake was so embittered against the Spaniards on acconnt of the treat- ment he and his countrymen received at San Juan de Ulua that for sev- eral years following his return to England he ravaged the Spanish main. On one of these voyages Drake crossed the Isthmus of Panama, and had his first view of the Pacific Ocean. For the narrative of a part of Drake's world- encompassing voyage, see Early English and French Voyages, 153-173. ''A narrative of this "troublesome voyage", written by John Hawkins, will be found in Early English and French Voyages, 137-148. Hawkins was a member of Parliament for Plymouth from 1571 to 1583. He was said to be the man to whom is due all the credit of preparing the royal fleet to meet the Armada" in 1588, and was knighted by Queen Elizabeth July 25th of that year. EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES. 11 of Warwick, he was able to enter upon this quest, having secured for the expedition two tiny barks of twenty or twenty-five tons. Sailing northward and westward, Frobisher sighted on July 28, of that year, the coast of I,abrador ; but finding impossible barriers as lie advanced, he at length sailed homeward, reaching I^ondon October 9. In the following year, however, he was able to return to the American coast with an expedition promising larger suc- cess, but which was also doomed to failure — search for gold, which he was now commissioned to undertake, not being better rewarded than search for a northwest passage. The enthusiastic navigator's dreams, however, were still forceful, and May 15, 1578, with fifteen vessels, he again crossed the Atlantic, this time by way of Greenland, but only to find himself compelled to face added disappointments and the final non-realization of hopes long fondly cherished.' As little, also, was Francis Drake at this time giving attention to English colonization upon the American coast. In 1567, he was in command of the Judith in Hawkins' "troublesome voy- age' ' . Ten years later, having meanwhile devoted himself to the destruction of Spanish interests, he sailed from Plymouth in his celebrated world-encompassing voyage, receiving on his return the congratulations of Elizabeth, and the added honor of knight- hood.' 1 Frobisher commanded the "Triumph" at the time of the destruction of the Armada, and was knighted at sea by the Lord High Admiral. ^ Drake won lasting fame in connection with the destruction of the Spanish Armada. Even when the Armada was in preparation, Drake, who was ever ready to "singe the beard of the Spanish King", entered the har- bor of Cadiz with a fleet he had hastily assembled and destroyed nearly a hundred store-ships and other vessels. In the following year, when the Armada at length sailed from I/isbon, Drake, a vice admiral in command of the English privateers, hurried out of the harbor of Plymouth, and in com- pany with the Queen's ships fell upon the Spanish galleons with terrific fury, and "the feathers of the Spaniard were plucked one by-one". But a might- ier foe than Drake struck the final blow, as fierce storms broke upon the scattered remnants of the Armada and swept them from the wind-disturbed seas. Drake died December 27, 1595, while waging war upon Spanish inter- ests in the West Indies, and was buried at sea. 12 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. In his thoughts concerning a northwest passage to the Indies, Frobisher had received much encouragement from Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who, in 1566, wrote his Discourse of Discovery for a New Passage to Caiaia, and presented it to Queen Elizabeth. Frobish- er's ill-success, however, so far lessened Gilbert's confidence in his own reasonings that he now turned his new-world thoughts into other channels. But they still had reference to the American continent. He knew no reason why England's interest in that vast territory should be inferior to that of other nations. France already had secured a strong foothold on the banks of the St. lyawrence, and had even sought to establish colonists in Florida. Between Florida in the south, and settlements in the north that opened a way to the Great I^akes, there was a vast territory as yet unpossessed. To it Gilbert called the attention of the Queen, and asked for authority and assistance in conducting an expedition thitherward. She responded June 11, 1578, by bestowing upon him letters-patent to discover and possess lands in America, but there was to be no robbery "by sea or land". With a fleet of seven vessels Gilbert set sail in November, an untimely season of the year. Disaster followed disaster, and the expedition failed. But Gilbert's letters-patent — the first granted by the Queen for English colonization upon American soil — were still in force, and with undiminished ardor the hardy navigator commenced prepara- tions for an added venture. Delays in the organization of the expedition were encountered, and it was not until 1583 that it was fully equipped and ready to sail. The expedition left Plymouth June 11, with five vessels and two hundred and sixty men. Where the colony should be planted had not been determined. In shaping the course of the voyage, however, Gilbert selected the "trade way unto Newfoundland", and the fleet assembled in the harbor of St. John's early in August. Having landed and called together "the merchants and masters, both English and strangers", Sir Humphrey exhibited his royal commission, and having had delivered unto him "a rod and a turf of the same soil" after the English custom, he took formal possession of the KARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES. 13 island in the name of Queen Elizabeth. Disappointments, and then discouragements, rapidly followed. Sickness and death at length diminished the number of the colonists. Discontent was mani- fested among those who survived. One of the vessels returned to England, and one — "the chief ship freighted with great provision, gathered together with much travail, care, long time and diffi- culty"— suffered wreck, probably on some part of the island of Cape Breton, the loss of life — about one hundred souls — striking a death blow to the expedition itself. The homeward voyage that followed was also marked by disaster, Gilbert himself perishing in the founding of his little vessel in a terrific storm. But the expe- dition was not wholly a failure. It had called the attention of the English people to the vast territory beyond the sea, not only await- ing exploration and colonization, but offering large possibilities for enterprise and daring to those who were bold enough to avail themselves of them.^ Among those most deeply interested in English colonization in America was Sir Walter Ralegh, a half-brother of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. He had commanded the Falcon in the unsuccessful expedition of 1578, and had assisted Gilbert in his preparation for the larger service to which Sir Humphrey had devoted himself with so much heroic endeavor and self-sacrifice. Ralegh now took up the unfinished task, and obtained from Queen Elizabeth, 1 The mother of Sir Humphrey Gilbert was a Champernoun, and through her he was related to the Gorges family. His noble spirit found fitting expression in his disastrous homeward voyage, just before his little bark was engulfed. So severe was the storm that he was urged to seek safety on a larger vessel, but he resolutely declined to leave the men with whom he had embarked, and calling through the storm he encouraged his distressed com- panions with the words, ' 'Cheer up, lads! We are as near heaven at sea as on land!" Longfellow has recalled the incident in the words: He sat upon the deck, The Book was in his hand; "Do not fear! Heaven is as near, " He said, "by water as by land!" For the narrative of Gilbert's voyage, see Early English and French Voyages, 179-222. 14 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. March 25, 1584, letters-patent to "discover, search, find out and view such remote, heathen and treacherous lands, countries and territories, not actually possessed of any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people", the colonists "to have all the privilege of denizens, and persons native of England in such like ample manner and form, as if they were born and personally resident within our said realm of England, any law, custom or usage to the contrary notwithstanding' ' . Two vessels, designed for preliminary exploration, were soon in readiness, and left England April 27, 1584. Avoiding the north- ern route taken by Gilbert, those in command, Philip Amadas and Walter Barlowe, crossed the Atlantic by way of the Canaries. After reaching the islands of the West Indies, they sailed up the Atlantic coast, and at length entered the inlets that break the long, sandy barriers of North Carolina. Exploration followed. The Indians of the mainland were interviewed. Having taken posses- sion of the country in the name of the Queen, Amadas and Bar- lOwe returned to England and made a favorable report concerning the newly acquired territory. A second expedition, organized by Ralegh and placed under the command of Ralegh's cousin. Sir Richard Grenville, sailed from Plymouth April 9, 1585. In 1586, a vessel, with supplies for the relief of the fifteen men left by Grenville at Roanoke Island in the preceding year, was fitted out by Ralegh and despatched to the American coast. Sir Richard Grenville shortly after, with three ships, followed. Though Ralegh's efforts at colonization in connection with these expedi- tions failed, he was ready to make added endeavors, and, in 1587, he fitted out a fourth expedition, including one hundred and fifty colonists under the command of John White, whom he appointed Governor, and to whom he gave a charter with important privi- leges, incorporating the colonists under the name of the "Gov- ernors and Assistants of the City of Ralegh in Virginia." The colonists were landed at Roanoke Island. By their request. Gov- ernor White returned to England in the autumn for added sup- plies ; but in the following spring, when he hoped to recross the EARlyY BNGLISH VOYAGES. 15 Atlantic, all England was making heroic efforts to meet the Span- ish Armada. Ralegh, however, succeeded in fitting out a small fleet with needed supplies for the Roanoke Island colonists. But the vessels he had secured, and made ready for the Atlantic voy- age, were impressed by the government. Ralegh, however, did not lose heart, and by the most strenuous efforts on his part two small vessels, under the command of Governor White, were at length allowed to start for the American coast. Yet so severely were they handled by Spanish cruisers soon after leaving port, that they were compelled to abandon the voyage. In the follow- ing year, Ralegh made an added attempt to send relief to the colo- nists and again failed. In 1590, though a "geiieral stay" of all ships throughout England was ordered by the government, Gov- ernor White obtained for himself an opportunity to return to America. On reaching Roanoke Island, however, the traces he found of the colonists he had left there two years before told only a story of disaster, and he was obliged to return to England with- out any knowledge of their fate. Ralegh, however, still con- tinued to send thither yet other vessels in the endeavor to obtain added information ; but it was not until after the settlement of Jamestown that it became known, through the Indians, that most of the Roanoke colonists were massacred by order of Powhatan.* If English colonial enterprises on the American coast had ended in disappointment and disaster, maritime interests meanwhile had prospered. The destruction of the Spanish Armada made the sea- port towns of England more and more a nursery of seamen. Bold navigators sought out new lines of trade. But especially the fish- 1 It was at Ralegh's request that Haklu3rt wrote his Particular Discourse concerning the great necessity and manifold commodities that are like to grow to this Realm of England by the Western discoveries lately attempted. Several manuscript copies of the "Discourse" were made by Hakluyt, but it was not printed until 1877, when a manuscript copy, found in England by the late Dr. Leonard Woods, was published by the Maine Historical Society as volume II of its Documentary Series. It has since been published in Goldsmid's Hakluyt, II, 169-358. For the narratives of Ralegh's expedi- tions to the North Carolina coast, see Early English and French Voyages, 227-323. 16 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. eries flourished. Fishing voyages were made to the coast of New- foundland, and Sir Walter Ralegh, who had sacrificed so much in the endeavor to plant an English colony on American soil, having watched the growth of the fishing interests of Bristol, Plymouth and other ports, voiced in Parliament, in 1593, a fact of recog- nized national importance, when he said that the fisheries of England on the American coast were the "stay and support" of the west counties of the kingdom. Indeed, when the century closed, it is estimated that there were about two hundred English fishing vessels around Newfoundland and in neighboring waters, giving employment to ten thousand men and boys.' But English fishermen did not limit themselves to these waters. Possessing the spirit of daring adventure that now characterized maritime interests throughout the nation, they were ever seeking new scenes of busy endeavor and larger rewards of enterprise. But the reports which English fishermen in American waters brought with them on their return voyages had reference not only to the employments in which they were engaged, but they also called attention in glowing words to the glimpses they caught of the new world to whose shores their voyages were made. Hak- luyt, in his Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation, published in 1589, had made the scholars and statesmen of England familiar with the work of adventurers and explorers." The returning fishermen, on the other hand, told their tales in seaport towns to the merchants and men in their employ, who were easily inspired by the fair visions of wealth and em- pire which these reports awakened. People in all parts of the country were reached in this way, and when the century closed, England, as never before, was beginning to be stirred with high hopes of extending her growing power into the new and larger fields to which her discoverers and navigators had opened the way. 1 Sabine's Report, 40. "^ Hakluyt's monumental work was reprinted in lyondon in 1809 ; also in Edinburgh, in 1890, in sixteen volumes "with notes, indices and numerous additions", edited by Edmund Goldsmid; also in 1903-1905 by the Macmillan Company of New York and London, in a handsome edition in twelve vol- umes, with many illustrations. CHAPTER II. GOSNOI^D AND PRING. THUS, when the seventeenth century opened, England had made a beginning in the endeavor to secure a foothold upon the Atlantic coast of North America. Further endeavor in this direction, however, was preceded by an added effort to discover a more direct route to India than that hitherto followed by way of Cape Good Hope. A northwest passage thitherward, as already indicated, had been the dream of English navigators in the preceding century. Such a route, if discover- able, would secure to England most desirable commercial advan- tages ; and though the attempts already made by enterprising explorers had been attended by great hardships and ill success, — the icy barriers of the north closing as with adamant the water way, — the possibilities of achievement, strangely enough, were still alluring. Among others, George Waymouth, of Cockington, a small vil- lage now a part of Torquay, on the southwest coast of England, not far from Plymouth, had caught the spirit of the new era, and was busy with considerations having reference to such an enter- prise. In a communication, dated July 24, 1601, addressed to the ' 'Worshipful Fellowship of the Merchants of I^ondon trading into the East Indies," now familiarly known as the East India Com- pany, he presented his views with reference to an added search for such a route to the distant East. His suggestions met with approval, 3,nd Waymouth was placed in command of an expedi- tion for such added exploration. The interest of Queen Elizabeth was enlisted in the undertaking. Bearing a commendatory letter^ 1 This letter, -written upon vellum, with an illuminated border upon a red ground and signed by the Queen, was found in London in the early part of 18 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. addressed by her to the "Right High, Mighty and Invincible Emperor of Cathaye", Waymouth, with two vessels, sailed from the Thames, May 2, 1602. In this quest, however, he was no more successful than his predecessors. Barriers of ice, in regions of intolerable cold, still closed the way ; and though on his return to England the Fellowship cleared him of all blame in connection with the expedition, and it was decided that he should be placed in command of a second venture, the proposed voyage was not made, and the Fellowship abandoned all further efforts in that direction. But endeavors with reference to English colonization in the new world were not abandoned. Indeed, already, both in London and in seaport towns like Bristol and Plymouth, there were those who were thoughtfully pondering problems connected with American commercial and colonial enterprises. Spanish and French interests had long been permanently represented there. English fishermen, though not in large numbers, had verified the reports that reached them concerning the abundance of fish on the American coast; and English merchant adventurers were beginning to bestir themselves because of the prospect of the larger fish supplies their vessels could easily obtain in American waters. Also, there were those who still were animated with the high hope that England would avail itself of rights secured by Cabot's discovery, and seize, before it was too late, the vast empire to which the American coast opened the way. This awakening of new interest in American concerns was in evidence even before Waymouth set sail on his ill-fated expedi- tion. Prominent among those who were busying themselves with the last century, in tearing away an old closet in a house in which repairs were in progress. January 28, 1841, Sir Henry Ellis laid the letter before the Society of Antiquaries in I" ?? THS POPHAM COIvONY. 77 The choice of this precise location of the settlement was made August 19. "All went to the shore" for this purpose, and after the selection there was a religious service. To the colonists this meant much more than that held a few days before on one of the islands of St. George's harbor. Then, the service was one of thanksgiving for their safe arrival in the new world. Now, they were about to lay the foundations of civil government ; and as their own hopes, and the hopes of those most deeply interested in the welfare of the colony, extended into an unknown future, their preacher, in the presence of all the colonists, implored the blessing of God on the great undertaking upon which they now formally entered. "After the sermon", adds the Relation, "our patent was read with the orders and laws therein prescribed". The patent — if patent there was — must have been a copy of that granted by James I on April 10, 1606, providing for two colonies in America, designated as the first and second, the former known as the southern colony and the latter as the northern colony.' The document is a lengthy one and its reading could have added little interest to the occasion, as its provisions were already known. But as the words in the Relation "therein prescribed" make the fort was no longer tenable. In fact, an examination of the plan, and of the topographical features of the peninsula of Sabino, soon made it evident that the newly discovered plan could only be made to fit the plot of ground situ- ated a few hundred yards west of the present Fort Popham. When laid down upon this plot the plan fitted the location as a glove fits a hand. At the Popham celebration, August 29, 1862, the Maine Historical Society pro- vided a granite memorial of the Popham settlement for insertion in the wall of Fort Popham. As the construction of the-fort was abandoned even before the close of the Civil War — so rapid was the advance in the requirements for offensive and defensive warfare in coast fortifications — the proposed memo- rial block remained uncalled for in the grounds of the fort until the approach of the tercentenary of the Popham colony in 1907, when the society obtained permission from the War Department at Washington to transfer the memo- rial to the rocky ledge, included in Popham's fort as indicated on the Siman- cas plan. The transfer was made, and with a slight addition to the inscrip- tion the location of Popham's fortified settlement was appropriately and accurately indicated. 1 Brown, Genesis of the United States, I, 52-63. 78 THE BBGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. patent the source of the "orders and laws" now read to the colo- nists, the writer doubtless had reference to the instructions of the King promulgated November 20, 1606' for the government of the colonies. These were prepared "for the good Order and Govern- ment of the two several Colonies and Plantations to be made by our loving subjects in the Country commonly called Virginia and America". A copy of these instructions was furnished to the heads of both colonies, southern and northern. The copy received by the Popham colonists has not been preserved. Hap- pily, however, the copy carried to Virginia by the Jamestown colonists has come down to us in full, with its provisions for orderly government, appointment of officers, administration of justice, trial by jury, punishment of offenders, etc., the founda- tion principles of the civil government which the colonists were to organize. First of all, these instructions established in England a "King's council of Virginia", having full power to give directions for governing the colonists "as near to the common laws of England and the equity thereof as may be". This King's council was authorized to appoint for each colony a council, and the council was made the governing body of the colony. The president of the colony, serving one year, was appointed by the colonial coun- cil from its own membership. His successor, in case of death, or absence, received appointment from the council, and for any just cause the council could remove the president from office. In cases of criminal offense, the president and council pronounced judg- ment. Provision was made for reprieve by the president and council, and for pardon by the King. The president and council also had power to hear and determine all civil causes. They could also from time to time "make and ordain such constitutions, ordinances and officers for the better order, government and peace of the people", these always, however, to be "in substance con- sonant unto the laws of England, or the equity thereof". Then follow these words: lib., 1,64-75. THE POPHAM COLONY. 79 "Furthermore, our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby deter- mine and ordain, that every person and persons being our sub- jects of every the said colonies and plantations shall from time to time well entreat those savages in those parts, and use all good means to draw the savages and heathen people of the said several places, and of the territories and countries adjoining to the true service and knowledge of God, and that all just, kind and chari- table courses shall be holden with such of them as shall conform themselves to any good and sociable traffic and dealing with the subjects of us, our heirs and successors, which shall be planted there, whereby they may be the sooner drawn to the true knowl- edge of God and the obedience of us, our heirs and successors, under such severe pains and punishments as shall be inflicted by the same several presidents and councils of the said several colo- nies, or the most part of them within their several limits and pre- cincts, on such as shall offend therein, or do the contrary." In other words, both the colonists and the natives of the country, in their mutual relations, were to be under a reign of law that would aim to secure the rights and happiness of all. In the King's instructions with reference to the government of the two colonies, the rights of the colonists, so far as personal liberty is concerned, received no recognition. The officers were to be elected by the King's council, and not by popular vote. Strachey, indeed, says that after the reading of the laws under which the Popham colonists were now placed, "George Popham, gent, was nominated president; Captain Ralegh Gilbert, James Davies, Richard Seymour, preacher, Capt. Richard Davies, Capt. Har- low were all sworn assistants.* Captain John Smith, however, puts the case very differently, when, in referring to the Popham colony in his General History of New England^ he says : ' 'That honorable patron of virtue, Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice of England, in the year 1606, procured means and men to possess it (i. e. that part of America formerly called Norumbega, 1 The Sagadahoc Colony, 67, note. "Richmond, Va., 1819, II, 173-4. 80 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAI, MAINE. &c.,) and sent Captain George Popham for president; Captain Rawleigh Gilbert for admiral ; Edward Harlow, master of the ordinance ; Captain Robert Davis, sergeant major ; Captain Ellis Best, marshal; Master I^eaman, secretary; Captain James Davis to be captain of the fort ; Master Gome Carew, chief searcher". The natural inference from these words is that the officers of the colony were appointed in England by Sir John Popham. But the name of the chief justice is not included in the list of members of the "King's council of Virginia" which appears in the instruc- tions for the government of the colonies. In that council, how- ever, the Popham family was represented by Popham' s son and heir, Sir Francis Popham. Captain Smith, making the above rec- ord in 1624, probably was in error in implying that the officers of the colony were appointed by Sir John Popham. The latter' s enthusiastic exertions in financing the undertaking entitled him to honorable mention in any reference to the northern colony ; but unquestionably there is no ground for the inference that the King's instructions were not strictly followed in the appointment of all the officers of the Popham colony. On the following day, Thursday, August 20, the whole company again landed, and work at once was commenced on the fort that was to inclose the colonist's settlement. It was a large earth- work, occupying the level plot of ground at the northern extrem- ity of Sabino head. President Popham "set the first spit of ground". The rest followed, and "labored hard in the trenches about it' ' . As within the inclosure necessary buildings were to be erected later for the use of the colonists, there was need of busy endeavor in order to complete the required work before the winter opened. On the next day, the colonists continued their work, some in the trenches and others in the woods preparing fagots for use in the construction of the fort. Thus early, also, under the direction of the head carpenter, those who were familiar with shipbuilding repaired to the woods and commenced to cut timber for the con- struction of a small vessel, which would be needed by the colonists the; popham colony. 81 on the return of the Mary and John and the Gift of God to England before the close of the year. On Saturday, August 22, President Popham proceeded in his shallop up the river as far as Merrymeeting bay. From that large body of water, in his former exploration, he had entered the Ken- nebec, and noted its characteristics and opportunities for trade with the Indians. This time he turned westward from this point, and entered the ancient Pejepscot, now the Androscoggin. Prob- ably he proceeded as far as the falls at Brunswick. There, or at some other part of the river, he held a parley with a body of Indians, who informed him that they had been at war with Sasanoa, the chief of the Kennebec Indians, and had slain his son. He also learned that Skidwarres and Nahanada were in this fight. Having completed his exploration, President Popham returned with his party to the mouth of the river on the following day. With the new week that had opened, the colonists continued the work upon which they had entered with so much energy and enthusiasm. Meanwhile Captain Gilbert had in contemplation exploration to the westward after the return of President Popham. By unfavorable weather, however, he was delayed until Friday, August 28, when, in his ship's boat with fifteen others, he sailed out of the river and proceeded westward along the coast. Men- tion of "many gallant islands", evidently the islands of Casco bay, is made in the Relation. It was a picturesque scene which Gilbert and his companions had before them, as in the afternoon, with a favoring breeze, they sailed past these many wooded islands. That night, the wind having now shifted and being strong against them, they anchored under a sheltering headland called Semeamis. Because of meager details in the Relation, the exact location of this headland cannot now be determined with certainty. Thayer, who has carefully sought for a location in the light of these scanty materials, expresses the opinion that it is to be found on some part of Cape Elizabeth, not far from Portland head light, in what is known as Ship cove.' * The Sagadahoc Colony, 69, note. 6 82 THE BEGINNINGS OP COI^ONIAL MAINE. The next morning, Captain Gilbert, against a strong head-wind, continued his course along the coast. There was hard rowing in a rough sea, and progress was slow. At length as the day drew to a close, escaping the baffling billows that had assailed them so many hours, they came to anchor under an island "two leagues from the place" where they anchored the night before. The indications are clear that this island was no other than Richmond's island. Here Gilbert remained until midnight, and then, the wind having subsided, he and his companions left the island "in hope to have gotten the place we desired' ' . But soon after the wind again swept down upon them — a strong wind from the southwest — and they were compelled to return to the anchorage they had just left. Concerning the desired place which Gilbert hoped to reach, there is no information. Something, evidently, he had learned from Pring, or earlier explorers, led him onward and the head-winds that beset him, and drove him back, brought disap- pointment. The next day was Sunday, and the southwest wind being favor- able for the return to the Sagadahoc, the baffled voyagers directed their boat thitherward. Again they entered Casco bay, and again the writer of the Relation extolled its ' 'goodly islands so thick & near together that you cannot well discern to number them, yet may you go in betwixt them in a good ship, for you shall have never less water than eight fathoms. These islands are all overgrown with woods very thick as oaks, walnut, pine trees & many other things growing as sarsaparilla, hazle nuts & whorts in abundance". The retturn journey was successfully made, and the mouth of the Sagadahoc was reached at the close of the day. It was a -^ery favorable run from Richmond's island. Attention was now given not only to work on the fort, but also to the erection of a storehouse within the inclosure. Any rela- tion with their Indian neighbors was a matter of very great inter- est. On the first day of September a canoe was discovered approaching the fort, but its occupants, when at the shore, acted warily, not allowing more than a single colonist to come near at a THB POPHAM COIvONY. 83 time. The writer of the Relation makes mention of two "great kettles of brass" that he saw in the canoe, an evidence apparently of earlier trading relations with European fishing and trading ves- sels on the coast. A few days later, September 5, nine Indian canoes entered the river from the eastward. They contained about forty men, women and children, and among them were Nahanada and Skid- warres. All were kindly welcomed and entertained. The larger part of the visitors, after a while, withdrew to the opposite side of the river and made their camp there ; but Skidwarres and another Indian remained with the colonists until night. Then, as both wished to rejoin their own people, Captain Gilbert and two other ofl&cers conveyed them across the river, and stayed that night with the Indians who were to depart in the morning. When, at that time, the Indians set out on their return to Pemaquid, Gil- bert obtained from them a promise that on a certain day, agreed upon by both parties, they would accompany him to the place on the Penobscot river where the "bashabe", or principal chief of that region, resided. This promise evidently gave great satisfaction to the colonists, and strengthened the hope that thus early strong friendly relations would be opened with one of the most powerful of the neighbor- ing Indian tribes. Accordingly, three days later, Tuesday, Sep- tember 8, Gilbert, accompanied by twenty-two others, started east- ward, taking with them various kinds of merchandise for traffic with the Indians. But again the wind was contrary, and in wait- ing for more favorable weather conditions, they delayed so long that they were not able to reach Pemaquid at the appointed time. When they finally came to the place, the Indians, whom they were to meet, and who were to conduct them to the ' 'bashabe' ' , had left. They "found no living creature. They all were gone from thence". This is a noteworthy record in the Relation, inas- much as it furnishes information with reference to conditions existing at Pemaquid at that time. Indians were its only inhabi- tants, and they had now left. If Gilbert and his men, in their 84 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. search for the Indians, found at Pemaquid any traces of other inhabitants or of an earlier European civilization', they failed to record the fact. Early references to Pemaquid make mention only of Indian occupation, or traces of such occupation. But Gilbert and his companions, disappointed in not finding the Indians, and especially Nahanada and Skidwarres, did not aban- don the expedition, but sailing round Pemaquid point, Gilbert directed his boat to the eastward in the hope of reaching by water the seat of the "bashabe" upon the Penobscot river. Three days were spent in this endeavor, but the river did not open to them in that time, and their food supply not warranting a farther search, the explorers were at length compelled to turn about and make their way back to their companions at the mouth of the Sagadahoc. Meanwhile the storehouse within the fort had been so far com- pleted, that September 7, the removal of supplies from the Mary and John began. But work on the fort was not discontinued. 1 The "Commissioners in Charge of the Remains of the Ancient Fortifica- tions at Pemaquid", in their report dated December 13, 1902, say (p. 3): "The remnants of a well-populated and -well-built town with paved streets now quite below the surface of the present cultivated soil — the date of which establishment has not yet been discovered — show that this was also in very early times occupied with intention of permanence. ' ' The reason for this non-discovery is found in the fact that search is made where nothing is to be found, if by "very early times" is meant some period prior to the Popham Colony. In connection with their report the commissioners print a "Memo- rial" submitted by Hon. R. K. Sewall, who refers to "marked remains and relics of Spanish occupation". Members of the Popham colony visited Pemaquid on four different occasions, but make no mention of indications of earlier "Spanish occupation" or any other occupation than Indian, nor did the Indians call their attention to "marked remains" ; neither did such careful explorers as Pring, de Mouts, Champlain, Capt. John Smith and others make any mention of such remains. In connection with the construction of Fort Willian Henry (1692) a very substantial structure, "paved streets", i. e., good roadway approaches to the fort, were doubtless made, or, in 1729, when upon the ruins of Fort William Henry (destroyed in 1696) Fort Fred- eric was built. This last strong fortification was demolished early in the Revolution in order that it might not become a British stronghold. With the utter overthrow of these Pemaquid fortifications, any "paved streets" made in connection with them naturally disappeared. THE POPHAM COLONY. 85 The season, however, was advancing so rapidly that it seemed desirable to make a more extended exploration of the river before it should be closed by ice. Accordingly, September 23, Gilbert and nineteen others started "for the head of the river of Sagada- hock' ' . For two days and a part of a third day, the course of the Kennebec was followed as far as the falls at Augusta. With some difficulty these were successfuly passed, and Gilbert and his com- panions ascended the river about a league farther. But night coming on they landed and went into camp. The evening had not far advanced when their rest was disturbed by a call in broken English from some Indians on the opposite side of the river. A response was made, but the strangers soon withdrew and the night passed without added interruption. The use of broken English by these savages indicated an earlier contact with Englishmen in American waters. Possibly this was in the preceding year when Hanham and Pring were on the coast. It is perhaps more probable that the "broken English" of these Indians was the result of trading relations with English fishermen, whose vessels had visited American waters from the opening of the century, or at least shortly after its opening. On the following morning, Saturday, September 26, four Indi- ans appeared and made themselves known as the Indians who had called to them from the opposite side of the river the evening before. Evidently they had received information of the progress of Gilbert and his men up the river, and wished to learn the sig- nificance of the presence of the visitors. One of the four announced himself as "Sebanoa lyord of the river of Sagada- hock". With this announcement, the manuscript Relation, followed in this narrative thus far, abruptly closes at the bottom of a page. There can be little, if any doubt whatever, that originally there were added pages which in some way became detached, and so were finally lost in the vicissitudes through which the manuscript passed before it found a safe resting place in the library of I&cuerUj>aiienHa a/cruo . -- -. oijeTuanh/imo ki/teK-ch/suno ^MnifCs' .m^i^nopait'O. rectpere, af/lChhiitims'hta. cUritaifyiCm.nimH'afiana.tc «r//A-^i ffuerUaf ,n ^ti f /"nW/iil^tm, tans' i^ii^,^ ,*«r«««. ^a^esMh ^^ J^f^Jie>-i,j»,<^ aj,^Vir<)m,i,f^ef nfoa//Ji^''iua^ - jitijiiir admiTabilim tuOiha ac mcredMe ea^a^antiii^aua isUpu'gibindiaetr r- mi/^,/ar£Th/fmi»^'^^a>jiiUP"'iS exna/tuiS fui'Sei/^anix a^un' iPesh-as - \ eT^aJ>cmciJ>r£aStanh<-V:Oj>hma. me icpei ysime^ Oet ^Ucia.Jac.i/e' ,n Ais'_^ , teaiimiii-^e/uci/cete^Vestvie maoiSlah^"2/>^^>i* '•'n£^/t/icari'^el-arif('>noi: « ^m.pn^ (ecMtec attamdiffa-c-' ^n't^ai/ meccimnnit' aHinkt.nmnt^inJeaina c^mu/h/oT,// m^am mer»en.A'etVaU2:is'»^ eap majcma. ^uic^e injunja^ha fnfuptf a^tmaiiH f^mccu'aj(Hn^ eiii maa^ aS^t/m aj^iee/S D^/'tcii tfinh/l fupiecTv eetMidcii^^ mea^nirn.ifu&.6! euin Ct^i'tuiio VeSttti af/4uel- cj)U^ -^^ President George Popham to James 1. THB POPHAM COLONY. 93 their company back again". As none of the colonists returned in the Mary and John, so far as is known, the reference must be to the colonists who returned in the Gift of God. Such a lessening of the number of the colonists before even a single winter had passed was the most discouraging fact which the arrival of the Gift revealed to Gorges, and he had no heart to make it known to Cecil in this first report of the arrival of the second vessel.^ One added report from the colony is found in a letter to King James written by President Popham, December 13, 1607.° Gorges makes no reference to it, and of its existence there was no knowl- edge until it was discovered a little more than half a century ago by George Bancroft, the historian, while making some researches in the Records Office in INIAI. MAINE. addressed to the ambassador, ' 'As to Madame the Marchioness of Guercheville she has no reason to complain, nor to hope for any reparation, seeing that her ship entered by force the territory of said colony to settle there, and to trade without their permission, to the prejudice of our treaties and of the good understanding there is between our kings".' The governor of Virginia based his action in this affair on the following facts. In the charter of 1606, granted by King James to the southern and northern colonies of Virginia, that part of North America between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north latitude was plainly recognized as belonging to Great Britain. The grant was in response to a petition for royal permis- " sTon "to make habitation, plantation, and deduce a colony of sun- dry of our people into that part of America, commonly called Virginia, and other parts and territories in America, either apper- taining unto us, or which are not now actually possessed by any Christian prince or people, situate, lying and being all along the sea coasts, between four and thirty degrees of northerly latitude from the equinoctial line, and five and forty degrees of the same latitude". The king agreed to these "humble and well-intended desires", and granted to the two colonies the territory indicated in the petition.^ ^ It has been claimed by some writers * that the clause ' 'not now actually possessed by any Christian prince or people" was vio- lated in Argall's destruction of the Saint Sauveur colony; that the * Brown, Genesis of the United States, II, 734. 2 lb., I, 52, 53. ' For example : "It [the South Virginia colony] was able in 1613 to fit out an armed vessel, commanded by Capt. Argall, which broke up the French settlements at Port Royal, Mount Desert, etc., and compelled their inhabi- itants to retire towards Canada; protesting all the while that whatever abstract rights Great Britain might possess, if any there were, the Virginia charter expressly excepted in its grants regions already occupied by any Christian prince or people, they [the French] being a Christian people." History of Grants under the Great Council for New England, by Samuel F. Haven, in Early History of Massachusetts. I^ectures before the Lowell Institute in Boston by members of the Mass. Hist. Society, 142. THE PEENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT. 115 French on the shores of Somes Sound, being a Christian people, were, by the charter of 1606, expressly declared to be in rightful possession, although they had located within the territorial limits mentioned in the charter. It should be noticed, however, that the words of the petition, "^not now actually possessed by any Christian prince or people", are not repeated in the king's grant; moreover, even if they had been repeated, no appeal in behalf of the Saint Sauveur colony could be made to this clause inasmuch as it had reference to the time when the charter was granted — ' 'not woze) actually possessed"— and not to a subsequent occupation, as was the case at Saint Sauveur. England's claim to territory in North America, however, was not based primarily on King James' charter of 1606, but on Cabot's discovery in 1497. This fact was recognized in the charter which Queen Elizabeth bestowed on Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1578, in accordance with which, in 1583, he took formal possession of Newfoundland in the name of the queen. Continuous possession in that locality did not follow, it is true. At that early period matters pertaining to territorial rights on this side of the sea were in an unsettled state. But the English claim within certain defi- nite limits was renewed in the charter of 1606, which virtually was a public announcement that the portion of North America between thirty-four and forty-five degrees north latitude, under the name Virginia, was territory belonging to the English crown- Sir Thomas Dale, therefore, was entirely within what he regarded the rights of the mother country when he gave Argall a well- armed vessel and directed him, properly commissioned, to destroy any French settlements on the Atlantic coast as far as the forty- fifth degree north latitude. Saint Sauveur, St. Croix island and Port Royal were within the limits laid down by the crown, and though no word of command had come to the governor from the king, he evidently deemed that he needed no such word of command. To call him a "self-constituted champion of British rights' ' ^ does him injustice. He was the acknowledged represen- '^ Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, 313. 116 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. tative of English sovereignty on American soil ; and recognizing this fact, having in view the just requirements of his office, he doubtless considered that he would fail in his allegiance to the crown if he allowed any encroachment upon territory within the limits established by the charter of 1606.' So far as English interests in the new world were concerned, the importance of Argall's mission to our coast in 1613 can hardly be overestimated. As has well been said, "New England was reserved for the English by Argall's decisive action' ' .^ England's privy council not only refused to disavow that action by the pun- ishment of Argall, but continued him in higher and higher com- mands. Here, at Somes Sound, was the beginning of that long struggle between England and France for dominion on American soil. Grand tactics later were displayed on both sides. The prize to be won was an alluring one. Nothing is clearer than that from this early period the determination was strong, and ever stronger in English minds and hearts, to maintain at any cost the English claim to American territory. Naturally there was con- flict, and the conflict was long continued. In the course of time the right of discovery was exchanged for the right of conquest, until in 1763, by treaty. New France disappeared from the map of North America, and the whole of England's claim to territory on this side of the sea was finally established.' ' "In this manner England vindicated her claim to Maine and Acadia". Bancroft, History of the United States, I, 113. ^ Brown, Genesis of the United States, II, 816. ' Concerning the legal points involved in such cases, see A Digest of International Law by John Bassett Moore, I, 258, and following. Chief Justice Marshall, in m&, Johnson vs. Mcintosh, said: "On the discovery of this immense continent the nations of Europe were eager to appropriate to themselves so much of it as they could respectively acquire The potentates of the Old World found no difficulty in convincing them- selves that they made ample compensation to the inhabitants of the New, by bestowing on them civilization and Christianity, in exchange for unlimited independence. But, as they were nearly all in pursuit of the same object, it was necessary, in order to avoid conflicting settlements and consequent war with each other, to establish a principle which all should acknowledge as the law by which the rights of acquisition, which they all asserted, should TH:e FRENCH COLONY AT MOUNT DESERT. 117 be regfulated as between themselves. This principle was that discovery gave title to the government by whose subjects, or by whose authority it was made, against all other Buropean governments, which title might be con- summated by possession. The exclusion of all other Europeans necessarily gave to the nation making the discovery the sole right of acquiring the soil from the natives, and establishing settlements upon it". Moore, Digest, etc., I, 258, 259. CHAPTER VIII. Voyages by Captain John Smith and Others. NOTWITHSTANDING Strachey's explicit statement assert- ing tlie complete collapse of the Sagadahoc colony at the mouth of the Kennebec — a statement abundantly con- firmed by other contemporary writers— attempts have been made to give apparent support to vague surmisings that some of the colonists remained in the country.* "However first originated", these statements ' 'have been elaborated and promulgated by vari- ous persons, have been supported by sundry considerations with insistence and repetition. They have assumed a place in history and literature, have been frequently set before the public eye in the newspapers and been enforced on occasion in historical or public assemblies. It is believed they are quite widely diffused among reading people, and have been accepted partially, or fully, by many persons interested in the history of the locality, or the state".' ■ Especially has the effort been made to locate at Pemaquid Popham colonists, who are said to have remained on the coast after the abandonment of Eort St. George. There is no evidence, * The latest, perhaps, is in Herbert Edgar Holmes' Makers of Maine, I/ewiston, Maine, 1912, 149; "When the [Popham] colonists at the end of the year returned to England, they returned in the 'Mary and John' and the 'Virginia of Sagadahoc'! The ship 'Gift of God', with forty-five men, remained behind. What became of these men and their ship is doubtful, but the weight of evidence tends to prove that they went to Pemaquid and Monhegan and became those scattered settlements of Englishmen along the coast of Maine. ' ' There is no evidence whatever that these men went to Pemaquid and Monhegan. The persistence of such statements that overlook well-established facts is one of the surprises of well-informed readers con- cerning our colonial history. "^ Coll. of the Me. Hist. Society, Series II, 6, 64. CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHiSRS. 119 however, upon which such an attempt can be based with any show of reason. Not only is there positive testimony, which the sources of this part of our history abundantly furnish, that all the colonists connected with the Popham plantation at the time of its abandonment returned to England, but there is no evidence that there was any English occupation of Pemaquid following the breaking up of the settlement on the Kennebec. When, for example, it is said that French missionaries report English people at Pemaquid in 1608, and 1609, a good illustration is furnished of the foundation upon which this claim of English occupation at Pemaquid at this time is made to rest. The reference plainly is to the statement made by Father Biard, in his Relation, that the Indians told him "they drove away the English who wished to settle among them in 1608 and 1609". But the connection shows that Father Biard, in this statement, had in mind the Popham colony at the mouth of the Kennebec, whither he went with Biancourt in the autumn of 1611. It is true that he makes a mis- take in the date he gives and should have written 1607 and 1608, the dates of the Sagadahoc settlement ; but the error is easily cor- rected by the reader, as Father Biard has no record of any visit to Pemaquid in his narrative of this trip. In the passage to which reference is made, he is recording what he learned from the Indians during his visit to the Kennebec (Kinibequi) with Bian- court, allusion to which is made in the preceding chapter. Other statements, presented as a basis for Pemaquid settlement at this time are equally without foundation. They are figments of the imagination only.^ Certainly if any one had known of English settlers on the Maine coast immediately following the return of the Popham colonists to England, it would have been Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who was so bitterly disappointed at the outcome of an enterprise into which 1 For a clear and exhaustive statement concerning "Beginnings at Pema- quid" see a paper with that title read before the Maine Historical Society, September 7, 1894, by Rev. H. O. Thayer, and printed in the Society's Col- lections, Series II, 6, 62-85 ; also The Sagadahoc Colony,Gorges Society, IV, 217-239. 120 THE BBGINNINGS OP COIX)NIAI< MAINE. he had put so much of heart and hope. His writings, however, lack even a hint of any such information. Already, under the reign of James I, the condition of affairs in England was such as to awaken serious consideration among thoughtful men. Two letters of Gorges,* written to lyord Salis- bury in 1611, touch upon this unhappy condition. Matters con- nected with English commerce especially distressed Gorges, who, at Plymouth, was made familiar with the piratical assaults of English adventurers upon the vessels of I Richmond, Va., edition 1819, II, 218. CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH AND OTHERS. 139 French captain, on his arrival at Plymouth, laid his case before Gorges, who acted with tact in his disposal of it. Referring to the French captain as "being of our religion", he wrote, "l was easily persuaded upon his petition to give content for his loss".^ Rocroft, in possession of the captured barque, concluded to remain on the coast that winter, ' 'being very well fitted both with salt, and other necessaries" ; but he soon discovered that some of his men had entered into a conspiracy to take his life, seize the vessel and seek "a new fortune where they could best make it"'. Rocroft, however, proved equal to the emergency, and arresting the conspirators "at the very instant that they were prepared to begin the massacre", he put them ashore at a place called ' 'Sawaguatock' ' (Saco) ; and though the barque was now weakly manned, and "drew too much water to coast those places that by his instructions he was assigned to discover", without waiting for Dermer, he set sail for Virginia, where in a storm the vessel was wrecked, and where also at length Rocroft, in a quarrel, was killed." The conspirators did not remain long at Saco, but made their way to Monhegan, where they spent the long, cold winter "with bad lodging and worse fare' ' . One of their number died on the island, and the rest returned to England in a vessel sent to make a fishing voyage and "for Rocroft 's supply and provision". But meanwhile Captain John Mason," then at Newfoundland, had advised Dermer to go to England and consult with Gorges and others before returning to the Maine coast. This he did, taking with him Tisquantum ; and because of this change in his plans he was not "at the usual place of fishing", namely Monhe- * Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 27. ' A Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England by the President and Council for New Bngland, 1622. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, I, 212-215. ' Afterward prominently associated with Gorges in colonial enterprises. When ("Nov. 7, 1629) they divided their Province of Maine, Mason received that part of the grant lying between the Merrimac and Piscataqua rivers, which then received the name New Hampshire. Captain Mason died in Ijon- don in 1635. 140 THB BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. gan, when Rocroft arrived. But when, in the spring of 1619, he reached the island in one of the Plymouth company's fishing ves- sels, he learned from the conspirators, who were still there, that Rocroft had gone to Virginia. Until he heard at length of the misfortunes that befel Rocroft there, he was hopeful of his return. Then he took the pinnace assigned the year before to Rocroft for Dermer's use, and with Tisquantum as a guide, he explored the coast as far as Cape Cod, returning June 23, to Monhegan, where on a vessel about to sail for Virginia, he placed a part of his pro- visions and other stores, and then, in the pinnace, he proceeded to follow the coast as far as Chesapeake bay. In a letter to Samuel Purchas,^ Dermer gave an interesting account of his adventures by the way. At Cape Cod, he left Tisquantum, who desired now to return to his own people. On the southern part of Cape Cod he was taken prisoner by Indians, but fortunately succeeded in making his escape. At Martha's Vineyard, he met Epenow, the Indian who accompanied Hobson to the American coast in 1614. "With him", says Dermer, "l had such confer- ence" that he "gave me very good satisfaction in evers^thing almost I could demand". Continuing his jotu-ney he passed through I^ (Trelawny Papers, 243), says : "and they [Thomas Gorges and Richard Vines] have charged their bills upon Mr. Moses Goodyear, of Plymouth, the elder", etc. Accordingly, there was in Plymouth, in 1640, a Moses Good- year, the elder, probably the father of Moses Goodyear, who was associated with Robert Trelawny in fishing and trading operations at Richmond's island. In Worth's History of Plymouth [England], 312, there is this record: "Moses Goodyear, merchant, left under will in 1663, two sums of 50;^— one to the Hospital of Poor's Portion, and the other to the Old Alms- NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SBTTIyEMENTS. 213 tions than they as yet possessed. Neither Trelawny nor Good- year had been on the New England coast. From time to time, however, others whom they knew had made their way hither and returned. When Thomas Cammock was in England, seeking a grant of land at Black Point, he visited Robert Trelawny at his fine residence in the vicinity of Plymouth.^ This visit gave Tre- lawny a favorable opportunity for obtaining desired information with reference to business interests upon the coast of Maine. Evidently on his part there were many inquiries concerning loca- tions and business advantages. To Trelawny' s questions Cam- mock had ready answers, and Richmond's island and the well- wooded shores of Cape Elizabeth in full view of Black Point were doubtless mentioned as possessing just those advantages that Tre- lawny and Goodyear coveted as a suitable fishing and trading station. No time was lost by these enterprising merchants in securing such a grant as Cammock had suggested, and favorable action by the great council for New England followed December 1, 1631, just one month after the grant of Black Point was made to Cam- mock. The grant included all the territory between the grant made to Cammock and "the bay and river of Casco, extending and to be extended northwards into the main land so far as the limits and bounds of the lands granted to the said Captain Thomas Cammock", together with liberty to erect and maintain stages and places for preserving fish "in and upon and near the islands commonly called Richmond's island^ and all other islands within honse, his direction being that these sums should be laid out in the purchase of freehold lands for these two charities." The writer is inclined to consider the Moses Goodyear of this record as Moses Goodyear the elder, and the father of Moses Goodyear, who died in 1637. This will is in the manuscript collection in the office of the city clerk of Plymouth. It should be added that Moses Goodyear was a son-in-law of Abraham Jennings, the first owner of Monhegan. 1 Trelawny Papers, 18. * To this island Champlain gave the name Isle de Bacchus ( Voyages, Prince Society, II, 62). Winthrop says Walter Bagnall was living on Rich- mond's island in 1627. "Between this date and that of the visit of Cham- 214 THE BEGINNINGS OF COtONIAI, MAINE. or near the limits and bounds aforesaid, which are not formerly granted to the said Captain Thomas Cammock' ' .* It will be noticed that only the use of Richmond's island was granted to Trelawny and Goodyear by the patent. The reason for this limitation is doubtless to be found in the fact that the members of the council, or at least some of them, had already committed themselves with reference to the disposition of Rich- mond's island; for on the following day, December 2, 1631,^ a grant of that island, and fifteen hundred acres upon the main land, was made by the council to Walter Bagnall, whose connec- tion with the island has already been mentioned. Bagnall, it seems, had applied for a grant of the island, and doubtless had secured from Sir Ferdinando Gorges a promise that the grant should be made. Gorges, while holding to his promise, evidently allowed the grant to Trelawny and Goodyear to be recorded in such words that the use of the island was secured to them, while the title was held by Bagnall. In this way occasion was provided for endless controversies and troublesome litigations. Bagnall, however, died before his grant was made. His title, therefore, lapsed and Trelawny and Goodyear were left in undisputed posses- sion of a most desirable location for the development of large business plans and purposes. plain in 1605" , says Baxter (George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 19, 20), ' 'it acquired its name of Richman's or Richmond's island. Dim and uncertain are the glimpses we get of this period. We have the names of several men who were living in the house at Casko in 1630, and for a brief moment the shadowy curtain of the past is lifted, revealing to us one George Richmond of Bandon- Bridge in Ireland, the cradle of Puritanism in that unfortunate land \_Tre- lawny Papers, 143, 144), but he suddenly disappears, leaving us perplexed and disappointed. Certain, however, is it that George Richmond was at the head of some enterprise, which employed men; which required the building of a vessel and the possession of a considerable stock of mer- chandise; and there seems to be reason to believe that he gave his name to this island, which was soon to become an important station for trade and a goal to which ships coming upon the coast should direct their course". 1 Farnham Papers, 1, 1S2-1S6. "lb., 162, 163. NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLBMBNTS . 215 Concerning the grant of two thousand acres of land at Cape Porpoise made by the council for New England to John Stratton, December 2, 1631, we have little information. Baxter says Strat- ton came hither from Shotley, Suffolk county, England/ The earlier settlers, as the reader already has noticed, sought the islands on the coast before establishing themselves upon the main land ; and in all probability, before Cammock discovered the attractive- ness of Black Point, Stratton was in possession of the two islands " off Cammock 's location, and already known as Stratton 's islands. But when Cammock returned to England in order to secure a grant of Black Point, Stratton, possibly after consultation with Cammock, was impressed with the desirability of seeking in his own right a place for settlement on the main land. Cape Porpoise was not far away, and possessed advantages for fishing and trade that a man of Stratton 's experience was not likely to overlook. Application, accordingly, was made for a grant of that location. The patent as issued gave to Stratton two thousand acres, "but- ting upon the south side of border of the river or creek called by the name of Cape Porpus, and on the other side northwards creek mouth of Cape Porpus, into the south side of the harbor's mouth of Cape Porpus aforesaid, with all commodities and privileges proper for his necessary occasions, as by his said grant more at large appeareth".' The patent itself, however, long ago disap- peared, and that which ' 'more at large' ' would appear if the orig- inal grant, or a copy, had been preserved, has disappeared with it, and only the above abstract of the limits of the grant has come down to us.* According to these Records the considerations that moved the members of the council to make the grant were that Stratton "had lived in New England these three years past" ^ Trelawny Papers, 199. * The larger island is still known as Stratton's island; the other is called Blnff island. * Farnham Papers, 163, 164. * Records of the Great Council, Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 1867, 100, 101. 216 THE BEGINNINGS OF COI^NIAL MAINE. and had expended 1,000;^ in transporting cattle hither, providing care-takers, etc. It is not thought that Stratton lived long in his new settlement as his name is on the list of inhabitants in Salem, Mass., in 1637. His "Stratton islands", he conveyed to Thomas Cammock in 1640.' Of his Cape Porpoise grant, he was dispos- sessed by Thomas Gorges, who as the deputy governor of the Province of Maine was here in 1640-1643, representing the inter- ests of his cousin. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in the government of New England.^ But Stratton may not have regarded this as a loss. Winter, writing to Trelawny from Richmond's island, July 7, 1634, mentioned the large number of new arrivals from Eng- land, but adds, "they all set themselves in the bay of Massachu- setts' ' . It is possible that Stratton abandoned his acres at Cape Porpoise in order to join those who were making their way towards the more flourishing Massachusetts settlements. On the same day, December 2, 1631," the council for New England granted to Ferdinando Gorges, Lieut. Col. Walter Nor- ton and others, twelve thousand acres of land on each side of the Agamenticus river, together with one hundred acres of land adjoining for each colonist transported thereto within the next seven years, and who should abide there three years "either at one or several times".* The location was a peculiarly attractive one. Ferdinando Gorges, the first mentioned of the grantees, was the son and heir of John Gorges of London and the grandson and heir of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Referring in his Brief e Nar- ration^ to this grant. Sir Ferdinando says that Lieut. Col. Nor- 1 York Deeds, I, folios 85, 86. "^ For an interesting sketch of Thomas Gorges, and also his will, see Bax- ter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, 11, 186-192. ' "On account of changes among the grantees a new patent of nearly the same tenure was issued March 12, 1632." Farnham Papers, I, 159. * Farnham Papers, 159-161. Concerning a renewal of the grant to Bdward Godfrey and others in 1639, see Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1, 266. Search for the original of the grant of December 2, 1631, has not been rewarded. ' Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 57. NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SBTTI (T^fr/M >x-n} Sir Fbrdinando Gorges to Governor Wilwam Gorges. ADDSD SETTIvEMENTS. 263 restraints of any kind, and also of the helpful influence of reli- gious institutions, except as mentioned above, conditions in the Maine settlements were such that the colonists found themselves in circumstances which must have been, at least to many, distress- ing in a very large degree. Nor was this all. These conditions influenced many who came hither intending to make homes for themselves between the Penobscot and the Piscataqua ; but who on their arrival met with disappointment at what they saw and heard, and continuing their journey established themselves in the more orderly settlements of Massachusetts bay. CHAPTER XV. Thb French at Castine. THK charter of Nova Scotia, granted by James I, September 10, 1621, to Sir William Alexander,^ secretary of state to the king, included the territory on the Atlantic coast from Cape Sable to the mouth of the St. Croix river, and northward to its "remotest source" ; thence northward to the nearest river "discharging itself into the great river of Canada and proceeding from it by the sea shores of the same river of Canada eastward to the river commonly known and called by the name of Gathepe or Gaspie, and thence southeastward to the islands called Baccaloes thence to the cape or promontory of Cape Britton lying near the latitude of forty-five degrees or thereabout ; and from the said promontory of Cape Britton toward the south and west to the aforesaid Cape Sable, where the circuit began"; also "all seas and islands toward the south within forty leagues including the great island, commonly called Isle de Sable or Sablon".'' By a subsequent charter, Charles I, 1 It is conjectured that Sir William Alexander's attention was first directed to Nova Scotia by Claude de la Tour, a French Protestant who had been in that country with Pourtrincourt. It is known that in 1621 he was in Scot- land, where Sir William was secretary of state to King James. When Cap- tain John Mason returned from Newfoundland, Sir William sought an inter- view with him by inviting him to his house. Mason advised him to avail himself of the opportunity opening on this side of the Atlantic for securing large land possessions, suggesting that he confer with Gorges and seek his assistance in securing from the king a grant of territory northeast of the grant to the council for New England. But Sir William went directly to the king, who conveyed to him the territory of Nova Scotia. For an extended account of Sir William's connection with American affairs, see Sir William Alexander and American Colonisation, by Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A. M., Prince Society, Boston, 1873. " Farnham Papers, I, 59, 60. THE) FRENCH AT CASTINE. 265 July 12, 1625, confirmed the grant of James I, and a clause was added which incorfjorated Nova Scotia with Scotland.^ Two years later, with the aid of Sir David Kirk, who was a French Protestant, Sir William Alexander instituted measures for the expulsion of French settlers within the limits of his grant, and to a considerable degree these measures were successfu.1. Opposition, however, was awakened on the part of France, the French king insisting that the territory invaded was within the limits of New Prance ; and, in order to. advance the interests of the monarchy within the disputed territory, an organization was formed," known as the Company of New France. To this com- pany, the whole territory was ceded by the king on condition that French occupation of Acadia should be strengthened by new colo- nists. With this end in view, preparations were made for an expedition thither under the direction of Isaac de Razillai.^ By a charter granted February 2, 1629,* Charles I extended the bounds of Sir William Alexander's territory to the "gulf of California", with "the islands lying within the said gulf; as also all and whole the lands and bounds adjacent to the said gulf on the west and south, whether they be found a part of the continent or mainland or an island (as it is thought they are) which is commonly called and distinguished by the name of California' ' . This was for the encouragement of Sir William in "the expected revealing and discovery of a way or passage to those seas, which lie upon America on the west, commonly called the South Sea, from which the head, or source of that great river, or gulf of Canada, or some river flowing into it, is deemed to be not far distant". The lack of geographical knowledge, evinced 1 Farnham Papers, I, 76-80. ^ The company was organized by Cardinal Richelieu in 1627. Its charter not only gave the company all New France, but also the right to confer titles of distinction. Farnham Papers, I, 172. ' He was a distinguished naval commander and belonged to a well-known Touraine family. * Farnham Papers, I, 82-85. 266 THB BlgGINNlNGS OP COIONIAI, MAINE. in this description, is not surprising in a document of that period. Exploration of the American continent westward required time. Sir William Alexander doubtless received early information with reference to the designs of the Company of New France; and April 30, 1630,' he granted to Claude de la Tour, his son Charles de la Tour and their heirs, "the country and coast of Acadia", both father and son having promised "to be good and faithful vassals" of the king of Scotland. Conditions, however, were soon and unexpectedly changed. About the time Razillai was ready to sail for Nova Scotia with his expeditionary force, Charles I, March 29, 1632, by the treaty of St. Germains^ restored to I,ouis XIII, king of France, the whole of Acadia — a heavy blow to English interests and claims on the American coast. Razillai was appointed governor of Acadia, and having now no need of the forces he had collected for reconquering the country, and with a grant to himself of the river and bay of St. Croix,' he set sail to assume command in Acadia. Charles de la Tour was made one of his lieutenants, and seems to have been assigned to the command of the territory extending east of the St. Croix river. He made his headquarters at St. John, where the river St. John empties into the Bay of Fundy. Aulnay, the other lieutenant, who was directed to dispossess the English at Penob- scot, was given command there with instructions, it is said, to extend French control as far as the Kennebec if possible.* The treaty of St. Germains restored to France "all the places 1 Farnham Papers, I, 128-132. 2 lb., I, 175-177. 8 lb., I, 172-174. * So little is known concerning Razillai's orders to his lieutenants that while in the Farnham Papers (I, 260) we have the statement, "It is believed that De Razilly, at the same time at which he made la Tour commander in West Acadia, appointed D'Aulney his lieutenant in Bast Acadia", in the Mass. Hist. Soc. Ed. of Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation (II, 206) la Tour is said to have been assigned command east of the St. Croix river and Aulnay that to the west of that river. This seems to have been the arrange- ment, but documentary evidence, for which search has been made, is lack- ing. THE FRENCH AT CASTINE. 267 occupied in New France, Acadia and Canada by the subjects of the king of Great Britain". Evidently the Pilgrims regarded their trading post at Penobscot, now Castine, as within the limits of British territory, and continued occupation and trade there, notwithstanding the rifling of their trading house in 1631, as already mentioned. There was also English occupation still far- ther to the eastward. Bradford, under date of 1631, records^ the opening of a trading house "beyond Penobscot", by Mr. AUerton of Plymouth. The location was at what is now known as Machias. It was not a Pilgrim enterprise, however ; in fact, it disregarded Pilgrim interests. Bradford, in his allusion to it, says that Aller- ton's purpose was "to cut off the trade" at Penobscot. He is said to have had as a partner, or agent, Richard Vines of Saco. Vines, as has been stated, had a grant of land at Saco, with John Oldham as a co-partner ; but that grant in no way could be made a basis of a claim at Machias. AUerton, and those associated with him, were in possession of territory there, as indeed were the Pilgrims at Penobscot, considering the place within British territory. In character, AUerton and his company were so defi- cient that Bradford describes them as "a company of base fel- lows", and mentions "gross miscarriages", for which AUerton subsequently was called to account by the church at Plyiaouth and made confession. The French, also, called AUerton and his associates to account. In the fall of 1633, la Tour descended upon them as interlopers on French territory ; and in the conflict connected with the affair, as Winthrop records,^ two of the men were killed, three others were carried away and also "the goods". Bradford, in his statement of the case, adds, "This was the end of that project' ' .' Razallai, in arriving on the American coast, established himself at I Trelawny Papers, 274. GORGES RECEIVES A ROYAI, CHARTER. 299 flict with Parliament, and was brought to an agreement that that body should not be dissolved without its own consent. Thick and fast fell the blows that were shattering Charles' claim to supremacy. "One after another the instruments by which the king had been enabled to defy the nation were snatched from his hands. Ship-money was declared to be illegal, and tonnage and poundage were no more to be levied without parliamentary con- sent. An end was put to the star chamber and the high commis- sion".' All of these great changes in matters of high concern in England at that time were accomplished before July, 1641 ; and it is difficult to discover any warrant whatever for the confidence Trelawny expressed in his letter to Winter. Not days, but years, must elapse before religion in England would be settled in peace, and the subject restored to his ancient liberty. ' S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 118, 119. R CHAPTER XVII. Some Unrelated Matters. EV. RICHARD GIBSON remained at Richmond's island until his contract with Robert Trelawny for three years' service expired. Concerning him Winter wrote to Tre- lawny soon after Mr. Gibson's arrival: "Our minister is a very fair condition man and one that doth keep himself in very good order, and instructs our people well, if please God to give us the grace to follow his instruction. ' ' ^ Sometime later, however, Winter's attitude toward Mr. Gibson changed, and his ministry at the island and vicinity henceforth was by no means a happy one. Ill and even slanderous reports concerning him at length reached Plymouth, England. Mr. Gibson alludes to them in a letter to Robert Trelawny dated June 11, 1638. Their source is not stated, but without diflSculty it may be inferred. Having mentioned the willingness of the people of Richmond's island and vicinity to increase out of their wages his allowance from Tre- lawny by twenty-five pounds a year — one-half of the amount he received from Trelawny — Mr. Gibson says Winter opposed it, "because he was not so sought unto", that is, consulted or solic- ited, as he expected." It is in this connection that Mr. Gibson refers to these defamatory reports. There were no such reports at the island, he affirms, "and have not been" ; and he continues, "It is not in my power what other men think or speak of me, yet it is in my power by God's grace so to live as an honest man and a minister and so as no man shall speak evil of me but by slander- ing, nor think amiss but by too much credulity, nor yet aggrieve me much by any abuse". Trelawny even, to whom Mr. Gibson » Trelawny Papers, 86, 87. » lb., 127. SOMB UNRELATBD MATTERS. 301 had written concerning these reports, seems to have been influ- enced by them ; and Mr. Gibson appeals to him to seek other tes- timony than that he had furnished, adding, "You may, if you please, hear of them that have been here or come from hence, if they have known or heard of any such drinking as you talk of. I had rather be under ground than discredit ^ either your people or plantation, as you, believing idle people, suppose I do. If you have any jealousy'' this way (so doubtfully you write), I think it best you hold ofE and proceed no further with me either in land or service".' It is altogether probable that Mr. Gibson's marriage to a daugh- ter of Thomas I^ewis of Saco was not regarded with favor at Richmond's island, where Winter had a daughter, who subse- quently became the wife of Rev. Robert Jordan. Gibson makes mention of his marriage in a letter to Governor Winthrop dated January 14, 1639, in which he designates it "as a fit means for closing of difEerences and setting in order both for religion and government in these plantations" . But it did not have that effect. At length the way opened for Mr. Gibson to go to Piscataqua, whither, in the summer of 1636, some of the men in the employ of Winter, so dissatisfied with him that they "fell into a mutiny", had made their way purposing ' 'to fish for themselves' ' .* One of these men, mentioned at the time by Winter as "the leader of them all", was one of the parishioners, who "founded and built" at Piscataqua the parsonage house, chapel, with the appurtenances, at their own proper costs and charges", and "made choice of Mr. Richard Gibson to be the first parson of the said parsonage".^ Mention of Mr. Gibson's approaching removal is made in a let- ter written at Richmond's island, July 8, 1639, by Stephen Sar- ^ Disgrace. " Doubt or question. » Trelawny Papers, 129. * lb., 93. ' In a note (Trelawny Papers, 93) Mr. Baxter has an interesting account of these men after they left Winter's service. He says they all probably went to Piscataqua (Portsmouth) and became citizens of good repute. 302 THE BBGINNINGS OF COtONIAI, MAINE. gent, in Trelawny's employ under Winter, and addressed to Tre- lawny. Mr. Gibson, he wrote, "is going to Piscataqua to live, the which we are all sorry, and should be glad if that we might enjoy his company longer' ' } In any such expression of appreci- ation Winter had no share. All that he said to Trelawny con- cerning the matter is in a letter written two days later: "Mr. Gibson is going from us ; he is to go to Piscataway to be their minister, and they give him sixty pounds per year, and build him a house and clear him some ground and prepare it for him against he come' ' .* Mr. Gibson himself, writing on the same day as Mr. Sargent, and also to Mr. Trelawny, used these words : "For the continuance of my service at the island, it is that which I have much desired, and upon your consent thereunto I have settled myself into the country, and expended my estate in dependence thereupon ; and now I see Mr. Winter doth not desire it, nor hath not ever desired it, but hath entertained me very coarsely and with much discourtesy, so that I am forced to remove to Piscataway for maintenance to my great hindrance I shall not go from these parts till Michaelmas, till which time I have offered my service to Mr. Winter as formerly, if he please, which whether he will accept or no I know not ; he maketh diffi- culty and suspendeth his consent thereunto as yet".' Folsom* places the date of Mr. Gibson's removal to Piscataqua "at the close of 1640, or early in the following year". Inasmuch, hoW- * Trelawny Papers, 158. 2 lb., 170. ' lb., 160. Mr. Gibson remained at Piscataqua holding church services there, and at the Isles of Shoals, until 1642, when "being wholly addicted to the hierarchy and discipline of Bngland", he was brought before the court at Boston on a charge of marrying and baptizing at the Isles of Shoals, the southern half of the islands being at that time under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. He was also charged with disrespect to the authority of the Bay colony, and committed to jail. Having "made a full acknowledgment of all he was charged with and the evil thereof, as he was a stranger and was to depart the country in a few days, he was discharged without any fine or other punishment". Winthrop, /owrwo/, 2, 66. * History ofSaco. SOME UNRKLATSD MATTERS. 303 ever, as he was paid by Winter "for six weeks' service after his three years expired",' and he came to this country with Winter, reaching Richmond's island May 24, 1636, as is supposed, it would seem as if his departure from that place is likely to have occurred in the latter part of the summer of 1639. Between that time and Michaelmas he may have tarried with friends at Saco, the home of his father-in-law. Concerning the settlements between the Presumpscot and the Kennebec immediately after Thomas Purchase established his fishing interests at Pejepscot, there is little information. Unques- tionably a proprietor so capable and energetic as Purchase drew to the banks of the Androscoggin other settlers, who were con- nected in one way or another with his varied business operations. Doubtless others, too, there were, who at different points in this part of the Province of Maine established homes for themselves and commenced the task of subduing the wilderness in the effort to obtain such a living as the country at that time afforded. But the lack of a firm, settled government in the territory was easily discoverable. The brief administration of provincial affairs at Saco by Governor William Gorges extended but a little way, and soon came to an end. As settlers in larger numbers, however, came hither from Kngland, and especially as the Massachusetts bay colonies in a little while developed prosperous communities under governmental regulations that were effectual in securing law and order, there was naturally in the Province of Maine an increasingly wider recognition of the value and necessity of such regulations, and a growing demand for their speedy establishment. One of those who recognized the need of like regulations, because of existing conditions in the Province of Maine, was Thomas Purchase of Pejepscot. For aid in improving these con- ditions in so far as his own proprietary interests extended, he now turned toward the Province of Massachusetts Bay ; and in the negotiations that followed, Massachusetts through him acquired her first right of jurisdiction within the limits of Sir Ferdinando 1 Trelawny Papers, 299. 304 THE BBGINNINGS OP COLONIAI. MAINS. Gorges' original grant. Doubtless from an early period after his arrival in the country, Purchase was recognized as a man of importance not only within the limits of his own domain, but throughout the province. As has already been mentioned, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in 1636, made him a member of his court of commissioners under Governor William Gorges. He may also have been one of the commissioners including Winthrop, Cleeve and others whose names are not now known, whom Sir Ferdinando Gorges, after the return of Governor William Gorges to England early in 1637, appointed to govern his colony of New Somerset- shire in accordance with a scheme of Gorges which, Winthrop says "was passed in silence" and which he designates "as a mat- ter of no good discretion".' At all events, in the failure of Gorges to establish within his jurisdiction such an administration of civil government as was necessary for the proper protection of life and property. Purchase deemed it imperative to make an effort in some direction, and he made his appeal to the governor of the colony of Massachusetts bay. Winthrop evidently listened sym- pathetically to a description of conditions among the settlers along the Androscoggin river, and as a result of the interview, by an indenture executed August 22, 1639, Purchase conveyed "to John Winthrop and his successors, the governor and company of the Massachusetts forever, all that tract of land at Pejepscot upon both sides of the river of Androscoggin, being four miles square towards the sea, with all liberties and privileges thereunto belonging". The right to plant there "an English colony" was included in the rights conveyed, as also "full power forever to exercise jurisdiction there as they have in the Massachusetts" ; while Purchase, his heirs and assignees, together with all other inhabitants within the limits of the Pejepscot grant, were to be given that "due protection of the said governor and company" as was enjoyed by the inhabitants of the Bay colony.' '^Journal, 1, 276. ^ Farnham Papers, I, 243, 244. The origplnal deed in connection with this transaction was entered in the "Records of the Governor and Company of y^. J^i..^/^ 0&ovJ^ /ijy'f-''^^' vm-J«A*i)' /Zrf ■<^-»»^n^^»''»y«;^»t4^j 4^4-^ ^ ;> (^.■»«^Jf-- '^^'^ ^l^for^lf y^^ou^ff^ yP^^J' ^^•^attfy^c-t^^S-roriryrivmxniM^^ Ujy,„ ^J-^^ouJCh 'yi^t-fuu.y- iiJAnnCir •'n f' ^ John Winter to Robbrt Trb;i,awny, August 2, 1641. SOME UNR:eLATBD MATTBRS. 305 Massachusetts, however, made no effort to assume the obliga- tions set forth in this agreement. Sir Ferdinando Gorges' com- mission to Sir Thomas Josselyn and his councilors "for the gov- ernment of the Province of Maine according to his ordinances", issued September 2, 1639^ — only eleven days after this convey- ance of land at Pejepscot,— indicated a purpose on the part of Sir Ferdinando to meet within his territorial limits the need Purchase and others so strongly felt ; and the colony of Massachusetts bay wisely determined to hold matters in abeyance awhile and await the development of movements already in progress. Rev. Richard Gibson's place at Richmond's island was filled by the coming thither of Rev. Robert Jordan, a kinsman of Thomas Purchase, with whom Mr. Jordan had lived at Pejepscot about two years. Winter made mention of him in a letter to Trelawny dated August 2, 1641.^ "Here is one Mr. Robert Jordan, a min- ister, which hath been with us this three months, which is a very honest religious man by anything as yet I can find in him. I have not yet agreed with him for staying here, but did refer it till I did hear some word from you. We were long without a minis- ter, and were in but a bad way, and so we shall be still if we have not the word of God taught unto us sometimes". In these last words there is doubtless a reference to the fact mentioned by Win- ter that negotiations had already been commenced with settlers at Pemaquid indicating a desire on the part at least of some of them to secure Mr. Jordan's services one-half of the year, Richmond's island to have them the other half. "l know not how we shall accord upon it as yet", adds Winter; but an agreement was not reached, and Mr. Jordan remained at Richmond's island, identify- ing himself prominently with matters there and in the vicinity. A student at Baliol College, Oxford, and a graduate of the Uni- the Massachusetts Bay in New England", and is found in the printed "Rec- ords", I, 272, 273. There is an early manuscript copy in the possession of the Maine Historical Society, Pejepscot Papers, VII, 489. 1 Farnham Papers, I, 245. 2 lb., 288. 20 306 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. versity of Oxford,* he became a clergyman of the Church of Eng- land and doubtless had held religious services at Pejepscot during his residence there. Not long after his removal to Richmond's island he married John Winter's daughter Sarah, and by his endowments, education and wide interest in provincial matters long occupied a place of large influence.^ The above reference to negotiations having in view the estab- lishment of religious services at Pemaquid, under the direction of Rev. Robert Jordan, is the only recorded fact concerning such services in English settlements east of the Kennebec throughout the whole period under review in this volume, except in connec- tion with the Popham colonists at St. George's harbor at the time of their arrival on the coast. Such services undoubtedly were held in private and probably in public assemblies increasingly as the settlements enlarged ; but there was no ordained minister in those parts, and none came hither for a long time afterward. On the death of Robert Aid worth of Bristol, England, which occurred in 1634, Giles Elbridge, Aldworth's co-partner in the Pemaquid patent, became his heir and the executor of his will. His, now, were the large business interests at Pemaquid, where Abraham Shurt had his residence and acted as his agent. With Giles Elbridge's death, which occurred February 4, 1644, the Pemaquid patent came into the possession of his oldest son John, who by his last will and testament, dated September 11, 1646, bequeathed the patent to his brother, Thomas Elbridge,' second son of Giles, who not long after, probably having settled his 1 Farnham Papers, I, 269. ^ Mr. Baxter (Trelawny Papers, 270) says concerning Robert Jordan : "He was a man of ability and under other conditions might have perhaps ranked among the leading divines of the New World; but at this time the church for which he labored found an unkindly soil in New England, and would not take root toiled the husbandman never so faithfully. Hence discouraged by opposition, and the word within him perhaps becoming choked by the deceit- fulness of riches, he finally gave up the ministry and devoted himself to his private affairs." ° Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 77, 78, 96, 112, 465, has inter- esting references to Thomas Elbridge. SOMB UNRELATEJD MATTERS. 307 affairs in England, and perhaps on account of the continued dis- turbed state of the country, made his way to Pemaquid and took possession of his inheritance. The time of his arrival is not known. Johnston considers it probable that he came about 1647 ; but as he was appointed executor to the will of his brother, it could not have been earlier and probably it was somewhat later. He was here certainly in 1650, for November 5, in that year, he mortgaged the islands of Monhegan and Damariscove to Richard Russell of Charlestown, Mass., by a deed in which he described himself as ' 'Thomas Elbridge of Pemaquid in New England, mer- chant' ' } He is represented as a man of small stature and insig- nificant appearance",'' and it is evident that he possessed little, if any, ability for the management of his Pemaquid estate. Appar- ently he made no attempt whatever to improve conditions, moral or religious, among the settlers at Pemaquid, or in any part of his large land possessions. Although he "called a court, unto which divers of the then inhabitants" ' repaired, it was not an institution of civil government, but merely a proprietary office for the collec- tion of rents and the conveyance of rights and privileges. His business transactions evidently were not large. While his oppor- tunities for exerting helpful, beneficent influences in all parts of his domain were wide, he seems to have been lacking in those qualities that would have enabled him to grasp and use them ; and easily and speedily he allowed his extensive inherited lands to pass into other hands,* and himself at length to drop out of sight. In 1659, he was either plaintiff or defendant in several cases at a 1 Water's Genealogical Gleanings in England, I, 635, says the deed was to Shurt. ^ Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 78. 8 lb., 465. * February 5, 1652, Thomas i^lbridge sold one-half of the patent to Paul White, who in May, 1653, conveyed it to Richard Russell and Nicholas Davison of Charlestown, Mass. Still another change in the ownership of the patent occurred in July, 1657, when Russell sold his quarter to Davison; while Blbridge, about two months later, sold the half he had retained to Davison, who now became the sole possessor of the Pemaquid patent. Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 465. 308 • THB BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. court held at York,^ and in 1672, his name appears with other residents at Pemaquid on a petition to the general court in Boston to be taken under its government and protection." With this record he passes from our view. The names of other children of Giles Elbridge are found on the elaborate Elbridge monument in St. Peter's church in Bristol, England, but the name of Thomas Elbridge is not there, and the time and place of his death are unknown. Fishing and trafl&c with the Indians continued to be the chief business of the colonists on the Maine coast. But as the political troubles in England affected more and more all industrial and commercial affairs, the supplies which the settlers had been accus- tomed to receive from that source began to fail. Winter, writing July 19, 1642, not only records a scarcity of money at Richmond's island, but adds, "cloth of all sorts very scarce; both linen and woolen are dear' '." It is significant with reference to this scarcity of money in the province that at this time Deputy Governor Thomas Gorges and Richard Vines made their way to the White Mountains,* passing through Pegwackit, in search of "precious metalic substances", a lure that had exploited the coast regions from the first arrival of explorers and colonists, but which now led Gorges and Vines into the distant recesses of the White Moun- tain range, glimpses of whose fair outlines are afforded here and there from places along the coast in the vicinity of Saco. Thither they made their way safely, but their prospecting for gold and silver was without success. Their toil, however, could not have failed of rich reward in the experiences of the journey connected with what they saw of the beauty of the valley of the Saco as they traveled toward the river's source, and of the glory of the White Mountain scenery that still, with each recurring season, irresist- ably attracts visitors from near and far. ^ Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 176-179. * Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 112. ' Trelawny Papers, 321. * Winthrop, Journal, 266. SOMB UNRBLATED MATTERS. 309 The settlement at Wells, wliicli occurred during the deputy- governorship of Thomas Gorges, is traceable to the action of the Massachusetts authorities with reference to theological difEerences. Rev. John "Wheelwright, a brother-in-law of the celebrated Anne Hutchinson, had made his way from England to New England in the great emigration that followed the establishment of the Bay colony. Williamson refers to him^ as a "pious and learned" preacher ; but apparently he was in sympathy with Mrs. Hutchin- son's peculiar theological views, at least to some extent. Among other opinions he is said to have held that "the Holy Spirit dwells personally in a justified convert, and that sanctification can in no wise evince to believers their justifications". It was a period of theological speculation as well as of Bible study, and uniformity in religious matters was regarded by the general court of Massa- chusetts as desirable as it was by Archbishop I^aud and the eccle- siastical courts in England. But Mr. Wheelwright, in making his way across the sea because of oppressive, intolerable condi- tions in religious matters, expected to find at least toleration if not liberty. He soon learned, however, that he was mistaken ; and having been called to account by the general court for his theological opinions, and being "extremely pertinacious" of them, he was sentenced by the court November 2, 1637, to banishment from the colony." Mr. Wheelwright accordingly removed to Exeter, in the Prov- ince of New Hampshire, where he established a church to which he ministered until by the political union of New Hampshire with the Province of Massachusetts Bay, he found that again he was within the reach of the Bay authorities. Then, in search of another refuge, he turned his footsteps toward the Province of Maine ; and April 17, 1642, Deputy Governor Thomas Gorges, out of the grant he had received from his uncle, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, conveyed to him "a tract of land lying at Wells in the county of Somerset' ' , in all about four or five hundred acres of land on or 1 History of Maine, I, 293. " Records of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, I, 207. 310 THB BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. near the Ogunquit river, and along the seashore. Another tract of land, also conveyed by Gorges and in the same year, was secured by John Wheelwright, Henry Bond and others, greatly enlarging the territory of which Mr. Wheelwright had obtained possession, and constituting the township of Wells.* Here Mr. Wheelwright established a church. But his theologi- cal opinions still removed him from the fellowship of other minis- ters and Christian people, who had been his early frifends, and whom he still held in high esteem ; and in December, 1643, he addressed a communication to the governor and assistants of the colony of Massachusetts bay, in which he made confession that in the matter of justification his differences had been magnified by the "glass of Satan's temptations", and distorted by his own imaginations. In this way, his differences had secured an impor- tance in his thinking that was unwarranted. "l am unfeignedly sorry", he wrote, "l took so great a part in those sharp and vehement contentions, by which the churches have been dis- turbed ; and it repents me that I gave encouragement to men of corrupt sentiments, or to their errors, and I humbly crave par- don"." The communication, because of its frankness and the excellent spirit that characterized it throughout, made a very favorable impression upon those to whom it was addressed ; and Mr. Wheelwright not only was given a safe conduct to Boston, but in the summer of 1644, that action was followed by the revo- cation of the sentence of banishment.' At a later period he made his way back to England, where he remained a few years during the Puritan rule, possessing, it is said, the friendship of Crom- well, and then returned to New England.* 1 Sullivan, History of the District of Maine, 408. 2 Winthrop, Journal, J. K. Hosmer's Ed., II, 165-167. ^ Records of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, II, 67 ; III, 6. * Williamson, History of Maine, I, 294. On his return, Mr. Wheelwright settled in Salisbury, Mass., where, according to Williamson (I, 293), he died in 1679, aged 80 years. Sullivan {History of the. District of Maine, 234) says he died in 1680. SOME UNRELATED MATTERS. 311 Matters connected with the settlement of Wells were among the last that received the attention of Thomas Gorges in his wise administration of the affairs of his uncle's province. That admin- istration was now drawing to a close. Unlike his uncle, the dep- uty governor was in sympathy with Parliament, rather than with Charles, in the breach between the king and the House of Com- mons ; and as things in England while he was here had gone from bad to worse, and the civil war had opened, in which was to be decided the great issue as to which of the contending parties should rule England, Thomas Gorges regarded his place of duty there and not here ; and he began to make preparations to leave the province and return home. From the first, his management of affairs as deputy governor strongly commended him to all those who longed for the estab- lishment of law and order in the Province of Maine. At Agamen- ticus, which he made his place of residence at the time of his arrival, he at once had his attention called to a scandal that, in his treatment of it, illustrated in a most striking manner Gorges' administrative ideals as well as the low condition of the morals of the community. The affair required boldness, as well as firm- ness, in its proper handling. The man involved, Rev. George Burdett, was a prominent resident at Agamenticus, yet was known to be grossly immoral in life and had assumed an attitude of brazen defiance to just requirements, human and divine. Wil- liamson says, "Pride and abilities had given him self-confidence and obstinacy, and he regarded no law otherwise than to wrest it and make it sanction or excuse his iniquities' ' .^ On being made acquainted with the facts in the case, Thomas Gorges at once ordered Burdett 's arrest, and he was promptly brought before the court instituted by Gorges at Saco. The accused was found guilty not only of immoralities, but of "slanderous speeches", and 1 History of Maine, I, 284. Baxter (Trelawny Papers, 249) says of Bur- dett, "Instead of leading his flock into paths of righteousness, he proved to be a wolf among them, and the records of his misdeeds stain the pages of history." 312 THS BEGINNINGS OP COI.ONIAI. MAINE. received sentence accordingly. Evidently Burdett had expected to manage matters at the court as he had at Agamenticus ; but as he was adjudged guilty, he appealed from the decision in an out- burst of indignation, claiming the right of a rehearing in England. The charter of the province, however, contained no provision for such a rehearing ; and the deputy governor, denying the appeal, ordered execution to be levied on the property of Burdett for the payment of the fines imposed when sentence was pronounced. Railing against the deputy governor and the court, Burdett returned to Agamenticus and soon after made his way to England, threatening a reopening of court proceedings there. Failing in this, he joined one of the two great parties in the conflict then raging in the kingdom, and while thus engaged, falling into the hands of the party to which he was opposed, he was thrown into prison, and while there he passed into such obscurity that his subsequent career is unknown.^ With the same firm adherence to high moral standards, Thomas Gorges conducted the affairs of the Province of Maine throughout his administration. From first to last he had the respect of all law-abiding citizens, and his manifest aim in the management of public interests was to proceed along the same lines that were so strictly followed in the administration of the government of the affairs of the Bay colony by Governor Winthrop, whom Gorges visited upon his arrival in New England, and from whom he wisely sought counsel and advice. The three years he spent here, from 1640 to 1643, were passed in a way not only exceedingly creditable to himself, but helpful to the settlers in their desires to secure better conditions ; and his name deserves to be accorded high honor for the services he rendered at an important period in the beginnings of colonial Maine. It is not too much to say of Thomas Gorges that his was by far the one conspicuously attrac- tive personality in the province in all its early history.' 1 Hubbard, New England, 361. Winthrop, Journal, 207. " Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 186-190. CHAPTER XVIII. Agamenticus Be;coms;s Gorgbana. BY this time things had come to such a pass in England that one must choose between the supremacy of Charles and the supremacy of Parliament. The question at issue was whether the King or the House of Commons was the strongest power in the realm.' Certainly things were not going well with those who supported the crown. Strafford had already been brought to the block as an enemy of the country. Archbishop I^aud, who mingled ecclesiastical matters with those of the state, and had given great offence in so doing, was behind prison bars as early as 1641. In the opening of 1642, the king, unable to dis- cover the real significance of the great uprising against his arbi- trary rule, had separated himself still farther from his opponents in Parliament by demanding the impeachment of I,ord Kembolton, in the House of I^ords, and Pym, Hampden and three others in the House of Commons. When the Commons returned an evasive answer to this demand, Charles, followed by a crowd of armed retainers, proceeded to the House. As he stepped to the speaker's chair he addressed the Commons, saying that he had come to fetch the traitors. The words eliciting no response, the king, looking over the House and failing to discover any of the five whom he had named in his demand, turned to the speaker and asked if the men he sought were present. "May it please your majesty", replied lycnthall, "l have neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak in this place, but as the House is pleased to direct me". * S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 118. Concerning the attitude of the members of the House of Commons toward the king, Gardiner says : "It is useless to ask whether they might not have regulated the king's authority instead of shattering it. It was its business to shatter it because, with Charles upon the throne, it was impossible to regulate it." 314 THB BEGINNINGS OF COtONIAL MAINE. The king, again using his own eyes, remarked, "l see that all my birds have flown". He then renewed his demand, saying that if the men he had named were not surrendered to him upon their return, he would be obliged to take his own course to find them. As the king left the House, shouts of "Privilege ! privilege!" fol- lowed him. Echoes of this parliamentary struggle soon reached every part of the kingdom, and the lines of the two great parties contending for the mastery were now still more closely drawn. The affairs of the nation weighed heavily on all hearts, and Gorges, unable to throw himself into the conflict on account of advancing years, sought relief by directing his thoughts toward his Province of Maine. Reference has already been made to a grant of land on the "west most side" of the Agamenticus river made December 2, 1631, by the council for New England to Ferdinando Gorges, Sir Ferdinando 's grandson and heir ; and also to a grant on the east side of the river made at the same time to lyieutenant Colonel Francis Norton and others.^ In his Briefe Narration, Gorges, referring to these grants, says his grandson Ferdinando and some of his associates hastened to take possession of their territories, carrying with them their families and necessary provisions ; "and I sent over for my son [grandson] my nephew, Captain William Gorges, who had been my lieutenant in the fort at Plymouth, with some other craftsmen for the building of houses and erecting of saw mills ; and by other shipping from Bristol, some cattle with other servants, by which the foundation of the plantation was laid, and I was the more hopeful of the happy success thereof, for that I had not far from that place Richard Vines, a gentleman and servant of my own, who was settled there some years before. ' ' " Gorges' statement is a general one covering a number of years. Captain William Gorges came hither as governor of New Somer- setshire probably in the spring of 1636, and therefore several years after the Agamenticus grant was made. If at any time during his 1 Farnham Papers, I, 159-161. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, II, 57. '^ Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, II, 58. AGAMBNTICUS BECOMES GORGBANA. 315 governorship he made his residence at Agamenticus, there is no record of the fact. He established his government at Saco, and apparently he resided there during the short time he remained in the province. But Sir Ferdinando had not lost sight of his name- sake's grant. As early as 1630, Edward Godfrey was living at Agamenticus. It is possible that Godfrey went there in accord- ance with an arrangement made with Gorges before he left Eng- land. At all events, his first appearance in this country was as the "lawful attorney" of the council for New England in trans- ferring to Gorges and Mason the grant made to them November 17, 1629, and known as the I Trelawny Papers, 314-320. * It was known as the Plough patent, a name derived from the name of the vessel that brought hither the company of Husbandmen in whose inter- est the Lygonia patent was obtained. 326 THB BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAI, MAINE. Cleeve's interests? The answers suggested by such a considera- tion took a strong hold upon Cleeve's mind and heart ; and he was not long in outlining a course of procedure for himself that promised results of which up to this time he had not even dreamed. Animated by the hopes that were thus awakened, Cleeve sailed from Boston for England June 4, 1642. On his arrival in Lon- don, he lost no time in putting himself in communication with such original grantees of the I^ygonia patent, or their survivors, as he could find. Some time doubtless was spent in the necessary search ; and also later in negotiations with reference to the pur- chase of the patent. Settlements in the Province of Maine had not as yet brought to their promoters large financial returns, but the prosperity of the Puritan settlements in New England aided Cleeve in his approach to those who were in sympathy with Puri- tan ascendency in England ; and availing himself of opportuni- ties that opened to him on account of this ascendency, he at length made the acquaintance of Colonel Alexander Rigby,' an influential member of Parliament, to whom he made known his plans and 1 Colonel Alexander Rigby was born in 1594 at Middleton Hall, Goosnargh parish (near Preston) , county of I/ancashire, England. He studied for the profession of law, and entered upon the practice of law ; but becoming iden- tified with matters leading up to the civil war, in which he advocated the popular cause, he devoted his attention largely to political afiairs. In 1640, he was elected a member of Parliament, and soon by his ability and careful attention to business he obtained considerable distinction. In the progress of the civil war, he was made a colonel in the parliamentary forces. He was also a member of the I^ancashire committee for sequestrating ' 'notorious delinquent estates". He held many important public o£Sces. When the king was brought to trial early in 1649, Cromwell nominated Colonel Rigby as one of the judges, but he declined to serve. In that year he was made one of the barons of the Court of Exchequer. He was also one of the two com- missioners appointed for the establishment of the High Court of Justice. He died in London, August 18, 1650, having with other o£Scials been taken ill while attending court at Croyden in Surry. For an extended account of Colonel Rigby's life and services see three papers by Dr. Charles E. Banks in the Maine Historical and Genealogical Recorder for 1885 ; also a note by Hon. James P. Baxter in the Trelawny Papers, 365-367. CLSBVE SECURBS AN AHY. 327 purposes. Apparently Cleeve had no diflSculty in interesting Rigby in colonial undertakings, and inducing him to make the small outlay required in securing possession of the I^ygonia pat- ent. The purchase was consummated April 7, 1643, when "John Dye, John Smith, Thomas Jupe, and others, survivors of Bryan Bincks and others, with their associates", granted unto Colonel Alexander Rigby, of Rigby in the county of I^ancashire, "all their estate, interest and claim" in the Province of I^ygonia, the name given to the new province. Thus far Cleeve 's efforts had been crowned with entire success. But provision must be made for the government of the new prov- ince. This received due attention and Colonel Rigby gave Cleeve a commission as deputy president of the province, Rigby retain- ing only nominal headship in recognition of proprietary control. Subordinate administrative officers were also appointed. Cleeve had now secured all that he sought in making his way to England. But his eyes were not closed to certain obstacles which must be removed if he was to reach the results he had in view. Robert Trelawny, upon whom Winter had leaned in his persecution of Cleeve, was in a I+ondon prison, withdrawn from the world to such an extent that even his correspondence with Winter had ceased. But what of the men on the other side of the sea — ^Vines, Godfrey, Winter and others, Cleeve's most stren- uous opponents hitherto, — who were not likely to accept without question and added conflicts the new order of things about to be established ? Kspecially was opposition to be expected from Vines and Godfrey ; and in order to have the questions at issue settled at once upon his return to New England, Cleeve in a petition to the House of Commons — on his own behalf and also of other planters whose names he added, probably by request and for whom he "avowed"* — called attention to the action of Sir Ferdinando ' After Cleeve's return and the contents of this petition were made known, the charge was brought against Cleeve that he attached to the petition the names of persons who had no knowledge of its contents and had not author- ized such a use of their names. Depositions, including such statements, will be found in Baxter's George Cleeve, 262-264. The petition itself, how- 328 THE bb;ginnings of coloniai. maine. Gorges in placing over the petitioners and other planters ' 'several governors and other oflScers", who were exercising "unlawful and arbitrary power and jurisdiction over the persons and estate' ' of the petitioners and "the said other planters to their great oppression, utter impoverishment and the hindrance of the plan- tation in these parts''.^ In certain "articles" affixed to the peti- ever, shows that while Cleeve added to the petition thirty names, he did not indicate in any way that these were names of signers, for at the close of the list of names he added the words, "Avowed by me George Cleeve". In fact in one of these depositions, that of Francis Robinson of Saco, an explana- tion of Cleeve's action in adding these thirty names is given as follows : "And I do moreover testify that Mr. Thomas Jenner, minister of God's word, told me he asked Mr. Cleeve why he put men's hands to a petition that they never saw, and he said his answer was the Parliament bid him do it" (Bax- ter's, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 253). Mr. Baxter's remark (George Cleeve, \17^ with reference to this action of Cleeve places the mat- ter in its true light. "We are not for a moment to suppose that the Parlia- ment ordered him to forge names to his petition, and certainly it would be nearly as unreasonable to suppose that he could have been so foolhardy, nay, such an imbecile as to say that Parliament bid him commit forgery; for a statement so palpably false to the weakest intellect would only submit him to instant condemnation. A better theory and one which meets all require- ments readily presents itself to the mind, and this is, that when Cleeve pre- sented his petition to Parliament, he was ordered to write upon it the names of such persons as he thought he conld rely upon to aid in substantiating his charges, which he did by writing upon it the names of persons residing in the province and cognizant of the acts charged." ^ Inquiry with reference to this petition was made in the Public Records Office in London by Hon. James P. Baxter when he was collecting material for his George Cleeve of Casco Bay ; but he was informed that this was one among other papers of Parliament destroyed by fire at some period in the history of the Records Office. Fortunately, however, a copy of the petition found its way to this country, probably among the papers which Cleeve brought with him on his return, and that copy in recent years has come into the possession of the Maine Historical Society. It is herewith printed for the first time : "To the right honorable, the knights, citizens and burgesses of the House of Commons assembled in Parliament : "The humble petition of George Cleeve, gent, on the behalf of himself and others, the planters and inhabitants of New Somersetshire in New Eng- land, whose names are submitted : Ch^nvn SBCUR:eS AN ALLY. 329 tion the "several oppressions, injuries and offences" charged upon these governors and other officers were recorded, and the members of the House of Commons were asked to take "the premises into due consideration and to cause redress thereof to be made". Unfortunately the "articles" referred to in the petition have "Most humbly showing that the petitioners and the rest of the planters there by virtue of her patent made by the late King James, bearing date the 3rd of November in the eighteenth year of his majesty's reign, and by other grant and assignment thereupon made, ought to be governed according to the rnles and directions contained in the said patent. "Yet, nevertheless, so it is, that Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Kt., hath of late years without any lawful authority set over your petitioners and the said other planters several governors and other officers, who contrary to the said her patent exercise unlawful and arbitrary power and jurisdiction over the per- sons and estate of your petitioners and the said other planters to their great oppression, utter impoverishment and the hindrance of the plantation in these parts. And these governors and officers amongst many other misde- meanors have done and committed the several oppressions, injuries and offences contained in the articles hereto affixed. "Wherefore your petitioner on the behalf of himself and the said other planters most humbly pray unto your honors to take the premises into due consideration, and to cause redress thereof to be made and due recompense to the parties grieved. "And your petitioner as by duty bound shall daily pray for your honor's good. George Frost, John Bonython, John West, William Coale, John Smith, John Wadley, William Smith, John Wilkinson, Anthony Newland, Francis Robinson, Joseph Jenks, Peter Weare. Richard Tucker, Michael Mitton, Arthur Mackworth William Ryall, Arnold Allen, Henry Watts, Henry Boade, Will™ Hayward, Thomas Raynolds, Henry Sympson, Richard Barnard, Thomas Page, George Puddington, John Baker, Edward Johnson, Henry Lyme, John Alcock, Andrew Alger, Avowed by me George Cleeve. ' ' 330 THB BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAI, MAINS. not come down to us.^ From the petition, however, as well as from the action of the House of Commons, it may be inferred that these "articles" presented charges of "oppressions, injuries and offences" against such prominent officials as Vines and Godfrey. But whatever may be the fact, it is certain that the Commons appointed a commission, consisting of four prominent residents in New England— Governor Winthrop, Arthur Mackworth, Henry Boade and Captain Edward Gibbons — to take these articles into consideration and render a decision upon the charges they con- tained. With these papers from the House of Commons, the papers with reference to the transfer of the Iof Gorges and Rigby. Yet again there was no hasty action in fur- ther procedure. In May, 1653, the general court of Massachu- setts admitted two representatives from Maine, one from Kittery 1 The last information concerning him is in a letter written in prison in April, 1663. "There we leave him in the poor debtor's cell, where he had lived for two years. The end probably came soon after, for it could not have been delayed long ; and Kdward Godfrey, once governor of the Province of Maine, who bore unchallenged the arms of Godfrey of Bouillon, the knightly king of Jerusalem, was probably thence buried as a public pauper in the Potter's Field, without stone or stake to mark his grave, and his name and story have been almost lost in the two centuries that have passed. ' ' Dr. Charles E. Banks, Maine Hist. Society's Coll., First Series, IX, 335. THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS ACCEPTED. 379 and one from York. Shortly after, however, having approved the wise and successful work of the commissioners at Kittery and York, the court appointed commissioners to extend the jurisdic- tion of the colony still farther northward so as to include Wells, Saco and Cape Porpoise. Kqual success attended the efforts of the commissioners in these settlements, and July 5; 1653, their inhabitants by their votes placed themselves under the jurisdic- tion of Massachusetts.^ About this time the Plymouth colonists, somewhat tardily indeed, were directing attention to the lack of good government in its Maine territory on the Kennebec. Some one, evidently, had reminded the Pilgrims of their failure to comply with the requirement of their charter that the English settlers on the river within the colony's territorial limits "should be orderly governed and carried on in a way of peace for their common good in civil concernments".^ This requirement they had not fulfilled, and the general court of the Plymouth colony now authorized Thomas Prence, one of the colony's honored magistrates, to proceed to the Kennebec and call together the inhabitants along the river "for the settling of a government". Mr. Prence made his way thither, and May 23, 1654, the people assembled at the house of Thomas Ashley at Merrymeeting bay, where sixteen persons, including Thomas Purchase, took the oath of fidelity to the Com- monwealth of England and Plymouth colony, and agreed upon a series of articles designed to secure a proper observance of law and order within the limits of the Pilgrim grant.' ^ Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, III, 332-334. 2 Hazard, I, 583. ' lb., I, 585, 586. A glance at the later history of the Pilgrim grant on the Kennebec is interesting. When the general court of the colony met at Plymouth, June 6, 1660, it was voted that if ;^500 could be obtained for the colony's rights on the Kennebec, the grant should be sold. In accordance with this vote the Pilgrims, in 1661, sold all their lands on either side of the river to Antipas Boies, Edward Tyng, Thomas Brattle and John Winslow. These four persons and their heirs held these Kennebec lands nearly a cen- tury, making no endeavor to colonize them. In September, 1749, a meeting of the proprietors was held with a view to the introduction of settlers. Other 380 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. As yet, still farther to the eastward, there was little if any endeavor to make proper provision for securing the benefits of good government. The necessity was recognized, but the ways and means were not discoverable. And still Massachusetts, while watchful of the territory beyond Saco, delayed added action in extending her jurisdiction. There, men of considerable influence, like Henry Josselyn, Robert Jordan and Arthur Mackworth, con- tinued their opposition to the claims of Massachusetts, as also did George Cleeve ; the former on religious and political grounds, and the latter in an endeavor to retain his place in connection with the Rigby interests which otherwise would be blotted out. To Cleeve' s protest against any further encroachment Massachusetts made reply : "We have not endeavored to infringe the liberties of the planters of those lands, but have offered them the same with our- selves ; nor to nourish or ease ourselves by taxing of their estates, to ease ourselves. We expect no more than what they formerly did, namely, bear their own charges ; nor do we seek to put upon them that which we ourselves would count unequal, namely, to subject [them] to such laws and constitutions made by others without their consent, it being the portion of most of our present inhabitants, as of the subjects of most countries, to be in no other capacity ; the constitutions of government and new model of laws not being made in every age of men, or upon the arrival of new comers to a colony".^ But all the while, Massachusetts held firmly to her purpose. At length, having received ' 'divers complaints for want of gov- ernment at the westward, the Massachusetts authorities May 15, 1657, addressed a letter" to Henry Josselyn and Robert Jordan, requesting them to meet the commissioners of the colony at the proprietors were admitted, and in June, 1753, a corporation was formed under the title of "The Proprietors of the Kennebec Purchase from the late Colony of New Plymouth". The Kennebec Purchase Papers, carefully arranged chronologically, were presented to the Maine Historical Society by Hon. Reuel Williams, of Augusta. 1 Baxter, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 295, 296. 2 lb., 296, 297. THE JURISDICTION OF MASSACHUSETTS ACCEPTED. 381 next county court at York, to assist in settling "those parts beyond Saco, to the utmost bounds of the Massachusetts charter. As neither appeared in answer to this request, Massachusetts pro- ceeded to summons the inhabitants in the territory mentioned to present themselves at the general court to be held in Boston October 14, 1657. Again there was default. Cleeve, however, responded by a protest against the legality of the action of Massachusetts in extending her jurisdiction into Maine territory, adding an announcement that the inhabitants had resolved not to yield sub- mission to the government of the Bay colony. To this protest the general court of Massachusetts, October 23, 1657, replied by a "declaration and protestation", J reaffirming its ' 'right and claim to those parts' ' , but asserting its purpose to ' 'sur- cease any further prosecution", at the same time insisting that "if any mischief or inconvenience" should result "by means of their own differences, or for want of a settled government all the blame and danger must and ought to be imputed" to the inhabitants themselves. Here, also, it was made to appear that Josselyn, Jordan and Cleeve, in their attitude toward Massa- chusetts, did not represent the people among whom they lived ; and in response to added complaints of unsettled conditions, com- missioners, appointed by the general court, were directed to repair to Black Point, Richmond's island and Casco to receive the sub- mission of the inhabitants. In attending to this duty, the com- missioners held a court, July 13, 1658, at the house of Robert Jordan, at Spurwink. Hither came a majority of the residents in the places mentioned. As at Kittery, York, Wells, Saco and Cape Porpoise, there was "serious debate", but final unanimity, "the inhabitants of Black Point, Blue Point, Spurwink and Casco bay, with all the islands thereunto belonging", acknowledging themselves to be subject to the government of Massachusetts bay. Twenty-nine persons signed the form of submission. Among them appear such familiar names as George Cleeve, Robert Jordan and 1 Baxter, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 299. 382 THB BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. Michael Mitton.^ In the articles of agreement it was announced that the places formerly known as Black Point, Blue Point and Stratton's islands would be called Scarborough henceforth. Those places, hitherto known as Spurwink and Casco bay from east side of Spurwink river to the Clapboard islands in Casco bay, and run- ning back into the country eight miles, would be called hence- forth Falmouth. Henry Josselyn, Robert Jordan, George Cleeve, Henry Watts and Francis Neale were appointed commissioners for the year ensuing and were invested with full power, or any three of them, for the trial of all causes without jury, within the limits of Scarborough and Falmouth ; while Henry Josselyn, Robert Jordan, Nicholas Shapleigh, Edward Rishworth and Abraham Preble were invested with magisterial power throughout the county of York.^ The purpose of Massachusetts, at least the initial purpose, in her invasion of Maine territory, was now accomplished. It was not without watchfulness and skilful management, however, that under changed political conditions in England she succeeded in retaining her hold upon the territory thus secured. The stars in their courses seem to fight on her side, and she was able at length to extend her jurisdiction into the larger territory still farther to the eastward. The story of those added endeavors is one of very deep interest, but it belongs to a period outside of that to which the present volume is restricted. ^ Baxter, George Cleeve, Collateral Documents, 301-303. 2 lb., 303-306. CHAPTER XXIII. Review op the Period. IN its beginnings colonial Maine seemed to possess advantages that promised much for its development and prosperity. It had prominent and powerful promoters, and they lost no time in obtaining a foothold here. The date of the arrival of the Popham colonists at the -mouth of the Kennebec is only a little later than that of the colonists who made their settlement at Jamestown, Virginia. But the Popham colony was a failur^T > None of the colonists remained in the country when Gilbert and the ships returned homeward. English fishermen and traders continued to make their way to the coast of Maine, but of settlers little is heard for many yeafs. As late as 1620, and for some time afterward, Maine had no settlement that equalled in the number of its inhabitants that of the Pilgrim colony at Pl3rmouth. Indeed, after the landing of the Puritans at Salem and Boston, colonial Maine had no rivals to the larger and more prosperous communi- ties within the limits of the Bay colony. This was also true at the time when Massachusetts extended her jurisdiction over the Maine settlements. It may properly be asked, therefore, why during the period covered by these pages, were Maine settlements weak, lacking elements of growth and stability, as compared with settlements in other parts of New England territory ? Certainly it was not because of racial differences in the colonists. All the settlers in New England in the first half of the seventeenth century had a common ancestry. They spoke the same language, and their political opinions were developed under the same condi- tions. But they were not all on the same side in the great move- ment toward democracy that was in progress in the period now 384 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. under review. A recent English historian' tells us that "the sovereignty of 'the people" and "the equality of man with man in the scales of justice' ' were first ushered into the world of English politics by the trial of Charles I, that resulted in his execution. As to the final act in the conflict between the king and the House of Commons this is true. Charles had no use for political princi- ples that found expression in such notions as ' 'the sovereignty of the people" and "the equality of man with man in the scales of justice". His own views concerning king and people he stated frankly, even bluntly, on the scaffold. "For the people", he said, "truly I desire their liberty and freedom as much as any body whatsoever ; but I must tell you, their liberty and freedom consists in having government, those laws by which their lives and their goods may be most their own. It is not their having a share in the government ; that is nothing appertaining to them. A subject and a sovereign are clear different things' ' .' To Charles these were old truths, needing, as he thought, reaffirmation. For them he was ready to die. It has well been said that ' 'nothing in Charles' life became him like the manner in which he left it' ' .' In that solemn hour he certainly exhibited calm dignity and bravery. But in these last words the king cor- rectly represented his attitude towards the people over whom he had reigned so arbitrarily as to make his trial necessary.* Over against these old-world ideas that at length wrought the ruin of the Stuarts stood those of the new democracy, which for a score and more of years had found voices in the House of Com- mons declaring the sovereignty of the people and the supremacy of Parliament.^ It was a new democracy. It had its beginnings * George Macaulay Trevelyan, England under the Stuarts, 281. "lb., 289. ' S. R. Gardiner, Puritan Revolution, 150. * "Bngland must be brought under a settled government; and a settled gov- ernment, with Charles to stir up discord against every element in the state in turn, was a sheer impossibility." lb., 158. ^ Some voices were heard in the House of Lords, but in the progress of the movement for democracy, the influence of the Lords rapidly declined. REVIEW OP THK PERIOD. 385 farther back than the trial of Charles, however, and in the interest of religious rather than civil liberty. Happily in places on the continent of Europe conditions were better at that time than in England. For example, when the Pilgrims, in the latter part of the sixteenth century, left the land of their birth and crossed over into Holland, it was because there "they heard was freedom of religion for all men".* But in English towns and villages the word "freedom" was already stirring the thoughts of men and becoming forceful to such a degree as to call for action and sacri- fice. But before their departure for Holland, the need of civil freedom must have been strongly impressed upon the Pilgrims on account of the cruel, it might indeed be called brutal treatment they received from the civil authorities in their experiences in getting out of England.'' During their residence in Holland, however, their civil and religious ideals were enlarged ; and at length, looking for a new home in which their ideals might have such fulfilment as they desired, the Pilgrims crossed the sea and made the first permanent settlement in New England. To what extent their ideals had been enlarged during those years of exile on the continent appears in the opening words of their General Laws and Liberties, to which they gave these fitting words of introduction : At the time of the opening of the Long Parliament (November 3, 1640) , it is estimated that one-half of the peers supported the king, while about thirty remained at Westminster and continued to act with the majority of the House of Commons. But just before the execution of Charles (January 29, 1649) , the House of Commons voted, "That the House of Peers is useless and ought to be abolished." It was abolished. "Not only was the abolition of the Upper House the necessary preliminary to all reforms, it was justifiable by nature and reason. ' ' The House of Lords During the Civil War, by Charles Hard- ing Firth, Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford, 213, 216. ^ 1 Bradford, Journal, 15. ^ These experiences are quite fully related by Bradford in the early part of his Journal. 25 386 THB BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAI, MAINE. "We, the associates of the colony of New Plymouth, coming hither as free-born subjects of the kingdom of England, endowed with all and singular the privileges belonging to such, being assembled, do enact, ordain and constitute, that no act, imposition, law or ordinance, be made or imposed upon us at present or to come, but such as shall be made or imposed by consent of the body of free- men or associates, or their representatives legally assem- bled, which is according to the free liberties of the freeborn people of England"/ The causes of irritation that drove the Pilgrims out of England in the closing years of Elizabeth's reign were also forceful during the reign of her successor. Many of the most influential and con- scientious of the conformist Puritans in the English church felt compelled to leave it. "About the year 1620, the storm began to brew. Strong Protestants of all sections were drawn together by a vague sense of approaching peril, which thenceforward inspired every word and action of the House of Commons So James I, when he died [March 27, 1625], left Protestants angry and suspicious, and bold in the consciousness of representing pub- lic opinion." ^ Conditions under Charles, however, were not bet- ter than under James, but worse. In the opening years of his reign it was only too evident that he would run a more irritating course than his father. Accordingly, there was still unrest in English hearts and homes, and when at length this was aggravated by an outbreak of reli- gious tyranny that became increasingly intolerable, the Puritans followed the Pilgrims hither,' with the purpose, as John Winthrop 1 From a copy of these Laws and Liberties, printed at Cambridge in 1672, and now in the Maine Historical Society library. ^ Trevelyan, England under the Stuarts, 149, 150. 8 ' 'The men who formed the strength of the anti-monarchical and the Puritan part of the community were always contemplating emigration. England sent enough of these elements to found a new world ; but if the war had gone differently, she would have sent out enough to ruin herself. The most advantageous merchants, the most skilled artisans, the lords and REVIEW OP THE PERIOD. 387 said on the voyage over, "to seek out a place of cohabitation and consortship under a due form of government, both civil and eccle- siastical".* By "due form of government" Winthrop did not mean a form characterized by such a measure of civil and religious liberty as the descendants of Winthrop and his fellow voyagers now enjoy. The full vision of that better day had not broken upon them. But they soon framed a form of government here, which, with all its shortcomings as we now see them, afforded a freedom from political and ecclesiastical constraint greatly in advance of what they had known hitherto, and which in time, under the protection of just laws, would develop the principles of true freedom, civil and religious, to an extent not before attained in the history of civilization, and in the enjoyment of which, even in the beginnings of the Bay colony, they greatly prospered. In this, indirectly, the Puritans of Massachusetts were greatly aided by the course of events in England. Not all came hither who were in agreement with them in their democratic aspirations. Indeed there were many who still hoped that in some way Charles would be made to see how destructive to his own interests, as well as to those of the country, was the course he had taken, and that at length he would recognize the necessity of retracing his steps. But the hope had no fulfilment, and more and more the conviction was strengthened that "a king who had ruled so badly in the past was incapable of ruling at all in the future".^ And so there fol- lowed what is sometimes designated as the "Puritan Revolution", sometimes as the "Civil War" and sometimes as the "Great Rebellion". Charles drew to his standard the cavaliers, includ- ing all those who for various reasons rallied to the support of the king ; while around Cromwell gathered the yeomen freeholders, gentlemen who took counsel for the liberties of their country, the plough- men who saw visions, the tinkers who dreamed dreams, were perpetually thinking of New England. Thither twenty thousand Puritans had already carried their skill and industry, their silver and gold, their strivings and hopes." Trevelyan, England under the Stuarts, 225. 1 The Puritan Age, Rev. Dr. George E. Ellis, 50. 2 S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 126. to: 388 THE BEGINNINGS OF COI^ONIAL MAINE. many of the smaller country squires, tenant farmers not a few, some of the gentry and large numbers of the dwellers in cities and towns, all inspired by the hope of securing better conditions for themselves and their children. Generally it can be said that the Puritan movement was the strongest in the eastern and middle countries of England, while the king, although aided by devoted royalists and churchmen in towns and cathedral cities, relied upon the support he received from the southwestern counties.^ But the cause for which Charles stood was a losing one. Ill success attended his forces ; and in the struggle until its fatal close for the king, affairs on this side of the sea received no attention. In this condition of things in England, the Puritans of Massachusetts were left to develop in their own way a form of government based upon civil liberty and the sovereignty of the people. The colonists who came to Maine, however, were moved thereto by other influences than were forceful in the establishment of the Bay colony and other New England colonies. The Popham colo- nists, on account of their early return homeward, had no part in New England's development; but as they came hither under influences that continued to be represented here, it is noteworthy that those who were instrumental in their coming were in sjnn- pathy with the king, who, by his language and his acts, had already irritated the Puritans of England in such a way^ as thus early to force an issue between king and Commons, that was finally to be decided on memorable battlefields in a great crisis in the his- iry of the English people. Very little is known concerning the settlers who had homes on the Pemaquid peninsula in 1625, and at other places between Pemaquid and the Kennebec at a later period. There are no known facts that connect them with any movement in the mother ^ Trevelyan, England under the Stuarts, 228. * Gorges, in a letter to Cecil, referring to conditions in England at the time of the Popham colony, and urging the importance of American colo- nization to the English people, describes them as "now sick in despair and in time will grow desperate through necessity". Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, III, 162. RBVIEW OP THE PERIOD. 389 country like that which brought the Pilgrims and the Puritans to New England. They seem to have represented no organized enterprise, but, so far as may be inferred from such information as has been preserved, they made their way hither out of personal considerations, some of them bringing their families, allured in all probability by what they learned from traders and fishermen, who called their attention to favorable opportunities for advantageous settlement upon the coast of Maine. At the same time, in the Province of Maine a few voices were heard that indicate in those who uttered them the presence of the spirit of the Puritan movement in England. Thus, when George Cleeve was told by John Winter that he was a trespasser at Spur- wink, but might become a tenant to Trelawny on some other part of the latter 's Cape Elizabeth estate, Cleeve showed plainly where he stood by his very democratic reply that "he would be tenant to never a man in New England' ' .^ So also a kindred spirit seems to have been manifested at Richmond's island in 1636 by the six men in Winter's employ, who "fell into such a mutiny" that they left the plantation ' 'to fish for themselves' ' . As Winter in report- ing the case to Trelawny mentioned the names of the men, it is possible to follow them and learn somewhat of their subsequent history.^ They all seem to have made their way to Portsmouth. The one whom Winter called the leader of the party was evidently a member of the Church of England, for he was one of the parish- ioners who "founded and built" at Portsmouth, in 1640, the "par- sonage house, chapel with the appurtenances at their own proper costs and charges". The others, also, seem to have been citizens of good repute. Evidently these men felt that they were not receiving just treatment from Winter ; and as freemen on Ameri- can soil they asserted what they regarded as the right of freemen and exchanged Richmond's island and John Winter's hard condi- tions for better conditions farther down the coast. Two others, not long resident in Maine, manifested sympathy 1 Trelawny Papers, 265. ^ lb., 93, and note by Hon. James P. Baxter. 390 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE. with the Puritan movement, one as it shaped itself on this side of the sea, and the other as connected with efforts in England to bring the despotic rule of Charles to an end. The first was Edward Trelawny, who soon after his arrival at Richmond's island in 1635, drawn thither doubtless on account of the interests of Robert Trelawny, proceeded to Boston on a visit. While there, in a letter written to his brother Robert, he indicated such a degree of sympathy with the Massachusetts colonists as to make it evident that he had been drawn into the Puritan movement.* The other was Thomas Gorges, governor of the Province of Maine. Having in 1640-1643 faithfully served the Gorges inter- ests here, finding himself out of harmony with the supporters of Charles as the civil war opened, he resigned his governorship, returned to England and joined the parliamentary party — an act that spoke louder than words as to his attitude in that time of stress and storm. If there were others north of the Piscataqua who were in sym- pathy with the Puritan movement — and doubtless there were — they occupied the less conspicuous places in the walks of life and so were not heard from. The royalists in general were in the positions of influence. Their voices were those that made most frequent and forceful expression, and thus largely gave tone to public sentiment as it found utterance in Maine settlements, until their inhabitants came under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. But like the royalists in England, the Maine royalists were on the wrong side in that great movement in which through Puritan warfare the battle for the sovereignty of the people was fought 1 Trelawny Papers, 72-74 ; 78, 79. Referring to New England as "blest and beloved of the Lord", Trelawny asks : "And what is the reason of all this ; surely one is (as I conceive) that as God's people are come into a new country, where they freely enjoy the liberty of his holy ordinance without any trouble or molestation at all, either of bishop, archbishop or any other inferior carping minister or gaping officer, so they come unto the land and to the Lord with new hearts and new lives and enter into a new covenant so to continue ever to their end. And who would not be among such a people and in such a land?" Trelawny Papers, 74. REVIEW OF THE PERIOD. 391 and won. That battle, however, as subsequent events showed, was not directed against royalty, but against the arbitrary meas- ures for which James I and Charles I stood, "it is useless to ask", says a recent distinguished English historian, referring to Charles, "whether it [the House of Commons] might not have regulated the king's authority instead of shattering it. It was its business to shatter it, because with Charles on the throne it was impossible to regulate it' ' .^ It was an important period in the history of the English people. It meant much for them ; it meant much for the whole world in connection with the develop- ment of free institutions. "On the continent of Europe, at the beginning of the seventeenth century absolute monarchy had everywhere triumphed over the ruins of the oligarchical and feudal liberties of the middle ages. Never were the notions of right more completely confounded than in the midst of the splendor and literature of Europe ; never was there less political activity among the people ; never were the principles of true free- dom less widely circulated." This is the statement of a great French scholar,'' who turning from the consideration of such con- ditions upon the continent found in the Puritan movement of the seventeenth century in England the "fruitful germs of free insti- tutions" and "the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people". Nor was he satisfied with his investigations until he had crossed the sea and studied here the further development of those princi- ples of government for which the Puritans of England contended in the great uprising against Charles. 1 S. R. Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution, 118. ^ Alexis de Tocqueville in Democracy in America, 24. "During the sev- enteenth century a despotic scheme of society and government was so firmly established in Europe, that but for the course of events in England it would have been the sole successor of the mediaeval system But at this moment the English, unaware of their destiny and of their service, tenacious only of their rights, their religion and their interests, evoked a system of government which differed as completely from the continental model as it did from the chartered anarchy of the middle ages." Trevelyan, England under the Stuarts, 1, 2. 392 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAI, MAINE. It is now readily admitted that those who supported the king in that crisis in England's history did so out of a sense of loyalty and duty, having regard to the right as they saw the right. In such a crisis, when good men differ anii the lines are closely drawn, it is not easy for those of either party to give their opponents just credit for sincerity and honesty of purpose. Dur- ing the American revolution, the tories were not only bitterly denounced, but in many cases were compelled to leave their homes and seek refuge in the provinces, or in England. They are no longer tories, but loyalists.^ So, too, in the civil war of 1861-1865, those who began the war and fought until they had exhausted the means of war, were rebels. They are now confed- erates. Time is needed in order to reach just judgment. But we do neither the loyalists of the revolution, nor the confederates of the south any injustice in saying that they were on the wrong side. Some of them have said so themselves.'' The supporters of Charles I were on the wrong side. It is here, therefore, that an answer is to be found to the 1 ' 'A few years ago the most intense hate was cherished by colonists [refer- ring to loyalists in the British provinces] towards people of the United States. Their fathers were the losers, ours were the winners in the war of the Revolution. Nor was kind feeling entertained among us. It was thought disloyal in a colonist, and to evince a want of patriotism in a citizen of the republic, to seek to promote sentiments of love on either side, and to unite kinsmen, who, two generations ago, were severed in the dismemberment of the British empire. But the change is wonderful, and some persons who commend the work of reconciliation live to witness the consummation of their highest hopes. ' ' Lorenzo Sabine, Loyalists of the American Revolu- tion, I, 137. * ' 'The world has not stood still in the years since we took up arms for what we deemed our most invaluable right — that of self-government. We now enjoy the rare privilege of seeing what we fought for in the retrospect. It no longer seems desirable. It would now prove only a curse. We have good cause to thank God for our escape from it, not alone for our sake, but for that of the whole country and even of the world." Brigadier General E. P. Alexander, chief of artillery in I/ongstreet's corps. Military Memories of a Confederate, introduction, p. viii. General Alexander directed the Confederate artillery fire that preceded what is called "Pickett's charge" at the battle of Gettysburg, July 3, 1863. REVIEW OF THE PERIOD. 393 inquiry, Why, during the period under review in the preceding chapters, did Maine settlements fail to grow and prosper as did the settlements in other parts of New England ? Plainly it was because the men who were influential in these settlements were largely on the wrong side. Neither they nor their promoters in England were inspired by the high ideals with r^erence to free- dom, religion and governmental interests that drew to the shores of Massachusetts bay the Pilgrims and the Puritans. In new relations, however, colonial Maine more and more caught the spirit of the new democracy as the years rolled on, and in the later unfoldings of her political history, in the struggle for national independence, in the founding and building up of new and prosperous states in the middle west and northwest, and in the preservation of the Federal Union, Maine, by the sturdy character of her people and the ability of her statesmen, has achieved an honorable and prominent position among American commonwealths . INDEX. Abnaki language, 75, 76. Acadia, acquired from de Monts, 102 ; receives missionary colony, 105, 106, 107; England's claims, 116; ceded by French king to company of New France, 265; is restored to France by Charles I, 266; la Tour in com- mand, 273; Aulnay's relations to the country, 274, 275; reconquest of by England, 279. Accominticus, 128, 129. African slave trade, 9. Agamenticns, 129, 130, 160, 217, 255, 293, 294, 311, 312, 315; made a bor- ough, 317; charter provisions, 318; becomes Gorgeana, 319, 320; receives the designation York, 377. Agamenticus river, 216, 217. Alden, John, 248. Aldworth, John, 22. Aldworth, Robert, 23, 26, 142, 179; prominent merchant of Bristol, 180; with Giles Elbridge obtains grant of land in Maine, 217-219, 260, 306. Aldworth, Thomas, 22, 23, 180. Aldworth and Elbridge, 252, 255, 260. Alexander, Gen. E. P., concerning the civil war in the United States, 393. Alexander, Sir William, receives royal charter of Nova Scotia, 154, 264; Charles I extends his bounds, 265; later cedes Acadia to France, 266, 269; in division of New England, 281. Alger, Andrew, 334. Allen's island, 43. Allerton, Isaac, 186, 242, 267. Alum from pyritic shale, 88, 89. Amadas, Philip, 14. Amenquin, 87. Amoret, 44. Amsterdanv, 141. Anasou, 34, 44. Andrew, Samuel, 368. Andrews, Prof. C. M., 365. Androscoggin, 81, 128. Angel Gabriel, mention of vessel lost at Pemaquid, 251, 252, 254, 255, 285. Annapolis Basin, 31. Antilles, Lesser, 57. Aquamenticus, 169. Arabella arrives at Salem with Puri- tan colonists, 195. Archangel, Waymouth's vessel, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 60, 67, 70, 72. Argall, Capt. Samuel, destroys French colony at Mt. Desert, 109-116, 127; draws lot for Abraham Jennings in division of great patent for New England, 166. Armada, Spanish, 10, 11, 15, 24, 142. Arundell, Earl of, 37, 39, 50, 147, 164, 166. Ashley, Edward, 189. Ashley, Francis, 244. Ashley, Thomas, 379. Ashton, church at Long, 340. Ashton Court, 320, 340. Ashton Phillips, 320, 340. Assacumet, 121. 396 INDEX. Asticou, 107. Aucocisco, 128, 129, 130. A-ugusta, 187, 188. Aulnay, Razillai's lieutenant seizes Pilgrim trading house at Penobscot, 253, 265, 268; quarrels with la Tour, 273-278. Aumuckcawgen, 128. Azores islands, 40, 67, 113. Bachiler, Rev. Stephen, 206, 297. Bacon, Iword, 137. Bagnell, Walter, 199, 200, 213, 214. Baker, John, 334. Baliol College, Oxford, 38, 305. Ballard, Dr. Edward, 42. Bancroft, George, 26, 46, 93. Bangor, 105. Banks, Dr. Charles E., 293, 326. Banks, Sir John, 317. Barbadoes, 134, 209. Bar Harbor, 106. Barlee, Capt. John, 122. Barlow, Walter, 14. Barnett, Bartholomew, 318. Barnstable, 136, ISO. Bartholomew, Henry, 372. Barton, Regis, 178. Bashabe, 83, 84. Bates, Dr. Charles, 285. Baxter, Hon. James P., 26, 31, 37, 38, 56, 65, 67, 89, 94, 99, 120, 122, 134, 194, 210, 211, 245, 292, 297, 301, 306, 311, 322, 326, 328, 340, 344, 354. Bay of Fundy, 31, 266. Beauchamp, John, 202, 203. Belknap, Dr. Jeremy, 40. Bellingham, deputy governor, 271, 272. Benner's island, 43. Bessabez, 33. Best, Capt. Ellis, 80. Biard, Father Pierre, 101-109, 111- 113, 119, 127. . Bickford, John, 237. Biddeford, 201. Biddeford Pool, 170. Biencourt, explores Maine coast, 1611, 103, 119. Biscay, seamen of, 9, Black Point, 207, 208, 213, 215; accepts jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 381. Blackstone, William, 202. Blue Point accepts the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 381. Boade, Henry, 330. Boies, Antipas, 379. Bond, Henry, 310. Bond, G. T., 149. Bonython (Bonighton), 201, 205, 234, 237, 245, 292,294,295,315. Boothbay harbor, 43, 44, 172. Bordeaux, 102, 108, 136. Boston, England, 202. Boston, New England, 202, 206, 208, 274. 275. Bowcer, Sir John, 155. Bowditch, Nathaniel, 180. Bowdoin College, 93. Bownd, John, 150. Bradford, William, 157, 161, 182, 183, 185, 187-190, 246, 267, 268, 272, 385. Bradshaw, Richard, 209, 210, 211, 221, 223. Bradstreet, Simon, 370, 374. Bragington, Arthur, 318. Brasenose College, Oxford, 73, 250. Brattle, Thomas, 379. Brawnde, Capt. Edward, 134, 135. Breda, treaty of, 279. Bristol, England, 1, 5, 8, 16, 18, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 55, 61, 98, 136, 141, 142, 148, 149, 150, 177, 178, 179, 180, 198, 218, 251, 284, 285. Broad bay, 163. Brooks, Mr., 152. Brooke, lyord, 247. Broughton, Robert, 58. Brown, Alexander, 25, 58, 61, 123, 126. Brown, John, 176, 177, 178, 179, 198, 259. INDKX. 397 Brown, John, Jr., 179. Brown, Gen. John Marshall, 212. Brown Library, John Carter, 40. Brown, Richard, 178. Brunswick, 242. Brunswick, falls at, 81. Buckingham, Duke of, 184, 185, 190, 191, 194. Bunyan, John, 296. Burdett, Rev. George, 311, 312. Burgess, Bishop George, 73. Burgess, John, Sr., 199. Burntisland, 43. Burrage, Henry S., 99. Byrch, William, 165. Cabot, John, 1-3; his landfall, 4; his second expedition, 5, 6; his discov- ery, basis of England's claim, 115; sailed from Bristol, 2, 142, 149. Cabot bibliography, 4. Cabot, Lewis, 1, 7. Cabot, Sanctus, 1, 7. Cabot, Sebastian, 1, 2, 7. Cabot tower, Bristol, 6. Cadiz, 11, 24. California, Gulf of, 265. Calvert, Secretary, 151, 153, 155, 158, 164. Cam, Thomas, 39. Camden and Union mountains, 42, 46, 47. Camden mountains, 68. Cammock, Capt. Thomas, 207, 208, 209, 213, 214, 215, 216, 226, 227, 234, 257, 261, 296. Canada, conquest of, 197. Canary islands, 57. Capawick, 121. Cape Breton, 5, 7, 13, 20, 31, 57, 112, 264. Cape Charles, 141. Cape Cod, 124, 127, 140, 141, 162, 170. Cape Elizabeth, 81, 170, 172, 209, 210, 213, 223, 237, 238. Cape Elizabeth lights, 223. Cape la Have, 105. Cape Newaggen (Capemanwagan) 172- 176. Cape Porpoise, 169. Cape Porpoise accepts the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 379. Cape Sable, 264. Cape Small Point, 75. Carlyle, Thomas, 287. Carolina, North, 14, 15. Carew, Master Gome, 80. Cartier, Jaques, 8. Casco, 171, 172, 173, 222. Casco Bay, 34, 81, 82, 129, 171, 173, 174, 217, 238, 242. Casco Bay accepts the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 381. Casco, river of, 238. Castine (Pentegoet) visited by Bien- court and Father Biard in 1611, 103; by Capt. John Smith in 1614, 127; occupied by the Pilgrims as a trad- ing post, 189, 267; Aulnay gets pos- session, 268; Pilgrims attempt to regain the place, 269-272; la Tour's expedition, 274-276; remains a French outpost, 278; restored to France by treaty of Breda, July 21, 1667, 279. Cathaye, Emperor of, 18. Cecil Papers, 56. Cecil, Secretary, 65, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94, 120, 122. Challons, Capt. Henry, 56, 57, 58, 60, 121, 122. Chamberlain, J. L., 366. Champernoun, Francis, 292. Champlain, Samuel de., 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 84, 213. Chapman, Prof. Henry L., 99. Charles I seeks hand of Henrietta Maria of France, 174; is married, 184; dissolves Parliament, 185; issues proclamation to aid Capt. Christopher Levett, 191-195; his government, 229; extends bounds 398 INDEX. of Nova Scotia, 265; restores Acadia to France, 266, has in view a gen- eral governtaent for New England, 283; abandons Strafford, 298; his conflict with the House of Com- mons, 313, 314; sets up his stand- ard at Nottingham, 321; meets over- whelming defeat at the battle of Naseby, 323, 335; his views concern- ing king and people, 384; his execu- tion, 278, 384; character of his gov- ernment, 386; the things for which he stood, 391. Charles II, 279; also restores Acadia to France, 279. Charles V of Spain, 2. Charter of southern and northern companies, 114. Charter, surrender of great, 229, 232. Checkley, Samuel, 208. Cheere, Judith, 165. Cheere, Nicholas, 165. Chesapeake bay, 140. Christ Church, Oxford, 22. Civil war in England, commence- ment of, 298. Claim of England in 1650 in opposi- tion to France, 357. Clapboard islands in Casco bay, 382. Clarendon, I^ord, 286, 344, 346. Clarke, Jonas, 368. Cleeve, George, locates at Spurwink, 210, 211; ordered to leave by John Winter, Trelawny's agent, 221, 222; removes to Machegonne, 223; op- posed by Winter there as on Tre- lawny's grant, 223-226; goes to England and secures grant of Machegonne from Gorges, 227, 228; added opposition from Winter and others, 235-240, 244, 256, 261; mat- ters in court, 293-297; goes to Eng- land and secures an ally in Col. Rigby, 325-327; petitions House of Commons, 327-329; returns as deputy president of Province of I/ygonia, 330-338; organizes prov- ince and receives co-operation of Josselyn and Jordan, 340-350; con- flicts with Jordan, 351-354; sails for England and consults Edward Rigby, 360-362; returns and seeks aid of Massachusetts, 367, 368; pro- tests against encroachment of Mas- sachusetts, 380; accepts jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 381, 382; his char- acter, 354. Cleeve, Elizabeth, 223, 259. Cleeve, Joan, 223, 259. Coast Survey Pilot, 40. Cobestcont, 187. Cockington, birthplace of Waymonth, 17. Cogawesco, 172, 173. Coins found at Richmond's island, 200. Coke, Sir Edward, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158. Coke, Sir John, 190, 191. Commission of Royal Society of Can- ada, 4. Commons, House of, abolishes House of Lords, 385. Commonwealth of England, 278. Company of New France, 263, 266, 273. Concord, Gosnold's vessel, 19. Conway, Secretary, 168. Cooper, Capt. Michsel, 133. Cornwall, 136. Corvo, 40. Cotton, Rev. John, 202. Council for planting, ruling and gov- erning New England, 143, 154, 155, 158, 162, 163, 164, 169, 174, 186, 197, 201, 204, 205, 207, 209, 213, 215-217, 221, 229, 232, 235, 243, 255, 260. Coves in St. George's river, 45. Cox, William, 177, 259. Cranfield, lord treasurer, 149. INDEX. 399 ■Cromwell, Oliver, 278, 279, 285; con- cerning his proposed embarkation for New England, 285-287; his death, 287; his supporters, 387, 388. •Cromwell, Richard, 377. Cross erected by Way month on Allen's island, 43, 69, 70, 72. Cross, tercentenary memorial on Al- len's island, 43. Cross erected by Waymouth at Thom- aston, 47. Cross, William, 164. •Crystal Hill, 170. Cnmmings, Rev. E. C, 108. Curry, Dr. J. I^. M., 25, 76. •Cushenoc, 188. Dale, Sir Thomas, 110, 115. Damariscotta, 179. Damariscotta river, 219. Damariscove, 149, 156, 161, 175. Damariscove islands, 130, 148. Damerell's Cove, 97. Damerill, Humphrey, 130. Damerils isles, 129, 130. Dartmouth, 135, 136, 190. Dartmouth Haven, 48, 49. Davies, Capt. James, 66, 79, 80. Davies, Capt. Richard, 79, 80. Davis, Capt. Robert, 80, 89. Davis, Capt. Sylvanus, 249, 250. Davis island, 43. Davison, Nicholas, 307. Dawson, Dr. S. B., 3, 4. Dean, John Ward, 154, 283, 286. Deering, Capt. Charles, 170. De Costa, Dr. B. F., 26, 66. Dehamda, 49, 60, 72, 124. Dehanada, 72. De la Warr, Lord, 109. Delaware river, 141. Democracy, the new, 384. De Monts, Sieur Pierre de Guast, 29; receives charter of American terri- tory, 29, 30; sails with colony, 31; locates colony on St. Croix island, 32; explores farther down the coast, 33, 34; settlement abandoned, 35, 101, 103, 113, 143. Denison, Maj. Daniel, 370. Dennis, Prof. A. h. P., 26. Dermer, Capt. Thomas, 138, 139, 140, 141. Devonshire, 136. Dieppe, 102, 138. Digges, Sir Dudley, 185. Discoverer (Pring's vessel, 1603), 24, 26. Dohoday, 124. Drake, Sir Francis, 10, 11, 24, 142. Dufferin and Ava, Marquess of, 6. Dummer, Richard, 206, 207. Du Thet, Gilbert, 104, 111. East India Company, 17. East Indies, 61. East Indies, search for northwest pas- sage, 7, 12, 17. Edgartown, 26. Edgecomb, John, 245. Edgecomb, Lord, 245, 246. Edgecomb, Mount, 244, 245. Edgecomb, Nicholas, 245. Edgecomb, Sir Richard, 244, 245, 246. Edict of Nantes, 30. Edward III, 142. Edward VI, 2, 152. Elbridge, Giles, co-partner with Rob- ert Aldworth in securing the Pema- quid patent, 23, 180, 182, 217, 218, 219, 260, 261, 284, 306, 307, 308. Elbridge, John, 306. Elbridge, Thomas, son of Giles, who settled for awhile at Pemaquid, 182, 261, 306, 307, 308. Eliot, Sir John, 184, 185. Elizabeth, Queen, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 17, 19, 21, 37, 115, 142, 146, 147, 168, 211. Ellis, Sir Henry, 18. Emigration, restriction of, 284, 285. Bpenow, 121, 122, 140. 400 INDEX. Endicott, John, 195, 276. England's early fishing vessels at Newfoundland, 8. England's claim to American terri- tory, 1, 18, 22, 29, 114-117. Essex, conspiracy of, 19. Essex, Earl of, 37, 59. Everett, William, 375. Exeter (England), 55, 135, 136. Exeter, N. H., 309. Falkland, I,ord, 286. Falmouth (now Portland), receives its name, 382. Familists, 204, 206. Farnham Papers, 29. Pawkes, Guy, 38, 54. Fayal, 113. Fernald's point, 108. Fertility of the soil, 130, 256. Firth, Prof. Charles H., 385. Fisheries on American coast, 3, 8, 16, 18, 20. Fishing, licenses for and their cost, 150. Fishing on coast of Maine, 41, 68, 98, 144, 257, 258. Fishing, the demand for free, 147 ; ac- tion by the town of Plymouth, 149, 150 ; action in the House of Com- mons, 150-159, 185. Fiske, John, 102. Flores, 40, 67, 68. Florida, 12, 102. Flory, Charles, 104, 111. Fort at Plymouth, England, 314. Fort Frederic, 84. Fort Popham, 77. Port St. George, 80, 84, 86, 90, 95, 98, 99, 172. Fort St. George (St. George's river), 46. Fort William Henry, 84. Power, Barnabas, 251. Fox islands, 25. Foxwell, Richard, 352. France early represented on the American coast, 8, 18, 29. Prance secures foothold on the St. I/awrence, 12, 29. French claim of territory on the Atlantic coast in 1647, 356. French colonists at Mt. Desert, 110. French encroachments, 101, 110. French privateers, 135. Probisher, Martin, 10, 11, 12, 142. Frost, George, 237. Frost, Nicholas, 293. Frost, Simon, 178. Garde, Roger, 293, 318. Gardiner, 188. Gardiner, S. R., 391. Gates, Sir Thomas, 54. Georgetown, 89. Gibbons, Capt. Edward, 330, 334. Gibson, Rev. Richard, 262, 294, 300, 301, 302, 305, 325, 337. Gift of God (Popham 's vessel), 64, 65, 67, 68, 70, 71, 74, 75, 81, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 118. Gilbert, Ralegh, mentioned in char- ter of 1606, 54; commands the Mary and John in Popham expedition, 65-70; at St. George's harbor, 71-73; sails for mouth of the Kennebec, 74, 75; colony located and work com- menced, 76-80; explores westward, 81, 82; and eastward, 83, 84; and ascends the Kennebec, 85, 86; suc- ceeds President Popham, deceased, 93-95; returns to England, 96-98. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 12, 13, 14, 19. 23, 65, 115, 142, 180. Gilbert, Sir John, 96. Glanvyle, Sir John, 151, 154, 155. Godfrey, Edward, living at Agamen- ticus as early as 1630, 315; appointed to places of influence by Gorges, 316-320; mayor of Gorgeana, 321; in conflict with Cleeve, 327, 330; head of the government of the INDSX. 401 Province of Maine after the depart- ure of Thomas Gorges, 341; elected governor of the province, 358; unites the Gorges interests in a "combination", 358; summons pro- vincial court, 371; opposes advance of Massachusetts into Maine terri- tory, 371-374; yields with mental reservation, 376, 377; goes to Eng- land, dies, 378. Goodyear, Moses, 211, 212, 213, 214, 221, 222. Gorgeana, 160, 217, 319, 320, 321, 323, 341, 358; accepts the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 376, 377. Gorges and Mason, 3.15. Gorges, Gov. William, 217, 234, 236, 241, 303, 304, 314, 315. Gorges, Edward, 37. Gorges, Ferdinando, grandson of Sir Ferdinando, 314, 316. Gorges, John, 216. Gorges, Robert, 156, 157, 168, 169, 174, 234, 262. Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, interested in Waymouth's voyage, 1605, 37 ; re- ceived three of Waymouth's In- dians, 49 ; interested in other ex- plorations, 56-61 ; especially in the Popham colony, 63-73, 87-97 ; dis- appointed but did not despair, 100, 101, 119-122 ; encouraged by report made by Capt. John Smith, 131 ; also by Vines, 134 ; antagonized English fishermen by obtaining a sea fishing monopoly on the Maine coast, 145-158 ; receives with Mason a grant of laud from the council for ' New England, 166, 167 ; the grant is divided and Gorges receives the land between the Piscataqua and the Kennebec, 197, 198 ; relations to settlers, 201, 205, 207, 208, 210, 211, 214-217, 221, 224, 227-229 ; sug- gests to the king a division into sev- eral provinces, 231 ; expects the governorship of New England, 232 ; makes William Gorges governor of the province of New Somersetshire, 234 ; on his resignation appoints a commission, 236-239; still expect- ing appointment as governor of New England, 252 ; his allotment in the surrender of the charter of council for New England, 281, 282; ap- pointed governor of New England, 283, 284, 288 ; receives a royal char- ter, 289-291 ; sends over Thomas Gorges as deputy governor, 292 ; endeavors to advance his interests, 309, 314-316 ; makes Agamenticus a borough, 317; then a city to be known as Gorgeana, 319-321 ; wrote his Brief Narration; his death, 323, 324, 340, 357, 371. Gorges, Thomas, appointed deputy governor of the Province of Maine, 292 ; in court proceedings, 296 ; goes to the White Mountains, 308 ; grants land, 309 ; insisted on law and order, 311 ; his honorable serv- ice, 312 ; first mayor of Gorgeana, 318, 321 ; returns to England, and his subsequent career, 322, 323, 390. Gorges, Sir Thomas, 59, 320. Gosnold, Bartholomew, 66, 141. Gould, Alexander, 179. Government, lack of good, 261, 263, 303. Gravesend, 39. Great Britain's claim to American ter- ritory, 114-116. Great Hope, Girling, master, 269, 270. Great House, The, 320. Great I/akes, 10, 12, 29. Greenland, 11. Greriville, Sir Richard, 14. 26 402 INDEX. Grievances, House of Commons, Com- mittee on, 154, 157, 158, 159. Guercheville, Madam de, 102, 104, 105, 114. Gyles, Sir Edward, 153. Hakluyt, Richard, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, 16, 22, 23, 24, 28, 54, 59. Hakluyt's Principal! Navigations, 7, 16. Hakluyt Society, 66. Hallam, Henry, 285. Ham, residence of Robert Trelawny, 211. Hampden, John, 285, 313. Han ham. Sir John, 54. Hanham, Penelope (Popham), 54, 58, 59. Hanham (Hanam),^ Thomas, 58. Hanham, 2 Thomas, 54, 58, 59, 60, 61, 72, 85, 129. Hanham,' Thomas, 59. Harley, Capt. Henry, 121. Harlow, Capt. Edward, 79, 80. Harpswell Neck, 241. Harpswell Point, 172. Harraseeket, 172. Harris, Dr. John, 39. Harrisse, Henry, 4, 5. Harvard College, 251. Haselrig, Sir Arthur, 285. Hatfield House, 87. Hawthorne, Capt. William, 370, 372. Hay~ward, Francis, 178. Haven, Samuel P., 114. Hawkins, John, 9, 10, 11. Hawkins, Narias, 253. Hawkins, Capt. Richard, 133, 135, 142. Hawkins, William, 9. Hele, Sir Warwick, 149, 154. Henrietta Maria, Queen, 174, 184. Henry II, 148. Henry IV, King of France, 29, 101. Henry VII grants letters patent to John Cabot and sons, 1, 5, 6, 7. Henry VIII, 7, 8. Hilton, Edward, 202. Hilton, Margaret, 178. Hine, Nicholas, 56. Hobson, Capt. Nicholas, 121, 122, 140. Hocking, John, 246. Hocking trouble at Cushenoc, 246-249. Holland, Pilgrims in, 385. Holmes, Herbert E., 118. Honfleur, 105. Hook, William, 292. Hooper, Mary, 347. Hore, Robert, 7. Houghton, Mrs. William Addison, 99. House Island, 171, 173, 199. House of Commons, 184, 185, 192, 193, 194. House of I/ords, its declining influence in the civil war in England, 384, 385. Howland, John, 247, 248. Hudson's river, 141. Hunt, John, 76. Hunt, Capt. Thomas, 121, 125, 131, 132. Husbandmen of I