20) $10 DATE DUE MAY IB 1968 MP py.4-fr 86»ir g Cornell University Library PK 801.S75 Sanskrit syntax / 3 1924 023 201 183 B Cornell University Q Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023201183 SANSKRIT SYNTAX. SANSKRIT SYNTAX BY Dr. J. S. SPELTER WITH AN INTRODUCTION Dr. H. KERN. — =§>$<§>?<§-= LEYDEN. — E. J. BRILL. 1886. © In order to comply with-, the. wishes of Dr. Speijer I take the liberty to introduce his work with-the students of Sanskrit. Indian grammar, which is virtually the same as saying Pacini's grammar, superior as it is in many respects to any- thing of the kind produced among other civilized nations of antiquity, is professedly deficient in its treatment of syntax. As all Sanskrit grammars published "by Western scholars are, so far as the linguistical facts are concerned , almost entirely dependent , either directly or indirectly, upon Panini , it cannot be matter for surprise that syntax is not adequately treated in them, although it must be admitted that Professor Whitney's grammar shows in this respect a signal progress. Some parts of Indian syntax have received a careful treat- ment at the hands of competent scholars, amongst whom Del- briick stands foremost. All who are grateful to those pioneers will , it may be supposed , gladly receive this more comprehen- sive work, the first complete syntax of classical Sanskrit, for which we are indebted to the labours of Dr. Speijer. May it be the forerunner of a similar work , as copious and conscien- tious , on Vaidik Syntax ! H. KERN. Lbyden, 13 July 1886. PREFACE. This book aims to give a succinct account of Sanskrit Syntax , as it is represented in classic Sanskrit literature, without ne- glecting however the archaisms and peculiarities of vaidik prose (brahmana, upanishad, sutra) and of epic poetry. The facts laid down here have been stated chiefly by my own observa- tions in perusing Sanskrit writings, and accordingly by far the great majority of the examples quoted have been selected directly from the sources, if not, those suggested by the Pe- tropolitan Dictionary or others have, as a rule, been received only after verification. Moreover , valuable information was gained by the statements of vernacular grammarians , especially of Pa- nini, to whose reverenced authority due respect is paid and whose rules are referred to at every opportunity. For some useful intelligence I am indebted to Mr. Anundoram Boeooah's Higher Sanskrit Grammar Calcutta 1879. A welcome and pre- cious assistance were to me some treatises or occasional hints of distinguished European scholars , who , as Delbruck , de Saussueb, Whitney, have explored tracks of this scarcely trodden region of Indian philology. But for the greater part of the subjects falling within the scope of this compilation, VIII PEEFACE. monographies and special investigations of a sound philological and scholarlike character are still wanting, and I have felt that want often and deeply. For this reason I am fully aware, that many deficiencies and inaccuracies will certainly be found now or appear afterwards in this first Sanskrit Syntax written in Europe. Notwithstanding, as I felt convinced that my labour, however imperfect, might prove of some profit by facilitating both the access to Sanskrit literature and the study of Sanskrit language, and that on the other hand this work might afford some base for further investigations on special points of Syntax, it is placed before the public with the confidence that it may be judged , what it is , as a first attempt , and an attempt undertaken by a foreigner. In arranging materials I preferred following , as best I could, the nature and spirit of the language I was working on, rather than clinging too closely to the classification familiar to us by the Syntax of Latin and Greek ; in stating facts I have avoided generalizing from such instances as did rest only on my own limited experience, remembering the wise words of Patanjali ^iP< 5t*s^i OTlnQsra': (friid'H ui* srprt BR&ftefifT, Kathas. 16, 115 a^iioimj imfoi (I al ° ne am guilty.) — 1) Vernacular grammar has no term to name the subject of the sen- tence or grammatical subject. The term kartr signifies the agent or logical subject. In the same way karma means the logical object, whatso- ever may be its grammatical function ; it thus implies the object of the active verb as well as the subject of the passive or the objective genitive. In such sentences as »the knife cuts", the grammatical subject is both kartr (agent) and karana (instrument). 1 2 § 2—4. It must be added, if »to be" means »to exist" or uto be met with;" likewise if the grammatical tense or mood is to be ex- pressed. Rem. It is even wanting sometimes in such sentences, as con- tain a predicate in the optative or imperative mood; especially in some current phrases, as .^h^ (adoration to him), ^j" fj [sc. itoth] hail to you), crt cjizrr (why make mention of — ) sTT^fW or strt tpw (v. a. malum absit), etc. Prabodh. Ill p. 66 the Bauddha monk entreats the Qaiva fo let him enjoy the instruction of his doctrines ai-sM^d firrcriT'St UdittW it T^frT, the verbs felR\ frT^TFT, ^rTrT and the participle JTrT may be used more or less as verbum substantivum. Schol. on P. 3, 4, 65 ') fa^f j? T - stj^ (there is something to eat), Ven. Ill p. 94 ^cr ^jfttPT a^rt ^nfHr^r- UiyinqfaKRH'irfrl (hero D. is sitting down under the shade — ), Hit. 107 oiiuy^lsft srrf^" am the king of the crows is at the door). From the given examples it however sufficiently appears that the original meaning of those verbs has not wholly faded. Accordingly it is sometimes not indifferent which verbum subst. to choose. So fspj^ especially denotes the »being met with" fr. il y » t likewise =fffer, but not uaf^; rnr expresses the »being in or on", as f^HJ i H : (v. a. painted); 5[ffi7 comp. Lat. versatur. Eem. By consequence, nsriH is the proper verb, if there be laid some stress on the predicate, in other terms, if it be pointed out that the subject is invested with the dignity or possesses the quality predi- cated of it. Ch. Up. 6, 16, 1 it is said with respect to somebody, seized on account of a theft , apparently committed by him g- jrfir f^ ^£j HEjf?T [not sjfef] ; Pane. Ill , 57 sFrrfSr <^rft aj: w&T iraffr 1TOT. (when the fire burns the wood, wind is his mate), Mhbh. 1,89,2 ot fgpraT 4. The same character is exhibited by the predicates 1) f&tJrT in this sutra is one of the sg^j-qr; (wonta meaning to be). § 4-7 3 made up of a noun and a verb of becoming , growing , seeming , remaining , being called , -considered and the like. Comp. 32. 5. The noun-predicate itself deviates by no means predi- f rom the common use of other tongues. It may thus cate - be any kind of noun either substantive or adjective, and is put in the nominative case, provided that it be pointing at the same person or thing as is pointed out by the subject, as 5TTfTt qf^ f5&K)rH i^rfit (it avails such community, as where is a hotr knowing this), Acv. Grhy. 4,1,1 aiferilfH ^ and likewise in the third person the sole <^llrl suffices , if there can be no doubt as to the giver meant. Nevertheless, the personal pronouns denoting the subject are not seldom added, even when not required for the understanding, certainly much oftener than in Latin and Greek. See f. inst. Nala 2,19; 3,9; Kathas. 6,133. But the omission is impossible , if stress should be laid on the pronoun. Agent In passive sentences , the personal pronouns denoting plied, the agent may be wanting likewise , but of course this is not by far done so often as in active sentences. Pane. 127 ^ RfartJ i iu ft^ [sc. -a^r], ibid. 327 ifr fqsr fSf^ar mn- aiK >s fritewii H (say, friend, why do [you] run away thus by false fear?). The omission is regular with passive imperatives , that are expressive of an injunction or commandment in a softened or polite manner, as JIWTFT (go), ^dl^ hear) Pane. 87 the panther thus addresses the hungry lion, his 1) A vartt. to P. 3,2,124 states an exception for the case, that the negation qT is added to the participle, in order to signify an impreca- tion. Of this rule applied I know but one instance , Qicupal. 2,45 quoted by the Petr. Diet. s. v. rrr, V p. 680; but it is not improbable that the author of that poem has done so designedly to show his own skill by applying an out-of-the-way grammatical rule. 6 § 10—13. master ^iffifeh^rim q' 'w httt: tnmtn^cr i ^fcraFrarrf erra: ssttt i jt*t 11- But in sentences without a finite verb the personal pronoun denoting the subject cannot be missing. It may be said promiscuously ^rT^T'TTFF and Wir\c\ M«^*j +H e hrdfrfH and SfiFT^Fr^T and so on. The full at t c *\ forms ^» ^JrT^T'TTFT, pf =h rl =ft rU t^TCT are , of course , also available. Kern. Occasionally they are wanting even then , provided that it be beyond doubt, which subject is meant. Pane. 214 the crow Sthirajivin relates to the king of the owls the ill treatment he has endured from his own king , for ^r ^-mch l EirH^i ^srt =rlrT: [sc. 5^T , as is perspicuous by the context] ; ibid. 53 the lover addresses the princess (id\r\ (thus, so) is put behind the words or thoughts related. Ac- cordingly the English sentence he asked his friend, why he had not left this town is Sanskrit ^t^l^tH 1^1^15=1 witqrfltlliri fa -A H fJ^HL So f. but utt. i m^^hum dfeammfM Q^MriiffitH (Mylady is tired; for this reason I beg Her to take Her rest). V'y. The system of correlation between relatives and demonstratives, though sufficiently developed as to the number and variety of combinations, has retained a great deal of the unwieldiness and prolixity of its ru- dimentary stage. It often reminds of the solemn style of old Latin. Mostly the relative clause precedes. Pane. 2 *tot iw amI^kii: f%f§; ?nf^T rren-rrfejrrra^ (act so as to fulfill my ■wishes), ibid. 70 q- : g^ft g-^t •sm&ct ct,gmMN , and the like. VI 1 ?. Sanskrit likes rhetorical interrogations, that is, such as do not put a question, but contain a state- ment either positive or negative. As this turn is much more employed than in modern languages, such inter- § 14-16. 9 rogations are often to be translated rather freely. So sft: is not rarely an other expression of »nobody" and g?f ^ — » every body;" gnr: is frequently = »because." Similarly %pj fer — »y es " ^T^T 1 ^ an d qTT — »certainly ," cp. the idiom ^ ^ 37 ^ and other turns , more fully to be dealt with in one of the subsequent chapters. Compare Engl, why , when = »now, well," Greek ovkovv. VlPy. The predilection for the passive construction has been already mentioned (see 7). It is of course not restric- ted to the finite verb, but applies also to participles. 15. Like all languages, that possess a rich store of in- Or d f er flections , Sanskrit affords a comparatively great freedom words - as to the order of words in the sentence 1 ). Yet, it is frequently not altogether indifferent in what order one puts one's words. We ought to distinguish between the tra- ditional or regular arrangement and the various excep- tions caused by the exigencies of style , enphony , metre etc. Therefore though tracing a general scheme, we must keep in mind, that it bears but on the most frequent employment , as it has been observed in perus- ing the best writers, but it cannot claim to be a set of fixed rules rigorously to be followed throughout. 16. The traditional order of words is this. 2 ) 1. The predicate being verbal, it ordinarily closes the sentence, which is headed by the noun-subject, when expressed. The other elements of the sentence are taken in the midst, but placed so as to make the Tradi- tional. 1) Compare Pat. I, p. 39,1. 18^gFJrJr ^WRI q^FUrUitl'H fTEft UejOTfUH- 2) Qn .this subject we have an excellent treatise of Prof. Delbkuck Die altindische Wortfolge aus dem Qatapathdbrahmana 1878. Yet, of course , it does not go beyond the archaic period of Sanskrit literature. 10 § 16. verb have its object immediately before it , ^^tT! 3R7T ^tfrT (JOT. makes a mat), ^rft ^HPT: ^ TRT" JFTQ^T SJTFItP (N.N. has parted for Pataliputra with his brothers). In a similar manner the attributes and other accessories of nouns precede them. Moreover, as one is inclined in Sanskrit to avoid subordinate sen- tences, by availing one's self largely of participles, ge- runds and the like (14, I), it often occurs, that the chief sentence is preceded by a greater or smaller amount of accessory elements of the kind, put according to the exigencies of grammar and style either before the Subject Or Subsequent to it. This sentence , taken from Pa- tanjali (I, p. 39, 10) may illustrate tbe above statement, qq i um TT 3T- xrraT aMNfoMmRii! sr-ciiotdchisr nraw 3n(Bmti ^hi jiffi scz nmtifri w. O O ^ rS 5-v Here the subject preceded by its attribute stands at the head, then follows ^ MnQam i lui : formally a predicative attribute of the subject, but as to its meaning an accessory of the gerund aqQutl , 3'y the other accessories of the said gerund, 4'y the gerund itself, 5'>' the accessories of the chief predicate , finally that predicate itself. Rem. In passive sentences the agent, as far as I have observed, seems to have the precedence in the tra- ditional order of words , not the nominative of the karma. Pane. 126 irfsfir: ydd^f^ f&STtrr ysMtrUiPi jhiPi #mi^, Hitop. 92 2. If the predicate be a noun, it is put be- fore the subject. Pane. 38 g*np ^njT'Str rrii|^^d>uq^ rr^fsrsf:- Similarly in the passive. Hit. 20 =Ery^rr HdH-cUUl wn 35raT i-ltoirlcy^ (now at all events I must be your companion). Eem. Pronouns, it seems, may be put indiscriminately before or behind their noun-predicate: snrars^iT or ^ Hn*h 3. Attributes are put before their nouns. But when § 16-17. 11 doing, duty of a so called predicative attribute, they generally follow. Comp. for inst. the proverb ^TRqiTrrr sftejstrJTPrr amiTf (fortune which has arrived spontaneously, grows a curse, when neglected). Rem. Not seldom they are separated from the noun (or pro. noun) they belong to. Dae. 141 qn i fa a iHma : PTOTT Mf^rU*: ; when translating this sentence one should render ; in the same way it is spoken of WlaRnT! , *TrrUT!> ^nFftfTT! , foT^TT*' etc., if the country of Pancala, Mat- sya, Kosala, Vidarbha is meant. Compare Latin Voted, Parisii , Chatti, Germ. Polen, Hessen, Sachsen, Engl. Sweden and sim. 23. The pluralis majestaticus is often used in addressing piura- p erS0I]S or speaking of them in a reverential ^mariner. jestati- This applies to all words and epithets, such venerable men are cns ' designated with. Cak. II the king asks the messenger f$fq~3nfiT: 16 § 23—25. JrfijfT: (are you sent by my revered mother?). R. 1, 68 king Ja- naka tells Dacaratha the great exploit done by his sublime son Rama ir?f *w wn {istFoiwiP«<^*<*t3: i y^auii^ ^idf^rsfai ria- dqi^ s 1' and sole number by which duality is to be expressed. If the voluminous mass of Sanskrit literature will once be tho- roughly examined with respect to syntactic facts , it is not impro- bable there will be put forward sundry instances of duality ex- pressed by the plural number. But the number of such excep- tions cannot be but exceedingly small. 1). For, though the vulgar dia- lects and the pali have lost the dual, polished Sanskrit always strictly observes its employment and does in no way offer that confusion of dual and plural, which is so obvious in Attic Greek and already in the dialect of Homer. 27. II. — Concord in case, number, gender and nadM- person is in Sanskrit the same, as in all languages kara " with inflections , that is to say , it does exist between nya. 7 ^ all such words, as, while standing in the same sen- tence , are to point at the same thing. For this reason , the predicate does agree with its subject in case and person , the attribute with the noun , it qualifies , in case and — if possible — also in number and gender, and so on. It would be superfluous to exemplify this general rule, 2 ) which, moreover, is common to all 1 ) I have noticed three instances , all of them in poetry , and partly fit methinks to be interpreted so as to confirm the general rule. Of them , one R. 2 , 22 , 23 Wftsft JOT^T fchlW-dPi": contains a plural , which may be accounted for as denoting either the various kinds of sludium and ira (cp. Manu 7,45—48) or as pointing at the diversity in time, space and persons of the manifold instances of holiness lost , so the comm. srScTcR ajRisl^rdldh — Kathas. 107,51 s=JJyydW( IUIIHL.the majestic plural seems to have been employed. - Strange is this passage: Mhbh. 1,24,6 'cMlRr'^l ^T^Ppanrft ^ptJrf-fePT, there being no room for the scho- liast's interpretation i( I f^rtlW qfrfsl(|reH -On^lRrti^tri STjot^PJ; 2) Grammatical concord bears with vernacular grammarians the well- 2 18 § 27. languages It will suffice to notice some more or less remarkable features: 1). Pronouns follow the general rules of agreement. Thus it is Sanskrit to say H ST^FT- , as it is Latin to say haec est quaestio, whereas Teutonic dialects always put the pronoun in the neuter sing. Dutch dat is de vraag , Grerm. das ist die Frage. Pane. 63 qq mumNti^ (so is my li- velihood) , ibid. II , 201 g^fr \ x\^\ f^ ipa: (that is the most im- portant counsel) , Cak. VII f%s*rf>T er% ^) an b.) it is an instrumental, if wanted by a verb of being , instru- . mental, becoming, seeming etc. when impersonal passive In this case both subject and noun-predicate are put in the instru- mental. Mudr. I rrcrr ^ m^M-T vftorT = a^ ^rui*Jl-lRri»lR; Dacak. 18 sImAh Jdch^^Hd^UMlQ (the baby was strong enough to endure all this toil). This idiom is, of course, obligatory with the krtya's of ij. 'Dacak. 164 na^JUbH r ^ I stg^m nfdHot^ (the prince deserves to be your attendant), Pane. 21 ot ^ «|s|oFT HHNMl[H (1 hold you for a brahman), it is also said Sli^lU ilrl H°T or sii^IUIpM ^m ; the same of course applies to the passive construction. R. 3 , 9 , 11 sr Jol-=M (=dn, when naming a boundary) , 2 , 1 , 33 ohrt^RlchltiloMH (= with krtyas , when denoting exag- geration) , 5 , 3 , 23 ychi^d-cM SJT3T, etc. Therefore itis not 5PER , which here is carrying the meaning of grammatical number, but qrfprrtjr; for this word may as well be employed in the narrower sense of » size; periphery, " as in the larger of »any measure whatever," and accordingly itis aiso occasionally a synonym of w<°ii\ , (cp. P. 5 , 2 , 41 and the passages adduced in the Petrop. Diet. IV, p. 540). For these reasons the sutra, which occupies us, is to be analysed in this way JJTfHTf^ciTPTOr JT f5i^-n(^^iui (— rr fg^-Wl or sr fSl^-oMH , for snmT and sra^T are both expressive of the grammatical number) rrcftopcRFTRT U^WI- 1) PaniNi has short and well-chosen terms to point out their different provinces. The category of the accusative he names karma, that of the instrumental kartr sagent" and karana » instrument," that of the dative sampraddna , that of the ablative apddana , that of the locative adhika- rana. The duties of the genitive have not found an adequate expression. With respect to the nominative it must be observed, that Panini's definition (see the preceding note) does ascribe a larger sphere of em- ployment to that case than we do in styling it the case of » the subject and predicate.'' In this the Indian grammarian is right. Nouns quoted or proffered outside the context of sentences are always put in the nomi- native. 28 § 38. may be called the with-c&se , for it signifies wit A what , by what, how. According to the various applications of this fundamental notion, there may be set up divers kinds of instrumental. So we have an instrumental of accompaniment — the so-called sociative — one of the instrument, one of the agent, of the way, the means, the manner , the quality , of time , of value, and so on. 3. The dative or fourth (^rpT) points out the direction of a movement. Mostly it is employed in a metaphorical sense. For the rest, its employment ad- mits of a division into two kinds: a.) the so-called dative of interest, b.) the dative of the purpose. L The ablative or fifth (miRl) denotes whence there is a starting, withdrawal, separation, distance, consequence and the like, it being applied to various categories of thought. 5. The genitive or sixth (TOT) upon the whole may be described as the case, which signifies cohesion. It chiefly serves to express relations existing between substantives ') and according to the logical varieties of these relations we may distinguish between the posses- sive genitive, the partitive, the subjective, the objective etc. Besides, the sixth case is wanted with some ad- jectives (as those of likeness , knowing and the contrary) and some verbs (as those of remembering). Sanskrit also has three more kinds of genitive, each of them displaying a particular character, nl. 1. the genitive of 1 ) In this book the term substantive has not the limited acceptation it has with the etymologist and the lexicographer , but includes any noun that syn- tactically has the worth of a substantive, as w$, when = » truth." § 38—39. 29 the time, after which, 2 the absolute genitive, 3. the ge- nitive, which is concurrent with the dative of interest. 6. The locative or seventh (FTfT'ft) signifies the where and therefore it generally is to be rendered by such prepositions as in, at, to, on. As its employ- ment is not restricted to real space , but of course also extends to other spheres of thought, there are various classes of locatives , for ex. those of time , of circum- stance , of motive (the so-called FTnfTflTT^U) , the abso- lute locative. On the other hand the locative is not li- mited to the spot , where something is or happens , but it also signifies the aim reached. Rem. 1. All nouns are declinable and put in the said cases, if wanted. This applies also to such conventional terms and signs , as the grammatical roots, affixes, anubandhas, pratipadikas , etc. Rem. 2. Indeclinable are l l y the adverbs, 2ty some nominal derivations of the verb , namely the gerunds and the infinitives Why they are devoid of declension is quite plain; for they do duty of noun-cases and generally their etymology does agree with their employment. Chapt. III. Accusative. 39. I. The accusative expresses whither something is a e „o'. moving. Pane. teH i ^ crfwr: (he set out for his home) , Nala 1, 22 tins fof5>r fHililVl(! T (then they went to the country of Vidarbha) , M. the . ^ whi- 2, 114 fgrerr 5lTjpn Hcm^ (Knowledge came to the Brahman and said — ), In the instances adduced the movement is real. But in a metaphorical sense the accusative is likewise available. E. 2 , 82 , 9 jrmq- jwht (tw, Dae. 40 dfa^m I^ott^ (by this solicitude I grew sad). This obvious construction is not the only one. 30 § 39—41. The aim striven at may also be put in the dative (79), the aim reached is mostly denoted by the locative (134). Moreover various periphrase > by means of STTcT , %)I«V|- ^FT, FRTT^PT, AFftpT, ^K$$ etc. are concurrent idioms, see chapt. VIII. 40. From this ace of the aim the aqc. of the ob- ject is not sharply to be severed. On the boundary are standing such turns as 3T 'MMIrl (he bends to you , rests on you), T^rf T^ (^^4)^ etc.), see f. inst. Kumaras. 1, 25; 3, 63; Eagh. 3, 22; 4, 11. 32 § '42—44. Rem. 3. frarfH (to play) with the ace. of the wager is an P -2J idiom of the brahmana. 43. Intransitive verbs may become transitive, when being versb, compounded with some preposition 1 ); TTFT^JT^TFT beco- ~v _ ■r — . ming (he goes after the cow) , pass. *M»S J||^ •iJl v Mr|. This transi- v ° ' x - O when chiefly applies to verbs, compounded with *|'|rl ^W com- f poun- 5|7f 3q" ^TTrT, but also to others Examples: yftohWid (to ded. O transgress); nfii*rr oris? (he tells a story) as Fori ori% (he speaks to you) ; as well snj j^jh (he vanquishes the enemy) as ^rsf strfff (he 3 Double object. ^> 34 § 46-47. conquers a kingdom); as well fspsriFTsnfirT (he teaches his pupil) as t wiHUl l RH (he teaches the law). By combining both constructions we obtain l. <%m crfs? Farr; 2. srg jmt stzttft; 3. fsnssr wn^u i fcf. This double object may attend a.) verbs of spea- king, as ^", 5f^[, %||t^ etc., asking , as ZTR, T^T yifciuiri , 4-e^iri and sim., teaching, especially *M ^llltd and 3jyT'|C|t||r( , b.) some others , especially sHTfrT (to win) , ^tf^r (to mt/%) , ^TH*TfrT (to punish , to 4ne). See P. 1,4,51 with the commentaries. Examples: speaking: Nala 1,20 rmt -s^rfTrnft srrk sanst^TJ ^T rRT, E. 2, 52, 31 srrfrrir ^f| ^fra^rw; — asking, begging: Ch. Up. 5, 3, 5 rem iTT ^ idd-fe Ti muHUhitW (that fellow of a rajanya asked me five questions), M. 8, 87 Mlt^l er^gjr tSsTPT, Kathas. 1, 31 st ar mmi\-4r\ (he requested a boon of me), Mhbh. 1, 56, 24 Horn? jm nra =T Fat ( id-duPlm^ (I do not beg gold of you, my king, nor silver, nor cows); teaching E. 2, 39, 27 ^itrer srsrir- eM^iaT a sity of idiom. Often the primitive's subject is in the same manner put in the accusative, when con- strued with the causative, but often also in the in- strumental. In the former case we have of course two accusatives, as KatMs. 9, 10 JF=ppr ^ ^wf imm-^Ew?w (the best of ascetics made the queen eat a consecrated porridge), wherewith cp. this instance of the instrumental: Mhbh. 2, 1, 7 rr 'i i -gj i fli [chRdrchN Qh rsraT (I shall not be able to get anything done by yon). The difference of both constructions is determined by the diverse nature of the notions , carried by them. If one wants to say he causes me to do something, it is by his impulse I act, there is room for the type RT r^rarchUMIM , but if it be meant he gets something done by me, I am only the agent or instrument through which he acts, the instrumental is on its place T37l^lr^l|Mlr1 1MI. Examples : a.) of two accusatives ; Mudr. I, p. 43 =af?t ch^lfeN-Tji i'- ti^sit afHshi-HMiP'Jaj]UiHfe prT u(i(utd Jt^»rh (do not the vices of Candrag. still remind the people of the former kings ?) , Dag. 144 ftrffl- et nmfn: innw *if|H : (then he [the hare] commanded the chief elephant to make his pro. stration), R. 2, 62, 1 j^n (wimi srrioTH: T^isr mmq^ Example of type 2. Malav. I, p. 15 aqidiKWoi irraayn) mrr where it is also possible to accept the ace. as the aim of the verb sgTTTrl:. — R. 3,10,15 RiJjSPTRT- ;rgffi >[u,4ihU Utlol l R l f iT: 1 7?TTOrof would afford an instance of Tgg> , con- strued with the accusative, if it were not probably a bad reading; Ttrlctt^rdHL. is to be changed in jm -l%dM; 40 § 52—54. Indra's rank), R. 1 , 53, 12 ^ nflrtimMgTti* qrtHchim i H^ (she is n ot worth being given up by me) '). Eem. 3. In the ancient dialect of the vaidik mantras many more kinds of verbal nouns may agree with ace. So for inst. Rgv. 6, 23, 4 srfSor?r qfq-; ^rrt 1 ^J^im :. Mhbh. 1 , 113, 21 we have even an ace. de- pending on a nomen actionis QiTitim T^T (by his desire to conquer the earth) imjifHJrtiHruJ I rjj likewise ibid. 1, 167, 3 ^j-ftn ufHRlchl&u (by his wish to retaliate Drona). 53. The ace. with the barytona in jt though not rare in the earlier period, seems to protract but an artificial life in classic Sanskrit, as it is met with only in refined style and even there side by side with the genitive 2 ). Dag. 199 it is said of a good king, that he was sfaioifarii sryuLwidfuHi ssraTPTSTBrfiirTT spy^jnnorfnfTT sept (ho- nouring the wise, making his attendants mighty, raising his kinsmen , lowering his foes); comp. Pane. Ill, 71 himI^HHI etsTT: (a king, who rules his subjects). — On the other hand, the examples given by Kac. on P. 3, 2, 135 prove that at the time, they were ap- plied at first, the construction with the ace. was obvious and na- tural. So ^ujiIh t^: mifaWH i nsrPrT cra jjfcl^ (the Qravishthayanas have the custom to shave the hair of the young-married woman.) Cp. Apast. 1, 3, 15. 54. m. The accusative of space or time serves to de- *"■ 2, space note a continuity of either; it expresses therefore time, what space is occupied or during what time the action is 1) In the classical language g^ complies with genitive. So Priyad. 39 iqQuirolliiWyitcWUJ (let her sit down , she is worth half of my seat). Likewise 4M^. 2) Panrai explicitly states (P. 3,2, 134 sq.), that the barytona in °f| are restricted to the denoting of lasting and inherent qualities. But he nowhere affirms that the oxytona are not to be employed in that sense. Indeed, a genitive with nouns in °FT, even when expressing lasting qua- lities, is very common in classic Sanskrit. In the same passage Dae. 199, the example in the context has been borrowed from , we read q fl fdrl I qcrfaraTOnH, aQ d w: uIh*hi ioWMwImmiy^i^. • • • *^huiui nwrr ^iHoi- \iiikii' Comp. the list of epithets in Kad. I, p. 2 girff *4^|iyi|Fmi4^etc. § 54-55. 41 going on. Compare the ace. spatii and temporis in Latin , Greek, German etc. Examples: a.) space R. 2, 91, 29 s^cT f| *m agfa: m-NdWfemV s^qiT_ (for the soil became flat over an extent of five yojana's in every direction), Mhbh. 1, 153, 40 f^r FT- . . =*m f riw i ^wi^'uilg) (he seized him and dragged him along over a space of eight bow-lengths). Rem. "When naming the dimensions of a thing , one does not use this accus., but avails one's self of bahuvrihi-compounds. 6.) time Pane. 165 ^m I o | Ph fj^TTf^ rot^Wrrafa^ (for so many days it was yours), Dag. 96 h^t: HHi-gildi ehi^irchM*i .(g en ^ e s i rs ) please, wait a moment). Rem. 1. Now and then the ace. of time denotes the time at which. R. 2, 69, 1 jnqsr ^Tf¥' fr |?tt: uQvmPh st ftt ^fta. i n^rHifij rft Jlf* ?aqt %€t -syj-iftiy : , Dag. 153 sft •sfg Iht;: f^^jcT S5TJt|; m=nrVsM i f£ *i^f3roTl-ri|g: rrragircr lon^a yrtiyisiH; Cp. Ait. Br. 1, 22, 12; Mhbh. 1, 63, 40; ibid. 1, 121, 34; Apast. 1, 5, 12. Rem. 2. Sometimes znstrT is put behind the ace, when deno- ting the time, during which. Hitop. p. 51 rrar q i HMcft moi; 2° such participles as frf^rT, Wffi, ^m, ^rf^FT and the like, as JJF\' tllrlMI fn^rT! or compounded tl Irl iFTT^rT'. Or the notion of the sociative is expressed by a compound , the for- mer part of which is H° (or *T^°) as (FT Hfftrp. Occa- sionally the gerund 5TT3J*T (having taken) is also used in the meaning of with. The prepositional adverbs H«c e tc are likewise added to the instrumental for the sake of denoting relations between different parties as to converse with, to meddle with , to light with , to contend with , sim. Examples: a.) ^ etc. expressive 1. of concomitancy. Mrceh. X, p.372 %fq f&UH gT^rr: ^ oiM- ri UHdi (are Carudatta and Vasantasena still alive?), Mhbh. 1, 113, 20 ^t rTTWTf od-d'^rMiy- UUrfi-HTt p'rl^raiT: I EpCTT ITOTT ^ ^T^^i) Pane. 127 cpt eiTOH sa^sr n^H ufajdi:, Kathas. 4, 136 ^ ri-Mi ipjfira sngnT- 2. of mutual relations. Pane. 78 rT: JH^itrilO =7 ch(l(n; ibid. 257 3R^T 5Tf fief STf : (v. a. how are you his friend?), ibid. 281 fag-nT snr Rfaffcmorlm i (disagreement with a friend) , Kathas. 47 , 88 ?r c& fBT^V *& S^L ^ e fou g nt witt nim )> Pane. V, 66 ^TrrsR^fiT^I- ^ ffgHeJ l cdj; ^ i =T iF5f hIh^ I ^Jmh i & T; Note the phrase fr g^ S^IFW (Pane. 137, 13; 178, 1) and the type, represented Pane. 43 ;rf tflUlifr ^ ifc^MHH ' sr^T (after having fastened her to the pile with a strong fetter). b.) >FT%r and the like: Kathas. 13, 110 ^nji; UFJraftrFT: q^rrclor rnrV jrirr (he fled from this spot to his home with his attendance), E. 2,52,91 Sita prays q^jsr q^HiijiTErT m=rT ^ ^fnfT: [that is: »» PlMI 7TWi'> „with you," one is allowed to say pTtTT Tf^rT: , el?TT $A'lrh> „ without you." ') The proper case for expressing separation, the ablative is however also available. In some phrases the instru- mental is more frequently employed, in other again the ablative. The instrum. prevails with T^pT and most of the compounds , beginning with T^° , also with ^l^rl and «M^T, but the ablative with such as r T^', 2T3T. Examples: Pane. 84 qlTTnT'feui!): (he was not deprived of life), 1) Delbr. 1.1. p. 71 »Der begriff trennung ist zwar logisch der gegen- satz von zuaammensein, liegt ihm aber desshalb psychologisch sehr nahe." Or , to speak more exactly , it is not the conception of separation , that is expressed or signified by the instrumental , but the notion of mutu- ality underlying both union and separation, finds in it its adequate ex- pression. We have here therefore the same kind of instrum., which is spoken of in 59, b 2. Accordingly words of separation may also be con- strued with ^r etc. Pane. !\7 rpTFTOT ST^ (dUllD Mfd&dfd- Compare English to part with. § 62—63. 47 Dae. 172 hn^ fl Ui *H U ^ I ^ zrgrgremT (she peeled the grains of rice of their husks, so [cleverly] as to keep them entire), Kathas. 15, 82 yirl l^oti I ^Tjft {ot|; f&r^oJraTJT^ (R- forbore the grief caused by his separation from Sita), R. 2, 96, 27 cfrgwr jt^ftt Rf^ft trffjjsmt (let the earth be freed from a great stain), i) Rem. The adjectives jf^ft, ^fcr, fd sim. often are = » without." 63. II. By extending the notions of concomitancy , ac- mentTi, companiment , simultaneousness from space and time *£ to all sorts of logical categories, we may understand case. how i ar g e a sphere of employment the third case occu- pies in Sanskrit syntax. Generally spoken , it is always used, when it is wanted to express the circumstances, instruments , means , ways , properties accompanying the action and qualifying it. In other terms , the instru- mental has the duty of telling the how of the action or state, expressed by the verb or verbal noun, it de- pends on. For clearness' sake the most striking types of this instrumental will be severally enumerated: V* and 2'y it is expressive of the instrument (karana) and the agent (kartr). These two kinds of instrumental are practically the most important, for they are the most wanted for. Examples of the former jt^-dt qfrtIh (he cuts with a knife), qTHjt n^H (he goes on foot); of the latter t$x\ dcchd^ (it is done by me) (57). 1) M. 2,79 affords an instance of instruin. and abl. depending On the same verb, The latter half-cloka runs thus ircrTlUMH) 4iyi-r4Mdl- r -\ ■ • ■ a fdPolM-ttjf f (after a month he is released even from a great sin likewise as a snake from its skin). Here the abl. ctto': and the instr. fsraT are coordinate. Compare the like coincidence of abl. and instr. causae. 48 § 63—64. Thirdly, the instrum. denotes accompanying circumstances and qualities , like Latin abl. modi and qualitatis. M. i, 3 aJiitH mffym etiJFd S HM-dd^ (he must make money, but without giving toil to his body), Pane. 129 ^iHchmfao^H ft^chl ^isiW*'- ^h (Ping, exercised his royalty with Dam. as his minister). Fourthly, it declares the test, to measure by; vmm- rdimfa (you will know it by its fruit). Fifthly, it expresses the price or value, something is rated at , bought , sold , hired for , the thing , some other is taken for in exchange , sim. Pane 158 yqchuirH fSrarfcreniT: m^cfr : (a book sold for a hundred rupees). Sixthly , it denotes the way , by which one goes ; Qak. HI jjrnrr si low Indian MrH(fa( nHT (the tender girl has passed a little before along this row of young trees). Seventhly, the instrumental denotes the cause, motive* or reason , by which something is done or happens to be ; y^T ^SRfT: (prosperous by wealth), f^rar HOT (fame by learning), H^NUMHU ^ (that person has arrived by my order), srterr 5PPT (v. a. a present). 64. It should be kept in mind, however, that these and sJum. similar distinctions are but made for argument's sake reHo an< * ^° n0 * answer to sharply separated real divisions. ^ Properly speaking , there is but one instrumental in all of with, them , just as in English it is the same word with, which is used in phrases as distant from one another as / go with you , I cut with a knife , he with his black hat , he is content with me. For this reason on the one hand no- thing impedes increasing the number of divisions and subdivisions according to the manifold logical variety of its employment, but on the other hand no system of division will exhaust it, and more than once we § 64—66. 49 may be at a loss under which head to enregister a given instrumental. Eem. The being implied of so various logical con- ceptions by an implement for expression as small, as a case-ending is, has by the time become inconvenient. Instead of the simple instrumental, therefore, a more explicit mode of expression , signifying more precisely which kind of logical relation is meant in every instance , is often made use of, namely the periphrase by .such words as W, ^HT, SPl^T, TO^, ^T^etc. Its relative frequency is one of the most striking fea- tures of modern , compared to ancient , Sanskrit. 65. Some fuller account on the different kinds of instrumental will Fuller i, account be S 1Y6n n0W - ° 1. instrument or karana. — Examples: Pat. I, p. 119 wraidH i srr them. r ' r ^«v*i-ivi. mi, srs ch i w (a piece of wood , tied with a rope or with iron) , Mrcch. I (p. 54) g^f g i dlj jiUl ifrl^iHH (cover him with this cloth), Pane. 148 ^r arsR f^rsmn? rTUtirft, Mhbh. 1, 144, 18 crraT^ron'g^T hi **»• on p - 2 > 3 > 18 ^^ JP 52 § 70-72. Pane. 3 qrf foWiQshzf HiiMHUlriHiR' ch^lPi, R. 2, 34, 40 ^g^h^uwEr gsr- chljihri 5njf (I choose exile , were it at the price of all my wishes). Likewise the instrum. is used to denote that, which is given in exchange for something: Pane. 152 JT^Trj chRj^ftiH^f^rliRd^r^ (who takes [from mo] peeled sesam in exchange for unpeeled?) Rem. 1. The last but one example admits however also of an other interpretation, as ggeRW: m ay signify » above all my wishes." There are a good deal of instances proving, that Sanskrit had, especially in the ancient dialect, an instrum. of the thing surpassed of the same power as the so called ablativus comparationis. More on this subject see 107. Rem. 2. The verb qfjwt (to hire) may be construed either P-!> 4 . with the instrum. or with the dative of the wages; sih 1 ^ or ^ i nid q 17 shirt : Both conceptions are logically right. 71. 6. way, by which. — Pane. -212 chrWH qirnn iiiilK l: *(<*il: (in Y ajr ' what direction the crows have disappeared?). By a common- which. place metaphor jttttoT) i rt : (nothing is ambrosia and poison at the same time , woman alone excepted , by whose union one lives , and the separation of whom causes death), Kathas. 29, 25 gffiui JTETOTT! ?pT (lilri : (i* ' s from joy she has no appetite, not from illness). Rem. The ablative is forbidden and accordingly the instrumen- P. 2, 8, tal is of necessity; ^ l ly the cause or motive be at the same time the agent, see 102, 2'y if it be an abstract noun of the § 72—73. 53 feminine gender, expressing a quality. ') It may thus be said srfifrjr or srterforjfi; (released by heroism), but only fftjrr ggtiQH : (he fled from fear). Hence often the abl. of a masc. and neuter and the instr. of the feminine range together, as E. 2, 70, 25 sriToT ^rar f3iT f%^TT MM^di mj i rorprr =srrfa jh^tt wjmtRi ^r ^sftptj or Prabodh. II, p. 31 srpyf: waft wn srroirpH £m# lapides or lapidibus. — Similarly sjqjr amid and mqi?H (to swear an oath). Bern. In the old dialect of the Yedic mantras the instrum. attends on qrOH and tfsr just as the abl. on Latin potiri and fungi, see Delbr. Abl. Loc. Instr. p. 65. To the instances adduced there I add the mantra in Acv. Grhy. 1, 23, 19 H-H I dH d^lltdUH ^T nf%mk- 75. 10.) the set phrases TTi U'ilsWH (or^FT) ,^ft^T: sim., or in a negative form ^T SnitsFT^T etc. are con- strued with the instr. of that, which „does not matter." Or even it is said simply I ^tt FFT (what matters this?). He, whom it does not matter, is put into the genitive. Examples : Pane. 285 fej; h^ih JuichUreH nJ)d- l ^ (what profit have I being cartwright ?), Malav. Ill (p. 81) tt k HMik*u\ shfcl 3 > 45 ' cp.4, 2,4. occurs, may be put indifferently in the third or the seventh case: qTsznir or cnsr tlMMMiHimH - Examples of the instrum. Acv. Grrhy. 3, 5, 1 iHMidl •sfatii*?l STTIT JcaTHT: , 5F5TVT ftm?T: , SoTfer CTjTTWT: , «i^q" g 1 -^ or Ti. ' 4i[ri«T< (the sacrificial victims did not stand still to the gods for the sake of being used as food and immolated). Eem. 3. With iRjir (to hold for) the predicative dative may be used instead of the ace. (32, c), if contempt is to be expressed; names of animated beings are excepted and should therefore be put exclusively in the ace. So Panini (2, 3, 17). Kag. ^ fETT FJtrr or Hmm rRTi°sra^ or sima; yet it allows the dat. of sept;. =T fcTT M6 II H* or sfq- ip-q-. Instances of" this dative in literature I have but found for Hmm , see Petr. Diet. s. v. and Dag. 88 g^, KTHHmm ^foii^gfri^ »Kub. does not care a straw for Arth." 89. 2'y. The dative of the aim aspired after with verbs PL*. 36. of wishing , striving , endeavouring , sim. Examples: R. 2, 95, 17 ^iJ i muj q- ttww ST^jt (I do not long for Ay. nor for the kingdom), Spr. 128 h^ i R TTTt spfiT JJITRT (nevertheless E. aspired after the deer), Qak. V n-mm er -uaivl (I do not hope for [the fulfilling of] my wish), E. 1, 18, 57 s^T- Rfgijffcft-sf fas^f Mf(o[-Ati (it is in your behalf I wish to grow mighty), Malav. I, p. 15 ri^nmm ^ fd^a (I will try to find her out). Rem. All these, verbs of course admit also of accu- sative , if some thing , and of infinitive it some action be aimed at; ^j?T fejSR I^IrT H% r T # 90. 3!y. The infinitive-like dative with verbs of beginning , resolving, being able (f. i. 5T37) and with those of ordering to and appointing to. Examples: Dag. 157 nd^P^ii i ] RH l faA^ui l JliKftfa^*?! (you shall § 90- 93. 67 begin to ascend the funeral pile at the gate of the king's palace), ibid. 126 yicWH uiuqm (he commenced to take an oath), Prab. V p. 102 ^ ^atemfe stori^r^ (he has resolved to die), Dag. 192 SIT ^ ER?rr g ' Q^Ul I c^NU I I tl IUI<* we count now on R.'s exile but five nights, which seem to me as many years." Chapter VI. Ablative *). 93. The fifth case or ablative serves to denote the whence , 1) Comp. Dblbkuck Ablativ, Localis, Inslrumentalis , p. 1 — 27. 68 § 93—94. Gene- an( j i s therefore the very opposite of the dative, view of Nevertheless both cases are formally identical in the . the J atia- dual and the plural. 7 ) In the singular the form of the tive, ablative often coincides with that of the genitive. It is but the ablatives in "^TTrT, that are exclusively expressive of the fifth case. Moreover those made by mean's of the adverbial suffix °r\> are not seldom preferred to the regular ablatives of the singular, ambiguousness being wholly excluded from them. For easiness' sake we will treat of this case under four general heads, I abl. of separation, II abl. of di- ! stance , III abl. of origin and cause , IV abl. expressing „on what side." In all of them, however, the unity of the fundamental conception is evident, and some- times one may account for the same ablative in more than one way. 94. I. The ablative , then , is wanted to express , from or P -J. 4 > A Kl a *A. tive ei- oui °f what place there is a starting and moving 2 ;: siTOot a -) in its P r oper sense, as Pane. 21 t^wii^i^fa^ifi (I the wish to get out of this forest), Kadamb. I, 21 Ritngfrijl^l - whenoe, . ' from, "WU-iMkrlJ^Ji (the king got up from his 'hall of audience), Pane. ' ' p. 42 ^sptraT J-lN l t^JMHH ( — returning from the village), Kathas. 29, 179 or^prhr: M^IIIHI, Qak. I ^ i -Htt^eM-^ (without moving from 1) In the dual the same form discharges even the functions of three: abl., instr. and dative. As we cannot doubt, that - bhyam and - bhyas contain the same element - bhi, which is in the suffix - bhis and Greek -A HWl^yl Pitj-rijH (she has now been released from that sin), — c.) to deprive of. E. 2, 8, 25 «aidrti~dCwi*Hd g=ft nfcmld snawrsr ^ I slamic (he will be wholly spoliated [lit. disinherited], your son, of enjoyments, yea, of all connection with" the royal family), M. 5, 161 ^t.... g[rigTlchl^ fhm, Pane. II, 117 teiilfc^H 16 forfeits heaven), cp. 95, 2-> — - d.) those of desisting from , stopping, cea- sing. Kumar. 3, 58 tftiu^iu i IM (he desisted from his exertions), Dag. 132 fir^r chHui) -syj Wc-Tlny IK,' Kumar. 5, 73 (HdHai^ l ^Ijwff ^ftrT (he protects from thieves); 3. those of */•*■. being being afraid of and suspecting , especially Hi and 3TSsT , f. i. "/raid ^-^ -. ^n q, ^ of TTTp^ WltT Examples: 1. - Kam. 16, 15 swt =^<5TT10STT- •aiwii^ gmFTFrra- oiii^d:, MaMv. I, p. 10 hihih^h srf^ffenrw: ssra-- jj^TfT (as his mother's father prevented him from taking her [viz- Sita] by violence). 2. — Pane. 298 fspTT l l *gb-mu Pntinfearl [S i Mif^d (a brahman should always shun marks of honour, as if they were poison), Mhbh. 1, 140, 61 jnnfijFcfwr: ST^TT 'srf|Hwrar ^ra^Ti (he should mistrust those, who are worth mistrusting and those, who are not so), -Kac. on 1, 4, 28 strr mm i ^dj ^- (he con. ceals himself from his teacher). NB. 'The verbs, mentioned sub 3., admit also of the genitive, see 126 c). Kem. Note anu dri' (to shrink from, to shun, to despise) with abl. according to a vartt. on P. 1, 4, 24. Instances are met with in the ar- chaic literature. In modern Sanskrit it seems to be exclusively con- strued with accus. — The verb PifsKlH ' (to be disgusted with) is construed wit! abl. or instr., sometimes even with ace. and gen. 98. IT. The point from whence a distance is counted (termi- nus a quo), is expressed by the ablative. Pat. I, p. 455 72 § 98. tfi n^WT Hf+UW ^pTlf7 ?ftsHTf^r (from Gavldhuma j. - c^~ ^ termi mis a to Sankacya four yojanas) . Hence the ablative joins a.) such prepp. as ^TT, SPTTrT, etc., b.) the names of the cardinal points and those in 5RT, as CJ1U c.) , all words mea- ning far, as ^" and the like. Examples: — of a.) see in chapter IX. b.) Dae. 156 Hli&WH l rilhai frfe (east from the tirth), Pat. I, P. 2, 3, 29 p. 475 see Eem. 1. on this paragraph. c.) Mrcch. VII, p. 234 ^ -m^rM^H^M"! " S ^ T ' Mhbh - *> 152 > 1 ii(5^ oHl-awn , ibid- 1, 151, 44 qrfFtgjur oRT^tft, Apast. 1, 31, 2 i) \ i \ ^ p ih\y\ \ 'M^Pi^ aBHI%^ (he shall void excrements far - from his house). Eem- 1. With derived adverbs of the species ^Rhuih :, d-a^H : 1 ) the 'genitive should- be employed, not the ablative [P. 2, 3, 30], ■with those in °nrr the accusative [ibid. 31]. Hence it is said for ex. R 3, 4, 27 fci»im°Hri| l teHfrHm (he $ug a hole by his side), Pat. I, p. 475 apf: mJTtloIrl: I HIJIl4,Hlfr'JrilctehMctioMid, 3?T (D. has eaten now and will not eat but after two days), a$i£\ ■s ^Pi&im ; Wt$t (or shlsulw) 5W firarfTT- Op. 144. Bern. 2. Apast. 1, 9, 6 and 1, 15, 19 are instances of the single ablative =57-)- abl., when signifying still." 100. HI. The ablative serves to express from what origin tiveof there *is a rising or issuing. In the first place it joins gin a"d words of being borne , proceeding etc. ; 2 1 ? it denotes the former state or shape , out of which mer state. some other state or shape proceeds or is produced ; 3'y it signifies the model or pattern , something is imi- tated, borrowed, measured from. p 1 4 Examples : of 1.. — Ch. Up. 1, 9, 1 gafftir ^ srr ^fc UHMichiuHdoi 36; si! MH^^ ( a ^ these things proceed from ether alone), M. 1, 8 srfftT- rtol l fr^ 64 ^J^ dl^UllssUri:- Yet i the fatner may also be a gen. commodi (132) or an instrumental. Note such phrases as (Pat. I, 455) ^ft usrpn MlrlfcHMslIri^ and (Kathas. 25, 55) ai^m : uif?hiA gHPTOT, Dag. 141 ^l^dliM ^ H^*lRoi 55tff FTTpn^ yJMHWyi^^fydjHm[drW ( v - a - we have festival after festival). — So to heal or recover from illness: Pane. V, 91 azfte m-^mri : 'feST: (all three of them were healed from their infirmity). 3. — Mrcch. IV, p. 135 m risr aifl^m nmunRd f^PffT *m^: (this ornament has been made , as if it were , according to the mea- sure of your body), Malav. IV, p. 91 fHHoTrT'. qfidU ; (attendance according to her rank). Cp. 69. 101 In short, the ablative is available in any case, it is wanted to express the side, something has come from, whether contained in the foresaid categories or not. So R. 2, 26, 31 gj] FoTfT: MMl-H^rl (she deserves respect from your sid#), Mhbh. 1, 145, 9 fn^Tstr ftrjrr: m^F^H^IWl =T iJEJrT (Dhr. cannot bear them having obtained the royalty because of their father), Pane. 262 ^q- ^t^ i *«M TfpToTi i H m^ \ u.iuid«r: (from the side of my kinsmen), Bern. The last example is at the same time an instance of • the abl. which denotes him, by whom one is defeated or over- thrown [P. 1, 4, 26] ; cp. Kathas. 28, 49. 102- Hence, the cause, reason, motive by which, is likewise expressed by the ablative namely as far as it is con- § 102. 75 tive^f ce ^ ve< ^ as ^ e origin or starting-point , from whence causa- some consequence has resulted 1 ). The instrumental , as we have seen formerly (72 ), may likewise serve that purpose, and in the case of feminine nouns of quality it is even obligatory. For the rest, ablative and in.tr. of causality are generally inter- changeable, and not seldom they are used side by side. So Kathas. 29,25 ^fw H2IHH! ^ fp\?{>, (it is from joy she does not eat , not from illness) , Mrcch. I, p. 44 3RTsRSTf?IT ^f^Fjfsfr ^ ^JTFT (surely, it has been done by taking her for somebody else, not by in- solence). But, if the efficient cause be some obligation or other binding motive by virtue of which some effect is produced, the ablative alone is to be used 2 ). Nothing impedes concrete nouns to be put in the all. of cause 8 ) 1) How easily this transition is made, will be plain by this example: Malav. V, p. 140 dftj^f^fn' STS^t 'S^rRJTraTTTfeTfT!- Literally these words signify »the name of mother of a hero" touches you from the "part of your son ," but as to their meaning they should' be rather translated thus »now you deserve the name »m. of a h." because of your son.'' In other terms the abl. of origin is at the same time an abl. of cause. 2) Panini's rule , which^ contains this statement , is too narrowly inter- preted by the commentaries. His words tfcbrldUl q^nTi [P- 2, 3, 24] are explained thus: the abl. [alone] is to be used, if the cause be a debt, provided it be not at the same time the agent ; examples of which are adduced as UlrlUol-d: (he is confined for a debt of 100), whereas oneunust say WPT sri^ftT: - But why should we restrict rn,a to its special sense of a » debt. of money" and not take the more general meaning of » obligation" and »duty"? If it could be proved that jimr implies also the notion of ne- cessity, avdyxtt, the rule would be quite correct, for in the case of direct and unavoidable consequence of an efficient cause the ablative alone is to be used, even of feminine words. 3) Speaking plain, neither the ablat. of bhavavacanani npr that of concrete nouns is allowed by Panini's rales. The sutras'2, 3, 23 -25 name 76 § 102—103. but often they are expressed by periphrase, especially by means of %rft: (l92). Examples. — Kathas. 27, 76 f^oJTT: w^dgi a i lMMHtiJlPiti (byconse- quence of a curse celestial beings are borne among men)-, Pane. 202 *R<=Htri: wircrlMirimi^d)c) Pane. 49 dftwrarraw: (be is to be put to death for having insulted a woman), Hit. 96 mjif^i-j l ^ (from fear he spoke thus), Ven. II, p. 39 air sftiTt •sfwFjftcHnrT (be is glad on account' of Abh.'s death), Mrcch. I, p. 45 ^f^^ijli wmn: Q- will stand up, on condition — ), Kathas. 30, 112 HH l dH zrzj =^rrw!ij ?fT- Pl«fyQ,ri: i *MWiiwl*T ^ff dfwTTOFmn" rW (as the thief was not found, the king sent forthwith for H. on account of the repu. tation of his knowledge), Pane. I, 180 tj^ i ^iqfd/iudfr) zrfH: ^T- mwr crlMdln i f&ri^wj(Wirehy' disposition), ^^TOT: (in due order), q#f_ gflHH : (i n inverse order), ^Jltl fT: (through one's own exertion), 70m: (with all one's power), srrsjTr^ (out of respect), mtmm^ (with- out motive ; on a sudden), and so on. P. 2, 3, 33 gives a special rule for the ablatives *«j|H , SfftcFiTrT, chiHUUIrl, jJcHJiH being in- terchangeable with the instr. ch^W etc. ;. both sets have the cha- racter of adverbs, as aqy this way I have got more learning; than formerly)." 5 of 2. — Pane. 285 vrrcrf inj^)chi^[q a^WT HorfFT (▼. »• one's wife .is beloved more than anybody else); Hit. 16 arrt -)H*ft< g w i^ (com- § 105—106. 79 pared with him nohody is happy here); Utt. II, p. 29 dd l < ' Ei cr#|- of 3. — K. 2, sarga 95*, 53, ym^-^ft ^J^Ttr $tim tT (i!l l ;k^ (to live, deprived of one member by your weapon, is better than death), Pane. 142 ronft-sfyaF?. tqrf g|H, Mhbh. 1, 89, 2 trar bttot nsrsT: (your superior by age), R. 2, 8, 18- qvUH-yt Hr fr -sf^* ^ TT 5T?TO?r sr| (he listens much to me, and more than to the Kausalya), Kathas. 53, 10 triidi^H =T 5TH ?T frmiiH OT fexjllRS^ (indeed , he did not know how to give less than a laxa to an indigent) , M. 2, 95 ummirH - cichWMi gl^rtji rrt id (aim H (giving up all desires exceeds obtaining them). Compare this instance from the archaic literature: Ait. Br. 7, 17, 4 rTort €Httt yirllfa FoPT^ITtm' >7rT (you have chosen three hun- dred of cows instead of me). of 4. — Rgv. 10, 18, 1 tprr] ^frff % o|tiH l rj ^ (the other path, which is hot the path "of the gods), Ch. Up. 1, 10, 2 l^ffr [— :j -|- Tjft] ■s^ET O^^H (nor are there others but these), Pane; II, 12 gi^W forTSTJTr =T m$t, Prabodh. Ill, p. 61 suiP-)*?! ft MMfi~-l4)feH l Hj the crea- tures so different among- themselves , yet not different from God). 106. Observations on the abl. of comparison. Rem. 1. Our »than" with the comparative is to be rendered in . Sanskrit by the ablative. Such restrictions , as for instance limit the faculty of using the abl. of. comparison in Latin, do not exist in Sanskrit. It is impossible to say in Latin dat tibi plus me = »he gives to you more than to me," but it must be said plus quam mihi. In Sanskrit nothing impedes such sentences as jtkt \in (not fit); the abl. would be impossible here, but for the negation. 107. In the archaic and epic dialect an instrumental of comparison mental" * s some ti mes use d instead of the ablative. — So R. 2, 26, 33"nrnTr: of«om- fgjjr^t qq- instead of cmTMr:, ibid. 2, 48, 36 gTTftf HUHNfacttl -sfq- #. son. ■stJ^rT (h© was to these women even more than their own sons), comm. §h: i fTfffcmrf , it>. 1, 54, 15 tj fbtjit oi 4 > case recorded sub 1 — fT; is equivalent with the regular case- P 5 4 endings. The same applies to the abl., depending on the prepos. jrffr. 44. Eem. Panini does not give any rule about using the abl. in FT; with such adverbs and pronouns as ^, fsFTT, w®. Now, abla- tives of that kind are certainly not expressing the apdddna, as they are taught in the third chapter of the 2 cl adhyaya, not in the fourth of the 1 st . Accordingly it would not be allowed using °fT: with them. Yet practice is not wholly consistent therewith, f. i. =ett rp?HT: = m J-MIH- 4ty In two cases °rf: is interchangeable with a genitive, but not p s ; 4, with an abl. a.) when expressing the standing on one's side 50IT ad-lri) (or aiPTCr)'SiT5R', 6.) if denoting the disease , against which P. 5, 4, *-* ° *^ 49 one applies some remedy or cure: qd l f^ l H : [o r °3Trar.] 3W (give something against diarrhoea). Chapter VII. Genitive. ') 109. The fundamental notion of the genitive or sixth I) On the genitive in Sanskrit , especially in the dialect of the Rg- vedamantras , there exists a monography of Dr. Siecke de genitivo in lin- gua iSanscritica imprimis Vedica usu , Berlin , 1869. 6 82 § 109—110. Gene- case is to mark the belonging to, partaking of. In San- view skrit , it is employed in so manifold and so different ways geni- as to make it very difficult to give a satisfactory ac- count of all of them 1 ). — The absolute genitive will be treated in the chapter on participles. 110. I. With substantives, the genitive serves to qua- 'pC'lify them, as ^ J^p (the king's man), ^MrqH merit » • "■ f with ^GpJ^T: (the self-choice of Dam.), SH^r^FR (the ene- sub- ^ ^ te""" my's strength), H^HINHH'T (the friend's arrival), WTWi. SffaHFT (the drying up the ocean), tiywiq^I (a part of the sacrifice), M^>t^iq=til^|! (the opportunity of fighting). These examples show 1 st that the genitive, at least in prose, commonly precedes the substantive, it is depending upon , 2 lv that , like in Latin and Greek , 1) Kac. on P. 1, 1, 49 sr^at f|; mmf: tel^ l ^H^H ^4)mH^gjda» l ( I- 5RT5TPSrr:- — Panini seems to have not sharply defined the genitive's sphere of employment, at least if we explain his sutra (2, 3, 50) q£t SM with the Kac. as meaning »tn all other instances [namely if none of the other oases, taught 2,3,1—49, be available], one should use the sixth case." But then it is strange, P. has not said inversely sm cpyt (cp. his con- stant use 1, 4, 7; 1, 4, 108; 2, 2, 23; 3, 3, 151; 7, 2, 90). Now, Patanjali gives a somewhat different explication (I, p. 463) cfiirf^Tnij&BraT ST5T: »the sixth case is required, if the categories object and the rest are not to be distinctly expressed" but tacitly implied. I am rather inclined to suppose , that either in framing that sutra Panini had in view his de- finition of the employment of the nominative , which immediately pre- cedes ; then jpsf would be said in opposition to the mfrinii* ...... TjTSf of s. 46 (note on 38) and mean » something else, apart from the gender and number of the conception, signified by the pratipadika", or srsr may mean »accessory'' (see Petr. Diet. s. v. 1, 6); then the sutra enjoins the use of the genitive if the conception , signified by the pratipadika , is accessory of some other conception. But, which of these acceptations should prove the correct one, the intrusion of the term snsr in the follow- ing sutras (51 , etc), as is done by Kac. and others, is to be blamed. §110—111. 83 the most different logical relations will find their ex- pression by it. When dividing the whole of its dominion by setting up such categories as the possessive gen., the subjective , objective , partitive , that of origin , matter, quan- tity etc., it must not be overlooked, that these divisions have been made for clearness' sake and do not affect the unity of the grammatical duty discharged in all these cases by the genitive. For the rest, not rarely the or- dinary logical distinctions may fall short of classifying some given genitive, as in the case of zrssnErerTsr:, or Utt. II, p. 28 jjinri i i^JMl qarr; (the way to the hermitage of A.) etc. Concurrent constructions are 1 . compounding the gen. with the subst., it qualifies ^TsTQ^T: = JT$\' J^T*, see 214 , 2. using instead of the gen. the derived adjective , as STT^ STFFT ^SRtSFPT or STWf SFFT etc. Of these substitutions the latter is comparatively rare, when contrasted with the utmost frequency of the former. Eem. The so called appositional or epexegetic genitive is not used in Sanskrit. It is said cpmf ^TTJT, not as in English »the city of Pushp." E. 2, 115, 15 f^fsr froTT ^^rrcr OTpF? ( Lat - pignus soccorum, the pledge [represented by] the slippers). 111. When pointing out the genitive as the case to put in such substantives as are wanted to qualify other sub- stantives, it is by no means said that no other con- struction may be used for the same purpose. Verbal nouns often retain the verbal construction. So, if a moving to or from some place is to be expressed , nouns must be construed just as verbs; it is said qjTfcraro^T, <£ nn^^ not (j™. Cp. Eem. on 41. 84 § 111—113. Thus we meet with instrumentals as [aJuD irar<£sb T '^ e sepa- ration from men as you are," ch.-ti.u i sftcH: ssorrow on account of a girl;" ablatives as qrHl^tH sfear of falling;" — datives as qu\U 5T37 »wood for a stake, 1 ' t^ntj] JldJ Mid »the fit time for being heir-apparent;" — locatives as Qmw 55; » attachment to the world, worldliness ;" — prepositions as qf qirT g?FT: sanger towards me," rl*a)qf^ WIIiTi spartiality for his sake," ^q- ^irSrMHI ZfOT »a contention with a mighty one." Eem. Pacini has a special rule about the nouns jSoTT G or d), P .fq 3, teilR-^ (owner), vfwfo (chief), 57^3; (heir), ^t% (witness), qfiri^ (bail) and jj^rT (born) as agreeing with a locative as well as with a gen. So nsrf ^sfwf or iiW; cp. Kathas. 18, 144 reuw i A mr^i with ibid. 6, 166 j^T^ fam. So Mrcch. X, p. 384 trfezrr S ' by the partitive gen., as M, 3, 281 igxs Q{s*^m f^EPTFT, Par. Grhy. 1, 3, 31 tiyc£rydry(yj. Likewise M. 5, 21 ydry^uicM-lRi ^r^rapjfisiYrW: (a pious twice-born man should perform at least one » strong penance" a year). 4. A partitive gen., depending on the neuter of an adjective, is rare, even in the old language. Ait. Br. 2, 15, 8 rr^fff Ttan:- In the Rgvedasanhita there are even such gen. as 337 =gj-:, yirU d) the verbs of illness — fever excepted — as 5 g ' ■J) i m bs\{?\ - As he does not add that the gen. with them is restricted to the holy texts , it is likely , that it was used so in his days , but that it has antiquated afterwards. Siecke p. 50_52 of his treatise on the vedic genitive has given some examples of its being used in the 1) Yet Bhatt. 17, 10 it complies witha gen., see Petr. Diet. a. v. p. 1386. So in a prakrt passage of the Uttararamacaritra p. 19 fcraifr^T a^ST HH \ i {-bUkti $*M TVWKW »Rama has made us forget king Dacaratha." 2) Panini (2, 3, 52) speaks of iBTiJhTO', that is »all, which mean to think of." In classic Sanskrit I greatly doubt instances will be found of any other verb but set- 90 § 121 — 122. Rigvedasanhita with such verbs as wr, ^hIvttt, f%rT, T^etc. With ■fsrj- (to know; to be aware of, to experience) it often occurs in the brahmana-works. Ait. Br. 2, 39, 11 gruft 3 d l dd^l ; 5T ffdlrlMi a^- As to the foresaid verbs of injuring, in the Ramayana also ^crgr (to touch) is construed with a gen.. 2, 75, 31 rrsTr whih PtI/T) likewise 3, 66, 6')- Rem. According to P. 2, 3, 51 the verb frr is construed with the gen. of the instrument (karana), then frr must not be equi- valent with fgrj-. Kag. gives this example hPllHolUiyj E"3Tf 'Jrl*^ ;] (this player is detained for 10 suvarnas) may afford an instance of it. § 123—124. 91 123. 6. Verbs of fulness, repletion, satisfaction, as Q^ MlrT> rT^T, FJ*T are often construed with a genitive , but more commonly with the instrumental. Cp. Latin vas plenum vini vel vino^). Examples of the genii Sucr. 1, 116, 14 orFfiTTqim' •s=£niTT*T (the face is bathed with tears), Pane. I, 148 mfTuximfH *I«MI =TNHMi q^f&: I ^T^m: ^a^rTFIW (Are gets not satiated of wood, nor the ocean of rivers , nor death of mortal beings). NB. But the gen. of the person , towards whom kindness is shown with fTKrf^, HW, mTie^frl an d other similar words is of a different kind (131). Mhbh. 1, 229, 32 rjrTftsr tF® *&'• ( ne became well-dis- posed to this brahman), Pane. 314 fT^ Mdl ' ^M (I am satisfied with you), R. 1, 33, 13 ftwtct^T -stropg^: 2 ). Rem. 1. Vedic mantras contain many instances of other similar verbs — as jft, j^r, g^r etc- — being construed so. Sieckb, p. 44 sq. Rem. 2. With K m Ih 1 the loc. is also available. Dag. 174 gttfq- ^orFWTfyaH (he ate it all). 7. With several verbs the genitive does the duty of an ablative. See 126. 8. With several verbs the genitive does the duty of a dative. See 131 , 132. 124. m. A genitive with adjectives is frequently ®f™' used. When attending adjectives akin to transitive verbs , a^iec- it ^ S an objective gen., as Kathas. 29, 55 s{^T I^HM^I^MHI ^Hl (old age, which will destroy this beauty). Among them are to be especially noticed: tives. 1) Both gen. and instrum. seem to be old idioms. Yet it will seem ) that the gen. with words of fulness has got out of use nowadays. E. 2, 89, 17 ^fuqtrf being construed with a gen. — ^IjlniwfiTOTrrfeT ohli^irl [so. ^TTof:] ch l rSj-H B I ltsHH — the commentary deems it necessary to explain the idiom : ^rrftpT'. = U% , ET = the suffixes of the grades of comparison, sim., the sounds and words of which the vyakarana-sutra is made up, are to be understood such as they are uttered. But it is left to the common sense of the reader to infer in each separate case , whether the word contained in the grammatical rule is meant as to its outer shape or as to its meaning, whether it is to denote but one or a whole class of words of the same purport, as «IU* andch^M evidently do here. For the rest, the vernacular grammarians themselves are obliged to admit of exceptions on their own interpretation of P. 1, 1, 68. See but the vartt. on that sutra. § 124—126. 93 Kem. Note fgvjfa with gen., when subst. — »the match, the counterpart" Pat. 1 , 445 =ff^T inf^rr^m; (an other ox is wanted like this), Kathas. 25, 178 a^oi l -unmm f^rftor jrg^T rr (I will fetch you myself the match of this foot-ornament). 5. A great number of adjectives admit of the dative- like genitive, see 129. ABLATIVE-LIKE GENITIVE. 125. IV. Sometimes the genitive is available in such cases tive-" as ^° P r0 P er ly belong to the category of the ablative, if lik f. s e " there be at the same time room for the conception of uitive. x ^belonging to" and that of „proceeding from." Of the kind we have already mentioned two instances, viz. 1. the genitive of origin (113), 2. that of the starting- point (98, R. 1 and 2). The latter is not limited to the con- cases, mentioned above, but is sometimes used side with P by side with the ablative even with such nouns as the r-- abla- 3fT^\ ^rTfT!T etc., Vishnup. 2, 3, 1 3=^ srg^ST (north of the ocean). 126. On this account we may understand how the genitive is sometimes used instead of the ablative with a) verbs of asking, wishing, taking, receiving etc., b) of hearing , learning , c) of being afraid of. a). The abl. is here the regular idiom; the gen. not frequent, as Eajat. 1, 131 ^^m 5[?r?TV fems5i|"i5^n% chify^sMT iTffRJj, E. 1, 28, 10 cnfN^ *PT (accept of me), M, 4, 87 ^r, crfrTJT^TfH ^proff- ■e^i^oif &T: ( — accepts of a king, who is avaricious and a trans- gressor of his royal duty), Pane. 225 a^nni sTTfpnTOr rfUuw-i^- frwrfq'- So already in the archaic dialect. Gaut. 17, 1 y^HM! teicM% Rdldi H i sTT^irjft J^ffa nfHi l ^H* (a brahman is allowed to eat and to accept presents from twice-born men of good behaviour) ; 6) E. 6, 31, 2 -di^m it pgrrr: JjTrclT gro (M (Eavana after having 94 § 126—127. heard from his spies the arrival of Rama), ibid. 3, 3, 4 femr 'W (be informed from me). So sometimes with m^tin 1 (cp. 86 c), as R. 2, 100, 7 chRl-c^Wi^ fqg: c) R. 2, 29, 4 ffof ?ra f^ fSrwjfn' (all are afraid of you), Pane. Ill, 195 jjt MMlfedH Pinm (she, who has always an aversion to me). R, 3, 46, 29 — 31 affords an instance of both constructions together : ^ sm°MMiii; fg-^r: — tot m*rl" ^ Riujyi — *=si^iuii H(i?cHi 5^f — Rem. Compare P i fdum (disgusted with) with a gen. Pane. Spread- 171 ^j™™—,. ptfuu ii gu (I am disgusted with the flesh of mice), lng of «- ^ -- its em- cp. 97 , R. meut Now and then this abl.-like genitive seems to have modem been extended beyond its limits by abuse , especially of ten. modern writers 1 ). 127. Note the genitive being used in some turns of phrase, which might be put as well in the category of the abla- tive as in that of the genitive. 1) But not exclusively. The older literature does not lack of instan- ces, as R. 3, 51,27 STS^fSr ^nWTTSta 5? ITrt^yj [instead of rRqT^]JTT5?ra'; cp. 3, 66, 11. — A very striking example is Bhag. Pur. 8, 6, 21 anH)f however, story, STsqrr, stcftit, Sow are often construed with the ge- nitive. Dae. 72 fedUnaH 3SFOT3T g<5W, E. 2 , 97, 7 q£ qir JT^ SoTOT, KatMs. 24, 65 f^ qpr RT3rft HM: (how many children have you? how many wives ?). Cp. the Latin phrase est mihi filius. Ait. Br. 7, 13, 1 f^ar ^ snr siwr smg:, Qak. I ai^T =Tf ■s ^ < ^[q »fe5tin (I have something else to ask you about), Pane. 166 txt&z ildlH l srnr HsrfH (men make money, if they go abroad). Likewise in such terms as f§r ridM-l (what have I [to meddle, to do] with him?), cp. 88 E. 2. 131. The dative-like genitive attends even on verbs. Mrcch. ukeg'e- X, p. 375 f%*TFT ^WHUHWImHIH (what is to be done v ££ to this wicked man?) and ibid. X, p. 384 RRFT PWi: |Sft Mrl 1*1 (what is to be done for this monk ?) are striking examples of the sixth case used so. It is especially verbs of doing good or evil (as 3"^, Bfl^, W^ , W^W> M^f*^ (to trust), t^T (to forbear) and some others which partake of this idiom , its concurrent construction being the locative , rarely , if at all , the dative l ). Examples: E. Gorr. 4, 38, 47 fQ^i i m iMMaKBrfarr jmt (far^|fo (you 1) As to atrriVj 3^, *l<4*, folyolMj I do not remember having met with any instance of their agreeing with a dative; WT governs a dative Bhatt. 4,39. Upon the whole, the dative of profit and damage within its narrower limits is very scarce in Sanskrit, cp. 84- § 131-132. 99 must guard your kingdom by doing well to your friends), ibid. 3, 1, 16 ^PTOT Wcgm (offered hospitality to R.), Pane. 289 flp r^rr r i ^KiHd lf? ■cl|i4*d^ (in what hare I injured her or you ?), Qak. VII ^ttttsV ■sf^T rRTirarP. ERTrsrejr (I have sinned against the reverend Kanva), Pane. 38 ^ ^ ch^jfafeuafa fTT (he trusts nobody), Mhbh. 1, 23, 26 ti*d1 iUlMM-a i >H fT, (relate us of your adventures in foreign countries), Mrcch. I, p. 45 sj^q- aijimJ-di^-am ^msiTOJW, Pane. 246 rmm: ^ra^cT JTrorT iX{ { l ^m Q^UHj then they went all and addressed the king of frogs), ibid. 62 ^ Hrrfn'he does not believe others, however many). 132*. The dative of the purpose is not interchangeable with the genitive x ) 1) In the prakrts even then. It is singular, that an observer as accu- rate, as Panini is, should have overlooked the important function of the dative-like genitive. A rule of his, indeed, mentions the sixth case ■ciHwJ^T sr^TT (2, 3, 62), but the word jpgj% added and the examples proffered by tradition show that according to the vulgar interpretation we have here a very special enjoinment, closely connected to the pre- ceding sutra (61), not one of general bearing. Yet I greatly doubt the exactness of that explication, by which the word =cTrJS5nf is quite superfluous , as (^olH I MH(jHH needs must be repeated from s. 61, and this suffices for the vulgar interpretation. Perhaps we may remove the technical difficulty by an other distribution of the words, that make up sutra 61 — 63. When read uno tenore, we get jrii^T (in the royal palace there was a flock of rams) , Kumaras. 5, 60 tp^f %$ ^-qisr (fruits are seen on the trees). So i-i^lMisr (in the country of the Pancalas), ch i wm (at Benares), Mhbh. 1, 31, 18 tmfri^rt fei^ cR 3irr: (he has been made Lord over the three worlds); cp. Ill E. d.) it indicates something very near, though not di- rectly touched': near, on , about '). Mhbh. 1, 170, 3 a i M^- i in muiH-f%fT i JTT^Wsrft' -cikdiM .rgqarfa srr snrr (neither among devas nor yakshas nor men nor among other beings such a beauty has been seen nor heard of anywhere), Dag. 124 igiqrjg- cf h d i-i^fSd gT=rf (this report spread among the townsmen and the countrymen). Cp. lie. All these variegations are mixed^ up in the general notion , carried by the seventh case. Greater precision , if wanted , may be obtained by using periphrasing turns , — ~^ as the prepos. ?FcP (within), or such words as 7 \'&X , FT^", CpT, 7^^\, m^ft, etc. See 165, 190, 192. 134. B. Locative of the spot whither. It attends of course tiveof on verbs and verbal nouns of moving, such as to go, thespot to start , to lead, to send. Ch. Up. 2, 24, 5 ^r §r jraqrror ther. wTter tfmiw (I shall go to the world of him, in whose behalf the sacrifice is performed), Pane. 321 g- srsarf JTrT; (he set out to the forest), ibid. 41 ^goiPrfci ^mj tffwr:, ibid. 269 srtvR^pr fsraTf ^trT: 1) This is the so called ^rprftzr swift 104 § 134, 134*. (you have conducted me to a fine spot), E. 1, 11, 24 cfmsr uwtiujiy 27TFT (he Bent messengers to the citizens), K. 2, 7, 26 aqol l fo mrf rlcT signs' after having removed Bharata to your kinsmen — ). to enter. Pane. 283 rn=wt ^n ulbidm , ibid. 52 fcTOT ^ a^r ufdHllfi (with you I will go into the fire). to fall on or in. P- 3, 18, 25 sY ^TsTT srtmrafj) Apast. 1, 15, 21 w,wi =5 ^fl^WtrT (nor shall he put [fire] under his bedstead). Metaphor: Prabodh. V, p. 112 u^i^i(h wra^ »r&f?r fiaRlH i: ^Torf ^srRrr: to ascend. Kathas. 29, 129 frfi" aufc l ftst jvm^f (the raxasl climbed in J o the tree). Metaphor: Pane. I, 266 jrfepr. ^rnrnrafa qifJoi i (he, on whom the king fixes his looks). to strike , to kit. .Qak. I tjM^imiy &: sft (men drink strong liquor even from a man's skull) i). to feed on. Dag. 174 ^m ^di^mMioidmd (he feasted on the rice, without leaving anything). In metaphorical sense Heart and the like may also bo construed with a locative. Mhbh. 1, 84, 2 ;T ^fiT jftoT^". Cp- 123- Loca- tive in idio- matic 1) See Delbruck 1.1. p. 33. 106 § 136—139. to be born from; to beget with. The mother is put in the locative. Cp. 100, 1. Kumaras. l, 22 ^rr rimm^mEL. to reckon among. Dag. 199 aiiikid l ^N (he was reckoned among the gods). 137. 2. The locative in which is put the person, with whom one 2 si *° dwells, stags. Prabodh. VI, p. 123 tn i m^, rcrfr dtriE^ i ffi (I with, am without protector and wish to stay in your house), Mhbh. 1, 74, 12 a \ \ \\ x \ \ fa^aiMi f| srraag =t ^ejft, Mudr. VII, p. 229 sra qgHdchrT l R)f^trct»M l ^H^f& l H l: (I have stayed for some time with Mai.). So especially ittt owfri (^ e dwells with his spiritual father), Ch. Up. 4, 4, 3 srpErJf Hi I d fa arWJlfi (v. a. I will be the pupil of the Keverend), 138. 3. ^TT or ~^r\ with loc. = ^keeping close to", that is ' q?T observing, obeging one's precept, principle , judgment etc. ir1 '*' r1 Cak. VI q q- ^ihhh (dsyfa (yon do not obey my order), Dag. 72 etc. r . r H l rWH oTrRcr (comply with the wish of your mother), Cp. Lat. stat promissis , stat sententid and Kag„ on P. 1, 3, 23 qi^ fprsr( (it rests on me = I am to decide.) 139. 4. The locative, which serves to denote the thing cative touched. It is used with a) verbs of fastening at — espe- thing cially sI'-feT — as well in their proper as in a figurative sense; likewise with the others, b) those of clinging, adhering to, as ^T3T, Tc£PT, F|sT etc., c) of leaning on, relying on, trusting, d) of seizing by , e) of falling at one's feet — and in other similar locutions, asf. i. Ragh. 1, 19 'floff ^FTfa ^TcTrTT (and the string , bent on the bow), gak. VI VT$ W^rmr ^FR?I^ <=MJ4MHMf TJf^T (an antelope's female, rubbing her left eye against the horn of her male companion). vertsrf Exam P les: «) Pane. 238 jrt ^ TO srerer, ibid. 286 srop;- fasten- ^^ q^ mn nfi^ l, Fac. I, p. 40 :?Rff& srsT, Bhag. Pur. 4, 27, 10 § 139-HO. 107 (oliytlwsrwifT (he was attached to wordliness), Ragh. 3, 4 jjfi^TPsr fmTi§?f i^Tf sisr^y (she bent her mind to such a desire). of 6) Pane. V, 8 =sttot j&fcj sHPioi^n (crowds of people cling 'Tng ^ a rich man), ibid. 307 cFffercr ffteTraf 5Tnfir (one [of them] falls adher- on his neck )> Da5, 75 H mnw i urasTff (he fell in love with her), Ch. ing. Up. 4, 14, 3 ^i fa [^ qiq- cfw =r ferra-ffr (no evil deed clings to him, who knows so), Pane. II, 131 an^prwr srj^ — (a hero, not addicted to vices). c) 1. to lean on. R. 2, 46, 27 q- fcmdcj^MyW a'feiriTi (lest they should sleep, lying down on roots of trees). — With f§j and its compounds, likewise with jjd^^i , the accus. is the regular con- struction, not the loc, especially in the metaph. sense »to apply one's self to somebody , to implore one's aid." — 2. to rely on. Pane. of rely- II, 194 rr MiriiT =t srhr =t wc£§ =7 =sn?m i femrenrm: TOt mrftr? and fa(-H( , Qak. I ^^sr^ft %J%fTr^rrmriRTgHrir irFT: (even these who pos- tritst- gegg s trong learning, mistrust themselves). So with giror (to hope on), fHTSsra (to trust), sim. yak. II -srTSTH^r g^r: gwftjar u~rft[ ■fHJtir qpt^SnT "ET air (the gods have confidence in his bent bow and in Indra's thunderbolt), Pane. II, 48 fdUdfafd sigw. Cp. 131. of seiz- d) Pane. 161 tntrn sm^T (seized by the hand — ), Mrcch. I, p. "? £• 39 1 j Rehi gfispsr JlJlrcll, Kathas. 29, 3 ^m sTClTf (she laid her hand olfall- ^ vs c^- ^ ing at on her neck). firt. e ) znzjft- "TFTfrT is a standing phrase. See f. i. Qak. IV fqn; trrsTTT: qrtffT. 140. 5. The locative, when used in the same way as English 5 vf ' _«» him I see much skill." So Mhbh. I ^f qiT ioimmfoMq i H rtrfq 1 cative in ab- ^TTfcrarT (I may expect all of him , he can do impossibilities) , yak. sense. n J^tal *J*raT JsrrfqPr (hunting is reckoned to be vicious in a prince), Prab, V, p. 109 srTrf'R'm'^sr =T ^W: (there is no sin in giving a good counsel to the afHicted), R. 2, 7, 10 grErairser ^saro T^rTT \ I fel^ j fsrarr (and she told Kubja, of the great happiness of Rama). Rem. 1. When used as the predicate of the sentence, this locative is occasionally carrying the notion of »suiting , befitting." Pane. I, 305 ^MHOT loriEmHHsr iTOTiT (friendship suits similar charac- ters and inclinations), ibid. p. 251 qyrtJUlsnwm' 3^ ^M*i. (*^ e 108 § 140—142. royal dignity befits a man accomplished in political science, libe- rality and gallantry). Looat. Eem. 2. Synonyms explaining the meaning of some word, are = yin the meaning put in the locative, which accordingly — »in this meaning." Amarak. cF^mt mraT srir mrr^ M^d i oif^ (the word kaldpa may have the meaning of bhti&hana ornament, bar ha a peacock's tail, ttinira quiver and samhati mass or heap), Earn. 2, 17 [Sif^f ? Mfr-gJH (i>id is explained as meaning : to know), Apast. 1, 5, 1 ptiHti rPT: g^: 141. 6. The qualities , arts , science etc. in which one excels with L «™rds or i s weak, equal or unequal, when put in the locative. ness etc. qRldUw: I yq^r H^rtJUl wu m i^l\U(:, Mhbh. 1, 88, 13 £TK^"fiT: tJrWH irfq j loiqn !W:i n*r; h?T; Hchifa i rol - Here the ablative and instru- ct X Ni vi fi>- mental are concurrent idioms. 142. 7. The seventh case attending nouns of ability , skill, nouns'of knowledge and the like. Here the genitive is the con- /mlL current construction (124, i°). Examples of the locative: Ch. Up. 1, 8, 1 spft ^ » ^i5 | chUM i sw^: (three men were well- versed in the Word), Kathas. 24, 187 iH l l^. - cprfvrfiw (of one , not being a judge of jewelry), Malav. V, p. 131 grajf ch^H I ^ I HfMfci-Tirl narHTT (what art the ladies are acquainted with ?), Nagan. I, p. 2 hii^ i 5tTT 5WT (we are skilled in dramatic representa- tions). — It attends also verbs of that meaning. Pat. I , p. 280 Q^ihh fSraniygfcr fitrarr- Eem. 1. V&rtt. 1 on P. 2, 3, 36 gives a special rule for ad- jectives in "remade of participles in °fr, complying with locative. The examples given by Pat. I, p. 458 Writ oU i ch(U i (well read "in grammar), a i n i rH $^fa (knowing the theory of metrics) prove that kind of locative to belong to the general class of words of ability and skill. Cp. Dae. 157 %& ^ ^sr q- din i rii mftnt grwmrag nffcrt Kern. 2. P. 2, 3, 44 teaches the promiscuous use of locative and instrumental with the adjectives ufan and jHHch (caring for, solici- tous). circum stan ees. § 143. 109 143. 8. The locative , which denotes the circumstances , under cative which the action comes to pass. So ?TFTK „in time of oftime _^ ' ^ ircfm- ^stress", TOT „in due time," qTTCPJ ,,in fortune" and the like. This kind of locative has a very great extension and encompasses also the locative of time as well as the absolute locative. The former denotes the time at which , the when , as T3^fT^*T (every day), 5p?TfT (in the rainy season), fcRTT0"FJ (at night), CTc^T (at daybreak), <£ ibid. 1, 51, 5 -^ jm^^i q*r inrrT, ibid. 1, 75, 7 y^HM ufrWiu (promised it to Indra), Mudr. V, p. 159 sr^- fsrarhr t Hdfd l (having sold himself to a rich man), Mhbh. 1, 30, 6 jtjtt •cidiH^K"!^ (they gave a name to the great bird), Kathas. 28, 34 ^Hr<*»H ' rarfir (this is done to you). Cp. E. 2, 96, 28 t^ifii ai^M^ 146. I n several phrases the locative may even be a concur- rent idiom of the dativus finalis , especially of the infi- nitive-like dative. It is namely put to a) words of striving after, wishing, resolving; b) to verbs of appointing to , ordaining , enjoining , permitting , as t* 1) So ia tho good reading. Bkockhaus' edition has shashtiyojanyam grham. § 146-147. Ill nT^TsT, c) to words meaning able, Jit and the like. Examples: a) Mhbh. 1, 138, 69 qtrffirf jm *m nsi (I have co- veted your kingdom), Pane. IV, 26 drea^crf g?Jr srg BTOT^r- wM'<4.mst (an enemy, who ha sprepared himself to take off the whole, may be appeased by a small gift), Malat. Ill , p. 50 q^rflwr 3rT. (endeavours to attain at greatness), Mhbh. 1, 141, 2 g^9r afanchutlri^ (he made up his mind to burn [the Pandavas]), R. 3, 4, 4 gfr trsr- ^irTsry' iTOl (both made speed to kill him). V) M. 1, 28 ch/ilu i ;ira'3aT (he has appointed to a task), Qak. I ITT oiych^fe mTTT tsRrsSr (v. a. he obliges her to wear a dress of bark), Kathas. 25, 123 13 jt^j jtcTOT CT3 FTOT Hmf^Hiri. FT^ (the king designated him to fight the athlete), ibid. 29, 29 a^j-frr reTfqTSoTTR^T (permission to go to you). — In the same way one says -rjfh WTTQrT: (he is appointed to the kingdom), qffTrir siimum <=tjt (she chose that man to be her husband), Pane. 162 ff tf i dj M ■sfrf Srhoi M (he anointed that [young man] heir- apparent) and the like. c) R. 3, 13, 20 iToTT^sraT; qfyr^nrr (you are able to guard), Pane. 156 g^p^rs a MtN tmrf -s^ich^ (he is not able to supply us with food), Mhbh. 1, 148, 3 ^rr^i T^T Mgtm^i (it is time, methinks, to run away). 147. IV. Nimittasaptami. As the locative often denotes VaZp- the spot, towards which there is some movement, so taml it may be used at a very large extent to signify the person or thing, towards which some action is directed, in other terms, that on account of which something is done. Speaking exactly , the dative-like locative, we have dealt with in the last two paragraphs, is but a conse- quence of this general faculty to denote that , about which one is engaged. Here are some examples of this idiom: Kac. on P. 2, 3, 36 ^firr sfffq^ ffrT d^tH^rr gnaji mm wrfi ff^r snfJT qfoftq-ich) grT: (the panter is killed on account of its skin, the elephant for its tusks , yaks for their tails and the musk-deer on account of its musk-gland), Kac. on P. 1, 3, 47 £% fddgk jht. 149. In general , the locative may denote a disposition p - 1 3 - Bvoei- towards somebody. Then it is synonymous with the prepos. K. srfr, as ~^rn sTiyTirrfj; or TTFrt" cdrr (n. n. is tionto- good for his mother). wards - Examples: Dae. 144 nfnP^J) gistn^ zrsrrf trf^qm (when I shall be returned, I shall deal wilh you as you deserve), Cak. I gjq- g-err g tjM^ l ffiilHm^i^iri i!W STTfT (how , can it be , that she feels towards me, as I towards her?), Pane. IV", 72 iqchil^ti n: snv: mw& 7WX sfit 5JUT'. i *m*ir{« W. smr H ^m{: Mfefr-^rf (if one is good for those , who have done well to him, what is his merit? only he is named § 149—152. 113 good by the virtuous, who does well to his enemies), Qak. IV HBT ^Pdun qfriR (be kind to your household). 150. Many locatives have the character of adverbs, as srrsj ^Tas ( in the be g innin g)> fl^r (secretly), ^j^, (apart), sfjj (at the head), adverbs etc., especially such as denote time or space '). Chapter IX. Periphrastic expression of case- relations. 151. The apparatus for periphrasing case-relations may be classed into three main categories, viz. 1. prepo- sitions, 2. noun-cases, 3. verbal forms. The boundary between the first class and the second is in some degree unsettled and floating; of the noun-cases concerned here a great deal, indeed — viz. such words as grprpir, ^ipr, ;kh, cnrfn, those in °rn etc. — are construed in the same way as the old and genuine prepositions, whereas others are always felt as nouns and construed accordingly — of the kind are pfq^ i, sTofnrT, srsffiT, %rft:, £,\\u\, qwj-, etc. The third class is made up of gerunds — as ^grpir, o mzw, 3^f^r, iivmT, jjgTT, srfycfTrip-, etc. — or participles in FT — viz. gar, ?i%t, ^FTi ffrr, JTrT and the like. 152. I. PREPOSITIONS S ). Sanskrit prepositions should rather be styled „post- 1) Mhbh. 1, 140, 49 the loc. OchfiS-M , it seems, does duty of an ad- verb :=r» singly, alone." The chacal has artfully removed his competitors, and now he eats up all the flesh, alone. Cp. Dutch: in zijn eentje. 2) Indian grammar, which does not possess, as we do, that hetero- 114 § 152—153. Prepo- positions ," as they are generally put behind the nouns , si ti ons. they are construed with, ^T being the one, that is always put before. As a rule , they are also allowed to be compounded with their nouns; in that case, the preposition is generally the former member'). 153. The archaic dialect used more prepositions and used them oftener, than the classic language does. The more we go back in time, the greater the number and the variety of idioms. So for instance, in the days of Panini some prepositions — g^y, srfiT, OTj 1> is equivalent to the simple locative of the noun, especially to the nimittasaptaml (147): ^fitf^ (with respect to women), afygpirPT (with respect to the deity), etc. Bern. In the older dialect g-fif is joined by loc, abl. and ace. With loc. it indicates the surface son," as in the old verse quoted by Pat. I, p. 4 u^j ^mtf&^cnftl snfEr (holy bliss is seated on their tongues). — With abl. it signifies the coming sfrom". — With ace. it is — sover, on [a surface];" so it is often met with in mantras, sometimes in the brahmanas. Qat. Br. 1, 1, 4, 3 ch&uiihrlH^f& 157. 6. aq- with ablat. is mentioned by Panini (1, 4, 88; 2, 1, 12; wt ' 2, 3, 10). The standing example of his commentators is wj H)irfe ft Erst jjH: (it has rained outside Trig.). No other instances are known. 158. 7. gfiT and 13. qfr, both with ace., are almost synonymous , cp. ^fir Greek xpCpi and nepi. They had of old the meaning » round, about," when in meta- phorical sense, also »concerning, on." In literature examples of qfr- are extremely rare, if they occur at all; it seems to have soon antiquated. Instances of ^fir are met with, especially in the archaic dialect. Kag. on P. 2, 1, 14 atiinfl r — or w^nfh [compound adverb] — srernT: hhPh (the fire-flies hover round the fire); Ch. Up. 4, 6, 1 ^fir ^HPT (about the evening); Kath. 1 10 JlriM^id^l trfirfiT (Q-. feels no anger against me). and 1) According to P. 1, 4, 98 in the case of gfysfr (to appoint over) it may be said optionally either 5W UTOfv ^l^mfd or S=r HHrMthfimfrl (he will put me over it). The Petrop. Diet. — I , p. 142 s. v. srfv 2) a) f3) — wrongly takes xrCT^for the word construed with gfy. It is not the ace. irrq^ but the locat. 3SiT, which stands in construction with the preposition, as is plainly shown by the meaning of the sentence. § 158—159. 117 Eem. 1. Panini (1, 4, 90) ') teaches a fourfold employment of qf^-: a.) it denotes a mark, 6.) it expresses a quality, c.) it sig- nifies that which falls to one's Bhare, d.) it is used in a distri. butive sense. The same is stated for ^ and qffr; also for gi^, save that it cannot be karmapravacantya in the case c). The 'gi Kacika illustrates this rule by these examples: a.) a% trfr - or qf^ or ig^r or =gfij - fg pJl H H fcRjH »the lightning flashes round the tree;" &■) HW ^d^rPl TTrrprfiT - or jrg or uft or crf^ - >M. is good for his mother;" d.) sw^trlM i u - or =g7j or q#r or qf^- - fc*d(d "he waters one tree after another," 2 ) whereas c.) g^=f rrf iff - or jrfn or -g^r . sirsT tQtiri l M ' »give me whatever be my share of it," but jt^t rrpTf Mmi H') here =gf£t is upasarga not karmapravacantya. In the dialect of the vaidik mantras, indeed, both afq- and qfr display this large sphere of employment , almost the same as that of qffr in classic Sanskrit, see 170. "With =g-f£r cp. the like use of Greek xfiCpl, Germ, urn, Dutch om. Eem. 2. To the obsolete g-pr and qfr classic Sanskrit has sub- stituted their derivatives =gf«TT: and qfrn:, which however are only used of space. See 186. Rem. 3. An ablative is taught with qff, when — sgr (157)- Then P. 2, 3, the prepos. should be put twice ; qfr qff Qih vjV 5TBt ijoT: In literature, p, g' ^ however, qfr with abl. is as little met with as =gtr , except the vaidik 5 - mantras, but there it has a larger employment, being = Lat. ex or at. 159. 9. 3tr is frequent in the vaidik mantras, afterwards rare. P. 1, 4, 87 "^' classes it among the karmapravacaniya , 1. to denote a » going beyond ," then it is construed with a locat. jg f5fdF cfmsrfqrrrJT^ (hy P- a . 3. a karshap. more than a nishka), 2. to denote inferiority, then it complies with the ace. sq STTcRTTCR" iWch 'rrjTT: 1) P. 1, 4, 90 cr(TdUlr^Hrll*pi| M^llial «HIH ufrHMtHoi: » » 91 igfirprrn. 2) When used in a distributive sense, a^T, sffir, qfr are rather to be considered adverbs; spa' d-trW-l (y^lfr) is literally rr:» he waters tree tree successively," similarly °qfr or °gfiT ftrain »he waters tree tree rounda- bout." Cp. such passages as R. 3,47, 10 iWMHiy \j^\: » he entreated [her] by [offering her] grants after grants" lit. grants grants successively. 118 § 159—162. Eem. 1. According to the commentaries on P. 2, 1, 6 sq, like =pjfij, expresses nearness, when compounded with its noun: .iucfcuiar (near the pot). So Daj. 99 3 i|ch^ichiin^ (near the zenana). Bern. 2. In the vaidik mantras -^q is construed with ace, loc, instr. and is expressive of nearness, Bgv. 1, 23, 17 grraf st srcf mfiraf srch H^- — With accus., I have met with this instance in epic poetry. E. 3, 37, 21 Marica dissuades the rapture of Sitk on ac_ count of the irresistible power of great Rama dfe ' -tUH^ fsr TTIT PR riit/HW diOrlM (if he will meet you [Ravana] in battle , then your life is on its end). 160. 11. f^rr; — in form and meaning = Lat. trans — does duty of '^V a prepos. in the archaic dialect of the brahmanas etc. It is found partly with ace. = ■» athwart, through, beyond," partly with abl. »beyond, out of reach of:" Qat. Br. 3, 3, 4, 6 f^r tbt g- gcTT JR- khtht: Cp. the ablat. with (HJ^AtH and other words of conceal- ing (97). 12. crn (beyond) with instrum., abl. or ace. is restricted to the vaidik mantras. 13. crfy see 158. 161. 14. crrr with ablative is a time-denoting prepos. of the archaic ST 1 ' and epic dialect. It means »before." Acv. Grhy. 1, 15, 1 qi Ml 1 - ^irinrT (before his being touched by others), Oh. Up. 2, 24, 3 trrr U l riK i dlchH?lM i ch) miri (before the beginning of the prataranuvaka). Cp. 175. Bern. Sometimes tjjj may have expressed separation. Egv. 8, 44, 30 tr^r .six jiy^wr: reF?rsTiTTqv : , Pane. 211 grafer =mfWlld*)M^ (I do not approve the skill of performing a representation, unless the connoisseurs be contented). 5T is often compounded with its noun into an avjayibhava. Dae. 175 ai<*>U. since." By this mistake it happened that qrrJH assumed even the character of a self-existent particle construed with ablative , by analogy of ;gTT«T and the like. Hence f. i. the compound d-^H* rfw » since his birth" (M. 8, 90) re- presents an older idiom than jr^T: mf?l- In such turns as H$JU* rfff (since then), ti^jui rfH (since when), ^rgirfff , the true nominal nature of nvrf^ is plain , and it is again a misunderstanding to write them as two words fj^j jjuIh etc. 171. [10] 3^T|T (above, over, on, upon) is the very op- posite of WV, see 163. As a rule, it is construed with preceding genitive ] ), unless it makes up the latter part of a compound: rT^TrTlT Or rl^4l^- Its employment is various , as it is used a.) of space , b.) of time »upon = immediately after," c.) of rank, d.) = »on, upon, about, concerning, with respect to ," then 3trfr is concurrent with gfn and with the nimittasaptami, e.) = jibefore, under the eyes of." Examples: a.) Kag. on P. 8, 1, 7 jgfr f^rrat ETC STmrfH (he carries a jar upon his head), Pane. 125 pjft 5r5T:>3T?ftafY irfwaRTtriHST, Kathas. 25, 228 g- ^n- rTsqT5?r ^mumiM- . • ■ grsrsftaij, Pane. 112 ^nrrawrf^ MH I H (moved by anger he made a bolt at him). — Metaphorically f, i. Pane. I, 166 jpgrHiyuf^" ^rn ^^lrf( l U ir Rlf*rycFT: etc. »the king lives on his dominions, physicians on the sick," R. 3, 54, 23 sfitut 1) So it is taught by Pacini, as must be inferred by comparing P. 2, 3, 30 with 5, 3, 27—34. § 171-172. 125 tfmiloii yyyTlqfr gyrf (the fresh anger grows over my forbearance, that is: goes beyond my forb.); 6,) Kag. on P. 3, 3, 9 sqf^ qgrferter mi RT^grn^tT ^ (if the teacher arrives after a moment) *); c.) Kathas. 6, 167 ftt ^ eT i Hl^Mf r chdotH (he honoured her above his queens); d.) Pane. 142 fa^fS?; ?r?rrm ^ storr ^srerreftaf^ (I have now taken a dislike to this country), Mudr. Ill, p. 105 -g^r i i dqfiiHm ■ef l UlchJ - srttrfr Q&w-idmrH (well, the king's attendance are not friendly disposed towards Canakya), Pane. 116 fiH ftst j- i j - Ti '- i fT fa-rim (what have you to care for me?), ibid. 26 q ^-flurr HsfRT: cFrari^r; e.) Pane. 266 mil i um ;rafrrf7 g r fi m i fa (I will kill myself before your eyes). Comp. 177. Bern. Occasionally ;jcrfT is construed with a locative. Kathas. 3, 58 3tnJrrf:tn- gr =sr 7Trftf?T&raitT. — "With ablative it is also some, times met with , as in the passage of TItpala , quoted by Keen in bis translation of Yaraham. Brh. I, p. 7, which has been adduced 73 E. 3 2 ). Even the aceus. with 3trfr is not forbidden. Pan. 8, 1, 7 teaches jqfr, nfy and g-y; being put twice , when denoting a close nearness , as jwrfr jjiqi-i i sjwrfy m * W ; here the accus. is standing (see the karika quoted by Kag. on P. 2, 3, 2). Qigup. 1, 4 ^cTPTylr ~svt fi?r: qiforpr, Mhbh. 1, 120, 9 swrij irs^tf: SM{Vd*^ 3 )- 172. a q fT fe iH) a derivate of sqfr, is construed, when prepos., with 1) In full, the example given by the Kaijika, is 3& AJ^rf fd^M (^ JJgHW etc. In the bad excerpt of the Calcutta edition of Panini these words have been mutilated into M^HIiJ* KjfSfT (before the victim they bear a blazing stick) ; Pane. 286 frorr 5JT PRm ^ [sc ggHcilPi ] (he cast the young shoots down be- fore her). — As to their application to time see 178. 177. They are also often used to denote „in the presence of, under the eyes of = Lat. coram. In the same way 128 § 177. FFHsFT and 3Hlr<1*1. Moreover words , meaning „in the vicinity of as F1M4T etc. Note the frequent employment of this turn with verbs of saying , telling , promising , even with those of going , bringing , appearing und the like. It is virtually the same tosayrlWra"— rTFT^TT:, ST^fft etc. iwJj ■s^Trrf Q^IUJH; Nala 1, 15 ;rerr: SP?fo ?T ^5f JTWi: iWrer "Epftir g ^-dTgrntp: ", Kathas. 25, 211 ^riiR-diii Sotzi h i Mrl ': TT".- • • • *&n (I myself have promised so to the king). Pane. 277 q^r 7T5TT3T ^trTT (the basket was brought to the king), Mahav. I, p. 18 ^tjtu^t ) of cncF and tJEPJ. Qak. V y|J|^rlf|TdiNHIrtemiJnUdlHM-'tlQvil'. TpTfTT >3tfT MlNU Prf *) Ragh. 12, 35 gfi ti i ^HlfMoH (before approaching). 179. [16] £7lcT with accusative is, relatively speaking, the most common among the so called prepositions. It generally denotes the direction towards, and for this reason it often is a concurrent idiom of the sole accusative , dative and locative. It is used d) with words of movement to signify the „ whither,' 1 b) in such turns , as speaking to , bowing to , striving to , love — , hatred — , anger to and the like, c) like the nimittasaptaml (147) to express „with respect to, on account of, concerning, about, on", «?)=„about," to denote nearness in space or time, e) it has a distributive sense, in what case one is wont to compound MIrl with its noun , as STtET^T (every day). As a rule, CTTrT is put behind its noun, at least in prose. Examples: a) Pane. 42 jt^ rfn uftw (he set out homeward), Dag. 30 jpE^fcra^sr crf^; — methaphor. R. 2, 107, 11 iniFr htsHTT^r 1) Note the ablative with ^?h M. 3, 114 =ffiHf&WTt W {toMMlsiUrT^he must entertain them even before his guests" [Kulluka g , fHf£jwfl'>s£r qsPT- 9 130 § 179—180. [gri,g(H (by Gaya, as he directed his worship to the pitaras). b). Pane. 159 irfqm jett tjfn mr; — B- 2, 52, 79 =^f rrf ?Tf jftrRrr sjumrfjld WcTS:', — Mudr. I, p. 22 rnptrf gin an: ; — £ak. HI ^oi^gi- wistrar ft =r jtt uriiHs*Tlur. ; — Q&k- "VII g^wgTffxrf ofh =r rorcrr *rt: ^ttzt: ; — B- 3) 54, 23 sr^^r Erfrr; — yakl^^jryctiPf^fer^Di^iij^qi^. c.) M. 8, 245 ^faf trfrr WtT fmn^SRT^H sr^TTPRJH^ (what other relief is there for me, except beholding my sweetheart?); — 2. — by default of. E. 2, 66, 27 jrh ft qsrr^ 5^f ^^ rrr qiRioiynm- r 184. [19J Of ^ »with" and its synonyms fT^R, W$% its^syno- ^T^T a full account bas been given in the chapter on nyms. ^e instrumental (58). Mostly they precede the instru- mental , they are complying with , but they may also be put behind or be separated from it by one or more § 184—185. 133 interjacent words ')• As they are , when without noun- case, adverbs meaning „ together ," it is , exactly speaking, a pleonasm to put them to the instrumental, as the notion of concomitancy is already carried by that case. Eem. Occasionally ^- with instr. may even be expressive of the instrument. Kathas. 37, 62 EHoTRFqrfrf i^ct (after having in- flamed the fire by combustibles). This idiom , though not of frequent occurrence in literature, must be very old, as it is met already in the Ath. Veda, see f. i. 8, 1, 11 f^^di m yrfrsrarTT ^ (lest the Celestial burn thee with his lightning). 185. Compounding ti«£ with its noun is allowed. Yet in p - 6.3, STf Q and ^__^ 82 ' g.o in com . most cases to W mitted as equally good as q^ok'Hm and the rest. But ?r° — not ^° — is required a) in all compound adverbs, not expressive of time , therefore exclusively in such terms as mltm (with anger) , srsr^TFPT (respectfully), Dae. 84 qgks^ gsfe swtw — P 6 3 sTPTWTrT ( ne addressed me in a manner adapted to his shame, to his 7*8.81' joy and to his excitement) and so often; — b) in some special phrases, as sre^ff ?d)fH&|JT5?iH — not H<*sH — , ars;: UddJ^-:> an d the like. Eem. 2. etyiT and grpcr are seldom compounded with their noun. 1) So f. i. Dae. 156 ^ (iigrtJ ^IsidWJUl, Ait. Br. 1, 13, 18 "h"^3h m^ih-m^Fh , B. 2, 95*, 29 fiTfr-trarr Rwi*ter ^, etc. on P. 134 § 185—188. If this be the case, they make up the latter member. Pane. 276 sncRmsr =et sfTfltnV itf&m m (with these very words the wife of the brahman was restored to life). 186. Finally we must mention some prepositions , not spoken i-sptot, of in the foregoing, viz. 1 st flW and FRPTT, both = a^^. „near, about," 2fr STRrTs ^FT:, ^oFr:, flFFrHT: (round, about, on all sides), 3H^rT! (on both sides). All y '" of them agree with the accusative. Examples: 1. Dae. 146 ^ttot snvftf^r- • • . EratpTpnsRWreraJTj 2. KatMs. 33, 113 ^fiirr: $rz mmRrji ; R. 2, 103, 21 g^rr g^i - rafT roW^wRrTl asr; Kathas. 18, 5 ft ftnMH i (I have come to you for friendship) ; — samipa : Hit. 22 g^- gqfa- gtm^rft', Pane. 178 ijErCsfq- grsr^ Ri^ I ^m41m rr?r:; — p&rgva: Pane. 257 oiw^uiaswiWHj ibid. 55 iTnoii^i^iyui: ^RrsrrPTT»si*HH; — samnidhi: Dag. 133 mzvi vfi i^T fori": tfq-WWr; — nikata: Kathas. 24, 66 STT^Tttf rf foi^Ksii^ • • . g ^rir4ch£ rT3T (then he allowed that brahman to go to his daughter), Bhojapr. 60 ^ Mpch^ :ffrri; — abhyarna: Dag. 36 oiRdi...- J-lfo-lrUumfHfiU l il&i (conducted the woman to my father and — ); — upakantha: Dag. 39 Hd.MchU 6TTOT- This list may easily be enlarged. Prom the archaic dialect I add an instance of >m being equivalent with tnw- Ch. Up. 5, 3, 4 ^ fTWT: -fiH^- Wdjlii (he went sorrowful to his father). 2. moving from a person. Ablat. of the periphrasing noun. — Kathas. 10, 26 tsfcyc. ^ ^fjrt^ryHiMl^qiy^ (Qrid. with his friends withdrew from him), Eagh. 5, 24 pft : Hch i m i ^am cjrm i tttTi (gone from Eaghu , without having obtained his desire), Mrcch. X, p. 375 ^prtarrnw -di^-riMiyoifri. 3. Staying near. Locat. of the periphrasing noun. — Agv. G-rhy. 1, 18, 7 feirdi^.srwMitiMcfcnsr ett^ OM.yH , Pane. 277 <*M) *■ ova ^ ^ 5T Hr i 41^fM 3irrt qTslfo (forsooth , if compared to the foresaid bulk of good works, this second bulk of good works is not equal to the hundredth part of it). 190. In the same way the loc, ace. and abl. of %lt1^> \ RW, sim. may periphrase the being or the getting „ within," the moving »from within." § 190—193. 137 a.) being within. Pane. 259 srfifr M^J-H( s^^ ibid - 67 fTO*r air+H '. trffir&rsf 5JST ; — b.) getting within. Pane. 246 a i tfJU i Hl^H - aMMrtil-d : (he disappeared in a crowd of brahmans) ; ibid. 39 r^ff q&iw ^ u^VaUiv , — c.) coming from within. Pane. 38 Hfhfd^ l 3r5iT- ,H(irii Traf =7 Kr^rfpr (never at day nor at night he draws the money out of his belt), ibid. 70 ftft: h Raiser ^rqyrr^ ftrnuTFrfV ^t^: *h^[? °^> "^ sim - Wnen translating such tatpurushas, the loca- these latter members must generally be rendered by tive. u " prepositions: in, upon, over etc. Pat. 1, 123 w: ?r *iichini4Jti ftsrtrT ^5f friWh^tri ^Tonnorf^iH (that smoke being in the atmo- sphere , it does not go athwart , if the air be calm , nor falls down), Dae. 169 (waafi w (shSHWM tr^n^Tifffa (he saw somebody moving on the earth). Eem. Likewise fom may periphrase the metaphorical sense of the locative, as Bhag. Pur. 1, 4, 13 irt pat fmh orrai 5jTrTC (I think you are accomplished in grammar), Pane. 173 inidNir ^rmT roTT (you seem to me a thoughtless fool, that you desire to give up much for a trifle) ; Malat. IV, p. 65 diQrH I UM l: = ^fir- rT3TTiUT*T- — Note graT ^rff: (why?), chmipj %rfl": (for some motive) and the like. 1) It is not quite plain, how Panini did account for ^fTh. Yet, his commentators and followers consider it a genitive , and it is very likely , he has thought so himself. At least, we may draw the inference. After having taught in his sutra 2, 3, 26 etOT ^HHuW, that is »the genitive is required [instead of the instrum. of causality] when employing ^fT", he adds this clause (s. 27) gsprfa'xfiTtaT ^ »but in the case of a pronoun of the class sarva etc., either the gen. or the instrum." With the said pronouns it is therefore allowed to use two idioms promiscuously — f. i. 57HT ^TTt: and $FT ^FRT — . but for the rest the only idiom available is that, which is exemplified by q^yyj %rft:. Now, as efpt and ^H^T are both instrumentals , it is but consistent that of cfrar ^FTfi, the parallel i:liom , both elements are meant as genitives. Then , of course qrisrer §rrff: must also be considered as genitives both. The very words of Panini do not admit of another interpretation. § 193. 139 3. a.) =g^ir. — Pane. 169 jre?TTef ritoi g[y)H^ddl nf; (he is gone to the same bank for water) , ibid. 212 s^ch i fa tft oreraavnf crafwr: ( — set out in order to kill the crows), Mrcch. Ill, p. 116 q^fSrerrcrr ftwriumief oiy-dMHTJT^; JT^rft, E. 3, 35, 34 ^Tr m-m-miT ^ctii^ ifS^ (he made up his mind to fetch the amrta). It is plain, that g^ir is in all such phrases the equivalent of a final dative. Cp. 87. &•) mm. — Mhbh. 1, 144, 17 q- i i ^^i-d iifaft7l yM^ai^l rTHT , Mhbh. 12, 342, 23 sr^rrirsrerrf^fw f| nwTT^SJTOiTTfo^: m<7T: (it is because of his adultery with Ahalya, that Indra got a reddish But however great the authority of Panini may be, as it is, when he states facts and describes phenomena , there is no plausible reason to follow it, where his explication of them is wrong. To him, who did not know but one language, ^fTT: could appear as a genitive, but for us, who have the opportunity of comparing similar idioms in different languages , f. ex. Latin causa and gratia , English because of, it is impossible not to take ^fff: for an ablative of causality. By doing so we account for the idiom in question in a quite satisfactory manner. Therefore 3TSJT E[rff : is to be compared with Latin cujus rei causa , not with qua de causa, the Sanskrit equivalent of which is ^WTSrTT:. chM-HArft : reminds me of the vartt. on P. 2, 3, 27 f^fM-a*il UlSrltsr ^d faf u i ^l^UH^ - This precept is strictly true by itself — the word irrjr shows sufficiently that it must not be urged too much — but it cannot be Baid with some reason , Panini has left out this rule , as he did not want to enjoin it at all. 140 § 193—195. beard from the side of Gautama) ; — E. 2, 90, 12 f^rpr: ulRiHTM fq^THT (he , being enjoined by his father because of a woman — ); — Nala 4, 4 [Sim-iPTi jt^ ^nuiitfi rer FTcT ch l ^UHH^ (for you I will take poison etc.) 194. The foresaid apparatus for expressing the purpose, the aim, the motive, the sake, though the most common, is not the sole, *&, J^FTfT, <+il(UI, ^FT, %T etc. serving also for this purpose, when being part of a bahuvrihi. Dag. 75 f. i. ' IdWJ^tfrjgi : chW i sfofl ^TTg>W(5#ftrT (from astonishment and joy people burst out into clamour). A fair sample of manifoldness of expression we have in these lines from the Ramayana ■A\[ii{ IsUfewmfll ^ ST^T: SWislriol: (2, 23, 31), in each pdda a different way has been followed to signify the aim. In the first =gq- is the latter member of a bahuvrihi, in the fourth ^rT, in the second the dative of the aim has been used, and the third has periphrase by means of wfer- Cp. R. 3, 43, 17; Nala 14, 19. Rem. It is plain that datives as Tsvrfa, fifi-am , ^rfir "will signify but the purpose or aim, whereas ablatives as chu UI I H , instrumental as fSrftw^, compounds in VsT are only expressive of the cause. But in some of the foresaid implements for periphrase, as ^£t, WTT, PiPmh i %rft": > the contrast, which does logically exist between the conceptions »aim" and » cause" is not to be found. Strictly speak- ing, they are standing on the neuter territory of the »motive" which partakes of both. See the examples given. 195. The cause — either material or efficient — is moreover ^J^ often periphrased by G^ITrT (or cRfa) liter. „by the ^^ rule of" and sMIrj^ (or V 7TiPlT; (Yaug. made himself invisible by sorcery). 196. The agent, instrument, means may be periphrased by Peri- —n -Nf * phrase such words as ^^"^ and ^^"^ ZZL or WH, ST^FTTfT (by mouth of), ^ff^T or ?ftJn?T (by exercising, practising), ^FTfTT^IJT (agreeably to), sim. Prabodh. II, p. 35 pr [sc. ^iaf*mj =cr fwnffqRi&y^ i} m I fi%j)<* sr^ri'- 3ia h-jIM ( an( l ^ e nas spread his doctrine by his disciples and the disciples of them); Pane. 239 tuchinmiif in UM I H (he went off through the sky); Mrcch. VIII, p. 255 trfir q^HM{"4(H T m i fUj^ra-Ti" qiorsrT- sr: (but if we entered the city of U. by following the line of groves); Pane. 56 g- ^TsTT ^spta^rc at pta^jsTTET ; Qak. II ^grra^TTs;- zmft ar: trrai; Mfad l fd (he too [the king] earns tapas day after day by his giving protection); Pane. 126 oRtfq 1 f&irt q ^ifa^ T^ri" qoRRr- J | Tm =anTT ofaa ( — but because of deeds , done in a former existence he was a thief) ; Bhojapr. 3 oi^jfl) to|iiril-Hru) m (I speak according to my opinion). III. PERIPHRASE BY MEANS OF PARTICIPLES , GERUNDS AND THE LIKE. o 197. Some participles in n may serve the want of peri- phrase , as : iTrr 1. TTfT, often used as an equivalent of the locative, as it may be rendered by into , to , towards. Pane. 155 -Errajfrf- sana snar (it has come into our hand), Malav. I, p. 12 nsrrarTaT fa^fa (she stands at the window), M. 2, 218 n^nat firat sran^~fijn-=$(d , here rmTaT faraT = rr^T ferT »the wisdom which dwells in his teacher." Pane. 272 a lion takes up the helpless young of a chacal holding it between his teeth ^majxta ^jretT = 5T?FT«I ^foTT- Like- wise E. 3, 46, 6 sP wiHilHI 5^TT: = sMtm M ?Fa> S^m » tlle trees in J* 11 -" 142 § 197—199. Examples of jttT, periphrasing the nimittasaptamf (147). E. 3, 43, 48 ^m vfwm Ht^lT irn?5rf% nnt ?i|R (Laxmana , look how fond Sita is of the skin of the antelope), Qak. I g \jli i H [5>nfq q^i q-; (I will ask something concerning your friend). Eem. Occasionally ^ffsffr, ^ifjjrt and the like are used in this manner. See f. i. E. 3, 11, 65 and 3, 54, 26. 198. 2. Such as are expressive of concomitance or the con- ticipie 8 = trary of it, as STt^rT, Mrti, when = „with," ( I«£f1> -with" and ° ^ .without." tf*\r\ } when = „ without." It is a matter of course, that we have the right of speaking of them as periphrasing case-relations only in such cases, as where the original and proper meaning of these participles has faded away in so far as not to admit of their being translated by English participles. With them may be remembered the adjective wuv, which is often almost equivalent to our »with," as Pane. 62 =gfer. ... m fd ^ji E WrfdtrRHm H^: (a lake with much water). Eem. To them we may add scfa, tim i d , fan^ l fi^ip| sm^. § 200-202. 143 200 . A similar periphrase is exhibited by the gerund S^f^T* "^ as it is expressive of the aim the action is pointing at. Therefore 3|t^«T may serve almost the same purpose as £TrrT, and is available as well in figurative as in literal sense. So Pane. 210 ^rn^^m W expressing concomitancy, as ^TT^FT and TT^IPtr, when = „with;" 2. such as are expressive of separation, as HcW, qTsTTMpII, ^Tl^tM?^ sim., as they are = „ save, except, but for;" 3. such as serve to denote the instrument, means, manner, in short, to periphrase the third case, as *JIHJN, sifter, STAFFS*?, SrfeFT; 4. |g|«^IM and ^TrTTRr when — Lat. prae „in prefe- rence to;" 5. STTpO" „since." mZTV, Examples : of 1. — Qak. Ill rtrT; yfemiR *!MMl l j)fd l- (enters a sacrificer's disciple with kugagrass) ; Pane. 173 Q-ai-i i ^m MUm i H : (he came with money); E. 3, 24, 12 nftrofT 5t3# JT^T- m suu (retire with Sita into a cavern). — They are especially of use to point out the attributes or tools one takes along. Pane. Ill, 143 q- [tj-picJT:] tr%J{*MIi I h(Rh (there is no other path , f^roTT, IT- VtWfi dut y)i R - *> 67 > 19 R3T srg. UrtthiyTi^ch ; (Mount Citrakuta has even more roots , fruits and water than the land of the Hyperboreans), of 5: have been given already 170. Bern. This list is not complete. It may happen that some more gerunds are occasionally to be rendered by English prepositions M-ll "in spite of," ixsrgwr may be — Lat. ob, as E. 3, 18, 15 where etc. Qurpanakha, speaks so to Eama rrri forget araf m^rfesrswr =T T? Fof 5T¥ H*UH (it is for that old and ugly wife you do not esteem me), etc. 203. In determining the site of some locality gerunds are often used, which admit of being rendered by prepositions. E. 2, 80, 21 jTTsjht FT suttctto [ ^sWli i;] (the highway is along the Ganges). Kagika on P. 3, 4, 20 l ) gives these instances : ^htgt R^J qsffT. fw- FT: i afdshitl ft M| » woman," and the like. 2) Whitney Sanskrit Grammar § 1310 calls them » prepositional com- pounds.'' § 204-206. 147 this fourth class coincides with the avyaylbhava of vernacular grammar x ). 1. DVANDVA. 205. The dvandva serves to express concatenation and Dvandva. action. Two or more nouns linked to another by „and 11 may be united into a dvandva. So instead of saying ^FTt ^cT^UT^ we may use the dvandva ^T*Tc) some others as noTTCEmj 3^=P3J UoMiUM^, <^W< I- p. 2,4,11. •nj. — Dvandvas of contrasting qualities or things are optionally put in the singular or in the dual, as snsr: HlRlH : »a barber of a bad temper." See P. 2, 1, 54. 213. ^ e w iN insist on some species: a.) such as are made up of a title -|_ the noun of its bearer, § 213. 153 as tJUHimsRT: (Sir Canakya), 5mTf^T?W: (Minister Raxasa). So Utt. II, p. 30 ^ i ^-^u r; (Prince L.) , Malav. I, p. 24 q lTUHchiRlchi ^ HBTift (yon are the learned Kaugiki, are not youP), Mrcch. Ill, p. 115 ^ f^ iirii i chm^pchi^chi^Hlriail^ , but some lines after (p. 116) we read in inverse order ii^pchuifu i chi q 1 , cp. Pane. 59 sara^T fHEnprTTIrTCWTonir ^rsr Wl&t R^HI:, here the proper noun [g&m is followed, not preceded by its epithet. In some cases the latter idiom seems to be the regular one , as Q^i-cM i (Mount Vindhya). 6.) those ending in °j^, the former part being a subst., as ^rtsPT:, ^l^rjsM:, iUsM:- Here jitt has sometimes the power of a collective , sometimes it denotes the individual (19 E), Wrt?R: may be — » womankind," » women" or even one » woman," and so on; c.) the type ^ffwrcTi' (half a pepper). It is not allowed to say p 2 2 ("}<-q etc - when denoting: the fore-part, the part behind, the lower- and upper part. Therefore it is said lochia ; ( tne f° re- part of the body), crafe: (fore-noon), aqii i bf : (the latter part of the night), j-am^- q^ (head), qvg^; t a l (the fore-night), and the like. So jts*t in rp^-r^: = TOTm^ We have here the same adjectival conception as in Latin summus mons , media urbs , Greek fiery vj wohit; etc. Rem. 1. -g-y-, like our »half," is also compounded with a par- ticiple or some other adjective, as gyffTTr; srcf: (the sun, half-risen), Pane. 9 ^WhllirTl dJ^U: 5W.. Rem. 2. As to compounds, commencing by ft^rter, fTtThr, ! sirra : p - 2 > 2 > 3 - or ftji, when — »half, the third — , fourth part," one may say as well fi^Tfaft'Srr as prgTfefferiT (half an alms) and the like. The same may be stated of =srjr (top, edge, extremity), as it is said as well mx^m (the edge of a nail) as 7mm (see Petr. Diet. s. v. and the passages adduced there s. v. =m). 1) But it is allowed to say fqur«SJV: (a portion of a pepper). Pat. I, 407 states gv to be a neuter, when meaning »half," but a masculine, when = s> portion, part:" 5WtriaWTn' HCuHchf^T^t •SBTtHdol l^i" vfmj: 154 § 214—215. 214. A proper species of tatpurushas is made up by those, poundT in whose latter member is a verbal noun , the noun predicate "Wand of which is signified by the former member. The com- the like, the . .__ former monest instances of the kind are adjectives in *in (being, member of ^^ wHch is a making up, behaving as). Pat. I, 39 jpmmjrr a mi J : (the teacher, pre ica e. ^^ j g rflje p u pjl' s ] authority), Dae. 176 rim i ^WJ^l^JUHjrl l (I am an example thereof), M. 1, 5 a i Mlf^ rPftWTT- Moreover there is a class of much used compound verbs , whose former part is a noun , whereas the latter is the verb ^r or it: they carry the conception of something transformed from one state into another. They will be dealt with when treating of the Syntax of the Verb; see 308. Among other similar tatpurushas we notice a.) those ending in P- 2, 1, 59 ^ with Race's 3ST, H4iyirl', *trj, WHptlTrT, ^T 6*C. DaQ. 61 g- =g. fli-sJIMcMsHiT- comm. sJtrH^HyHlWlHKJmfHmiiifM^icr: (he , being passionately in love with Ambalika surnamed: the jewel of womankind); 6.) those in "era- having but the name of) and "rrrf^T and °tr^r (thinking one's p - 3 > 2 - 83 - self — ), as gi i ^migioi : »one who claims himself a brahman" [on ac- count of his birth, but who does not behave as such], qiTijHHl41 (wise in one's own opinion), Atharvav. 15, 13, 6 tld l rJl -s dlrtlsl cP) K. 3, 21, 17 sj^ih) q- srp?TJT, Dae. 99 srht^j: 1 ). Kem. Somewhat different is the nature of those, the former part of which is not the predicate, but the predicate's attribute, as s xi-ium and gorrrijrjrjr given as examples by the comm. of vartt. 3 on P. 3, 2, 15 and qg^rr (going at the head) see P. 3, 2, 19. 215. Among such tatpurushas as are made up of a noun- rasha^on- case + the noun qualified by it , by far the most common noun-case are those , whose former part is to be periphrased by + no,in - a genitive, as (TsFJ^T: = {RT? V$W<, STf^ = 1) With them may in some degree be compared such tatpurushas as Kathas. 9, 48 jr ilHtmu- qT (holding [her] for a piece of raw flesh), Hit. 93 ajlU'sltiWrr (taking [him] for a tiger). Here the former member is the predicative object of the verbal noun , which is the latter member". § 215-216. 155 STTO^: or Sift: or ST^pTT 1 ?. As this type is met with on every page , it is useless to quote instances from litera- ture. Another frequent type is that,represented by STf^rT: - ^I^TT ^fl'. Pane. 118 tt^hiwtUH: = ^JFRTjfTTiT:, ibid. V, 93 F^KU^ ( seized by the prince of giants), Bhojapr. 7 ^.sft For the rest , any noun-case may become the former part of a tatpurusha, as RTflRi^mir! = TO ^TO"! (happy for a month), TTFHFTOT = *rRT or TO: HT5T.' (resembling his mother), ^T^T = ^qW ^ (wood for a sacrificial stake),- gT^ER" = ^"^TTrT or 5T%2ifft H^R (fear of a wolf or of wolves), TOVfit||<=h} = ^TT^lf QT37! (cooking in a pot). 216. Yet, there are some restrictions. For this reason, Panini when treating of compounds made up of a noun-case -|_ noun, gives a detailed account of them. The summary of which runs in this way: The former j. As a rule , any genitive may be compounded (shashtMsam- p - 3 > 2 > 8 - a genitive. Asa). Some cases are excepted. Among others it is not allowed to use compounds, made up of a genitive -|- a participle or a ge. p - z > 2 > 11 - rund or a krtya or an infinitive, nor those consisting of a geni- tive -|- comparative or superlative or ordinal noun of number, nor such as where a genitive is compounded with some noun in °jt or Vgi. Therefore, such phrases as ^nmimi STTrFr: O^ 6 mos t heroic F- 2, 2, 15. of men), ^rarrnt T^T: (the fifth of the disciples), =g-qf 5TCT (the creator of the waters), sii^uiyj cRobr_ or ^ar or ch(uT)w _ or cRm (doing etc. for the benefit of a brahman) are unfit for compound, ing. Partitive genitives are likewise excluded, nor is the dative- like genitive (129),it seems, as a rule, fit for being compounded. — 156 § 216. As little, so we learn from Panini's commentators i) an objective genitive in such cases, as f^-fi^rr ST3W srfff: mRnR'Hi , here it is not allowed to say ^chfd : M l fu i fi-ll ) since both the subject and the object of the action conveyed by the noun &$&; are expressed , for nothing impedes using the compound tMch ' Iri i = Maui' g?fff: , if the agent is not expressed. 2 ). 1) See Kac. on P. 2, 2, 14; Pat. I, p. 415, vartt. 6. Pat. himself rejects the interpretation given there. 2) The shashthisamasa is treated by Panini in the second adhyaya of his 2d book (2,2,8 — 17), some statements are also scattered in the third book, see f. i. 3,3,116. Additions ad corrections on them are of course made in the commentaries. But now and then the cavillations of the commentators have rather obscured the good understanding of some roles. So the Kacika. is wrong loosening sutra 2, 2, 14 from its adhikara SR and interpreting this rule — chHlui ^ — as if it taught something con- cerning the objective genitive. Now, as the sutra could in no way be explained so as to contain a prohibition of compounding any objective genitive whatever, as such compounds are very common indeed , the Kacika, was obliged to add a clause of its own JOTTOTCTr *i|liTlfd 6) Will jfn 1 il^l!IJ-r> which statement certainly will be correct by itself, but not the smallest trace of which is to be found in Panini. In fact , Panini has here not thought of an objective genitive. When reading the sutras 12, 13, 14 at a stretch and without prejudice , one sees plainly that giTrf&T of 14 qua- lifies 3kT of 12. Sutra 14 prohibits compounding a genitive-\- a participle in °fT with passive meaning. It is not allowed to say FreafuidM instead of (TOT ^RntH (shown to him), whereas Panini allows it, when representing Jr^T S^SHW (shown by him), cp. 2, 1, 32. The following sutras 15 and 16 — fjsrarrurt *rli^ ichrlfi ^ — afford a fair sample of absurd hairsplitting. In s. 15 Panini had given a rule about the words in °rT and °jgeFT when denoting the agent; with them a genitive cannot be compounded , save the few instances mentioned 2, 2, 9. Accordingly it is prohibited by Panini to say asTHrrf instead of dsUjU Mrrf (bearer of the thunderbolt) or Wt^RTra'^f: instead of tTl^yi k(lrMlg( l ^rp^T: = dlrtllRni H^Vyi^i H^l:. Kumaras. 3, 12 HMlcJlyM^f^ (men, great by their heroic penance). — Of the same kind are the com- pounds, made up of inslram. _[_ a{H^ (75 B. 1), as Pane. 10 fg? 1) In Panini's text UdMriHI'HHl'-ll^ ^T * a °f course to be construed with each of the members: qsrfer> HJpWj WlFT, p. 2, 1, 45. as Hich i aufcl-& (prepared in Sankacya), a i HUmfch (dried in the sun), ilctfgrchH ' (done in the forenoon); c) in some standing phrases and proverbial locutions, see P. 2, 1,42— 44;46_48. 217. This list of possible kinds of tatpurushas, made up of noun- 1) These compounds are not frequent -y^rny: (P. 2, 1, 38). 160 §. 217. additions case -|- noun, is however not complete, as will soon appear, if of P&nini 01le undertakes to systematize the tatpurushas occurring in fact there- j n gome literary work. 1 ) So, among others, Panini does not men- tion the abl. of comparison, compounded with sr^r and SfTT? the instrumental _j_ words expressive of plenty ; the accus. with the par- ticipial adjectives in °3. Then , many more participles , whose former part is some noun-case, are in common use, though not neces- sarily , if at all , implied by the foresaid rules. 1. abl. of comparison _J_ j^th, especially, if the former part be a pronoun , as Hit. 30 n sr ^JV WIT ar: STbtsttoht: , Pane. I, 12 trade is said to be the best means for making money, FT57JT: [se. scrrg".] sfsraTjqoR': (any other but this is dangerous). 2. abl. of compar. _J_ rprr. Such compounds are an elegant paraphrase , while calling something : the contrary of its opposite. So ^Rhui rT^ = flog »left," ^g<^ri( OTTO: (a difficult expedient), Dag. 175 ftot ^loioiM T ^.tWc^ i rU yy'fcf (he bore his newly married wife a heavy grudge). 3. instrum. _|_ word expressive of plenty. Of the kind are those in "wkzi, "JTrTf, "OTTSFtfT etc, Pane. 319 srorfcra^sir Jro, ibid. 7 ■Rnp£rr^PTToR5T5 , feiTci^r- 4. accus. _j- adjective in "3 derived of a desiderative. Pane. 3 nr^wfe^:, M. 7, 197 zpjrT smHiy^nirh. 5. Instances of noun-cases _|_ participles are manifold and often met with. First, such as where the former part represents a socia- tive instrumental, as Pane. I, 164 q'm-ujudii ; HcUM :, ibid. I, 229 nwf q^wirl T (a wife, who hold 3 illicit intercourse with another). — Then, such as are expressive of separation (62). Pane. 1, 35 yonQoiPsfdi (abstaining from attendance), ibid. p. 1 q=rr fadchif^Hl : (sons, deprived of discernment), ibid. I, 189 «J*Mp=mM4|^ (when being in distress, a king 1) It would be indeed an interesting subject-matter for investigation to compare on a large scale these statements of Panini with the facts offered us by the extant Sanskrit literature. § 217. 161 is always the prey of his ministers), ibid. I, 104 qfiggn' r r foUdlfi firrsTT, Kathas. 42, 149 srg&rfrftT: (fallen at their feet). — Or the former member is a dative or loc. of purpose: Pane. I, 125 Tm- SrrwtarTT ^r: (Vrtra, striving for obtaining the royalty); an accu- sative: ibid. p. 37 ^dioichi-ijrh : (attached to S.); an abl. of origin: ibid. p. 2 cftgrmMHHI (of one born from a respectable family) ; a loc. of reference: ibid. I, 15 iftf§g^teraw;. And so on. 6. As to the compound adjectives , they may generally be said to be comprised by the rules of Panini , as their former part is a genitive or may be accepted as such. Among them are to be noticed jrtrcr, UPVSS, sfitrT, SCW, those of skill and ability as ferariT, srfi^r, chlfelH j then such as ^pr, rjif (cp. 216, III V). Pane. 17 pirr ifjrpriWT- sifternT ffcrT&mWr Ruljwtri, ibid. 21 f^t =et sisst^^ut h^isw iit MIBJM^ (his strength will be in proportion to his voice), ibid. 27 i-ldl-cM-m^saa') ibid. 13 ^tjt| ^oTFrPra':. Even indubitable dative- like genitives are compounded with the adjectives, which they qualify. Pane. p. 1 jy^ m^grr^ lbt^HlorTlbfri (as the king understood they were averse to the gastras — ). Pane. p. 1 affords even this instance of a tatpur., made up of a dat. of interest -)- subst., when calling some king «H*cdir5*Qrqd^: (v. a. a blessing for all the in- digent). 7. Compounds made up of a genitive -|- agent in °n, though explicitly interdicted by Panini, are in fact met with. Fane. I, 2 ^•sih HU!tiiifeich(W:i ibid. p. 7 jtw raijra-w) i idifcul fwrl" (two splen- did bulls drew his chariot). 8. Finally we may set up a category apart for such tatpu- rushas , the former part of which is a noun-case , doing more or less duty of an adverb. Pane. 21 tj sr#r teiifiH i q a i mPa rt arc RfiJi'T, here ugmi PdH = qgyfTfrTiT »acquired before," Kathas. 29, 82 ann^qrirerorfg^ a ^ in (— is deceived by words falsely kind), Pane. 63 |r^wnsr: (a friendly discourse), Mhbh. 1, 152, 34 otott:=R ^TH^..-. q siHrf&5Hrrfir (I will not awake my brothers who are sleeping quietly in the forest), Kathas. 42, 149 qzrraTf^rflTr: (embraced by turns). In all but the first of these examples the former part is an ittstrumentalis modi, used almost as an adverb (77). Cp. the following paragraph. 11 162 § 218—219. 218. The former part of a tatpurusha may also be anad- mtmbeTh ver b or a particle. Pane. 59 qn^M ; (the matter of late), Kathas. an adverb g 165 MfriblMfdMHl^i : (flags, waving from every house), ibid. 25, 29 or a par- N tide. m [viz. tr^t] ^ it -sawnPrraTT (and I have to go from necessity to that town) , Kumaras. 3, 4 f^rTT^rT^TTOT'ftPT: (by very long penance). Among the particles several are noticed by Panini, viz. sg^ir [2, 1, 25], mfh [ibid. 27], the negation *" [2, 2, 6], ^T [2, 2, 7]^ fqirr [2, 1, 64], gi, the particles styled »gati" and such particles as q-, naijWt when meaning »a little," h, £: , srfn [2, 2, 18] ') cp. 210 at the end. — So rnmrv (died of himself), mfachd (half done), flgllfoU i: » n o brahman" or nnone but a brahman," r&i^Hr T (a little elevated), nftJHH^ : (a great-grandfather), esPT: (a good man), 55^ (a wicked man), etc. 219- Some relative pronouns and adverbs are likewise fit for f^ds! The former , member ia being compounded with some noun , especially EJEJT and IPTT or or- ^^_^_^ .^ Ml°lrl. Those beginning with tTETT are the most common , they are either adverbs of the type EfSJTTOT'T, M*HiqM! (according to time, — to age), or their second member is a participle in FT as M <WT(as said) 2 ) . Examples : Mhbh. 1, 145, 16 ftcTrHar JraTJT^ (go back, each to his own house), ibid. 1, 149,1 imwwih qwrrtmr 2^sriT^(he sent a man , as was agreed before); — E. 3, 13, 25 mJigPjv-i craT (on the way, as has been pointed out), Dag. 151 iMH§ ^tsiranrr d«?lw^my; myfoTsrfn (when having got the opportunity he will discharge this affair by such means, as are fit), Pane. 295 u«jiPir««: -trtMUi*: M^yi m^siijBr. Examples of zrrsrJT; — Pane. 276 ^fT: mpf JTTdkdl5r HU\rM\ nan j-=j; (from this day , I have given my own self to you for my whole lifetime), Kac. on P. 2, 1, 8 a [sa^i 5 HfoUIH I HH^'£i (invite of the brahmans according to the number of the vessels), Pane. 54 tiid^i - rmm~i)rti(o i ffeH I (conformably to the rules, taught by Vatsy&yana). 1) As to 5, 3;!, -^TSTfT, in *p^ (easy to be done), JTScRJ (hard to be done) and the Tike, see P. 3, 3, 126-130. 2) Pflnini (2, 1, 7) mentions only the former type. § 220. 163 220. The tatpurusha serves also to express comparison. Such son P e" compounds are partly adjectives, partly substantives. pressed by __. ____ tatpurts- The former are of the type WTT (cloud-black), 3F2T- R7FT (sky-blue). The latter are made up of the thing's real name + the image , under which it is represented , as Examples of the former type. Kam. 3, 12 rMi-d^tK-sm^ ^5FPT (life, as fickle as the moon, that shines in the water), Dag. 174 f^rrftrf^" (as cold as ice), E. 3, 23, 1 n^rmn': (red-grey as the colour of an ass) , Mhbh. 1, 152, 2 md,A?MfeUaiim : ( as dark as a cloud in the rainy season), Malav. V, p. 122 crfrarrKi^Tfif : , etc. The latter type is adapted to signify either praise or blame. Generally the metaphors used are conventional ones. In this way a re- solute, energetic character is called qT &iPM^ :, a beautiful face qijrq^PT , *U-Mli fSt^t, s i m «j eloquent speech oTPCTV, heavy sorrow is by a standing comparison iJlchMUU : which ocean it is difficult or im- possible to pass, and so on. In ancient literature this rather alle- gorical style is still employed with moderation and within certain limits. But the flowery compositions of medieval India are full of them so as not rarely to make the image appear an appendix wholly meaningless , if not to please the ear of the reader and to display the vaidagdhya of the author. The accumulation of such allegorical designations becomes tedious indeed, unless good taste direct their employment. Sometimes the metaphor is worked out. Then we may have a set of homogeneous images, expressed by compounds. So Pane. I, 241 ifttn^T Pirr^RtfwSTy sr: sr:i?tF5JJT, here jftqTofT is »king" but at the same time it conveys the meaning of » cow-herd," as ift is — scow" and = searth," »he must draw the f§rwsrV3j_ (money- milk) of his ctsTOR)': (subject-cow) by degrees" v. a. »a king must draw the money of his subjects by degrees, just as the cowherd draws the milk from his cow." Mrcch. IV, p. 138 ^ goiwfifi?R! T?itt: i ffiWykcjMcfi ZTTRT awf&fTOTfirTrTT: (young gentlemen 164 § 220—221. often come to poverty, being spoiled by courtesans, like great trees , the fruits of which are eaten out by birds). Kathas. 29, 188 a faithful wife is thus compared to a warrior — her conjugal faith is her chariot, duty her charioteer, good behaviour her armour, wit her weapon n^n(*^Ufci: nD (having a good son or good sons). Type a.) and c.) are much more common than type b). 168 § 224. 224. Examples of bahuvrihis. Type a.) Nala 1, 5 (now the days are appearing with a mild sun, much fog and a sharp cold). Hit. 90 sreft umium : (he is of a wicked disposition). Pane. 150 fa [sc. art^rr].... 5yrauT mHrT)A.( : M(cri<> nrmrari^ •sdfm (the Pulinda fell down lifeless on the earth, having his belly split up by the edge of the teeth of the boar). Malav. I, p. 14 -^TrTTi tHdlfadcrltfHii l rci facrTlcki (as the minister has finished his lecture of the letter, the king looks on him). Pane. 71 M'^^mm^m ScUPT- oTTwrrnrrr sum (as it stung my mind, I myself am come to tell you of it). Nothing impedes, of course, both the subject and the predi- cate being concordant substantives. Bhoj. 17 ttsTFP. ^tsisrcfTT csr fasrfipfr :TRf (no other kings are successful in their wars but those , whose power is a treasury), Pane. 185 pra 1 oimMt ld l> Mchchichiii7om •■ nfdowfc ST [the bahuvr. — jrerpr^r ZFfim: q^oil^; » whose attendance are many crows"], Dag. 82 ^tidd : cfiirT^irTFTT (a great merchant, whose name is Kub.), K. 3, 19, 22 qprisft TD^millsHHsifl - Rem. 1. In such bahuvrlhis, as have an adjective behind, that adjective does duty of a subst. So f. i. Qak. I ai^wfwr g 17 tin (the assembly is for the greater part made up of distinguished people) here the bahuvr. — g^jjr ^pTgnT irfwr: »most of which are =gfii=jTrr:," Malat. I, p. 2 3i^rwfw im mioiMHH : "the sun has almost risen," R. 2, 40, 17 *TirUrHHl ;5TTT (thousand men whose main object [qTs^rpr] it i s to carry out my orders). Rem. 2. A proper kind of bahuvrlhis are such as a Rich; (having a sword in one's hand), a^chua (sobbing, liter. as -Tl)M (sapless), i^fSn : »one with folded hands," Eagh. 2, 74 ii{qr<4rllchM _ (a flagged town), Dag. 137 3373^: (with uplifted weapon), Harsha 9 rT^fBfqcFjsr: (a leafless tree), Bhoj. 8 laiimqchh'i ^tott frmT. Eem. Compounding with g- , ^° and the like has the same power, as English - ful , similarly English - less is expressed by compounds, beginning with =*", fq- : °, fir , f!nTfT°, drV etc. 1 ). 1) Patanjali enumerates alao different species of bahuvrihis : a) those, the members of which are samanadhikarana as m^ji, b) the former part of which is an avyaya, as qrgirw, c) whose former part is a locative or something compared as *IJ6*M, 3ETi Wfsfer ^PTOT. As to e) and /) Patanjali states the option between saying i n full yufdrlMUU ^5T: and the abridgment gcrcrrr apfi:, likewise between tlfoWHMJ-Wr: and Wtt;. Cp. f. i. Dag. 35 atrial I mtril'eH riim-c^n with ibid. 176 STT 3£ we W M adduce some instances of them. 1. the subject is a compound. Pane. 322 r a?h l' ^li ich aQ d similarly the compound g jRmmil^ y which is the cause of gj^jpr. 2. the predicate is a compound. — Instances of this category are very often met v^ith, especially such bahuvrlhis as exhibit this type: qualifying noun-case _[_ adjective or participle _)- sub- stantive. Pane. 42 rTSrrf rriJd^yUj: = H^T fa^cSRTJTf^ zrer ?T ; Kathas. 72, 180 mn i chHrmfilcfr rrr T^tff^T) here the bahuvr. is to be analyzed 5T§rar vTrPTT: fefim mri m [T^pjfo]- But also other types, as: Mudr. Ill, p. 124 vultures (nyr.) have the epithet gffiSr &chinM-id i:, here the analysis is nm £terf fikchmm 1) See P. 5, 2, 115; 116; 128 with the varttikas on them. § 228—220. 173 °?A\ *t|, °^TT^^T, "STHTrT, which are expressive of „and so on," 2. those in ^ I T and JX^T^' which may serve to make adverbs of manner, 3. those in QcT= s formerly — ," 4. those in ° r TT^ I T, which does duty of a limitative par- -■— ■■- - *"' N tide, ^Hll^^J being nearly the same as c(T3T^", 5. those in °5R5*T, /^2£T, °^JH c 5TT?T,to express ^nearly, almost," 6. those in °i?7T, ifl^T may be rendered by „na- mely," 7. those in ''^FrT^T, when having the worth of „some" or „other." And soon. 229. To give a fuller account of them, we will treat of them se- STfij; parately. etc. ^ Those in 'Wl;), *ilf^*, Vra, Vfffi' are bahuvrihis , meaning properly »the beginning of which is — ," as is still plain f. i. in M. 1, 50 ^Ht^ri l W nrTdY dfoNl : (the existences, at the head of which stands Brahma, end here). Commonly they are expressive of »etc. ; and the like." Pane. 8 ircfrp-f^chRhiil 5j qlrHnf(i l:» people who have formerly been thieves." § 229. 175 not restricted to the case that the former member is a participle. See but Pane. II, 95 ^im^Ni ^ f%5T ff sprf^TTi. • • ^Ti (poor people do but bear the name of men, as they are of no use whatsoever). 5 - °gf5T> 5. »Almost, nearly, like" is signified by "Wcr, °zw, "zyxter, °wm, \uTiy? which have almost got the nature of pure formal suffixes, and, °crra'- indeed, the former three are taught as such by Panini (5, 3, 67). Of them, those in "spr^g and °qnr are the most frequent. E. 3, 16, 39 dic ^ MM Hch^ l Pl (speech like ambrosia), Kumaras. 3, 14 cftrt FsraT =T: tlfH<-Hcfrg (the fruit of good and evil deeds comes instantly , when from the king, but in some other existence, when from Destiny), ibid. p. 83 tftuwlii ' field of combinations and images is in some degree limited by conventional usage and by the examples of the best authors. For the rest the frequency and the nature of those intricate and bulky compounds will much depend on the style of the literary work. It requires , there- fore, a good deal of training to catch forthwith the purport of many an intricate compound. A few instances will suffice. Kadamb. I, p. 15 the king, it is said, saw a lady ^Rjh^ Jjmw^^W MJ-KWW fori 4)*h i fad ^f?fa^ >'Who was like Eati, stained by the smoke of Kama burning by the fire of angry Qiva," for when analyzing the complex, we get *(mhui ^w ^hiuhh 4.lMolri) chfarl dfcHolfadl 5TFTT, here srfT is of course = 4Uri<4df. By a similar abridgment Malav. V, p. 137 moon and sun are named aTtril &m f^i i UN »the hot- and the cold-rayed 2)." 1) I wonder, what reasons may have induced Whitney (§ 1316) to speak of this idiom as something irregular. On the contrary, nothing can be more regular. 2) A striking example is afforded by R. 3, 20, 12, if 1 am right reading there ^rsremrT t*J<0m i 3^orf? §H5R3T sftF^Ti t^mu i d : i M^Hcim fft^T § 233. 179 SECTION III. ON THE DIFFERENT CLASSES OF NOUNS AND PRONOUNS. Chapt. I. Substantive. Adjective. Adverb. 233. In ancient languages the difference between adjective tndtX and substantive is generally not so strongly marked stantive. as m m0( j ern oneS- g especially in Sanskrit. Both classes of nouns have the same declension, and a great number of them have sometimes an adjectival mean- ing, sometimes they are substantives. They are only different as to their gender, substantives being nouns of one gender, but adjectives of three, as they must take the gender of the nouns they qualify : ) : gj* an*, w w> gj ^ Adjectives proper, when used as substantives, may be distinguished thus: a) the substantivizing results from JT*T y^rhwiVeW I *qm q^THW rZT^mjTHnWl; the Bomb, edition has fCT. <£WT°- There is antithesis between the qnrti [in full trrtsrrmisn':] Raxasas and Rama qyTTiTTEr:, an d likewise between them £^[qi IshHf:] and Rama who was arsqyTsRT;- The tamdhir &rs?iah^%\[{\ Oa , ]g^qjraiT|iTJs admitted in the Ramayana, see f. i. 2, 51, 8; 74, 13; 3, 64, 23. 1) By this way we may account for the fact, that Indian grammar, full as it is of accurate and minute observations and of acute and sharp distinc- tions, does not possess proper terms expressive of categories of word's as common and as indispensable to Western grammar as » adjective" and » substantive." The gunavacana of the vernacular grammarians encom- passes more than our »adjective"; neither the dravyani nor the jalayas are the exact equivalent of our » substantives". The term vifeshana, used by Panini himself, comprises both the apposition and the attributive adjec- tive. The only term adopted to point out the adjective as such is ^m Qfc^n »noun of three genders." 180 § 233—234. the ellipsis of the concordant subst., as STTrTT' [viz. ?TFT!] „cold water," qfeTFTT: [viz. ^TTH „grey hairs;" £)they are substantives when having got some special meaning, as rT*T adj. „thin," subst. fern. „body;"^|^" adj. „brown," subst. masc. „lion; monkey; Indra; Vishnu;" c) they are used as substantives while retaining their general signification, as IMU! when meaning „a-or the beloved one," 41^.' „a (the) wicked man." The last category is the sole regarding us here, for any adjec- tive may in this way turn substantive. The diver- sity of the endings for the different genders and numbers enables to express by one single word such phrases as „a rich man,' 1 „a young woman," „a business of weight," resp. %H^4!, FT^UM, H«(»ri. The plural of course, if a plurality of things is meant; hence FTTkT „that" when = those things, Lat. ea, HSJIUI Lat. fausta , sJ«^M multa , etc. Like other substantives, the substantivized adjectives may be an element in compounds. Hit. 94 ^h^rar ^r chHour *Hot?l ir^T^ra': (one must not serve a weak [master], but join a mighty one), ibid. 102 *M+HH I ri)rilHM^ R (enough of this chiding the past): Abstract nouns. 234. Abstract nouns are much used in Sanskrit composi- Abstract ft on# They are partly derivates of verbs , partly of nouns. The verbal abstracts are not rarely to be paraphrased in translating , especially if the predicate of the sentence be made up by them. Then, our language generally prefers finite verbs. R. 3, 2, 11 the man-eater says to Roma § 234-235. 181 TOT rimuuloif ^ srra: Wiu\ ^ (and how is it, that you dwell with a woman, being ascets?), Dag. 101 =ggqi H-^ l -d ^rrcr win: ^rft *m ^ { ^MJ I P l"*%Ttr (he took an oath, he would release me, and I, not to reveal the secret), ibid. 95 ^^ f| ^^ i ^Jl^mm i ^fari^teiei Ud£-m > Mrcch. I, p. 32 q- q«4iJ)mi|^rdTT^:, as they may be derived of any noun. Of *TJ (weak) the abstract „ weakness" is not only TT^T or ^f^TT (see P. 5, 1, 122), but also H^rll HJpFT and TJHTsp. Nothing, too,impedes mak- ing them of compounds, as 5J^TTFTrTT or "^T or 0> TT3"! „the being the child of a set" or ^rjg^pPT (°rTT, "^TT^O „the having four mouths " \). Hence the abstracts in °FTT and °pFT and their synonyms are a fit means for expressing clauses and the like in a concise form , espe- cially when attended by a subjective genitive. So ^^rlW sSfcLNrMPl 1 ^ = „the fact of N.N.'s being a merchant's son," ^^UI^FFPsFTT „the four-facedness of Brahma." Here are some examples of this widely used idiom : Pane. I, 222 cfFJnRrfJrof rTT (I have scrutinized the good qualities of P. as well as his vices); Kumaras. I, 48: if animals felt shame, the female yaks, it is said, when seeing the beau- tiful hair of fair Um& , would have abated their pride of their tails gOTcrfcrftrarof (ai(5j Utt. II, p. 35 er-. farjwnsr. "the density and the being scattered," that is »the re- lative density;" Comment. onE. 3, 42, 10q=T H.-m| Jt( (ldmJ l (Hm~ilrd-< its;; (*he difference between the words pattana and nagara is this that the former does not signify the king's residence, the latter does). The last example shows also the fitness of this idiom for the sake of explaining and demonstrating. By grasping the dif- ferent links of a sentence into one single word, scientific or phi- losophical matters may be treated in the very clearest and plain- est manner, complex ideas being rendered by complexes of words, whereas the relation of the abstract noun with the other words of the sentence is sufficiently pointed out by its case-ending. 236. Some idiomatic employment of the abstracts — chiefly ^m^ioy- those in °FTT and "(5FT — must be insisted upon. Them.° f I- Their accusative with verbs of g o i n g and coming ^fandis often used to express the passing from one state to reaching another , cp. 39. Hitop. 94 i|riHmm4l - P^uifsr ch< i R=»rtet i H^u i Qdf^wiPi Uorf^r cKwrnzt ^% w qturfni qirrf%rfCTTTrn^nT 1 5ER^TT : 5iIIT e^ TOTTfa- For this reason, different ab- stracts made from one noun are as a rule promiscuous; compare f. i Kathas. 13, 132 ua \ Q\ W ZrHUi ■with. Hit. 97 tjtrm £\ni*i , both Tjtrnr and jjirij^ signifying sin the quality of a messenger." 238. Occasionally — but not often — an ablative will do the same Other ,j u ty as the instrumental of 237. E. 3, 6, 10 rd l M l HN qwTtTPW. ••• similar * ^ -- idioms: aHJirdlHim o | tt^ | J -i: ( — we will address you, Lord, as supplicants), cp. Kathas. 72, 165. Loca- The locative of the abstracts may also be used so, as K. 3, 36, 17 grcrr Hr^i4 mi^iwi drch l ff o|thi**w (be informed of the matter, which you must perform as my helper on my order). It is espe- cially used with verbs of appointing, choosing, designing to some rank or dignity. Pane: 26 mrnt d^ chmafd rnrr ijHTfg- PtJ l sia i Pi (— I will make [him] your attendant) ; Nala 3, 23 r TOH"Urli| £5T qfrTrir sT ytitei 5 (choose one of those devas for your husband) ; Hit. 91 g- Note that of abstracts of the feminine gender the ablative and locative are not used so , only the instrumental (cp. 102). 239. The dative of the abstracts with verbs of appointing etc. will Dative, occasionally occur. Mhbh. 1, 139, 1 di d) kdia ^iHJH l fel rU Ife'JI Jrtyf&T:) Kathas. 38, 153 d c HdlP-HreilU ^Tf ^m- Rem. In the ancient liturgical books we met with two datives, one of the person and one of the abstract noun, both attending on the same verb, especially i^t and gr^rr. Ait. Br. 4, 25, 8 i,*A\u lr ^oTT s-uwiilii jy'^iiiy -iifH«^ (the devas did not yield to Indra as to the eldest and most excellent [of them]) i ^t ^did; a^qPrf ZmU TT STT^STT^TTrTJ rWU MUrTJ rTrTt 5T fT^I 3oTT sUWUlU ^W^lU l fr l W^H etc., cp. T. S. 2, 2, 11, 5. Ait. Br. 7, 17, 7 Vicvamitra thus ad- § 239—241. 185 dresses his sons ^ilPlrH HT $r °g- wmp ^PT i ICT ^wm cRFmcTH ( — attend on him [Cunahgepha] as your eldest), cp. 7, 18, 8. Note the attraction in this idiom. — Op. a similar employment of the loca- tive: Ait. Br. 4, 25, 9 ^fw ^TT £ i w iil i sTRH »his kin acknowledge his authority." Adverbs. 240. Sanskrit adverbs , as far as they are not old words Terb " s of uncertain and forgotten origin — as ^,, 5^5, ttgtt, jtst, =Enyw and the like — are noun-cases either distinctly felt as such or in some degree petrified. The accusative of the neuter singular is as a rule employed, if adjectives be wanted to act as adverbs T ) (55). Bahuvrihis, like other adjectives, may do duty of adverbs, when put in the accus. of the neuter. Dag. 169 grr =sr STfT- PlfoiuiN qtjW (and he took no less care for him as for himself); Pane. 55 ^fn srSTqi *-lldi| I'radri' ira^rer i-iHH-'l srtsrr^ (as her mother spoke thus , the princess lowered her head for fear and shame and said) ; Qak. I nW ^-ift^ gjX^rffir scr^t 5^f&: ([the stag] runs on casting now and then a look on the chariot so as to cause to turn its neck ever so neatly); Acv. Grhy. 1, 9, 1 crrfqTO ^m I fg ; n^r qfrgyrj here the first word is an adverb »from his marriage, beginning with his marriage." When derived from substantives , the adverbs are mostly modal instrumentals and ablatives (77 , 104). Dag.l36^i% f§ WMimi.im iri ^ H AWlftiMcJj-j, here mrnrm&Ff = » falsely;" R. 3, 61, 20 f ^nptcd-t » wholly". Likewise ojrfw » alternately ," ^rterm' "jokingly," etc., and ablatives, as ^ ih , ^swraTFT. 241. For the sake of comparison one uses adverbs in ^"FT verbs. They may be made of any noun , and are to be rendered 1) Adverbs are styled fejl l dUmm i P » attributes of verbs." The ace. neuter of an adjective , when used adverbially , is named em fdiUlidiuiillNi^ see f. i. Kag. on P. 2, 3, 33. 186 § 241—248. by „as" or „like." When paraphrased, they are = U*MI or i°l with any noun-case wanted by the context, therefore fH^FT may be = fitsc ^ or %^[^q or TH^FT^ and so on. — E. 3, 45, 5 gftqg- f^raror M i ffrowRi srjsih [= SRjfjcr] (in the shape of a friend , Laxmana , you are like a foe to your brother); Mhbh. 1 148, 15 a i -Jl^ i u 4* \ u |g kg laa i m m ^bidH [== grzrr sett] (the innocent Pandavas he did burn as if they were his enemies) ; Kam. 3, 31 gp^ IpTrrr: SRT I 3>lrilol^, another the *M&:. 246. Tet carelessness in the employment of comparative and super- Careless- i a tive is not rare in Sanskrit. a ) Sometimes the comparative is used ness in x their em- instead of the superlative. Pat. I, p. 77 trjrr fTpir sj^isi u^yHc^MM™^ m ' Udrtiii" >T sW: T^V ■sjt ^ mam sir q *41diRfn — instead of ct,R«:. Pane. I, 408 it is said that of the shadgunya the danda is the worst expedient , here ve find '-nqim-i , not trrfw:, ibid. p. 305 among four individuals one is said the ^HVHJ : 2 ). Sometimes again the superlative is used instead of the com- . parative. Kathas. 43, 23 of two brothers one calls himself chP'# , and his brother &W- Pane. 113 snwnrircnpRrTirer I dPmiH : (a mischief of either king or minister). Cp. ibid. V, 36 Qmm srfe- frTiq i (judgment is better than learning), here the superl. is of necessity, as the comp. j=n does not purport the meaning of excellency. For a different reason crejrr a superl. as to its form, is the equivalent of both sfirst" and »former." So f. i. Malav. II, P- 35 sERriTbirTl^MiSiri: *ri(«J rpjJT ntftri <^JW: (of whom of these two honourable professors shall we see the performance the first?). 247. The suffixes °;=rr and °j=[ir may be put even to 'Substantives. Instances are scarce in the classic language 3 ). Pane. 326 q- g- ^rsrfer- 1) Further investigation will decide for how much of that seeming irregularity we are indebted to the faults and the Bloth of copyists , and how much of it is really good Sanskrit. 2) As to the form cp. R. 2, 12, 26 i jjj^M^ and Whitney Sanskr. Gram- mar^ 473, al. 4. 3) They are somewhat more frequent in the ancient dialect , see Whitney § 473, al. 1. Classic Sanskrit possesses some, which have a special meaning, as «UdH|: (mule), drHd| : (Ragh. 3, 32) »an older calf." § 247-250. 189 wHMoitfTlga ?T ^T-iHMMUolriH fernrrfya^: (and he [the horse-thief] examined all the horses, saw that the raxasa [who had assumed the figure of a horse] was the best of them [liter. »the most horse"] and mounted him). 248. The comparative and superlative being wanted to do c D omp e ari3on dut J of adverbs , they are put in the accus. of the neu- in adverbs. ter) j ugt ag ig done ^^ gjj other adjectives (55). So ^T: is adverb of ^TH, ST^FFf of VtVFT<, etc. Pat. i, P . 10 ^3 & *dilrj|t;d mwfo: Stls^MJdW^r ("will they, who have studied [grammar], apply words the better?) ; Qak. IV itfqf tfar 3 ' T-pTand finite verb. Instances of comparatives , made from the 3<1 the like, person of the present not rarely occur in literature. R. 2, 64, 72 |£TT ^drl ^TiT^ (my spirits almost lower). Prabodh. IV, p. 87 Eh mi) 5TSTOT smzTJHiT^f =T F5R3TT: (to lose something gained before grieves more than having gained nothing at all). Vikram. V, p. 1 78 q-irsr- fcirwi i H^ f uiuil fd r isra^(even of an infant-snake the poison is rather strong). Eatn. Ill, p. 74 :MufrH(H T; — Kathas. 102, 35 we meeffrnrr -put to a 3 d person of the perfect : w^Jj Frnrr. Instances of the superlative I do not recollect having met with, but they must be or have been not less allowed, as both degrees are equally taught by Panini. !). 250. Than with the comparative is expressed by the abla- thrcorapLtive, see 105. But the particles R", •T^, 'TFT, »T3*T: rative. are also used for that purpose, especially with ^JJ\- 1 ) Whitney § 473 , al. 3 says that both compar. and superl. of verbal forms are » barbarous forms;" for what reason, I do not understand. Is it perhaps , because KalvdeLsa wrote barbarous Sanskrit , or because PaNiNi did not know well the idioms of his language? 190 § 250—252. Kathas. 29, 113 iWtt £(Vtt cnr: srterftroor: (death is better for me than parting ■with my virtue); Pane. 213 dJMHUu ft , ^^TT"T fdfel l rr . (not beginning at all is better than ceasing after having commenced); ibid. I, 451 nluiHl -sfq' gj sr^ q^fr f J(M : > or when making up some kind of compound , as £T?T^>! S ). 1) In a well-known passage of the Eitop. (p. I, 3) dlM^is construed with pt =sr but not followed by a nomin., as one might expect, but by the instrumental : The instrum. must be that , which expresses : equivalent to ; exchangeable for. » Better is one virtuous son, and [»not to be given up for," that is] out- weighing even hundreds of stupid ones; one moon dispels the darkness, out- weighing even crowds of stars." Cp. 70. 2) tj-^frl*tftw and the like are among the examples of the commen- taries on P. 5, 3, 67. Cp. 249- 3) Panini deals with this idiom at the commencement of his eighth § 252. 191 1. Adjectives may be put twice, the two making but one word, in order to signify our „— like," „rather." Dag. 149 ^rmTrtwiffi- ^5rmyrT oiT< ~ i fa - Ji u isrrn-fererrarr ^trf?^ (a woman, who though [of a] rather thin [aspect] had by divine power not too much lost of the brightness of her colour), E. 3, 67, 14 pr gpr- ^WT srraT sruj-wrfT, Pane. II, 50 ifWffa: S|T mfct n^t fSraqfe (in the beginning a foe sneaks along very slowly, as one being rather afraid). So rajcR, when = » alone," and ep. such phrases, as qspraf ijtojth, yiw'yyif *> adhyaya (8, 1, 1 — 15). In interpreting sutra 9, the commentaries are wrong" accepting it as teaching the formation of the word Ochoh- The sutra raj sl^cTlf^olH cannot have this purport; its literal sense is »if a unity, [it is] bahuvrihilike." If Panini had meant the word ueffiR, he would have written OcMfl , not as he does CcRTjj cp. the constant genitives in siitras 5—8. Our sutra refers to the cases, mentioned by s. 4—8. There the employment is taught of the »two (<£)" spoken of in 8, 1 , 1. Siitra 9 teaches , how these two are to be accepted , for it says : » [but these two may be] one ; then the whole is as if a bahuvrihi" , likewise in the case of s. 10. But from s. 11 the unity is as if a karmadharaya. Panini's words in 9—11 are: ff#r arioftflorHJ rnmk =ET I chMWI^Ud^W^- From the conclusion of Kac. on P.'s sutra 9 I infer that the right inter- pretation had been proposed by somebody, but that it has been ob- jected to by Patanjali. On the other hand, such forms with distributive sense as qSmof: being by necessity instances of the idiom, taught P. 8, 1,4 afford some evidence for my own acceptation. 1) See vartt. 7 on P. 8, 1, 12 in the commentary of the Kacika. Cp. also P. 8, 1, 13, which teaches to say ytsHMisH and ferfiw. when = »with all one's heart." 192 § 252—254. she suddenly disappears), Dag. 95 ^ ^mq^tif: yw^lil HIUMltll: cpt: q^r: «muyHR) r HH?i stctft, M. 2, 20 ^ ^f ^fr=f fsfirTT^ (they must learn every one his own duty). So f^fifr f^% (in every region), a^i^ ; (day after day) and so on. This idiom is as old as the Vaidik dialect. It is also used of gerunds. Pat. 1, p. 44 JTOgFiT 3fcpfl7qrff ll-^td. Here as a rule the case-endings of the former member remain. 253. Sanskrit likes juxtaposition of different grammatical The type f orms f f^g sam e word or of kindred words. Hence manus ma- """ate' ^ e ^P e manus mamm lavat is of course very common like. in Sanskrit. Mtcch. I, p. 34 jft j^t <~ui-^ri (pearls string with pearls), Vikram. II, p. 31 ff^T HirWtiyi yt-nu dWr; Pat- I, P- 233 oTRTt aiM^l^tlfd (one cloth covers the other) , Pane. 322 cHl4,-"l trorfH (he rambles from forest to forest) , ibid. 267 q^ i rq^fg n-dfarf ar mchlfd , Dag. 61 5rf|ttT: <*i^umoitjrtJ (J um P in g from one elephant's back on another). 254. Of a somewhat different nature is the type represented by E. 2, 12, 8 fjf; 5h=t rlor l IHUI trrq' TFTO^ (what evil has Rama done to you, evil-minded woman?); cp. the Greek xxxb$ kxxuc xtt&Koito. Here the inclination towards homophony is still more pronounced than in the idiom of 253. Compare Mhbh. 1, 145, 14 rli^q i oilf^i : M^l^ '. faHi< ' A°lchR»H i i idM (tristes tristis est allocutus oives); Kath&s. 38, 153 ^|Fm^: FT.... cjrtollp^rolljj qq\ ^jjt. It is here not the place to expatiate upon this predilection of § 254—256. 193 Sanskrit for bringing together words kindred in sound and playing with the different meanings inherent to them. Nearly all literary documents from the Yedas to our days afford the most ample evi- dence of it. For this reason, one must always be prepared to have to deal with riddles and the most various kinds of quibbles and puns. More information on this subject is to be given by works on Sanskrit rhetoric and Sanskrit literature. 255. It may be of some use to mention here the figure yathdsam- Puttingthe khyam 1), as it is employed not rarely and as its nature should be thdsam- called rather grammatical than rhetorical. By it a series of sub- yam stances named together with a series of attributes or predicates are so to be Understood that the first substance is to be construed with the first predicate or attribute, the second with the second and so on successively. R. 3, 40, 12 ^mf^-gr u"ln dat. 3 ) are enclitic, and used therefore if there is forms. no s j. ress ^. ^ e i a i,j on fa e p ron oun. It is useless to give examples of them, as they are met with on almost every page. The ace. qr and fofT are hQwever not so frequent as the other enclitic forms 4 ). 1) By a common error the printed text has sg^rfSr. 2) So was already taught by Patanjali (I, p. 62) n i di") dPHrlcti firrff JTT7TT JT5T JTOT f^TTT. 3) Epic poetry affords sundry instances pointing to the fact, that the short forms of the gen. and dat. were once, it seems, available for all oblique cases. At least, R. 3, 43, 49 pr is doubtless = fgzrr, and Mhbh. 1, 230, 15 rr: = aw\Q The former passage runs thus tiun^ ^ H l oUm^iWH (you must keep watchful in the hermitage), the latter irr F5T H# aRTiff: STrlJJ ^T: Cp. Vdmand's Stilregeln ch. Qabda?uddhi, s. 11. 4) As rrr and tit, roTT and felt are easily exposed to be confounded in manuscripts, it is possible that the enclitical forms have sometimes disappeared in our texts, if the following word commenced by a consonant. At all events, they seem to occur oftener in the ancient dialect than afterwards. § 257—259. 195 They are of necessity unavailable , if some emphasis of the pronoun be wanted. For this reason they are forbidden: a) when heading a sentence, or in poetry even a pada, b) when immediately after a vocative, which heads the sentence , c) when followed by some particles , that give them some emphasis, viz. g-, on, f , sif, ^=r. See P. 8, 1, 18; 20; 24; 72. Mhbh. 1, 229, 24 fsrmr^TT|: cFdmreiini | Pirfef jpt. [here joTT would not be allowed]; Kac. on 8,1, 18 r^t ioi fcrto u" N l ' 5pft Hprraf ^h^Addl [sr: instead of jrwrrejiT cannot be, as it heads the pada]; Hit, 110 ^Tsn^; i iffewf aTf n j nx ^UT: |>W not q, ac- cording to 6)] ; E. 3, 55, 22 v^st ^xh Trqor ( none but me); Malav. I, p. 21 SRWarT: fifcoT m =ET [not: q- g] y^H^d vli tmimi l ~-iMfH{lr^Pl ^oi4)h (if the king be himself not favoured by Destiny, he should charge his minister, who is, to destroy his enemy) ; Malat. II, p. 38 dHHoi^-ai |T*r ydJlU fort U74Hlr4MMWT ziwr fa«6iTM ilroilr^llfacrrcrt PhRh:, here tiirmRyia: is of course nmrH~P l ■sfuETTir: ; R. 2, 11, 22 ai^igtrr ftst jm <**uji ssicrJr ^tt: sc. j,j,«j i orjpj. Rem. On the other hand, one may meet with instances of pronouns not-reflexive, in such cases as where one might expect 1) As it is good Sanskrit, it makes doubtful how to explain ^5T in such compounds as SoTJT^iT, S5TVT:, whether = S5rer JT^or = Sof JT^JT; 2) Qfyvatakofa ed. Zachariae, vs. 187 *cTSTS^r 5R[frT Trrt%TTrRTrqW- etc. § 267-270. 201 reflexives. So E. 3, 62, 3 rdnniWa mmfo: OT3UTTf& srf^ h [not sgj^ or wtfw.) ; Kathas. 36, 102. 268. The indeclinable F^FT does nearly the same duty 5SRTIT T ,. . *" J J " as .Latin ipse. It may be added to some other pronoun. Mhbh. 1, 161, 8 :t Fsr^ oTV4l*l^ teiiWdlr'-M! (nor am I desirous of my own death). 269. The reciprocal pronouns ^STFZT, ^^T' 4H|H> procai have almost assumed the character of adverbs. As a pro- ■- nouns ; rule , they are used in the ace. of the masc. *WJ l-MH "^^ etc. while being applied to every gender and every case-relation. Qak. I ^ [mm\ '^w^cW i chad i (the two friends look at each other) ; Vikram. I, p. 18 srcftef ^Srf OTH: (they shake hands); Pane. 216 ^rsr g- q-rarr g-v ^ r^^W (and in this manner dis- cord arose between them); Dag. 151 31ft 5TOJT 5m=ra^r STFjfr- ^^PTTPTPT ^T (oldUdld (both, either by shame or by confusion, do not open their soul to' each other) ; Qank. on Ch. Up. p. 42 sjqr- ^faHirti STTOrrf^rJfr (the principle of life and the sun are identical to one another); Pat. I, p. 426 OTfw^WcFwfJrosr jRidHi uiriftrfim sifri'iWMMi *f*JrM(^ sfsRiT u^#r. Op. also Kam. 2, 42; Malav. I, p. 24; Kathas. 2, 41 etc. Yet they admit also of other case-endings , f. i. Pane. Ill, 200 qTwr- JSK iwfftii & =r ^srf^T d^rid i (they who do not observe the weak points of each other) ; Harshac, 2 frisri ^J' i -tH.u fsraTcTn md iU SFT (dis- putations arose between them). So Nala 5, 32 ftt q iw ) fT; iftcft Nala 1, 16 the ace. t).-J|,tj^ is depending on the prep, jrfvj. And so on. See Kac. on P. 8, 1, 12 vartt. 9 and 10; vartt. 10 teaches the optional employment of forms in Vpt, if feminine and neuter words are concerned f. i. ^T^m [or "^J ^Sr snfpnra^ — ^ 5*T- ^rtnrr — iflrwd:- The same meaning is carried by the adverb FT^T! (mutually), which is not less used. 2. Demonstratives, Eelatives, Interrogatives. 270. In ancient language the demonstratives are often 202 § 270—271. Demon- indicating the things they are to point at in a more sirsxivcs ; general re- significant manner than in modern tongues. For this marks. reason, when translating from the Sanskrit, it is many times indispensable to render demonstrative pronouns otherwise, f. i. by the pronoun he, she, it, by the, by adverbs {here , there), sometimes even by putting instead of them the very noun, they are referring to. In the same way, indeed, the demonstratives of Latin and Greek must be translated. We will dispense here with adducing instances exemplifying each of the somewhat freer translations, as have been named. It will suffice giving a few samples of Sanskrit demonstr. pro- nouns to be rendered by English adverbs. Pane. 204 ift iff ^fq^^ .^ and says on account of her ud r are you a deity of this forest?" mzr oFTOT JHrTT, Hidimba, answers ^Hr^wRl 5PW etc. In the second act of the Vikramorvagl the king offering a seat to Citralekha. says CM^m-WIUlHm i i n * ne nrs * ac * °f * ne Mudraraxasa Canakya to Candanadasa 3^TreR*TTWTPT- 273. ^PTn* — not ^T — is the proper word , if the speaker refor^ w i snes t° denote something belonging to himself by a de- ™s to monstrative rather than by the possessive of the 1 st - person. p erson -y\^ rs\\tQ, ma y signify „this arm of mine ," oS* o o t^xvc , hoc bracchinm- Vikram. II, p. 46 Pururavas laments fdufatift: *m«ji-rr: yy*HH3T <*f3Hchrt|tfT5J5lJT. =hfer*MJjf&iroll gftlRTOrT; Nala 1,5 Bhlma king of Vidarbha has been named , it follows § Ejsrisr qr OTT- JTrnf^T. — rfflm*!-^ d^r^Hl =tft (T [viz. 5?^] *r iffa: [the aforesaid Bh.] UsiichWtritammM 5W sra^t 5?PTf af 5^T- Cp. also the examples adduced 271 , 3°. Examples: 1. of g- =: *M« (the well-known, the famous). Q&k. VII fTf5TtfCTfgif% mT T M ( U*l qsrPr: (the renowned thunderbolt, Indra's at- tribute, Lat. fulmen Mud Jovis). 2. sr = "the afore said." Qak. IV Kanva says to Qakuntala uyidf^d srfrraT ng^qm 17312? ^^ ^F^ ^ %$ qc|| ^R > here gsr »as she" means of course Qarmishtha, ; Kathas. 27, 109 sriryn'- ztm 3rerf%rTj srr^rareiTUHPT %5tt: h l ^ y^yjHiii i qrnrt ^ UTTTT^r^rt snrraw f^rr i ftstt p^ft i-Torin srcr ^ f^U g^r, the last words mean: »of the one as well as of the other." 3. ?r when adj. — »the." E. 3, 35, 27 a tall fig-tree is described, whose branches are of enormous size: rM l WU H ^nrtOT ^-HN CT fTT: u i 1<°< I : [i>the branches of which]" mdJldHUmd l: ; Utt. II, p. 29 one asks- ^pj ^ j^x R iMMi ^ : ^fafff (but what is the king doing now?) another answers ^ xxfTT SffiT^'Sor'W. nailed : (the king has commenced an agvamedha). 4. g- in correlation with n — Germ, derjenige. Mhbh. 1, 74, 40 OT UTqf m it% z^t <3T wrf m smsSt- Generally the relative clause precedes, see 452, 2 d and 455. Rem. Now and then g- refers to persons or things not ex- pressed, but only implied by the foregoing. Mhbh. 1, adhy. 157 it is told, that Kuntt and her strong son Bhimasena hear cries of distress in the house of the worthy brahman, whose hospita- lity they are enjoying of. Though the family of the brahman has not been named in the foregoing, vs. 10 introduces them by the pronoun fTT^r- The same idiom exists in Latin. 276. Ff may point at a general subject, see 12. Occasio- nally it may be rendered by „such a one." Mhbh. 1, 158, 31 fem rlHI-d^ T^T ^ tfFKf =ET Tl^fo (raxasas, it is told, know the dharma, nor would such a one kill me) ; Kumaras. 5, 83 17 $f5r^T QT T^fTt smmk 1 sjuftfJT dW\ejM Q: * TFrmcK (not only he, who speaks evil of the mighty, but likewise he, who listens to a such, commits a sin). 208 § 276—279. Eem. When put twice, g means » manifold, various, all sorts Of — ." K. 3, 9, 31 illrHH PliWtriSFT: ch^Qrd l MUHrf . I UMrt RuUIOT!) KatMs. 29, 169 q^i^t ^ H^mg*s:, here at arfew: = w [sthtot] srf?T° (who is not afraid of my curse , who has an escape from it ?). Pane. 158 a boy has been turned out of doors by his father rr^ T Pi : mf)H i. The author proceeds g- g fr fq^T < HI1-H {* rTroTT, apparently ^-f^rr is here = jtot [f^t H i JUiw ] fSiaS/T »by despair caused by this ex- pulsion". Cp. Kumaras. 3, 17, Kathas. 1, 39. WT in 3. In formulae one uses g^ft as significative of the proper name forma- £ jjj m; w h m the formula is to be applied to. When employing them, the proper name is substituted for it. See f. i. Par. Grhy. 1, 18, 3 =srerr £ter sr^i sirPT, Agv. Grhy. 1, 20, 5. neuters 4. In the archaic dialect, especially in the liturgical books, e " the ace. of the neuter singular of demonstratives is often used strati- adverbially. Ait. Br. 1, 9, 6 gnlf ^^tfitf^T 5oTT; 'SPT sflcFiTT?r?reT- nsed as Urts; UsWH : srif <5TTcJi sraiH, here ^m means »in this case." adverbs. ^ -^ 1? 4j 2 . ^ 15> 4) ck Up 4j 2) l ^ = »then," etc. etc. The classic language has retained adverbial functions of fTFT an( i jrpf, see 444 and 463. 280. The interrogative pronoun is ^T. Its comparative ^TrTT and its superlative ^icFT are likewise used. The po- ^ 1) See f. i. Livt 21,46,7 Numidae ab tergo se ostenderunt. Is pavor perculit Romanos. Cp. Vibg. Aen. 1, 261, Nepos Lys. 3, 1. 14 210 § 280—281. inter- sitive^T simply asks „who?" „what?" „ which?", °hH7, roga- ' tiTe9 ' like Lat. uter, arch. 'Ra.g.whether „ which of the two ?", 3fiT*T „ who etc. of many ?" They are wanted both in direct ques- tions and in the so-called indirect questions. One says , therefore, Wt ^gTFT (who are you?), $o|$Tl %r{UV< ^TrTp (which of these two is Devadatta ?) , Vikram. I, p. 5 crf^Wrrf 3TFFR f^psPTT^T TO ft 3WV (is it known, in what direction the rascal has de- parted?). Cp. 411. If wanted , 3T may be the former part of a bahuvrlhi. Dag. 30 D'rTrSRrwfwiH: n*Hii|fe rer: (what is the name of the chief of this encampment ?) ; ibid. 74 — an ascetic speaks — sr^TOsrrafrfwT air m\ ipft f^s^f fwjfj^nft fSnzmi- Rem. 1. The distinction between eft, ^ht and gnw is not always strictly observed. Ram. 1, sarga 38 Rama asks Vicvamitra, which of the two, Kadru or Vinata, will have one illustrious son , and who sixty thousand sons raj; iacmv. gfTt 5T^P5F>T sr^H fuwj frt' , here br- is used, not erjt^. — Pane. 284 STOT^Hmmuwi f&h cfrym fmu: (for which of the six well-known expedients , s&ma etc., it is now the fit time ?) here qror is used within the proper sphere of ^rPT* R- 2, 85, 4 Bharata asks Guha gra^nr nffim i fa tr ^ ' ui^M ' T?rr, though the country is wholly un- known to him, and he, therefore, does not want to be informed » whe- ther" but » which" of the many ways will conduct him to Bharadvaja !). Rem. 2. On the faculty of putting in the same sentence two or more interrogative pronouns referring to different things, see 409, 2°. 281. At the outset 37 was both an interrogative and an indefinite pronoun , cp. Lat. quis , Gr. rU and t/«. In classic Sanskrit it has occasionally still the function of an indefinite; yet, as a rule, 3T is then combined 1) Cp. 246 and the foot-note 1) on page 188 of this book. § 281. 211 nit' ^^ some P arti de: f%FT or #T or SR. Hence ^flFT, ^^M, ^""NTO" are the proper indefinite pronouns , ex- pressing some{any)body , some(any)thing; some, any. To them we must add ^f, for this word , properly mean- ing „one," does not] rarely duty as an indefinite, and is to be rendered by „some" and even by the so-called r article „ a. " — FJoT is „every; all." 5Tran) Instances of qifsEH, ^rsrq', gr^ftf 1 ) it is superfluous to give. As etc - Md to ^r = »a." E. 2, 63, 32 -^ $$mm ^7: (I am hit by an arrow), Dag. 25 " ^iRii;*'^'*!^)!^ q^ra-^r^mrt^ fiUiivwiA arg^ Wioign gii (once in some forest I saw some brahman being about io be hurt by the crowd of my companions). Even ^Huh ' etc. may be = »a": Dag. 132 grT 5?farM<-i tHHdrTi (she was delivered of a son). It is eonsist- ent, that ott may also be combined with some other indefinite. Kathas. 27, 89 chmn^ sfigr srfrrr?r: WTU: cprqcF^ JJ^ (an honest servant in the hduse of some merchant), Pane. 9 n-qrer EFrerfirf^ffftCT:. Kathas. 1, 56 may be an instance of the sole qr, bearing the character of an indefinite : -ir- J) ai-uid 37: (and nobody else knows it).— Gp. K. 2, 32, 42 ^rjfter ftf ^jf srsrejf% (choose something else , if you have made up your mind). fSTCoT. Rem. 1. The old dialect possessed a synonym of gsr, viz. fnssr; in the classic language it is no more used, save in some standing phrases as fsrsg- |crr:, being the name of some special class of deities , f%sar imH or simply fsrsspj "the Universe." ^oT- Rem. 2. gsf is = »every" and »each," goh ^everybody," gspr » everything." Nala 20,6 i^r, qsr =r ?TFrriH gsraT :rrt%T ersft (not everybody does know everything, nobody is omniscient). 1) According to the Petrop. Diet, the indefinite pronoun grfafqwas made in a latter period than the other combinations, as it does not occur in the older literature , Manu included (see II , p. 6 s. v. 37). Yet in the Mababharata and the Ramayana grt-sftf and such adverbs as chlRj, chqn(q are as well met with as those in "fifiT and °^PT. R. 2, 52, 45 g; and gfcf are separated by % %%_ f§R gif* oraTTft. 212 § 282— 28S. 282. By adding to the foresaid indefinite pronouns the nega- tion ^T one expresses the negative indefinites „ nobody, nothing, no, none." It is indifferent at what place one puts the negation. Nala 3, 24 uf5m.H q qt chfiy^qvwH^ (nobody saw me , as I entered) , Hit. 95 gfo mmal -sgrrer dloMUl ~)lfw (we have no livelihood) , M. 9, 26 q Ida i aiY sfer 5nsi^ (there is no dif- ference), Kathas. 34, 120 ^rf^s^ t^srh -umMsJ (there nobody could be named poor). It is not only said rj chf&H and q- gfrsfrt, but also q ch l ^fa - Pane. 71 q fehPstemaidH (he said not a single word). 283. There are several words for „other",viz. 5F*T, ^T^", ^T^ ? Other" how STT7. Of these ^f'^T is the most common and has the expres- ^ ^ sea. most general meaning. 1. =gr?r generally denotes ssomebody or something else." In such phrases as g^r fcH^p , »once on a day" it is almost — ^rfigH- Yet it may also signify »the other." So Hit. 102 when a messenger wishes to speak secretly to the king, the king removes his attendance rirfr fnrr q^rt g- fenft mi i ?ert s;a=r nm: (— tfie others withdrew). 2. wrr properly means »the subsequent, the following;" hence it has got also the meaning of uother," but commonly it retains its proper nature of signifying what is named in the second place. Mrcch. I, p. 55 t£|- *TT J^Plch i i <r| - feri?T5rrferawTiT 1 wT^Rf^nTjtisrsmTO^ra' ^trt i sfoyfrspMH f^r: fiarft T H-MteH chfWdA 1 ARl'ggachl^riPict.M^I UlJ^Mluf; ("some say that an earthquake is caused by some huge animal living in the midst of the waters ; others , however, that it arises when the elephants of the quarters, being tired of the earth's load, are taking breath; a wind falling down upon earth with noise, as if struck by another wind , say some ; others , however, maintain that it is ordained by unseen powers; other masters again narrate the following," p. 140 of Keen's translation). Cp. Nala 12, 87. 286. The relative pronoun is ^. A full account of its em- ti V e ployment will be given in the Section , in which there will noun, he treated of clauses and relative sentences. Here it suffices to point out that *T and H are standing complements of one another. Kem. The comp. and superl. znrr, vrm are restricted to the archaic dialect. 287. The relative pronoun may be generalized in various genl- ways : a) by putting ^ twice , then ^T *T: = „ whosoever," ralized. and it requires $T tf in the apodosis ; b) by adding to it one of the indefinite pronouns so as to make up the com- § 287—288. 215 bination W< ^fllrT, W, ^TSR or W> ^fa"; c) by putting together ?T and fT in the same case , gender and number, m FP = ,, whosoever it may be, any." For the rest, cp. 453. Examples of a). Ma 5, 11 is quoted 276; Bhojapr. 36 jfq- ^pjt ■s^rfim tWMtifH H^itTOJ (TOwr^tTna" sjcRr jimmm: (the king's favourites always plot to the ruin of whomsoever the king loves and honours in his court). , 6.) Mudr. IV, p. 158 q. chf^i^Mi ^g-feffir >ar fsraT tw i Odotr . (whoso- ever it may be, that wishes to see me, you must admit him), Nala 4, 2 ^ ^ar ^^i^j^h^ i Rh fa=eH (myself and whatsoever belongs to me). This idiom is used so as to be synonymous with the simple indefinite pronoun, as Hitop. 10 q' omi'chj- ttf jtst ch^fad <■ iHffi-csiflj (I desire to give the golden bracelet to whomsoever); Schol. on E. 3, 10, 1 9 jt^ ^w sft xfcm ufrww =r sh^ft- ')• Rem. The archaic dialect used also eh 9T5I = ar: ^rferT- So f. i. Ch. Up. 3, 15, 4 qrurt sit ^5; tfiir zrf^t; f?R^ (prdna means all whatever exists here), Ait. Br. 2, 6, 5 ?^§ sprer ^ SojrTrJr ^{ M«Jof sbt q ^qf^B in . It occurs also sometimes in epic poetry. So Hit. 20 the verse ?nf5r wrfa =et fmrfm zmdinfo srmfr ^ proves by its very lan- guage to be borrowed from some ancient epic poet. c.) Kathas. 27, 208 ^m femr ■ftsrairffft Jrra rfTCr 1 3 minai denoting of space. Their province is the same, as that insrand °f the locative and ablative '). Such words as Mr\'< and n - rTFT* have the value of the ablatives ^TTTrT, FTFTIrT doing "^ *^ lST etc.," that is of the ablat. of the stems ?T and FT in all ves and ablati- ves. 1) °jf; is a common suffix expressive of the abl., and accordingly put also after nouns (108). Locatives in °3T made of nouns are taught by P. 5, 4, 55 sq. But such forms as sTi^UM!, ttd-tl) *IrJraT are only met with in the archaic dialect. Yet, though obsolete in the classic period of Sanskrit literature , they must have been in common use in the time of P&nini. § 289. 219 genders and numbers. Similarly 3^, rT^ are identical with the locatives STfc^FT, rTTFT^T etc. For this rea- son, like the real ablatives and locatives, they express not only space , but also time and circumstances, and refer equally to persons and things. When pointing to a sin- gular, they may even be used as attributes of ablati- ves and locatives of substantives. The adverbs Wi and £«(>, though not made with the suffix °^, have similarly the functions of the locative of the stems 37 and 3T in all genders and numbers. Examples: 1. of their not referring to space. Kathas. 4, 20 awr fuiwjcuu T^RWfTj FRhFi: OTfinforfir sU^ferfr-siTorr^ (Varsha had a great crowd of disciples; among them there was — ). Mudr. IV, p. 145 fefTrsT^T -ri^s|cr: sstpssrernw^FRHr ^femai^R' stt mhi«si — (why has Candrag. now put the yoke of government on [the shoulders of] some other minister or his own ?). Qak. Ill mj g- rT fwffT HnqWcjn i fsrstjir iftft qTTfccHft^TnT>^(he, from whom you are apprehending a refusal, that man stands here longing to meet you). Kumaras. 2, 55 ^t; ^ fjtn myaffrl ^ofT^fpr : 5TO^ (it is from this man [me, cp. 273] that the Daitya has obtained his glory, there- fore it is not I, who must kill him). Mudr. II, p. 86 aHlrtHm i- f^&zr 55T 1 FTfsjft srf aTtnTOT vror^Wi'ra*ttl&l(3wifa (this ring is engraved with the name of the minister; for this reason, he will reward you with more than [is the worth of] this [ring]). Cp. Nala 13, 44. 2. of their qualifying some substantive. — Pane. 273 rl=f 5^ j^rpr (rambling in that forest), ibid. IV, 71 cr^irrfJT^ cfteFf =sr (in the other world and in this), ibid. p. 146 firarjTGT =sf f^cT ftyiiiia' Pwra ( — put the rest of the alms in that very begging-bowl) , ibid. 147 j£°f& WiWkri} £T5rft $*$ (they slept both on one couch of kuca. grass), Kathas. 27, 4 mj Efisrrft (at some emergency), Dag. 80 ^r =g EhfertW^A-a grrfpEi g; fafchda (and I laughed somehow at some player making a rash move) ; — Pane. 308 fTrT: km M kte^ST 220 § 289—291. TirfT: (from that place they went to their country) , ibid. 286 g^rtefa fei p eh i [rchRdc! b oU^l^lu (he took some money from a moneylender), Prabodh. I, p. 6 gifffafcr ch i j uioiui i H (by some cause), Dag. 96 rrr ch^lRj - tHuifHiH^HU flim fH (perhaps , it will rescue me from this misadventure). P 2 4 Rem. 1. It must be mentioned, that in the case of the anvddega '33 ' (274) 3j5r and afr: are enclitics. So neither t^ nor tft; can be used. Rem. 2. Instances of the adverbs in % and °ft: denoting time, are not rare. So one uses ^rT: qTJT — » afterwards ," rTrT: — "then," cFjf%FT arf^iT may be — » sometimes. .. . sometimes." 290. There is no proper adverbial suffix for the category of the „ whither." Nor is it necessary. For the locative being expressive of the aim and scope with the words of going , arriving, entering and the like (134), it results, that one says ^ JT^TFT, fT% Mrj^ and so on, as well as ^TJTJ Jl^lfa, ^Ulf CTrT^I. On the other hand, since the adverbs in "FT may have the meaning of „on the side of," cp. 103, 37FT! may be „on what side?" "^rfl „on this side" etc. Moreover they may even signify „hi|what direction," f. i. rTrT* = ,, to wards that place." a) Pane. 154 ^pm =et fg; ch^lfa eft ir^Tfa, ibid. 289 jrf^ <*>Raf<< 3rar: tuiid i trl (if some tiger come hither)', Mhbh. 1, 163, 4 ifrraqj b) Malav. I, p. 17 Tfr ti i ^JHl^ (sit down on this side). c) M. 2, 200 i i -HnJ 5TT rTrft'S^lrr: (or you must go from that place to another), Kull. hhii&i STOT^ 1^\\^{ rpnam ; — Qak. I ^MUHqRd- ehwjch i:-... ^FT ^oTTfitefcT^ (— are moving on in this direction). i. Pronominal Adjectives. 291. Pronominal adjectives are : I. pRtFFT (how great , quan- ™.™i ttu), Dem. ^FrT, FTT^tT and ^rll^-fT {tantus), with the relat. ^TT^'FT „[as great] as." Prono- mina ttdJQC tive8 § 291—293. 221 TI. ^fer {qualis?), Dem. ^VJ, FTT^T, ^TT^ {talis, such), Rel. ^^[suc^as^Indef.^RTTSSr „like another." They are also made of personal pronouns : ^r^T (somebody like me), pIT^, W^ST etc. — All of them may end also in °£ST and in °^f. II. ^TlrT (how many ?), Rel. mf\ „[as many] as ," Indef. ^TtrrT^rr (some , any) . Like the kindred Latin quot , aliquot, they are indeclinable. The Dem. friff is not used. 292. Observations on the pronominal adjectives. 1. The mutual relations and combinations of the different classes: relatives , demonstratives , etc., are the same as with the pronouns. In this way it may f. i. be observed, that To^fr and jr$j are to FTTcFt^ and rrrgsr> what m*^ is to h; that jnBR^and qrpr require an apodosis with cTTSFrT an< i FTtTsr; that such a combination as aiTST- smpr: = »of whatever quality" (Pane. I, 420 3^sfr ^T STPTaft ?ITpT rTT^ST s&); that srfH cfrfFrfSlrT = »however many," etc. 2. Those of Group I may be the former member of compounds in "gpj, "f^jij, °5IT^T and the like. F. i. fer^jpr "tow far?," fau^f^ »how long?,'' fer^rpr^ »how many times?". Bhoj. 28 jxw[ 9hU& \ { qir q^rq ^-tf K, Pane. 63 fifETj^ ^ ST^mtnr:, KatMs. 13, 137 ^rftr| qzrr wr :t ?T[rT!-"> 5KFT (for so long a time I did not know this duty), Pane. 56 fo n -MHifrdrf FTST %: STJtcT: (out how insignificant are these enemies of your father). 3. Instances of ^tjh, felTT and its adverb fer?^ used as inde- finites [281] are now and then met with. Pane. 211 sprin sumidufH gifH 5TT FTTOTffl (he kills some of them, some others he wounds). — Note the compound cfrfmzr = sseveral, sundry." Chapt. III. On nouns of number. 293. As Sanskrit grammars not only teach, which are the different nouns of number for the unities , decads 222 § 293—294. Express- e ^ Ctj j-, u t a \ so h ow to make the interjacent ones (see noans £ j. Whitney § 476 and 477), this point may be passed berby over here. It will suffice to give some instances of the most various usua j idioms for expressing numbers higher than 100. So Varah. nations Brh. 11, 5 Wi°h l fti<*.^ = 101, Ch. Up. 3, 16, 7 gfmr snfsirW "116 c $**- years" [liter, a hundred of years , determined by sixteen]. — Of ad- dition, as f. i. t *TfT5firj~rf — ft < 3' aut - 8 > 8 ^roi i P(mH I k\h*\\ : H^rT: (purified by 40 sacraments), M. 3, 40 aWf^T m mt:, ibid. 4, 87 min — ^Fn^fduiidM., Kathas. 10, 39 srtf trq-qffsr^f : qftert ^aia i HM ( we are 1000 granddaughters of the chief of Daityas , Bali); Mhbh. 1, 16, 8 sra- cRef: STrTRTTTraF^ rTtrtloMy :• Higher numbers, as ^T^TtFT, FRTT, °h Il6!,aresub- stantives, and always construed with the genitive of the object numbered. E. 1, 53, 21 5^7^^ nat ^7^(1 give a crore of cows); Pane I, 251 q- niiPTf ?t^tjt ^r ==r cframT oii(?Mi!jj UKfcrii mmrt TT5TT (t ^' ui A ? feaiH (designs of kings, that do not succeed by a 224 § 294—296. thousand elephants nor by a hundred thousand horse , are successful by one stronghold). Rem. 1. The double construction of Pdmid etc. is as old as the Rgveda. Cp. f. i. Rgv. 2, 18, 5 xirdlP^Hl ^jfir: with Rgv. 5, 18, 5 j ^ q^iw s^iSMiy; Rem. 2. In epic poetry one meets occasionally with a plural of the decads instead of the singular. Nala 26, 2 q^iuifj.ju : (with fifty horses) instead of qsdiuiHi ^t:- On the other hand, a singular of the substantive construed with sjff and sT^5T occurs now and then, as Hariv. 1823 ^h^Su t srr^Tirr [instead of srrfft: or srr^rpj], BMg. Pur. 4, 29, 24 asf sttpt'). 2 95. Multiples of to^lTFT and the rest are denoted by putting them in the plural. R. 2, 31, 22 cfttwot fl wii^mrq^ai-HRtf PTfq- (the princess Kausalya, might entertain even thousands of men such as I am) 2 ); R 3, 53, 24 jrsmr f^TTT TPJ H^aif gr =grr£sr (by whom fourteen thousand Raxasas have been killed); M. 11, 221 fqrrjPTf fowl •ssSfcfh".- HI^HIU-H (eating in a month 3X80 balls); Mhbh. 13, 103, 14 spirit U i H i Pi 3 ) ; — Pane. 253 quriU i riJ fa (even by hundreds of endeavours); Mhbh. 9, 8, 41 ^ -eiHidM^ l iu i (and ten thousand horse) ; Kathas. 35, 96 ^sr chissHchltlsr faror: u(h<4I, three q^J), the medial (^TTFFTCT^T) and the passive. of the of these , the active is formally different from the other krit two , but the medial and passive voices have many forms in common. The perfect ^Jsh may be = „he made [for himself]" as well as „he was made ," the future ^l|^4rt is either „he will bear [for himself]" or „he will be 1) P. 1, 4, 80—82 H gWTifr: I $ voice, personally and impersonally, as has been pointed out 87 7 and 8. Moreover it serves to signify such intransitive actions as the rice boils, the wood splits CJ^Urf M i^MH ITH'tlrl =hl'^ r T '), whereas „I boil the rice , I split the wood" is expressed by the active voice 5Tt^T W^IH" I =hl^ PT" Hl'ij 3 ). Pat. II, p. 14 TOTOT fwfHNH l sTteT: srhEFFr (from a river- bank, which is about to give way, lumps of earth are breaking off) , Kumaras. 4, 5 rr f&^tlf (v. a. my heart does not break), Kathas. 25, 45 sr^r spwsJTFT (the vessel burst), Qat. Br. 1, 5, 4, 5 g srcsqcTfat t h^ lPr rrap^' (the "fruits fall down from the trees). Of the kind are pjr& (to appear, to seem), jq-Jiii?| (to increase), grpEffa^r (to decrease), mH7t (to suit, to be fit) and the like. 1) The passive, when personal, is styled chHfui (expressive of the ob- ject), when impersonal , irrg- (express, of the state), see P. 1, 3, 13; 3, 1, 67. When having an intransitive or reflexive meaning, it is styled chH*dH (express, of both subject and object). 2) Yet one likewise says f. i. STTV ^TTSTt TcrfH' (the pot boils well), cp. Kac. on P. 3, 1,87. 240 § 319—320. Bern. 1. It is not allowed, however, to use that intransitive P. 3. l, passive of all verbs. Panini excepts the roots g^; , g- and rpj. One says j^f - not j^jfi- - rfh toliW d , qq^ - not qujff - S^TT: ^KPTcr »the cow is milking; the stick bends." Patanjali extends the exception to others, especially to all causatives, and mentions a varttika of the Bharadvajiyas which enumerates even a larger list of exceptions. This statement of the Bharadvajiyas has been accepted by the Kacika. At all events , this much is certain , that of several verbs the medial voice has also an intrans. meaning. A concurrence of medial and passive is taught by P. 3, 1, 62 and 63 for the aorist of roots ending in a vowel and also of g-^; with intransitive meaning it may be said acHfl or sairT,. a^)f^ and 3T|TV, f. i. 4lchlf| or iffSRFT 5J)T: tolWol - On the other hand, the pure reflexive — 318 c\ — is occasio- nally expressed by a passive; especially JjaiH »to release one's self." R. 3, 69, 39 tf^reres jma- Rem. 2. Note the idiom jtziw hii^NH : , a passive with etymo- P. 3, 1, logical object. See f. i. M. 2, 167. 320. Intransitives are often expressed also by the verbs Intran sitives-of the so-called four th class of conjugation , which chiefly how r-s ex - comprises roots with intransitive meaning, as Sh^Miri $STf?T, faSTTFT, ^TIH. For the rest, intransitive meaning is by no means restricted to a special set of forms and may be conveyed by any. So f. i. FcPT „to sleep" is formally an active ^FTftT, ^TT „to lie" a medial 3TFT, ^ „to die" a passive H^TrT. The difference of accentuation which exists between the verbs of the 4 th class and the passives, must not blind us to the in- contestable fact of their close connection. At the outset, there is likely to ha^e been one conjugation in °gfff °?ih with intran- sitive function , whence both the 4*h class and the passive have sprung. Nor is it possible, even in accentuated texts, to draw everywhere with accuracy the boundary-line between them, see Whitney § 761, § 320—321. 241 especially b.) and c.) and 762, cp. also the rule of P. 6, 1, 195. — The old language, especially the dialect of the Mahabharata, affords many instances of passive forms with the endings of the parasmai- padam, even with passive meaning. See f. i. Mhbh. 1, 24, 15; 38, 13; 51, 9; 102, 23; Nala 20, 31 etc. 1 ). Chapt. III. Tenses and moods. 321. The Sanskrit finite verb comprises the following tenses and moods: 1. the present (FPT), 2. the imperfect (FT3), 3. the perfect (H4"), 4. the aorist (FT3F), 5. and 6. the future in PTlrT (FI5) and the periphrastic future (FTE), 7. the imperative (tr\ \{ t ) } 8. the potential or optative (TFT3), 9. the precative (M|:lR|N), 10. the conditional (FRF). To them we must add for the archaic dialect the con- junctive (FTS"), for the classic language the participles in °rT and rT^Tl , as far as they do duty for finite verbs. Of these, 1 — 6 and the said participles constitute that, which we are wont to call „the indicative mood;" the other moods are represented by 7—10 and by the Vernacular grammar makes no distinction between tenses and moods, which is, indeed, less developed in Sanskrit, than it is in Latin and Greek. 2 ) 1) P. 3,1,90 mentions two roots, which are verbs of the 4 th class ) parasmaipada , when being used as intransitive-reflexives , whereas they are otherwise conjugated , when transitives. But Panini expressly sta- tes that the eastern grammarians teach so , the passive of them may , therefore.be also employed,f.i. chtejfd or oFTOJ^r trier: feWHol (the foot strikes), TstrfFT or pqfV of^T STCRoT (the garment is dying). Utt. V, p. 102 ^ S5T& p3rT:. 2) In Panini's grammar the 10 or 11 tenses and moods form one category , 16 242 § 322. 322. Of the tenses, which constitute the indicative mood, the present is represented by one, the future by two, the past by four (aorist, imperfect, perfect, participles). Of the two futures, that in Vllcl is the general expo- nent of the future. Likewise the aorist and the participles are the general exponents of the past. The other past tenses and the other future have but a limited sphere of employ- ment. We may remark that those limits are quite different from what one would expect judging from the names , by which Sanskrit tenses have been termed by European scholars. Sanskrit imperfect and perfect have nothing in common with their cognominal tenses in Latin or French or Greek, and the difference f. i. between the employ- ment of Skr. ^[^ih i Rh and tyifipmnfi can in no way be compared with that which exists between Lat. scripturus sum and scribam. Eem. Sanskrit makes no distinction between absolute and re- lative tenses. Hence, if one wants to denote what was about to be done in the past i), one employs the same tense which is ex- pressive of what is about to be done now , viz. the future. Simi- larly , the same past tenses , which signify that which is accom- plished now, may serve also for the expression of the action, which will be accomplished at some future point of time. Nagan. Ill, p. 55 fijir n^ rewind n^T^nf^ ft^ioiy £sr Fa^rWUiH ^ej, here the past tense jju i rl : has the value of the so-called futurum exac- tum of Latin, ego advenero. For this reason too , the present does also duty for the dura- tive of the past (327) and the past tenses are also significative of the remote past (339). but do not bear a common appellation. The K&tantra names them fgirfiff, by the same term which is used tor the » cases" of the nouns. See Kat. 3,1, 11 — 34 with commentary. 1) This was at the outset the duty of the so-called conditional, but in classic Sanskrit this employment having fallen out of use, it is the future that is to express scripturus eram as well as scripturus sum. Cp. 347 R. § 32S— 324. 243 Present. (^TS). 323. The present tense is in Sanskrit what it is every- Pre- sent, where, the expression of facts present or represented as such. The notion „present" has of course the ut- most elasticity. It applies to any sphere of time of which ourselves are the centre and it may have as small or as great a periphery as possible. Accordingly, facts which are represented as happening always and every- where are put in the present. It is superfluous to il- lustrate this by examples. 324. Further, the presenVmay denote a near past or a near v \ s s \ 3 ' f e r n e t ; future. denot- 1. The present denoting a near future may be compared fj^g' near with such phrases as : I am going on a journey next week, instead of: I shall go. So ^T^ch=^T >fMH", etc. Bhoj. 42 arf£ ^ nsurT serf ^lriwd*l flWlR'.Mi^uPH (if we do not go, the king's attendants will turn us out to-morrow), E. 3, 68, 13 %W5T foH a u fd (he will die soon), Pane. 143 y^f .tiaddl s^ fnr grr^r iTJITfJT (I am happy, I shall pass the time there with you). In subordinate sentences the present is very often employed in this manner, especially in final and conse- cutive clauses, as will be shown afterwards. Bern. 1. Panini gives a special rule concerning the present p. 3, 3, 4. denoting the future with jnsnT and m Example of a i oirf j Pane. 286 ^ ZTffT ^STtrrWT i ll 5iT^Tfa is by its nature a durative tense, and for this reason it is eminently adapted to signify the durative, even of the past. Of course, FT may be added in that case (326), but it is not necessary and is generally wanting in the body of a narration. Accordingly , *T{TFf is often = Lat. ferebam. Examples: Pane. 165 a new story begins in this manner ^f^j grfirr- feeffiwrn y| Picriehi J7FT *l(cH*l sraffT W {hdbitabat) \ ^ =ar qTferofr- f^rrrft ?T5^r sr^nijrTTSTriH (*'s vestes conficiebat) \ qj- prer — =t i-fisr- RTE^TsTTT^rfVcFj Ewrafe SWT (fiebat) ; Ch. Up. 1, 2, 13 ^ ^ q-ft- ifklMl^idl spgr (fuit) i sr ^ &w. chmHun g-fo (incantabat) ; Mhbh. h^-57, 5 Ry^pH ct ff5T epqT ?Nr ?RJ ftfsr (at that time they delivered the food begged to Kuntl every night); Pat. I, p. 5 q- j \dh^ ^dcjjylrjj ^qTrp-H { ^TTcrl sTTfTUTT odlch^UI FTT4 » denoting the not-actual past." Prom there 4M historical or actual; ^f^WH" may be = „I did," and =: „I have done." Examples of the historical aorist have been given 328. When denoting the actual past, that is such past acts as are so recent as not to have lost their actuality at the time of their being related, the aorist is used side by side with the participles in °H^*rl and °rf; neither imperf. nor perfect are then available. „I have seen the man" is ST^I^f J^T or £2"3"RfFT [not SJW 1 ^ nor Examples of the aorist denoting the actual past. Ait. Br. 1, 6, 11 HWI ^ am come *° y° u )j Kathas. 42, 100 srqTTrerT *m fw nfert mt STtfrfw^ (how is it that our father has brought us that are guiltless , into this state ?) ; Qak. I [the charioteer to the king] ot- jjiff fsnmz: ^tT j — &•) partic. in "fTSRj. R. 1, 76, 2 j^HdHfo T Or^f ^ HoIhR v ittttst (I have heard, what deed you have done); Qak. IV Kanva to Anasuya 5377^ JTrlddi srt ^^ H-dlfruTi (Anasuya, the friend and companion of both of you has departed); Mudr. Ill, p. 107 Canakya to Candragupta ^sm 1) Hence commentators often explain aorists by participles. 2) I do not recollect having met with them doing duty as finite verbs, in br&hmanas and upanishads. But, as I have not yet made a special inquiry into this subject, I refrain from affirming their entire absence from that class of works. 256 § 337—339. 337. The participle in °?t may be sometimes expressive of the present (361). sp; cM-l I ) : "the boy is asleep, is sleeping" as well as she has just awaked from sleep" (actual past) or »he slept" (historical past). To remove all ambiguousness , one derives participles in "fTERT even from intransitives , as )MdM , dlrldi-i , y , and 1) Panini- does not mention the 1 st and 2 d person formed by simply putting together the noun in "flT and the personal pronoun. Accordingly this mode of formation has been excluded from the official paradigms of the periphrastic future. Yet cTSTT^T is quite as correct and as much used as clrhli^M. That Panini left it unnoticed, may be due to his system of explaining grammatical forms. To him olfhll^M, olrfolW are forms to be dealt with, because by the union of both elements a new word arises, bearing one accent, but 5TH7T -f- 5^ and the like are units syntactically only , not so from a formal point of view. Hence , to Panini the noun in °rTT is not even the nomin. of a noun, but a simple stem to which the personal suffixes are to be added. Upon the whole, the information to be got from him about this future , is scanty, see P. 3, 1, 33; 2, 4, 85 and 7, 4, 50—52, cp. Boethlingk's note on 7, 4, 52. 17 258 § 340. of course also =hrll^MMFT, *rll(l 3^, sim. Both pronouns and auxiliaries are occasionally severed from the verbal noun ; the pronouns may precede as well as follow. Even the auxiliary sometimes precedes in poetry. Examples: 1 st and 2 d person: Kathas. 26, 31 n^ii^ (I shall go), E. 3, 69, 40 =Erfvn?m1% adj^jfa|m , Malav. I, p. 15 nmr mycra^ rjrfti^ (then I shall release M.), E. 2, 118, 10 hii i ^jU mTTT ;sr MidymNUl f^opj ( — you will go to heaven), Mudr. V, p, 175 trgisr^rftciilMol fTBf TPTnTi ( — ourselves shall start), Mhbh. 1, 136, 39 f^r ^£ji Pi n\ d^f|; ^isisni^H oFrrf ^rRrr who will protect you, my son?" As a rule, however, the object is put in the accusative. 341. As regards its function, the tense in "FIT cannot be P ' ^ 3 ' Em- ploy- used of every future , but only of such actions , as will ment of the not occur soon , in other terms which have not yet ture actuality. It is, therefore, a remote future. The future tenses. in °Hllrl on the other hand, is the general future , and may be used of any future action, whether intended or not, whether actual or remote. Hence, for the future in °tTF one may everywhere substitute that in ^TTrT, but not inversely. That the future in Vlltl may express also purpose, intention etc. will be shown hereafter, see 344. The grammarians make the same distinction between 5T£ and crfir as between 5^ and ^tj. Both imperfect fas) and ^r£ are restricted to the SRSffW 2 )> 1) Commentators explain the term Jbt-NrH m(o|WW as meaning » future facts, not to happen to-day, but to-morrow and afterwards." According to them , that which will happen to-day cannot be signified by 5^7. When exemplifying this tense, they are wont to add gsr;. The Katantra names it even gsrefprt. Yet , this explication of £M4jrM is no less narrow as regards the future, as it has been shown to be for the past, see note 1 on p. 249 and note 3 on p. 253 of this book. Nor are instances want- ing from literature of cfTT denoting facts to happen on the same day. Pane. 161 some bride has been left alone by her bridegroom and the whole marriage-train, who have fled at the threatening approach of a wild 260 § 341-341*. Hem. The past tH^rH » as has been stated above (330 E. 2), is to be expressed by the general past tenses in two cases. Si- j°i 3 > milarly the future g .-mH~l finds its expression by the general future in o^rfH in the same cases, viz. » uninterrupted action" and »the time adjoining immediately that of the speaker," therefore uioisdl - EPT^f <^i«j(ri [not jTirr], titwwicuwiiiiPMrUd wuiwiul-sjlVjiyiyifd (at the next new moon the teacher will worship the holy fires). Some additional remarks are made by P. 3, 3, 136 — 138 to exclude ^Z in a few other cases; but nothing, he says, prevents the use of 5TC, if the time be exactly defined by a word meaning sday" or » night." The employment of stt together with such words is proved, indeed, by instances, drawn from literature. 341*. In most cases, therefore, it is indifferent , what fu- ture is employed. Often both alternate. R. 1, 70, 17 cURT- sriw: , hut in the following cloka ^tr smrfci crfw:, cp. R. 1, 38, 8 and 2, 8, 22. This alternation is most apparent in conditional sentences; then either ^jz is used in both protasis and apodosis (Ait. Br. 1, 27, 1), or in the apodosis only, but 5j£ in the protasis (Kathas. 28, 131 *ft«er. Jrf^ gtrtjfri i h^J|(m vrfarrTT JjFg:), or con- versely (Kathas. 1, 60 037 iTOT chtn i EM 1 q&q<^d Ud*lfy FT5J yiqife^l- ?to), or the future in "Wfff in both (KatMs'. 39, 67). In putting ques- tions , in uttering prophecies the future in "fit is , indeed , often em- ployed ') , but the future in °^jfrf is even there more frequent. elephant; then a young man comes to her rescue, takes her by the hand and says rrr H(Jl^ l l(?=llrll- Prabodh. VI , p. 134 Purusha exclaims M l iu i ^l yPl^ MiddlR^ ?RT:- Inversely, the other future is used even with SET:, f. i. Malav. II , p. 46 rd^y^q^ui Soft ^W ;- 1) Delbruck , Altindische Wortfolge p. 6 — 8, treats the future in "jtt, as far as it is employed in the Qatapathabrahmana. He concludes that it is the ^objective future, denoting the certainty of the future fact, apart from any wish or desire on the side of the subject." Though this will hold good in the majority of cases, it is not always supported by facts. A strong desire , an intention , etc. are occasionally also denoted by 3TT- R. 1,20, 3 Dacaratha offers to Vicvamitra to fight, himself and his army, against the demons: Jsrrnrr [viz. &m\] *r%Tf nroTT *TteT*f § 341**— 342. 261 341**. According to the vernacular grammarians the general future p - 3 > 2 - o r^ i 112. ln STTH may even be expressive of the past in this case, if a verb of remembering be added to the past action related. The imperfect, then, is forbidden and the future to be employed in- stead of it. Kac. gives this instance ^ferRrfe ibsrSjT sraiT% dtkuw ., likewise uii fy , 'srwras -Shum di-uin-i : = » do you remember, that P 3 2 ■we dwelled — ?" But this substitution of the future cannot be, 113.' if the action remembered or reminded is introduced by Qcj. A third rule of Panini on this head is explained as allowing both j^ ' imperf. and future, if the verb of remembering introduces two or more past actions, of which the preparatory action is first named, the main action afterwards. See Pat. II, p. 119. Of this strange and rather awkward idiom I know no other instances but those , adduced by grammarians or such authors , as aimed at exemplifying the rules of Panini '). Chapt. IV. Tenses and moods (continued). 342. The subjunctive mood is expressed in Sanskrit by \we C ~ four tenses : 1 . TFT3 , called by some optative, by others potential , 2. ^TlfMsf fr?T3 the precative or benedic- tive, 3. FF3 the conditional, 4 FTtS" the impera- tive. The dialect of the Veda (mantra and brahmana) has moreover a fifth tense called rTTE" by vernacular, mood. ^ f4u i M| ii ^T5T yrrarrfTrfjfTTJT W^^Pl ; when he then adds ZTToT- cmmi-fcll^m i ffi H i a-JlKA l RuiM^:, he muat needs use the other future, as the action is a permanent one , op. 341 R. 1) In fact, I cannot persuade myself, that Panini's words have been well understood by the commentators. Especially the phrase ^fi^nopSR is likely to mean something different. If it could be proved , that Panini used i&fijfrr in the sense of » purpose" ^fWTJT, all difficulty of interpre- tation would be removed. Then, indeed, Panini would simply teach the future in °mfft doing duty as a future's past (322 B.), axril (d = dic- turus erat. 262 § 342—343. conjunctive by European grammarians, which was already obsolete in the days of Pattini. The duties of the missing tense are performed by the imperative , partly also by the present (FTS)- Nor is the present the only tense , which apart from its expressing the indicative, may sometimes have the force of a sub- junctive; for the future in °HllH — and, in prohibitions, even the aorist — is occasionally concurrent with lc<1>£ and FTfC. That the conditional (FT3) was at the outset an indicative tense, appears sufficiently not only from its outer form, but also from its original employ- ment. Upon the whole, the boundaries between in- dicative and not-indicative are less marked in Sanskrit than in Latin and Greek. 343. The subjunctive mood finds its general expression Thef§^j n ^ e tense termed 1FT3' by Panini, and which one (optative "^ ' or po- is wont in Europe to name either optative or po- tential) is the tential , though it is not restricted [to the expression ffciisrfll exponent of both wishes and possibility. In fact , any shade subjimc- of meaning, inherent to the Latin conjunctive, may mool be imported by it. Its manysidedness entails the great variety of its translation. According to sense ^TFT may be= I can {could) do, I may {might) — , will {would) — , shall {should) — , must do , let me do , sim. We may make some main distinctions: a.) IFT^ is used in exhortations and precepts: hor- tative. b.) it is expressive of wishes : optative. c.) it is a potential, that k is], it may purport a Its subdi visions. § 343. 263 possibility, or a probability, on the other hand also uncertainty and impossibility or improbability. d.) it is used in hypothetical sentences. e.) it may be used in such relative sentences , as bear a general import. /.) it may be used in subordinate sentences expres- sive of a design or of inevitable consequence. «.) tor- a .) Ch. Up. 7, 3, 1 qrsn^Mk (let me study the mantras), cFraffar P 1 «i 3 ' tative. t , loi. du sifa (let me do sacrificial acts); Pane. V, 103 mjr: ^rnr =r tf^tfT iW. gcrer frrmnnn ^trt ^ ir^fcsrFT i^ffssrraf^ FSm<) \ (one must not take sweetmeats alone, nor wake alone among sleeping people, nor must one walk alone nor consider one's affairs alone); Kumaras. 4, 36 jora^f rol ^ Rl U loiT H o fcH -i (you [Spring] must inflame the fire by the breezes of the southwind); Dag. 152 jm\ =3T^ Rirl*H m ; ^ grirqHWT (and now, I might return to your father). — From these examples it appears, that the hortative f^j is ex- pressive of any kind of exhortation. WoTFTsJixrhT may be — »you must study" or »you may," »you might," »you are allowed to study," »it is your duty, the due time — " etc. See P. 3, 3, 161; 163; 164 with comm. poo *).°P- 6.) E. 3, 19, 20 QurpanakM utters this wish HmRHqi^ ^fiq" 157' fqsrc w^-j l foi (0 , that I might drink their blood). To this pure a »d optative often the particle =gfqr is added or =gi^ q^rr. Mudr. II, p. 89 =g-fq to 5jTfTH*imicw^H5rra^TTjt Prarr; R. 2, 43, 9 w^r^f *T cF7T*T: ^JTTfT....^ wnrftf jm&H ( if that time were already present and I should see Rama here). — The verb of swishing" being ^g^ 3 ' added, it may also be put in the f^qj. One says either 3-^1 ft iwtrT nsrFT or Txfej w£fa HBTT^r. Op. R. 3, 58, 5. tential. c.) The potential f^n? comprises various kinds: 1. possibility and ability, as Pane. 226 cfr^T^jf grr^rcft iffUKiH stojft (perhaps this brahman will awake by the lowing of the cows), Mrcch. VII, p. 238 qmn: f%firowt f| =^XCTT (for princes can see through the eye of their spies), Kathas. 2, 37 y*-c£rWtl mvt: rz§ xTTC m^UR (this boy is able to retain by heart all he has heard but once). 264 § 343. 2. probability. Mrcch. VIII, p. 268 the rake says gsraT JTfif T\k rraftfr ' ^m^H l M (in my absence the cruel man will kill her), Kathas. 25, 24 sI I hWm gj5t sTTfj rft tffta. (that old man, methinks, will know that town); 3. doubt. Qak. V Rij^fdw wronrr *I!w«jh qr^^fTsjijisrHr: nfpTT: sj: (for what reason may the Keverend K. have sent holy men to me?), Pane. I, 215 ^ s^ji-j m ^n I ( iroin^-Ml f^ JT^trRW (I am able to lift up the earth with my arms , drink up the ocean etc.). So often with %$j (or 377) see P. 3, 3, 152. — But if one says »he may even do this," in order to express blame on that account, the present is neces- sary , and the f§re is forbidden (P. 3, 3, 142). Kag. gives this example 5^ — or ;nrj — rnWcTPT_ ajsm HMufd (he is even able to officiate for a gudra). d.) hy- d.) the hypothetical f^re is used, if it is wanted to say, what P? , e ' will happen or would happen, if some other fact occur or should occur. It is used in the protasis as well as in the apodosis of hypothetical sentences. Mhbh. 1, 82, 21 Qarmishtha says to Yayati ronrte qrHaHl ST^F? =ajtf yifrpFW (if I had offspring from you, I would, walk in the highest path of duty) , Pat. I, p. 2 jff ■fthlM * ik sTTpif ^TTr^T 5TT fiSTrSffafcT *RI qfm: WTH (for he , who should kill a brahman or drink strong liquor without knowing it, even such a one would be an outcast, methinks), Pane. Ill, 203 irf^ § 343-344. 265 %Ti. Cp. 489 and 471 E. L e.)ffsT5 «•) fwr? used in relative sentences of general import.. A.cv. 1, relative ^, 1 ZHT 5? ^ ^Im^rUtlH^ (wheresoever one has the intention of per- 8 ^! e ^f formin g oblations), Pane. I, 165 gr Mltd^Ul oRTOT * 2) The Rgvedamantras , indeed , contain many optatives , belonging to the aorist, some also, which are made of the stem of the perfect. But they have early disappeared from the language. — In the archaic dialect the conditional may occasionally do duty of the past of the f§T?i see 347 R. and cp. P. 3, 3, 140. § 345-347. 269 tative of the aorist has survived, but it is not what we should call a tense. It is rather a kind of mood , see the next paragraph. 346. The precative or benedictive (^|R|fa fv\3). This T \% a ' tive. mood is restricted to benedictions, and even there it has a concurrent idiom : the imperative. Malat. VII, p. 91 f^rcmpferT: crpr^wtat Tf^nrfrr i 5«ttot 'grrcrg; ( ma y tlie g°ds make the issue as happy as possible , may I obtain my desire"), Utt. I, p. 5 fchM^^iyiKM^ i a^uysTT itot:, Dae. I 64 w^rs ^r ^s: *lm^iy: i irorcwof JTTcT^T^IdHlRi rdrtiyi^tl tTTslRIri'- J ) 347. The so called conditional (FT3F) is properly the past Condi- o p f - "^ tionai. f the future in °^M Irl. In classic Sanskrit its employ- ment is limited to the expression of the so called modus irrealis, that is the mood significative of what would happen or have happened , if something else should have occurred, which really has not taken place. Then, mostly, both protasis and apodosis contain the con- ditional. 2 ) Ch. Up. 6, 1, 7 g- ^rl^d I ffarerfr *t znsm^ (for if they had known it, why should they not have told me so?), Pane. 237 h^iR, (TOT oH-Wchi^mHH fTfft ^ ^st^t^m^mmfsm^m^ (for if they had done according to his words , then not the least misfortune would have befallen them), Dag, 111 fft y^MMyl R^(£cildoiidrwidiRuHi *i£m Hart EfjftaRerRBTWfTTT (if those two princes should have grown up without accidents, they would have reached your age by this time), Kumaras. 6, 68 jumii^^if =TTCT: ST iyirM^lrlMoiMt'il- (sjtstT =T °3rT (how would the serpent [Cesha] bear the earth, if you [Vishnu] had not lifted it up from the bottom of hell?), Ch. Up. 1) Nala 17, 35 the precative STOTCT does the duty of an hortative im- perative. 2) P. 3, 3, 139 f^ri^f^ft - gyg J9hmlriMT& 140 w{ ^. — Eac. UFT =ET ZR& fctfeffi* lsWJl(ri<4??l ^rU\ 270 § 347. 1, 10, 4 7T bit wtfawftm^'pn^ (forsooth, I should hare died, if I had not eaten them). In the examples given, the conditional in the apodosis sometimes denotes a hypothetical past, sometimes a hypothetical present, but in the protasis it is always expressive of a past. I do not recollect having met with any instance of the conditional denoting the hypothetical present in both members ; M. 7, 20 f. i. it is signified by the f^ry in the protasis and by the conditional in the apodosis af^; q- nuid^ l ttl 3TJ3" ^U^UdoidP^rCi SRFf ^r