ASIA ^A^n )unipulusA-rar;pnims^ p g tenor * •Cuca-m BU ^' ^// President White Ljbrary CoRNELL University ^^ i'-f-z 4 Date Due MATf? '. mt^"fr "wft^i39saj>i.P JUL ^fl 9 88 Mg k^^ tvn^ \KV y\hj & Cornell University Library DA 68.32.G66H15 1884 The story of Ch nese Gordon / 3 1924 023 004 215 Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924023004215 20 Oeuts. >^A^A;^A^A^A^A|^A^A;^;.^^^^ Latest IsVues of Loyell's Library. ffiO The Bote and the Binir. . 831 WolfertB Koost „.. SUMBik Seaworth IB3 hite of Paul Jonet 324 Round the World S25 BIbow Room 826 Tho Wizard's Son 327 Harry Lorrequer £38 How It All Came Romld. 339 Dante Rosetti's Poems. .. 330 The Canon's Ward SSI liUCile, by O. Meredith., 832 Every Day Cook Book... 833 Lays of Ancient Rome.. 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Vol. Hi,. 25 487 Moore's Poems 40 488 Water Witoh.^ 20 489 Bride of Lamhiermoor . 20 490 Black Dwarf 10 491 Red Rover 20 492 Castle DaugeKus ; IS 498 Legend of Montrose 15 494 Past and Present 20 495 Surgeon's Daughter 10' 496 Woman's Trials 20 497 Sesame and Lilies 10 498 Dryden's Poems,,,.: SO 499 Heart of Mid-Iotbinn SO • 500 Diamond Necklace 15 501 The Pilot, by Cooper,... SO 502 Waverley, by Scott 20 508 Chartism, by Carlyle,,,. 20 504 Fortunes of Nigel SO 505 Crown of WildOUves.... 10 506 Wmgand'Wing...; : 20 •507 The Two Wives 15 508 Sartor Re sa-rti«i.; 20 509 Peveril of the Pent ,.,... SO 510 Sthics of the Dnrt 10 611 Hood's Poems.-.,..,, 80 512 Wyandotte, by Cooper, , , 20 513 Men, Women, and Lovers 20 514 Early Kings of Norway, . 20 515 The Pirate, by Scott 80 516 Queen of the A it. 10 517 Heidenmaner, by Cooper 20 518 Married Life by Arthur. 20 519 Headsman, by Cooper. . 20 620 Jean Paul Fred. Blohter. 10 521 Seven Lamps of Archi- tecture 20 - Carlyle's Goethe, etc 10 523 Coleridge's Poems 80 , 624 Biavo,by Cooper 20 625 Life of beyne 15 526 Campbell's Poems 20 527 Lionel Lincoln 20 528 Voltatee and Novclis 15 629 Wept of Wish-ton-Wish, 20 530 In Durance Vilo 10 531 Keats's Poems 86 532 Afloat and Ashore 25 633 Principles and Fallacies of Socialism W 584 Papa's Own Girl , 80 535 Studies In Civil Service, . 15 636 Scott's Poem* 40 537 Lectures on Architecture and Padhting, Ruskin,, 15 538 The Ways of Providence, „ , by Arthur..., 15 539 Miles Wallingf ord, by J. F. Cooper 20 540 Works of Virgil 85 641 Heroes & Hero Worship, byCarlylo 20 542 Stones of Venice, by Bus- kin, 3 vols., each 20 543 The Monlkins, by Cooper 20 644 Eedganntlet, by SootC... 25 645 Uom« Boeoea, by Aitbar 15 THE ^TORYOF Chinese Gordon. c BY a:: bgmont hake. AUTHOB OF "PARIS OBIOINALS/^ "PLATTEBIHG TALES,"'* BTO. WITH ADDITIONS, BRINGING DOWN THE NARRATIVE TO THB I'RBSBNT TIMB, HUGH QBAIG, mJ..' ** One honest man, one wise man, one peaceful man commands a hundred millions, without a baton and without a charger. He wants no fortress to protect him : he stands higher than any citadel can raise him, brightly contipicuous to the most distant nations, God*s servant by election, God's Image by beneficence," — Landos. NEW YORK: JOHN W. LOVELL COMPANY, 14 AND 16 Vesey Street. ^' : f^k 'rl'. CopTBiamc, 1884, Br HUGH CKAIQ. TO ALL ADMIEEES OP CHINESE GOEDO¥, ♦ AKB ESPECIALLY TO MT FEIEND, WILLIAM EENEST HElifLEY, f^jis WKoxk is litswciirtb BT THE A0THOE. PEEFAGE. To have known the true story of Chinese Gordon's life has been an education ; to have written it is a priy- ilege and an honor. For assistance in the perfection of my history, I am grateful to many ; for its publication I need only apologize to one : this is Major-General Gordon himself. I hare given his life to the world not only without his consent, but even without his knowledge. THE AUTHOR. CONTENTS. PAGE I. THE GORDONS AND THE ENDERBYS 1 n. THE CRIMEA — BESSARABIA — ARMENIA 11 III. THE TAI-PINQ REBELLION 33 rV. FUSHAN — TAITSAN — QUINSAN 40 T. BURGEVINB BECOMES A WANS 68 VI. THE MURDER OF THE KINGS 93 YH,. PINAL VIOTOEIES 115 VIII. THE END OF THE REBELLION 144 IX. " GOD BLESS THE KERNEL " 163 X. IN THE LAND OF THE BLACKS 177 XL THE LITTLE KHEDIVB 195 Xn. " CHILDE ROLAjm " 214 Xin. THE KOBBERS' DEN 381 XIV. THE REVOLT OF THE SLAVE-DEALERS 251 XV. AN ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY 274 XVI. " THE TTNCROWNBD KING " 286 XVII. THE FIRST FAILURE 300 XVm. THE HOLY LAND 311 XIX. THE SOUDAN AGAIN — GORDON TO THE RBSCfUE 319 XX. GORDON US KHAKTOUM 341 THE STORY OF CHIKE8E GORDON. CHA?I!;EE I., THE GOEDOSrS AND THE, ENDEBEfyS. This bocik would be interegting'to many if its obj^t were merely to set forth: a (Jetaiied acepnnt of the varied, and splendid e^oifcs of Charles Gordon, an'dtb sound hia praise. Such, however, is not its only kim. The k&tory of Ohrist has been recorded to the end that men miight have before them the- example of a perfect life.' This exampte Charles Gordon has followed, perhaps as elosely as mortal may do. To show bis achievement step by step is to place the actions of such a man in a! light wherein theymayserve as a beacon to others; With this intention it is that the story- of Chinese Gordon, is given- to the world. ■ /"■■ - His one aim in life has been to do his duty, and that without incurring the penalty of fame, the displeasure of: being called a hero. He has alwa^f^S abhorred pnb- liciity, he has never courted renown'; yet he is among' the most renowned of men, and^to the peoples of three con- tinents his name is almost a household word. Though faOy conscious of hareeistible strength of purpose, he claims, no merit for himself. He, " with celestial vigor armed, and plain heroic magnitude of mind," regards 2 THE 8T0EY OF CHINESE GOEDON. no feat of war as due to efforts of his own ; no peril he surmounts as due to daring ; no victory he wins as due to prowess or to skill. Whatever his triumphs, he holds them none of his, but thfe triuiii;^hs of a higher cause, whose instrument he is and whose flag he bears. In him are united the genius of action and the genius of morality. He has the unalterable simplicity of a character whose priinary elements are the capacities of faith and love. A lieutenant of engineers in 1853, he is now a major-general in the service of his own coun- try, a mandarin, of the highest order: in the service of China, and a pasha in the service of the Porte. Yet his letters from South Africa, the scene of, some of his later exploits, are written in a spirit as fresh and modest as those he penned in the trenches before Sebastopol. In his late retreat at , Jerusalem, he. worked at his self-im- posed task, the reconstructive survey, half mystical, half scientific^ of the, Holy Sepulchre^with an intelligence as untiring and an interest as boyish and frank as he be- stowed upon the boundaries of Bessarabia and Armenia close on thirty years ago. In every walk of life there are those whose aim it is to do their highest duties to, their fellows. Examples of self-sacrifice are thickly scattered through the annals of religion, government and war ; but it has been in the power of few to bear themselves so congruously as he in the midst of incongruities ; to be as gentle in times of strife as in times of peace ;• to vanquish so many, to con- demn so few ; . to accept so little, and to give so much. His story, indeed, is the story of a swordless conqueror : . of a true disciple of the Divine Master, who laid down His life for humanity; of a complete Christian in THE GORDONS AND THE ENDEESf^ 3 thought, word, and deed. The man must :be peculiarly endowed who, wholly devoid of personal ambition, finds himself sought out as fittest for the highest tasks, and ' only accepts the position when the service demanded of him is in the cause of humanity. This, however, is the case with Gordon. Never has he looked to being great; and when, after almost miraculous achievements, great- ness has been thrust upon him, he has ignored the honor implied and declined the proffered reward. From first to last he has been content in the belief that he has done his best. This perfect disinterestedness has been ' consistently maintained throughout a career which has teemed with temptations and the sorest ti-ials ; which is made up of incidents the most romantic amd adventures the most desperate. This is^ the characteristic in one gifted with a mysterious power of fascinating his fellow- men, whether of the western or the eastern world. It is small wonder if to many its possessor is not laerely heroic biit unique among men. Before recounting his adventures, it will be interest- ing to say something of the family to which he belongs^, if only to trace to their source the qualities which have contributed to the making of his strange and brilliant career. His father, the late Lieutenant-General Heni^ William Gordon, of the Eoyal Artillery, left a memoiir of his family. Scanty as it is, it contains some facts worth noting. General Gordon relates, for instance, that his grandfather, David Gordon (born in 1715), a Highlander and a soldier, was taken prisoner at Preston-Pans while serving under Sir John Cope in Lascelles' regiment (late 4'J'th Eegiment), his kinsman, Sir William Gordon of Park, fighting on the same 4 'feE STOET OF CHmESE GOEDOK. field imder the Pretender. David was released upoti parole through the influence of the Duke of Cum- berland, whom he had met at Edinburgh, and to whom he was previously known, the Duke having some six years before stood sponsor for his son — Charles Gordon's grandfather— and given hiia his name of William Augustus. After Culloden,. David Gordony with his son, embarked-for North America. There he died from an accident, and was buried at Halifax in 1753. His son, the "Butcher's " namesake^ entered the British Army, and served successively in the 40tfa, 73nd, and 11th regiments of infantry. He fought at Minorca — also with distinction at the; siege of Louisburgh in 1758 ; and in 175& he was with Wolfe on. the Plains of Abraham. In 1763 he witnessed the attack and surren- der of the Moro Castle. On his return to England he was sent to Hexham, in Northumberland, where he met his future wife, Anna Maria Clarke, at the house of; her brother, the Eeverend Slaughter' Clarke. To this lady he was married in 1773. By her he had four daughters and three sons. Of his sons, the eldest, William Augustus, was a captain of the 95th Regiment ; he died from a fall from his horse while on duty at the Cape. The second, Attgustus Henry, was educated at the. Royal Military Academy, and died a lieutenant of the Royal Engineers. The third, Henry William, born in 1786, entered the Royal Artillery, and was the only male sur- vivor of his family in that generation. He married Elizabeth, a daughter of the late Samuel Enderby, of Blackheath, and had issue five sons arid six daughters. Three of the sons entered the army, and two are still living. The youngest of these is the captain of the THE GOEDOHS AND THE ENDEEBTS. 5 Ever VietorioTis Army-^Chinese Grffirdoni* It will be seen frofii this that for, a oentiii^r and a half the family has been a family of soMiers^^and ^hat witbont threatening extinction, for there is. a new generation in the service ; and that it has culminated in the genius of Charles Gordon, the most famous, of his adventurous and distinguished clan* . Charles Gordon's father, whom many still recdllecty was a man df marked individuality. He was a good and complete soldier, with a cultivated knowledge of his profession. He will be long remembered by those who served under hiini, as well as by his family and. his friends, for his firm yet genial character, and his very striking figure. He was of a peciQiar type. Those who koew him can never forgiet his lively and expressive face ; his great- round head-^bald and surrounded by short curly hair, bla^k in his be^t days ; his robust play- fulness of manner;. aUd above all the twinkle of fun in his clear blue eyes. In. his company it was not possible to be dull ; he had a look which idifiused cheerfuliiessy and an inexhaustible fund of humor. On occasions he could be stern; .for the essence of his character was a defcision which tuiifmed to severity, when others deviated from their duty, or did it amiss. He lived b.y the " code of honor: " it was the motive of all his actions,! and he expected those with V^hom he dealt- to be guided by its precepts; It is said that no man succeeds in his calling unless he considers it the best and highest. ' This, was General Gordon's feeling for the army. So deeply did he revere the ideal of the British officer, that Charles Gordon's acceptance of a foreign command, despite its * Bom in 1830. 6 THE STOKY OF CHINESE GOBDON. singular and momentous resutts, gave him no pleasure; he was proud of his son, but he did not like to think that he was^serving among foreigners, and not, as a Gordon shoiild, with the men of his own race and faith. He was greatly beloved : for he was kind-hearted, gener- ous, genial in his nature, always just in his practice and in his aims. He spent a long life in the service, and, like his son, was less fitted to obey than to command. More than once, well as he knew the value of discipli-ne, it was his to resist his superiors, and to protest against dictates which he would hold to be superfluous and un- just. No portrait * left of him does him justice, or in the least recalls a face which all who knew it remember as noble and commanding. His wife, Charles Gordon's mother, was no less re- markable a character. She possessed a perfect temper ; she was always cheerful under the most trying circum- stances, and she was always thoughtful .of others ; she contended with difiBculties without the slightest display of efEort ; and she had a genius for making the best of everything. During the Crimean War her anxieties were interminable : she had three sons and several i ear kinsmen at the front. She was perfectly equal to the strain. Her hopefulness remained unclouded ; all day long did she busy herself with the wants of others 'at home and in the field ; while a duty remained to do, or a kindness to bestow, her sunny energy maintained her at her work. She came of a family — originally from Leicestershire — of merchants and explorers : a family which presented a marked contrast with that race of the * One which pictures him as a cadet of the Royal Woolwich Academy, by Dr. Walcott (Peter Pindar), Is in possession of his eldest son. THE GOEDONS AND THE ENDBEBTS. 7 '*gay Grordons" with which in her person it' was sillied. Her father, Samuel Enderby, niade himself, in" connec- tion with geographical research, a name which still has a conspicuous place on the map of the world. A London merchant for many years, he took a prominent part in opening up the- resources of the Southern Hemisphere. Previous to the War of Independence he worked and traded much in America. There he trafficked in the whale-fishery, the ships en^Sged in it being his own, and their crews in his pay. The produce he sent on to England in yessels also^his own pitoperty. Two of theses outward bound for Boston from the ■ Thanles, were chartered by the English Government to carry the tea which proyed the occasion of the Eevolution. Their arrival in Boston harbor is matter of history. In those days colonial ships were not often permitted to sail from England with British registers. Samuel Enderby was a favored exception among owners. The bottoms he owned in America were specially licensed' — for the whaling traffic* only — to sail from London as well as from Boston or New York, and to pursue ad- venture in all quarters of the oceafl. The practice of this privilege had some important results. Under the terms of the East India Company's cha/rter, it was un- lawful for any ship to go east of the Cape without the company!s licensCj or to trade in those waters except under conditions in the company's gift. As the ways of the Southern Ocean were very little known, and as there was no trade to be done in them by private owners, they were practically no more than a vast whaling-ground, frequented only by fishermen in search of oil and sper- maceti, and closed and barren to all the world beside. 8 "EBM SITQEX (W CHINESE GORDON. S^ipxiel IJnderby, as I harve said, was one of the boldest of ail the whaling owners :. mi. it is dTie. to hi^> enterprise and constancy, and i^o tliose of the men who followed in his wake^ thati the Sojithern Hemiapbere was opened up so soon. This was pairtieutarly the case with Australia ajjd, New Zealand. Thfy lay outside the limits of the East India Company's adtentyre, and it offered no in- dUjC^ment either tp. traffic or explore; so that hut for the Enderby whalers tjiey might hare remaiijed in idleness and, desolation much longer than they did. It was on the opcasion of the fioundajljipn; some 180 yards away. The missile passed within an inch of his head ; but in refenting to the incident in one of his letters home ,his only comment is : "They (the Russians) are very good marksmen; their bullet is large and pointed." A few days after this one of his captains^ named Craigie, was killed by a splinter from the enemy's shells, and Gordon, writing home of the casualty, winds up by saying : "1 am glad to say that he (Captain Craigie) was a serious man. The shell burst aboTe him, and iy wMt is called chance struck him in the back, killing him atonce. " The words italicised are noteworth;^. They are the words of a fatalist ; and they furnish the first written evidence we hare of the religious convictions which have controlled the writer's actions. That all things are or^ dained by God is the belief he held evea when he wrote of Craigie's death. That it has been greatly strengthened by 'Strange personal adventures in later years there is no doubt; but through all its development it has re- mained essentially the same. Milton's lines^^ " Necessity or chance i ' Approach me not, and what I will is fate," are applicable to Gordon's belief in himself. His will he 14 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOEDON. holds to be identical with G-od's — with God's whose in- strument he feels and knows he is. At the time of the Czar's death, which took place in March, 1855, the number of French troops in the Crimea was 80,000; the number of the English, 23,000. Of the former Gordon speaks in rather disparaging terms, for he says in one letter: " Eussians are brave; better, I think, than the French, who begin to fear them; " and again, in another letter of a later date: " I cannot say much for our allies ; they are afraid to do anything, and conse- quently quite cramp our moyements. The Russian^ certainly are inferior to none; their work is stupendous, and their shell practice beautiful." On April 9th heavy firing was resumed on both sides> and continued, with short intervals of cessation, up to the 30th instant. During this time the casualties in the trenches were many, with a large proportion of oflBcers to men among the killed. Gordon was untouched, though actively engaged during the whole time, and present at several sorties in front of the Eedan, in one of which several officers and seventy men were killed and wounded. Writing on April 30th, he refers to the weak- ness of our ally. He i " I think we might' have assaulted on Monday, but the French do not seem to care about it. The garrison is 25,000, and on that day we heard afterward that only 800 men were in the place, as the rest had gone to repel an attack (fancied) of ours at Inkerman." And on April 30th he says : " We are still pushing batteries forward as much as possible, but cannot advance our trenches until the French take the Mamelon, as it enfilades our advance works. Until that occurs, things are at a standstill." THE OBIJIEA— BES8AEABIA— ABMENIA. 15 Thenceforward, until early in the month of June, active operations ceased; and though innumerable coun- cils of war were held, nothing definite was done or de- cided upon. Gordon's letters home during this time have no special interest. I shall make but a single extract, which is certainly worth reading : . " We hayp a great |deal to regret in the want of good working clergymen, there being none here that I know of who interest themselves about the men." On the 6th of June the English opened fire from all their batteries, and there ensued a tremendous artiUery duel, in which 1, 000 guns were engaged. The casualties on the Russian side were numerous, while our own were few. Gordon, who was in the trenches during the whole time, was returned as among the wounded, but his in- jury was such that he was able to continue his duty. A stone thrown up by a round shot stunned him for a sec-' ond, but did him no further huit. On the following day the French attacked the Mamelon, and the redoubts of Selinghinck and Volhynia. The Russians retreated toward the MalakofE, and were rapidly followed by the French; but the latter were so punished by the guns from the tower that they had to retire, pursued by the very enemy they had been pursuing. However, they attacked again, and while we secured the quarries, they carried the Mamelon, as well as the redoubts before named. *' Only a few lines," writes his brother from the scene of action, "to say Charley is all right, and has escaped amid a- Aerrific shower of grape and shells of every description. You may imagine the suspense I was kept in until as- sured of his safety. He cannot write himself, and is now Iff THE STGBY 0¥ OHINESB GOBDON. fast asleep in his tent, having been in the trenches from 3 o'clock yesterday" morning daring the cannonade until 7 last night, and again from 12:30 this morning until noon." Gordon in his account of this successful assault says:, "I do not think the place (Sebastopol) can hold out another .ten. days; and once, taken, the Crimea is ours." Sebastopol did hold out nearly ten times ten days, bnt many oflEicers in high command have since expressed their belief that the siege might have been. brought to an end in June instead of in September. When Grordon wrote, the allied armies numbered nearly 165, 000 ; the French were erecting a battery on the Mame^ Ion ; the Knssian works had been completely ruined ; and, their fleet — its old position having been made un- tenable by the capture of the redouMs^had moved ont into the middle of the harbor. There was an airmistice for a few days, for the, burial of the, dead ; amd had it been succeeded by a bold assault, upon the Malakoff Tower, the Eedan, and the^ Gfentral Bastion, the proba- bility is that Gordon's impression as to the duration of the siege would have pi-oved correct. Instead" of this,, however, there ensued a period o£ inactivity, during' which Gordon, in his letters home for the. first and only time, alludes to his wants,— a map of the Crimea and a bottle of Rowland's Oidonto. From this time forth to the evacuation of Sebastopol on September 8th, the siege operations were proceeded with slowly and deliber- ately, but with a, lack of energy and activity that was ^earisome and irritating. Gordon's duty kept him in the trenches during the whole time; but beyond- stating that his ofiBcersi speak of his zeal, and intelligence in terms of admiration and affection, I can say little or THE CKCMEi— SBSSAllABU — AlMSlrtA. 17 nothing definite of Ms actionft I fcfiiy howetet, disposed to select from his letters lioine the following paragraphs, inasmuch as they will eliable fclie reader to gain some insight into the farther process of the siege^ as well as into the character and disposition of the writet : "Jwne 15iA.— The Russians are dowaheairted, altliough deter- miaed ; they are much to be admired, and their officers are (^uite as cool as our officers under fire." "Jime SOiA.i^Lord Raglan died on the evening of th« S6th, of teaj and wear and general debility. He was univereally r^retted, as he was so kind. I am really sorry for him. His lilfe has been entirely spent in the service- of his oountryi J hope he was pre- pmed, but do not know," "August Zd. — We are disappointed 'Vti&i Gteneral Jones did not mention Brown in the attack on the Quarriest I, for one,, do not care about being 'lamented' after death.' I am tired of the in- activityi but when we move again in advance or assault it will break the moootoBy." "August llfh. — Sebastopol is now in eveiy part under our flre, but the oaves under ground protect the taen to a great degree. They have fired shot injbo, around, and over our camp from guns pkiced or slung, as the guns were in the Baltic, at a high elevation of 35° or 40'°. Two Shots went within three yaj*ds of my pony, which, however, Government would repay if kiilfed. I am not ambitious, but what easily earned C.B.'s and Majorities therb are in some oases; while men who have earned them, like poor Old* field, get nothing; I am sorry for him. He was always sejua/bbling about his batteries with ns, but he got more done by his per- severance than any man before did. I am obliged to conclude, but can tell you that this opening fire is only to reduce the flre from the place, so that they inay not annoy us by shell or shot for a few "August 2ith. — Our fire has ceased again after four days, and now we are still in uncertainty as to what is to be done. I thi^k the French will go, in at the Malakofl Tower in a fortnight, they have been working up pretty close duriag our firing. The Redan 18 THE STOBY OF CHINESE OOBDON. looks very sickly, as we fire platoons of musketry to prevent tie Bussians repairing it, and give them shells all night. The Rus- sians repay us by baskets of shells, perhaps twelve at a time, 5^" each, fired from a big mortar; it requires to be lively to get out of their way. What a consolation it will be to get the place. I have now been thirty-four times twenty-four hours in the trenches, more than a month straight on end; it gets tedious after a time, but if anything is going on one does not mind. The Russian pirisoners taken the other day seem to say that they are obliged to attack us, as they have no provisions, and also say that their army is desper- ate. Prom what I can hear, I imagine that if (as I do not think likely) we faU this next assault, we shall make some great effort elsewhere." "August 9lst. — The Russians still keep us on the quivive, but they have not much chance, as we are quitb awake to their en- deavors, and have intrenched ourselves well oh every side. How I should like a week in September partridge-shooting; it is very tedious here, with nothing going on. The French still continue to .sap into the Malakoffl; I expect the Russians have had almost enough of it, as their work must be very hard. I send a sketch of the Mamelon; it will be a well-known place in after years. Captain Du Cane * has gone sick to Corfu, and Captain Wolseley f (90th Regiment), an assistant engineer, has been slightly wounded with a stone." " September 11 fh. — I hope by the time this reaches you you will have received th6 news of our having taken the south side of Sebas- topol. We attempt it to-morrow, and I think with better chanpe of success than last time. We opened fire on the 5th, and have continued it ever since. I have nothing more to tell until next mail, when I hope to give you good news." The day after this letter was written the MalakofE was * Now Sir B. Du Oane, K.C.B. tNow Lord Wolseley, who, although a captain In the army, served under lleutenantsofengineersin the trenches, and did excellent service, being twice wounded, and yet no promotion. THE CRIMEA — BESSAEABL4. — ^AEMENIA. 19 taken by the French at noon, when the tricolor was hoisted on the tower as a signal for us to attack the Ee- dan. Our men went forward in high spirits, and with comparatively small loss succeeded in planting their ladders in the ditch and entering the Kedan, which they held for half an hour, but were then driyen out with terrible loss by an enormous Russian reserre. At the same time the French were repulsed in their assault on the Central Bastion, when they lost four general officers. Thus, the immediate result of the day's work was the taking of the MalakofE only. In the evening it was de- cided that the Eedan should be stormed next morning by the Highlanders. This operation, however, was not undertaken, for the Eussians evacuated Sebastopol be- fore it could be carried into effect. Gordon had been, as usual, detailed for the trenches on the morning of the 9th, and his account of what he saw at daybreak is best given in his own words. He says: " During the night of the 8th I heard terrific explosions, and on going down to the trenches at four the next morning I saw a splendid sight. The whole of Sebastopol was in flames, and every now and then terrible explosions took place, while the rising sun shining on the place had a most beautiful effect. The Russians were leaving the town by the bridge ; all the three-deckers were sunk, the steamers alone remaining. Tons and tons of powder must have been blown up. About eight o|clock I got an order to commence a plan of the works, for wjiich purpose 1 went to the Eedan, wher^ a dreadful sight was presented. The dead were buried in the ditch — the Russians with the English — ^Mr. Wright reading the burial service over them." < The fires in the town continued until the following 20 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. day, so that it was not safe for the English troops to attempt to effect an entry until the evening of the 10th. Shortly after the surrender of Sebastopol, Gordon joined the force that laid siege to Kin burn, and was present at the capture of that fortress. He then re- turned to the Crimea, and from that time until Feb- ruary, 1856, a period of four months, was engaged, al- most without interruption, in destroying the docls-yard, forts, quays, barracks, and storerhouses of the fallen stronghold. With this work of demolition — a work as uninteresting as it was arduous — his duties in the Crimea came to an end. What I have written has been taken chiefly from private letters sent by Gordon to his friends and rela- tives. From such documents it is quite impossible to learn how he stood in the estimation of others, or what were his real deserts as regards the. performance of his duties in the trenches and elsewhere. But, fortunately, there is other testimony at hand, and in quoting that of one officer, I am quoting the substance of that of many others. Colonel C. C. Chesney, in writing on Gordon's after career in China, says : " Gordon had first seen war in the hard school of the ' black winter' of the Crimea. In his humble position as an engineer . subaltern he attracted the notice of his superiors, not merely by his energy and activity, but by a Special aptitude for war, develop- ing itself amid the trench work before Sebastopol in a pergonal knowledge of the enemy's movements such as no other officer attained. We used to send him to find out what new move the Russians were making." General Jones especially mentioned him as an officer who had done "gallant service, but who, from the con- THE OBIMEA — BESSAEABIA — AKMENIA. 21 stitu-fcion of the corps, wherein pnroTnotion goes by sen- iority, could not be promoted. Add to this thit he was decorated with the Legion of Honor — a special mark of distinction not often conferred upon so young an officer — ^and the proofs of his yalor and conduct are complete. It will be seen that, young as he was, he had made his mark, and had begun to do the best that was in him. In May, 1856, Gordon was appointed assistant com- missioner, and ordered to join Major Stanton * in Bess- arabia, to help in the work of laying down the new frontiers of Eussia, Turkey and Eoumania. Here he was engaged for eleran months in traveling from place to place, now on surreying . expeditions, now as the hearer of dispatches, now as the maker of fresh maps of disputed points. In this way he visited Akerman, Bol- gmd, Kotitnore, Kichenev, Eeni, Seratzika and Jassy. There was great variety in the life he led, and with his inquiring mind and eunny temper he was not the man to let time hang heavily on his hands; yet when the sur- vey came to an end, he was sorry to find himself ordered to undertake similar duties in another country. Indeed, in April* ISS?, when he received instructions to join Colonel Simmons f for: delimitating the boundary in Asia, he sent a telegram home asking whether it were possible for him to exchange. But his value was already known, and the answer said : '* Lieutenant Gordon must go." .■■■ ■„ . .. ■ ^ The details of his sojourn in Armenia would be hardly more interesting, except to his immediate kinsmen and * Now Lientenant-General Sir E. Stanton. t Now General Sir Lintome Simmons, G.C.B. 22 THE STOBT OF CHINESE GOBDON. friends, than the particulars of his experience in the Danubian Principality and on the Bussian frontier. While, in the execution of his duties as commissioner, he visited many places — Erzeroum, Kars, Erivan, the ruins of Arni — he yet found time to study the strategic points of a country illustrious and interesting as the scene of many battles, and to ascend Little and Great Ararat, with the view of personally ascertaining their respective heights. Here it was that he first' met with uncivilized tribes — tribes not unlike those with which in later life he was so brilliantly to deal; and he already showed how he would one day influence such men by the manner in which he mixed with the Kurds and fra- ternized with their chiefs. After six months thus spent in these regions, he went back to Constantinople to be present at a conference of the commission. Here he remained longer than he ex- pected, to nurse his chief, who had fallen ill. This done, he was not sorry to return to England after his three years' absence. Another six months in England, and he was once more sent to Armenia as commissioner. Here he remained from the spring of 1858 until nearly the end of the year, employed in verifying the frontier he had taken so active a part in laying down, and in ex- amining the new road between the Russian and Turkish dominions. During the next year he was engaged at Chatham as field-work instructor and adjutant. CHAPTER III. THE TAI-PIKG KEBELLIOK. In the middle of July, 1860, he left home for China, traveling by Paris and Marseilles, and visiting Malta, Alexandria, Aden, Ceylon, Singapore, and Hong-Kong. On his arrival at the last-named place, the mail from the north came in, bringing the news of the capture of the Taku forts. As, "however, no counterrorders arrived relative to the stopping of officers going north, he was ordered a passage, and left on the 11th of September for Shanghai, whence, after one day's stay, he continued his journey for Tien-tsin, having traveled in all sixty- eight days. He had not been there long before he learned that his colleague, De N"orman, with Mr. Parkes, Mr. Loch, Captains Andersoii and Brabazon, Mr.Bowlby, and fourteen others, had been taken prisoners by San-, ko-lin-sin. In consequence of this outrage, the allies marched on Pekin in October, and the city was invested. Gordon took part in the operations, and was present at the sacking and the burning of the Summer Palace on October 13th. The following is an account he gives, of the part he, took in that famous affair: " Oh the 11th October we were sent down in a great hurry to throw up works and batteries against the town. As the Chinese refused to give up the gate, we required them to surrender before we would treat with them. They were also required to give up all 24 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GORDON. the prisoners. You 'will be sorry to hear that the treatment they have suffered has been very bad. Poor De Norman, who was with me in Asia, is one of the victims. It appears that they were tied so tight by the wrists that the flesh mortified, and they died in the greatest torture. Up to the time that leUJjsed before they arrived at the Summer Palace they were well treated, but then the ill- treatment began. The Emperor is supposed to tave been there at the" time. "To go back to the work — the Chiaiese were givetl uiitil twelve on the 13th to give up the gate^ We made a lot of battetiesjand everything was ready for the assault of the wall, Which is battlfe- meiited and forty feet high, but of inferipri masonry. At 11.30 p.m., however, the gate was opened, and we took possession; so our work was of no avail. The Chinese had then until the 33d to think over our terms of treaty, jihd to pay flO.OOO for each Englishman and £500 for each native soldier who had died during his . ca,ptivity. This they did, and the money was paid and the treaty signed yesterday. I could not witness it, as all officers command- ing companies were obliged to remain in camp. Owing to the ill- treatitaent the prisoners experienced at the Summer PalaoQ, the general ordered it to be destroyed, and stuck up proclamations to say Why it was ordered. We aocordifigly went out, and, after pillaging it, burned the whole place, destroying in a vandal-like manner most valuable property, which could not be replaced for four millions. We got upward of £48 apiece prize-money before ■we went out ot here; and although I have not as much as many, I have done Well. Imagine D— -- — giving 16s. for a string of pearls which he sold the next day for £500. . . . The people are civil, but I think the grandees hate us, as they must after what we did to the palace. You can scarcely imagine the beauty and mag- nificence of the palaces we burned. It made one's heart sore to burn them ; in fact, these palaces were so large, and we were so pressed for time, that we could not plunder them carefully. Quantities of gold ornaments were burned, considered as brass, It was wretch- edly demoralizing work for an army. Everybody was wild for plunder. " You would scarcely conceive the magnificence of this residence or the tremendous devastation the PrencJi have committed. The THE TAI-PINQ KEBELLION. 25 throne and room were lined with ebony, carved in a marvelous way. There were huge mirrors of all shapes and kinds, clocks, watches, musical boxes with puppets on them, magnificent china of every description, heaps and heaps of silks of all colors, embroidery, and as much splendor and civilization as you would see at Windsor; carved ivory screens, coral screens, large amounts of treasure, etc. The French have smashed evsrything in the most wanton way. " It was a scene of utter destruction which passes my description. " For a month after these eyents G-ordon remained in camp before Peking, paying occasional yisits to the capital, and making his observations on the Chinese and their modes of living. On If ovember 8th the two armies left for Tien-tsin, there to take up their winter quarters ; and Crordon went as commanding royal engineer. His stay there was protracted, however, over a much longer period than he had expected ; for, with the exception of a few excursions, he remained there till the spring of 1863. During this time he was engaged in providing for the wants of his troops, in surveying the neighboring country in parts where no European had ever been seen, and in occasional rides to the Taku forts and back, a distance of 140 miles; indeed, his longest absence from Tien-tsin did not exceed two months, and this was on the occasion of an expedition he made on horseback to the Outer Wall, with his comrade Lieutenant Cardew — a tour full of adventure, and for which they gained great credit, having visited, in the course of their journey, regions before unknown to Europeans. Beyond this excursion, his many rides, and surveying expeditions, there is little to record of his doings at Tien-tsin. An account he gives, however, of a terrific dust-storm in which he was caught on April 5th, 1863, is not without interest : 26 THE STOBY OP CHINESE GORDON. "We had a tremendous dust-storm on the 26th at 3 p.m. The sky was as dark as night ; huge columns of dust came sweep- ing down, and it blew a regular hurricane, the blue sky appearing now and then through the breaks. The quantity of dust was inde- scribable. A canal about 50 miles long, 18 feet wide and 7 feet deep was completely filled up ; and boats which had been floating merrily down to Tien-tsin found themselves at the end of the storm on a bank of sand, the canal having been filled up; and the waters ab- sorbed. They will have to be carried to Peirho, and have already commenced to move. The canal was everywhere passable, and will have to be re-excavated. The boat-owners looked very much dis- gusted at their predicament, which was not pleasant. The storm lasted sixteen hours, and the vibraticms of the aneroid barometer were very extraordinary. I, of course, was caught in it coming from Taku, and after vainly attempting to get on, was obliged to stop at a village. The darkness was such that it enforced candles being lighted at 3 p.m., and it came on very suddenly. I left my house for a few yards, and could not find it again for ten minutes. ... Of course, I came in for it, because I am peculiarly lucky in this way in my rides from Taku. Numbers of junks were lost, and forty-five Chinamen drowned, at Taku. Two officers of the 31st regiment were sn rcniie for Taku by boat, and one of them started to get a coat when the storm began. He lost his way, fell into every ditch he could find in the neighborhood (and there are not a few), and had to sleep in a grave all night. He was brought in quite wild and blind the next morning. The thermometer fell to 35° from 60° during the night, so we did not have a comfortable time of it." in May, 1863, the Tai-ping- rebels becoming trouble- some in the neighborhood of Shanghai, it ■was considered necessary to undertake some operations against them, and 700 men of the 31st regiment and 300 of the 67th regiment were consequently ordered up to that port. Gordon having dispatched them from the Taku forts, himself followed in a few days, when he was at once appointed to the command of the district, and was given THE TAI-PINa BEBELLION. 27 the charge of the engineers' part in an expedition against the rebels. He led his men to Singpoo, stormed and entered it, taking a nnmber of rebels prisoners ; and thence he moved to other parts in the possession of the Tai-pings, and drove them from their stror^gholds. The towns were stored, with rice stolen from, th^ neighbpr- ing peasants, and their misery was intense. For some months no further steps were taken to keep off the rebels, and Gordon returned to Shanghai to resume his official diities there. In- October, however, he started for Kahding, on a more difficult enterprise than his previous ones, for in order to reach it broken bridges had to be repaired. Five thousand rebels, had taken refuge in the town, and on the first night of the attack they made some resistance; but the walls being esealaded by the English troops, the Tai-pings made their escape to Taitsan, an important stronghold on the road to Soo- ehow. This was the last of the attacks made on these marauders, with the view to clearing a radius of thirty, miles around Shanghai for the protection of its citizens. The step was indeed necessary^ for when least expected these robbers made raids on the outlying suburbs, forc- ing the peasants to take refoge in the city. Gordon constantly refers to the depredations of these ruthless land-pirates. "We had a visit from the marauding Tai-pings the other day," he says. "They ca,me close down in small parties to the settle- ment, and burned several houses, driving in thousands of inhab- itants. We went against them and drove them away, but did not kill many. They b?9.t us into fits in getting over the country, wiich ia intersected in every w^y with ditehes, swamps, etc. . . . You can scarcely conceive the crowds of peasants who come into 28 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. Shanghai when the rebels are in the neighborhood — upward of 15,000, I should think, and of every size and age— many strapping fellows who could easily defend themselves come running in with old women and children. " The people on the confines are sufiering very greatly, and are, in fact, dying of starvation. It is most sad, this state of affairs, and our government really ought to put the rebellion down. Words could not depict the horrors these people suffer from the rebels, or describe the utter desert they have made of this rich province." During the next few months he was engaged on a sur- Tey of the thirty miles radius round Shanghai, a task fraught with the greatest diflBeulty and danger, owing to the disturbed state of the country ; but its prosecu- tion, as will be afterward seen, turned out to be of in- finite Talue to Gordon a little later. "I have been now in every tovm and village in the thirty miles radius," he says, on the completion of the work. " The country is the same everywhere— a dead flat with innumerable creeks and bad pathways. The people have now settled down quiet again, and I do not anticipate the rebels will ever come back ; they are rapidly on the decline, and two years ought to bring about the utter sup- pression of the revolt. I do not write what we saw, as it amounts to nothing. There is nothing of any interest in China; if you have seen one village, you have seen the whole country. I have really an immensity to do. It will be a good thing if the govern- ment support the propositions which are made to the Chinese. " The weather here is delightful : a fine, cold, clear air which is quite invigorating after the smnmer heats. There is very good pheasant-shooting in the half-populated districts, and some quail at uncertain times. It is extraordinary to see the quantities of fishing cormorants there are in the creeks. These cormorants are in flocks of forty and fifty, and the owner, in a small canoe, travels about with them ; they fish three or four times a day, and are en- couraged by the shouts of their owners to dive. I have scarcely THE TAI-PING BEBELLION. 29 ever seen tiem come up without a fish in their bjsaks, which they swallow ; but not for any distance, for there is a ring to prevent its going down altogetlier. They get such dreadful attacks of mumps, their throats being distended by the fish which are alive, when the birds seem as if they were pouter pigeons ; they are hoisted into the boats, and there are very sea-sick. Would you consider the fish a dainty ? " * We now approach the most romantic incidents of Gordon's career — the incidents which won him the name of Chinese Gordon. But before following the young commander in his desperate onslaught upon the Tai- ping rebels, it will be necessary for me to state, in a few words, the causes which led to the then disturbed state of China, and to sketch the attempts of others before him to grapple with the now vast power that threatened dominion oyer the whole empire. At a time when the proyince of Kwang-tung was in- fested by pirates, bandits and secret societies; when discontent was rife ; and when, in the Opium War of 1842, the discontented had learned the use of arms ; a village schoolmaster named Hung-tsue-schuen declared himself to be inspired — ^inspired to the usurpation of the Dragon throne. Some thought him mad; but as his clansmen numbered 20,000, and the means he einployed to conrert them were masterly to a degree, he soon col- lected about him a band of followers not unlike an army. He was a seer of visions, a prophet of vengeance and freedom, an agent of the Divine Wrath, a cham- pion of the poor and the oppressed. To the persecuted Hakkas* he gave out that his mission was the extermi- nation of the hated Manchoo race and the glorious rein- * The Hakka, or " Stranger." 30 THE STOET OP CHINESE ©OEDON. statement of the Mings. He had seen God, and the Almighty had Himself appealed to him as the Second Celestial Brother. So he said, and so his lieges were mad enough to believe. "What he really had seen was a missionary in flowing robes, who gave him a bundle of tracts, and told him that he should attain to the highest rank in China. Thus it is not the least curious point in this man's history that his ideas originated in certain tracts which were given him by a European missionary — that, in fact, the Tai-ping Eebellion, of which Hung was the leader, was in some sort the outcome of an attempt to spread the Gospel among the Chinese. The mandarins were more insolent than ever to the oppressed race of Hung, and the future rebel king was incensed at not passing certain examinations which would give him a worthy place among the literati. With his little army of converts he traversed his prov- ince on a proselytizing tour, breaking the idols and effacing the Confucian texts from the walls Of schools and temples. The doctrine of extermination, thus early practiced by the Tai-pings, soon brought them into collision with the mandarins, and many disturb- ances arose, in which sometimes the authorities, and sometimes the Tai-pings, gained the day. Defeat and victory alike drew new recruits to his fol- lowing; and, in 1851, having got together an army some hundreds of thousands strong, he proclaimed himself the Heavenly King, the Emperor of the Great Peace, and marched through China, devastating the country and augmenting his legions as he went. He brought over not only the piratical bands which invested the seaboard of Kwang-tung, but even such ancient and powerful THE TAI-PING EEBELLION. 31 secret societies as the Triad; -while two desperate women brought 4,000 warriors, all of whom bowed to his authority and adopted his creed. Their tawdry dress, their many-colored banners and flags, their long, lank hair, lent to these predatory hordes a fierce barbaric air, so that, as they passed from city to city and from prov-' ince to province, armed with cutlasses and tnives, the quiet, docile, clean-shorn Chinese were terror-stricken at the sight of these monsters — at these land-pirafes, who robbed them of their rice-harvests and the products of their farms. A march of nearly 700 miles brought his huge army to Nankiiig, which fell and became the capital of the IJeavenly King., Here, under the shadow of the Porcelain Tower, he established himself in royal state. He gave to his kins- men who had most distinguished themselves in the campaign against the reigning dynasty the title? of Wangs, or kings. There were the Chung Wang, or Faithful King ; the Eastern King and the Western King ; the Warrior King and the Attendant King. Many had gained for themselves nicknames, in addition to their high-sounding titlfes ; the sobriquets of the Yellow Tiger, tile One-Byed Dog, and Cock Eye were famous among their ranks. Both titles and names alike had been won in battle, and were often the records of deeds of valor- It must not be forgotten that Hung's pseudo-relagious tenets appealed to a people saturated with superstition, and that the methods he employed to impress himself upon them were of a kind singularly suited to their moods. It is not easy to give an idea of this huge har- lequinade of worship and war, but it may be well to read the impressions of a missionary — Mr. J. L. Holmes— 32 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOBDON. ' who visited Nanking, and saw how these warlike dev- otees of the so-called Great Peace comported themselves in their palaces and the palace of their Emperor : "At night," says this authority, " we witnessed their worship. It occurred, at the beginning of their Sabbath, midnight of Friday. The place of worship was the Chung Wang's private audiencer room. He was himself seated in the midst of his attendants — no females were present. They first sang, or rather chanted'; after which a written prayer was read and burned by an officer, upon which they rose and sang again, and then separated. The Chung Wang sent for me again before he left his seat, and asked me if I understood their mode of worship. I replied that I had just seen it for the first time. He asked what our mode was. I replied that we endeavored to follow the rules laid down in the Scriptures, and thought all departure therefrom to be erroneous. He then pro- ceeded to explain the ground upon which they departed from this rule. The Tien Wang had been to Heaven, he said, and had seen the Heavenly Father. Our revelation had been handed down for 1800 years. They had received a new, additional revelation ; and upon this they could adopt a different mode of worship. I replied that if the Tien Wang had obtained a revelation we could deter- mine its genuineness by comparing it with the Scriptures. If they coincided, they might be parts of the same; if not, the new revela- tion could not be true, as God did not change. He suggested that there might be a sort of di^aragement, which was yet appropriate, as in the Chinese garment, which is buttoned at one side. To this comparison I objected, as comparing a piece of man's work with God's work. Ours was little and imperfect; His great and glori- ous. We should compare God's works with each other. The sun did not rise in the east to-day and in the west to-morrow. Winter and summer did not exchange their respective characters. Neither would the Heavenly Father capriciously make a law at one time and contradict it at another. His Majesty seemed rather discon- certed at thus being carried out of the usual track in which he was in the habit of discoursing, and we parted, proposing to talk further upon the subject at another time. THE TAI-PING EEBEULION. 33 " At daylight we started for the Tien Wang's palace. The pro- cession was headed by a number of brilliantly colored banners, after which followed a troop of armed soldiers; then came the Chung Wang in a large sedan, covered with yellow satin and em- broidery, and borne by eight coolies; next came the foreigner on horseback, in company with the Chung Wang's chief olfieer, fol- lowed by a number of other oflcers on horseback. On our way several of the other kings who were in the city fell in ahead of, us with similar retinues. Music added discord to the scene, and cu- rious gazers lined the streets on either side, who had no doubt seen kings before, but probably never witnessed such an apparition as that. . . . Reaching at length the palace of the Tien Wang, a large building resembling very much the best of the Confucian temples, though of much greater size than these generally are, we entered the outer gate and proceeded to a large building to the eastward of the palace proper, and called the 'Morning Palace.' Here we were presented to the Tsau Wang and his son, with several others. After resting a little while, during which two of the attendants testified their familiarity with, and consequent irreverence for, the royal place by concluding a misunderstanding in fisticufEs, we pro- ceeded to the audience-hall of the Tien Wang. I was here present- ed to the Tien Wang's two brothers, two nephews, and son-in-law, in addition to those whom I had before met at the ' Morning Pal- ace.' They were seated at the entrance of a deep recess, over the entrance of which was written, ' Illustrious Heavenly Door.' At the end of this recess, far within, was pointed out to us his Majr esty Tien Wang's seat, which was as yet vacant. The company awaited for some time the arrival of the Western King, whose presence seemed to be necessary before they could proceed with the ceremonies. That dignitary, a boy of twelve or fourteen, directly made his appearance, and entering at the ' Holy Heavenly Gate,' took his place with the royal group. They then proceeded with their ceremonies as follows : First they kneeled with their faces to the Tien Wang's seat, and uttered a prayer to the Heavenly Brother; then kneeling with their faces in the opposite direction, they prayed to the Heavenly Father ; after which they again kneeled with their faces to the Tien Wang's seat, and, in like manner, repeated a prayer to him. They then concluded by singing in a 34 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDOK. standing position. A roast pig and the body of a goat were lying with other articles on tables in the outer court, and a fire was kept burning on a stone altar in front of the Tien Wang's seat, in a sort of court which intervened between it and the termination of the recess leading to it. He had not yet appeared, and though all waited for him for some time after the conclusion of the cere- monies, he did not appear at all. He had probably changed his mind, concluding that it would be a bad precedent to allow a foreigner to see him without first signifying submission to him; or it may be that he did not mean to see me after learning the stubborn nature of our principles; but, anxious to have us carry away some account of the grandeur and magnificence of his court, had taken this mode of making an appropria,te impression, leaving the imagination to supply the vacant chair which his own ample dimensions should have filled. We retired to the ' Morning Palace ' again, where kings, princes, foreigner and all were called upon to ply the • nimble lads ' upon a breakfast which had been prepared for us, after which we retired in the order in which we came. "In the course of the afternoon, after our return, the Chung Wang invited me in to see him privately. I was led through a num- ber of rooms and intervening courts into one of his private sitting- rooms, where he sat clothed loosely in white silk, with a red ker- chief round his head and a jewel in front. He was seated in an easy-chair, and fanned by a pretty slipshod girl. Another similar chair was placed near him, on which he invited me to be seated, and at once began to question me about foreign machinery, etc. He had been puzzled with a map with parallel lines running each way, said to have been made by foreigners, which he asked me to explain. He then submitted to my inspection a spy -glass and a music-box, asking various questions about each, evidently supposing every foreign- er to be an adept in the construction of such articles. After this he became quite familiar, and was ready to see me at any hour. At the next interview, which occurred on the day following, 1 referred him to various passages in the New Testament which conflicted with the doctrines of Tien Wang. I found it impossible to gain his attention to these matters. He was ready enough to declaim in set speech about all men being brethren, but it was easy to perceive that his religion, such as it was, had little hold upon his heart. THE'TAI-PING EEBELMON. E5 He conlessed careles3(y that the reyelation of Tien Wang, did not agree with the Bible, but said that of Tien Wang, being later, was more authoritative. I found him but little disposed to have his faith tested, either by reason or revelation, or indeed to think about it at all when itwas abstracted from public affairs. " The two days which yet elapsed before our ■departare'^ were spent mostly in conversation with various persons connected with the establishment of the Chung Wang and other kings. These conversations, informal and desuJtoiy, tgave me an opportunity to ascertain something of the practical working of Hung-tsue-sohuejn's principles upon the masses of bis adherents. I could not perceive that theire was any elevation of character or sentiment to distinguish them from the great mass of the Chinese population ; indeed, the effect of his pretensions to a commission to "slay the imps" ap- pears to have annihilated in their minds all consciousness of crimes committed against those who are not of their own faith. To rob and murder an adherent of the Manchou dynasty is a virtuous deed. To carry away his wife or daughter for infamous purposes, or his son to train up for the army, are all legitimate acts. We questioned some of the boys who were sent to wait upon us as to their nativity; some were from Ngang-hu-ai, some from Hupeh, some from Honan, and others from Kiang-si. Wherever their armies had overrun the country they had captured the boys and led them away with them. The large proportion of comely-looking women to be seen'looking out at the doors and windows showed the summary way in which these celestial soldiers provided them- selves with wives." Up to the year 1860 this monstrous civil war was waged solely between the followers of the Heavenly King and the Imperial Government. There had been rumors of foreign aid being given to the one and to the other ; but there was an odd prejudice in favor of Hung on account of his pretensions to Christianity ; a feeling prevailed that the Tai-pings might after all be in the right; and, owing to our hostile relations with the 36 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOBDON. Chinese Government, our representatives refused to take arms against the rebels, though our aid was invited on the very eve of a battle between the allied forces of England and France and the army of San-ko-lin-sin. The tactics of the Imperialist leaders had all along been to drive the rebels toward the sea. The consequence was that Shanghai and other consular ports were menaced by the insurgents, and had become, as well, the refuge of distracted and destitute peasants, whose villages were burned and whose lands were laid waste by the ruthless Tai-pings. These tactics on the part of the Imperial authorities were the worst possible, for the rebels had everything to gain from being driven toward the wealbhy cities along the coast, which contained suffi- cient war material to supply all their armies. Before long the Chinese Government were awakened to their folly ; but they nevertheless clung to their policy, for they counted on the frightened foreign community to protect the ports, if only to save themselves and their property. Seeing, at a critical juncture, that nothing was being done, two great Chinese officials ap- plied to the allies for certain help. The English and French Embassadors considered the request ; and it was decided that, without taking any part in the civil con- test, or expressing any opinion on the rights of the con- tending parties, we might protect Shanghai from attack and assist the authorities in preserving tranquillity within its walls, on the ground that it was an open port, and that there was a complete community of interest between the town and the foreign settlement. In the meantime, as was expected, the wealthy traders of Shanghai had taken the alarm, and the more influential THE TAI-PING EEBELLION. 37 among them had subscribed for a foreign force to keep the enemy at bay. Two Americans named Ward and Burgevine were commissioned to raise a contingent.* A reward was offered to them for the capture of a place called Sung-kiang — some twenty miles from the city — held by the rebels. About a hundred seamen were got together, and Ward, who had been a sailor and had served under Walker in Nicaragua, led them to the at- tack, and- was repulsed with considerable loss. He, how- ever, made another attempt, and, with the help of an Imperialist force, succeeded in taking the city. Then, encouraged by the reward he had won, and with his force augmented by numerous recruits, he proceeded to make further raids on the rebels. But the Faithful King, one of the Tai-ping leaders, hearing of his people's defeat, led a hew army against Ward and his " foreign devils," as they were termed, and drove them back into Sung-kiang; then, to keep Ward in check, he left a part of his force before the city, and with the rest of his troops marched on Shanghai, ravaging the intervening country as he went. But at .this time the war was not to be solely between the Imperialists and the rebels ; for when the Faithful King advanced upon Shanghai, the allied French and British troops that were in the city joined the Im- perialists, and. drove the rebels back with heavy loss. This was on the 18th of August, 1860, and upon the ' following day the Faithful One renewed his attack, but was again repulsed, and had to retire to Soochow. From this place he was summoned to Nanking by the Heavenly * This force, raised by our countryman Ward was the nncleus ot the " Ever- Victorious Army." [Am. Ed.] 38 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOBDON. j I King ; and from that city in October, 1860, four great armies were sent forth under four mighty Wangs, to driye the Imperialists from the cities immediately north and south of the Yangtze river, over a district extending from Nanking to Hankow, a distance of about 400 miles. No sooner, however, had these four armies been set in motion, than the Bi'itish naval Oommander- in-'Chief, Admiral Sir James Hope, thought it neces- sary to visit those ports on the Yangtze which had been opened up to foreign trade by the Convention of Peking. In February, 1861, therefore, the Admiral sailed up the river, and, anchoring at Nanking, entered into commu- nication with the Heavenly King. The result of his negotiation was that an arrangement was agreed upon by which the Yangtze trade was not to be interfered with, nor was Shanghai to be in any way molested by the armies of the Great Peace for the space of one year. The rebel leader kept his word, and during the whole of 1861 his followers were actively engaged in en- deavoring to take Hankow and to reestablish themselves in the Yangtze valley. They met with constant re- verses ; and, after a year of defeats, were driven back into the neighborhood of Shanghai. The Heavenly King then informed the British Admiral that he in- tended to attack Shanghai as soon as the year's truce had expired. Sir James Hope warned him against any such proceeding ; but the warning was disregarded, and the Faithful King was ordered to march on Shanghai in January of 1862. This led to the allied forces co- operating with Ward, who was then at Sung-kiang with a thousand drilled Chinese : and it is from this period that British interference in the Tai-ping Eebellion may be THE TAI-PING BEBEXMON. 39 said to date. From February to June the allied forces assisted Ward and the Imperialists; and in. May, Cap- tain Dew, E.N., was appointed to a naval command, and drove the Tai -pings from Ning-po. In September, Ward was killed, and Burgevine succeeded him in the command of the Eve;r -VictorioU|B Army; but in January, 1863, the new commander was cashiered, and the British Government was formally applied to and requested to provide the army with a captain in his stead- CHAPTER IV. FITSHAN- — TAITSAH- — QUIKSAK. The GoTemor-General of the Kiang Provinces was Li Putai, better known as Li-Hung-Ohang, the most fa- mous soldier and statesman of modern China. He had been sent by Tseng-kwo-fan,* Generalissimo of the Imperialists, to Shanghai, to take the command there, and to crown his ten years' service against the rebels by saving that port from them, and so in some sort revers- ing the foolish policy which was insisted upon at Peking. On his arrival he was told by General Staveley that though the French and English would continue to guard the frontier up to a radius of thirty miles round Shang- hai, the actual treatment of the rebellion must be given over to the Chinese ; so, like a skillful commander, he at once began to train the native troops to the use of foreign arms. Neither he, however, nor any other Chinese was com- petent to assume the command of Ward's adventurers. Burgevine, too, was wholly unsuited to the work which was now in his hands. On his arrival at Shanghai with a body-guard of a hundred picked men, armed with rifles, he had entered the premises of a mandarin, who was the local treasurer of the government, and demanded money for arrears of pay. This demand not being immediately * The famous Teeng-kwo-fan was the father of the even more famous Mar- quess Tseng. nJSHAB — ^TAITSAN — QUINSAN. 41 complied with, Burgevine struck the treasurer with his fist, led his mea into the treasury, and ordered them to carry ofE $40,000. For this insult the authorities, under the seal of Li-Hung-Chang, degraded him, as I have said, and dismissed him from their service. This outrage having thus led to a vacancy in the com- mand of the Ever -Victorious Army, Li-Hung-Chang — always in sympathy with foreigners — at once evinced his capacity as a statesman and his understanding of the true position of affairs, by soliciting General Staveley to appoint a British officer to the post. With a kindly feeling toward the Chinese, Sta,veley entertained the request conditionally. It was necessary first to refer the matter to the Horse Guards; meantime he had not far to look for the right man. His choice fell on Gordon, one who had never commanded ; but who, above all other men, had impressed those who knew him with a sense of his great abilities. The reputation he hadwon before Sebastopol, and which had accompanied him into Bess- arabia and Armenia, he had more than sustained before Peking and at Shanghai. Wherever he had been he had improved his opportunities and made the most of his talents. Even now, when the tempting ofEer of this command was made him, such was his desire to be thoroughly competent for its duties, that instead of rushing upon ■ the task and trusting wholly to fortune, as so many had done before him, he modestly asked that his appointment might be deferred until he had finished the military survey of the thirty miles round Shanghai which he- had in "hand, on the ground that it would be *of the utmost service to him in the campaign. This was conceded him, and Captain Holland, of the 42 THE STOBY QP OHINESB GOEDON. Marine LigM Infantry, by the advice of Sir James Hope^ Admiral of the naval forces in China, took temporary command. Holland believed in himself, and with a mixed force of men, 2,500 of all arms, two pieces of ordnance, and an Imperial brigade about 5,000 strong, he at once laid siege to the walled city of Taitsan. For information as to its defenses he depended solely on the mandarins, who had assured him that the city was surrounded by a dry ditch. It proved to be a deep moat thirty yards wide, and no means of crossing it were at hand. He contrived to breach the walls, but the bamboo ladder, upon which the storming party tried to cross the moat, broke down; a repulse ensued under a galling fire from the waUs; three hundred men and four foreign officers were killed and wounded, and two . thirty-two-pounderg which had been placed " in the open " without cover got imbedded in the mud, and had to be abandoned, This was a triumph for the Tai-pings ; and how they regarded the generalship of "Foreign Devils" wiU be seen from the following account of the affair, written by one of their principal Wangs : " Oh, how we laughed, on the morning of the assault, as they advanced nearer to the creek, which they brought no bridges to throw over! how we laughed as we saw the ladder they had thrown over getting weaker and weaker beneath them, and at last fall into the creek, leaving half the party on one side and half on the other. ' What general is he,' cried our chief, ' who sends his men to storm a city without first ascertaining that there is a moat ? ' ' And what general is he,' cried another of our leaders, ' who allows a storm- ing party to advance without bridges? See, O chief, these un- fortunates?' " So we laughed, and so we jested, as we saw the slaves of the FUSHAN — TAITSAN — QUINSAST. 43 Tartar usurper advancing to destruction. But our chief was -wroth when he saw the handful of men Who had come out against him. Do they think we are cowards, even as the impish soldiers of the mandarins,' cried he, ' that they thus dare to bring out hundreds against our thousands?' 'Not so, Chief,' replied a valiant captain, ' but they have forgotten that they had foreigners to aid them at Kah-ding and Na-jow, Cho'-lin and Wong-ka, and other places in the neighborhood of Shanghai. ' Loud and long was the laughter of our leader as the idea burst upon him; but his laughter soon changed to wrath at the presumption. ' Arise,' cried he, ' O inheritors of eternal peace ; arise and drive these imps from the face of Our land.' And we arose at his word as one man; the cry of ' Blood I ' was in our mouths, and the thirst for blood consumed Hs ; we saUied forth on the ' ever-victorious ' troops, and behold they retired so soon as they saw the brandishing of our spears. Many fled, flinging away their arms in thei* haSte ; their ammuni- tion and their belts also they cast upon the ground in their fear. The impish followers of the mandarins 'set them the example, and many followed it. Little cared they for bridges in their haste; they scattered themselves over the face of the country, and we pursued them as they fled. There were English officers, too. O recorder of events, how they ran 1 One of them flung away his pistol and his sword, and swam the creek in his haste. Another also lost his sword, which the Sung-kiang men picked up, and, 1 am tcld, have it now in -Sung-kiang. . But they needed not. We know the policy of your nation — ^not to attack us beyoni the thirty-mile boundary, and we should not have hurt them, knowing that they -only came to witness our prowess. We know likewise full well that the English Ohmntcd did wrong in overstepping the boundary, but he has suffered for it; let him rest. We thank him for the 38- poiinders which he has left in our hands; and we will keep them as a memento of our victory, and will mount them on our walls as a warning to the troops of Sung-kiang never again to attack us in our stronghold. I will be just, though, and true. Many of the Sung-kiang men fought bravely, and theii- officers as heroes. They tried long to carry off their two guns, but could not stand our fire. Mightily were we surpHsed, recorder of events, at the conduct of the English Chuntai. Can you believe it, O recorder of events: 44 THE STOEX OP CHINESE GOEDON. he reirioved the, smaller guns first, instead of leaving them to the last to protect the removal of the big ones. Then, too, we were surprised to see him leading the retreat in his boat. We know that such is the practice of the impish mandarins ; but we thought that' English officers always sought the post of danger. We thought, truly, that he would have brought up the rear, instead of leaving it to his second in command. "We retired before the face of the foreigners, because we know their might ; we withdrew beyond the line which they chalked out, and we will not transgress beyond it ; but the country we possess will we hold, and scatter to the four winds of heaven any impish fiends who come against us. Let not the mandarin slaves think that in their service alone are foreigners employed, and that they alone reap the benefit of their warlike experience. Numbers of them have acknowledged the supremacy of our Heavenly King, and joined us in our efEorts to make Great Peace prevail. Many were in Taitsan, and a Frenchman pointed the gun which carried death into the ranks of our loes. recorder of events, we, too, have disciplined troops; and we, too, have European firearms, as the imps found to their cost. They have essayed our might, and have experienced the strength of our arm. Let them rest in Sung- kiang. They thought they could take Nanking, but they faUed before Taitsani" This defeat — ^the greatest triumpli the Tai-pings had yet attained — showed that the ETer-Victorious Army, as it was obligingly called, still wanted a leader. At this juncture Gordon left his survey unfinished, and took command of it at Sung-kiang on the 35th of March. From this time it lacked a leader no longer ; it had a leader who could perpetuate and justify its name. "I am afraid you will be much vexed at my having taken the command of the Sung-klang force, and that I am now a mandarin,' he says, writing home on the 24th of March, 1863. " I have taken the step on consideration. I think that any one who contributes to putting down this rebelhon fulfills a humane task, and I also PUSHAN — TAITSAN — QUUSSAN. 45 think tends a great deal to open China to civilization. I will not act rashly, and I trust to be able soon to return to England; atthe same time I will remember your and my father's wishes, and en- deavor to remain as short a time as possible. I can say that if I had not accepted the command I believe the force would have been broken up and the rebellion gone on in its misery for years. ' 1 trust this will not now be the case, and that I may soon be able to comfort you on this subject. You must not fret on this matter; I think I am doing a good service. ... I keep your likeness be- fore me, and can assure you and my father that I will not be rash, and that as soon as I can conveniently, and with due regard to the object I have in view, I will return home." There was great eagerness to avenge the defeat at Taitsan. But it is clear, judging from what followed, that Gordon, with his concentrated experience of war, listened to-iio one : he looked only to the grand result, and exercised his military genius in determining at once on the best and surest means of striking the rebellion at its very heart, and restoring as speedily as possible^ the provinces to the Imperial poti^er. He had learned enough from the past history of the war to see that the petty operations of defense and skirmish against the Tai-pings —such as Clearing Shanghai from their raids over a cir- cle of thirty miles radius, and attacking strongholds like Taitsan, with doubtful and often disastrous results- were merely calculated to prolong the rebellion. He could see, too — what was even more to the purpose — that by rapidly changirfg his ground, and striking sudden blows at points where he was least expected, he would not only hearten and inspire his followers, but constrain the rebels in all their holds to adopt an attitude of de- fense, and leave them neither time nor courage to molest Shanghai, or threaten Imperial ports. 46 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. His mind onee made up, it was not many days ere he ■was steaming into the Yangtze estuary toward Fusfaan, which lies on its southern bank. He carried with him some 300 of his artillery, also as many of his infantry — about 1,000 in all — ^as the two steamers he had at his command could transport. An Imperialist force was in- trenched not far from Pushan; aad, under coyer of this he landed unopposed, though a large body of Tai-pings watched his movements in the open field. On the 3d of April he reached Fushan with all his force, and went at once to its attack. The little place had a history. It had long been a haunt of pirates; but it had submitted to the rebel arms, had freed itself, and had been recaptured and garrisoned with Tai-pings. It was important as commanding the river as far as Chanzu, a loyal city ten miles inland, bard pressed by a Tai-ping force. Chanzu, too, had its history; and it is thus told by Mr. Wilson : "The garrison of Chanzu itself had a curious story to tell. They had all been rebels, but had suddenly transferred the town and their services to the other side. Their chief, Lo Kuo-chung, had persuaded them to shave their heads and declare for the Imperial- ist cause early in the year, and this they did in conjunction with the garrison of Pushan; but no sooner had thev done so than, to their dismay, the Faithful King came down i^on them with a large force, took Fushan, and laid siege to them, trying to over- come them by various kinds of assault and surprise. He brought against them the two 33-pounders which had been recovered after having been taken at Taitsan, and partially breached the wall. He offered any terms to t^e soldiers if they would come over; and, in order to show his great success, sent in the heads of three European officers who had been killed at Taitsan. Lo, in these trying cir- cumstances, had been obliged to do a good deal of beheading in FUSHAN — TAITSAN — QUINSAiN. 47 order to keep his garrison stanch; but he, and probably most of his followers, felt they had committed too unpardonable a sin ever to trust themselves again into Tai-ping hands." The motive of Gordon's adyances on Chanzu is clear. Its object was two-fold : to carry the war into the ene- my's own country, and to relieve a suffering garrison in danger of falling a second time into the inerciless hands of the rebel king. Gordon lost no time in plant- ing his guns among the deserted ruins, which afforded excellent cover during the bombardment. He opened fire from his 33-pounder and from four 13-pounder how- itzers, on a strong stpokade built by the rebels on the left bank of the creek towards Chanzu. The fire of an- other IS-pounder howitzer was directed at the same time against a second stockade on the opposite bank. The creek was bridged with boats ; and, after three hours' bombardment, a storming-party, under Captain Belcher, advanced to the assault, and carried the posi- tion. The rebels, receiving large reinforcements from the direction of Chanzu, then showed so threatening a front that Gordon withdrew into his stockade for the night. Next morning, however, the enemy was aban- doning his positions and retreating toward Soochow, a great rebel center on the Grand Canal, lying inland about thirty miles to the southwest. This vigorous action, the work of a single day, en- abled Gordon with equal celerity to relieve Chanzu itself. As far as that place, the country was now open along both sides of the creek, and Gordon's force, to- gether with a large body of mandarin troops, made their way unmolested up to its gates. Its crowded pop- ulation, swelled by multitudes of refugees from the sur- 48 THE ST0E2 OF CHINESE GOEDON. rounding villffiges, were rejoiced at their relief. The Mandarins receiTed Grordon and his ofiBcers in state. " I saw the young rebel chiefs who had come over," he says ; "they are very intelligent, and splendidly dressed in silks, and with big pearls in their caps. The head man is about thirty-five years old ; he looked worn to a thread with anxiety. He was so very glad to see me, and chin-chinned most violently, regretting his inability to give me a present, which I told him was not the cus- tom with us people." The young General left three hundred men to garrison a stockade, and returned by the river to his headquarters, at Sung-kiang. When Gordon took on himself the command of his little army he found its discipline extremely bad. This he almost instantly improved ; he had the great commander's capacity of making men both love and obey him. Nothing at this time could have gratified him more than the circumstance that on his appoint- ment several applications were made by British officers to General Brown (who had succeeded General Staveley) for leave to join his force, and enter the Chinese service under him. These would have been no doubt more numerous but for the terms of the Order in Council placing such officers on half-pay. A certain number of permits were given, subject to Gordon's approval. So, surrounded by his brother officers, who knew his high qualities, and greatly strengthened, Gordon was able to purge his staff of incompetent men. The general con- fidence had been fully justified and confirmed by his brilliant march on Fushan and Chanzu, an achievement which won him, by Imperial decree, the grade of Tsung- Ping, or Brigadier-General. • FUSHAN— TAITSAN— QUmSAN. 49 At Sung-kiang he went at once to work upon his army and his plans. He took forthwith a high place in the estimation both of his men and of Li Hung-Ohangi The latter, a Mandarin of the Yellow Button, he treated loy- ally, and without the aristocratic airs which had ren- dered his predecessors offensiye to natiye authority. When Burgevine was intriguing at Peking to get reinstated in his command, Li had warmly advocated Gordon's ap- pointment; and Burgevine's intrigues had, thus been brought to an end. After being degraded and dismissed, that American adventurer had gone to the capital, and it was made to appear for the moment that Prince Kung himself- was in his favor. This arose out of two very curious circumstances ; one was that the American Min- ister warmly advocated Burgevine's cause ; the other, that our own Ambassador, Sir Frederick Bruce, was un- der the feeling that it would be discourteous to refuse his support to the claims of a man about whom he knew nothing save that he had impressed him favorably. Under these circumstances Prince Kung had played a very pleasant part by appearing to listen to the Ambas- sadors, at the same time stating that the final settlement of the matter rested with Li, the Governor of the Prov- ince, and that it should be formally referred to him. Burgevine's conduct, infamous in many ways, and crowned by his assault on the treasury, had made, as Prince Kung well knew, his pardon impossible. Li would not consent to his reinstallment on any terms whatever, and in this way>4iie filibuster's career was broken arid ended. , After all this it will easily be understood that Li was anxious to forward Gordon's views on his return to head- 50 THE STOET OF CHINESE GOEDON. quairters. In truth, there was much to he done. The . young Captain was determined upon reorganizing, his little army on the English model ; and his first move in this direction was to establish regular pay on a liberal scale, and to abolish the abominable practice of rewards for captures. Under Burgeyine and Ward it had been customary to bargain with the troops for the performance of special service : they on their side were to do the work, and when it was done they were to have as much as they could make by looting the fallen city. Gordon saw a^t once that it was impossible to maintain the morale of a body of men under circumstances such as these ; and by securing them regular pay for their services, and abso- lutely breaking them of the habit of jjlunder, he made the work of reorganization on which he had resolutely set his heart a mere matter of time. His force was from 3,000 to 4,000 strong. It con- sisted of five or six infantry regiments, four siege-bat- teries, and two fleld-batteries. Its men were, for the most part, armed with smooth-bore muskets, while a chosen few were intrusted with Enfield rifles ; the uni- forms consisted of dark serge, with green turbans. Its colonels or lieutenant-colonels were to receive from £75 to £85 a month, while the pay of majors, captains, and adjutants was in a diminishing ratio between these sums and the pay of its lieutenants, which was fixed at £30 a month. The pay of its privates, who were all Chinese, was from £4 10s. downward, according to grade, certain rations being allowed while tn the field. The pay of the commander himself was high. . "It is £360 per month, or £3,130 per annum," says Gordon, "but that is a minor consideration." EUSHAN — TAITSAN^QUINSASr. 51 It is to be remarked that the commissioned officers were all foreigners — Englishmen, Americans, G-ermans, Frenchmen and Spaniards ; and that, as a rule, they were brave, reckless, quick in adapting themselves to circumstances, steady in action, but greatly given to quarreling among themselves. , Payment was made monthly by a Chinese official of high civil rank, named Kah, a good man of business and very popular. He was well educated, honest, and .of pleasing manners, and he paid the force in the pres- ence of the Oommanden The monthly cost to the government was from fourteen to twenty-six thousand pounds, and it is said tha,t the men were never kept in- arrears more than ten days; The army had a uniform which the men at first greatly objected to, as it exposed them to the satire of their countrymen, who called them "Imitation Foreign Devils." Gordon's purpose was to make the rebels imagine that they had foreign soldiers to fight. When the troops became victorious their uniform was a source of pride to them, and they would have strongly objected to change it for a native dress. Woo, the Tautai of Shanghai, was so full of the idea that the very footprints of the disciplined Chinese impressed the rebels with fear, that he purchased, for general distribu- tion, some thousands of pairs of European boots, such as were worn by Gordon's troops, that their marks might be everywhere visible. But Gordon did more than feed and pay and discipline his men. He provided himself with a heavy force of artillery, amply supplied with ammunition, and with every means df transport in the way of gun-carriages and boats. He had mantlets to protect his gunners ; a pon- 52 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOBDON. toon equipment, bamboo ladders, planks for sbort tram- ways, and many other provisions for rapid movement in a country abounding in water. He trained up his men in the drill of her Majesty's army, and practiced his artillery both in breaching fortifications and in covering storming parties. He instituted a system of punish- ments for the native force, and one for the foreign offi- cers, who were subject even to instant dismissal, but this only by the order of the Commander himself. With an army thus organized, and with a flotilla oJ steamers and , Chinese gunboats, he was soon prepared again to take the field. Nearly to the north of Shanghai, and of Gordon's headquarters at Sung-kiang, lies Taitsan, from which a road runs south westward through Quinsan and Soochow. These were then three rebel centers, of which the last was chief. It was the natural capital of the country which was to be the seat of war. Toward the district of which it was the chief place Gordon, before the end of April, proceeded with his force, but without com- municating to any one which of the centers was the aim of his first onset. It was presently seen that his object was to reduce Quinsan, which was of the greatest strate- gical importance in relation both to Soochow and Tai- tsan. The approaches to Soochow on the eastern side met at the city ; Taitsan was equally dependent upon it ; it was also the rebel arsenal and shot manufactory. As Gordon was making straight for his mark, the news reached him that the commander of Taitsan had made proposals of surrender to Governor Li ; that accordingly an Imperialist column had been marched to occupy the place ; that -the men so .sent had been treacherously FUSHAN — TAITSAN — QUINSAN. 53 made prisoners, and two hundred beheaded. He there- fore abandoned his scheme, and moved swiftly upon Taitsan. This was a great undertaking, and full of peril. The place was garrisoned by 10,000 men, of whom 2,000 were picked braves, with several English, French, and American renegades serving at the guns ; while his own force numbered only 3,000 of all arms. That, however, mattered little to him. He laid siege to the city forth- with. He took some outlying stockades, and established his army in the west suburb, about 1,500 yards from the gate ; he then seized upon the two bridges of the main canal, and working round the town, and keeping out of * gunshot, captured some small forts which protected the Quinsan road, thus cutting the line of communication. At a distance of 600 yards from the walls he placed his guns in position, each covered with a portable wooden mantlet, and flanked with riflemen. Thus prepared, he advanced with his artillery to within 100 yards, when he opened a scorching fire upon the battlements, rapidly overpowering the fire of the enemy, which was brisk, but not as yet daniaging. He bridged the moat with gunboats from headquarters. In two hou^s he had breached the walls, and his stormers crossed to the attack. Suddenly the wall was manned ; a tremendous fire was poured down upon the heads of the column ; the bridge was pelted with fire-balls ; and, in the confusion, one of the gunboats was captured. Still, Captain Ban- nen gallantly led on his column, and succeeded in mounting the breaicb. The enemy, headed by the foreigners in his service, met the assault with spears ; and the stormers, after a short and bloody conflict. 64 TttE 8T0EY OF CHINESE GOBDON. were compelled to retire. Gordon now cannonadedl t-be breach for twenty minutes, over the heads of his stormers. They mounted it once more, when the energy of those in front, and the impetus of the men in the rear, broke through all obstacles, and the breack was crowned. All resistance ceased, the city was captured, and the enemy fled in the utmost confusion, the men trampMng each other to death in their eagerness to escape, Gordon's loss in this brief and desperate struggle was •unusually heavy, amounting to between eight and nine per cent, of his force. Among the dead v/as the brave Captain Bannen, who led the assault, and several athe? officers. Of the column whose treacherous capture had induced Gordon to turn aside toward Taitsan, 300 men, "" with two mandarins, remained alive in the city. On the Tai-ping side the loss had been less heavy. The following is Gordon's own account of the affair, in a letter to his mother, written on his return to head- quarters : "I left Sung-kiang with some 3,000 men, on 24tli April, and intended to attack Quinsan, a large town between Taitsan and Soochow. However, before I had arrived at the place, intelligence reached me that the Tai-ping forces at Taitsan, who professed to come over to the Imperialists, had treacherously seized the party sent to take possession. 1 immediately changed my route, and marched on Taitsan, attacked the two large stockades on one day, and the town on the next. The rebels made a good fight ; but it was no use, and the place fell. Taitsan was very important, and its capture well merited, after the treachery shown by the head chief, who was wounded in the head. It opens out a large tract of country ; and the Chinese generals were delighted, and have said all sorts of civil things about the force. I am now a Tsung Ping Mandarin (which is the second highest grade), and have acquired a good deal of influence. I do not care about that over-mu«h. I am nJSHAN— TAITSAJS— QUlNSAN. 55 quite sure I was right in taking OTer the command, as you would say if you saw the ruthless character of the rebels. Taitsan is a large place, and was strongly held. It is a Fu, or capital city." Seyen among the prisoners takeii later by the Im- perialists were condemned to the punishment of slow and ignominious death. The lexeeution took place near Waikong. They were tied up and exposed to view for about five hours previous to decapitation, with an arrow or two forced through the skia in various parts of the body, and a piece of skin flayed from one arm. This business — of which Gordon was wholly innocent — was the work of Mandarins quite independent of his com- mand. In excuse it was stated that the unlucky seven were special offenders ; that they had been guilty of that act of bloody treachery which sacrificed the lives of half the Chinese column entrapped in Taitsan ; and that they had no claim to be treated as prisoners of war. It was added that according to Chinese notions the pun- ishment inflicted on them was extremely mild. The account of these executions as above given was strictly verified by General Brown, who coinmanded her Majesty's forces in China. When he had ascertained the facts, he at once told the Putai, Li, that if any similar cases were reported to him he should withdraw the troops, and cease to encourage the Imperialist cause. At this time there was a brisk business done in China by persons who sat down to invent stories of Imperialist cruelties for the Press. These dismal epics, always ahoiit "unmentionable atrocities," were, on examina- tion, found to be false ; but, unfortunately, they reached the sentimentalists at home before their contradictions. They thus accomplished all the mischief that was desired. 56 THE STOET OF CHINESE GOEDON. doing not a little momentary harm to Gordon's position and the cause that he had espoused. On this subject Gordon wrote a letter somewhat later to the Shanghai Shipping News, which runs thus : June lUh, 1863. "I am of belief that the Chinese of this force are quite as mer- ciful in action as the soldiers of any Christian nation could be; and, in proof of this, can point to over 700 prisoners, taken in the last engagement (Quinsan), who are now in our employ. Some have entered our ranks, and done service against the rebels since their capture. But one life has been taken out of this number, and that one was a rebel who tried to induce his comrades to fall on the guard, and who was shot on the spot. It is a great mistake to imagine that the men of this force are worthless. They wOl, in the heat of action, put their enemies to death, as the troops of any nation would do; but when the fight is over, they will associate as freely together as if they had never fought. ... If 'Observer' and 'Eye- Witness,' with their friend 'Justice and Mercy,' would come forward and communicate what they know, it would be far more satisfactory than writing statements of the nature of those alluded to by the Bishop of Victoria. And if any- one is under the impression that the inhabitants of the rebel districts like their rebel masters, he has only to come up here to be disabused of his idea. I do not exaggerate when I say that upward of 1,500 rebels were killed in their retreat from Quinsan by the villagers, who rose en masse." It could hardly be expected that the introduction of English discipline into a Chinese army, officered by so many nationalities, could be immediately successful, though whatever Gordon once determined on he always ended by accomplishing. His soldiers at Taitsan had been guilty of plunder, which was contrary to his articles of war ; but the moment after the splendid victory they had won for him, and the heavy losses they had sus- FUSHAN — TAITSAN — QUINSAN. 57 tain^d, -was searcely the time for pimislimient. Pun- ished, however, they were, in being marched off to the siege of Quinsan before opportunity of selling their loot was allowed them. There Gordon ordered the Man- darins to front the walls with strong stockades, and man them with their own soldiers ; while, on his side, he took back his troops to Sung-kiang to be reorganized. He then issued a general : order, thanking the officers and men for their gallantry at Taitsan. He added, at the same time, that he was compelled to find fault with his officers for their laxity of discipline ; and to improve the force in this respect, he filled the places of those who had been killed, or who had resigned, by certain officers from her Majesty's 99th Eegiment, then quar- tered at Shanghai, who had been allowed to volunteer for the service. He was how ready again- to advance on Quinsan when anew difficulty arose.' He had found it necessary to place over the commissariat a-ndthe military stores an officer of rank, who might . speak with authority to the majors in command of the different regiments, who were apt to be troublesome in the matter of rations. To this post accordingly he appointed the Deputy- Assistant Commissary-General. Gooksley, of the English armyy with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. This met with a violent opposition from his majors, which threatened to pass into open mutiny. Hardly was the force under marching orders for Quinsan when they all requested an interview with their commander, at which they com- plained of the appointment, insisting that they should receive the same rank and pay as the new Lieutenant- Colonel. Gordon refused point-blank, and they retired 58 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOEDON. to send in their resignations, with a request that these should he at once accepted, but that they should be allowed to serve on the pending expedition. Gordon accepted their resignations, and declined their proffered service. The force was to march at daybreak the next morning, and as late as^8 a.m. Gordon's body-guard only had Mien in. The officers in command came to report that none of their men would move. At this juncture the majors, finding that there was only one commander in that army, thought better of their conduct, and sub- mitted. Th^rpupon Gordon started, with 600 artille:i7^ and 2,300 infantry, to the attack of Quinsan. There he found the Imperialist force, which he had left stockaded before the place under General Ohing, in some peril, for the Tai-pings were gradually encompassing it at the East Gate. At this point Gordon attacked, and drove the enemy toward the West Gate. They numbered about 13,000; a very large force was encamped within the walls, which were five miles round. The stone forts in the neighborhood were in the enemy's hands. This strong- hold was of the utmost strategical' importance. Not only would its possession enable Gordon to hold the con- quests he had already effected; it was also the key to Soochow, which, once reduced, would restore the eastefn half of the rebel territory to the Imperial Government. The aspect it presented was that of an isolated hill within the city walls, with a pagoda at the top; while in front was an open plain. Every maneuvre of the attacking force cOuld be distinctly seen, and two or three guns placed on the spurs of the hill would have made it a' perfect citadel. Men were stationed on the high' FUSHAK — TAITSAJSr — QtOTSAN. 59 ground to telegraph all they saw to their colnmaiider, a skillful chief named Moh Wang; arid in addition to all these qualities, of defense, a ditch more than forty yards wide surrounded the city* , Gordon was not long in discovering that Quinsan, adiriirably situated as it wa-s, had one weak spot. The only road hetween Quinsan 'and,SQOohow,two' places all- iinportant to each other, ran between; a. lake — ^that of Yansing— and a phaim of large cjeeka widening out here and there into lagoons; and he at once concluded thdt by bringing an armed steamet to bear upon it he couM ent ofE all communioati&ni Aocordiogly, after inTesiting the city with his own forqe and 7,000 Imperialists!, he ordered up his littl^ steamer, the Hyson, with its guns protected hy iron maatiet^. .■. It was the; 30th of May, and; at dawji the stfeamer was under way,; with 300 picked riflemen of the disciplined corps, accompanied by field- artillery in boats, and with about fifty small gunboats— eighty'^sail in all— with large white sails and. various^ . colored flags. On recon- noitering the country, he fffmA that the road could be suit at Chunye, a village eight iniles from Quinsan, and the ,key to the city. Tq reach this point,, it was necessary for him to make.a twenty miles' detour by water through the country held by the enemy. This was easily done; and the rebel garrison in th6 Chunye stockades was surprised and captured without the loss; of a man. Leaving his 300 jpifleuien at Chilnye, and the main Tabdy of his force at thje east gate of Quinsan, Gordon manned the Hyuon only with her crew, wall armed, under the cpmjnand of Captain Davidson, an American of the great- est experieij^,^ ability and tact, *nd' piroceeded to re- 60 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. connoiter the country toward Sooehow. Davidson had not gone far when he fell in with a large body of Tai- pings marching to reinforce Qninsan, little dreaming that they should meet an enemy by these solitary waters. The steamer opened fire upon them with murderous effect, leaving them no alternative but to retreat along the canal, of which Gordon was now master. The steamer followed the flying mass of men, who became, jammed together upon this single road in fearful con- fusion. What increased this disorder to the utmost was that the retreating body met fresh reinforcements coming up, with whom they became inextricably mixed, the whole mass remaining completely at the steamer's mercy. In her progress the ^«^sora came to a bridge, and fears were entertained that she could . not pass it. Its arch, however, proved' sufficiently high to let the fun- nel through, and she continued her cruise at easy speed. At intervals on either bank of the canal stockades, as ■ well as strong stone forts, had been erected by the Tai- pings. On the Hyson firing a few shots, these were evacuated, and the fugitives were pursued. In this mariner all the fortified posts were Silenced, and Gordon steamed up to the very walls of Soochow>. which was to be the' next stronghold to fall; It was one of the boldest and mtist successful feats of the campaign; and thence- forward the name of Gordon struck teiTor into the hearts of the lieges of the Great Peace. ' The steamer returned during the night, and -reached Chunye at three in the morning. It found the 300 riflemen in a state of great alarm ; the rebel garrison of Quinsan, 7,000 strong, were trying to make their escape along the road, to Soochow. The Hyson was again PUSHAN — TAITSAN— rQUINSAN. 6% brbiight into action, driving back the panic-stricken rebels up to the walls of the city, and repulsing every .advance. The crowd ojf desperate Tai-pings was so great that had they been, well commanded they could have swept the Ever-Yietorious Army from the face of the earth. The- Imperialists themselves, surrounded by the enemy, were given over ' to terror, and beginning to abandon their gunboats, when the arrival of the Hyson changed the aspect of affairs. By firing into the Quin- san garrison she obliged it to retire; with great slaughter. The shelling went on till half-past two in the morning, aiid at a later hour' the force which had been left at the East Gate entered Quinsan unopposed. During this series of engagements the number of Tai- pings met and dealt with could not have, been less than 15,000. Of these, 5,000 were either shot or drowned, or afterward muT-defed by the villagers, who had suffered the utmost cruelty at their hands,' and who rose in masse against them. Gordon had made it a condition with the Imperialists that there should be no barbarity nor decapitation of prisoners, but that these should; be treated as having surrendered to a British officer. The effect of this was -to turn enemies into friends, and greatly to increase the strength of the disciplined force, About 3,000 prisoners were taken, 700 of whom tjien entered the ran ks of the Ever -Victorious Army. In fact, the, whole garrison of Quinsan was lost to the rebels. The casualties on Gordon's side were only two killed and five^ drowned. The prisoners taken were very fine, big men. Most of them had' been impressed by the enemy. Here is a, hurried letter, /vyritten by Gordon after the 62 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEEON. capture of Quinsaa, wHich will give some idea of the state of things : " The rebels certainly never got such a, licking heio^e, and I think that there will not be much more severe flghtiiig, as we htive such immense advantages in the country in .the way of steamers. Quinsan is a large city, 4J miles round, and has a hill in the center some 600 feet high,, from which the flat country around can be Seen for upward of' 50 miles. It is a wonderful country for creeks arid lakes, and very rich. My occupying this city enables the Imperial Grovernment to protect an enormous district, rich iti com, etc., and the people around are so thankful for their release that it is quite a pleasure. They were in a desperate plight beforfe our arrival, as tlieir way lay between the rebels and Imperialists; but they had the sharpness to have two head jnen, or chiefs in ea,his colleague, Ohing, had arrived, and was anxious to get hold of the prisoners, and turn them into soldiers. Some 1,500 were given up to him,; under his promise that they should receive good treatment. It was not long, however, before Gordon heard that five had, been beheaded. He saw that, it was useless to protest against these abominable proceedings. The non-payment of his force, too, preyed heavily on his mind. Heartily sick of the business, he determined to 70 THE 3T0EY OP CHINESE GOIHJON. throw Up his command ; and to this end he left fbi Shanghais A man who had proved himself to be possessed of thie highest military instincts, who had succeeded in all his undertakings, who had exposed himself to so many dan- gers, deserved the ungrudging support of the Govern- ment whose cause he had adopted, even as he deserved the affection of an army he had led from victory to vic- tory. Nevertheless, some of his ofiBcers were disaffected toward him, because he insisted on the maintenance of discipline, while his troops regarded him with disfavor because he steadily refused to gratify their lust of plun- der. Indeed, the capture of Quinsan, which would have filled a European force with ardor and confidence, was followed by the desertion of nearly half the Ever -Victo- rious Army ; so that Gordon had been compelled to re- cruit from the rebel prisoners, who, fortunately, proved much better men than the deserters. Moreover, on one ground and another, many influential persons in his own country were urging him to resign. Had the Chines( Government frankly supported him in any degree pro- portionate to the dictates of their own interests, he cer- tainly would not have entertained the thought of aban- doning his command ; for he perceived the difference it would make to the people and the country whether ho left this iniquitous rebellion to renew its former triumph, or left it crushed and broken beyond the power of re- vival. Governor Li, who afterward became his warm friend and admirer, and who has remained so to this day, had not at that time learned to appreciate his great and com- manding qualities. He had probably never seen a type BUEGE VINE BECOMES A. WANG. , 71 of complete disinterestedness bfcfote, so that he was naturally slow to acknowledge Gordon, whom he had known but a few months. The foreigners who had hitherto served in the force had been governed only by a spirit of rapine. They were mercenaries, and with them all had been a mere question of money. Gordon had not yet had time to show that he was utterly unlike his predecessors. Lij then, having only a limited knowledge of the new man's character, took no steps to discharge the debt that weighed upon the Anglo-Chinese army. What is worse, in less than three months he pledged his word to Gordon and broke it. The conse- quences of this were so serious thatj but for certain pressing contingencies, Gordon would have left the Em- pire to its fate.. But Gordon had no sooner reached Shanghai, with the resolve to throw up his commission, than he found that Burgevine's treachery had been fully confirmed. That singular adventurer, through the instrumentality of a renegade named Jones, who ha.d been master of the Kiao-GMao, a small war-steamer belonging to the Chinese, had got together a band of foreigners and seized the vessel on his own account on August 1st. Having failed to recover command of the Ever -Victorious Army, he had avenged himself by entering into communication with the Ta/itpings, and had^ succeeded, in the Kiao- Ohiao, in readhing Soochow with a band of, desperadoes of all nations, thoroughly armed. It was not for Gor- don to desert his post in such a moment. He saw that the campaign had entered upon a new and desperate phase. He rode back to Quinsan, and at once resumed his command and the operations he had had in view. 72 , THE STOKY OF CHINESE GORDON. The better to do his work, the more Tigorously to grapple with the new peril, he had already written to Quinsan, which was now bis headquarters, for informa- tion as to the humor of his officers. No unsatisfactory signs appeared ; but during the day there were reports of so serious a nature that he at once sent his siege-train •to Taitsan for safety, and the principal part of his siege ammunition to Shanghai, while he dispatched reinforce- ments to Kahpoo, his most adyanced post. He had taken the decisive step of sending in his resignation to Li, and of inclosing a copy of it to General Brown, the instant the piratical capture of the Kiao-Ghiao and Burgevine's change of front came to his knowledge. In this letter he informed Li that he would remain in com- mand of the force only until such time as he should re- ceive replies from the British Minister and General. But now a crisis was imminent. To abandon the command would be to leave a suffering people not only at the mercy of the Tai-pings, but of the freebooter whose treachery and love of violence might greatly strengthen the rebel cause. Moreover, Burgevine's popularity might draw men from the already disaffected force who had once served under the renegade commander. His former fol- lowers had not forgotten how, in order to obtain funds for their pay, on one occasien he had plundered the Treasury, despoiled temples and robbed the images of their jewels. Gordon, therefo're, with his own pay- ments in arrears, was not a little anxious as to the in- fluence of Burgevine's example on the rebel cause. This situation of affairs excited general uneasiness, and the alarm was fully shared in by Colonel Hough, commanding at Shanghai, who wrote to General Brown BUEGEYINE BECOMES A WANG. 73 that Burgevine's termB with the rebels whom he enlisted, some 300 in number, included, besides pay; an unre- strained license to sack every town they took, including Shanghai itself, which the colonel thought no idle threat, owing to the present reduced state of Gordon's force, aU reported to be treacherously inclined to join Burgeyine. These and yet more serious anticipations were not, however, realized. Meantime Gordon was oh the alert. He left Shanghai on the 1st of August for Quinsan, and sent for reinforcements to Kahpoo, as his station was seriously threatened by the rebels. The next day he proceeded in the OricTcet to Kahpoo, where the rebels were in great force on all sides ; not less than 40,000, led. by Europeans, and coming up to close quar- ters. Having a howitzer and shell, they blew up one gunboat; and for the protection of the steamers it was necessary to reinforce the stockades by infantry and ar- tillery. "While all these attacks were repulsed, the rebels employed themselves in burning the villages around. Gordon resolutely held on to Kahpoo and Quinsan, Reeling that if those strongholds were lost Shanghai would soon follow. To relieve his anxiety, he was obliged to move constantly between Quinsan and Kahpoo; for he had no oflBcer fit to undertake the defense of the latter place, or to keep the rebels in check. Some account of his movements, and "his views on th© situation of affairs at this time, may be gathered from the following letter, dated Quinsan, 13th August: " Since my last Burgevine has joined the rebels, and they have tried hard to take Kahpoo, which is on the Grand Canal. We haye, however, repulsed all their attacks, and they have now re- tired into Soochow. 1 think the rebels will soon get very tired of 74 THE STOBY OF ^CHINESE GOKDON. their auxiliaries and the latter of the rebels. Thirty of them de. serted the other day, and came back to Shanghai. We had a field- fight with the rebels at Kahpoo, and drove them back two miles, burning their camp. They had become very audacious, and had come up close to the stockades, throwing fireballs into the same. The Mandarins are not a particularly nice set. There is nothing interesting about them ; in fact, the Chinese are much more matter- of-fact people than Europe gives them credit for. I dare say you may have alarming news about the rebels this mail, but I can answer that this is exaggerated. There is no doubt but that the accession of BurgeVine will give them some little spirit, but it can- not, in my opinion, la,st. The whole country around Wokorig is flat, and intersected with large creeks. There are no roads, except the one leading to HangchoW from Soochow ; and this one we now hold by the stockades at Kahpoo. . . . I am in a very isolated position, and have to do most of my work myself, which accounts for my not writing at greater length to you. We took a large number of prisoners and let them gO, having made soldiers of some of them. They are only too happy to get away from the rebels." A fortnight later there comes an allusion to the pros- pects of the Imperialists and of the fall of Soochow: " QuiNSAN, 24:(h August, 1863. " The fact that Burgevihe has joined the rebels will no doubt very much prolong the rebellion, which, humanly speaking, would have almost been put down this year, and at the latest next spring; but the force at my command is too small in numbers to do every- thing, and one has to act with great caution with the changed aspect of affairs; added to which is the idea which the Imperialists have got into their heads that they can defeat the rebels in the field, Ivhich they cannot do. I did not give much credit to the rumors of Burgevine having joined the rebels tUl after the capture of Wo- kong, when the animated attack of the rebels suddenly awakened me. We repulsed their attack with success, and drove them back; but I saw enough to deter me f i-oni attacking Soochow for the pres- ent. We hold a good position, and as Sherard Osborne ought to be soon here, I do not wish to risk anything. Many people urge me BUEGEVINS BECOMES A WANG. 75 to attack, but my opinion is so much agaiinst it that their per- svw,sion-wiU be in vain for the present. I feel I have so many lives intrusted to me that these are, as it were, at my disposal, and I will not risk them in an enterprise I consider rash. We have been very fortunate up to this, losing no more than 30 to 40 men in all our engagements, and not more than 60 to 80 wounded ; and though it might be a fine thwg to take Sooohow before Sherard Osborne arrived, I do not intend to run any risk. We have by thje capture of Wpkong very geriously affected- the, rebels ; and if I can carry out my plan of taking Woosieh, and thiis siirroujiding Soo- chow, I do not think it will be necessary to attack that place, but think thsy will leave. Burgevine is a very foolish man, and little thinks the immense misery he will cause this unhappy country, for of the ultimate suppression of the rebellion I have little doubt, as it is a Sovemment receiving revenues contending with a faction almost blockaded, and drawing on exhaustiblfe funds. The Imperialists are not likely to feel any great liking for foreigners after the way they have been treated by them. I am thinking of attacking a fortified post of the rebels at Pingwang, which threatens the city of Wokong, in a few days, and from which they have lately beeu making raids into the Imperialists' territory." General Brown, from his headquajiiers at Shanghai, lost no. time in communicating with .tijie Secretarj of War on the, perilous position 0|f (Jordon'a force. In a dispatch of September; 14 he describes Gordon as en- tirely in the hands of men formerly in the pay of Ward and in communication with Burgevine, who had already tampered with some of the officers and lured oyer many to his side. The guns and munitions of war in Gordon's possession, furnished to him with the sanction of the British Government, were in peril, through treachery, of falling into the hands of the rebels. This would render General Brown's own position most critical at iShanghai, he having no larger description of ordnance 76 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOBDON. to contend against the rebels with than that -which miglit be brought against him. These circumstances decided General jSrown to visit Gordon's headquarters ' in per- son, and to inspect his garrison. He found it- in a very efficient state; nevertheless he considered it would be rash in the extreme for Gordon to hazard an attack; Three days previous to the date of the dispatch alluded to, Gordon was taking a more hopeful view of affairs, as may be seen froni the following characteristic letter: " Q,vniiSAn, lUh September, .1863. "I have determined not to attack SoochioW till Sherard Osborne arrives, for Burgevine's d'efection has very much increased the strength of the rebels, and it does not do to risk anything. I expect the rebels will very soon get sick of their men, and, In fact, cannot pay them what they promise. They are quiet, and our stockades are around two^thirds of the city, distant from here some twenty miles. Burgevine's boy, who acted as his interpreter, has run out, and says that Burgevine tells the Wangs all about the settlement and about the Force, etc., etc., which interestsithe Wangs very much. He is in good health, and very indolent; he has a nice lot with him, all the scum of Shanghai, which may be said to be celebrated for its produce in that way. He is not allowed to send money out of Soochow, so I expect the rebels intend eventually to take it all back again: this would not be the first time they had done a similar ^hing. An intercepted letter from Burgevine says, he has thirty to forty men whq a-re with him, and who declare they will run away at the first opportunity, and he does not know where to send them. " I was at first rather afraid of treachery among my officers, but now have no fear. One gentleman I turned away I found had been corresponding for some time with Burgevine, but he was such an owlet that it made no difference. , Burgevine wrote to me two days before he joined the rebels, saying that he would come and see me, and that I was not to believe any of the reports about him. BDEGEVINE BECOMES A WANG. 77 and that he would explain everything. I now believe he regrets his conduct. "The presence of Europeans has not in any way changed the barbarities perpetrated by the rebels; they burn away as hard as ever round the city, and this place is full of poor destitute people, who are fed by subscription. They did not like the repulse at Kahpoo at all, and have not repeated it. The agents of Burgevine have been trying in vain to get the men over." ., , In yet more hopeful terms Gordon continues lii's nar- rative as follows: '' " Camp, Waiquaidong, two miles bast oe Soochow. i ."25th Septemier, 18S3. . \ "I am now encamped in support of the Imperiaiists, who are Btpclsaded some 1,800 yards from the walls. The Imperifl-llsts having moved up so close obliges me to have part of my force nearer them for support, and the weathei; beinsj delightful, it is very agreeable. The rebels have made great efforts to drive the ImpOTialists away, but without success, and our present position is extremely strong. Burgevine has been down at Shanghai, and escaped by a very little being captured. The United States Mar- shal, who has a nfephew in this force, was seized in a lorcha with nine others ; two other boats with arms were captured, and Burge- vine jumped into the river. This shows what men these -Ameri- cans are. This United States Marshal pretended that no one was on board the boat; but the men were found below. I do not think I told you that Kongzu was taken by the Imperialists; this is very important, as they have no place but Hangchow by which they (the rebels) can now get arms, and I expect Burgevine will lose caste by his mishap; the rebels do not generally make much allowance. ... A great many Europeans have left him, and I think there are not more than thirty or forty there now. The Imperialists here are very good, and we get on very well with them; they ma;ke , first-rate •stoqi^q.des, and work willingly. We have now some native troops at Quinsan, and at Taitsan; also some of H. M.'s 67th kt the latter place; The rebel shells are very {)oor things, not one in twenty bursts; they have some of brass. 73 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GQKDON. but they are not much better. The uebela are not in very good spirits, and are moving their things southward toward Wuchu, through the Taho Lake ! " Events were now progressing more favor^ibly for the Ever -Victoripus Armj;, a,Did ijhe spirits ,«f , l;he Cpin,- mander rose as Jj.e more clearly (Jiscerned the final suc- cess of his cause. His next letter is written at Pata- chow, on the day foUowijig the capture of that place, " Stockades, Patachow, 30th September,, 1863. "Finding that the Imperialists were incommoded by the presence of some stockades ait Patachow, I determined to attack these. The stockades were very feebly held, and the loss in cap- turing them nil. In repulsing an attack made to recapture them, we had five men wounded. The rebels are now threatened on the south as well as the east, and I heard to-day that the tebels had approached close to Wooslrfi. The Patachow Bridge is a fifty- three-arohed bridge, 300 yards long, I am very sorry to say that twenty-six of the arches fell in yesteirday like a pack of cards, killing two men; ten others escaped by running, as the arches fell one after another, as fast as a man cbald run. It made a tre- mendous noise, and my boat vras nearly smashed by the ruins: I regret it immensely, as it was unique and very old; in fact a thing to come some distance to see. I am afraid it was my fault, as I had commenced removing an archway to let a steamer tteough into the Taho Lake, and this caused the fall, as each arch rested on the other. Two men were saved, though they fell in the water. Matters go very badly for the rebels, and I expect in two or three mails to be able to announce the fall of Sooohow. We are now two miles from it on the Grand Canal. • The steamers do great execution. We attacked Patachow at 11 A. m., and took it by out- flanking and threatening the rear of the stockadps; it was a very simple affair." On the previous evening Gordon had been seated alone on the parapet of the bridge referred to smoking a cigar, when two shots in succession struck the stone, on BUEGEVINE BECOMES A WAJTG. 79 which he sat. These shots, which were purely acci- dental, had come from his own camp, it not being known that he was there. On the second striking the seat, he thought it time to descend, and rowed across the creek to make inquiries as to what was going on. He had not been long on the river when the bridge, as he describes in his letter, gave waj, and fell into the water. This narrow escape from falling through with the ruins, to which he does not himself allude, is one of those incidents which added not a little to the reputa- tion he had acquired of having a charmed life. At Patachow negotiations were opened with him bj the Europeans in the Tai-ping service; many of whom had formerly been his comrades, though now serving on the other side; The communication these men bad to make was that they were by no means satisfied with their position at Soochow, and that they desired him to meet and talk on the subject with Burgevine, who was of the same mind. These conferences were to take place on a bridge between the opposing lines. Dangerous as the business was, Gordon at once agreed to it. jBui'geviiie stated that he and his men had re- solved to quit the rebel service; but that they would not do so. unless they could obtain some guarantee of their not being held responsible to the Imperial Government. Gn this Gordon undertook that the authorities. at Shang- hai should let the matter drop> and even offered to take as many of the men as he could, and assist the rest to leave the country, The repulse of his first attempt upon Gordon in the field had dispirited Burgevine, who was slow in his movements, and could not contend against the brilliant 80 THE STOET OP CHINESE GOEDON. and rapid maneuTers of his opponent. The negotiations led to nothing at the moment, except that in a measure they rallied Burgeyine's spirits. In his next interview with Gordon he betrayed an ambition he had long in- dulged in. His dream had been to found an empire for himself, and he had fixed on China as a fit country in which to fulfill it. He even proposed that Gordon should join him. They would seize on Sooehow, expel .both rebels and Imperialists, lay hands on the treasure con- tained therein, raise an army of 20,000 men, andTnarch on Peking. Gordon indignantly dispelled these hallu- cinations, and curtly informed him he would entertain no such idea. Meantime much fighting was going on, and a des- perate and futile attempt was made by the rebels to re- take Wokong. Though the recent negotiations had seemed to end in nothing, they were soon to bear fruit. Burgevine and his men had convinced themselves of one thing — ^that they could rely on Gordon's word; and they sent him secret information to the eilect that they pur- posed to make a sally, with a view to deserting and throwing themselves on his protection. The manner of doing this was agreed on: seeing a signal rocket from Gordon's lines, they were to board the Hyson as if intent on her capture. This they did with such a show of purpose that thousands of the Tai-ping troops rushed to their assistance, but were repulsed with shot and shell, while the Hyson steamed back and safely landed the deserters in the besieging camp. Burgeviue and several other of the Europeans were, however, not among them. Morton, their leader, said that the Mob -Wang, the commander, seemed to suspect them, so they thought it wise to leave at once without waiting for the rest. BUEGETIN BECOMES A WANG. 81 The majority of these deserters were seamen who had been lured into SOochow with httle idea as to their des« tination. Their condition was pitiable in the extreme, and their gratitude on finding themselTes within Gor- don's lines was hardly less touching. Nearly all of them volunteered to stay and fight for him to whom they owed their release from starvation and death. Gordon, as soon as he heard of Burgevine's detention, wrote and despatched the folloiffing leiter* to tVo pf the 3)rincipal Wangs of Soochow: • " Stockades, Patachow, i.6th October, 1863. " To thgir Excellencies, Chung Wang, Moh Wang. " YoDE, Excellencies: "You must be already aware that I have on all occasions, when it lay in my power, been merciful to your soldiers when taken prisoners, an& not only been so myself, but have used every en- deavor to prevent the Imperial authorities from practicing any inhumanity. Ask for the truth of this statement any.of the men who were taken at Wokong, and who, some of them, must have returned to Soochow, as I placed no restriction on them whatever. " Having stated the above, I now ask your Excellencies to con- consider the case of the Europeans in your service. In everyarmy each soldier must be actuated with faithful feelings to fight well. A man made to fight against his will is not only a bad soldier, but he is a positive danger, causing anxiety to his .leaders, and absorb- ing a large force to prevent his defection. If there are many Europeans left in Soochow, I would ask your Excellencies If it does not seem to you much better to let these men quietly leave your service if they wish it ; you would thereby get rid of a continual source of suspicion, gain the sympathy of the whole of the foreign nations, and feel that your difficulties are all from without. Your Excellencies may think , that decapitation would soon settle the matter, but you would then be guilty of a crime which will bear * Some of the words in this letter were obliterated by blpodspotE, under cir- cumstances to be shown later. 82 THE STOBY 05 CHINESE GOBDON. its fruits sooner or later. In this force officers and men come ^.nd go at pleasure, and althoTigh it is inconvenient at times, I am never apprehensive of treason from within. Your Excellencies may rely- on what I say, that, should you behead the Europeans who are with you, or retain them against their free wUl, you will eventually re- gret it. The men have committed no crime, and they have done you good service, and what they have tried to do, viz., escape, is nothing ijiore than any man, or even anirnal, will do when placed in a sityatioii he does not like, " The men could have done you great harm, as you wOl no doubt allow; they have not done So, and 1 consider that your Excellen- cies have reaped grftit benefit from their assistance. As far as I am personally concerned, it is a matter of indtfiference whether the men stay or leave ; but as a man who wishes to save these unfor- tunate men, I intercede. "Your Excellencies niay ^depend you will not suffer by letting these men go ; you need not fear their communicating information. I knew your force, men and guns, long ago, and therefore care not to get that information from them. If my entreaties are unavail- ing for these men in . . yourself by sending down the wounded, and perform an action never to be regretted. " I write the above with my own hand, as I do not wish to intrust the matter to a linguist ; and trusting you will accede to my re- quest, I condude, "Your Excellencies' obedient servant, "0. Gr. Gordon, " Major Commanding." In a letter written from the Patachow Stockades, dated 19th October, 1863, Gordon giyes some account of these events : ' ' The day after the fall of the Pataehow Bridge we saw the smoke- stack of the Kia-cMao steamer under the bridge near Soochow, and this being suspicious, I moved up a boat to reoonnoiter with a 24- pounder howitzer. The rebels remained quiet till we came up to 1,000 yards of their position, when thgy opened fire from a 33- pounder, which they had on a boat, and from, the Kia-cMao, and BURGEVINB BECOMES A WANG. 83 made us fall back to the stockades. Their infantry tried at the same time to turn our flanks, but we made sorties and soon drove them back. The fight began about 1 p.m., and lasted till 6 p.m. ; the loss on our .^ide was trifling, the rebels lost 200 killed and wounded. The next day overtures were made to me by Burgevine and others to come over. These meetings went on from day to day owing to the dilSoulties that intervened as to coming oVer ; and although they did eome over to the number of thirty- six, Bur- gevine and others were suspected and retained. The dinouement of the 'afEair took place on the 16th October. Oh the 14th Oetoberj Wokong, a town on the Grand Cahal below tliis, was threatened by the head rebel Chief of TaitSan Tsah and three Wangs with 2,000 men. The Imperials had tried to drive them away; but had been repulsed, and as the city had only thifee days' provisions, I had to go down with 600 men from this. The rebels were very strongly posted, and we had a very heavy fight, for three hours, dislodging them with difflcMltyi but eventually capturing six stook^ ades and pursuing them for tfen mUes. Thtf rebels fought very well, and our loss wfes heavy, being thirty killed and wounded. " After Burgevine had been arrested, ahd the thirty-six Europeans had ootne over, I wrote to the rebel chiafs to tell them that the men who had left him had done what might be expected from the way they were treated, and told them that the foreign nations looked with disfavor at the foreible retentioH of Europeans. Moh Wang answered me in very polite style, ahd said that Europeans had no reason to run aWay, as they Were free to coilie and to go. He said he would wish much to sfee me, and would guarantee my safety, etc. ; also that the Europeans who had run away had taken away guii- boats, arms, horses, etc. I answered that I sent back the, boat and arms the men had takeii, and assured him they had taken no horses. . .aid in his letter that Burgevine had pi'oniised'him great things, and had done nothing. He asked the messenger a great deal about me, and if it were possible to. buy me over, and was told it was not. He asked why the Europeans wanted to run away, and was told that it was because they saw there was no chance of success. He said, 'Do you think that Gordon will take the city ?' and, was told, ' Yes.' This seemed to make him reflect. The messenger told me the city is and was in great confusion, as it is not only the departure 84 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOBDON. of the Europeans that affects them, but the fact of these Europeans being of opinion that the cause is Ibst. Burgevine is safe, and not badly treated. I am trying my utmost to get him out ; and then,' if I can see g, man to take my place,; I shall leave this service, my object being gained— namely, to show the public, what they doubted, that there were BngHsh officers who could conduct operations as well as mates of ships, and also to rid the neighborhood of Shang- hai of these freebooters. I care nothing for a high name. If I had, I should have written far more about the various fights. My hope is that the Chinese Government may feel that they "have been fairly treated by me, and learn that we are not all actuated by greed. That they do so now I believe, as they have every con- fidence in me. " This defection of the Europeans is an almost extinguishing blow to the rebels; and from the tone of Moh -Wang's letter, so different from the one he wrote to General Staveleya little time ago, I feel convinced that, the rebel chiefs would come to terms if they had fair ones offered them. I mean to do my best to bring tiiese about; and I am sure that if I do so, I shall gain a greater victory that any captures of cities would be. Sherard OsboTrighas made what to others would be very tempting offers; but' he does not know my character or feelings. I am determined to leave the command, even if on the eve of certain victory, as soon as I can get a man to take my place. ... I am very hard- worked now, and; as you may imagine, have to write a great deal officially. The whole of the late defection has been a nasty business (vide the newspaper^), and so distasteful that I will not inflict it on ' you. Now to leave a very distasteful subject." Gordon feared that Burgevine -would- be decapitated in consequence of what had happened; and for this reason he had at once sent the letter and presents to Moh -Wang, together with all the Enfields brought into camp, and entreated him to spare Burgevine's life. It is recorded that after these events the Tai-ping chief sent Burgevine away in safety, and delivered him up to the American Consul, while at Gordon's request, all BUEGEVINE BEOOMEb A WANG. 85 proceedings against him were waived on condition that he left the country. When these affairs were inves- tigated by Mr. Mayers, the acting British Gonsul at Shanghai, who was seni; . to inquire into them, the desperate' character of Bnrgevine was fully brought to light. That gentleman stated in an official letter that ' at the very moment when the interviews were proceed- ing, in which Burgevine offered to surrender, he was planning with Jones, his lieutenant, to entrap the man on whose mercy he had cast himself and his followers. His companion, desperate as he was, had some honesty left, and revolted against such treachery. This, among other things, gave rise to much ill-feelihg against him in his captain's mind. But- for the fact that Gordon's frankness had no' untoward result, the confidence with which, at the risk of his life, he negotiated with others, would seem to display a want of that common prudence which others find so necessary. As has'been said, the foreigners were most grateful to Gordon for the skill with which he had planned and carried out their escape on the. Hyson, and thieir gratitude was warmly expressed in a deposition afterward made before the United States Consul by Jones> Morton, Porter, Bardlay and Whiting. This dobumeht gives a very full account of the plot and counter-plot between Burgevine and those of ^ his friends who had not lost all "confidence in him, but who had resolved on deserting hiin after a drunken outrage o:^ which he was guilty in firing on his lieutenant; Jones, 'it is thus described by Jones himself : , ' ' •' "At noon I went to Burgevine, who was lying asleep on board a S3-pounder gunbOat, and abked him whether I shoulci assist him 86 TEfE STOKY OF CHINESE GOK0ON. to get ashore, as many of our officers and men were making re- marks on the condition he was in. On his demanding the names of those who had made remarks, I declined giving them, and • shortlyafterward again attempted to i-cmonstrate with JjinS, intSpin- pany with another officer. On my again declining' to giVe lip names, Burgevine drew out his four-barreled pistol, which he cocked and discharged at my head from a distance of about nine inches.. The,bullet entered my left cheek and passed upward. It has not yet been extracted. I exclaimed, '.You. have shot yoiff best friend I ' His answer was, ' I, know I have, and 1 wist, to God I hM kiEed yon! '" Burgevine fully conflririe4 the truth of the above stq,tement in a letter whicJh he sent to a lopal pager, in which he said : " Captain Jones's account of the affaii: is substantially correct; and I feel great pleasure in bearing testimony to hife veracity and candor whenever any afiair with which he is -personally acquainted is concerned." The heat of the weather and , sickness in the garrison determined Gordon to remove from Quinsan and en- camp at Wai-Quiaidong, six miles from the East. Gate of Soochow, the doomed city. Meantime McCartney had been doing good service in various ways; but the Im- perialists,; though, in certain cases they fought to some purpose, were guilty of more than one mistake., This was owing to the blundering arrogance of Ching, who, before attacking, steadily refused to consult with Gordon as to his intentions. It is not necessary to give in detail the difficulties which Gordon encountered through the clumsy maneuvers of his Chinese colleague. It will be enough to say that they were great indeed, inasmuch as it was the opinion of on-16okers at Shanghai that, with Ching on his hands, it would be impossible for him, even BUEGEVINE BEOOMES A WASGr. 87 after the successes he had achieved^ ever to take Soo- chow. "With the overwhelming mimbeTS in his front, the vast extent of territory he had to protect, the rough and disorderly condition of his men, and the little sup- port afforded by 'the Imperial G-overnment, it seemed beyond hope that even he could succeed; and many were the cries from all quarters that, unless Gordon were given the entire command of the allied troops, defeat was inevitable, and his death a npt unlikely result of the campaign. With this command he was never intrusted; and we shall presently see what were the fortunes of war in his hands, as the Captain of his mutinous and now sickly force. His advance had been checked by various attacks of the rebels, now at Wokong, now at "Wulungchiao, a vil- lage about two miles to the west of Patachow, and a mile and three-quarters only from the South Gate of Soochow. But all these had been repulsed, as well as an assault on Chanzu. A letter written by him from Wulungchiao, in the in- tervals of engagements with the enemy, gives a yivid idea of what went on. "You will remember my having mentioned tHe fact of the Europeans and Burgevine having come over from the rebels, Since then the following have been our movements: We started for the Fift^-three Arch Bridge (alas! how only twenty-seven arched), Patachow, and made a great detour by the lakes to Kahpoo to throw the rebels off the scent. We left at 3 p.m., and although the place, Wulungchiao which I wanted to attack was only li miles to the west of Patachow, I made a detour of 30 miles to confuse them, on a side they were not prepared for. It tamed out wet, and thp night of the 23d of October was miserable enough, cooiJed up in boats as we were. However, it cleared a little before dawn, and 88 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOKDON. about 7 A.M. we came on the stockades. I bad askedthe Impsrial- ists, under General Ching, to delay their attack from Patachow. till'; had become well engaged; but as usual General Ching must needs begin at 5.30 a.m., and he got a good dressing from the rebels and was forced to retire. His loss was 19 killed and 67 wounded, while the Taho gunboat admiral, who had abetted him in his tom-fooling, lost 30 killed and wounded. We lost none; three were slightly bruised. The head chief of goochow, Moh- Wang, knew we were out, but had no idea of our going to Wulung- chiao. He is greatly angered, and in addition to this has had trouble with his brother Wangs, who reproach him for . having trusted the Europeans and for neglecting them. Eleven out of twenty-seven Wangs refused to go out and fight. Yesterday after- noon a European left Soochow and came over. I had met him be- fore, and consider that he had acted in a very brave manner in re- maining in Soochow. He says Moh-Wang does not understand our movements, and is very much put out at the loss of this place. They tried to take it back again on the 35th at dusk, but got de- feated." " 2,9th October, 1863. " Since my last letter an expedition went out to drive the rebels away from Wokong; they had had the temerity to return there, after their defeat on the 13th, and occupied nearly the same posi- tion. I sent a steamer this time,i and the result was a most tre- jnendous victory, almost equal to the Quinsan afEair, and resulting from the same cause, namely, the rebels being driven out of their position, had to retreat along a narrow road running along the bank of the Grand Canal and close to it. They could not leave the road, and there are innumerable large creeks passing from it at right angles into the Taho Lake, and only spanned by bridges on this road. These bridges are narrow and high, and one person or two only can pass over fl,t one time. Thus you may imagine the delay which occurs at each bridge ; frequently the road was about 3 or 4 feet wide for 300 or 300 yards, having a lake or ditch on one side and the Grand Canal on the other. I will not give details, as I have no time; suffice it to say that after the flanks of their posi- tion were turned, the rebels began their retreat on Pingwang, and BUEGEVINE BECOMES A WANG. 89 had 13 miles-of the above road to trayef se under fire of the steamer, and pursued by the troops. About 3,000 to 4,000 got away, one Wang and 1,300 prisoners were taken, and one Wang and some men were drowned. The rush of the fugitives was met by a rein- forcement from Pingwang on a high bridge, and the former swept the latter in one mass into the lake. The value of the victory is that we now have no fear for our rear, and I believe that tha rebels in the sUk districts seriously think of giving in. In the meantime I am preparing an attack on the north of the city, which will take place about the 1st of November. You will see all the Burgevine affair in the papers. I am afraid he is a rascal, but I acted to the best of my judgment. I told you 1 had been at- tacked here. It was Chung Wang and his son who attacked, and had to swim the creek in consequence of our havingecut ofE their retreat." The crowning mercy of the campaign was soon to come. After making a strong disposition of the Im- perial forces both at the outposts and on the Great Lake, Gordon swept round by the eastward of Soochow to the north with his siege-train and the Hyson, to reduce the remaining outposts held by the Tai-pings around the city. He carried Leeku by assault, and in the course of the next few days captured and occupied points which completed the investment of the city. Within it were 30,000 Tai-pings. In almost all these engagements, Gordon found it necessary to be constantly in the front, and often to lead in person. The officers of his force were brave men enough, but were not al"ways ready to face their desper- ate antagonists. Gordon, in his mild way, would take one or other of them by the arm, and lead him into the thick of the fire. He always went unarmed himself, even when foremost in the breach. He never recognized danger; to him a shower of bullets was no more than a SlbBY OP CHINESE GOKDON. hail-storm.'' He carried one weapon to direct his troops — a little cane, and this soon won for itself the name of " Gordon's magic wand of Tictory." His Chinese fol- lowers, seeing him always victorious, always foremost in the fight, concluded it was his wand that insured him protection. The idea encouraged the Ever -Victorious Army greatly, and was of more service to the young commander than all the arms he could have borne. Some days previous to the assault on Leeku, Gordon found a letter in the handwriting of one of his officers. Lieutenant Perry. It informed a Tai-ping sympathizer of the intended movements of the force. lieutenant Perry confessed he had^written the letter, but declared he thought the facts were of no importance ; it was only meant as a piece of gossip. To this statement Gordon replied : "I shall pass your fault over this time, on con- dition that, in order to show your loyalty, you undertake to lead the next forlorn hope." But Gordon had for- gotten the severe test to which he had pledged his com- rade, when a few days later they stood together by the ditch in front of the stockade. Both were leading a forlorn hope, when a ball struck Perry in the mouth. He fell screaming into his Captain's arms, and almost immediately expired. " I have another report to make to you of our operations," says Gordon in allusion to the late engagement : " We started from Wai-Quaidong on the 31st October, and slept the night at Ding- King. At 4 A.M., we left for Leeku, and having met the Imperial forces, some 15,000 strong, at Chowdong, we advanced at 11 a.m. to attack. We began the action at 12.30 p.m., and got round their right flank, but as they had another road they did not move. We, therefore, carried it with a rush. I am sorry to say an officer, a very good one, Lieutenant Perry, was killed. Only 8 men were BUEGEVINE BEC0MES A WANG. 91 Rightly wounded. The, rebels foyght well, and held on to, the last ; they lost some 40 to 60 killed, and we took 3 gupboats, about 40 other boats, and some 60 prisoners ; I have no time to give details. " He further writes on the 3d of Ifovenaber : " We yesterday, after a hard fight, took aU the stockades up to the walls along the east face of the city, and last night four Wangs came in to negotiate a surrender. I think that this is likely, and the heaviest part of our fighting is over. The rebels are having great troubles among themselves, and have to pay largely for their food." The next point of attack was "Wanti, where, as well as at Leeku, it was Gordon's aiin to station part of the force. The surrender of Wanti meant tlie almost com- plete investment of Soochow ; for so soon as stockades and forts were captured by the Ever -Victorious Army, they had been garrisoned by Imperialist troops. With this exception, then, all the waterways and roads leading from the devoted city were now closed. Eleven days after his arrival at and capture of Leeku, Gordon went to the attack of Wanti., The place was so strongly fortified that the heaviest shelling was of no avail. He, however, lest no time in surrounding it, and took it by assault in less th^n an hour. The rebels, ter- ror-stricken at his approach, began to make their escape in large numbers, and a series of fierce hand-to-hand fights followed outside the walls. Gordon thus gives his own account of the affair : " Since T last wrote we have had another fight, and have hap- pily driven the rebels out of this stockade. We left Leeku on the nth November, and had two miles to go before we came here. We managed to completely surround the. place, and took it by assault in three-quarters of an hour. I am sorry we had one officer killed 92 THE STORY OF CHINESE GOEDON. and twenty men wounded. The casualties were more numerous from our men having had a cross iire from our own artillery. The rebels fought very bravely, and we took 600 prisoners, and I do not think more than 10 got away. Their loss was heavy,- some 350 ; this was owing in a great measure to the fire of the artillery. I had men fighting here who had fought against us a week ago at Leeku. They behaved very well. From what the prisoners say, the rebels are much disheartened. We took all their head men prisoners. You will see a place called Tajowka on the map ; this stockade was the one attacked by Burgevine and Chung -Wang, and where the Kajow steamer was blown up. I do not know if I mentioned that Lai -Wang, who was in charge of the northern stockades, had offered to come over with his force, some 30,000 men. Unfortu- nately he was killed in one of the skirmishes which took place after the capture of Leeku, and thus his defection did not take place. The head men here say the rebels almost despair of holding the city. I hope sincerely they wUl leave it, as it ruins the soldiers to plunder after the capture. The Burgevine party are a nice lot, but their defection has been a great thing for the Imperials, and has caused a corresponding depression on the side of the rebels. 1 think a map explains the advantages of a position far better than any description ; it will suffice to say that there is only one stock- ade to take to cut ofl the rebel retreat, which we hope to have in a few days. The investment of the city will be then complete, and dissension may work the fall of the place when they have only two months' rice. I sent an expedition into the Taho Lake about the time I started for the attack on Leeku, and the steamer has just returned, having captured six gunboats, four high chiefs and some hundred prisoners, and two stockades ; another expedition will start in a day or two of two steamers and infantry. The place I propose to attack is Mouding, on the Q-rand Canal ; it is only four mUes from there to the lake, and the rebels there have no option but to surrender. The Imperialists will guarantee their safety, and more than three-fourths of them would jump at the chance." We shall presently see how guarantees, when assured by the Imperialists, were disregarded, and what fatal consequences ensued from their Tiolation. CHAPTEK VI. THE MUEDEK OJ THE KINGS. In the inTestment of Soochow tliere were employed some 13,000 to 14,000 men, of which between 3,000 and 4,000 were under Gordon's orders. But in the neighborhood there were 25,000 Imperialists beside, ■whose center was at Pushan, and who were under General Ching. The Tai-pings had 40,000 men at Soochow and the suburbs alone, with 20,000 more in the city of Wusieh, and 18,000 in Mahtanchiao, a place between Wusieh and Soochow, whence Chung Wang, the Faithful King, could attack on the flank any ad- Tance on the Grand Canal. Gordon knew all this, and was aliye to the danger of such oTerwhelming forces. But he had made his cal- culations. He knew the Faithful King could only ap- proach Soochow on the east of his outlying armies, at the imminent risk of exposing Nanking and of losing Hangchow, as well as the city actually under siege. On his part, the Tai-ping leader knew that Nanking was hard pressed, and that should that capital be wrested from him, the rebellion could no longer be sustained. The works around the Kaiochiao Gate of Nanking had been already evacuated, and the city was beleaguered. This intelligence was in Gordon's possession ; it had been intercepted by the Imperialists at the very moment 94 THE STOKY OF CHINESE GORDON. when the action of the Faithful King was paralyzed, and his forces could move neither one way nor the other without danger of rout and destruction. Gordon deter- mined on a vigorous assault upon the northeast angle of the Soochow wall. First of all, however, he tried to capture a formidable inner line of the outer defenses by a night attack. About one o'clock in the morning the young commander himself, with Majors Howard and Williams, advanced to the outer stockade, leaving the remainder of his force under orders to come on at a given signal. All were dressed in white turbans, in or- der that they might not mistake each other for the enemy in the dark. Everything seemed quiet, and an advance- guard succeeded in climbing the breastwork. Scarcely were the troops at the front engaged on the stockade^ to support their commander, when the Tai-pings opened a tremendous fire of grape and musketry. The rebel line seemed one line of flame, while the attacking party was throwing rockets and shell. The leading files, with Gordon at their head, held gallantly on at the breast- work, but those detailed to support them failed to move up, and Gordon was compelled to retire. The rebels, though they had the best of it, did not seem to like fighting in the dark. The exception was Moh -Wang, who was in the front stockade, without shoes or stock- ings, and who fought like a private soldier, with twenty Europeans at his side. The attack, though unsuccess- ful, made a strong impression. The rebel loss, the work of twenty guns which during three hours poured out shot and shell, was enormous. Of the Ever -Victorious Army, 50 rank and file were killed, and 130 wounded, beside a large number of officers. THE MUEDEB OF THE KINGS. 95 Next morning General Ching had an interview with the i'aithf ul King, and learned that there was great dis- ^r""7'~'^^,^^g the Wangs in Soochow. It appeared 1,^ f ^j-u^^"~~'~~^^gP*i°°' of ^oli -Wang and 35 other chiefs, they were atefe,.^ , . ,, -^ . ,, nn nnn T4- TTj^tS?™® over to the Imperialists with 30,000 men. Ithadofeto,^ ., . , ,^, , J.! . • •. * 11 ■ ^~j^dent to the leaders that, m spite of their success of tEe-Ci^^^, ^ „ fall of their city was only a work of tiraey-^^, ' ^ therefore proposed that Gordon should make an^ut»^ attack on the East Gate, when they would shut Moh- Wang out of the city, and so get liberty to make terms for themselves. Accordingly Gordon brought siege guns and all his force into action, opened a tremendous fire on the stockades, and quickly reduced them to ruins. The ad- vance was sounded, and the stockades were taken by assault. Gordon, accompanied only by a few men, was cut off from his main body by a large party of the enemy, and, being unable to fall back, deemed it the safer course to press forward. He found the stockades on his right almost empty. He pushed through them, and seized the nearest stone fort. The stockades he had passed were occupied by some of his own men, who fol- lowed up his advance and completed the victory. It cost the young Captain fifty privates, and many of the oflBcers of his body-guard, chiefly his own countrymen. Many others were wounded, among them Major' Kirk- ham, the Adjutant-Geneml, whose energetic services could ill be spared. The following general order, dated Low Muh, Soo- chow, November 30, 1863, was issued at this time by Gordon : 96 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. " The commanding ofBcer congratulates the o£B.cers and men of the force on their gallant conduct of yesterday. The tenacity of the enemy and the great strength of their Positio^i.^^^^^lg nately caused many casualties, and the kss^^J^^t ^j^ officersand men. The enemy, howe^^ the presence of their and, although fully preparedg.^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ ^^.^.^^ ^^.^^ ^^^. most popular c^efSj_^J^aken from them. The loss of the whole passes insto^fon the east side of the city, up to the waUs, has ^J^Z^asd its efEect, and dissension is now rife in the garrison, who, hemmed in on all sides, are already, in fact, negotiating de- fection. The commanding ofEicer feels most deeply for the heavy loss, but is convinced that the same will not be experienced again. The possession of the position of yesterday renders the occupation of the city by the rebels untenable, and thus victualling the city is lost to them." Gordon, accompanied by Ching, now had an interview with the Wangs. They wished him to assault the city itself, promising not to assist in its defense, provided they were protected on the entry of the Imperialists. The arrangement presented many and great difiBculties. Little more than 5,500 men were available for the at- tack. The walls were girt by a ditch of an appalling width; while north of the East Gate there were lines of stockades as far as the eye could reach. But the city was completely commanded from without, and so cut off from all communication that it could hold out but little longer. When the Nar-Wang appealed to Gordon to carry it by assault, Gordon told him that if Soochow was thus taken, it would be impossible to prevent his force from sacking and burning it. He added that if the Wangs were sincere in their wish to surrender, their course should be to give over a gate as a warranty of their good faith ; that if they could not do this, they THE MUEDEK OE THE KINGS. 97 might either eTacuate the place or fight it out. They agreed to hand over a gate, and the arrangement of the terms of capitulation was left to General Ching, Gordon himself starting off to see Li, to negotiate for the safety of any prisoners. Nearly all the fighting which led to the capitulation had been done, as all knew, by Gordon and Gordon's men. He little thought that the influence he had so brilliantly acquired would be so soon lost. It was fully understood by Li and by Ching that the usages of war, as practiced by the nations of the West, must be observed so long as Gordon was in command. Though he does not appear to nave had any emphatic and express promise from Li that the rebel Wangs should be spared,, it is quite certain, as will be seen, that Li so far acquiesced in his views and wishes as to leave him in the belief that the Wangs would be humanely treated. This may be said to have amounted to a complete understanding, which was unhesitatingly confirmed on every occasion by General Ching, who, as far as can be gathered from the various accounts, was conscious of Gordon's just expecta- tions in regard to what should happen when Soochow was given up to the Imperialists. On the day after the surrender of the city Gordon learned that the Wangs had been executed on the pre- vious day, and was so deeply moved at the intelligence that he burst into tears. He at once crossed the creek, on the other banks of which the Wangs had been mur- dered, and there he was not long in discovering their bodies, headless and frightfully gashed. This was probably the most trying moment of his life, and never, perhaps, had he before given way to so angry an 98 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. outburst of sorrow. Not only was this butchery need- less and brutal, but the feeling came bitterly home to him that his own honor was at stake. He had not pledged himself for their safety, but he had negotiated with them on the understanding, as a primary condition, that their lives would be spared. It is not to be wondered at if Gordon was enraged beyond bounds ; it is not surprising that for the first time during the war he armed himself and went out to seek the life of an enemy. He took a rcTolver and sought the Governor's quarters, fully re- solved to do justice on his body, and accept the conse- quences. But Ching was on the alert. He was scared at the terrible form of Gordon's anger, and contrived to give the Governor the alarm. Gordon boarded Li's boat, only to find that Li had taken refuge in the plundered city. Thither he hastened in pursuit. Li, however, went into hiding, and though Gordon was "hot and in- stant in his trace " for many days, he never came up with him. He had ordered up his troops to assist him in running the fugitive to earth ; but when he found his efforts were in vain, he marched them back into quarters at Quinsan. There, with the deepest emotion, he read them an account of what had hap- pened. He intimated to his officers that it was impos- sible for a British soldier to serve any longer under Governor Li ; that he did not purpose to disband his force, but that he should hand it over to General Brown, the commander of the troops at Shanghai, until such time as. the Government at Peking should inflict on Li the punishment that was his due. In his official investigation into the details of the THE MUEDEE OF THE KINGS. 99 massacre^ Mr. Mayers discovered that it was doubtful \?hether the Putai and Ching ever intended to keep the engagement entered into. While Li was panic-stricken about the numbers of rebel troops in the city, his col- league was secretly fearful lest Nar-Wang should event- ually supplant him as commander, and had resolved to destroy him. It appears, says Mr. Mayers in his dis- patch of December 14th, to Acting-Consul Markham, that the chiefs, on reaching the camp on tlie 6th instant, were received with friendly demonstrations by Li, Tvho , mentioned to each the decoration and rank he was to ex- pect from the throne, and then handed them over to Gen- eral Ching, who held them in colloquy until the execu- tioners suddenly rushed upon them. No sooner w;as this act committed than the order was given for ibhe troops to rush into the city on the east side; in the hope of terrifying the rebels and driving them — as actually occurred — in panic through the western gates.* So much was written at the time of this supreme crisis, so varying were the details recorded, tliat many wiU welcome Gordon's own account of the circumstances. He narrated them immediately after their occurrence, and told the part he played during these^eventful days. This was in a memorandum on the events occurring between Kovember 38th and December 6th, tlie day of the execution of the Wangs. On reading this, it be- comes at once clear that Gordon had good reason to rely on faith being kept with the Wangs ; nor can one fail to be struck with the persistency with which General Ching strove to confirm him in his belief. " On the morning of the 38th November the headquarters were moved up from Waiqnaidong to General Ching's stockades, and * Blue Book, " China," No. 3 100 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. General Ching came to see me ; lie said that Kong -Wang had been to see him, and that he had proposed to come over with Nar- ^ "Wang, Pe-Wang, Ling-Wang and Such-Wang, thirty-five Tienoh- Wangs, and three fourths of the garrison of Soochow. General Ching asked me if I thought it a good thing ; I told him that, with the small force at my disposal, it would be a far safer mode, and one more likely to bring the rebellion to a close, than if we had to take the city by assault. He said that Kong-Wang was desirous to get Moh-Wang out of the way with his troops, and proposed to shut him out of the city if we renewed our attack on the stockades from which we had been repulsed in our night attack. " The attack on the 39th Ifovember has already been reported. After it General Ching came to me and told me that Nar -Wang had sent him a message to say that Chung -Wang had arrived at two o'clock A.M. on the 39th November, and had by his presence prevented the execution of their designs. General Chiug came to ine again on the 1st December, to tell me that Chung- Wang had left the city at three o'clock a.m., and that Nar -Wang would send out three Tieneh -Wangs to him (General Ching) that evening. General Ching asked me to see them, which I did that evening in his boat, they having come into our lines Some desultory con- versation of no importance took place, and I left. On the morning of the 2d December General Ching came to me again, and asked me to see Nar -Wang, whom he had agreed to meet that night; I said not unless there was any necessity for my doing so. He said he thought it would be a good thing, and finally urged me to go with him that night. I agreed to do so, and went up to the evacu- ated stockades off the North Gate. Nar -Wang arrived at 9 o'clock P.M., and saw General Ching first. General Ching then asked me to come, which I did, and found Nar -Wang and two Tiench -Wangs whom I had previously seen in Ching's boat. Nar -Wang was a man of medium height, dark complexios, and about thirty years of age, with a very intelligent and pleasing countenance. He was a native of Woopoo, and dressed simplj' in silk, with a black hand- kerchief on his head. His first expression after seeing me was that he wished me to help him, to which I replied that I should be most happy if he could inform me of the way I could do so. " 1 should have mentioned previously that General Ching had THE MUEDEE OF THE KINGS. 101 told me that Nar-Wang had some difficulty about the Moh-Wang and his soldiers, and had proposed to General Ching that he should attack the cify, and had promised that his men should remain neutral and wear white turbans, if their property and lives were spared. I therefore at once entered into this question with Nar- Wang, and told him that the proposition General Ching had spoken to me of was impracticable, that if the city was assaulted and taken the pillage would be universal, and I should be only deceiv- ing him if I told him I could maintain the terms; that it would be better for him and his men to fight if they could arrange no other means, and that if they were desirous of coming over, and could make their terms with the Imperialists, they could give over one gate as a guarantee. He said he would consult the other Wangs, and see what could be done with respect to Moh -Wang and his men. I then asked him to delay as little as possible. He said he wanted to the 6th instant, and I told him that if General Ching asked me to wait I would do so. I then asked Nar -Wang to settle with Ching the terms of the compact. After having told him what I thought of the prospects of the rebellion, how anxious the foreign Governments were for the cessation of hostilities which led to nothing but misery to the inhabitants, how I longed to make the rebels and Imperialists good friends, etc., etc., I took leave, and left Nar-Wang and General Ching to -settle matters. " I may here remark that the Imperialists had behaved very well in their negotiations with the rebels. The city of Chanzu had faith strictly kept with it,, and the Mandarin camps were full of chiefs who had come over from time to time. "I had, therefore, not the very remotest idea but that perfect faith would be i kept with the Wangs. I expressed to Nar-Wang a hope that the negotiations might not be of much length, as I was apprehensive that Moh -Wang might hear of it. He replied that his men were sufficient to protect him, and that he did not care. " On the morning of the 3d December Geperal Ching came to me. He was in high spirits, and told me that my interview with Nar-Wang had been most successful, and he thought there was no doubt of their coming out. He came to, me again in the after- noon, and I told him that, after my heavy loss in officers and men 102 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOKDON. on the 37th and 28th November, it could not be looked on as a certainty that I could take the city, as any hitch with the bridge, ■which was 70 yards long, might cause a repulse, and that therefore I looked on the Futai as bound to aid the negotiations with all his means. I saw the Futai immediately after, and told him he must show mercy to these people, to which he gladly assented. I was the more anxious for this as I knew the disorders which were sure to arise if we took the city, many Mandarins having been to me to request that the women, etc., might be protected, as they were so numerous. " The morning of the 4th December Greneral Ching came to me and told me that Nar-Wang had sent out to say that he had arranged with the other Wangs to get Moh -Wang on the wall to see our preparations for the attacks which were daily going on, and that they would then throw him down, and have a boat with an escort to convey him to our side. I told General Ching that Moh- Wang must be my prisoner, to which Ching, who knew Moh- Wang before, gladly assented. I then went to the Futai, who was out. I saw Paon the Mandarin, who owns most of the property around Sooehow, and who is of very high rank; he said he would tell the Futai, and I then told him I had asked what I had power to take, and that he must not refuse. I had not rf turned to my boat five minutes before General Ching sent me two Frenchmen who had ridden out of Sooohow. This was at four p.m. They said that an assembly of all the Wangs had taken place at Moh- Wang's palace, at eleven o'clock, A.M., and that after a great din- ner they had offered up prayers and adjourned to the great hall of reception. They had all put on their crowns and robes of cere- mony, and taken their seats on the raised dais. Moh -Wang mount, ed his throne and commenced a long discourse, expatiating on their difficulties, and praising the Cantonese and Kwangzi rebels, saying the others were not trustworthy (it appeared afterward that Moh-Wang had some idea of what was going on, and was anxious to try a coup d'etat himself). Another Wang then got up, and the altercation became hotter and hotter, till Kong- Wang got up and took off his robes. Moh-Wang asked him what he was doing. He drew a short dagger and stabbed Moh-Wang in the shoulder. Moh Wang called out and fell over the table; the other Wangs THE MUKDEE OF THE KINGS. 103 seized him and dragged him down from the dais, and a Tieneh- Wang cut off his head. The chiefs then mounted their horses and rode off to their troops. The head of Moh-Wang was afterward sent to General Ching. " The Frenchmen said that Moh-Wang had been most anxious to see me lor several days, that he had asked them to write to me and ask for an interview, he coming to see me in disguise. "Nar-Wang told General Ching afterward that my letters ■which I had written to him respecting eoming to terms fell out from his (Moh -Wang's) pockets when they seized him, and I found them myself near the raised dais. " I should have mentioned before that Nar-Wang had told General Ching, the night of the 3d December, that Chung -Wang had assembled the chiefs after his defeat, on the 39th November, and had proposed to them to vacate Soo^ow and Nankin and re- turn to the south. Moh -Wang would not accede to it, as he hoped to hold the city, and had all his property there. The other Wangs, knowing of the negotiations, did not also entertain the idea. Another reason for Moh -Wang' a holding out was that his father and mother were hostages at Nankin with Tien -Wang. " On the morning of the 5th December there was some musketry to be heard in the city, but it soon ceased, and General Ching ad- vanced some of his men to the East Gate, whUe some of our men went to the North Gate ; but I soon withdrew them, as I knew their propensities, and I then went to the Futai and asked him to give the men two months' pay, and let the force push on to Wusieh and Chan-ehufu. "He objected, although the troops had had no remuneration for any of the places that had fallen, and had had very hard and con- tinuous fighting. I told him I could not keep them in hand unless he assented, and gave him untU three o'clock p.m., and after that time I could not remain in command. This was a hard fact, but both officers and men were of the same mind, and I had no option. I then went into the city, and passed down to Nar- Wang's house, and there met all the Wangs. I asked them if everything had gone on properly, and if they were content ; they said yes, and appeared quite at ease. Their troops were in the streets, and everything appeared orderly. I then went down to Moh -Wang's 104 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GORDON. palace and tried to get his body buried, but the people would not touch it. I then went out to the troops who were under arms, and soon after G-eneral Ching came in on the part of the Putai to ar- range terms. I referred him to the officers commanding regiments, but they could not agree. Ching then came to me and begged me to try and get the force to accept one month's pay. After some demur I determined on making the force accept, as night was coming on, and I was afraid of the troops within making an attack on the Futai, as also on the rebels within the city. " I therefore assembled them, and addressing them I let them know that I had succeeded in obtaining one month's pay. The men made a slight disturbance, which was quickly quelled, and after one attempt to march down on the Futai, dismissed. I left a guard on the Futai's boat that night, and being apprehensive of further trouble if the troops remained, I marched them back at 8 o'clock A.M. on the 6th December, and, anticipating no further trouble with the men, I ordered the steamers Tsatlee and Hyson round to Wuh- lungohaio, directing my chop to come up to the Pou-miin or South Gate. I then went into the city, to Nar- Wang's house, reaching it at 11.30 o'clock a.m. I had heard that the Wangs had to go out to the Futai at 13 o'clock noon, and that then the city would be given over. I should mention that General Ching had told me on the afternoon of the 5th December that the Futai had written to Peking respecting the capture of Soochow, and stating that he had amnestied the prisoners. At the Nar -Wang's house I met all the Wangs, with their horses saddled, to leave for the Futai. I took Nar -Wang aside and asked him if everything was all right. ' He said, ' Yes.' I then told him I had the intention of going to the Taho Lake to look for the Mrefly. He said he was coming down to see me, and would like me to stop two or three days. I said, unless he thought there was .an absolute necessity, the business I was going on was too important for me to stop ; but that if he thought he had any reason for wishing me to stay, I would do so. He said 'No,' and I bade him and the other Wangs good-by, and they all passed me a few minutes afterward, with twenty attendants, going toward the Low-miin, or East Gate, on their way to the Futai. "I went down to Moh -Wang's palace, and saw General Ching's THE MUEDEB OF THE KINGS. 105 men pome down to bury Moh -Wang's body according to my request. I then went on the East Gate, or Low-mun, to while away the time until, the steamers got round to Wuhlungohaio, intending to go round the wall to the Pou-mun, or South Gate. Just as we arrived at the gate I saw a large crowd on the bank opposite the Futai's boat, and soon afterward a large force of Imperialists came into the city and ran ofE to the right and left along the wall and into the city, yelling, as they usually do when they enter a vacated stockade, and firing ofE their muskets in the air. I remonstrated with the Mandarins and soldiers, as their conduct was liable to frighten the rebels, who might retaliate and cause a row. After a few minutes General Ching came in, and I noticed he looked disturbed. I asked him eagerly if tlie interview was over and had been satisfactory. He said the Wangs had never come to the Futai. I said I had seen them going, and asked him what could have become of them. He said he did not know, but thought they might have run away. I asked him what could have induced them to do so. He said they had sent out to the Futai to ask to keep 20,000 men, and to have half of the city, building a wall inside ; that Nar -Wang had said before that he wanted only 2,500, and that at another time he said he wanted no soldiers, but merely to retire home ; that the Futai had objected to his demand, and that he had told him to go to the Tch-miln, and stockade his men outside that gate, and that he sup- posed, Nar- Wang had taken alarm and gone off. He said further that Nar -Wang had sent to Chung- Wang for assistance. I asked him if he thought Nar -Wang and the other Wangs had gone back to the rebels. He said no ; but they would go back to their own homes and live there. I did not feel very well satisfied, and asked Mr. Macartney, who was by, to go to Nar- Wang's house and see if he was there, and to reassure him if he was alarmed at anything. General Ching was anxious I should not go ; and as I had no suspicion, I went round the wall with him to the Pou-miin, which we reached at five o'clock p.m. I bad frequently returned to the question of Nar- Wang, but found that both General Ching and my interpreter seemed to evade the questions. When I got to the Pou- miin, I told General Ching I should go no farther, as I felt uncom- fortable about Nar -Wang, and also heard volleys of musketry in the city, but not of any great amount. I asked General Ching 106 THE STOBY OF CHINESB GORDON. what it was. He said there were some Kwangzi and Canton men who would not shave, and they were driving them out of the city, having left two gates open for their retreat; but they were only frightening them out. General Ching then left, and I asked my interpreter what he thought of the state of affairs. He said that he thought the Imperialists, having got the city, did not care about keeping their agreement. I therefore decided on riding to Nar- Wang's houoe and seeing him if possible. I rode through the streets with my interpreter, which were full of rebels standing to ,their arms, and Imperialist soldiers looting. 1 went to Nar -Wang's palace, and found it ransacked. I met Nar -Wang's uncle, a sec- ond in command, and he begged me to come to his house and pro- tect it. He then withdrew the female household of Nar -Wang and accompanied them to his house, where there were some thousand rebels under arms in a barricaded street. It was now dark, and having seen the state of affairs, I wished much for Nar -Wang's uncle to let my interpreter go, taking orders for the steamers to come round and take the Futai prisoner (as he, the interpreter, thought that the Futai had not yet beheaded the Wangs), and also an ^der to bring up my force. They unfortunately would not let my interpreter go, and I remained with them until 3 o'clock a.m. on the 7th, when I persuaded them to let Mm go and procure assist- ance. I had kept several bands from looting the house by my pres- ence. About 3 A.M. one of the men who had gone out with the in- terpreter returned, and said that a body of Imperialists had seized the interpreter and wounded him. I was now apprehensive of a general massacre, as the man made me understand that the order I had sent had been torn up, and therefore went out to go to the Pou-mun to send by my boat additional orders, and also to look for the interpreter. I found no traces of him, and proceeding to the Pou-miSn was detained an hour by the Imperialists. It was then 5 A.M., and I determined on proceeding for my guard to the Low- miln, or East Gate, hoping to be able to seize the Futai, and to get back in time to save the house of Nar -Wang's uncle. " I got to the Low-miin at 6 a.m., and sent on my guard to the house. It was, however, too late — ^it had been ransacked. I then left the city and met General Ching at the gate. I told him what I thought, and then proceeded to the stockade to await the steam. THE MUBDER OF THE KINGS. 107 erg. As I was still ignorant that the Wangs had been beheaded, I thought that they were prisoners, and might still be rescued if the Futai covld be secured. When awaiting the steamers, General Ching sent down Major Bailey, one of the ofiScers I had sent him to command his artillery, who told me that General Ching had gone into the city, and sat down and cried. He then, to alleviate his grief, shot down twenty of his men for looting, and sent Major Bailey to tell me he had nothing to do with the matter, that the Futai ordered him to do what he did. and that the Futai had ordered the city to be looted. I asked Major Bailey if the Wangs had been be- headed; he said that he had heard so; he then told me he had Nar- Wang's son in the boat and had brought him to me. The son came up and pointing to the other side said that his father and the Wangs had been beheaded there. I went over and found six bodies and recognized Nar -Wang's head. The hands and bodies were gashed in a frightful way, and cut down the middle. Nar- Wang's body was partially buried. I to6k Nar- Wang's head, and just then the steamers were seen coming up. The Futai, however, had re- ceived some warning, and left for Soochow by some other route. I then went to his boat and left him a n ote in English informing him of what my intention had been, and also my opinion of his treachery. I regret to say that did not think fit to have this translated to him. " The two steamers then left for Quinsan, and one was sent down with Prince F. de Wittgenstein to inform the General of the state of affairs. This officer had been with the force nearly a month, and had been informed in detail by me of the whole that had passed as above related. "On the 8th December the Futai sent to persuade me that he could not have done otherwise, and I blush to think that he could have got an Englishman to undertake a mission of such a nature. " C. G. Gordon, "Major Commanding. '• December 12th,1863. "P.S. — To continue. On the 8th December I started with an escort and a steamer to General Ching's stockade to obtain Nar- 108 THE STORY OP CHINESE GOEDON. Wang's body and some of his family, who had been retained prisoners in General Ching's stockade. These I obtained, and also the body. " Greneral Brown arrived on the afternoon of the 9th, and took the protection of the force under his command. I had already spoken to the officers and got them to agree to leave the solution to the British General. The disgust and abhorrence felt by all of them was and is so great as to lead me to fear their going over in mass to the rebels; but I have shown them that the sin would then be visited on the Chinese people, and not on the culprits who com- mitted it. The rebels have no governmeni; at all, while the Im- perialists can lay claim to some. "C. G, GOSDON." It will be observed that Gordon, according to his wont, omits all mention of the perilous position in which he was placed while in the hands of the Tai-pings during the night he passed at Nar -Wang's palace. This is what Gordon wrote home from Quinsan a fortnight after the slaughter of the chiefs : " You will be glad to hear we are all quietly back at Quinsan — not likely to move again for a very long time, if, in fact, we ever Jo. I have not time to give you anyidetails of our flght at the Bast Gate, or of the treachery at Soochow, and hope you will see the same in the papers. I have Nar-Wang's-son. He is a very sharp young fellow, and very lively — about eighteen years old. His poor father was a very good Wang, and very far superior to any of the Imperialists I have met. You can have little idea of the regret I have for several reasons on account of the last affair. In the first place, if faith had been kept, there would have been no more fighting, as every town would have given in^ in the next, we had accomplished the suppression of the rebellion with very little loss of life to rebels or Imperialists, and not much injury to the inhabitants, as our quick movements prevented the rebels devastat- ing the neighboring villages; in the next, if I had not seen Nar- Wang, he would not have come over; and, in the next, I fear that all my work has been thrown away. My only consolation is that THE M.UEDEE.OF THE KINGS. 109 everything is for the be^t. It is quite incomprehensible to me the reason which actuated the Futai ; he must have known from his previous acquaintance with ine of what a row would be produced, and of what a personal risk he ran, for, when it happened, my troops were not two hours' march from him. I have sent H the Friend of CMnd, which is somewhat abusive, and therefore you had better not see it, as well as the North China Herald. . . . 1 have just heard from Shanghai that the merchants, Chinese and foreign, are very irate with the Futai, and will go a great length to get him released." Soon after, Gordon arriTed at headquarters with his force. General Brown visited him, and learnt what had happened at Sooehow. The following is the account the General forwarded to Sir Frederick Bruce and Lord de Grey of this visit, and one he paid later to Li-Hung- Chang : "The circumstances attending and preceding the occupation of Sooehow by the Imperialists are so calculated to produce an impres- sion on public opinion unfavorable to the line of policy adopted by her Majesty's Government in China, that 1 trust I need not apologize for entreating your most earnest consideration of, the whole subject. " I received the first intimation of events passing in Sooehow by a hurried note from Major Gordon, which reached me during the forenoon of the 8th instant ; a second note, which, although written previously, did not reach me until a later period, produced the impression that affairs were proceeding favorably, consequeatly I was so far from apprehending the gravity of the crisis, that I decided to carry out my intention of proceeding to Hong Kong by the mail-steamer, and was on board when Prince Wittgenstein, dispatched by Major Gor4on in the steamer Tsatlee, brought a more oemplete and detailed narrative of events. "The additional infonnation thus received determined me to accede to the urgent entreaties of Major Gordon, of which the Prince was the bearer, and to proceed to Quinsan, the head- quarters of Major Gordon's force, at once. I arrived at Quinsan 110 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. about 3 o'clock p.m., the following day, and immediately received from Major Grordon a report which differed but slightly from the more carefully compiled narrative inclosed. Major Gordon has been unable to express in writing the intense indignation and dis- gust with which the infamous and dastardly conduct of the Putai had inspired him. "You will perceive by Major Gordon's narrative that he was able to withdraw his force from before Sooehow to Quinsan only under the formal promise from the Putai of one month's pay to the ofBcers and soldiers, and that it required all his influence to prevail on them to accept these terms. The subsequent treachery of the Imperial authorities had, however, destroyed the confidence of all ranks ; their cruelties had turned the sympathies ot Europeans in favor of the rebels, and I found it necessary in order to restore dis- cipline, and to avert a perhaps total defection of the force, to take Major Gordon and his force formally under my command. " This move on my part, I am happy to inform your Excellency, had the best effect; all ranks now express their perfect satisfaction and reliance, and every symptom of hesitation has disappeared from the force under Major Gordon's command. "I considered it expedient to have an intervievp with the Futai, with the view of hearing any explanatory statement he might have to offer, and to communicate to him my views on recent events and explain the future relations between himself and Major Gordon. "I therefore dispatched the interpreter to the Consulate (Mr. Mayers), accompanied by two of my officers, to convey to him my desire for an interview. "Having thus prepared the way, I proceeded the following day to Sooohow, but was met at Ching's stockade by the Putai, who had come out from the city to meet me. "I speedily ascertained that, tliough the Putai was prepared to take on himself the whole responsibility of the murder of the Wangs, and sacking of the city, and fully to exonerate Major Gor- don from all blame, he was either unable or unwilling to offer any exculpation or explanation of his conduct, and it only remained for me to express my opinion and future intentions. "This I did in as few words as possible. I expressed the indig- nation and grief with which the English people, together with all THE MUEDEB OF THE KINGS. Ill the cwUized nations of the world, would regard his cruelty and perfidy. I exposed to him my views on the impolicy of a fruitless severity, which paralyzed his friends and drove the rebels to des- peration, at the time when we had good reason to believe they were prepared to capitulate and return to their homes in peace. I then informed him that I should insist on the promised reward of one month's pay; that I deemed it my duty to refer the whole matter to our minister at Peking; and that pending such reference, Major Gordon had received instructions from me to suspend all active aid to the Imp6ria,list cause, further than protecting Soochow, knowing its importance to the safety of Shanghai ; and warning the rebels to abstain from attacking his position, I concluded by expressing my unhesitating conviction that after what had occurred my Grovemment would withdraw all assistance hitherto afforded to the Imperial cause, recall Major Gordon and all English subjects serv- ing under him, and disband the Anglo-Chinese force." For two months, pending the inquiry instituted on his demand at Peking, Gordon remained in quarters. For many reasons his position was endangered by the inac- tivity of his troops. Governor Li in his dispatches, while making highly honorable mention of Gordon's services, had taken to himself the credit which attached to the fall of. Soochow. The truth , was that the Com- mander of the Ever -Victorious Army, taking post after post with his own troops, had garrisoned them as he took them with Imperialist forces in Li's command, and that to him was due all the strategy and all the ighting which led to the surrender. There yet remained some half- dozen cities in the rebel occupation. But with the fall of Soochow the backbone of the rebellion was broken; and; as the whole of the guns and munitions which were captured in that siege were handed over to General Ching and put under the command of Major Bailey, one of Gordon's old ofiBcers, the Imperialists may have felt 112 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. themselves now competent to reduce the remaining strongholds without assistance. This may haye em- boldened them to take up the independent position they assumed with regard to the causes of Gordon's wrath and the pertinence of Gordon's demand. Matters connected with the execution of the chiefs were in the hands of Major-General Brown at Shanghai, and Sir Frederick Bruce at Peking ; but before they could take cognizance of the afEair, Li had sent his dispatches to Peking, and had received the congratulations of Prince Kung, together with the honor of the Yellow Jacket, which carries with it the highest military grade of the empire. This was on the 14th of December, 1863. Then an Imperial decree was issued, stating that Gor- don, a Tsung-Ping (a Brigadier-General) of the prov- ince of Kiangsoo, in command of Li's auxiliary force, had displayed thorough strategy and skill, and put forth most distinguished exertions, and ordaining that a medal of distinction of the highest class be conferred upon him; and further, that he receive a donation of 10,000 taels in token of the Imperial approbation. A private decree, issued on the same day, enjoins the Governor to communicate this document to Gordon, and to provide and send him the donation. It also signifies that foreign nations already possess orders of merit under the name of stars, and that the decoration of the first class which is conferred on Gordon be arranged in accordance with their system. This gift, with many other presents, was sent to Gor- don by the Governor, together with extra pay for his troops, and sums of money for his wounded. The lat- ter Gordon received; the former he indignantly refused. xHE MUEDEK OF THE KINGS. 113 When the treasure-bearers entered his presence, with bowls of bullion on their heads — like a train from the " Arabian Mghts " — he flogged them from the chamber with his " magic wand." This is the answer Gordon re- turned to the Imperial decrees: " Major Gordon receives the approbation of his Majesty the Em- peror with every gratification, but regrets most sincerely that, owing to the circumstances which occurred since the capture of Soo- chow, he is unable to receive any mark of his Majesty the Emperor's recognition, and therefore respectfully begs his Majesty to receive his thanks for his intended kindness, and to allow him to decline the same." On writing home a little later, Gordon thus refers to the honors which the Chinese Government desired to confer on him. " To tell you truly, I do not want anything, either money or honors, from either the Chinese Government or our own. As for the honors, I do not value them at all, and never did. I know that I am doing a great deal of good, and, liking my profession, do not mind going on with the work under the circumstances which I have related in my letter to . I should have refused the 10,000 taels even if everything had gone well, and there had been no trouble at Sooehow. I am fully aware of the false step I took in writing my account of the Sooehow transactions to the paper- not that any one has told me so — but must say that allowances must be made for the disgust I felt. I know you feel for my posi- tion, which is no easy one, and am sure you are glad of my suc- cess. The rebels are a ruthless lot. Chung -Wang beheaded 3, 000 unfortunatesr who ran to him from Sooehow, after the execution of the Wangs by the Eutai. This was at Wusieh. I have read the Futai a lesson he will not forget." It was not difficult for Governor Li to make an im- pression on the Peking Government, nor was it uimatural 114 THE STORY OF CHINESE GOKUoit. that the Emperor, in a new decree which was to be read - by his people, should, in announcing the recent victories, give the preeminence to his own army and his own com- mander. Li Hung Chang, he says, reports that the army under his command has captured the city of Soochow ; that, acting under his orders, it had taken in succession the lines of rebel works outside the four gates of the city, and struck terror into the enemy ; that General Ching had attacked the different gates of the city in- cessantly, and that Gordon had established himself close to the city walls, and opened a cannonade against them. All this may be taken as a sample of Chinese history. Its truthfulness will appear the more questionable when it is mentioned that Goyernor Li, while in person he was achieving all these great results before Soochow, was actually living at Shanghai, from which city he hardly ever stirred. Those who wished to know the truth, or those who wished to falsify it, held long newspaper dis- cussions. The one set wrote history for the Chinese ; the other, history for the world at large. Defenses of Li's conduct in the treatment of the "Wangs were not wanting. These state that the "Wangs were insolent and threatening, that the terms they pro- posed were such as would have imperiled the Imperialist cause, and that the Governor, as a patriot and a states- man, had nothing to do but put them to the sword. "Whatever the truth of these statements of his, there is something to be said for his policy of ending th«.rebellion by cutting off its chiefs. But nothing can be advanced in palliation of his behavior in making use of Gordon as a negotiator between himself and the men he had made up his mind to massacre. CHAPTER VII. FINAL VICTORIES. The massacre at Soocliow had placed Gordon ir a position of unparalleled difficulty. To continue the campaign he had so brilliantly carried on, would be to indorse the conduct of hia colleague ; while to leave the rebellion to its fate, would be to undo all that had been done. Already his own force was showing signs of mutiny at the suddga. suspension of hostilities^ and six- teen of his officers had to be dismissed, while the rebel bamds were fast gaining ground to the west of the fallen eity. He knew that to waver was toLJail ; that on his action depended the lives of millions of innocent people. He therefore ignored the world's opinion, put, aside his own feelings, and entered on terms of cordiality with Li-Hung- Chang once more. The slaughter of the Wangs, unmerciful as it was and unnecessary, was an act not contrary to Chinese military law. As the excitement died away, and Gordon came to hear the Futai's explanation of what had transpired at the moment of their execution, he was so far softened by it as to reconsider his position, and to question whether he was justified in abandoning the cause of humanity. So earnest was his desire to rid China of its cruel op- pressors, and to relieve the suffering millions, that he felt the more what a calamity it would prove if the work so far achieved were thrown away. His force. 116 THE STOEY ^F CHINESE GOBDON. disciplined in the main and attached to him, was ahove all things mercenary and ready to desert for better pay ; and he was ^ware that this period of inactivity was de- moralizing the men yet further, and that if he dissolved his little army many would go over to the other side. All this might undoubtedly have occurred ; while, on the other hand, Gordon was convinced that by resuming hostilities he could in six months quash the rebellion : so it was that he chose to set aside private resentments, to communicate once more with the Futai, and to com- plete the work he had begun. Mr. Hart, an Englishman of high standing, who was in China at the time, penetrated Gordon's views, and accurately described them. He Wrote : " The destmy of China is, at the present moment, in the hands of Gordon more than of any other man ; and, if he be encouraged to act vigorously, the knotty question of Tai-pingdom versus ' union in the cause of law and order ' will be solved before the end of May, and quiet will at length be restored to this unfortunate and sorely-tried country. " Personally, Grordon's wish is to leave the force as soon as he can. Now that Sooehow has fallen, there is nothing more that he can do, whether to add to his own reputation or to retrieve that of British oflBcers generally, tarnished by Holland's defeat at Taitsan. He has little or nothing personally to gain from future successes ; and as he has himself to lead in all critical movements, and is con- stantly exposed to danger, he has before him the not very improb- able contingency of being hit sooner or later. But he lays aside his personal feelings ; and seeing well that, if he were now to leave the force, it would in all probability go at once to the rebels, or cause some other disaster, he consents to remain with it for a time." To make his way clear, Gordon paid a visit to Li- Hung-Chang at Sooehow. There an arrangement was FINAl YICTGEIES. 117 entered into that the Futai should issue a proclamation exonerating him from all participation in the massacre. His reasons for taking this step are fully explained in the following letter written to Sir Frederick Bruce after the Soochow ccmference : " Soochow, February 6th, 1864. " Mt deae Sib Frederick Bruce: " In consequence of the danger which will arise by my inaction (with the force any longer in a state of uncertainty), I have arranged with the Futai to issue a proclamation (which he will send to you), clearing me of any participation in the late execution of the Wangs, and have determined to act immediately. "The reasons which actuate me are as follows: I know of a certainty that Burgevine meditates a return to the rebels; that there are upward of 300 Europeans ready to join them, of no char- acter, and that the Futai will not accept another British officer if I leave the service; and therefore the G-oveniment may have some foreigner put in, or else the force put under men of Ward's and Burgevine's stamp, of whose action at times we should never feel certain. " I am aware that lam open to very grave censure for the course I am about to pursue ; but in the absence of advice, and knowing as I do that the Peking authorities will support the Futai in what he has done, I have made up my mind to run the risk. If I fol- lowed my own desire, I should leave now, as I have escaped ™" scathed and been wonderfully successful. But the rabble called the Quinsan force is a dangerous body, and it will be my duty to see that it is dissolved as quietly as possible, and that while in course of dissolution it should serve to benefit the Imperial Govern- ment. " I do not apprehend the rebellion will last six months longer if I take the field. It may take six years if I leave, and the Gov- ernment does not support the Imperialists. I propose to cut through the heart of the rebellion, and to divide it into two parts by the capture of Yesing and Liyang. '• If the course I am about to pursue meets your approbation, I shall be glad to hear; but if not, shall expect to be well rebuked. 118 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOBDON. However, I know that I am not actuated by personal considera- tions, but merely as I think will be most conducive to the interests of our Government. " The Futai does not want the force to move against Nanking, I imagine, as Tseng Kwo-fan has the wish to capture it himself. " The Futai, if he is to be believed, has some extenuating cir- cumstances in his favor for his action, and although I feel deeply on the subject, I think that we can scarcely expect the same dis- cernment that we should from a European Govem'or. "This letter will relieve you from any responsibility on this matter ; and thanking you very much for your kind letter, which I will answer shortly, "I am, etc., " C. G. GOEDON. " P.S. — If you would let the matter drop, and make me respon- sible for my action in the matter, I think it would be more con- ducive to our good relations with the Peking Government than pressing them to punish or degrade the Futai." The proclamation referred to was issued on February 14tli. I give it in extenso. It will be seen that Li not only clears Gordon of all blame, but states his motives for the course he had pursued. " The Ever -Victorious Force, since the command was taken by General Gordon, has assisted with uniform success in the opera- tions against the rebels, and the Futai has on repeated occasions obtained decrees of approbation for its services in reply to his memfarials to the throne. At the time when the rebel Eao, falsely known as the Nar-Wang, and his associates were summarily put to death, the overthrow of settled arrangements was imminent from one moment to another, and General Gordon, not being on the spot, could not be cognizant of the circumstances involved. He was thus led to conceive that the course of action adopted was in opposition to the agreement previously entered into; and now, as both Chinese and foreigners appear to attach credence to mere rumors, and are ignorant that the Futai's intentions, although ilNAl VICTORIES. 119 seemingly at variance with those of General G-ordon, were in fact identical with them, it behpoves him to remove all doubt upon this subject by the issue of one dilKnct proclamation. The facts to be stated are these : "At the moment when the operations against Soochow were on the point of being crowned with success, the rebel Kao and his associates, finding themselves in straits, besought permission to surrender. A great distinction existed between this act and the submission tendered before the arrival of the besieging force by the rebel garrisons of Nawei, Changshu, and other places. When General Gordon obtained the Futai's consent to admit them to surrender, in order to avert the slaughter that must ensue upon the storming of the city, it was from a desire to spare the myriads of the population, and not simply with the wish at all hazards to secure the lives of the rebel Kao and his associates. Still less can it be said that when once the agreement was entered into no alteration was possible, so that these men could have been empow^ ered, in tendering their submission, to enforce claims on their own behalf, and in despite of all, be still held as pardoned, whilst their rebellious tendencies were arising afresh ! This principle is per- fectly clear, and both the law of China and foreign practice are identical upon this point, respecting which there can be no doubt. " At first, in the negotiations for the submission for the murder of the so-styled Moh -Wang, the surrender of the ITortheitst Gate, and the fixing of a time for their interview at the camp, every step was known to General Gordon ; but on his arrival at the camp, the so-styled Nar- Wang had not shaved his head, and his rebellious designs were patent to view. He both refused to disband his men and insisted on their being enrolled in the army, to the number of several tens of battalions, and further urged the demand that the ranks of Brigadier-General, etc., should be obtained from the throne for his adherents, who were to be left at the head of their men as garrison for Soochow. Not only was no siga of contrition evinced, but, on the contrary, there was a design of preparing the way for an eventual return to rebellion. Whilst his speech was evasive and ambiguous, his expression of countenancs was ferocious and bold to an extreme; and all this took place after thesurrrender had been completed. The Putai could, therefore, for his own 120 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. safety, do no otherwise than guard against a [dangerous] depart- ure from the arranged conditions ; and these were all particulars with which General Grordon was tid^ acquainted. As regards the outset when the Putai agreed with General Gordon to accept the submission of these men he had no conception that hesitation would take place at the last moment; and with respect to subse- quent occurrences, the signs of danger were disclosed in a single instant, when, if no action could have been taken until after com- municating with General Gordon, not only would it hare become too late, but all the advantages secured would have been sacrificed. Supposing that the Futai had adhered rigidly [to his agreement], so that these few bandits had been enabled to insure their own safety and resort to rebellious practices, it was many tens of thous- ands who would have suffered by the consequent misfortune; and the result would have been far from what was contemplated when first these men were admitted to surrender. Fortunately, however, by a summary decision at the vital instant, by which these few bandits only were put to death, and the mass of their followers scattered to the winds, benefit was secured to the same vast num- ber of the people, whom to protect was the main object held in view. ' " From first to last what was aimed at was the prevention of slaughter in the moment of victory at Sooohow ; and therefore has the Futai said that his intentions, though seemingly at variance, were in reality identical with those of Major Gordon. When, in fact, on the 6th of December, the so-styled Nar -Wang came with his associates to the camp. General Gordon, having previonsly looked upon the matter as securely settled, did not accompany them; and, after the occurrence, he returned to Quinsan. He was thus not an eye-witness to what actually occurred on the spot, and he was misled by the rumors which were spread abroad after the affair had taken place. He was impressed with the conviction that, the terms of surrender having been agreed to, the subsequent execution of the individuals was a breach of the convention entered into ; but he was totally unaware of the pressing urgency and ex- treme danger of the consequences involved, which left not an in- stant for delay, and which led the Futai to inflict at once the pen- alty prescribed by military law. FINAL VICTOEIES. 121 " The Futai has already written a minute account of the cir- cumstances to the Board of Foreign Affairs for communication to the Foreign Ministers ; and, in addition to this, he now publishes this proclamation for the information of Chinese and foreigners alike. " He will take stringent measures to prohibit the circulation of false and inflammatory reports. " Tung-Chih, 3d year, 1st moon, , 7th day (February 14, 1864)." Prince Ktmg and his Government could not be made to see that Li had acted othenvise than in the interests of his country. It was not to be expected either that at the dictation of foreigners Kung would recommend the dismissal of a high Chinese official. Nevertheless, Sir Frederick Bruce obtained a promise from the Chinese Government, that, when employing a foreign officer, they should strictly observe the rules of warfare as prac- ticed among foreign nations. This being done be gave his approval and support to Gordon on his resuming operations, and wrote him as follows : " My concurrence in the step you have taken is founded in no small measure on my knowledge of the high motives which have guided you while in command of the Chinese force, of the disin- terested conduct you have observed in pecuniary questions, and of the influence in favor of humanity you exercised in rescuing Bur- gevine and his misguided associates from Soochow. 1 am aware of the perseverance with which, in the face of serious obstacles and much discouragement, you have steadily pursued the pacification of the province of Kiangsoo, in relieving it from being the battle- field of the insurrection, and restoring to its suffering inhabitants the enjoyments of their homes and the uninterrupted exercise of their industry, ami Jtm mnY console yourself with the assurance that you are rendering a service to-i,»~:. jLumanitj," as well as to great material iBterests. It would be a serious caa-.,^^ ^nd ad- 122 THE STOBT OF CHINESE GOEDON. dition to our embarrassments in China, were you compelled to leave your work incomplete, and wero a Sudden dissolution or dis- persion of the Chinese force to lead to the recurrence of that state of danger and anxiety from which, diiring the last two years, Shanghai has suffered. I approve of your not awaiting the result of the inquiry into the Futai's proceedings at Soochow, provided you take care that your efEorts in favor of humanity axe not in future defeated by Chinese authorities." This letter was followed by another, which was of a more private nature, and exhibits a large Tfew of the situation, as regards both Chinese and British interests. " I only yesterday received your letter telling me that you had again taken the field. I have not yet seen the Grovemor's prdcla- mation, but I have obtained a positive promise in writing from this Government that, in eases of capitulations where you are pres- ent, nothing is to be done without your consent ; and I will in- form the Prince of Kung that it is upon the faith of this engage- ment that yoii are authorised to act. If it is observed, scenes like that of Soochow will not be repeated, and the interests of humanity will have the benefit of you as a prote-ctor, instead of being com- mitted to the unchecked mercies of Chinese officials. " I do not ask for the Governor's dismissal. I confined myself in the first instance to asking for an inquiry to which he was en- titled before being punished, and to supporting you in the course you had taken. If he had been generally successful aS Governor, it is not to be expected that this Government would venture to re- move him for an act with respect to which they are more impressed by the extenuating circumstances than by the treachery. In the decree condemning Shnng Pow to death, one of the chief charges against him was that he had pardoned some rebel leaders who a year afterward rose again in insurrection. If it be true that the chiefs of Soochow insisted upon a quasi-independent command, which would virtually have left Soochow in their power, and would have enabled them to take ^^si^*age ot any favorable circum- stance to begin3srai» "«"^^reer of pillage, I can understand that jj^„_-..™.,&rsnrank from the responsibility of granting such terms FINAL yiCTOBIES, 123 ijo them, and preferred treating them as contum^cions, and setting tt^ Goyernnient at defia,nce by their attitwie and by their demands. Sjich a pr,oeeediug, though abhorrent to our ideas, can hardly be termed a gros^ and deliberate act ol treachery. "It is impossible for us to change suddenly the ideas and cpn- duct of the Chinese ; aijd the Taitsa;n affair showed that the Tai- pingswere not onp whit jnore advanced in good fflith than the Imperialists. But the intermits of trade ^nd of the pepujation of China demand the restoration of peace and tranquillity, and we do a gpojd sot iji assisting the Governmeiat with that view. I| this ips]ap:e(;J,ion, coB^tisue? in force ip. the seaboard proyinoes, I see a great danger not far ofE arising from filibusters and corsairs. " Burgevine is a Southerner, the trading interests of America in China, are ^oftheTPj §.pd' purgey^ne aj^ri^jitp^ his tj:patm«nt to the &itjsh a,uthpritie§ ai; SJiaf^gl^ai. It yrofiM not surp4s,? nig:^| Ije apd the ^laiamaj etc., were to mtike common cause with the in- surgents, and then, you may depend upon it, they would ^ectl:y attack the foreign settlements, where most plunder is to be liad. You will do well to urge the Governor to take measures, either by steamers or batteries, to prevent lordtiag or armed vessels going up the Yangtze river. It mig^ be^ eajsy for ^ force of thege adven- turers to raise the siege of J^an^jiig, aji^i^ th^en advance again on the province of Kiangsop. It will deppnd much on hi^ fixture con- duct and on the readiness he shows to adopt good suggestions, how far I press the affair of Soochow. I am not implacable where of- fenses are not repeated. " I beg you to do nothing r^^h und,erthe pressure pf ^citement, and, above all, ayfjid pnblisjjing in newspapers apcouj^ts of j;our di^erences with the Chinese authorities. We have supported this Government from motives of interest, not from sentiment; and as our interests remain the same, we must endeavor to get over our difficulties without taking any steps which would neutralise all the result^ of the polif^y ye have hitherto pursued, and which you have oarriei^ out so successfully. In the rpsiolution you have now come to you are acting wisely ^p.^ ^htly, and you may de- pend on my lightening your responsibility by giving you the most cordial of&cial support. Fortunately, I have not committed my- self with respect to Li so far as to make it difleult for me to be 124 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOEDON. friends with him, provided he gives rise to no more scandals, and deals with foreigners and foreign interests so as not to gi ve grounds for complaint. If yon think it expedient, yon may hint this to him. " The objects we ought to keep in view are to restore order in Kiangsoo and Chekiang, to cut off the insurgents from communi- cation with filibusters, and to reduce gradually the disciplined corps, so that it may not become a source of danger. If the Chinese will put down piracy and stop vessels not conforniing to the regulations limiting arms, etc., 1 will direct the gunboats to support them. But vessels under foreign flags can only be searched by a Chinese authority; and all we can do is to support him if he is resisted in trying to search." , i On the 19th February, 1864, Gordon took the field once more. There was yet much work to be done, for the western half of , the rebel country was still in the hands of the Tai-pings, and defended by hordes of broken and desperate men. A line drawn from Soochow westward, passing in a wavy direction through Yesing, Liyang and Kintang, and leaving Nanking at the upper extremity, and Hang- chow at the base, cuts this country in halves. Gordon at once directed his attention to this central line, leaving a Pranco-Chinese force, under Captain d'Aiguibelle, to operate against Hangchow, and the Imperialists, under one of the Mandarins, to reduce Nanking. Par greater difficulties attended him than he had hitherto experienced. He was going into the enemy's country with none of the resources which had been previously at his command; His easy communication with Shanghai had secured him an abundance of muni- tions and stores; supplies could now no longer be had from that quarter; and his force had to carry with them enough for their consumption in the field. With this PINAL VICTOEIES. 125 extra incumbrance, lie started from Quinsan in snow and hail. He marched to Woosieh; but the city was in so ruinous a state that no quarters could be found, and at the recommendation of his guide he led his men to a small village' at the foot of a hill. Here he was met by an old woman, who came out from a large pagoda and told him that some two months before four "bar- barians " like themselves had been killed at the foot of the pagoda. She led the way to a paved yard, and there Gordon witnessed a sight as horrible as that of the head- less chiefs at Soochow. In a grave — the way to which was strewn with fragments of burnt bones, a pen-knife, and rags and scraps of clothing — were four charred skeletons; and Gordon saw that the murder of the chiefs had been avenged. A mystery had for some time hung about the fate of an Imperialist steamer, the Firefly, oflBcered by four Europeans. These men, it now turned out, had fallen into the hands of Chung -Wang, the Faithful King, who, it will be remembered, had played a considerable part in those consultations which led to the fall of Soochow. Before the surrender he had espaped with his army to Nanking; on his way to the city he had learned the fate of his brother chiefs, and had captured the four Europeans, tortured and burned them to death, an,d left their remains near the pagoda, where they were now found. It was the first instance that came to light of any ill-treatment of foreigners by the rebels, and the murder may be fairly attributed to Li- Hung-Ohang's treatment of the Wangs. This at least was the common opinion; and it was generally regretted that Gordon should again have taken the field in con- junction with the Putai, inasmuch as the discotery of 126 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOBDON. the murdered men afforded fair ground for inferring that he was held responsible by the Tai-pings for the massacre at Soochow. It was a melancholy march from Woosieh to Yesing. The country had been depopulated by the rebels, and thri few poor wretches who still haunted. its fields were dying of starvation. Yesing was a small city, about two miles in circumference, surrounded by walls and a broad but not very formidable ditch. A reconnoitering poxty which had been sent out, however, was soon driven away by an accurate fire from the ramparts. Gordon therefore deteriained to cross the lake on the eastern side, where the Hyson was expected, seize its outworks, and so cut the communications between the city and Liyang. His first step was to capture an outlying village,, which,, as he said, was a piteous sight to behold. Eobbed by the Tai-pings of their last means of subsist- ence, tlie people had been brought to feed on the bodies of their dead. It is not surprising that, as soon as the Bast Gate was taken, the mass of the population in- .stantly quitted the city, and that the rebels made no efiectual resistance. A few shells were thrown in by the troops as they advanced to the assault, and many of the garrison took to their heels and ran. They fell back into some forts outside the South Gate, where they were reinforced by a contingent from Liyang. This enabled them to take the field in considerable force, and there was some sharp skirmishing outside the walls. Gordon, however, dealt with the new comers very summ-arily in- deed. Amusing them with a distant fire of musketry in front, he flung some 1,500 men — around some neighbor- ing hills— upon them in the rear. The rebels fled, and FQIAIi vrCTOBIES. 12? were pursued with great slaughter. During, the mght; many escaped from Yesing, which surrendered next day, those who remained sharing ttieir heads in token of submission. Yesing capitulated on the 1st of March — eleven days asfter Gordon had left Quinsan, ten of them spent on the- road. A few hours after, news came in, that 3,,000 Ta-i- pings in garrison at Tajowka, a town on the Taho Lakev were desirous of coming over to the Imperialists;, but that the rebel captain, with 1,000 desperadoes of his own temper, had sworn to ftght it to the last. Gordon at once proceeded to Tajowka. There, on the 3d of March, he completely quelled the bolder spirits among the garrison; and he brought the willing 2,000 back with him to Yesintg.- On March 5tb he advanced against Liyamg, with a repetition of the diCBculties that constantly beset him in the command of troops with nO' heart in the cause but the heart to plunder. When he absolaitely forbade his menjto> enter Yesing, they showed symptoms of insub- ordination, which had to be repressed by picking a man out and shooting him on parade. Of course the starving villagers were allowed to enter the city and to ikke out rice for food. At Liyang the rebels were disheartened, and they yielded almost without a protest.; The com- mandant had intended to defend the- place. On the approach of the attacking force he sallied forth to meet them with part-'^^of his army, but the others shut the gates upon him and compelled him to surrender. Bearing in mind the disasters and confusion attendant on the Sacking of Sooehow, Gordon sternly refused to allow the Mandarin troops to enter the city. Posting 128 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOEDON. his own guards at the gate, to prevent bloodshed and pillage, he now pursued his march northward toward Kintang. The tidings of his approach struck terror into the garrison; it instantly prepared to surrender, and would haye done so had the Imperialists performed their task of keeping Chanchu-fu in check, as they had undertaken to do, while Gordon attacked Kintang; now Kintang, which would have fallen without a blow, was suddenly reinforced from Chanchn-fu, and was held by the most desperate of the rebels — men brave, but cruel beyond anything ever recorded by their opponents. Gordon brought his forces to within 1,300 yards of the walls. He fixed on the northeast angle as the best point of attack, and under cover of night he stationed near it a flotilla of heavy boats with artillery. Every- thing was ready, when dispatches came in from Gover- nor Li with disastrous news. Some 7,000 rebels, under Chung -Wang's son, had left Chanchu-fu, and had turned the flank of the Imperialists; they were threat- ening Woosieh; they had captured Pushan,-and they were now besieging Chanzu, only thirty miles from the headquarters and depot of the Ever -Victorious Army. Startling as the news was, Gordon felt that to aban- don the attack of Kintang would be to afford great fin- couragement to the rebels. He acqordingly opened fire, and in three hours made a breach in the walls; but whenever his stormers appeared, the Tai-pings crowded to the breach, swarmed on the ramparts, and hurled down every sort of mis^le. This so intimidated the crews of Gordon's gunboats that they could not be got to advance, and the stormers were driven back. The troops were therefore withdrawn and re-formed. The FINAL VICTOEIES. 129 artillery cleared the breach at once, but a second storm- ing party was repulsed, and Major Kirkham was severely wounded. Gordon, who himself led the assaults, was shot through the leg. One of his body-guard cjied out that the Commander was wounded; but Gordon silenced him, and stood giving orders till he nearly fainted from loss of blood. Still he would not retire, and Andrew Moffit, principal medical officer to the force, came out and carried him by main force into his boat. Even then Gordon struggled to get away. The stormers sustained heavy losses. Major Brown,* Gordon's aide-de-camp, headed a third assault, and carried his Commander's flag into the breach; but the attack failed, and he too was wounded. Gordon, having no fresh regiments on hand with which to make another effort, withdrew without further loss, the troops resuming their former positions. It was found that 100 of the assailants were killed and wounded; among them were 15 officers, two of whom. Major Taite and Captain Banning, lost their lives. When the news of Gordon's wound — the first and only one he got — was known, much anxiety was natu- rally evinced as to what would be its effect on the cam- paign. The Emperor, it is said, was sadly grieved. He at once issued the following proclamation: " Li-Hung-Chang reports that General Gordon some time since started from Liyang to attack Klntang. He carried with him mor- tars to breach the walls. At the attack he was wounded in the leg; Li has therefore recommended him to remain at rest. Such is the dispatch. Now, Gordon being excessively brave and fearless, was wounded in consequence. We are on this account deeply moved * Son of General Brown, commanding H.M. forces in China, 130 THE STasy of Chinese goedon. ..wifcU grief and admiration. On the other band, we are inforined ibat the wound is not sra-ious. We order Li-Hung-Cbang to visi* Gordon and inquire for him daily, so as to keep his mind at rest, requesting him to wait until be shall be perfectly restored to health and strength. Eespect thisl " lii's iustructions to keep Gordon's mind at T-est were more easily issued than carried -out. -Even Pr. Moffit's infiuenqe was ot no avail; and tiefore long Gordon re- turned with his imen to Ljyang. Here more ,bad news awaited him. The Faithful Eng himself had occupied Fuahan, iis first conquest- He was bodily dip&.bled by Jiis wound, 'but on hearing this he started forthwith for Woosieh. Leaving the greater portion of his force in garrison behind him under General Li-Adong, he pro- ■ceeded with his light artillery, and a regiment only 400 strong, together with 600 Liyang men, all Tai-pings only a /few days before, who had willingly .enlisted to take ;part against :their former masters. At this point. Dr. Wilson remarks, and Cplonel Ghesney echoe shim: " One scarcely knows here whether most to admire the pluck or ito wonder at the confidence of the wounded com- -mander;! " On reaching Woosieh, Gordon ;found dispatches of a more promi^ng kind. The enemy^ad been driven back from that place; Ohanzu continued to hold out, though Fushan had been retaken; and the Imperialists still held the stockades before Chanchu-fu, Advancing at once about ten miles to the southwest, he drove the rebels before him, and cut off the retreat of Chung- Wang's son, who had already been defeated at Ohanzu. In spite of his wound and weakness, he still pushed on through a district where not only had the wretched in- FINAL VICTOKIES. 131 habitants 'been plundered and butchered, but their vil- lages burned by their rapacious rulers. After driving the rebel force away from three of these burning vil- lages, he halted for the night. A most anxious night it was, for until dawn the enemy was firing on his sentries, and trying hard to ride throtagh the lines of his, little force. In the morning Gordon drove the rebels out of a village in front of his position; but he had to retire in the faice of a large force which came down on his boats. Of this body, however, he managed to cut ofE and ' sepa- rate a part from the rest, and these were bayoneted, while the others were driven, under Are of a howitzer, across a bridge. Beaching a range of hills near Chanchu, he thrust the rebels over them before him, and concen- trated his troops to operate against the left of the rebel line. The rapidity of these movements — which dealt with a vast expanse of country strewn i with the dead and the dyiUg-^was extraordinary. " A terrible picture is drawn df the desolation of the country, and the misery of the inhabitants," wrote one who was not far from the scene. ' Hundreds of gaumt, starving wretches, with hardly any other means of sustenance than hutnan flesh and the few scraps of refuse they can pick up from the Imperialist troops, wander hopelessly about, more dead than alive, amid the ruins of their villages and of the suburbs. The living are too weak to'hutf the dead, and the latter lie about on the ground in every stajje of detsoinpdsition, tainting the air and horrifying the beholder.' A correspondent writing from' the camp, says : ' It is horrible to^ re- late ; it is horrible to witness. To read that people are eating human flesh is one thing ; to see the bodies from which the flesh has been cut is another. No one can eat a meal here without a certain degiree of loathing. The poor wretches have a wolfish look that is indescribable, and they haunt one's boat in shoals in the hope of getting some scraps of food. Their lamentations and 132 THE 8T0BY OP CHINESE GOEDON. moans completely take away any appetite which the horrors one has witnessed may have left one. I ought to be tolerably callous by this time, but no one could witness unmoved such scenes as these. The rebels have evidently swept up everything edible, and left the unfortunate inhabitants to die.' " Gordon, now disabled, took advantage of the water system, which was good and complete, to command from his boat, which was accompaiiied by the flotilla that held his artillery. The Tai-pings, who had issued out of Chanchu-fu, had taken a bend toward the shore of the Yang-tze, and had resolyed'on getting possession of Quinsan. The center of this moTement was at Waissoo. Gordon, alive to the advantage of sometimes dividing his forces, advanced by water on that place with his artillery, while he sent Colonels Howard and Rhode by land, with orders to incline to the right before reaching the rebel stockades, and bhere to join his boats. But new troubles were in store for him. The infantry, on the 31st of March, stumbled on the Tai-pings' camp, which was strongly stockaded and intrenched. The ofiBcers committed an unfortunate mistake in the dis- tribution of their little force by separating it ; the con- sequence was that the Tai-pings, who had a large' body of cavalry in ambush, came forth from their hiding- places in thousands, and struck panic among the men. fhe newly-raised Liyang regiment fled, together with bhe 4th, which was the best regiment of the Ever -Vic- torious Army. The greatest confusion prevailed ; 400 soldiers were either killed or taken prisoners ; three cap- tains were killed or captured, and afterward decapitated or subjected to mutilation. When Gordon reached the enemy's position with his FINAL T^STOEIES. 133 artillery, he found himself unsupported and in great danger, inasmuch as when the enemy came out to the at- tack, owing to the steepness of the banks, he was unable to fire upon them. Nothing was left him but to retreat upon his own encampment. Here everything was in the utmost disorder, the enemy having pursued his land forces up to his very tents. This calamitous affair incensed him greatly against the surviving officers, for not having kept proper reserves, and for neglecting to look to their flanks. To these mistakes they owed their defeat by a mere rabble, armed with spears and knives. These events entailed some loss of time. Gordon had once more to reorganize his force. He did so by with- drawing to Si-yangchow, about thirteen miles to the southwest. He then ordered up his 3d regiment ; and havi»g spent some days in working his demoralized troops into discipline and' order, he encamped once more near Waissoo, where he was joined by Li-Hung- ' Chang, who had come from Soochow with some 6,000 Imperials. Elsewhere the Imperialist forces had meanwhile been doing good service. General Ghing had been operating to the south, and Tso, with the Franco-Chinese, assisted by Colonel Bailey, whom Gordon had given him for artillery instruction, had been engaged in investing Hangchow. In storming Kashing-fu, Ching had killed two of the chiefs, but was himself wounded in the head by a bullet, from the effects of which he died. The Franco-Chinese, under D'Aiguibelle, had made an attack on Hangchow, in combination with Tso's Imperialists, and, after some i-epulses, due to a bad choice of points of attack, had succeeded in capturing the city. After 134 THE ST0R7 OF dlllNESK GOEDON. this the T9.i-pings- evacuated place after place, and finally fell back on the southwest corner of the Taho hake, which was thus almost entirely clear of them. Many took refuge in the mountains, whither the Imperialists did not care to follow them, knowing that in those sterile regions starvation would be their certain end. Gordon was keenly affected by the death of G-eneral Ching, and shed tears when it was announced to him. As we have seen, the relations existing between the two commanders were not of the cordial description which characterizes those of men of the same nationality. Ofeing had his own part to play before his own Govern- ment; and, taking a liberal view of his conduct, much that he did to promote his own glory, when he had the opportunity, must be overlooked, in consideration of his raany high qualities; When Gordon had succes^ully carried oUt assaults and taken stockades and fortified towns, Ching was ready at all times to garrison them with his troops, and to hold them, while Gordon pressed ' on with his artillery and disciplined troops to make new conquests. General Ching was a man of undaunted courage and of sound judgment in all matters relating to the conflict in which he was engaged. He did' not die immediately from the effect of his wound ; indeed, for a time he was restored to consciousness, and his mind grew perfectly clear. According to Li-Hung-Chang he passed this interval in earnest thoughts of what was yet to happen, though fully convinced that his death was near at hand. Addressing his colleague, he said tliat al- though the rebels had been defeated, their strength was still not to be despised, and he begged him to order the officers to be careful in battle. He remarked that brave FINAX, VICTOEIES. 136 jnen were noi easily found, and he bitterly regretted his own fate, by which he was prevented from doing his duty to his country. Later, while gradually sinking, he called Bis servant and ordered him to bring the yel- low jacket presented to him by»the jEmperor, and to as- sist him. on with it. He then bowed his head toward th.e Imperial Palace, ffis last act was to send the Super- jnteindent.Qf the Camp to his colleague Li, with a mes- sage entreg-iting him to follow out his design and ester- minute the rebels wherever he iound them. . From Li's record of him, it appears that Greneral Ching, iWbp, having been formerly among ithe rebels, J;new their mode of thought, had strongly urged the ex- ecution of the chiefs at Soociow. " Gut off the heads x)i their leaders," he said, "and their myriads of follow- ers wiU instantly subside into insignificance. You will thus secure the ,tranqwillity of the .cdty. Their crimes fhave been outrageous ; their punishinent should be pro- portionately severe." On this same authority it is stated ^hat so -highly did Gordon value General. Ching that he begged XJovernor Li to givjB him the dead captain's bat- J;le-flags, that he might beaj them to his own country ,and thus preserve the memory of one he loved so well. Gordon is always unwilling to converse on the past; and when a near relative of his. brought him Ching's portrait, he would not look at it, but turned away in great agi- tation. By the;6tji of April Gordon had, nearly recovered from his wound, and had brought his augmented force to bear on Waisspo, taking up his position on the south- east. The Imperialist troops were well disposed on the Soutli^rest. To the northwest was Kongyin, now in the 136 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GORDON. hands of the Imperialists, and on the Yang-tze Eiver, to the north, were the Imperialist fleets. Farther, all the bridges past Kongyiu had been broken, but in such a fashion that the rebels still imagined that the road was open for retreat. Grord«n, advancing with great caution upon Waissoo, found it surrounded by strong s+,ockades and breastworks. His first step was to open fire, by way of feint, from his 24- pounder howitzers, while he moved his 4th Eegiment and two mounted guns to the north, which was really the weakest side of the city. The Tai- pings were thus taken by surprise, fully believing that the direction from which the howitzers were fired was to be the only point of attack. The result of this maneuver was that the stockades on the north were quickly taken, and the rebels, for their own safety, in- stantly vacated the place. They retreated as best they could into the country, where Li, now engaged in active operations, drove them toward the broken bridges. Next day Gordon took up the pursait. Then the villagers came forth, armed with rude weapons of every kind. Their rice had been plundered and their cottages had been burned, and they attacked the Tai-pings with the utmost fury, and slaughtered them' without mercy. The town was full of Stolenrice. But they had the satisfac- tion of knowing that two of the chief rebel Wangs were caught and put to death. Though these successes dealt almost a final blow to the rebellion, there was still much to be done against forces so large. Only, indeed, by superior strategy was their complete destruction possible even at this period. The next 'place of attack was to be Chanchu-fu, which the Imperialists had been besieging for a considerable FINAL VICT0EIE8. 137 time witliout making any impression on it ; indeed, it was thought the troops ■were willing to delay its capture on the ground that with its fall the rebellion would col- lapse and their services be brought to a close. Their sentiments throughout the campaign were those of mer- cenaries. So slow, in fact, were the military Mandarins in their operations against the place, where they had been quartered three months, that Li was fain to threaten them with degradation. When Gordon reached Ohanchu-fu, with his 3,000 disciplined troops, he impressed upon Li the importance of wholly inyestihg the city. It held a large force, he urged, of the most desperate among the rebel band ; and if these escaped they would spread devastation over the neighboring districts, and develop into new Centers of revolt. But the Imperialist troops were still unwilling to end the campaign in too great a hurry. This was shown in an unmistakable manner at midnight on the 25th of April. There is no way of explaining what then happened, except on the supposition that a deep and preconcerted scheme was laid to put an end to Gordon, who as they knew would take the city by a coup de main. He and his artillery officer. Major Tapp, were superintending the construction of a battery. The work was being done by a party of Imperialists, supported by a strong picket on both sides, and by a covering party in the rear. The work was nearly completed when the picket on the left fired into the battery, and on this the covering party also fired into it — an act which was fol- lowed by a second volley from the left. This aroused the Tai-pings, who in their turn directed their guns on the same point, so that those who were engaged at the 138 THE STOEY OF QHINESE GOEDON. battery were in the center of a fire from the enemy in front and from their own troops in flank and rear. Many of the sappers were killed and wounded. Maijor Tapp receiyed a hall in the stomach and died in a few minutes. Gordon escarped unhurt, and proj:ed anew that his was a chariaed life. The loss of Buch a man as Major Tapp, at this pass, was a calamity equal almost to .the loss of a battle. He was a singularly energetic and courageous man, and his influence over the force was greater than that of any other ofiB.cer. The habitual savagery of the Tai-pings was mani- fested in the preliminary fighting. Some of the soldiers who wanted to qijit the city had escaped to the walls ; they were retaken and beheaded on the ramparts as an example to others who might have it in their minds to desert. Li-Hung-Chajiig, it is to be noted, was most eager to distinguish himself, and to take Chanchu-fu for himself with his own troops. He accordingly ordered Colonel ,Eailey, in command of the artillery under Chijng, to open fire and breach the wall between the South and West Gates, while Gordon's artillery played upon the town. He then made the assault alone, and was repulsed with great loss. The next day, Li, finding that Gordon had completed his batteries at the south- east angle of the wall, p-greed that they should open fire. He also arranged that a |?ody of Imperialists should join the Ever -Victorious Army in the assault. But when Gordon went forward to the attack the Imperialists were wanting. The rebels manned the walls in great num- bers, led by Hu -Wang, or "Cock Eye," as he was called, in person ; the resistance was desperate, and the burden HNAl. tICT&EEESi 139 fell on Goi'doB's men. Ten or twelye officers succeeded in mounting the breach, but the rebels outnumbered them, and the force had to be recalled: Li, deeply dis- appointed with the issue of his maneuver, setit round to G-ordon entreating him to renew the assault. This was done, and a combined moivement was made at the two points of the breached wall. But the Tai-pillgs were despetate, and set no sort of yalue on their lives. The artillery played on them with shell and canister, btit no sooner was one pafty bloWn away than another to^k its place. Colonels Cawte, Howard arid Chapman, Captain Winstanley, and other officeirs, reached the crest of the breach ; but the ineri hung back, and the retreat was sounded. The loss of officers was very great ; 19 were wounded, while Colonel Morton, Captains Ehode, Hammond, Donald and Smith, together with Lieuten- ants Brown, Gibb, Chowerie, Robinson and Williaiiison were killed. Gordon declined to expose his officers 'tO this butchery any longer, and set to work to teach the Mandarins how to approach the wall by trenches. They took to the work, and did it well. Meanwhile Li-Hung-Chang put up procMinations in characters large enotigh to be read froin the walls. In these he offered pardon to all who woitld leave the City, Hu -Wang excepted. This step proved most successful ; deserters came in shoals, in spite of Hu -Wang's efforts to kCep them in. The truth is, that Hu -Wang and his following were hateful to the vast mass of the garrison 5 they were Cantot^^ese of the worst type, while the others were peasants who had been captured and pressed into the service. It is not surpris- ing, then, that, finding the opportunity of escape, they 140 THE STOBY OP CHINESE GOEDON. went over to the Imperialist camp at the rate of 300 a day. Very soon the chiefs of one party in the garrison sent Gordon a very treasonable letter. They requested him to send his troops to the breach and make a false attack or two ; and they promised thereupon to give him up the place. The letter shows that Gordon had already been in communication with them ; for it tells how they made their signal with strips of white cloth, and lighted a fire in the city, while they threw fire-balls and rockets from the wall, without seeing anything of him, or of the "floating-bridge," up to, the time of the fourth watch. They add that their signals were discovered and reported to Hu -Wang, and that they had only narrowly escaped being beheaded ; that they still looked to him to carry out the scheme, and that they proposed to dis- tinguish themselves by wearing white bands, or by going with the left arms out of their sleeves. " Should you intend coming to-night," they go on to say, " hang up two lamps at the East Gate as a signal ; then send troops to the North and West Gates to make false attacks, whilst another body lie in ambush near the South Gate ; also open fire on the new city. The rebels will rush to defend the North and West Gates, and on our throwing two fire-balls you should instantly scale the walls. Our party are on guard during the fifth watch, and will as- sist you, our cry being ' Death to the' rebels ! ' Should you not come, hoist one lamp to the East Gate. No future time for your attack need be fixed, as we can be guided by your signals. We are talked about as traitors, and should anything be proved against us, 2,000 of us would lose our lives. Our movements will be regulated PINAL TIOTOBIES. 141 by what is going on outside the city ; and after the place falls we shall collect at the East Gate and await your Excellen'cy. ' You must have no misgivings as to our sincerity. May heaven and earth conspire against us if we be found liars ! Pray keep our communica- tions quiet, lest any one coming into the ciiJy betray us. " Nothing seems to have come of this correspondence. On the anniversary of the city's capture by the Faithful King, Governor Li proposed to celebrate it by a new assault, in which the Imperialists should take the lead- ing part. The artillery brought down great masses of wall; the Imperialist generals crossed the ditches and crowded the ramparts, where they met with a desperate resistance. The columns began to give way. The moment was critical in the extreme, when Gordon led on a storming party, supported by his 1st Eegiment and 200 volunteers, crossed the bridges and mounted the breach. The Imperialists rallied; the Tai -pings were swept away at the point of the bayonet, and the be- siegers swarmed into the city. Four of the Wangs were taken prisoners and beheaded.' The rout was complete. Hu-Wang came^p in haste with a large body of troops, but he was driven back. He fo^ht to the last, however. When he was taken prisoner in his palace it took ten men to bind him. He was brought before Li- Hung-Chang, but he refused him submission. "Were it not," he said, " for aid of Gordon and his men, he defied all the Futai hosts to take the city from him." He and all the Cantonese among the prisoners were executed; the rest were spared. The garrison was 20,000 strong. The slaughter was proportionately great. 142 THE STOBY OP CHINESE GORDON. Even before the Capture Gordon was cotisiderm^ the necessity of disbanding his little army. The following note, written to his mother on May 10, the day before the last assault, shows what his views were at this time: "I shall of course make tnyself quite sure that the rebels are quashed beWe I break up the force, as otherwise 1 should incur great responsibility, but on these Subjects I adt for my^glf and judge for myself ; this I have found to be the bfest way of getting on. I shall not leave things in a mess, I hope, but I think if I am spared I shall be home by Christmas. Thelosseslhave sustained in this campaign have been no joke: out of 100 oiffloers I have had 48 killed and wounded; and out of 3,500 men nearly 1,000 killed and wounded; but 1 have the Satisfaction of knowing that as far as mortal can see six months win see the end of this rebellion, while if I had continued inactive it might have lingered on for six years. Do not think I am ill- tempered, but I do not care one jot about my promotion, or what people may say. I know I shalUeave China as poor as" I entered it, but with the knowledge that through my weak instrunaentality up. ward of eighty to one hundred thousand lives have been spared. I want no further satisfaction than this. The rebels of Chalichu-fu are the ' originals' of the rebellion, aixd though there maybe some innocent, still the mass of them are deserving the fate that awaits them. If you could see the horrible cruelties they have every- where perpetrated, you would say with me that it is impossible to intercede. "They are the runaways of Soochow, Quinsan, Taitsan, Woo- sieh, Yesing, and many other towns ; they cut off the heads of the unfortunate country people inside at the rate of 30 to 40 per diem for attempting to run away." The following was scratched o£E in pencil on a small strip of paper two hours after the fall of Chanchu-fu: •• nth May, X864— 4 p.m. " Mt dear Mother ; " Chanchu-fti was darried by assault by the Quinsan force and Imperialists at 3 p.m. this day, with little loss. I go back to Quin- FINAL TICrOEIBS. M3 san on May 13, and shall not again take the field. The rebels are now done ; they have only Tayan and Nanking, and the former will fall probably in a day or two, and Nanking in about two months. I am happy to say I got off safe. "bSf pur affectionate son. "C. G. GOBDON." CHAPTER VIII. THE END OF THE EEEELLIOM". 03sr Ms return to Quinsan, Gordon received informa- tion that the Order in Council which permitted British officers to take service under the Chinese Grovernment was withdrawn. This would have been a serious Mow to China,, but for the extraordinary rapidity of his recent movements, which left the rebellion so shattered that it fell to pieces almost of its own accord. Several strongholds surrendered as a mere consequence of the leaguer of Chanchu-fu. But Nanking, though it had been long invested, and was gradually being starved, held out in a surjjrising manner. This made Gordon extremely anxious : the permanent success of his work was dear to him ; and to see the smoldering embers of the rebellion again bursting into flame would have been matter for a life-long sorrow. So, after taking the necessary steps to disband his immortal army, he visited Tseng-kwo-fan, at Nanking, and had a most important interview with him regarding the best method of completing the success of the Imperial arms. On his way thither up the Yang-tze he visited Kwo-tsun, the Governor of the Province of Chekiang, who commanded all the troops round the rebel capital, and resided on one of the hills behind the Porcelain Tower. He inspected the siege-works, and was greatly impressed by the perseverance of the Im- THE END OF THE EEBELLION. 145 perialists. From the summit of the hill above the Porcelain Tower he viewed Nanking and all its palaces. Within the walls were large empty spaces, ani^ for miles the ramparts were completely deserted ; not a flag was flying, while a death-like stillness hung about the city. The wall was 4=0 feet high and 30 feet thick. Some Tai-pings were being lowered from it by a rope, to gather lentils outside. They were not molested by the Imperialists, though their stockades Trere within 80 or a 100 yards of the spot. The Imperial lines stretched for miles, with a double line of breastworks and 140 mud forts standing 600 yards apart, each containing 500 men. No one appeared to be on the look-out, and a free-and- easy style pervaded the whole force. This is what Goi'- don wrote on his way to Tseng-kwo-fan : "Off NAisTKiNe, 19th June, 1864. "I came up here to see Tseng-kwo-fan, and also to. see what chance the Imperialist shad of taking Nanking. I arrived on the 16th June and went ujT'to see Tsen-kwo-jen (Tsehg-kw6-fan's brother, who commands here) the next day. He was uncommonly civil, but; I found that both he and his Mandarins preferred fighting on in their own way to any change; they did not see the advantage of big guns, and thought they could take the place by themselves. I went round the works and found the Imperialist lines extend some twelve miles, closing in the place mogt effectu- ally, but still not proof against a determined attack on the part of the rebels. I also visited the galleries which they are driving under the walls, some fourteen in number. They exploded one charge two months ago, but although they got in they were' driven out again. Nanking is a large place, but seemingly deserted, no men being seen on the walls or in the city, which yoti can see into from the hills around. It would be easy to capture-, but I' doubt if the Imperialists will manage it for some time, although they are going to try in about fourteen days. They are badly armed, while 146 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDOS. the rebels Mve plenty of muskets, etc. The Chinese are a; wonder- fui pedple: they seem so apathetic about any* changes that I am much afraid fpr them. The only man I have seen worth anything is the Putai w Kiang-soo, Li, who is stigmatized by Osborne as un- principled, etc., etc. That the execution of the Wangs at Soochow was a breach of faith there is no doubt; but there' wete many reasons to excnlpattJ the Futai for Ms action, which is not at all a bad act in the eyes of the Chinese. In my opiiiion (and I have not seen Tseng-fewo-f an yet), Li-Hung-Chang is th© best man in the Empire; has correct ideas of his position,' and, for a Chinaman, has most liberal tendencies. To support him — and he has a most diffi- cult card to play with the other iSlatidarins — I should Say. would' be the best policy of our Grovemment. "The Imperial troops are fine men, but, as I saidj most ineffi- ciently armed. "Bnrgevine has again joined the rebels; he wilt do no harm inside Nanking, if he gets there, and is far safer with the rebels than when concocting conspiracy at Shanghai and seizing steamers. "I go up to-night to see Tseng-kwo-fan, and to speak to him about the absolute necessity of attending to the reorganization of the Imperial forces. Lord de Grey may rest assured that our G-ov- emment's policy has been the best that could have been followed^" During his starj with Tseng-kwo-fan, Gordon dis- cussed with hini such toilitary matters as affected China, and gate him his reasons for dissolving the Ever- Victorious Army. Composed as it was, he considered that it T^ould prove a danger rather than an aid* He pointed out the importance of strengthening the Im- perial force, of adoptihg the systein of regular pay- ments, and of instructirig the natives in the use of foreign arms. He told the Chinese general that 10,000 men so trained would suffice, and th^t men and officers should be carefully chosen ad hoc for the purpose. Tseng-kwo-fan listened atteiitively,- and accepted a memorandum of these and other matters of moment. THE END OE THE REBELLION. 147 Besides advising, Gordon lent the generals a "tielping hand, and assisted them considerably in their siege ' aperations. He had seen enough t6 satisfy himself that Nanking must shortly fall, and taking i^ito detailed con- sideration the condition of the few remaining cities T^fhich still held out, he felt that the Rebellion was dead. Some of the opinions he had formed of the Chinese were expressed at this very time in a letter dated Nan- king, 19th June, '64. They serve to show the course hg had pursued in his relations witli t^em: "What I think is this, that if we try to drive the Chinese into sii4den reforms, they will strike ppd resist with the greatest ob- stinacy, and will relapse back again into old habits when the pres- sure is removed ; but if we lead them we shall find them willing to a deguee, and more easy to manage. They like to have an option, and hate having a course struck out for tfeejn as if they were of no account in the matter. They also like to see the utility of the course proposed, and to h,£i,ve the reasons foj: th,e same explained over and over again, and they are also quick in seeing advantages and disadvantages. ' ' " What we have tried to do is to force them into a certain course, milking them pay for the same, and thinking it not worth while discussing the matter with thjMn ait all. I have got on by pro- posing to them a course of actjoii in suqh a way as to give them a certain option as to whether they will follow it or not, an,d have always endeavored to recommend nothing which would clash utterly with their prejudices; by this means I have led them on to change mapy things, which I should never have succeeded in doing if I had. tried to force tliem to do att ^i once. I can say that few ■men have so much faith put in them by the Chinese as myself. I always consider the great difficulty the Mandarins have to con- tend with : they mayperiectly agree in everything that may be urged on them by us, but cannot carry it out ; and we must con- fess that it is far easier to say ' go and do this or that ' them to do it. We row the poor devils if they do not make reforms in their army. 14:8 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOEDON. but do not, consider that changes must be gradual, and palatable as far as possible. My idea is, that the change should be made in their army gradually, and on a small scale at first, and through the Piitais, not through 'the Peking Government, who are a very help- less lot. There are 60,000 troops here, and 40 Putais, or Generals of Division. What a task it would be for Tseng to try and sud- denly change the organization of this force — ^with our organization, 40 independent commanders would be impossible. But how is Tseng to get rid of them, with their troops some six months in arrears of pay? I would say much more for the Imperialists: they have many faults, but have suffered much wrong from foreigners, who have preyed on their country. The utter waste of money through Lay's fleet is quite painful to think of." He had dissolved the Ever -Victorious Army on his own responsibility, though, at the suggestion of Li, whp saw that so costly a machine was no longer needed. Li, however, found great difficulty in meeting its demands. Our ambassador was averse to its dissolution, and the foreign merchants at Shanghai were panic-stricken by Gordon's determination. But he was right in his resolve. The army might have been reorganized under its foreign officers; it might, following on the traditions of Bur- gevine, have formed a party of conquest on its own account. It might have gone over to the enemy and revived the Eebellion. " I can say now," writes Gordon, "that a more turbulent set of men (?) who formed the officers have not often been collected together, or a more dangerous lot, if they had been headed by one of their own style." He stipulated for rewards to his officers and men proportionate to the services, they had rendered: the former to receive large sums^n fact, little, for- tunes — the men to have such amounts as would provide for them and take them to their homes. His terms THE END OF THE BEBELLION. 149 were readily granted, the more so probably as he himself refused all pecuniary rewards, though Li had been again commissioned by the Imperial Goyernment to vote him a large sum of money. This he refused, as on a pre- vious occasion he had declined the smaller reward of 10,000 taels. He had spent his pay of £1,200 a year in comforts for his army and in the relief of the victims of the Heavenly King. To these ends he had even taxed his own private means. It was not likely, then, that he should now do anything to give a mercenary stamp to his services, or deprive him of the reflection that he had acted in the cause of humanity alone. It might have been better, perhaps, if our Grovernment at hoijie had permitted him to be present when the last gun was fired over the dead Eebellion. But they were time-servers; the shriek of the sentimentalists still reached their ears, stories of cruelties committed by the Ever -Victorious Army were still afoot; the missionary cliques were still damning and denouncing; and a policy of good sense had to give way to one of expediency. Happily, though bigotry and ignorance bad done their worst, the end had been achieved. When Gorddn went to take leave of Li, he was received with the highest distinction. The Eutai had learned to recognize the greatness of his character. He had met with no man of that stamp in his own country, and his intercourse with foreigners had shown him that their ruling principle was the desire of gain. He had a new experience of human nature, and from then till now his admiration and love of -Gordon have undergone no change. Other acknowledgments of his services awaited the X50 THE SaaSS, OS CHINESE GOBDON. captain of the Eyer -O^'ictorious Army — from tke Imperial GoTernment itself, from the merchants resilient in China,, and from the press^ both in that coiuntry and in this. On the 12th July, 1864, our Ambassador, Sir Frederick Bruce, wrote as follows to Earl Eussell: "I inclose translation of a dispatch from Prince Kung, con- taining the decree published by the Emperor, aclmowledging the services of Lieutenaht-Golonel Gordon^ Royal Engineers, and re- questing that her Majesty's Government be pleased to recognize them. This step has been spontaneously taken. " Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon ■well deserves h^r Majesty's f^yor, for, independently of thfi skill and courage he has sljpwn, his dis- interestedness has elevated our national character in thei eyes of the Chinese. Not only has he refused any pecuniary rewar3, but he has spent more than his pay in contributing to the comfort of the officers who served under him, and in assuaging the distrggs of the starving population whom he relieved from the yoke of their op- pressors. Indeed, the feeling tha,t impelled him to resume opera- tions after the fall of Soochow wa,s one of the purest humanity. He sought to save the people of the districts that had been re- covered from a repetition of the misery entailed upon tliem by this cruel civU war." The Prince's communication runs thus : '■' Sojne time has elapsed since his Excellency, the Briti^ Jlin- ister, profoundly animated by the feeling of friendliness toward Chiba entertained by the British Government, did, in view of the fact that rebellion was still rife in Kiangsoo, authorize Gordon and other officers of the British ?irrayto Qo-pperate heart ap^ hand with the forces of the Chinese Government against the rebels. " On the 11th of the 5th moon of the 3d year of Timg-che (14th June, 1864), Li, the Governor of Kiangsoo, in a, memorial report- ing a series of distinguished services rendered in action by Gordon, now a Tsung-Ping, with the title t)f Ti-Tu, together with the par- ticulars of his conduct and discipline of the Ever -Victorious Army, requested his Majesty the Emperor to be pleased to commend him; THE END OF THE REBELLION. 151 and on the same day the &rand Secretariat had the honor to' receive the following decree: " 'On the occasion of the recovery of Ohanchn,' we issued a de- cree conferring on Gordon, Provisional General cf Division of the Army of Kiangsoo, for his co-operation with the force he com^ manded, the title of Ti-Tu (Commander-in-Chief of a Provisional Army); and we further presented him with banners and decorations of honor. This was to distinguish his extraordinary merit, and Ifi^ Hung-Chang was to address us again whenever he (Gordon) should have brought the Ever -Victorious Battalions under his command into a satisfactory state of drill and discipline, and to request us to signify our approval of his conduct in laudatoi'y terms. Li- Hung-Chang now writes to say that, both as regards their move- ments and its discipline, the Ever -Victorious Battalions under Gor- don are in a very satisfactory state, and requests us to sigjnif y our pleasure accordingly. " ' Since the spring of last year Gordon has distinguished himseU in a series of actions- with the EverrViotorious Eoree under his command ; he has co-operated wltH the Forces of Government (with such eflect that) Pushan has been recovered, the siege of Chanzu has been raised, and the sub-prefeetural city of Taitsan, with the district cities of Quinsan and Wokong, have alscTbeen re- taken, as well as the provincial capital of Soochow. This year he has retaken Yesing and Liyang ; he has driven off the rebels who had worked their way to YanshS, and he has recaptured Chanchu. He has now brought the Ever -Victorious Force to such a degree of improveilffiilt that it will prove a body of endufihg iitility. Not only has he shown himself throilghdtit both htaA^ and energetic, but his thorough appreciation of that important qiie'stion, a friendly- understanding between China aiid foreign nations, is' also deserving of the highest praise. We command that Gordon be rewarded with a yellow riding-jacket to be worn on iis person, and a peacock's feather to be earned on his cap ; also that there be bestowed; on him four suits of the uniform proper to his rank of Ti-Tu, in token of our favor and desire to do him honor. Respect this.' " A copy of the above having been rfeverently iaade and for- warded to the Tsung-Li Yamun, the Prince and the Ministers, members of it, have to observe that General Gordon, ever since he 152 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. began to co-operate with the forces of the Chinese Government against the rebels, has been alike remarkable for his courage and intelligence, and displayed extraordinary energy. But the fact that he was further able to improye the drill and discipline of the Ever -Victorious Force shows him to be in very eminent degree both able and respectable, while his suoeess in supporting the friendly policy of the British Government, whose subject he is, entitles him to the admission that he has not shown himself unworthy of the language ever held by the British Minister regarding him. "In respectful obedience to the will of his Imperial Majesty, the Yamun is preparing the uniforms and other articles for transmission to him. The banners and decorations will be cared for by Li, the Governor of Kiangsoo. "Meanwhile it becomes the duty of the Prince to address the British Minister, that his Excellency may bring these things to the notice of Her Majesty, the Queen of England, in evidence of the de- sire of the Chinese Government, by its consideration of (Colonel Gordon's) merits, and its bestowal of rewards, 'to strengthen the "General Gordon's title, Ti-Tu, gives him the highest rank in the Chinese army ; but the Prince trusts that if, on his return home, it be possible for the British Government to bestow promo- tion or reward on General Gordon, the British Minister will bring the matter forward, that all may know that his achievements and his character are equally deserving of praise." This dispatcli of Prince Kung, with the Imperial De- cree which it embodies, is unquestionably a high-minded and generous acknowledgment of Gordon's services and achievements. The rank of Ti-Tu is the highest ever conferred on a subject ; for the banner and the Order of the Star we have parallels of our own ; the Yellow Jacket and the Peacock's Feather are Chinese equivalents for the Garter and the Bath. The inference is obvious that in China they know a good man when they find one, and delight to honor him as he deserves. The pigeon-holes of the Peking Administration are THE END OP THE EEBEIilON. 153 more promptly emptied than those in Downmg Street, which must haye the depth of wells. Prince Kung's dispatch was acted upon to the minutest particulars; Sir Frederick Brace's is buried to this day. All that Gordon received from his own goyernment was one step in the army; somewhat later he was made a Companion of the Bath. Had he been a Clive, taken all the money he could get, and entered Parliament and Toted straight, perhap's the Ministers would have been kinder judges of his claims. But it was not for him to play their part ; he had one of his own. That he would have preferred to go unhonored is certain. To him the good work done was an ample re- ward. Indeed, the wonder and admiration evinced at his triumphs rather paired than pleased him ; his one desire was to get home and be forgotten. "The Yellow Jacket," he says, In one of his letters, "which has been conferred on me, is a regular Chinese distinction, with which some twenty Mandarins have been decorated; it constitutes the recipient one of the Emperor's body-guard. I will send you a short history of its institution, etc., as soon as I can. I do not care two- pence about these things, but know that you and my father like them. I will try and get. Sir F. Bruce to bring home Chung- Wang's- sword, which is wrapped up in a rebel flag belonging to a Tien -Wang, who was killed on it at Chunchu-fu. You will see marks of his blood on the flag. Chung- Wang's sword was given by him to Lye -Wang (the rebel chief of Liyang), at Wasieh in December, '63, after the fall of Soochow, and at the time that Ohung-Wang, disgusted, detei-mined to return on Nanking, and take for the time no further operation. It is more tnaTr-o.it-o»diiiaj!y_ sword. The Emperor of China gave one to Tseng-kwo-fan, and this gift was accompanied with permission to Tseng-kwo-fan to ex- ecute any one, whatever his rank might be, without reference to Peking; in fact, it was the symbol of the power of Dictator. 154 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. "I have sent my journal (of 1863) home to H . I do no., want the same published, as I think M my proceedings sink into oblivion it would be better for every one, and my reason for this is that it is a very contested point whether we ought to have inter- fered or not, on which point I am perfectly satisfied that it was the proper and humane course to pursue; but I still do not expect people who do not know much about it to concur in the same. It is absurd to talk about Manchoos and CJhinese; the former are ex- tinct, the latter are in every part. And it is equally absurd to talk of the Mandarins as a class distinct from the people of the coun- try; they are not so, but are merely the ofllcials who hold ofaoes vrhieh are oibtainable by every Chinese, without respect to birth, I wiU not say money, as certainly there is some amount of corruption in the sale of offices; but Eussia is equally corrupt for that matter in her distant provinces, and it is not so very long ago that we were also somewhat tainted in the same way." As bearing on the conduct of our GoTemment, how- ever, it is worth while that a letter from " A Student of History," of a later date, addressed to and printed in the Times, should even now be resuscitated. The following extract from it will have a deep interest for Gordon's many friends and admirers : "It has been already pointed out that Colonel Gordon's being an engineer, no less than his peculiarly retiring character, has kept him from the employment for which his genius seemed to indicate him, and which less exploits than his might fairly have claimed. But there is probably another reason for this apparent neglect, of which I have only become aware since writing to you last week. A gentleman, himself in the public service and well acquainted with China, happening to identify at a guess the writer of the JVmes' Iptit^er ^°° 3"°* T^ommunicated to me the following account of matters intimately connected with the fall of the Tai-pings, and our share in it, which I take the liberty of introducing in his own words to your readers' notice. He states : " ' Being at Shanghai in the summer of 1864, I met the late Sir THE ENI> OP THE REBELLION. 155 Frederick Bruce, o,ur minister, on his, way to Knglaad. He toH me th,at the very day before he left Peijng ho was astonished at re- ceiving a personal visit from Prince Kung, the then Regent of China, who had some days before come to say good-by to him. The Prince said, 'Tou will be astonished to see me again, but 1 could not allow you to leave without coming to see you aboiit Gordon. We do not know whait to do. He will not receive money from us, and we have already given him every honor which it, is ia the power of the Emperor to bestow ; but as these caij, be. of Uttle value in his eyes, I have brought you this letter, and ask you to give it to the Queen of England, that she may bestow on him some reward which would be more valuable in his eyes.' Sir Frederick shftwed nie a trapslation of Prince Kung's letteft I only remember that it was couched in the laost charming terms, and that it pleaded Grordon's services as to what he had done to ' promote the kindly intercourse between the twq natiops,' while fully acknowl- _edging the immense services he had rendered to China. 'I went, adds my informant ' to Peking in the autumn of thait year, where Gordon had been officiailly invited ; but his disUts of being made a hero of prevented his going. Had he done so, he would have, been received with altnost royal honors.' " Now, sir, receiving as. I have dwe this nairrative from a man of honor, who speaks earnestly and in good faith, and coupling it with the well-known fact that when Colonel Gordon presented himself at the War Office some months later, the Minister seemed hardly to have heard of bis name, and to know nothing whatever of his successes, may it not be true — as a weekly contemporary of yours seems to suggest-^that the letter of Prince Kung never reached its destination at all ; indeed, never got beyond the pigeon- holes of the ■Poreign OflBce? At least, in the interest of historical truth, I would hope that some active-minded member of Parliamept may not think it too late to draw attention to the subject, and to seek the production of the missing dispatch, the absence of which possibly has excused that extraordinary neglect of a great soldier with which the War Office £|,uthorities has been charged." The fs,ct is that Grordon, instead of allowing Tlimself to be manle the hero of offiioial f ^tes at Peking, was carry- 156 THE STORY OF CHINESE GOEDOH. ing out a new plan for the good of the country he haa sayed. The cry of surprise and alarm raised by the traders of Shanghai on the disbandment of the Ever- Viqtorious Army had by no means, been lost on him. He had conceived the idea of organizing a disciplined Chinese contingent with an English officer in command. The scheme had for its object the instruction of native troops in foreign drill, that the city, in the event of a new outbreak, might possess a more trustworthy force than a Mandarin army for its protection. The advan- tages of the ictea were at once perceived by Li-Hung- Chang, and several officers were selected from the 67th Kegiment as drill instructors. But it was agreed that in the event of the corps taking the field, all thes^, with Gordon at the head, should be at once withdrawn. Judging . from the letters which the Ever -Victorious General wrote home at this time, the enjoyment he got out of teaching his Chinese recruits the various maneuvers and exercises was not small. " I am getting on very well instructing the Chinese officers in artillery, etc., in Chinese," he says, "and they make great prog- ress, knowing the manual, platoon, and gun drill al- ready, and I hope will know the simple maneuvers of battalion drill shortly. It is much easier than I sup- posed it would be. " Nanking was by this time reduced and captured, so tha,t the Eebellion had received its death-blow before Gordon left China. He had, indeed, done more than preside at the Councils of the Imperialists ; he had ad- vanced to far within the city wall. The rebels fought to the last, and defended themselves desperately, even when in the Palace of the Heavenly King. The arch- THE END OF THE BEBELLION. IST impostor himself had been urged to escape and resign the city when — its investment being complete over an area of thirty miles, and its inhabitants in a state of starvation — it could no longer be de|ended. But the man had a certain respect for the character he had assumed. He wished to be remembered by posterity as inspired of Heaven — as the Heavenly King. He scouted the sug- gestion that one so great as himself should fly: he had received, he said, the command of God and Jesus to come down upon earth and. rule it. "I am the sole Lord of ten thousand nations," he cried; "what should I fear ? " He told how he held the empire, the hills, and the streams with an iron grasp. Whether all this was mere cynicism, or the outcome of a d,iseased brain, is of little moment. Certain it is that he had ceased to take any account of public affairs. His subordinates might act as they pleased, except in one respect: he demanded the implicit observance of etiquette, in addressing him in theological phrase and in professing absblute submis- sion to his decrees. He had been guilty of cruelties greater than are accredited - to any other human being: flaying alive'and pounding to death were his ordinary modes of punishment. When he knew the. end was come, he hanged all his wives; then, like Mokanna, he committed suicide. Thus was destroyed the horrible hope that some other fanatic might adopt and preach his hideous creed; if there is anything that will wipe out the belief that a man is inspired by God, it is the self-slaughter of the prophet. Few atrocities were com- mitted by the Imperialists on the surrender of the city; this was attributed to Gordon's influence over the Man- darins. The great soldier, Chung -Wang, or the Faith 158 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOiLDON. f ul King, the right arm of the Eebellion, who was tg,keii prisoner with other rebel warriors, was, however, decap- itated. " I know," says Qordon, "you will be glad to hear of the fall of Nanking, which virtually ends the rebellion. I expect the rebels will soon run, and then disperse over the country. The city is in a very ruinous state, and looks the picture of desolation. I was only there two days, and those days were very hot. It is a grand thing, the fall of Nanking, and will do a deal of good in every way. Having lost their chief, the rebels will soon disperse and break up. " As long as it held out, my. officers were ready to join the rebels if there was a chance of success; now they will see the futility of such a course, and disperse over the globe. It is the greatest bless- ing for the Mandarins, who did not see their danger from these men who do not want for talent. " I never want anything published. I am sure it does no good, and makes people chary of writing.'' Having completed his work and taken public leave of all with whom he had been associated in his duties, Gor- don was now at liberty to return home. But before quitting China, the press had begun to shower on him such eulogies as are seldom the portion of the very great- est. An engrossed and illuminated address from the merchants of Shanghai was presented to him; and this, as the expression of large and important firms of busi- ness men who are for the most part e;x;cellent judges of whatever afEects a national interest, may be taken as a sober estimate of the good he had done. It is signed by nearly sixty firms, including the great bank?; and as most of the signers were only a year before opposed to the policy of British interference with the rebellion, it is too significant to be omitted. Thus it runs " On the eve of your departure for your native country, we, the undersigned, mostly fellow-countrymen of your own, but also THE END 0¥ THE EEBELIJOS. 159 retH%setiting various other nationaiities, desire to ^express to you our earnest wisk for a suooessful voyage and happy return to yout friends and the land of your birth. "Your career during the Jast two years of your residence in the Bast has been, so far as we know, without a parallel in the history of the intercourse of foreign nations with China ; and, without en- teiing at all upon the political bearings of the great question iwith which your name must ever remain so intimately connected, we feel tha,t we Should be aKfce "watittng toward you and toward our- selves were we to pass by thfe opportuiiity without expressing our appreciation and admiration of the Hue of conduct which you per* sonally have pursued. " In a position of nnequaled difflcuWy, and surrounded by com- plications of every possible nature, you have succeeded in offering to the eyes of the Chinese nation, no less by your loyal and, throughout, disinterested line of action, r-j>ci'iJ-c>i^^ his life. Still, thoUgtr Lhe-stjctrc ot-tko pos^ylo was n,s had 186 THE STOBY OP CHINESE GORDON. as ifc could well be, he was confident that he conld relieTe their sufferings and bring about a better state of things for them. The toughest part of his task, he felt, would be to win their confidence. In this spirit we find him constantly traveling between point and point, making friends with his subjects as he goes. To some he gives grain ; others he employs in planting maize — an occupation they had hitherto feared to foHow, as alwa,ys when they sowed a patch of ground, their little harvest was taken from them ; till it came to pass that these poor negroes flocked about him in great numbers. They mostly had a grievance : sometimes they wanted him to buy their children, whom they were too poor to feed themselves. Important in the achievement of this admirable result was his prompt and resolute action with their tyrants, the slavers. These black- guards he found were often in collusion with the Gov- ernment. They stole the cattle and kidnapped their owners, and they shared a double booty with officials of a liberal turn of mind. Thus, in these early days, through the curiosity of hisf interpreter;, who got pos- session of some letters from a gang of man-hunters to the Governor of Fashoda, he discovered that 2,000 stolen cows and a number of kidnapped negroes were on their way from these gentry to their estimable correspondent. He confiscated all the cattle, as he could not return them to their owners, who were too far off. The slaves he either sent home or bought himself. They, poor creatures, were only too glad to be with him ; they showed it by coming up and tiying to touch his hands, however, that he could do nothing without first consulting with the Khedive. At the same time he was resolved not to go to Central Africa unless he went with greater powers. His relations with the Governor-General of the Soudan, Ismail Pasha Yacouh, had made it impossible for him to deal successfully with the slave question outside his own province ; and he had made up his mind that un- less the Khedive threw in the Soudan, he would not re- turn to his work. In this determination he left for Cairo early in February of 1877. His visit was a complete "OHILDE KOLAND." 215 and splendid triumph. Ismail Yacoub was removed, and Gordon was appointed Gqvemor- General of the Sou- dan, with Darfour and the provinces of the Equator — a district 1,640 miles long and close on 700 wide. He was to have three deputies, one for the Soudan, one for Dar- four, and one for the Red Sea littoral and Eastern Sou- dan; and it was formally declared that the objects of his governance were the improvement of the. means of communication, and the, absolute suppression of slavery. He was furtherraore deputed to look intp^the Abyssinian affairs, and empowered to enter into negotiations with King John with a view to the settlement of matters in dispijte between Abyssinia and Egypt,: . The new enterprise was infinitely greater and more difficult than the old. Gordon was keenly alive to the tremendous responsibilities he had assumed. With all his strength of will, with all his trust in the guardian- ship of an unseen Power, we must not marvel if, alone in the great desert, with the results of ages of evil and wrong, the mystic and the man of action sometimes give way in him, and he utter aery of despair. We must not forget to look back at what he had already suffered and done, and to remember how he longed for quiet. We must bear in mind that he is doing heroic work for the hero's true wages — ^the love of Christ and the good of his fellow-men. .We must consider him as one who labors not for himself, but as the hand of the providence of God, and in the faith that his mission is of God's own setting. For all that, it is small wonder that out of the darkness which encompassed him on every side he sometimes cried out for rest — ^^even the rest of death. The wonder is that in the teeth of perils so 216 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GORDON. dire, and -work so hard, and sufferings so manifold, he was allowed to pursue his mighty purpose, and be with us still. He left Cairo for the eastern borders of his Goyem- ment in the middle of February. He intended first to deal with Abyssinia. His last words on writing from the capital were these : "I am so glad to get away, for I am very weary. I go up alone, with an infinite Almighty God to direct and guide me ; and am glad to so trust in Him as to fear nothing, and, indeed, -to feel sure of suc- cess," Fully to understand the purpose of the mission to .Abyssinia, it will be necessary to look at what had been going on there since King Theodore's death, in 1868, at- the hands of Napier and the British. When Theodore was retreating to Magdala, a chieftain named Kasa offered Napier his services. They were accepted ; and when our army evacuated the country he was rewarded by a gift of arms and ammunition. Thus furnished, Kasa at once swooped down on certain provinces, an- nexed them to his own dominion, and set up as a poten- tiite under the style and title of Johannisj King of Abyssinia. At first his conquest made him nothing but enemies. Before long Theodore's heir took arms against him ; but Johannis routed him, made him prisoner, and put him to the torture. This exploit strengthened his position, and in no great while he had succeeded in lay- ing hands on the whole couhtry, with the exception of Shoa and Bogos, and in achieving such an anarchy as made commerce impossible. Meanwhile Egypt had turned her attention to these parts, and in 1874 she annexed Bogos. This move, with her neighborhood on "CHILDE BOLAND." 217 the (36ast, to the west and to the south, caused her to be regarded with suspicion and alarm. The ill-feeling grew ; and Walad' el Michael, the hereditary Prince of Bogos, who had been imprisoned by Johahnis, was released oh the understanding that he should join in a crusade against her. In the war that ensued the Egyptians began by holding the Abyssinian forces tod cheap, and were' severely beaten. Later on, the Abys- sinians carried the war ihto the" enemy's country, and were beaten in their turn. Meanwhile, Walad el Michael had quarreled with Johannis (who after his first victory had robbed him of his spoils), and deserted to the enemy. After repulsing the Abyssinians Egypt asked a truce ; and while this was in operation, Walad returnBd to Bogos with 7,000 men. There he set to work to make new mischief between the two countries. Johan- nis, finding that no decision as to terms of peace could be come to, and fearing ■ the increased' power of his enfemy, the kinglet of Bogos, sent an envoy to Cairo offering to give up Hamacem. But the envoy was first of all detained, and afterward, when he was released, was mobbed and pelted in the streets. Finally, he was packed off to Abyssinia, without a word of any kind. It was in the face of this insult^ — which was bitterly- resented by Johannis — ^that Grordon went to Magdala as the Khedive's embassador. His instructions were of the vaguest ; his powers of the most imperfect; To orders in Arabic, which were practically usel-ess, Mr. Vivian, the English Oonsul-General, had induced the Khedive to add the rider: "II y a sur la fronti^re d'Abyssinie des disputes; je vous charge de les arranger," Before the middle of March Gordon reached Mas- 218 THE STOBY OS" CHINESE GOBDON. sawa,* and pushed across th^ desert to Keren^ the capital of Bogos, oyer which there had been so much fighting and bad blood. He journeyed on the back of that ' ' cushion- footed camel" which was destined to bear hini oyer such vast tracts of country, and through scenes the most romantic. Once afoot and on the march, his great Tveariness fell from him, and the cheerful humor, the valiant simplicity, the frank and hfppy f»ith of old tim^s, came back to cheer his way, and ^id him in his noble enterprise. i Some miles from Ke.ren he was met by 200 cavalry and infajutry; and henceforth, whether marching or halting, he 'was carefully guarded by six or eight sentries, while eigljt or ten cavaliers stood at his stirrup and helped him off hi^ cainel. "I can say truly," he remarks, "no man has ever been so forced , into a high position as I have. How many I know to whom the incense would be the breath of theif nostrils ! To me it is irksome be- yond measure. Jlight or ten men to help me off my catnel! as if I were an invalid? If I walk, every one gets off and walks; so, furious, I get on again." Outside the capital on the 20th of March, the Bogfls army was paraded to receive him ; a band of musicians danced and played before and about him ; while three mounted kettle-drummers rode on in front. He had not been three days at Keren before Walad el Michael came in with 200 infantry and 60 horsemen. Gordon pitched tents for them, and took Walad into his own house. He ordered the missionaries to translate him a paper he had written, which explained that Egypt, deferring to the * The vessel which took Gordon to Massawa was the stiiamship iaffi/ which on her return yoyage was burnt at sea, abont sixty miles ttom Suez. ■ ' "CHILDE EOLAND." 2l9 i^'ishes of Europe, had determined not to carry on the war, and that he, her representative, proposed to ask a government of Johannis for Walad, or else to give him government in his own territory. Walad went away, saying thajt he would think it over. Next morning the French priests came itt With the news that he wanted a great deal more; whereupon Gordon sent for him, and told him plainly that he could only give him the govern- ment of two or three semi-hostile tribes. Then the chief gave in, and accepted the offer. He was urged by 'the priests to ask for more guns ; but that request was pe- remptorily refused. The fact is, th6 situation was criti- cal. Gordon, who had no force at his back, feared a coup de main on Walad's part. "There were two courses open to me with respect to this Abys- sinian question," he wrote, " the dne, to stay at Massawa, and ne- gotiate peace with Johannis and to ignore Walad el Michael, and if afterward Walad eil Michael turned tusty, to arrange with Johannis to come in and ca,tch him. This certainly would have been easiest for me. Johannis would have been delighted, and we would be rid of Walad ; but it wo'uld'fifstofall be very poor encour- agement to any future secessions, and would debase Egyptian repute'. The process of tumiii^ in the pdecat (Johannis) to work out the weasbl (Walad el Michael), would play hjavoc with tiae farm- yard (the Country) in, which the operation was carried on, and it might be that, the Polecat Johannis having caught the Weaspl Walad, might choose to turn on the hens (which we are), and lull- ing us, stay in the farmyard. For, to tell the truth, we, the hens, in the days of our prosperity, Stole the farmyard, this country, from the polecats, -when they were fighting among themselves, and before they knew we were hens. The other course open to me was to give Walad el Michael a government separated from. Johannis, which I have done, and I think that was the best course; it was, no doubt, the most honest course, ahd though in consequence we are like a fat nut between the nut crackers, it will, I hope,tum out well. " 220 THE STOKY OF CHINESE GORDON. „ Meantime Menelek, King of Shoa, Johannis's enemy in the south, had descended on Gondar and taken it. Johannis had gone with Aloula, a good general to meet him ; and it was probable that Eas Bario, the King's nnole, who had his forces near Massawa, might rebel in his nephew's absence. Gordon cordially wished that something could be done with Walad el Michael, for he threatened to march on Hamacem, and complicate mat- ters between the peacemaker, and the King. Had he chosen to arm the people in Bogos, they would soon have disposed of Walad and his hordes ; but they would have disposed of Gordon and his followers also. Through all these complications, however, there shone this gleam of hope for him: that Johannis, being sore beseit, would get frightened and sign the treaties he had brought in his pocket. It was a relief to him when Aloula sent a mes- senger to say that, if the Khedive approved, he would attack Walad, and refrain from ravaging the country. In this way he threatened one ruffian with another, and so was able to keep them on their best behavior. But he was unable to await the development of events in these regions. He was wanted at Khartoum, for the slavers were out, and were giving a great deal of trouble. He started at once, and taking the several stations on his way, he did at each his utmost to relieve the people's wants, and give justice as he went. The fact that he listened to everybody was noised abroad. It spread like wildfire, and there was such a rush of petitioners that he had to institute a box— a kind of post-office — for the memorials hurled in upon him. Nor did the toils of his march begin and end with these achievements in charity. There was the daily ride of thirty and forty miles; there " CHILDE ROLAND." 221 •were the chiefs, the pashas, the priests to receire ; there were endless letters to write and innumerable details of practical kingship to attend to — all without help of any sort. Now and then he complained of fatigue; now and then he regretted his destiny. "Sometimes I wish I had never gone into this sort of Bedouin life," he says, "either in China or here. Is it my fault or my fail- ing that I never have a respectable assistant with me to bear part of my labors ? The men who would suit me are all more or less burdened* with their families, etc. ; those who are not so loaded are for money or ior great acts which do not accord with my views." At- a station on the route to Kasala, a number of his camel-drivers were set upon and killed by the Barias, a wild tribe from the region between Khartoum and the marches of Abyssinia. Of course, he himself escaped ; but such was the uncertainty of life in these parts that in a letter home he wrote as follows ; "I have written to say that if anything happens to me the Khedive is to be defended from all blame, and the accident is not to be put down to the suppression of slavery. I have to contend with many vested interests, with fanaticism, with the abolition of hundreds of Amauts, Turks, etc., now acting as Bashi-Bazouks, with inefficient governors, with wild independent tribes of Bedouins, and with a large semi-independent province lately under Sebehr, the Black Pasha, at Bahr Gazelle." At last he arrived at Khartoum, and the ceremony of installation ipdk place on the oth of May. The firman and an address was read by the Cadi, and a royal salute was fired. Gordon was expected to make a speech, but all, he said was, ^'With the help of G-od I will hold the balance level." This delighted the people more than 222 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. if he had talked for an hour. In an account of Mb in- stallation by an eye-witness, it is stated that "the Pasha afterward directed gratuities to be distributed among the deserving poor;" and that in three days, he gave away upward of a thousand pounds 6f his own money. To his disgust he had to live in a palace as large as Marlborough House. Some two hundred seiTants and brderlies were in attendance; they'added to his discom- fort by obliging him to live accord ij^g to the niceties of an inflexible code of etiquette. He was sternly for- bidden to rise to receive a guest, or to offer a chair; if he rose, every one else did the same; he " was guarded like an ingot of gold." ■ This formality was detestable to him; but he made a good deal of fun of it, and more than once, while certain solemnities were ptoceeding, he would delight the great chiefs, his visitors, by re- marking in Engligh (of which they knew nothing),^ "Kow, old bird, it is time for you to go." His elevation had awakened a ^eat deal of ill-feeljng among the officials, and especially among the relations of Ismail Yacoub. Indeed, it is told of the ex-Governor's sister that on hearing of Gordon's appointment she ex- pressed her opinion of the transaction by breaking Some hundred and thirty oi the palace windows, and by cut- ting all the divans to pieces. The second in command, too, Halid Pasha, was hostile from the first, and even tried to get the Upper hand. Need it be said that he failed miserably? He began with impudence and swag- ger, but he soon submitted and promised amendment. Ten days after he broke out again. His insubordination was telegraphed to Cairo, and he was instantly cashiered and sent about his business. 223 Qa hie ride from Masgawa to Kjhartoum tjb^ " I^ittle Khedive " had relieTed the wants qf, so many of bis people, and had, effeated so much gopd,, pptwithstanding his abolition of the 'whip (a mighty influeijpe undei; his predecessor), that, as soon as he iuariyed in hia capital, grjsat crowds of petitioners be&ieged him in his jpalac^ in the hope of getting a hearing. It was impossible tp see them all; so, as on the march, a box was instituted, and every case was carefully .uoted and considered. Before^ it had beea impossible to approach the Ggvernor-Gfeiift. ral except by bribing his underlings. As much aa £600 was commonly paid down for appointments pot worth more than £3,00 a year. Grordoin soon knew all this, and a great deal besides; but he felt, th^ uselessness of at- tempting the i;eform of a system'which had grown into a usage. He therefore punished no one for these ras- calities; he took the money, and put it in the J^hedive's treasury. A very serious problem had presented itself at K^har^ toum. During his , long, rides from place; to place,, be- tween Keren and the seat of Government, he, had pon- dered deeply on the suppression of slavery in the vast regions he ruled. He had loEN. 247 treated Q-ordon with tke greatest reyerence; but he re- aewed his request for a government, and fawned at his sovereign's feet on every opportunity. The Governor- General, however, was not to be thus cajoled, He re- minded Suleiman that he had ;^ot yet earned his^ promotion; but he gave him bis own gun, and taught him its use. He only stayed two days in the robbers' den. Per- haps this was as well^ for he was without sentries, and it turned out later that the slaye-deg,lers had been plotting to makehiai prisoner. Why they did not must repiain a wonder. The only explanation js that, as at Dara, he amazed and awed them by his utter indifference to danger. He left in the middle of September for Obeid, lest the humidity of Shaka should affect hi^ servajit's health; and hte had a strong suspicion that a caravan of slaves was accompanying him — a, suspicion soon verified by his discovery of some eighty men, women and chil- dxen in chiains. He remonstrated with the slave-mer- chant; he was told that they were wives and offspring. They were too far from their bonnes to send back, and h,ad Gordon released them they would have stai'ved to death; so, at the risk of a probalj)!©) scandal- through the missionaries, he let the caravan alone, insisting only that the chains should be removed. Between Obeid and Shaka the camel-rides seem to have been specially fatiguing, but the journey was not without its diversions, " To-day," he writes,, " I had msant to leave jpy caravan and ride past to Obeid ; but, as I went along, t heard reports of there being a lot of brigands on the road, who were robbing every one whfl pas^d. We came on a flock of cows belonging to these brigan4s,, and I halted. The caravan cstme up to me, and I seized 24:8 THE STOET OF CHINESE GORDON. twenty-four. of. the Arabs who owned the cows, and who were said to be the robbers. I then determined not to hurry on ; so I went quietly with six men to a watering-place near, while the caravan went by another road to the same watering-place. On my;road we met two fugitives, who stated that their caravan, coming from Obeid to Shaka, had that moment been attacked near us. We pushed on,. and the plunderers bolted; but we rescued five charged donkeys and captured the chief of the robbers, with some twenty others. I judged the question of the chief, and have had him hanged (at least ordered it, having tossed up), and then of course ■ when the man was begged oS, I let him off. I declare it is neces- sary to make an example, but my heart shrinks from the killing of these poor brutes, who may have heard that Sebehr's son was at war with me, and who thought they were doing me a service and themselves also in plundering" those going and coming from the son of Sebehr. 'Of all painful decisions these are the worst; and I do not know wherp to turn in them. If there were courts of jus- tice it would not be so bad; but there are none to speak of, and all would take a bias from my poirit of view. It was one of the slave-dealers' people who begged this man off ! I like these slave- dealers ; they are a brave lot, and putting aside their propensity to take slaves, are a much finer people than those of Lower Egypt. They are far more enterprising." In the same letter he goes on to talk of an albino negress whom he had found at Shaka, and whom he had intended- to sen'd to the KhediTe. For some reason unexplained he seems, however, to have altered his mind; for he says, " I shall give her to the convent at Obeid. I know of a male albino negro in Darf our; I shall try and marry the two. I shall make the convent people report on the result — whether it is white or black. She is not lovely, and looks very sickly, but is not so." . Here is another specimen of his less serious experi- ences. " Yesterday," he writes, " a black soldier came THE bobbers' den. 249' to me with a black girl he said belonged to him ; but an Arab said he had bought her for £4. I disposed of the Arab owner by giting him £4, and said to the girl : ' 'You belong to me— will you stay with me, or go with . the black soldier ? ' ' No,' said she ; 'I will go with the black soldier.' So off she went. This is all the mar- riage which takes place. I did not want the girl, as you may imagine." All the rest of the journey, he picked up slaves along the route. Many lay dying in the sun ; some he bought, the others he sent down to a watering-place. The sight of their misery made him wretched. His letters teem with descriptions of their sufferings, and with proofs of his passionate desire to crush ou.t the horrible traffic of which they were the staple. He knew that, except at the frontier, it was useless to attempt the work. Slavery was the custom of the country, and there was no one to enforce his decrees against it. The ruin of Shaka, how- ever, was a great stride toward the end desired ; and, on his an-ival at Obeid on October 3d, and at Khartoum in the middle of the month, the effects of his daring and splendid achievement were perceptible among the people in more ways than one. Indeed, his action with Suleiman and the robber den, with the extraordinary speed of his movements, had made him famous through all the length and breadth of the land. The people were amazed by his daring, his firm- ness, his irresistible energy. To tell a lazy' functionary that if he did not get on with his work the Governor- General would be after him, was better than the whip itself. Everywhere the cry "The Pasha is coming" became a signal for action. At such a pace did he trav- 250 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. erse the continent he ruled, that his camels, which, under another rider, could have gone for ten days, gave in at the sixth. More than once, when the sun was at its fiercest, they dropped dead beneath him. When this happened, he took a new mount and rode on. CHAPTER XIV. THE EEVOLT OF THE SLAVE-DEALERS. The mass of work awaiting him at Khartoum he got through in a week. Much of the time was taken up by petitions and petitioners ; some by the trial and sentence of a murderer. " I cannot go out," he says, " without having people howling after me with petitions that I will let their sons out of prison, or such like things ; and they follow me wherever I go, yelling all the time. I will not let them be beaten away,ras is usually the case ; but I take no notice, for how can I release every pris- oner? "Were it not," he continues, "for' the very great comfort I have in communion, and the knowledge that He is Governor-General, I could not get on at all." His work dispatched, he left Khartoum for Hellai, on a visit to Walad el Michael. The sail to Berber was the first real rest he had had since his first appearance in these lands, early in 1874. Thus he writes of the voyage — with the only touch I have noted in, him of anything that could possibly be mistaken for vanity : ■' The quiet of to-day on board tlte steamer going down the NUe is quite delightful i a month later last year, I was comirig down to you from the Lakes. Wh at a deal has happened since then —with you, and me, and in Europe ! I feel a great contentment. A star, when it makes its highest point, is said to have culminated; and I feel I have culminated — I.e., 1 wish for a higher or other post than the one I have; and I know I cannot be removed unless it is God's will, so I rest on a rock, and can be content. Many would wish a cul- 252 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. minating point with less wear and tear. But that very wear and tear makes me cling more to the place; and I thank God. He has made me succeed, not in any very glorious way, but in a substantial and lasting manner. I entirely take that prophecy of Isaiah as my own, and work to it as far I can." * At Berber (October 34th), his first act was to make his clerk clear the ante-chamber of the eight or ten guards who, under the pretense of doing him honor, were keep- ing him under strict surveillance. Here he had again to endure three nights of illuminations and ceremonies. Of course he came in, too, for the usual accumulation of letters and telegrams from the Tarious stations. It was eierybody's theory of subjectship that, though there were governors on the spot, no one could attend to him but the Grovernor-General in person. In this way was he rewarded for the taking of Shaka. On his way — as far as the river — to Dongola, his next resting-place, he was unlucky in his camels. They had been ill-fed, and they were weak and easily worn out ; but the quiet, and the dry, dewless nights of the desert, after the storm and stress ^.nd the damp airs of Darfour, were soothing to his spirit, though he suffered tortures in the body from the "courash" — a horrible eczema, which he describes as like the biting of a thousand mos- quitoes. At Merowe, which is said to be the soutkarn- most point reached by ancient Egyptian civilization, he waarmet by a shower of complaintSj such a monster as a governor not having been seen in the neighborhood for years. He stayed but three hours ; but the people fol- lowed him out, and yelled their griefs at him for miles. * " And itBhall be tor a sign, and for a witness unto the Lord of hosts in the land of Egypt, tor they shall cry unto the Lord because of the oppressors, and He shall send them a saviour, and a great one, and he shall deliver them." THE EEVOLT OP THE SLAYE-DEAUEES. 253 Dongola was only twelve miles off ; but a heavy gale obliged him to lay-to all day. The telegrams he received meanwhile were infinitely discomforting. On the one hand, Walad el Michael was. threatening the fort at Senheit, and he had no troops ; and, on the other, the Khedive was urging him to return to Cairo. At Dongola, where he stayed till November 9th, he went into the question of the cost of a railway contract. Then, as he was pushing on to Cairo, telegrams overtook him bringing the news of an Abyssinian invasion, and that " Sennaar and Fazolie were threatened by Eas Arya (one of Johannis's generals)." He could hardly believe it possible. If it were true, there were few troops to resist the attack ; and with not a soul at Khartoum on whom to depend, the risk of going on to Cairo was too great to be faced. He rode back to Dongola, and went on thence to Khartoum over the Bahouda desert, a five- and-a-half days' ride. The way was long, cold, and tiring ; and he reached Khartoum to find that the in- vasion was no invasion at all. It turned out later to be merely a food-raid of the Abyssinian marchmen, which had been heavily repulsed. J' * He remained at headquarters fdr three days. Then, having got through certain business, he mounted his camel and started once more on a visit to Walad el Michael, who was threatening to be troublesome. In Gordon's opinion the best thing to be done at this time would have been for King Johannis to pardon Walad, and translate him and his gang to the province of Hamacem, which was his by inheritance ; but to this it was more than doubtful that Johannis would agree. Walad was a standing danger to the Khedive's Govern- 254 THE STOET OF CHINESE GORDON. ment : he might attack it any day, or, by his raids on Abyssinian territory, he might set up a complication with Johannis. He was also a great expense ; and this in the bad state of the finances, was a consideration of some importance. It would have been easy to dispose of him by giving him up to Johannis ; bat this would have dishon- ored the Government, and so was out of the question. On the way to Senheit, where Walad was quartered, Gordon met with no particular adventures. He had the usual trouble with his suite, but to this he was inured. His Arabs resented the swiftness of his march, and did everything in their power to hinder and delay. This, though, was of little avail, for he knew the country, and went on at his own speed, whether they would or no. Weary with his long journey, and wishing himself rather dead than alive, he would seek rest and shelter, not in the towns, but in the villages hard by ; but the despi- cable scoundrels almost invariably went on to the towns themselves, and camped outside the gates, for the ex- press purpose of proclaiming their master's approach, and of bringing downupon him the avalanche of petitions and complaints withi which they knew he would be greeted. To baffle tihese tricks he used to rise at dawn, well knowing that the sentries, being Arabs, would be fast asleep, ride alone to a station two or three hours off, and there seek the rest of which he stood in such sore need. He had passed through Abou Haraz, Katarif, and Kasala, when, near the last of these places, he received a visit from the Holy Man, Shereef Seid Hacim, whom once before he had met on his way to Khartoum, and who, as a descendant of Mahomet, had been greatly scandalized by his sitting in European THE BETOLT OF THE SLAVB-DEALEES. 255 fashion on his sacred divan. This time Seid unbent a little from his holiness, accepted £30, and begged of Gordon to take the turban and become a Mussulman. Many others had made the same request. On his arrival at Walad's camp— to reach it, by-the- bye, he had to scale two mountains-r^he found the people a little odd in their manner, There were 7,000 of them, he tells us, all armed with muskets. They were drawn up to receive him ; and, as on his previous visit, he was met by Walad's son, and a number of priests. He at once demanded an interview with Walad, but the, son replied that his father was ill. This the people of Sen- heit declared a lie. Grordon and his party were then lodged in some wretched huts, within a narrow pass out- side the town, shut in by a fence ten feet high. At this the faces of his servants and his ten soldiers fell miser- ably"; and he himsdf could not. suppress a suspicion that he was "in the lion's den." "I spoke to the interpreter," he writes, " and told him that if Michael wanted to make me prisoner he could do so ; but that he would suffer in the end. It was a want of faith. on my part to say this. However, he and Michael's son were so profuse in their apologies that I feel sure that, as yet, I am not a prisoner. I excused myself to them for my remark by saying that if the news arrived at Senheit that I was boxed up, it would be taken for granted that I was a prisoner, and it would be tele- graphed to his Highness at Cairo.'' Next day he had an interview with Walad. He ad- vised the invalid to ask Johannis's pardon. The invalid replied that this was impossible, and took the opportu- nity to beg more territory, sugg^ting that if. Gordon 256 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GORDON. would only wink and look away, he would go up and take the Abyssinian town, Adowa. This, of course, was not to be thought of ; and Gordon, disgusted with him and the Abyssinians generally, went on to Massawa. There he awaited the reply to a letter he had written to Eas Bariou, the Frontier-General. In this he had warned Johannis that he would be responsible-for Walad no longer, and suggested that the brigand should be seized and sent to Cairo ; while his troops should be given a free pardon, and the chance of getting clear away, inasmuch as if they were attacked, with Abyssinia shut to them, they would fight desperately. No answer came. Johannis was campaigning against Menelek, King of Shoa ; but, small as the countfy is, nobody knew where. Gordon waited on for some little time. Then, hearing nothing, he started for Khartoum, by Suakim and Berber. He was, however, stopped on the road by a second telegram from the Khedive, bidding him to Cajro, to take part in the financial inquiry then being organized. The idea was distasteful in the ex- treme. He fancied t^at his rough, nomadic life as Gov- ernor-General of the Soufian had unfitted him for the dinner-parties and entertainments of civilization. Dur- ing his year of office he had ridden over nearly 4,000 miles of desert, without a bandage across the chest and round the waist. The consequence of this omission he sets forth in one of his letters. " I have shaken," he says, " my heart or my lungs out of their places ; and I have the same feeling in my chest as you have when you have a crick in the heck. ... I say sincerely that, though I prefer to be here sooner than anywhere, I would sooner be dead than live this life." THE EEVOLT OF THE SLAVE-DBALEES. 257 But there was no help for it. The Khediye had spoken, and to hear was to obey. Steaming and sailing down-stream, he reached Cairo in the first week in March. The Khediye had telegraphed him an inyita- tioh to dinner at eight o'clock ; but the train was late, and on reaching the palace Gordon found that his host had waited an hour and a half for him, and that he in- sisted on his joining the party, begrimed with travel as he was. He was received with every mark of distinction. After the first greeting the 'Khedive asked him to act as President of the Finance Inquiry ; he was placed at His Highness's right hand ; after i dinner he was lodged- in the Kasrel Kousa, a palace of the Viceroy, which was set apart for royal visitors to Egypt. The splendor of the place and the attentions of courtiers and servants appear to have bored him terribly. "My .people are all dazed," he says, "and so am I, and wish for my camel." To an English friend, who called on him, he said : " I feel like a fly in this big place. " Great things were ex- pected of him ; but the Khedive, in inviting him to be- come President of the Finance It^miy, does not seem to have taken into account the fact that he was the last man to mold his views to those of other men. As on his previous sojourn at Cairo, he felt that he was being /'used;" and this, with his outspokenness, led to a rupture. He was confident, had the Khedive backed him more vigorously, of being able to settle the whole question out of hand. His failure as a financial adviser, the loss of time his visit entailed, the anarchy he ruled, the dismal and dreadful look-out ahead of him, had all tended to de- press him deeply ; and as he left the capital to return to 258 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. the duties he had quitted so unwillingly, he could not suppress the desire within him that his final rest were near. He had chosen a new route, for his goal was Harrar, where he intended to turn out Raouf Pasha> who had been guilty of cruelty to the people. In the letters he wrote on his^ way through 8uez, Aden, Ber- berah and Zeila, if he refers at all to the Cairo episode it is with visible reluctance ; and the only memories which are touched with pleasure are those of a few of the many people he had met : M. de Lesseps, for instance, of whom he speaks with great kindness, and the Khe- dive's sons, whose manners impressed him very favor- ably indeed. His short sojourn at Suez, Aden and Berberah is marked by no incident of note. The air was full of the rumors of war, and he thought it by no means un- likely that he would be obliged to join his regiment . " The pith is out of me for the moment," he says ; "I go with only a half heart, for 1 would wish to be atGal- lipoli. I know it was wrong in one wayj but I cannot help it. It would be a great trouble for the Khedive, I know ; but if God took me away He would not have any trouble in finding another worm to fill the place. You may imagine my feelings in going down to Aden to-morrow just at the crisis ; it is truly dechirant." At Aden, Mr. Julian Baker (nephew of Sir Samuel Baker), who was on board the Admiral's flag-ship, the Uudatunied, called on him, and they made the voyage together to Zeila. Before going on to Massawa, G-ordon quitted Zeila for Harrar, where Raouf Pasha, was behaving like a "regular tyrant." Gordon, it will be remembered,- had de- posed this fellow, and sent him down to Cairo from Gon- THE REVOLT OP THE SLAVE-DEALEKS. 259 dokoro in 1874. The eight days' journey inland to Harrar he made on horseback. On his way he inter- cepted £3,000 worth of cofEee, which Eaouf was packing off on his own private account to Aden, intending to buy merchandise with the proceeds, and sell it at exorbi- tant prices to the soldiers at Harrar, Grordon confis' Gated the coffee off-hand ; and before he reached Harrar he received a letter from Eaouf, acknowledging his or- der of dismissal. He rode into Harrar on April 38th,, and was met by the sight of several dying cows, which had been slaughtered in his honor ; the scene made him miserable, inured as he was to the spectacle of suflering by his apprenticeship in China and the Soudan. Eaouf, who looked downcast and penitent enough, left the place next day. "I cannot help feeling sorry for him," says Gordon. " Goi grant I have not been unjust, but see- ing the people, as they were, so fearfully cowed by him, niade me feel that the sorrow of one man ought not to be weighed against the sorrows of many men." Of Harrar, and his doings therein, he himself, shall tell the story : " Harrar dates from the seventh' 'centiiry. It appears that the Ameer Ahmed died very soon after the departmre^of Burton ; that the citizens of Harrar made Khalifa Atia Ameer, and he was de- posed after three days' reign by Mahomet, a native of the Ala tribe. He was the Ameer strangled (by Raouf). Khalifa Atra is still alive, and I hope to see him to-morrow. The Queen-dowager, mother of Ameer Ahmed, paid me a visit this evening. Burton mentions her as Gershi Patima. She is the grandmother of Yuseuf Ahmed, whom I have made Governor. She is a plucky old lady. I gave her £15 backsheesh. There are many here who remember Burton's visit. ... I am living in the palace that Burton was re- ceived, in; the Ameers lived in a, small tower, not twenty feet square, of two stages, and surrounded by their harem. ... I have just seen Khalifa Atra, who reigned for a few hours, and I told 260 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOBDON. him it was better to be humble, and not high, than to be proud and elevated, for a fall has always to be feared; if one is near the ground one cannot fall very far." Grordon did not stay long at Harrar; he returned to Zeila, and reached that place at dawn on the 9th of May, " after a terrible march of eight days." Worn as he was, he pushed on straight for Massawa. There, on the 12th _ of May, he met with an enthusiastic reception. But he was anxious to get back to Khartoum and his arrears of work; and on the 3d June we find him near Berber, having done the distance between Suakim and that place in nine days. At Atbara Eiver the steamer met him for Khartoum. The heat was greater than even he had ever experienced; and he was in no humor for trifling with his subordinates. His first trouble at headquarters was the refusal of Osman Pasha, his second in command in the Soudan, to go to Darfour. He pleaded ill- ness, but Gordon knew this to be false. The truth was that Osman, in the second-class of the Medjidie, which the Governor-General had asked for him at Cairo, had achieved his ideal, and wanted no more. Finding him in this lofty humor, and suspecting him of .a tendency to treason, Gordon packed him off to the capital there and then, to be dealt with by the au- thorities. This, however, was a trifle in comparison with the rest. Everything was in arrears; there were moun- tains of papers to go through, crowds of people to see, swamps of peculation and wrong to be traversed; and all the while the Governor-General saw no chance of making ends meet, and entertained no hope of permanent good. The people were delighted to have him again among them, -for they knew there would be no delays. But THE REVOLT OP THE SLAVE-DEAIJ3ES. 261 the state and ceremony by which he was surrounded was sore upon him, perhaps as sore as the thought of his unrequited labor. His news from Abyssinia was that Walad had evacua- ted Egyptian territory, and had gone toward Adowa with an eye to business. Gordon's letters to King Johannis and Eas Bariou, discrediting his deeds, but stipulating that his life should be spared, had fallen, as he had foreseen they would, into the rebel's hands; and he was rather pleased than otherwise that Walad knew the Governor-General to entertain no personal wish to do him harm. Soon, however — in July, 1878 — the news came in that Suleiman had revolted, and had laid hands on the Bahr Gazelle. It was a critical time; for while the Governor- General had been keeping the slavers in cheek, breaking their communications with the northern provinces and blockading them in the south, they had gathered head under Suleiman and overrun the Gazelle. Gordon acted with his wonted swiftness and assurance. He dispatched Komulus Gessiyith,an expeditionary force to the south, arid seizing the persons of such of Sulei- man's family as were within his reach, imprisoned them and confiscated their goods. After a march for reinforcements into the Equatorial Province, Gessi returned down the river and landed his troops at Eabatchamb6. It was not until August 26th, however, that he pushed on through a flooded country to Eumbek, a station on the Bahr-el-Kohl. Beyond him, to westward, the waters of all the tributaries of the Bahr Gazelle were out, and incessant rains delayed his advance until far on into November. In this inaction 262 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOBDON. Gessi learned that Suleiman had proclaimed himself Lord of the Province, and had surprised the Khedive's garrison at Dem Idris, seized the stores^ and massacred the troops. This success decided the neutral Arab tribes, and Suleiman was strongly reinforced from them. It was even rumored that with 6,000 men he contemplated an attack on Rumbek. Gessi had but 300 regular troops, two guns, and 700 ill-equipped and ill-drilled irregulars. He intrenched himself, and sent to Gordon for aid; but owing to the blockade of the river by the " sudd " his letters took five months to reach Khartoum. In the meanwhile he got no help from the ofl&cials, whether civil or military, and his soldiers began to desert. De- sertion he checked by a right use of the lash and a cer- tain number of executions, and on November 17th he left his camp and started on his famous march. Pressing on through a land of streams, crossing three rivers on rafts, he reached the Dyoor, on whose farther bank he first sighted the enemy. The current was too strong and the water too deep for rafts; but in the boats of a friendly chief he got his men across. Thence he marched to the village of "Wau, 6n the river of that name, and in- terned his numerous calnp-f oUowing of women and chik dren in a stockade. On the 11th a friendly Arab re- inforced him with 70Q armed men, and he pushed on to Dem Idris, which he occupied and strengthened with stockades against the coming of Suleiman. His advance was not so tardy and checkered that it found Suleiman ready. It was not till the 37th that the son of Sebehr set out ; but on the following morning he fell in force upon Gessi's intrenchments. Four times did he assault; and four times was he driven back with THE EEVOLT OF THE SLAVE-DEAIiERS. 263 desperate slaughter. Broken, but not beaten, lie retired to some neigHboring heights, a thousand dead and fiye standards the poorer for his advance. Gessi, however, was too weak to attempt the offensive. He wanted am- munition, too', and he wrote to Gordon for a further supply. Strongly reinforced and. encouraged by the enemy's silence, Suleiman, on January 13th, 1879, led up his men to a fresh and even fiercer assault, and was twice hurled back as before. Gessi was how so pressed for want of ammunition that he had to gather and recast the bullets Suleiman had flred into his camp. Next tnorning the fight was won. Suleiman had pre- pared for one supreme effort, and for seven liours the event was of doubtful issue. At last, however, the slavers were completely routed. Suleiman was dragged off the field by his own men; while Gessi, leaving his in- trenchments, hunted his broken hpst into the surrounding forests. For a fortnight Gessi lay in Jeace ; but on the night of the 2Sth the enemy once more came Up. One of Suleiman's shells set fire to a hut, and a high wind fan- ning the flames, Gessi was driveii.out iittd the open. Here, after a three hours' fight, he flung off his enemy, and then retired behind his lines to wiP^it for ammunition. While Gessi was thus keeping Stileihian at bay, Gor- don was at work in Khartoum. He was greatly annoyed by the cold support he received from Cairo, and greatly- concerned for Gessi. The finances of the Soudan were a source of continual trouble, and he was even threatened with the unwelcome presence of Sebehr, who had prom- ised Nubar a revenue of £25,000. Gordon knew well that this could only be effected by shipping slaves down the river; and that if Sebehr were once perinitted to re- 264 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. turn to his country there was an end both to G-essij's e:^- pedition and his own royal programme. Slaverjr would again become the chief traffic, and the old anarchy would prevail once more. He met Nubar's suggestion with a positive and stern refusal, for he was deteriiiined to crush Suleiman as speedily as possible. He, receiyed no less than three orders to return to Cairo; but he answered decisively that the condition of affairs was critipal, and that if he returned he would resign. Soon came the good news of Nubar's dismissal, of the disappearance of one of his most active enemies. Presently his anxiety about Gessi became so great that he telegraphed, re- peatedly to the Khedive for permission to visit Kordof an and Darfour ; and in the middle of Marph he was able tp leave^ Khartoum for Shaka. His object was to disjodge the slavers from their hold, and to break it up and leave it in ruins. He had no fear for his communications 'v^ith Gessi ; for every mile he made would bring them nearer together. Meanwhile, Gessi had resumed his operations. He had received fresh munitions on the 11th March, and he determined at once to attack the enemy behind his barricades. During the engagenient, a Congreve rocket set fire to the slavers' camp. The flames spread to the stockades, and the rebels were forced into a sprtie. They were driven back on their defenses, and they fled in disorder, leaving their fortified camp a fire-stricken ruin. The want of ammunition again kept Gessi from following up his victory. His requests for help to the Governor of Shaka and other officials were whoUy disre- garded ; and fever breaking out in Dem Idris, his situa- tion grew desperate. Gordon all this while was pressing on to Shaka. The THE EEVOLT OF THE SLAYE-DEALEBS. 265 climate was bitter and changeful. Over vast tracts of sand the grasses and scrubby vegetation were withered. The heat was intense by day, and the cold was intense by night. But he did good work on the road ; arresting caravans of slave-dealers, releasing the slavey, and pun- ishing the rufi&ans who held them. A message from Gessi, crying out for powder and shot, reached him near Edowa; and he pushed on at top speed toward Shaka, from whence he intended to forward help to Gessi, not feeling justified in risking his communications by pro- ceeding beyond that point. On, the 27th of March he crossed the frontier of Kordofan, and entered Darfour. The weather was most trying. "I have never," he writes, "in China, or elsewhere, felt such heat." During his long night-rides, he was actively engaged in solving the difficult questiqu of the slave-trade. In the course of his calculations, a novel idea occurred to him. Seeing that all slaves must pass through Darfour from the south- west on the road to Soudan and Nubia, he determined to frame a decree that should strike the traffic at its,, heart. It was to consist of two regulations only : " (1) All per- sons residing in Darfour must have a permis de sSjourj (2) Allpergons travelling to and from Darfour must have passports for themselves and suite." "Thus," he adds, "no person can reside in Darfour without an ostensible mode of livelihood ; and no one can go to or from Dar- four without Government permission for himself and his followers." Imprisonment and confiscation of property were the penalties for infringing these regulations. But the shifting, conflicting, dubious policy of. the Govern- ment on the question of the legality of slavery hampered him sorely. Against the Khedive's personal orders to 266 THE STOE¥ OF CHINESE GOEDON. punisli slave-dealing iv^itll death, he had to Weigh the Khedive's firman declaring slave-dealing only punishable with imprisonment of from five months' to five years' duration, and Nuha/s positive decision (reeetitly tele- graphed to him) that " the purchase and sale of slaves in Egypt is legal." Thus he was often prevented from summarily shooting the slavers whom he captured, and was forced to be content with sending them to prison, chained with fetters ofl their own slaves. Oh this march to Shaka, he released many hundreds of slaved, all in the most wretched plight, and all of the most abject condition. He says: " "We must have catight 3,000 in less than nine months ; and I expect we did not cateh one-fifth of the caravans," though of these, between June, 1878, to this date (March, 1879), he had captured no less than sixty-three. "At Edowa," he writes, "a party of seven slave-dealers, with tweBty4hree slaves, were cap- tured and brought to- me, together with two camels. Nothing" could exceed the misery of these poor wretches. Some were children of not more than three years old ; they had come across that torrid zone from Shaka — a journey from Which I on my camel shrink." And again of a subsequent capture': "When I had just begun this letter, another caravan, with two slave-dealerS, and seventeen slaves, was brought in ; and I hear others are on the way. Some of the poor women were quite nude. Both these caravans came from Shaka, where I mean to make a clean sweep of the slave-dealers." Just before arriving at Shaka, a post from Gessi reached him with intelligence of his successes ; and a few days later, on April 10th, came a further message from him to the effect that he was reinforced, and needed no more troops. THE BETOLT OS THE SLATE-DEALEKS. 267 This news enabled Gordon, on his arrival at Shaka, to lay by his anxieties, and proceed with his work. In the meanwhile, Gessi, having received supplies from the Bahr Gazelle,, had again resolved on the offensive. All April through, he had been unremittingly active in chas- ing, and breaking, and punishing innumerable gangs of robbers ; and in the beginning of May he set out, from ■ Dem . Idris, ajid niarched against Suleiman, who had taken refuge in Dem Suleiman, a town named in his pwn honor. His assault was so brilliantly planned, and so splendidly done, that Suleiman himself nearly fell into his hands. Taking possession of his capture, he learned that Suleiman had merely moved farther west, and was in the Company of Eabi, one of the most for- midable of the rebel slavers. He instantly started in pur- suit. Through a ruined country, hideous at every mile with traces of the enemy, he pressed on. He had 600 men with him, and he was victorious ; and he went on Gordon's work, at Gordon's own pace- On the loth of May he fell upon the village where Sulei- man, it was said, lay hiding ;.ibut.;one sick woman was its only occupant. Past ruin after ruin, in tropical rain, and through a country harried to the very quick, he led his hungry men. In a village but newly forsaken they found some food. Beyond was a dense forest. Gessi. sent out scouts, and got intelligence of a great clump of camp-fires. Thinking that here was a slave-caravan, with the rebels themselves in fqrce in advance of it, he divided his troops, and made a detour so as to avoid the main body, and strike the advance-guard. Missing their way, a column of his army came into sudden con- flict with some of the slavers under a notorious chief. 268 THE STORY OF CHINESE GORDON. Abu Shnep, and put them to rout. Meanwhile the fir- ing had alarmed the rebel vanguard, and they set fire to the Tillage and abandoned their position. Once again G-essi was foiled ; for he found the place deserted by all save a little child, who told him that Suleiman had passed the night in that very place. Avoiding the high- way, he pushed forward at top speed ; and next night his camp was visited by seven men, who mistook his fires for Eabi's. Completing their blunder, they in- formed him, through a messenger, that they had come on from the army of Sultan Idris, who was -coming up behind as fast as he might ; and they begged him to de- lay his advance that the two forces might effect a junc- tion. Gessi (as Eabi) made answer that he would wait for Idris on the road. But while one of the seven was taking this reply to his fellows, the six were pressed to spend the night in^the camp, where they were seized and made prisoners. This singular occurrence was both momentous and fortunate. Gessi at once resolved to attack and finish Eabi before his ally pould come up. He set off at ex- treme speed. At daybreak he fell upon Eabi in his camp, and utterly defeated him, securing his flag and all his stores, and only missing the chief himselTthrough the swiftness of his horse. While the engagement was in progress, Idris and his men were on the march. The situation demanded strategy ; and Gessi supplied the de- mand out of hand. He encamped away from the scraie of Eabi's disaster, cleared the field of battle of ,all tell- tale signs, and ran up Eabi's standard beside his empty tent. He then dispatched half-a-dozen of his men to meet Idris. These men, falling in with the Sultan as THE EEVOLT OP THE SLAVE-DEAUEES. 269 by accident, reported themselyes as of Eabi's army, and out hunting. Idris bade them return and announce his approach. Gessi immediately drew his men out round a glade in the forest, and awaited the issue in am- bush in the long grass. A sudden' storm came on at the moment of the enemy's arrival, and he hurried in dis- ordef to the shelter of the camp. A deadly fire was poured on him by Gessi's men, and the fury of the wind and the rain completed his demoralization. Idris him- self and a few attendants alone escaped. His wealth fell into the hands of Gessi's followers. This brilliant victory broke up the league of slavers for awhile ; and Gessi, after an absence of nine days, marched back to Dem Suleiman with his spoils. Here he rested for some weeks, contenting himself with exploring the surround- ing country, and keeping in check the many marauding bands by which the province was harassed. While Gessi was engaging Suleiman and breaking the power of the slavers, Gordon was active in Shaka. The slavery question was ever before him. He had to con- sider not merely how best to stop the traffic, but how to revive the exhausted revenue, which would suffer still further from its abolition ; and, also, how to obtain re- cruits for an army consisting of 35,000 bought or cap- tured slaves. Beside the consideration of these intricate questions, he was indefatigable in hurrying his officials, particularly in respect of the execution of sentences on the slave-dealers. This work of supervision obliged him to make frequent and sudden movements ; and his rapid rides occasioned delinquents much dismay. It was just previous to starting to Kalaka on one of these expeditions, that he heard from Gessi of his advance on Suleiman. 270 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOBDON. His own position in Shaka was anything but secure. This he felt, for he writes: "I hope soon to leave for Dara, for I am not exactly safe here. If Sebehr's son knew how few men I have, and could break away from G-essi, he might pay me a visit." But he found that he had allies on the road, though they could not be always relied on. The various tribes of Arabs, who were scour- ing the country in bands, were beginning to foresee the issue of events. The news of Gessi's exploits and Gordon's frightening activity and rapidity of movement forced them into action, and on every hand they fell on the scattered parties of slavers. Many captures were made by these dubious friends, who brought them in to Gordon en route to Kalaka, where they had caught and imprisoned a number of dealers. Their slaves were wandering about the country in thousands, and were being " snapped up," as Gordon says, " by the native Arabs in all directions, as if they were sheep." He reckoned there must have been a thousand in Kalaka alone. Yet it was impossible to send them back to their own countries, owing to the lack of food and water and the means of transport. From Kalaka he journeyed to Dara, leaving 100 soldiers behind him. Through a monotonous sandy plain, with a scanty vegetation of scrub, he passed from Dara to Pascher and Kobeyt in the extreme north of Darfour. At Kobeyt he learned that the route to Kalabieh and Kolkol in the west was beset by brigands, and this in spite of the garrison at the latter place. This made him push on to Kolkol ; and on the 25th of May he was attacked by about 150 men, and, as he puts it, "had a bad time" with them for four or five hours. Toward evening they were THE BEYOLT Of THE SLAVE-BE£LEES. 27l driyen off, and G-ordon's party encamped nine iriileS from Kolkol, thoroughly exhausted. He found Eolkol, the ultimate post of the Egyptian GoTernment, in a miserable state. " Nothing," he says, " could describe the misery of these utterly useless lands; they have been made perfect deserts by the Government." From this desolate spot he dispatched to Khartoum, by way of Dajfa, a forlorn band- of Arabs — soldiers, offi- cers, women and children — aJl utterly broken and useless. His chief concern now was for G-essi. He had. received, on his return from Kolkol to Fascher, a dispatch from the Italian on the 5th of June informing him of the capture of Dem Suleiman ; and he believed that Sulei- man was completely crushed. He started for Khartoum by way of Oomchanga and Toashia. On the road he learned that the robber chiefs had broken out of Shaka, and he feared a renewal of troubles. Haroun was still in the field with 300 men, and he wished to prevent a junction of the forces ; so rapidly and unexpectedly did he advance on Toashia, that he surprised a troop of 100 slavers and despoiled thefm of 300 slaves. His plan was to watch the wells, until the caravans, unable to hold out, were fain to surrender at discretion. The number of skulls along the road was terrible. He had great; piles of them put up as mofiuments of the horrible cruelty of the slavers. He calculated the loss of life in Darfour during 1875-'79, at 16,000 Egyptians and 50,000 natives, exclusive of the toss among the slaves, which he put down at from 80^000 to 100,000. He remarks at this time: " I feel revived when I make these captures. Prom Oomchamga to Toashia, during say a weiek, we must have caught from 500 to 600. I suppose we may consider 272 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOKDON. that nearly that number must have been passing every week for the last year and a half or two years along this road." On the 25th of June Gessi arrived. Gordon found him looking much older. Before leaving for Khartoum he made arrangements with his lieutenant for the future government of the Bahr Gazelle, presented him with £2,000, and created him a Pasha, with the second-class of the Osmanlie. Leaving his chief to make his way to - Khartoum, the new Pasha returned to his old quarters. Although the rebellion was not crushed even yet, Sulei- man being still at liberty, the end was not long in com- ing. Early in July Gessi learned of a deserter that the son of Sebehr was not far off, and was attempting a coalition with Haroun. Suleiman, the terrible Pasha at his heels, fled, with nearly 900 men toward the Gebel Marah, a difficult and little-known country ; Rabi, with 700 men, retreating in another direction. Gessi had but 290 soldiers with him, but theywere well armed, and flushed with victories. By an admirable forced march he overtook the enemy in the village of Gara. Surpris- ing them in their sleep, and concealing his numbers, he persuaded them to capitulate. They laid down their arms in ignorance of his real strength, and great was Suleiman's mortification on learning to what a little force he had succumbed. By Gordon's orders the chiefs (in- cluding Suleiman and Abdulgassin) were afterward shot. Rabi alone seems to have escaped. Gordon had made a hero of Gessi, and here was his reward. Thus fell the power of Sebehr in the person of his son Suleiman, and with it the whole fabric of his ambition. Gordon's prophecy was realized to the full. Sebehr him- THE REVOLT OE THE SLAVE-DEALERS. 273 self was tried in Cairo for rebellion against the Viceroy, found guilty, ajid condemned to death. But, as the Governor-General had anticipated, "nothing was done to him." He was suffered to live in Cairo, with a pen- sion of £100 a month from the Khedive. The impolitic leniency did much to weaken the moral force of these splendid and ruinous attacks on the slave-trade in the Soudan. CHAPTBE XV. ATS BS'VOY EXTEAOEDINAKY, The news of Gessi's final success reached 'Gordon at Toashia. Satisfied that the stern lessons he had himself been teaching the slave-traders were so much inspiration for the oppressed tribes, he set off, on the 39th June, 1879, for Fogia. Gessi, he knew, could do more than hold his own in the south; and he felt that the slave- trade had at length been dealt a powerful blow. If in- eradicable, as he himself believed, it was so from causes existent at headquarters — causes over which he could exercise no control. At Fogia, he heard of Ismail's de- position, and received orders to proclaim Tewfik Khedive throughout the Soudan. Beyond acknowledging the ofBcial intelligence to Cherif Pasha, the new Khedive's minister, he did no more thp-n telegraph the order to the several governments. He then went on to Khartoum. About this time he received from his old colleague, Li- Hung-Chang, an interesting letter dated Tientsin, March 2M, 1879, in reply to his communication to the Chinese generalissimo of the 27th October, 1878. At the end of July he left Khartoum, and reached Cairo on August 23d; and, one week later, he left that city for Massawa, on a mission to the King of Abylsinia. He had not heard of Ismail's abdication with equa- nimity. He respected the late Khedive's character and abilities, however much he reprehended the morality of AN ENVOY EXTEAOEDINARY. 275 his statecraft. With characteristic generosity he writes: " It gricTes me what sufferings my poor Khedive Ismail has had to go through. " His instructions for the con- duct of his mission to King Johannis, written in French, were couched in terms the most guarded ; they were, at the sanle time, extremely polite to himself personally. At Cairo he had shown his annoyance at the new turn in affairs by refusing a special train, and declaring he would go to the hotel in preference to the palace pre- pared for him. He did not carry out the latter resolve, feeling he "should not be justified in such a snub." He was admitted to more than one audience of Tewfik, who expressed his entire confidence in him. In these conversations it was at first evident that the new Khe- dive was somewhat nervous as to whether the Governor- General was not too intimate with King Johannis. " In fact," says Gordon, " the general report in Cairo was that I was going in for being Sultan f But it woiild not suit our family." The Khedive, I should note, had to deal not merely with King Johannis, but with our old acquaint- ance, Walad-el-Miehael, who was threatened with attack by the Abyssinian, AlOula. This greatly complicated the situation, and it behooved the Khedive to act with great circumspection. Before leaving Cairo, Gordon paid off some old scores, and did much work in the hearty and determined style we know. " I wrote," he says, "to the Consuls- General of France and England, and told them they had interfered to get sweet things, and now they must interfere to avoid bitter things. I attacked in an official letter the Italian Consul-General, for it is an Italian who has put Johannis up to this (i.e., to the claim on Egyptian territory in Bogos, etc.), and I 276 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. expect I made him ashamed ; " and so forth. He took with him as secretary Berzati Bey, of whom he has recorded a high estimate. " He was my most intimate friend for three years ; and though we often had tiffs, I always had a great respect for his opinion. He is about twenty-nine years of age, yet perfectly self-possessed and dignified ; and I can say that, in all our perils, I never saw him afraid. A few men like Berzati Bey would re- generate Egypt ; but they are rare. Scoffers call him the ' black imp.' " All this while the Abyssinians were actually in possession of the Bogos district. On Sep- tember 11th Gordon started en grande tenue for Gura, where Aloula was encamped. On the way he heard that Walad and his officers were prisoners there by order of Johannis. He suffered much from prickly heat. The roads were terrible and the climate intolerable, yet he meditated his policy all the march through. " I deter- mined," he says, "to get rid, either with or without Johannis's help, of Walad el Michael and his men, and then to come to terms with Johannis. Now Johannis 'will not give me his help for nothing, when we persist in keeping what we have stolen from him {i.e., Bogos, etc.); I do not mean physical help, but moral help — i.e., that he should offer a pardon — that is, an asylum to which Walad el Michael's men can go when they leave Bogos. Otherwise they will fight with desperation against us." He reached Gura onrthe 10th, at half-past three in the afternoon, overcome with fatigue. Aloula was encamped on the top of an almost inaccessible hill, and Gordon's mule was so broken down that he had to climb to the great man's tent. The audience was not satisfactory. In a long shed, made of branches, Aloula AN ENVOY EXTEAOEDINABY. ^ 277 was seated on a eouch, and swathed like a mummy in white garments, even to his mouth. " Nearly evej-y one had his robe to his mouth, as if something poisonous had arrived. The figure at the end never moved, and! got quite distressed, for he was so muffled up that I felt in- clined to feel his pulse. He must be ill, I thought." The apparent invalid was in excellent health ; and Gor- don saw, when he showed his face, "a good-looking young man of about thirty or thirty-five." After a little while, "the poisonous effect had gone off to some de- gree, for the others also removed their mufflers." Aloula received the Khedive's embassador with a good deal of the ludicrous self-importance and assumption of wisdom of Johannis himself. He put the Khedive's letter aside unread, and behaved quite slightingly throughout the audience. He condescended to inform Gordon that he might smoke if he chose, in spite of the King's decree that smokers caught in the act should lose hand and foot. He proposed that the Envoy should^ camp at the bottom of the hill, and climb to the top whenever he wanted an interview. This Gordon positively declined to do ; so a hut -was found for him near the General's shed. The result of these inter^jews was that Gordon agreed to see Johannis himself, and Aloula undertook not to attack Egypt in his absence. On the 19th Gordon left Gura for Debra Tabor, near Gondar. He went by horrible roads, over the steepest mountains, through the country of Easselas, but without a sight of the Happy Valley; and so toward the Abys- sinian capital — "crawling over the world's crust." Wear Adowa, on the 37th, he passed the Amba, the mountain prison where Walad el Michael was interned. 278 vTHE STOBY OP CHIKBSE GOBDON. Of this he says: " When you get close to it you hare to be hauled up in a basket. There was a tent pitched on the top, in which — to-day being the first of the Abys- sinian year, as the King's interpreter told me — there was feasting." After a fatiguing march by execrable bridle- paths, the river Taoazzi was reached on October 13th. Here he heard from the oflBcer of Aloula, who traveled with him, that a robber chief with 300 men was medi- tating attack, and was reported to have said, when he heard that Gordon's luggage and presents for the king were not with him, that he would " take the Pasha and the black imp, and get the boxes afterward." He also heard of another robber on the road between Galabat and Debra Tabor, with several guns; as he himself had only six black soldiers this was not reassuring. On October 27th, however, without further adventure he arrived at Debra Tabor, convinced that Aloula had sent him through a ;network of by-ways to impress him with the difficulties of the country in case the Khedive should declare war. He was received rat the court of Johannis with a salute of guns. With the King at Debra Tahor were Eas Arya, his father; the Itag6, or high-priest; the Greek Consul from Suez; an Italian named Bianchi, and two Italians named N"eretti. The night of his arrival Gordon was visited by iifteen black soldiers^ who had been captured at Gondet in November, 18t5, and nine Arabs, whom Aloula had made prisoners at Ailat in January, 1877; these men all begged him to intercede with Johannis for their release. Kext day he had his audience. Johannis began with a tedious recital of his grievances against Egypt, and asked Gordon what was AS ENVOY EXTKAOEDINAE¥, 279 the nature of Ms mission. He was referred to the Khedive's letter, which it appeared had not eve'n been translated. He then put forward a nuniber of out- rageous claims^the "retrocession of Metemna, Chan- gallas and Bogos, cession of JZeila and Amphilla (ports), an Abouna, and a sum of money from one to" two mill- ion pounds." As altematiyes, he suggested that he should ta)j;e Bogps^ Massawa and Abouna, adding: "I could claim Don'gpla,, Berber, Nubia and Sennaar, but will not do so. Also,, I want a certain territory Hear Harrar." "Here," Gordon remarks, "his Majesty seemed a little out in his geography, so he added that he would waive that claim for the moment." These de- Oiandswere thought too monstrous, even considered as a price for peace; and Gordon told His Majesty, in his private capacity, that he did not think the Khedive would accept them, and urged him to put into writing what he considered his just dues. Johannis shuffled, ^,and suggested a new discussion at some neighboring ■haths which he proposed to visit. Gordon,, acquiesced, and presented him through i Berzati Bey with presents worth £20.0. ITothing occurred 'until November 6th. In the interim Gordon discovered that the King was backed in his obstinacy by the intrigues of the Greek Consul and others. On the 6th Johannis returned from the baths without the written claim?. But to these Gordon determined to fix him. He told Hi^ Majesty that he had positive orders not to cede Bogq§, or any territory, but that he would use his private influence to obtain for him an Abouna, the free import of arms, and letters for himself at Massawa and Bogos, At length, on the 8thj he was assured he should receive the written 280 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. demands in the form of a letter to the Khedive. He had an audifence that day, however, and found the King in a sulky and resentful humor. Johannis bade him go back, and added that he would forward a letter to the Khedive by an envoy of his own. Gordon then asked for the release of the Egyptian soldiers. This enraged the King, who told him to. go. An hour after he went. Just as he was starting, the interpreter brought him the letter and $1,000. The money he returned, but at his first halt on the road he opened the letter, in his capacity as envoy, suspecting a trick, and found it only twelve lines long. He saw that, making allowance for the usual salutation and valediction it could not possibly contaih the specific statement required. Translated, he found it ran in these insulting terms: "I have received the letters you sent me by that man. I will not make a secret peace with you. If you- want peace, ask the Sultans of Europe." He wrote to the Greek Consul, demanding an explana- tion, and wafe answered "that the King said he had written, as he saw fit, and, if he judged right, would write other letters to the Khedive." Gordon calmly pursued his road to Gklabat, intending to reach Khar- toum byway of Katarif, instead of following the mount- ainous route he had traveled from Massawa. Before him, a revolted chief named Gadassi occupied the country, and to him he applied for an escort of 300 men. Wait- ing a reply, he encamped at Char Amba, the Gate of Abyssinia, fronting a gorge in the mountains that com- manded a prospect of the Soudanese plains. At five in the afternoon he was suddenly arrested by 130 of Johannis's men under three of Kas Arya's officers, and An ElSfVft'r ESTiAOEDINABY. 281 tfie litlil'e parfy wks' mWrched baefi to' tte yiUagg of fhe King's uncle. Gofdori, Oti the way, destroyed Ms |oH'r- nal, that it might not fall into tlie h^nds of Joharinis. Eas Arya was a cUntiirig, self-seeting fellow, with an eye to brilDes. He had oiice dispatched a false embassy to Gordon at Katarif j and tie now eiiteftairied him with hearty abuse of Johannig. He evei. suggested that the EhediTe' should' tate'the coiintfy, as every one was dis- gusted with the Einig'. Gordon gaf e him £70' tO insure the safe passage of his telegram's to GaMbat. On the 17th the patty,- still guaTdeid, j's^ssed- oh to Gondar, and' reached Ras-GaTamudhi'ri. Sere the escort left them, aiid fo^ awhile they were free. OVer siiowj rdoiintains, ' and suffering considerably for the want Of shelter (for he had no tents), Gordon pushed forward to the frontier, not without an expenditure of £1,400 in gold for bribes in the shape of tolls and safe-conduct. At Kya-Khor, a village on the frontier, he was again arrested, and sub- jected to a great deal Of bullying and extortion. At last, on December 8th, he reached Massawa, and there he was lucky enough (o find' the Seagull, an English gunboat. Thus ended this fatiguing and fruitless mission. The Khedive had shown himself indiflereiit to his envoy's safety and the honor of his own naihe. He had taken no notice of Gordo'n's application foi^ troops arid a steamer, which, on his arrest, by Johannis, he had de- \sired should be sent to Massawa. Considerable appre- hension was felt as to his safety. Had it not been for the timely dispatch of the Seagull, affairs might have taken an awkward turn. There is notMhg surprising -in Johannis's wish to 282 THE STOBY OP CHINESE GOKDON. make Gordon a prisoner; rather is it a wonder that it did not take effect in the court itself. The uncom- promising candor with which the Envoy unburdened his mind to this King of Kings would have cost most envoys their lives. Gordon had told him that "the King would be better if he would not try and be God; " and "that six feet of earth would hold the one as it would the other." Another and not smaller source of irritation was that the King's people — especially the beggars — crowded round Gordon's tent, deserting his Majesty; and that the strange embassador walked about, un- guarded, and on foot. The following amusing account of an interview between this extraordinary pair was given not long after the Governor-General's return: " When Gordon Pasha was lately taken prisoner by the Abys- sinians he completely checkmated King John. The King received his prisoner sitting^on his throne, or whatever piece of furniture did duty for that exalted seat, a chair being placed for the prisoner considerably lower than the seat on which the King sat The first thing the Pasha did was to seize this chair, place it alongside that of his Majesty, and sit down on it; the next to inform him that he met him as an equal and would only treat him as such. This some- what disconcerted his sable Majesty, but on recovering himself he said, ' Do you know, Gordon Pasha, that I could kill you, on the spot if I liked!' 'I am perfectly well aware of it, your Majesty,' said the Pashsi. 'Do so at once if it is your royal pleasure. I am ready.' This disconcerted the King still more, and he exclaimed, 'What! ready to be killed!' 'Certainly,' replied the Pasha; 'I am always ready to die, and so far from fear- ing your putting me to death, you would confer a favor on me by so doing, for you would be doing for me that which I am precluded by my religious scruples from doing for myself — you would relieve me from all the troubles and misfortunes which the future may have in store for me.' This completely staggered King John, who AN ENVOY EXTEAOBDINAET. 283 gasped out in despair, 'Then my power has no terrors for you?' 'None whatever,' was the Pasha's laconic reply. His Majesty, it is needless to add, instantly collapsed." Gordon returned to Egypt at the end of the year. He had sent in his resignation to the Khedive on his way ; and unirersal was the regret at his determination to quit the country in which he had wrought so much good. Much as the ex-Khediye had been blamed for his misrule, it was unanimously acknowledged that he had done an act of eminent wisdom in appointing Gor- don to the GoTernor-Generalship of the Soudan ; and few could resist the temptation of comparing his appre- ciation of the great Proconsul with Tewfik's. Against the latter there was a general feeling of resentment, even of indignation ; this notwithstanding the tenor of the Viceroy's letter to his Governor-General on his arrival at Alexandria : " I am glad to see you again among us, and have pleasure in once more acknowledging the loyalty with which you have always served the Gov- ernment," writes the Khedive. " I should have liked to retain your services, but in view of your persistent ten- der of resignation am obliged to accept it. I regret, my dear Pasha, losing your co-operation, and in parting with you must express my sincere thanks to you, assur- ing you that my remembrance of you and your services to the country will outlive your retirement." The fact is that what took the world by surprise at the time had been decided on months before. Gordon, before going to Abyssinia, had been urged by certain ministers, notably Riaz, Gherif, and Nubar, to make certain reforms in his Government, of which he did not approve ; and he thereupoli announced his intention to 284 THE .STOKT OF CHINESE GORDON. , guit the Soudan. It was only as a personal f ayor to the Khedive that he oai^ried letters to King Johannis at all. This he had done at the peril of his life. On his return to Egypt the interfering ministers began their interfer- ing once more. There were .stormy interviews between Gordon and Nubar and Kiaz. They grumbled angrily at his proposed cession qf ZeUa to the Abyssinians, and they resented the fact that the proposal had reached the papers. That it had done so was entirely their own fault ; for the, suggestion had been telegraphed to them in. cipher. These unpleasant conferences, with what had gone before, led to his final resignation. "I am neither a Napoleon nor a Colbert," was his reply to some one who spoke to him in praise of his beneficence in the Soudan ; "€ do not profess either to have been a great .ruler or a great financier ; but I can say this — I have cut off the slaye-dealers in their strongholds, and I made the people love me." What Gordon had dqne was to justify Ismail's description of him eight months before. " They say I do not trust Englishmen," said the old Khedive. " Do I mistrust Gordon Pasha ? That is an honest man ; an administrator, not a diplomatist." Apart from the difficulties of serving tl^e new Khedivp, .Gordon longed iar rest. The first year of his rule as Governor of the .tribes — during which he had done his own work and other men's— the long marches, the terr rible clipiate, the perpetual anxieties — all had told upon ^im. Since then he ,had had three years of desperate labor, and ridden sqme 8,500 miles. Who can wonder that he rqsented the impertinences of the Pashas, whose interference was not for the .goodjof .his .government or his people, but solely for their own ? AN ENVOY EXTKAOEDINAEY. 285 But it was not for him to stay on and conaplain. To one of the worst of these Pashas he sent a telegram, which ran : " Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin." Then he sailed for England, bearing with him the memory of the enthusiastic crowd of friends who bade him farewell at Cairo. I am told that his name sends a thrill of love and admiration through the Soudan even yet. A hand so strong and so beneficent had never before been laid on the people of that uahappy land. CHAPTEE XVI. "THE irNCEOWNED KING," Only a few weeks' rest fell to him on his return. These were spent for the most part in London and at Southampton. His treatment at the hands of Egypt, and his subsequent resignation, made a great stir. The general feeling was one of regret rather than surprise. Everybody knew of his magnificent campaign against the slave-trade, unaided and alone ; and that, unless support were given him, he must sooner or later aban- don the task. The manner in which his services had been contemned by the government which had been so eager to secure them, was looked on as a disgrace ; and it was felt as a certainty that the traific he had broken and ruined would be revived ere long. The English press could not say enough in his praise ; and, with reference to the vast province over which he had ruled, it was for a time the fashion to call him " The Uncrowned King." The same attempt as before, but if anything a more strenuous one, was made by the fashionable world to lionize him. And many amusing stories might be told of the way in which he avoided those who sought him out ; as well as of the strategy he employed to elude the many invitations sent in. Early in May, when the London world was discussing the resignation of one Viceroy of India, and the acces- "the uncbowned king." 287 sion of another, people were amazed at the announce- ment that Lord Ripon had asked Gordon to be his pri- Tate secretary, and that Gordon had said "yes." Many at first refused to believe ; and when it was telegraphed to India, it created a sensation not unmixed with alarm. One correspondent wrote that,, "with the arrival of Colonel Gordon, we shall have an end of favoritism, and all cliqueism will disappear from the face of official society." The journals themselves were not so sanguine. " Official society without cliques and favoritism is to us unimaginable," says one. " If Colonel Gordon were Viceroy, he could not entirely eradicate these deep- seated diseases. But if our correspondent means — as we suppose he does — that no cliqueism, nor favoritism, nor any meanness, nor charlatanism will receive any toleration from Colonel Gordon, but will meet with stern suppression, so far as he may have power to deal with it, then we agree with him. There is not in the world a man of gentler, kindlier nature than Colonel Gordon ; we know of no man more terrible to shams and charlatans. His mere presence in Indian society will be a kind of shock which will send a shiver through all its vanities, and may . indeed in time create a sort of revolu- tion." There is little doubt that many thought the appoint- ment an absurdity. The expression of such an opinion was checked by a belief in the existence. of occult rea- sons for inducing so illustrious a soldier to fill so unim- portant a post. The Central Asian Question had been recently revived ; the effects of the Afghan War were being hotly discussed ; and the Government was credited with an ulterior aim — that of intrusting to one man 288' THS STOUY 01" CaiSigSiE 66'EDON, the solution of a prbblem wMcli had already baffled hun- dreds, and -wiill baffle hundreds more. * ' So it came to pass that he who had been a Sultan sud- denly became a secretary' thdugh it was said at the time that there was not a post from Constantinople eastward which would haye been too much for him. As foi' Gor- don himself, he accepted the' appointment in the spirit in which he would accept any staJtion in life, high or humble, provided that out of it good might come; AM * Mr. Charles Marvin, in his "Merv, tlie Qiieen of the World," speaking of the importance of establishing aibaMer bet*6en Buesia and India, showed'his appreciation of such a choice in the following terms : "To select the border-line between the English and Eussian empires in Asia, there should be no'appointment of cotomitteesorcommisssoiis'; the tafefc should be given to a single man. In the multitude of counsel there may be wisdom, but rarely, if ever, decision. It is with public affairs as with private : one man will always carry out a scheme more (JMckly, more cheaply and mora satisfac- torily than a committee of a dozen. Ton-have the advantage of aggregate wis- dom in confiding a task to a committee ; you have the drawback of their aggre- gate foolishness.' Even if you are lucky in securing a choic6 selection of s^es, experience warns you beforehand that the more their originalitiy the greater will be the conflict of opinion, which can only end in a compromise — a term signifying feebleness of decision. " No ; we should choose a good' man tor the' solution of the Anglo-Ruesian' Frontier Question; we should allow him to choose his own advisers; we should give him abundance of time to form his own opinions on the subject. He should have unlimited fiindfe to= conduct" exploitations and' appoint assistant ex- plorers. He should visit in succession Kussia and Persia, to realize correctly the genius of those countries. He sfiould have absolute freedom" in the prepare ation of his plan, and the plan when complete should be made the basis of A definite and final settlement of the Centrat Asian Question. " I may be asked to point out the Atlas who can bear this enormous respon- sibility upon his shoulders: We Have'not to go far toseek him. His nanife is' well known. He is not the offspring of a clifc[ue ; he is not the creature of a faction. He has fought well, he has ruled well. His Christian piety is a proverb among those who know him; his scorn' of pelf' and preferment is so remarkable that he almost stands alone— he hardly lielongsto a'plkce-hunting, money-grub- bing generation. He possesses the entire confidence of all parties ; he enjoys the admiration and love of the nation. Russia knows nothing to'his detriment, and he hasrecently earned her respect by his disinterested' exertions on her be- half in the distant Bast^ I have no need to utter his name. It-springs spon- taneously to the reader's lips— Chinese Gordon." tjie woi'](i took it for granted thjat he went as something more than a mere secretary. Toward the end of May the Viceroy left London for his seat of government, and load were the cheers for him and his secretary as the train morad out of the sta- tion at Charing Cross. The journey was watched with eager interest by the public, and the correspondents kept theni well informed by telegram of what happened at the several stages. The surprise ^t the appointment was great, but a greater was in store. Hardly had we beaepd of the Viceroy's arrival in Bombay, wfeen we heard of Gordon's rggignation. The Anglo-Indian journalists were right who said there was something whimsical in turning Gordon Pasha into a small official ; the anomaly had proved impossible. With perfect frankness and simplicity, and in a spirit of self -accusation which every- body could but applaud, Gordon gave his reasons for the i^ne;x:pected step he had taken. He wrote : " Men, at times, owing to the mysteiries of Providence, form judg», ments which they afterward repent of. This is my case in accepting the appointment Lord Ripon honored me in ofEering me. I repented of my act as soon as I had accepted the appointment, and I deeply regret that I tad not the moral courage to say so at that time. Nothing could have exceeded the kindness and consid- eration with which Lord Bipoa has treated me. I have never met any one with whom I could have felt greater sympathy in the arduous task he has undertaken:" The words were a puzzle to many; not a few believed the announcement to be a hoax. The way in which it was received by the press is somewhat amusing. To s large nuitiber it proved at once that Gordon could nevei 290 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOtlDON. have fulfilled his duties: " He would be more at home in the Soudan where he was a king, or in China where he was a general, than in the private Secretary's room in Government House." To some he was mad, or at best a "little eccentric ;" others were aggrieved at his suppression of his motives. "When this last complaint reached his ears, he said at once that, in such a position, with a turbulent spirit like his, he would be likely to do more harm than good, and would only too probably iamper the Viceroy, and involve him in diflSculties. . He had resigned on June 3d. He was planning a journey to Zanzibar to help the Sultan, Syed Burghash, in a campaign against the slave-dealers, when he was suddenly summoned to .Peking. His old colleague, Li- Hung-Ghang, had sent him a message through Mr. Hart, Ghinese Gommissioner of Customs. The dis- patch had been sent to Mr. Campbell, Mr. Hart's agent in London, who seeing the news of the resignation, at once forwarded it to India. Thus ran the telegram: " I am directed to invite you to China. Please come and see for yourself. This opportunity for doing really useful work on a large scale ought not to be lost. Work, position, conditions can all be arranged with yourself here to your satisfaction. Do take six months' leave and come." "The Uncrowned King" replied: "Inform Hart, Gordon will leave for Shanghai first opportunity. As for conditions, Gordon indifEerent." Government was at once applied to fo;* the requisite lea\e; but as his purpose in going and the position he was to hold on his arrival could not be explained, permission was withheld. Upon this he referred the Government to Mr. Camp- bell, sent in his papers to the War Office, and sailed on "the unobowned king." 291 the 12th June for Hong Kong. As every one knows, war was imminent between Russia and China, and great excite- ment prevailed at St. Petersburgh when his departure got wind. A report was current that he had gone to China to organize another Ever -Victorious Army. "It is all the work of Lord Beaconsfield," said the excited Golosj and it hoped that Mr. Gladstone and Lord Granville would blast the adventure with public dis- pleasure. Gordon, with his wonted foresight, had an- ticipated th« misconstruction to which his visit was open, and had told his purpose before leaving India. " My fixed desire," he said, " is to persuade the Chinese not to go to war with Russia, both in their own interests and those of the world, and especially tho^e of England. To me it appears that the question in dispute cannot be of such vital importance that an arrangement could not be come to by concessions on both sides. Whether I succeed in being heard or not, is not in my hands. I protest, however, against being regarded as one who wishes for war in any country, still less in China. In the event of war breaking out, I could not answer how I should act for the present; but I shall ardently desire a speedy peace. Inclined, as I am,. with only a small degree of admiration for military exploits, I esteem it a far greater honor to promote peace than to gain any paltry honors in a wretched war." He arrived at Hong Kong on the 2d July, and at once received an invitation to stay at Government House from Sir John and Lady Hennesey. At Canton he paid a visit to the Viceroy, and saw many of his old friends in the city of Rams. When they asked him of his personal attitude toward China, he said that if his THE STOET OF-' CSliSlliSE GblSDON. opinion were sought at Peking, he should give the- " qui- nine and mixture," but not ask them to take it. He wished his risit to be clearly understood as unofficial; as indeed it was : he was taking a holiflay> and had come to see his old friend Li. When the interviewfets'- in- quired his views as to the formation of an Anglo-Ohinese force in case of war, he said: " I should strongly advise the Chinese to use their own forces; they do' not want- to teach ! the men to right-wheel and left-dress, and to show up a good line as soldiers are expected to do, be-- cause fighting is done more now by skirmishing." He earnestly recommended the Chinese, -boo, not to go to work with " cut flowers :" meaning that it was useless to take a' lot of trained men, put them in the field, and as soon as the season is over let them all disperse again. It was the same at Tientsin and Peking— to all he spoke' with' equal frankness. Since the days when they two had fought together against the Tai-pings, Li had proved- himself a great soldier and administrator — had, in fact, justified Gor- don's opinion that he was the ablest man in! China. He had filled the highest positions in the councils of the empire ; he had been Junior Guardian of ■ the Heir- Ap- parent, and Governor-General of Nanking; he had re- ceived the hereditary title of the Third' Degree, the Double-Eyed Peacock's Feather, and the Yellow Jacket ; now he was Senior Guardian to the Heir- Apparent, and Senior Grand Secretary and Viceroy of Ohihli, The growth of his power had been so rapid that more tham once he had been suspected of designs upon the Dragon Throne, and more than once lie had been severely re- buked from the Throne itself. These suspicions were "THE UNCBOWNED KING." 2^3* due to his belief in: the Harbarian and' his methods : to ah unfaltering faith in the value of foreign principles and progress, of foreign policy, and of foreign arms. It was naturalithat so powerful a satrap should have a rival. Li had his' in the person of Tso, a soldier-statesman like himself, who had seen service against the Tai-pings-=-he, indeed, who led the Franco-Chinese in 1S64, while Gor- don was winning his supreme victories. These two great iritelligences figured as the heaids of two powerful par- ties; Tso was in favor of' war, Li was in favor of peace. Never, perhaps, were the positions of the two more clearly defined than when Gordon, on his old colleague's invita- tion, appeared upon the sceiie. It was thought that the tussle between the war party, led by Prince Chun and Tso, and the peace party, led by Prince Kung and Li, was not unlikely to have a tragic end. For a time it seemed as though the war party would get the upper hand ; its adherents even began to speculate as to what would be the fate of Ei and the Prince. Li was sehd- ing urgent messages to the Tabtais, bearing the signifi- cant " fire mark," with' a view to ascertaining what sup- port, in the event of civil war, he might command, when the Captain of the Ever -Victorious Army came to Peking. When Li-Hung-Chang saw his old friend he fell on his neck and kissed hiih. Seventeen years before he had brought peace to China ; he brought it once more. He conferred with Li — with all the great satraps of the em- pire ; and he turned the scale. When Li aud the others asked his advice, he gave it in a memorandum, the wise and relentless outspoken- " ness of which had the effect of bringing about the peace he was so anxiousto maintain. Here it is: a StatepaipeT 294 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. of the highest importance, in any case ; and perhaps, after the campaign of the Ever -Victorious Army, the true beginning of the regeneration of China : " China possesses a long-used military organization, a regular military discipline. Leave it intact. It is suited to her people. " China in her numbers has the advantage over other Powers. Her people are inured to hardships. Arm with breech-loaders, accustomed to the use and care of breech- loaders, and no more is needed for her infantry. Breech- loaders ought to be bought on some system, and the same general system applicable to the whole nation. It is not advisable to manufacture them, though means of repair should be established at certain centers. " Breech-loading ammunition should be manufactured at different centers. Breech-loaders of various patterns should not be bought, though no objection could be of- fered to a different breech-loader in, say, four provinces from that used in another group of four provinces. Any breech-loaders which will carry well up to 1,000 yards would be sufficient. It is not advisable to spend money on the superior breech-loaders carrying farther. Ten breech-loaders, carrying up to 1,000 yards, could be bought for the same money as five breech-loaders of a superior class, carrying to 1,500 yards. For the Chinese it would cost more time to teach the use of the longer- range rifle than it is worth ; and then probably, if called to use it, in confusion the scholar would forget his lesson. This is known to be the case ; therefore, buy ordinary breech-loading rifles of 1,000 yards range, of simple con- struction, of solid form. Do not go into purchasing a very light, delicately made rifle. A Chinese soldier does "THE -DNOEOWNED KING." 295 not Edind one or two pounds more weight, for /le carries no knapsack or kit. China's power is in her numbers, in the quick moving of her troops, in the little baggage they require, in their few wants. It is known that men armed with sword and spear can overcome the best reg- ular troops armed with the best breech-loading rifles and well instructed in everyway, if the country is at all diffi- cult, and if the men with the spears and swords outnum- ber their foe ten to one. If this is the case when men are armed with spears and swords, it will be mnch truer when the same are armed with ordinary breech-loaders. " China should never engage in pitched battles. Her strength is in quick movements, in cutting off the trains of baggage, and in night attacks not pushed home ; in a continuous worrying of her enemies. Rockets should be used instead of cannon. No artillery should be moved with the troops. It delays and impedes them. Infantry fire is the most fatal fire ; guns make a noise far out of proportion to their value in war. If guns are taken into the field, troops cannot march faster than those guns. The degree of speed at which the guns can be carried along dictates the speed at which the troops can march. Therefore very f evi^ guns, if any, ought to be taken ; and those few should be smooth-bored, large-bore breech- loaders, consisting of four parts, to be screwed together when needed for use. Chinese accustomed to make forts of earth ought to continue this, and study the use of trenches for the attack of cities. China should never attack forts. She ought to wait and starve her foes out, and worry them night and day. China should have a few small-bored very long range wall-pieces, rifled and breech-loaders. They are light' to carry, and if placed 296 THE STOEY OF CHIJip^E .GGiBDON. a long way off wiU be gafe from atjtacjk. If tlie enemy comes out to take them, the Chinese can run away; and if the enemy takes one or two, it is no loss. Firing them into the enemy's caipp, alongway off, woifld prevent the enemy sleeping; and if he does not sleep, then he gets ill and goes into hospital, and then needs other enemies to take care of him, and thus the enemy's nupibers are reduced. When an enemy comes up 9,nd bireaks the wall of the city, the Chinese spldiers ought not to stay and iight the enemy ; bjit to go put and attack thp trajns of baggage in the rear, aiid worry hioi on th,e roads he cam,e by. By keeping the Chinese troops lightly loaded with baggage, with no guns, they can move t:syo to every one li the enemy marches. To-day the Chin.ese wijl be be- fore him ; to-morrow they will be |)ehind him ; the next day they will be on his left hand ; and so on till the enemy gets tired '^nd cross with such long ^alks, and his soldiers quarrel with their ofi&cers and get sick. " The Chinese should make telegraphs in the country, as a rule, to keep the country quiet and free from false rumors ; but wi|;h the Chinese soldiers in the field, they should use sun-signals, by means of the heliograph. These are very easy, and can .do np harm. For this pur- pose a small schopl shojild b.e established in each center. Chinese ought not to try torpedoes, which are very diffl-- cult to manage. The most simple torpedoes are the best and the cheapest, and their utility is in having many of them. China can risk sowing them thickly ; for if one of them does go astray and sink a Chinese junk, the peo- ple of the junk ought to be glad to die for their country. If torpedoes are only used at certain places, tjiep the enemy Ifnows that he has to look put when near those •■'the uncbowned king." 297 pl^ce;^ ; l^utwhen every place mayhaye torpedoes, he can never feel safe ; lie is always anxious ; he .cannot sleep ,• he gets iU and dies. Th,e fact of an enemy living in constant dread of being blown up is much more advanr tageous to China than if ishe blew up one of her enemies, |pr an?;iety makes people ill an4 cross. Therefore China ought to haye cheap, simple torpedoes, which cannot get out of order, which are fired by a fuse, not by electricity, and plejity of them. She ought not to buy expensive complicated torpedoes. " China should buy no niore big guns to defend her sea-coast. They cost money. They are a great deal of trouble to keep in order, and the enemy's ships have too thick sides for any gun China can buy to penetrate them. China ought to defend her gea-coast by very heavy morr tars. They cost very little ; they are easy to use ; they only w:ant a thick parapet in front, and they are fired from a place the enemy cannot see ; whereas the enemy can see the holes fr;Om which guns are fired. The ene- niy cannot get safe from a mortar-shot ; it falls on the deck, and t^ere it breaks everything. China can get 500 mortars for the same money she gets an 18-ton gun for. Jf China loses them, the loss is little. Uo enemy could get into a pprt ■vfhich is defended by 15,000 large morf;ars and plenty of torpedoes, which must be very siniple. Steam-launches, with torpedoes on a pole, fur- nish the best form pf movable torpedo. For the Chinese fleet, small, quick vessels, with very light draught of water, and not any great weight of armor, are best. If China buys big vessels they cost a great deal, and all her eggs are in one basket — ruamely, she loses all her money at once. For the money pf one large vessel China would 298 THE STORY OF CHINESE GOEDON. get twelve small vessels. China's strength is in the creeks, not in the open seas. "Nothing recommended in this paper needs any change in Chinese customs. The army is the same,- and China needs no Europeans or foreigners to help her to carry out this programme. If China cannot carry out what is here recommended, then no one else can do so. Besides, the programme is a cheap one. " With respect to the fleet, it is impossible to consider that in the employment of foreigners China can ever be sure of them in case of war with the country they belong to ; while, on the other hand, if China asks a foreign Power to lend her ofi&cers, then that foreign Power who lends them will interfere with her. The question is : (1) Is it better for China to get oflBcers here and there, and run the risk of their officers not being trustworthy ? or (2) Is it better for China to think what nation there is who would be likely to be good friends with China in good weather and in bad weather ; and then for China to ask that nation to lend China the officers she wants for her fleet ? I think No. 3 is the best and safest for China. "Kemember, with this programme China wants no big officer from foreign Powers ; I say big officer, be- cause I am a big officer in China. If I stayed in China it would be bad for China, because it would vex the American, French, and German Governments, who would want to send their officers. Besides, I am not wanted. China can do what I recommend herself. If she cannot, I could do no good." This manifesto excited a storm of comment both at home and abroad. The native journals, into which it "THE UNOBOWNED KING." 299 was instantly translated, were almost unanimous in recommending their Government to lose no time in put- ting its precepts into practice, the more so as they ema- nated from the man who, in saving China in the field, had learned exactly how best she might save herself, Li needed no promptings; he was too large-minded and vigorous a statesman to waste such precious counsels. They were followed to the letter. The armies of China are of Gordon's making ; and in wars yefTo be, the spirit of her Ever -Victorious General will stLU be her guidance. CHAPTER XVII. THE PIEST EAltURE. He returned to London in the winter of 1881, to find himself the object of mbre^ attention than ever before. T-hepapers gave him a' hearty welcdriifei and many were the speculations as to what he would do next. His own wish was to leave for Syria, and there take the rest he so much needed ; but the plan, dear as it was to him, was soon abandoned. He visited Ireland, and gave his whole mind to her troubles. A friend to whom he addressed his views, published them. They were daring, they were new, they were thorough ; but they were not such views as the majority could approve, and they met with some adverse criticism and a little ridicule. Gordon cared as much for the one as the other. He took a deep interest in the question of the evacuation of Candahar, and his opinions, though all could not agree with , them, had doubtless no little influence in deciding the course that was pursued. The fact is, he may be said to have avoided the re- pose he talked about so much; for, besides taking an active interest in all the questions of the hour, he paid a visit to the King of the Belgians to discuss an Inter- national Expeditio'h to the Congo, which his Majesty wished him to lead. In short, a brief stay on the Lake of Lausanne was the only holiday he gave himself ; for, in May, he had abandoned all idea of going to Syria, THE PIBST FAILUEE. SOt"^ aad was makingpreparations for a journey to Matiritius, ■whither he had been ordered as Commanding Royal Engineer. The announcement gave great satisfaction to many of his- admirers ; it was felt that, although the ' position was not a prominent one, it was, at any rate, one in which he would serve his own country, and be at the disposal of the authorities, should any necessity arise for calling, upon him to undertake more impor- tant duties. At this time, the news of the death- of his lieutenant, Romulus Gessi, reached England. It was a blow to him, for he knew that with the life of his fellow-worker ended all the good* he had achieved in. the Soudan — good which, in his master's absence, Gessi had striven tp per- petuate, and to the trials of which he had' succumbed. "He" died on the evening of the 30th April in the French hospital at Suez, after protracted sufferings caused by the terrible privations in the months of November and December last, when he was shut in by an impass- able barrier of weed in the Bahr Gazelle River." That was his epitaph in the press. Gordon, on his ■way to Mauritius, stopped at Suez, and visited the grave of his follower. The period of his sojourn in Mauritius — some ten months — was not eventful ; it wasj however, a happy and peaceful time. He became deeply interested in the Seychelles; he made some curious researches concerning the site of the Garden of Eden ; he planned and sug- gested certain excellent schemes for the defense of the Indian Ocean. On March 6th he was made a Major- General, and, on April 4th, 1882, he left Mauritius for the Cape. The Government had asked his services> and he was free to give them. 302 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. Subsequent events have made the precise wording of the telegrams which led to his departure important. The first, dated February 23d, 1883, from Sir Her- cules Eobinson to the Earl of Kimberley, runs as fol- lows : "Ministers request me to inquire whether her Majesty's Govern- ment would permit them to obtain the services of Colonel Gordon, R.E., C.B. Ministers desire to invite Colonel Gordon to come to this country for the purpose of consultation as to the best measures to be adopted with reference to Basutoland in the event of Parlia- ment sanctioning their proposals as to that territory, and to engage his services, should he be prepared to renew the offer made to their predecessors, in April, 1881, to assist in terminating the war and administering Basutoland." The second, from the Premier, Cape, to Colonel Gor- don, March 3d, 1882, runs thus : " Position of matters in Basutoland grave, and of utmost im- portance that Colony secure services of someone of proved ability, firmness and energy. Government therefore resolved asking whether you are disposed to renew offer which they learn you made, last April, to former Ministry. They do not expect you to be bound by salary then stated. Should you agree to place services at disposal this Government, it is very important you should at once visit the Colony, in order to learn facts bearing on situation. Could you do this at once you would confer signal favor upon Colony, leaving your future action unpledged. To prepare the way, application was made to Lord Kimberley, with view to as- certain if Government had objection to your entering this Govern- ment's service. From reply received, I learn that War Office gives consent. It is impossible within limits telegram to enter fully into case, and, in communication with you. Government rely upon same devotion to duty which prompted former offer, to excuse this sudden request." THE FIEST FAILUBE. 303 < The offer to which these telegrams refer. was made by Gordon to the Premier of the Cape G-overnment, on April 7th, 1881, and it was this: " Chinese Gordon offers his services for two years at £700 a year to assist in terminating war and administering Basutoland." Thus it was evident that the object with which Gor- don was invited to place his services at the disposal of the Cape Government was twofold: he was " to assist in terminating the war and in administering Basutoland." I am disposed to lay some stress on this because in the previous year the Deputy- Adjutant-General, E.E., War Office, London, -had telegraphed to Gordon at Lausanne, that the Cape Government offered him the command of the Colonial forces, with a proposed salary of £1,500 a year, which offer he had declined. Yet when he arrived at the Cape, after a miserable month's voyage in a sail- ing vessel, the only post offered him was that of Com- mandant- General of the Colonial Forces. Sir Hercules Eobinson, Merriman, and the Premier all said that they wanted him to take charge of the Basuto question, but that they did not like to remove Orpen— in whom they had no confidence — as his removal would be unpopular. Thus, on May 18th, 1883, we find Gordon installed in the very appointment he had declined to accept two years before, and in no way officially concerned in the administration of Basutoland, which was probably his chief motive in accepting the invitation of the Colonial Government. It was altogether a bad beginning. Cer- tainly it was strange behavior on the part of the Govern- ment; they had distinctly led Gordon to believe that they needed his services not as commander of their ?0^ THE STOBY OF OHJNESE j©OBDON. forces, but solely as adyiser and administrator. But as the post ]?e took was stated to be merely temporaiy, he doubtless belieyed that the Government intended later on to employ him officially as at first proposed. On May 31st then, he addressed a memorandum to the Ministers and the GoTernor. It stated that in his opinion the primary mistake was that, in transferring Bteutoland frona the Imperial Government to that of the Cape, the Basutos themselves had never been consulted ; and it suggested that to correct this mistake the Basutos should be cg^Ued together and encouraged to discuss the terms of their agreement with the Golpnial Governor. It stated, moreover, that he, the author, did not beliei^e that there was any real antagonism between Letsea and Masupha ; that Letsea only pretended to oppose Masupha and side with the Colony, and that all the while he was inspirits ing his supposed enemy to so behave toward the Govern- ment as to keep them in perpetual hot water. No an- swer was returued to this memorandum. On the 39th May Gordon proceeded to King William's Town and drew up the report on the Colonial forces which the Premier had requested him to make. It was both able and exhaustive. Gordon suggested many changes, and showed that the Colony could save £7,000 a year, and yet maintain an army 8,000 strong, instead of 1,600 as it then was. This, of course, meant economy in new directions ; Gordon had begun with himself, and had accepted only two-thirds of the salary offered him, saying that the Colony could not afford to pay more. The report and his suggestions were laid before the Cape Parliament ; but, like the memorandum which had pre- ceded them, they were left unnoticed. THE FIB^T FAilifrEE. 305' On the 4th June f;h'6 fteinier fe'q'iiested the General to go up country and' report 6ft the ti'fekkiiig of the Bo6rS into native territory, and on the coliditi'on of the native holdings in the Trtoskei. This Gordon at Oric6 ]pio- ceeded to do. He sent in a thiird to'eniotahdinn, to the effect that the natives were goaded into rebelBon by the badness and inefficiency of the nlagistracy. Hereu;^on the Government aslied him to suggest remedies^ a'hd! to' embody his siiggestiohff iA li series of regulatibns. He did so ; aad^ as twice before, no notice ■^rhatever was tSrken of his work. By this time he had been in the Colony some ten' weeks only. During this short period, however, he had made himself master, not only of the condition of the forces under his command, but also to a veiy gi-eat elx- tent of the facts and circumstances which were the' source of all the native troubles. As Will be seen from whait I have already stated (of the accuracy of which I have complete evidence)' Gordon, during these ten ■weeks, was used by the Government rather as an ad'vi'ser' than as a commander-in-chief — as an advis'ier who Would' presently become an administrator as well, in the event of his -views being suited to those of the Minis- ters. Presuma'Bly they were not. His ad^vice was not regarded, his recommendations' fell on idle 6r indiflerent ears. This action on the part of the Government is note-- worthy; it quite justified Gordon in the course he adopted a little later on, when the Ministry I'equested' him to go to Basutoland. This was on the 18th of July; and he replied by a memorandum inclosing a' copy of a proposed convehtioil, by ■which the Basutos 306 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOBDON. would haTe semi-independence under a Eesident, and stating that it was impossible for the Government to re- vert to the condition of things that existed before the war. Of course he waited vainly for an answer. This time, however, he sent a private note to the Premier, saying that it was quite useless for him to go up to Basutoland unless the Government were prepared to acknowledge his presence and take account of his pro- posals. This, of course, was tantamount to saying, "You invite me to your Colony as adviser apd admin- istrator ; when I come you give me a post I had already refused, employ me in an amateur way in the other two capacities, and take no notice of the results of my work. This being the case, please leave me to my official duties as Commander-in-Chief, and send me on no more bootless errands." The Premier seems to have under- stood, as, for some time, Gordon was left in peace. He heard nothing more from the Government about the journey into Basutoland, though he offered to resign his office of Commandant-General, and to be Eesident with Masupha for two years at no more than £300 a year. He believed, he said, that in that time he could gain the old chief's confidence, and restore order to the country. Wo doubt he was right ; but he was no longer his own master, and the heroic work of the Soudan was impossible in the superior civilization of the Cape. In August, however, the Secretary for Ifative AfEairs came to King "William's Town, and after talking things over with Gordon, requested him to accompany him to Basutoland, whither he was going to see Mr. Orpen, the Ministerial representative. Gordon explained that. THE FIBST FAILURE. 307 as he was averse to Orpen's policy, and as the Grov- ernment had taken no notice of the conrention he had suggested, he oould be of no possible use ; in other words, he told Mr. Sauer, viva voce, what he had already told the Premier by letter. Sauer, however, said that "he was free of all engagements," and urged the Gen- eral to come with him. Gordon reluctantly gave way. In September he reached Basutoland, and had a personal interview with Letsea — the chief, it will be remembered, who was feigning friendliness to the Government, and antagonism to the action taken by Masupha. After this intemew Gordon was more than ever convinced that no modus Vivendi could be arrived at except on such terms as those embodied in his proposed convention ; and when he went to Leribe with Mr. Sauer, he presented that gentleman with a memorandum jn which he laid down the utter futility of trying to settle matters by getting one set of Basutos to coerce another. This was Orpen's policy, and it had at least the tacit consent of the existing Government. Mr. Sauer, having considered the memorandum, asked the writer if he would go, as a private individual, to Masupha, and see what he could do. He made this request, knowing the General's views, and knowing also that Gordon would lead no force against the Basuto chief unless an improvement were made in the magistracy — that is, unless bad magis- trates were replaced by good ones, and bad legisla- tion abolished altogether. In a word, he knew per- fectly well that Gordon sympathized with Masupha, as one more sinned against than sinning. All the same he persuaded the General to undertake this ad- venture, but gave him neither instructions nor ere- 308 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOBDQN. 4ential^, and left Min to aot as he might think .fit. Gordon went, and ?^^ent unarmed. How he ever ^ot back has been matter of astonishment to not a tew; for while he was negotiating with Masupha as a messenger of peace, Sauer, probably at Orpen's persuasion, got .Letsea to send his son Lethrodi to.att^ek Masupha. The Ministerial tactics consisted in allowing their represent- .atiyes to settle the Basuto difficulty by. egging on the chiefs to eat, each other up. Of this Masupha was ,well aware: he had in his camp an emissary of peace, assum- ing a certain influence with the Cape sGoTernment, or at all events sent by a Cape Minister ; while outside his camp he had a warlike demonstration organized and set afoot by the same Government and the same Minister. Gordon's power of inspiring savages with confidence in his complete uprightness was probably what saved his life at this desperate pags, as at so many others in so many lands. Masupha, -seeing his guest to be no less mortified and astoupded ;than himself, allowed him to .depart, as he had come. He, departed next day, and his first act on reaching Aliwal Nori)h was to send -this telegram (Sept. 26th, 1883) to the IJnder-OQlonial Secretary at Cape Town: "As I am in a false position up here, and am likely to do more harm than good, I propose leaving for the Colony, and when I have finished some fleports, I will come down to iCape fown, when I trust Government will accept my resignation." Four days after (Septem- ber 30th) he received this reply: "The Honorable the JPremier has no objection to your cqmingito Cape Town as proposed." Ifext day he sent another telegram to THE EIEST FAILTJKE. 309 the Under-Co^opial Secretary: he renjemhered that at Port Elizabeth he had agreed to serve the Government ,un.til Parliament .met, and he felt bquftd to abide by his jpromise; he therefore tel^aphed that, if it was desired, he would keep to his agreement. But the Premier re- lieved him of his promise in a telegram dated October 5th: " The answer to your telegram, proposing to come to Cape Town, and expressing a wish that Grovernment would accept your resignation, and to subsequent mes- sages intimating that when you telegraphed it had escaped your memory that you had stated your willing- ness to remain till Parliament met: I have to state that I have no wish to hold you to your promise, and am now prepared to comply with the desire expressed, that your resignation should be accepted; after the intimation that you would not fight the Basutos,and considering the tenor of your communication with Masupha, I regret to record my conviction that your continuance in the position you occupy would not be conducive to public interest." Gordon replied that he was much obliged, and that it would be scarcely necessary for him to come to Cape Town. He added: "Did I do so> it would be on the understanding that T was free. Government were not ignorant of my antagonism to Mr. Orpen's policy, yet they wished me to go up with Mr. Sauer; therefore the sequel was to be expected." To this the Premier replied that it was not necessary for the General to return to Cape Town, and that he did not doubt that the General's proposals to Masupha were good, considering the cir- cumstances under which they were made, but that they were such as Government could not adopt, nor Parlia- ment sanction. 310 THE STOBT OF CHINESE GOEDON. And thus it came to pass that a Kttle more than five months after his arrival in South Africa, Gordon severed his connection with the only country which had proved unable to appreciate the value and use of the genius he placed at its disposal. CHAPTER XVIII. THE HOLY LAND. At last Gordon could be at rest ; at last he could de« part for Mount Carmel and be alone. Those in author- ity at the Cape had done thus much for him, if no more. "My present idea," he wrote, in the thick of his toils of 1876, " is to lie in bed till eleven every day ; in the afternoon to walk not farther than the docks ; and not to undertake those terrible railway journeys, or to get exposed to the questionings of people and their inevitable dinners — in fact, to get into a dormant state, and stay there till I am obliged to work. / want oysters for lunch." This is a humorous paraphrase of an ideal, hopeless then and for long years-after unattainable. No such time of rest had come for hijn till now. He had been to India on a bootless errand. He had gone to China — ^the ancient Empire to which he had brought new life and light — and saved her from war — ^perhaps de- feat. He had served in Mauritius. He had labored at the Cape, and periled his life for a crew of time-servers. Now, at last, he was his own master. He returned to London, and set out on a new pilgrimage to the East. He settled outside Jerusalem. There he lives on bread and fruits (tobacco he reserves for great occasions : Soo- chow and Dara, for instance) and gives the bulk of his pay to those who hunger and are in need. But after such a life of action rest is impossible. How could it be other- 312 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDGN. wise for him who holds such Tiews of the life beyond as these ? " The future world must be much more amusing, more enticing, more to be desired than this world — put- ting aside its absence of sorrow and sin. The future world has been somehow painted to our mind as a place of con- tinuous praise ; and though we inay not say it, yet one cannot help feeling that, if thus, it would proT6 monot- onous. It cannot be thus. It must be a life of activity; for happiness is dependent on activity. Death is cessa- 'tion of movement; life is all movement. " Still, there are no terrible railway joul-neys ; there are no questionings-— sa/ve those of stray interviewers ; above ail, there are no inevitable dinners ; and he is happy. With an interest as keen as ever, he watches the world's afEairs. But most of his time is devoted to research; and it is with an eagerness that is- almost a passion' that he pursues the survey of the Holy Sepulcher, the Tabei'nacle, and the walls of Jerusalem. Some of his theories are curious and surprising; they puzzle those who have made the exploration of Palestine their life-study; they perplex, they irritate, they confound, and they end by almost persuading. , He has taken the holy sites in hand to prove them not the holy sites at all : greatly to the horror and scandal of clerical tourists. But he is no mere iconoclast ; he works as one seeing sermons in stones and good in everything — with the faith of a Christian but the eye and brain of an engineer. The Bible is his guide ; and he " does not care for sites if he has a map." " In reality," he says, "no man, in writ- ing on these sites, ought to draw on his imagination ; he ought to keep to the simple facts, and not prophe'sy or fill up gaps." For his own part, he does no more THE HOLY LAND. 313 than aim at proving the correctness of his ideas by elab- orate diagrams and figures. But these are not his sole occupations. "I have gone in for the stars in these splendid nights," he says, "and I know them pretty fairly," His greatest interest of all, and his latest, is the proposed Jordan Canal ; and the thoronghness with which he has gone into all the details of this enormous scheme is complete and unassailable. How long Gordon will be permitted to pursue his pres- ent life it would be difficult to say. The long-drawn negotiations between France and China have caused many to wonder if his work in the Middle Kingdom is finished after all. Meanwhile, his opinion on the prob- able issue of war has been asked and given with his usual candor. And now that we oui'selves are face to face with new difficulties in Egypt and the Soudan, there are thousands who feel and say that, if we were wise, to him only should we look for deliverance. " Where is Chinese Gordon ?" asked a writer but the other day. ".At a moment like the present, when the Government need advice from all experts. General Gordon might give valuable aid in the counsels of the Cabinet. The British Government might do worse than give him carte. UancJie to act in the present crisis." There are many who cannot understand how Gordon, despite the obstacles in his way, has consistently main- tained his unlikeness to the majority of men. It is be- cause his spirit has ever refused to mold itself to the world. His is the high humanity that says, " the pro- curing and boiling of potatoes is as much to a poor woman as the reorganizing of tllj» army is' to Cardwell." His is the hope that says, " Mnety-nine men out of a 14 314 THE STOKY OP CHINEp GORDON. liTOdred may be worthless, bwt we should go on ,aii,4 find the hundredth ; " his is the tolerance that says, " the Mtissulman worships God as well as I io, and is as acceptable, if sincere, as any Christian." It is because his hope)in all things and his faitl^ in God have never f^altered tliat hjg strength has never failed. " jjTo man ever had a harder task' than I, unaided, have before me; but it sits as a feather on ine," he said, ii> thp midst pf his great campaign in the Soudan. " As ^qlpmon asked, I ask wiS;dom to govern this gr^at people; and not only will Hib give me it, but all else be- sides. And why? Becaus^, I value not the ' all l^epides.' I am quite as averse to slavery, and even more so, than njopt people. I show it by sacrificing myself in th^sge lands, which are no Paradisp. , I have naught to gain jn name or ricjies. I do not care what man may say. I do vfhat I i;hink is pleasing to my God ; and, as far as man goes, I need nothing from any one. The Khedive never ha,d dirgctly gained any revenue from slaves. I now hf|ld this place here ; and I, who am on the spot with unlimited power, am able to judge how impotent he, at Cairo, is to stop the slave-trade. I can do it with God's help, and I have the conviction he has destined me to do it; for it was much against my will I came here. What I liave to do is ^p to settle matters that I do not cause a reyoljijiion on my own death— not that I value life. I haye done with its comforts in coming here. My work is great, but does not weigh me down. I go on as straight as I can. I feel my own weakness, and look to Hjm who is almighty; and I leave the issne without in- ordinate care te Him. J, expect to ride 5,000 miles this yea^ if J am spared. I am quite alone, and like it. I THE HOLT LAND. 3i5 have become what people call d, great fatalist, rtz., 1 trrist God will pull me through every dilficulty. The solitary graniieur of the desert mates one feel how Vkin is the eAoirt of man. This carries me through thy troubles, and enables me to look on de^th as a c6min'g relief, when it is His will. . . . It is only my fii:m coiiviction that I am only an instrataent put in usfe for a time that enables thte to bear up; and in myprfesient state, durihg itiy long, hoi;, weaJ'y rid^s, 1 thihk my thoughts bfetter and clearer than I should with a comp^hiori." It will be seen that his fatalism is not a belief in un- chatigeaBle destiny, independent of a controlling Cause; but a deep faith iii a controlling Cause ■khich guides the Brriig and projjs the weak: Here are some of the max- ims which he has ma'de himseM, and by which his sjiii^it- ual life is governed: " It is a delighf ul thing to be a fatalist, not as that woi-d is generally employed, but to accept thatj'w^ere things happen and not before, God has for some wise ' i-eason so ordained them to happen — all things, not only the great things, but all the cirbum- stahces of life; that is whit is meant to nie by the Words 'you are dead,' in St. Paul to Colossians." Again: "We have nothing further to do when the 'scroll of events is uhtoUed than to accept them as being for the best. Be- fore it is unrolled it is another matter; and you could not ^ay I sat still and let things happen with this belief. All I can Say is, that amidst troubles and worries hd one can have peace till he thus stays ttponhis God; it givefe a inan a superhuman s'trength." And elsewhere: "If we could take ail things as oi-dained and for the best, we should indeed be conquerors of the world. Nothing has ever happened to man so bad as he had anticipated it to be. 316 THE STORY OF CHINESE GOBDON. If we would be quiet under our troubles they would not be so painful to bear. I cannot separate the existence of a God from His pre-ordination and direction of all things, good and eyil; the latter he permits, but still controls." And for a glimpse of his out-look on life as it is: "There ■would be no one so unwelcome to come and reside in the world as Christ while the world is in the state it now is. He would be dead against, say, nearly all of our pur7 suits, and be altogether outrS. I gave you ' Watson on Contentment; ' it is this true exposition of how happiness is to be obtained — i.e., submission to the will of God, whaterer that will may be ; he who can say he realizes this, has oTercoqie the world and its trials. Everything that happens to-day, good or evil, is settled and fixed, and it is no use fretting over it. The quiet peaceful life of our Lord was solely due to His submission to God's will. There will be times when a strain will come on one; and as the strain, so will your strength be." What to a spirit thus tempered are the. kingdoms of this world ? ^ As far as may be the story of Chinese Gordon is told. It has proved him a true soldier, a true statesman ; a soldier whose aim in war is never the gains of victory, but the riches of peace, whose aim in peace is never loud- voiced glory,-but silent self-denial; a statesman without fear and without reproach, whose statesmanship is founded on fearless justice and truth ; in one word, a hero, who counts no conquest greater than the conquest of self. " Search myself as I will, I find that in all my career I can lay no claim to cleverness, discretion, or wisdom. My success has been due to a series of (called by the world) fiukes. My sense of independence is gone. THE HOLT LAND. 317 I own nothing, and am nothing. I am a pauper, and seem to, have ceased to exist. A sack of rioe jolting along on a camel would do as -much as I think I do. But how difEerent it is in appearance to the world." To this victorious humility the glories of battles, the tri- umphs of ambition, the great honors of life, are prizes not worth the winning. A story as of the Temptation in the Wilderness might be told of the moral campaign he has waged upon such of the world's worst citizens — rebels from the Throne, outcasts of the Word — as have sought to lure him from his chosen way. For never, perhaps, was one loathing corruption cast more among the corrupt; never, perhaps, was one working for good more tormented in his holy labors by workers of evil. Strong in the whole armor of God, he has fought the good fight, and prevailed, and has his reward. It is not enough that a traveler riding in his^ tracks through the Soudan found the poor people he had ruled crying out for his return, as for that of one divine; it is nqj enough that he is the one Christian for whom they offer yearly prayers at Mecca. In all parts of the world there are men who delight to tell of his per- fections—of faith, and benevolence, and daring ; there are men who would shed their last blood for him, men who deem him a prophet heaven-sent and invulnerable, men who fall prostrate at the murmur of 'his name. But the unsaid is better than the said. To look back on a career so rich in good deeds is to feel that what is hidden is greater than what is revealed; and that, in this age of vanity, the love of self-suppression which leaves the record scant is greatest and most inspiriting of all. It is time to pause. I have written enough for his 318 THE STOEY OF OHiNESE GORDON. countrymen ; too much for him who would rather be buried than praised. I shall say no more than that he has gone to the Holy Land to be forgotten, that he may come home and live among the London poor, and min- ister to them in their great need. CHAPTER XIX. THE SOUDASr AGAIN — GORDOK' TO THE RESCUE. These expectations were not, however, to be fulfilled. Gordon was not to be allowed to rest on the Mount of OliTes. Africa once more demanded the services of the man who had don© so much for her. Again a summons came to him from the King of the Belgians as Presi- dent of the " International African Society " to proceed to the Congo, and there, with his knowledge of Central Africa, his skill in ruling barbarous tribes, his zeal for right, to aid the efforts of the society in their attempts to abolish the slave trade, the curse of Western as well as Eastern Africa. Such an appeal to renew the labor of his life, to rS&ume what he believes is the mission to which God has assigned him, xjould not be resisted. He quitted his retreat in the Holy Land and set out in a boat for Port Said. The weather was rough and the boat was driven one hundred miles out of its course and barely escaped shipwreck. But " in perils by water as in perils by land " a Higher Power, he deems, watches over him till his destiny is fulfilled. He was willing to accept the commission offered to him by the King of the Belgians, and at once sought from his own Govern- ment permission to depart for his new scene of activity without forfeiting his commission as Major-General in 320 THE STORY OF CHINESE GORDON. the British service. Strangely enough some difficulty was made about granting him what he asked, but the consent of the War Office was finally obtained. He at once set out, left Brussels en route for the Congo, and arrived at Southampton- January 7th. It was only the happy accident that the King of the Belgians had sum- moned Gordon from his retreat in Palestine to carve out an anti-slavery empire in the Dark Continent that brought him within reach of the British Government at a moment of direst perplexity. But to men like Gordon there is no such thing as accident. Strange, indeed, it is that an officer who was all but deprived of his com- mission for taking service on the Congo should within a week be once more the supreme representative of power in his old province of Soudan. Here, indeed, would Gordon see the finger of God; here we would feel that never since the days when Mordecai the Jew was raised to honor has such a sudden change of destiny been seen. It is needless to recapitulate events which had occurred in Egypt since Gordon's departure from his Qld prov- ince, or the course of events which caused the embarrass- ment of the English Government. The deposition 0/ Ismail, the appointment of the new Khedive Tewfik, the revolt or insurrection of Arabi ^ey, and the spread of anarchy in the Nile Valley, are too recent to require mention. In the Soudan, especially, when Gprdon had retired, and when his brave lieutenant Romulus Gessi was dead, the vilest extortion on the part of the officials was again universal, and discontent was spreading. The pre- vious chapters of this " Story of Chinese Gordon " give some faint idea of the oppression under which the Sou- danese groaned. " Had I been a native of the Soudan," THE SOTJDAH AGAIN — GOBDON TO THE EESOUB. 321 said Sir Samuel Baker, " I would have rebelled long ago, ~ and so would Gordon." It is told that once when Said Pasha and Count de Lesseps paid a visit to the Equato- rial provinces, the former was so horrified with the misery of the people that even he, threw his guns into the river at Berber, vowing he would be no party to such oppression. The revolt had at last come. In May, 1881, Mahomet Achmet of Dongola announced himself as the Mahdi; the "Directed" of God, who had a divine mission to reform Islam, to establish universal equality, universal law, universal religion, and a universal com- munity of goods. He belongs to the religious fraternity of Sidi Abd-el-Kader ed Djallani, which has its head- quarters at Bagdad, a center at Kairouan in Tunis, and ramifications all through Islam. A life of fasting and prayer gave him the reputation of a saint, and he has the tact of a statesman and the power to inspire fanatic de- votion. Kordof an and the Western Soudan threw off the yoke at his bidding, an Egyptian force under the Eng- lish commander Hicks Pasha was utterly annihilated, and the Mahdi with his victorious troops was threat- ening Khartoum. The Egyptian garrisons there, and in the other stations which kept up the communications with the Red Sea coast, were closely beleaguered. Eight thousand troops were between Khartoum and^souanj^ 'sixTRnTg^gHg-ghHrtcmm rmrd-tv^^ to the , south of that. to "wn.-.l!Were theselnen, whose only fault "was fidelity to the Khedive, to be abandoned and left to meet the fate of Hicks' army ? The Egyptian Govern- ment was paralyzed; the English Government desired to abandon the Soudan entirely, but were confi-onted with the difficulty of retiring the threatened gar- 14* 822 THE STOEY Off CHINESE GOEDON. risons. All was confusion, vacillation and imbecility, alike in Cairo as in London. At this juncture Gordon arrived in London on Jan- uary 7, 1884. He was not consulted by the Govern- ment,, but in a conversation with a newspaper corre- spondent he impeached the policy of evacuation. " It is impossible," he said ; " it means massacre. Col. Coet- logon has six thousand men in Khartoum, all faithful to their flag. The distance to Wadi Haifa is 350 miles, to Berber 250; and between Berber and Suakim the insur- gents swarm." How could these troops be conveyed through a desert or down the river ? There were no means of transport for such a body of men with their families, yet they couldnot be left to their fate. The cry was now heard in every journal in England : " Why not send Chinese Gordon with full powers to Khartoum, to treat with the Mahdi, and do what he can to save some- thing from the wreck ? " Something had to be done, and that speedily; Coetlbgon telegraphed in despair : "I implore you, in view of the impossibility of relieving the garrison, to give orders for our retreat, as one-third of th« troops are disaffected, and cannot be depended upon, even for maintain- ing order in the town. The inhabitants and their neighbors are against them to a man. With twice their number, we could' not resist an attack." The impossibility of retreat was enforced by a letter of Sir Samuel Baker, which concluded with the words : "If Gordon was in command in the Soudan he would solve the difficulty." The public demand became l ouder . Gordoii was called fey lB£~IJOTCT^hmeht^"ln3! on JYiday, the 18th of January, he left for Egypt. His commission was very wide, and le-ft him pracETcally free of alTS^- THE SOUDAN AGAIN — GORDON TO THE BESCUE. 323 trol excep t that of the Home GoTernmea .t._ JSe had carte blanche to take wtiat measures he saw fit for the re- tirement of the troops and the restoration of the native gOTernment. " No step has evoked," writes |;he Times, " such a universal outburst of approval as the dispatch of General Gordon to Khartoum. The appointment was the right thing to do." The interview with the repre- sentative of the Pall Mall Gazette which most conduced: to the appointment of Gordon gives his views in full,, and his own statement of what these views are is neces- sary in order to judge aright his future actions. It is, therefore subjoined from the original report. Nothing could exceed the vivacity displayed by General Gordon^ nor the decision which characterized his uttera,nces dur- ing the interview : " So you would abandon the Sondan? But the Eastern Soudan is indispensable to Egypt. It will cost you far more to retain your hold upon Egypt proper if you abandon your hold of the Eastern Soudan to the Mahdi or to the Turk than what it would to retain your hold upon Eastern Soudan by the aid of such material as exists in the provinces. Darfur and Kordofan must be abandoned. That I admit; but the provinoesi lying to the east of the White Nile should be retained, and north of Sennaar. The danger to be feared is not that the Mahdi wiU march northward through Wadi HaJfa; on the contrary, it is very improbable that he wiU ever go so far north. The danger is altogether of a different nature. It arises from the. influence which the spectacle of a conquering Mohammedan Power^ established close to your frontiers, will ex- ercise upon the population which you govern. In all the cities in Egypt it will be felt that what the Mahdi has done they may do; and, as he has driven out the intruder and the infidel, they may do the same. Nor is it only England that has to face this danger. The success of the Mahdi has already excited dangerous fermen- tation in Arabia and Syria. Placards have been posted in Damas- cus calling upon the population to, rise and didve out the TuriiSi. 324 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GORDON. If the whole of th« Eastern Soudan is surrendered to the Mahdl, the Arab tribes on both sides the Red Sea will take fire. In self- defense the Turks are bound to do something to, cope with so formidable a danger, for it is quite possible that if nothing is done the whole of the Eastern Question may be reopened by the triumph of the Mahdi. I see it is proposed to fortify Wadi Haifa, and prepare there to resist the Mahdi's attack. You might as well fortify against a fever. Contagion of that kind cannot be kept out by fortifications and ga,rrisons. But that it i^ real, and that it does exist, will be denied by no one cognizant with Egypt and the East. In self-defense the policy of evacuation cannot possibly be Justified. " There is another aspect of the question. You have 6,000 men in Khartoum. What are you going to do with them? You have garrisons in Darfur. in Bah r Gazelle and Qondokoro. Are they to be saonnoeai' Tneir only oUellt!B~i3 l,hou' lu^aUyTotheir Sovereign. For their fidelity jou are going to abandon them to their fate. You say they are to retire upon Wadi Haifa. But Gondokoro is 1,500 miles from Khartoum, and Khartoum is 350 only from Watii Haifa. How will you move your 6,000 men from Khartoum — to say nothing of other places — and all the Europeans in that city, through the desert to Wadi Haifa? Where are you going to get the camels to take them away? Will the Mahdi supply them? If they are to escape with their lives, the garrison will not be al- lowed to leave with a coat on their backs. They will be plundered to the skin, and even then their lives may not be spared. What- ever you . may decide about evacuation, you cannot evacuate, be- cause your army cannot be ' moved, ifou must either surrender absolutely to the Mahdi or defend Khartoum at aU hazards. The latter is the only course which ought to be entertained. There is no serious diifleulty about it. The Mahdi's forces will fall to pieces of themselves : but if in a moment of panic orders are issued for the abandonment of the whole of the Eastern Soudan, a blow will bo struck against the security of Egypt and the peace of the East which may have fatal consequences. "The great evil is not at Khartoum, but at Cairo. It is the weakness of Cairo which produces disaster in the Soudan. It is because Hicks was not adequately supported at the first, but was thrust forward upon an impossible enterprise by the men who had THE SOUDAN AGAIN^-^GOBDON TO THE RESCUE. 325 refused him supplies when a decisive blow might have been struck, that the Western Soudan has been sacrificed. The Eastern Soudan may, however, be saved if there is a firm hand placed at the helm in Egypt. Everything de^nds on that. "What then, you ask, should be done? I reply, place Nubar in power ! Nubar is the one supremely able man among Egyptian Ministers. He is proof against foreign intrigue, and he thoroughly understands the situation. Place fiimin power; support him through thick and thin; give him a free hand; and let it be dis- tinctly understood that no intrigues, either on the part of Tewflk or any of Nubar's rivals, will be allowed for a moment to interfere with the execution of his plans. You are sure to find that the energetic support of Nubar will sooner or later bring you into collision with the Khedive ; but if that sovereign really desires, as he says, the welfare of his country, it will be necessary for you to protect Nubar's administration trom any direct or indirect inter- ference on his part. Nubar can be depended upon; that I can guarantee. He will not take office without knowing that he is to have his own way ; but if he takes ofSce it is the best security that you can have for the restoration of order to the country. Especially is this the case with the Soudan. Nubar should be left untrammeled by any stipulations concerning the evacuation of Khartoum. There is no hurry. The garrisons can hold their own at present. Let them continue to hold on until disunion and tribal jealousies have worked their natural results in the camp of the Mahdi. Nubar should be free to deal with the Soudan in his own way. How he will deal with the Soudan of course I cannot profess to say; but I should imagine he would appoint a Governor-General at Khar- toum with full.powers', and furnish him with two millions sterling — a large sum, no doubt, but a sum which had much better be spent now than wasted in a vain attempt to avert the consequences of an ill-timed surrender. Sir Samuel Baker, who possesses the essential energy and single tongue requisite for the oiBce, might be appointed Governor-General of the Soudan ; and he might take his brother as Commander-in-Chief. " It should be proclaimed in the hearing of all the Soudanese, and engraved on tablets of brass, that a permanent Constitution was granted to the Soudanese by which no Turk or Circassian would ever 326 THE STOBY OP CHINESE GOEDON. be allowed to entei^tlie provinoe to plunder its inhabitants in order ta fiJl his own pockets, and that no immediate emancipation of slaves would be attempted. Immediate emancipation was denounced in 1833 as confiscation in England, and it is no less confiscation in the Soudan to-day. Whatever is done in that direction should be done gradually, and by a process of registration. Mixed tribunals might be established, if Nubar thought fit, in which European judges could co-operate with the natives in the administration of. justice. Police inspectors might also be appointed, and adequate measures taken to root out the abuses which prevail in the prisons. " With regard to iDarfur, I should think that Nubar would probably send back the family and the heir of the Sultan to Dar- fur. If subsidized by, the ©ovemment and sent back with Sir Samuel Baker, he would not have mucb difficulty in regaining possession of the kingdom of Darfur, which wag formerly one of the best governed of the African countries. As. regards Abyssinia, t^ie old warning should not be lost sight of — ' Put not your trust in princes;' and place no reliance upon the King of Abyssinia, at least outside his own country. Zoula and Bogos might be ceded to him with advantage, and the free right of entry by the port of Massouah might be added ; but it would be a mistake to give him possession of Massouah, which he would ruin. A commission might also be sent down with advantage to examine the state of things in Harrar, opposite Aden, and see what iniquities are going on there, as also at Berber and Zeila. By these means, and by the adoption of a steady, consistent policy at headquarters, it would be possible — not to say easy — to re-establish the authority of the Khedive between the Red Sea and Sennaar. " As to the cost of the Soudan, it is a mistake to suppose that it will necessarily be a charge on the Egyptian Exchequer. It will cost two millions to relieve the garrisons and to quell the revolt; but that expenditure must be incurred any way ; and in all prob- ability, if the garrisons are handed over to be massacred and the country evacuated, the ultimate expenditure would exceed that sum. Affirst, until the country is pacified, the Soudan will need a subsidy of £300,000 a year from Egypt. That, however, would be temporary. During the last years of my administration the Soudan involved no charge upon the Egyptian Exchequer. The THE SOUDAN AGAIN — GORDON TO THE EESCUE, 327 bad provinces were balanced against the good, 'and an equilibrium was established. The Soudan will never be a source of rbvenue to Egypt, but it need not be a source of expense. That deflc its-have arisen, and that the present disaster has occurredjjg entirely ata. ' tributaBle-Hxrtr'si5gla-Sa''is'e,' aBfl-thaf Is tlg-g^^est misgovern- ment. " "The cause of the rising in tie Soudan is the cause of all popular risings against Turkish rule wherever they have occurred. No one who has been in a Turkish province and has witnessed the results of the Bashi-Bazouk system, which excited so much indignation some time ago in Bulgaria, will need to be told why the i)eople of the Soudan have risen in revolt against the Khedive. The Turks, the Circassians, and the Bashi-Bazouks have phinderSd and op- pressed the people in the Soudan as they plundered arid oppressed them in the Balkain peninsula. Oppression begat discontent; dis- content necessitated an increase of the ataed force at the disposal of the authorities; this increase of the army force involved an increase of expenditure, which again was attempted to be met by increasing taxation, and that still further increased the discontent. And so things went on in a disinal circle until th6y culminated, after repeated deficits, in a disastrous rebellion. That the people were justified in rebelling nobody who knows the treatment to which they were subjected, will attempt to deny. Their cries were absolutely unheeded at Cairo. In despi,ir they had recourse to the only method by which they could make their wrongs known; and, on the same prihcipte that Absalom fired the com of Joab, so they rallied round the Mahdi, who exhorted them to revolt against the Turkish yoke. I am convinced that it is an entire mistake to regard the Mahdi as in any sense a religious leader; he personifies popular discontent. All the Soudanese are potential Mahdis, just as all the Egyptians are potential Arabis. The movement is not religious, but an outbreak of despair. Three times over I warned the late Khedive that it would be impossible to govern the Soudan on the old system after my appointment to the Governor-General- ship. During the three years that I wielded full powers in the Soudan I taught the natives that they had a right to exist. I waged war against the Turks and Circassians who had harried the population. I had taught them Something of the meaning of 328 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOKDON. liberty and justice, and accustomed them to a higher idtial of government than that with which they had previously been acquainted. As soon as I had gone the Turks and Circassians returned in full force; the old Bashi-Bazouk system was re-estab - j^g]j£^j_my old employes were persecuted ; and a population which had begun to appreciate something like decent government was flung back to suffer the worst excesses of Turkish rule. The inevitable result followed; and thus it may be said that the egg of the present rebellion was laid in the three years during which I was allowed to govern the Soudan on other than Turkish principles. " The Soudanese are a very nice people. They deserve the sincere compassion and sympathy of all civilized men. I got on very well with them, and I am sincerely sorry at the prospect of seeing them Jianded over to be ground down once more by their Turkish and Cir- cassian oppressors. Yet, unless an attempt is made to hold on to the present garrison, it is inevitable that the . Turks, for the sake of self-preservation, must attempt to crush them. They deserve a better fate. It ought not to be impossible to come to terms with them, to grant them a free amnesty for the past, to ofEer them security for decent government in the future. If this were done, and the government intrusted to a man whose word was truth, aU might yet be re-established. So far from believing it impossible to make an arrangement with the Mahdi, I strongly suspect that he is a mere puppet put forward by Ilyas, Zebehr's father-in-law, and the largest slave-owner in Obeid, and that he has assumed a re- ligious title to give color to his defense of the popular rights. " There is one subject on which I cannot imagine any one can differ about. That is the impolicy of announcing our intention to evacuate Khartoum. Even if we were bound to do so we should have said nothing about it. The moment it is known that we have given up the game every man will go over to the Mahdi. All men worship the rising sun. The difficulties of evacuation will be enormously increased, if, indeed, the withdrawal of our garrison is not rendered impossible. " The late Khedive, who is one of the ablest and worst used men in Europe, would not have made such a mistake, and under him the condition of Egypt proper was much better than it is to-day. Now with regard to Egypt, tha.same principle should be observed THE SOUDAN AGAIN — GOBDON TO THE RESCUE. 329 ttiat must be acted upon in the Soudan. Let your foundations be broad and firm, and based upon the contentment and welfare of the people. Hitherto, both in the Soudan and in Egypt, instead of constructing the social ediiice lilfe a pyramid, upon its base, we have been rearing an obelisk which a single push may overturn. Oiir safety in Egypt is to do something for the people. That is to say you must reduce their rent, rescue them from the usurers, and retrench expenditure. Nine-tenths of the European employes might probably be weeded out with advantage. The remaining tenth — thoroughly efficient — should be retained; but whatever you do, do not breals: up Sir Evelyn Wood's army, which is destined to do good work. Stiffen it as much as you please, but with English- men, not with Circassians. Circassians are as much foreigners in Egypt as Englishmen are, and certainly not more popular. As for the European population, let them have charters for the formation of municipal councils, for raising volunteer corps, and for organ- izing in their own defense. Anything more shameful than the flight from Egypt in 1883 I never read. Let them take an example from Shanghai, where the European settlement provides for its own defense and its own government. I should like to see a com- petent special Commissioner of the highest standing — such a man, for instance, as Mr. W. E. Porster, who is free at once from traditions of the elders and of the Foreign Office, and of the bond- holders, sent out to put Nubar iii the saddle, sift out unnecessary employes, and warn evildoers in the highest pfaees that they will not be allowed to play any tricks. If that were done it would give confidence everywhere, and I see no reason why the last British soldier should not be withdrawn from Egypt in six months' time. " I hope (said General Gordon, in conclusion) that you will ex- plain that I did not wish to press my opinions upon the public. I am very reluctant to say anything calculated to embarrass the Gov- ernment in a very difficult crisis; but when you appealed to me, I did feel moved at the thought of the poor Soudanese, whom I knew so well and loved so much ; and I thought that for once I might, for their sake, depart from the resolution which I had formed in my mind to leave these things to be governed by the Higher Power which cannot err, without comment on my part. They are a good people, the poor Soudanese, and if I can do anything for 330 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOBDON. them I shall be only too glad. But although I have spoken to yon quite frankly, I should be much obliged if, when you publish these remarks, you would let it be distinctly understood that 1 do not wish to depart again from the rule which I have mentioned." On Gordon's Toyage to Egypt, lie wrote on board the Tarjore on January 31: "The Mahdi oughf; to be left out of the calculation. It should be optional whether the Sultans of the restored kingdoms should accept his supremacy or not. I will carry out the evacuation as far as possible with aroi dance of all fighting." Before his departure he had said: "I am going out to cut off the dog's tail, but I cannot help its growing again, and I will do nothing to prevent it." In fact, Gordon believes in Home Euleforthe Soudan. " The Mahdi may disappear, but if he shows a capacity for rule, and establishes a government at Kordofan, he will have earned a right to the crown of martyrdom, and may be left to reign in Obeid." This, it may be said, was the opinion expressed by Colonel Stewart in the middle of last year: "I am not quite sure if in the end it will not be better for all parties if the Mahdi or some other leadet were successful, and the Egyptians com- pelled to restrict their territory to the East Bank of the •White mie." On the 24th of January General Gordon arrived at Cairo. One^of his first actions was to telegraph to Khar- toum. "You are men, not women. Be not afraid. Jam coming." He believed that once at Khartoum he could organize an army and sa^: " If I am sent I will go alone." Alone he went, t It must be re m embered that until the interview afte^^his return~lrom Brussel s IFe English Government"TiaX ignored his existence— THE SOUDAN AGAIN— GOEDON TO fHE EESOTJE. 331 tlia.t. RT PTi then it did not consult bim, bat simply asked if he vould go to Kbartonm and establisb a - native government and tbe n give it up. J ie replied: "I'mll aomy1GeiE7'"~WEat to bim, indeed, is neglect or praise? His favorite vrork is tbe "Imitation of Christ," and one passage he has marked is : "What is this or that to thee? Follo\y thou me. For what is it to thee whether this man be such or such, or that others do or say this or that?" Another marked passage says: " Let not thy peace be in the- tongues of men; for whether they put a good or a bad construction on what thou doest, thou art not therefore another man. Where is true peace and true glory? Is it not in Me? And- he who covets not to please man, and fears not their displeasure, shall en- joy much peace." Gordon was very reticent at Cairo, but confidence seeniecl to be restored to all classes by his arrival. Khar- toum was reported to be quiet, although it had been summoned to surrender. Communication with Sennaar was closed and the banks of the riv^r crowded with rebels, who attacked gunboats passing up. The instructions he received from Sir Evelyn Baring were: " You will bpar in mind that the main end is the evacuation of the. Soudan. I understand you entirely concur in this, and think it should on no account be changed. You con- sider that it may take a few months to carry it out. You are further of opinion that the restoration of the country should be made to the petty^Sultans who existed in the time of Mehemet All's conquest, whose families still exist, and a confederation of Sultans should be formed. The Egyptian Government has the fullest confidence in your judgment, your knowledge of the country, and of jour 332 THE STORY OF CHINESE GORDON. comprelierision of the general line of policy to be pursued. You are therefore given full discretionary power to re- taJii. t_he Jjigyptian"'^oops for sucJi a per!Sfl~gs ' VOIl Wdf thi nk necessary." With these terms Gordon expressed his entire con- currence; in fact, the words " you think it should on no accouTit be changed " were added at- his suggestion. This policy was quite in accordance with his yiews. " The Grovemnient is so bad," he said, "that all hope of ame- liorating it is hopeless. I vacate the southern prov- inces. " Gordon's road up the Nile Valley was by train to Assiout, and by steamer to Wadi Haifa. He was ex- pected to arrive at Korosko on February 4th, and then four days on a dromedary would carry him to Aboo Hamar. It at first was announced that he would carry with him the $500,000 placed at his disposal by the Khedive, and great fears were entertained as to the pos- sibility of his ever reaching Khartoum across the Nubian Desert with this treasure in his possession. The money, however, was not taken with him. Before leaving Cairo he had stated that his plan was to restore the son of the late Sultan of Darfur, to give Kordofan to the Mahdi, and leave Fashoda and Bahr Gazelle to their native rulers. But on his voyage he found that the first part of his plan was impracticable, the young Sultan being an incapable drufikard. In England, meanwhile, the course of this brave man was'f ollovifed with rapt attention. It was felt that not only the honor of England, but that of all the civilized por- tion of the world was involved in his mission of human- ity. It was felt that he ought not to have been left to THE SOUDAN AGAIN-— GORDON TO THE RESCUE. 333 " go alone." Not only his old friend Baker maintained that he ought to be supported by troops from India, but General Stone, in an address delivered in New York, said that, knowing General Gordon's character and abilities, his high courage, his unusual devotion to any duty he may assume, he would not conceive anything more cowardly than the sending of that brave man with- out troops. But Gordon would not be Gordon had he not taken all risks. He had taken his life in his hand in China, and in the Soudan before, and was not likely to ask for comrades in a desperate mission. The sentiments of the British Government were given to the public in a speech by Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons. " He is no common man. It is no exaggeration in spealdng of General Gordon to say that he is a hero ; it is no exaggeration to say that he is a Christia,n, and that in his dealings with Oriental peoples he has a genius— that he has a faculty of influence and command brought about by moral means; for no man in this House hates the unnecessary resort to blood more than General Gordon ; he 'has that faculty which produces effects among those wild East- ern races almost unintelligible to us Westerns. The employment of General Gordon in the Soudan was suggested as early as Novem- ber, 1882, but difBoulties were raised in Egypt. After General Hieks's defeat General Gordon's services were again offered to the Egyptian Government, but it was not till the 16th of Januarythat their objections were removed. On the 18th General Gordon was on his way to the Soudan. At Cairo General Gordon foimed a plan — we received it in the shape of a very valuable memorandum. We have had doubts whether it was our duty to produce it. If we could produce it merely to this House, or even to this country alone, , we would do so, but we must have regard to its promulgation in Egypt by telegrams sent from here to Egypt. I would rather not enter into particulars; but I will say this, that it was evidently a well reasoned and considered plan, and that it was entirely paoiflo 334 THE STOBY OF CHINESE GOEDON. in its basis; that it proceeded on the basis which would have been fanatical and presumptuous in my case, or in that of any mem- ber of this House, but which was not fanatical or presumptuous in the case of a man with the gifts and powers of Greneral Gordon. He intended to exercise a pacific influence by going to the right persons in the Soudan. It was his desire as much as ours that this should be done without any resort, to violent means. General Gor- don went, not for the "purpose of reconquering the Soudan, or to persuade the chiefs of the Soudan — the Sultans at the head of their troops — to submit themselves to the Egyptian Government. He went for no^uch purpose as that. He went for the double pur- pngB nf PTrnn|is,tjipf <;hfi Boiintry )3y_s ^ricating the Egyptian garri- sons, and reconstituting it.'iby giving back to these Snltflpa thaii-, a,nce5Wjow«g.£ilgpeM£dJliiaagjUi^^ "t"ion._^ I have told the House already that General Gordon had, in view the withdrawal from the country of no less than 29,000 per- sons under military service in Egypt, and the House will see how ■^ast was the trust which was placed in the hands of this remark- able person. We cannot exaggerate the importance we attach to his mission. We are unwilling— -I may say we were resolved — to do nothing which should interfere with the pacific scheme — a scheme be it remembered, absolutely the only scheme, which promised a satisfactory solution of the Soudanese difSculty by at once extri- cating the garrisons and reconstituting the country upon its old basis of local privileges." The Khedive expressed himself equally strongly: "I accept General Gordon as Governor-General with full powers to tate whatever steps he may judge best for obtaining the end my Government and her Majesty's Government have in view. I could not do more than delegate to Gordon my own power and make him irre- sponsible arbiter of the situation. Whatever he does will be well done, whatever arrangements he will make are accepted in advance, whatever combination he may decide upon will be binding for us ; and in thus placing unlimited trust in the Pasha's judgment I have only THE SOUDAN AGAIN — GORDON TO THE BESGUE. 335 fiiade one cortditioTi. th.n.f.Ji,fi. .cA/^^f^^ jf-f-T'tfrr/nr the infci]} of the E uropeans and the Egyptian civilian element. He TbttoV tEe supreme master, and my best wishes accom- pany him on a mission of such gravity and importance, for my heart aches at the thought of the thousands of loyal adherents whom a false step may doom to destruc- tion. I have no doubt that Gordon Pasha will do his best to sacrifice as few as possible ; and, should he suc- ceed, with God's hel^, in accomplishing the evacuation of Khartoum and the chief ports in the Eastern Soudan, he will be entitled to the everlasting gratitude of my people, who at present tremble that help may come too late. To tell you that he will succeed is more than I or any mortal could prognosticate, for there are tremendous odds against him. But let us hope for the best, and, as far as I and my Government are concerned, he shall find the most loyal and most enefgetic support." On Gordon's arrival at Berber he telegraphed : " Do not bother at all about us. i nope ttie souaan will soon be in good order." He was Still convinced, however, that a speedy evacuation of the country was impossible. In a message to Sir Evelyn Baring, he begs for patience. " Questions of getting out garrison and families is so interlaced with preservation of well-to-do people of this country as to be for the present insepsirable. Any precipitate action sefiarating these interests would throw all well-disposed people into the rants of the enemy, and would fail utterly in its effects. Therefore, I trust patience will be shown, and that you will not be at all anxious as to issue." He did not hurry after leaving Berber, as he wished to see the people on the banks of the river. In his opin- ion the country was quieting down, and he was hopeful 336 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. that he would be successful in his task. He a ppointed Colonel de_Coetlogoato becommajider jit_K hartoum iq place pi the GoTCTnor^ anSlSsociated with him a Ooua siL of Not ables . Another telegram is worth recording. On leaving Cairo, his last words to Nubar Pasha had been: " I will sare the honor of Egypt." Nubar replied: "Kever mind Egypt; save the women and children." And now Gordon dispatched this message: "lam sending down many women and children to Korosko. I wish you would send a kind-hearted man to meet them ; give him £1,000. A European is best." He also telegraphed from Berber for robes of honoi: and swords to be sent to some of the chiefs who had proved themselves to be loyal, and expressed himself confident of success in his most arduous undertaking. The voice of the people of England that had forced his appointment on a vacil- lating government followed him up the Nile, and he was cheered on his way to the scene of his labors by many congratulatory telegrams. He was all this time anxious for news from Suakim and the regions lying on the Eed Sea Coast, but sometimes was unable to acquire in- formation. The defeat of Baker Pasha before Tokar was sent up to him in a cipher he could not make out, and thus he was kept in suspense till it could be re- peated in a more intelligible form. The British Gov- ernment had, indeed, consulted him as to the operations at Suakim, and professed to be following his advice in not reinforcing the troops. Yet it was notorious that Gordon would have sent a cavalry force, there to open the road to Berber months before. On the 13th February the following telegram from him was received at Cairo : THE SOUDAN AGAIN — GOBDON TO THE RESCUE. 337 " As to sending forces to Suakim to a-ssist the -with- drawal, I would care more for the rumor of such intbr- Tention than the forces. What would have the greatest efEect would be the rumor of English intervention." Another dispatch the same day wag: " You can do noth- ing except by proclaiming that the chiefs should come to Khartoum to the Assembly of Notables, where the independence of the Soudan will be discussed. As for money, it would be well to try it, but it will be difficult to arrange." All along the Nile he had invited the chiefs to come to Khartoum. " We are taking no escort," wrote Colonel Stewart from Korosko, " but are accom- panied by the son of the Governor of Berber, who is a better protector than any number of Bedouins." To a sheikh who had given signs of becoming troublesome, Gordon sent a message: " Meet me at Khartoum. If you want peace, I am for peace ; if you want war, I am ready." In this spirit he acted throughout, and suc- cess seemed to await him. On the day above mentioned, the 12th of February, Gordon telegraphed: "Not the least probability of any massacre of women and children. The efforts of the rebels are confined to raising revolt aTmbng their neighbors. Have not the least fear of the safety of Berber or Khartoum bein^ in jeopardy by the events at Suakim," and in the same hopeful strain he wrote two da.ys afterward: " Just leaving for Khartoum. Give yourself no further anxiety about this part of Sou- dan. The people, great, and small, are heartily glad to be freed from a union which has only caused them sor- row." On the 18th of February, General Gordon arrived at th e city he boped save ! He loutfd lliB pyuplB uuLhusi— 338 THE STOKT OP CHINESE GORDON. astic in his favor, and rejoicing over the proclamation which Coetlogon had issued by his orders. To this document it will be necessary to refer hereafter ; jt_je_ ^ffi£iiantJiej: e^to repeat that it remitt ed half the taxes, pe rmitted the tra t^infi - jn slavps^ ii. fur-mnnpnizecl tne. MahdL^ s Ameer ox. .SMJ.ta»-9f-Keg^fe&n. On his first day he held a leyee at tte Mudirieh to which the entire population of all classes were a4mitted. On his road a crowd pressed forward to him, kissing his hands and feet and calling him "Sultan," "Father," " Saviour of Kordofan." Then a striking scene took place, The Government bopks in which the outstand- ing arrears of t9,xes were inscribed were dragged out and burned publicly in front of the palace. As the flames from these records of years of ghastly tyranny rose high, the kourbashes, the whips, the implements of the bastinado, all the apparatus of torture and cru- elty, were hurled into the blazing pile. The records of injustice and the instruments of extortion perished in the same pyre. He visited the hospital, the arsenal and the prison. The prison was a den of unutterable woe. Two hun- dred wretches lay there in chains, prisoners of all ages,\ boys and old men. • Many of them had never been brought to trial ; many had been proved to be innocent, but had been forgotten ; some had been in the dungeons for years on mere suspicion ; some were prisoners of war ; one woman had been confined for fifteen years. This bastile Gordon destroyed, and at once struck the chains off scores of captives. The town was at night a blaze of illumination, the bazar was hung with cloth, and lit with colored lamps, while the natives celebrated the THE SOUDAN AGAIN — GOEDON TO THE EESCUE. 339 happy event by a grand display of fireworJss. "The people," wrote an eye-witness, " are deyoted to Gor- don." He organized" a council of Notables, all Arabs, and Afresh Bey Shillook, a gallant soldier who had won the Cross of the Legion oi Honor under Bazaine in the French expedition to Mexico, was made commandant of the place, in the room of Hassein Cheri, the late Grov- dnxQr, whose treachery a;nd incompetency had been proved. " This vivid picture of the solitary Englishman accMmed as a saviour and deliverer will not be soon effaced frora the memory." It calls up the scenes of en- thusiasm which characterized the great moments of the French Revolution, when the wrongs of ages were swept away amid the rejoicings of a grateful people. Yet in the scene around, the historic waters of the Nile, the dusky faces, the barbaric arms, the traces of the splendor and th'e havoc of the East, brought back to the Christian spectators memories of Old Testament history, and of the days when Jehovah raised up deliverisrs for his people. Gordon stood among them like some judge of Israel, a heaven-sent redressor of wrong. CHAPTBK XX. GtORDON m KHARTOUM, Ik the preceding chapter we mentioned the proclama- tion which had been affixed to the walls and houses of Khartoum by Gordon's orders on the day before his ar- rival at Berber. The part of it relating to slavery ex- cited in Cairo and in Europe considerable comment, of a nature highly unfavorable to Gordon. The text of the proclamation is as follows : " Pkoolamation. — To all the inhdbita/nts : Your tranquillity is the object of our hope. And as I know that you are sorrowful on account of the slavery which existed among yoji and the stringent orders on the part of the Government for the abolition of it, and the punishment of those who deal in them (slaves), and" the assur- ances given by the Government for its abolition, seizing upon and punishing those concerned in the trade, the punishment of those who trade in slaves, according to Imperial decrees, and the promises forwarded to you — all this is known to you. ' ' But henceforth nobody wiU interfere with you in the matter, but every one for himself may take a man into his service henceforth. No one will interfere with him, and he can do as he pleases in the matter, without interference on the part of anybody, and we have accordingly given this order. " Gordon Pasha." The British Anti^slavery Society issued a circular de- nouncing the policy ; the French journals remarked that while Gordon had set out like a hero of romance, yet on his arrival he allowed British selfishness to override hu- manitarian generosity. In fact everywhere, in every land GOEDON IN KHAETOUM. SiJ where slayery has been abolished, signs of disappoint- ment were manifest ; yet what had Gordon done but follow the logic of facts, and accept the inevitable ? It ought to have been seen that from the moment G-ordon acquiesced in the policy of leaving the Soudan, he tacitly agreed to a withdrawal of the local opposition»to slavery. It may be asked, then, why he accepted a pol- icy which he must have foreseen would have these re- sults ? The answer is, he believes Egyptian rule a worse evil than slavery. He cannot abolish both ; he does what is possible, and attacks the great curse of the country, the Turkish rule. His reasons for an act so surprising to many who did not know either his views or the situation in which he was placed,^ may be best given in his own words. In reply to some inquiries made on the subject of the proc- lamation by the British Consular Agent at B^hartoum, General Gordon gave a full statement of the motives that led him to issue the permission to. hold slaves. He said : "I answer you thus: Her Majesty's Government, with full con- sent of the Khedive, has decided to separate the Soudan from Egypt, and both Governments have sent me to carry out the evacuation of the Soudan and to restore native government. I ast you what your answer would have been to the people of the Soudan when they asked me whether Her Majesty's Government was to hold by the treaty which I have read, that the slaves must be liber- ated in 1889. " I answered that the treaty would not hold good, so far as I was concerned ; and that I should not interfere with slave-holding. " As to the exact words of the proclamation when translated from the Arabic, I cannot speak, for I dictated merely the sense of it. " This I shall have to say; and I would ask you, if, taking your fiew of the dangers of a retirement to Cairo into account and the 342 THE STOK'r OP CHINESE GOBDON. peril of Khartoiim into aocoimt, 6te. , I was not justified in telling the people what was self-evident to them — merely that the Separa- tion of the Soudan from Egypt abrogated all the treaties made be- tween Cairo and foreign governments. "I would add that I have ever condemned the liberation of the slaves without compensation, or without some gradual registration system, as robbery ; and I am supported in this view by the action of Parliament in 18ii3, when it granted £30,000,000 to liberate the West Indian slaves. "Further, I say, you will never carry out the treaty of 1877 in Egypt, by which the slaves are to be liberated in 1889. "Had I said that I would allow slave-hunting, then you might have complained. What 1 stated was in re slave-holding. As for hunting, rest assured I have not torgo'tteri it, and, God willing, I will take such measures as will p'reveiit it. " I wonder if you are aware of the fact that 'when I was Groverrtor- General here 1 never interfered with slave-holding, and that in fact, till lb89, no one could do so even under the old rigime. All my work was against slave-hunting. So much did I regard the exist- ing slaves as property, that I have often bought individuals myself and given them their liberty." During all the time he had been GoTernor of the Soudan his letters from day to day bear witness that he belieyed slavery to be ineradicable. He hates slavery with a bitter hatred, but he knows what he can do and what he can not do. What had fostered the slave-trade was the grinding oppression of the Egyptian officials, and he believed that if the ports from which slaves were exported, and the frontiers of Egypt were well guarded, the slave-trade and its attendant horror, slave-hunting, would die a natural death. Gordon's personal presence at once made itself felt in Khartoum. The fellaheen troops were ordered back to Cairo, a free market was established, two additional gates were opened, and the demands for backsheesh on GOEDON IN KHAETOUM. 343 the part of minor officials from all ^ho entered was peremptorily put a stop to. Boxes, for petitions were erected in many public places, and the people en- couraged to drop in their complaints. Investigations were made into the conduct of the displaced Governprj Hassein Pasha Cheri, and appalling acts of cruelty re- vealed. This oflB.Ger ha|d been heard by the British Con- sular Agent to threaten to flog a boy to death unless he confessed^ he had flogged one man to death, and the old Sheikh Belud was borne into the presence of the Eng- lish General with the sinews of the feet still exposed' from the bastinado which had beeji administered by Hassein's orders six we^ks before. This ruffian on his way down to Cairo spread reports against the Goyem- ment, and Gordon telegraphed orders to have the two large boxes of money he had taken with him stopped at Korisko. Even at this time all seemed in favor of Gordon's success, and he was filled with confidence as to the result of his mission. On the 21st of February, in a letter to Coetlbgon, he gave his opinion on the situa- tion: "My belief is that there is not the least ohance of .any danger being incurred by Khartoum, which I con- sider as safe as Cairo. Therefore your services here in a military capacity would be wasted. I considered this place was in imminent danger, not from an external enemy, but from the people of the town, who, bullied by the effete government of Hassein Pasha Cheri, be- came favorable to' the El Obeid people. Best assured you leave this place as safe as Kensington Park," News from the surrounding districts was far from discouraging. On the 24th a man arrived from Darfour, via El Obeid, ha,ving been engaged twenty-five days on 344 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOBDON. the journey. He reported that El Fasher still held out, as well as Dawa, Master! and Foga, but that Om Shanga and Thashi had surrendered. The missionaries seemed, he said, free to go about the town of El Obeid, and he was told that three white men whom he saw were three Englishmen taken at Kashgil. The Mahdi had only the old garrison of El Obeid with him, but the Arabs had promised tp return to his standard in case of war. On the 24th Colonel Stewart was sent up the Nile on a reconnoissance, to ascertain the feeling of the people and distribute copies of the proclamation. He was re- ceived as far as Webel Aul with the greatest friend- liness, but above that point the tribes were hostile and refused to hold communication. A letter dated Khar- toum, March 3, written by the British Agent who had accompanied the expedition, gaye some details. The party went in two steamers, each protected by a breast- work of biscuit sacks and one gun. At each village Colonel Stewart interviewed the Sheikhs and explained to them Gordon's policy. The Sheikhs stated that the Mahdi had sent orders to Paki Ibrahim, who commanded 4,000 men on the "White Nile, not to fight, and similar orders had been sent by him to Sheikh Buseer on the Blue Nile. Some fugitives who escaped from El Obeid, reported great misery there, and that a reign of terror prevailed; yet they added that the Mahdi had put all t|ie rifles in store, saying they belonged to the Egyptian Government, but that he would deliver them to its representative. A soldier who had succeeded in reaching Khartoum from El Obeid was the authority for saying that the Mahdi received Gordon's letter naming him Sultan of Kordofan GOEDON IN KHAB.TOUM. 345 with ecstaeies of delight, and that he gave a robe of honor to the GoTemor's messenger. The town remained perfectly quiet ; the market was full eyery day, the Arabs bringing in produce from the villages in the neighborhood. Prices of provisions had fallen, and the only discontent was felt by speculators. But from Cairo rumors of all kinds were propagated ; there it was affirmed that the fugitives from Khartoum were unanimous in declaring that the Mahdi intended to march on Cairo in the beginning of November, followed by the Sheikhs of the Soudan ; that his por- traits were displayed in the streets, and that the Sou- danese population, the porters, servants, laborers of Cairo greeted them with exclamations of "God give the victory," and were listening eagerly to his emissaries. The Mahdi was to come with 300,000 men byway of- the desert and sweep away the Infidel and the Turk. Stories of the wildest sort came to hand, while the British Government refused to communicate any intelligence, alleging that it was extremely undesirable to give a full statement of all the information received from General Gordon. But these dispatches cannot have been of, so favorable a tenor as was generally supposed. On March 2d the Government of Cairo, feeling convinced that Gor- don's mission would fail and his life be put in imminent peril, offered to Abd-el-Kader, the Minister of War, the Governorship of Khartoum, but the Pasha refused un- less General Gordon assented. On March 3d letters from Khartoum said: "It is an admitted fact that Zebehr Pasha is the only man con- nected with the Soudan who can head a government. Gordon had foreseen this ever since he left Cairo. Slave-hunting will be stopped 15* S46 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. on the Congo, and he firmly believes that within a year the slave- hunting question will settle itself by a rising of the slaves against their masters." This Zebekr Pasha is the Sebehr of the earlier chap- ter of this book, and is the great slave-hunter and trader whom Gordon had crushed, as he hoped, in his previous governorship. But the wealth he had amassed secured him impunity at Cairo, and his influence is great. He is a strong man, who knows how to rule. Gordon, when' leaving Cairo, was anxious to take Zebehr with him, but Sir Evelyn Wood opposed the idea, as he considered that the relief of the garrisons was of more urgency than the pacification of the Soudan. On the 4th Gordon held a conference of the Consuls of Greece, Austria and France, at which he declared he was unable to defend the town from the tribes advancing fi:om the South, North and West. He hoped that Zebehr Pasha would arrive with help. In the meantime he committed the government of the town to three native notables and Sheikh Obeidallah. On the same day it was asked in the House of Commons : "Is it a fact that General Gordon had issued a proclamation at Khsurtoura V ' I am forced against my will to send for British troops, who are now on the road and will arrive in a few days. I shall severely punish all who will not change their conduct.'" Thus a great change seems to have come over the state of affairs. Gordon, while hailed as a deliverer in the town, was powerless without. He had to abandon his plan of restoring the provinces to the descendants of the old Sultans ; he found he could not leave the Mahdi out of his calculations. When Gordon accepted his mission he had hoped that the road between Berber and Suakim would be kept open. It still remained closed. Even after GOBnON m KHAETOUM. 347' the recapture of Tokar by General Graham, nothing was done in this direction. Counsels in England seem to be darkened more than before. Genera,l. Graham's force on the Eed Sea coast was small and badly equipped. General Wood's force of Egyptians at Cairo was untrustworthy and cowardly. The situation was becoming like that which preceded the In- dian mutiny. All that was done by England 'was to hope that Graham might speedily administer a blow to Osman Digna. But the state of affairs was worse than embar- rassing — was Graham to put to the sword the kinsmen of those to whom Gordon was offering peace ? Gordon's views are again known to us by the dispatch of the British Consular Agent to the Times. In an in- terview that this ofiBcial had with the General, the lat- ter remarked on March 7 : " There is nothing further to be hoped for in the way of quieting the people than has already been accomplished, and there is a cer- tainty, that as time advances the emissaries of the Mahdi will suc- ceed in raising the tribes between this and Berber. This is not owing to disaffection, but to fear, caused 'by the pronounced policy of the abandonment of th©i Soudan, which policy has been pub- lished by sending down the widows and orphans, and the Cairo employes from Khartoum. We cannot blame them for rising when no disposition is shown- of establishing a permanent govern- ment here. Except by means of emissaries the Mahdi has no power outside of El Obeid, where he distrusts the people and also the Bedouins around. He is a nonenity as to any advance on Kliartoum, but all powerful through his emissaries when backed by the pronounced policy of abandonment without establishing a per- manent government. " General Grraham's victory is a glorious on e, and, if followed up, by an advance of two squadrons on Berber, would settle the question as to this place, for the people between this and Khartoum would 348 THE STOKY OF CHINESE GORDON. not think of rising with their squadrons, and Wood's ' Invlnoibles ' should advance a regiment, or it should go to Dongola, while the Brit- ish troops might make a Nile trip to Wadi Haifa and stay theije for two months. This would settle the question, for when the Nile rose, with the black Berber troops and those of Khartoum, which I could bring up, I could deal with the rebels on the Blufe Nile and open the road to Sennaar. Then I would take out the Sennaar employes and Zebehr Pasha would put his own men there. I would evacu- ate the Bahr Gazelle provinces and hand over the troops to Zebehr Pasha, who would before the end of the year finish off the Mahdi. " As for Zebehr Pasha's blood feud with me ; it is absurd, if a sub- sidy be granted him for three years depending on my safety. As for Zebehr's slave-dealing offenses they are bad, but not worse than those of Ismail and other Turiis, for the thief is no worse than the receiver. " Be sure of one thing. If Her Majesty's Government do not act promptly General Graham's victory wiE go for naught, and with the useless expenditure of blood the effect of it will evaporate. I do hot believe we shall send any more telegrams, for it is no longer a question of days but of hours. "I am dead against the sending of any British expedition to reconquer the Soudan ; it is unnecessary. I would not have a single life lost. It is my firm conviction that none would be lost by the plan I propose, and our honor would be saved. I like the people in rebellion as much as those who are not, and I thank God that so far as I am concerned no man has gone before his Maker prematurely through me.'' These remarks were elicited by Gordon's display of anxiety as to the condition into which affairs at Khar- toum had come ; an anxiety not for himself but for those whose safety is dependent on his action in the mat- ter. It had just been announced that the Sheikh El Obeid on the other side of the Blue Nile had risen, and that it might be immediately expected that the telegraph wire would be cut. It was considered probable that the GOEDON IN KHABTOUM. 349 enemy would -not attack the town directly, but try to starye the garrison out, Zebehr espressed his willingness to take the place of General Gordon in the Soudan. He adyised that the Soudan be subdued by pacific measures, and said that slayery would be got rid of gradually when the Soudanese appreciated the benefits of civilization. He doubted whether the Mahdi is considered the Prophet in the Sou- dan, and denied that there was any feud between him- self and Gordon. But this' threatened appointment excited renewed apprehensions in England, and aston- ishment was expressed at such a suggestion from Gor- don. In Parliament, on March 10th, the Marquis of Hartington said : " We have asked full explanatioilfrom General Gordon. We owe so muoli to General Gordon, who has gone on a mission of an ex- tremely dangerous, difficult and delicate character, who is known to be not only opposed to slavery — not only a man of ordinary humanity, but a man who has devoted a great, part of his life and is well Imown as wUling to lay down Kjs life in the cause of hu- manity and of the pi'oteotion of the people in whom he takes so much interest, that it would not be just to neglect any of his sug- gestions. We are anxious, most anxious, that he should as rapidly as possible complete his task; yet far better in our opinion than any such arrangement as that which he appears to. have contem- plated would it be that General Gordon should remain a longer time to domplete the work himself, than that he should receive the assistance of or leave the succession to an objectionable agent." Mr. Poster, while denouncing Zebehr, paid a high trib- ute to Qeneral Gordon, and expressed the hope that he would remain in his high ofiB.ce : "I know no man like him. He is utterly regardless of aU con- siderations. He despises money. He cares nothing for fame, for 350 THE STORY OF CHINESE GORDON. pleasure, for life or for death. Perhaps he has one temptation. Perhaps he is weary of life. (No, No.) There is one temptation to him and it may be that it%ould be the greatest possible delight to him to be a martyr. Undoubtedly, he is a deeply religious char- acter. God's guidance and government are to him the strongest and greatest realities of life, and so we find this, that while per- sonally one of the humblest of men, he has a power, an unlimited self-confidenee in himself, because he belieyes himself God's instru- ment. The natives look on him not as a man but as a i demigod. If he advises this action we lare bound to consider it, but we are not bound to blindly follow it. If Gordon could remain I should look on the future of the Soudan with confidence. He would produce a beneficent government and strike such a Wow at slavery as has never been- struck before." Mr. Lang said, " The best thing would be to mate Gordon the administrator of the iSoudan, and if he were unwilling, then Sir Samuel Bafcer." iStill, in spite of these expressions of opinion, nothing was done to aid the man who 'had been sent'out on4;liis desperate yenture. The British Minister at Cairo warned the GoTernment that the spirit of the Arabs was still unbroken, and that the rebellion was of a more .formidable character than had been supposed, but the old imbecility seemed to possess the British Government. It was even reported that Lord Granville insisted upon the recall of General Gordon, as insane. One thing only was clear, that the Arabs wercicutting off .Khartoum from all its communi- cations. The Governor of Berber was calling on Cairo for troops. The Becharine Arabs, under Sheikli Mousa, were threatening Shendy, and the Mahdi was reported to be organizing an artillery corps to attack Berber. On March 14th a special dispatch to the Times was sent from Khartoum, which cleariy indicated the danger in aOEBON IN KHAETOUM. 351 It'Meh the citjs was. Aoeording to the statement, 6,000 rebels were massed before the place, on the right bank of the Nile. " General Gordon," it continued, " has a large force of men at work strengthening his position, and has received a largfe quantity of food. The rebels are constantly receiving fresh additions to their force, and an attack upon Khartoum i? immiBent. ©en- era,!- GprdciJi hag supplied many of the inhfl,bitants,with arms. They express ,their determination oif aiding in the defense of Khartouili, and seem eager for a battle with the rebels. 'General Gordon says that the garrison of Kassala still holds out bravely." On March 15th Gor^pn sallied forth with all the force he could spare to attack the rebels at Halfiyeh. He had sent to th€ i^Tolted sheikhs a letter : f'Oome to me with- out fear as I have come to yoij in all confidence. I came not to figl^t, but alone with the help qf God, and God is with me." The ^hicikhs replied : " We have read your letter. You say you are withiGod. K you are with God you are with us, bepw^e, God is. with us. If you are not with us then God is against thee, iand we shall do with thee as we have done with Hicks P-asha ; " and this reply di«tatpd his movement. The first reports that arrived announced a victory ; the following ones revealed a dia- aster. The sortie was made with 3,.0QQ men, two guns, and a squadron of Ba^hi-Bazouk cavalry, accompanied by three steamers on the river. On nearing the rqbels General Gordon drew up his troops in the form of a square, in which they were kept unt;l, .attacked by the enemy. In the early part.of the encpunter the Egyptians were successful, and the enemy were, actually in full re- treat j when their cavalry made,a..dfp^)iing charge. Sixty of the Arabs rushec} at the Baehi-Bazpjujf? »ndiput them S52 THE STOEY OF CHINESE GOEDON. to flight, causing a panic among the infantry, who fled in wild disorder. The charge of the Arabs would have been fruitless but for the treachery of the commanders of the Bashi-Bazouks. Said and Hassan Pashas rode at the head of their command until the enemy's cavalry chargedj when both commanders suddenly wheeled around and galloped back, causing the Bashi-Bazouks to break in a panic. The rebels then rushed upion the disorganized mass, cutting them down on all sides. In the confusion, it is alleged that Said and Hassan Pasha fired upon and killed their own gunners. They were arrested after the engagement, and put in irons, while the soldiers were with difficulty restrained from lynching them. Two hun- dred of the Bashi-Bazouks were slain and a great num- ber wounded, but the Arabs lost only four men. The rebels pursued the Egyptians for two miles after ^he battle, and the scene of confusion presented by the re- treating troops was fearful to behold, as the Egyptian regulars and the Bashi-Bazouks kept shouting out that their generals had betrayed them. The two Pashas were kept in prison till Gordon had obtained full eyidence of their treachery. Then they were tried by court-martial and shot. Despite the reyerse, the inhabitants still remained stanch to General Gordon. One wealthy Arab lent him £1,000, as his treasury was empty. Another Arab equipped 300 blacks for his service ; and notwith- standing the check, Gordon announced that Khartoum was quite safe, with proTisions enough to enable it to hold out till winter. For some days communication with the beleaguered town was interrupted, and in Lon- don on the 18th no news later than the 11th had been GOBDON m KHAETOUM. 853 receiveid. The telegraph wires were cut, and repaired, and cut again, and what news did come through was sup- pressed by the English Ministry. The advices that we have are uncertain in date and slow in transmission. On the 33d it was reported that two emissaries of the Mahdi arrived at Khartoum with drawn swords, and declared that he did not recognize his appointment as Sultan of Kor- dofan, and returned the robes of honor sent to him by Gordon on his arrival. After this defiance, nothing was left to Gordon but an appeal to arms. The Mahdi, ac- cording to an Arab journal, Abou Maddara, declared : " I swear, iu the name of Allah, that if Gordon falls into my hands I wiU kill him, and will distribute his money among the poor Mohammedans who fight with me." Gordon now finally decided to abandon his policy of at- tempting to conciliate the natives. He had said, as he entered Khartoum, amid the jubilant crowds who greeted him as a saviour : " I come wtthout soldiers, but with God on my side, to redress the evils of the Soudan. I will not fight with any weapon but justice. There shall be no more Bashi-Bazouks." He had repeated his peaceful offer before the sortie of the 16th. Now he was to trust to the sword of the Lord and of Gordon. As a first step to his new policy the Egyptian soldiers, detailed as escorts to parties leaving the city, were recalled. Armed steamers daily engaged the rebels, whjo were encamped opposite the town, and Krupp guns were mounted on an iron lighter in order to reach their camps. With this intelligence came the news from Berber that the Arabs were exasperated against Gordon, as his present actions contradicted his preceding proclamations, and that tribes from Sennaar were pressing forward, and within 354 THE STORY OF CHISfJESE G0BDON. three miles of the town. Every preparation w^s, made to meet them, and it was announced that traitors in the Egyptian ranks would he instantly shot. All attempts to advance a relieving force from Suakim to Berber have been abandoned. After the battle of Tamanieb the Brit- ish forces were withdrawn, and Osman Digna, aJter his sullen retreat, is resuming the offensive, and threatens to fight any party attempting the route from the coast to Berber. On March 38th startling rumors again prevailed at Cairo ; it was said in the bazars that Khartoum had fallen, that Gordon had surrendered the town some days before to a Sheikh representing the Mahdi, and that three days afterward he and his Secretary, Colonel Stewart, were arrested and imprisoned. At the same time came a report that a plot was pending among some of his followers to murder the Mahdi and the members of his Council. All that is certain is a dispatch with the despairing cry in its words: "We are daily expecting the arrival of Britiah troops. We cannot believe that the Government will abandon us. Oua: very existence depends upon Great Efritain." Yet with this dispatch before him Mr. Gladstone on the 3d of April said : "That the time had not yet arrived for sending a peremptory order to General Gordon to -withdraw from Khartouni. At the same time General Gordon was not under orders to remain. He could leave at any time if he felt so disposed. General Gordon believed himself to be perfectly safe." , And on the following day Lord Granville, the Foreign Secretary of State, said that the latest advices from Gordon were reassuring, and that the Government had GOEDON m KHAKEOUM. 355 no inijention of sending a military expedition for liis relief. A solution of the Soudan difficulty has been proposed by the Pall Mall Gazette which would relic've the Brit- ish Ministry of their embarrassment. It is to assiflt General Gordon to establish at Khartoum an independ- ent state under his soTereigflty. It is, to use a phrase which has come into vogue, "to Sarawak the Soudan," and place Gordon in Africa in the position which rRggah Brooke holds in Borneo. Slightly built, somewhat below the middle height, Gordon to the casual observer presents as his most re- markable Characteristic a childlike simplicity of speech and manner. His face is 'described as being almost boyish in its youthfulness, his step as light and his movements as lithe as those df the leopard. Still as excitable and vehement as in his Chinese days. Tie now keeps under strict control the volcanic fires that used to bla^e out so fiercely. "The Imitation of Christ" is his favorite book. " This is my book, and although I never shall be able to attain to a hundredth pairt of the per- fection of that saint, I strive toward it — the ideal is here." He carries the saintly ideal lof the cloister into the turmoil of the camp, and Mb selfless ;abnegation and humility are only broken by a horror of public praise. "In all my career," he says, "I can lay no claim to cleverness, discretion or wisdom." Yet while he possesses all the tenderness of a woman, all the gen- tleness of a child, and an ever-ready sympathy for ithe 356 THE STOET 01" CHINESE GOEDON. ■wronged, lie has an iron will and a certain hardness in his composition. A letter by the well-known French journalist, Joseph Peinach, was lately published, in which he describes am interview he had with Gordon on the voyage from Mar- seilles'to Naples. G-ordoh at first seemed predconpied and out of temper, but he soon recovered and talked fluently and excitedly, mixing up French and English in the impetuous current of his speech. According to Eeinach, Gordon looked on work not as a politician, but as a believer. " It was for Christ he fought, and the enthusiastic faith of this infatuated hero delivered itself in precepts which I received as was fitting. He mixed up with observatibns showing great experience the strangest fancies of an ill-balanced mind, advocating every minute a new distribution of the' world, especially of the Ottoman iEmpire, praising God and hurling sarcasm at the Tory Cabinet." He wrote to Reinach a few .'days afterward a letter which shows that his services would be offered' to any power that sought to redress wrong, andthat he was quite willing to have the support of Prance. Gordon on his arrival at Naples visited the ex-Khedive Ismail, for whom he always had a high ad- miration — "the worst-treated man in the world," he called him. The blank in the letter ought to be filled up with Ismail's name. " I have told that I would not keep quiet, and unless something was done for my flock in the Soudan, the French would take in hand the just cause of the poor slave." He added on another occasion: "I know I shall end in Cayenne; ask Gambetta to get me out." Reinach concluded by deprecating the contingency of GORDON m KHAJJTOUM. 357 Gordon, " one of England's best sons and bravest serv- ants," falling a victim to the blunders of others. For terms like the " ill-balanced mind " of Eeinach, or the " doubtful sanity " of Lord Granville, Gordon cares little. " Whosoever," he wrote, " acts after the true precepts of our Lokd will be considered a madman." To him this life is a mere episode — " one of a series which our incarnated part has lived. I have little doubt of our having pre-existed and, been, actively employed. I believe in our active employment in a future life." He certainly has been active, as few, in this. It is announced that his "Eeflectiqns Suggested by Palestine," will appear soon. In this he is said to draw out in considerable detail the parallelisms or correspond- ences between the Old and New Dispensations, find- ing in every event of the Gospel history a complement to some occurrence in the Old Testament. As man's fall was caused by eating the apple from the Tree of Knowl- edge, so his restoration to Divine grace is effecting by his partaking of the Holy Eucharist, and so onward quite in the spirit of Durandus, who saw in the saving waters of Baptism a counterpart of the destroying waters of the Flood. Gordon, with his fatalist belief and his superiority to narrow forms, has a certain sympathy with Mohamme- danism, and has often expressed the most tolerant views toward that grandly simple faith. When he was in Sou- dan before he was invited to become a Mohammedan, and the invitation has lately been renewed by the Mahdi. Gordon is the one Christian who is prayed for at Mecca. We may fitly conclude this fragmentary sketch with a quotation from one of his own conversations: 358 THE STOEY OP CHINESE GOBDON. " I would give my life for the Soudanese. How can I help feel- ing for them ? All the time I' was there every night I used to pray that God would lay upon me the burden of their woes and crush me with it instead of these poor sheep. A strange prayer, you may weU think, for one who has woes enough of his own, but still a real one. I really wished it and longed for it; and now hafving had the burden of their, sufierings on me for so many years, can you wonder that I wish to, save them from being handed over to be slated up by the Turk." "IfeTer order a man to do what you are airaid of^ doing yourself," was one of his sayings in the Crimea, and one which he always practices. Whatever be his fate, Gordon is one of the most striking figures in this age of doubt and unrest — one of those noble souls from which conquerors and martyrs are made. IHE BWD. marlcs the women of our houeeholds when they undertake ta make their homes bright and cheery. Nothing deters them. Their weary work may be as long as the word which begins this paragraph, but they prove their regard for decent homes by their indefatigability. What a pity that any of them should add to their toil by neglecting to use Sapolio. It reduces the labor of cleaning and scouring at least one-half. lOe. a cake. Sold by all groeers. LOVELL'S J.IBRARY. AHEAD OF ALL. COMPETITORS. The improvements being constantly made in "Lovell's Library," have placed it in the Front Bank of cheap publications ia this country. The publishers propose to still iurther improve the series by having BETTER PR.INTI1VG, LA.ICOER TYFE, imd more attractive cover than any series in the market. SEE ■Vsm-A.T IS S-A.IID OIF IT: The following extract from a letter recently received sliowa the appre* ciation iu which the Library is held by those who moat constantly read it ; ' ' Mercantile Libb ab y, | "Baltimobe, August S9, 1883. j "■Will you kindly' send me two copies of your latest liftt? I am gjad to see that you now iBsue a volume every day. Your Libruy we find greatly preferable to the • Seaside ' and ' Franklin Square ' Series, and even better than the 12mo. form of the iatter, the page being of better shape, the lines better leaded, and ihe words bettsr spaced. Altogether your series is much more in favor with our subscribers than either of its rivalB. S. C. DONALDSON, Assistant Libhabiam." JOHN W. LOVELL CO., Publishers. JAME^fLf S MB PEarlTnE BEST COiAPOONa EVER INVENTED. JSo Lady, Harried o» Single, Rich or Poorv Housekeeping or Board- ing, iK^ill be 'vrithout i^ after testing its utility^. Sold by all first-class Groeers. but beware o' wertbless imitations. LOVELL'S LIBRARY ADVERTISER. EEOElfTLY PUBLISHED: UKDERQROUHD RUSlfiA: Revolutionary Profiles and Sketches from Life. By STEPNIAK, formerly Editor of " Zemh.i i Volia " (Land and Liberty). With a Preface by PETER LA VROPP. Translated from the Italian. 1 vol. 12mo., paper cover, Lovall's Library, No. 173 price 20 cents. . : " The book ia as yet noique in literature: it is it ptioelesB contribntion to oar knowledge of Kiissian tliouglit and feeling; as a true and faithful reflection of certain aspects of, perhaps, tlie most tremen^us pol'.ticial movement in history, It seems destined to become a standard wai-k."— Athen^um. An Outline of the History of Ireland, Prom the Earliest Times to the present day. By JUSTIN H. McCARTHY. 1 vol. 12mo., LoveU's Library No, 115, price 10 cents *'A tiraely and exceedingly vigorous and interesting little volnme The book is worthy of attentive perusal, aflS will be all the mure iniereattng because it 1 nvolves in its production the wann sympathies, the passionate enthupiagra, and the vivid brilliancy of style which one is glad to welcome from the son of tho distinguished journallBt and author — Cheistias Woklb, ' All Irishmen who lOve their eountry. and all candid J^nglishmen. ought to welcome Mr Justin H.McCarthy'slitilevolume-— -An Outline of Irish History. ' Those who want to know how it has come about that, as John Stuart Mill long ago pointed out, all cries for the remedy of specific Irish grievances arc now merged in the dangerous demand for nationality, will do well to rtad Mr McCarthy s little book. It is eloquently written, and carries us from the earlieft legends to the autumn of 1882. The feharm of the style and Ibe Impetuousness in the flow of the narrative are refreshing and stimulating, and. as regards his tone impartiality. Mr McCarthy is far more just than le Mr .Fronde.' ^—UitAPni*. "A brightly written and intelligent accouot of the leading events in Irish annals Mr. McCarthy has performed a difficult task with commendable good spirit and impartiality."— Whitehall Eeview * To those who enjoy exooptionally bnlliant and vigorous writiiifif. as well as to those who desire to post themselves up in the lri"ii question, w* cordially recommesd Mr McCarthy s little book.' — Evbhins News. ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS Edited by JOHN MORLEY. Published in 13mo. vols., paper covers, price 10 cents each. JoHNsos. By Leslie Stephen. 80OTT. By R H Hitton. GiBBotr. By J C. Morlson. Shkllkt. By J A. Symonds. HuMB By Prof , Huxley. P R S. Goldsmith. By William Black. Deiob. ByW. Minto Bdrns. By Principal Shalrp Bpbnser. By the Very Key the Dean of St Paul s Thackeray By A Trollope. BuKKE By John Money BuNTAK By J A. Fi:oode. Pope By Laslio Stephen. Btkon- By Pro'Mi-or Nichol. CowFEB. By Geldwiu Smith Locks. By Professor Fowler. WoRBSwoBTH ByFWHMyers, Milton By Mark Pattison SouTHET By Profeeeor Dowdea CHAncHB. By Prof. A. W Ward. NewTforki JOHN W, L.OVIi:L,Li COIWPAKY. (Vd-BMs or bonnebouchea chosen from the tvlaeat and wit- tiest words that find their way into print about aU the topics that make the world interesting. THE CHUftipilT IJTEEKLY FUBLISiiED. TIDBITS IZZC/STJIAT^D. Offering, at the extremely low price of ^^THREE CENTS Sixteen Pages filled with the sifted goodness and richness o:' the current periodicals and newspapers. It JIfever Prints a Dull Line! Sixteen Pages filled with original matter written for TiD-BiTS by the best writers. Tid-Bits touches the life of our times on every side, and is an " abstract and brief chronicle ' of current thought — grave and gay; HUMOROUS ILLUSTRATIONS. — TiD-BiTS* car- toons are the work of the cleverest caricaturists. They are graphic and pointed. PRIZES. — A prize of $io is offered weekly for the best short story — not necessarily original — submitted to the editor, and prizes for answers to questions of various sorts are also ,i^S-ed from time to time. If there is anything new worth knowing you will find it in TlD-BlTS. If there is anything new worth laughing, at you will find it in TiD-BiTS. So much intelligence, liveliness, and hUmor cannot be had for 3 cents in any other form. A sample copy will be sent free of postage to anyone addressing the publishers. Subscription, $1.50 a year. JOHN W. LOVELi CO.. 14 Vesey Street. New York. THE CELEBRATED SOHMES Grand, Square and Upright PIANOFORTES ARE PREFERRED BY THE LEADING ARTISTS. The demands now made by an educated musical public are bo exacting that very few Planolorte Manulacturers can produce Instruments that will stand the test which merit requires. 80HMEE & CO., as Manufacturers, rank amongst these chosen few, who are aclmowledged to be makers of standard Instruments. In these days, when Manufacturers urge the low price of their wares rather than their superior quality as an Inducement to purchase, it may not be amiss to suggest that, in a Piano, quality and price are too in- separably Joined to expect the one ^vlthaut the other. ISvery Hano ought to be judged as to the quality of its tone. Its touch, and its work- manship ; If any one of these is wanting in excellence, however good the others may be, the Instrument will be impei'fect. It is the combination of these qualities In the highest degi'ee that constitutes the perfect Piano, and it is this combination that has given the '* SOHllER " its honorable position with the trade and the public. Received First Prize Centennial Exliibition, Philadelphia, 1876. Received First Prize at Exhibition, Montreal, Canada, 1881 and 1882. SOHHER & CO., Manufacturers, 149-156 E. 14th St., New York.