.■il'''."i't W.- — -.V.- - *•■• ■-. Ul5 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE DA^C^ rtSuE SEP-J«d ggiij^ Bi JAh^ 1990 -^r^ ' -I Intorlih inieriR Ina 1 GAYLORD PRINTED INU. a. A. Cornell University Library DE 11.U75 3 1924 026 412 910 Cornell University Library The original of tliis bool< is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924026412910 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS C. F. CLAY, Manager LONDON : FETTER LANE, E.G. 4 NEW YORK THE MACMILLAN CO. BOMBAY j CALCUTTaV MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. MADRAS I TORONTO THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. TOKYO : MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA ALL RIGHTS RESERVED THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY BY P. N. URE, M.A. GONVILLE AND CAIUS COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE PROFESSOR OF CLASSICS, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, READING CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1022 qv ■ U 1>E UTv3 ^5\S]ll ^^■\^ PREFACE TH E views expressed in the following chapters were first published in the Journal of Hellenic Studies for igo6 in a short paper which gave a few pages each to Samos and Athens and a few sentences each to Lydia, Miletus, Ephesus, Argos, Corinth, and Megara. The chapters on Argos, Corinth, and Rome are based on papers read to the Oxford Philological Society in 19 13 and to the Bristol branch of the Classical Association in 19 14. As regards the presentation of my material here, it has been my endeavour to make the argument intelligible to readers who are not classical scholars and archaeologists. The classics have ceased to be a water-tight compartment in the general scheme of study and research, and my subject forms a chapter in general economic history which might interest students of that subject who are not classical scholars. On the other hand classical studies have become so specialised and the literature in each department has multiplied so enormously that unless monographs can be made more or less complete in them- selves and capable of being read without referring to a large number of large and inaccessible books, it will become impossible for classical scholars to follow the work that is being done even in their own subject beyond the limits of their own particular branch. For these reasons ancient authorities have been mainly given in literal English translations, and when, as happens in almost every chapter, information has to be sought from vases, coins, or inscrip- tions, I have tried to elucidate my point by means of explanatory descriptions and illustrations. The work has involved me in numerous obligations which I gladly take this opportunity of acknowledging. In 1907 I received grants from the Worts travelling bachelors' fund of Cambridge University and from Gonville and Caius College to visit Greece for the purpose of collecting archaeological evidence upon the history of the early tyranny. This purpose was partially diverted because shortly after reaching Greece I became associated with the late Dr R. M. Burrows in the excavation of the Greek cemetery at Rhitsona in Boeotia and in the study and publication of the as vi PREFACE pottery found there. This pottery dates mainly from the age of the tyrants, and the results of my work at it appear in several of the succeeding chapters. To Dr Burrows I owe also the encouragement that led me to start working on the early tyranny: my main idea on the subject first occurred to me when I was lecturing on Greek history as his assistant at University College, Cardiff. I have also received much assistance at various times and in various ways from Professor G. A. T. Davies, another former colleague of mine at Cardiff, and from several of my Reading colleagues, particularly Professor W. G. de Burgh, Mr D. Atkinson, and my wife. Many other debts are recorded in the body of the book : but considering how many and various they have been, I can scarcely hope that none has been passed over without acknow- ledgement. But of all my obligations the earliest and chiefest is to Sir William Ridgeway. It is to the unique quality of his teaching at Cambridge that I owe the stimulus that suggested to me the explanation here offered of the origin of tyranny. P. N. URE. University College, Reading. October 1920. CONTENTS CHAP. I INTRODUCTION II ATHENS III SAMOS IV EGYPT V LYDIA VI ARGOS VII CORINTH VIII ROME IX SICYON, MEGARA, MILETUS, EPHESUS, LEONTINI, AGRIGENTUM, CUMAE . X CAPITALIST DESPOTS OF THE AGE OF ARISTOTLE, THE MONEY POWER OF THE RULERS OF PERGAMUM, PRO- TOGENES OF OLBIA XI CONCLUSION .... APPENDICES .... INDEX .... PAGE I 33 68 86 127 154 184 215 257 280 290 307 339 ILLUSTRATIONS FIG. PAGE 1 Lophos Loutrou from Daskalio station ... 42 2 On the road from Daskalio station to Plaka . . 4^ 3 Kamaresa . . ..... 43 4 Kitsovouno from Kamaresa ..... 43 (Figs. 1-4 from photographs by the author) 5 Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a miner at work 46 (Antike Denkmiiler, i) 6 Coin of Athens with Athena and owl . . . 53 (Macdonald, Evolution oj Coinage) 7 Athenian coins: the wreath on the head of Athena . 56 {Bulletin de Correspondance hellenique, xxx) 8 Persian "archer" 57 9 Samian coin with Samaina and Messanian coin with hare 7 5 (Hill, Historical Greek Coins) 10 Aiakes, father of Polycrates . . . . . 82 [Athenische Mitteilungen, 1906) 1 1 Psamtek I 86 (Petrie, Hist. Egypt, iii) 1 2. Vase with cartouche of Bocchoris found at Tarquinii . 94 {Monumenti Antichi della R. Ace. dei Lincei, viii) 13 Rhodian or (?) Milesian vase found at Naukratis . 1 1 1 (Gardner, Nauhratis II. By permission of the Egypt Explora- tion Fund) 14 Fikellura or (?) Samian vase found at Daphnae . . 113 (Petrie, Tanis II. By permission of the Egypt Exploration Fund) 1 5 Naukratite vase found at Rhitsona in Boeotia . . 115 (jfourn. Hellenic Studies, 1909) 16 Perfume vase found at Naukratis . . . . 119 (Gardner, Naukratis II. By permission of the Egypt Explora- tion Fund) 17 Greek wine jar found at Naukratis . . .120 (Petrie, Naukratis I. By permission of the Egypt Exploration Fund) X ILLUSTRATIONS FIG. PAGE 1 8 Corinthian vase with cartouche of Apries . . . 1 24 {Gazette Archcologique, i?i%o) 19 Coins of (tf) Gyges(?}, (^) Croesus . . . . 127 (Macdonald, Evolution of Coinage) 20 Early Aeginetan "tortoises" . . . • -154 (Babelon, Traite des Monnaies Gr. et Rom.) 21 Bundle of spits found in the Argive Heraeum . . 163 22 Corinthian vase found at Corinth . . . .185 (From a photograph supplied by Miss Walker of the American School of Archaeology at Athens) 23 Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a potter at his wheel ..... . . 186 {Gazette Archeologique, 1880) 24 Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the interior of a kiln ...... .186 [Antike Denkmdler, i) 25 Coins of Corinth . . .... 188 {Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Corinth) 26 Coins of Cypsela ....... 200 {Abhandl. Bayerische Akad. Phil. Class. 1890) 27, 28 Attic vase paintings, perhaps depicting cypselae . 202 (Saglio, Diet. d. Antiq. figs. 2964, 2965) 29 Attic vase painting, perhaps depicting a cypsele . 203 (Saglio, Diet. d. Antiq. fig. 937) 30 Vase on stove found at lasos ..... 205 {Jahrb. d. areh. Inst. 1897) 3 1 Relief, perhaps depicting a small cypsele . . . 206 {Revue Archeologique., 1869) 32 Jles signatum ...... 220 (Haeberlin, Aes Grave) 33 ^es grave with wheel ...... 232 (Hill, Historical Roman Coins) 34 Corinthian vase found at Tarquinii . . .241 35 Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the export of vases 242 {Antike Denkmiiler, i) 36 Proto-Corinthian vase found in the Roman Forum . 249 {Notiz. d. Scavi della R. Ace. dei Lincei, 1903) ILLUSTRATIONS xi FIG. PAGE 37 Ionic terra cotta antefix found in Rome . . 250 [Monumenti Antichi della R. Ace. dei Lincei, xv) 38 Similar antefix found in Samos . . . 251 (Boehlau, Aus ion. u. ital. N ekropolen) 39 Terra cotta head found on the Roman Capitol . . 252 {Monumenti Antichi della R. Ace. dei Lincei, xv) 40 Stone head found on the Acropohs at Athens . . 253 [Athenische Mitteilungen, 1879) 41 Vase in Attic black figure style found on the Quirinal 254 {Monumenti Antichi della R. Ace. dei Lincei, xv) 42 The Capitoline wolf ... . . 254 (How and Leigh, Hist, of Rome. By arrangement with Messrs Longmans Green & Co.) 43 Dipylon vase . . . . .314 {Companion to Greek Studies, Cambridge) 44 Proto-Corinthian vase . . . . . -315 (jfourn. of Hellenic Studies. By permission of the Council of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies) 45 Dipylon Ships ..... . 322 {Rev. Arch, xxv, 1894; Athenische Mitt. 1876; Arch. Zeitung, 1885; Perrot and Chipiez, Hist, de I' Art dans I'Antiquite) 46 Vase painting signed by Aristonothos . . . 323 (Walters and Birch, Hist, of Ancient Pottery) TOtcrt iiJi(f>ai'€crL to, ixrj yiyvwcTKOixeva TeKfj.aipofji.evo'S. Hdt. ii. 33. Chapter I. Introduction Ad^atei/ yap {^v) ovdev Xeyeiv h'lKaiov ol dia tqv 'it\ovtov a^iovvres ap)(€tv. Aristot. Pol. III. 12836. ^avXov TO ras fieyio-ras wvtjtus eluat tS)V dp)^a>v. Abistot. Pol. 11. 12733. The seventh and sixth centuries b.c. constitute from many points The seventh °^ view one of the most momentous periods in the century B.C. whole of the world's history. No doubt the greatest e age ^^^^j ^Q^igygj^gi^ts of the Greek race belong to the two centuries that followed. But practically all that is meant by the Greek spirit and the Greek genius had its birth in the earlier period. Literature and art, philosophy and science are at this present day largely following the lines that were then laid down for them, and this is equally the case with commerce. It was at the opening of (a) of the first ^^^^ epoch that the Greeks or their half hellenized known metal neighbours the Lydians brought about perhaps the coins. most epoch-making revolution in the whole history of commerce by the invention of a metal coinage like those that are still in circulation throughout the civilized world. It was no accident that the invention was made precisely at this time. Industry and commerce were simultaneously making enor- mous strides. About the beginning of the seventh century the new Lydian dynasty of the Mermnadae made Sardis one of the most important trading centres that have arisen in the world's history. The Lydian merchants became middlemen between Greece and the Far East. Egypt recovered its prosperity and began rapidly to de- velop commer<;ial and other relations with its neighbours, including the Greeks. Greek traders were pushing their goods by sea in all directions from Spain to the Crimea. Concrete evidence of this activity is still to be seen in the Corinthian and Milesian pottery of the period that has been so abundantly unearthed as far afield as Northern Italy and Southern Russia. It was a time of extraordinary intellectual alertness. Thales and the numerous other philosophers of the Ionian School were in close touch with the merchants and manufacturers of their age. They were in fact men of science rather than philosophers in the narrow modern sense of the latter word. 2 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i and most of them were ready to apply their science to practical and commercial ends, as for example Thales, who is said to have made a fortune by buying up all the oil presses in advance when his agri- cultural observations had led him to expect a particularly plentiful harvest^. A corner in oil sounds very modern, and in fact the whole of the evidence shows that in many ways this ancient epoch curiously anticipated the present age. Politically these two centuries are generally known as the age of tyrants. The view that the prevalence of tyranny was firsi; rulers* to in Some way connected with the invention of coinage be called ty- has been occasionally expressed^. Radet has even gone so far as to suggest that the first tyrant was also the first coiner^. He does not however go further than to sug- gest that the tyrant started a mint and coinage when already on the throne. The evidence appears to me to point to conclusions of a more wide-reachingcharacter. Briefly stated they are these: The new form '= , . , ■' ,^1 of government that the seventh and sixth century (jreeK tyrants was I believe, ^gj.g j^e first men in their various cities to realize the based on the . . ^ , ... new form of political possibilities of the new conditions created by capital. jj^g introduction of the new coinage, and that to a large extent they owed their position as tyrants to a financial or commercial supremacy which they had already established before they attained to supreme political power in their several states. In other words their position as I understand it has considerable resemblances to that built up in the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- turies A.D. by the rich bankers and merchants who made themselves despots in so many of the city states of Italy. The most famous of these are the Medici, the family who gave a new power to the currency by their development of the banking business, and mainly as a result of this became tyrants of Florence. Santo Bentivoglio of Bologna passed from a wool factory to the throne. Another despot of Bologna was the rich usurer Romeo Pepoli. At Pisa the supreme power was grasped by the Gambacorti with an old merchant named Pietro at their head. At Lodi it was seized by the millionaire 1 Aristot. Pol. I. 1259 a. The authenticity of the story may be questioned, but the fact of its being attached to Thales is in itself significant. 2 E.g. Busolt, Gr. G. 1.2 pp. 626-7. ^ LaLydie, p. 163; cp. ibid. p. 274, "wealth acquires an importance it had never had." CH. I INTRODUCTION 3 Giovanni Vignate. The above instances are taken from Symonds' sixth class of despots of w^hom he says that " in most cases great wealth was the original source of despotic ascendancy 1." Still closer analogies lie at our very door. It is a commonplace / that we are in the midst of an industrial revolution. This view V ^^ . . , , , . . deserves J- his modem movement was already begmnmg a examination century ago, when Byron pleaded the cause of the of the modern frameworkers before the House of Lords. There are financial re- of course obvious differences between the two revolu- tions. That of the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. was mainly financial, that of the present time is mainly industrial. But the difference is not so great as it at first sight appears^. The invention of a metal coinage was accompanied by great industrial changes', and we can no more divide sharply the financial and industrial activities of the great houses of archaic Greece than we can separate the banking and the mercantile enterprises of the great families of the cities of Italy at the time of the renaissance, such as the wealthy Panciatighi of Florence, who lent money to the emperor Sigismund and exported cloths to London, Avignon and North Africa*. On the other hand the modern industrial movement, with its development of machinery and its organization of masters and men into trusts and trade unions, has been accompanied by a revolution in the nature of the currency. The modern financial , . , , revolution began at the same time as the industrial. which has re- . ° placed metal Its earliest phases are described and discussed in coinsbypaper, William Cobbett's Paper againn GoldK Since Cobbett's days the paper currency which so distressed him has de- veloped enormously. Even before 1 9 1 4 we were told that "Gold already acts in England only as change for notes ^." ^ J. A. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy, Age of the Despots'^, pp. 103-4; cp. ibid. pp. 65 n. I, 66, 73, 76, 77-78. ^ Some lecturers at Oxford are inclined to minimize the analogies offered by the seventh and sixth centuries B.C. to modern industrial conditions. In so doing they appear to me to be falling into the commonest of modern fallacies, that of overestimating the importance of size and numbers. For a better appre- ciation of the analogies see e.^.Ciccotti, Tramonto d. Schiavitu n. Mondo ant. p. 45. ' E.Meyer, Jahrb.f. Nationalbk. ix. (1895), p. 713 and belovvf passim. * Sieveking, Viert.f. Soc. u. Wins. vii. p. 87. ^ Cobbett, Paper against Gold, pp. 5, 6 (Aug. 30th, 1810). * Jevons, Money^, p. Z03; cp. ibid. p. 285: "It is surprising to find to what an extent paper documents have replaced coin as a medium of exchange in some of the principal centres of business." I — z 4 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i It is not necessary here to examine in detail the various forms taken by this new paper currency. It is enough to point out that it enables property to be transferred and manipulated far more ' rapidly and on far larger a scale than was previously possible^. Only one other point in the history of the new currency needs to be here mentioned. It cannot be better expressed than in the words used by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the House of Commons on November 28 th, 19 14: I have been much struck since I have been deahng with these transactions (bills of exchange) with how little even traders who form a part of this great machinery know about the mechanism of which they form an essential part ...I do not think that the general pubhc — and I am putting myself among them — ever reahzed the extent to which the business not merely of this country, but of the whole world, depended upon this very dehcate and ■ complicated paper machinery. Apparently it needed a European war to bring home to the modern world of commerce the nature of its currency. This fact should warn us against expecting to find in early Greece any very clear recognition of the revolution in the currency that then took place. When gold and silver coins were first circulated they had a corre- sponding effect to the modern issues of paper. They enabled property to be transferred with greater ease and rapidity. We may be sure however that the character and possibilities of the new currency did not at once receive universal recognition^. The merchants in the bazaars of Lydia and Ionia who best understood how to make use of it must have profited enormously. The experts in the new finance of the last two generations have been exercising a profound influence upon politics and led many . A,, ' people to fear and government, i here are many people, particu- a new tyranny j^rly in America, who believe that there is a possi- of wealth. / r,--n i.- t-, Dility or this mfluence becommg supreme. It is worth while quoting a few of these opinions: This era is but a passing phase in the evolution of industrial Caesars, and these Caesars will be of a new type — corporate Caesars^. The flames of a new economic evolution run around us, and we turn to find that competition has killed competition, that corporations are grown greater than the state and have bred individuals greater than themselves, 1 Cp. Thos. W. Lawson, Frenzied Finance (published 1906), pp. 33, 35. 2 Cp. Poehlmann, Sozialismus i. d. ant. Welfi, i. p. 170. ^ Hy. D. Lloyd, Wealth against Commonwealth (1894), p. i. CH. I INTRODUCTION 5 and that the naked issue of our time is with property becoming master instead of servant^. For some months past the sugar trust has been the Government of the United States ^. In 1884 there seems even to have been an idea of running a Standard Oil senator for the United States presidency. " Henry B. Payne is looming up grandly in the character of a possible and not altogether improbable successor to Mr Tilden as the Democratic candidate for the presidency ^." The danger of supreme powder in America passing into the hands of a few capitalists has even been publicly acknow^ledged by a Presi- dent of the United States during his period of office. " Mr Wilson also discussed the division betvt^een capital and labour. He dwrelt for the greater part of the speech on the effort of 'small bodies of privileged men to resume control of the Government,' and added : 'We must again convince these gentlemen that the government of this country belongs to us, not to them*.'" Similar views are expressed by French, German and Italian writers. According to the most brilliant of modern Frenchmen the government of France has in some recent periods been in the hands of three or four groups of financiers^. Salvioli in his Capita/ism in the Ancient World speaks of the "kings of finance who exercise in our states a secret but pervading sway^." Even the warlike von Bernhardi fears an impending "tyranny of capital'." These quotations might be multiplied^, but enough have been given to show that the opinion which they express is widely held. ^ Hy. D. Lloyd, op. cit. p. 494; see also pp. 297-8, 311; ch. xxviii. (on a Standard Oil secretary of U.S.A. treasury), 434, 511. " New York Daily Commercial Bull. June 4th, 1894, ap. Hy. D. Lloyd, op. cit. p. 450. 3 New York 5««,May 27th, 1884, ap. Hy. D. Lloyd, p. 387. * Times, Nov. 4th, 19 16. ^ Anatole France, L'lle des Pingouins, pp. 242 f., 309. * Salvioli, Capitalisme dans le Monde Antique (traduit A. Bonnet), p. 267. ' von Bernhardi, Germany and the Next War, p. 65. ^ See e.g. Thos. W. Lawson, Frenzied Finance, pp. 6, 35 ; Hy. D. Lloyd, Wealth against Commonwealth, pp. 341, 353, 386 (quoting the National Baptist of Philadelphia, the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette, and Senator Hoar); J. Ramsay MacDonald, Unemployment and the Wage Fund; L M. Tarbell, Hist. Standard Oil Co. II. pp. 114, 116, 137 (quoting the Butler County Democrat, Senator Frye, N.Y. State Investigation Report, 1888), 124, 126-7, ^9°j 291 ; Truth's Investi- gator, The Great Oil Octopus, p. 227. 6 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i There is no need to discuss the honesty of particular expressions of it. If any of them could be shown to have been insincere, it would be only additional evidence of the plausibility of the opinion. Nor is this the place to discuss from a more general point of view the extent to which that opinion has been or seems likely to be verified. To have indicated how widely prevalent is the fear ot.an impending "new tyranny of wealth^" or "tyranny of capital2"is by itself enough to show that the relation between the tyranny and the new form of wealth that arose in the seventh and sixth centuries before our era is a subject that deserves investigation, and to show also that the particular view as to those relations that is maintained in these pages has a ■priori plausibility^- It should however be said at once that my view appears to have been held by no one who has published opinions on the subject from the fourth century B.C. onwards. This however is not fatal. Later in this chapter reasons will be suggested for holding that the true character of the early tyranny was lost sight of in the days of Plato and Aristotle. Why truer views on this particular subject should be recovered precisely at the present period may be sufficiently explained by the modern financial revolu- tion, which makes it possible to approach the question from a point which has scarcely been accessible during the last two thousand years. With this warning we may proceed to state the nature of the evidence in favour of this view that the earliest tyrannies were founded and based on wealth. (i) The greater part of it is drawn from anecdotes and incidental statements of fact about particular seventh or sixth century tyrants preserved in Herodotus and later Greek and Latin writers. The various tyrants are dealt with individually in the remaining chapters of the book. (2) Glimpses into the economic and political life of the seventh and sixth centuries are occasionally to be got from the scanty remains of the poets of the period, supplemented by cautious references to later writers. It will be convenient to examine at once this more general evidence. ^ Hy. D. Lloyd, op. cit. p. 493. ^ von Bernhardi, loc. cit. 3 Karl Marx objected to applying the words Capital and Capitalism to the condition of things in antiquity. But see E. Meyer, Gesch. d. Alt. in. p. 55c. V CH. I INTRODUCTION 7 The only two writers of the age of the tyrants of whom more , , ^ ^ ^ than the merest scraps have come down to us are (a) statements , t^, • t. i i i from the ex- Soloni and Theognis^. Both deal professedly with *1"\h"^'sixfh *^^ social and political problems of their day. But century (Solon both address audiences who are familiar with those and eognis), problems. Even if their whole works had been pre- served instead of a few hundred lines in either case, we should not expect to have the fundamental problems explicitly stated. It would be possible to read a large selection of articles and speeches by quite the best journalists and politicians on many recent political measures and at the end of it to be left in uncertainty as to the content and purport of the measure in question. We must expect the same dif- ficulty in reading Solon and Theognis. And it must be confessed that we find it. But there is nothing in the extant fragments of either writer which discredits the theory. More than that there are passages in both of them that become of the utmost significance if the early tyrants owed their power to their previous wealth but are rather pointless on any other hypothesis. Solon's position in relation to the tyranny is explained in the chapter dealing with Athens. But a few lines may be quoted here: But of themselves in their folly the men of the city are willing Our great city to wreck, being won over by wealth. False are the hearts of the people's leaders ^. By the wreck of the city the poet means the establishment of a tyranny, as is indicated by another couplet: Great men ruin a city: for lack of understanding Under a despot's* yoke lieth the people enslaved^. These last two lines were presumably written after Peisistratus had made himself tyrant of Athens. Solon's fears had been realized. The citizens had been "won over by wealth" to "wreck their great city." Is not the best sense made out of these lines by assuming that what Solon feared and what actually happened was that the popular leader had made use of his wealth to establish himself as tyrant.? Neither the "people's leaders" of the first quotation nor the "great men" of the second are specifically stated to have ^ Extant some 300 lines in 35 fragments. ^ Extant 1389 lines of continuous verse. 3 Fr. 2 (13), 5-7. ^ Fr. 7 (17), 3-4. 8 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i been extremely rich, but to quote again the words of Solon, both may be plausibly identified with the foremost of Those who had power and made men to marvel because of their riches^ The political aim of Theognis was to prevent a recurrence of tyranny in Megara^ What does the poet bid his townsmen beware of? Not of eloquence, not of violence, not of rashly appointing a lawgiver or al(7Vfj,v^Tv<;- All his warnings are directed against wealth. The whole town of Megara had become commercial. Birth had lost its prestige, and wealth acquired unprecedented power. He complains how Tradesmen reign supreme: the bad lord it over their betters*. This is the lesson that each and all must thoroughly master : How that in all the world wealth has the might and the power^. Many a bad man is rich, and many a good man needy^. Not without cause, O wealth, do men honour thee above all things'. Most men reckon the only virtue the making of money*. Everyone honours those that are rich, and despises the needy^. When he explicitly alludes to the dangers of the establishment of a tyranny, his references to wealth are no less prominent: Neither exalt thou in hope, by yielding to gain, any tyrant^". Cyrnus, this city is pregnant. I fear lest a man it may bear us Swollen with insolent pride' i, leader in stern civil strife^^- The couplet last quoted almost certainly refers to a possible tyrant. Insolent pride (u/Qpt?) is one of the tyrant's stock charac- teristics^^ There is no reference to wealth in this particular context. But there can be little doubt that this same character is also referred to earlier in the poem. Who, the poet asks, can preserve his reverence for the Gods: When that a man unjust and presumptuous, one that regardeth Neither the wrath of a man, no, nor the wrath of a God, Glutted with wealth waxes proud and insolent^* .? ^ Fi'- 3 (14), 3- ^ For his hatred of tyranny see e.g. 1181-2, 1203-4. ^ Cp. of the Greeks in general, Theognis' contemporary Cyrus {ap. Hdt. I. 153), "these taunts Cyrus flung at the Greeks, because they secure market- places and engage in buying and selling." * 67% poprriyoi 8' apxovai x.r.X., the "bad" is the regular term in aristo- cratic writers for their political opponents. ' 717-8- « 315- ' 523- » 699. 9 621. 1° 823; ep. Solon quoted above. u i^ptarfiv. 12 1081-2. " Cp. e.g. Hdt. III. 80, v/3pi KEKopv/xe'i/of. " i/3pi'fn, 749-751- CH. I INTRODUCTION 9 In this last passage the pride and insolence are directly attributed to enormous wealth. Or again: Be thou sure that not long will that city remain unshaken, Even though now it may lie wrapped in the deepest repose, Soon as soever to those that are bad these things become pleasing — Gains that, whenever they come, bring with them iU for the state. For from these arise factions, murders of men by their kindred, Despots withal^-. What are the gains that lead up to tyranny? Is it not most probable that they are some form of payment received by the com- mons ("those that are bad") from the would-be tyrant^.? Solon and Theognis wrote with the examples of Gyges, Pheidon, Orthagoras, Cypselus, Theagenes and the rest of the seventh century tyrants before them*. If they constantly feared that some wealthy tradesman* would make himself tyrant, it must surely have been because the tyrants had sprung from or been allied with this new class of wealthy traders and financiers. The view here set forth as to the basis of the tyrant's power finds (b) the fifth nothing to contradict it in the fifth century references century writers to the early tyranny. On the contrary such few Herodotus, ' references as are explicitly made to the origin of the Pindar), tyranny by writers of the fifth century bear it out. " Is it not folly," says Oedipus to Kreon in the Oedipus Tyrannus of Sophocles, "this attempt of yours, without a host of followers and friends to seek a tyranny, a thing that's gained only with hosts of followers and money^?" "When Greece,"says Thucydides, in his introductory sketch of early Greek history, "had grown more powerful, and was still more than before engaged in the acquisition of wealth, tyrannies were established in the cities^." Herodotus gives no account of the rise of tyranny, but a large proportion of the evidence as to the careers of individual tyrants is derived from his work. Perhaps the fifth century writer who might be expected to throw most light on the question is Pindar, who visited the courts ^ 47-52- ^ Other interpretations would be possible if in line 51 we read "from this" (e/c Tov) instead of "from these" (ex tS>v), but the mss. all support €k tSiv. ^ Is it possible to see in Solon, 12 (4). 29-32, a reference to the fates of the various tyrant families of the seventh century? * (j)opTr)y6s, Theognis, 679. 5 Soph. O.T. 540-542. * 1. 13. 10 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i of the Sicilian tyrants and wrote odes in their honour. His poems contain many references to the supreme importance of wealth : Wealth adorned with virtues Brings opportunity for this and that^. Ever in the quest of noble achievements Toil and outlay strive after the issue^. So elsewhere 3 in a similar spirit he describes Hiero's great victory over the Etruscans as "the crown of his lordly wealth." The Syracusan monarchs of the early fifth century seem to have had fewer affinities with the commercial tyrants of the two preceding centuries than with the military despots of a later age. It is there- fore all the more significant that wealth is so frequently regarded by Pindar, who more than any other writer represents the transition from the sixth century to the fifth, rather as a means to power than as one of its rewards. Later documents, as has been said already, give a different account of the early tyrants' antecedents. But here and there statements are to be found in them that, though perhaps reconcilable with other views, only become fully significant on the commercial theory. Isocrates for instance speaks of the "huge wage bills and expendi- tures of money by which all modern dynasts maintain their power*." He wrote these words between 342 and 339 B.C.*, but as his modern times are contrasted with those of Agamemnon and he himself was nearly thirty years old at the close of the fifth century, his modern dynasts may well include sixth century tyrants like Peisistratus and Polycrates, the more so as "dynasts" arose so seldom in fifth century Greece. Aristotle preserves the tradition that the early tyrants were good business men. He speaks of " rendering account of (c) some state- , . . , ,• , , , 1 ments of their receipts and expenditure, as has been done al- tur "^^ r'it "' '■eady by certain of the tyrants. For by this kind of administration he would give the impression of being a manager {olKovofio^) and not a tyrant^." 1 Olymp. 11. 58-9 (to There, tyrant of Acragas). 2 Olymp. v. 15-16 (to Psaumis of Camarina). The poem ends with a warning to Psaumis not to emulate the tyrants (/i?) fiareva-ri debs yeufa-dm). 3 Pyth. I. 48. * aXX' o/i(Bf 7-0 TotovTov (Tj) B( v'\.aKe<;) to prevent corners in corn, and we still have a speech of Lysias directed against some speculators who had bought beyond the legal limit. The con- text of a passage in this speech suggests that the general controllers of the market (ayopavofioi,) were expected to be on their guard against corners in other articles^. The detailed evidence in favour of this view is given in the chapters that follow. It will be found however that these men who made themselves tyrants through their riches were not all of them mere speculators. Some at least had acquired their wealth from trade or industry. This means that they were large employers of labour. There are reasons for thinking that from this point of view they would be politically far more influential thai> their successors in business in the days of the Athenian democracy. The big merchants and manufacturers of the fifth and fourth centuries relied largely, and more and more as time went on, on servile labour. The thousand miners whose services Nikias com- manded were all slaves. Six hundred slave miners were owned by his contemporary Hipponikos and three hundred by Philemonides^ The hundred and twenty hands in the shield factory of the orator Lysias were all slaves^. So too were the fifty-two in the knife and bedstead factories inherited by Demosthenes ^, and the nine or ten in the boot-making establishment of Timarchus '', as also those in the flute-making establishment from which the father of Isocrates ' Plut. Sol. 2, 14. ^ Aristot. Pol. 1. 1259a. 3 Lysias, c. Frument. 16 (165). For an oil ring in the Rome of Plautus see Captim, 489, " omnes conpecto rem agunt quasi in Velabro olearii." * Xen. de Vect. 4. 14-15; cp. Plut. Nikias, 4. ^ Lysias, <,. Eratosth. ig (121). « Dem. c. Aphob. A. 9-1 1 (816, 817); cp. Plut. Demosth. 4. ' Aeschines, t. Timarch. 97 (13-14). CH. I INTRODUCTION 13 made his living^, and the sail-makers and drug-pounders who appear in Demosthenes contra Olympiodorum^- These instances might be multiplied^- Slaves were of course only a form of wealth*. As human beings they were entirely without influence on politics. It would have been another matter if Nikias had had a big constituency of miner citizens at his entire disposal. That I believe was one of the great differences between Nikias and Peisistratus and generally speaking between the captains of industry in the fifth and fourth centuries and their predecessors in the seventh and sixth. The evidence is not decisive, but as far as it goes it all points in this direction. At Athens in the generation that preceded the tyranny it is reported of Solon that "he encouraged the citizens to take up manual trades^," a policy perhaps to be connected with his release from debt and semi-slavery of the "pelatai" and the "hektemoroi^," since fresh employment had possibly to be found for many of these liberated serfs. It is further reported of Solon that he offered the citizenship to any who "transplanted themselves to Athens with their whole family for the sake of exercising some manual trade';" Aeschines quotes Solon, laws attributed to whom were still in force when the orator flourished, to the effect that "he does not drive a man from the platform" {i.e. he allows him to speak in the assembly of citizens) "even if he is practising some handicraft, but ^ Dion. Hal. Isocr. I, depairovras aiXoTroiovs. For depanaiv =slave, cp. Aristoph.Pto. 518-521. 2 t. Olymp. 12 (1170). ^ E.g. Xen. Mem. ii. 7. 3, 6. The contract for building the long walls of Athens in the days of Pericles is said to have been given to a single individual, by name Kallikrates (Plut. Per. 1 3') : of his employees we know nothing except that according to the contemporary comic poet Cratlnus they were very slow about their work. * Athen. vi. 272 s actually speaks of Nikias as a millionaire (faTrXovror) owning slaves as capital (eVi ffpoo-dSoir). ^ Plut. Sol. XXII. jrpor Tas T€-)(yas (cp. )^eipoTej(yr]s = 3.Ttu,aa) eTpe-^e tovs TToKiTas. Note too, ibid. (cp. Galen, Protrept. 8 init. ; Vitruv. vi. praef.) the law that a son was not obUged to support his father if the father had not taught him a trade, and further Poll. viii. 42 (in the days of Solon a person thrice con- victed of unemployment lost his vote). ' Aristot. Ath. Pol. 2. In ch. 12 the Ath. Pol. alludes to the difficulties (awopia) of the poor and of those previously slaves who were liberated as a result of the (Tfuraxd^ia (Solon's measure for dealing with slavery and debt), and proceeds to quote Solon himself. ' Plut. Sol. XXIV. 14 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i welcomes that class most of all^." Solon himself, describmg the various paths by which men pursue riches, declares that Another learns the works of Athena and Hephaestus of the many crafts, and with his hands gathers a livehhood^. The tyrants themselves are repeatedly found making it part of their policy to keep their subjects employed on big industrial con- cerns. In more than one case we shall see their power collapsing just when this policy becomes financially impossible^. This part of the tyrants' policy is noticed by Aristotle, who quotes the dedications (buildings and works of art) of the Cypselids at Corinth, the building of the temple of Olympian Zeus at Athens by the Peisistratids, and the works of Polycrates round Samos*. To these names we may add Theagenes of Megara, Phalaris of Agrigentum, Aristodemus of Cumae, and the Tarquins of Rome, all of whom are associated with works of this kind 5. Aristotle says that the object of these works was to keep the people busy and poor. This explanation is more than doubtful, as has been already recognized^. It is not employment that leads to poverty. More probably the tyrants pursued this industrial policy because, to quote an expression used in another context by Plutarch, "stimulating every craft and busying every hand it made practically the whole city wage earners (efi/xcaOov)," employed, as in the case Plutarch is describing, by the government of the state. In other words may not the tyrants have been building up an industrial state of employee subjects who in their turn involved kn army of "customer subjects'".? The words just quoted come from the life of Pericles * and refer to the way that he employed the poorer citizens (tov drjTiKov o'xXov) in the rebuilding and adornment of Athens. Among the people so employed he mentions carpenters, sculptors, coppersmiths, stone masons, dyers, moulders of gold and ivory, painters, embroiderers, engravers, merchants, sailors, wheelwrights, waggoners, drivers, rope-makers, flax workers, leather cutters, road-makers, miners. We still possess fragments of the accounts of payments made to these workmen or their successors some years after Pericles' death^. The Alcmaeonids, the family to 1 Aesch. c. Timarch. 27 (4). 2 Anth. Lyr. Solon, 12 (4), 49-50. ^ Notably at Athens and Rome. * Aristot. Pol. VII. (v.), 1 3 13 6. 5 Below, pp. 267, 274!, 279, 223 f. * E.g. by Endt, Wien. Stud. xxiv. (1901), p. 55. ' Hy. D. Lloyd, Wealth against Commonwealth, p. 364. 8 Plut. Per. 12. 9 Building of the Erechtheum, 408 B.C. C.l.A. 1. 321, 324 CH. I INTRODUCTION 15 which Pericles belonged, had been opponents of the house of Peisis- tratus for ages, and had consistently fought it with its own weapons. Pericles himself was commonly called the new Peisistratus^- His public works were a continuation of those of Peisistratus^ The whole situation as well as our scanty information about industrial conditions in the age of the tyrants alike suggest that in this use of public works to convert the industrial classes into an army of his own employees, which is what they very nearly were^, Pericles was in a very particular sense a new Peisistratus. To judge too from the purely industrial evidence Pericles seems to have been continuing the traditions of an earlier age. It is true that free labour was largely employed on the restoration of the great sanctuary at Eleusis some eighty years after the operations just referred to. An inscription relating to the wages paid during this later undertaking shows that the employees included 36 citizens, 39 resident aliens, 12 strangers, 2 slaves, besides 57 persons of un- certain status*. But this evidence only tends to show that building was always a free man's trade ^. We must beware of arguing from one trade to another or from one particular trade to trade in general. There were doubtless many subtle shades of status depending on the nature of either the work or the profits^ As servile industry develops, it drives free labour from work thought to be particularly damaging to body or mind such as employment underground in mines. Speaking generally, however, there are signs that in Athens at least between the days of the tyranny and those of the Periclean democracy the conditions of free labour had been radically changed. This is most obvious as regards the status of the citizen artizan'. ^ Plut. Per. i6j TTjv dvvafitv avTov. . . KaKorjdoJs irapefitpatvova'tv ol KKOfitKoi^ H^LO'iarpaTidas fiev vdovs Toiis dfifpl avrov eraipous KoKovvres, avrov B aTro/xocrat fifj Tvpavvrja-eiv KeXevovres. ^ Cp. Mauri, Cittadini Lavoratori dell' Attica, p. 56. ' Cp. Thuc. II. 65, of Athens under Pericles, "nominally it was a democracy, but in fact it was government by the foremost man." * Arch.Eph. 1883, pp. 109 f. =C.I.A. 11. ii. 8346 (329-8 B.C.). ^ Zimmern, Sociological Review, 1909, p. 166. * Cp. Cic. de Off. i. 42. 151, mercatura, si tenuis est, sordida putanda est, sin magna et copiosa non est admodum uituperanda; atque etiam si... ex portu in agros se possessionesque contulerit, uidetur iure optimo posse laudari: a view that was doubtless as firmly held in Greece as it has been since in Rome and England. ' A fairly complete collection of the authorities for ancient Greek views on manual labour is to be found in Frohberger, De Opificum apui vet. Graec. condit. chap. II. 1 6 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i Solon refers to him without a trace of contempt and is careful to maintain his political dignity. In so doing he appears to have been conservative and simply following the tradition of the Homeric age, when a prince was proud to make his own bedstead or build his own house and a princess took pleasure in acting as palace laundressi. In Attica at any rate manual labour appears to have enjoyed an equally honourable reputation from the heroic age onwards till the end of the age of the tyrants^. In the good old days, so Plato declares in the Critias^ "the other classes of citizens were engaged in handicrafts (Sfj/xiovpyiai) and agriculture." The earliest division of the free population, ascribed to the half historical Theseus, com- prised three classes — nobles, farmers, and artizans (Sr)/j,iovpov<:)^." Aristotle and Euboulides would have agreed with Pollux^, our earliest lexicographer (second century a.d.), that thetes is a name for free men who out of poverty do slave's work for money (eV' dpyvpiw BovXevovrcov). The Greeks despised the artizan largely because of his lack of leisure and impaired physique which to their minds necessarily implied a lack of culture and a weakened intelligence*. This being the ground of their contempt, the feeling must plainly have grown up when the claims of culture and of industry had become exacting. This means that it was probably subsequent to and a result of the industrial developments of the age of the tyrants; and this dating is confirmed by other considerations. The growth of contempt for labour has been explained by Drumann^ as due in part at least to the Persian wars and the resultant plunder, which must have made a good many citizens finan- cially independent. The payment of the huge panels of jurymen, which at Athens did so much to release the poorer citizens from the necessity to work, was an ultimate outcome of the Persian wars. The Peloponnesian war may have completed the process. It lasted through nearly thirty campaigns (431-404 B.C.) and must have deeply disorganized the labour market. Slaves must in all ^ Pol. IV. (vii.), 1326a;. The J'olitics was based on a series of studies of parti- cular constitutions one of which, the Constitution of Athens, was recovered from an Egyptian rubbish heap some thirty years ago. When Aristotle says that a city of artizans cannot attain to greatness we may feel fairly sure that artizans had played no prominent part in any of the Greek cities since the Persian wars. For the period before that his information must have been less reliable. ^ c. EubuUdem, 32 (1308). ^ Pollux, III. 82; cp. Photius s.v. "drjTeia- bovXda." * See e.g. Xen. Oecon. iv. 2-3, and cp. the unusually sympathetic account of the working classes in the sophist Prodicus, a contemporary of Socrates: "let us proceed to the artizans and mechanics {^^ipaivaKTiKovs Km ^avav(Tovs\ toiling from night to night and with difficulty providing themselves with the necessities of life and bewailing themselves and filling all their sleepless hours with lamentation and tears." MuUach, Frag. Phil. Gr. 11. 139. ^ Arbeit, u. Comm. p. 46. 2 — 2 20 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i directions have supplanted the free men who were wanted for mihtary service, just as women took men's places in the modern counterpart of the Greek disaster^. The continued campaigning is sure to have left many of the fighting men with a distaste for the dull routine of industry^. In the Plutus of Aristophanes, brought out in 388 B.C., Poverty argues against an even distribution of wealth on the ground that it would destroy the slave trade and drive free men to manual labour as smiths, shipbuilders, tailors, wheelwrights, shoemakers, brickmakers, laundrymen, tanners and ploughmen^. Rather than return to their trades they preferred active service in distant lands. When early in the fourth century Agesilaus of Sparta was campaigning in Asia Minor against the King of Persia we are told that most of his troops except his own Spartans were potters, smiths, carpenters and the like*. Mechanical occupa- tions are said by Aristotle to have been in his own days in some Greek cities mainly in the hands of slaves and outlanders: "in ancient times in some cities the artizan element [to ^dvavaov) was servile or alien, for which reason most of them are such now^." This growing contempt and dislike for manual labour as such, com- bined with the passion for freedom and independence, would make free citizens particularly unwilling to become factory hands or miners or anything that meant working under a master for a daily wage, the receipt of which tended to be regarded as a degradation*. Ciccotti ^ observes that piece work becomes much commoner at this ^ Women were of course involved in the consequences of the Peloponnesian war. " I am told that many women citizens [aaral yvvaiKfs) became wet nurses and day labourers and grape pickers (rn-(9ai koI epidoi kol TpvytiTpim) as a result of the misfortunes of the city in those times." Dem. c. Eubul. 45 (1313); cp. Xen. Mem. 11. 7 f. 2 Cp. the trouble that the Romans were always having with their disbanded troops. ^ Aristoph. Plut. 510-525. " Plut. Ages. 26; Polyaen. 11. i. 7; cp. Xen. Hell. vi. i. 5. 5 Aristot. Pol. III. 1278 a. Aristotle is of course a more valuable authority for his own days than for his " ancient times." « Plato, Rep. II. 371 e. SoCic. deOf. 1. 42, "est ipsa merces auctoramentum seruitutis." Cp. Zimmern, Sociological Review, 1909, p. 174, who however when he says that "the Greeks never took kindly to wage earning" is thinking mainly of the fifth and fourth centuries b.c. and rather disregarding the evidence for conditions at that period being of comparatively recent growth. ' Ciccotti, Tramonto d. Schiavitii, pp. 124 f. In the extant fragments of the Erechtheum accounts for 409 B.C. the payments are partly by the piece, partly by the day. CH. I INTRODUCTION 21 period. He explains the tendency in abstract Marxian principles. The change may be due to much more human causes, such as the workman's growing desire to work his own hours at his own pace. The work that the free man refused to do was undertaken by the growing population of slaves. There was at this time a glut in the slave market, as is sufficiently proved by the single fact that while the prices of all other commodities went up in the fifth and fourth centuries, that of slaves went down^. Among the unpleasant occupa- tions that fell more and more completely into servile hands were mining and quarrying^, two of the occupations with which we shall find that the early tyrants were most frequently concerned. If therefore in the fifth and fourth centuries citizen craftsmen appear to have worked mainly in small individual concerns*, it by no means follows that the same was the case in the seventh and sixth centuries. The conditions during the later period were due to causes that only began to operate during that period. On the other hand industry must have begun to organize itself into con- siderable concerns somewhere about th^ beginning of the earlier period, at the time of the developments that are admittedly associated , with the beginnings of tyranny. What was the status of the employees in these earlier enterprises such as the potteries of Corinth, the sixth century mines at Laurium, or the metal and woollen works at Samos.' Almost our only piece of direct evidence on this subject is a statement of Alexis* that Polycrates the tyrant of Samos, whose connexion with Samian industry is established in Chapter III, "used to send for skilled artizans at very high wages (fieTecrTeWeTO Te%vtTa9 €7rt ix,iadoK /j-ejiaroi';)." These highly paid artizans may have been foreigners — Athenians, Milesians, or the like^ — but they can scarcely have been slaves. Indirect evidence in the same direction is more abundant. Periander for example, the second tyrant of Corinth (about 620-580 B.C.), is said to have forbidden the purchase of slaves^. This regulation looks like an attempt towards ^ Cavaignac, Etudes Financ. p. 173. For the large growth of the servile population in fourth century Attica see Beloch, Rhein. Mus. 1890, pp. 55; f. ^ Cavaignac, itudes Financ. p. 172; E.Meyer, Kleinschrift. p. 198. ' See Brants, Rev. de I' Instruct. Publ. Belg. xxvi. p. 106. * Athen. xii. 540 (i. ^ Cp. on fifth century Athens Xen. (.■') Ath. Pol. i. 12, "the city needs resident aliens owing to the number of its handicrafts (Seii-at ixeroiKiov Sia to 7r\rj6os tS>v T^XVOiv)," * Below, p. 192. 22 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i the end of the period of tyranny at Corinth to stem an influx of servile labour. It is doubtful whether slave owning on a large scale existed at y this period!. The Greeks of the iifth and fourth centuries regarded slavery as they knew it as a modern development^. Timaeus says* that till recently the Locrians had a law and likewise the Phocians against possessing either maid servants or slaves (ovre OepaTralvaf ovT€ oiK€Tata-i km oiKfTor. ^ Timaeus, ap. Athen. vi. 264.0. * Clerc, Meteques Athen. pp. 324 f. * Ciccotti, Tramonto d. Schiavitu, p. 47. ^ Buechsenschuetz, Besitz u. Erwerh. pp. 321, 341, 193; cp. Walta, Rev. Hist. "7 (i9'4), PP- 5-41- ' In the oriental Greek states of the Hellenistic period, as also in the Roman East, the government seems sometimes to have run big industrial concerns whose employees have been held to have been free men. Beloch, Zeits. f. Socialwiss. II. pp. 24-25. But these establishments belong to a quite different political order from that with which we are now concerned. CH. I INTRODUCTION 23 implied. We are apt to forget how completely slaves were excluded from any part whatsoever in the life of the state. Politically they were non-existent, and the whole free population was vitally con- cerned in keeping them so. The slave was an essential form of property. To question the institution of slavery in ancient Greece was like questioning the fundamental claims of property in modern Europe. It was a proclamation of war to the knife against the whole established order of things. Individual slaves might win free- dom and political rights, but any organized effort at emancipation on the part of the slaves themselves was put down with merciless severity. When in 71 e.g. Pompey and Crassus had crushed the slave rebellion of Spartacus, the moderate and statesmanlike revolu- tionary whose name has come again to such prominence in recent days, six thousand of his followers were crucified along the road from Rome to Naples. The distance is about 150 miles. At the time therefore of this exemplary punishment if anyone had occasion to pass along the road in question, one of the most frequented in the whole Roman state, he would see some forty of these victims writhing in agony or hanging dead upon the cross for every mile of his journey. No piece of frightfulness quite so thorough and methodical is to be found in all the frightful history of the present century. The punishment of 71 B.C. is typical of the whole attitude of the ancient republics of Greece and Rome towards rebellious slaves. No wonder then if in their history servile labour played no active part^. Some parts of Greece never passed under a tyrant. The most (e) the history Conspicuous of these is Sparta^. The Spartans never of the states struck real coins. The iron pieces "heavy and hard where there . was never a to carry ^" that formed the classical Spartan currency tyrant, seem to be a survival of a premonetary medium of ^ For slave revolts in Greece see Diod. xxxiv. 2. 19 and Athen. vi. 272 f. (Laurium, probably latter part of second century B.C.); Athen. vi. 265c (Chios, apparently later still, pace Boeckh, Public Econ. of Athens, 11. pp. 470-471) ; cp. Wallon, I'Esclavage^, i. pp. 318 f., 483-484. The movements at Laurium and Chios in the Peloponnesian war, Thuc. vii. 27, viii. 40, seem to have been not so much revolts against slavery as desertions from one set of masters to another. When Holm, Hist. Greece (English trans.), 1 p. 263, says that the essence of tyranny was that it rested on force he makes a statement which, so far as it is true, diflfereptiates tyranny from no other ancient form of government. ^ aft aTvpcivvevTOS ^v, Thuc. i. 18. ' Plut. Lysander, 17. 24 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i exchange!. Sparta was also practically without any urban popula- tion2 It may be more than an accidental coincidence that the most anti-tyrannical state in Greece was without a real comage, and backward in trade and industry. Another region where nothing is heard of early tyrants is Thessaly. Thessaly had a large serf population called vevearai, whose posi- tion much resembled that of the Spartan helots^. Both were mainly agricultural labourers, asscripti glebae. Such a population might serve the purpose of a would-be military despot. Pausanias, the Spartan generalissimo against the Persians, had dealings with the helots when he was trying to make himself tyrant of all Greece*. But for a commercial tyrant they would not be very useful material. The other important district that seems to have been immune from tyrants is Boeotia. It is natural to associate this immunity with the dominantly agricultural character of the district where Hesiod wrote his Works and Day s^. When the tyrants had been suppressed or expelled, or their families became extinct, the government in most cases either to prevent a^^ reverted to an oligarchy or developed into a demo- recurrence of cracy. Oligarchs and democrats (or at least democratic tyranny. ' , , , ii--j-l governments) seem to have been equally mspired with a hatred of the tyranny. The steps that they took and the fears that they displayed under that influence may be expected to throw light on the source of the tyrant's .power. Once more however it is necessary to limit ourselves to the fifth century, when the conception of the tyrant had not yet undergone the great change that came over it in the days of Dionysius of Syracuse ^. ^ Hill, Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins, p. 17, quoting Lenormant. Hill himself inclines to think that the Spartan coinage may have resembled the iron pieces of Aeginetan weight attributed to Tegea and Argos. But these latter are not "heavy and hard to carry." ^ ov ^vvoiKttrdfia-rjs TrdXecos. . . nara Koifj-as Se. . .olKiaSe'iirrjs, Thuc. I. 10. ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 1269a. * Thuc. i. 132. ^ In the days of Plato Thebes contained one citizen of extraordinary wealth in Ismenias, "the man who had just recently received the wealth of Polycrates.'' Ismenias is classed with Periander, Perdiccas, and Xerxes as a wealthy man who thought he possessed great power; but he is not called a tyrant. He had become rich not through his own wisdom and care, but suddenly as the result of a bequest, so that his wealth would apparently fall under a different category from that of the seventh and sixth century tyrants, and he is In fact placed by Plato in a very miscellaneous company. Plato, Meno, goa; Rep. 1. 336a. ^ See below, pp. 30 f. CH. I INTRODUCTION 25 Of the oligarchic Greek states our knowledge is comparatively slight. History has preserved for us no oligarchic counterpart to the picture that we still possess of democratic Athens. But thanks to the Politics of Aristotle, that precious storehouse of incidental statements and remarks, the fact has come down to us that^ "in many oligarchies it is not allowed to engage in business (')(^pr]fiaTi- ^eaOai, perhaps better construed 'money-making'), but there are laws forbidding it." Of the anti-tyrannical measures of democratic Athens during the century that followed the expulsion of the Peisistratids we are better informed. So are we also as to the measures taken in the early days of republican Rome to prevent a re-establishment of the kingship. The evidence supports the view that in both cases what the estab- lished government mainly feared was the rich man becoming poli- tically powerful by means of his riches. Only, if that view is right, why is it nowhere specifically formu- lated in extant records? One set of causes has already been incidentally indicated. The state of things that could lead to a tyranny of the The evidence i • u • r l n • is not conclu- early type was passmg away at the time or the rersian sive ; but con- wars. The payment of j urymen rendered a recurrence documents are of 't i" Athens finally impossible. Sparta had always meagre and no been equally averse from making either coins or Greek writers . say much tyrants. What Athens and Sparta both disapproved about econo- of had little chance of finding a home in fifth century Greece. It was during this period that Herodotus ind Thucydides, our earliest Greek historians, composed their works. Each wrote the history of a great war. But even if their themes had been more peaceful, it would be a mistake to imagine that their enquiries into economic causes would have been any more searching. Cornford in his illuminating study of Thucydides^ com- plains of the general blindness of the Greeks in this direction. This s hardly fair on the Greeks. Thucydides and his successors are not unusually blind. It is the moderns who are unusual in the way they fix their eyes upon this particular aspect of history. Only in :imes of financial and industrial revolution does the world at large jecome distinctly conscious of the financial and industrial basis of ts social and political organization. The revolution now proceeding 1 Aristot. Pol. VIII. (vi.), 13166. ^ Thucydides Mythistoricus, p. 32. 26 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i has produced this effect. It has led modern historians to concentrate, perhaps unduly, upon the Investigation of economic causes and con- ditions. From this modern point of view the Bank of England or the Standard Oil Company is as fruitful and important a subject of historical research as the policy of a prime minister or the strategy of a general. But this attitude is unusual. The financial revolution associated with the realms of Gyges and Pheidon had been accepted by the whole Greek world before the outbreak of the Persian wars. For writers of the new epoch that began with Salamis and Plataea economic conditions must have appeared a changeless and somewhat boring factor. If the early tyrants had previously been kings of finance or industry, we must not expect many statements or illustra- tions of the fact in the Persian Wars of Herodotus, or the Pelopon- nesian War of Thucydides. It should satisfy us if, as is the case, their allusions to the tyranny are all in complete harmony with that hypothesis. The writers of the fourth century offer a more serious difficulty. .„, . Both Plato and Aristotle deal at some length with The view is . . at variance the origin of tyranny, and both give explanations with state- quite different from the one that is here offered. As ments of Plato, ^ Aristotle, and their accounts have been the basis of all subsequent whS"^"* views, it is necessary to state briefly what they are. According to Plato^ "it is fairly plain that tyranny develops out of democracy." When a tyrant comes into being, the root he springs from is the people's champion, and no other.... What then is the beginning of the change from protector to tyrant.?... The people's champion finding a multitude very ready to follow him... enslaves and slaughters, and hints at the abolition of debts and the partition of land. When such a man so behaves, is he not subsequently bound and doomed either to be destroyed by his enemies or to become tyrant and be changed from a man into a wolf.? This is what becomes of the leader of the rebellion against the owners of property^. ^ Rep. VIII. 562a; cp. 564a, 565 (i. 2 On tyrants as plunderers cp. Hdt. v. 92: "(Cypselus) deprived many people of their property." So Ephorus, F.H.G. in. p. 392, "He banished the Bacchiads and confiscated their possessions." Cp. Plato, Phaedo, 82a; Rep. viii. end. The spoils of victory however are quite a different thing from the litigious confiscations of fifth and fourth century demagogues. The way the early tyrants used their wealth is sufficient proof that it was not mainly plunder. There is nothing of the condottiere about the typical early tyrant. Cp. H. Sieveking, Kapitalist. Entwick. i. d. ital. Sladt. d. Mittelah. in Viertelj. f. Soc. u. Wins. VII. pp. 64 f. CH. I INTRODUCTION . 27 Plato goes on to describe how the tyrant either gets banished and effects his return by force or avoids exile only by the famous ex- pedient of demanding a bodyguard. Aristotle's account is similar, but less rigid, and emphasizes the military element. "In ancient times, whenever the same individual became both demagogue and general, the result was a tyranny. It is fairly true to say that the majority of the early tyrants have developed out of demagogues^." Other tyrants he describes as estab- lishing themselves as such after having previously either reigned as kings or held for a long period some important office^. In ancient times Aristotle includes the fifth century (and perhaps the beginning of the fourth), as is shown by his quoting Dionysius of Syracuse'. Plato's treatment is less historical, but as he specifically excludes the possibility of any other sort of tyrant pedigree than that he gives, his account is plainly meant to hold good for all periods *- In short both Plato and Aristotle regard their accounts of the , tyrant's origin as being of general application. As picture of the such they have always been accepted, and not at first rise of tyranny gjght without reason. The Platonic- Aristotelian pedi- clashes with / • , ■ . mi known facts " gree (with an alternative) is already ascribed to the period *^ tyrant by Herodotus: "under a democracy it is im- possible for corruption not to prevail . . . . , until some individual, championing the people [irpoa-Taq tov hrnxov), blossoms out into a monarch (/j.ovvapxo'i = tyrant)^." But what are the ' Pol. VII. (v.), 1305a; cp. VII. (v.), 13106, o 8e Tvpaitvos {Kadla-Tarat.) €k tov ^r]fj.ov Koi TOV nXrjdovs. ^ "Pheidon and others became tyrants with a kingship to start from... those in the parts about Ionia, and Phalaris, from their offices,'' Pol. vii. (v.), 13106; cp. ibid., "through starting with power, some that of kingly office," and ibid., "other (tyrannies) from kings overstepping their inherited positions'"; vii. (v.), 13083, "attempts at tyranny are made in some places by demagogues, in other places by dynasts, or those who hold the highest offices when they hold them for a long time." ^ Cp. also Pol. VII. (v.), 13053, where "modern times" means since rhetoric developed and demagogues ceased to be soldiers. * Or else for no historical period at all. As pointed out to me by my colleague Professor W. G. de Burgh, Plato's order is confessedly an order of ascending injustice (Rep. vm. 545 »; cp. 3443), in introducing which he invokes the muses of Homer and asks them not to be too serious (545s). Plato's evidence on this point need not be taken so literally as that of the historically minded Aristotle. ^ Hdt. III. 82. See also Xen. Hell. vii. i. 44-46; and cp. Porzio, Cipselidi, p. 207, II. I. 28 THE ORIGIN OF TYRANNY ch. i facts? The process just described makes the early tyrant develop out of a demagogue who is usually also a general. Demagogues may have existed in Greece before tyrannies began to be established; but the evidence for their having done so is extraordinarily meagre^, and it is highly doubtful whether Aristotle adds to it. He does not attempt a picture of a seventh or sixth century demagogue. Those of his own day secured their influence by confiscations effected through the popular courts^. They are essentially the product of a full-blown democracy, and pretyrannical democracies are extremely doubtful. Athens is a special and only partial case, and even there, in spite of Solon, Herodotus^ ,can speak of Cleisthenes, who over- threw the tyranny, as "the man who established the democracy." The demagogues from whom Aristotle derives his early tyrants are mainly military demagogues: "the tyrant," he says, "is also prone to make war*." This statement is hardly borne out by the facts. As a body, in spite of the times they lived in, the early tyrants were remarkable for their works not of war but of peace s. Some of them indeed, as for instance Orthagoras and Peisistratus, are reported to have dis- tinguished themselves as soldiers before they became tyrants. The warlike exploits of the youthful Orthagoras are discussed below*. He cannot have been really prone to militarism, since Aristotle declares that a successor of his altered the character of the Sicyonian tyranny by becoming warlike'. Peisistratus' early feats of war are ^ Neither the Homeric Thersites nor the "leaders of the people" of Solon show any of the essential features of the demagogue as known to Herodotus, Plato, and Aristotle. Individual early tyrants are often said to have been demagogues, but only by the writers of the fourth century or later, whose evidence on this point is valueless; cp. below, pp. 30 f. ''' "The demagogues of the present day win favour with the democracies by securing many confiscations through the law courts." Aristotle, Pol. viii. (vi.), 1320a. 3 Hdt. VI. 131. * TToXe/iOTTOids, Aristot. Pol. vii. (v.), 13 13 6; cp. 1305a (01 npoaTarai tov Sq/iov, ore iroXe/iiKol yevoiVTO, Tvpavvlbi ineriBevTo) and Plato, Rep. VIII. 566^ (ttoXc^ous dei Kivei). Cp. Thuc. I. 17, Si' aa-v Tvpavvos Kariarrf). ^ Cp. Plut. Solon, 29, "helping the needy" of Peisistratus when first suspected by Solon of aiming at tyranny: cp. also Aristot. Pol. vii. (v.), 1305 a (tr. Welldon), " the ground of this confidence being their detestation of the wealthy classes. This was the case at Athens with Peisistratus in consequence of his feud with the (wealthy landed) proprietors of the plain." 3—^ 36 ATHENS ch. i from the information that has come down to us. So before sifting the evidence that bears on it, it will be well to examine some latei and better known phases of the tyrant's career. After the tyrant had first established himself he is reported tc „ . . have been twice banished and twice restored. After How Peisis- ■ } IS mentioned in the inscription published by Oikonomos, Ath. Mitt. xxxv. (1910), p. 277, 1. 9; so also C.I. A. u. 78 1: cp. also Eurip. Cycl. 293-4, "aery Su^nium's- silver-veined crag [iwdpyvpos nerpa)," tr. Shelley. Sunium ^'^^■T'kfj 44 ATHENS ch. ii The ciKpa of the Caucasus are of course not capes but peaks. Trinakria on the other hand is the land of the three capes. It is important to remember that the word aKpov has no equivalent in English. It means peak or height as well as cape or headland. To attempt to keep these two meanings separate is to commit a mental mistranslation. Though Sunium is the aKpov par excellence, the whole ^ovvbUKo^ yovvo'; abounds in ciKpa, or as the inscriptions call them, \6(}>ot. (crests, ridges)^. Bursian describes the hills of Laurium (Lauriongebirge) as a continuous mountain chain, and includes it with Parnes, Brilessos, and Hymettos among the main ridges (grossere Gebirgsziige) of Attica^. The writer has spent some days walking in the mining district. The sea is always near, and glimpses of it may be had frequently. But it h the hills that dominate the landscape, not the sea. More particulaily is this the case in the district that was most mined in the sixth century, where the ground varies in height from 170 m. to 370 m. (550-1200 feet), and lies well inland^. In the light of this probability that the Diakrioi occupied the mining district of Attica, and of the fact that their name means hill men, it is interesting to note that the Idaean Dactyls, who "are said to have been the first miners," are stated also to have been men of the mountains*, and that in German and Welsh the words for miners (Bergleuten, gwyr y mynyddau) mean literally "hill men." The Greek word Diakrioi would have a peculiar appropriateness for miners. The aKpov is precisely the part of a hill that the farmer has least use for. Miners on the other hand preferred to carry on their smelting operations on the hill tops, because a better draught is thus secured*. ^ E.g. Oikonomos, Ath. Mitt. xxxv. (1910), pp. 277, 1. 25; 278, 1. 42; 281, 1. 46; cp. Xen. de Vect. iv. 2, rav vnapyipav \6(jia>v\ Pliny, N.H. iv. 11 (7), Tlioricus promontorium. 2 Bursian, Gr. Geog. i. pp. 254-5. Boeckh, Pub. Econ. 11. p. 416, n. 6, quotes Aavptov opos, but gives no reference. ^ A site between Kamaresa (Maronea?) and Sunium, which Loeper identifies with Potamos, is described by him as "im Inneren liegend," Ath. Mitt. xvii. PP- 333-4- ^ Schol. Ap. Rhod. Argon. 1. 1129, quoting the Phoronid, nvSpes opea-TfpOLj 01 wpS)Toi T€-)(yrfv iroXvpjjTLOS 'Hcpataroio evpov iv ovp€Ljj(Ti vdirais, loevra aldrjpoVj e'f TTvp T fjveyKOV Kal dpiirpeTTfS epyov eSei^av. ^ Binder, Laurion, p. 25 (cp. de Launay in Saglio, Diet. d. Ant. s.v. ferrum, [. 11 ATHENS 45 It has been pointed out by Milchhoeferi that the mining district considerably broken up by the Cleisthenic division of Attica into ttyes. Milchhoefer's arrangement of the trittyes in the mining strict has been convincingly simplified by Loeper^, but Loeper mself leaves the mines divided betw^een three trittyes of three Terent tribes. We may therefore still follow Milchhoefer in think- S, that Cleisthenes took special precautions to break up this district. he same fact is noticed by Milchhoefer about the district round otheia, the Northern deme already noticed as belonging to the aakria. Here too the Russian scholar has simplified, but here too ily to a limited extent. " In a breaking up like this of the old hill untry of the Peisistratids" Milchhoefer sees unmistakable signs "measures directed against the Peisistratids." "Now that we have good reason for seeing Peisistratan hill country round Laurium round Plotheia, w^e must either reject Milchhoefer altogether, , more probably, see in both districts centres of Peisistratan in- ience,of vv'hich the Southernmost was the more important. Mining lerations in antiquity were conducted on a large scale. Forty ousand workers were employed in mines near Carthagena^. Athenaeus* speaks 'of tens of thousands of chained slaves as orking in the Laurium mines and losing their lives in an un- ccessful revolt at the time of the second slave war in Sicily 03—99 B.C.). Of the 20,000 who deserted to Decelea when it was :cupied by the Spartans in 413 B.C. it is not unlikely that large imbers were miners from Laurium^. But what was the state of the Laurium district in the days of ;isistratus ? 1087), who says this is still the practice in Peru. Smelting was carried on )se hy the mines, see Ardaillon in Saglio, Diet. d. Ant. s.v. metalla. The sites the ancient Siphnian mines are to this day called Kaminia (furnaces) and apsala (slag.'), Bent, J.H.S. vi. pp. 196-7. Note too that at a still earlier epoch gold from mines, as distinguished )m alluvial gold, was known in Egypt as "gold of the mountain," Breasted, ■cords Anc. Egypt, iv. 30: so ibid. 28, "electrum of the mountains," temp, imses III. 1 Abb. Berl. Akad. 1892, p. 47. 2 Ath. Mitt. xvii. ' Polyb. XXXIV. 9. ' Athen. vi. 272^; cp. Oros. v. 9, who dates what is apparently the same revolt the time of the first Sicilian slave war (139-132 B.C.). ^ Thuc. VII. 27; cp. Bury, Hist. Greece, p. 485. 46 ATHENS ch. h The mines of Laurium do not appear in history till 484 B.c.i, The mines v'when Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to de- were almost vote the profits from them to the building of a navy. fuU workTt The Constitution of Athens speaks of a discovery of this period, mines in that year. This however is probably rather loose language. The writer's words are "on the discovery of the mines at Maronea." The "discovery" of 484 B.C. was of the mines in this particular part of the Laurium district, or rather, in all probability, of an extraordinarily rich vein in this particular part. "The disposition of the strata "(at Maronea) "is such that the richest are not those that could be first reached .... Some cen^turies of search and effort were therefore necessary in order to suspect their existence and to reach their level" {i.e. of the rich veins "discovered" in 484)2. Plutarch says that before this time the Athenians were in the habit of distributing the Laurium revenues among themselves, and that Themistocles had the courage to persuade them to give the habit up*. This agrees with Xenophon where he declares that "no one even attempts to say from what period people have tried to work them*." The mines of Lydia, Cy- prus, and Spain all appear to have been developed in the seventh cen- tury B.c.^. The Siphnian mines were at full work about 525 b.c.^. Mining operations are depicted on several Corinthian clay tablets, that cannot be later than the early part of the sixth century '^ One of them is here reproduced (fig. 5). ■• Hdt. VII. 144; Plut. Themist. 4; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 22. ^ Ardaillon, Les Mines de Laurium (the best book on the subject), pp. 132, 133; where see also a technical explanation of the veins. ^ Plut. Themist. 4. * Xen. de Feet. iv. 2. ^ y. Cauer, Parteien in Megara und Athen, p. I7- * Hdt. III. 57; they appear to have been exhausted before 490 B.C. (Perdrizet, Klio, X. (1910), p. 7, quoting Hdt. in. 57 and Paus. x. 1 1. 2), a fact that suggest! an early discovery. ' Furtwaengler, Berl. Vas. 871 B, 639, 831 A: Wilisch, Jahresb. Gym. Zitlau, 1901, figs. 19 (SagKo, Diet. d. Ant. fig. 4987), 20 and p. 20. Fig. 5. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a miner at work. I. II ATHENS 47 Herodotus says nothing about the date of discovery of the Attic ines in his account of the proceedings of 484 b.c.'^. It would not ; Hke him to keep silence about an epoch-making discovery, or 'en a phenomenal "rush," if any had occurred just at this time. Isewhere he tells us that the Siphnians were already distributing nong themselves the money from their mines about the year 25 B.C.2. Modern writers have been inclined to talk of the great "rush" " 484^- But against the silence of Herodotus they can set only le reference in the Constitution of Athens to the "discovery" at laronea, which has been discussed already. What made the great npression at this time was probably not so much the output as the nployment of the output on the building of a fleet. That surely is le point of the contemporary allusion in the Persae of Aeschylus, 'he chorus of Persian elders tells the Persian queen about the .thenians' Fount of silver, treasure of the land* ist after mentioning the prowess of the Athenian troops, and just ;fore explaining the weapons that they use. The idea proposed in 484 by Themistocles was not original. ;ven years earlier the Thasians had used the revenues from their lines to build a fleet against the Persians^. It was doubtless the iccess of the Athenian fleet in a supreme crisis that caused the .thenians to remember with such pride this triumph of the voluntary fstem. There can therefore be no question that the mines were worked 1 the sixth century^. But if we are to understand the position of le leader of the mining interests at that period, we must learn )mething about the conditions and position of the miners. The leaders of the Plain and Coast had a powerful body of id the miners citizens behind their backs. The mines on the other ee men, good hand, at least from the time of Xenophon, were jlitical fac- worked almost exclusively by slaves'. ""■ In the fourth century very occasionally poor citizens ^ Hdt. VII. 144. 2 Hdt. III. 57; cp. E.Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. 11. p. 610, onTheognis, 667 f. ^ E.g. Perdrizet, Klio, x. (1910^, p. 2. * Aeschyl. Persae., 240 (238). ^ Hdt. VI. 46. ^ Pace Cavnignac, Viertelj.f. Soc. u. Wins. Ges. ix. p. 7. ' Xen., de Vect. iv. 17, advised tiie Athenian state to buy slaves to the number : three for each citizen and let them out to work the mines. The number o£ 48 ATHENS ch. ii worked their own allotments^. Skilled work like smelting seems always to have been done by free men. The tombstone of "Atotes the miner," carved in letters of the second half of the fourth century, declares that he was a Paphlagonian "of the root of Pylai- menes, who fell slain by the hand of Achilles," and boasts of his unrivalled skill 2. But there is no recorded instance of a citizen working in a mine for wages^. This however does not prove that they did not do so in the days of Peisistratus, when, as pointed out in the introductory chapter, the conditions of labour must have been very different from what they became in the fifth and fourth centuries, and industrial slavery had scarcely yet begun. A fragment of Solon suggests that it was quite usual in his days for citizens to work with their own hands, though whether for pay or on their own account is not stated and no particular occupations are specified*. About ten years after Solon's legfslation the Athenians are found resolving "on account of their factions to elect ten archons, five from the nobility (Eupatridai), three from the farmers (agroikoi), two from the craftsmen (demiourgoi)^." The equation of these three groups of archons with the three factions of the Plain, Coast, and Hill is more than doubtful®. The farmers par excellence are Athenian citizens at the time was about 20,000 (cp. Wallon, VEsdavage^, i. pp. 222 f.), which makes the proposed number of slave miners about 60,000. This was admittedly many more than the number actually employed at the time of the proposal, and Xenophon suggests starting with io,ooo, which Wallon, ibid. p. 230, thinks to have been probably the existing number of privately owned mining slaves. But even so these numbers show how influential a free mining population might well have been. See also de Vect. iv. 14, 15 and passim; Andoc. de Myst. 38 (6); Hyp. frag. 33 (Blass); and above, p. 45. ^ Dem. c. Phaenipp. 20 (1044-5). 2 Berard, B.C.H. xii. (1888), p. 246, rix^d S' ovtis €pL^e. ^ Ardaillon, Les Mines de Laurium, p. 91. ^ Solon, Bergk, frag. 12 (4), 49-5°) aWos *AOrjvaiT]s re koI ^HtpaicTTov TroXvTe^vfai epya Saeis )(iipo'iv ^uXXf'yfTai ^ioTov. ^ Aristot. Ath. Pol. 13. * A means of equation would be to accept the reading of the Berlin papyrus aTTo'iKoiv for aypo'iKoiv and then, pace Busolt, Gr. G. 11.^ p. 96, u. i, identify the anoiKoi (men away from home; cp. the Milesian ddvavrai, men always at sea) with the wapaKoi (men of the coast). The demiourgoi would then be identified with the Diakrioi, and it would have to be assumed that the youthful Peisistratus was already leading his faction. Laurentius Lydus, de Magistr. i. 47, makes Solon import from Egypt a triple division into philosopher nobles, warrior farmers, and mechanics [ttjv ^avavcrov xai T()^vovpy6v). The statement appears . II ATHENS 49 Rurally located in the plain: also it is doubtful whether Peisistratus d already "raised the third faction" twenty years before he became ant, and over fifty before his death. The two different sets of mes point in themselves to two different groupings of the popula- n. Solon's quadruple division into pentekosiomedimnoi, hippeis, jgitai, and thetes proves a certain fluidity and tendency to cross )uping. But in any case the two craftsman magistrates prove that iftsmen or artizans were already an important element in the free pulation. In this matter of free labour in an industry such as mining, fifth itury Phrygia is perhaps a better guide than the Attica of Nikias Demosthenes as to the state of things in Attica during the sixth itury. In Phrygia a generation after the Samian tyrant Polycrates, lo died about 522 e.g., Pythes was working mines with citizen lour^. Even in Athens in the early days of Pericles the earlier iditions seem still to have prevailed. "Each trade (Te^vrj) had body of (free) labourers organized (rov Otjtokov 6-^\ov avvreray- vovY' to carry out the great public works that were financed im the Delian treasury. A long list of the trades thus organized ds with miners^ Considering the evidence already adduced for equating the sixth Itury miners at Laurium with the presumably free Diakrioi, may : not use the notices already quoted about the latter as being of pure race and a mob of hirelings^, and infer that in the sixth Itury the mines of Laurium were worked by free men, partly foreign extraction and mainly working for hire.? This is of course conjecture. But it produces for the first time picture of the Diakrioi that harmonizes with the notices in sstion. Alien shepherds and alien small farmers are most unlikely autochthonous Attica. Outlander miners on the other hand have always been familiar, erever there have been mines to work. When mining operations re resumed at Laurium some thirty years ago, the immediate ult was a very mixed population, the local supply of labour being ong the fragments of Diodorus ix. in Dindorfs text; but the attribution is juted, e.g. by Landwehr, Philol. Suppl. v. (1889), p. 141. The reading aypoiKoi ler than awoiKOL is supported by Dion. Hal. 11. 9; see further Gilliard, ortnes de Solon, p. 105, n. i. Plut. de Mul. Virt. 27 {Moral. 262). Plut. Pericl. 12. ' Aristot. Ath. Pol. 13; Plut. Sol. 29. u. T. 4 50 ATHENS ch. ii supplemented from France, Italy, and Turkey. One of the ancient gold mines near Philippi bore the significant name of the asylum^. In the Laurium district itself in ancient times the people of at least one deme, Potamioi, were famous for their readiness to admit foreigners to citizenship^. Potamioi is placed by Loeper right in the centre of the mining district, well away from the sea^, and very near the probable site of Maronea*. A member of the deme Semachidai is found sharing a tombstone with two strangers from Sinope^. We have just had occasion to notice a Paphlagonian miner, though of a later date, and we shall see in a moment that in the sixth century the mines of Laurium were worked in close con- nexion with those of Thrace. There are no records of specific Thracians employed in the Attic mines during the sixth century. We only know that just after the Persians conquered Thrace, at the close of the reign of Hippias, there was a large Greek element in the .mining population near the Strymon^. But in the fifth century we have a famous case of a Thracian mineowner settling in Athens in the person ofThucydides, whose father wasaThracian, and whose Thracian mines probably lost him his command in the Athenian navy,and turned a second-rate admiral into the greatest of historians'. ^ Perdrizet, Klio, x. (1910), p. 22, quoting Appian, Bell. Civ.iv. 106. Cp. above, p. 39, n. 4. ^ Harpocrat. s.v. norafidy "they were lampooned as readily admitting illegal claims to citizenship (wj padicos df^6fj,evoL rovs Trapeyypa7rTovs\ as others proclaim and particularly Menander in The Twins " ; Potamioi was the name of a comedy by Strattis; Athen. vii. 2996; Suid. s.v. liorafioL ^ Ath. Mitt. XVII. (1892), pi. xii. Inscriptions mention three Potamioi, see Ath. Mitt. XVII. pp. 390-1, n. Kadvjvepdev, Tl.vnivepdiv, II. AfipaSicoTcrt. The first two are grouped together apart from the third, and Loeper is probably right, as against Koehler, Ath. Mitt. x. (1885), pp. 105 f.; cp. iv. (1879), p. loz, in assigning them to the city trittys of Leontis and making P. Deiradiotai the mining village. Kadimpdev is therefore no evidence for an inland mining Po- tamioi. But "Deiradiotai" means "on the ridge," and supports Loeper's location of Potamioi Deiradiotai, no matter whether the adjective means "P. on the ridge," or "P. near Deiradiotai" (a separate deme, see C.I.A. 11. 864). j * Milchhoefer, Ath. Mitt, xviir. (1893), p. 284. ^ c.I.A. 11. 3343. ° Hdt. V. 23, "by the river Strymon...a city.. .where are mines of silver; and a large Greek population dwells around, and a large barbarian." ' Thuc. IV. 105, "Brasidas,... learning that Thucydides owned workings in the gold mines in that part of Thrace, and as a result was one of the most influential men on the mainland"; Marcellinus, Vit. Thuc. 19, "(Thucydides) married a wife from Skapte Hyle in Thrace, who was very wealthy and owned mines in Thrace"; Plut. Cimon, 4. II ATHENS 51 das hired out a thousand hands whom he owned in the mines Sosias the Thraciani. This ends our examination of the various steps by which Peisis- :us made himself tyrant, effected his second restoration, and illy rooted his power/^In all three cases the evidence points to conclusion that the secret of the tyrant's power was his control mines either in Attica or Thrace. To complete the enquiry it lecessary now to examine the accounts of his first restoration. observed already, this event is recorded only in anecdotal form. independent evidence it would hardly be worth considering. All t is here claimed for it is that it can be so interpreted as to roborate the conclusions already reached. \ccording to the story Peisistratus persuaded the Athenians to take him back by dressing up a stately woman named yofPeisis- Phye to personate Athena and order his recall^. It us' first is generally agreed that this story will not do as it oration ° . ^^ ^. ° , , ^ , : . stands. Various attempts have been made to explam iway', but all of them are equally unconvincing. Perhaps reason is that all alike are based on some single unessential lil of the story. None of them interprets it in the light of the ter known parts of the tyrant's career, and more particularly the matter of fact accounts of his second restoration. Beloch eed, like the Russian Hirschensohn, believes that there was only ; restoration, with which the Phye story and the account of sistratus' return from the Thracian mining district are both to connected*. He notes that the cause of banishment is the same Xen. de Vect. iv. 14. Hdt. I. 60; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 14; Athen. 609c; Polyaen. i. 21. i; Val. Max. 2 (ext.); Hermog. Trepi evpea. 1. 3. 21 (ed. Spengel); cp. schol. ibid. ap. zium, Rhet. Gr. v. p. 378. In schol. Aristoph. Eq. 447 Phye appears to be 'used withMyrrlna who appears to have been either wife (ibid.) or daughter ol. Dem. Aristoc.) of Peisistratus or more probably wife of Hippias (Thuc, Hesych. s.v. Bupo-iVijs). Athenaeus marries Phye to Hipparchus. The con- )n may possibly be due to the fact that myrrina, as a common noun, some- :s means garland {e.g. Pherecr. Metall. i. 25; Aristoph. Vesp. 861 ; Nub. [, etc.), while Phye is described as a garland seller [Ath. Pol. and Athen.). See e.^. Thirlwall, Hist.^ 11. pp. 67-8; Babelon, Journ. Int. d'Arch. Num. (1905), pp. 17, 18; Stein, Hdt. i. 60; Beloch, Gr. G.^ i. i. p. 370; cp. also ich, Gr. G.^ I. ii. p. 299. Hirschensohn, Philolog. Obozrenie, x. (1896), Moscow, pp. 119!; Beloch, ?.^ I. ii. pp. 29of ., Rhein. Mus. xlv. (1890), p. 469 ; so De Sanctis, Atthis\ p. 278 , Costanzi, Riv. d. Star. Ant. v. pp. 516 f., Boll. Fit. Class, ix. pp. 84 f., 107 f. 52 ATHENS CH. ii in both cases; that the chronology is suspiciously symmetrical; that Polyaenus combines incidents from the two restorations; and that Eusebiusi and Jerome^ both make Peisistratus begin his second reign about the time that Herodotus begins his third, while neither of them mentions a third reign at all. Note too that corresponding to Phye in the first restoration we have in the second a "sacred procession" from the temple of Athena Pallenis conducted by an Acarnanian soothsayer^. These points are not convincing. Similar improbabihties, and repetitions and chronological symmetries can often be discovered in narratives of the most unquestionable authenticity*. The fact that Polyaenus combines the two accounts proves nothing, unless we assume him to be incapable of confusing two similar events. Further, Beloch is forced to make the marriage of Peisistratus with Megacles' daughter precede his first exile, since he sees that the childlessness of the marriage led to the breach with the Coast^. In this he goes dead against the tradition on a point where there is no reason to suspect it. What Beloch 's arguments do emphasize is the fact that the situa- tions during Peisistratus' two periods of exile were in some ways very similar. The sameness of the two situations may in fact be the reason why so little has been remembered about the earlier. It raises the question whether the tyrant mined and coined during his first exile. There is no certainty that he did either, but the probability is that he did both. As regards Thrace we know that Miltiades, probably with Peisistratus' permission and approval^, had settled in the Gallipoli peninsula soon after the tyranny was first established at Athens' Thrace is the one region that we can be sure that the tyrant must have considered as a possible place of exile. As regards is connected the coinage it has been suggested on the high au- with1:he'°" thority of Babelon^, that the famous series with the Athena-head owl on one side, and the head of Athena on the coins of Athens ^fher (fig. 6), which remained for centuries the coin ' Euseb. Chron. Armenian vers. 544/3 b.c, Pisistratus Atheniensibus iterum imperauit. ^ Jerome, Chron. 539 b.c, Pisistiratus secunda uice Athenis regnat. Hdt. 1. 62. 1 Cp. below, chap. viii. pp. 237-9. 5 Beloch, Gr..G.2 j ;; pp^ 292-3, 297. ' Hdt. VI. 35, "Peisistratus held supreme power, but Miltiades also had influence {ibwaareve)" suggests some sort of co-operation (cp. Hdt. vi. 39, below, p. 63), though Hdt. vi. 35, "annoyed with the government of Peisis- tratus," shows that it was not cordial. II ATHENS 53 ss of the city, was actually started to commemorate the help t the tyrant claimed to have received from his patron goddess he time of his fii%t restoration. The evidence is not conclusive. The arguments for and against ; date are based on a few literary jrences that are too vague to of much use, on points of style I technique from which it is oriously dangerous to draw elusions, on a comparison of coin and pottery statistics from ^ 'g- 6- Coin of Athens with 1 ^- !,■ i_ V • 1 Athena and owl. ukratis whicn it is no less gerous to use as evidence, on a hoard found in 1 886 among the -Persian remains on the Athenian Acropolis which, as far as the umstances of the find are" concerned, may have been lost or osited there long before the catastrophe, and only establish a ninus ante quern that nobody would think of disputing, and on :ain alliance coins (Athens-Lampsacus, Athens-Sparta?, Athens the Thracian Chersonese) i. These last look more promising irst sight, but only the Athens-Lampsacus coins can be dated h any certainty, and they, unfortunately, are very small, and may e been struck under difficulties, so that it is not easy to be sure of ir chronological position in the Athenian series. Ve are driven back therefore on to the impressions of experts, >t of whom agree with Babelon that the owl-Athena series not begin either much before or much after 550 b.c.^. That is to that this double type was certainly in vogue when the tyrant Six, Num. Chron. 1895, pi. vii. 8, 7, i. E.g. P. Gardner, Earliest Coins oj Greece Proper.^ p. 28; Hill, Hist. Gk. Coins, 7; V. Fritze, Zeits.f. Num. xx. (1897), pp. 153-5, emphasizing the connexion 'eisistratus with silver as well as with Athena; Lermann, Athenatypen, 3f- )r a somewhat earlier date see Head, Num. Chron. 1893, pp. 249, 25 1; e Fox, Corolla Numismat. B. V. Head, p. 43 ; Svoronos, Journ. Int. i' Arch. t. XIV. (1912), p. 3, nos. 1109-1120; Seeck, Klio, iv. (1904), p. 176 (Solon or Draco). 3r a date after Peisistratus see Imhoof-Blumer, Howorth, Six, and {Neue ■b. 1896, pp. 537 f.) Gilbert, all completely answered by Head, Num. Chron. , pp. 247 f.; Babelon, J. I. d'A. N. 1905, pp. 12-16. Holwerda, Album oerden, p. 117, who follows Six, only adds some inconclusive comparisons Greek sculpture. 54 ATHENS ch. n secured his second restoration by means of his Thracian silver^, and "rooted his tyranny" in revenues derived "partly from the river Strymon, partly from home." Pieces with the double type were sometimes colloquially called nicknamed g'rls (xopai). Sometimes virgins (Trapdevoi), some- (probably just times by the virgin goddess' own name of Pallas about this ,„ :,. ^„ n ■ i i • • i time) girl, {IIaWaSe<;)^ Sometimes they got their nickname virgin, Pallas, from the reverse type, and were called owls^. "Virgin" is used by Euripides, "girl" by Hyperides, "Pallas" by Eubulus, "owl" by ■ Aristophanes. "Owl" is said by the Aristophanes Scholiast to have been applied to the tetradrachms; the "girl" of Hyperides is some smaller coin*. In the fifth and fourth centuries therefore the bird name, and the virgin goddess names seem to have been used side by side, like our sovereign and crown, to indicate two different denominations. When the names were first used is nowhere stated. The most likely time for a type to give rise to a nickname is when the type itself is still a novelty. If this holds good for the coins of Athens, the nicknames Pallas, virgin, and girl go back to the time of Peisistratus. The owl had already appeared on earlier issues, stamped on the reverse with a simple incuse^, and would therefore at this time attract less attention than the Athena head. Is it possible that we have here the clue to the Phye story? The details about her being dressed up in full armour and placed in a chariot are not the essence of the story: they all appear in Herodotus in quite a different setting, as part of the ritual of the worship of Athena in North Africa by Lake Tritonis*. It can hardly be ^ There is no need to assume with E. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt.^ iv. p. 28, and others, that Peisistratus' Pangaion mines were gold. In the days of Philip and Alexander the Great they were best known for their gold; but silver was also mined abun- dantly, see Hdt. v. 17; vii. 112; Strabo, 331, 34; Livy, xlv. 29; Justin, viii. 3; Orosius, III. 12. 2 Pollux, IX. 74, 75, quoting Euripides {d. 406 B.C.), Hyperides (/. 350 B.C.), Eubulus Comicus (^. 350B.C.); cp. Hesych. s.v. UaWahos irpoiraTov, Photiuss.v. TiaWahos Trpoa-coTrov, 3 Schol. Aristoph. Birds,\io6, " the tetradrachm was at that time called an owl." Cp. Photius s.v. UaXKabos np6(Ta>jrov, "the staters, from the stamp: for on one side there was a h?ad of- Athena." The stater is the didrachm. ^ Hill, Hist. Gk. Coins, p. 16; Brit. Mus. Coins Central Greece, pi. xxiv. 18, 19. Hdt. IV. 180, "They dress up together on each occasion their fairest maidenin a Corinthian helmet and full Greek armour, and, mounting her on a chariot, drive her all round the lake." See furtherMacan, Hdt. :v.-vi. ad loc, who quotes Phye. in II ATHENS 55 bted that one of these passages is plagiarized from the other, it is scarcely less certain that Phye is indebted to the ritual of ce Tritonis and not vice versa. The kernel of the Phye story lies in the tradition that Peisistratus s the ^^^ restored by a woman, "as Herodotus says, from ena who the deme of the Paianians, but as some say, a Thracian us the " flower girl from the deme of Kollytos^." In fact 7 of the Phye, the human goddess four cubits high, said by some to come from Attica, and by others from race, who brought Peisistratus back to Athens for the first time, rs a suspicious likeness to the coins called sometimes girls and letimes goddesses, derived some from Attica, and some from irace, with which Peisistratus secured his second return, and illy established his power. Assume for the moment that they were indeed identical, and it a,sy to see how the Phye story may have arisen. Peisistratus tainly claimed to rule by the grace of Athena. Everyone is agreed inferring from the Phye story that he attributed his restoration the intervention of the goddess. After the citizens had fulfilled on's prophecy, and "consented to ruin their great city, induced money^," what more natural than that one of the tyrant's )onents should sarcastically agree that it was indeed Athena who 1 restored Peisistratus: on which another might comment that vas not the virgin goddess of Athens who had restored the tyrant, : an alien being of quite a different order, a Thracian flower girl, (i) details The name of flower girl (o-Te^ai/oTrraXt?) is never he story applied to Athenian drachmae. If we accepted Head's ivation early dating for the Athena type, and assumed a tithe coins, Peisistratan date for certain Athenian coins' where : goddess has had her hair done by a KepoTrXdarrjii'^ in corkscrew ■Is (fig. 7 a) that suggest an early date^, and wears the garland ■e(j}avo<;) of olive leaves (fig. 7 a, h) that appears regularly on ns of the fifth century, we might find in flower girl (lit. garland Aristot. Ath. Pol. 14; cp. Athen. xiii. 609c. Solon, frag. 2 (13), 11. 5-6 avToX be (pdeipeiv neyakrjv iroXtv a(f>pabiri(riv ao-To! ^ovkovrai, )(pr)fia(Ti tt 1 16 6 fie vol. E.g. B.C.H. XXX. (1906), p. 69, fig. 2; Brit. Mus. from Bunbury sale. Archil, frag. 54 (53), tov KepoTrXda-Trjv aeiSe rXauicov. ■ Bremer, Haanracht, p. 64. 56 ATHENS ch. ii seller, (rTe4>av6iT0)'\t.<;) an allusion to this detail. The garland seller may often have advertised her garlands by wearing one herself^. Numismatists however are now unanimous in making the earliest (TTe(^avoi on Athenian coins later than Peisistratus^- To describe the coins as flower girls would however be natural enough on the simple supposition that Athenian flower girls had no high moral reputation^, and further perhaps that the business was in the hands '^ r^r, ■ ■ 1 r Fig. 7. Athenian coins: the wreath ofThracians,just as thatof organ- on the head of Athena, grinding in England is in the hands of Italians. Or conceivably are<^av6Tra)Xi<; on our present hypothesis is to be explained by reference to the phrase hpaxfial {tov) lTe(j)avr]4i6pov (drachmae of the garland bearer)*, applied at Athens to coins fresh from the mint, such as must have been put into circulation in large quantities when Peisistratus returned after his money-making in the districts round Mt Pangaion. ^ Garlands of flowers worn on the head appear in Attica during the second half of the sixth century; see Pauly Wissowa s.v. Haartracht, p. 2132; cp. Bremer, Haartracht, p. 15, vogue begins with red figure vase style. ^ Time of Hip.pias, Head, Hist. Num?- p. 368 (but cp. ibid. n. 3); Seeck, Hi'o, IV. (1904), pp. 173-5; 508 B.C., Holwerda, Album Herwerden, p. 119; 500 B.C. or after, v. Fritze, Zeits. f. Num. xx. (1897), p. 142: Kampanes, B.C.H. xxx. p. 75; 490 B.C., Six, Num. Chron. 1895, p. 176: Earle Fox, Coroll. Num. B. V. Head, p. 43: Babelon, Coroll. Num. B. V. Head, p. 8: J. /. d'A. N. viii. (1905), pp. 44 f.; 480 B.C., Howorth, Num. Chron. 1893, p. 245: Lermann, Athenatyp. pp. 28 f. As regards a post-Hippias dating, the ungarlanded head of a coin with Hippias' name is not decisive. The coin, which is abnormal, was probably struck by the tyrant in exile, and the absence of garland may indicate either the exile's grief or the local coiner's incompetence. Or was the embarrassed despot casting away the ornaments of sovereignty in the hope of retaining or regaining the reality.? "The olive again has been known to lose its leaves and yet produce its fruit; this is said to have happened to Thessalos the son of Peisistratos," Theophrast. Hist. Plant. 11. 3. 3; cp. Ruehl, Rhein. Mus. 1892, p. 460. ' Just as was probably the case with the flower girls at Naukratis, the most famous centre of the garland trade, where the Thracian hetaera Rhodopis won such great fame in the days of Sappho and Aesop. See Mallet, Prem. £tab, Gr. en igyfte, p. 238, who compares the fioraie of Venice and Florence. * Phot., Harpocrat. s.v. avrj(f>6pos; cp. Boeckh, Pub. Econ. I. pp. 193 f- Lenormant, Monnaies et Medailles, p. 60; Sagho, Diet. d. Ant. s.v. drachmae Stephanephori, p. 403. The inscriptions, however, in which the expression occurs date only from the end of the second century B.C., C.I.A. 11. i. 466-8, 476. :. II ATHENS 57 How readily to the Greek the garland suggested the flower girl seen from an explanation in the Lexicon Seguerianum of a certain ;arland-bearing hero (aTe Such bitter jesting is quite in keeping with the Greek language; the Greeks were particularly fond of attributing ap- stances of propriate life and action to types of living things that u de mot figured on their coins*. The best known instance of a play on such a nick- ime is that of Agesilaus of Sparta, who complained that he had :en driven out of Asia by thirty thousand of the Great King's chers, a colloquial name for the Persian )ld stater or Daric (fig. 8), derived from ; type^. In Athens itself we find Euripides, in fragment of the Sciron, playing on the )uble meaning of "virgin," as also on that t^- <, t> • u 1 ° o 3 ^ P[g, 8, Persian "archer. " "pony" (ttwA-o?), the colloquial name ■ the Corinthian drachma, that bore on one side the image of the inged steed Pegasus: Some you will secure if you offer a pony, others with a pair of horses, while others are brought on four horses, all of silver; and they love the maidens from Athens when you bring plenty of them. 1 Bekker, Anecd. Gr. i. 301, ig. - Livy, xxxvn. 46, 58, 59; xxxix. 7; Cic. ad Att. 11. 6, 16; xi. i. ^ Diamantaras, Ath. Mitt. xiv. (1889), p. 413. ' The practice of course is not exclusively Greek; cp., e.g., il maledetto fiore ch' ha dlsviate le pecore e gli agni. Dante, Paradiso, IX. 130. ' Plut. Apophth. Lac, Agesilaus, t^o (Moral. 211); cp. the proverb rai' dperav a rav cro(f)iav vlkovti ;(fXo)j'nt (virtue and wisdom are vanquished by rtoises), alluding to the famous coins of Aegina; cp. too fiovs iir\ yXaara-r/ lere's an ox on my tongue), Theognis 815, Aesch. Agam. 35, Pollux ix. 61, 58 ATHENS ch. ii The reverse type of the Athenian drachma is punned upon by Aristophanes, who speaks of the owls of Laurium nesting in the purses of the Athenians and hatching small change^. In 404 B.C., during the final operations against Athens, Gylippus, the hero of the siege of Syracuse, misappropriated a large amount of Athenian coin, and hid it under the tiles of his roof. The theft was revealed by a servant, who informed the ephors that "there were many owls nesting under the tiles^." These examples are enough to show that there is nothing im- probable in the suggestion that the Phye story grew out of a remark made by the tyrant's enemies about his silver drachmae. Our ex- planation is of course pure conjecture, and even at that it has one weak point. The statement that Phye was a Thracian, so essential to our interpretation, does not appear in Herodotus, according to whom she came from the Paianian deme in Attica^. Can this omission be accounted for? There is an anecdote told by Herodotus in quite another con- nexion* which suggests that it can. In the days just after King Darius had made his conquests fiiii the storv '" Thrace (about 512 B.C.), there lived on the banb of the dressed- of the Strymon two brothers named Pigres and up woman Mantyes, who wished to become tyrants of the land in which they lived. To carry out this aim "they went to Sardis, taking with them their sister, who was tall and handsome." Then waiting till Darius was sitting in state before the city, having dressed up their sister as well as they possibly could, they sent her for water with a pitcher on her head and leading a horse with her hand and spinning flax. She was noticed by the king, but the result was that he sent an expedition to her country, and deported her people to Asia. which, whether the ox meant is a gold stater, on which the ox was one of the commonest types, or, as P. Gardner suggests, a leather gag. Num. Cbron, 1881, p. 289, is an instance of a similar jeu de mot dating from the actual epoch of Peisistratus. ^ Aristoph. Birds, 1106; cp. Schol. ad loc. "the tetradrachm was at that time {i.e. of Aristophanes) called an owl"; Suid. s.v. yKavKis AavpeariKai- "of those who have much money," is a misunderstanding of the phrase; cp. his statement that the Laurium mines were gold. ^ Plut. Lysander, i6. " The modern Liopesi, Milchhoefer, Aih. Berl. Akad. 1892, p. 17. « Hdt. V. 12. H. II ATHENS 59 The Strymon and Pangaion mines are at this period, before the xpansion of Macedonia, naturally described as Thracian^. But in le days of King Darius, who began his reign about five years after le death of Peisistratus, part of the country round Mt Pangaion^, nd part of the banks of the Strymon^ were occupied by another ice called Paionians. It was to this latter race that Pigres and ■ho caused Mantyes belonged. They failed to secure the tyranny [ippias to lose that they sought; but the expedition sent by Darius rone ^^ deport the Paionians to Asia probably caused Hip- las to lose his. It can scarcely be an accident that the tyranny at Athens ended 3 a result of almost immediately after the removal of one of its two ising his roots, the mines of the country of the Thracians and aionian _ . . ' rhracian) Paionians* ossessions. Thus we find the restoration of the tyranny at Uhens and its abolition both ascribed to the dressing up of a tall andsome woman ^- It is hardly conceivable that both these events /^ere brought about by the same "primitive and excessively simple" leans. The Paionian dressing up has every appearance of being the riginal^. ■^ Cp. e.g. Hdt. V. 23, 126 (Myrcinus on Strymon called Thracian), vii. 75, 115; iristoph. Ach. 273 ("the Thracian daughter of Strymodorus"); Diod. xii. 68. i, this city (Ennea Hodoi on the Strymon) Aristagoras the Milesian had tried reviously to settle;. ..but he had met his death, and the occupants had been riven out by the Thracians" (about 500 B.C.); cp. ihid. xi. 70. 5; Plut. Cimon, I "Eion...a city in Thrace on the Strymon." Cp. Suid. s.v. xpva-os KoXocpavws; zetzes ad Lycoph. Cass. v. 417 (Hill, Sources Gk. Hist. p. 87). For Pangaion :e Hdt. vii. 112, "Mt Pangaion, in which are gold and silver mines, which are ■orked by. ..most of aU the Satrai," with which cp. ibid, no, where the Satrai ccur in a list of Thracian tribes. 2 Hdt. V. 15, 16; Strabo vii. 331. ^ Hdt. v. i, 13, 98. * Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. in. p. 297iMacan, Hit. iv.-vi. app. in., iv. particularly V. sect. 8; neither of whom sufficiently emphasizes the political importance for [ippias of these Northern mines. Perdrizet, Klio, x. (1910), p. 12, denies this :moval when he says that the Peisistratid's Thracian possessions had perhaps :mained in Athenian hands between 512 and 475. ^ {a) The Paianian (Phye): yvvrj. . ./x^yaOos dno reo'a'dpaiv nrj^ewv dnoXel- ovaa TpcXs hanTvXovs kcu aWws eveidrjs. Tavrrjv rrjv yvvaina (TKCvdaavTes, ■dt. I. 60; yvvoiKa fieydXrjv kol koKtjv e^evpav . . .ttjv Gsov aTTOfiipovfievos ro) )o-/jo>, Aristot. Ath. Pol. 14. {b) The Paionian: aSeX^ejjv p,eyd\r)v re Kal eveidda. . ,(jK€vds vvcov eXevdepcodrjorav ol ^Adrjvalot. ^ImrUco Tvpavv€vovTos...'A\KfiaiU)vtdai, vyovTcs Ilet(Ti(rTpaTldaSj...ivdavTa...ndp eVt roltrt IletcrtcrrpaT-iSr^cri fxr]- i/ievoi, Trap' 'A/x0tKruoi/cov tov vqov fito-OovvTUL tov iv AeX^oiat, tov viiv I, rore Se oukw, tovtov i^oiKobopr^o-aij ola Se xprjfiaTcov tu fJKovTeSy /cat s (ivBpcs doKipoL dviKoBev '4tl-, tov re vi)ov e^epydaavTo tov napaSeiypaTos lov, Td re aWa Km, (TvyK.€Lp4vov O"0t Trmplvov \l6ov TToUftv tov vrjov, o Ta Gpnpoa-dev avrov €^€7rotr]aav. Hdt. v. 62. Idt. V. 63, dviireiBov ttjv Tlvdir^v ^pfjpaa-i. \ristot. Ath. Pol. 19. For huge sums made in this way in recent times on ic ground see the causes ceUbres of the Vittorio Emanuele monument and 'alazzo di Giustizia at Rome. f^.H".G. I. p. 395, frag. 70. !soc. Amid. 232, "Cleisthenes, having been banished from the city by the Its, persuaded the Amphictyons to lend him some of the money of the god, •estored the democracy, and banished the tyrants"; Dem. Meid. 144 (561), ; Alcmaeonids), they say... having borrowed money from Delphi, freed the and expelled the sons of Peisistratus.'' Theraistius, Oral. iv. 53 «, gives Llcmaeonidae as the contractors without any mention of means or motives. II. 180, Strabo IX. 421, and Paus. x. 5. 13 mention the rebuilding of the le without referring to the Alcmaeonidae. 'lut. Sol. II. 66 ATHENS ch. ii and Sicyon, against the people of the Delphic port of Krisa. The significance of this war is discussed below in the chapter where Sicyon is dealt with in detail. Here it is enough to notice that Cleisthenes of Athens was, through his mother, the grandson of his namesake the tyrant of Sicyon who took so prominent a part in this "sacred" war. He was probably also his heir^- In the days of Hippias Sicyon seems to have been still under a tyrant, but not of the house to which Cleisthenes belonged. His name was Aeschines. Evidence has been adduced by De Gubernatis^ for believing that this Aeschines was an ally of Hippias of Athens. As we shall see below when dealing with Sicyon, his attitude towards Delphi was a pivotal point in the policy of the Sicyonian Cleisthenes, and in his later years Sicyon and Delphi became deadly rivals. Athens can hardly have kept out of the feud. We know little of the course of events, and the history of recent years shows how idle it would be to assume that internal revolutions are always reflected in foreign politics. But we may be sure that both in Athens and Sicyon an anti-Delphic policy would have its opponents as well as its sup- porters^- It is quite conceivable that the Athenian Cleisthenes had once aimed at a union of central Greece with Athens, Sicyon, and Delphi as the three chief states of the union and Cleisthenes himself as the chief statesman, controlling the immense treasure of the oracle and basing on it a tyranny over the two other cities, with i Sicyon controlling the trade of the Peloponnesus and the far West while Athens did the like for the Northern trade and developed with the Persian empire those friendly relations which the Alcmae- onidae were still suspected of favouring at the time of the battle of Marathon. If this is all speculation it at least recalls the fact that the received accounts of Cleisthenes are all centred on what he did in Athens in the few years following the fall of Hippias, That indeed is practically all that is known about the second founder of the Athenian democracy; but considering his varied antecedents and his remarkable ancestry it is well to consider how small a chapter ^ Grote, Hist. Greece, ed. 1888, 11. pp. 412-413. | 2 Atti R. Accad. Torino, 1916, pp. 303-4, quoting Cat. Greek Pap. Rylands, vol. 1. p. 31. 3 That the Peisistratids were unfriendly to Delphi is perhaps to be inferred from the report highly dubious in itself, but prevalent in various quarters, that they had actually caused the fire which destroyed the temple, Philoc. frag. 70, F.H.G. 1. p. 395. [I ATHENS 67 must have been in what was probably a longi as well as an- tful life. But to return to the short chapter about which some- 5 is known we find that the way Cleisthenes secured his position 1st the banished tyrant was by outbidding him. "He enfran- ;d many foreigners and slaves and metics^." The Peisistratids ruled Athens as masters. Cleisthenes, by the stroke of genius xcellently epitomized by Herodotus, "took the people into lership^." was this memorable partnership that dealt the cause of tyranny .thens its final blow. Cimon indeed appears to have tried to e himself all-powerful in the state by the lavish outlay of his mous wealth. But the result was only to cement the partnership ■een his Alcmaeonid rival and the people. The army, the navy, the civil service became paid professions, or at least paid occupa- :, and the state, with Pericles at its head, perhaps the largest most popular employer of the free population. Individuals of landing wealth were more and more kept in their political : by having to perform expensive liturgies. To make a public ly of wealth became a perilous thing; anyone who did so was ;cted of aiming at the tyranny and dealt with by ostracism or r effective means. ileisthenes' parents appear to have married before 570 B.C. Beloch, .^i. ii. p. 286. iristot. Pol. III. 12756. [dt. V. 66^ Tov drjixov 7rpo(T€TaLpL^eruL. Cp. ibid. 69, ^v re tqv dj^fjiov npowds- itoXXm KadvTrepde TOiv avTifTTaaibiTiwv. Chapter III. Samos The Samians had from early times been great shipbuilders and Samian trade sailors. They were among the first of the Greeks to and industry adopt the Corinthian invention of the trireme, some- in the seventh , , . . and sixth cen- where about the year 700 b.c.-^, and in most of the turies B.C. naval warfare of the next two hundred years they are found playing a prominent part^- Still more important were the achievements of their merchantmen. It was a Samian ship, com- manded by Kolaios, that "sailing towards Egypt, put out for Platea (in Libya) .... and hugging the Egyptian coast, continued their voyage, carried along by an east wind : and since the breeze did not drop, t'hey passed the pillars of Herakles and arrived at Tartessus, enjoying divine guidance. That market was at that time unopened {aKrjparovY." The opening up of the Spanish silver mines through the port of Tartessus, the biblical Tarshish, was an event of first- class importance. "On their return home these Samians made the greatest profits from the carrying trade (j^opriav) of all the Hellenes of whom we have exact information, excepting only Sostratos the Aeginetan^." The date of the Samian voyage to Tarshish appears to have been about 620 e.g.*. It was a Samian, Xanthias by name, who about the same time as this brought to Egypt "on business" the famous Greek hetaera Rhodopis^. When Amasis, king of Egypt from 569 to 526 b.c, "showing himself a friend of the Greeks. . .and to those that ame to Egypt, gave the city of Naukratis to dwell in^," Samos was one of the three Greek states to set up an establishment of its own there'. These establishments were of course commercial. " In the old days Naukratis was the only market in Egypt. There was no other^" ^ 1 Thuc. I. 13; cp. Pliny, N.H. vn. 57 (56). Panofka, Res Samiorum,^- ij, quotes Pliny, ibid., for attributing to the Samians the invention of horse-trara- ports, but the reading is doubtful: edd. hippagum Samii (inuenerunt), but for | Samii mss. give Damiam. ^ Hdt. III. 47 (Messenian war), in. 59 (against Aegina), v. 99 (Lelantine war). " Hdt. IV. 152. " Macan, Hdt. iv.-vi. i. p. 106. ^ jjdt. 11. 135. ^ Hdt. 11. 178' ' Hdt. II. 178; cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. "Eecros. On tlie Greek rfiiivt] al Naukratis see below, Chapter iv. pp. 11 6-7. 8 jjjjt. 11. I79' ir SAMOS 69 mian trade developed side by side with Samian industry. From times the islanders had enjoyed a great reputation as workers etal, especially the fine metals^. The beginning of the con- )n with Tartessus at the end of the seventh century gives the : probable date for the beginning of this industry. Samian len goods were no less famous^. he island was not however exclusively commercial. ere was no tyran- 3- powerful landed aristocracy called yecofiopoi^, who ^^M?*^^" doubtless owned the rich Samian olive-yards*- The e of the late date of the tyranny in Samos is probably to be century, explained by the power of the yew/jLopoo. The t was something very similar to what occurred under similar mstances at Athens. There may have been attempts like that ; at Athens by Cylon^, but no tyrant appears to have established elf firmly before the rise of Polycrates early in the second half le sixth century. Till then the geomoroi were sufficiently ;rful to make a tyranny impossible. Then, about 545 B.C., the an landowners received a fatal blow to their power, when the ;k cities on the coast of Asia Minor were conquered by the ans. These cities, whether friendly or hostile to Samos, were qually its commercial rivals, and the disturbances connected he most famous names connected with this industry are Rhoecus and lorus (below, pp. 73, 76, 80, 83) and Mnesarchus, father of the philo- r Pythagoras (see Diog. Laert. viii. i. i ; cp. Iambi. Pyth. 5, 9). heocr. xv. 125-6. lut. Qu. Gr. 57 {Moral. 304-5). pul. Florid. 11. 15; Aesch. Pers. 883. or possible early tyrants in Samos see Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. 11. pp. 614, 616, ames Amphikrates (Hdt. iii. 59), Demoteles (Plut. Qu. Gr. 57), and Syloson aen. vi. 45). All three are extremely doubtful. Amphikrates was probably imate king of the period before the abolition of monarchy: very possibly s a contemporary of the Argive Pheidon (bejow, pp. 177-8). Demoteles was, ling to our only authority, the monarch whose murder led to the ascend- of the geomoroi: he is naturally assumed to have been the last sovereign I legitimate royal house. The Syloson of Polyaenus, vi. 45, is probably a sed recollection of the brother of Polycrates. He helps the Samians during with the Aeolians to observe a festival of Hera held outside the city and > himself tyrant during the celebration. The connexion with Hera points ; family of Polycrates (see below, pp. 76, 81): the Aeolian war may be a sed version of the struggle waged by Polycrates against the Great King ?as in possession of the Aeolian mainland. This struggle went back to the ling of the reign of Polycrates, when he was associated in his tyranny lis brother Syloson: see also Babelon, Rev. Num. 1894, p. 268. 70 SAMOS CH. Ill with the Persian conquest, which affected them all while leaving Samos untouched, must have greatly increased the importance of the commercial element on the island^. It was within a few years of these events that Polycrates made Polycrates be- himself tyrant of Samos. The exact date is not known, comes tyrant: but ](■ ^^s probablv after^ the Persian conquest of the his tyranny ■ i i i ' n l i_ j ■ and Samian mamland, and may well have been due m part to the *'^^*^^- increased commercial importance of Samos which resulted from that conquest. However this may be, Polycrates, when established as tyrant, is found controlling the commercial and industrial activities of his state. All through his reign he was a great sailor and shipowner'. He built the famous breakwater in the Samian harbour*, and was credited with the invention of a new type of boat, called the Samaina^ (see fig. 9). The general conception of the Samian tyrant is indeed that he The wars and ^^^'^ '^'^ ships in naval and piratical operations rather "piracies "of than for peaceful purposes of trade. Thucydides says then- possible °^ '^™ ^^^^ "having a powerful fleet he made divers commercial of the islands sub) ect to him, and in particular captured character . ... Rheneia and dedicated it to the Delian Apollo*." But even the capture of Rheneia, which Thucydides seems to regard as the principal warlike achievement of Polycrates' fleet, was one that may have had important commercial consequences. By cap- 1 Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. 11. p. 777, following Grote in. (ed. 1888), p. 4;3. i ^ BusoltjGr.G.^ 11. pp. 508-9, n. 3, who notes that Lygdamis was already tyrant of Naxos (Polyaen. i. 23, pace Plass, Tyrannis, p. 236). 3 Thuc. I. 13; Hdt. III. 39, 122; Strabo, xiv. 637. Max. Tyr. (Teubner), XXIX. 2; Euseb. Chron. Armenian vers, "mare obtinuerunt Samii," Lat. vers, j "Dicearchiam Samii condiderunt," bothjust after notice of Polycrates' accession. Cp. S. Reinach's interpretation of the ring which Polycrates cast into the sea (Hdt. III. 41; Strabo, xiv. 638; Pans. viii. 14. 8; Pliny, N.H. xxxvii. i;Cic. de Fin. v. 30. 92; Val. Max. vi. 9. 5 (ext.); Tzetz. Chil. vii. izij Galen, Protrept. 4; Eustath. ad Dionys. v. 534), with which the French scholar com- pares the ring with which the doge of Venice annually wedded his mistress the sea (S. Reinach, Rev. Arch. ser. iv. vol. vi. (1905), pp. 9 f.), but cp. Marsh4 Brit. Mus. Cat. Rings, p. xxi, n. 7, who points out that wedding rings seem unknown among the Greeks. " Hdt. III. 60. * Suid. and Phot. Safiiaiv 6 Sfj/jtos; Plat. Pericles, 26; Athen. xii. S4°'l cp. Hesych. Sa/iiaKos rponos; Phot, ^ofiatvai. ' Thuc. 1. 13, III. 104. Ill SAMOS 71 ig Rheneia Polycrates became practically master of Delos. He brated the Delian games^. Considering the unrivalled situation )elos it is not unlikely that the festival was even in the sixth ury the "commercial affair^" that it was in later ages, and such thers also of the great Greek games appear to have been from days of the tyrants^. In that case it is not inconceivable that the ated purifications of Delos in the sixth and fifth centuries may ; had not only a religious signification, but also the purpose of ■icting a commercial element that was constantly reasserting f 7e need not be surprised to find a commercial potentate exerting )0wer by means of an army or navy. War has so far in the world's jry always stood in the immediate background of even the most :eful political power. There is nothing in the nature of a talist government to make it anti-militarist. If, as seems to have I the case, the early tyrants realized how seldom war does any- g for commercial prosperity except to ruin it, it only shows n to have been men of unusual insight, as indeed there are y reasons for thinking that they were. If Polycrates was an ption to the generally peaceful character of the early tyranny, fact may be explained by his antagonism to Persia, with which ppears to have been openly at war during part of his reign*. •ur records of this war contain obvious mis-statements about death of Cyrus, and their whole truth has been questioned^, the hostility of Polycrates to Persia is sufficiently shown by his idship with Egypt. His break with Amasis king of Egypt can :ely be anything but a desertion to the common enemy Persia, cathohc character of his piracy, which stopped all shipping gh it confiscated only hostile craft, is not really explained by his when he claimed that by this method he not only injured his nies whose ships he kept, but also secured the gratitude of his ids, whose ships he released. His proceedings become really prehensible only if we understand them as one of the earliest nces of a strict blockade, plainly directed against the great 'hot. and Suid. Tlvdia Km AijXia. So Zenob. ap. Leutsch u. Schneidewin, ;m. Graec. i. p. 165; cp. Diogenian. ibid. p. 311. \xnopi<6v irpayfia, Strabo, x. 486; cp. Pliny, N.H. xxxiv. 4. ee below, p. 260. lalalas af. Migne, Bihl. Pair. Gr. vol. 97, p. 260. So Cedren. Synops. 243 ; vol. 121, p. 277. •lass, Tyrannis, p. 240. 72 SAMOS CH.m land power to the east. The Peloponnesian expedition against Polycrates shows simply that the neutrals to the west did not yet realize who was their real enemyi. The danger from Persia only became apparent to European Greece when Darius invaded Scythia and Thrace^. There is every reason to believe that Polycrates supported Cam- byses half-heartedly and under compulsion. He went over to the Persian side only when Cambyses was collecting a force against Egypt^, or in other words when the Great King was advancing on the Mediterranean with an overwhelming force. He sent to his support only a disaffected contingent that was a source of trouble and weakness to him at home in Samos^. He met his death not so very long after, in an attempt to break away from Persia at what must have been the very first opportunity, just about the time when Cambyses fell ill*. On the whole therefore it seems best to accept as historical the account of the war between Cyrus and the Samians, since though only mentioned in late authors, it accords so well with all that is known of the period from early sources. It is ascribed to the period when Samos ruled the waves^, which we have seen already to mean the reign of Polycrates, and this indication as to date agrees with the statement^ that the war occurred at the end of Cyrus' reign. It brings Polycrates into a situation which alike in its patriotic and in its selfish side anticipates the attitude of Dionysius of Syracuse towards Carthage. But even this war may have been in part an attempt to maintain Samos in her commercial and industrial position. From the Samian point of view war with Persia meant first and foremost a struggle against Miletus. The island city and its neighbour on the mainland had long been rivals, and the supremacy of the one had meant the depression of the other. Miletus was now under the Persians and had made favourable terms with her conquerors. What Cyrus was aiming at in Anatolia is made sufficiently plain to us by the description in Herodotus of the way that he treated the conquered Lydians. They 1 Hdt. HI. 47, where observe the causes to which the war is attributed. - Hence the relevance of the long account of the Thraco-Scythian expedi- tion in the fourth book of Herodotus, immediately preceding the first attack upon Persia by European Greeks, that namely of Athens and Eretria during the Ionian revolt described in Book v. = Hdt. III. 44. 4 H(jt_ jii j2o_ ^ Malalas, he. cit. [11 SAMOS 73 5 to bring up their children simply to play music and to become il traders^. A similar account is given by Zenobius: "they say Cyrus, having overcome the Lydians, charged them to become 1 traders (KaTnjXeveiv) and not to acquire arms^." Zenobius nothing about the music. There can be little doubt that the ing- was the main thing. Both writers say that Cyrus' object to prevent the Lydians breaking out into armed rebellion, this may be true as far as it goes. But Cyrus did not treat all ebellious provinces in this way. It looks as though he intended lake conquered Sardis, devoted entirely to trade and with the ian army behind it, into the commercial capital of his kingdom, 1 Miletus as its chief seaport. This policy, if successful. Id have been disastrous to the trade of Samos. May it not ; been to prevent it that Polycrates organized the fleet and ued the naval policy that won him such fame and unpopularity? have an instance of rivalry between Polycrates and Sardis in "laura" which he constructed at Samos, the significance of ;h is discussed below^. 1 any case Polycrates employed his fleet for commercial purposes ^ell as warlike. He traded with Egypt*, which was the one ern country that was during most of his reign independent of ;ia and open to Samian trade. The statement of Clytus the totelian that " Polycrates the tyrant of the Samians from motives Lixury gathered the products of every country^" shows that 'crates had a personal interest in the transport trade. There nfortunately nothing to show that he employed his own ;ls. : is difficult again with the available evidence completely to identify the tyrant with Samian industry. He was 3lycrates the patron of Theodorus, who was famous not only samian .^g g, jeweller, but also as a maker of metal vases"- The possible significance of this fact will be seen moment, when we proceed to examine the statements about zidapl^eLv T€ Kal y^dWeiv /cat KairrfXeveiv, Hdt. i. 155. So Justin, i. 7, lussi Dnias et ludicras artes et lenocinia exercere. lenob. V. i, AuSof KOTTTjXeuft, ap. Leutsch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Graec. [15. ip. 76-7. ;p. Hdt. III. 39 with Diod. i. 95, 98. no Tpvrjs Ta navra^odev (rvvdyecu, Athen. xii. 540 c. idt. I. 51; Athen. xii. 514 f. 74 SAMOS CH. Ill Polycrates' activities before he became tyrant. There is however no evidence that Polycrates was himself engaged in the Samian metal industries during his reign. For the woollen industries the evidence is stronger. Among the things which Athenaeus^ declares that Polycrates, when tyrant, introduced into Samos are sheep from Miletus. Athenaeus is here quoting Clytus. Later in the same passage he quotes another writer, Alexis, as stating that the tyrant imported sheep from Miletus and Attica. The sheep were of course imported not for their mutton but for their wool: the wools of Miletus were particularly famous. During his reign Polycrates lent support to Arcesilaus III, king of Cyrene in " sheep-rearing Libya^" and himself probably a merchant prince^ who when banished from his own dominions sought refuge with the Samian tyrant*. One reported act of Polycrates seems out of keeping with the view that he was a great merchant. "It is said that of Poly'oratJs Polycrates struck a large quantity of local coins in and Samian jg^d ^nd then gilded them and gave them to them in payment^." Herodotus, our authority for this statement, dismisses it as idle (fj.aTaioTepo';). But it is supported by numismatic evidence^, and the reason alleged for the issue in Herodotus is perfectly plausible. Polycrates was resorting to a desperate expedient for getting rid of an invader. Apart from the question of its truth, the report is valuable as indicating that Poly- crates, like his contemporary Hippias, was credited with a tendency to make practical experiments with the coinage. This is borne out by another report, quoted by Suidas', according to which the Samaina reputed to have been invented by Polycrates was not a ship but a coin. The two reports are not necessarily contradictory. The tyrant may have introduced both the ship and the coin, like Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, who introduced the hare into his dominions ^ Athen. XII. 540 c-i. , ^ Hdt. IV. 155; cp. ibid. 159. ' ' Arcesilaus II is represented on a famous kylix in the Louvre as presiding over the weighing and shipment of a cargo of silphium, and has in that connexion been called by Michaelis a silphium merchant, Cent. Arch. Discov. p. 235. ; * Hdt. IV. 162-4. I 5 Hdt. III. 56. The recipients are Spartan invaders of Samos. * ArchaicMilesianhects of lead plated with electrum, Brandis, Miinz-msm, PP- 327-8; F- Lenormant, La Monnaie dans I'Antiq. i. p. 225. ' Suid. s.v. Sa/iiav 6 Sijiios. CH. Ill SAMOS 75 and commemorated his action by putting a hare on his coins (fig. 9). The Samaina is found on extant Samian coins (fig. 9), some of which appear to have circulated in Samos itself about the middle of the fifth century, while others have been associated with the Samian refugees who migrated to the far West in 494 b.c. and occupied Messana in Sicily with the aid of Anaxilas of Rhegium, '' iZI^aw whose subjects they became. The '.'^^^MS^- ''^"^i»^ type cannot be traced back to ' ■ „^ «X "^ the days of Polycrates himself, but W; " <# V ^^ the numismatic evidence is not ^^^'^^^r %, _. ^y abunda^it enough to make that ^>S^^^^ ^•s^aaa^ fact decisive. As far as it goes it pig. g. gamian coin with Samaina even inclines slightly in favour of and Messanian coin with hare. Suidas. If the coin type used by the refugees of 494 B.C. appears later on the coins of Samos itself, the fact is best explained by assuming that it was already in use in Samos before the earlier date. Moreover one of the coins generally associated with the refugees is inscribed with the letters A I, which have no obvious connexion with Messana or the Samians who went there, but which do on the other hand form the first syllable of the name Aiakes, the name of the Samian tyrant from whom the refugees fled to Messana. Aiakes was a nephew of Polycrates, so that if the A I coin is rightly ascribed to him the Samaina type is traced back to the family of Polycrates, if not to Polycrates himself Aiakes had been restored to Samos by the Persians after their defeat of the Greek fleet at the battle of Lade. In that battle the Samian fleet, with the exception of the ships manned by the men who fled later to Sicily, had disgraced itself by deserting to the Persians. Aiakes profited by their proceedings but he can hardly have been proud of them. If he struck coins with the Samaina type it is more likely to have been because his uncle had done so before him than from any desire to commemorate either his own exploits, whether as a shipbuilder or a sailor, or those of his uncle, who so successfully defied the Persian power to which the nephew owed his throne^. 1 On Aiakes see Hdt. vi. 13, 22, 25; on the Samaina coins see Head, Hist. Num.? pp. 153, 603-4; P. Gardner, Samos, p. 17, PI. I. 17, 18; Babelon, Rev. Num. 1894, pp. 281-2, PI. X.; v. Sallet, Zeit. f. Num. iii. p. 135, v. p. 103. 76 SAMOS CH. Ill In his domestic policy Polycrates won great fame as the promoter of great public works. " I have dwelt the longer on worlS'of'poly- '^^ Samians," says Herodotus^, "because they have crates during erected three works that surpass those of all the hicludingTA Greeks." The works in question are the harbour aqueduct and breakwater already mentioned, the huge temple of breakwater. Hera, and the underground aqueduct constructed by Eupalinus of Megara^. Herodotus himself does not say who was responsible for these works being undertaken; but the context shows that the historian is thinking of the Samos of Poly- crates. The first architect of the temple is given by him as Rhoecus, the partner of Theodorus, who worked for Polycrates. Great engineering activities in Samos about this time are indicated by the fact that the engineer who shortly afterwards bridged the Bosporus for Darius was a Samian^. The breakwater round the harbour is naturally ascribed to the time of the Samian thalassocracy under Polycrates. There is therefore little doubt that modern scholars and archaeologists have been right in identifying these great con- structions with the "Polycratean works" referred to by Aristotle* as typical undertakings of a typical tyrant, the more so as there are numerous instances of early tyrants undertaking these particular kinds of work^. One work of a similar kind that Samos owed to Polycrates deserves at least a passing notice, namely the "laura" that he erected as a rival to what is called in Sardis the ^Ajkodv yX-vKiK;^. Etymo- logically "laura" is probably to be connected with' "labyrinth'." 1 Hdt. III. 60. 2 Fabricius, Ath. Mitt. ix. (1884), pp. 165 f.; Jahrb. iv. Arch. Anz. pp. 39-40; Wiegand, Abhand. preuss. Akad. Phil. Hist. Class. 191 1; Dennis, Academy, 1882, Nov. 4, pp. 335-6; Guerin, Patmos el Samos, pp. 196-7. The great tunneled aqueduct that took the water through the mountain which separates the city from the source of the supply is still in existence. ^ jj^t. iv. 87, 88. * epya noKvKpdTeia, Aristot. Pol. viii. 13136; cp. Athea. xii. 540 if; Suet. Calig. 21 (regia). s Water supplies : Cypselids at Corinth {Jjeip^vr]), Theagenes at Megara (the home of Eupalinus), Peisistratus at Athens {KaWipport). Temples: Corinth, Athens (the huge Olympiaeum completed by Hadrian 700 years later). « Clearchus ap. Athen. 540 f.; cp. Ps.-Plut. i. 61, s.v. Safilcov !iv6r,, Kai ^afiuiKrf 'Kaipa ap. Leutsch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Grace, i. p. 330. ' Burrows, Discoveries in Crete, pp. 117 f.; cp. Conway, ibid. pp. 227 f. The ancient derivations are interesting but not helpful: see Et. Mag. s.v. napa to Xiav i'Xf(.v avpav q 81' fjS 6 \a6s pe'i els Trjv 686v. Ill SAMOS 77 5 word has various meanings^. The laura at Samos appears to s been a place for buying and selling^ possibly an early pre- ;ssor of the labyrinthine bazaars still in use in the great cities he near East such as Smyrna, Cairo, and Constantinople^. f Polycrates' laura was in fact a great bazaar, it is easy to imagine r it became a byword for luxury* and worse things than that. 2 description of it by Clearchus as a place of ill-repute is plainly n a source unfriendly to the tyrant'. Whatever the facts about the laura, the sums that Polycrates labour spent on his public works in general and the number loyed on of hands that he employed on them must have been 'at" to very large. Of the life led by these employees we ; been know little. Aristotle states that the object of the ^ y ''^^' tyrant's works was "the employment and poverty of subjects®." This implies that the work was ill-paid and un- ular. It is doubtful however whether Aristotle quite understood social and economic conditions of sixth century Samos'. On the 5r hand no inferences as to the normal wages in the days of the int are to be drawn from occasional instances of high payments le by him for exceptional work*. One fact however becomes n from the statement in the Politics. The hands employed by ycrates must have been mainly free men. ^ike some tyrannical employers of labour in more recent times, ycrates appears to have recognized the value of having his )loyees provided with amusements of not too elevated a type. ' lidays and drunkenness appear to have been frequent under his Casaubon ad Athen. xii. cap. lo. Ps.-Plut. I. 6i; cp. Athen. 541a, Eustath. ad Odyss. xxii. 128. See Encyc. Brit?^ s.v. Bazaar : "Persian (bazar, market), a permanent market :reet of shops or a group of short narrow streets of stalls under one roof." milar picture is given by Radet, Lydie, pp. 298-9, of the Lydian jKvkvs av. See Macarius vii. 55 ap. Leutsch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Grace. 11. p. 207, mian laura: of those indulging in luxury" (fVl rav ds Tpv(pfjv eKKexvfiivmv); Plut. I. 61 ap. eosd. i. p. 330, "of those indulging in extreme pleasures (eVt v(rrdraLs rjdovais ;(po)/xe'i'cof)- It goes on to state that "Polycrates, the tyrant of luxurious Samos, perished ugh his intemperate mode of Ufe." aa-x<>^i-av koI n^viav rmv apxofievcov, Aristot. Pol. 13136- See above, pp. 26-32. Athen. S40 d, nfTea-reW^TO Se, (prjtri, Kol rex>"''"<'S f'ri /iicrdols fifyiv o drjfios. trabo, XIV. 638; Heraclides, F.H.G. 11. p. 216; Zenobius, iii. 90 (^ap. ch u. Schneidewin, Paroem. Graec. i. p. 79), and Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. (KTfTi SnXotrSi/rof evpv)(apir); Suid. and Phot. s.v. liajximv 6 SijfMOS. jgos after the massacre of Cleomenes (about 494 B.C.): "Argos was so led of men that the slaves had the whole situation in their hands, ruling Jministrating until the sons of the victims grew to manhood," Hdt. vi. 83. p6 Be Tov Tvpavvrjaai, KaTav jiiv ovbiva avSpSiv, tcaTTijXous of KoX x^cpojvaKTas Kal dyopaiovs dvdpcoTrovs. CH. IV EGYPT 93 Shortly before the days of Sethon another Egyptian king had (ii) KingBoc- won great fame by his recognition of the commercial choris (d. 715 tendencies of his age. This was Bocchoris the law- B.C.) and his . . ° commercial giver, the solitary representative of the XXIVth legislation. dynasty, who appears for a time to have been recog- nized as king of Egypt until in 715 b.c. he was taken and burnt or flayed alive by his successor Sabacon, the first king of the Ethiopian (XXVth) dynasty'^. Diodorus says that the laws concerning con- tracts were attributed to Bocchoris and that he brought more pre- cision into the matter of contracts. These statements are illustrated in a remarkable way by actual business documents that have come down to us from that time^. A faience vase (fig. 12) with Egyptian scenes and the name of Bocchoris has been found in the Etruscan city of Tarquinii (Cor- neto)^. It is held by Maspero and v. Bissing to be of pure Egyptian workmanship*. Before its discovery the only evidence that Bocchoris had dealings with Europe was a reference in Plutarch^ which makes Bocchoris the judge in a case involving a Greek hetaera named Thonis. The Plutarch passage is doubtful evidence, but the Corneto vase suggests that already in the reign of Bocchoris the Egyptians and perhaps the king himself already had dealings with the trading nations of the North. This would fit well with the fact that Bocchoris was probably the predecessor of a king whose following consisted 1 Africanus and Euseb. F.H.G. 11. p. 593; John of Antioch, F.H.G. iv. P- 54°- ^ Their significance is well put by Griffith, Dem. Pap. Rylands, m. pp. 9-10; cp. Moret, de Bocchori^ pp. 76 f. quoting Revillout, Precis droit egy. pp. 190 f. The Diodorus passages are from i. 94 and i. 79; cp. also Plut. Demetr. 27 and Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. 18, Bocchoris as clever judge in a claim for payment; Iambi. (Didot, Erot. Scrip, p. 517) on Bocchoris' skill in assessment of values (cup, nosegay, kiss). Moret is scarcely right in saying (de Bocch. p. 55) that every kind of story is told to illustrate the wisdom of Bocchoris: cp. Revillout ap. Moret, p. 78, "Bocchoris avait voulu surtout faire un code commercial." Diod. I. 94 places Bocchoris fourth among the reputed lawgivers of Egypt. No similar measures are attributed to any of the earlier three. ^ Schiaparelli, Mon. Ant. viii. pp. 90-100 and Tav. 11. The context in ivhich the vase was found (Poulsen, Orient u. friihgriech. Kunst, pp. 125-6) recalls the ReguUni-Galassi and Bernardini graves. * See Poulsen, Orient u. friihgr. Kunst, p. 64; cp. Kinch, Vroulia, p. 249. Schiaparelli, Revillout [Quirites et tg. p. 4), and Moret (de Bocch. pp. 27-8) think it of Phoenician make and provenance. " Plut. Demetr. 27. 94 EGYPT CH. IV Fig. 12. Vase with cartouche of Bocchoris found atTarquinii. CH. IV EGYPT 95 of hucksters and artizans and trades people. Bocchoris himself is said by Diodorus to have been reputed the most money-loving of men^. Bocchoris' father Tafnekht^, the first of the Saite princes (749- 721 B.C.), is not known to have had any commercial /■■■\ T* r 1 -Li. ' ■' father o/boc- ' interests or connexions. He is best remembered for choris, resisted his Struggle against Pianchi, the first Ethiopian ruler thanks appar- to claim the throne of the Pharaohs. Of this struggle ently to his vve have Pianchi's own version, preserved in the the sea. famous Pianchi stele. While Tafnekht's partizans were holding Memphis against the Ethiopians we hear of the employment of artizans and master masons as soldiers^- The force however is stated to have been small, and it is not quite certain which side it was fighting on. Tafnekht, when the struggle went against him, retired to "the islands of the sea," from whence he was able to negotiate with Pianchi in complete safety. Tafnekht himself described the situation not without tact in a letter to Pianchi: "To whatsoever city thou hast turned thy face, thou hast not found thy servant there, until I reached the islands of the sea, trembling before thy might, and saying 'his flame is hostile to me.' " Eventually he submitted to the Ethiopians, but the submission seems to have been little more than nominal. Pianchi after receiving it is no more heard of in the Delta, and Tafnekht, to judge from the position held after him by his son Bocchoris, must have regained considerable power. This may have had its base in naval supremacy. In the ancient list of thalassocrats, or states that successively ruled the waves, preserved to us by Syncellus, Eusebius and Jerome, the thalassocracy of Egypt falls at about this period. The only list that gives a precise date is that of Jerome, who puts it between 783 and 748 B.C. But the lists give the duration of each thalassocracy as well as absolute ^ TrdvTmv (fnXoxpilJ-aTaTaTov (Diod. i. 94), a trait quite reconcilable with the statement of Zenobius (n. 60), that he was remembered for his justice (cp. Suid. s.v. BaKxvpi.s) and ingenuity (fViVuia) as a judge. The statement of AeUan that Bocchoris was hated by his countrymen {H.A. xi. 11; cp. Plut. Vit. Pud. 3, (j)v(Tei ;;^aX67rof) proves only that he, like Solon and Cypselus, excited different feelings in different quarters: nobody would now follow Wiedemann {Aeg. Ges. p. 579) and quote it against reports favourable to him, as a proof that neither are of any use for serious history. 2 Manetho, F.H.G. n. pp. 592-3; see further below, p. 100, n. 4. 3 Breasted, Records, iv. 858; J. de Rouge, Chrestom. Egypt, iv. 96 EGYPT CH. jv dates, and, as pointed out by J. L. Myres, if, instead of following the dates in years from Abraham, we calculate from the duration of the various thalassocracies, working backward from the period of the Persian wars, then the end of the Egyptian supremacy falls not in 748 but in 725^. This dating makes Tafnekht a thalassocrat^ and explains how he was able to stand up against Ethiopia and the comparatively little damage that he sustained in spite of his military failures. In 715 we find another Ethiopian invading the Delta, The new prince of Sais, Bocchoris, presumably had no impregnable naval base. He was caught by the Ethiopian Sabacon and burnt or flayed alive^- It is only when Psamtek formed alliances with the naval power that had replaced Egypt that the Saite princes fully regained the throne of the Pharaohs. This time their power had a sounder financial basis. It lasted for nearly a century and a half, and was then suddenly destroyed at its zenith by irresistible forces from without. On the reckoning which ends Egyptian naval supremacy in 725 B.C. the command of the sea when Psamtek was building up his power was in the hands of the Carians. It is precisely the Carians, along with the Milesians (who on the same reckoning were thalassocrats from 725 to 707 B.C.), who are said by all our ancient authorities to have been the basis of Psamtek's power*- If the king who ruled Egypt in 700 B.C. based his power on the trading and industrial classes, and a king who reigned twenty years 1 J.H^S. XXVI. p. 103; cp. pp. 91-2, 94 f. The main divergence is in tlie Lesbian thalassocracy, where the Armenian version of the canon of Eusebius gives the dates ann. Abr. 1345-1441 ( = 96 years), whereas Jerome gives the duration as 68 years. 2 Note that he probably began his career at a small town near Canopus, E. de Rouge (quoting Brugsch), Inscr. Hist. Pianchi ap. Maspero, Bibl. tgypt. XXIV. p. 290. De Rouge notes that Tafnekht's name has no cartouche and no quahfication announcing royal birth and from these facts argues that he was of comparatively humble origin. " Note that the unrevised dating of the Egyptian thalassocracy makes it fall into the reign of Bocchoris as dated by Eusebius, Fotheringham, J.H.S. xxvii. p. 87. * Cp. perhaps Steph. Byz. 'EWrjvtKov Kal KapiKOf, Tonoi iv Uifi^tbi. a(j>' iv 'EX\r]voii€fj.(p'i.Tai, i)s 'Apiarayopas. ibid. KapiKov tottos IBid^ap iv Mifi^f(iif k(kX<]t(ii Kapop(p(plTac. These Caromemphites and Hellenomemphites are generally recognized as descendants of Psamtek's mercenaries who were trans- planted by Amasis to Memphis (Hdt. 11. 154). CH. IV EGYPT 97 earlier drew up the first commercial code in Egypt, while under the predecessor of this latter king Egypt had been supreme at sea, then by 670 b.c. conditions may well have been favourable for the commercial activities of Prince Psammetichus as described by Diodorus. But still more will this have been so if, as seems likely, both Sethon and Bocchoris were Saite princes of the Taf nekht and , „ • u i_ • 1 r t^i • 1 probably same house as rsammetichus himselr. i he evidence Bocchoris and is weak and inconclusive and for that reason difficult Sethon were • 1 1 t^ 1 1 • 1 ■ (not kings of to summarize shortly. But the conclusions that it all Egypt but) seems to point to are sufficientlv important to make princes of Sais, ' ^ the city of the attempt worth while. Psarnmetichus, Qj^g pgint seems fairly certain. Sethon was not and belonged '^ ' possibly to the the name of the conqueror of the Assyrians. Far ptamm'tichu^ more probably it was his title, a graecized form of the priestly title stm, stne, setmi, or satni^. If his actual name is still doubtful, it is not for lack of suggestions. Sethon has been identified with {a) Khamois son of Ramses IP, {h) Shabaka, first king of the Ethiopian dynasty^, {c) Shabataka, successor of Shabaka*, id) Taharqa, the Biblical Tirhaka^- These identifications are all untenable, the first two on account of their dates, the rest because they make Sethon an Ethiopian. The warrior class that refused to support Sethon was Ethiopian in sympathy and not likely to desert an Ethiopian*. The Sethon story glorifies the god Ptah (Hephaestus) of Memphis whereas the Ethiopian dynasty was devoted to Amon of Thebes'. Griffith indeed suggests that Taharqa, who became king of Ethiopia and Egypt after 700 B.C., may at the time of Sennacherib's defeat have represented the reigning king Shabataka in Lower Egypt, possibly with the title of priest of Ptah at Memphis*. But there is no evidence for this having been so, and the picture of Taharqa as a king with no real soldiers at his back is not easily explained. On the contrary, 1 Griffith, High Priests of Memphis, p. 8, who compares the Herodotean king Pheron of Egypt (Hdt. ii. ill) who plainly is simply a nameless Pharaoh. ^ See below, p. loi. ^ So apparently Breasted, Hist. Eg.^ pp. 552-3. * Wiedemann, ^eg. Ges. p. 587; Lauth, Aeg. Forzeit, p. 439 f.; Oppert, Rapp. Eg. et Assyr. pp. 14 n. i, 29 n. i, quoting Brugsch. ^ Joseph., Antiq. lui. x. i. 4 (17); cp. Petrie, Hist. Eg. iii. p. 296. » Cp. Hdt. II. 30. ' Griffith, High Priests of Memphis, p. 10. 8 Ibid. U.T. 7 98 EGYPT . CH.iv as pointed out long ago by Lepsius^, the Biblical account^ appears to differentiate Pharaoh king of Egypt, whom it calls a broken reed, and Tirhaka king of Ethiopia. Similarly the Assyrian cylinders distinguish the kings of Egypt from the king of Miluhhi = Meroe = Ethiopia^. The kings of Egypt who are thus referred to in the plural* are plainly the rulers who at the period divided among themselves the lands of the Delta. The evidence all paints to the conclusion that Sethon was one of these Delta chiefs, and presumahly one of the most important of them, who acknowledged when forced to the suzerainty of Ethiopia or Assyria as the case might be, but did his best to keep clear of both great powers. It is not improbable that Sethon belonged to the same family as Psammetichus, or at any rate that he was one of his predecessors on the throne of Sais. As starting-point for identifying him we have two facts. He was high priest of Ptah and he was alive in 701 B.C. A generation earlier the title Sem of Ptah was borne by Tafnekht, the chief of Sais from about 749 to 721 b.c.^ who led the Delta in its struggle against the Ethiopian Pianchi^ A generation after Sethon the Assyrian cylinders' describe Necho I (672-664 B.C.) the father of Psammetichus I as king not only of Sais but also of Memphis, the home of the Sethon tradition. A whole line of Saite rulers may be traced from Tafnekht onwards to Psam- metichus p. All of these kings seem to have been something more than mere local rulers. The Pianchi stele makes it plain that Tafnekht aimed at becoming king at least of the whole of Lower Egypt. Bocchoris, the solitary king of the XXIVth dynasty, has been discussed already. Stephinates, Nechepsus, and Necho I appear in Africanus^ as the first three kings of dynasty XXVI, Psam- ■' Konigsbuch, p. 47. ^ n Kings xvin. 21; xix. 9; Isaiah xxxvi. 6; xxxvii. 9. ^ Schrader, Cun. Inscr. andO.T., (marginal) pp. 292, 303; cp. 357. This fact by it:self is fatal to Sourdille (Hdt. et la relig. de I'&g. p. 141) when he places Sethon on his index mythologique on the ground that Shabataka was king of Egypt at this time. '' Hence the equation with Shabataka, while Tirhaka is equated (Oppert, Rapp. igy. et Assyr. p. 29) with the king of Meroe, is impossible, quite apart from its making nonsense of the reference to the bruised reed. ^ Petrie, Hist. Eg. m. p. 312; Griffith, Dem. Pap. Rylands, iii. p. 6. " Griffith, High Priests of Memphis, p. 10; Breasted, Records, iv. 830 (Pianchi stele). ' G. Smith, Assurbanipal, p. 20. 8 See above, p. 88, n. i. ^ » F.H.G. n. p. 593. CH. IV EGYPT 99 metichus I coming fourth on the list. This statement is not dis- credited by the fact that other writers^ begin the dynasty with Psammetichus, while Eusebius^ puts Stephinates second, after Am- meris the Ethiopian. The three versions need not be mutually exclusive. Psammetichus was unquestionably the first of the Saites to win for his house the undisputed kingship of all Egypt. Hence the position generally assigned to him. In another way too he represented a new departure dynastically. He appears to have had family connexions with Ethiopia, and to have consistently aimed at an entente with the Ethiopian royal house^, who may have originally left him a free hand in the Delta from the desire to put a buffer state between Ethiopia and Assyria. Ammeris appears to be a Greek form of (Ta) Nut-Amen, Rud-Amen, or Amen-Rud, as the last of the Ethiopian kings is variously called*. His appearance at the head of the XXVIth dynasty is a record of its Ethiopian connexions at this time^. Africanus on the other hand, following Manetho, who was himself an Egyptian, records Psamtek's ancestry in the direct line, and regards them, rather than any Ethiopian or Assyrian conquerors, as the lawful kings of the whole country^. We are now in a better position for trying to identify the Sethon of Herodotus. This Saite dynasty was probably represented at the 1 Hdt. II. 151 ; Diod. I. 66; the Apis stelai. ^ F.H.G. II. p. 594. ' Psamtek's daughter Nitokris was adopted by Shepnepet, daughter of Taharqa (or, according to J. de Rouge, Et. sur les textes geogr, du temple d^Edfou^ p. 62, of Pianchi), sacerdotal princess of Thebes, Breasted, Records, iv. 935 f. ; cp. E. de Rouge, Notice de quelques textes hierogl. publ. parM. Greene, ap. Maspcro, BibL Egypt, xxiii. pp. 70 f. ;J. de Rouge, Et. sur les textes geogr. du temple d'Edfou. pp. 59-63; neither of whom understood that N. was daughter of S. only by adoption. From the omission of the revolt of Gyges and Psamtek from the earlier Assurbanipal cylinders and the statement that Miluhha (Ethiopia) revolted with Saulmugina (brother of Assurbanipal), G. Smith, Assurbanipal, p. 78, cp. pp. 154-5, infers that the revolt of Gyges and Psammetichus took place at the time of the general rising against Assyria, which means that Psammetichus was allied with Ethiopia at that time. His early flight into Syria, Hdt. 11. 152, is to be connected with his father's policy rather than with his own. * Against this identification seeMaspero, Hist. Anc.^ p. 459, n. 3 ; E. de Rouge, Textes pub. par M. Greene, ap. Maspero, Bibl. igypt. xxm. pp. 74-75. ^ Psamtek himself acknowledged the Ethiopian Taharqa as his predecessor: Wiedemann, Aeg. Ges. p. 600. " There can be no doubt that the reigns of rival rulers of the period largely overlap. Otherwise, as pointed out long ago by Gutschmid {Philol. 1855, p. 659), we have Psamtek I surviving his father for over 100 years. 7—2 100 EGYPT CH.iv time of Sennacherib's invasion by Stephinates. In Africanus his reign as first king of the XXV Ith dynasty begins later, about 685 B.C. But this leaves a gap of 30 years writh no recorded rulers of Sais and Memphis. Petrie's explanation of this hiatus may be right. He thinks that Stephinates was probably son and successor of Bocchoris, but that after Bocchoris had been crushed and burnt by the Ethiopians in 715 B.C. the Saite power remained for some time a very broken reed. It is therefore not unlikely that the Stephinates of Manetho is the Sethon of Herodotus. No prince of the name appears on Egyptian monuments, but it has been plausibly suggested by Petrie^ that Stephinates is another Tafnekht with perhaps a sigma carried over by a Greek copyist from some word before his name. May we not guess what this word was? The first Tafnekht styled himself Sem of Ptah. The story of Satni Khamois^ shows that the title might be prefixed to the personal name. May not the strange form Stephinates be simply a Greek corruption of Satni Tafnekht or, as the name is sometimes tran- scribed, Tefnakhte^? A family connexion between Bocchoris and the later Saites is harder to establish. In support of it there are these facts: a Samtavi Tafnekht appears among the officials of Psamtek I; and, as the name Tafnekht was borne by the father and predecessor of Boc- choris*, this Samtavi Tafnekht has been recognized by Petrie' as "doubtless a brother or cousin of the king." The name Bakenranf itself is borne by another of Psamtek's officials^, who may well be the Bocchoris son of Neochabis (Nekauba) mentioned by Athenaeus', in which case he would have been an uncle of the reigning king*. 1 Hist. Eg. III. p. 318. 2 Below, p. loi. ^ E.g. by Breasted. Diod. I. 45; Plut. de Is. et Os. 8 [Moral. 354) ; cp. Moret, ie Bocch. pp. 6-8, quoting Mariette and Maspero; Breasted, Records, iv. 811, 884, Hist.^ p. 546; Griffith, Dem. Pap. Rylands, p. 6. The Pianchi stele mentions, one son of Tafnekht as killed in Pianchi's campaign against Tafnekht, and another as spared by him (Breasted, Records, iv. 838, 854; cp. Moret, de Bocch. p. 6, n. 2). 6 Hist. Eg. III. p. 334. * Hist. Eg. III. p. 327. ' Athen. x. 4i8e. 8 In Diod. (i. 45) and Plut. {de Is. et Os. 8) Tnefachthos, the father of Boc- choris, is said to have accidentally discovered while campaigning against the Arabians the joys of the simple life. In Athen. (418^) Neochabis and his son Bocchoris are said both to have been moderate in their diet {fierpiq rpofri Kfxpv"'^'^'-)- -^"^ even if we have here variants of a single story, it would be no proof that we are up against the same individuals. CH. IV EGYPT loi A direct connexion between the XXIVth and XXVIth dynasties has indeed been often suspected^. They may stand to one another much as the English Lancastrians to the Tudors, separated by a period of eclipse and by the alliance with their rivals that was made in each case at the period of the restoration^. It was probably during this period of eclipse that two popular . stories of an earlier date were revised and received of Satni Kha- the shape in which they have come down to us^, and '""if ' iT'^"^'^ in which also they very possibly have a bearing on fleet the atmo- the history of the Herodotean Sethon. Their hero is sphere of Sais g^^^j Khamois, son of Ramses II, who protects the under Sethon, ..,..■, ,r ri_Li kmg his rather not by force or arms but by learning and magic. Satni and Sethon both save their country where the military had failed. "The military chieftains of the chief ones of Egypt were standing before him (Pharaoh Usimares) each one according to his rank at court" when the Ethiopian came and threatened to "report the inferiority of Egypt in his country, the land of the Negroes." And just as the captains and the courtiers proved helpless against the Assyrians in the days of Sethon, so did they against the Ethiopians in the days of Satni. This is the connecting link. The value of the Satni story for the history of Sethon is that it probably gives the atmosphere of the Sethon period, and that being so it helps to show that Sethon was already pursuing in many ways the Saite policy. Griffith for instance has observed that Satni is not presented in a very heroic light. But neither did any of the later Saites adopt the heroic pose. Nothing could be less like the grand monarque than Psamtek as pictured onarelief in the British Museum (above fig. 1 1)* recall in tone or Amasis as pictured in the pages of Herodo'tus^. those told of 'phe Same picture of Amasis is presented to us by Amasis, the . , _ . . ar ■ -i i >s i • last great Saite the popular Egyptian stories. is it possible, his pharaoh. courtiers ask, "that if it happens to the king to be 1 It is implied by Breasted, Hist? p. 556, when he calls Necho I "doubtless a descendant of Tefnakhte." 2 Necho I enjoyed the favours of the Assyrian conqueror (G. Smith, Assur- banipal, pp. 20, 23, 27-28), but his revolt shows that he was making a virtue of necessity. ^Translated Griffith, High Priests of Memphis, chaps. 11., iii.: Maspero, Pop. Stories, pp. 115 f. ' Petrie, Hist. in. fig. 139. ^ Hdt. II. 173; cp. Athen. vi. 2611;, x. 4386. 102 EGYPT cH.iv drunk more than any man in the world, no man in the world can approach the king for business^?" Amasis, who was virtually the last of the Saites, is said to have been a man of the people^- In the days of Sethon (Satni Tafnekhte), who perhaps heads the dynasty, a story of the Satni Khamois cycle told how that royal prince had personally visited the kingdom of the dead to learn the lesson of Dives and Lazarus^- This concludes our examination of the history of the early Saites, It points to a consistent policy carried out with a Conclusions i i i i • • r i as to the early remarkable combmation or perseverance and versa- history of the tility by a succession of rulers who may have been all of a single family and who certainly inherited in unbroken succession the same aims and the same essential method of attaining them, which was marked out for them by the place and the age they lived in. The Saite power grew to be supreme in Egypt while Ethiopians and Assyrians were contending for the land. From force of circumstances Sais had to be a military power. But the city owed its victory over its rivals between 721 and 670 b.c, first and foremost to the fact that it lay off the main track of war. As always when Egypt is involved in a great war it is the Eastern frontier that faces the main enemy. Sais was not always able to remain neutral, but lying right away in the West it was able at least to preserve and even to develop its commerce. It seized its ^ Maspero, Pop. Stories, pp. 281-2; the story, however, is Ptoleinaic and may be influenced by Hdt. ; cp. Wiedemann, Hdt. ii. 173. E. Meyer, Ges. Aeg. p. 366, n. I, uses the demotic stories about Amasis' drunkenness as proof that the Saite Pharaohs were not popular with their Egyptian subjects. It might as well be argued that Edward VII must have been unpopular in England because the masses like to associate him with horse-racing and cigars. When the Egyptians represented Amasis as drunken they paid him the compliment of making him like themselves. The catastrophe of 525 b.c. was helped on by the drunkenness of the servants sent by Amasis to capture Phanes the captain of the Greek mercenaries when he was on his way to desert to Persia (Hdt. in. 4). The Egyptian who "complained before his majesty King Cambyses on the subject of all the strangers who dwelt in the sanctuary of Neith (at Sais) to the end that they might be expelled" (so-called demotic chronicle, ap. Rev. Egy. 1880, p. 75) is a better witness as to the policy of Cambyses than as to the unpopularity of Amasis; cp. the sequel: "His Majesty ordained: expel all the strangers who dwell in the sanctuary of Neith: destroy their houses." 2 Hdt. II. 172; Hellanicus, F.H.G. i. p. 66; but cp. Revillout, Rev. igyP- 1 88 1, pp. 96-98. ^ Pop. Stories-, pp. 151 f. CH. IV EGYPT 103 opportunity and did so. The commercial code of Bocchoris, the hucksters and artizans and tradespeople of Sethon, and the cargoes of Psammetichus mark three great stages in the development, at the end of which, to quote the words of Maspero, "the valley of the Nile becomes a vast workshop, where work was carried on with unparalleled activity^." All these considerations lend a general probability to the narrative of Diodorus. They do not however specially confirm his state- ments about Psamtek's trading with the Greeks. Greece : foun- Greek commerce in Egypt in the days of the Saites dation of jg bound up with the name of Naukratis. "In the Naukratis : days of old," says Herodotus^ "Naukratis was the only emporium in Egypt. There was none other." This is an over- statement the origin of which will be seen when we come to deal with Amasis, the last but one of the Saite Pharaohs. But it implies that Naukratis eclipsed in importance all the other Greek trading stations in the country. It concerns us therefore to enquire what was the position of Naukratis in the days of Psammetichus. The question has been much disputed, especially since the eighties of the last century, when the site was excavated by Petrie and Ernest Gardner, and an account of the city was published by Petrie^ based on the literary sources and the results of the dig. As however some of the excavators' archaeological conclusions have been challenged in many quarters, and as too some important archaeological evidence has only recently come to light, it may be worth while to summarise briefly the whole body of available material. S. Jerome under the date Olymp. VII 4 ( = 749 b.c.) says "the (a) literary Milesians held the sea for eighteen years and built in evidence ; Egypt the city of Naukratis*." This statement agrees with Stephanus Byzantinus^ who calls Naukratis "a city of Egypt from the Milesians who were at that time supreme at sea." Jerome and Stephanus are in harmony with Polycharmus^ who mentions a certain Herostratos as living at Naukratis and trading there and making long voyages in the XXIIIrd Olymp. (688 b.c). But there are other writers who put the foundation later. Strabo, in the passage ' Hist. Ancfi p. 531. Maspero refers to the evidence of excavations; Malle Prem. Etab. pp. 52-53. ^ Hdt. II. 179. ^ Naukratis, i. pp. i f. * Hieron. viii. (Migne), pp. 365-6. ° s.v. Naukratis. ' Ap. Athen. xv. 675 104 EGYPT CH, IV already referred to^, after describing the foundation of the Milesians' Fort in the days of Psammetichus, continues: "and eventually they sailed up to the Saite nome and after defeating Inaros in a naval engagement they founded the city of Naukratis." Lastly we have Herodotus^ stating that King Amasis (570-526 B.C.) "gave the city of Naukratis for Greeks who came to Egypt to dwell in," an assertion that taken by itself might mean that Naukratis was founded in or after 570 b.c.^. One further witness remains to be cited. Sappho wrote a poem reproaching her brother Charaxos for his devotion to a Naukratite hetaera named Doriche, with whom he had fallen in love when bringing Lesbian wine to Naukratis by way of trade*. Among the papyri discovered by Grenfell and Hunt at Oxyrhynchus is a frag- ment containing sixteen mutilated Sapphic lines that almost certainly form part of this very poem ^- This means that Naukratis had already grown to be a pleasure city in the days of Sappho. Unfortunately her dates are not absolutely certain. A recent heresy brought her down to the reign of Amasis, but her floruit is generally given as the end of the seventh century, and there seem to be no sufficient reasons for not accepting that date. Such is the literary evidence. No single item of it is decisive for an early occupation. Those which are definite can be questioned on point of fact. Sappho, whose evidence alone cannot be so questioned, may conceivably have written after 570- Combined however they make it probable that Naukratis rose to importance before the days of Amasis, and that Herodotus either confused the foundation of the city with that of the Hellenium^ or else did not intend his words "gave the city for Greeks who came to Egypt to dwell in" to imply that the Milesians were not there in force before the granting of this concession^. Nevertheless, if we were limited i 1 Strabo, xvii. 801. ^ Hdt. 11. 178. ^ Plutarch, Sept. Sap. Conviv. 2 {Moral. 146), speaks of a certain Niloxenos the Naukratite as entertained by Periander. If the setting of the dialogue was strictly historical, this would be evidence for the existence of Naukratis before 590 B.C.. But Amasis is introduced as reigning in Egypt and Croesus apparently as already King of Lydia, so that chronological inferences from this fictitious dialogue would be rash. * Strabo, xvii. 808; cp. Hdt. 11. 135; Athen. xiii. 5966; Suid. s.v. 'PoSmjtAi avaBrjfxa. ' Oxyr. Pap. 1. pp. 10-13. " So Gutschmid, ap. Wiedemann, Hdt. 11. 178. ' It is forcing the sense of Herodotus' words to regard them, as does Petrie, CH. IV EGYPT 105 to these literary sources, we could not be certain that where Diodorus seems to supplement his predecessors he was not merely adding details that they appear to imply. That is in fact the view of his narrative that some modern scholars apparently hold^. Even if this were so, his additions would still have a certain value. If Diodorus, writing in the first century B.C., read between the lines of Herodotus the same unstated implications that have been read there in recent times, the coincidence points to the probability that this reading is not altogether wrong^. That is as far as the texts take us. For further light we must lb) archaeo- ^°°^ '•° archaeology. The new light began by increas- logical evi- ing the perplexity. Petrie and Gardner both claimed that their excavations at Naukratis proved that it had been an important Greek city from the middle of the seventh century. But their main arguments were before long shown to be mistaken, and somewhat naturally it began to be assumed that they must be wrong in their conclusions. Petrie^ based his arguments on the following observations. In (i) excavations ^^^ South part of the town he came across what he of Petrie, who described as a scarab factory. There were numerous tis from the " scarabs of Psamtek I, some of Psamtek II, and some time of Psam- that are probably of Apries; but none of Amasis. ' This seems to date the factory from well before 610 till after 589. Two feet beneath the factory was a burnt stratum of plain potsherds which must take us back a good way further, to at least 650 B.C. and probably earlier. The scarabs are imitation Egyptian and are taken by Petrie to be Greek. Further South, but also within the area of the burnt stratum, there is a large enclosure which he describes as surrounded by a strong brick wall. This he identified with the Hellenium, where Herodotus states that nine Greek cities had quarters assigned to them by Amasis. The dimen- sions of the bricks point to the early Saite period. Nauk. I. p. 4, as proof positive of a pre-Amasis occupation. Still less is Kirchhoff justified (Stud. Gr. Alpk* p. 47) in regarding them as proving that there were no Greeks in Naukratis before the reign of Amasis. 1 E.g. Mallet and E. Meyer. ^ I was first led to apply to Egypt my views about the Greek tyranny, before I had read Diodorus on Psammetlchus, from Herodotus' account of Sethon and his following of tradesmen and artizans; above, p. 92. ^ Nauk. I. pp. 5, 6, 21. io6 EGYPT CH.iv But in 1899 and 1903 further work was done at Naukratis by /••\ c ^u Hogarth which led him to the following conclusions, (11) further ex- & . 1 ■ j • c j • • cavations by Petrie's Hellenium is wrongly identihed: it is not a vlluTated'"' walled enclosure: what Petrie took for walls is simply Petrie's argu- debris of houses^. The real Hellenium is to be found '"^"*^' in what Petrie called the North Temenos^. All Petrie's evidence for a seventh century Naukratis comes from his scarab factory and his "Great Temenos," both in the South part of the town, which is marked off by the occurrence there of tile burnt stratum already referred to, and is shown by the iinds to have been the Egyptian quarter of the town^. The Greeks would naturally have separate quarters and occupy the Northern seaward end of the town*. The scarabs, it is maintained, may well be of Phoenician make^. The early arrival of the Greeks in Naukratis has been thought (iii) arguments by Ernest Gardner to be confirmed by the numerous from the vase inscriptions, some painted but most (about 700) in- mscriptions '' ' ^ . ■ r Vr- shown to be cised, on the pottery from the site". His arguments indecisive. were criticized byHirschfeld andKirchhoff' andhave received little support^. In some of them the lettering appears very crude and primitive; but this may be due simply to the fact that they are scratched by hasty and unskilled hands. They are not more archaic in appearance than some of the graffiti on vases from Rhitsona (Mykalessos) in Boeotia, of which the earliest must be dated in the middle of the sixth century, while others are contem- porary with the finely written signatures of Teisias, who flourished ^ J.H.S. XXV. pp. no f. ^ B.S.A. V. p. 39 f.; J.H.S. XXV. p. 109; cp. especially the finds there of vases dedicated "to the gods of the Greeks" and also to various different individual Greek deities. The size of the bricks dates this enclosure as earlier half of sixth century, B.S.A. v. p. 35. •^ B.S.A. V. pp. 41 n. 2, 48; J.H.S. xxv. p. 107. In 1899 there was foundin Petrie's "Great Temenos'' a fourth century Egyptian inscription that speaks of " Pi-emro which is called Naukratis." This is, however, pace Hogarth, J-H-^- XXV. p. 106, evidence not for but against thinking of Piemro Naukratis as a double town like Buda-Pesth rather than as a biUngual like Swansea Abertawe. ^ J.H.S. XXV. p. 107; B.S.A. V. p. 43. ^ B.S.A. V. p. 49. * Nauk. i. pp. 54 f. ' Hirschfeld, Rhein. Mus. 1887, pp. 215-219; Kirchhoff, S«,i.* p. 44 '• i 'P; Edgar, B.S.A. v. pp. 50 f. For Gardner's reply see Nauk. 11. pp. 70 f. For a resutni of the epigraphical evidence see E. S. Roberts, Gk. Epig. 1. pp. 159 f-, 3^3'' ^ Wiedemann accepts them, Hdt. 11. 178. :h. IV EGYPT 107 it the end of the sixth century^. Gardner is certainly wrong in :hinking that the lettering of any of his inscriptions proves a seventh century date. But on the other hand, as well remarked by Edgar^, all that his critics have proved is that none of the inscriptions are neces- "wrily so early. It by no means follows that they are necessarily not. ^But even supposing that the Naukratite graffiti are all sixth century, *.t does not follow that Greek Naukratis was of no importance till ':hen. Both Gardner and his critics and likewise Mallet^ discuss the inscriptions with too little reference to the particular sherds on which they are inscribed. Thirty years ago, when the study of 'irchaic Greek pottery was still in its infancy, this was perhaps nevitable. But in the present state of our knowledge the style of the potsherds would be a natural starting-point for dating the graffiti. Unfortunately the information on this point given by Gardner is inadequate, and the Naukratite finds have been so dis- persed, that the task of collating sherds and graffiti must now wait for iomeone who can devote to it his undivided time and attention *. t Under these circumstances the best that can be done is to ::urn to some more recently excavated site. At Rhitsona the ■graffiti are nothing like so numerous as at Naukratis. Still they ■ 1 -B.S.^. XIV. p. 263. ^ B.S.A.v.^. <,2. ^ Prem. itab. pp. 167 i. * Hogarth's publication of the additional inscriptions found in 1903 is still nore deficient. Edgar's account of those found in 1899 is better, though by no ■neans adequate. Of 108 probable dedications (some are too fragmentary to !oe certain), 48 are on vases (black glaze, black figure, red figure) that cannot [lave been made before the reign of Amasis, 33 are on cups of types that certainly asted into his reign, 6 on Naukratite fragments (phase not stated), 2 on (late) Vlilesian. The rest are on fabrics difficult to date from the meagre descriptions. lUnfortunately this collection is not typical. It is to be regretted that Edgar thought it "unnecessary to state the provenance of each separate inscription" B.S.A. V. p. 53). Sixteen have dedications to the gods of the Greeks, and only wo to Apollo. We may conclude that a large percentage come from the Hellenium md are therefore after 570. But this does not prove a late date for graffiti generally. Of the sixteen dedications to the gods of the Greeks fifteen are on :)lack figure or black glaze vase.'! : the other is on one of the 33 cups mentioned jibove. This fact suggests that the dedications generally could have been dated ,rom the vases they are inscribed on if the data had been made available, and hat Gardner was fairly right in his main conclusion although wrong in his nethod of reaching it. Of theMilesian fragments one has a dedication to Apollo, ,pf the Naukratite two (both from the old Southern "Temenos ") are to Aphrodite. .,;t is significant that among the finds of the reign of Amasis "the early local /ottery was disappointingly scarce" {B.S.A. v. p. 57). It is surprising that the xcavators did not draw the obvious conclusion. io8 EGYPT CH.IV are numerous enough to justify certain observations. Some 50 examples have been found^. All of them are on vases of the sixth century. Not one occurs on the numerous vases of the seventh century also found on the site^. Plainly in Boeotia the fashion of scratching inscriptions on pottery only became prevalent' in the sixth century. By itself therefore the absence of seventh century Greek graffiti from Naulcratis w^ould no more prove the absence of seventh century Greek v^orshippers * than the corre- sponding absence from Rhitsona proves the absence of seventh century graves. At the other end of the period Edgar has already noticed that "the practice of dedicating vases in the temples appears to have almost died out at Naukratis before the middle of the fifth century^." Edgar makes this remark at the end of his discussion of the inscriptions found in 1899. He is apparently thinking of in- scribed dedications. Elsew^here, discussing the pottery discovered during the same dig, he mentions late red figure [i.e. about 450 b.c, onwards) as plentiful and black glazed pottery with stamped orna- ments inside as particularly common. This latter ware dates from about the middle of the fifth century, but its main vogue is later still^. Unfortunately not a sherd of this latter ware from Naukratis has been published, and not a word is said as to its distribution over the site. It was customarily offered to the dead at Rhitsona. It may well have been offered to the gods at Naukratis'. There is of, course no need to assume that the fashion of inscribing vases came in and went out simultaneously in Naukratis and Mykalessos, ; Boeotia was often behind the times, the lonians of the seventh and sixth centuries generally ahead of them. But the Boeotian evidence shows how cautiously the Naukratite graffiti must be used for determining the date of the first Greek settlement. 1 B.S.A. XIV. p. 263; J.H.S. XXIX. p. 320; Ure, Black Glaze Pottery , 'p-p. S9-61. Others still unpublished from Burrows' excavations of 1909. ^ For later Boeotian examples see Ath. Mitt. xv.pp.4i2-4i3(ThebanKabeirion).; and probably those fromMt Ptoon alluded to in B.C.H. ix. 479, 523. ' Occasional earlier inscriptions are no evidence against this later dating for the beginning of the real vogue. ^ ' The inscriptions are largely dedications to deities. ^ B.S.A. v. p. 57. ' Ure, Black Glaze Pottery, pp. 32 f. j ' Three of the stamped black sherds from Naukratis {B.S.A. v. p. S'l '■ nos. 1 1 3-1 5) are inscribed, one with a very secular inscription, one with a Cypriote abbreviation, and one with what may be the beginning of a dedication. The secular inscription on one example of a very common fabric is no argument against the use of other examples for religious purposes. I CH. IV EGYPT 109 u Nor is there anything against a seventh century date in the (iv) The ab- absence of proto-Corinthian pottery^, which is so ience of oroto- prevalent on the mainland in seventh century Greece. Corinthian t^ j • 1 1 • r r • pottery proves Edgar indeed^ infers from this absence that the fabric little. must have been obsolete by the time the Greeks came to Naukratis. This argument cannot be maintained. Kinch notices that there is none of this ware in a chapel that he excavated ■ at Vroulia in Rhodes and in which he found a good deal of seventh century Greek pottery^- Within the proto-Corinthian sphere of 'influence the style lasted on side by side with its successors all "through the sixth century*. This late proto-Corinthian ware is equally conspicuous by its absence from Naukratis. To push Edgar's "argument to its logical conclusion we should have to doubt the -existence of Naukratis in the days of Amasis himself^. Of the twelve ■"Greek cities that had quarters in Naukratis in the days of Amasis ^only one, Aegina, belonged to European Greece. For the little known history of this Aeginetan settlement the absence of proto- iCorinthian may be of significance. Beyond that it is not. So far then all that has been proved is that both Petrie and Gardner fixed partly on the wrong material for deciding whether Naukratis ■was a Greek city of importance in the days of Psammetichus I. LAnd even here on one important point the criticism of them has been shown to be ill founded. Edgar doubted the Greek character 3f the scarab factory: but not only are the types on some of the scarabs of Greek origin, but a faience fragment from the site shows ifragments of a Greek inscription placed on it before the glazing of :he vase^, a fact that can hardly be explained except by assuming 1 1 Greek maker. A great advance was made by Prinz, whose monograph Funde .3US Naukratis marked the first adequate treatment of the pottery. The earlier controversies about the date of Naukratis had made kittle appeal to the potsherds that from their mere numbers ; ^ The vases so classed by Prinz, Funde aus Naukratis, p. 69, do not belong ':o the style (cp. Kinch, Vroulia, pp. 134 f.). His conclusions ib. p. 72 therefore J lo not hold. ^ B.S.A. V. p. 57. ^ Kinch, Vroulia, p. 26. * Cp. Rhitsona, passim. * Cp. also Daphnae, which flourished contemporaneously with Corinthian 'md some phases of proto-Corinthian pottery, but yielded no remains of Corin- 'hian nor, apparently, of proto-Corinthian: Petrie, Tanis, n. p. 62. '' ^ Brit. Mus. 1886, 6-1. 40; Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 102. no EGYPT CH.iv offer the most valuable evidence that has been yielded by the site, fv) Positive Edgar indeed observed in 19051 that evidence for it seems very doubtful whether all the fragments from an early foun- ^j^^ Naukratite temples can be as late as 1:70. There dation comes IS from the pot- ^t least a probability that some of the temples, especially tery actually that of the Milesian Apollo, date from the earlier [i.e, found, viz.. Hogarth's Egyptian] days of the town. But apparently the question was. still regarded as "primarily a question of historical criticism^." Since Prinz's monograph appeared the pottery has taken the first place in the discussion, and it has now finally confirmed the earlier dating. Much of the pottery belongs to the well-marked style known Milesian (?) generally as Rhodian or Milesian^ (fig. 13) which (fig- 13), had its chief vogue in the seventh century and the first part of the sixth*. The crucial point however for our immediate enquiry is to know how long the style may have survived. When Prinz states 5 that it is hard to imagine the style surviving as a competitor of the developed black figure (i.e. sixth century) style he is treading on dangerous ground. The earlier ware has a charm of its own. The excavations at Rhitsona show that, in Greece Proper at any rate, old styles of pottery often lasted long after a new style had been introduced, and that a white ground ware with no human figures" maintained itself all through the sixth century. Against any such survival of the fabrics under discussion there is however the fact that at Berezan in South Russia it does not occur with Attic black figure of the style that spread all over the Greelc world by the middle of the sixth century'. At Naukratis itself it is said not to have been found in the Hellenium erected very soon after 570 B.C., a fact which points to its vogue having ended by about that date ^. On the other hand fragments, mainly of a later phase, have been found in Samos in a cemetery that can hardly go back beyond the middle of the sixth century^- The Samian 1 J.H.S. xxv. p. 136. 2 Edgar, B.S.A. v. p. 52. 3 See e.g. Nauk. 1. PI. IV. 3. * Wiegand, Sitz. Preuss. Akad. 1905, pp. 545-6; Arch. Anz. 1914, p. 2", p. 219, figs. 29-31; Kinch, Vroulia, pp. 194-231. ^ Funde aus Nauk. p. 37. » The Boeotian Kylix style of B.S.A. xiv. pp. 308 f., Pis. VIII. and XV. ' Arch. Anz. 1904, p. 105; 1905, p. 62; 1910, p. 224. ' A. J. Reinach, Journ. d. Sav. 1909, p. 357. ' Boehlau, Nehop. Taf. xii. 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, n ; cp. pp. 30, 31. CH. IV EGYPT III material is however scanty^ and hardly demands any modification of the conclusions suggested by the rest of the evidence. Fig. 13. Rhodian or (?) Milesian vase found at Naukratis. Though generally known as Rhodian this ware was probably made at Miletus^. It is the dominant ware in archaic Miletus^ and has been found all over the Milesian sphere of influence, including ' An important fact, not sufficiently taken into account by Boehlau and his followers. 2 Boehlau, Nekrop. p. 75; Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 33. ^ Sitz. Preuss. Akad. 1905, p. 545. 112 EGYPT CH. IV the East coast of the Aegean, Rhodes, Rheneia, the Black Sea, and to some extent Sicily and Italy {via Sybaris ?). It has seldom been found outside it, scarcely any being recorded from Greece Proper. The occurrence at Naukratis in large quantities of what is probably seventh century Milesian pottery is distinctly in favour of a Milesian occupation in the reign of Psammetichus^. Another fabric of the end of the seventh century and beginning F'k llu a °^ ^^^ sixth that is w^ell represented at Naukratis is (Samian?) the so-called Fikellura^. This ware is similar to the (fig- 14). later phases of the " Milesian" that show full silhou- ettes, incisions, and a comparative absence of fill ornament. Its distinguishing mark is the zone of crescent-shaped ornament that never appears in the "Milesian" style. Its date is sufBciently established by its occurrence at Daphnae^, which had its Greek garrison removed by Amasis almost certainly in connexion with his concentration of Greeks in Naukratis*. This ware is assigned by Boehlau to Samos^, but Perrot^ well observes how rash it is to draw wide general conclusions from the meagre finds published in Boehlau's Jus tonischen und italischen Nekropolen. Corinthian sherds are also fairly frequent at Naukratis'. This Corinthian ware prevailed in the seventh century and early sixth (figs. 22, 34), a,nd survived till the end of the sixth century in certain stereotyped forms. Some of the examples from Naukratis appear to be fairly early; e.g. the aryballi with four warriors^ belong to ^ The ware has often been called Rhodian and more recently (Kinch, Froulia, passim) Camirian. Rhodes has produced far the most specimens, but probably only because tomb-robbing has been particularly prevalent in the island. Rhodian provenance is maintained by Poulsen {Orient u. friihgr. Kunst, p. 91)) but on dangerous stylistic grounds. His treatment of the Russian finds is particularly unconvincing. All the same Perrot does well {Hist, de I'Art, ix. pp. 390, n. z, 403 f.) to remind us that the Milesian attribution is not a certainty. ^ Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. pp. 39 f. 3 Petrie, Tanis, 11. Pis. XXVII., XXVIII. * Petrie, Tanis, 11. pp. 51, 52 (quoting Hdt. 11. 30, 154). Duemmler's doubts as to the identity of Daphnae and the Greek "Camps" {Jahrb. x. p. 36) seem somewhat superfluous. ^ Boehlau, Ion. Nekrop. pp. 52 f.; cp. Edgar, Cat. Vases, Cairo, pp. 10, 13, 14' ^ Hist, de I'Art, ix. p. 404. ' Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. pp. 73-74. * C.R. II. 233 «, Oxford Ashmolean Museum, G. 127. 2, 3 (the latter two excavated 1903). For an illustration of this type see J.H.S. xxx. p. 354, fig. 18. CH. IV EGYPT "3 a type that was very prevalent about 600 b.c. but had died out before Black Figure came in^- The earliest examples of Attic pottery from Naukratis^ like- Attic wise go back to the very beginning of the sixth (fig. 41) century. They belong to a series of amphorae called Netos amphorae from the name of a centaur painted on one of them Fig. 14. Fikellura or (.■') Samian vase found at Daphnae (Defenneh). in Attic lettering. Their general archaic appearance and the sur- vival of the fill ornament show that they must be considerably earlier than theFran9ois vase or the earliest Panathenaic amphorae, which date from about 565 b.c. Prinz puts them back to about 600. ^ See the evidence of the Rhitsona grave catalogues, B.S.A. xiv. ; J.H.S. XXIX., XXX. 2 Nauk. I. PI. VI. I, 2; II. PI. IX. 5; cp. Prlnz, pp. 75 f. U. T. 8 114 EGYPT CH.iv For dating the Greek settlement at Naukratis this probably im- and Naukra- ported ware is of less importance than a very dis- tite (fig. 15), tinctive style of painted pottery '^ that was found there in far larger quantities than any of the fabrics just mentioned, and was almost certainly made by Greeks in Naukratis itself^. For the dating of this pottery Naukratis offered no certain data. The decisive evidence is derived from Naukratite vases recently found in three other sites, Vroulia in Rhodes, Rhitsona (Mykalessos) in Boeotia, and Berezan in South Russia. Vroulia was excavated by Kinch in 1907 and 1908. The finds were fully and sumptuously published in 1914. They led him, to believe that the site was occupied only from the first third of the seventh century e.g. to about 570-560 ^- Among them were fragments of nine Naukratite cups, none of them particularly early examples of the style, and of one vase in what seems to be a late development from it. The decoration of the Vroulia Naukratite seems moreover to correspond to one of the earlier phases of the Milesian (.?) pottery from the same site. The Vroulia evidence is confirmed by that of the Naukratite chalice (fig. 15) unearthed at Rhitsona just at the time when Vroulia was being excavated by Kinch. The vase, which is almost complete, belongs to a late phase of the style*. Fill ornaments have almost disappeared. Red and incisions are ahun- dantly used for details. The vase was found with some hundreds of others in a single interment grave that cannot be dated much after 550 and may be a little before that date^. A Naukratite vase cannot have been made to> order for a Boeotian funeral. The Rhitsona chalice by itself renders it practically certain that the making of Naukratite ware at Naukratis began long before the accession of Amasis. Finally at Berezan on the Black Sea the Russian excavators report that in 1909 Naukratite pottery was found along with Rhodian (= Milesian), Fikellura and Clazomenae wares in the lowest stratum of the excavations, which they date seventh to sixth century, whereas Attic pottery of the middle of the sixth century, 1 E.g. Petrie and Gardner, Nauk. 1. PI. V. and (coloured) J.H.S. viii. pi. 79' ^ Nauk. I. p. 51 ; II. p. 39: cp. Prinz, pp. 87 f. ' Vroulia., pp. 7, 34, 89. * J.H.S. XXIX. pi. 25 and pp. 332 f. ^ Cp. '&xisc\ioT,Gr. Vasenmal.^ P- 81; Frickenhaus, Tiryns, i. p. 53. CH. IV EGYPT "5 (especially Kleinmeister kylikes) first appears in a higher stratum (sixth to fifth century b.c.)i. In the face of all this evidence it becomes highly probable that Naukratite pottery began to be made before the end all pointing to „ , i. o t • • n i-i ri. j a foundation or the seventh century'', it is agamst all likelihood in the seventh ^-q suppose that the first thing the Greek settlement century. ^'^ , . ,., ° , at JNaukratis did was to start a large pottery, which proceeded at once to turn out a highly original kind of Fig. 15. Naukratite vase found at Rhitsona in Boeotia. ware. And in point of fact we have seen that the finds include a good quantity of an earlier style of pottery, that takes us back well 1 Arch. Anz. 1910, pp. 224-5; ^9^ii P- ^^7- 2 Its absence from Daphnae, the military station from which the Greeks were removed by Amasis soon after 570 B.C., was formerly thought to indicate that at that date it had not yet been invented or at least not yet become popular. But the chief wares found at Daphnae, including the typical (Clazomenian.'') Daphnae ware, and excepting only a peculiar local type of situla, are not un- common at Naukratis {B.S.A. v. pp. 60-61). This could hardly be the case, at least not to the same extent, if Naukratis started only when Daphnae ceased. We must seek some other explanation of the lack of Naukratite at Daphnae. May it not have been simply that such delicate ware was ill-suited for a camp.' The Naukratite cups show a fabric as fragile as the modern teacup. 8—2 ii6 EGYPT CH.iv into the reign of Psamtek. We have seen too that this pottery, whicli is one of the starting-points of the Naukratite style, is probably Milesian. A further proof of early Milesian influence at Naukratis remains to be mentioned. At one spot in the excavations ur'N^ukratis literally hundreds of vases were found with incised based on dif- dedications to Apollo^. Some ten of these speak of served^ln"''" the Milesian Apollo, the god to whom Necho the different parts son of Psammetichus made an offering after the viz. (a) the victory over Josiah at Megiddo^. The Milesian sherds temenos of the ^.];jg^(- ft jg natural to put into the seventh century come ' largely from this spot. Herodotus tells us that the Milesians did not have quarters in the Hellenium but occupied a separate temenos. The spot where these sherds and inscriptions were found is unquestionably the site of this temenos. As to why the Milesians thus kept apart there can be little doubt that Petrie gives the right explanation. It means that they were there before the cities that shared the Hellenium^. The finds show that their occupa- tion was already on a considerable scale before the end of the seventh century. Two other cities had separate temene, namely Samos and Aegina*. fsi th t T^i^e Samian has been identified by a find of sherds nos of the dedicated to the Samian goddess Hera. But there is amians, . from this temenos no mass of pottery that takes us back into the first half of the sixth century or the second of the seventh, as there is from the Milesian. "Fikellura" ware that is very possibly Samian^ and that may date from about 6oo B.C. was indeed found, but not in quantities like the Milesian^. The scanty finds may be due to Arab farmers who had removed much earth from the Samian temenos before the excavations began'. But the finds as we have them, with inadequate accounts of the exact spots 1 Over 350; Nauk. i. pp. 60 f. 2 JSfauk. 1. p. 11. ' ^ Its central and crowded position is {jiace Edgar, B.S.A. v. p. 53) no argu- ment against this view, but rather the reverse, especially if it is remembered that Miletus and presumably as a consequence the Milesian part of Naukratis was in a bad way in the days of Amasis. * On the evidence of excavation as to these temene see Prinz, Funde ausNauk. pp. 12-13. 5 Note, however, Perrot's comments. Hist, de I' Art, ix. p. 415. ff! " Prinz, pp. 39-42; B.S.A. v. pp. 41, 60. '' ' Nauk. II. p. 60. CH. IV EGYPT 117 they come from, hardly make it likely that the Samian temenos was an early establishment^- True Herodotus^ tells the tale of a Samian ship that set sail for Egypt between 643 and 640 B.C. But it got to Spain by mistake, a fact which suggests an imperfect knowledge of the route it wished to take. A Samian nymph appears in a fragment of the " Foundation of Naukratis" of Apollonius Rhodius^. But we only know that she once went to a festival at Miletus and was there carried off by Apollo. Of the Aeginetan temenos no trace has been found. It might (-y) the temenos ^^ suggested that the Aeginetans had not the habit oftheAegine- of inscribing their dedications. But the absence of ' proto-Corinthian finds favours the view that this temenos was not unearthed. It is idle therefore to speculate on its date and importance*. In any case we have good reason for interpreting the written texts in the sense that the Milesians' Fort made way for the Greek Naukratis during the reign of Psammetichus. This is historically important. The Milesians' Fort may have been a fortified trading station^: but it never had the commercial importance of Naukratis. If, as we have j ust seen good evidence for believing, Greek Naukratis was already a considerable place before Psamtek's death and owed the fact to Psamtek himself, then there is an increased probability that Diodorus is right when he says that Psamtek owed his throne to commercial dealings with traders from across the sea. There are two further points in which the Naukratis excavations (5) the Egyp- bear out the texts that support this view. Hogarth tian quarter, ^^s shown that South Naukratis was the Egyptian temple of quarter, and that it goes back probably to before Aphrodite King Psamtek's reign. We have seen too that as early ■■■ There is little evidence for the attractive suggestion (A. G. Dunham, Hist. Miletus, p. 68) that the establishment should be connected with the victory of the Samian side and the defeat of theMilesian in the (seventh century) Lelantine war. ^ IV. 152. ^ Athen. VII. 283 «. Hirschfeld may be right in inferring that Apollonius took the foundation of Naukratis back to mythical times {Rhein. Mus. 1887, p. 220). * Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 75, connects with it the Corinthian sherds, some of which are much earlier than Amasis. Better evidence for early Aeginetan dealings with Naukratis are the Naukratite sherds, some of them of the earliest phase, found in Aegina, Prinz, p. 88. 5 Hirschfeld, Rhein. Mus. 1887, p. 212; E. Meyer, Ges. Aeg. p. 368; Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. i. ii8 EGYPT CH.iv as 688 B.C. the Greek merchant Herostratos is said to have made offerings at Naukratis in the temple of Aphrodite. There is only one spot at Naukratis that compares with the Milesian temenos for early Greek finds, and that spot is marked by a long series of dedica- tions to Aphrodite'- incised or sometimes painted on the pottery, which includes Milesian, Naukratite, Ionian buff and black, and other seventh and sixth century wares. The site of this temenos has a significance that seems to have been overlooked. It lies just on the borders^ of the black stratum area that appears to mark the limits of the original Egyptian town. When excavations were re- sumed in 1899 there was discovered in the North part of the town a second Aphrodite shrine forming a sort of side chapel to the real Hellenium^- The earliest finds from this Northern Aphrodite shrine date from the earlier part of the fifth century*. May not the position of the earlier and more southerly shrine be due to the fact that it was founded before the occupants of the Milesians' Fort had moved to Naukratis and established a Greek quarter there? In other words, may we not see in it a confirmation of Polycharmus^ when he speaks of a Greek as offering an image of Aphrodite in a temple of that goddess at Naukratis in 688 b.c..?^ The fact that the Aphrodite site was not burnt is no proof that it did not form part of the earliest settlement. The men from the Milesians' Fort who defeated Inaros may well have spared the Greek sanctuary when they burnt the rest. The voyage of Herostratos was held in remembrance at Naukratis and the because of a statuette of Aphrodite that he dedicated statuettes of jjj jjg^ temple as a thank-offering for having saved the goddess . . . . '^ „, <= « , found on the him durmg a storm. 1 he statuette was a span long temple site. g^j^j ^f archaic workmanship, and had been bought by him at Paphos during the voyage. When the storm arose the people on board had betaken themselves to this eikon and prayed it to save them. The goddess heard their prayers and gave them a ^ Over ICO are recorded, Nauk. 11. p. 62 f.; others, B.S.A. v. p. 41. 2 Not apparently on it: cp. Nauk. 11. pi. 3 (section of the site down to the basal mud with no Mack stratum marked); B.S.A. v. p. 44 (spoken of as at South end of Greek quarter); J.H.S. xxv. p. 107. Considering that the temple lies so very near the scarab factory and due West of it and that the line of cleavage between Greek and Egyptian runs East and West it is strange that no explicit statement is made on this point. 3 B.S.A. V. pp. 38, 44. 4 J.H.S. xxv. p. 114. ^ Athen, xv. 675 f. CH. IV EGYPT 119 sign by suddenly filling the ship with a most fragrant perfume. The story is discussed by Gardner^ in his chapter on the statuettes from the temenos of Aphrodite, which include a number that may represent the Paphian goddess. But he makes no reference to the statuette that probably has the closest bearing on the tale. The upper half is of the normal draped female type, but the lower shows simply the form of an alabastron. The whole is a perfume vase^. This particular example (fig. 1 6) cannot be earlier than the end of the sixth century. The type however is shown both by the style and the context of other examples to go back to the seventh century, and probably to the earlier part of it. The home of the type is thought by Poulsen* to be Cyprus. An object that combined the func- tions of an eikon and a smelling-bottle might indeed work miracles in a storm. It is tempting to believe that such was in fact the image that saved Herostratos. The miracle takes place just at the period when this type of figurine was started. If we are right in associating the two, then we are further justified in thinking that Polycharmus may have had sorfie solid grounds for his dating as well as for the rest of his account. The other point concerns the large plain jars that were found on the site*. Evidence of - , ^ , r t^ large jars used Many or these are ot Egyptian forms. But others, of which one is shown in fig. 1 7, are unmistakably Greek. This jar was found in the burnt deposit in the South end of the city, which represents the earlier Egyptian settlement on the site^. These large jars were 1 Nauk. II. ^ Nauk. 11. PL XIV. 11. 3 Orient u. friihgr. Kumt, pp. 93-99 (Cyprus for examples with" an Oriental character, Rhodes for those that are purely Greek). An example found at Polledrara (Vulci) comes from a grave ("tomb of Isis," Montelius, Civ. Prim, en Ital. Ser. B, pi. 266. 3) that contained also a scarab of Psammetichus I and is probably to be dated in the second half of the seventh century. * Nauk. I. Pis. XVI., XVII. For PI. XVT. 4 see below, fig. 17. 5 Nauk. I. p. 21; cp. p. 42; but cp. Petrie, B.S.A. v. p. 41, "I found nothing but Egyptian South of Aphrodite." Fig. 16. Perfume vase found at Naukratis. for merchan- dise. 120 EGYPT CH. IV used by the Greeks for the transport of wine, oil and the likei. In jars such as these Sappho's brother must have brought to Naukratis the wines of Lesbos, and they must have figured largely in the cargoes brought by Greeks and Phoenicians^ to Psamtek in exchange for the cargoes that they received from Psamtek in the days when he was building up his power^. To sum up our conclusions about , . Naukratis: texts and Conclusions about early excavations confirm Naukratis. ^^j supplement one another to the effect that there was an Egyptian settlement from the beginning of the seventh century, that Greek traders found their way there almost from the first, and that about the middle of the seventh century the Greek trading settle- ment became of considerable im- portance* through the removal to it of the occupants of the Mile- sians' Fort^. Finally about 569 B.C. we have the concentration in the city of all the Greek traders in ^. ^ , ■■ , . ■' Fig. 17. Greek wine jar lound Egypt. at Naukratis. ^ VnnZjFunde aus Nauk. p. 84. Prinz, ibid. pp. 86-87, regards someof the early jars from Naukratis as Ionian, comparing the shapes of painted Ionian jars. Whether, as Prinz thinks [ibid. p. 13), they prove an early Greek settlement in the South quarter is another question. ^ For Phoenician remains at Naukratis see B.S.A. v. p. 49, where they are probably overestimated; cp. Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 102. ^ For connecting jars of this sort with Greco-Saite trade cp. perhaps Epiphan. de Mens, et Pond, lizd 6 ciKr^Bivos 2a(V»;s ^fo-rav itm, k;3 (=44 kotylai). * For a more modest estimate of early Naukratis see Mallet, Prem. itah. p. 178. The view of Kahrstedt (Pauly Wissowa, s.v. Herostratos) and Hirschfeld {Rhein. Mus. 1887, p. 219) (cp. Endt, Ion. Vasenmal. p. 68), that Greek Naukratis dates only from 570, is untenable. 5 One great gap in the evidence would be filled if ever the site of the Milesians Fort was found and excavated. CH. IV EGYPT 121 The Greek traders were concentrated by Amasis in Naukratis The position ^^ ^ concession to the Egyptians with whom they of Naukratis had grown more and more unpopular owing to their influence and success. Amasis had risen to power as the leader of an anti-Greek agitation^, and, as Petrie pointed out^, the concentration was an anti-Greek move^. But Amasis cleverly contrived that it should be not unpopular, but even the reverse, with the Greeks. Naukratis as a monopoly city enjoyed an immense reputation during Amasis' long and prosperous reign. But the Amasis tradition cannot conceal the fact that the contrasted • i ^^ t i i r i with its posi- time when Greek traders got the freest welcome m tion under Egvpt was that of Psammetichus, when Greek Psammetichus. '^■' \ i i • i i. o • hophtes were bemg employed to estabash the baite dynasty as rulers of all Egypt. In the early days of Psammetichus, when he was overthrowing Daohnae and *^^ dodecarchy, his Greek merchants and his Greek the Greek soldiers probably had their headquarters together, in mercenaries ^^^ Milesians' Fort. At Naukratis the military ele- ment does not appear. From about 650 B.C. till shortly after the accession of Amasis in 570 the Greek mercenaries are found quartered in a place called The Camps at Daphnae on the most Easterly (Pelusi^n) arm of the Nile*. The history of the transition from the Milesians' Fort to Daphnae is obscure^; but in a broad sense there can be little doubt that the Fort was as much the parent 1 See below, pp. 122-3. ^ Petrie, Hist. Eg. in. pp. 351-2; Tants, u. pp. 51 f.; cp. Mallet, Prem. 6tab. pp. 129-130. ^ Sharpe, Hist. Eg." i. p. 167, thought it directed against Tanis, Mendes and Bubastis ; but there is nothing to show that Amasis had anything to fear from these seats of earlier dynasties in the Eastern part of the Delta. * Hdt. II. 154; cp. 11. 30; Diodorus (i. 67) dates the foundation of The Camps after Psamtek's victory. The site confirms the date. Daphnae could become the military base of the Saite prince only after he had disposed of the dodecarchy and was mainly concerned with the Assyrian peril; see Petrie, Tanis, 11. p. 48. ^ Whether troops were actually transferred from the "Fort" to the "Camp" is doubtful. There is little trace of Miletus at Daphnae, where the Greek pottery appears to have been mainly from Samos (FikeUura ware, Petrie, Tanis, u. pis. 27, 28) and Clazomenae (Daphnae ware, ibid. pis. 29-31). The marked differ- ences between the pottery finds at Naukratis and Daphnae are now generally recognized as being local, not temporal, except in so far as the Daphnae series ends earlier. But the fact of these local differences still awaits a satisfactory explanation. Cp. above, p. 115, ii. 2. 122 EGYPT CH. IV of the camp at Daphnae as of the emporium at Naukratis. Naukratis and Daphnae, the Greek emporium and the Greek camp, were ahke essential to the Saite Pharaohs, and both had plainly gone far in their development and organization early in Psamtek's reign. How closely the two were associated may be realized from the dth E consistent attitude of the Saite Pharaohs towards tian warrior another element of the population. The Ionian and caste. Carian bronze men were not the first mercenaries to form the basis of a Pharaoh's power. The XXIInd and XXIIIrd dynasties (c. 943-735 B.C.) had rested their power on their mer- cenaries from Libya. These Libyan mercenaries had developed into a caste of professional soldiers and were still in the land^. It is noteworthy that no Saite, with one possible exception nearly 100 years after Psamtek's accession, ever attempted to use them either for securing or for maintaining his power. Mallet notes that for the time before Psammetichus the monuments often show commanders of Libyan mercenaries bearing high titles, but that from his reign onwards there is no similar instance^ Meyer^ is probably right in suspecting that this warrior class (fMaxifJ-oi) formed Psamtek's bitterest opponents. Eventually a large body of them deserted and took service with the king of Ethiopia, and Psamtek seems to have made no determined effort to prevent them*. The one exceptional case in which the Libyan warrior class may possibly have placed a Saite on the throne is that of Amasis (570-526 B-c.)^, who overthrew his predecessor Apries (589-570) ' Meyer, Ges. d. Alt^ i. 384; cp. Mallet, Prem. ttab. pp. 43, 80. Mallet, ihii. pp. 79-80, makes Herodotus' /i(i;(i/iot a sort of militia, but this hardly suits their description as a caste. Egyptian documents do indeed show that, in spite of Herodotus n. 164, vi. 60; Plato, Tim. 23-24; Isocr. Bus. Jj-ry (224); Diod. ^- 2^1 73~74; Strabo xvii. 787; there was no hard caste system in ancient Egypt; cp. Wiedemann, Edt. 11. i64;Mallet, Prem. £tab. p. 411. But the ftdxi^oi, though not a caste, were plainly a sharply defined class. ' Prem. ttah. p. 80. 3 Ges. d. Alt.^ I. 561. * Hdt. II. 30; Diod. I. 67; Strabo xvi. 770 and xvii. 786 (where they are said to have been still in Ethiopia in the days of the historian); Pliny, N.H. vi. 35 (30) ; Ptol. Geog. IV. 7 (Didot, i. p. 783); Hesych. s.v. UaxKaiovas. On the authen- ticity of this story see Wiedemann, Hdt. 11. 30, pp. 128 f., Ges. Aeg. pp. 137-8 (sceptical); Mallet, Prem. ttah. pp. 77 f. Herodotus says there were 240,000, Diodorus over 200,000. These numbers will not now be regarded as sceptically as they were in the last century. ^ Wiedemann, Hdt. 11. 161; Breasted, Records, iv. 1000, looi. CH. IV EGYPT 123 by leading the native population against the Greek mercenaries^. But, as Herodotus tells us, he was soon driven to "become a phil- hellene^." Petrie thinks that Amasis was converted under pressure of the Persian peril, and in support of this view quotes the alliance of Amasis with Croesus^, Polycrates*, and the Greek Battus of Cyrene^, as also his friendship with Delphi •>. This point of foreign policy no doubt had its weight in the years that saw the rise of Cyrus and his overthrow of Media in 549 e.g., Lydia in 546, Babylon in 538 (?). But it was not the cause of his conversion. Amasis became Pharaoh in 570. In the sixth year of his reign he made an edict that contained the following words: "Let the Ouinin ( = lonians) be given place of habitation in the lands of the nome of Sais. Let them take to their use ships and firewood. Let them bring their gods'." Long therefore before the rise of Persia Amasis had realized how impossible it was to maintain his position otherwise than by coming to an understanding both with the Greek merchants and the Greek mercenaries. Philhellenism was in fact an essential part of Saite policy. Necho (610-594 b.c), the son and successor of Psammetichus I, sent offerings to Apollo at Branchidae (Miletus) after his victory over Josiah of Judah and the Syrian fleet ^. Psammetichus II (594-589) died probably as a child: to his reign are probably to be assigned the Abu Symbel inscriptions^ scratched by Greek soldiers on monuments far up the river by Elephantine. The people of Elis are said to have appealed to him or his government on a point respecting the Olympian games^". Apries (589-570), who fell foul of his Greek troops, had 30,000 lonians and Carians under arms^i. A small Greek vase found at Corinth^^ has the cartouche of Apries. It is in the form of a ^ Hdt. II. 169; Diod. I. 68; Petrie, Hist. Eg. in. 351-2; Breasted, Records^ IV. 1003. ^ Hdt. II. 178. ' Hdt. I. 77; cp. Xen. Cyrop. vi. 2. 10. * Hdt. iii. 39. ^ Maspero, Passing of the Empires, -p. 645; cp. Plut. Mor. z6i r{Mul. Virt. 25). « Hdt. II. 180. ' From a demotic chronicle published by E. Revillout, Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch. XIV. (Mar. 1892), pp. 251-4; cp. Rev. £gyptol. 1880, p. 60. " Hdt. II. 159; Hirschfeld,i?A««. Mus. 1887, p. 219, suggests that the fleet with which Necho defeated the Syrians may have owed much to the Milesians' Fort. « Cp. Hdt. 11. i6i ; Lepsius, Denkm. in. 274^,^; Roberts, Gk. Epig. i. 151 f. 1" Hdt. II. 160; according to Diod. 1. 95, the appeal was made to Amasis. 11 Hdt. II. 163; Diod. I. 68. "^2 Heuzey, Fig. Ant. pi. 7. 2; Mallet, Prem. itab. fig. 27; Prinz, Funde aus Nauk. p. 107. 124 EGYPT CH. IV helmeted head (fig. 1 8). The vase is of faience (so-called). It was probably made at Naukratis, perhaps in Petrie's scarab factory, and gives us a contemporary picture of one of Apries' Greek mercenaries, or at least of the top part of his equipment. Amasis accordingly became a friend of the Greeks and remained so till he died. The Greeks recipro- cated his friendship. The feelings of the Naukratite traders towards him are reflected plainly enough in the pages of Herodotus^. The Greek mercenaries supported him loyally to the end of his long reign, and Fig 18. Corinthian vase with cartouche of Apries. in spite of the treachery of their commander Phanes they fought gallantly at Pelusium in 525 B.C. when Psammetichus III, the last of the Saites, was overthrown by the Persians. Under the military rule of Persia the Libyan warrior class recovered its old position^. Thus we have seen the Saite dynasty rising to power by means of Personal rela- Greek merchandise and Greek mercenaries and tions between maintaining its power by the same means. Its general reigns and policy follows the same lines as that of the tyrannies Greek tyrants, jjj^^ sprang up at this time all over the Greek world. Herodotus with his usual insight recognized this fact when he put into his history the story of the friendship between Amasis and the Samian tyrant Polycrates. Amasis was probably not the first of the Saites to have a Greek tyrant for his friend. Cordial relations with Thrasybulus, the tyrant of Miletus, are suggested by Necho's offerings to the Milesian Apollo, and the friend of Thrasybulus must have been also the friend of the Corinthian tyrant Periander. It has often been assumed, and not without reason, that Periander's successor was called Psammetichus from some personal connexion with the lord of Sais. 1 For Amasis and trade cp. Plut. Sept. Sap. Conv. 6 {Moral. 151), e'/jfiVm yap (sc. Afido-iSt) &v yivovrq ttXcovos a^ia Trjs f/xnoplas 17 irapev6r]Kr]. ^ Mallet, Prem. itab. p. 414. CH. IV EGYPT 125 Psammetichus I is the first individual know^n to have borne that The name name. It is possible therefore that it may have had Psammetichus. some special appropriateness to his own or his father's career^- One of the most probable interpretations of the name is "man (vendor) of mixing bowls." The choice seems to lie between this interpretation and "man (vendor) of mixed wine" (i.e. wine mixed with spices, etc.). Which of these is to be preferred depends on the interpretation of the root mtk^. In hieratic writing the phonetic symbols are sometimes followed by a "determinative" symbol or pictograph, placed at the end to prevent misunderstanding. The determinative for mtk is the picture of a vase, as seen for instance in Rylartds Library Demotic Papyri, p. 201. The vase has a barrel or pear-shaped body, narrow neck, and broad flat mouth, S. The particular shape must not be pressed, and the picture may be meant to denote not the vase but its contents. But it must mean one or the other^. Griffith thinks it denotes the contents, his reasons 1 Cp. Griffith, Dem. Pap. Rylands, m. p. 44, n. 5. ^ Ibid. p. 201. The word analyses p (article) — san (man, vendor) — mtk. ^ Earlier Egyptologists derived the word quite differently, explaining it as Libyan (e.g. v. Stern, Z.f. Aeg. Spr. 1883, pp. 24 f. and references, ad he.) or Ethiopian ( = son of the Sun), (Brugsch, Ges. Aeg. pp. 73 1 f ., but cp. Wiedemann, Aeg. Ges. p. 623). Meyer, Ges. Aeg. p. 363, describes it simply as "not Egyptian," presumably as not occurring before the Saite period. But this is no argument if the name was till then extremely plebeian. Petrie rejects "man (vendor of) mixing bowls," as manifestly absurd and anialyses P-sam-te-k = the (Egyptian) lion's (Upper Egyptian) son (Ethiopian) the (Ethiopian suffix) {Hist. Eg. iii. p. 320, accepted as probable by How and Wells, ad Hdt. 11. 151). He compares Shaba-ta-ka (Ethiopian dynasty, 707-693)= wild cat's son the; but this is no parallel for the real difficulty, which is the extraordinary hybrid composition. Linguistic hybrids are legion. Our own forefathers enriched Latin with the word quicksethedgavit. But so complicated a hybrid as Petrie implies cannot be considered seriously without some very solid evidence for really parallel monstrosities. Spiegelberg {Orient. Litt. Zeit. 1905, p. 560), after arguing con- vincingly against Petrie, accepts "bowl vendor" as a popular etymology, but rejects it as the real meaning, "denn kein Konig wirdMischkrughandler heissen woUen." He explains the word as really meaning "man of the god Mtk"; only no such god is known. Even if there were, Spiegelberg's explanation cuts both ways. If, as the evidence has shown, there is a probability that Psam- metichus I had really been a vendor of something hke mixing bowls, and got his name from his occupation, some such aristocratic explaining away of the plebeian name may perhaps have induced him and his successors to keep it, just as Mrs Snooks in one of Wells' stories became* more than reconciled to her name after it had been explained as an abbreviation of Sevenoaks and spelt accordingly. 126 EGYPT CH.iv being these^: mtk is a Coptic root meaning "mix" and has a Hebrew equivalent meaning "mixture" (wine mixed). This meaning "seems to fit all requirements^," i.e. it suits the story of the libation which led Psammetichus to become king^, and also the tales of the low and bibulous ((^iXottottj?) origin of Amasis*. Griffith's interpreta- tion rests ultimately on the philological point, and on the assumption that the root in Egyptian must have precisely the same meaning as in Coptic and Hebrew. I am indebted to the writer himself for the information that this is not always the case. Apart from philology "mixed wine" may suit all requirements^: but does it do so quite as well as "mixing bowl"? The whole point of the story of Psammetichus' libation depends not on the wine but its receptacle. On either interpretation however it is sufficiently remarkable that the ruler who is said to have risen to power by trade should have had so mercantile a name. Griffith does not forget the possibility that the name may have been the source of the stories^. The two possibilities are not mutually exclusive. A merchant prince may be proud of his origin: but that fact will not always prevent other people from telling good unofficial stories about his early days. ^ Dem. Pap. Rylands, iii. pp. 44, n. 5: 201, n. 3. 2 Ibid. p. 201, n. 3. 3 Hdt. 11. 151. * Griffith, ibid. p. 44, n. 5, quoting Hdt. 11. 174; cp. Ael. V.H. 11. 41; Athen. VI. 261, X. 438. ^ There is httle evidence for a» trade in mixed wine. The ancient Greeks habitually drank mixed wine, but the mixing was done at home. In England there is no wholesale trade in clare.t cup. But note Mod. Gk. Kpaai, =mixture, the normal word for wine. ^ Ibid. p. 44, n. 5. Chapter V. Lydia "Yes, ready money is Aladdin's lamp." — Byron. In an enquiry into the connexions between the new form of govern- ment and the new form of wealth that both arose coinage both at the opening of the classical epoch Lydia has a said to be of special interest and importance for the reason that Lydian origin. , , . , . , ... Dotn comage and tyranny are said on good authority to have been of Lydian origin. Considering how much Lydia was then in the background of the Greek world this fact by itself is suggestive. It becomes important to determine the dates, and con- nexions if any, of the first Lydian tyrant and the first Lydian coins. It should be said at once that no Lydian ruler has been credited with the invention of coinage, and that no very definite conclusions can be drawn from the available material. The evidence is however sufficiently suggestive to repay a careful examination. a h Fig. 19. Coins of (a) Gyges (.'), [b) Croesus. Both the date and the place of the final evolution of a metal Date of the coinage are the subject of much dispute. Among earliest coins, writers of a generation or more ago the question of date was mainly a matter of speculation as to how long an interval was required between the earliest silver coins with a type in relief on both sides, which on grounds of style, epigraphy, and circum- stances of find can be dated with fair accuracy to about the middle of the sixth century, and the primitive electrum pieces punched on one side and striated on the other (fig. 19. a) that probably belong to the earliest issues of Lydia. Most of the leading numismatists allowed some three or four generations and assigned the earliest 128 LYDIA CH.v coins to the earlier part of the seventh century i. But more recently facts have come to light which point to the possibility of an earlier and perhaps a considerably earlier date. A round dump of silver weighing 3-654 grammes was found by Sir Arthur Evans at Knossos in a stratum that cannot, he says, be dated later than the twelfth century B.C., and two similar dumps of gold weighing 4723 and 4-678 grammes along with a third of elongated shape weighing 8-601 were found during the British Museum excavations at En- komi in Cyprus, a site which according to Evans must be dated equally early^. These few Cretan and Cyprian dumps are no argu- ment against the mass of material which points to a great numis- matic development at a date not so very far removed from 700 b.c. But they do shift the balance of probability backward and make a date in the eighth century as likely as one in the seventh. The same conclusion is suggested by the recent British excavations of the famous temple of Artemis at Ephesus^. There, below the temple erected in the days of Croesus and to which he contributed the sculptured column now in the British Museum, the excavators found remains of three earlier structures. While clearing out these early buildings they found 87 electrum coins. Twenty of these were extracted from between the slabs of the earliest of the three buildings, five (including four of the lion type) were extracted from underneath the foundations of the second building, and all low down within the area of these three early structures. The total evidence points to all the 87 coins being not later than the time of the first of the three buildings, i.e. well before the time of Croesus. The series begins with the striated type (above fig. 19. a) that is generally regarded as the most primitive of all, while far the com- monest type (42 coins) is the lion's head of the style usually attributed to Alyattes*- From the latest building to the earliest coin means a considerable period, and may well take us back into the eighth century. General historical considerations are however against going back too far 1 Babelon, Rev. Num. 1894, pp. 267 f.jTh. Reinach, UHist. par les Monnaies, pp. 32-3; Head, Hist. Num.^ p. 643 ; Macdonald, Coin Types, pp. 6-8; Radet, Rev. des Univ. du Midi, 1895, p. 120; Busolt, Gr. G.^ 1. p. 493. 2 Evans in Corolla Numismatica B. V. Head, pp. 363-7; Ridgeway, Compan. Gk. Stud.^ p. 537. i ^ Brit. Mus. Excavations at Ephesus (1908), chaps, iv., v. ^ * Three have the | I^AA^ inscription that Six explained as an abbreviation of Alyattes' name, Num. Chron. 1890, pp. 203 f. CH. V LYDIA 129 into the eighth century. It was only in the course of that century that brigandage and piracy gave place to trade and commerce and the first traces can be discovered of the great renaissance that led to Classical Greece. If the earliest coins were struck by Lydia they are more likely to have been issued in the second half of the century than the first, since the establishment of the second Assyrian empire in 745 B.C. probably gave a great impetus to Lydian trade. This, however, is assuming the claims of Lydia to the "invention." They have been frequently challenged and before proceeding it is necessary briefly to examine them. The Lydians are only one of several peoples and cities that were The evidence Credited by the ancients with the invention of coinage, for attributing This uncertainty was inevitable. Coinage was not them to Lydia. jnygj^tg^} ^^^ evolvedi. But it is probable that in the final stage of the evolution some one state was a little ahead of the rest, and put in this form the Lydians have a good claim to the invention. They have in their favour our two best and oldest witnesses, Xenophanes and Herodotus^ the latter of whom recog- nized their outstanding position as traders and plainly sees in it the explanation of their leading position in the evolution of coined money'- The facts as far as we know them bear these authorities out. Lydia contains Mt Tmolus and Mt Sipylus and the river Pactolus, the main sources of the supply of the metal in which the most primitive coins were struck. It was probably just about this period that the Lydian electrum mines began to be worked* and the electrum of Sardis gained the fame it still enjoyed in the days of Sophocles^ The kings of Lydia from the beginning of the seventh century onward were famous for their wealth^- The touch- stone used by the ancients for testing the precious metals came likewise from Mt Tmolus, and was called"Lydian stone'." Further- ^ Babelon, Origines, pp. 181 f. 2 Xen. ap. Poll. ix. 83 ; Hdt. i. 94. ' Cp. Th. Reinach, Hist, par les Monn. p. 32. Cp. also the account of the invention of money in Rep. 11. 371, where Plato connects it with the rise of middlemen. * See below, p. 148. ^ Soph. Antig. 1037. ' Strabo xni. 626 (cp. xiv. 680); Archilochus, quoted below, p. 134; cp. Justin I. 7. ' Bacchyl. ed. Jebb, fr. 10 (AuSi'a Xidos fiavvei. xp^co")', Theophr. de Lap. 4; Pliny, N.H. xxxiii. 43; Pollux vii. 102; Hesych. s.v. jiacraviTrjs and ^pvirXTis \ieos; cp. Ridgeway, Num. Chron. 1895, pp. 104 f. u. T. 9 130 LYDIA CH. V more, the Lydians occupied a unique position for purposes of trade. Sardis, their capital, was the place where the great trade-route from the further East, the "royal road," as Herodotus calls it\ branched out to reach the various Greek cities on the coast^. In the face of this evidence it is hardly necessary to examine in detail the arguments of the modern sceptics who have disputed Lydia's claim. In many cases they start from the baseless assump- tion that so remarkable an invention cannot but be due to the quick- witted Greeks^. True, the earliest electrum coins are said to have been found mostly along the Eastern shore of the Aegean, but it does not follow that that is where they were all struck. Gold pieces were common enough in Greece in the first half of the fourth century B.C., but they had nearly all been struck in Persia. 30,000 Darics (fig. 8) were distributed among the Greeks by the Great King's agents in one single year*. The two staters of gold that each of the Delphians received from King Croesus^ were undoubtedly Croeseids^- Again, the modern market for ancient coins has been largely restricted to the coast. Because a coin was bought in Smyrna it does not follow that it was found there. Of Sardis itself we still know foo little to speak with any assurance''. But the absence of ^ Hdt. V. 52 f. ; cp. Radet, Lydie, pp. 23 f. and references p. 23, u. 1. ^ Radet, pp. 31 f. On the political importance of the great highways of trade in Lydia see Radet, Lyiie, pp. 108 (tolls along caravan routes in eighth century B.C., Nic. Dam. F.H.G. in. p. 381, fr. 49), 227-8 (ferry tolls levied by the state under the dynasty founded by Gyges, and state compensation for damage done by the flooding of the waterways, Xanthus, F.H.G. 1. p. 37, fr. 4). For Sardis as geographically more likely than any coast city to have evolved a metal coinage see Radet, Lydie, p. 156; Th. Reinach, Hist, par les Monn. p. 22. For the contrary view see Babelou, Rei). Num. 1895, pp. 352 f., Origines, p. 218. ^ E.g. P. Gardner, Gold Coinage of Asia, p. 4, Hist. Anc. Coin. p. 69; Brandis, Miinzwesen, p. 201 ; cp. also Radet, Lydie, p. 293. * Pint. Apophth. Lac, Agesil. 40 {Mor. 211 b). 5 Hdt. 1. 54. * The fact that 73 out of 87 early electrum coins found recently in the Arte- mision at Ephesus are of types usually assigned to Lydia is thus no argument against the usual attribution. Of the rest two are Phocaean, two possibly Phocaean, four possibly belong to Cyme, one perhaps to Ephesus, while five are quite uncertain. Head, Brit. Mus. Excav. Ephesus, pp. 79 f. ' F. Lenormant, Monn. royal, de la Lydie, p. 28, quotes two early electrum coins, one obv. striated, rev. three incuses, as found in the Plain of Sardis, the other, ^ obv. four petals, rev. one incuse, as found at Nymphi, about 12 miles inland from CH. V LYDIA 131 finds, even at Sardis, would not be decisive, since on Radet's theory the Lydian coinage was intended mainly for export, just as appears later to have been the case with the silver tetradrachms of Smyrna, Myrina, Cyme, Lebedos, Magnesia ad Maeandrum and Heraclea loniae, which are rarely found near their place of origin, but with few exceptions are brought from different parts of Syria^. More serious are the criticisms which do not altogether reject Xenophanes, but explain him away by means of an interpretation of Herodotus i. 94 first put forward by J. P. Six and later developed by Babelon^- Six maintained that when Herodotus there states that the Lydians were the first to strike and use coins of gold and silver, the reference is to the concurrent issue of coins in the two separate metals, or, in other words, to the coinage of Croesus (fig. 19. b), who is generally admitted to have been the first to give up electrum in favour of separate issues of gold and silver. But though it is true that "coins of gold and silver" cannot mean "coins of electrum," it by no means follows that Herodotus is referring to the beginnings not of coinage but of bimetallism. Babelon is right in insisting on the exact words used by Herodotus, but in his interpretation of them he takes perhaps too little account of the type of fact usually recorded by the historian. Which is Herodotus more likely to give us.? An inaccurate version of a fundamental fact like the invention of coined money? Or a pedantically accurate statement about an experiment in bimetallism that was after all of quite secondary importance.? Other things being equal we should surely always prefer the inter- pretation which gives us the former, and there is nothing to prevent us from doing so in the present case. Assume that Xenophanes means what he says and that his statement represents the prevalent tradition, and it is easy to see how Herodotus came to use the precise words that he did. "The Lydians," he begins, "were the first to strike and use coins." We must remember who it was that he was writing for. His readers would be found mainly in the free cities of European Greece. Down to the days when he ended his history these European Smyrna. An electrum third (67. 6 grains) obv. lion's head, rev. one incuse, Srit. Mus. Coins, Lydia, p. 2, no. 4, is said to have been found at Ala Shehr (Philadelphia), 30 miles S.E. of Sardis. 1 Borrell, Num. Chron. vi. (1843), p. 156; cp. Brit. Mus. Coins, Troas, etc. p. Ivii. ^ Num. Chron. 1890, p. 210, 11. 69; cp. Babelon, Rev. Num. 1895, pp. 354 f-, Origines, pp. 215 f. 9—2 132 LYDIA CH. V Greeks had coined almost exclusively in silver. On the other hand the coinage of Lydia and the other Persian satrapies of Asia Minor consisted of Darics of gold and shekels of silver, and people in those parts doubtless remembered that this coinage in the two metals went back to the days of the Lydian kings. It is a fundamental principle w^ith our historian never to omit any fact that he can possibly insert. In this case an extra fact can be inserted in three wrords, Xpvcrov Kal ap'yvpov,3.nd almost inevitably the vv^ords go in. Possibly he had forgotten for the moment the primitive pieces of electrum: it is equally possible that accuracy was sacrificed to fulness of in- formation. Another way of meeting Babelon's difficulty is suggested by Babelon's own article. It is generally assumed that the first coins struck in Asia Minor were all of electrum, and that electrum later gave way to gold and silver. But Babelon^ quotes an example of what is generally regarded as the earliest Lydian electrum type (ob. striated, rev. three small stamps as on silver spoons) that appears from its specific gravity to contain 98 per cent, silver and weighs 1 0-8 1 grammes. This latter is the unit of the so-called Babylonian standard, which is employed almost exclusively for silver, the only exception being a gold issue of Croesus. It is true that the coin has a yellow tint, and that it may contain more than 2 per cent, gold, if the light specific gravity is due partly to the presence of copperl There are cases too of what seem to be unquestionable electrum coins with a very low percentage of gold, e.g. Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins of Ionia., p. 47, nos. 2, 3, Ephesian thirds of the normal Phoenician standard, one with only 14 per cent, gold to judge by the specific gravity, the other actually with only 5 per cent. But the combined evidence of weight and specific gravity gives strong support to Babelon's view that the coin must have been intended to pass as silver^. Babelon assigns this piece to Miletus, but on no sufficient grounds. As he himself points out*, the weight is exactly that of ^ Rev. Num. 1895, p. 303; ib. PI. VI. 3. ^ Head, Brit. Mus. Coins, Ionia, p. xviii. ' Head, Hist. Num.^ p. 643, Ridgeway, Metal. Curr. p. 293, and others have stated that the 168 gr. standard was in regular use for early electrum, but their only evidence appears to be this one coin; cp. Head, ib. p. xl., who notes that no divisions of this standard are known in electrum. They are fully represented in Lydian gold and silver. Others, e.g. Radet, Lydie, p. 233, explain it as a three- quarter stater of the Phoenician standard normally employed for Lydian electrum, but a three-quarter stater is most unlikely. Nobody has suggested that the coin was meant to pass as gold. * Rev. Num. 1895, p. 303. CH. V LYDIA 133 the silver coins of Croesus, a weight which in Ionia prevailed only at Colophon and Erythrae in the fifth century and at Miletus in the third^, and in these three cases was borrowed from the Persian siglos (shekel), which latter was the direct successor of the silver coins of Croesus. The earliest silver coins assigned by Head to Miletus are struck on the Aeginetan standard (185 grains)^. In short, if it seems probable that this piece is silver, a fortiori is it probable that it is Lydian, and if, as the evidence all tends to show, this is the case, the importance of the piece at once becomes obvious. It means that from the earliest period of their coinage the Lydians struck not only in electrum but also in silver. Now for Herodotus electrum was only a variety of gold. His name for it is "white gold" (\,etiK09 xpv(T6is, though he refers ibid, to ingots of silver mingled with gold dust, called "syce," of which the hteral translation is "fine silk." ^ See further, Radet, Lydie, pp. 155 f.; Macdonald, Coin Types, pp. 6-8. 134 LYDIA CH.v tyrant was Gyges, who began to reign in the XVIIIth Olympiad (708-704 B.c.)i. The statement has been doubted as being perhaps only an inference from Homer and Archilochus drawn by later writers^. Homer does not use the word rvpavvo^. It first appears in Archilochus, and apparently the tyrant that Archilochus had in mind was his contemporary^ Gyges: I care not for golden Gyges... I long not for a great tyranny*. But even if only an inference from this source the statement may still be of some value. The word tyrant is not Greek and may be Lydian^- A new title does not necessarily imply a new form of government; but if there is independent evidence for thinking that a new form of government arose just at this time, then that evidence will be corroborated by the appearance of a new title; and if 'that title has a particular local origin, it becomes of particular interest to examine the history of the rulers of the region where the change arose. As our evidence leaves it uncertain whether Gyges was the first ^ F.H.G. III. p. 72, fr. I ; so Et. Mag. and Et. Gud. s.v. rvpavvos. 2 Cp. Hippias of Elis, F.H.G. 11. p. 62; Schol. Aesch. P.F. 224; Plut. Vit. Horn., Didot v. p. 153. 3 Hdt. I. 12. * Ap. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 17 and Plut. De Tranqu. An. 10 [Mor. 470c). The two lines quoted above were not consecutive. Plutarch quotes them thus: ov fiot ra Tvy€03 tov TTokvxpvaov ficXfi K-oi ovd* elXe TTw ^e ^rfKos^ ovS* d-yaiojiat. 6eS>v epya, fiEydXrjs B' ovk cpea rvpavvlSns. But the Kal appears to connect two extracts from a single passage. Aristotle, who quotes only ov 11.01 to. Tvyea, states that the passage was put by Archilochus into the mouth of Charon the carpenter (reVrtov). ^ Cp. Et. Gud. quoted above, defended by Radet, pp. 146-8. -avvos, so R. S. Conway writes to me, is neither Greek nor Latin, but occurs often in Etruscan ( = Lydian.?) and several times in Lycian: "tyrant" is derived from "Tyrrhenian" ( = Etruscan) by Philochorus {ap. Schol. Lucian, Catapl. \: Tvpavvos (iprjrm ano rav TvpprjvSiv . . . &s c^rfcri 4>iK6xopos. 01 oSv 'k6r]vr](n. pijTopfS (60s exoviTt Tovs /SatriXfar Tvpdvvovs KnXcIv dvrl ttJs Trap' airrols /Sins tSiv Tvpp^vSiv : the reference is to the Tyrrhenians of Lemnos and Imbros), Tzetzes, Chil. viii. 890-1 (f'x tovtoiv kqi to ripnvvoi op-oims ineKKr]6r}- ^iam yap oi Tvppr)voL Koi BrjpMets ayav), Verrius Flaccus {ap. Festum s.v. turannos, ed. Teubner, p. 484, a cuius gentis (sc. Tyrrhenicae) praecipua crudelitate etiam tyrannos dictos ait Verrius), and the Et. Mag. {rjroi a-rro rav Tvparji/av ■ m/xoi yap ovTot). On Vedic affinities of the word rvpavvos see Peile, ap. Jebb, Soph. O. T. p. 5. CH. V LYDIA 135 ruler of his kind to arise in Lydia or merely the first to find a prominent place in Greek literature and as further we find unusual steps for securing the throne attributed to Lydian rulers of about the middle of the eighth century it will be well to begin at this earlier date. According to the story told by Nicolaus Damascenus', Damonno, „ . the wife of Cadys, whose reign is ascribed to the HowSpermos ... • , 1 r i andArdysbe- middle ot the eighth century 2, after her royal hus- came kings of band's death won over by her wealth a large number of Lydians, expelled her brother-in-law Ardys, and then married her lover Spermos and proclaimed him king. When banished by Spermos and Damonno, Ardys goes into business at Cyme as a waggon-builder (dfjLa^oTrvyd'v) and is keeping a hotel (jrai'hoKelwr) there when called back to the throne of Sardis. He is brought back by a tavern-keeper or retail trader (/caTTT/Xo?) named Thyessos^, who as his reward asked and received that this mn or shop (KaTnjXelop) should be exempt from paying dues (areXe?) and after a time became rich from his shop-keeping (Kavr}\ev€iv) and as a result established near it a market and a shrine of Hermes*. The part played in this story by innkeepers may, at first sight, seem odd. But as pointed out by Radet^ in dis- cussing the word KaTrrjXo^;, innkeeper was probably synonymous with merchant in the days of Ardys (766-730 b.c.)^, when Lydia was already becoming a great highway of commerce between Further Asia and the Aegean'. The Lydian merchants of the period must have seen the advantage of providing food and shelter for the members of the caravans with whom they traded. Waggon- building, which was one of the occupations of the banished Ardys^, 1 F.H.G. III. p. 380. 2 Radet, Lydie, p. 79. ^ F.H.G. III. pp. 380-1; cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. Qve(TCT6s, "TroXtf Avhias...a.Tv6 ^ F.H.G. III. pp. 381-2. The scene of the story is doubtless Hermocapeha, put by Pliny, N.H. v. 33, in Pergamene territory, by Hierocles 670, Teub. p. 21, in the eparchy of Lydia. Schubert, Konige v. Lydien, p. 20, identifies Thyessos with Hermes himself. ^ Lydie, p. 98. ^ Radet, Lydie, p. 79; Rev. des Univ. du Midi, 1895, p. 117. ' Radet, pp. 95 f. and Rev. des Univ. du Midi, 1895, pp. 118-9 (foundation of Sinope by Milesians, 756 B.C., implies knowledge on part of Miletus of great eastern caravan routes). 8 HeracHdes, F.H.G. 11. p. 216, fr. 11. 136 LYDIA CH. V is part of the same activity, connected with the famous road that did as much to make the fortunes of ancient Lydia as railways will some day do to revive them in the future. If the narrative of Nicolaus is to be believed, then, as recognized some time ago by Gelzer^, the Lydian leaders of the period appear as great merchants and men of business, and more than that, it is as such that the rulers secure the throne, and a not unnatural inference is that it was the spread of this new type of merchant prince from Lydia Westward over the Greek world that caused the spread at the same time of the Lydian title. There is nothing improbable in the assumption that Lydian history of this period was preserved in a fairly authentic form. True our extant authorities are late and their sources uncertain, and the story of Spermos has perhaps an excessive resemblance to that of Gyges and the wife of his predecessor Candaules^. In both cases the usurper marries the wife of his predecessor and owes to her his throne. The close relations between Ardys and the Greek Cyme recall those between the house of Gyges and the tyrant house of Melas at Ephesus, which latter is very plausibly explained by Radet^ as based on their common business interests. But these resemblances do not prove that the two narratives are not both true. The two queens may have responded in the same way to similar semi-matriarchal surroundings, and the two princes have found similar solutions for the same commercial problem. If the Damonno Ardys story is not history we have no Lydian history of that age. But even so it is of value as reflecting conditions that prevailed at the beginning of the seventh century and possibly went back to the period to which the story is ascribed. Chronologically we ought next to deal with Gyges himself Unfortunately his history, and more particularly the part that tells how he won the throne, has been much obscured by legend. We shall examine it with a better prospect of disinterring the facts if first we review certain later incidents of Lydian history. ' Rhein. Mus. xxxv. (1880), p. 520. 2 Hdt. 1. 7 f. ; Plut. Mor. 622/; Justin i. 7. In Nic. Dam. F.H.G. iii. pp. 384-5 she does not aid Gyges. 2 Lydie, p. 134; cp. Nic. Dam. F.H.G. iii. pp. 396, 397, fr. 63, 65; Ael. V.H. in. 26. The Ephesian connexion is [pace Radet) only attested for the later rulers of Gyges' house. Cp. Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. xxxv. p. 521. Cp. too with the attempt to poison Cadys the attempt to poison Croesus, Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 16 {Mor. 401). CH. V LYDIA 137 The century that followed Gyges is for this purpose not very Later rulers illuminating. A great part of it is taken up with the of Lydia. national struggle against the Cimmerian invaders. The kings of the house of Gyges appear to have led this struggle well, and as a natural result their power was seldom called into question. It is only before the accession of Croesus, the last king of the line, that active steps appear to have been necessary to secure the throne. The reason was not any anti-monarchic movement, but rivalry between two sons or possibly grandsons of the old and perhaps senile King Alyattes. None the less, the steps taken by the rivals are not without significance. The story is told^ that shortly before ^ Alyattes' death Croesus, the subsequently successful Financial deal- •,,,, iiir -i ings of Croesus rival, had borrowed largely from a very rich man^ before he be- {^ Ephesus in order to appear before the old king came king. ■ 1 , n r • • • with a levy. Before resorting to the rich Ephesian, Croesus had appealed to a certain "Sadyattes the merchant, the richest man in Lydia," who had refused to lend to him for the reason, as it subsequently turned out, that he was backing the other candidate for the throne, Croesus' half-brother, the half-Greek Pantaleon^. Croesus' poverty, we are informed, was due to spend- thrift habits. But it is doubtful whether his lavishness at this period was simply youthful dissipation, and not rather part of a systematic policy. Only a few years later Peisistratus of Athens "rooted his tyranny" on revenues from mines. Reasons have been given above* for thinking that he was already endeavouring to do so. May not Croesus have been pursuing a similar course? Later in his career, when he wanted to win the special favour of Delphi, "he sent to Pytho, ascertained the number of Delphians, and presented each one of them with two staters of gold"." The staters of Croesus 1 Nic. Dam. F.H.G. in. p. 397, fr. 65; cp. Ael. V.H. iv. 27; Hdt. i. 92. For a different version or phase of the struggle see Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 1 6 {Mor. 401). ^ Babelon, Origines, p. 105, calls him a banker, on what authority I cannot discover: Nic. Dam. calls hirn simply ev fiaXa eiwopov. ^ Note that Sadyattes [ap. Suid. (s.v. Kpoicror), Alyattes) bears a royal name, and that he is almost certainly the rival (diTiffrao-iairijr) of Croesus of Hdt. 1. 92 A var. led. in Nic. Dam. has evapxas (governor) instead of ffi-rropos (merchant) Sadyattes may therefore well have been a great noble: but that is no reason paceGelzti, Rhein. Mus. xxxv. 520, for not assigning the chief role to his wealth * Pp. 37 f. = Hdt. I. 54. 138 LYDIA CH. V (above fig. 19. b) were among the most famous coins of antiquity'. Reference is made in the Mirahiles Auscultationes to gold mines that he worked^. His wealth was proverbiaP. Most of it he inherited from his predecessor*: but the wise old Alyattes knew that it was the root of his power and clung to it till his death. For the rivals it is a question who can secure it first and in the meanwhile carry on best without it. Both try to borrow on a princely scale, and to judge by the issue Croesus was the more successful. "As a result of that proceeding he got the upper hand of his calumniators^." He became king, and his government is described by Radet^ as "une puissante monarchie regnant par la force de I'or." This is all conjecture, but it is borne out alike by Croesus' own behaviour and by the advice to Cyrus that is put into his mouth after he has become the captive and the counsellor of the Persian king. The first thing that Croesus did after securing the throne was to put Sadyattes to death and to confiscate his possessions'. By itself this might be taken simply as part of something corresponding to a normal process of attainder. But the Sadyattes incident must be read in the light of the advice that Croesus is represented as having subsequently given to Cyrus, the gist of which is that Cyrus Croesus bids is to beware above all things of the richest of his Cyrus to sus- subjects^. The speech is of course pure fiction: so pectarivalin \ -,11. , , r u ■ • the richest of too is very possibly the whole story of the intimacy his subjects. between Croesus and his conqueror^. But all the same Croesus is Herodotus' embodiment of the wise and experienced ruler of the sixth century, the century during which the historian's father was born only a little way from the borders of Croesus' kingdom. If in the pages of Herodotus he is made to regard wealth 1 Poll. III. 87, Brit. Mus. Coins, Lydia, p. xx. 2 Aristot. (f) Mirab. Ausc. 52 (834a). ^ Strabo xiii. 626; Justin i. 7. * Strabo, ibid.; Hdt. i. 92. 5 Nic. Dam. F.H.G. in. fr. 65 end. ^ Lydie, p. 242. ' The avfjp exdpos of Hdt. i. 92 is almost certainly the Sadyattes of Nic. Dam. See Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. xxxv. 520; Schubert, Konige v. Lydien, p. 61. * Hdt. 1. 88-89; t^^ story is repeated but with the point omitted,Diod. ix. 33. ' Cp. Bacchyl. 111., the earliest reference to the fall of Lydia, written for Hiero of Syracuse in 468 B.C., where Croesus is made during the sack of Sardis to immolate himself and his family and to be saved by Zeus and carried off by Apollo to the land of the Hyperboreans. CH. V LYDIA 139 as the basis of political power, it must be because the historian believed such to have been in fact the case. Of the evidence that may have led him, and with good reason, to this belief, one item may have been derived from the colossal tomb of Croesus' pre- decessor Alyattes, which according to the account given by Herodotus _, ^ , , was constructed by the tradesmen and artizans and The tomb of . /'>-./ /i \ ' ' Croesus' prostitutes (o( ayopaloi avd pmiroi icai 01 ■)(6.Lpa>- father had vaKTe'^ Koi at evepya^ofievai, vaiSicncai)'': Pre- by tradesmen, sumably these were the classes who had most benefited ^working^glrls "°'' ^^ '^^^' ^^^" '"°^'^ affected by Alyattes' rule, and on whose support he had mainly depended^- The largest part of the tomb is said by Herodotus to have been built by the "working girls" (= prostitutes) but too much attention need not be paid to this typical instance of Herodotean "malignity." Strabo's report that the tomb was said by some to be that of a harlot {-rropvqt;) is equally suspicious. It may possibly have arisen from the obscene symbols that appeared on various parts of the monument, including its summit. Possibly the builders of the tomb got mistaken for its occupant. The reverse process is less likely, as it leaves the tradesmen and artizans unaccounted for^. In conformity with the policy that Herodotus puts into the Revolt from rnouth of Croesus, Cyrus was careful before he re- Cyrus of Pac- turned from Lydia to Persia to separate the political tyes who had . ^ . . ■' • , . all the gold and hnancial power m his new conquest: Sardis he entrusted to Tabalos, a Persian gentleman, but the gold both of Croesus and the other Lydians he gave to Pactyes, a man of Lydia, to look after (Ko/u'^eiT')....But when Cyrus had marched away from Sardis, Pactyes caused the Lydians to revolt from Tabalos and Cyrus, and going down to the sea, as was but natural since he had all the gold ^ Hdt. 1. 93; cp. Hipponax, fr. 5 napa tov 'ArraXeoj TVfx^ov k.t.\. (an almost contemporary reference); Strabo xiii. 627. For excavations of this monument see Abh. Preuss. Akad. 1858, pp. 539 f. and Pis. IV. (tomb) and V. (pottery from the tomb). The pottery suits very well the period of the Mermnad dynasty. ^ Radet, Lydie, p. 226. infers for the time of Croesus corporations of artizans (potters, boot-makers, dyers, etc.) such as existed in Lydia in the time of the Roman empire, but his suggestion is too speculative to build on. ' Strabo xiii. 627; cp. Athen. xiii. 573 a, "Clearchus in Book 1. of his Erotica says Gyges, king of Lydia,... when (his mistress) died, gathered all the Lydians of the land and raised what is called the tomb of the hetaera." This looks like the version preserved by Strabo with details borrowed from Herodotus : rSote that the work is here ascribed to Gyges. 140 LYDIA CH. V from Sardis. he proceeded to hire mercenaries and persuaded the population by the sea to join his expedition^- In the days of Xerxes the richest of all the Lydians was Pythes X nd '■^^ ^°" °^ Atys. After Xerxes himself, Pythes was the rich Ly- the richest man known to the Persians of that day. dian Pythes. pjjg ^g^j^}^ amounted to 2000 talents of silver and 3,993,000 golden Darics^. He held some sort of rule under the Great King at Kelainai in Phrygia and owed his enormous wealth to his mines, in which the citizens of his dominions were forced to labour. When Xerxes reached Kelainai on his way to invade Greece, Pythes offered to present the whole of this immense sum to the king3. So stupendous a present requires a special explanation. It is not like "the gold plane tree and the vine" that Pythes had given earlier to King Darius. It looks as if he had suddenly dis- covered with intense alarm that Xerxes, like Cyrus before him, feared nothing so much as a man of extraordinary wealth, and as if this present was a desperate attempt to disarm the Great King's suspicions. The father of Pythes bore the same name as one of the sons of Croesus, and Pythes himself has been thought by some modern scholars to have been the grandson of Croesus*. The name Pytheus (Pythes) might be due to Croesus' relations with Delphi 5. The evidence so far adduced has pointed to the following con- clusions: metal coinage reached its final evolution in Lydia, probably in the second half of the eighth century B.C. ; the title tyrant reached Greece from Lydia probably early in the seventh century; from the middle of the eighth century down to the end of the age of the tyrants all the rulers or would-be rulers of Lydia of whom we have any relevant information regarded money as the basis of Radet sug- political power. In the face of these facts it is not Irsfcdnsw^r surprising that Radet, the scholar who has devoted struck by the most attention in recent years to this period of Lydian first tyrants, history, should have expressed the opinion that the earliest tyrants were also the first coiners^. 1 Hdt. I. 153-4. ^ Hdt. VII. 27, 28. 3 Hdt. vii. 27, 28; Plut. de Mul. Virt. 27 {Mor. 262); Polyaen. viii. 42. * Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. xxxv. p. 521. ^ How and Wells, Hdt. vii. 27. " Lydie, pp. 155 f., and particularly pp. 162-3. CH. V LYDIA 141 The rest of this chapter will be devoted to examining and very tentatively developing this suggestion. Radet attributed the earliest coins to Gyges and imagined them as having been struck when Gyges was already on the throne^. He wrote however before Enkomi, Knossos, and Ephesus had suggested the possibility of an earlier date for the earliest coins, and he does not consider the possibility that it may have been quite as much a case of the coins making the tyrant as the tyrant making the coins. No certainty is to be looked for on this point, but for arriving at the greatest available probability it will be well for a moment to turn to the brilliant and convincing account of the last stages in the evolution of metal coinage pubhshed by Lenormant and de- veloped by Babelon. Lenormant's account of the circumstances in which stamped pieces of precious metal of definite weight first came into circulation cannot be given better than in his own words : Pour la commodite du commerce, auquel ils servent d'instrument habitue! Lenormant d'echange, on donne a ces lingots des poids exacts. ..de J a that they lo taels en or, de J- a 100 taels en argent. Mais leur circula- were private tion et leur acceptation n'ont aucun caract^re legal et obligatoire. L'autorite publique n'a point a y intervenir et ne leur donne aucune garantie. Ces lingots ne portent aucune empreinte si ce n'est en certains cas un poin9onnement individuel, simple marque d'origine et de fabrique, qui quelquefois inspire assez de confiance pour dispenser de la verification du titre du metal, lorsque c'est celle d'un nego- ciant assez honorablement connu. La facilite avec laqueUe on accepte le lingot a tel ou tel poinfon tient done entierement au credit personnel de celui qui I'a marque^. The passage just quoted describes not a theory of Lenormant's but the actual practice of the Chinese empire^. A similar currency of ingots stamped by merchants or bankers has been used in many ^ Early in his reign before the Cimmerian invasions (on which see Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. xxx. pp. 256 f.), Lydie, p. 166. So Cruchon, Banques dans I'Antiq. pp. 15-16. 2 Monn. dans I'Antiq. I. p. no; cp. Babelon, Origines, pp. 39-40. ' Cp. Babelon, Origines, p. 94, quoting Terrien de la Couperie, Brit. Mus. Cat. Chinese Coins, p. 4, on period before fourth century a.d. So also ibid. {Cat. Chinese Coins), p. xlviii. 5. Bonacossi, La Chine et les Chinois (1847), PP- 172- 3 says there is no government mint: the precious metals are formed into ingots by private bankers: these ingots bear the name of districts, bankers, etc. To the present day Chinese bankers stamp foreign coins with their own counter- marks, Babelon, Origines, pp. 121-2. 142 LYDIA CH. V other parts of the world, e.g. Japani, Java^, India^ and Russia*. Reversions to the practice of private coinage have been frequent in America^; "for a long time the copper currency of England consisted mainly of tradesmen's tokens," used largely by manu- facturers to pay the wages of their workpeople^. The earliest coins of Asia Minor are regarded by the French savants as private issues of a similar kind to those just quoted. The small stamps of which several often appear on an early electrum coin {e.g. above fig. 19. aright) are regarded by them as marks or countermarks of bankers or merchants. Babelon' points out that these stamps cannot be identified as the types of towns or kings; that in one case no less than six of them are found on a single coin^; and that they continue to be put on to the state coinage of Darius. The case for Lydia therefore rests largely on analogies, and analogies can never be quite conclusive. Some even of these must be used with caution, e.%. those from Russia and Merovingian France, where it is difficult to be sure that they do not represent a stage of decadence rather than development. But decadence is often another name for rever- sion to type, and some of the instances already quoted, e.g. those from China and India, are sufficiently remote to be safely trusted. The total effect of the evidence marshalled by Lenormant and Babelon is impressive, and certainly no other view offers so satis- factory an explanation of the distinguishing features of the earliest 1 Babelon, Origines, pp. 41, 42. - Babelon, Origines, p. 98. 3 E. Thomas, Chron. Pathan Kings Delhi, p. 344 (cp. E. Thomas, Anc. Indian Weights, p. 57, n. 4), goldsmiths and merchants struck coins in fourteenth century a.d.; J. Malcolm, Mem. Central India, 11. 80, similar issues still in 1832 but with permit from central government; cp. Babelon, Origines, p. 95. * Babelon, Origines, p. 83, at Kieff and Novgorod in the Middle Ages ingots weighing rouble or multiple stamped, sometimes with name, by merchants, bankers or goldsmiths. This practice arose before the Russian government first struck coins. On Greek and Roman stamped ingots see Saglio, Diet. d. Antiq. s. V. Metalla, p. 1 865 ; all appear to be centuries later than the invention of money, on which accordingly they throw no light. * Babelon, Origines, p. 100; e.g. Chalmers' shillings struck by a goldsmith named Chalmers in 1783, numerous private issues in California, 1831-1851, with the legend "native gold" or "pure gold" and the name and sometimes address of the striker. ° Jevons, Money'^, p. 65. ' Origines, pp. iiof. * Ibid. p. 123. CH. V LYDIA 143 Greek coins. Their view has already won partial acceptances^ There are of course gaps in the evidence, notably as to the circumstances of the nationalization of the coinage. But this is not very surprising if, as the stories of Damonno and Ardys suggest, it was in a succession of financial struggles for the throne that the control of the mint came gradually to be synonymous with the kingship. When the two were finally equated is a matter of conjecture. The chief part in the process may perhaps have been played by the tradesman king Ardys, but on the whole it seems likely that it was Gyges who completed the evolution of metal coinage by making it the prerogative of the state after he had first used it to obtain the supreme power. His career falls early enough to make this possible^, and the gold of Gyges attained proverbial fame'. Herodotus indeed seems to discountenance the view that Gyges was ever a merchant or banker, since he describes him as serving as a guardsman (al'^/nocpopo';, Sopv(j)6po<;') under his predecessor ^ Head, Htsi. Nutn.^ pp. Ivii. and 644-;, dates private issues 687-610; P. Gard- ner, Gold Coinage of Asia, p. 9, attributes the first state coinage anywhere to Croesus, against which view see the whole of the present chapter. Gardner's own objection to his own theory, based on the FaXFei coins, is not cogent. Alyattes might, of course, have struck coins as a private venture. The late King George of Greece traded largely in wine grown on the royal estates, but the wine was in no sense a state beverage; cp. also Cruchon, Banques dans VAntiq. pp. 1 1 f. For Babelon himself see further iJ^. Num. 1895, pp. 332-3, on the early electrum coin, obv. stag, (f>avos ijiL (rejxa; rev. one oblong incuse between two square, which Babelon ascribes to Ephesus and suggests was issued by " one of those rich bankers who lent to kings and whose safes were filled with precious metals " ; see Hdt. vii. 27-29; but cp. Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 51. Against Babelon's view has been urged the fact that his supposed collections of private marks on such coins as our fig. 19. a (p. 127) form in each case a single group all stamped together. But such a stereotyped grouping on the earliest extant specimens is no argument against his explanation of the origin of these curious marks, which on other very early coins occur in positions which show them to be counter-stamps: see e.g. that on the back of the tortoise of our fig. 20. b. 2 His accession is variously dated 716 B.C. (Hdt.), 708 (Euphorion), 698 (African.), 687 (Euseb. Arm. vers.): he was still alive after 660 b.c. and perhaps after 650 (Geo. Smith, Assurbanipal, pp. 64-68; cp. ibid. pp. 341-2, Winckler, Altorient. Forsch. vi. pp. 474 f., 494 f-). ^ The TvyaSaf xP^"'°' °^ ^°^' "'• ^7 ^^^ ^"' 9^ ^^^ "°''' ^'^^ Radet, Lydie, p. 162; Rev. d. Univ. du Midi, 1895, p. 119, necessarily or even probably coined but the history of Croesus shows that a king who unquestionably coined might yet be famous for his uncoined gold. Archilochus calls Gyges " the golden." 144 LYDIA CH. V Candaules^. But Schubert^ is probably right in putting only a limited confidence in this part of our account of his career, which he shows to have been derived from Delphi. He even suggests^ that Gyges had bought up Delphi before, with a view to his accession, just as Croesus endeavoured to purchase the favour of Apollo before his attempted conquest of Persia*. If there is any truth in this plausible suggestion, then the guardsman part of the story may well have been a half-truth emphasized to hide Gyges' commercial ante- cedents, and Gyges may have secured the throne mainly through his wealth. It is true that Gyges as tyrant fought against the Cimmerians who at this time were sweeping over Asia Minor, and that later in his reign he rebelled against Assyria^. From time to time he invaded the Greek cities on the coast. He may even have taken military measures to secure the throne, if, as Radet argues^, his accession meant the overthrow of a Maeonian domination and the substitution for it of a Lydian. All this however is no proof of particular militarism. The wars against the Cimmerians were defensive. The revolt from Assyria was an indirect result of the Cimmerian wars. ^ Hdt. I. 8, 91 ; cp. Xanthus, ap. Nic. Dam. F.H.G. m. fr. 49, p. 383 eKeXeva-e [tqv Tvyy^v) fiera roiv dopvi. 14; F.H.G. in. Nic. Dam. fr. 62; iv. p. 401, fr. 6; Paus. iv. 21, 5; IX. 29, 4; Suid. s.v. Tijyijr and Mdyvrjs. ^ Radet, Lydie, p. 214; cp. ib. 243 on the commercial necessities that drove Croesus to make war on Cyrus when the Persians, "who are accustomed to make no use of markets and have no market at all" (Hdt. i. 153), threatened the great trade routes of the East. ' Radet, Lydie, p. 171; cp. Hdt. i. 17, on the way Sadyattes and Alyattes warred against Miletus, and also Ael. V.H. iii. 26; Polyaen. vi. 50 on Croesus' war with Ephesus. ^ Plut. Qu. Gr. 45 {Moral. 302a): r]\6ev"A.p(Tri\is eV MuXewv eniKovpos Tta Tvyjj fi^Ta dvvd[X€03Sj Kal tov Kav5uuX/;y...5ta(/)^eipet. This notice is "his- torisch wertlos," Meyer, G. d. A. 1. p. 547, following Duncker, G. d. Afi i. p. 488, but cp. Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. xxxv. p. 528; Schubert, Kbnige -u. Lydien, p. 33; Radet, Lydie, pp. 124 f., 133 f., 136, n. 2. It is more than a coincidence that Carian mercenaries become famous just at this time: cp. Archi- lochus. In Lydia, as in Egypt (pp. 89, 123), mercenaries, in great part Greek, play an important part throughout the period of the tyrant dynasty. Croesus raised a force of mercenaries before he became king, Nic. Dam. fr. 65, F.H.G. in. p. 397; mercenaries fought for Croesus against Cyrus, Hdt. 1. 77; cp. Radet, Lydie, p. 261. 5 Nic. Dam. fr. 49; F.H.G. in. p. 385. * Rep. II. 359^; cp. Cic. de Off. iii. 9 (38); Suid- s.v. Tvyov baicrvkios. u. T. 10 146 LYDIA CH. V We may begin by dismissing the shepherding, since Gyges belonged to an ancient and princely family^. The fact or facts that caused Gyges to be associated with the story probably had some connexion with the magic ring and its discovery in the earth. It has for instance been suggested that the real magic of the ring of Gyges lay in the signet that serves as a passport and reveals or conceals a man's identity according to the way he wears it. Radet^ pictures Gyges as a sort of major dome to Candaules, and the ring as the emblem of his power. Explanations of this kind are not without plausibility; they are right in taking notice of the signet^; but they ignore one essential detail of the story namely the marvellous discovery of the ring, nor do they go to the root of the matter, if, as the story plainly implies, the ring of Gyges is to be equated with the real source of his power. From this last point of view it becomes probable that Radet has come very much nearer the truth in another passage, where he says: "Gyges et ses successeurs ont possede un merveilleux talisman: la explained by . , ■ a„ t-. • ■ 1 . Radet as "la science economique*. i here is a pomt about the science eco- j-jj^g story that tells strongly in favour of some ex- nomique. . -^ 1 i- r 1 • planation on the Imes of this second suggestion of Radet's. The hero of the story is not always Gyges: in Pliny ^ it is Midas the king of Phrygia who was overthrown by the Cimmerians a generation before they overthrew Gyges^. It is of course possible that Pliny is merely making a mistake about the name. But it is equally possible that a genuine tradition attributed the ring to Midas. Midas has much else in common with Gyges and the points of resemblance deserve to be noticed. His kingdom, like that of Gyges, was famous for its precious metals'^. Like Lydia it occupied an ■■ Nic. Dam. F.H.G. in. p. 382; cp. Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. xxxv. pp. Sijf.; Radet, pp. 80 f. ; cp. also Hdt. i. 8. 2 Lydie, pp. 89, 120. 3 Cp. below, pp. 149 f. * Lydie, p. 224. For Gyges' invisibility Radet, p. 153, compared that of Deiokes the Mede who, when he became king, withdrew himself from the sight of his subjects, opaadat fitia-iXea vno jir)&fv6s, Hdt. i. 99. ^ N.B. xxxiii. 4. « Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. xxx. pp. 256 f. According to Eusebius Midas became , king in B.C. 738. ' Hammer, Zeits. f. Num. xxvi. 4; Midas himself worked the mines of Mt Bermion, Strabo xiv. 680. The fame of the Phrygians as metal workers went back to mythical times, see Schol. Ap. Rhod. i. 1129, with which cp. Died. V. 64; Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. p. 360 (132 edit Sylburg.). CH. V LYDIA 147 important part of the great caravan routed. Midas was the golden king still more than Gyges. His touch turned all things into gold until he was freed from this disastrous power by bathing in the Pactolus, the river from which the Lydians got so much of their elcctrum^. According to one account coins were first struck by "Demodike of Cyme, daughter of Agamemnon king of the Cymaeans, after her marriage with Midas the Phrygian^." Midas, like Gyges, sent rich presents (bribes?) to Delphi*- In short the great point of resemblance which Midas bears to Gyges lies in his enormous wealth and the ways in which he appears to have acquired and used it^. It may be that this implied the possession of the magic ring^- The circumstances of the find recall two anecdotes in the With the storv Mirahiles Auscultationes'' ^ located the one in Paionia of the finding the Other in Pieria, in which, as in the Gyges story, cp. stories of ^^ have the rains, the chasms, the find of gold and finds in mining the taking of it to the palace. In at least one of the districts. 1 r 1 • 1-1 1- • c two cases the find is treasure trove, like the ring or Gyges. But the point to be noticed is that both Paionia and Pieria are in the famous mining district that played so great a part in the history of Athens and Macedonia. Considering the fame of the ^ Note that Kelainai (the home of the rich Pythes, above, p. 140), which Ues in East Phrygia near the source of the Maeander, occupied "a central point from which trade routes radiated in every direction. It became a commercial junction where goods arriving by caravan routes from the East were packed in chests to be forwarded to various sea ports." These words (Head, Hist. Num.^ p. 666) refer to Apamea, which, from its occupation, was nicknamed Kibotos (Box), but Apamea was only a revised version of Kelainai, which lay on the heights above it and was supplanted by the lower city in the time of Antiochus I. '■' Ovid, Met. xi. 100 f.; Hyginus, fab. 191. ' Poll. IX. 83; so Herachdes, F.H.G. 11. p. 216; Radet, p. 160, acutely argues from the association here of Cyme and Phrygia that this account associates the invention of money with the great caravan route, of which Cyme was the main terminus before the rise of the Lydian Mermnadae, about which time it was replaced by Ephesus, the Greek city with which the Lydians maintained the most friendly terms; cp. Ramsay, J.H.S. ix. (1888), pp. 350 f., followed by S. Reinach, Chroniques d'Orient, 1. p. 574, Radet, Lydie, p. 172. * Hdt. I. 14. , ^ Polyaen. vii. ; makes Midas secure his throne (Mi'Sai' rvpavvov avrfyopevirav) "by pretending to celebrate by night rites in honour of the great gods." * OnMidas and the ring see also K. F. Smith, Amer. Journ. Phil, xxiii. p. 273. ' Aristot. (.') Mirab. Ausc. 45, 47 (8336). 10 — 2 148 LYDIA CH. V mines of Lydia it is natural to ask whether they did not play their part in the evolution of the story of the ring. ' Stories of men buried in the mines of Lydia did actually exist. One of them, told in the Mirabiles Juscultationes, shows that in Lydia, as in the region of Mt Pangaion and the river Strymon, chasms containing skeletons and gold were not unlikely to be mine shafts, and the power secured by their discoverer to be simply the power of suddenly and perhaps secretly acquired wealth. As to the date at which 1 molus was first mined nothing is known except that the workings were disused in the days of Strabo^. It may well have been worked from the earliest days of Gyges if, as is probable, he mined at Pergamus and further afield^- Lydians mining in those regions would hardly be neglecting mines so near their own capital, the more so as they would be directed to them by following the golden stream of the Pactolus^. In the face of these facts it is tempting to go one step further than Radet when he explains Gyges' talisman as economic science. We are reminded of Byron's description of the most potent of talismans: Yes, ready money is Aladdin's lamp*. Gyges, it is true, discovered a ring, not a lamp, but the particular form of his talisman only adds point to the Byronic interpretation. Rings as Till somewhere about the time of the story rings money. were probably ready money in the literal sense of the phrase^. In many parts of the world before the introduction of a regular stamped coinage trade had been conducted largely by means of rings of specific weight^. 1 Strabo xiii. 591, xiv. 680. See also Radet, Lydie, p. 44, on Eurip. Bacch. 13. 2 Strabo xiii. 590-1, xiv. 680; cp. Xen. Hell. iv. viii. 37. ^ It is not known when the river was first exploited, but an early date may be safely assumed. The. gold washings of the Phasis are said to have been the objective of the Argonauts (Strabo xi. 499; cp. Hammer, Zeits. f. Num. xxvi. p. 4). In Egypt "gold of the water," i.e. river gold, is recorded about 1200 B.C. (Lepsius, Abh. Berl. Akad. 1871, p. 3;). The Pactolus washings went back at least some generations beyond Croesus (Strabo xni. 626; cp. Dio Chrys. Orat. 78, Teubner, p. 280). * Don Juan, xii. xii. For Gyges and Aladdin see K. F. Smith, Amer. Journ. Phil, xxiii. p. 271. 5 E. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. 1. p, 580; cp. Regling ap. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld, p. 972. ^ Ridgeway, Orig. Metallic Currency, pp. 35 f., 44, 82, 128, 242, 399 f-! Babelon, Origines, chap. 11. The rings appear not to have always a fixed weight, CH. V LYDIA 149 Much of the evidence for this use takes us baclc well into the second millennium. Some of the localities where it is known to have prevailed earliest were connected with I^ydia at this time. Egypt was the ally of Gyges, the Hittites were the predecessors of the Lydians in the land of Lydia. Troy probably formed part of Gyges' dominions^- The book of Genesis specifically associates ring money with caravans^. It is therefore probable that rings circulated in Lydia itself until they were supplanted by the new stamped coins, which may have owed their shape to its convenience for stamping. In Argos, according to a tradition which is defended With Gyges' ■ , , , , ■ ring cp. per- 'n the next chapter, the stamped comage was preceded hapsPheidon's ^y ^ currency of metal spits (below, fig. 21): if the spitSf tnc Attic .... .. , , . . , obol and drach- tradition is to be trusted, these spits remained per- ma, and the naanently associated with the name of the tyrant who displaced them by coined money. Have we a parallel in the case of the Gyges story? Is its hero the inventor of the new stamped coinage and has his name become associated with the rings that he displaced? It is perfectly possible that the new coins were at first regarded as so many rings' worth of precious metal. The name i/ofj^ia-fia implies that the stamped coin had won general acceptance; it would of course be quite appropriate to a currency in rings or kettles or cows; but there is no evidence of its use previous to the introduction of a stamped metal coinage, and it was probably the general acceptance of this latter that gave rise to the word. To call the earliest Lydian coins rings [paKrvXLOL) would be precisely like calling the earliest coins of Athens spits (6/3eXoi) or bundles of spits (SpaXfJ-ct) or the earliest coins of Rome bars (asses). If obol and drachma and as survived while SaKTvXiot did not, the fact is sufficiently accounted for by the histories of Athens, Rome, and Lydia. The explanation just offered of the ring of Gyges omits one _ . ., , detail that is essential to the story as told by Plato. But if so, why . . . . 1 • ■ , 1 / , is the ring a Plato's ring is a signet ring, and it is the seal [ucppayL'i) seal ring? ^.j^^j. j^^^ ^^^ magic. Babelon holds that the seal makers (SaKTuXioyXv^oi) of the period were probably also the coin strikers. But if we are to follow one of our own leading numis- but the ring, especially if not closed, is a very convenient form for weighing, V. Bergmann, Num. Zeits. 1872, pp. 172-4. 1 Strabo xiii. 590, see above, p. 148. 2 Genesis xxiv. 22; cp. Job xlii. ii. 150 LYDIA CH.v matists, G. Macdonald, the connexion between seal and coin was closer than this. Originally, according to himi, coins were simply pieces of sealed metal. The minting of money in its most primitive form was simply the "Coins are placing of a seal on lumps of electrum that had previously pieces of sealed Ijeen weighed and adjusted to a fixed standard: the excessive metal. ' ' rarity of coins that have only a striated surface on the obverse proves that this primitive stage was of short duration^. Greek seals were normally attached to rings^. The definition of a coin as a piece of sealed metal was started by Burgon, who used it as an argument for the religious character of coin types and described the seal as "the impress of the symbol of the tutelar divinity of the city*." Macdonald very rightly rejects the theory, so widely current before the appearance of Ridgeway's Metallic Currency^ that all coin types had a religious origin. But he himself proceeds to hang on to the seal theory views of his own that are equally untenable, at least in the sweeping form in which he states them. He assumes that the seal must be always that of a state or king or magistrate, and that the device is usually heraldic. The latter point does not concern us here^: the former does, since it is incompatible with the views of Babelon and Lenormant that the earliest coins were not state issues. But the seal theory does not depend on the- nature either of the seals or of the sealers. There is no reason why we should -not accept Babelon and Lenormant on the private character of the earliest coins simultaneously with Burgon and Macdonald on the character of the first coin types as being simply seals. Indeed some of the evidence collected by Macdonald positively suggests that we should. In the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. at Athens public property was stamped with the public seal, ra> St^/xoo-io) a-T^ludvrprp^. The same practice was followed in the fifth century ^ Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 52; cp. Brandis, Zeits.f. Num. 1. p. 55. ^ Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 46. ^ Cp. Diog. Laert. i. 2. 9 (from a law of Solon's), SnKruXioyXuc^iM iJ-fj i^eiv^ (r(ppay'lda ipvXdrTeiv tov TrpaOevros daKTvXiov. ^ See Macdonald, Coin Types, p. 45. •■• I incline to the view that the types are in part heraldic {e.g. the lion), but I see nothing inMacdonald's arguments to invalidate Ridgeway's illuminating explanation of many early coin types as indicating the previous unit of exchange {e.g. tunny fish or tortoise shell; cp. Ridgeway, Cambridge Companion to Greek Studies, § 503). " Xen. de Feet. iv. 21, referring to pubHc slaves; Ael. F.H. 11. 9 (Samian pris- oners branded with an owl). CH. V LYDIA 151 at Samos^, and perhaps at Syracuse^- This use of public seals to stamp public property suggests corresponding private seals similarly used. At this point the literary evidence fails us, but archaeological documents come to our aid. Metal w^as not the only material that the ancients stamped in this way. Wine jars, bricks, and tiles were similarly stamped. Thousands of these stamps have come down to us, and many of them bear city symbols and a magistrate's name. But they often bear also the name of the maker, and the Danish scholar Nilsson^, who has made a thorough study of them, is inclined to regard them as essentially the seals of private manufacturers. The magistrate's name may merely indicate the date: the state symbol may mean that the state was the consignee, or that the manufacturer enjoyed some sort of state protection, or was subjected to state taxation and control. If then such was the history of the stamp as applied to bricks and wine jars, we have a further reason for thinking that stamps as applied to the precious metals may have originally been put on them by private owners. May we not here have the true explana- tion of the marvellous seal of Gyges' ring.? May not the owner of this ring have been the first person to use his signet for stamping coins of metal, and may not this fact be the origin of the stones about its marvello\is powers.? Whether this person was Gyges is another question. His claim to the ring is not beyond dispute. We have seen already that it is sometimes attributed to Midas. Even in the story as told by Plato the MSS. make the hero "the ancestor of Gyges," not Gyges himself, and the fact that in other writers and elsewhere in the Republic^ the ring is called the ring of Gyges is not in itself decisive. Both the ring and its magic powers may have passed from hand to hand. But if the evidence and opinions that have been adduced in this chapter have any value, our interpretation of the ring story does not depend on establishing Gyges as the original owner. Let us now revert for a moment to the illuminating theory of 1 Photius, F.H.G. 11. p. 483. ^ Plut. Nikias, 29, the captive Athenians in 413 were branded on the forehead with a horse, but after being branded they were sold as domestic slaves (oikeVoi), which makes it possible that the branding was an act of simple revenge. ^ Timbres .Amphoriques de Lindos, Copenhagen, 1909. * Cic. ie Off. in. 38; Lucian, Nav. 42, Bis Ace. 21; Philostratus, Fit. Apoll. in.8; V\3.to, Rep. 612 b. The version which makes the hero an ancestor of Gyges is found in Proclus, Comm. in Remp. 614 i (Teubner, 11. p. iii). 152 LYDIA CH.v Babelon that the striking of coins was at first a private undertaking of merchants or miners or bankers, and that the final step in the evolution of a gold and silver coinage was reached only when this business of stamping and issuing the pieces was taken over by the state. We are entirel}' without record of the actual transference that the theory implies. Babelon assumes that the government created the monopoly. This chapter suggests a modification of Babelon's view in one important point, namely that it was not the government that made the monopoly, but the monopoly that rnade the govern- ment. As in the case of Babelon's own main thesis, we are forced to trust largely to analogies. But the analogies are striking, and they strike in two directions. We have first the commercial or financial antecedents of the rulers of this period both in Lydia and in various Greek states: and secondly we have the history of later Lydian rulers and aspirants to the throne, notably Croesus and Sadyattes, Cyrus and Pactyes, Xerxes and Pythes. The moral of their stories is that no ruler could feel safe at Sardis until he had secured some sort of financial supremacy. When we further consider that Gyges was famous for his gold\ and that his gold and his tyranny are spoken of by Archilochus, probably in the same breath, then apart from speculative interpretations of the story of the ring, there is at least a clear possibility that the monopolist policy of Croesus and his successors goes back at least to Gyges and perhaps even a genera- tion or so earlier, to some such ruler as Ardys or Spermos, and that it was the monopoly in stamped pieces of electrum that brought the first tyrant to the king's palace and placed him on the throne^. ^ Pollux HI. $7, VII. 98. ^ Babelon, in his account of the origin of money, rightly points out (Origines, p. 167) that "in general the prince has at his disposal a greater quantity of precious metal than any banker or merchant." This fact does not however affect our argument. As Babelon himself goes on to observe, the princes of this period, like modern monarchs in the East, " had in reserve in their treasuries enormous quantities of gold and silver ingots.'' He cites Midas, .Alyattes, Croesus and Darius as coining according to their various requirements from this reserve. But there is a point that Babelon does not touch. What started these monarchs coining? If, as Babelon assumes, it vpas simply the fact that the previous private coiners supplied bad coins, the position of coins is on a par with that of any other commodity. We might expect to hear of kings who became butchers and bakers to ensure their subjects good bread and good meat. It is therefore more than doubtful vifhether the initiative is likely to have come generally from the ruling sovereign. To imagine again a popular clamour for state control, as is done by Babelon, ibid. pp. 168-9, '*' probably CH. V LYDIA 153 an anachronism. The platform would be too constructive and original for a popular agitation. As a general rule constructive movements begin or at least take shape with outstanding individuals. Parallels fiom later periods, such as quoted by Babelon, p. 171, are dangerous. A populace can of course clamour for the restoration of lost rights and advantages, that of a state coinage among the rest. In the days that we are considering no precedents could be quoted for a state currency. On the other hand, the situation as conceived either by Babelon or myself implies outstanding individuals in the mercantile class. It is surely among these that it is most natural to look for the beginnings alike of a state coinage and of the new statesmanship that sprang up with it. This need not, of course, imply that occasionally a monarch of the old regime did not grasp the situation and himself institute a state coinage. Pheidon of Argos is a case in point. Chapter VI. Argos rav aperav Km rav cro(j)iav vikSivti ;;(eXm>'ai. a b c d Fig. 20. Early Aeginetan " tortoises." Our earliest account of the one tyrant of Argos is found in Herodotus and runs as follows: "and from the Peloponnesus came Leokedes the son of Pheidon the tyrant of the Argives, that Pheidon who. created for the Pelopon- nesians their measures and behaved quite the most outrageously of all the Greeks, who having removed the Eleian directors of the games himself directed the games at Olympiad." Pheidon belonged to the royal house of Temenos^, and appears to have succeeded to a hereditary throne in the ordinary way. Nevertheless he is deliberately classed by Aristotle as a typical tyrant^. Some years ago I suggested that it was Pheidon 's "invention" of measures rather than his outrageous behaviour or his warlike achieve- " Tyranny" of Pheidon the legitimate sov- ereign "who created for the Pelopon- nesians their measures ' ' (Herodotus), ^ Hdt. VI, 127. ^ Aristot. Pol. VII, (v.), 13 10 6. ^ See below, pp. 156-158. CH. VI ARGOS 155 merits that caused him to be regarded as a different kind of ruler from his forefathers — as a' tyrant instead of a king^. Herodotus speaks of him simply as the man who made their , , measures for the Peloponnesians. But Ephorus and 3,tlQ 3,lsO 3 P— cording to later writers declare that Pheidon invented a system Ephorus, of weights as well as measures, and, most important Aegina the ot all, that Sliver was first corned by him in Aegma^. first silver 'pjjg reign of Pheidon probably covered the first third of the seventh century. Thus in Greece Proper as in Asia Minor there is evidence for ascribing the earliest coins to „ the earliest tyrant. If there is any weight in the Pheidon the ...,■', , „ r European Argive evidence, then the accounts mutually confirm counterpart Qjjg another, and it becomes distinctly improbable of Gyges. ' . . . , that the association of coinage and tyranny was a mere accident. Unfortunately the evidence as regards Pheidon is all very much disputed. The greater part of this chapter will there- for Pheidon is fore be devoted to examining its credibility and en- disputed. This deavouring to show that the doubts that have been chapter is de- ° n r j j u u voted to main- cast upon It are not well founded, that on the most cr'd^bTt'^ probable showing the reign of Pheidon opened the epoch known as the age of the tyrants, that Pheidon lived j ust about the time when the first coins were struck in Aegina, -' J.H.S. XXVI. p. 140. Note that in later times Pheidon was regarded as a typical miser, ol XotTroi ru>v 'A6r}vrjcn vcoir'KovTai' u>vos puKponpenetTTipoi, Alciphron, m. 34, where, however, the statement may be an inference from the name. ^ Strabo viii. 376, "Ephorus says that in Aegina money was first coined by Pheidon"; Marm. Par. (Jacoby) under 895 b.c. "Pheidon the Argive. ..made a silver coinage in Aegina (a(f>' ov ^eldav 6 'Apyelos e'Sij/xewo-e ra fj,tTpa koI uraSpa KareaKeuaae kol voptcrpa apyvpovv iv Alyivrj eTrolrjdfvy '- Et. Mag. s.v. olde^LCTKoSj "the first of all men to strike a coinage was Pheidon the Argive in Aegina"; Eustath. Comm. Iliad, u. 562, "silver was first coined by Pheidias {sic) there (sc. in Aegina)." So, but with no mention of Aegina, and an impUcation of other metals besides silver, Strabo viii. 358, "and he (sc. Phei- don) invented the measures called Pheidonian, and weights, and a stamped coinage, particularly that in silver," and Pollux ix. 83, "whether Pheidon the Argive was first to strike money or Demodike of Cyme when married to Midas of Phrygia or Erichthonios and Lykos or the Lydians or the Naxians." Aelian, V.H. XII. 10, in a list of Aeginetan achievements mentions their invention of money: he has no occasion to mention Pheidon but rather the reverse, so that no conclusion can be drawn from the omission of the name. 156 ARGOS CH.vi and that the institution of the Aeginetan weight system was the direct result of an Argive occupation of the island. One or two points may be assumed to start with as generally ^j admitted. The Aeginetan " tortoises " (fig. 20) were earliest Aegi- the first coins struck in European Greece^, and they netan coins. ^qj-q first Struck fairly early in the seventh centuryl The points that have been most disputed are the date of Pheidon and his connexion with Aegina and the Aeginetan coinage. It is E id nc for ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ '* ^^^ ^^^' Centre of the controversy, the date of and it will be best to deal with it first and to begin Pheidon : ^^ briefly recalling the evidence and arguments. (i) The later genealogies^ which make Pheidon seventh from (i) from gene- Temenos and eleventh from Heracles and thus put alogies : jjjjji early in the ninth century have been shown by Busolt* to be due to fourth century tamperings with the pedigree of the royal house of Macedon. In ascribing the foundation of the Macedonian dynasty to a certain Karanos, who according to Theo- pompus was a son of Pheidon, according to Satyrus a son of Pheidon's father^, they were influenced by the incurable Greek belief in ' For Aegina as the first place in Greece to coin see Pindar, Isthm. iv. (v.), 1-3: Marep 'AeXt'ou irokviow^E Qe'ia XPV(t6v (ivBpanroi irfpiaxriov aWojv. The statement of the Et. Mag. s.v. 'EvjBoiKov vofua-pa that "Pheidon king of Argos struck a gold coinage in Euboea, a place in Argos," is manifestly a hopeless confusion. For the Aeginetan tortoise as the coin of the Peloponnesus see Pollux i5c. 74. 2 PaceMacan, Hit. iv.-vi., vol. i. p. 382. See e.g. HiU, Hist. Greek Coins, p. 4; Regling ap. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld, p. 975 ; about the middle of the seventh century, Head, Hist. Num.^ p. 394; rather after than before 650, Willers, Roem. Kupferprdg. pp. 8-9, Svoronos^ J. I. d'A. N. v. p. 44; about 620 Earle Fox, Corolla 'Num. B.V. Head, pp. 40, 46; there is no specific evidence either way, bat the earlier date seems much more probable, particularly since the discovery of the Cretan and Cyprian dumps and the coins from Ephesus discussed in the preceding chapter. 3 Satyrus, fr. 21, F.H.G. in. p. i65;Marm. Par. F.H.G. i. pp. 546-7. Theo- pompus [ap. Diod. vii. fr. 17 and Syncellus, F.H.G. i. p. 283) makes Pheidon sixth from Temenos, but this may be due to the accidental omission of a name. For fifth century pedigrees of the royal house of Macedon see Hdt. viii. 137-9- « Busolt, Gr. G.2 I. p. 616. • ^ On Karanos see also Justin vii. i. How and Wells, ad Hdt. vi. 127, refer wrongly to Theopompus as making Karanos a brother of Pheidon. CH. VI ARGOS 157 symmetry which required the Macedonian royal family to be as old as that of its great rivals the Medes which latter, following Ktesias, they dated from 884 B.c.i. (ii) The genealogy that makes Pheidon tenth from Temenos and thus puts him about the middle of the eighth century can be traced back only to Ephorus^. In other words, as already pointed out by Bury^, its credibility depends in great measure on that of the writer who is also our earliest authority for the statement that Pheidon coined in Aegina*- (iii) Yet a third statement as to Pheidon's family is that of Herodotus^. According to Herodotus Leokedes son of Pheidon was one of the suitors of Agariste at Sicyon early in the sixth century. The statement occurs in a plainly romantic setting, and must not be pressed too far. It may however be fairly claimed as an argument against a date as early as 750. Even admitting the possibility that Trat? (son) in the singular may be loosely used for aTroyovo!; (descendant)^, yet it remains highly unlikely that Herodotus would have mentioned Pheidon at all in connexion with Leokedes if he regarded them as separated by over 150 years'. Lehmann-Haupt^, who, in spite of all the difficulties just sum- marized, dates Pheidon eighth Olympiad (748 b.c.)^, imagines an obscure Pheidon, father of Leokedes, and formulates as a charac- teristic of Herodotus the practice of assigning the deeds of famous ^ Hence the date 894 b.c. assigned to Pheidon by the Parian Marble. ^ Strabo viii. 358; cp. Paus. 11. 19. 2. ^ Pindar, Netn. p. 255. * See further Busolt, Gr. G. i.^ p. 619, 11. z, and text. Long pedigrees are not in any case infallible material for arriving at a precise date. There is always e.g. the possibility that here and there a son who died before his father may have been left out of the list. A pedigree of the house of Hanover might easily omit Frederic the father of George III, as is in fact done by Thackeray, who, in chapter xxx. of the Virginians, speaks of Queen Victoria's great grandfather, meaning George II. ^ Hdt. VI. 127. " Cp. Schol. Pindar, 01. xiii. 17, nalhas eliTev...ais anoyovovs. The usage is poetical, and if accepted here might point to a poetical source for the Agariste story. ' Bury, Pindar, Nem. pp. 255-6. Bury's arguments are scarcely affected by the question (Macan, Hdt. iv.-vi., vol. ji. ad vi. 127. 11; c-p. ibid, ad vi. 127. 2) whether an Argive and Dorian suitor for Agariste is conceivable. * Ap. Gercke u. Norden, Einleit. i. d. Altertumsw. iii. pp. 80-105. ° See below, p. 159. 158 ARGOS CH.vr men to obscure namesakes. Besides Pheidon he quotes only Philokypros, tyrant of Soli and friend of Solon, whom he proceeds, in direct contradiction of Herodotus^, to differentiate from the father of the Aristokypros who fell during the Ionic revolt. His view is discredited by the one illustration that he quotes in its support. Solon's young friend need not have been born before 608 b.c, and the son of a man born in that year might well be alive in 498 b.c. Even if Herodotus is mistaken on this point, his mistake would only illustrate the comparatively narrow margin of error to vchich his anachronisms on matters of this kind are limited. There is yet another group of statements bearing on Pheidon's pedigree. Pausanias says that the last king of Argos was Meltas son of Lakedes^- The latter is equated by Beloch^ with the Leokedes of Herodotus*. Meltas is said by Pausanias to have been tenth in descent from Medon, grandson of Temenos. Pheidon, as has been noted already, is described by Strabo as tenth in descent from Temenos himself Thus Strabo, Pausanias, and Herodotus might be taken as mutually confirming one another, if we accept Herodotus literally, and make Pheidon father of Leokedes and consequently grandfather of Meltas. As there was still a king of Argos in 484 b.c.^, and there is nothing to show that the office did not continue well after that date, Beloch's argument brings Pheidon well down into the sixth century. But as it allows only twelve generations from the Dorian invasion under Temenos to the indeterminate date after 480 B.C. when kingship was completely abolished, it only helps to emphasize the fact that Argive royal pedigrees are not a safe guide for determining Pheidon's date*. 1 Hdt. V. 113. 2 Paus. II. 19. 2. ^ Beloch, Gr. G? i. ii. pp. 193 f., following Wyttenbach: see Hitzig and Bluem- ner, Paus. 11. 19. 2. * He is perhaps to be equated also with the luxurious Lakydes, king of Argos, of Plut. Afor. 89 e. ^ Hdt. VII. 149. * Cp. Paus. IV. 35. 2, Damocratidas, king during the second Messenian war who does not appear in Theopompus' list. Plut., de Fort. Alex. 8 [Mor. 3401;), actually declares that the Heraclid royal family became extinct, and that a certain Aegon was indicated by the oracle to succeed them. Of this dynastic change there is no hint in Theopompus. Modern sceptics again, distrusting every statement about Pheidon not contained in Hdt. vi. 127, have doubted Pheidon's royal descent, regarding it as an invention of Theopompus, beyond whom it cannot be traced. But if we assume that Theopompus glorified Pheidon to please the Macedonian royal family, we must suppose that the latter were anxious from CH. VI ARGOS 159 The assertion of Pausanias\ that Pheidon interfered with the eighth celebration of the Olympian games, is not to (2) from his , ^ -i . • u i_ j n interference at be reconciled with a seventh century date. But serious the Olympian doubts have been thrown on Pausanias' dating, which may very possibly have been influenced by the Macedonian genealogies, in which case it is no confirmation of the date arrived at by reckoning Pheidon tenth from Temenos. The arguments for emending eighth to twenty-eighth are weighty^. Pausanias' exact statement is that "at the eighth Olympian festival the Pisatans called in Pheidon . . . and celebrated the games along with Pheidon^." But Strabo declares it to be "more probable (eyyvrepco T?7? 7rto-T6&)9) that from the first Olympiad till the twenty-sixth the presidency both of the temple and the games was held by the Eleians*." Julius Africanus likewise knows nothing of any dis- turbance at the eighth Olympiad, but records one at the twenty- eighth. The difficulties in accepting the twenty-eighth Olympiad, as set forth by Unger^, are not very impressive. He argues that at the twenty-eighth Olympiad the Eleians had arms^, whereas Pheidon made his attack "when the Eleians were without arms^," and that, as the Pisatans celebrated the twenty-seventh Olympiad, Pheidon in the twenty-eighth would have displaced not the Eleians, but the Pisatans. But when Strabo says that the Eleians were without arms, he or his source may mean that their Dymaean war left them unequipped for home defence. Assume that this .was so and that ' they were preoccupied with their Dymaean war both in 672 B.C. i the beginning to have their connexion with Pheidon brought into prominence, which wou'd hardly have been the case if Pheidon had been regarded as an upstart; cp. Hdt. viii. 137. • ^ Paus. VI. 22. z. ^ First suggested by Falconer, ad Strab. viii. 355, and first fully discussed • by Weissenborn, HeUen, pp. 18 f.; accepted by Busolt, Bury, and Macan, and by many earlier scholars, see E. Curtius, Gr. G. 1.^ p. 660, 11. 72. ' Paus. VI. 22. 2. * Strabo viii. 355. i " Unger, Philol. xxviii. (1869), pp. 399 f., followed by Duncker, Ges. d. Alt. ! V.5 p. 546; Holm, Hist. Greece (Eng. trans.), i. p. 213; Reinach, L'Hist. par les i M annates .^ p. 35; Radet, Rev. Univ. du Midi, 1895, pp. 120-1; P. Gardner, t\ Earliest Coins of Greece Proper, p. 7; and very tentatively by Head, Hist. Num.'^ .. p. xliv. ;' * Philol. xxvm. pp. 401 f. ; Euseb. Chron. i. 33, Olymp. 28, "the Eleians ; being occupied through their war against the Dymaeans.'' ; ' Strabo viii. 358. i6o ARGOS CH.vi and in 668 b c, and the whole situation is explained easily. At the twenty-seventh celebration the Pisatans unaided might secure the presidency by a surprise attack. It would be at the next festival, when the Eleians were forewarned, that the Pisatans would need Pheidon's help to displace them at Olympia. Weaker still is Unger's argument that a notice about Pheidon may have fallen out in Eusebius under Olymp. VIII, as one has in the same chronicle about the emperor Caligula. We may indeed with MahafFyi ^nd Busolt^ doubt whether these early parts of the Olympian victor lists are contemporary records. But it is easy to be unduly sceptical. MahafFy, for instance, is inclined to argue that the Olympian lists cannot have existed in the fifth century because they are not then used for purposes of dating. He assumes that Hippias who made his edition of the list in 370 b.c. can have had little more evidence at his disposal than Pausanias, who lived over five hundred years later. Plutarch^, whom he quotes as discrediting the list, merely expresses an opinion which is no more final than that of MahafFy himself. If our chronological data are untrustworthy, we are thrown back on Pheidon's achieve- ments for determining his date, a position long ago maintained by C. Mueller*. Regarded as a fact of indeterminate date Pheidon's interference at Olympia is more likely to have been remembered if it was not made so early as the close of the eighth century, when the festival had not yet attained its subsequent reputation^. The evidence as to Pheidon's date is therefore quite compatible Pheidon ^''•^ ^^^ Statement that makes him the first to strike probably con- coins in Aegina. For if it be allowed that he may thTearSr' ^^^^ ''^^*^ ^^ ^^^ ^'"St half of the seventh century, Aeginetan there would be nothing unique in his having his mint away from his capital in an outlying but commercially important part of his dominion. Ridgeway and Svoronos have already compared the Romans, who struck their first coins in Campania^, and the Ptolemies who coined very largely in Cyprus'. 1 y.H.S. 11. pp. 164-178. 2 Busolt, Gr. G.^ i. p. 586. ^ piut. Numa, i. * C. Mueller, Aeginetica, p. 58, ignored by Jacoby, Marm. Par. (1904), pp. 158-162. ^ See further, Bury, Pindar, Nemeans, pp. 253-4, and ibid. Bury's discussion of the tyrants' connexions with the great games. ^ Ridgeway, Orig. Met. Curr. p. 216. ' Svoronos, J. I. d'A. N. v. (1902), p. 44: their other main mint was at Alex- andria. CH. VI ARGOS i6i But^had Pheidon anything to do with Aegina and its coinage? Did he strike Against the statements of Ephorus and later writers them? ^ must be set the silence of Herodotus, who makes no reference either to coins or to Aegina in his account of Pheidon. This omission, combined with the diversity of views as to Pheidon 's date, has led to a general distrust of Ephorus, so much so that the majority of the most competent authorities are either agnostics^ or utter unbelievers^. Herodotus' silence is not by itself a serious argument for rejecting the additions of the later historians. It should be remembered that his whole account of Pheidon in vi. 1 27 extends to barely four lines. He can hardly be expected to state at all completely even the main facts about so important a personality in so short a space. To assert, as has been done recently^, that Herodotus knew nothing about a coinage issued by Pheidon is to beg the question. To the fifth century Greek, for whom Herodotus wrote, the origin of the system of weights on which the Aeginetan coins were struck may have been of greater interest than the remoter question of an invention which they doubtless all took for granted. Pelopon- nesian weights and measures stood for the lack of standardization in all matters metrical from which Herodotus and his hearers must have suffered daily. There is no need to pursue these criticisms in further detail. They start with various assumptions as to Pheidon 's date. Some of them would be found to be mutually destructive. Nearly all of them overestimate the difficulties raised by the apparent lack of confirmation of Ephorus in earlier writers. It is by no means certain that his statements about Pheidon's connexion with the Aeginetan coinage must be a fanciful expansion of Herodotus vi. 127. There are in fact two lines of evidence that point in quite the opposite direction. One of them rests on notices about the Argive Heraeum supplemented by recent finds on the site; the other is based on a new interpretation of a passage in the fifth book 1 E.g. Head, Hist. Num.'^ pp. xliv, 394-5; G. F. Hill, Hist. Greek Coins, p. 4; cp. Babelon, Origines, pp. 21 1-3; Earle Fox, Corolla Numis. B. V. Head, p. 34. ^ E.g. Th. Reinach, Rev. Num. 1894, pp. 2-3; P. Gardner, Earliest Coins Greece Proper, p. 8; F. Cauer ap. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Argolis, p. 733; Macan, Hit. iv.-vi. vol. I. p. 382; How and Wells, Hdt. vol. 11. pp. 117-8. ' Lehmann-Haupt, Hermes, xxvii. (1892), p. 557; Beloch, Gr. G? i. ii. p. 196. 1 62 ARGOS CH.vi of Herodotus. It will be necessary to examine in some detail the evidence from these two sources. In the famous temple of Hera, the Argive Heraeum, that lies . g . , between Argos and Mycenae, there was preserved from the Ar- a dedication that was said to have been made by give Heraeum. phgij^n in commemoration of his coinage. The notice is preserved only in the mediaeval Etymologicum Magnum. It runs: "Pheidon the Argive was the lirst of all men to strike a coinage in Aegina, and on account of this coinage he called in the spits (oQeXlaicoi) and dedicated them to the Hera of Argos." There is nothing suspicious in this notice. The word drachma means a handful, and according to Plutarch a drachma is a handful of obols (spits or nails), which in early times were used as moneyi. In modern times nails are said to have served as a coinage in both Scotland and France^. Plenty of evidence is to be found in antiquity for offerings of disused objects to the gods^. The ultimate source for the state- ment of the Etymologicum Magnum may well be the official guide at the Heraeum itself. Temple traditions are not always above suspicion. All the same the indications of a Pheidon tradition 1 Plut. Lys. 17; Pollux VII. 105; IX. 77-8; cp. Plut. Fab. Max. 27; Hdt. 11. 135; and perhaps Caes. B.G. v. 12 (reading "taleis"' as against "anulis"). ^ Jevons, Money'^, p. 28. ^ See HomoUe ap. Saglio, Diet. Ant. s.v. donarium, pp. 374, n. 155 and 378. It is hardly surprising [pace'Yh.. Reinach, Rev. Num. 1894, p. 5) that no instance there quoted is contemporary with the first recorded event in Greek history. Nor is Reinach's psychology sound when he maintains {ibii^ that giving away what one no longer needs is an action that by its sentimental or archaeo- logical character betrays a rather recent epoch. Reinach, Rev. Num. 1894, pp. 1-8, notes that the ancients often kept in their temples samples of weights and measures and quotes examples from Athens, Delos, Lebadea, Rome (see also HomoUe ap. Sagho, Diet. Ant. s.v. donarium, n. 176), whereas there is no other certain instance of the dedication of a disused currency (Paus. x. 14. i, dedication at Delphi of double axes by Periklytos of Tenedos, is so interpreted by Babelon, Origines, pp. 75 f.^ 208, but see Reghng ap. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Geld, p. 974 and references ibid. Coins have been found in temples superscribed aviOffxa (dedication) and lapov (sacred), Babelon, Origines, p. 208, but these may be nearer in intention to the modern offertory than to Pheidon's reputed dedication). He therefore maintains that the o/SeXiWoi were not called in by Pheidon, but first issued by him: Pheidon's invention thus becomes some- thing that happened in Argos not in Aegina, and must be put back at least into the eighth century. Reinach accordingly dates the tyrant eighth Olympiad (748 B.C.). His conjecture only carries weight if that is regarded as the most probable date for Pheidon, against which see above, pp. ii;q-i6o. CH. VI ARGOS 163 preserved in the Argive Heraeum are valuable, because they show a source from which Ephorus might very well have supplemented Herodotus far older and more valu- able than his own imagination. This however does not end the i iM evidence of the Argive Heraeum. Some thirty years ago the site was excavated by the American School of Archaeology at Athens. Among the finds was a bundle of iron spits or rods about four feet long (fig. 2 1 ) which Svoronos^ has plausibly as- sociated with the 6(3e\[(TKOL of the Etymologkum Magnum. The Americans ascribed the foundation of the Heraeum to the Mycenaean period, so that the dedication of the spits could be put anywhere in the three centuries that form the limit of controversy as to Pheidon's date. But more recently this dating has been shown to be mistaken by the Germans who excavated Tiryns. Whole series of miniature vessels which the Argive Heraeum excavators had regarded as Mycenaean were shown by the Tiryns excavators to be seventh century or later, and when one of them, Frickenhaus, visited the Argive Heraeum, he '^' found fragments of Geometric and proto-Corinthian pottery in positions which proved the sherds to be older than the temple foundations. From this fact he argues conchisively that the abundant series of dedications at the Heraeum ^ Svoronos, J. I. d'A. N. ix. (1906), pis. x.-xii. For connecting iron spits with the coinage at Argos cp. perhaps the Argive iron coins of usual shape and type, Koehler, Ath. Mitt. vn. pp. 1-7, dating, however, only from the fourth century B.C. n — 2 21. Bundle of spits found in the Argive Heraeum. 1 64 ARGOS CH.vi begin in the seventh century. Pheidon's o^eXia-KOL cannot there- fore go further back than that^. The Mycenaean objects from the Argive Heraeum site must all come from a small secular settlement that preceded the temple. The latter becomes possibly contemporary with Pheidon himself. This is a fact of possible significance. It suggests that the Heraeum may have been the religious centre of Pheidon's imperial policy, a sort of religious federal capital carefully placed away from the chief cities of the Argolid much as the federal capital of Australia has been placed away from the capitals of the various Australian states. It looks indeed as though the analogy may have been closer still, and that Pheidon was the builder of his federal capital. If so his date was some time, probably early, in the seventh century. This ends the evidence of the Heraeum and brings me to the g P , . most important section of my argument. We have dence from just seen how little need there is to mistrust Ephorus ero o us. simply because he does not exactly reproduce Hero- dotus. All the same the earlier writer is of course by far the more reliable. The account of Pheidon's coinage in Aegina would gain enormously in credibility if any evidence for it could be found in the pages of Herodotus. Modern writers without exception have taken it for granted that no such evidence is to be found. In this I believe them to have been mistaken. There is a passage in the fifth book which, though it does not mention Pheidon's name, I believe to describe the conquest by him of Aegina and the institution as a result of that conquest of the weight standard on which the earliest Aeginetan coins were struck. If my explanation has not been anticipated, there is no reason for surprise. The passage con- tains references to pottery, ships, dress, and jewellery, and my interpretation of it is based on archaeological evidence much of which has only quite recently become available. 1 Tiryns, i. p. 1 14. It does not follow simply from this that they were de- monetized offerings, and not standard samples. Spits on the new standard may have circulated concurrently with the new silver coinage. In Thebes and Sparta very heavy iron spits were used as currency as late as the fourth century, Plut. Fab. Max. 27; Lysand. 17. On the other hand the spits pubUshe'd by de Cou in the Argive Heraeum (vol. 11. pp. 300-323, pis. cxxvii.-cxxxii.; cp. vol. I. p. 63), appear to be mainly of the Geometric period, and discountenance the view that a spit currency was instituted by Pheidon and went on after him. CH. VI ARGOS 165 In the passage of the fifth book which we are now to examine Herodotus, v. Herodotus^ is explaining the origin of the hatred that 82 {.describes existed between Athens and Aegina in 500 b.c. tervention in Aegina had once been subject to Epidaurus^. Then Aegina, (jjg Aeginetans, having built triremes and made them- selves -masters of the sea 3, revolted. Through their revolt they got embroiled with the Athenians, who had at that time very close relations with Epidaurus. At the suggestion of the Epidaurians, the Athenians sailed against Aegina. The Aeginetans appealed to Argos, and with the help of an Argive force that crossed undetected from Epidaurus, utterly defeated the Athenians in a land battle on the island. The various measures* taken in common by the Aeginetans and the Argives immediately after the war suggest that Aegina, when she had revolted from Epidaurus, became in some sort a confederate, or possibly a subject, of Argos^. We may assume too that Argos secured some sort of control over Epidaurus in the course of the war. Otherwise it is inconceivable that an Argive force should have set out from Epidaurus with the double purpose of aiding Epidaurus' revolted subjects and attacking those very Athenians, whose expedition against the island had been suggested by the Epidaurians themselves^. The crushing defeat that the Athenians sustained may have been due to the collapse of her Epidaurian allies. One further point about Herodotus' narrative should be noticed. There is nothing in it to suggest that at the time when the Aeginetans revolted from the Epidaurians, either of them was dependent on Argos. The narrative points rather to a previous confederation or dominion in which the chief cities were Epidaurus, Aegina, and not Argos but Athens. Are there any indications as to when all this occurred ? The reference is to a time considerably' previous to 500 b.c. Macan thinks that the most probable date for the expedition to 1 V. 82-89. ^ Hdt. V. 83; cp. VIII. 46 and Paus. 11. 29. 5. ^ Hdt. V. 83. "The thalassocracy might be local and relative to Epidaurus," Macan, ad loc. * Hdt. V. 88. ^ Hence too, pace How and Wells, it is.improbable that the Argives who helped Aegina were merely mercenaries. » Hdt. V. 84. ' Cp. €K Toaov, Hdt. V. 88 (89), and Macan, ad loc. 1 66 ARGOS CH.vi Aegina is somewhere in the lifetime of Solon or Peisistratusi. He points to various circumstances that certainly might crrbe?"o fhe well have led to a collision between Athens and first half of the Aegina during that period 2. All the same it is difficult cen ury, ^^ accept a date within those limits. The Aeginetans are not likely'' to have been dependent on Epidaurus after it was conquered by Periander, about 6oo B.C.* If therefore the revolt from Epidaurus and the Athenian invasion are incidents in one and the same struggle, both must go into the seventh century. Macan prefers to assume a long interval between these two events. But Herodotus gives no hint of one. On the contrary, his narrative hangs excellently together as a description of successive and corre- lated incidents in a single struggle. Not only so, but even if the invasion be separated from the revolt, it is difficult to believe that it occurred after 590. So crushing a defeat for the Athenians, who themselves admitted that only one of their number got back to Attica^, could hardly have taken place in the time of Solon or Peisistratus without being associated with their names. After all, a fair amount is known about sixth century Athens. There are no traces of any such overwhelming disaster, or of the inevitable set back that would have followed it. The relations of Athens to Argos during the period seem to have been friendly rather than the reverse. Peisistratus had Argive mercenaries, not to speak of an Argive wife^. Argive support of Peisistratus is of course quite consistent with hostility to the government that Peisistratus overthrew. It has indeed been suggested' that the Aeginetan expedition took place while Peisistratus was in exile. But, apart from the entire absence of evidence, and all the other difficulties involved by a sixth century ' Macan, Hdt. IV-VI. vol. 11. p. 106; cp. How and Wells, Hdt. v. 86. 4; so C. Mueller, Aeginetica, p. 73 ("coniectura satis uaga"), F.H.G. 11. p. 481; Duncker, Ges. i. Alt. iv.^ p. 312, n. i ; Helbig, Homer. Epos.^ p. 162; Hirschfeld ap. Pauly Wissowa s.v. Aigina, p. 966; Amelung, ibid. s.v. x'™"; ?• ^VTi Studniczka, Altgr. Tracht, p. 4; Abrahams, Gk. Dress, p. 39. 2 Macan, Hdt. IV-VI. vol. 11. p. 106, successful war withMegara, conquest of Salamis, new coinage, development of trade and commerce, patronage of Delos. " Pace Duncker, Ges. d. Alt. vi.^ p. 52. ^ How and Wells, Hdt. v. 84. i. 6 Hdt. V. 87. « Hdt. i. 61; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 17; cp. Hdt. v. 94; Plut. Cato Mai. 24. ' Studniczka, Altgr. Tracht, p. 4. CH. VI ARGOS 167 date, this suggestion means that Peisistratus sought a bodyguard and wife in the most unpopular quarter imaginable, hardly a probable proceeding on the part of a ruler so tactful and popular as Peisistratus must have been. A date late in the seventh century is rendered unlikely by what is known of Procles of Epidaurus^, the father-in-law of Periander, who ruled Epidaurus during the last part of the seventh century^ apparently as a dependent of the Corinthian tyrant, by whom he was eventually deposed. C. Mueller indeed^ claims Aegina for Procles, but only on the more than dubious evidence of a more than dubious story of Plutarch's, which tells how Procles once used an "Aeginetan stranger" to get rid of the corpse of a man whom he had murdered for his money *- On the whole the narrative. seems to fall best into the first half but more °^ *-^^ seventh century. That is the time that best probably to be suits the naval situation during the war, and the the^sev^nth 'as effect that it is said to have had upon costume, shown by ar- ornament, and pottery. As the archaeological evi- evidenceonal- dence for all these points is based largely on the lusions in the evidence of the pottery, it will be best to take the narrative to: r pottery hrst. In the temple of Damia and Auxesia on Aegina it became the practice (vouo';) after the war "to introduce (1) pottery, . ^ , ,-, ,• , a- mto the temple neither anythmg else Attic nor pottery, but to drink there henceforth only out of native jars^." Herodotus mentions this embargo on Attic pottery only as ap- plied to the one temple on Aegina^. But he states that it was observed by Argives as well as by Aeginetans, which points to the ^ Hdt. in. 50-52; Her. Pont. ap. Diog. Laert. i. 7. i; Paus. n. 28. 8; Athen. XIII. 589 f. ^ His father-in-law is said to have perished in the second Messenian war; cp. Diog. Laert. 1. 7. i with Strabo viii. 362; Paus. iv. 17. 2, 22. 7. ' Aeginetica, pp. 63-73. ^ Plut. de Pyth. Or. 19 [Moral. 403). Neither Plutarch's story nor Mueller's inference is confirmed by the fact that the story of the wooing of Procles' daughter is quoted by Athenaeus xiii. 589 f. from "Pythaenetus in his third book about Aegina." ^ Hdt. V. 88; cp. Athen. xi. 502 c. * This fact is obscured by Hoppin's translation of the passage, ArgiveHeraeum II. p. 175, who renders rav 6(ci>v rouToi' "their gods," Ipov "temples," and omits avToBu 1 68 ARGOS CH.VI possibility that the practice prevailed in Argos as well as Aegina. Macan goes as far as to suggest that it is an "understatement and pseudo-explanation of a measure or custom for the protection of native ware from Attic competition^." The other measures recorded in this connexion, the changes in Attic dress and in Peloponnesian brooches, support Macan's suggestion. But in the matter of dating he follows earlier writers who, using very inadequate material, came to conclusions which can now be shown to be improbable. They date this embargo in the middle of the sixth century. But in Aegina at any rate Attic pottery continued to be imported through- out the second half of the sixth century, while in Argos, where the evidence is less decisive and abundant, there is no sign of a cessation of Attic imports about 550 B.C. On the other hand both in Argos and Aegina there does appear to be an abrupt cessation of Attic imports early in the seventh century. As, further, the general history of Greek pottery shows that an Argive-Aeginetan embargo on Attic pottery would have had a strong commercial motive early in the seventh century and none in the middle of the sixth, there is a strong presumption that the date of the embargo was not the middle of the sixth century but somewhere about the beginning of the seventh. To examine the archaeological evidence here in detail- would take us too far from our main enquiry. It will be found presented in full in an appendix^. The war was a great disaster for Athenian naval power. Now (ii) sea-power the period of greatest eclipse for Athens from this and ships, point of view was the seventh century. Throughout it there is no indication whatever of naval activity at Athens, except a possible war against Mitylene. Even that must be put at the earliest close on the year 600 B.C., and is to be regarded as announcing the beginning of the new epoch of activity in the sixth century^; and against it must be set the failure in the struggle with Megara for Salamis*. This had not been the naval position of Athens earlier. During the dark ages she appears to have been a considerable naval power. A tradition preserved by Plutarch makes Athens succeed 1 Macan, Hdt. IV. -VI. ai he; cp. How and Wells, ad loc. ^ Below, Appendix B. ^ Cp. its continuation, if continuation it was, under the tyrants. For Athens with no fleet about 650 B.C. see B. Keil, Solon. Verfass. p. 94. For Athens and Mitylene, E. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. 11. sect. 402, u. * E. Meyer, ibid. sect. 403 n. CH, VI ARGOS 169 Crete in the command of the sea^ : naval power is implied in Theseus' expedition to Crete; a poem of Bacchylides\ wrhich is illustrated by a vase painting of Euphronios^, tells how Theseus went to the depths of the sea to fetch up the ring of Aminos, and the story has been brought by S. Reinach into connexion with rings such as those of Polycrates and the doges of Venice, and explained as symbolizing the winning by Theseus of the sea which had been previously the bride of Minos*- The date of these events must not be pressed. The period of this sea-power is plainly the dark age that followed the breaking up of the Cretan and Mycenaean civilization. It is the period of the pottery known as Geometric, and the Athenian Geometric, the Dipylon ware, again and again shows pictures of ships. Thirty-nine examples are quoted by Torr^, enough, as pointed out by Helbig^, to prove the important role played by the Athenian navy in the life of Athens of that age. The Dipylon ships, as remarked twenty years ago by Helbig', show that'already in the eighth century Athens was preparing to found her power on her navy. It requires some such catastrophic explanation as has just been offered to account for her complete set back in the seventh. One result in Athens of the reverse in ^egina, so Herodotus ..... declares, was a revolution in the dress of the Athenian women, who gave up the Doric costume, which was made of wool and fastened with pins, and adopted in its place the Ionic, which consisted of sewn garments made of linen. The passage is a locus dasskus among writers on Greek dress, and it must be at once admitted that nearly all of them accept a date late in the ^ Plut. de Exil. 10 [Moral. 603) (Cyclades settled first by the sons of Minos, later by those of Kodros and Neilos); Plut. Solon, 26 (Aipeia in Cyprus founded by a son of Theseus). ^ Bacchyl. xvi. ; cp. Pans. i. 17. 3. Theseus fetches the ring to prove himself a true son of Poseidon, and brings with it a crown. ^ Perrot et Chipiez, x. pi. ix. ; Buschor, Gr. Vasenmal^ fig. 113. ^ S. Reinach, Cultes Mythes et Relig. 11. p. 218. Theseus' connexion with Troezen, Pans. i. 27. 7, points to the Athens of the period as powerful in the Saronic Gulf. 5 Rev. Arch.^ xxv. (1894), pp. 14-15. Add Arch. Eph. 1898, pi. v. i (Eleusis). * Mem. Acad. Inscr. et B.-L. xxxvi. (1898), p. 390. ' Ibid. p. 421, based on Brueckner and Pernice, Ath. Mitt, xviii. (1893), p. 153. For further discussion of this naval question see below. Appendix C. 170 ARGOS CH. VI first half of the sixth century^. So late a date seems to me to be untenable. It can be reconciled neither with the statements of Thucydides on the subject of Athenian dress^, nor with the evidence of extant monuments^- The sumptuary laws on women's dress passed by Solon in 594 B.C.* were plainly directed against the Ionian costume. They show that it must have reached Athens by about 600 B.C. and oifer no evidence that it had not done so con- siderably earlier. Bury dates the introduction of Ionian dress into Athens " c. 65o(?)5." Among the Aeginetans and Argives as a result of their victory .,. ., over Athens a change was introduced in what Alter the war *^ the Argives Herodotus calls the "measure" (/j.6Tpov) of Aeginetan makt ft'^r*^"^ and Argive brooches {-irepovat). Herodotus states brooches " half that this change affected both the dedications at the ig again. ^-gj^pig of Damia and Auxesia^, and also the general manufacture and use. The way he tells the story explains why he goes beyond the temple when speaking of the pins, but does not do so in the case of the pottery. The exclusion of Attic pottery from the Aeginetan temple, or rather the exclusive use for temple pur- poses of local ware, was in Herodotus' days a ritualistic survival. The large brooches on the other hand had continued in general use. "Now the women of Argos and Aegina even to my own days wore brooches of increased size." Very possibly Herodotus had himself noticed them. It is the account of this change in the "measure" of the Aeginetan and Argive brooches that confirms the connexion of Pheidon with the origin of the Aeginetan coinage. The new practice was in Herodotus' own words: "to make the brooches half as big again as the then established m^easure." It is probably significant that, both before and after the change, the brooches have a standard "measure." The tendency of articles of jewellery in early periods to be of a fixed weight is a familiar one. Numerous instances are quoted in Ridgeway's Origin of Metallic 1 E.g. Lady Evans, Greek Dress, pp. 24 and 29; cp. p. 28: Studniczka, Ges. Altgr. Jracht, pp. 13, 29; Helbig, Epos.'^ pp. 162-163. - See below, Appendix D. ^ A paper on this subject is being prepared by my wife. « Pint. Sol. 21. ^ Bury, Htst. Greece-, p. 174. " Cp. the 346 iron brooches (peronai) in the extant (fifth century) inventory of this temple, Furtwaengler, Berl. Phil. Woch. 1901, pp. 1004-5, 1597-9- CH. VI ARGOS 171 Currency^. Not only so, but these fixed weights are repeatedly found corresponding with or anticipating the coin standards of the places they belong to. It may be objected that the word /xirpov does not mean weight. This is so when it is contrasted with cnaQfio';'^; but it appears to have been used also in a more comprehensive sense^. The Athenian fierpovofioi* must have inspected weights as well as measures. fierpov is presumably applied to both, and to a fifth century Greek there would be no question of its referring to anything but weight when applied to jewellery^. The change introduced by the Argives and Aeginetans after The Aeginetan driving the Athenians from Aegina was to make the drachma was "measure" of their brooches half as big again as what again as the it had previously been. Now this is approximately ■^'*'*^* the relationship in weight of the earliest Aeginetan drachmae to the earliest drachmae struck on the Euboeic standard. Later, in Herodotus' own times, the relative weights were four to three. But the earliest Aeginetan drachmae weighed a little more than those of later issues^. On the other hand, as stated by Percy Gardner' in discussing Solon's "augmentation" of the Athenian coins, the earliest Attic or rather Euboeic drachma^ weighed less ^ Rings, pp. 35, 394; ear-rings, p. 35; fibulae (but not with pins), p. 42. Add Brit. Mus. Cat. Jewellery, early Greek fibula no. 1089 (Rhodes); Furtwaengler, Winckelmannspr. 1883, pp. 5-10, archaic Greek gold ornaments found at Vetterfeld, all apparently weighing some multiple of the Attic drachma. On the whole question of ring money, see above, chapter v, p. 148. Ridgewayis criticized by Svoronos, J. I. d'A. N. ix. p. 184, who, however, admits the main fact that "goldsmiths habitually make their ornaments from a specific weight of metal in agreement with the prevalent standard of weight." We must of course beware of arguing from the practice of places like modern Nigeria, where the native jewellers are in the habit of making up rings and other objects out of coins suppHed for the purpose by their customers, see e.g. J. W. Scott Macfie, Rev. d'Ethn. et de Social. 1912, p. 282. ^ As in Aristot. Ath. Pol. 10, "the increase of the fidrpa and of the aradfioi." " Pheidon's invention is described by Pliny, N.H. vii. 57 as concerning "mensuras et pondera." ' Suid. S.V.; Harpocrat. s.v. ^ Cp. the Delos inventory. " E.g. (didrachms), J. I. d'A. N. 1912, pp. 17, 18, nos. 1727, 1728, 1732 (i2-o6, 12-14, 12-26); Hermes, xxvii. p. 558 (13-44); cp. Head, Hist. Num.^ p. xlv. Note, however, Willers, Roem. Kupf. p. 9, in Brit. Mus. 38, very archaic weigh 11-713; 20 more advanced weigh 12-266. ' P. Gardner, Hist, of Anc. Coinage, p. 152. * E.g. J. I. d'A. N. 1912, pp. 1, 3, drachmae nos. 1038, 1044, 1083, 1093 (3-60, 4-12, 4-10, 3-95), didrachms nos. 1042, 1043 (8-48, 8-20). 172 ARGOS CH. VI than those of post-Solonian times. The weight of the Aeginetan drachma as determined from the early didrachms quoted above (p. 171, n. 6) is just over six grammes, as compared with the 5-85 grammes of later issues, while that of the earliest Attic Euboeic drachma as determined from the coins of p. 171, n. 8 is just over four grammes, as compared with the 4-26 grammes of later issues^. Thus the original Aeginetan drachma seems to have been just half as heavy again as the earliest Attic^- This ratio is accepted by Ridgeway^, who regards it as invented to make ten silver pieces worth one gold when gold was fifteen times as precious as silver, while later, when silver rose to be worth 3/40 of its weight in gold, the silver pieces were slightly diminished in weight, in order that ten of them might still be the equivalent of one of gold*- Let us now return to the one passage of Herodotus, in which he Summary of "^^^'^^ ^Y "^'"^ ^° *^^ ^''S^'^^ ^y^"^- the evidence In that passage he speaks of Pheidon as "the man o ero o us. ^j^^ made their measures for the Peloponnesians^." The force of the definite article that precedes the Greek /xerpa has not always been sufficiently stressed. More than one recent writer begins his discussion of the passage by translating to /xerpa "a system of measures." The subsequent argument has naturally suffered, ra /xirpa can be no other measures than those associated with the Peloponnesus in Herodotus' own days, namely those of the famous Aeginetan standard, employed in particular for the coinage of the island^. Other scholars have regarded the statement 1 Of the weights found at Naukratis, Petrie, Naukratis, i. pp. 83-4, 87, notes that the earliest Aeginetan are the heaviest, the earliest Attic the lightest. 2 According to Pollux ix. 76, the Aeginetan drachma contained ten Attic obols, and was thus a little more than half as heavy again as the Attic drachma, which contained six Attic obols. This statement is not easily explained. It is doubtful what period it refers to. " Ridgeway, Metallic Currency, pp. 219-228; cp. ibid. 307, 311, and J.H.S. vni. (1887), pp. 140 f.; cp. also, Head, Hist. Num.^ p. 395. ^ For the gradual rise in value of silver, see Reinach, Hist, par les Monnaies, PP- 72-3; in 438 B.C. gold was to silver as 14 : i, in 408 as 12 : i, in 356 as 10 ; i. For the fall in weight of the Attic silver pieces struck on the gold standard, cp. the fall from the Homeric gold talent of 135 grains to the Persian gold Daric of 130 grains, Ridgeway, Met. Curr. p. 126. 5 Hdt. VI. 127; cp. Pliny, N.H. vii. 57. 7; Euseb. Chron. anno Abrahami 1201; Jerome, anno Abrahami 1198. ^ Pollux IX. 74. CH. VI ARGOS 173 that Pheidon struck the first coins in Aegina as merely an amplifica- tion by later writers of these very words. They argue that "the measures" plainly meant the Aeginetan standard, and so suggested the famous Aeginetan coinage. This latter view assumes of course that the amplifications of Ephorus are not to be found in Herodotus himself But what are the facts.? The establishment of Aeginetan measures in the Peloponnesus are alluded to by Herodotus not only in the passage about the Argive tyrant in Book vi but also very possibly in the passage in Book v that describes the early Argive expedition to Aegina. In this latter passage the measures are said to have been the result of the expedition. Both expedition and tyrant are probably to be dated early in the seventh century. That is also the date to which numismatists generally assign the first drachmae struck in Aegina, struck too on a standard that, like that of our brooches, was half again as great as that previously in use. It is hard to avoid the inference that when the fourth century Sceptical views writers say that Pheidon coined in Aegina, they are on these chap- faithfully reporting a genuine tradition, dotus stated It has indeed been maintained that the whole and answered. Herodotean account of the early relations of Argos, Aegina, and Athens is unhistorical^. The arguments brought for- ward to support this destructive view are: (i) that the episode is timeless and its timelessness must be due to its unhistorical character, (ii) that it must be unhistorical because it cannot, as alleged by Herodotus, have been the cause of the war of 487 B.C., which must have been due to the natural rivalry of the two neighbouring states. As regards the first of these two arguments, the preceding pages have, it is hoped, shown that the episode is not timeless: as regards the second, it is enough to point out that it assumes that war cannot breed war, that no war can be due to two causes, and that an incident cannot be historical if it is alleged as leading to results that it cannot have in fact produced. The fact that arguments such as these were accepted for publication in a periodical of high repute less than a generation back shows how much the whole world of scholarship was infected by the spirit of uncritical scepticism that has left its mark in some quarters on that of the present age. Others again like Wilamowitz^ regard the narrative of Herodotus ^ Koehler, Rhein. Mus. xlvi. (1891), p. 3. 2 Wilamowitz, Aristot. u. Athen. 11. pp. 280-288; so E. Meyer, Ges. d. Alt. II. sect. 341 n. (p. 538). iy4 ARGOS CH. VI V. 82-88 as simply a reflexion backwards of the state of affairs existing in 487 b.c.^, when Athens attacked Aegina, and the Aeginetans "called to their aid the same people as before, the Argives^." They argue that (i) the story is our only evidence for hatred between Athens and Aegina much before 506 B.C., (ii) the Argive-Aeginetan brooches as compared with the broochless Athenian costume^, the embargo on Attic pottery at the Aeginetan temple, and the posture of the kneeling statues (pleading before the Athenian invaders) may all have been referred in Herodotus' days to the existing hatred and recent wars between Athens and Aegina, (iii) Herodotus puts back the Athenian disaster into the timeless period because the miracle and the change of costume required an early date, and the story does not fit the war of 487 B.C., since the famous Sophanes*, who fought in it, lived till 464. Herodotus, they say, gives no account of a disaster to the Athenian fleet in 487 because he had used it up for this early reflexion. Of these points (i) is answered by the whole of this chapter, (ii) and (iii) fall with (i), besides which (ii) contains many improba- bilities, e.g. that the pottery in an Aeginetan temple should without historic reason have suggested to any fifth century Greek an early war with Athens, while (iii) assumes an Athenian disaster in 487 B.C., whereas Thucydides declares that Athens was successful in that war^. There is nothing suspicious in the Aeginetans having twice in two hundred years attained some sort of thalassocracy, and having on both occasions come as a result into collision with Athens. It is perfectly natural for the Aeginetans on a second occasion to appeal to allies who had previously helped them so eifectively and with such profit to themselves. Macan^ observes that the Herodotean account of the feud between Athens and Aegina is remarkably uninfluenced by contemporary politics and interests. He suggests' dating the subjection of Aegina to Epidaurus to the reign of Pheidon, and the revolt of the island from Epidaurus to the time of Pheidon's fall. But why in that case does the account speak of a revolt from 1 Hdt. VI. 87-93. 2 Ibid. VI. 92. ^ Cp. Soph. O.T. 1269; Eurip. Hec. 11 70. * Hdt. VI. 92, IX. 73-5. ^ Thuc. 1. 41; cp. the inscription ap. Koehler, Rhein. Mus. xlvi. (1891), p. 5, n. I. s Macan, Hdt. IV-VI. vol. 11. p. 103. ' Ibid. p. 106. CH. VI ARGOS 17s Epidaurus, if it was really a revolt from the famous Argive tyranny? The' whole narrative finds a more appropriate setting if regarded as one chapter in the history of Pheidon himself. Only, why in this case is the name of Pheidon nowhere men- Whv Pheidon t'otied ? It is one thing to omit details in a biography is not men- four lines in length. It is quite another to omit so tioned in them. • ^ • ^- ^v_ ^ promment a name m a narrative that runs to seven whole chapters. But the omission, though at first sight surprising, is capable of explanation. The Herodotean story appears to have been derived from the temple of Damia and Auxesia^. It was told Herodotus not in connexion with any royal monument, but to explain certain offerings of pottery and jewellery that he saw in the temple. Not a single personal name occurs in the whole narra- tive, and there is no particular reason why there should. There may actually have been motives for not introducing them. The account of the events given to Herodotus in the Aeginetan temple of Damia and Auxesia would naturally not emphasize the part played by the Argive tyrant. The Athenian version, to which also Herodotus alludes, would have still better reason for trying to forget the name of Pheidon. If mywhole interpretation of these events is not entirely wrong, Pheidon dealt the Athenians what was probably the most crushing blow they had ever received down to the days when Herodotus wrote his history. The personal name may be omitted from the same motive that made the Athenians speak of the Aeginetan drachma as the "fat" drachma, which they are said to have done, "refusing to call it Aeginetan out of hatred of the Aeginetans^." Sparta again had taken sides against Pheidon at Olympiad, and would have had no interest in perpetuating the name of the man who had almost barred their way to the hegemony of the Peloponnese. Ephorus' account of Pheidon 's conquests and inventions is derived neither from Attic nor from Aeginetan sources. As seen already* the source of his statement about Pheidon coining in Aegina was most probably the Argive Heraeum. Herodotus claims to use Argive sources, but for him the war is primarily a matter between the Athenians and the Aeginetans, whose subsequent hatred of one another it is intended to explain. Thus we appear to have three 1 Cp.Macan, Hdt. IV-VI. vol. 11. p. 107. 2 Pollux IX. 76. ' Strabo viii. 358. * Above, pp. 162-4. 176 ARGOS CH.VI rival or even hostile traditions confirming one another, so that the variety of sources adds in a real vv^ay to the credibility of the resultant narrative. The notices about the coinage are not the only evidence „, . . , for associating Pheidon with Aegina. According to Pheidon and '=' 1 , , ° Aegina, fur- Ephorus he Completely recovered the lot of Te- from E^homs: ^enos, which had previously been split into several Pheidon re- parts^." Temenos appears in the genealogies as great orTemenosI"' great grandson of Heracles, and founder of the . which in- Dorian dynasty at Argos^. He and his sons and his cue egina. ggj^.j^.}^^ between them are represented as securing the greater part of the North-east Peloponnese. Aegina fell to his son-in-law Deiophontes, who went to the island from Epidaurusl The operations described in Herodotus v. 82-88, by which the Argives crossed from Epidaurus and drove the Athenians out of Aegina and put an end to the Epidaurians being tributary to Athens*, are almost beyond doubt to be identified with the recovery by Argos of the portion of the lot of Temenos that had been secured ty Deiophontes. It is true that this account of the recovery of the lot of Temenos is first certainly met with in Strabo, whose authority T^t*flOP*5 OT "f"rii ^ _ recovery in is only the fourth century Ephorus. But there are other passages hj^ts that Ephorus is here to be trusted. There is the evidence of Herodotus that from an unspeciiied earlier date down to about 550 B.C. the Argives had possessed the whole east coast of the Peloponnesus and "the island of Cythera and the rest of the islands^." The most likely period for Argos to have acquired this territory is the reign of Pheidon. Pheidon ac- cording to Strabo^ "had deprived the Spartans of the hegemony of the Peloponnese," and it is the Spartans who shortly before Croesus ' Ap. Strabo viii. 358. ^ Plato, Laws, in. 683 c-i; Diod. vii. 13. ' Strabo VIII. 389; Paus. 11. 29. 5, vii. 4. 2; cp. Hdt. viii. 46, but contrast Schol. Pind. 01. viii. 39, "a certain Triakon of Argos settled Aegina." Mueller, Aeginetica, p. 67 reconciles the two versions by stating that Deiophontes, "per Triaconem Aeginam occupaverat." Triakon appears in Tzetzes, Chil. vii. 133 G'- 3 '7; 319) as developing Aeginetan shipping after Aeacus: o AioKos Korap^as 8e noielv avTois oXxaSa? mairep kcll [xera ddvarov rov AlaKoii TpttiKav. " The troubles that led up to the war had begun with a refusal of the Epi- daurians to make their annual payment to Athens, Hdt. v. 82, 84. 5 Hdt. I. 82. 6 Strabo vin. 358. CH. VI ARGOS 177 asked for their help, had wrested from the Argives "Cythera and the rest of the islands." About 668 B.C., i.e. probably in Pheidon's reign, the Argives had beaten the Spartans in the battle of Hysiae, which decided the possession of the strip of coast land south of the ArgoHdi. Aegina is not mentioned in these proceedings, but C. Mueller may be right in including it among "the rest of the islands^." The Hysiae campaign is roughly contemporary with the second Mes- senian war, in which Argos took part against the Spartans^, and of which indeed it may have been an incident. Now in that war the Samians took part by sea against the Argives*, and it is natural to connect this action of theirs with their repeated attacks on Aegina in the days of the Samian King Amphikrates, at some period in- definitely before the reign of Polycrates. The Samians were certainly a naval power in the first half of the seventh century. The four triremes built for them in 704 B.C. marked for Thucydides an epoch in naval history^. About 668 e.g. Kolaios the Samian made his famous voyage beyond the Straits of Gibraltar to the Spanish sea- port of Tartessus, a voyage that implies much previous naval ■ enterprise on the Samians' part. The rivalry with Aegina was • probably commercial. Kolaios and his crew returned from the I "silver rooted streams" of the Tartessus river^, having "made the greatest profits from cargoes ot all Greeks of whom we have accurate ; information, excepting Sostratos the Aeginetan: for it is impossible i for anyone else to rival him'." Samian attacks on Aegina are thus i particularly likely to have happened about the time of the second Messenian war. A century ago C. Mueller^ argued that some event or other ? connecting Samos with Aegina must have been closely connected ^ Paus. II. 24. 7. ^ C. Mueller, Aeginetica, p. 53. ; ' Strabo vin. 362; Paus. iv. 14. 8, 15. i, 7, 17. 7. Beloch and his followers, e.g. Costanzi, Riv. Star. Ant. v. p. 522, follow their general practice and post-date •, the war. * Hdt. in. 47. ^ Thuc. I. 13. ' Trayds apyvpopl^ovs, Stesich. fr. 4 (5). The river is the Baetis (Guadal- quivir). ' Hdt. IV. 152. For Aeginetan aspirations towards the Spanish Eldorado, see perhaps Pindar, Nem. in. 21, iv. 69. ^ C.Mueller, Aeginetica, p. 73. u. T. 12 ( ^ 178 ARGOS CH.VI with the revolt of Aegina from Epidaurus, since the revolt was described in the History of Samos of the Samian historian Duris (born about 340 b.c.)i. From this he proceeds to advocate a date for the revolt not very long before the war between Samos and Aegina of 520 B.C. Arguments based on the laws of digression observed by a writer whose works are known to us only in a few fragments need to be used with caution. If Duris is any indication whatever for the date of the revolt, he leaves an open choice between the time of the war of 520 B.C. and that of the days of King Amphi- krates; and as between these two the evidence shows that the earlier is probable while the latter is almost impossible. As independent evidence these hints would be of scarcely any value. As confirmation of a definite but disputable statement their value is considerable. The recovery of ancestral domains is a favourite euphemism Summary of among military conquerors for their policy of an- Pheidon's ac- nexation. The chronology, both relative and absolute, tivitics flccord- . ing to Strabo of .Strabo's summary of Pheidon's career has every (=Ephorus). appearance of authenticity. Pheidon first recovers • the lot of Temenos, then "invents" his measures and coinage, and after that attempts to expand eastwards and southwards to secure the whole inheritance of Heracles, or in other words aims at the suzerainty of the whole Peloponnese, and to that end cele- brates the Olympian games. This last event is probably to be dated 668 B.C. The coinage must be put indefinitely earlier in his reign, a perfectly reasonable date on numismatic and historical grounds, and the recovery of the lot of Temenos a few years earlier still. The date thus reached is confirmed by the histories of the two other leading cities of this part of the Peloponnese, Sicyon and Corinth. 1 F.H.G. II. p. 481. Duris makes the Spartans take the place of the Argives, and the hapless Athenian is bUnded before being put to death. Duris, however, is plainly based on Herodotus: Spartans are substituted for Argives as the enemies of Athens under fifth century influence, and a Uttle archaeology is thrown in, borrowed perhaps from Thucydides, i. 6. The position of the story in the narrative of Duris might indicate his view (not necessarily correct) as to its date, but we know only that it occurred in the second book of his Horae (Schol, Eurip. Hec. 915, where the fragment is preserved, "eV ™i/i tSiv 'Q.)>ttiv"\ "recte procul dubio HuUemanus eV ra fi," F.H.G. ad loc), which mentioned events of the sixth century, and may have dealt with the seventh also. CH. VI ARGOS 179 Sicyon formed part of the lot of Temenos, and was held by his Pheidon and son Phalkes^. About 670 B.C. the city fell under the other parts of tyranny of the able and powerful family of Orthagoras, the lot of Te- , ,■ 111 , m?^ menos: (i) Si- whose policy was marked by extreme hostility to "^y""- Argos^. Pheidon plainly can have had no footing in Sicyon during the rule of the Orthagorids. But the unusual stability and popularity of the tyranny at Sicyon have often been explained, not without reason, as due to its popular anti-Dorian policy. During the second Messenian war, which Pausanias dates 686- 668 B.c.^, so that the rise of Orthagoras coincides with its conclu- sion, the Sicyonians appear to have acted in close co-operation with the Argives*. The position and policy of the Sicyonian tyrants becomes particularly comprehensible if they had risen to power as leaders of a racial uprising that put an end in the city to a Dorian ascendancy that dated originally from the days of Temenos^ and had been revived by Pheidon^. Whether Corinth formed part of the lot of Temenos is uncertain. Probably it did. Strabo and Ptolemy exclude the (11) Corinth. . ^ i-i->t^ 1 1 City from the Argolid'. But on the other hand Homer speaks of it as being "in a corner of horse rearing Argos^," and Pausanias states that "the district of Corinth ispartof Argolis'," and that he believes it to have been so in Homeric times^". The ^ Paus. II. 6. 7, 7. I, 13. I; cp. Strabo viii. 389. ^ Hdt. V. 67, war of Clelsthenes, the third tyrant of the family, with Argos, and his device for inducing the Argive hero Adrastus, who was buried in Sicyon, to quit the city. ^ Paus. IV. 15. 1, 23. 4. This is firmer evidence; ^ace Hicks, Cambridge Comp. Greek Stud?- p. 58, n. 3, than Plut. Moral. 194 {Reg. et Imp. Apoph.), where Epaminondas, speaking in 369 B.C., declares "that he had refounded Messene after an interval of 230 years." Plutarch may equally well be used as evidence that the extinction of archaic Messene did not synchronize with the end of the second Messenian war. ■* Paus. IV. 15. 7, 17. 7. ^ Cp. Paus. II. 6. 7) 7. I: "Phalkes, son of Temenos with his Dorians seized Sicyon,"... "from that time the Sicyonians became Dorians and formed part of Argolis." ^ For its lapse in the interval see references below, p. 183, n. 3. On the tyranny at Sicyon, see below, chapter ix. ' Strabo viii. 389 cp. 369, 335; Ptol. in. 14. 33, 34. ^ 11. VI. 152, eoTt TToXiff Ecpvprj fxv^^S' Apyeos Imro^oroLO. ' Paus. II. I. I. ^^ Paus. II. 4. 2 (trans. Frazer). "Like every attentive reader of Homer, I am persuaded that Bellerophon was not an independent monarch, but a vassal- of 12 — 2 i8o ARGOS CH.vi conflicting statements of these excellent authorities are best recon- ciled by supposing them to be referring to different periods. If this is so, and if, as well might be, all the domains of Homeric Argos passed to its first Dorian lord, then Corinth formed part of the lot of Temenos. A Temenid Corinth is perhaps implied in Apollodorusi, where Temenos, the two sons of Aristodemus, and Kresphontes "when they had conquered the Peloponnese, set up three altars of Zeus Patroos and sacrificed on them and drew lots for the cities. The first lot was Argos, the second Sparta, the third Messene." For connexions between Pheidon and Corinth we have only a story told by Plutarch and a Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius^ of which the salient points are that (a) Pheidon tries to annex Corinth; (b) the Bacchiads and Archias are the pro-Argive party; (c) the fall of the Bacchiads (which led to the rise of the tyrant Cypselus) meant the overthrow of Argive influence. So far the story is all of a piece, and supports the view that the simultaneous establishment of Cypselus in Corinth and Orthagoras in Sicyon may have been part cause and part result of the fall of Pheidon and the breaking up again of the lot of Temenos. Such a suggestion harmonizes well with the friendship that existed between the Corinthian and Sicyon tyrants^. There are however chronological difficulties in this interpreta- tion of the Pheidon Archias story. In the story (i) the fall of the Bacchiads is made contemporary with the foundation of Syracuse, i.e. it must presumably be dated about 734 B.C.*; (ii) Pheidon is put Proetus, king of Argos. Even after Bellerophon had migrated to Lycia, the Corinthians are known to have been still subject to the lords of Argos or Mycenae. Again, in the army which attacked Troy, the Corinthian contingent was not commanded by a general of its own, but was brigaded with the Mycenaean and other troops commanded by Agamemnon." ^ ApoUodorus 11. 8. 4. 2 Plut. Amat. Narr. B (Moral, yyz)^ Schol. ap. Rhod. Arg. iv. 121Z; see also Diod. VIII. 10; Alex. Aetol. Anth. Lyr. 1. 208; Max. Tyr. (ed. Teubner), xviii.: cp. WiUsch, Jahrh. Class. Phil. 1876, pp. 586 f. ^ Cleisthenes, the tyrant of Sicyon, regarded with particular favour one of his daughter's suitors, "because he was related by descent to the Cypselids of Corinth," Hdt. vi. 1 28 (quoted by Grote in this connexion). For friendship between Corinth and Sicyon at this time, see perhaps also Nic. Dam. F.H.G. in. p. 395; cp. Wilisch, Goelt. Gel. Anz. 1880, n. p. 1195. * Thuc. VI. 3, 4; Thucydides must be preferred to Strabo vi. 269, 267, who says the first Greek cities in Sicily included Syracuse, and were founded in the tenth generation after the Trojan wars {i.e. about 800 B.C., E. Meyer, Ges. d. Ait. II. sect. 302 n.). CH. VI ARGOS i8i some time before this event, his contemporary Habron being grand- father of Archias' favourite Actaeon: the Marmor Parium enters Pheidon before Archias. In a highly romantic narrative hke that of Archias and Actaeon the last thing to be looked for is a reliable and exact chronology. Impossible dates may mean impossible statements; but on the other hand they may mean merely a confusion of facts of different dates, or again, the facts may be coherent, and the dates just simply wrong. In the present case, except for the relative dating of Archias and Pheidon, the historic background is perfectly coherent, if the events are put early in the seventh century. To accept the 750 date for Pheidon sets him right in relation to Archias, but leaves the rest of the story in the air. There is indeed always the refuge of assuming a double banishment of the Bacchiads. But the idea of a double banishment, traces of which might easily be discovered by the reduplicating school of historians, is deservedly suspect, and may have arisen from a double dating due to double dating of Pheidon. If there reallv were two banishments, the story better suits the second. Neither Plutarch nor the Scholiast on ApoUonius gives any absolute dates; and those of the Parian Marble, which does, are impossible. The Marble dates Pheidon 895 b.c. and Archias 758. Pheidon is also indeed made contemporary with an Athenian who according to Castor held the office of king from 864 to 846 B.c.i From 846 to 758 is a possible, though improbably long interval between Pheidon and Archias, if as the story tells us, the latter had as favourite the grandson of one of Pheidon 's contemporaries; but even so the dating is so unsatisfactory, that the latest editor of the Parian Marble^ has suggested transposing Archias and Pheidon. But, apart from other difficulties, the resultant early date for Archias is altogether against the evidence. There is no need to put him back into the ninth century merely because it is not unlikely that Greeks at that period were already making their way to Sicily. The ante- dating of Pheidon has already been accounted for, and he appears to have taken back Archias with him part of the way. The date of Archias is a problem any way. But it is not difficult to suggest a possible chronology. Pheidon's falP was probably rapid (a proof of his hubris). His rise was probably slow. Being a 1 Jacoby, Marm. Par. p. 158. ^ Ibid, ad loc. 3 See perhaps Plato, Laws, 6^0 d-e. 1 82 ARGOS CH.vi hereditary monarch, he may well have ruled for fifty years, from about 715 to 665 B.C. It was early in his career that he began to carry out his designs on Corinth. Archias, who had founded Syracuse in 734, gave him support. We are told no details, but the alliances of the period of the second Messenian war and the naval struggle in the Saronic Gulf must have supplied abundant motives and inducements. Bacchiad government under Argive protection continued till Pheidon fell, which meant also the fall of the Bacchiads themselves. They withdrew to the far west. Demaratus penetrated as far as Tarquinii. Large numbers doubtless settled at Syracuse. The order of events just outlined coincides entirely with the extant narratives, except in the one matter of Syracuse, and there the divergence is very comprehensible. The founder of Syracuse had supported Pheidon. Pheidon's fall had led to a great influx of pro-Argive Corinthians into Syracuse, and threw Archias back entirely onto his Sicilian colony. If this is what really happened, it would not be surprising if the fall of Pheidon came to be regarded as having led to the original foundation of Syracuse. The chief doubt however as to the historical truth of the Argive tyrant's interference in Corinth is caused by certain Corinth: is he references to a Corinthian Pheidon, described by identical with Aristotle as "one of the earliest lawgivers^." When an Argive Pheidon is reported as making his ap- pearance in Corinthian history, is it a mistake due to the confusing of two separate personalities? If two existed, they were unques- tionably confused. A Pindar Scholiast says that "a certain Pheidon, a man of Corinth, invented measures and weights^." But there is an alternative possibility. The Corinthian Pheidon may be only one aspect of the Argive: this is suggested by the Pindar Scholiast later in the same ode, where he says that "the Pheidon who first struck their measures (/coi/f a? to /ierpoi') for the Corinthians was an Argive^." Too much stress must not be laid on such very confused statements*- At best they can only corroborate other and 1 Aristot. Pol. II. 12656. 2 Schol. Find. 01. xiii. 20. ^ jjol. xiii. 27. * A quotation at length is needed to illustrate our authority's mentality. He explains ris yap Invelois iv '4vTia-v Kopivdiav fieydXrj re Koi wXovcria Sia wavTos VTTrjp^ev, avSpav re rivirop-qcrev dyadmv eis re ra TroXtrixa Km eis ras T€-^vas ras drffuovpyiKas. Strabo VIII. 382. In the passage of Thucydides^ in which he associates the origin of Mercantile and tyranny with the acquisition of wealth, one other marine de- development is mentioned as characteristic of theage. CoriKuot^ed "Greece began to iit out fleets and took more to by Thucydides the sea." condMo^s that^ ^^ the views expressed in the last chapter are not led to the rise entirely mistaken, then in Greece Proper the earliest yrannies. pjj^ggg of ^\\ these developments, in politics, in in- dustry, and in commerce by land and sea, are all to be associated with Pheidon of Argos. But on the same showing Pheidon was a man born rather before his time and not quite in the right place. The town marked out by its situation^ to develop the new ten- dencies to the fullest was Corinth, and it is in fact from Corinth that Thucydides draws his illustration, mentioning in this con- nexion the shipbuilding of the Corinthian Ameinokles about 704 B.C. and the naval battle between Corinth and Corcyra of about 664 B.C. 3 He says nothing about Corinthian tyrants, but the de- scription of the situation at Corinth is simply a paraphrase of that of the general situation that led to tyrannies*. Corinth is chosen to exemplify the normal course of things in a seventh century Greek town, and it may be taken as certain that Thucydides regards the tyranny at Corinth as the outcome of the mercantile and naaritime developments described in the passage just quoted. Only, what was the personal relationship of the tyrants to the new- developments ? 1 I. 13. ^ Cp. Livy XXXIII. 32; Val. Max. iv. 8. 5; Aristid. Isthmic. p. 102. ^ Thuc. 1. 13; cp. Strabo viii. 378. * cp. Swararipas yevo)i.(vr]S Tr}s 'EXXa8o? KOl twv ji^pij/idrmv Trjv kt^itw en fiaXkov wotovp.evris rvpavviSfs iv Tois TroXetri KaB'urravTo, tS>v jrpotro&av ^p-ei^ovav yi.yvop.ivav with ol Kopivdiot...)(^pripaa-i re dvvarol rj(rav...Kai ijitro- pi.ov...:-apixovTfs dvvaTfjv 'iaxov xP^y^d-Tcov wpocrobca ttjv noXiv. CH. VII CORINTH 185 Before attempting to answer this question, one important addition may be made to Thucydides' picture of the state of things in the city when the tyranny arose. Corinth was not engaged only in commerce and shipping. She was also a great industrial centre. In the chapter on Argos reasons have been given for thinking that the tyrant Pheidon flourished just at the time when pottery of the style called for want of a better nameproto-Corinthian Seventh cen- tury Corinth was also a great indus- trial centre, especially for pottery. Fig. 22. Corinthian vase found at Corinth. vas enjoying a great vogue in a great part of the Greek world, hat much at least of this ware was made in Pheidon's dominions, i86 CORINTH CH. VU and that Pheidon took political measures to crush or cripple rival centres. Towards the middle of the seventh century proto-Corinthian ware was eclipsed by a new style, which with good reason has been named Corinthian^. This new style became so popular that the invention of the potter's wheel was ascribed to a Corinthian^. Fig. 23. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting a potter at his wheel Fig. 24. Corinthian terra cotta tablet depicting the interior of a kiln. Corinthian vases of this period show one of the most decorative and distinctive styles of pottery that has ever been invented. The style of decoration somewhat recalls oriental carpets, and it was long ago plausibly suggested that oriental carpets or tapestries furnished 1 Cp. perhaps the tradition which makes the artist Butades migrate from (proto-Corinthian.?) Sicyon to Corinth. Pliny, N.H. xxxv. 43 (12). 2 Pliny, N.H. vii. 57 (56), figlinas (inuenit) Coroebus Atheniensis, in iis orbem Anarcharsis Scythes, ut aUi Hyperbius Corinthius. Schol. Pind. 01. xiii. 27 (on achievements of Corinthians), Ai'Su/ior hi (j>r)CTi SijXoOo-^ai roy KepajufuoK rp6)(OV €K fi^racjiopas. CH. VII CORINTH 187 the models for the Corinthian vase painters^. Two jugs in this style, one from Corinth itself^ the other from Corneto (Tar- quinii), are shown in figs. 22 and 34. Votive tablets of the sixth century B.C. have been found at Corinth that depict various stages of the manufacture. Two are here reproduced (figs. 23, 24). This very distinctive pottery made its way over a great part of the Greek world^. It has been found in large quantities all over Sicily, South Italy and Etruria, in many parts of Greece Proper, and in many places further east*. Cypselus established himself as tyrant in 657 B.C. at the height Cypselus be- of these great developments of Corinthian industry, comes tyrant trade, and shipping. It has been noticed by Busolt^ at the height , /• . , f r ^ r r^ ,■ of these de- that 657 is also the year of the conquest of Sardis velopments. ^y f}^g Cimmerians. The disturbances in Asia Minor may have enhanced the importance of the western trade, in which Corinth was particularly concerned^. They may incidentally have removed, at least for the time being, a very powerful commercial rival, since Corinth and Lydia appear to have been engaged in much the same industries, namely weaving, dyeing, metallurgy, horse rearing and the making of ointments, in addition to pottery, a fact that can hardly have been accidental', and points to Corinth having been influenced by Lydia. Both before and after the Cimmerian invasion Lydia and Corinth appear to have been on excellent terms*: but this would not prevent Corinthian merchants from growing more prosperous through Lydia's troubles^. ^ Birch, Hist. Pott. p. 185. For Corinthian textiles see Barth, Corinth. Comm. pp. 22 f. quoting Athen. i. 27^, xii. 525(i.,xiii. 5821^, Aristoph. iJaKae44o. For general industrial activities see Strabo 382, ypa(piKri re kqi nXatmur] koi nacra T] roiavTT} drj^iovpyia-j Oros. v. 3, officina omnium artificum atque artificiorum. ^ From recent excavations of the American School. I am indebted for the photograph to Miss A. Walker. ^ Cp. below, p. 242. ■* E.g. 79 vases in one grave in Rhodes, Jahrb. i. 144. ^ Gr. G.2 I. 459, n. 6. ® See for instance the story of Demaratus and Tarquinii, discussed in the chapter on Rome. ' Bluemner, Gewerb. Tdtig. 35-37; Wilisch, Jahrb. Gym. Zittau, 1901, p. 7. * Gyges used the Corinthian treasury at Delphi (Hdt. i. 14). Periander sent slaves to Alyattes (Hdt. iii. 49). ^ The revolts from Corinth of Corcyra and Megara are also associated by Busolt {Lakeiaim. 1. 200) with the rise of Cypselus. If they helped it, it was probably by discrediting the ruling Bacchiads. CORINTH CH. VII Whether the rise of Cypselus had any connexion with the beginnings of Corinthian coinage is a matter of dis- the^beginnings pute. Busolt^ dates the earhest issues some half of Corinthian century later than the establishment of the tyranny. Head^ on the other hand makes the coinage and the tyranny begin approximately together and he is supported by Percy Gardner', who dates the earliest coins of Corinth in the early part of the seventh century but after 665 B.C. Fig. 25. Coins of Corinth. If, then, as seems probable, the English numismatists are nearer the truth than the German, the first issues of "colts," as the coins were colloquially called from the winged horse that they bore, may have played their part in helping Cypselus to the tyranny. The traces of Lydian influence support this view. But on the other hand Corinth, whose trade was so preponderatingly with the west, may, like its colony Corcyra, have felt the need of a coinage only com- paratively late. Where the main facts are so obscure and particulars are completely wanting it is idle to carry speculation further. For evidence as to Cypselus' personal relationship to the com- mercial developments of his age we must look elsewhere. Some modern writers have indeed despaired of recovering any picture of the personal history of a ruler who is variously described by our 1 Gr.G?i. 627 (where "seventh"' century is a misprint for "sixth"; cp. p. 651); cp. p. 499 and Wilisch, Jahrb. Gym. Zittau, 1901, p. 25. ^ Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Corinth, p. xviii; Hist. Num.^ ad loc. ^ Earliest Coins Greece Proper, pp. 22 f. CH. vii CORINTH 189 best authorities as having ruled mildly^ and with bloodthirsty severity^. This attitude is quite unnecessary. Both His personal . . . . 1 •! 1 relationship Statements are in themselves quite credible as con- when tyrant temporary accounts of the same regime from different mercial de- points of view. Still, by themselves they do not take yelopments of ^g ygj-„ f^j._ Fortunately we are better informed in his age. •^. . ■' other directions. Of the Corinthian colonies in Western Greece, that lined the trade route to Sicily and Italy and the Furthest West, Leukas, Ambracia and Anaktorion were founded by Cypselus^. Leukas was converted by him from a peninsula into an island for the greater convenience of navigation*. Cypselus is said to have taxed his subjects heavily. This statement is taken from the pseudo-Aristotelian Oeconomica^^ a work of no great authority for our early period. The tax is associated by Suidas^ with the dedication of a colossus of beaten gold which "Didymus says was made by Periander" (not Cypselus) "with the object of checking the Corinthians in their luxury and arrogance." Theo- phrastus, so Suidas also states, called the statue the colossus not of Cypselus but of the sons of Cypselus (Ku-i/reXtS&jj/). The statement of the Oeconomka must therefore be taken with reserve. But the story of Cypselus' heavy taxation states also that the tyrant made his subjects work and prosper and able to pay the taxes''. Whatever the truth about the colossus the fact remains that the Personal rela- fame of Cypselus was largely eclipsed by that of his tionships of his gg^ and successor Periander, who was actually claimed son Periander . ^ , /■ , to these same by some writers as one or the seven sages of early developments. Greece^. This is unfortunate when we are searching 1 Aristot. Pol. VII, (v.), 13156; Nic. Dam. F.H.G. iii. p. 392. ' Hdt. V. 92. 21. ' For full references see Busolt, Gr. C^ 1. pp. 642-3. ^ Strabo x. 452; cp. Busolt, Gr. G?- i. 642, who quotes also Strabo i. 59, Polyb. V. 5. 12. ^ Aristot. Oecon. 11. it,^(> a-b. * Suid. s.v. Kvil^fXiSou' a.va6r]fiara. ' Cp. Knapp, Korrespondenz-Bl. Gelehrt-Schulen Wuerttembergs, 1888, p. 120, n. I, who compares fourteenth century Italian tyrants. 5 Plut. de Ei ap. Delph. 3 (Moral. 385); Dio Chrys. xxxvii. 456M (103 R); Plato, Ep. 2. The unfriendly Nic. Dam. F.H.G. in. p. 393, quotes this view, but adds to Se ovk rfv; cp. Plato, Rep. i. 336; Protag. 343a. Appian {bell. Mithr. 28) does not mention Periander, but accepts his claim: "of the seven sages so called all who engaged in active life ruled and tyrannized more savagely than the normal tyrant {afiorepov rmv iSiariKav Tvpavvcov)." 1 90 CORINTH CH.n for origins, since Periander is said to have changed the character o: the sovereignty!- Even if the authorities who made this statemem are not particularly good, still it must be taken as in some part true The son born in the purple can never succeed exactly to the positior of the father who founded the house. Luckily however we are toic the nature of Periander's change. He regarded himself as a soldiei and sought to make Corinth a great military power, whereas Cypselus had been a man of peace with a peaceful policyl So far therefore as Periander's policy was not directly or indirectlj military, there is no need to assume a break with that of his father. He maintained and enlarged the colonial empire of the cityl As regards Corinthian trade under Periander we are told that his public revenues were all derived from its taxation* : but everything shows that he did not follow the Bacchiads and tax it ruthlessly. Rather he seems to have aimed at increasing his revenues by fostering commerce. Corinthian shipping, with which the trade of the city ^ "Periander first changed the government [wparos fieren-Ttja-e rrjv apxrjv)" Heraclides, F.H.G. ii. p. 213; "Periander, the son of Cypselus king of Corinth, received the kingdom by inheritance from his father and out of savagery and violence turned it into a tyranny," Nic. Dam. F.H.G. iii. p. 393; "they say that Periander the Corinthian was originally popular {br^fiOTiKov), but afterwards changed his policy and became tyrannical," Greg. Cypr. in. 30 = Leutsch, Paroem. Gr. 11. p. 89; cp. (almost the same words) Schol. Hipp. Maj. 304 E; cp. also Diog. Laert. 1. 7. 5. Hdt. v. 92. 23 regards Periander's early mildness as a change from Cypselus, but his account is frankly anti-Cypselid. ^ "Cypselus was a demagogue and throughout his reign remained without a bodyguard: but Periander proved tyrannical but warlike," Aristot. Pol. VII. (v.), 13 15 6, where Cypselus' alleged demagogism is probably only a late inference from a genuine tradition that he was not a soldier: see chap i. p. 31. The passages quoted in the last note from Heraclides and Nicolaus go on at once to mention that Periander instituted an armed bodyguard, and Nicolaus adds that "he made repeated campaigns and was warlike." This statement may be accepted though the context of the last passage shows that the picture of the tyrannical Periander is influenced by the conception of the tyrant as a military despot prevalent since Aristotle (see chap. 1. pp. 28 f .). The maxim icaXw rja-v)(La (peace is a good thing) is attributed to Periander by Diog. Laert. 1. 7. 4i but such utterances are notoriously quite consistent with the most aggressive military policy. ^ Nic. Dam. F.H.G. m. p. 393 (a son of Periander founded Potidaea); cp. How and Wells, Hdt. vol. 11. p. 341 on Potidaea and Epidamnus (founded 626 B.C. Euseb. ; cp. Thuc. i. 24) as tontrolling the great road from Durazzo to Salonika. The road traversed the land of the Lynkestai, whose kings claimed Corinthian descent, Strabo vn. 326. ^ Heraclides, F.H.G. n. p. 213. CH. VII CORINTH 191 was inseparably bound up, certainly owed much to him. "He built triremes and plied both seas^." This last statement seems intended ' to contrast Periander with his father, whose activities had been ■ mainly in the west. Periander on the other hand is found acting in ' close concert with Thrasybulus the tyrant of Miletus^- He has been ' suspected of slave-dealing with Lydia^, and acted as arbitrator • between that state and Miletus*. He had a nephew who bore the ' name of a king of Egypt^- In order the better to "ply both seas" he is said to have wanted to cut a canal through the Corinthian Isthmus^. Here too he was following in the footsteps of his father who had "velificated" Leukas. It is interesting therefore to notice the emphasis laid on Periander's wealth', and to recall the social legislation attributed to him by ^ Nic. Dam. ibid. ^ Hdt. V. 92; Aristot. Pol. in. 1284a, vii. (v.), 1311a; Dion. Hal. iv. 56. Myres, J.H.S. xxvi. pp. 1 10 f. makes Periander an active partner in theMilesian thalassocracy, which he dates at this period. Reasons for not accepting Myres on theMilesian thalassocracy are suggested in the chapter on Egypt, but his account > of Periander's naval support of Thrasybulus is valuable and convincing. Myres ' quotes the story of Arion and his wonderful adventure with the pirates and the dolphins on the Corinthian merchant ship that was bearing him to Periander's court, Hdt. 1. 23-4; Plut. Sept. Sap. Conv. 18 f. [Moral. 161). ^ Hdt. III. 48, 49; Nic. Dam. F.H.G. in. pp. 393-4; Plut. de Mai. Hdt. 22, 23 ,1 {Moral. 859-861); Diog. Laert. 1. 7. .;. Hence Movers, Phoen. 11. iii. 109, calls ; Periander a slave dealer; so also Wilisch, Gcett. Gel. Anz. 1880, p. 1202, Jahrb. ; Gym. Zittau, 1901, p. 22, n. 9, who refers also to Hdt. viii. 105 (on Panionios . the Chian who in the early part of the fifth century "made his living" by mutilating boys whom " he took and sold at Sardis and Ephesus for great sums "). Wilisch infers also, ibid. p. 22, from the UpobovkoL or consecrated prostitutes of the Corinthian temple of Aphrodite, an import from Asia to Corinth of female I slaves: see Athen. xni. 573; Strabo viii. 378 and perhaps 347. This view is . not necessarily contradicted by Heraclides, who declares {F.H.G. ii. p. 213) , that Periander drowned all the procuresses in the city (Steinmetz however . reads airebvcre, stripped). Heraclides is not indeed discredited by the fact that Athenaeus x. 443 a, makes not only Periander but also Cleomenes or Cleomis , tyrant of Methymna dispose of loose women in this Napoleonic way. The double assignation decides neither whether the story is true or false nor which way went , the borrowing. But Wilisch and Heraclides may both be right. A tyrant who traded iri prostitutes might yet be most severe on unlicensed prostitution. * Busolt, Gr. G.2 11. 466. ^ See below, pp. 212-4. ^ Diog. Laert. i. 7. 6; cp. E. Curtius, Pelop. i. 13; Gerster, Isthme de Corinth, B.C.H. VIII. (1884), pp. 225 f. ■' Cp. the epitaph, Diog. Laert. i. 7. 3, ttKovtov Koi (rofiv Trjv e|